Inkawasi: the New Cuzco: Cañete, Lunahuaná, Peru 9780860543046, 9781407339160

Table of contents :
Cover Page
Copyright Page
Table of Contents
PREFACE
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Chapter 1: BACKGROUND
THE ENVIRONMENT
PREVIOUS RESEARCH
EARLY HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS
Chapter 2: ACTIVITY PATTERNS AT INKAWASI
SECTOR A
SECTOR B
SECTOR C
SECTOR D
SECTOR E
SECTOR F
SECTOR G
SECTOR H
SUMMARY
Chapter 3: INKAWASI'S MILITARY ROLE
THE REGION: DEFENSIVE WALLS, RELATED SITES, AND ROADS
Chapter 4: SYMBOLIC DESIGN IN THE LAYOUT OF INKAWASI
THEME 1: THE PLAN OF CUZCO AS A MODEL
THEME 2: ZEQUE SYSTEM SPATIAL ORGANIZATION
THEME 3: ASTRONOMICAL ALIGNMENTS IN ARCHITECTURE
THEME 4: ROADS AND PATHS
SUMMARY
APPENDICES
Appendix 1: THE SURFACE POTTERY COLLECTIONS
INTRODUCTION
STRATIFICATION PROCEDURE AND COLLECTION STRATEGY
COLLECTION REPRESENTATIVENESS
TYPES OF POTTERY AT INKAWASI
OBSERVATIONS BY SECTOR
Appendix 2: ARCHITECTURAL DESCRIPTIONS
FIELDWORK PROCEDURES
DESCRIPTIONS OF THE SECTORS OF INKAWASI (fig. 5)
Appendix 3: ASTRONOMICAL ALIGNMENTS AND MAPMAKING AT INKAWASI
MEASUREMENTS
CONSTRUCTING THE MAP OF INKAWASI
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Citation preview

lnkawasi the New Cuzco Cañete, Lunahuaná, Peru John Hyslop with surveying and aerial balloon photography by Eunice and Julian Whittlesey and collaboration in astronomy by Norman H. Baker, Columbia U niversity

Institute of Andean Research New York, New York BAR Intetfiational Series 2·134

1985

·B.A.R.

122 Banbury Rd, Oxford, OX2 7BP, UK

GENERAL EDITORS A.R Hands, B.Sc., M.A., D.Phil. D.R Walker, M.A.

BAR -S2J4, 1985 :Inkawasi ;the N ew Cuzco •. ©

John Hyslop, 1985

The author’s moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted.

All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher. ISBN 9780860543046 paperback ISBN 9781407339160 e-book DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9780860543046 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library This book is available at www.barpublishing.com

To

Leon

Pomerance

i i I

-

CONTENTS

.

PREFACE

.

. . .

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS CHAPTER

. . .

. . . .

. . . .

. . . . . . . . . . .

.

.

.

. .

. . .

.

. .

.

1

The Environment . . . Previous Research Early Historical Accounts

1 6

8

2

ACTIVITY PATTERNS AT INKAWASI Sector A Sector B Sector e Sector D Sector E Sector F . . . Sector G . . . . . . Sector H . . . . . . . . . . Summary Residence . . . . Storage Food Preparation Specialized Production Areas Ceremony . . . . . . . Duration of Occupation . . . CHAPTER

ix

1

BACKGROUND

CHAPTER

xi

14 14 17 19 21 21 25 28 28 28 28

.

.

.

.

.

31 32 32 32 33

3

INKAWASI'S MILITARY ROLE

34

The Region: Defensive Walls, Related Sites, Roads Evidence within Inkawasi . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary

V

34 43 44

CHAPTER

4

SYMBOLIC

DESIGN

Theme Theme Theme

1 :

IN

The

THE Plan

LAYOUT of

OF

Cuzco

INKAWASI as

.

46

a Model

4 8

2 : Zeque System Spatial Organization . . 3 : Astronomical Alignments in Architecture Zenith-antizenith ( Nadir) Line The Pleiades Sight Line V iew to Alpha and Beta Centauri and Southern Cross Maximum Northern Moonrise

The Solar Solstices The Trapezoidal Plaza Comment Theme 4 : Roads and Paths Rearrangements . .

as

Calendrical

Housing Capacity Time Built and ,Duration Used . Important Functions Topography . . .. . . . . . . . . .

Device

6 2 6 4 6 5 6 6 6 9 7 0 7 3 7 4 7 4 7 5 7 5

.

Local Cultural Influences .. . . . . . The Replication of Real or Symbolic Space Summary

5 2 5 6 5 7 6 0

.

7 6 7 6 7 7

APPENDICES

1 .

THE

SURFACE

POTTERY

Introduction Stratification

COLLECTIONS

Procedure

and

78

Collection

Collection Representativeness Types of Pottery Inkawasi Coarse ( and Subtype)

S trategy

78 78 7 9 82 8 2

Inkawasi

Slipped

8 4

Inkawasi

Plain

86

Cahete Late Decorated Inka or Inka -related

8 8 90

Chincha Late Decorated Other Eroded Pottery Fragments

9 2 9 2 9 4

Fragments with Worked Fragments with Carbon

9 4 9 4

Observations

by

Sector

Edges

9 5

vi

2 .

ARCHITECTURAL

DESCRIPTIONS

9 7

F ieldwork Procedures Descriptions of Sectors Sector A Sector B S ector C Sector D S ector E Sector F Zone 1 Zone 2 S ector G Sector H

3 .

9 7 9 8 9 8 1 03 1 09 1 11 1 13 1 18 1 18 1 23 1 25 1 27

ASTRONOMICAL ALIGNMENTS AND MAPMAKING AT

INKAWASI

Measurements Methods f or Aligning Architecture with Horizon Azimuths Constructing the Map of Inkawasi

B IBLIOGRAPHY

. 1 29 1 29 1 30 1 33

1 40

v ii

PREFACE

In t he latter part of t he f ifteenth c entury t he Inka Empire was f orming in the Andes Mountains o f South America. By the time of the European i nvasion in A . D . 1 532, the Inka state covered a territory over 5 ,000 km. l ong f rom t he present-day Colombian-Ecuadorian border t o a point south of Santiago, Chile. The rapid I nka domination of much of the Andes l eft many notable archaeological records, one of which i s the s ite Inkawasi which was used in conquest o f t he Canete Valley on the coast o f Peru. This monograph reports archaeological research at Inkawasi. During 1979 I was engaged in a project surveying segments of the Inka road system. Inkawasi lay on an i mportant Inka r oad, and had never received any detailed archaeological i nvestigation. P lans were made t o conduct a relatively thorough surface investigation o f t he s ite. The scope of that survey was enhanced through the collaboration of the architect Julian Whittlesey and h is w ife Eunice. The d ata which accumulated on numerous visits t o Inkawasi in 1 979 raised new questions which r equired additional fieldwork. Thus excursions were made t o t he s ite in 1 980, 1 982, and 1 983. The generally excellent preservation of I nkawasi made i t ideal for surface investigation. The s ite i s " late" in prehistoric time - only about 5 00 y ears o ld. I t has not suffered the decay o f many s ites because o f i ts dry, desert environment. Moreover, Inkawasi's r elative i solation has protected i t from modern construction, t ourists, and t reasure seekers. The s ite has suffered somewhat, however, a nd mud and water s lides, encroaching agriculture, and the construction of a vehicle road have taken their toll. N evertheless, much o f t he s ite remains surprisingly i ntact. I n some cases one can walk on the original f loors, v irtually uncovered with debris, that were used by the original people who l ived and worked at Inkawasi. The survey work had a number o f objectives i n m ind. The site would be described and anal yzed in r elation t o i ts physical and cultural environment. The early h istorical information about Inkawasi would he i ntegrated with the archaeological data. The evidence f or varied a ctivities occurring within d ifferent sectors would be evaluated. S ince i t was known t hat I nkawasi was p lannPd i n t z ome way on Cuzco, the I nka capital, the s ites 3 general design would be analyzed f or the manner in which i ' : was modeled a fter t he capital, and embodied I nka spatial d ivisions. I n a broader sense, the

investi gation

at

lnkawasi

i x

hopes

to

contribute

to

knowledge about Andean urbanism, P eru' s n ear s outh c oast.

and

t he

Inka

conquest

o f

This s tudy o f Inkawasi c ombines both new and o ld strategies. The h istorical-archaeological i ntegration i s a basic tactic that is now widespread in I nka s tudies. The architectural analysis and s tudy o f surface c ollections a re a ccepted well-known practices. The use o f e lectronic distance measuring and balloon photography f or mapmaking a re new t o Andean a rchaeology. The s tudy o f activity patterns a t I nkawasi was i nspired by Dr. C raig Morris, who has engaged i n a f ar more d etailed s tudy o f s uch patterns a t t he I nka center, Huänuco Pampa. The i nspiration f or t he s tructural analysis o f Inkawasi ' s l ayout i s b oth new and perhaps controversial. I t i s a d irect outgrowth o f work by p rofessors Zuidema and Aveni at Cuzco, and o f d iscussions with D r. Morris. I t i s an exciting n ew f ield w ithin Andean archaeo logy, and I hope t his report w ill demonstrate i ts utility f or understanding certain aspects o f t he l ayout o f I nka centers. D iscounting t he considerable t echnical support o f t he Whittleseys and their f oundation, one c ould note that t he research reported here was f unded w ith l ess t han $ 3,000. A principal r eason f or the l ow c ost was t hat no excavations were carried out. After l engthy c onsideration, I decided not t o begin a program of excavation. I was uncertain t hat t he t ime and r esources o f s uch an e ffort would be j ustified g iven certain unique aspects o f the s ite. A lmost no debris covers parts o f Inkawasi. Very f ew a rtifacts a re f ound on the surface o f much o f the s ite, and many of t hese were recovered by the surface c ollections made throughout t he site. Other z ones s coured by mud and water s lides could not be expected t o r etain their a rtifacts i n t he o riginal context. The f ew surface a rtifacts a t I nkawasi may be due t o t he very short t ime ( perhaps only a f ew years) t he s ite was occupied. Moreover, the early h istorical evidence that t ells us t hat Inkawasi was i ntentionally c losed down raises the discouraging prospect that a systematic c leaning may have taken p lace upon abandonment. Thus excavations a t I nkawasi may y ield f ew new data, o r d o s o a t a very great c ost. S ome archaeologists i n the f uture may t hink o therwise. For them, I have noted where t est excavations m ight y ield r esults. I hope that this report may be c onsidered evidence t hat inexpensive, d eliberate surface work can yield useful d ata and i nsights. The Quechua ( Inka l anguage) o rthography used in t his t ext i s new t o some r eaders. I d iscuss this s ubject i n another publication ( Hyslop 1 984: 1 4-15). John Hyslop I nstitute o f Andean Research New York C ity N ovember, 1 984

X

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Most o f the f ieldwork a t I nkawasi was c arried out while I was associated w ith t he Museo Nacional d e Antropologia y Arqueologia, L ima, whose d irector was Dr. Luis Guillermo L umbreras. I n t he United S tates, t he s ponsor o f t he r esearch was the Institute o f Andean R esearch, D r. J ohn V . Murra, P resident. This i nvestigation c ould not have been r ealized w ithout t he g enerous s upport o f D rs. Lumbreras and Murra. Many close friends and archaeological colleagues t raveled with me to I nkawasi, and participated in the f ieldwork. These individuals worked with l ittle o r no r emuneration, and assisted b ecause o f t heir s incere i nterest in studying the Andean past. I n a lphabetical o rder, they a re: R oberto Acorda, Carmen R osa Cardoza, F ritz F luckiger, Luis Guillermo Lumbreas, Luis Lumbreas Flores, Ernesto Nakandakari, L eon Pomerance, D enise Possi-Escot, G ilberto Reyes Muentes, Marcela R ios, Victor Romero, Abelardo Sandoval, Juan Carlos Tello, C . A . T ripp, David Underwood, Jaime U rrutia, Eunice Whittlesey, Julian Whittlesey, and Freda Wolf d e Romero. Special thanks are due Maria Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, who made valuable observations about I nkawasi and s upplied t hen-unpublished e arly h istorical s ources on Caf iete and Lunahuanä. Dr. Craig Morris i s thanked for his encouragement, and f or h is i nsights on the s tudy o f I nka c ities. He was the f irst p erson t o t ell me about I nkawasi, and suggest i ts potential f or i nvestigation. I t hank my cousin, Dr. Norman Baker, astronomer, f or preparing t he stellar and s olar ephemerides f or t he a rchaeoastronomical s tudy a t I nkawasi, and guidance on a spects o f a stronomical sightings. During many v isits t o I nkawasi my work there has been f acilitated by Sr. C orrea who l ives b eside t he site and has been named caretaker. H is hospitality and concern are much appreciated. D r. Ralph S olecki o f t he Anthropology D epartment o f C olumbia University k indly made darkroom f acilities available t o m e. The Whittlesey Foundation with Julian and Eunice Whittlesey supplied the support which made possible t he balloon photographs and mapping data. Tellurometer, U .S.A., supplied the electronic d istance measuring equipment a t no cost. Grants f rom the National Endowment for the Humanities, M r. Leon Pomerance, a nd the S tella and Charles Guttman Foundation, Inc. ( Mr. Edgar H . B renner), paid my s tipend during the I nka r oad p roject when r esearch was a lso carried out a t I nkawasi. A s pecial grant f rom the Guttman Foundation made possible my t rip t o t he Andes i n J anuary, 1 983, when the archaeoastronomical s tudy was undertaken.

xi

On that final visit Instituto Nacional de c redential.

to Inkawasi Dr. Hugo Ludeha of t he Cultura in L ima supplied the o fficial

A very special thanks go to Dr. C . A . Tripp, who supplied the Victor 9000 computer with WordPerfect which was used t o c reate the text of this monograph. Dr. Tripp's special generosity a lso provided an important data t ransfer, considerable t echnical advice, and printing facilities. A number of individuals read and supplied c omments on a ll or parts o f this report. Their efforts are g reatly appreciated f or their insightful and careful consideration of the manuscript. They are: Dr. Anthony Aveni, Dr. R . T . Zuidema, Dr. Billie Jean Isbell, Dr. Joyce Marcus, Dr. Craig Morris, Mr. Edgar H . Brenner, Mrs. Peggy Bird, and Mr. and Mrs. R . J . Hyslop.

x ii

Chapter

1

BACKGROUND

THE ENVIRONMENT The greater part o f the s ite Inkawasi ( fig. 1 ) r ests on a dry streambed just above the i rrigated t errain the t he Lunahuanä valley which i s f ormed by the CaMete R iver. T he site i s l ocated about 6 00 m . S .S.E o f the r iver which originates in t he h igh Andes t o the east. The Lunahuanä sector of the Caf tete River i s typified by s teep desert mountain s lopes; The iYrigated zone by the r iver i s rarely more than one and a half km. wide ( figs. 2 and 3 ). Thirteen km. downstream ( S. W.) f rom Inkawasi the Caf tete R iver r eaches t he f lat coastal desert p lain c reating the Car iete ( Huarco) valley which f ronts on t he Pacific coast f or nearly 2 0 km. Inkawasi l ies at an altitude approximately 4 00 m . above s ea l evel at 1 3°1'20" S . Lat. and 7 6°10"03" W . Long. ( Carta N acional, Chincha, hoja 2 7-K, I nstituto Geogräfico M ilitar, L ima, 1 970). The geological composition of the Lunahuanä valley and neighboring mountains i s r elatively s imple. The r iverbed i tself consists of f luvial deposits o f sand, gravel, mud, and c lay. The r iver t ends t o change i ts course f requently, l essening the potential of the a lready r estricted valley for irrigation agriculture. The dry desert mountain f oothills on e ither s ide of the r iver are Cretecious-Tertiary whose f ormation i s known as Andean Batolito consisting of plutonic rock. When i rrigated, this surface of intrusive igneous rock produces a sandy, or sandy-clay soil, o ften with r emains o f the original rocks ( ONERN, Mapa Geolögico, 1 970). Rain i n t he Inkawasi area i s rare and of no consequence for agricultural purposes. Occasional rains h igher i n the mountains have caused considerable mud and rock s lides. These phenomena are a primary destructive f orce at the s ite. Figure

Captions

1 . View to the northeast over eastern s ide o f I nkawasi. The Caf tete R iver and i rrigated t errain are in the background. 2 .

Map of

t he Caf tete valley and Lunahuanä

r egion.

3 . High a ltitude aerial view over I nkawasi and Lunahuanä. Servicio Aereofotogräfico Nacional, L ima, 1 70-70-3013. 1

2

C AK 1ETE V ALLEY A ND L UNAkUANA

S OUTH A MERICA Cu zco IN KAWAS I (CA NETE VA LLEY )

I NKA E MPIR

7 6° 15 '

7 6°30 '

500

5 00

1 000 1 000 T o A s ia el le

L onaßna i o P AMPA

D E OU IL MANA

1 3 '

1 3°

4 , I NKAWAS

C ERRO. D E ORO

TOMA

CERRO AZUL S on V incen t. d o C o ot,

E SCALON

C ALTOPA

V ILCAWAS I 00

P ALO

HERBAY BAJO

' s

%

•

500 P AN AMER ICAN PACIFIC

OC E A N

(—H IGH WAY

500

T OPARA

K EY

1 3 ° 15 '

S TREAM

Hös

0 1 1vo

S URVEYED I NKA R OAD I N KA R OAD -R ECONSTRUCTED ( No t s u rveyed o r n o t v i s ib le s ee t e x t )

C L IFF

0

I NKA S ITE ( o r s i te w i th I nk ] c omponen t )

•

P RESENT-DAY P OPULAT ION

N

P RESENT- D AY P OPULAT ION OVER I NKA S ITE

SCALE 0

2

5

1 0

C hn v eha A l ta •

I t

1 1 1 1 = 1 1 1 1 1 C1 1 1 1 1r l__ _ __

CH INCHA --• VALLEY

KM

e t . t s CENT INELA T o P ssco sd

7 6° 15 '

7 6°30 '

3

1 3. 15 .

4

Several t imes i n t he l ast 5 00 years, water, sand, and r ocks have washed over p arts o f the s ite and covered or carried away s tructures. The water, sand, and mud have descended the dry Inkawasi streambed which has a drainage area o f approximately 30 square km. which reaches an a ltitude o f 1 ,500 m . above sea l evel. An ecological c lassification of t he region surrounding Inkawasi and the area which r eaches t o t he Pacific O cean p lace i t within the sub-tropical desert ( ONERN, Mapa Ecolögico, 1 970). Although there i s no precise t emperature data available for Inkawasi, t he author's visits to the s ite throughout the year f ound i t warm, sometimes hot by day and c ool at n ight. The dense fog which covers the Peruvian c oast during t he South American winter r eaches Inkawasi, but i s not as t hick. I t usually d issipates by t en or e leven i n the morning and the s ite i s bathed in sunlight while t he nearby l ower c oastal p lain r emains dark, cool, and murky. The t own o f Lunahuanä about 10 km. upstream f rom I nkawasi and 8 0 m . h igher rests nearly completely above the f og covering. The heat and humidity of Inkawasi never achieve l evels c omparable t o t hose o f the l ower desert p lains. In both summer and winter the Lunahuanä valley has v irtually no w ind during the n ight and morning. By 1 1:00 A . M. or noon, i nland winds begin to r ace eastward up the valley and achieve velocities that make i t d ifficult t o s tand on some o f the h igher sections o f the s ite. The midday w inds subside w ith the setting sun. As mentioned previously, most o f I nkawasi i s l ocated on the broad slightly inclined dry Inkawasi streambed. The s ite commands a view across the Lunahuanä valley. The only section o f the s ite which has a v iew both up and down the valley is the hill of sector H . Numerous other promontories h ave s ignificantly better v iews of t he valley. The presence o f scores o f pre Inka ruins on both s ides of the Lunahuanä valley ( Williams and Merino 1 974) indicate that the i rrigated agricultural base and l ower s lopes o f the valley h ad been agricultural areas well prior t o the arrival o f t he I nka Empire. An i rrigation channel passes through the lower ( N. E.) part of the s ite and was the probable source of water f or the c ity. L ike many o ther ruins i n t he Lunahuanä sector ( and i n o ther Pacific coastal valleys), I nkawasi is constructed i n dry desert t errain pri marily above the highest irrigation channel. Thus valuable agricultural t errain was not c overed when t he s ite was built. There are still few data concerning the nature o f prehistoric agriculture near I nkawasi. A lmost certainly the Lunahuanä valley produced corn, c otton, and f ruits, traditional crops known t o have b een cultivated i n south coast Peruvian valleys. Today Lunahuanä i s a prosperous valley with sugar cane and f ruit groves, particularly

5

grapes. The local wine and pisco are well known throughout Peru, and are an attraction for t ourists and archaeologists a like. Compared with the r ich Caf tete valley some 1 3 km. to the west, the narrow Lunahuanä sector was not and never will be a zone of massive agricultural production. Extensive well-built agricultural terraces on the valley s lopes near Inkawasi were probably constructed during the t ime of the Inka empire ( fig. 4 ). I f one proceeds eastward up the Cahete River into the Andes mountains, the Lunahuanä valley becomes i ncreasingly narrow and i ts agricultural production i s even more l imited. Forty km. to the northeast one enters the high Andes at altitudes of 4 ,000 m . At first glance, Inkawasi' s location on a narrow r iverbed away f rom a major zone of agricultural production and dense population, i s curious. I n fact, this i s a major c lue f or understanding the military role of the s ite.

PREVIOUS

RESEARCH

Short descriptions of Inkawasi have appeared i n a few publications in this and the past century. Of a ll that has been written, the work of f our p eople must be mentioned especially for contributing t o knowledge about t he site. In 1904 Eugenio Larrabure y Unanue published a short description and discussion of the s ite. A more e laborate account is found in his collected works ( 1941: 4 19-439). In 1 933 the architect Emilio Harth-terrA published the article " Inkawasi-Ruinas Incaicas del Valle de Lunahuanä" with several plates presenting the f irst s imple p lans of parts o f the s ite. H is publication described some aspects of the sit e' s arc hi t ect ure and presented several reconstruction drawings. A small photogrammetric map of part of Inkawasi was made by the architect F . Belaunde Terry, later twice president of Peru, and students from the Engineering University of L ima. I t was published i n 1 977 in G . Gasparini and L . Margolies' book Arquitectura Inka. Finally, the ethnohistorian Maria Rostworowski de Diez Canseco has recently ( 1978-80) addressed the early historical evidence f or Caf tete and Lunahuanä, and specifically discussed Inkawasi. The above publications have been printed in Spanish. Only brief mention of the site has appeared in English. In 1 941 the archaeologists Junius B ird, Julio C . Tello, Duncan Strong, and Gordon Willey visited Inkawasi briefly ( Strong and Willey 1943: 20, plate 5 ). They designated F igure 4 . may

Caption

High, irrigated agricultural have been built at the t ime of

to north

f rom

Inkawasi.

6

terraces the Inka

near Inkawasi empire. V iew

7

Inkawasi' s westernmost sector as a separate s ite, Cerro Hueco, and carried out no investi gati on. The most widely-distributed description o f Inkawasi is an incorrect commentary by Victor W . von Hagen in an English t ranslation o f Cieza de Leon ( 1959: 3 39). He wrote that the s ite " covers at very l east f ive square miles." I n fact, Inkawasi extends over about a half square mile. None of the previous work at Inkawasi has been t he result of any organized archaeological endeavor. Only Rost worowski' s commentary handles the site' s related h istorical data with sophistication. The paucity o f published material about Inkawasi encouraged the author t o c arry out an investigation there.

EARLY HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS A number of chronicles and reports f rom t he era o f the European conquest make at least passing reference t o the Inka subjugation of the Caf iete valley. Only one a ccount, t hat of Pedro de C ieza de Leon, elaborates with apparently r eliable data. The other sources g ive only b its and pieces of information. For example, the writer Cabello Valboa ( [1586] 1 951: 338-339) notes that the word Huarco, the pre-European name of the Caf iete valley, derives from a native term meaning weight or balance, and refers to the l ocal " rebels" whom the Inkas " hanged" i n their f ortress. The acco unts written by Acosta and Cobo (Rostworowski 1 978-80: 156) explain the Inka conquest of the valley occ urre d wi t h a surprise att ack duri ng a f ishi ng celebration. The noted chronicler Garcilaso de l a Vega devotes a couple of pages to the conquest of Huarco, but copied and embroidered part of what Cieza de Leön had written much earlier. C ieza de Leön writes about Inkawasi and Huarco i n both the f irst and second parts o f h is celebrated Crönica G eneral del Perü ( [1553a] 1 962: 2 05-207 - Chap. 7 3; [ 1553b] 1 967: 1 98-202 - Chap. 60). He never refers t o an Inka c ity called Inkawasi, a name which probably dates t o the early historical era. Instead, he describes a " New Cuzco" at the "head of the valley of Huarco" which most certainly i s Inkawasi. Other scholars ( Harth-terre, Larrabure y Unanue, Rostworowski de Diez Canseco) who have studied the matter agree t hat t he archaeological s ite Inkawasi i s the " New Cuzco." There i s no reason to disagree with this evaluation, and one c ould add that Williams and Merino' s detailed registry ( 1974) of archaeological sites in Caf fete and Lunahuanä produced no other Inka s ite in or near the " head of t he valley of Huarco" which i s as monumental as Inkawasi. I t i s, in f act, one o f the l argest Inka s ites on the Pacific coast of South America. Because Cieza' s observations are so important, t he two commentaries of C ieza are presented i n their entirety below. Much of the information in them relates directly

8

to data extracted around Inkawasi.

from

the

archaeological

survey

at

and

By way of introduction, it should be said that the Caf tete valley may have been the last area of the Peruvian coast conquered by the Inka Emperor Thupa Yupanki. The empire had already surrounded the valley by assimilating t he valleys t o the north and south as well as the h ighlands above ( to the east). The war against Huarco was one of t he great accomplishments of the Inka Empire. I t occurred a t a t ime when Thupa Yupanki ( Topa Inca) had emerged f rom numer o us ot her co nquests to the north and south. Particularly important for the conquest of Huarco had been t he prior integration into the Empire of the Chincha valley t o the south of Caf tete. The lords of Chincha were enemies of Huarco, and doubtless aided the Inka effort against Huarco. In the f irst part of his Crönica General C ieza writes ( [1553] 1 959: 3 38, 3 39): Beyond this valley, a l ittle more than f ive leagues, l ies that of Huarco, famous in this k ingdom, l arge and broad and covered with groves of f ruit t rees. The number of f ragrant f lavorful guavas is great, and that of cassias, still larger. Wheat and corn do well, and everything e lse they p lant, both the native products as well as the trees of Spain. Aside f rom these there are many p igeons, doves, and other varieties of b irds. And the groves and thickets of the valley are very shady, and beneath them run the i rrigation d itches. The inhabitants of this valley say that in o lden t imes were many people in this valley, and they f ought with those of the s ierra and with other rulers of the plains. And as the Incas [ warriors] came conquering and making themselves masters o f all they surveyed, s ince the natives d id not want t o become their vassals, f or their forefathers had left them f ree, they d isplayed such bravery that they carried on war, with no less courage than determination, f or more than f our years, during which noteworthy events occurred on both s ides, as the Orejones o f Cuzco and these people tell, as set forth in the second part. And as the struggle went on in spite o f the f act that t he Inca returned t o Cuzco during the summers because of the heat which his t roops continued the war, which was l ong drawn out, and the Inca was determined to bring it t o an end, he came down w ith the Orejones of Cuzco, and built a new city, to which he gave the name of New Cuzco, the same as his main seat. They a lso t ell that he ordered that the districts o f the c ity and the hills should have the same names as those of Cuzco. During this t ime, after the men of Huarco and their allies had done their utmost, they were conquered and brought under the yoke

9

of the tyrant Inca, who had no o ther r ight to the lands he had acquired than t he f ortune of war. And as this had f avored h im, he r eturned with h is army t o Cuzco, and t he name o f t he new city he had built was lost. Nevertheless, to celebrate h is v ictory, he o rdered built on a h igh h ill o f the valley the most beautiful and o rnate c itadel t o be f ound in the whole K ingdom o f P eru, set upon great square b locks o f stone, and w ith very f ine gates and entrance ways, and l arge patios. From the top of this r oyal edifice a s tone s tairway descends t o t he sea.

In the second part o f the C rönica G eneral C ieza put down the following information a fter f irst relating t he I nka policies relating t o t he a ssimilation of t he Chincha valley ( [1553] 1 959: 3 42-343): [ The I nka]...continued t o what they call Huarco, f or he had been advised t hat their i ntention was to make war on h im, and this was the case, f or the natives of these valleys, despising t heir neighbors because they had been so easily c owed and, for no good reason, had handed over the possession of their lands to a strange king, gathered resol utely, having built f orts and s trongholds in suitable spots n ear the sea, where they had placed their wives and children. The I nca advanced with h is t roops i n o rderly f ashion, and sent them emissaries, a t t imes w ith gifts, a t t imes with threats and menaces, but they d id not wish to suffer t he f ate o f t heir neighbors and recognize foreigners, so c ombat was j oined between them, after the custom o f t hese l ands, and great things took p lace. As summer was coming on and i t grew very hot, t he I nca's men suffered greatl y, for whi c h reason he decided to withdraw. And t hose o f Huarco went out i n their valley, harvested their c rops, and p lanted their f ields once more, and prepared a rms so t hat i f the troops of Cuzco attacked again, they would f ind them r eady. Topa Inca returned to Cuzco, and as men are so inconstant, when it was seen t hat t hose o f Huarco had achieved their purpose, many o f the others grew restive, and some o f t hem r evolted and refused to obey the Inca. These were the natives of this same coast. A ll t his c ame t o the Lord-Inca' s knowledge, and h e employed the remainder of that summer calling up t roops and sending out Orejones t o a ll parts o f t he k ingdom t o v isit t he provinces, and he determined t o win possession o f Huarco at a ll costs. When autumn came and the summer heat had abated, w ith a ll the t roops he could assemble he descended t o [ the

1 0

coastal] Los Llanos and sent his ambassadors through the valleys, r eproaching t he people f or their disloyalty in venturing to r ise against him and warning them to be faithful to their a lliance, f or, i f they were not, he c ould assure them that t he war he would wage against them would be a c ruel one. When he r eached the head o f the valley of Huarco, on t he s lopes o f t he s ierra, he o rdered h is men t o f ound a c ity, t o which he gave the name of New Cuzco [ now I nkawasi], t he same as his capital, and the s treets and h ills and plazas b ore the same names as t hose o f the real one. He said that until Huarco was won and the natives were his subjects, he would r emain in this new c ity, and that a garrison would a lways be stationed there. After all he had ordered in this connection had been done, he moved with his troops to where the enemy had taken up positions, and surrounded them. So f irm were they in their determination that they would l isten to no talk o f parley, so war ensued, which they say lasted f or three years, during the summers o f which the I nca went t o Cuzco, a lways l eaving a garrison t o harry t he enemy i n t he New Cuzco he had built. Thus, one group wished t o be t he masters and the other unwilling t o be s laves, each pursued h is intent; but f inally at the end o f the three years, the Huarcos were becoming weakened, and as t he Inca knew i t, he sent them emissaries once more t o t ell them that t hey ought t o be f riends and comrades, and that a ll he wanted was t o wed his sons to their daughters, and base all confederation on equality, and o ther artful things, for i t seemed to Topa Inca that t hey deserved severe punishment f or having caused h im so much t rouble. Those o f Huarco, f earing t hat t hey c ould not hold out much longer, and [ believing] t hat under the t erms the Inca o ffered t hey would enjoy peace and rest, acceded to his demands. This they should never have done, f or l eaving t heir stronghold, the leadi ng men went to do him reverence, and without a moment's hesitation he ordered h is t roops to k ill a ll o f them, and with great cruelty they carried out h is c ommand and killed a ll the nobles and most honorable men present, and also carried out the sentence against those who were not. They killed many, as descendants of the victims state, and t he huge p iles o f bones bear witness, f or that which they t ell o f t his i s what has been set down. When this had been done, t he I nca o rdered a f ine f ortress built, as I have described i n the f irst part. Peace having been r estored t o the valley, and mitimaes and a governor sent t here, a fter r eceiving the embassies t he Yungas and many 1 1

of the mountain folk sent him, he ordered the New Cuzco he had built razed, and with a ll h is army he returned t o the c ity o f Cuzco, where he was received with great r ejoicing, and great sacrifices, and the people made merry with f easts and drinking and solemn t aquis. Cieza de Leön visited the coastal Caf tete ( Huarco) valley, but i t i s uncertain i f he ever v isited t he New Cuzco, Inkawasi, whi c h is 28 km. Inland from the coast. Nevertheless, he makes several i mportant points, summarized below, which are relevant to t his study's d iscussion o f t he s ite: 1 . Thupa Yupanki ( Topa I nca) constructed a c ity, New Cuzco ( Inkawasi), which served as h is base i n the war against Huarco which l asted three or f our years, or c ampaigns. 2 . The c ity was modeled after Cuzco, t he I nka c apital, and i ts d istricts ( streets and p lazas) and nearby h ills were named after those in Cuzco. 3 . When the Inkas had won t he war against Huarco, t he New Cuzco was no l onger used. The f irst account says opaquely " the name o f the new c ity he had built was l ost ( perdiendose e l nombre d e l a nueva poblaciön que hablan hecho)." The second account reports Thupa Yupanki " ordered the New Cuzco h e had built razed ( mandö ruinar e l nuevo Cuzco que se h abian hecho)." Since Inkawasi is still quite intact, the s ite was not destroyed. Both commentaries mention that Thupa I nka built a new center ( fortress) by the sea after the war with Huarco. This i s most probably the I nka sector o f t he s ite Cerro Azul ( Hyslop 1 984: 9 3). Garcilaso de la Vega, writing considerably later, apparently copied and embroidered part o f what C ieza had written. Garcilaso specifically r efers t o chapter 7 3 o f the f irst part of Cieza' s Crönica General. He probably never read the information in t he second part which was unavailable i n h is day. Garcilaso's a ccount contains details f or which there i s no confirmation. For example, he writes o f a l ocal l ord, Chuquimancu, who l ed the people o f Huarco against the Inkas. S ince no other early written sources r efer t o this person, i t i s questionable whether he r eally existed ( Rostworowski 1 978-80: 1 55). Garcilaso c riticizes C ieza f or writing o f three ( or f our) years o f battle against Huarco. He c laims t hat, i n r eality, i t was f our I nka armies which succeeded one another until v ictory was achieved. Garcilaso, who was generally pro Inka i n h is perception o f Andean a ffairs, wrote that the l ord and people o f Huarco were treated generously after t he I nka c onquest. H e was apparently unaware of Cieza' s considerably earlier and probably more r eliable account of t he I nka massacre o f the Huarco nobility. Rostworowski ( 1978-80: 1 980-186) has written the only analysis o f t he early h istorical sources f or t he Lunahuanä region where I nkawasi i s l ocated. She notes t hat Lunahuanä 1 2

occupies the chaupi yunga ( middle-elevation coastal area). C iting Pedro Pizarro, she observes that an Inka road ascended to the h ighlands through Lunahuanä since Francisco Pizarro, conqueror of the Inka Empire, t raveled on i t. She suggests that in prehistoric t imes all of Lunahuanä, the 4 0 km. f rom Züf iiga downriver to Palo, was an apparently independent lords hip ( sef iorio). One very early source from 1534 indicates the principal l ocal l ord, named Lunaguanay, l ived in or near a place called Limas, located near Con Con ( fig. 2 ). Rostworowski writes that Lunahuanä was composed o f f our parcialidades or warangas ( a unit of approximately 1 ,000 households). None of their four kuraka ( local lords) were l iving in Inkawasi in 1 534. The archaeological remains of Lunahuanä indicate it was well populated at the t ime of the Inka intrusion. Rost worowski suggests its depopulation began in early historical t imes. Finally, based on research in Surco in the valley of L ima, Rostworowski argues that the small towns ( barrios) of Lunahuanä are r emnants of prehistoric . ayllu. She supplies two l ists of them, one for each side of the Caf iete r iver. The early written accounts about Huarco and Lunahuanä are of considerable importance to this study. Without them, archaeological tactics alone could not explain aspects of Inkawasi' s size, location, function, and layout. The f ollowing chapters will integrate the historical data with the archaeological f indings, and in so doing c larify aspects o f

each.

1 3

Chapter

2

ACTIVITY PATTERNS

AT

INKAWASI

This chapter evaluates the evidence f or the activities which occurred i n the various sectors of Inkawasi. I t i s based on evidence reported more completely in Appendices 1 and 2 which contain descriptions of the pottery and architecture found at the s ite. In an early phase o f the i nvestigations at Inkawasi the s ite was divided i nto Sectors A through H ( fig. 5 ). These sectors were established on t he basis of architectural characteristics which suggested they were zones which functioned d ifferently. They have a practical utility f or organizing f ield activities, but are only partially an expression of the d ivisions o f the site in the way the Inkas themselves may have c onceived i t - a topic dealt with at l ength in Chapter 4 . SECTOR A ( fig.

6 )

( see

a lso

f igs.

4 4

to

4 7)

This large nearly square compound consists of deep, square doorless bins in rows on three of i ts s ides. They surround approximately 3 0 rectangular divisions separated by low walls and walkways. In the center of the sector there is a low platform. Only one entry exists, on the northwest side. Sector A appears to be a massive storage area, an opinion expressed by Harth-terre " ( 1933: 1 00-113), Williams and Merino ( 1974), and Rostworowski ( 1978-80: 1 10-113). This evaluation i s based on the presence of tall, square, doorless structures which are f ound in many other Inka and non Inka sites in the Lunahuanä r egion of the Caf tete r iver valley and which are considered storage rooms. A conservative calculation of the storage area within the square storage b ins y ields a volume of 6 ,400 cubic meters. Larrabure y Unanue makes f requent reference ( 1941) t o such s tructures which he saw e lsewhere in the valley, sometimes with stairs, remains of cane roofing and ladders. He, too, considered these structures at Inkawasi s torage s tructures. In other areas of the valley these structures are often partially subterranean, or built i nto c liff f aces. Other evidence supports the evaluation that Sector A i s a s torage area. The relative l ack o f surface pottery i s typical of other sectors ( G and E ) considered to have a storage Figure

Captions

5 .

Sectors

6 .

Aerial

A through H o f

Inkawasi.

balloon photograph o f 1 4

S ector A

L c ) 1 5

1 6

function. The restricted c irculation pattern, w ith only one entrance and a s tairway access t o t he s torage b ins f rom the interior of the sector indicates that there was considerable c ontrol over t he movement w ithin t he sector. The r ole o f the sector's c entral p latform, while unconfirmed by any certain evidence, would appear t o be a point f or directing the distribution of goods entering o r l eaving t he s ector. Chapter 4 demonstrates how t his p latform may a lso have b een used f or an a stronomical observation. The r ole o f t he l arge r ectangular enclosures b etween the central platform and the outer r ows o f b ins r emains an enigma. Their hard earth f loors a re c overed by v irtually no earth deposition, and excavation would probably be an unproductive tactic t o i nvestigate t hem more t horoughly. The c irculation pattern of the s ector r equires t hat one pass by t he r ectangular enclosures before ascending t o t he s torage s tructures. Thus goods may have been p laced f irst i n t he r ectangular areas before o r a fter having b een moved i nto the b ins. I f such was t he c ase, one c ould hypothesize t hat the enclosures t here u sed f or t he p reparation, drying, sorting, and/or c ounting o f goods entering o r l eaving the sector. I f any f uture i nvestigation i s able t o detect what was s tored i n t he outer r ows o f square b ins, such evidence may l ead t o a more exact i nterpretation o f t he r ole o f t he rectangular enclosures with which they are l inked and surround. The absence o f architectural o r c eramic evidence f or human r esidence w ithin S ector A i ndicates t hat people p robably d id not l ive t here. The absence o f any evidence f or roofing over t he i nterior z one o f r ectangular enclosures argues against even more l imited human a ctivities such a s t hose o f a workshop o r barracks.

S ECTOR B ( fig.

7 )

( see a lso

f igs.

4 8

t o

5 3)

I t would seem justified • to i nterpret t his s ector a s a z one o f e lite r esidence. Whereas t here are o ther areas at Inkawasi which house people, S ector B i s b est suited f or e lite r esidence w ith i ts massive, f inely s tuccoed walls with numerous windows and n iches. O ther characteristics indicate residence such as numerous poyos ( platforms by walls), t ypical o f working and/or s leeping activities, and the presence of carbonized c eramic f ragments, i ndicative o f cooking. Compound 1 w ith I nkawasi's l argest unsubdivided walled space, i s n o doubt a special s tructure t hat housed activities o ther than those o f e lite r esidence but about which nothing i s yet known. I t i s n orthwest o f I nkawasi's main p laza. One hypothesis is that it is a temple dedicated t o W iracocha. This i dea i s based on a c omparison w ith Cuzco F igure C aption 7 .

Aerial

balloon photograph o f 1 7

S ector B .

1 8

which had a Wiracocha t emple, o f t he principal p laza.

a great hall,

t o the northwest

Compound 2 , with i ts l arge walls and e legant rooms, i s the one building a t I nkawasi that i s f it f or a k ing. I f one may go beyond the data permits, one m ight suggest that this was the residence o f Thupa Yupanki, or one o f his generals or governors, during the military campaigns against Huarco. The o ther buildings south o f Compound 2 also appear to be elite residential s tructures, sharing characteristics with Compound 1 , but t hey are neither as l arge nor as e legant. S ECTOR C ( fig.

8 )

( see a lso

f ig.

5 4)

Four subdivisions have been defined i n t his s ector: ( 1) a trapezoidal p laza, ( 2) a l arge r ectangular c ompound with a burial area on the western side, ( 3) a zone of r ectangular enclosures with h igh walls, and, ( 4) a square enclosure with a two-story s tructure. The architectural and ceramic evidence in this sector i ndicates i t was an area where r itual activities, burial, and possibly, some c ooking, t ook p lace. The trapezoidal plaza i s evidence for ceremonial acti vities, and Chapter 4 discusses how known Inka astronomical s ight l ines define the shape o f the p laza. This p laza i s secondary t o t he main p laza o f Sector E , and i t i s notable that, l ike the secondary p lazas a t the Inka c ities of Cuzco and Huänuco Pampa, i t i s l ocated t o the east o f the main plaza. The possible role o f the l arge r ectangular compound of subdivision 2 has not been determined f rom surface artifacts or architecture within i t, but rather by an analysis o f i ts l ocation within t he s ite, i ts r elationship t o the t rapezoidal p laza and burial area, and i ts orientation ( see Chapter 4 ). I t i s possible t hat this compound i s a Sun Temple. Unfortunatel y, a small historic-period occupation ( several small s tructures) has d isturbed t his important subdivision, and i t i s impossible t o t ell i f carbonized pottery f ragments w ithin i t r esulted f rom c ooking there in Inka t imes or after the H ispanic conquest. The burial area i s noteworthy, g iven that many I nka s ites outside t he Cuzco area appear t o have no cemetery ( Morris 1 972: 3 96; Hyslop 1 979: 7 4). The l ack o f cemeteries i n some I nka s ites has been explained by the t emporary nature o f people who worked and ruled in Inka centers, who r eturned t o their homes elsewhere after their obligations t o the s tate had b een fulfilled. What may explain a c emetery a t I nkawasi? Perhaps i ts r ole as a garrison s ite, where I nkas d ied as a r esult o f t he war with Huarco, r esulted in t he need f or F igure 8 .

Caption

Aerial

balloon photograph o f 1 9

Sector

C .

2 0

a burial a rea. I ts presence w ithin an area o f c onsiderable c eremonial i mportance enhances t he symbolic and/or r eligious nature o f t he sector. L ittle solid evidence exists t o i nterpret t he possible r oles of subdivisions 3 and 4 . One hypothesis i s t hat t he l arge open rectangular enclosures o f subdivision 3 were c orrals f or l lamas. Subdivision 4 i s c alled casa del guardian ( guard house) by Harth-terr6 ( 1933: 1 12) because i ts s econd story would have been t he only h igh p oint n ear S ector A f rom which a ll o f S ector A c ould have b een observed. Another possible interpretation i s that the two-story s tructure i s a gnomon. None o f the above i nterpretations a re supported by any direct evidence, and i t i s best t o await f uture research or new insights to c larify t hese subdivisions' r oles. S ECTOR D ( fig.

9 )

( see a lso

f igs.

5 5 and 5 6)

The insubstantial walls, the somewhat asymmetrical agglutinated rooms, frequent-occurring poyos, and h igh quantity o f undecorated, unslipped p ottery i n t his s ector suggest that people, p robably not o f e lite s tatus, l ived and worked here. Cooking was c ertainly one a ctivity, s ince no o ther sector produced as many carbonized f ragments. This area may have been t he main k itchen f or f ood p reparation at Inkawasi. That activity may have been partially r esponsible f or t he m idden w ithin t he s ector. The generally asymmetrical r ooms, not t ypical o f the r est of the site, and the exposed m idden on t he eastern s ide, raise the possibility t hat t he sector i s a t l east p artially t he p roduct o f a p re Inka o ccupation. Excavation of the midden might test this proposition. Another possibility i s that the sector was built i n I nka t imes, but w ith l ittle a rchitectural p riority o r p lanning, possibly because it housed non -Inka workers and/or mundane activities. However, there i s l ittle question t hat the s ector was u sed during I nka t imes s ince, a long w ith l ocal p ottery, i t y ields surface I nka and I nka related f ragments i n t he small p roportion t ypical o f most o ther s ectors. S ECTOR E ( fig.

1 0)

( see a lso

f igs.

5 7

t o 6 1)

Three subdivisions have b een defined i n t his s ector: ( 1) a main c ompound o f c orridors and approximately 9 6 r ooms and cubicles, ( 2) an i ndependent s et o f n ine h igh-walled r ooms with a c orridor, and ( 3) a main p laza w ith a c entral d ividing r oad on which a p latform o r u shnu r ests.

F igure

Captions

9 .

Aerial

balloan photograph o f S ector D .

1 0.

Aerial

balloon photograph o f 2 1

S ector E .

' ))

The large compound of subdivision 1 i s t he h ighest structure in Inkawasi. I t is a edifice of c onsiderable significance because i t overlooks t he main plaza, because i ts great s ize, and because several known I nka a stronomical sight l ines converge ( see Chapter 4 ) on the point where t he r oad passing through the main p laza meets t he building. The compound' s only entry doorway has been sealed up, a s has t he f irst principal doorway j ust inside i t. The n ear lack of artifacts or any domestic debris in t he compound may be t he r esult o f an i ntentional and systematic c leaning and c losing down o f the building, a point mentioned by C ieza de L eön about Inkawasi, and substantiated f or t his compound by t he sealed doorways. I t i s unclear what activities t ook place within the compound, but i t would seem possible t o rule out housing or r esidence, s ince the r ooms o r cubicles l ack h igh partitions, wall n iches and windows, and poyos, a ll t ypical o f I nka residential s tructures. The exception t o this are two rooms with poyos by t he main sealed doorway. Because they are a t the entrance t o the corridors g iving access t o the compound, these rooms may have performed s ome control or administrative function in relationship t o whatever activities t ook p lace i n t he building. Two hypotheses m ight guide future r esearch c oncerning the role of this compound. One possibility i s that t he cubicles were work areas. I n much o f the eastern s ide o f the building there are columns which supported roofing which would have protected people and/or goods f rom t he sun. N o artifacts were f ound in the rooms on the western side o f the building. A f ew pottery f ragments ( principally Caf tete Late Decorated) were f ound i n the c ompound's eastern rooms, areas probably unprotected by roofing. Their presence h ints that any i ntentional c losing down o f t he building was n ot accompanied by a cleaning operation. Another possible function o f the compound i s that o f a d iversified storage area. The variations in room s ize and roofing may have been architectural solutions f or t he s torage o f various k inds o f goods. I f s tored goods were kept in t he building, t heir i ntentional removal may explain the near absence o f artifacts there. Subdivision 2 with high walls, doorways, and poyos would seem to have had some sort of work or r esidence f unction. A corridor separates a square s tructure of f our rooms from a r ectangular s tructure o f f ive r ooms, and i t i s aligned with the main platform in the plaza. This suggests some symbolic content in the placement and orientation o f the subdivision. The large plaza, raised roadbed, and p latform o f subdivision 3 compose an area o f c onsiderable c eremonial significance. This " main" p laza i s much larger than t he t rapezoidal p laza i n Sector C , having t en t imes t he surface area. Numerous early historical s ources inform us t hat r eligious and military ceremonies t ook p lace in I nka plazas, and i t i s not unreasonable t o assume such was t he case a t

24

I nkawasi. One characteristic of Inka plazas i s their rel ati onship to a pl atform structure, called ushnu, ( Gasparini and Margolies 1 977: 2 75-288, 3 56; Zuidema 1 980) used for many different, often symbolic activities such a s making l ibations, reviewing t roops, observing astronomical events, and other religious activities. The main plaza a t I nkawasi i s d ivided by a raised roadbed. Rostworowski ( 1978-80: 1 89) compares Inkawasi' s main plaza t o that o f C uzco, noting t he duality i n each. S ECTOR

F ( figs.

1 1

and

1 2)

( see

a lso

f igs.

6 2

t o

6 8)

Sector F i s one of the most d ifficult t o i nterpret on the basis of its architecture and surface a rtifacts. Although i t i s separated f rom the major part of I nkawasi b y a mountain s lope, i t i s undoubtedly a part o f t he s ite b ecause o f the presence of wall construction and t rapezoidal n iches s imilar t o those i n t he sectors t o the east. Zone 1 has been defined as an aqllawasi by Harth-terrä ( 19 33: 113) because of its restricted entryway, a c haracteristic of aqllawasi described by Garcilaso and C ieza de Leön. Williams and Merino ( 1974: no. I J06) only note t hat the architecture i s unique and may express more than one occupation. Neither o f these two interpretations i s based on substanti al evi dence, and they best remain h ypotheses. The analysis of symbolic s tructure a t I nkawasi ( Chap. 4 ) discusses how the architecture of Zone 1 is p atterned on the 1 4-unit radial s tructure o f the Kunti Suyu part of the Cuzco zeque system. Thus Zone 1 i s c lassified as the Kunti Suyu quadrant o f Inkawasi. What this means i n terms of the activities that t ook place there i s s till u ncertain. Kunti Suyu i s associated with non Inka, " foreign" p eoples in the zeque system at Cuzco. Zone 2 is perhaps the least understood part o f a ll Inkawasi. No earlier commentators on the s ite speculate o n the area' s probable function. The eastern s ide o f t he zone is covered with debris, and thus there are few a rchitectural hints about the activities that t ook p lace t here. The western s ide of the zone i s i n good condition, but its architecture, often spectacular, g ives no c lear c lues as to i ts use. Chapter 4 argues that i t i s equivalent t o t he Chincha Suyu quadrant o f Cuzco.

F igure 1 1 .

Captions

Aerial

balloon

photograph

of

Sector

F ,

Zone

1 ,

units. 1 2.

Aerial

balloon photograph of

2 5

Sector

F ,

Zone

2 .

w ith

1 4

2 6

2 7

SECTOR G ( fig.

1 3)

( see a lso

f igs.

6 9

and

7 0)

Sector G appear to have been a storage f acility, i dentified by t he square units s imilar to s torage s tructures e lsewhere i n the s ite. O ther activities probably t ook p lace there, s ince there i s some remodeling as demonstrated by the l ong wall w ith n iches which was c onverted b y placing partitions against i t. S ector G i s t he only area o f I nkawasi that had water running t hrough i t. I t must have b een t he water source f or the r esidential activities that a re evident in Sectors B and D . Most l arge I nka s ites have c aptation t anks or " baths", and i f such existed in I nkawasi t hey would probably have been i n Sector G . The heavy destruction o f the sector precludes f urther analysis. SECTOR H ( fig.

1 4)

( see a lso

f ig.

7 1)

The hilltop of Sector H might have served as an observation post for traffic along the river s ince i t commands a broad view. However, i f one f ollows a rock escarpment f or about 1 10 m . to the west, there i s a more e ffective point f or observing up and down the r iver. That point appears t o be artificially l eveled, but has n o remains o f architecture. There i s no evidence for storage, cooking, or any s ignificant r esidence i n the sector. Chap. 4 demonstrates how this sector may be considered an analogue of S aqsawaman in Cuzco. L ike Saqsawaman, i t rests on a height, i s walled, and is located in the north of the c ity. Sector H i s associated with storage facilities ( Sector G ) as was Saqsawaman.

SUMMARY This summary w ill evaluate t he combined evidence f or t he activities observed i n I nkawasi's sectors so a s t o better understand the s ite i n general. Residence The evidence for residence, t hat i s, quarters where people l ived and slept, i s useful f or understanding t he varied s tatus o f social groups as well as f or making a rough population estimate for the s ite. Only S ectors B , D ,and F provide f irm evidence f or residence. There may h ave been some l imited residence i n the o ther sectors ( e.g. Sector E ), but architectural and surface-artifact evidence f or Figure

Captions

1 3. Aerial

balloon photograph of

S ector

G .

1 4. Aerial

balloon photograph of

S ector

H .

2 2

2 9

) n

i t i s l imited. C ompound 2 o f Sector B i s probably the main e lite residence o f t he s ite. The many r oughly-constructed b uildings o f Sector D housed people o f a s ignificantly l ower s tatus. The sturdy architecture o f p ossible r esidences i n Sector F suggests people of s ome i ntermediate s tatus l ived there. What e lite, i ntermediate, and l ow s tatus means in an " Inka" sense i s not certain. Perhaps the most i mportant individuals, the Inka himself, or h is chief o fficials, l ived i n S ector B . I n S ector D one m ight have f ound mita workers, or s tate r etainers o f l ow s tatus. I n S ector F , special-function s tate employees may have l ived, a lthough t heir r ole i s not a t a ll c ertain. It i s clear that I nkawasi has no architecture which d emonstrates i t c ould have housed an army. I t i s p robable t he armies camped outside the s ite, a subject d iscussed i n Chapter 3 . I t would a lso appear t hat t he l ocal l ords o f Lunahuanä d id not l ive a t I nkawasi, a point i ndicated by a historical source . f rom 1 534 ( Rostworowski 1 978-80: 1 80-186). There i s no evidence f or m itmaq l iving a t I nkawasi. This i s n ot surprising, s ince m itmaq u sually were s ent t o a z one only a fter i t was under I nka domination. How many p eople l ived a t I nkawasi? I t i s i mpossible t o count domestic units, o r t hink t hat f amily units were l ocated in specific buildings, s ince s tate r etainers and mita workers probably were not usually accompanied by families. I suggest that around 1 ,000 people o r s lightly more could have l ived within Inkawasi's f ew r esidential areas. This f igure i s more a guess than a c alculation, particularly s ince no accurate means exists t o make a more p recise s tatement. Many r esidents a t I nkawasi may not have been full-time, but rather rotated, a basic p rinciple o f t he mita l abor system. The permanent r esidents a t I nkawasi may have been full-time state retainers ( Murra 1 977: 2 15-258), an institution that increased w ith t he g rowth o f the empire. S torage There is s trong evidence for storage at Inkawasi. Perhaps one third t o one half t he r ooms i n t he s ite had a s torage f unction. S ectors A and G , and possibly E , housed t he primary storage areas, but evidence f or occasional s torage ( a few r ooms) i s f ound i n S ectors B and F . The c onsiderable presence o f warehousing i ndicates a v ery h eavily supplied s ite, e specially g iven i ts l ow housing c apacity. The warehouses may well b e an expression o f I nkawasi's r ole as a supply depot for the needs o f an army. S ince t he L unahuanä area i n which I nkawasi i s l ocated i s n ot a z one capable of great agricultural production, and s ince t hat production would have been used in part by the l ocal, non -I nka population, it is probable that Inkawasi' s s torehouses were f illed w ith many c ommodities g rown and/or manufactured e lsewhere. Unfortunately, t he s torage units which are f ree o f rubble are t oday empty. Thus excavation 3 1

of storage units s tored t here.

may

never

reveal

exactly

what

was

once

Food Preparation Pottery f ragments with soot o r carbon on then are t he main evidence for food preparation at I nkawasi. Carbon on pottery i s an i ndication that pots have been i n a f ire, probably f or cooking. About half o f t he carbonized f ragments come from Sector D , which a lso has a m idden o f domestic debris. Sector D appears t o have been I nkawasi's b iggest kitchen. Carbonized fragments are a lso f ound i n l imited quantities in Sectors B , C , and F . I t i s probable t hat all or many o f the carbonized f ragments i n Sector C c ome from the post-Inkaic occupation of the sector. The carbonized f ragments f rom S ectors B and F suggest t hat their residents were not fed from the f acilities o f S ector D , but f rom k itchens within their own s ectors. Specialized Production Areas The currently-available evidence at I nkawasi f or zones where things were produced or manufactured i s v ery weak. No f irm evidence o f c loth or pottery production was d etected, nor was there any evidence f or t he manufacture o f arms. This lack of evidence may be reversed by excavations, i f and when they take p lace. On the o ther hand, i t i s possible that Inkawasi was not l ike typical Inka administrative centers, where there is clear evidence for specialized production both in early historical sources and from archaeological investigations. Inkawasi may well have been a s ite where goods were imported r ather than produced. Ceremony Chapter 4 details how symbolic concepts f rom Cuzco were i ntegrated i nto and affected I nkawasi's l ayout. The presence of plazas, raised platforms, t he cemetery, and t he use of astronomical azimuths f or architectural a lignments a ll argue f or a heavy symbolic design. Symbolic e lements in a building' s design, l ocation, or orientation d id not necessarily deny its use for necessary and practical activities apart from those expressed by the symbolic c oncept. Of all parts of Inkawasi, S ector C appears t o have the greatest ceremonial importance. I t contains the t rapezoidal p laza, the c emetery, and the l arge r ectangular compound considered an analogue o f Cuzco's Qori Kancha, the Sun Temple. Another area of considerable c eremonial importance a t I nkawasi i s i n Sector E . There, one f inds the main ushnu, and a point where several astronomical s ight l ines converge ( Chap. 4 ). Three o ther areas o f p robable c eremonial s ignificance m ight be n oted: ( 1) the p laza o f Zone 1 , Sector F , with i ts p latform; ( 2) the p latform i n the c enter o f Sector A ; ( 3) S ector H 's h illtop with a small 3 2

patio or p laza. None o f t hese a reas are l abeled " ceremonial" s imply because no o ther f unction c an be a ttributed t o t hem. Chapter 4 explains t he r easons f or t heir known participation i n t he broad area o f a ctivities l oosely l abeled symbolic. The evidence for ceremonial activities at Inkawasi i s t herefore n ot l imited t o one o r two areas, but d istributed t hroughout the s ite i n many ways and f orms. There was much t hat t ook p lace a t I nkawasi t hat surface survey, environmental s tudies, early h istorical a ccounts, and s tructural analysis does n ot r eveal. The u se o f parts o f s ome s ectors i s s till quite unknown. For example, t he r ectangular subdivisions i n S ector A cannot now b e explained. The use of compound 1 in Sector B i s not c ertain. The purpose o f subdivisions 3 and 4 i n Sector C i s n ot a t a ll c lear. The role of most o f S ector F r emains uncertain. Many questions r emain f or f uture r esearch. Duration o f

O ccupation

Finally, the problem r emains i f I nkawasi was t otally abandoned a fter t he war w ith Huarco, o r i f i t r emained i n partial use. The sealed doorways o f t he main c ompound o f S ector E suggest t hat t hat building was c losed down. O ther s ectors do not have s ealed doorways, and may have r emained open. The r emodeling observed i n parts o f S ectors B , F , and H i s not proof o f a l ong o ccupation, s ince r emodeling c ould have t aken p lace i n a short span. The l imited amount of Inka pottery, and apparent absence of evidence for speci alized production areas, argue f or a very short o ccupation a t I nkawasi. The l ength o f I nkawasi's o ccupation cannot be resol ved with certainty, but there are a rchaeological h ints that the s ite was used only b riefly.

3 3

Chapter

3

I NKAWASI'S M ILITARY ROLE

C ieza de Leön and Garcilaso de la Vega wrote that I nkawasi served a s a garrison i n t he I nka war against t he Caf tete Valley. The s ite i s not c onstructed a s a re known Inka f orts. Therefore a primary question must be how I nkawasi's m ilitary role would be expressed archaeologically. An even more important question i s what Inkawasi t eaches about I nka m ilitarism t hat i s not a lready known. A t f irst g lance, neither t he artifacts n or a rchitecture o f t he s ite h int a t m ilitary activities, but i f one c onsiders i t f rom a r egional perspective, i ts m ilitary nature becomes c learer. Thus I nkawasi's l ocation, r oads, n earby walls, and r elated s ites must be evaluated. Moreover, a careful examination of activity patterns, architecture, and artifacts w ithin t he s ite p oints t o an e fficiently managed garrison.

THE REGION:

DEFENSIVE WALLS,

RELATED S ITES,

AND R OADS

A primary i ndicator o f I nkawasi's m ilitary nature i s that the site i s well protected. Walls guard t he s ite, but not a t t he perimeter, where one m ight f irst l ook f or t hem, but rather a t some d istance. S everal hundred meters south of Sector A , a wall runs across t he d ry I nkawasi s treambed ( fig. 1 5). This wall c ould have been an obstacle f or any incursion threatening the site from t he s outh. Another o ther wall protecting I nkawasi i s f ound 6 km. down t he Caf tete R iver a t t he I nka s ite E scalön ( fig. 2 ), which i s p robably a vanguard f ortification and c ontrol p oint f or I nkawasi. Escalön i s on a r iver t errace on the southeast s ide of the Caf iete River ( fig. 1 6). D ry mountain walls r ise immediately on the southeast o f t he s ite ( fig 1 7). The s ite and a c onnecting wall r un f or 1 30 m . a cross t he t errace, e ffectively b locking o r c ontrolling t raffic up o r down that

F igure Captions 1 5. V iew t o the northeast over t he d ry I nkawasi s treambed south of the site. A wall i s c onstructed f rom one s ide o f t he s treambed t o t he o ther. 1 6. V iew t o southwest 1 7. P lan o f

over E scalön s ite.

E scalem s ite with wall. 3 4

3 5

E SCALON S ITE . ‘ ` . C l i f f s o ve r r i ve r t oI n kawas i

400 M .

4 10 M .

S CALE 0 1 0 20 ‘ ' 1 7

3 6

M oun ta in s l ope

s ide of the r iver. Much of the wall c onstruction a t t he s ite is li ke that at Inkawasi ( adobe with stone), but a c onsiderable portion of the walls i s built with I nka style adobe bricks. The E scalön s ite has 3 enclosures or rooms t ogether about 6 0 m . long. The center room has three t rapezoidal n iches ( fig. 1 8). A f ew Late Caf tete sherds were c ollected on the surface o f the s ite, and an I nka " star" warclub head was f ound 2 0 m . to the west of the site ( fig. 1 9). The wall between the mountain and the river a t E scalön not only protects t hat site, which f orms part o f t he wall, but a lso shields Inkawasi, upriver. The warclub head i s t he only obvious military artifact collected in or near Inkawasi. The l ocation o f the warclub head l eads one t o speculate whether an Inka-Huarco c onfrontation t ook p lace west o f E scalön's wall, a logical point for an intruding Huarco army to c onfront Inka f orces. Escalön's f ortification and c ontrol a spects have their c ounterpart i n another Inka s ite, Toma, across t he Caf tete R iver f rom E scalän, and visible f rom i t ( figs. 2 and 2 0). Unfortunately, T oma i s in a poor s tate of p reservation due t o a washout on one s ide o f i t. Only two rooms r emain, built with s tone and adobe walls s imilar t o I nkawasi ( fig. 2 1). A small amount o f red paint r emains on exterior and i nterior walls. One square and one t rapezoidal n iche r emain on one wall of the two intact rooms ( fig. 2 2). I t i s p robable that t he s ite was once much l arger. Two r emaining r ooms survive on a s lope where the washout d id not a ffect t hem. The main Inka road between Inkawasi and t he Caf tete Valley runs beside the s ite ( fig. 2 3). That road i s built w ith retention walls on the s teep r ock f ace o f the mountain walls, and i s nearly or partially i ntact f or a 1 5 km. l ength downriver from I nkawasi. L ike t he Escalön s ite, Toma i s F igure

Captions

1 8. Interior wall a t Escalön s ite. The f oundation i s made o f stone with adobe. The upper part, with trapezoidal n iches, i s made o f I nka style adobe bricks. 1 9. An I nka " star" warclub head f ound near t he E scalön s ite. Such weapons were a ttached t o wood handles or t o t he end o f ropes which were swung. 2 0. Plan o f

Toma s ite.

2 1. View t o west 2 2. Wall

over

with n iches

Toma s ite. in Toma s ite.

2 3. The Inka r oad, built s outhwest o f Toma s ite.

on a s tone

3 7

retention wall,

one km.

3 8

TOMA S ITE

t o I n kowas i

S CALE 19 ta l ir: 1 11:2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 11 1 1 1 1 1 11 1 11

2 0

3 9

l ocated 6 km. downriver from Inkawasi. Toma has no wall extending from the mountain face to the r iver, as does Escalön. Such a wall may never have existed, s ince the site i s at a constriction where the mountains come very c lose t o the r iverbed. Together, the two s ites - Toma and E scalön - are s trategically l ocated to monitor all t raffic on both s ides of the Caf tete River. Although Escalön is the larger, more-intact of the two s ites, Toma i s l ocated on the more important Inka road. For topographic reasons, the considerably greater portion o f the i rrigated Caf iete River valley plain i s north of the Caf tete R iver. The road passing the Toma s ite l eads t o that part of the Caf tete valley where most of the l ocal Caf iete population l ived. The northern s ide of the Caf fete valley was protected by the f ortress s ite Ungarä, which rests at the entrance t o the i rrigated valley p lain. Inka armies attacking the Caf iete valley would have probably crossed the river at Inkawasi, were a bridge must have existed, and proceeded downriver to the Caf iete Valley. The Caf tete River is very broad and often impassible downriver f rom Inkawasi, particularly during the period of rainfall in the highlands when the r iver i s swollen. One militarily s trategic aspect of Inkawasi's location i s that i t i s placed sufficiently upriver where the r iver i s still narrow enough to be c rossed by a bridge. Today a vehicle bridge spans the r iver just south of Inkawasi. A d iscussion of Inkawasi's military role i s not complete w ithout commenting on the site Ungarä, the great f ortress protecting the Caf iete Valley. Ungarä was Inkawasi' s military counterpart as the chief military f ortification o f the l ords of Huarco. This massive ruin i s on a h illtop r ising 1 50 m . above the Caf iete R iver ( fig. 2 4). T he s ite i s about one-half a k ilometer wide ( fig. 2 5). I t has been described by Larrabure y Unanue ( 1941: 2 82, 367-374), Harth-terre ( 1923: 44-49 with s ite plan), Williams and Merino ( 1974: s ite 0 4F01), and Middendorf ( 1973: 9 9-100). Shippee ( 1933: 9 6) publishes an aerial photograph. I t i s j ustifiably called a fortress s ince i t has several walls surrounding it. Rost worowski ( 1978-1980: 97) publishes an early h istorical source f rom 1 562 which refers t o Ungarä as the " fortress of the h ighland road." Part of Ungarä's strategic position rests in its control of access t o and f rom the Lunahuanä region upriver, and the Andean h ighlands.

which

Ungarä i s s ituated beside the critical canal intakes g ive l ife t o the broad, r ich i rrigated agricultural

F igure

Captions

2 4. Ungarä, fortress of the Huarco ( Caf iete) valley, which protected the entrance to the valley f rom the h ighlands, and guarded the valley's main i rrigation channel intakes. 2 5. Plan of

Ungarä s ite.

Adapted f rom E .

4 1

Harth-terre,

1 923.

U\GARA

t errain north o f t he Cahete R iver. A well-known I nka tactic for subduing coastal valleys was t o s ieze t he i rrigation canal intakes which fed the valleys. In most Peruvian c oastal valleys t he intakes are not easily protected. I n Huarco, the Ungarä Fortress guarded t hose i ntakes, and may have been a principal r eason why t he I nka war against H uarco l asted s everal campaigns. I n a broader s ense, Huarco' s f ortification o n i ts i rrigation canal i ntakes may have been a r eason why i t was necessary t o built I nkawasi. That i s, s ince well-protected Huarco c ould probably not be c onquered with one brief campaign, the I nkas f ound i t n ecessary t o c onstruct a garrison, Inkawasi. My b rief r econnaissance o f Ungarä noted s everal points of interest. F irst, the h igh walls a t t he s ite are made o f tapia, a poured adobe considered a l ocal, p re Inka building t echnique ( largely abandoned i n I nka c onstructions). Thus, Ungarä i s a s ite built before t he I nka i ncursion, perhaps out of a need t o protect the valley f rom a ttacks f rom other h ighland peoples. S econd, 1 7 per c ent o f a surface c ollection of 63 sherds f rom Ungarä a re I nka o r I nka -related. This i ndicates that t he Inkas occupied t he s ite, and i t i s possible t hat the I nkas r emodeled t he s ite, a t l east i n i ts c entral, h ighest part. There one f inds a l arge p latform s tructure s imilar t o I nka ushnu. In summary, Ungarä a ppears t o have been built in pre Inka t imes. I t became the principal fortification o f the people of Huarco against t he I nka troops coming downriver from Inkawasi. Once Huarco was conquered, Ungarä was occupied, and perhaps r emodeled, by t he Inkas. The r oad system l eading out f rom I nkawasi i s m ilitarily efficient. One road leads upriver t o t he the h ighlands where I nka a llies were l ocated ( fig. 2 ). Another r oad l eads over high, dry mountains t o the Toparä S tream and t he Chincha Valley where o ther I nka a llies were s ituated. This second r oad does not g o t o and a long t he c oast, t he t opographically f easible route, but rather avoids Huarco by c rossing over t he i nland H ills o f Lunahuanä.

EVIDENCE W ITHIN

I NKAWASI

The surface collection o f 5 55 surface a rtifacts a t Inkawasi reveals no obvious evidence f or militarism. H owever, t he l ow p ercentage ( approximately 4 per c ent) o f Inka or I nka related potsherds i n t he c ollections suggests t hat Inka s tyles i n pottery were not i mportant a t t he s ite where military c onsiderations may well have b een p redominant. Thus I nkawasi' s pottery i s mainly l ocal wares. I t i s a lso i nteresting that t he surface collections produced no evidence o f s pindle whorls, a t ypical a rtifact i n I nka c enters where c loth production was common. Perhaps c loth o r pottery production was at a m i nimum i n t he s ite, which m ight b e seen as a center which mainly consumed commodities and d id n ot p roduce much. One m ight note t hat there i s n o evidence

4 3

that t he f ew sherds w ith I nka designs o r f orms were p roduced at Inkawasi. They have t he same paste and t emper a s some o f the l ocal wares produced e lsewhere i n Lunahuanä. Archaeological evidence within I nkawasi f or i ts m ilitary role may i nclude i ts c emetery. Near I nkawasi people f rom Cuzco undoubtedly died in warfare, and t his may explain why the site has a cemetery. I t may be noteworthy t hat that burial area i s l ocated beside a compound c onsidered an analogue o f Cuzco's Sun Temple. T his may mean t hat death a t I nkawasi was r ewarded with a prestigious f inal r esting p lace. I nkawasi's S ector D i s interpreted as a non-elite area f or f ood preparation and r esidence. I t i s much l arger than necessary t o house facilities f or f eeding what must have b een a small permanent population. The s ize o f S ector D may be a reflection of the site' s capacity, whenever necessary, t o f eed an army. The t ype o f construction o f I nkawasi's many walls may indicate that t he s ite was rapidly built, perhaps out o f military necessity ( Rostworowski 1 979-80: 1 87). The use of a local wall-construction t echnique, and t he l ack o f paint on most walls, g ive the impression that the s ite was hastily c onstructed. This impression becomes more pronounced when one compares the well-constructed, painted walls o f t he I nka center i n the P isco valley, Tambo Colorado, with the walls of Inkawasi. Tambo Colorado most probably was occupied t hroughout t he period o f I nka domination o f Peru's near south coast, and has elegant walls unmatched at I nkawasi.

SUMMARY I nkawasi i s unlike known I nka and pre Inka f ortresses, s ites which are i dentified by t heir positions on h illtops surrounded by c oncentric walls ( Hyslop 1 977, Stehberg 1 975, Plaza Schuler 1 976). Just as I nkawasi i s not a t ypical " fortress", neither is i t a typical I nka administrative center. Evidence characteristic o f such centers such a s specialized production areas, c onsiderable I nka pottery, and long-term occupation i s s till l imited o r l acking a t Inkawasi. The archaeological evidence agrees w ith, and elaborates, the early h istorical r eport that I nkawasi i s an Inka garrison. Indeed, the a rchaeological r ecord t ells us much more than the early written sources. W ithin t he s ite, t he areas o f various activities, wall c onstruction, and artifacts are new data f or h ow t his garrison was built and f unctioned. Surprisingly l ittle i s known about Inka military o rganization and s trategy ( but s ee Urteaga 1 920, and Murra 1 976). The r esearch at Inkawasi supplies new evidence about how one s ignificant Inka conquest was p lanned and carried out. I t demonstrates that an I nka m ilitary c ampaign c ould r equire a garrison o f considerable sophistication. F inally,

4 4

t he investigation was able t o explore Inkawasiis military nature primarily by p lacing i t within a regional context o f connecting roads, defensive walls, and other related si t es. Whe n thi s is done, Inkawasi emerges as a s trategically p laced military installation.

4 5

Chapter SYMBOLIC

This

chapter

DESIGN

will

IN

THE

deal

4 LAYOUT

with

OF

how

I NKAWASI

symbolic

i deas

were

manifested in Inkawasi' s general layout. Prehistoric American cities are only occasionally d iscussed in such terms, s ince the mental concepts used by their builders and inhabitants are rarely available t o us, and the evidence f rom p lans and architecture a lone r arely a llows more t han a glimpse of what such ideas may have been. However, I nkawasi i s a proto-historic s ite whose Inka builders a re rel ati vel y well-known through written sources which p roliferated a fter the Spanish c onquest i n A . D. 1 532. The ethnohistoric literature, and some archaeological data, g ive specific information and many h ints about Inka c oncepts of the organization of space, and the meaning of that o rganization. In addition, the emerging e thnological s tudies f rom the Cuzco region, where ancient t raditions a re s till s trong, provides important data which help c onfirm, and even elaborate, the evidence from the t ime o f the I nka Empire. Before beginning the d iscussion of the data and their implications, i t i s helpful t o present a general p lan o f Inkawasi with its bi- and quadripartite d ivisions a s I see them ( fig. 2 6). The explanations f or these d ivisions w ill emerge in the f ollowing t ext. The p lan, oriented north, shows Inkawasi d ivided i nto f our parts. This quadrapartite s tructure is i ndicated by the l ocations of Inkawasi' s r oads and paths and several o ther considerations d iscussed below. The broad s olid l ine d ivides the Hanan d ivision f rom t he Hurin d ivision. This i s a fundamental d ivision i n Inka Cuzco and in s ome Andean c ommunities t oday. The double l ine crossing the s olid b lack one d ivides the Hanan and Hurin d ivisions, and c reates f our parts o r suyu: Anti Suyu generally in t he north and east; Qolla Suyu in the east and south; Kunti Suyu i n the s outh and west; and Chincha Suyu in the west and north. The f our suyu are basic divisions present around Inka Cuzco, and they were a lso used to define t he quadrants o f the I nka Empire. This scheme is only one way of comprehending Inkawasi' s symbolic design. I t i s h ighl y p lausible t hat there were other ways. Morris ( 1980) has o ffered two interpretations f or the symbolic understanding o f Huänuco Figure

Caption

2 6 . Spatial d ivisions a t I nkawasi. The a Hanan-Huri n ( bi partite) division. s ubdivides i t into f our suyu.

4 6

solid The

l ine c reates double l ine

s o N

4 7

Pa mpa. Rost worowski ( 1978-80: 188-190) offers a complementary interpretation of the s tructure of Inkawasi, and has written on Inka sociopolitical s tructures ( 1983). G iven the f lexibility with which t he Inkas appear t o have manipulated the concepts of b i-, t ri-, and quadripartition, t he reader may be encouraged t o work with the data presented here t o go beyond that which I offer. This chapter will proceed with f our interrelated themes f or investigating symbolic principles in Inkawasi's general design. They offer the possibility for exploring the complexities of an Inka c ity's symbolic design. They a lso offer the lure that such an understanding may contribute knowledge to the real function of the c ity and the activity patterns in i t.

THEME

1 :

THE PLAN

OF CUZCO AS A MODEL

The idea that Inka centers m ight be built according to the formal plan of Cuzco i s suggested by Guaman Poma ( [1614] 1 980: 1 85 [ 187]) who wrote that the Inka built other Cuz cos throughout the empire. Cieza de Leön, cited previously, noted that Inkawasi was called New Cuzco, and " that the streets, h ills, and plazas bore the same names as those of the real one [ Cuzco]." Archaeology at some other Inka centers such as Huänuco Pampa contributes to this i dea since Morris ( 1980) defines that site as divided into two halves and four quadrants, d ivisions present in I nka Cuzco. This analysis will examine whether the f ormal plan at Cuzco, with buildings l ocated in specific areas, was t ranslated into the design of Inkawasi. I t i s helpful to begin this discussion with a brief comment on the layout of Cuzco ( fig. 2 7). Numerous early historical sources and several modern syntheses ( Means 1 931; Rowe 1 967; Zuidema 1 968; Chävez Ballön 1970; Gasparini and Margolies 1 977; Agurto 1 980) have interpreted the p lanning of Inka Cuzco. The f ollowing summary i s based on these sources. Near the center of Inka Cuzco was the principal p laza, now partially covered with historic-period buildings. I t was i n the shape of two t rapeziums. The western s ide was called Cusipata, and i ts exact size i s unknown. The eastern s ide was called Haucaypata. The p laza contained a raised platform, ushnu, on or near the d ivision between the two s ides. Four main roads l ed out f rom the main p laza. The division between the plaza' s two s ides was the subterranean Huatanay r iver and a road l eading northwest to the Chincha Suyu part of Cuzco and the Chincha Suyu quadrant of the empire. Another road led t o the southeast t o t he Qolla Suyu part of Cuzco, and the Qolla Suyu quadrant of the Figure

Caption

2 7. Plan of Cuzco by E . G . Squier, 1 877. Roads, Sun Temple, and spatial divisions are highlighted.

4 8

plazas,

e t . lrg eR ' in 't -

e z e' p laza u s "

n ien ip le S VYU

•

* e\\

( 4

C

s \ ‘ .

« ; : "

7

U Z C 0;

ANC IENT & t lot tElIN . F ron , A S u r m St

K .

E , U. S 4 VII C

,

E og iNh r o o t o

M M.

e

t at

nente . -1 . Sm i e r l i r t An l; I . K nn t s t Ann: 3 . L o n Na t tnrcnon: 4 . H on An ton io; 5 . S an I lnel 6 . I i rAcer io A re r g ia ti r t; T . J esus Msr un i . L i t l ' u tedra l ;2 . C ap I l la d e l s on in igo; S un F ree e l ec t ,: 1 . I d t Nerved ;1 2 . I A rot i mp t in in; 1 3 . S un Agus t in ;1 4 . Ho sp i ta l d i . 1 U r rn i rrax; 1 5 . S aute . C la ra; l e . K i t ing C a ta l l i )u ;I T . i k en tar lo S an Am id .o; I s . H ea ted° d r .S a lo a Wan t ;I v . K an to 1 )o . n t l i tgo; 2 0 . f t eu terb i d e A lo inep in ta; 2 1 . ‚ t on t in e ;2 9 . H e len ;2 3 . 1 2 1 , .. 1 , 1 d a b t i aa tron 2 4 . 1 1 1 1 v e rl i tY 2 b . i ' rrr ' r tura: 1 0 . 1" 1". o f M "i f 2 7 . P r ison . 1 4 o in T emp le o f t he N un ; i i . P iduce i r f t he N un; P i th ier o f l ima ' r u n c ;I . P a lace o r I nca Y n imm i t u i; i t , r eh ire o f b erm ! tore*: V . P r a l s t r . r . o f I nca V ir i t t ' .W h i t t i . P u tney o f I ar l in l i tmo i ,o r t he 0 4 thoo le; H . /Wore rI n to l ' a eharu t ie; I . P ub ic. o f M ayne C ap in ;J . E n ka, o f Mano r C a p e r ., K . Bonus o fO urr ih toso i l e I s t V ogl ; I . I n l i t l im i lonn , s i r t i i i im ion o f t he S un; M . R u ing 0 1 I nn i s b u i ld ing ;N . r h ing i s io s e l inu thered r ork O . C arved i t i . l iam l iered r ocks; P . I nva g raded r oad ,l ead ing t oq uarr lea; t . V i la ,o r l i m i t s , o ft he I t al t s .

2 7

4 9

b lack l i t te r t a l low ing n o tion : l oco wa l la .

Empire. Two other One, ( forming the ( northeast). The The f our main roads and t ogether f ormed

roads l ed out f rom the principal p laza. Hanan-Hurin division) led to Anti Suyu other led to Kunti Suyu ( southwest). met at the south corner of Haucaypata, a cross.

The central or nuclear part of Cuzco, where one f inds the remains of f ine Inka masonry, i s a zone 2 ,000 m . i n length and 400 to 600 m . in width between the Saphy and Tullumayo r ivers. The fundamental division in the nuclear part of the city is the road to Anti Suyu ( the street Triumfo, and i ts continuation Hatunrumyoc) separating the upper ( Hanan) part f rom the l ower ( Hurin) part. Hanan Cuzco occupied the area t o the north. Within i t were a number of compounds of r oyal panaqa ( lineages), a great hall dedicated to Wiracocha, and the monumental edifice Saqsaywaman which served the multiple f unctions o f t emple, storage, residence, and f ortress ( Gasparini and Margolies 1 977: 2 92-298). Hurin Cuzco occupied the southern, or more accurately, the southeastern part of the nuclear c ity. Within i t were a number of compounds of royal panaqa, and numerous enclosures of specialized function. On t he southeastern s ide of the principal plaza was the compound of Wayna Qhapaq, an aqllawasi ( residence and work area of " chosen women"). Huri n Cuzco also included a secondary plaza, and the all-important Sun Temple, Qori Kancha, a center o f great religious significance. I t was a rectangular compound of the kancha f orm with a curved wall on i ts southwestern side. This was the center of Cuzco's zeque system and perhaps the most sanctified place in the Inka Empire. To the northwest of the sun temple there was a t rapezoidal plaza, Intl Pampa, whose shape has now been altered by the construction o f Santo Domingo Monastery. For some distance to the Cuzco there were agricultural a f ew buildings.

east of terraces

Hanan and Hurin and perhaps only

A dozen populated districts ( barrios) surrounded Cuzco's nuclear area. Three each pertained t o f our quadrants or suyu ( Chavez Ballön 1970). The districts of Anti Suyu occupied t erritory immediately t o t he northeast; those o f Qolla Suyu were l ocated to the southeast; those o f Kunti Suyu were t o the southwest; and those of Chincha Suyu t o the northwest. These districts were considered an integral part of Cuzco, and in part were populated by l ords and specialized workers from throughout the empire. The districts were established as part of r enovation of t he Cuzco area into an imperial c ity, and in some c ases were separated f rom nuclear Cuzco by a l imited distance ( up t o 1 , 000 paces, according to Garcilaso) of open space. Very l ittle t imes.

i s

known

about

how

these

5 0

d istricts

appeared

in

I nka

Does the f ormal plan of Inkawasi show similarities w ith that of Cuzco? I venture a tentative " yes," although such distinguished authorities as Bonavia ( 1978; 3 97) and Gasparini and Margolies ( 1977: 6 8-71) are reluctant t o draw c lose parallels. They suggest that only the comparison o f component e lements of Cuzco ( such as individual buildings or plazas), forgetting their location within the general p lan, permits one to see s imilarities between the metropolis and i ts regional centers. The comparison below will attempt t o demonstrate that similar buildings and p lazas ( in both c ities) have s imilar relationships to a general p lan. In Hanan Cuzco one may observe that there are royal compounds which may be compared to the e lite residences o f Hanan I nkawasi. One might also draw a comparison between Sect or H in the north of Inkawasi, a hilltop with construction, with Saqsaywaman, the heavily-constructed height t o the north of Cuzco. Numerous other high points on s lopes exist in all directions around Inkawasi, but there i s no evidence that there was any construction on them. Another f inal comparison between Hanan Inkawasi and Hanan Cuzco involves the presence of storage facilities. Sancho ( [1534] 1 917: 1 94-195) described warehouses and their c ontents at Saqsaywaman, and Morris ( 1981: 3 64) f ound large storage jar fragments on the hillslopes o f Saqsaywaman. Hanan Inkawasi has a substantial zone ( Sector F ) defined a s a storage f acility, and this may be seen as a possible analogue for the storage facilities which existed in and n ear Syaqsaywaman in Hanan Cuzco. In Hurin Cuzco there are royal compounds, perhaps equivalent to the elite residences in Hurin Inkawasi. Hurin Cuzco has a nearly perfect trapezoidal plaza ( Inti Pampa, o r Plazoleta de Santo Domingo) which may be the model f or Inkawasi' s trapezoidal plaza in i ts Hurin D ivision. The i dentification o f Inkawasi' s t rapezoidal plaza with Cuzco's I ntl Pampa i s reinforced by i ts l ocation to the northeast of an elaborate rectangular compound. That compound may be Inkawasi' s Sun Temple, not only because o f i ts f ine architecture, but because of its rectangular shape, and i ts location southeast of the trapezoidal p laza. Cuzco's Sun Temple is, l ikewise, southeast of i ts t rapezoidal p laza. The orientation of Inkawasi' s proposed S un Temple i s the same as that of the Qori Kancha in Cuzco, a point d iscussed at length below. This s imilarity in orientation between the two buildings i s additional proof that Cuzco' s Qori Kancha has an analogue at Inkawasi. I t should be noted t hat there i s no i mmediate analogue between the large storage area ( Sector A ) at Inkawasi and similar structures, or a zone, in Burin Cuzco. This could be due to the heavy destruction in Cuzco of all structures not built with f ine-stone masonry, s ince rarely were Inka storage structures built with f ine masonry. The lack of an analogue at Cuzco c ould also be due to the capital's never having had a s torage area in that suyu. However, such i s improbable, s ince Morris ( 1981:

365)

located

one

small

51

storage

area

over

the

t own

San Sebastiän l imit.

just

outside

modern

Cuzco' s

southeastern

The Kunti Suyu sector of Hurin Inkawasi is i dentified on the basis that i t reflects the 1 4-unit division o f Kunti Suyu in Cuzco' s zeque system, and will be discussed a t length i n the f ollowing section. I t i s noteworthy that I nkawasi's Kunti Suyu is the southernmost part o f that site, as i s the Kunti Suyu quadrant of Cuzco. There i s no r ecord o f what the Kunti Suyu d istricts o f Cuzco were l ike in Inka t imes. There are vi rt uall y no parall els between the poorly-preserved Chincha Suyu districts of Cuzco w ith the well-developed Chincha Suyu o f Hurin I nkawasi. That sector at I nkawasi i s defined as Chincha Suyu in part by default, and because, i f the other suyu are properly placed, only that area remains as a candidate f or Chincha Suyu. I ts orientation as the westernmost sector o f Inkawasi i s s imilar t o that suyu's northwest l ocation a t Cuzco. The main plaza of Cuzco has a direct analogue with the main p laza at Inkawasi. Both are nearly in t he center o f their respective c ities. Both had an ushnu within t he plaza, Both have a primary northwest-southeast d ividing l ine ( a road) running through them. Both have a s outhwest to northeast dividing l ine. The evidence for t hat l ine at Inkawasi i s discussed in Theme 4 , below. This Cuzco-Inkawasi comparison presents evidence that bot h cities were built with di visi ons with si milar orientations, and that they had some s imilarly interrelated buildings. However, i t i s all t oo easy in this sort o f structural analysis to take the evidence that " fits," and i gnore that which does not conform t o the desired patterns. One must realistically suspect that there were variations in the plans o f the two c ities f or a considerable number of reasons. These will be discussed in the subsection REARRANGEMENTS at the end of this chapter.

THEME

2 :

ZEQUE

SYSTEM

SPATIAL

ORGANIZATION

The idea that the spatial pattern of the Cuzco zeque system contributes to the design o f I nka centers i s proposed by Morris ( 1980) in a landmark article on Huänuco Pampa which demonstrates how zeque spatial organization exerted a definite effect on that center's l ayout. The zeque system at Cuzco was a set of radial l ines with important points ( huaca) running out across the c ity, sometimes t o l ocations well beyond the l imits of the population. The c enter o f the system was the Sun Temple, Qori Kancha. The idea that zeque organization was important not j ust at Cuzco, but at other centers, i s expressed by Polo de Ondegardo ( [1571] 1 916: 1 14, and 1 917: 5 2), an early

5 2

and accurate i nformant of Inka affairs, who wrote that t he t owns and villages of the empire were " divided by their z eques and l ines," and that he had recorded more than 1 00 p laces with the system. However, Polo did not mention whether the zeque system's spatial patterning i nfluenced t he architecture and design of Inka c ities. The plan o f Cuzco appear t o be influenced z eque system' s design.

with i ts grid of s treets does by the radiality so central t o However, one could argue that

not the the

b i and quadripartition of Cuzco i s an expression of basic c oncepts within t he system. Or perhaps the r everse i s the c ase - that two and f our part divisions in t raditional Andean s ocial organization l ed, in Inka t imes, t o the more complex zeque system with i ts divisions into parts o f two, f our, t hree, and n ine. Whatever the case, Morris' r esearch ( 1980) i s the f irst c lear statement that the p lanning o f an Inka cit y could be interpreted in terms of zeque spatial organization. Since Znidema's fundamental s tudy ( 1964), numerous individuals ( Chavez Ballön - see Morrison 1 978: 9 9-111; Vescelius 1 974 - see Sullivan 1 974; and Zuidema 1 977 and 1982b) have worked to define the spatial nature o f that complex system. There is only one quadrant at Inkawasi where the r adiality inherent in zeque spatial structure can be defined. I t i s the Kunti Suyu p ie-shaped quadrant of Sector F . As i n Cuzco' s zeque system, i ts point i s in the north, and t he l ines radiate out to the southwest, south, and southeast. The internal structure of Kunti Suyu ( as seen i n Cuzco zeque system, but not necessarily in the quadrant o f Cuzco defined a s Kunti Suyu), i s different f rom the zeque system's other three suyu which have nine l ines in groups of three. According to Zuidema's analysis ( 1964, 1 977), Kunti Suyu has 2 major divisions, A and B , each with 7 l ines, organized i nto 3 units ( fig. 2 8). The possible meaning o f Kunti Suyu's unusual organization has been d iscussed by Zuidema i n several publi cati ons ( 1977: 2 42-244; 1 982a: 209-211, 2 18-221; 1 982b: 9 0-93), and will not be e laborated here. Inkawasi' s Kunti Suyu has 14 architectural units, each i dentified as a set of 3 l evels ( with one, or sometimes two rooms), l eading up the s lope. Within each unit there i s an interconnected set of doorways. The 1 4 units are separated by walls or corridors which i solate each unit f rom i ts neighbor. The units are arranged in architectural F igure

Captions

2 8. S chematic representation of the zeque system with actual borders of the suyu. The outer numbers are f rom Cobo; the inner numbers and l etters are f rom Zuidema ( 1964, 1 977). Drawing f rom Zuidema ( 1982b). 2 9. An aerial balloon photograph of the o f I nkawasi. The compound i s 1 20 m . wide

5 3

Kunti Suyu sector f rom east t o west.

1

2

Anti

Suyu

4 Chincha Suyu

9

1 1 4

16 9 28

9 Kunti

i1t5 4 Suyu

5 4

1 Qolla Suvu

groups of 1 , 2 , 3 and possibly 4 , somewhat s imilar t o that suggested by Zuidema' s structuring of the 1 4 l ines at Cuzco. Fig. 29 enumerates the 1 4 units of Inkawasi's Kunti Suyu from 1 to 1 4 as does Cobo. Units 1 , 2 , 3 , and 4 appear to be in groups of 2 each ( confirmed by surface survey). and do not conform to the groupings proposed for those l ines i n Cuzco ( IV, B , 3 , b , and IV, B , 2 , c -b-a). Units 5 , 6 , and 7 may well correspond to Zuidema's ( IV, B , 1 , c -b-a). Notably, the one pie-shaped unit, 7 , corresponds t o the area defined by Zuidema as the division between A and B . Unit 8 i s independent, or could be combined with 7 t o make a group ( Zuidema's IV, A , 3 , c-a ? ). A consideration here i s one zeque composed of two l ines ( IV, A , 3 , a-c) at the d ivision point between A and B . Units 9 , 1 0, and 1 1 form a b lock which i s comparable with Cuzco's IV, A , 2 , c-b-a. Units 1 2, 1 3, and 1 4 form a b lock comparable to IV, A , 2 , c -b-a. The similarities between the groupings arranged by Zuidema f or the zeque l ines at Cuzco, and the architectural units grouped at Inkawasi, leave l ittle doubt that the Kunti Suyu sector of Inkawasi is in some way a r eflection of concepts in the Kunti Suyu part of the zeque system at Cuzco. One f inal bit of architectural evidence at Inkawasi i s the raised p latform in the center o f the plaza around which the units are arranged. I t i s a r ectangular structure about two meters square built of Inka -style adobe bricks and f illed with egg-shaped b lack stones. I t has the capacity to absorb l ibations, one of the principal characteristics of an ushnu ( Zuidema 1 980). I suggest that this i s an a lternative ushnu to the main one in Sector F . A mountain s lope separates I nkawasi' s Kunti Suyu f rom the main ushnu in the main plaza. The smaller " alternative" may have been built to complete the concept of the zeque organization which has a central point f rom which l ines radiate. I t may also complete the design concept of Cuzco which had at least two ushnu. One might note the d ifference that at Cuzco the l ines radiate f rom the Qori Kancha, whereas in Inkawasi' s Kunti Suyu they radiate f rom an ushnu-like structure, much as at Huänuco Pampa. Nevertheless, the concept of l ibation offerings as a part of the ushnu's role as a central point i s also present within the Qori Kancha, where l ibations were also made ( Zuidema 1 982a: 2 14). One may never understand why at Inkawasi only Kunti Suyu has the zeque radial design. Zeque spatial design i s a main planning concept of the " elaborate preconceived p lan" throughout much more of Huänuco Pampa ( Morris 1 980). The architecture of other Inka centers appears t o use the zeque spatial organization in greater or l esser degree. Pumpu in Pasco, Peru, and Tamberia del Inca in Catamarca, Argentina, undoubtedly have i t. It is nonexistent or di ffi c ult to det ect in other well-preserved Inka installations such as Tambo Colorado in P isco, Peru, or

5 5

I ncallacta in Cochabamba, Bolivia. One might conclude that the symbolic structure of zeque design was only sometimes applied to architectural plans, and f or reasons that yet escape us. The meaning of Kunti Suyu as i t i s understood in the zeque system at Cuzco may help t o i nterpret Kunti Suyu at Inkawasi. I ts small platform, for example, receives further justification f or c lassification as an ushnu f or l ibation offertory ( beyond i ts form of construction) g iven the 1 4 units that radiate about i t. The more detailed Cuzco-based i dea that Kunti Suyu i s associated with f oreign, non Inka peoples, may receive elaboration i f the sector i s excavated. The considerable ceremonial significance of Kunti Suyu in Cuzco may be a reason why Kunti Suyu at Inkawasi was the only quadrant designed with zeque spatial p lanning.

THEME

3 :

ASTRONOMICAL ALIGNMENTS

IN ARCHITECTURE

A number of astronomical observations are known t o have been important in Inka Cuzco, and several of these are expressed in the alignments of the architecture o f Inkawasi. Major advances in understanding Inka astronomy have recently been made by Zuidema and h is collaborator Aveni. ZuidemaY s work on the Inka calendar ( 1977, 1 981, 1 982b) has demonstrated the zeque system's interrelationship with astronomy. Aveni' s work ( 1981a) meashuring and confirming astronomical s ightlines and the orientations of architecture at Cuzco has expanded the knowledge about the calendar, and some spatial patterns within the zeque system. Thus arises the proposition that known Inka astronomical observations are s ignificant in the alignments within urban p lanning, and might be expressed i n the design o f Inkawasi. A t Cuzco, several points ( huaca) on the zeque system were used as observation centers. S ight l ines passed over ot her poi nts on the system. The zeque system was astronomical in another sense. The numerical ordering o f the huacas is interpreted by Zuidema as an expressing a s idereal-lunar calendar. Inka astronomy was based in great part on horizon observations ( Zuidema 9981c; Aveni 1 981a). Natural landmarks, erected landmarks, or a combination o f both were used to identify specific t imes of t he year by f ixing points on the horizon where rising and setting astronomical bodies were observed. A map with astronomical sightlines and zeques and/or huacas with astronomical s ignificance i s f ound in two publications by Zuidema ( 1982a: 206 fi g. 2 ; 1982 b: 64 fi g. 1 ). Just how the Inkas manipulated their calendar thousands of kilometers north or south of Cuzco i s not known. To the north or south o f Cuzco, the azimuths of some s ight l ines would be different than at Cuzco. Inkawasi i s l ocated more than 5 00 km. t o the

west

of

Cuzco,

but

its

5 6

southern

latitude,

1 3°01'

i s

l ess than half a degree off the latitude of Cuzco ( 13°30'). At Inkawasi, horizon s ightlines to cosmic phenomena would therefore have azimuths almost identical to s ightlines in Cuzco. This section will review the evidence f or a number o f known astronomical s ight l ines i n Cuzco and then interpret how they were used in the design o f Inkawasi. In January, 1 983, the author made a set of a lignment studies of the architecture and horizons at Inkawasi. Appendix 3 provides a c omplete register of the data derived f rom sightings at s ix transit stations t hroughout the s ite ( fig. 30).

Zenith-antizenith

( Nadir)

L ine

This sight l ine' s purposein Cuzco was to define a t ime o f p lanting maize, when the earth opened up. I t corresponds on our Gregorian calendar to about August 1 8. Zuidema ( 1981a) presents an elaborate discussion of the early historical and calendrical evidence for the s ignificance of this t ime o f the year, and the solar s ight l ine which defines it. It is notable that the extreme points of observation f or t his s ightline were on mountain s lopes f ar apart. Another related point i s that only when the sun goes through nadir, on August 1 8, and April 2 6, can one observe the full moon c lose to zenith. The Inkas determined the August 1 8 date by f irst observing the zenith sunrise and then reversing the direction. Aveni ( 1981a: 3 09-316) describes how astronomical measurements based on early historical evidence define the zenith-antizenith axis in Cuzco. I t was an alignment which crossed the zeque system, and incorporated several observing stations, including the main ushnu and p illars on a h ill. On the the antizenith ( nadir) day the sun set over the western horizon 1 80 degrees opposite the sunrise point on the day of zenith passage. A gnomon ( the Sunturwasi) in the main plaza of Cuzco near t he ushnu indicated the day of zenith passage by identifying the day when the sun passed directly overhead at midday. At Inkawasi, this sightline appears t o have defined the orientation of a l ine connecting the back ( southern wall) of the main structure in Sector E w ith the p latform in the central part of Sector A ( fig. 3 1). This l ine c onnected the f ollowing points: 1 . 2 . 3 .

The The The

F igure

c entral p latform of Sector A ( Transit S tation C ) back ( southern) wall of Sector E 's main compound setting o f the sun on the day of i ts zenith Captions

3 0. The orientations c orridors at Inkawasi. 3 1. A zenith-antizenith

o f

principal

l ine

at

5 7

buildings,

Inkawasi.

p lazas,

and

L ETTERS I ND ICATE

c o 0

z

7.

Z)

0

O l d

.••• •

5 8

5 9

This

l ine

could

have

observed

the

zenith

sunset,

and

then

been reversed to determine the sunrise on the day of antizenith passage. This i s the opposite from the case of Cuzco where the zenit h sunrise was used to f ix a l ine f or ooservation of the sunset on the day o f the antizenith. The observation at Inkawasi gives t he same result, namely, the day the sun passes through nadir, or antizenith. lsbell' s publication ( 1982) on t he dialectics o f native American tropical astronomy sheds l ight on these r eversals. The observation center for the zenith sunset could have been the platform in the center of Sector A . From i t, a sight l ine passes along the south wall of the main compound in Sector E and sets in the mountain pass beyond i t. The l ine has an orientation of 2 58°41' ( horizon 4 °41'). The r ise-set azimuth chart f or A . D. 1 500 p laces t he zenith sunset at 2 57°47' ( horizon 5 °), l ess than a degree o ff the proposed s ightline. The alignment of the entire main compound ( Sector E ) south of the main plaza i s therefore about the same. The front ( north) wall's o rientation was measured at Transit Station D . The wall has an orientation of 258°39. 8' ( horizon 6 °32'). From station D in A .D. 1 500 the zenith sunset would have been at 2 57°58' ( horizon 6 °). Thus both the north and south exterior walls of the main compound of Sector E are c losely parallel amd aligned within l ess than a degree to the azimuth o f the zenith sunset. An attempt was made t o run the zenith sunset l ine over the mountain slope to the west, and across the northern point of the zone called Kunti Suyu. That required the l ine to deviate by more than 2 ° from the zenith sunset azimuth. The zenith-antizenith line probably influenced the placement of the pl atform in Sector A . I t directly influenced the placement and orientation of the main c ompound in Sector E . The observation of the zenith sunset was not necessarily observed from the p latform in Sector A . I t may well have been observed from the f ront of t he main compound ( Transit Station D ) in S ector E where, as will be discussed l ater, a number of s ightlines c ross ( fig. 3 0).

The

Pleiades

S ight

L ine

The small constellation was important in Andean cosmologies well before the Inkas ( Urton and Aveni 1 983). Andean peoples today observe its heliacal risings and settings which occur at s imilar specific t imes, r egardless of the latitude from which they are observed. Zuidema ( 1982a: 208-215) presents a detailed description of t he evi dence for the observation of this star group, i ts meanings, and calendrical s ignificance. In Cuzco, the huaca sucanca ( I, 2 , b ) of the zeque system forms an a lignment with the Pleiades set when observed from Qori Kancha. Zuidema notes that the the period o f the P leiades' n ightly

6 0

visibility corresponds to the period e stablished by t he numerical count o f t he 3 28 huacas o f t he z eque system, and that the first and last appearances o f the P leiades ( observations d ifficult t o make) c ould have b een e stablished by t he solar r ise and set azimuths when they were t he same a s t hose o f t he P leiades' heliacal r ise and s et. At Cuzco the Pleiades r ise azimuth i s particularly i mportant. The f ifth z eque o f Anti Suyu ( III, 2 , b ) w ith t he huaca Susurpuquio, 2 3° north o f e ast, i s a ligned with t he P leiades r ise. Zuidema demonstrates t hat t he Q ori Kancha o f Cuzco i s not o nly a ligned w ith t he P leiades r ise on t he f ifth zeque o f Anti Suyu, but t hat t he edifice i tself has an orientation a ligned with the P leiades heliacal r ise, o r t he i dentical solar r ise azimuth on the same day. The s ight l ine f rom Qori Kancha t o t he P leiades r ise a zimuth should not be c onfused with t he l ine t o t he a zimuth o f t he June solar solstice sunrise which i s s lightly f arther t o t he north. Thus t his P leiades s ight l ine would have b een a ligned w ith a sunrise ( shortly b efore t he June s olstice) i n l ate May a t t he t ime o f the P leiades f irst h eliacal r ise. According t o Zuidema, t hat day, and t he a ccompanying moon phase, were used to determine t he b eginning date o f t he I nka calendar i n early June. The a lignment o f much architecture a t I nkawasi a rgues t hat the P leiades r ise azimuth was i mportant i n t he design of the center. Many walls in Sectors A , B , and C , and probably F , a re a ligned w ith the azimuth o f t he P leiades r ise. I n A .D. 1 500 a t I nkawasi t he a zimuth was a t 6 7°04' ( 0° horizon) and i n A .D. 1 400 i t was 6 7°40'. The southeast s ide of t he t rapezoidal p laza a t I nkawasi has an o rientation of 6 7°53' ( fig. 3 0). Parallel w ith i t t o t he s outheast i s t he r ectangular s tructure proposed a s a Qori Kancha analogue. A central corridor in Sector A has a nearly s imilar o rientation ( 68°13'), demonstrating t hat all o f t he g enerally e ast-west walls and c ompartments, and t he c entral p latform, of Sector A are parallel to the southeast s ide o f the t rapezoidal p laza, and aligned with the P leiades r ise. The broad side of Sector B ' s large Compound 1 and one r emaining long wall of Sector F are s imilarly a ligned. The r elatively f lat but h igh mountain t o t he e ast o f S ectors A , B , and C r ises very abruptly a t t he e dge o f t he s ite, c reating horizon e levations above 1 7° when v iewed f rom those s ectors. I t i s p robable t hat t hese s ectors were designed w ith s ight l ines e stablished by observations made on h igher t errain - perhaps t he mountain s lope b etween S ectors E and F , o r Transit S tation D i n S ector E . I f such a s was case, t he I nka astronomers and architects would have had a nearly horizontal platform f or observing t he P leiades r ise ( see Appendix 3 , subsection Methods f or A ligning Architecture w ith Horizon Azimuths). Earlier i n t his t ext, the r ectangular c ompound s outheast o f t he t rapezoidal p laza a t I nkawasi was equated w ith Cuzco's Q ori Kancha on t he basis o f s imilar a rchitecture and a c ommon 6 1

location next to the trapezoidal p laza in the Qolla Suyu quadrant. This proposition i s reinforced i f one notes that Inkawasi' s Qori Kancha is aligned to the Pleiades r ise, as i s Qori Kancha in Cuzco.

V iew

to A lpha

and Beta

Centauri

and Southern Cross

The account of the zeque system and other Andean ethnohistorical sources provide proof for these i mportant I nka horizon observations ( Zuidema 1 982a: 2 09-211, 2 18-221) as does ethnography ( Urton 1 978, 1 981). The I nka concern with this part of the horizon i s not defined as a s ight l ine, since the area of the horizon spanned a number o f degrees, and a number of events were observed there. At Cuzco, the f irst zeque l ine o f Kunti Suyu, Anahuarque ( IV, b , 3 , b ), with an orientation o f 1 46° i s d irected t o the part of the horizon where Alpha and Beta Centauri and the Southern Cross r ise. According t o Zuidema, the count o f the zeques of Kunti Suyu ( IV) spans a t ime from the f irst heliacal set of the Southern Cross to the l ast heliacal r ise of Alpha and Beta Centauri, and then to the t ime defined by the Pleiades' visibility throughout the n ight. The Anahuarque l ine ( azimuth 1 46°) i s not a proven astronomical sight l ine, but the general area on the horizon to which i t points has great astronomical, mythical, and calendric significance because there the quasi-circum polar Andean constellations r ise. ( The Southern Cross has within i t a dark patch Andean constellation known as yutu, the partridge. Alpha and Beta Centauri were the eyes of another dark patch constellation, the l lama. The two constellations r ise i n order on the southeast horizon. In A . D. 1 500 their azimuths spanned the zone f rom about 1 46° t o 1 55°. Urton's cosmology from a present-day community near Cuzco reinforces the concept that that area of the horizon was highly s ignificant. There, the Milky Way, the r iver or mayo to Andean people, has i ts " center" at about 1 54°. I ts movement creates a quadripartition of the cosmos, and, according t o Urton, i t may well have been the center of the Incaic universe. At Inkawasi, the possible s ignificance o f this area on the horizon arose early in the f ieldwork when i t was observed that the main corridor passing through Sector A to the southeast was aligned directly with the l owest pass on the Inkawasi' s southern horizon ( figs. 30 and 3 2). Zu i dema has noted that in Cuzco a number of zeque l ines point toward mountain passes ( 1982a: 2 06 f ig. 2 ; 1 982b: 64 f ig. 1 ). This suggested that alignments with passes are s ignificant. The main corridor passing through Sector A , and i ts central p latform, have an orientation o f 1 55°08'. F igure

Caption

3 2. The central corridor of Sector A aligned with the l owest point on the horizon at 1 55°.

6 2

6 3

In A . D. 1500 the Inka ll ama and yutu constellations ( including Alpha and Beta Centauri and Alpha Crucis) rose in this zone between the azimuth 1 50°38' to 1 53°21' ( 0° horizon), or 148:13' to 1 50°46' ( 6° horizon). The pass on Inkawasi' s southeastern horizon has a horizon e levation of 8 °05'. The Milky Way ( Mayo), the possible c enter of the Incaic universe, has an azimuth in the general area of 1 55°. When the Inkas stood on the p latform o f Sector A they were able to see the Milky Way and the l lama and yutu constellations r ise within the bowl f ormed by the pass with which the corridor and p latform are aligned. The 1 55° alignment of the central corridor o f Sector A was also extended into the walls of the storage b ins of the same sector, and into Sector B , where i t defines the parallel end walls of the trapezoidal plaza and the rectangular compound southeast of i t. Two other main passageways Inkawasi have a lignments toward this general southeastern direction. The entry corridor in sector F has a 1 54°30' orientation. The main road running through the main plaza i s oriented at 1 61°39.2' or 1 60°47.8' ( two measurements made at two different t ransit stations). The horizon e levation ( 21°32' - measured f rom the main ushnu) does not account f or the discrepancy of more than 5 ° with the alignment orientation of S ector A 's main corridor. Thus the main road i n Sector E may not point t o the c ircum-polar area o f interest to the Inkas. I f i t did, i s was inexact by several degrees. The great square formed by the architecture o f Sector A i s not t ruly square. I t i s a rhomboid about 3 ° o ff square. This may have been intentional, s ince a lignments to the Pleiades rise and the quasi c ircum-polar constellations, may have been the basis of the design. For what it is wort h, the southwestern side of Inkawasi' s main plaza points to the southeast t o azimuth 1 46°30', the orientation of the Anahuarque zeque i n Cuzco. One might suspect that the northeast s ide of the Kunti Suyu zone of Inkawasi represents Anahuarque, since the Anahuarque zeque line is on the Cuzco zeque system's division l ine with Qolla Suyu. The northeast s ide of Inkawasi's Kunti Suyu ( the side that divides i t f rom Qolla suyu) i s aligned with azimuth 1 27°09. 2'. It is therefore not associated with the 1 46° orientation o f Cuzco's Anahuarque.

Maximum

Northern Moonrise

Zuidema' s comprehensive work interpreting the Inka calendar ( 1977; 1 982b) has taken the moon increasingly into account. He demonstrates how the 3 28 huacas of t he zeque system have a numerical ordering representing a s idereal lunar year of 328 nights. It is known that the Inkas carefully observed the lunar phases, particularly for

6 4

initiating the s idereal lunar count around June 8 -9, before the June solar solstice. No early historical sources i ndicate i f the azimuth o f t he r ising or setting moon was o f consequence. At Inkawasi the northwestern s ide o f the t rapezoidal plaza points to azimuth 6 1°26.3' ( fig. 3 0). The maximum northern moonrise about A . D. 1 500 took p lace at azimuth 60°24' ( 0° horizon). Thus that s ide o f the p laza could have been related t o a concern with the moon. Aveni ( 1981b: 1 6-17) indicates that the maximum lunar r ises and sets are not easily or f requently observed phenomena. Of a ll s ight l ines for which evidence i s presented here, t his i s the most suspect, both because o f the d ifficulty in making the observation, and because t here i s no d irect early written evidence that the Inkas used i t.

The

Solar

Solstices

The r ising and setting points of the sun are the solstices i s about 2 4° north and south o f a t rue east-west line. According to Zuidema ( 1982b: 63-65), at Cuzco observations were made of t he sun alone at solstices, and, a t other t imes, o f the sun in relation to the moon and the Pleiades. Evidence exists that the f ollowing solstices observations were made at Cuzco: the December solstice sunset ( DSSS), the June solstice sunset ( JSSS), and the December solstice sunrise ( DSSR). Only the DSSS was observed f rom within Cuzco, with the observation center at Qori Kancha and s ighting towers at the huaca Chinchincalla ( Aveni 1 981a: 308). Two other known solstice sight l ines began at observation centers ( Quiangalla and Puquincancha) outside of Cuzco and did not pass over the city. The great importance of the solar solstices in Inka religion and calendrics need not be elaborated here. A June solar solstice festival, Intl Raymi, i s currently observed in Cuzco, mainly f or t ouristic r easons. The major solstice alignment at Inkawasi i s a l ine extending from Transit S tation D t o the northwest across the the center o f the t rapezoidal p laza. Unfortunately, t his was not measured at Transit S tation D , the point where l ines f rom the two s ides o f the p laza converge. The l ine running through t he center o f that p laza can be calculated by determining the midpoint between the two orientations of the sides ( 61°26.3' and 67°53.4'). It is 6 4°39.8' ( fig. 30). In A . D. 1500 the JSSR was at azimuth 6 5°51' ( 0° horizon) or 6 4°14' ( 6° horizon). Thus the s ight l ine f rom Transit S tation D over the c enter o f the t rapezoidal p laza t o the JSSR would been o ff by 1 °11', or considerably l ess. One alignment ( 63°55' - horizon 9 °32') between the main ushnu and a peak on the northwestern horizon may have been used to observe the June solstice sunset. I n A . D.

6 5

1 500 the JSSS had azimuth 6 3°19'. I t i s difficult to say if this is a true Inka sightline. Aveni ( 1982a: 309) describes a s imilar s ightline near Cuzco. Field survey and observation with b inoculars o f a ll horizons was made from within Inkawasi in an attempt to discover sighting towers similar to those known t o have existed in Cuzco for solar observations. No sighting t owers were f ound near Inkawasi.

The

Trapezoidal

Plaza as

Calendrical

Device

I f the northwest and southeast sides of the t rapezoidal p laza of Sector C are extended to the west, they cross at the exact point where the road in the main p laza ( Sector F ) meets the large compound on the southeast s ide o f the main plaza ( figs. 3 0, 3 3, and 3 4). This i s the same as Transit Station D . This point i s an important intersection o f several notable l ines: 1 . 2 . 3 . 4 . 5 .

The NW-SE l ine formed by the road passing through the main p laza The l ine formed by the NW s ide of the trapezoidal plaza ( possible representation of northern lunar movement) The l ine formed by the SE s ide of the trapezoidal p laza ( Pleiades r ise azimuth) The l ine through the center of the t rapezoidal p laza ( DSSR azimuth) The l ine formed by the f ront of the main compound o f Sector F ( zenith-antizenith l ine)

Zuidema ( 1982b: 63) presents a complex argument for how and when the Inkas s tarted the count o f their s idereal lunar year ( June 8-9). This occurred after the f irst heliacal rise of the Pleiades as well as after the reappearance of the moon in the f ixed synodic calendar. E thnohistorical evidence f rom Molina and other early Andean sources mention the importance of the moon and P leiades in the establishment of the beginning of the year. The sun was also involved, s ince i ts rose on the Pleiades r ise azimuth on the day of that star group's f irst heliacal r ise. Shortly thereafter the sun achieved i ts solstice, an event ( Inti Raymi) celebrated in the f irst month of the Inka calendar.

Figure

Captions

3 3. Aerial balloon photograph demonstrating the relationship of 3 4.

various

alignments

Oblique

Transit

t o Transit

photograph

Station D .

demonstrating

Station D . 6 6

l ines

converging

on

6 7

6 8

At I nkawasi, t he I nkas could observe the r ises o f the moon, Pleiades, and sun ( at solstice) a ll within the arc defined by the t rapezoidal p laza. Beginning i n l ate May f or one month. an observer a t t ransit s tation D c ould l ook over the t rapezoidal p laza t o the arc o f 7 °20' on t he horizon d efined by the p laza. The i nterrelated r ises o f t he sun, moon, and Pleiades would a ll occur a t t hat l imited part o f the horizon. The movement and specific activities o f those bodies determined the beginning of the new year. S ince astronomical s ightlines may well have determined t he shape o f t he t rapezoidal p laza, t his may be one r eason why the t rapezoidal f orm was i mportant, and used i n o ther aspects of Inka architecture such as doors, w indows, and n iches.

C omment The i ntegration o f i mportant I nka astronomical s ightlines i nto the p lan of I nkawasi, and one zone with zeque spatial p lanning, suggests that the p lan i s partially a c alendrical symbol, i f not actually a calendrical device. C raig Morris has suggested the same for the Inka c ity Huänuco Pampa. The concept i s worthy o f r esearch in o ther I nka c enters. One might note that more architecture a t I nkawasi may b e oriented by astronomical s ightlines t han i n t he design of Cuzco. In Cuzco, such sightlines were most often physically expressed by using observation c enters i n o r out of the city in conjunction with sighting t owers on mountain slopes. The integration of sightlines into architecture at I nkawasi makes one wonder whether i t was done more as a symbolic act rather than for practical purpose. This may never be known, but i t i s worth noting that at Inkawasi the Cuzco calendar m ight have b een used dfferently since the local agricultural cycle i s quite d ifferent f rom t hat o f the h ighlands. The Cuzco calendar c ould serve t o schedule most o ther activities a t I nkawasi. The many aligned walls, c orridors, and c ompounds a t I nkawasi may be derived f rom very f ew observation points, utilized during a very short period. How and when t his was done will remain speculative. However, an observer at transit station D could have made the observations n ecessary f or the P leiades r ise and December solstice sunrise within a few weeks. The observation t o e stablish a l ine t o the r egion o f t he quasi c ircum-polar c onstellations c ould h ave been made a t any t ime o f t he year. The z enith sunrise o r sunset could only have been observed several months l ater. One wonders whether the architects, engineers, and a stronomers were w illing t o wait that t ime before beginning construction o f t he c enter. G iven the I nkas' r ecognized t alents with horizon a stronomy, i t i s possible t hat t hey were capable of measuring an arc between two s ightlines i n Cuzco, and t hen e stablishing at I nkawasi a t heoretical

6 9

s ight l ine based on another actual observation. I n such a case the June solstice r ise, o r P leiades r ise, azimuth m ight have served t o determine the zenith-antizenith l ine, or v ice versa. Such a procedure m ight r esult i n a s lightly less accurate l i ne than one established by actual observation. One problem with any archaeoastronomical s tudy i s h ow c losely the orientation of architecture must match an astronomical azimuth to be considered a valid a lignment between t he two. I n this chapter I have chosen t o i gnore the orientations o f architecture which d id not match known I nka astronomical s ight l ines within about 1 °10'. My f ield experience suggests that such a lignments, arrived a t v isually without instruments, could have been f ixed within about one degree o f error. I t i s possible, however, t hat greater errors were common, particularly i f architects worked rapidly, and used t he a lignments a s a symbolic part o f t he center' s plan with l i ttle need or desire to make them function accurately. L ikewise, i f some l ines were derived f rom o thers by t he use o f a measured arc, t he range o f error i n the derived a lignment may have i ncreased. In t he future scholars may well pay heed to t he possible a stronomical s ignificance o f architectural a lignments o ff a s ignificant azimuth by more t han a degree. I n t he f uture, the detection and meaning o f architectural a lignments with astronomical azimuths i n I nka c ity p lanning will not be derived solely from data secured in Cuzco. The p lans o f other centers might be expected to express known I nka s ightlines. N o c omprehensive set o f observations has yet been made a t o ther Inka centers. However, Urton and Aveni ( 1983) made t wo observations at an I nka s ite, Tambo Colorado, near I nkawasi. One side of its mai n plaza has a zenit h-antizenith o rientation. Inkawasi's main p laza a lso has one s ide w ith that orientation. This occurrence a t two s ites suggest t hat astronomical sight li nes may have been important i n determining the t rapesium f orm t ypical o f main p lazas i n several Inka centers. Interestingly, in Cuzco the z enith-antizenith l ine was observed f rom t he ushnu in t he main p laza, but apparently d id not determine the a lignment o f a s ide o f the p laza.

THEME

4 :

ROADS AND PATHS

The i dea that roads and paths are i mportant i ndicators of Inka spatial d ivisions became i ncreasingly apparent t o the author during his archaeological survey o f t he I nka r oad system ( 1984). The p rincipal c oncept here, expressed c learly a t Cuzco and at Huänuco Pampa, i s that f our main roads l ead f rom the c enter o f t he c ity, and f orm a cross. The concept continues i n use t oday. Urton ( 1981) observed the cruciform structure of roads defining the f our main divisions o f a c ommunity near Cuzco. In Cuzco, t he f our main r oads do not run s traight f or any great l ength beyond the p laza. The r oad t o the northwest l eaves the p laza and, 7 0

after a f ew b locks, t akes a more westerly d irection on a geographically more f easible c ourse t o p roceed t o t he north of the empire ( fig. 2 7). The r oad l eaving t he p laza t o t he s outheast t akes a more easterly c ourse n ear Q ori Kancha as i t reorients on a geographically more f easible r oute t o t he empire's s outhern quarter. The r oads t o t he n ortheast and southwest l eave f rom t he p laza and do not change c ourse s ignificantly until passing near t he c ity's l imits. A t Huänuco t he c ross f ormed by the r oads over t he main p laza r eorient s omewhat a t t he p laza's edges. There, t he change o f d irection i s minor, possibly due t o t he f lat t errain on which t he c enter i s l ocated, and t he l ack o f i mmediate t opographic obstacles. I suggest t hat t he same c ruciform s tructure i s p resent a t I nkawasi, but w ith some modification due t o t he extreme t opographic c ircumstances in which the s ite r ests. A t I nkawasi t he p rincipal r oad runs n orthwest-southeast t hrough t he main p laza and t hrough t he ushnu. This i s t he b roadest r oad expressed a rchitecturally on t he s ite, and i s p roposed a s a main d ivision o f t he s ite i nto t wo parts. That r oad i s bisected by another road, o ften a path, c rossing t he ushnu in a southwest-northeast d irection ( fig. 3 5). This r oad does not have a r aised r oadbed i n t he p laza. I t i s defined by a straight l ine l eading t hrough t he c orridor b etween the two structures on t he s outhwest s ide o f t he p laza ( A), t he u shnu ( B), a s tone b ridge ( C), and a path b etween S ectors D and C ( D), which passes t he n orthern exit ( E) from the t rapezoidal p laza ( see f ig. 2 6). These t wo r oads f orm a c ross over the c enter o f t he s ite, but soon make changes i n d irection. The r oad t o t he northwest l eaves t he p laza, t urns east, and t akes a c ourse downriver a long a well-constructed I nka r oad on t he north s ide o f t he Caf iete R iver. I t c ould not proceed northwest due t o h igh, barren m ountains. Upon r eaching t he f lat Caf iete valley p lain i t again a ssumes a n orthwesterly ( d irection a s i t p roceeds up t he coast. The road to the southwest l eaves t he p laza t hrough t he c orridor ( A) between two s tructures and l eads o ver one o f two p aths over the mountain s lope i nto t he S ector F ( Chincha Suyu and Kunti Suyu quadrants) o f t he s ite. The theoretical s traight l ine over t he s lope i s s o s teep t hat i t c annot b e walked, but i t e ffectively d ivides S ector F i nto i ts two parts. The two paths t ake l ess s teep r outes which can be walked. The exit f rom S ector F i s a long a h igh-walled corridor to t he north which, on t he e dge o f t he site, takes an easterly c ourse a long t he s outh s ide o f the Caf iete R iver. S ix k ilometers downriver i t passes t he Escalön s ite, a small Inka i nstallation, and passes f urther downriver t o where the i nland I nka c oastal r oad c rosses t he desert t o t he south. The r oad l eaving I nkawasi's main p laza t o t he s outheast changes d irection a t t he edge o f the p laza due t o a precipitous mountain. I t p roceeds F igure Caption 3 5. Map o f

r oads a t

I nkawasi. 7 1

7 2

southeast up the dry Inkawasi streambed. This road may be represented architecturally by the central northwestsoutheast corridor in Sector A . That corridor i s oriented w ith a pass on the horizon at 1 55° which the road t raverses on i ts route south. The author did not follow this road, but t he Peruvian National Map, ( hoja 2 7-k) map, i ndicates that the road proceeds over the Lomas de Lunahuanä on t o the Toparä Stream and then t o the Chincha Valley. This r oad would have been a valuable l ink with the Chincha Valley during the Inka war with Huarco ( Caf tete) when Inkawasi served as a garrison. The road l inks Inkawasi with the Inka allies ( Chincha) and circumvents Huarco. The road leaving Inkawasi' s main p laza t o the northeast no l onger r emains i n the washed out area between Sectors E and D , but i t i s a visible path a long the d ivisions between Sectors C and D where i t crosses a stone bridge over a dry depression. In Sector B the road does not continue straight because o f an abrupt mountain f ace, but runs to the modern vehicle road ( once the Inka road) and continues up the r iver to the Andean highlands. This road would have been the principal link between Inkawasi and the highlands. This road is not mentioned on any early tampu l ist, but Inka s ites upriver and the use o f the route in early h istorical t imes l eaves doubt as to i ts existence in Inka t imes. In summary, this description of the main road l inks into and within Inkawasi i s helpful to c larify a number o f i ssues. First, a cruciform pattern w iith roads was i mposed on Inkawasi even in the f ace of considerable geographical obstacles near the s ite, and a regional natural t opography ( primarily the Caf tete R iver Valley) dictating the f low of t raffic a long a r iverbed rather than along the concept of a cross. Second, the cross formed by the roads on Inkawasi helps define the quadripartition of the site with evidence somewhat independent f rom t hat derived from knowledge of Cuzco's design or zeque system spatial structuring. That is, i f only the road pattern at Inkawasi had been known, i t would have supplied evidence f or the division o f the site into four parts. In f act, many other f actors argue for a similar spatial structure, and the road evidence c onfirms and strengthens that evidence. Scholars researching other Inka centers might well pay heed to the p lacement o f their roads. Often they are not easily l ocated within a site, and they must be l ocated outside of the s ite and f ollowed into i t.

REARRANGEMENTS The preceding pages detail how Inkawasi's design i s a reflection of concepts relating to the f ormal p lan of Cuzco, the zeque system, and various ideas about Inka astronomy and the road pattern. Many parallels have been discussed, with l ittle attention paid to dissimilarities. When one compares the p lan of Inkawasi with that o f the two o ther best-known Inka c ities, Cuzco and Huänuco Pampa,

7 3

i t i s apparent that each i s different, even after noting the s imilarities. This i s because there were many f actors working to create c ity p lans, even i f some of the same set of preconceived ideas was applied by their architects. This subsection will discuss how s ix f actors may have caused variations in the layout o f Inkawasi. They are: 1 .

The

2 . 3 . 4 . 5 . 6 .

The t ime the center was built and duration of i ts use Specific functions carried out in the center The natural topography in and around the center Local cultural influences The replication of real space ( the c ity Cuzco) or symbolic space

Housing

housing

capacity

Capacity

Inkawasi had a much smaller population than Cuzco, and this, along with certain aspects of architectural s tyle, r esults in a much smaller s ite. A base population o f one or two thousand at Inkawasi probably swelled by many thousands when an army was in residence. However, s ince no barracks capable of housing those soldiers can be identified within the s ite, i t i s probable that the army camped between the s ite and the r iver t o the north, or south of Sector A on the dry, f lat, Inkawasi streambed. There was no attempt to replicate the scale or number of Cuzco's residential buildings. This i s partially responsible f or I nkawasi' s smaller s ize. T ime Built

and Duration Used

Mari a Rost worowski ( 1978-80: 1 88) has noted that I nkawasi ( built by Thupa Yupanki) i s a s ite which may have been patterned on Cuzco before the reign of Wayna Qhapaq, t he succeeding k ing. Because the s ite was probably abandoned after a short use, i t may not reflect later changes and additions made in Inka Cuzco. This may explain why Cuzco has no known analogue for the main compound ( Sector E ) south of the main plaza at Inkawasi. This may be due t o a r eal difference which always existed, or it may be due to Inka wasi' s "youth" in comparison to Cuzco' s later development. For example, i t is possible that a l arge compound similar to that o f Sector E once did exist south of the main plaza in Cuzco. I t may have been remodeled, o r destroyed to build the compounds, which l ater occupied part of that space. This is a ll rather speculative, but raises the point that some of Inkawasi' s dissimilarities with Cuzco may be due in part t o i ts imitation o f the capital before that evolved into t he metropolis described by the early historical sources and modern studies o f i ts Inka architecture. One a lso m ight consider that Inkawasi may shed some light on the design o f Cuzco before the reign o f

Wayna

Qhapaq.

7 4

I mportant

Functions

Cuzco has no known analogue f or the Inkawasi's Sector D , postulated as an area where f ood preparation t ook p lace to feed the armies stationed there. Other Inka c enters and Cuzco i tself doubtless had zone(s) where f ood preparation f or mita labor and the base population was carried out. In some cases this acti vit y may have been dispersed t hroughout the s ite. One might reflect that f ood preparation f or armies at Inkawasi might have been a much larger task t han at larger Inka centers where a constant f low o f mita l abor was f ed, but where the numbers of people eating did not amount to an army. One special f eature of the design of Inkawasi i s i ts large storage capacity. Perhaps a third o f the r ooms i n the site were used f or warehousing. This, too, could be related to the function of the s ite as a garrison. The need to store foodstuffs, weapons, clothing, and other necessities of war may well have been responsible for Inkawasi' s large storage capacity. This is somewhat d ifferent f rom the use of storage f acilities at other Inka centers, where goods were collected for a variety of different reasons such as the supply of mita l abor, the maintenance of the center and some l ocal communities, the p rovisioning of armies functioning e lsewhere, and the supply o f royal l ineages, bureaucrats, and retainers. Another dissimilarity between Cuzco and Inkawasi i s that the number of compounds in the e lite residence zone ( Sector B ) is not as great as at Cuzco. At Inkawasi i t was probably not necessary to represent all the compounds o f the royal panaqa, given that the s ite was built and used during the reign of one k ing. Thus the e lite r esidence area o f Inkawasi had a more l imited function and activity than at Cuzco, and was consequently smaller. Topography The design of Inkawasi was undoubtedly affected by i ts surrounding t opography. The width of the dry Inkawasi streambed was not sufficient to accommodate a site of I nkawasi's s ize, and thus a mountain s lope separates Sector F from the rest of the site. Inkawasi' s location was probably chosen with care, however, s ince no wider, dry and f lat expanse exists in Lunahuanä downriver until reaching the coastal plain, Huarco, which was not Inka t erritory when Inkawasi was built. One might ask why Inkawasi d id not expand into the f lat t errain t o the south on the the dry streambed. This may never be known. One might hypothesize that armies camped there, or that the area was too f ar removed f rom the water supply, the i rrigation channel and r iver on the north of the s ite. Another r eason f or Inkawasi's expansion to the west, c ircumventing a mountain, would be that Inka site planning required the the Kunti Suyu and Chincha Suyu quadrants be placed on the southern

7 5

and western sides o f c ity, a s a t Cuzco. A f inal e ffect o f t opography was the d istortion caused i n c ruciform pattern formed by the roads at Inkawasi ( previous subsection). Local

Cultural

I nfluences

At f irst g lance, I nkawasi appears t o be a c lassic I nka center with i ts plazas, storage areas, t rapezoidal wall apertures, and ushnu. G iven i ts I nka s tate m ilitary r ole, one m ight expect l ocal architectural i nfluences would have l ittle i nfluence on i ts construction and design. Upon c loser scrutiny, the l ocal building t radition i s everywhere i n t he s ite, a point which suggests that the I nka a rchitects and engineers utilized l ocal building t echniques because they were familiar t o l ocal l abor, and because t hey were sensible coastal a lterations o f I nka h ighland architecture. The wall c onstruction throughout I nkawasi ( clay m ixed w ith l arge s tones) i s a p re Inka l ocal building t echnique i n Lunahuanä. The use o f agglutinated r ooms within c ompounds i s a common coastal t radition. Thus t he r ooms w ithin t he compounds share walls instead o f being separated, as i s typical in Inka highland architecture. This r esults i n a compacting of the s ite which, i f i t had been built i n the highlands, would have utilized greater extensions o f t errain. Inkawasi's l ocation on dry l and above t he h ighest l evel of i rrigation i s a coastal t radition which t ended t o p lace s ites above valuable agricultural t errain. The

Replication o f

Real

o r

Symbolic

Space

I n the preceding pages I have suggested that I nkawasi replicates to some degree the l ayout o f Cuzco. H owever, i t would seem that I nkawasi's p lan varies f rom t hat o f the c apital i n ways t hat cannot be explained c ompletely b y causes o f rearrangements d iscussed above. The Kunti Suyu ( Sector F , Zone 1 ) is a case in point. That part of I nkawasi replicates spatial patterning i n the I nka zeque system, and has no known architectural equivalent i n Cuzco. Another example i n which I nkawasi d iverges f rom the capital i s that more of Inkawasi' s architecture expresses known Inka astronomical sight l ines. Thus, Inka c ity planners at Inkawasi did not a lways a ttempt t o duplicate t he c apital as it existed physically, but i ntroduced spatial patterns f rom Cuzco which were not not part o f i ts physical p lan. Much remains t o be l earned about t he degree t o which I nka cit y pl ans express real versus symbolic patterns. Rostworowski ( 1979-80: 1 90) should be c redited f or f irst r ecognizing that I nkawasi " would not deal with an a ccurate c opy o f ancient Cuzco, but rather would r eproduce f or the Inka a mythical space." Mainly because o f t his, I , as a student of the Andean world, have come to r ealize that I nkawasi's design was a major i ntellectual and perhaps even spiritual endeavor.

7 6

Thus, many f actors worked t o d istort or r earrange I nka concepts i n I nkawasi's design. I t i s i mportant t o d iscern what these i nfluences were, both t o i dentify unique aspects of the site, and to better identify the ideal c oncepts applied i n t he l ayout. S tudies o f these matters a t o ther centers will expand the number of influences causing rearrangements, and g ive an enhanced i dea o f what design concepts were often i ntroduced without a lterations. One unique outcome of such investigations may be a n ew base of data to understand the structure o f Cuzco. This i s because Inka centers may have changed or evolved l ess than Cuzco. A New Cuzco l ike Inkawasi, and perhaps o ther c enters, may have fewer r earrangements f rom t he i deal concepts o f city design, and shed l ight on the original design and evolution o f the c apital.

SUMMARY Inkawasi provides growing evidence that an I nka c enter was designed w ith a number o f basic principles which, when explored, g ive added dimensions to how i t c an be i nterpreted both symbolically and " practically." An early h istorical source relates t hat Inkawasi was a New Cuzco. The above analysis expands t his information by suggesting that Cuzco's f ormal layout may have been partially i ntroduced i n I nkawasi. Another early source notes t hat t he z eque system was used in many Inka c ities, but t ells us l ittle about how i t was applied outside o f the Cuzco area. I nkawasi provides an example of how zeque spatial patterning was partially i ncorporated i nto an urban p lan. I nka astronomy i s known primarily f rom data at Cuzco. The use o f known I nka s ight l ines at I nkawasi adds one d imension t o our understanding of how Inkas utilized astronomy outside of Cuzco. The calendrical nature of astronomical s ight l ines, and t he ordering o f the z eque system, both i ntegrated i nto I nkawasi's plan, suggest that calendrical symbolism was part o f an I nka urban concept. Cuzco and the Inka Empire were divided into four quadrants or suyu. Main r oads defined t he suyu w ithin the metropolis, and extended out as main arteries t o each major geographical quadrant. Inkawasi' s four quadrants, i nterpreted through i ts spatial d ivisions and road s tructure, may be interpreted as a mirror of those f our parts, r einforcing the i dea that I nkawasi was i ndeed a N ew Cuzco. I n a greater sense, I nkawasi, l ike Cuzco, was a c enter whose p lan reflected t he I nka d ivisions o f the I nka Empire. To I nka eyes, I nkawasi may have been t he world i n m icrocosm.

7 7

Appendix THE

1

SURFACE POTTERY COLLECTIONS

INTRODUCTION A stratified surface collection of pottery from Inkawasi was made in the sectors ( fig. 5 ) interpreted i n Chapter 2 and described in Appendix 2 . The following type descriptions are not particularly detailed since the various categories of sherds are small, often with a l imited number of diagnostic elements. When i t seemed helpful, reference i s made to specific modes, attributes, or features in their patterned compositions. The l imited amount of decorated sherds, and the contexts f rom which they come, rules out any extensive modal analysis. Chronology is not an objective of this study. The f ragments do not come f rom excavations or tomb l ots which might permit chronological evaluations. Moreover, Inkawasi may be a si ngle component site ( excluding i ts small h istoric-period occupation) whose pottery dates to the t ime of the Inka Empire. Whereas there exists some possibility that some part of the site may contai n a pre -Inka component, there is no way of proving this given the current state of knowledge about the ceramic sequence in the Caf tete area. One can be relatively certain that i f any pre -Inka pottery exists at Inkawasi, i t could not be very early. The f ragments do not correspond to any of the earlier pottery described f rom the Caf tete Valley ( Kroeber 1 937; Stum a er 1 971), or neighboring regions ( Menzel 1 971, 1 976; Lanning 1 960). The surface collections from Inkawasi do not yield a large amount of information. The following type descri ptions may mean more whenever an exact ceramic sequence is prepared for the area, and when excavations in the Lunahuanä area shed more l ight on the role of the ceramics.

STRATIFICATION PROCEDURE AND COLLECTION

STRATEGY

In 1 978 surface fragments were collected throughout the s ite with the aid of archaeologists f rom the National Museum of Ant hropology and Archaeology. Dr. Luis G . Lumbreras and the author stratified the site using architectural information which indicated certain areas were cohesive sectors with activity patterns which may have varied f rom others. 7 8

As work on t he s ite progressed, i t became evident that some of the original decisions concerning functionally varied sectors r equired r evision, and t hat some additional surface c ollecting would be necessary. I n S eptember 1 978 additional f ragments were collected f rom c ertain areas t o amplify the s ize o f some collections. Such was not a lways possible, s ince i t i s apparent that t here was very l ittle o r pottery in some sectors, e ither because pottery had not b een used there o r because the areas had been swept c lean. Th e col l ecti on strategy requi red acquiri ng approximately 1 00 sherds per sector. This number was determined because i t was hoped t hat c ollections o f such size would be more useful than smaller ones, and because the limited surface pottery in several sectors made i t d ifficult t o gather a greater number o f f ragments. Those who collected fragments walked throughout a sector gathering "diagnostic" sherds which were defined a s having some e lements o f decoration ( e.g. paint) or f orm ( e. g. rims, bases, handles, necks and so f orth). I t was recognized that this procedure would f avor the number o f decorated sherds ( for which panel o r body f ragments were collected) and d iminish the number o f p lain sherds. All parts of each sector were reconnoitered. Diagnostic f ragments were l eft on the surface only when a relatively h igh concentration of sherds were f ound w ithin one small a rea. S ectors A and G produced no f ragments, and S ectors E and H d id not p roduce the i ntended goal o f 1 00 f ragments, even after the s econd a ttempt collecting. The numbers and types o f f ragments s ector are reported in Table I .

c ollected

i n

each

C OLLECTION REPRESENTATIVENESS

o f t o

Several f actors l imit the i nformation-bearing quality the surface c ollections. A r eview o f t hese a llows one judge better t he meanings o f t he r ecovered f ragments.

Agricultural practices have a ffected the surface o f Sector G , which was a lso washed by water, rocks and mud. This may be r easons why that sector produced no pottery. No other sectors have been i nfluenced by agriculture. Variations in wall construction have affected the d egree t o which rubble covers t he o riginal surface and i ts f ragments. The walls o f Sectors B and E are usually wide and intact. There, many of the original f loors are exposed, sometime with f ragments s till on t hem. I n Sector D , where walls a re narrower and weaker, most have c ollapsed and, doubtless, c overed pottery artifacts.

D ,

Mud, rock, and water s lides have a ffected S ectors B , F , and G , b oth covering and carrying artifacts t o o ther 7 9

H % of sec. Sector # o f % of type type Sector F # of % of % of type type sec. E % o f sec. % of sec. % of type

Sector

Sector # of % of type type

B % of sec.

Sector # o f % of type type

C % of sec.

# of type

D

Sector # of % of type type

INKAWASI AT

or Type

. 1

0 0 . t

0 1

r ' l

I l C O

. 1

• 1

0 0 . 1

1 1

. 1

0 1 1 . 4

( 7 1

. . '

U ) C • 1

a )

i n . I

i n c o

r, . 1

C l ,

C O

N r i

a )

C r,

v f C l

r • •

e C l

a )

N . I

C y )

e

, , ri

C r ) C l

C q C l

e ) C l

C Y C V

. . " . I

N C l

1 0

0 ) , ,

C o ( ' )

C V , I

0 1 . 4

C I

e )

( D 1 1

r i 1 . 0

C D •

. 1 .

' -' 4

C O

c o N

N

r i

. 1

C D

0 1 e ^ 1

N . 4

t o

C O . 1

N . 4 1.

e

, D

. I

0 c r )

C O . 4

0 c r )

u ; )

01 r I

C .

U ) . 1

( * )

1 0

t o

e 1

to

a ) C l

( , ) C l

0 1

L O

C l

' , ,

M . 4

e

c o . -I

U ) r i

r • • C l

. I . 4 .

, -I

P .,

L c ) 9 . 1

. 4

i n r i

c . 4 e . 1

C l C l

0 )

i n

C l

( . ' " . C l

r i

• , C 4

( 0 C l

t o . 1

‘ 1 4

e

0 0 . I

r " . C l

. 4

( 4 ) C l

r . . 4

C I c y

` , C ' )

. I

" I ' C l

0 C 9

0 . 1

, 4

e

e

O D . 1

e ) C V

C .) C O

i n C .

r ) U )

e

. 4

t r )

i 1

( I )

gl

l e 0 0

0 4 > m 4 , . 0

-4 , -1 ( 1 )

i n ( 0 3 ( 0 . t 4 0 4 1

i n • 0 . 1 I

. 1 ( 0 03 X 0 3 X 4 I

e )

r )

e

C l

1 1

c o . 4

C I

-4

e

e

C I

( 0

0 0 e 1

, I

C l

1 " , e )

e )

e

-4

0 0 1 . 4

C 9

1 0

, ,

C y )

C O

. -1

e

I 1 • 8

1 3 . 3 . 4 0 4

. 1 ) V I

Category

Pottery

DISTRIBUTION

OF

POTTERY

FRAGMENTS

FROM

SURFACE

COLLECTIONS

4 r i ) 0 0 4 > .

e

0 c m

C . . 1 ( t 1 . 1 i a . • , , i n 0 3 x i t i X c 1 4

8 0

U C . ) A c l ) 4 ., 0 3 0 0 4 -, c l ) t 0 g e 0

• 4

c n

0 0 . I

t o 0 1

c 4 ) C l

C )

r 1

( 1 ) 4 ' a 3 i -1 ( 0 • C 0 C -4 C . )

c \ I C . 1

t o . 1

0 1 C V

4 . 4 0 i s

0 ) ( 1 . ) e l V c o

C I x b 1 i k s 0 3 . X c 1 4

e )

; 4 ( 1 ) . 0 4 , 0

' 0 0 V 0 i . , [ a

' 1 : 3 l b 1 : 3 0 0 C 4

1 0 t o u . )

c n 4 < E 4 0 e i

l ower l ocations. Where slides cover surface artifacts are extremely l imited.

parts

of

s ectors,

Certain culturally based f actors may have b een very i mportant in determining the presence, absence, and amount o f pottery i n a s ector. One i s t he r eport by C ieza de Leön which describes an intentional abandonment of t he s ite after a brief use. I f such was the case, the l imited amount of surface pottery at Inkawasi may reflect the site' s brief usage, and raises the possibility that a systematic c leaning of at l east some sectors may have occurred w ith the abandonment. A lso, pottery was probably not used i n some sectors. The factors discussed above should not l ead one t o conclude that the c ollections are bereft o f i nformation. A number o f conditions s trengthen t he possibility t hat they c ontribute useful data. The s ite has never been i ntensively c ollected by any other known archaeological project. The archaeologists Eugene MacDougal and Thomas Patterson collected some f ragments at I nkawasi i n the 1 960s, but according t o them ( personal communications, 1 983) i t was a l imited e ffort. S ince many parts o f Inkawasi are well preserved, with l ittle or no debris on the f loors, many surface c an be gathered o ff t he original surfaces where t hey were p robably used. The site has not been a significant tourist a ttraction, primarily because i t i s not on a major h ighway or near a b ig c ity. Thus t he number o f curious t ourists who m ight have carried away sherds has b een much l ess than a t some o ther l arge Peruvian c oastal s ites. F inally, a s f ar as can be known and f or a ll p ractical purposes, Inkawasi is a single component s ite. Pottery from other periods is apparently not present in any s ignificant quantity, and does not c onfuse i nferences about e thnic, c lass, o r activity patterns. In conclusion, the information i n Table 1 must not be over-interpreted, and not i gnored. There are observable differences in the pottery found withi n individual sectors. The percentages in the table are not precise data, but rather h ints which may r eflect variations within the site. When correlated with other data f rom early historical sources or the s ite's architecture, the types' presence, absence, or percentage o f o ccurrence o ften appear t o reinforce i nterpretative observations, and i n some cases t o

c reate

them.

8 1

TYPES

OF

I NKAWASI

POTTERY AT

COARSE

I NKAWASI

( AND

SUBTYPE

- THIN

CORPUS 1 16 sherds PASTE F iring - Two thirds fully f ired, Color - Red and reddish-brown

INKAWASI

one

COARSE)

third partially

Temper - Fine rock and many white grains . 5 - 2 mm. SURFACE S lip or paint - None F inish - Interior: Smoothed horizontally with l ines evident; Exterior: Smoothed horizontally between r im and neck, smoothed horizontally or vertically below neck with some l ines evident. THICKNESS From . 7 to 2 cm., with 1 to 2 cm. predominating DECORATION None FORM ( fig. 3 6) Note a large and small vessel form RELATED INFORMATION There i s a c losely related subtype of this category, Thin Inkawasi Coarse. The collections produced 2 3 f ragments similar to Inkawasi Coarse except that the fragment thickness ranged f rom 3 to 7 mm., and the neck d iameter was much reduced ( approximately 8 to 9 cm.). A variation in the rim form was observed ( fig. 36). Sufficient sherds not available to define a new category. The subtype i s f ound primarily in sectors D , F , and H . D ISTRIBUTION Highest percentages of the type are found in Sectors B and F . The smallest percentage i s in Sector E . FUNCTION Larrabure y Unanue ( 19 41:291-292) describes the l arge pots as storage vessels for chicha. He excavated two such vessels at the Jacalla site upriver f rom Inkawasi, and observes that they are buried next t o rectangular storage units. He depicts such a vessel ( 19 q1: 2 97) in situ at the site Cruz B lanca. The s ize and weight of the l arge vessels, and the absence of handles, i ndicates that they were probably not considered portable. A cooking or serving function i s excluded because o f the lack of carbonized fragments and l ack of portability. Thus a storage fuction is probable for these large vessels, although Lari abure y Unanue does not provide evidence that they were used f or chicha. The smaller of t he two vessel f orms has an unknown function. They are l ight enough t o be portable, and may have had handles. The lack of carbon on the f ragments indicates that they were not used f or cooking. ETHNIC OR SOCIAL S IGNIFICANCE Inkawasi Coarse appears to be a l ocal pottery used in Figure 3 6.

Caption

Forms

of

Inkawasi

Coarse

sherds.

8 2

I N KAWAS I C OARSE

f i l 7 / ?1 R I MS

4-

/ t

/

NEC KS

36

f

s ites with Inka and non Inka components ( Jacalla i s l ocal and Inka, Cruz Bl anca is local) in the Caf tete and Lunahuanä areas. Numerous examples of the type are f ound in other Inka -related s ites. The vessel f orms are not Inka.

I NKAWASI

SLIPPED

CORPUS 8 3 sherds PASTE F iring - Nearly all f ragments well-fired Color - Dark-orange t o brown-red Temper - Small grains ( 1 mm. or l ess) principally white SURFACE S lip 4 2 f ragments have a dark maroon slip; 4 1 have red -ocher slip. The s lip i s primarily on the exterior and occasionally on the interior near the r im. F inish Smoothly f inished horizontally on the exterior and interior. Occasionally f ine l ines are visible. THICKNESS From . 5 t o 1 cm. DECORATION None FORM ( fig. 3 7) RELATED INFORMATION Kroeber ( 1937: plates LXXXII to LXXXIV) i llustrates vessels of similar forms which he f ound in burials at Cerro Azul and Cerro del Oro. They are c lassified as Late Caf iete. He notes ( 1937: 2 45) that they are " most o ften smoked b lack, not infrequently plain red." D ISTRIBUTION The distribution of the red-ocher s lipped and dark-maroon fragments was f ound to be almost identical. This f act, added to the point that the two slips are found on fragments of the same form, justif y treati ng the differently slipped fragments as the same type. The h ighest percentage of the type i s f ound in Sectors B and F with l esser amounts in Sectors D and C . Almost none was f ound in Sector E . FUNCTION Kroeber ( 1937: 245) found similar jars in burials and wrote " it i s a l ocal peculiarity that the small j ars are a lmost always found inside mummy wrappings. Even medium sized jars are perhaps as often bundled with with the mummy as set beside i t." A possible inference f rom this observation is that such forms were used for personal possession or food. Summary f orm 1 i s not in Kroeber's l ist for forms for Late Caf iete pottery. There is no reason to think his l ist i s complete. A f orm s imilar t o 1 i s described ( Kroeber 1 937: p late LXXV, f ig. 9 ) as Middle Caf iete. ETHNIC OR SOCIAL S IGNIFICANCE I nkawasi Slipped i s a l ocal Figure 3 7.

Caf iete

area

Caption

Forms

of

sherds

of

Inkawasi 8 4

S lipped.

pottery

used

in

I NKAWAS I S L IPPED R IMS

4 1-

NECKS

HANDLES

37 8 5

l ate prehistoric designs.

I NKAWASI

PLAIN

CORPUS PASTE

1 85

t imes.

I t

does

not

have

I nka

f orms

or

sherds

F iring - Generally completely f ired, or possibly smudged Color - Red t o brown to gray Temper - Small grains ( 1 mm. or l ess) mainly white SURFACE S lip or paint - None Finish - Smoothly f inished horizontally on t he interior and exterior, occasionally with f ine l ines visible. Some fragments are highly smoothed on the exterior. Approximately 1 6 per cent of the fragments appear smudged. They are often difficult t o discern f rom 1 2 per cent of the f ragments which are carbonized on their exterior. THICKNESS From . 5 t o 1 cm. DECORATION None FORMS ( fig. 3 8) RELATED INFORMATION Kroeber ( 1937: plates LXXXII to LXXXIV) i llustrates vessels of similar forms which he f ound i n burials at Cerro Azul and Cerro del Oro in the Caf tete Valley. They are c lassified as Late Caf tete. He notes ( 1937: 2 45) that they are " most often smoked b lack, not i nfrequently p lain red. Inkawasi Plain is similar to inkawasi S lipped in the f orms represented. I t i s considered an i ndependent type because of its different distribution and the carbonization f ound on a percentage of i ts f ragments. D ISTRIBUTION The highest percentage of the type i s found in Sector D . High percentages are also f ound in sectors C and F . Ab o ut hal f the Inka wasi Pl ai n fr agment s wit h carbonization are f ound in Sector D , with the o thers i n Sectors C , B , and F . No carbonized f ragments were f ound in Sectors E and H . FUNCTION Jars similar to those of Inkawasi P lain were f ound by Kroeber ( 1937: 2 45) with burials. A possible inference i s that such vessels were used f or personal possessions or f ood. The heavy carbonization on the exterior of some Inkawasi Plain fragments indicates that they were used f or cooking. See subsection Fragments with Carbon. ETHNIC OR SOCIAL S IGNIFICANCE the Inkawasi P lain type i s a l ocal Caf tete area pottery used in late prehistoric t imes, and probably used f or cooking and/or food preparation. The type has no Inka or Inka -related e lements. Figure 3 8.

Caption

Forms

of

Inkawasi

Plain

sherds.

8 6

I NKAWAS I P LA IN R I MS

N ECKS

V ESSEL F ORMS ( RECONSTRUCT ION )

g

4- 1 2 -3 2c m

1 2Ide a

HANDLES

38

8 7

CANETE

LATE

DECORATED

CORPUS 8 3 sherds PASTE F iring - Nearly always well-fired Color - Red-maroon Temper - Not visible SURFACE Slip or paint - Approximately one-quarter of the sherds have a white-cream slip; the rest have none. Finish - The exterior i s highly smoothed, even burnished, producing a red surface. The interior i s smoothed horizontally with l ines visible. THICKNESS From . 6 t o . 8 cm., rarely t o 1 cm. DECORATION ( figs. 3 9, 40) Narrow ( 2 mm. to 3 mm.) black l ines are horizontally painted on r im, at or below the neck, and on the handles. Often the narrow b lack l ines are double with white l ines between them. Wide ( 1.5 to 3 cm.) b lack l ines are painted vertically on r ims, necks, and body f ragments. The w ide and narrow black lines are found on vessels with and without white-cream slip. One f ragment portrays part o f the head of an animal ( see Kroeber 1 937: plate LXXXIV, f ig. 2 ) in b lack and white. FORMS Very few f ragments with elements o f f orm were collected ( see Kroeber 1 937: p late LXXXIV, f ig. 4 f or a complete vesel). RELATED INFORMATION The f ragments described here are s imilar to the decorated Late Caf tete pottery described by Kroeber ( 1937: 2 45-246, p late LXXXIV, f igs. 1 and 2 ). D ISTRIBUTION The highest percentage of the type i s f ound i n Sectors B , D , and E . Very l ittle was f ound in Sectors C and E . An examination of the distribution of the slipped versus unslipped trait, and of the wide versus narrow b lack l ines, indicates no s ignificant variation. FUNCTION Almost not hi ng is known about the function of this pottery type. The complete f iring, f ine paste, careful surface treatment, and painted decoration may indicate this type was considered special, particularly when compared to types such as Inkawasi S lipped or Inkawasi Plain. The relatively wide necks and broad globular bodies may indicate a storage function. ETHNIC OR SOCIAL S IGNIFICANCE Caf tete Late Decorated is the most carefully made and decorated pottery type of the l ocal ceramics. I t may ha ve an ass oci ati o n wit h elite groups or state activities, although there i s l ittle evidence. F igure

Captions

3 9.

Caf iete

Late

Decorated

sherds

- w ith

f ine

4 0.

Caf tete

Late

Decorated

sherds

- w ith

thick

8 8

black black

l ines. l ines.

8 9

I NKA OR

INKA -RELATED

CORPUS 2 2 sherds PASTE F iring - All f ragments are well-fired Color - Dark orange, brown, gray-red Temper - Small grains ( 1mm. or l ess) grains t o i nvisible SURFACE see descriptions below THICKNESS From 3 mm. to 1 cm. DECORATION AND FORM ( figs. 4 1, 4 2) I ndividual Inka sherds, or sherds with some I nka t raits ( Inka -related), are described below: A . An Inka p late f ragment with part of the base intact. The design i s in black paint. Sector F . B . The rim of an Inka aryballos with no decoration o r s lip. Sector B . C . Two r ims f rom Inka pots. One f rom Sector B has traces of red and black paint on the exterior. One f rom Sector C has a polished-brown surface with a maroon l ine along he l ip. D . Three oblique handles f rom pots or pedestal vessels. None are decorated. Two in Sector C ; one i n S ector B . E . The top, with decoration, of a narrow-necked jar ( aryballos?). Sector B . F . Four body sherds with painted design on yellow-brown s lip. The i llustrated f ragment f rom Sector F has the yellow-brown slip with a maroon band on i t. G . One body sherd with b lack l ines on a polished brown surface. Red paint i s between the l ines. S ector D . H . One handle from a large Inka jar or pot. It has crossed brown l ines on a white s lip. I . Four rims, all with a row of black t riangles along the rim. The vessel form is local; the row of t riangles i s an Inka t rait. Two of the r ims ( Sectors B and C ) have a polished brown exterior. Another r im ( Sector B ) has a white slip on the exterior and polished brown on the interior. A r im ( Sector F ) has a red-ocher s lip on the interior. Four Inka sherds ( not i llustrated) emerged f rom the second surface collection. Two were collected i n the cemetery of Sector C : a body sherd with an I nka f ern design, and a j ar r im. One pot r im ( like H , above) and one oblique handle ( like C , above) came f rom Sector D . RELATED INFORMATION There are no published descriptions of Inka pottery f rom the Caf tete Valley or Lunahuanä. Surface collections by the author at s ites in the CaKete valley ( Hyslop 1 984: 92-99) produced a l imited number of s imilar f ragments a t the s ites Cerro Azul, Herbay Bajo, Ungarä, and Palo. None of the f ragments f rom Inkawasi appear t o b e Cuzco Figure

Captions

4 1.

Fragments

with

4 2.

Pottery with

Inka designs

l ocal

traits

9 0

and/or

forms.

mixed with

Inka

traits.

9 1

imports. Descriptions of Cuzco-area Inka pottery are by Bingham ( 1930), Valcärcel ( 1934-35), Pardo ( 1957), Rowe ( 1944), and Alcina F . ( 1976). D ISTRIBUTION Sector C produced 9 Inka or Inka -related fragments, double that of any other sector. At l east half of those come from the cemetery in that sector. Sectors B , D , and F each produced four or f ive Inka or Inka related shards. Other sectors produced none. FUNCTION Only the Inka storage j ar ( aryballos), d ish, and cooking pot vessel f orms can be i dentified with certainty. Many o ther Inka vessel forms are not present. ETHNIC OR SOCIAL S IGNIFICANCE The few Inka sherds are poor imitations o f the Cuzco st yl e made with the local paste. The Inka pottery concentrates in areas where ceremony and burial ( Sector C ) or residence ( Sectors B , D , and F ) i s s ignificant. The few open-mouthed pot sherds are small and not carbonized. Cooking vessels appear to have been l ocal f orms ( see sections on Inkawasi Plain, and Fragments with Carbon). A notable aspect of the surface collection f rom Inkawasi is the very l imited and poor quality o f Inka pottery. The production of Inka pottery apparently had l ow priority, and this resulted in a strong use o f local wares.

CHINCHA LATE DECORATED

( fig.

4 3)

Five fragments typical of the l ate prehistoric pottery of the Chi ncha valley are in the Inkawasi surface collection ( fig. 4 3, E ,F, and G ). One each comes f rom Sectors B and D . Three are f rom Sector F . A ll have a red-maroon paint and black l ines over a l ight-brown, polished, uns 1 pped surface. See observations for f ollowing section. The Chincha valley was a llied with the Inkas in the war against Huarco. This may explain why Chincha pottery i s f ound at Inkawasi.

OTHER

( fig.

43)

A group of 16 f ragments i s c lassified as " Other" s ince they represent a diverse set of pottery styles not typical of the CaMete valley. Dr. L . G . Lumbreras supplied the identifications. One b lack burnished i ncised Figure 4 3.

Caption

"Other"

pottery

f ragments,

not

typical

o f

the

Caf tete

valley, f ound at Inkawasi: A . I ca; B . Chincha-Caf tete ( with bi rd st amp); C. Uni de ntifi ed, or Inka braid; D . Unidentified shaped vessel; E . Chincha Late Decorated; F . Chincha Late Decorated; G . Chincha Late Decorated; H . possible Nasca-Wari?; I . Spanish colonial.

9 2

9 3

f ragment ( Sector B ) may be f rom I ca. One f ragment with a small bird stamped on i t ( Sector C ) i s f rom Chincha or Caf tete. One f ine-paste fragment with i ncisions on a raised surface ( Sector B ) i s unidentified, or may be an Inka braid representation. One body sherd with a c ream band on a red s lip ( Sector B ) has curves i ndicating i t may have come f rom a vessel in the f orm of a f ruit, or other object. One gray-white paste f ragment w ith an incised l ine ( Sector E ) i s wheel-made, f rom the Spanish colonial period. Four other undecorated fragments ( Sectors B , C , and D ) have similar paste and are probably Spanish-colonial. One f ragment may be of the Nasca or Wan i tradition. I t has b lack l ines outlined with f ine l ines on a smooth l ight-brown surface. The remaining s ix fragments have unidentified pastes and could not be classified due to lack of other identifying traits. Excluding the Spanish colonial pottery, these f ragments and the Chincha Late pottery, are evidence f or contacts bet ween Inkawasi and nearby valleys to the south ( Chincha, I ca, and possibly Nasca). No central or north coastal pottery, or pottery f rom the Andean h ighlands, was found at Inkawasi. The sherd classified as Nasca-Wari i s t oo small f or certain identification.

ERODED

POTTERY FRAGMENTS

Twenty-nine f ragments that are h ighly eroded are present in the surface collection. Most come f rom Sector H . None come f rom Sector B . Their paste i s l ike Inkawasi P lain and Inkawasi Coarse.

FRAGMENTS WITH WORKED EDGES Three rough f ragments were f ound with worked edges. The f irst, from Sector D , is 6 by 3 cm., and has a f ine paste. The second, f rom Sector F , i s nearly round, and appears to have been formed from a coarse-paste body sherd. I t i s about 3 .5 cm. in diameter. I t has no center hole, as would a spindle whorl. The third, f rom Sector H , is 4 . 5 by 4 cm., and i s smoothed on all edges. I t is a thick sherd with paste l ike Inkawasi Coarse. The function of these fragments i s unknown. The two with coarse paste would have been poor pottery smoothers, a function occasionally attributed t o sherds with worked or smoothed edges.

FRAGMENTS WITH

CARBON

Twenty-three f ragments with soot or carbon on one or both sides are part o f the collection. All were c lassified with the 1 75 Inkawasi Plain f ragments on the basis o f thei r paste or form. Eleven, about half of the carbonized

sherds,

come

f rom

9 4

Sector

D .

F ive

are

f rom

sector C ; four are f rom Sector B ; and 3 are f rom S ector F . These fragments are i ndicative of cooking and f ood production. Those f rom Sector C could have originated f rom the small post Inka occupation of the rectangular compound. The distribution o f the carbonized f ragments may indicate t hat most cooking t ook p lace in Sector D , and the that food preparation on a lesser scale a lso o ccurred in Sectors B and F .

O BSERVATIONS

BY

SECTOR

S ector A : No diagnostic pottery fragments were f ound i n sector, and i t i s therefore probable that ceramics not used there, although excavations in the square m ight alter this evaluation.

this were b ins

S ector B : This collection of Sector B has f ive sherds c lassified as Inka or Inka -related. Only Sector C produced more Inka -related pottery. Examples of the other major types ( Inkawasi Coarse and i ts subtype, Inkawasi Slipped and Pl ai n, and Caf let e Lat e Decor ated) are all well r epresented. I t may be s ignificant that Inkawasi Coarse c omposes 2 7% of the collection, the highest percentage of the type for any sector. Four carbonized f ragments are i n the collection. S ector C : The surface collection f rom this sector consists of all the maj or types defined above. More Inka or I nka influenced f ragments appear ( 9 sherds) in this sector than in any other. Inkawasi Coarse fragments are in smaller percentage than in any ot her sector. Five carbonized f ragments in the collection may have been l eft by the post Inka occupation. S ector D : Nearly half of this collection are Inkawasi plain sherds. Of the 23 carbonized f ragments found throughout Inkawasi, half are found in this sector. Less local decorated pottery appears in this sector than in any other where a coll ecti o n coul d be made. Four Inka or Inka influenced f ragments are f rom the sector, as i s one shard with rounded edges. S ector E : This surface collection produced very f ew f ragments. Almost all of them were found in the eastern rooms or cubi cl es of the mai n structure of Subdi vision 1 . Apparently l ittle pottery was used in Sector E , or the l ack of it i s due to a c leaning operation. More than half o f the fragments are Caf tete Late Decorated. The remainder are

Inkawasi

Slipped,

Coarse,

9 5

and

Plain.

No

Inka

or

Inka -influenced fragments, i n t he c ollection.

or

carbonized

f ragments,

are

Sector F : This pottery collection i s a combination o f a ll the common types found elsewhere i n Inkawasi. None i s Inka o r I nka -related. Three o f f ive Chincha valley sherds f ound at I nkawasi come f rom this sector. S ector G : Surf ace pottery could be collected mainly on the eastern and southern slope of the h ill. The collection c ontains only l ocal, non Inka pottery. None showed s igns o f carbonization. S ector H : No d iagnostic

sherds were

f ound

in

this

sector.

The surface artifacts f rom Inkawasi and related s ites a re stored in the National Museum of Anthropology and Archaeology in L ima.

9 6

Appendix ARCHITECTURAL

2

DESCRIPTIONS

F IELDWORK PROCEDURES One of the stri ki ng aspects of Inkawasi is its ge ner all y excellent preservation. This permits a rel ati vel y det ail ed exami nati on of muc h of its architecture. The f irst step in the architectural analysis was the taking o f low-level balloon photographs in April and May 1 979. Enlarged prints were made of the photographs of each sector and used as maps during the architectural study. Then, in September, 1 979, the author, accompanied by the anthropologist Freda Wolf de Romero and her husband V ictor Romero, spent several days at the site and assembled a body of written notes which composes the greater part of the architectural analysis. The study continued on v isits to the s ite in 1 980 and 1 983. To collect the data f or the architectural analysis, a thorough reconnaissance was made of each sector, during whi ch ti me photographs were taken and notes made. Notetaking was guided by standardized f orm, and was also based on an analysis of the balloon photographs, which revealed aspects o f the s ite that could not be seen on the surface as one walked about each sector. For example, many of the structures in Sector D appear as mounds of rocks as one walks by them. The balloon photographs of that sector give a view which allows a partial reconstruction of many of the structures. The balloon photographs also revealed the trapezoidal form of the plaza in Sector C which, in two plans made by predecessors, had been portrayed as a rectangl e. The balloon photographs were a lso helpful in studying the extent of the destruction of mud, rock, and water slides. On the other hand, the balloon photographs do not reveal many architectural features which are best studied by surface survey: wall construction techniques, the presence of wall apertures, and the height of walls and platforms. The

l ist

below

guided

the

recording

of

architectural

data: 1 . 2 . 3 .

4 .

Sector ( letter designation) Number and l ocation of visible structures Disposition of buil di ngs: possible groupings or sub di vi si o ns; appar e nt ci rc ulation patter ns; relationship t o structures of other sectors The location of shape of doors, columns, niches, windows,

poyos,

roofing

supports,

9 7

and unique

f eatures

5 .

6 .

7 .

8 . 9 . 1 0. 1 1.

Orientations: to cardinal points, to other buildings or sectors, to natural phenomenon ( these data were greatly expanded during the archaeoastronomical survey at Inkawasi in 1 983; see Chap. 4 and Appendix 3 ) Evidence for remodeling, additions, or sealed-up spaces, includi ng special inspection of double adjoining walls, and different construction t echniques i n the same buildings Construction techniques: materials ( stone, adobe, paint, stucco and so on); measurements ( in general, only a few measurements were taken in each sector, since the scaled map permits one to determine the d istance between points within this s ite) St at e of conservation; causes of destruction; delimitation of areas with excavation potential General: relationship of buildings and sectors to i rrigation channels, roads, modern constructions Additional observations Photographic registry

DESCRIPTIONS

OF

THE

SECTORS

OF

INKAWASI

( fig.

5 )

The architectural data based on the above l ist are used t o create the descriptions below. Because the f ield notes are repetitive and include much information which may be insignificant or, given the current state of knowledge about Inka architecture still i s meaningless, only those data a re presented which may shed l ight on c lass, ethnic, and acti vit y patterns within the site. For example, the presence of poyos i s always noted because i t is an indicator of some sort o f housing or residence. A poyo i s a raised p latform on one or several s ides o f a r oom where people sit, work, and/or sleep. The following descriptions do not include i nterpretations, the subject of Chapters 2 , 3 , and 4 . The data here are additional information for scholars who wish to examine more f ully the evidence on which the interpretative chapters are based.

Sector A :

( figs.

6 and

44)

Sector A is considered an independent zone because of i ts self-contained design, with only one entrance. A 4 m . wide walled street separates Sector C f rom Sector A which rests t o the southeast of the s treet. Sector A i s approximately 1 10 m . square. The northeast, southeast, and southwest s ides of the sector are composed o f r ows o f structures 3 .5 to 4 .5 m . square and approximately 2 m . h igh Figure 4 4.

Caption

Sector

A .

View

to

southwest. 9 8

9 9

( fig- 45 ) The number of bins or square structures i s diffi c ult to cal c ul ate bec ause of fall en walls, particularly within the exterior rows. There are now between 2 02 and 2 50 o f t hese s tructures. W ithin t he rows of square struct ures there are at least 30 large rectangular enclosures separated by l ow d ivisions never exceeding . 75 m . in height ( fig. 46). These divisions range f rom l ess t han a meter t o 3 m . i n width. A p latform with a raised bench-like structures ( poyos) i s f ound i n the center of the sector ( fig. 32). Several small r ectangular s tructures are f ound on t he sector's n orthwest s ide next t o t he only entrance. The c irculation pattern, or how people moved about, i s quite c lear. I t begins at the entrance t o the n orthwest s ide were one enters t he sector and passes several small structures. This walled entryway leads to a raised d ivision o r corridor ( 3 m . w ide) which l eads to t he c entral p latform. At that point of entry to the corridor, two other 2 m . wide walkways run to the northeast and southwest. The walkway l eading t o t he northeast t erminates in a set of stairs which l ed up i nto the rows o f square structures. From the center platform two 1 .5 m . wide walkways l ead t o t he northeast and southwest. That l eading t o the n ortheast a lso t erminates i n s tairs l eading up i nto the square s tructures ( fig. 4 7). S outheast of the c entral platform a low, walled walkway 2 m . wide leads to the square structures on the southeast. Two other l ow di visions or walkways run parallel to the central northwest-southeast walkway which passes through t he center pl at f or m. These two additi onal wal k ways, both approximately 1 .5 m . wide, terminate at the square structures on the southeast s ide o f the sector. Fallen s tone rubble where they t erminate suggests that s tairs l ead f rom these walkways up i nto the square s tructures. The other low divisions creating the rectangular e nclosures are probably not walkways s ince t hey are l ess t han 1 m . wide and do not t erminate i n stairways. In general, t he rectangular enclosures and their divisions are in an excellent s tate o f preservation. There i s no evidence t hat t he l ow d ivisions were any h igher t han they are n ow. There i s no evidence o f s tone c olumns o r wooden posts t hat m ight i ndicate r oofing was used. Destruction of original architecture within Sector A i ncludes i ts western c orner where square structures have been dismantled. The stones have been carried away f or F igure 4 5.

Captions

Row o f

square s tructures

4 6. View over d ivisions. 4 7.

S tairs

rectangular

l eading

on east

s ide

enclosures

f rom walkway up 1 00

o f

Sector A .

separated

t o square

by

structures.

l ow

1 01

1 02

other purposes, and currently cows graze there on f odder left them by an inhabitant whose illegally-situated homestead rests between Sectors A and E . Other destruction includes many fallen walls between the square bins or rooms. The square bins have walls covered with mud s tucco, much of which i s still intact. No artifacts, botanical or f aunal remains were f ound on the f loors o f the f ew b ins whose f loors are not covered with rubble.

Sector

B :

( figs.

7 and

4 8)

This easternmost area of Inkawasi i s c lassified as a sector because of the use of tall ( up t o 4 m . h igh) and wide ( 1 m .) walls which surround a number of compounds with many rooms. Sector B contains at l east a dozen t rapezoidal n iches and windows, and i s the most e laborately constructed of all sectors, or parts of sectors, where housing or residence appears to have been a significant activity. The sector is approximately 200 m . from northwest to southeast, and 100 m . from northeast to southwest. It contains at least 1 20 rooms. Destruction by a mud and water flow on the western side has probably removed evidence of additional rooms. The modern road on the north s ide of the sector may have destroyed other buildings. Withi n Sector B there are probably four or f ive compounds, only two of which can be defined with much accuracy. Excavation of wall f oundations will be necessary t o accurately map the other compounds. The f irst compound ( 1) rests within the area 40 m . sout h of the modern road ( fig 49). Yellow paint is observed on the easternmost wall. The compound contains an enclosure or room at least 45 m . long. This poorlypreserved room i s the l argest walled enclosure within the site. A stone stairway leads into it on the northwest s ide, and a p latform runs along i ts southern s ide. Most of the western part o f this enclosure has been destroyed by a mud and water f low. The second compound ( 2) rests to the east of the f irst. I t has many h igh walls, the most substantial being on the eastern side ( fig. 50). I t protects the compound f rom rockslides f rom the mountain s lope r ising immediately F igure

Captions

4 8.

Sector

4 9.

View

5 0. View

B .

View

to west to

to

over

southwest

east. Compound over

1 ,

Sector

Compound 1 03

2 of

B . Sector

B .

1 04

1 05

the east. Other high walls are found on a two-story building in the center of the compound. Occasional double walls ( two walls built against each other) in the sector are evidence of remodeling. On the southern s ide o f the co mpo und there are two fi nel y-stuccoed rooms with t rapezoidal niches on a ll interior walls ( fig. 5 1). These r ooms are doorless, and are s imilar t o others in Sector G . Two roofing t echniques are observed in this compound. In some walls, r ows of holes are f ound at a height of 2 .5 m . and i t i s probable that they supported wood roof beams ( fi g. 52). In other cases ( as with the doorless rooms) the wall i tself i s built with a shelf f or the beams to rest on. In walls of this compound and of Sectors B and F , small repairs or additions are made with large adobe bricks. This i s in contrast to the stone and adobe mixture which i s the materials f rom which nearly all the walls of Inkawasi are built. Many of the rooms o f Sector A are covered with an adobe or mud stucco, now only partially intact. The other compounds in Sector B are in a poorer state of conservation, primarily because of f allen walls which we r e not bui l t wit h the st ur di ness of the two above-described compounds. These poorl y-preserved compounds have n iches ( square and t rapezoidal), poyos, and the bases of some square columns made of stone with adobe ( fig. 5 3).

Figure

Captions

5 1. Two doorless rooms with interior niches H igh shelves i n wall supported roofing.

in

5 2. Doorways, t rapezoidal niches, i n interior wall of Compound 2 .

f or

and

holes

Compound

roof

2 .

beams

5 3. Room south o f Compound 2 in Sector B . The bases o f two square columns remain, as do numerous n iches i n the walls.

1 06

1 07

1 08

Sector

C ( figs.

7 and

5 4)

Resting between Sector A t o t he southeast and Sector B t o the northwest i s Sector C which measures approximately 1 10 m . northeast to southwest and 1 00 m . northwest to southeast. I t i s c lassified as an i ndependent sector due to evidence from visible architecture i ndicating i t i s a zone of large, open, generally unroofed compounds and plazas. The sector is divided into four subdivisions. Subdi vision 1 i s a trapezoidal plaza. Subdivision 2 cont ai ns a rect angul ar compound and burial area. Subdivision 3 contains l arge r ectangular enclosures with high walls. Subdivision 4 is a nearly square enclosure w ith a two-story building i n i t. Corridors both l ink and separate the subdivisions. The architecture of the sector i s i n a r elatively good state of repair, but small i rregularly shaped post Inka rooms cover parts of subdivision 2 , making a r oom count there difficult. There were probably about 2 5 rooms or enclosures in Sector C in I nka t imes. The small post Inka buildings in subdivision 2 could raise t he r oom count t o nearly 40. Pot hunting has t aken p lace i n subdivision 2 . The t rapezoidal p laza o f subdivision 1 has a p latform surrounding i t. Two entries are visible, one on t he north corner, and one on the southeast s ide. The l atter p robably led into subdivision 2 . The southeast side of the t rapezoidal p laza was covered by a r oof or canopy supported by a row of 20 stone and adobe round columns, the bases o f which are still intact. Subdivision 2 is primarily a very l arge rectangular compound. A low p latform surrounds a c entral patio, and square columns o f s tone and adobe probably supported a roof or canopy on i ts southeastern and northeastern sides. Rectangular rooms or subdivisions, occasionally with divisions, appear to have surrounded the p latform which surrounds the plaza. Many small, irrigularly-shaped, post Inka buildings are f ound i n subdivision 2 . They are placed pri marily in the patio and on i ts surrounding p latform. The rectangular enclosure ( approximately 1 0 m . by 40 m .) on the southwest side i s a l ooted burial area. I ts surface is covered with many pot hunters' holes, a high density of pottery f ragments, and r emains o f human bone. The rectangular enclosure to the southeast o f the patio appears t o have been subdivided in Inka t imes. A r oom i n i ts eastern end contains the only poyos observed in the entire sector.

F igure

Caption

5 4. Sector

C .

View to southwest. l og

1 10

Subdivision 3 is composed of 1 1 large rectangular enclosures with walls that were once a t l east 2 m . h igh. A c orridor separates i t f rom subdivisions 1 and 2 . Current knowledge of coastal or Inka architecture suggests no specific activity for this subdivision. S ince these enclosures are rather wide ( 7 t o 1 3 m .), and no r emains of columns or posts were observed, i t i s i mprobable that t hey were roofed. Subdivision 4 is a curious square compound with a mound nearly 4 m . h igh in i t. The mound appears t o have been a two stor y str ucture. Har th-ter re makes a reconstruction drawing ( 1933, f ig. V II) o f t his building, and depicts i t as a two-story s tructure.

S ector D :

( fig.

9 )

The zone defined as Sector D l ies surrounded by Sectors C , E , H , G , and B . I t i s 200 m . wide on i ts longest extension. I t contains the poorly preserved r emains o f approximately 1 20 r ooms. The area i s c lassified as a sector due t o the generally unsymmetrical p lacement o f i ts compounds, and t o the walls, which are l ess s turdily constructed ( 40 cm. wide or l ess) than i n o ther sectors. This has resulted i n many collapsed walls, and now hardly a wall over 1 m . in height remains above the surface. The l oop o f a modern bulldozer-built r oad cuts through t he sector, as does a road l eading t o the southeast which goes to a mining camp. The main Lunahuanä-Caf tete valley road passes on the northwest side of the sector. The modern road construction has probably destroyed a number o f buildings in t he sector. Mud and water s lides have cut t hrough the the sector's center and western s ide f rom south to north. These slides may have carried away nearly a third of the sector. The l argest r elatively intact part o f S ector D i s the area between Sectors C and G . Within i t are a number o f patios, poyos ( fig. 55), and probably a number of compounds o f at l east e ight rooms each. I t i s i mpossible to s tudy the c irculation patterns or define t he c ompounds accurately due to the many collapsed walls. Two r aised earth-fill walkways cut across narrow gullies i n t he area ( fig. 56). No l arge rooms are f ound i n this part o f the sector. The widest r oom appears not t o exceed 6 m . Some of the exposed wall foundations are covered with an unpainted s tucco. Figure

Captions

5 5.

Room with poyo

in S ector D .

5 6.

Raised earth walkway or

" bridge" 1 11

over depression.

1 12

The westernmost area o f t he sector, within the l oop o f t he modern r oad, c ontains more agglutinated r ooms. On the eastern s ide o f t he s tony mound f ormed by t he f allen walls there i s evidence of a midden where pottery and t extile fragments are relatively abundant. This may be t he only m idden o f any c onsequence at I nkawasi.

S ector E :

( figs.

1 0 and

5 7)

This sector l ies between Sector D and a r ock mountain protrusion t o t he southwest, i ts main compound, c omposed of dozens of compartments or cubicles connected by corridors, i s 1 00 m . wide. I t rests t o t he south o f a l arge plaza which i s a t l east 1 20 m . l ong at i ts greatest extension ( northwest to southeast). The plaza and buildings of Sector E are considered a unit because o f t heir physical separation f rom other parts o f t he s ite, and because the main compound is l inked architecturally t o the main p laza. For purposes o f description and analysis, t he sector i s d ivided i nto t hree subdivisions. Subdivision 1 i s t he main compound o f corridors and cubicles on the southeast s ide next t o a r ock s lope. Subdivision 2 i s an independent set of rooms to the west of subdivision 1 . Subdivision 3 i s the p laza t o the north and west o f subdivisions 1 and 2 . The architectural preservation within Sector E is generally excellent. Walls have collapsed on the eastern s ide of subdivision 1 . There i s no damage f rom mud and r ock s lides. A modern soccer court i s p laced on t he east s ide o f the p laza but appears t o have done l ittle damage. Goats and cows o ccasionally graze i n the p laza on f odder l eft there, and have damaged the p latform in i t. Subdi vision 1 is the mai n compound composed of corridors and bins or cubicles. I t is surrounded by a massive wall often more than 1 m . i n width a t i ts base. On the southwest and southeast s ides the wall achieves a 4 m . height. The wall's height and thickness has protected the compound against rockfalls from the nearby s lope. Within the sector there are at l east 9 6 cubicles o r b ins ( fig. 5 8) defined by l ow walls 1 m . o r l ess i n height w ith a corridor on one side and a high ( 3 m .) wall on the opposi ng side. Seven rows of cubicles with their respective corridors connect to two central corridors F igure Captions 5 7,

Sector

5 8.

Cubicles

o f 5 9.

S ector

E .

V iew to north. and

corridor

i n

main

compound

E .

Sealed doorway

t o main compound. 1 13

( Subdivision

1 )

1 14

1 15

runni ng northwest to southeast. These two central corridors lead into two rooms, each with poyos, on t he northern corner o f t he compound. One o f the r ooms i s t he largest in the sector. The northwest wall o f that r oom contains a t rapezoidal doorway which has been s ealed ( fig. 5 9) by t he same s tone and adobe c onstruction material used t o make most o f t he walls i n Inkawasi. This doorway ma y have been the only entrance to the compound. Another doorway behind i t, l eading t o an access corridor, i s a lso sealed i n t he same manner. S tone and adobe r ound columns which once supported roofing are v isible on t he d ivision walls and within the compartments o f the western s ide o f the compound ( fig 60). Columns are not found in i ts western rooms. In the two r ooms where t he cubicles are smallest, the columns are p laced on the l ow d ivision walls between the cubicles at d istances o f 3 .2 m . I n t he o ther rows of slightly l arger cubicles, the columns are p laced e ither on d ivisions walls, beside t hem, or d irectly w ithin t he cubicles at the same' distances o f 3 .2 m . This accounts f or the apparent i rregular p lacement o f columns, which only occasionally r est on l ow d ivision walls, but are i n f act r egularly spaced. Subdivision 1 i s the highest building a t I nkawasi. The entire s ite ( excluding Sector F ) can be seen f rom t he northern corner of the main compound. The northwestern wall o f t he compound overlooks t he main p laza. That wall was painted red over blue-gray near the sealed doorway, and square s tone and adobe c olumns are p laced against t he exterior of that wall. They probably supported r oofing or a canopy. Harth-terre's r econstruction drawing ( 1933, f ig. V III) o f t his zone may be r elatively accurate. Subdivision 1 r ests on an embankment above the main p laza and f rom t hat embankment one has a v iew over a ll o f the plaza. I t i s difficult to determine whether two partially i ntact s tructures on the embankment on the north side of the main compound ( subdivision 1 ) were c onnected t o the c ompound. One, on t he c ompound's northern exterior corner, is square. The other, r ectangular, l ies t o t he west of the square building. This r ectangular building separates the mai n compound from the plaza. Stairs ascended the embankment t o t he main c ompcund on t he east side of the rectangular building, and connected the c ompound t o the r aised r oadway passing t hrough t he p laza. Subdivision 2 i s. a complex o f n ine h igh-walled rooms interconnected with trapezoidal doors. Several of t he r ooms contain poyos. A corridor s eparates the n orthernmost F igure 6 0.

Captions

Round columns

6 1. Platform or Sector E . Goats

i n cubicles

o f

ushnu in main f eed on f odder. 1 16

main compound, p laza

S ector

( Subdivision

E .

3 )

o f

1 17

building o f f our r ooms f rom t he f ive r ooms t hat a re part o f a r ectangular building t o t he s outh. That c orridor i s d irectly a ligned w ith t he p latform i n t he main p laza. Subdivision 3 i s the gently s loping plaza t o the northwest o f subdivision 1 . I t i s d ivided by a s lightly r aised r oad which passes northwest-southeast. On t he r oad, approximately 3 0 m . north of subdivision 1 , t here i s a rectangular adobe platform on the road ( figs 6 1). Photographs published by Strong and W illey ( 1942: p late 5 b) show t he p latform i n a c onsiderably i ntact s tate with stairs leading up to i t. A l ow wall f oundation and subdivision 2 define the plaza' s southwestern side. Subdivision 1 f orms t he narrowest, s outheastern, s ide o f t he p laza. The northeast s ide o f t he p laza i s not d efined by architectural remains, but rather by a natural embankment. A small f ragment o f wall i n t hat e mbankment aligns with the f allen northeastern wall of t he main compound, and may b e evidence t hat t he northeastern s ide of the p laza was once defined by a wall, now l ost. The northwestern side of the plaza cannot be precisely located. A modern road there may have destroyed any construction defining the p laza's e dge. The main p laza i s not a t rapezoid ( a p lain f igure w ith f our s ides, t wo of which are parallel), but r ather a t rapezium ( a p lane f igure w ith f our s ides, n o t wo o f which a re parallel . ) .

S ector F :

( figs.

1 1

and

1 2)

I solated f rom t he main body o f t he s ite, S ector F i s l ocated t o t he west o f a r ock p rotrusion which s eparates it from Sector E . This area was classified as an i ndependent s ector b ecause o f i ts physical separation f rom the rest of the s ite. Sector F i s undeniably part of Inkawasi s ince i ts surface pottery, wall apertures, and construction materials a re s imilar t o t hose f ound i n t he o ther s ectors t o t he east. A lso, two paths over t he r ock protrusion unite S ector F t o t he r est o f t he s ite. A t i ts greatest extension ( east t o west), t he s ector i s 2 20 m . w ide. I n r etrospect, i t would have been b etter t o c lassify the sector as two independent s ectors. For purposes o f description, t hese t wo areas, h ere c alled Zones 1 and 2 , are d iscussed separately. Zone

1 ( fig.

6 2)

The southernmost and highest area w ithin S ector F , this zone i s composed o f f ourteen a rchitectural units o f three or f our r ectangular rooms which ascend t he r ocky s lope around a p laza. The zone has t he appearance o f a F igure 6 2.

Caption

Zone

1 ,

S ector F .

V iew t o west. 1 18

I L1 9

s emicircular a rc s ince t he r ooms on t he s lope a re much l ike rows i n an amphitheater. A lthough Z one 1 has n othing t o do w ith an amphitheater, i t has excellent a coustics. The f ourteen units are independent, each s eparated f rom t he o thers by walls o r c orridors. The entry t o e ach unit i s f rom the p laza. Within the units sufficiently i ntact t o d iscern t he c irculation pattern, i t i s possible to observe t hat one passes on a z ig-zag c ourse f rom t he b ottom t o t he t op t hrough c orridors on t he s ides, f ronts, and backs o f the rooms. The r ooms were once r oofed, a s can be seen by shelves and holes f or beams i n t he walls ( fig. 6 3). Some r ooms had a view over valley t hrough w indows ( fig. 6 4). A number o f t rapezoidal doors a re f ound i n t he z one. The walls a re a ll o f adobe and s tone c overed w ith mud s tucco. T races o f r ed a nd y ellow paint a re f ound on s ome walls. S ome b roken wall s egments a re r epaired w ith large I nka -style adobe bricks ( fig. 6 5). The r ooms a re generally not i n a good s tate o f p reservation s ince r ock s lides have entered most o f t he units, b roken walls, a nd left debris. A number o f poyos a re f ound i n r ooms where the f loors a re not covered with rubble. A major mud, water, and r ock s lide has passed over t he easternmost r ooms a nd t hrough t he p laza o f Z one 1 . The p laza o f Z one 1 has a small r ectangular s tructure o f adobe bricks in i ts center ( fig. 6 6). Pot hunters' damage has g iven i t a U shape. T his small p latform, was f illed with small, black, egg-shaped r ocks o f a uniform s ize. There appears t o be only one f ormal entrance t o Z one 1 , thrc tugh a door i n a wall on t he northwestern s ide o f t he p laza. Two l arge r ectangular r ooms appear t o have b een p laced on e ither s ide o f t he d oorway. I t was a lso p ossible t o enter Z one 1 v ia a path f rom S ector E running over t he rock protrusion. That path i s c learly marked i n t he s urface o f t he r ock.

F igure C aptions 6 3 . R oom b elow w indowed r oom o f U nit 9 ( Zone 1 , S ector F ). Holes in wall supported roof beams, as d id shelf on a djoining wall. 6 4. V iew t o n ortheast

t hrough w indows o f

6 5 . Wall in Zone 1 , Sector F . t echniques a re used h ere: 1 . Top a nd 2 . B otton - adobe b ricks.

9 .

Two wall construction - m ixed s tone a nd adobe,

6 6. Small platform i n p laza o f Z one 1 , once f illed t he c enter. The f ront s ide s tones have s pilled out. 1 20

U nit

S ector F . i s b roken

S tones and t he

1 21

1 22

Zone

2 ( fig.

6 7)

The rock, water, and mud s lide which passed over the eastern s ide o f Zone 1 deposited much of i ts debris in the eastern side of Zone 2 . A modern house and garage are built into the northern part of the eastern s ide o f Zone 2 . Thus almost nothing can be said about that part of the zone other than to note that holes in the surface reveal rooms beneath the debris. A wall agai nst the rock p rotrusion has f our t rapezoidal n iches. Two rows o f deep, square structures without windows or doors are found against the wall which separates Zone 1 f rom Zone 2 . A narrow, h igh-walled corridor separates the eastern f rom the western sides of Zone 2 . To the west o f that corridor is an area composed of a set of l arge p lazas, rooms, and enclosures resting at different elevations. The walls of these enclosures have a considerable number o f rectangular, triangular, and t rapezoidal niches ( fig. 6 8). Some of the niches are in double rows on h igh walls. The southernmost rooms of the western s ide o f Zone 2 c ontain some walls made nearly entirely o f adobe bricks. The remains of cane roofing can be c learly seen i n one wall o f a small room. Three l arge enclosed areas, probably too spacious to have been roofed, are adjacent t o each other i n this area. A number of square, deep ( to 3 m .), doorless r ooms, usually in r ows of two or three, are f ound scattered t hrough the zone.

Figure

Captions

6 7.

Zone

2 ,

Sector

F .

6 8.

Wall

with n iches

View

to west.

in main

compound

1 23

of

Zone

2 ,

Sector

F .

1 24

S ector

G :

( fig.

1 3)

This sector rests north o f Sectors B and D , and t o the east of Sect or H. It is abo ut 100 m. wi de ( north-south) and about 2 00 m . l ong ( east-west). I t i s cl assified as an independent sector because of i ts relatively uniform surface architecture which consists mainly of square, doorless r ooms j oined in r ows. Sector G is the most heavily destroyed o f a ll areas w ithin Inkawasi. Much o f the surface architecture has been destroyed to create terrain f or agriculture. In Inka t imes the main i rrigation t rench nearest Inkawasi ran north o f t he sector. A smaller branch ran south of the sector, but d id not i rrigate the area. In h istorical t imes this branch has been used to irrigate most of the sector. C learing away the architecture for agriculture resulted in the rubble being placed into three l ong mounds, A , B , and C , which f ill and sometimes cover still-intact buildings. The area bet ween mounds B and D is al most totall y destroyed, perhaps f irst by the mud and water wash that once passed between Sectors B and C . That wash continued through Sector G northward t o the Caf iete River. Thus the a rea between mounds B and C may a lready have been destroyed b efore i t was converted t o agricultural use. The area of mounds A and B contains at least 63 square, j oined rooms without doorways. Some, by mound A , a re not f illed with rubble, and are i dentical t o the square storage units of Sector A ( fig. 6 9). Some o f the square roo ms of mo und B were built agai nst a previousl y c onstructed wall with a row o f square niches. Remodeling i s suggested by the positioning of the walls which does not match the placement o f the n iches, and covers some o f them ( fig. 70). To the west of mound C there is a nort h-so ut h corri dor, and a set of at least fi ve r ectangular rooms or compartments.

F igure 6 9.

Captions

Square

structures

7 0. Square units B o f Sector G .

by mound A i n

built

against

1 25

wall

Sector with

G .

niches

- i n

mound

1 26

S ector

H :

( figs.

1 4

and

7 1)

This sector rests on a rock h ill north of Sector D and west of Sector G . I t covers an area about 3 5 by 40 m . It i s c lassified as an independent sector due t o i ts i solated position on the h illtop. On the southern side o f the h ill there are remains o f at l east two walls which may have surrounded the hill on that side of it. A curved-walled corridor, intact f or about 7 m ., appears t o l ead to the top of the hill on the southern s ide. The hilltop was leveled to create space for the buil di ngs on it. The oval-shaped flat surface was surrounded by a wall. The western s ide o f t hat oval surface i s a patio or p laza. There i s a pot-hunter's hole in i ts center, suggesting that something o f note may have been there once. The eastern s ide o f the oval area contains the remains of about 7 rooms, none of which have intact walls above the surface. A north-south corridor may have separated the eastern f rom the western s ides of the oval area. At f irst glance, Sector H appears to be he h ighest point within the s ite. Such i s not the case. The main c ompound of Sector E , and Zone 1 o f Sector F , are higher. Nevertheless, Sector H i s the only point within Inkawasi which has an unobstructed view f or any great distance up and down the Caf tete R iver.

F igure 7 1.

Caption

The

valley

hilltop

of

Sector

H .

in background. 1 27

View

to

northeast;

r iver

1 28

Appendix ASTRONOMICAL ALIGNMENTS

3

AND MAPMAKING

AT

INKAWASI

MEASUREMENTS In January 1 983 the author made a set o f orientation studi es of the mai n roads, buildings, and plazas at Inkawasi. Main passes and peaks on the horizons were a lso measured, and a f ield survey searched for remains of s ighting t owers on horizons. Precise orientations were established by solar s ightings, and i n a f ew cases, stars were used t o confirm the accuracy of the orientations by solar s ightings. A magnetic compass could not be used f or such a study, s ince the magnetic declination within the s ite varies f or 2 ° to 4 ° west of north depending on where one i s in the s ite. Apparently magnetism within the nearby mountains varies c onsiderably the declination within the s ite. Dr. Norman Baker of the Astronomy Department of Columbia University prepared solar and stellar ephemerides for the specific latitude of Inkawasi, and f or the days t he observations were carried out. These charts permitted the orientations of buildings and horizon points to be calcul ated quickl y in the field. Stellar and solar observations were made according to recommendations i n the Kueffel and Esser Solar Ephemeris 1 983. Architectural alignments were fixed as suggested by Aveni ( 1981b: 2 8, f ig. 1 . 7). It was not possible to extract the orientations of structures f rom the s ite p lan, s ince there are errors of up to 3 ° in the orientations o f some sectors in the map. A lso, the p lan was made in 1 982 before t rue north had been established for the site. The plan was most useful, however, in evaluating which architecture m ight have been built with astronomical a lignments. The t ransit s tations f or measuring orientations were chosen after a careful exami nations of the site' s plan. They were l ocated as f ollows: LOCATIONS A . B . C . D .

The The The The

OF

TRANSIT

STATIONS

( fig.

3 0)

north corner of the t rapezoidal p laza i n Sector C east corner of the t rapezoidal p laza in Sector C center of the p latform i n the center o f Sector A center of the north wall o f the main compound in

S ector

E 1 29

E . F .

The center of the platform ( ushnu) in main p laza Sector E The north corner o f the p laza o f Zone 1 , Sector F

The measurements made of architectural I nkawasi are reported i n Table 2 .

f eatures

o f

a t

Horizon elevations, which a ffect r ise-set a zimuths, were measured for all orientations from the transit s tations. A f utile search f or horizon s ighting t owers was made by a field survey, and by an inspection with binoculars on distant mountains, of all horizons f rom several points within the s ite. The astronomicall y calculated orientations are accurate t o within a f ew m inutes o f a degree. Variations w ithin t he way walls were c onstructed may be considerably more ( up t o half a degree), depending on where and how one a ligns a wall f or measurement. I n some cases a l ong wall ( such as the north s ide o f the main compound of S ector E ) was f ound t o vary l ess t han 1 0' f rom a s traight l ine. The r ise-set azimuths o f astronomical bodies i s t aken f rom t ables c reated by Aveni ( 1972) f or 1 3° south l atitude in A . D. 1 ,500 with horizon e levations of 0 °, 3 °, and 6 °. I nkawasi has horizons somewhat h igher in some p laces, but no charts available to the author do not supply the azimuths for those elevations, and extrapolation i s an i naccurate means o f c alculating such azimuths, particularly w ith quasi c ircum-polar s tars. The o rientations o f a number o f architectural f eatures were measured with hand-held compass and c orrected f or t he magnetic declination derived from the nearest transit station where a declination had b een established. Table 3 reports these " derived" measurements, which are p robably accurate within a degree, o r s lightly more.

METHODS FOR ALIGNING ARCHITECTURE W ITH HORIZON AZIMUTHS Our understanding o f the probable r ange o f e rror i n architectural alignments with horizon azimuths will b e enhanced i f more i s known about h ow buildings were l ined up. The architect Julian Whittlesey has suggested a s imple procedure that may have been used in some cases ( fig. 7 2). Two persons, a s tick, a s tring, and two s tones are all that i s necessary. One person, the observer, p laces a stone at the base of a wall to be constructed. The second person stands some distance away, between the F igure

Caption

7 2. S imple method f or establishing a s traight l ine a ligned with a horizon azimuth. Two persons, a s tick, a s tring, and two s tones are a ll that i s necessary. 1 30

TABLE ARCHITECTURAL

T ransit

Architectural Feature S ighted

S tation

A A

ORIENTATIONS

to

SW

of

p laza SE a long p laza SW a long p laza

a long

NW

s ide

t o NE s ide of to SE s ide of to SE a long corridor to SW a long corridor t o SW a long s w 1i cf main compound of S ector E to NW a long corridor to NE a long corridor to NE a long wall to SW a long wall to NW a long of road t o SE a long of road t o NW a long of road

HORIZON

Hori-

Reciprocal

Hori-

zon

Alignment

zon

2 41°26.3'

5 °07'

6 1°26.3'

1 8°50'

2 47°53.4'

5 °00'

6 7°53.4'

1 7°59'

1 55°08.1'

8 '05' 5- 3 5' 7 9°50'

1 8°40'

1 54°59.3'

2 48°14' 2 58°Iii

2 °50'

3 35°08' 6 8°13' 7 8°34.8' 2 58°39.8'

1 1°35' 1 8°55' 9 '30' 6 °32'

center

3 40°47.8'

1 0°00

center

1 61°39.2'

2 1°32'

center

3 39°48'

1 4°06'

1*

SE a long zone

NE

s ide

1 27°09.2'

2 2°00'*

t o of

SW a long zone

NW

s ide

2 18°06.2'

2 2°00'*

to of

SW a long N wall large compound

2 60°14.2'

5 °00 "

o f

Z one

1 60°47.8'

2

minimum

horizon

e levation

DERIVED

s ide

of

Compound

1 in

Sector

B

of of

Compound 1 in main p laza in

Sector Sector

B E

corridor

i n

Sector

F ,

3

ORIENTATIONS

S W s i de SW s ide

entry

ELEVATIONS

Azimuth Alignment

TABLE

Main

AND

to of

* Approximate

SE

2

Zone

1 31

2

6 8°00' 1 55°00' 1 46°30' 1 54°30'

2 0°00'*

1 32

observer and the horizon where the r ising astronomical body will be observed. That person holds the s tick obliquely with a string dropping f rom i ts end to the ground. When the astronomical body is observed on the horizon, the p erson with the s tick moves the hanging s tring ( guided by the observer) i n l ine between the observer on the horizon ( the astronomical azimuth).

and the Another

point stone

i s placed on the ground where the s tring t ouches i t. A l ine between the two stones thus becomes a guide f or a f oundation that will be aligned with a horizon azimuth. This method could have been used at Inkawasi, particularly i n the case of the circum-polar alignment suggested f or t he central corridor in Sector A , where the alignment could n ot have been established f rom nearly heights. Not all architectural alignments with horizon azimuths at Inkawasi could have been established in the manner d escribed above. In the case of nearby horizons with very h igh elevations, even a very l ong stick could not reach above the horizon i f i t was held near where an aligned wall was to be constructed. This i s an i mportant observation, s ince horizon e levations alter significantly the azimuths o f astronomical bodies. In Cuzco several astronomical s ight l ines were made f rom one mountain t op or s lope to anot her. At Inkawasi, sight l ines to the eastern or western horizon may well have been established f rom heights b eside or within the s ite. Transit s tation D , one o f the h ighest points within the s ite, or the mountain s lope to t he west of i t, may well have been used f or establishing horizon azi muths, particul arl y those upon which the t rapezoidal plaza i s based. The mountain r idge t o the east of Sector B coul d have been another high point for e stablishing alignments. Using such h igh points, the s ight l ines passing through and on the s ides of the t rapezoidal p laza could have been established with very l ow horizon e levations. I f the Inka astronomers had attempted to observe the Pleiades rise or June solstice sunrise f rom within the trapezoidal p laza, and established s ight l ines there, the orientation of the plaza would have been some what di ff ere nt tha n that measured, since the astronomical azimuths would have been altered by horizon elevations exceeding 1 7°. The demonstration that the t rapezoidal plaza i s a ligned with the JSSR and the P leiades r ise, and perhaps the maximum northern moonrise, r equires the use of low horizon elevations. One can demonstrate that the trapezoidal plaza is aligned with known Inka a stronomical horizon azimuths only i f the observations were made f rom nearby heights.

C ONSTRUCTING

THE MAP

OF

INKAWASI

To make the map of Inkawasi, Eunice and Julian Whittl esey, aided by Peruvian archaeologists and the author, established a set of control points and took balloon photographs at Inkawasi. The work was completed 1 33

in l ess than seven days on two excursions to t he site. The map was traced over the photographs. The control points were used ( 1) to scale the photographs, ( 2) to create contour l ines, and ( 3) to assemble a photographic mosaic o f the s ite, relating accurately all parts t o each o ther. The control point survey was the f irst step. A base s tation ( A) was set up on the h igh r ock hilltop t o t he west of Sector H . This station is not to be confused with Transit Station A used several years later f or the measurements of astronomical a lignments. From base s tation A , a second base station ( B) was l ocated on top o f t he rock s lope between Sectors E and F . From i t, points i n Sector F were surveyed. At the base s tations a 0-10 second L ietz theodolite was used to take vertical and horizontal angles t o t he points, and a Tellurometer 1 000 E lectronic D istance Meter measured the s lope d istance. The E . D. M. worked by micro-wave and could shoot in any weather. I t was even used after dark with a hand held-light. The control points were marked with white paper so that they would c learly appear in the aerial balloon photographs. A Hewlett Packard 9 7 programmable calculator was used t o p lot the control points' x and y coordinates and their relative elevations' z coordinates. Contours c ould then be interpolated. The points were p lotted on graph paper at a scale of 1 t o 1 ,000 ( later enlarged). The second step involved taking the aerial balloon photographs ( see f igs. 6 to 1 4). Two hydrogen-filled balloons, each used at different times, were employed. A radio-controled motorized Hasselblad camera w ith a 5 0 mm. Distagon lens was suspended below the balloons. The Aeolus balloon, built with f ins ( fig. 7 3) was constructed to preform in wind. A spherical balloon, Hyperion, was used when wind was not a significant factor. Why were balloons used? Low-level photographs f rom an airplane were not available, and would have been dangerous or d ifficult to take in the narrow valley. The balloons had the advantage that they could be moored inflated while awaiting f avorable l ight and weather. Moreover, after a f light when the balloon was moored, one had t ime to develop and inspect the f ilms t o insure that the photography was of a cceptable quality. Another advantage of the balloon was t hat one could position i t with great precision above areas of t he site to insure thorough and overlapping coverage. The F igure

Captions

7 3. One of two balloons, Aeolus, a camera suspended beneath i t.

f lown

over

Inkawasi

with

7 4. The map of Inkawasi was created by traci ng the architecture on a plastic sheet overlying a mosiac of aerial balloon photographs o f the s ite.

1 34

1 3

camera was f lown at an e levation above the surface of the site. approximately 2 20 m . square.

o f I t

approx al-ly 9 00 m . photographed a f ield

Lat er in the dar kroo m, the indi vidual aeri al photographs were enlarged t o the scale o f the control point plottings by matching the ( white) control points in the photographs with the p lotted control points. I n some cases a s light distortion in the photograph ( caused by the camera not being exactly vertical) was corrected by t ilting the enlarger easel. A mosaic of the photographs was then assembled using the control point p lotting t o p lace a ll photographs in a properly scaled relationship to each o ther. Finally, a map of Inkawasi ( scale: 1 to 500) was traced on a transparent acetate sheet overlying the phot ogr a phi c mos ai c of the site ( fi g. 74). When architectural features were unclear, they were checked agai nst the archive of ground level photographs made throughout the s ite. Further corrections in the map were made duri ng visual inspections on later visits to I nkawasi. The f inal f ield days in January 1 983 established t rue north based on stellar and solar s ightings.

here

A reduced ( fig. 7 5).

Figure 7 5.

Map

version

of

the

Caption o f

Inkawasi.

1 36

Inkawasi

map

i s

reproduced

I NKA WAS I SPONSOR ING I NST ITUT IONS :

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I NST ITUTE OF ANDEAN RESEARCH , NE W YORK C ITY J . V . Hu rra , P res iden t

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