Imagining the Americas in Medici Florence 9780271078243

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Imagining the Americas in Medici Florence

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Imagining the Americas in Medici Florence

Lia Markey

the pennsylvania state university press university park, pennsylvania

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This publication is made possible in part from the Barr Ferree Foundation Fund for Publications, Department of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University, and from the Lila Acheson Wallace-Reader’s Digest Publication Subsidy at the Villa I Tatti. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Markey, Lia, author. Title: Imagining the Americas in Medici Florence / Lia Markey. Description: University Park, Pennsylvania : The Pennsylvania State University Press, [2016] | Includes bibliographical references and index. Summary: “Studies the impact of the discovery of the Americas on Italian Renaissance art and culture, focusing on the Medici engagement with the New World and its effects on collecting and art production in Florence during the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries”—Provided by publisher. Identifiers: LCCN 2015044332 | ISBN 9780271071152 (cloth : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Medici, House of—Art collections—History. | Indian art—Collectors and collecting—Italy—Florence— History—16th century. | Indian art—Collectors and collecting—Italy—Florence—History—17th century. | Indian art—Influence. | Art, Renaissance—Italy—Florence— Themes, motives. | Art, Italian—Italy—Florence—Themes, motives. | America—In art. Classification: LCC N5273.2.M43 M37 2016 | DDC 704.9/4997—dc23 LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015044332

The Pennsylvania State University Press is a member of the Association of American University Presses. It is the policy of The Pennsylvania State University Press to use acid-free paper. Publications on uncoated stock satisfy the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Material, ansi z39.48–1992. Additional credits: page ii, detail of Alessandro Allori, Indians Catching Geese Using Squash (fig. 44); page vi, detail of Jacopo Zucchi, detail of birds on the ceiling of Ferdinando’s casino (fig. 47); page viii, detail of Giovanni Stradano, America (fig. 92); page xviii, detail of Giovanni Stradano, Vespucci (fig. 88); page 6, detail of workshop of Giovanni della Robbia, Adam and Eve (fig. 4); page 16, detail of Agnolo Bronzino, La Dovizia (fig. 5); page 28, detail of Egnazio Danti, New Spain (fig. 20); page 46, detail of Jacopo Ligozzi, Pineapple (fig. 27); page 62, detail of Jacopo Zucchi, Mining (fig. 34); page 78, detail of feather miter, midsixteenth century (fig. 49); page 92, detail of Ludovico Buti, center roundel on the ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria (fig. 65); page 118, detail of Giovanni Stradano, America (fig. 90); page 138, detail of Jacopo Ligozzi, Pope Bonifacio VIII Receiving Twelve Ambassadors (fig. 98); page 158, detail of Antonio Rodríguez (?), Montezuma (fig. 110); page 164, detail of Jan Sadeler, America (fig. 67); page 194, detail of Giovanni Stradano, Indians Catching Geese Using Squash (fig. 43); page 226, detail of Matthias Greuter, Gioco del Ponte (fig. 104).

Copyright © 2016 The Pennsylvania State University All rights reserved Printed in China by Oceanic Graphic International Published by The Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 16802-1003

00 Frontmatter.indd 4

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This book is dedicated with great love to Richard and Oren Schwartz.

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Contents

List of Illustrations ix Acknowledgments xvi

Introduction 1 one

The New World and Italy in the Early Sixteenth Century 7

two

A Turkey in a Medici Tapestry 17

three

The Americas in the Guardaroba Nuova 29

four

Francesco’s Exchange and Documentation of American Nature 47

five

The Stanzino and the Representation of the New World 63

six

Between Ethnography and Fantasy in Ferdinando’s New World 79

seven

The Florentine Codex and Buti’s Frescoes of Amerindians 93

eight

Stradano’s Invention of the Americas 119

nine

The Americas Both Real and Imagined 139

Conclusion: Vicarious Conquest 159

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Notes 165 Bibliography 195 Index 227

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Illustrations

1 Mixtec mask, ca. 1430–1520, turquoise. Museo nazionale preistorico ed etnografico “Luigi Pigorini,” Rome. Photo © S-MNPE “L. Pigorini,” Roma-

Palaz­zo Vecchio, Florence. Photo courtesy of Musei civici fiorentini. 23 9 Sandro Botticelli, Abundance, ca. 1475–82. British

EUR, courtesy of the Ministero dei beni e delle

Museum. Photo © The Trustees of the British

attività culturali e del turismo. 12

Museum / Art Resource, New York. 24

2 Mixtec mask, ca. 1430–1520, turquoise. Museo

10 Giorgio Vasari, detail from Allegory of the Earth in the

nazionale preistorico ed etnografico “Luigi Pigo-

Sala degli Elementi, ca. 1550, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence.

rini,” Rome. Photo © S-MNPE “L. Pigorini,” Roma-

Photo: Scala / Art Resource, New York. 25

EUR, courtesy of the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del turismo. 13 3 Giovanni da Udine, detail of a turkey in the Sala di Giulio Romano, ca. 1520, Villa Madama, Rome. 14 4 Workshop of Giovanni della Robbia, Adam and Eve, 1515. Walters Art Museum, Baltimore. Photo © The Walters Art Museum, Baltimore. 15 5 Agnolo Bronzino, La Dovizia, ca. 1545. Museo degli argenti, Florence. Photo: Scala / Art Resource, New York. 18

11 Pierino da Vinci, La Dovizia, ca. 1550. Piazza della Berlina, Pisa. 25 12 Agnolo Bronzino, detail of La Dovizia, ca. 1545. Museo degli argenti, Florence. Photo: Scala / Art Resource, New York. 26 13 Sala delle Carte Geografiche, or Guardaroba Nuova, ca. 1563–65, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Photo: Alinari / Art Resource, New York (Raffaello Bencini). 31 14 One of two feather capes in the Museo nazionale di

6 Triumphal Arch from the 1541 Entry of Charles V into

antropologia e etnologia, Florence. Photo courtesy

Milan, from Giovanni Albicante, Trattato del’intrar

of the Museo nazionale di antropologia e etnologia,

in Milano di Carlo V, 1541. Getty Research Institute,

Università degli studi di Firenze. 33

Los Angeles (2893-040). Photo: Getty Research Institute. 20 7 Francesco Salviati, Estate, ca. 1545–48. Gabinetto disegni e stampe, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence. Photo: Polo museale fiorentino, courtesy of the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del turismo. 22 8 Francesco Salviati, detail from the Triumph of Camillus in the Sala dell’Udienza, ca. 1543–45,

15 Aztec head of a dog, ca. 1430–1520, onyx. Museo di mineralogia, Florence. Photo courtesy of the Museo di storia naturale dell’Università di Firenze, sez. Mineralogia. 34 16 Aztec head of a dog, ca. 1430–1520, amethyst. Museo di mineralogia, Florence. Photo courtesy of the Museo di storia naturale dell’Università di Firenze, sez. Mineralogia. 34

ix

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17 Ceiling of the grotto designed by Niccolò Tribolo, ca. 1565–72, Villa di Castello, Florence. 35 18 Grotto designed by Niccolò Tribolo, ca. 1565–72, Villa di Castello, Florence. 35

sitaria di Bologna. 55 29 Jacopo Ligozzi, Hare from the Indies, ca. 1570. Gabinetto disegni e stampe, Galleria degli Uffizi, Flor-

Bargello, Florence. Photo: Scala / Art Resource,

ence. Photo: Polo museale fiorentino, courtesy of

New York. 36

the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e

Nuova, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Photo courtesy of the Musei civici fiorentini. 40 21 Egnazio Danti, detail of New Spain, ca. 1565. Guardaroba Nuova, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Photo courtesy of the Musei civici fiorentini. 41

del turismo. 56 30 After Jacopo Ligozzi, Hare from the Indies, ca. 1570– 90. Ulisse Aldrovandi, Tavole di animali, Biblioteca universitaria di Bologna. Photo courtesy of the Biblioteca universitaria di Bologna. 56 31 Jacopo Ligozzi, Agave, ca. 1570. Gabinetto disegni e

22 Map of “Temistitan,” from Benedetto Bordone,

stampe, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence. Photo: Polo

Libro di Benedetto Bordone: Nel qual si ragiona de

museale fiorentino, courtesy of Ministero dei beni e

tutte l’Isole del mondo, 1528. Photo: Harvard Map

delle attività culturali e del turismo. 58

Collection of the Harvard College Library. 41 23 Egnazio Danti, Caribbean, ca. 1565. Guardaroba Nuova, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Photo: Alfredo dagli Orti / Art Resource, New York. 43 24 Egnazio Danti, Brazil, ca. 1565. Guardaroba Nuova, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Photo courtesy of the Musei civici fiorentini. 43 25 Stefano Buonsignori, Strait of Magellan, ca. 1577. Guardaroba Nuova, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Photo: Scala / Art Resource, New York. 44 26 Juan Baptista Cuiris, Madonna feather mosaic, ca. 1550–80. Schatzkammer of the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Photo: KHM-Museumsverband, Wien. 51 27 Jacopo Ligozzi, Pineapple, ca. 1570. Gabinetto di­segni e stampe, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence. Photo: Polo

32 Floridian, ca. 1570–90. Ulisse Aldrovandi, Tavole di ani­ mali, Biblioteca universitaria di Bologna. Photo courtesy of the Biblioteca universitaria di Bologna. 60 33 Francesco’s stanzino, ca. 1569–75, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Photo: Alinari / Art Resource, New York (Raffaello Bencini). 64 34 Jacopo Zucchi, Mining, ca. 1569–75. Francesco’s stan­ zino, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Photo: Scala / Art Resource, New York. 65 35 Alessandro Allori, Pearl Fishers, ca. 1569–75. Francesco’s stanzino, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Photo: Alfredo dagli Orti / Art Resource, New York. 66 36 Giovanni Stradano, Alchemical Lab, ca. 1570. Francesco’s stanzino, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Photo: Alinari / Art Resource, New York. 68 37 Potosí, from Pedro de Cieza de León, Chronica del

museale fiorentino, courtesy of the Ministero dei

Peru: Primera parte, 1553. Houghton Library, Har-

beni e delle attività culturali e del turismo. 55

vard University, f (*58-803). Photo: Houghton

28 After Jacopo Ligozzi, Pineapple, ca. 1570–90. Ulisse

Markey book.indb 10

di Bologna. Photo courtesy of the Biblioteca univer-

19 Giambologna, turkey, ca. 1560. Museo nazionale del

20 Egnazio Danti, New Spain, ca. 1565. Guardaroba

x

Aldrovandi, Tavole di piante, Biblioteca universitaria

Library, Harvard University. 69

i l lus t r at io n s

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38 Gian Paolo Poggini, reverse of a medal of Philip II of Spain, ca. 1562. Photo: Sailko. 71 39 Mining, from Vannoccio Biringuccio, De la pirotech­

47 Jacopo Zucchi, detail of birds on the ceiling of Ferdinando’s casino, ca. 1576–77, Villa Medici, Rome. 80 48 Jacopo Zucchi, Allegory of the Americas, ca. 1580.

nia, 1540. Houghton Library, Harvard University,

Borghese Gallery, Rome. Photo: Gianni dagli Orti /

Typ 525.40.213. Photo: Houghton Library, Harvard

The Art Archive at Art Resource, New York. 81

University. 71 40 Marcantonio Raimondi, The Climbers (after Michel-

49 Feather miter, mid-sixteenth century. Museo degli argenti, Florence. Photo: Polo museale fiorentino,

angelo’s Battle of Cascina cartoon), ca. 1510. Metro-

courtesy of the Ministero dei beni e delle attività

politan Museum of Art, New York. Purchase, Joseph

culturali e del turismo. 84

Pulitzer Bequest, 1917. Photo: www.metmuseum .org. 73 41 Giorgio Vasari and Cristofano Gherardi, Allegory of Water, ca. 1555–58, in the Sala degli Elementi, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Photo: Alinari / Art Resource, New York. 73 42 Giovanni Stradano, Fishing for Oysters, ca. 1570–80. Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia Uni-

50 Feather infulae, mid-sixteenth century. Museo degli argenti, Florence. Photo: Polo museale fiorentino, courtesy of the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del turismo. 84 51 Jacopo Zucchi, Allegory of the Americas, ca. 1590. Lviv National Art Gallery Lviv, Ukraine. Photo courtesy Lviv National Art Gallery. 86 52 Hans Burgkmair the Elder, excerpt of Peoples of

versity in the City of New York, NC266.St81 1776St81.

Africa and India, ca. 1508. Photo: bpk, Berlin / Kup-

Photo: Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia

ferstichkabinett / Art Resource, New York. 88

University. 74 43 Giovanni Stradano, Indians Catching Geese Using

53 Woman from the New World, from Giovanni Battista Ramusio, Terzo volume delle Navigationi e viaggi,

Squash, ca. 1570–80. Rare Book and Manuscript

1565. Biblioteca Berenson, Florence. Photo courtesy

Library, Columbia University in the City of New

of the Biblioteca Berenson. 89

York, NC266.St81 1776St81. Photo: Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. 75 44 Alessandro Allori, Indians Catching Geese Using Squash, ca. 1578. Palazzo della Provincia di Siena. Photo courtesy of the Palazzo della Provincia di Siena. 76 45 Alessandro Allori, detail of Indians Catching Geese Using Squash, ca. 1578. Palazzo della Provincia di Siena. Photo courtesy of the Palazzo della Provincia di Siena. 77 46 Alessandro Allori, Indians Holding Geese, ca. 1578. Palazzo della Provincia di Siena. Photo courtesy of the Palazzo della Provincia di Siena. 77

54 Jacopo Zucchi, Portrait of Clelia Farnese, ca. 1570–80. Galleria nazionale di arte antica, Rome. Photo: Mondadori Portfolio / Electa / Art Resource, New York. 89 55 Scipione Pulzone, Portrait of Cardinal Ferdinando de’ Medici, ca. 1580. Art Gallery of South Australia, Adelaide. Mrs. Mary Overton Gift Fund 1998. Photo courtesy of Art Gallery of South Australia. 90 56 Room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence. Photo: Polo museale fiorentino, courtesy of the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del turismo. 94 57 Ludovico Buti, ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria,

i l lustrations

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xi

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1588, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence. Photo: Polo

the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del

museale fiorentino, courtesy of the Ministero dei

turismo. Further reproduction prohibited. 103

beni e delle attività culturali e del turismo. 95 58 Florentine Codex, Codice Laurenziana Mediceo

Florence. Photo: Polo museale fiorentino, courtesy

Laurenziana, Florence. Photo courtesy of the Minis-

of the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e

tero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del turismo.

del turismo. 104

59 Cover of Hispanic Society of America, ms B1479.

66 Ludovico Buti, detail of America on the ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi,

Hispanic Society of America, New York. Photo

Florence. Photo: Polo museale fiorentino, courtesy of

courtesy of the Hispanic Society of America, New

the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del

York. 99

turismo. 106

60 Ludovico Buti, New World battle on the ceiling of

67 Jan Sadeler, America, 1581. Palmer Museum of Art,

room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi,

The Pennsylvania State University, University Park,

Florence. Photo: Polo museale fiorentino, courtesy

Pennsylvania. Photo: Palmer Museum of Art of The

of the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e

Pennsylvania State University. 106

del turismo. 101 61 Ludovico Buti, detail of New World battle on the

68 Ludovico Buti, Medici Battle of Piombino on the ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria

ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria

degli Uffizi, Florence. Photo: Polo museale fioren-

degli Uffizi, Florence. Photo: Polo museale fioren-

tino, courtesy of the Ministero dei beni e delle atti-

tino, courtesy of the Ministero dei beni e delle atti-

vità culturali e del turismo. 107

vità culturali e del turismo. 102

69 Ludovico Buti, Portuguese battle on the ceiling of

62 Ludovico Buti, detail of Amerindian warrior on the

room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi,

ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria

Florence. Photo: Polo museale fiorentino, courtesy

degli Uffizi, Florence. Photo: Polo museale fioren-

of the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e

tino, courtesy of the Ministero dei beni e delle atti-

del turismo. 108

vità culturali e del turismo. 102

70 Ludovico Buti, African battle on the ceiling of room

63 Detail of a warrior in the Florentine Codex, Codice

20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi, Flor-

Laurenziana Mediceo Palatino 220, ca. 1560. Biblio-

ence. Photo: Polo museale fiorentino, courtesy of

teca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence. Photo courtesy

the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del

of the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del

turismo. 109

turismo. Further reproduction prohibited. 102 64 Page from the Florentine Codex, Codice Lauren-

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room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi,

Palatino 218, 219, 220, ca. 1560. Biblioteca Medicea

Further reproduction prohibited. 96

xii

65 Ludovico Buti, center roundel on the ceiling of

71 Comme ces Sauuages, from André Thevet, Les singula­ ritez, 1558. John Carter Brown Library, Brown Univer-

ziana Mediceo Palatino 220, ca. 1560. Biblioteca

sity, Providence. Photo courtesy of the John Carter

Medicea Laurenziana, Florence. Photo courtesy of

Brown Library at Brown University. 110

i l lus t r at io n s

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72 Warriors from the Florentine Codex, Codice Lau-

80 Joost Amman, Brazilian Man and Woman, from

renziana Mediceo Palatino 220, ca. 1560. Biblioteca

Hans Weigel, Habitus Praecipuorum Populorum,

Medicea Laurenziana, Florence. Photo courtesy of

1577. Spencer Collection, The New York Public

the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del

Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.

turismo. Further reproduction prohibited. 110

Photo: The New York Public Library. 114

73 Hans Burgkmair the Elder, Youth Dressed in a

81 Joost Amman, Brazilian Man, from Hans Weigel,

Feather Skirt, ca. 1520. British Museum. Photo © The

Habitus Praecipuorum Populorum, 1577. Spencer Col-

Trustees of the British Museum / Art Resource,

lection, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox,

New York. 111

and Tilden Foundations. Photo: The New York Pub-

74 Wolf Traut, Man from Genea, in Balthasar Springer, Die Merfart, 1509. Widener Library, Harvard University. Photo: Widener Library, Harvard University. 111 75 “Chimali” feather shield, late fifteenth–early sixteenth century. Museo Nacional de Historia, Castillo de Chapultepec, Mexico City. Photo courtesy of the Museo Nacional de Historia. 112 76 Ludovico Buti, detail of an Amerindian warrior on the ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria

lic Library. 114 82 Le sauuage en pópe, from François Deserps, Recueil de la diuersité des habits, 1564. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Typ 515.64.734. Photo: Houghton Library, Harvard University. 115 83 Hans Burgkmair the Elder, The King of Cochin, ca. 1508. Photo: bpk, Berlin / Kupferstichkabinett / Art Resource, New York. 116 84 Frontispiece from La conquista del Peru, 1534. John

degli Uffizi, Florence. Photo: Polo museale fioren-

Carter Brown Library, Brown University. Photo

tino, courtesy of the Ministero dei beni e delle atti-

courtesy of the John Carter Brown Library at Brown

vità culturali e del turismo. 113

University. 116

77 Paracovssi, roi de Platte, from André Thevet, Les vrais

85 Cusco, from George Braun and Franz Hogenberg,

pourtraits et vies des hommes illustres, 1584. Houghton

Civitates Orbis Terrarum, 1572. John Carter Brown

Library, Harvard University, Typ 515.84.831F. Photo:

Library, Brown University. Photo courtesy of the

Houghton Library, Harvard University. 113

John Carter Brown Library at Brown University. 116

78 Paraovsti Satovriona, roi de la Florida, from André Thevet, Les vrais pourtraits et vies des hommes illus­ tres, 1584. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Typ 515.84.831F. Photo: Houghton Library, Harvard University. 113 79 Ludovico Buti, detail of the center roundel on the ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence. Photo: Polo museale fiorentino, courtesy of the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del turismo. 114

86 Giovanni Stradano, frontispiece for the Americae Retectio series, late 1580s. 120 87 Giovanni Stradano, Columbus, from the Americae Retectio series, late 1580s. 121 88 Giovanni Stradano, Vespucci, from the Americae Retectio series, late 1580s. 122 89 Giovanni Stradano, Magellan, from the Americae Retectio series, late 1580s. 123 90 Giovanni Stradano, America, from the Nova Reperta series, late 1580s. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New

i l lustrations

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xiii

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York. The Elisha Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha

Library, Columbia University in the City of New

Whittelsey Fund, 1949. Photo: www.metmuseum

York, B549 Al2. Photo: Rare Book and Manuscript

.org. 124

Library, Columbia University. 142

91 Giovanni Stradano, The Astrolabe, from the Nova Reperta series, late 1580s. Rare Book and Manuscript

Ambassadors, ca. 1590–92. Salone dei Cinquecento,

Library, Columbia University in the City of New

Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Photo courtesy of the

York, NC266.St81 1776St81. Photo: Rare Book and

Musei civici fiorentini. 143

Manuscript Library, Columbia University. 125

facio VIII Receiving Twelve Ambassadors, 1590–92.

tan Museum of Art, New York. Gift of the Estate of

Gabinetto disegni e stampe, Galleria degli Uffizi,

James Hazen Hyde, 1959. Photo: www.metmuseum

Florence. Photo: Polo museale fiorentino, courtesy

.org. 128

of the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e

tected by Jupiter and Juno, 1530s. Palacio Real, Madrid. Photo © Patrimonio Nacional. 131 94 Float for the Wedding of Francesco I de’ Medici to Bianca Cappello, from Raffaello Gualterotti, Feste

del turismo. 143 100 Giovan Battista Mossi, Interior of San Lorenzo for the Funeral of Philip II, 1598. Albertina, Vienna. Photo: Albertina, Vienna. 145 101 Jacopo Ligozzi, Philip II Receiving Ambassadors from

nelle nozze del serenissimo Don Francesco Medici

the Indies, 1598. Galleria degli Uffizi, Deposito, Flor-

gran duca di Toscana, et della sereniss. sua consorte

ence. Photo: Polo museale fiorentino, courtesy of

la sig. Bianca Cappello, 1579. Spencer Collection,

the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del

The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and

turismo. 146

Tilden Foundations. Photo: The New York Public Library. 131 95 Marvelous Indian Woman, from Girolamo Benzoni, La historia del Mondo Nuovo, 1565. Rare Book and

102 Cappella dei Principi, San Lorenzo, Florence. Photo: Polo museale fiorentino, courtesy of the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del turismo. 148 103 Excerpt of an unsigned letter to Grand Duke Ferdi-

Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the

nando I de’ Medici from 1608 regarding the impor-

City of New York, B917B443. Photo: Rare Book and

tation of sugar and the creation of a sugar refinery in

Manuscript Library, Columbia University. 136

Livorno. Archivio di Stato di Firenze, Miscellanea

96 Jacopo Ligozzi, Passionflower, 1609. Biblioteca nazio-

Medicea 97, 89. Photo courtesy of the Ministero dei

nale centrale di Firenze. Photo courtesy of the

beni e delle attività culturali e del turismo. Further

Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del

reproduction prohibited. 150

turismo / Biblioteca nazionale centrale di Firenze. Further reproduction prohibited. 140 97 Mixtec Mask, from Ulisse Aldrovandi, Musaeum Metallicum, 1648. Rare Book and Manuscript

Markey book.indb 14

99 Jacopo Ligozzi, preparatory drawing for Pope Boni­

92 Giovanni Stradano, America, late 1580s. Metropoli-

93 Attributed to Bernard van Orley, The Earth Pro­

xiv

98 Jacopo Ligozzi, Pope Bonifacio VIII Receiving Twelve

104 Matthias Greuter, Gioco del Ponte, from Camillo Rinuccini, Descrizione delle feste fatte nelle reali nozze de’ serenissimi principi di Toscana d. Cosimo de’ Medici e Maria Maddalena, arciduchessa d’Austria, 1608.

i l lus t r at io n s

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Gabinetti disegni e stampe, Galleria degli Uffizi,

giudizio di Paride, 1608. Victoria and Albert

Florence. Photo: Polo museale fiorentino, courtesy

Museum, London. Photo © Victoria and Albert

of the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e

Museum, London. 155

del turismo. 152

108 Giulio Parigi, design for the fourth intermezzo of Il

105 Giovanni Stradano, composite sheet with studies of

giudizio di Paride, with the ship of Amerigo Vespucci

oysters, a native, and an elephant hunt, ca. 1570–80.

on the shores of the Indies, 1608. Victoria and Albert

Cooper Hewitt, Smithsonian Design Museum, New

Museum, London. Photo © Victoria and Albert

York. Museum purchase through gift of various

Museum, London. 156

donors, 1901-39-150. Photo: Cooper Hewitt, Smithso-

109 Greenstone mask. Museo degli argenti, Florence.

nian Design Museum / Art Resource, New York. 153

Photo: Polo museale fiorentino, courtesy of the

106 Giulio Parigi, design for a costume of a native of the

Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del

New World, 1616. Biblioteca Marucelliana, Florence. Photo courtesy of the Biblioteca Marucelliana. Further reproduction prohibited. 153

turismo. 160 110 Antonio Rodríguez (?), Montezuma, late seventeenth century. Museo degli argenti, Florence.

107 Remigio Cantagallina (after Giulio Parigi), The Ship

Photo: Polo museale fiorentino, courtesy of the

of Amerigo Vespucci on the Shores of the Indies, an

Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del

etching depicting the fourth intermezzo of Il

turismo. 162

i l lustrations

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Acknowledgments

Curiosity about the American objects in Florence’s

this book. An Andrew W. Mellon Foundation / ACLS

Museo degli argenti and Detlef Heikamp’s pioneering

fellowship allowed me to work in the libraries of New

study on the Medici and Mexico, discovered early in

York City, and a Walter Read Hovey Memorial Scholar-

my studies, initially inspired this book. I am sincerely

ship of the Pittsburgh Foundation financed research

grateful to Clara Bargellini, who first fostered my inter-

trips to Spain and Mexico. A Mellon Postdoctoral Fel-

est in the topic and has supported my studies along the

lowship at the Penn Humanities Forum at the Univer-

way, to Charles Cohen, who made sure I left no source

sity of Pennsylvania provided space and a community

or object unstudied, and to Rebecca Zorach, who

for developing the manuscript. Finally, I am especially

pushes my research and thinking in new directions.

grateful for three years in the Department of Art and



Archaeology at Princeton University and for the

This project benefited from two periods in Flor-

ence. I thank the Samuel H. Kress Foundation and Ger-

department’s generous subvention. Last but not least, a

hard Wolf and Alessandro Nova, directors of the

Kress Fellowship from the Renaissance Society of

Kunsthistorisches Institut, for their initial assistance

America and a Lila Acheson Wallace-Reader’s Digest

with my research. As a fellow at the Villa I Tatti, I com-

Publication Subsidy at the Villa I Tatti have helped

pleted the manuscript and procured images. This study

secure photos and usage rights.

would not have been possible without the Medici



Archive Project at the Archivio di Stato di Firenze.

viduals who contributed to this study in various phases of

Edward Goldberg supported my research from the start

development: the Penn Humanities Forum, 2010–11; the

and has helped me enormously with documents, tran-

fellows at the Villa I Tatti, 2014–15; Wanessa Asfora,

scriptions, and bibliography. I also thank the project’s

Andaleeb and James Banta, Cristelle Baskins, Michael

past and present members: current director Alessio

Cole, Tom Cummins, Giada Damen, Surekha Davies,

Assonitis, Sheila Barker, Nick Wilding, Brian Sandberg,

Una D’Elia, Diana Fane, Larry Feinberg, Alessandra

Maurizio Arfaiolo, Francesca Funis, and especially

Foscati, Leslie Geddes, Laura Giles, Christopher Heuer,

Mark Rosen. I am grateful to the many librarians and

Kate Holohan, Liz Horodowich, Barbara Karl, Dana

curators of Florence who have helped me over the

Katz, Jessica Keating, Victoria Kirkham, Michael Koort-

years, but I particularly wish to thank Giovanna Giusti,

bojian, Alexandra Korey, Stephanie Leitch, Karen Lloyd,

Giovanna Rao, and Marzia Faietti.

Timothy McCall, Mark McDonald, Abigail Newman,



Christina Normore, Irina Oryshkevich, Jill Pederson,

Several institutions and foundations in the United

States aided the research, writing, and production of

I am also indebted to the following groups and indi-

Katherine Poole, Diana Presciutti, Meredith Ray, Sheryl

xvi

00 Frontmatter.indd 16

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Reiss, Alessandra Russo, Matt Shoaf, Larry Silver, Eve

Codex at the Medici Court,” in Colors Between Two

Straussman-Pflanzer, Lisa Tice, Lisa Voigt, and Nino

Worlds: The Florentine Codex of Bernardino de Sahagún,

Zchomelidse. Dario Brancato, Alessandra Foscati, and

edited by Gerhard Wolf and Joseph Connors with

Laura Moretti were tremendously helpful with some

Louis Waldman (Florence: Villa I Tatti, the Harvard

Italian transcriptions and translations in the final months

University Center for Italian Renaissance Studies,

of editing. Special thanks go to Michael Phillips for his

2011), 199–220. A short general overview of the Medici

editing prowess at a crucial moment.

and the Americas as seen through archival documents



is to be published in 2016 in The Grand Ducal Medici

I wish also to thank Davide Baldi, Tiziano

Casavecchi, Ilaria della Monica, Olexiy Kushniruk,

and Their Archive (1537–1743), edited by Alessio Assoni-

Luisella Santucci, Samantha Vaughn, and particularly

tis and Brian Sandberg (Turnhout: Brepols).

Caitlin Henningsen for their help procuring images.



Lisa Tice and Pablo González Tornel aided with pho-

script and especially to editor Ellie Goodman, her assis-

tography. Additionally, photojournalist Anne Ryan, my

tant Charlee Redman, and copy editor Keith Monley.

dear sister, documented nearly inaccessible art



throughout Tuscany and has made this book beautiful.

While the book is dedicated to my husband and son, I



profoundly thank my magnificent parents, Constance

Parts of the text have been published as articles.

I am grateful to the anonymous readers of the manu-

Finally, I thank my family for all of their support.

Chapter 8 derives from “Stradano’s Allegorical Inven-

and William Markey, for making the Italian Renais-

tion of the Americas in Late Sixteenth-Century Flor-

sance a part of my life.

ence,” Renaissance Quarterly 65, no. 2 (2012): 385–442, and chapter 7 began as “Istoria della terra chiamata la

Florence

nuova spagna: The History and Reception of Sahagún’s

May 2015

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Introduction

In 1500 Florentine explorer Amerigo Vespucci wrote

mation about the Americas from less direct sources and

from Lisbon to his former patron Lorenzo di Pierfran-

obtained New World objects via ambassadors or family

cesco de’ Medici in Florence about his second voyage

members at other courts who had more contact with

along the coast of “the Indies.” Vespucci emphasized

the Americas. Despite this lack of direct ties, these

the abundance and novelty of this New World, describ-

Medici grand dukes acquired a great number of objects

ing its boundless land, the infinite number of people

from the New World, such as masks, featherwork, and

speaking a multitude of tongues, the many wild ani-

codices—more than most other contemporary Euro-

mals, the different kinds of birds, and the precious

pean rulers, collectors, and scientists in the sixteenth

stones he brought back on his ship. Lorenzo, most

century. And unlike other European princes and dukes

famous for his patronage of Botticelli’s Primavera, was

of the sixteenth century, they also commissioned draw-

one of the first to read of Vespucci’s discoveries, but he

ings, frescoes, panel paintings, and tapestries represent-

lacked the funds to support these early ventures to the

ing the Americas. This study concentrates on the rich

New World. It would not be until the late sixteenth cen-

material and visual culture of the Americas in Florence

tury that the Medici family would attempt to make

and thereby builds a case for the Medici’s engagement

their own incursions in the Americas.

with the New World.2





1

The Medici were not the only Italians who failed to

travel to the New World after Vespucci. The Spanish

the Medici interaction with the Americas from the

and Portuguese instituted laws that made it impossible

first years of Cosimo’s reign, beginning in 1537, to the

for Italians, except under special proxy, to take voyages

end of Ferdinando’s reign, in 1609. It tracks the phases

there. Accordingly, when Duke Cosimo de’ Medici

of the acculturation of the New World, from the organi-

(1519–1574), Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco’s great-grandson,

zation of the collection under Cosimo to the documen-

came to power in Florence in 1537, he had no one like

tation of America’s natural world under Francesco and

Vespucci to tell him of firsthand experiences of the New

finally to a more politicized display under Ferdinando.

World. Reports of these new lands, peoples, plants,

This is not only a study of collecting but rather an

animals, and precious materials fascinated Cosimo and

exploration of the intersections between collection,

his sons, the future dukes Francesco (1541–1587) and

representation, and acquisition of knowledge about the

Ferdinando (1549–1609). They initially acquired infor-

Americas, using archival documents, such as letters and

Detail of fig. 89

Markey book.indb 1

Imagining the Americas in Medici Florence examines

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inventories, and contemporary sources about the New

Honour more than four decades ago wrote that “no hunt-

World. This book therefore illuminates the reciprocal

ers after curiosa were more avid collectors of Mexican

relationship between collection and art production in

objects than the Medici in Florence.”3 Honour’s source

the early modern period. Collecting interests inspired

for this assertion was Detlef Heikamp’s 1972 Mexico and

and even fueled images of the Americas in Florence.

the Medici, a pioneering text that first brought to light the



many Mexican objects in the Medici collection.4 Indeed,

Moreover, a paradoxical transformation occurred in

the sixteenth-century response to the Americas in Flor-

the Medici collection includes the largest corpus of

ence: as the Medici gained knowledge of the New World

extant objects from and images of the Americas in

and began to make tangible incursions in the Americas,

Europe but has never been the topic of a full-length art-

representations of the Americas became less ethnograph-

historical study. Although the Medici also collected and

ically plausible or naturalistic and more improbable or

represented other parts of the world, such as Asia, Africa,

imaginative. For instance, in the 1570s Francesco de’

and the Middle East, and although comparisons with

Medici commissioned court artist Jacopo Ligozzi to cre-

these other cultural interactions necessarily enter into

ate naturalistic works on paper to document the plants

this study, this book focuses on the Americas and shows

and animals from the New World entering the court. Just

how the novelty of the New World discoveries provoked

a decade later, however, Medici court artist Giovanni

a new drive to catalogue, document, and represent the

Stradano, having read new publications about the nature

world at the Medici court.5 More importantly, this study

of the New World, contrarily designed engravings repre-

changes Heikamp’s basic picture of the Medici and the

senting the Americas symbolically as a land replete with

New World by demonstrating that the Medici and their

fantastical cannibalistic Indians. During this period

artists were incredibly knowledgeable about the Ameri-

Medici court artists began to create more inventive and

cas. Letters from Spain and the Americas as well as both

sometimes allegorical depictions of the Americas, but

published and unpublished accounts informed the

this practice reached its apogee at the end of the sixteenth

Medici about the land and people of the New World. The

century and beginning of the seventeenth century. In the

Medici court’s collection and representation of the

same years that Grand Duke Ferdinando sent ships to

Americas were driven by this new knowledge and a

Brazil from the Medici’s newly developed port of

desire to contribute to it.

Livorno, the Americas and Vespucci in particular were



celebrated in a wondrous Medici court spectacle for the

rulers, who were never physically involved in the con-

wedding of Cosimo II. The shift in the representation of

quest or colonization of the Americas, so avidly col-

the Americas in Florence demonstrates that it was

lected and represented the New World. Anthropologist

through inventive allegorical imagery that the New

Christian Feest has pointed out that actual participa-

World became integrated into Florentine culture as a

tion in the conquest of the Americas did not necessarily

political reality and even as a subject of patriotism.

imply an interest in goods from the New World—in



fact, the most avid collectors were late sixteenth-cen-

In the only full-length art-historical survey to exam-

ine European representations of the Americas, Hugh

2

Markey book.indb 2

This study also endeavors to explain why Medici

tury European rulers who were not participating in col-

i m ag in in g t h e am e r ic a s in m edi c i f lor en c e

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onization, such as the Bavarian dukes in Munich, the



Austrian Habsburgs, and especially the Medici grand

the New World took time and occurred in phases. For

dukes. This study proposes that rulers were trying to

most of Europe’s population, who did not travel to the

compensate for their lack of colonial activity by acquir-

New World or participate in its violent conquest, the

ing things from and producing images of the Americas.

Americas had to be imagined at home. In the words of



Edmundo O’Gorman, the New World was not just “dis-

6

It may be impossible to know the motivations of an

The initial adjustment to the so-called discovery of

early modern collector or patron, but this book proposes

covered” but also “invented.” O’Gorman’s well-known

many reasons why Medici rulers and their artists sought

proposal called for study of the “idea” of the discovery

to represent the New World and demonstrates the com-

of the Americas rather than simply the evidence of it as

plex ways in which they chose to display the Americas in

a means to decipher the European perception of the

various media. The multiple—and at times conflicting or

New World after 1492.11 John Elliott also famously

overlapping—modes of inventing and imagining the

claimed that following the discovery Europe was

New World in Europe therefore permeate this study of

unable to comprehend the magnitude of the event and

the Medici and their fascination with the Americas. Sev-

as a consequence developed its responses gradually.12

eral scholars have argued that the initial response to the

Michael T. Ryan built on the work of Elliott and others

New World represented Europe’s conception of its own

by explaining that it was not necessarily the discovery

identity more than any reality of the Americas them-

of the New World that took time to assimilate in the

selves. Stephen Greenblatt most famously wrote of the

sixteenth century but the very idea of novelty itself.13

European response to the Americas as the “colonization

He argued that the first phase of the integration of nov-

of the marvelous,” whereas Sabine MacCormack and

elty was the establishment of “commonality” between

Anthony Grafton have demonstrated the many ways that

the old and the new. Anthony Pagden, also following

Europeans compared the New World to antiquity.

Elliott’s “blunted impact” theory, similarly created a

Antonello Gerbi, among others, on the other hand, has

model of acculturation by delineating phases of

shown in various ways that naturalists and princes alike

encounter and then possession.14 The present study

catalogued plants, animals, and new objects from the

similarly charts stages of Medici engagement with the

Americas in order to integrate them into or update previ-

Americas. It demonstrates that transformations ensued

ous studies. Recently, scholars have explored the ethno-

as more information reached Florence but also makes

graphic interests of Europeans in relation to early images

clear that the process of integrating the novelty of the

of the Americas, often pointing out the hybrid or fanciful

Americas was not consistent.

7

8

9

manner Europeans used to depict indigenous peoples.

10

New World objects and images of the Americas in Flor-

Although little evidence of engagement with the New

ence could at once act as symbols of Europe’s past, evoke

World in Florence exists until after Cosimo came to

the marvelous, appear comparable to the antique, serve

power in 1537, this book begins in the early sixteenth

as a subject of naturalist and ethnographic study, and

century in order to set up the context for the chapters

inspire the fantastical.

about the Medici that follow. Chapter 1 therefore

i ntroduc tion

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4

Markey book.indb 4

defines the initial response to the Americas on the Ital-

turns to Francesco’s stanzino, a room created to house

ian peninsula and introduces the reader to the most

his treasures, where paintings by Jacopo Zucchi and

important textual sources about the New World that

Alessandro Allori reference the global economic

the Medici studied and that subsequently pervade this

exchange of novelties from the Americas.

study. It then traces the path of the first objects from



the Americas in Europe and their reception and disper-

of the New World in Europe was beginning to dissipate.

sal among Habsburg circles. Finally, this first chapter

In spite of this, Ferdinando de’ Medici collected Mexi-

turns to Rome and demonstrates how and why Medici

can featherwork and codices and commissioned paint-

popes were some of the first Italians to collect and rep-

ings representing the New World. Chapter 6, by

resent the Americas.

examining Ferdinando’s art and collecting, explores his



The book is then organized according to the reigns

engagement with the New World as a cardinal in Rome

of the three dukes, and chapters are devoted to specific

and during his first years as duke in Florence. The chap-

objects, collecting spaces, or relations between the two.

ter reveals the first signs of a paradoxical turn: Jacopo

The next two chapters therefore explore the collection

Zucchi’s studiolo painting entitled Allegory of the Ameri­

and representation of the Americas under Cosimo and

cas coincides with the duke’s ethnographic interests in

his wife Eleonora di Toledo. In chapter 2 a tapestry rep-

the Americas and reflects his knowledge of the New

resenting dovizia (abundance) designed by court artist

World but at the same time exhibits an imaginative

Agnolo Bronzino elucidates the gradual integration of

view of that world. The following chapter then exam-

the Americas into the Medici idea of prosperity and

ines Ferdinando’s first years as Grand Duke of Tuscany.

conquest. Chapter 3 demonstrates how Cosimo and

It uncovers the history and reception of Bernardino de

Eleonora acquired novelties and conquered new ter-

Sahagún’s famed History of New Spain, known as the

ritories virtually by amassing American objects and by

Florentine Codex, and questions the celebratory depic-

constructing Cosimo’s Guardaroba Nuova, a new col-

tion of Native Americans in the Armeria of the Uffizi.

lection space for these precious goods organized



according to geographic provenance.

develop real economic ties to the Americas by fostering



commercial relations with Brazil. But at the same time

Cosimo’s son Grand Duke Francesco preoccupied

By the mid-1580s the excitement over the novelty

In later years as grand duke, Ferdinando sought to

himself with the conquest of New World naturalia

that the New World was becoming a profitable reality

through gift giving and visual documentation. Chapter

for the Medici, representations of the Americas in Flor-

4 compares Francesco’s more politically motivated gift-

ence became more fantastical. The final two chapters of

ing of New World treasures with his exchange with

the book explore how Medici court artist Giovanni

Bolognese collector Ulisse Aldrovandi and in the light

Stradano assimilated the New World by representing it

of that comparison considers their study of the natural

allegorically in the medium of print and how other

commodities of the New World, demonstrating Fran-

Medici artists and advisors similarly celebrated the

cesco’s multiple reasons for exchange and the impor-

Americas in courtly ephemera. A century after the Flo-

tant role of drawings by Jacopo Ligozzi. Chapter 5 then

rentine explorer Vespucci made his journey, Florentine

i m ag in in g t h e am e r ic a s in m edi c i f lor en c e

5/5/16 9:53 PM

artists and writers promoted Florence’s role in the dis-

gift giving, and allegory.17 It makes evident that news

covery, turning it into public spectacle with the naviga-

and goods from the Americas played a considerable

tor as its hero. Through these imaginative artistic

role in the visuality of sixteenth-century Italy. Feather-

endeavors the Medici and their collaborators brought

work and Aztec masks shared the same space as pre-

the New World home to Italy and made its new lands,

cious jewels and painted masterpieces, Vasari’s Lives

its natural settings, its peoples, and its art accessible

was shelved in the same library as illustrated histories

within their own sphere.

of Mexico, and Florentines costumed as Indians marched in public pageants alongside those dressed as

In his article in Fredi Chiappelli’s seminal 1976 volume,

mythological heroes.

First Images of America: The Impact of the New World on



the Old, Donald Robertson tried to answer the funda-

Walter Mignolo terms the “colonization of space.”18

mental question, “But what influence, if any, did the

Mignolo views the Renaissance as a double self-fashion-

discovery of America and pre-conquest art have on

ing of the colonization of space and time. While scholar-

European art?” He concluded that there was, in fact,

ship of the Italian Renaissance tends to focus on the

little impact. In a 1969 essay, Nicole Dacos similarly

“colonization of time,” or the way in which early modern

questioned the New World’s influence specifically on

culture conquered antiquity and the medieval period, a

Italian art. While Dacos refuted the notion that Aztec

colonization of space occurred as well; Florence looked

art had any effect on Renaissance art, she simultane-

beyond Europe, and the Medici engagement with the

ously indicated that American inspiration did exist,

Americas precipitated an expansive system of representa-

observing that Raphael studied and depicted the exotic

tion in sixteenth-century Italy that significantly impacted

New World animals that had been brought to the papal

the visual and cultural reception of the New World. This

court when he produced frescoes in the papal apart-

study therefore aims to reevaluate the Hegelian Eurocen-

ments. This study presents further evidence that the

tric model of history and the Burkhardtian emphasis on

New World did have an impact on the iconography of

the importance to the Renaissance of the revival of antiq-

Italian Renaissance art. More importantly, it shows

uity. Furthermore, sixteenth-century Medici Florence

how the idea of the Americas changed collectors’ and

was as much a receiver, conservator, and documenter of

artists’ very conceptions of art, collection and display,

culture as it was a producer, donor, patron, and creator.

15

16

Ultimately and most broadly, this is a study of what

i ntroduc tion

Markey book.indb 5

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Markey book.indb 6

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one • The New World and Italy in the Early Sixteenth Century

During the first decades of the sixteenth century, the

experienced unparalleled cultural growth. Indeed, the

Italian city-states were in crisis, not because of eco-

peninsula became an intellectual center ready to digest

nomic and political changes related to the Iberian con-

news of the Americas and to dissect its significance

quests but rather because the city-states were

from various points of view.

consumed by internal peninsular conflicts and diseases.



Both the Kingdom of France and the Holy Roman

what was happening in the New World: the papacy and

Empire vied for control in Italy. These powers invaded

Italian missionaries were involved in the conversion of

various city-states between 1494, when France first

the people of the Americas, several Italian merchants

entered, and 1527, when the Holy Roman Empire

journeyed across the Atlantic in the Cinquecento, and

sacked Rome. Finally, in 1530 the Holy Roman Empire

the Medici possessed colonial aspirations by the end of

gained control of much of Italy.

the sixteenth century. Overall, however, the Italian city-



states were not directly involved in the events occurring

Local Italian governments were politically unsta-

ble. During 1492–1537 governmental power in Florence

in the Americas throughout the century. It is important

shifted several times between the Medici and republi-

therefore to approach the peninsula’s relationship to

can factions. It was only after Spain, under the auspices

the Americas within its own context.1 The conquest of

of the Holy Roman Empire, took control that the

the Americas figured little in Italian politics of the six-

Medici were reinstalled as rulers of the city with some

teenth century, yet it strongly shaped the imagination

permanence. Furthermore, in the mid-1520s many Ital-

and literature of the period.2

ian regions lost much of their population to the plague.



Syphilis, believed to have been an import from the

Medici case study that follows by showing how and

Americas via Spain and France, also ravaged the Italian

why Italians responded to the New World in the early

peninsula in the first decades of the century.

Cinquecento. Although Italy was composed of feuding



city-states and the reaction to the New World through-

The Italian city-states, which had no centralizing

This chapter provides the background for the

authority in the sixteenth century, lacked the wealth

out the peninsula inevitably varied, here, for simplic-

and power to compete with Spain’s and Portugal’s

ity’s sake, I refer to the politically fractured peninsula

American activities. Despite, or perhaps because of, the

collectively as Italy in characterizing the diverse reac-

political, economic, and social turmoil, the region

tion to the Americas. In the first half of the sixteenth

Detail of fig. 4

Markey book.indb 7

The city-states were not completely isolated from

7

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century, information about the Americas flooded Italy

for their skill, their industry, their resoluteness, their vigi-

in the form of maps, letters, manuscripts, and printed

lance and their labors, by means of which our century came

texts and images. This chapter first necessarily focuses

to know about such great and unforeseen things. But their

on some of the texts that the Medici knew and that

achievements would have been more worthy of celebration

come up throughout the rest of the book. Medici inter-

if they had been induced to undertake such perils and trails,

ests in the New World were inspired and informed by

not by an immoderate lust for gold and riches but by a

written sources about the Americas, and examining

desire, either to gain this knowledge for themselves or for

them helps to re-create the world in which Florentine

others, or else to propagate the Christian faith.3

interests in the Americas were realized. The final two sections of this chapter then turn to the history of the

Guicciardini here responds to the wonder of the discov-

first American objects that entered Europe and trace

ery but also criticizes the Spanish and Portuguese con-

their trajectory from Mexico via the Habsburg network

quests. These words emphasize Columbus’s importance

of exchange to Medici popes in Rome. Ultimately the

and underscore the intellectual drive that fed the curios-

chapter demonstrates Italy’s important role in the dis-

ity of collectors like the Medici and the religious interests

semination of information about the Americas and

of missionaries, which would characterize the Italian

reveals that early sixteenth-century Medici popes Leo

response to the New World in the sixteenth century.

X and Clement VII—early New World enthusiasts and



collectors in Italy—were important predecessors to the

nomic concerns about the New World as well. Pietro

future Medici dukes of sixteenth-century Florence.

Bembo, a Venetian poet, historian, and cardinal,

Aside from such religious concerns, Italy had eco-

described the recent discoveries of the Americas and The Textual Response

their control by the Spanish and Portuguese as “a terrible event never imagined by people far and wide in the

Italy was a nonparticipant in the conquest but yet an

region.”4 He goes on to explain with some chagrin that

active member of an intense network of learning and

these ties to the Indies and the discovery of new trade

artistic exchange throughout Europe. This unique role

routes had shifted the economic activities from the Med-

fundamentally informed Italy’s rich textual and visual

iterranean to the Atlantic and had given the Iberian Pen-

response to the Americas. Although it was an outsider

insula the upper hand in trade and commerce. Bembo’s

in relation to the Americas, Italy did not possess a neu-

writings reveal the concern in Venice that the republic

tral and discerning eye. The Florentine historian Fran-

would lose prestige in the face of these fundamental

cesco Guicciardini provides an early Italian view of the

changes in the economic balance of power.

New World in his History of Italy (1537–40):



Although Bembo’s anxieties proved warranted,

Italy, and particularly Venice, nonetheless profited from

8

Markey book.indb 8

Surely the Portuguese, the Spaniards and especially Colum-

the Americas through at least one indirect means: book

bus, the first discoverer of this marvelous and dangerous

publishing related to the New World. By the mid-six-

navigation, are worthy to be celebrated with eternal praise

teenth century, the Italian city-states produced more

i m ag in in g t h e am e r ic a s in m edi c i f lor en c e

5/5/16 9:53 PM

printed texts on the Americas than any other country.5

time in Spain as official chronicler of the New World

This is unsurprising—Italy, particularly Venice, was

under Charles V, the Piedmontese Peter Martyr wrote

then a publishing capital of the world. Furthermore,

letters to Italian friends and colleagues, primarily

Spain and Portugal hesitated to publish information

Ascanio Sforza and Pope Leo X. These letters were

about the conquest and their finds unless the reports

based on firsthand reports from Columbus and others

were favorable to the crown. Italian city-states formed a

who actually traveled to the New World; Peter Martyr

“receptive audience” for news about the Iberian con-

developed them into a series of writings called De orbe

6

quests, primarily because of their population of literate

novo decades, with a publication in 1511. Although Peter

people and a thriving network for disseminating texts.

Martyr never crossed the Atlantic himself, his writings,

In a 1525 letter Andrea Navagero, Venetian ambassador

which affirmed Spanish control but advocated the

to Charles V’s court, writes to his successor, Gasparo

rights of the natives, became a primary source for infor-

Contarini, in frustration at the Spanish people’s appar-

mation about the New World.12

ent lack of interest in the New World: “Here [in Spain]



one does not find anything published on the things of

viaggi deftly underscores the Italian urge to catalogue and

the Indies.” Navagero then explains that he will soon

record writing about the Americas for a specifically Ital-

send many treasures from the New World to Venice

ian audience. A Venetian scholar and colleague of Nav-

and that his friend Peter Martyr d’Anghiera is writing

agero’s, Ramusio industriously translated prominent

with news about the Council of the Indies. Indeed,

examples of French and Spanish travel writing and com-

Navagero’s reaction foreshadows Italy’s unique role in

piled them along with Italian sources—including chroni-

disseminating information about the Americas. Ulti-

cles, diaries, personal letters, and bureaucratic

mately, Italian publishers produced more printed texts

correspondence from the fourteenth through the six-

about the New World than about any major political

teenth centuries, as well as maps and printed illustra-

event, including the wars with the Turks.

tions—into a formidable three-volume text about the



entire world, which he published between 1550 and 1559.

7

8

9

Almost immediately after Columbus reached the

Giovanni Battista Ramusio’s 1556 Navigationi et

Caribbean, maps, letters, printed texts, and illustrations

The first volume includes excerpts of Antonio Pigafetta’s

of the Americas made their way to Italy. In fact, the first

manuscript about his experience on Magellan’s journey

illustrated and Italian edition of Columbus was pub-

and various early letters written about the discovery, such

lished in Florence already in 1493. Such early represen-

as Amerigo Vespucci’s letters to Piero Soderini. The third

tations and descriptions of the Americas formed the

volume consists primarily of writings about the Americas

basis for later sixteenth-century knowledge of the

and includes the works of Peter Martyr, some of Hernán

Americas and became the sources to which collectors

Cortés’s letters, and reports by various Italians and

like the Medici referred. Three other major docu-

Frenchmen who made trips to the New World.13

menters of the Americas read at the court were Peter



Martyr d’Anghiera, Giovanni Battista Ramusio, and

lation of Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés’s Sumario de la

Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés. During his

natural historie de las Indias, the first study of the natura­

10

11

One of Ramusio’s greatest contributions is a trans-

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lia of the New World, which combines text with image.

Some of the items first brought to Europe from the

Oviedo entered the service of Alphonso of Aragon, the

New World were gifts from Montezuma, but many

second Duke of Villahermosa, where he was fortunate

other items were simply looted.

enough to meet Columbus and subsequently became



interested in the discoveries of the New World. After

bition tour, first put on display at the royal palace in

spending some time at Italian courts, Oviedo in 1513

Brussels in August and September of 1520 and then trav-

joined an expedition to the Americas. In Toledo in

eling through Spain. Although Albrecht Dürer’s famous

1526 he published his first text, Sumario, known in Ital-

journal entry has become the main reference for the

ian as the Sommario, a brief history of the Indies that

reception of New World novelties in Europe, another

focuses on flora and fauna. He later became a council-

thirteen textual descriptions of these same objects are

man for the area of Antigua, and following the death of

known.16 On March 6, 1520, the Venetian Francesco Cor-

Peter Martyr, Charles V commissioned him to write a

ner, writing from Valladolid as ambassador of the doge,

history of the New World, becoming its official chroni-

described the many wonderful things from the New

cler in 1532. Oviedo returned to Spain in 1534 and the

World that were on display at Charles V’s court: “many

next year published the first part of his longer history,

garments and headdresses which they [the natives] wear

La historia general de las Indias. At the Medici court,

in the said country of linen, wool and skins of birds.

Oviedo’s Sumario, accessible in Italian in Ramusio’s

Item, many heads of wolves, tigers and other animals,

volume, would become one of the most important

worked and adorned with gold, with many plumes of

sources of information about the land and people of the

parrots and other birds unknown to us, and many other

Americas. This work would inspire images of the New

varied things of stones worked very small, which truly

World and enlighten their collection of objects.

shows that in those parts there are persons of skill.”17

14

Charles V’s gifts became famous during their exhi-

Corner’s words, although condescending toward the From Mexico to the Habsburg Network of Exchange

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artists and express excitement especially toward the feathers of birds “unknown to us.” These same gifts were

In the same years that Italians began to publish and dis-

subsequently displayed in Seville, where another Italian,

seminate texts about the Americas, the first objects

Peter Martyr, saw and commented on them. In a Decem-

from the New World made their way into European

ber 1519 letter from Barcelona, he too describes the artful

collections. These initial offerings included live

featherwork and the enormous gifts of gold and silver.

humans, seeds, plants, and animals, as well as codices,

His letter was quite likely circulated in Italy immediately

featherwork, and gold. Although goods from the New

and in 1530 was published in his Opus Epistolarum. The

World certainly arrived in Europe via the very first navi-

writings of these two Italians, not Dürer’s private journal,

gators, the earliest substantial documentation of these

were disseminated and read first by Italian dukes and

objects dates from 1519, when Hernán Cortés sent

duchesses, cardinals and popes. These same types of

treasures from Montezuma and other rulers of Mexico.

objects, including featherwork and small stonework,

15

10

native craftsmen, nonetheless compliment New World

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would make their way into the Medici collection just a

Indies.”25 Her 1524 inventory lists a wide array of materials

few decades later.

from the New World, including four pairs of leg guards



(some with feathers and decorated with bells), three

The very same articles described in the letters also

appear in a 1519 inventory of gifts Cortés sent to Emperor

bracelets, a sword, two necklaces, thirteen shields (many

Charles V. This inventory lists some 158 objects from the

made of feathers), three feather fans, seven helmets, a

New World, including featherwork, leg guards, shields,

feathered mirror, five feathered cloaks, one headdress,

necklaces, animals, and other precious items. Unlike

curtains, bed linens, and even the roof of a hut.26 These

later Medici inventories, that of 1519 places a monetary

items are lumped together in the inventory, indicating

value on the objects and also carefully describes the

that they were displayed, or at least stored, together

composition of many of them. One entry simply lists

within the palace. Margaret’s collection was a precursor

“100 golden pesos to be melted so that [one] could see

to the Kunstkammer of the later early modern period; her

how gold is being extracted from the mines.” The

collection of exotica and naturalia was organized by type

description confines itself to the work’s precise materials

and housed in a library, signifying that they were objects

and composition. The emperor was not a collector, and

of study and contemplation.27 Charles might have given

examination of later inventories indicates that he was not

the gifts to Margaret to keep them in the family for dis-

personally attached to these New World treasures.

play to visiting dignitaries. Margaret held on to the most

Later inventories of Charles V’s American gifts from 1520

valuable pieces for herself but distributed others to family

to 1525 become much less detailed, but together they list

members and to political allies as diplomatic gifts.28 Thus,

some six hundred items from the Americas.21 One inven-

in the first quarter of the sixteenth century, New World

tory from the 1520s lists all the featherwork and jewelry

treasures remained primarily in storage and part of the

that Charles V eventually distributed to various

Habsburg and Spanish network of gift giving, though

churches, monasteries, and dignitaries throughout

Margaret of Austria also displayed a large number of trea-

Spain. Charles V’s 1536 Brussels inventory still includes

sures from the Americas.29

18

19

20

22

a few hundred items from the “Indies,” a great number of which were then stored in a palace in Simancas, though much of the gold and silver had been melted down and

Medici Popes and the Americas

many items dispersed.23

Medici popes were some of the earliest collectors of



objects from the Americas in Italy in the early sixteenth

In August 1523 Charles presented some 170 Ameri-

can imports to his aunt, godmother, and advisor, Marga-

century. Political and social alliance determined the

ret of Austria, a Habsburg princess and regent of the

recipients of these New World tokens of great mon-

Netherlands. In the 1520s she had completed construc-

etary and symbolic value. One brief entry in Margaret’s

tion on her palace in Mechelen (present-day Belgium) in

inventory, for example, is particularly revealing about

order to create a space to store and display her collection.

the dispersal of the early religious objects from the New

Margaret’s 1516 inventory already lists “two boxes of cloth

World and the politics involved in acquiring American

from the Indies” and “a pair of ladies’ shoes from the

novelties in Italy. The inventory describes a “chasuble of

24

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Fig. 1 Mixtec mask, ca. 1430– 1520, turquoise. Museo nazionale preistorico ed etnografico “Luigi Pigorini,” Rome. Fig. 2 (opposite) Mixtec mask, ca. 1430–1520, turquoise. Museo nazionale preistorico ed etnografico “Luigi Pigorini,” Rome.

12

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cloth from the Indies . . . made to send to the present

rial culture of the Americas. One of the most important

pope.” This inventory was written at some point in 1523,

curiosities that Clement VII owned was the Mixtec

during the reign of one of two popes, Adrian VI, who was

Codex Vindobonensis Mexicanus i, today in the

Charles V’s tutor, or the Florentine pope Clement VII,

National Library in Vienna.33 This preconquest Meso-

Giulio de’ Medici.31 Evidently this chasuble never made it

american screenfold manuscript painted on deerhide

into the papal collection—it is later listed in Charles V’s

includes a handwritten note inside its cover, confirming

inventory of 1536. The fact that it returned to the emper-

the provenance and nature of the gift: “This hiero-

or’s hands indicates that it was intended for his supporter

glyphic manuscript from the South Indies was sent by

and friend Adrian VI, who died before he was able to

Emanuel, King of Portugal, to Clement VII together

receive it. Medici pope Clement VII was probably not

with further presents of a few small bells from the

deemed worthy of such a prize.

Indies and a blanket of parrot feathers.”34 In 1518 Eman-



uel of Portugal had married Emperor Charles V’s sister

30

32

Clement VII did acquire a great Mexican treasure

well before 1523 and was an early enthusiast of the mate-

Eleonora and by this means probably acquired the codex. Emanuel died in 1521, so Clement VII likely received it before he became pope, in 1523, while he was a cardinal in Rome working as the director of papal policy under his cousin, Medici pope Leo X.

In 1533 Pope Clement VII received a substantial gift

of items from the “New Indies” from a Spanish Dominican named Domingo de Betanzos. Another Dominican colleague, Leandro Alberti, in his chronicle Historie di Bologna (1548), describes in great detail feather “coverlets,” codices, and turquoise masks, conveying not only a sense of awe and excitement for the goods but also knowledge about their materiality and function.35 It is possible that Codex Vindobonensis came to Clement VII through de Betanzos’s gift.36 The turquoise masks through which, he wrote, the “demons spoke” might be the same masks later listed in Medici grand-ducal inventories that ultimately made their way into Ulisse Aldrovandi’s collection in Bologna (figs. 1 and 2).37

Medici popes also commissioned some of the first

images of the New World. In 1522–23, when he was a young cardinal, Clement VII commissioned Giovanni da Udine to paint a turkey in his Villa Madama in

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Vatican between 1517 and 1519.39 Caribbean hummingbirds and American quails, all quite likely gifts from the Americas to the pope, appear in the grotesque work below the biblical scenes on the ceiling of the loggia.40 By placing these novelties in a familiar setting and using this stylish mode of representation to illustrate them, the artists integrated the new plants and animals into the antique fresco patterns and displayed them as collectibles.

A large-scale terra-cotta representing the Adam and

Eve (fig. 4), designed by the workshop of Giovanni della Robbia in honor of Pope Leo X’s 1515 entry into Florence, makes provocative allusions to the New World.41 The influence of Dürer’s renowned engraving of Adam and Eve is clear in the nearly life-size della Robbia terra-cotta, where a parrot in the treetop likely references one of Leo Fig. 3 Giovanni da Udine, detail of a turkey in the Sala di Giulio

X’s favorite pets, another import from the Americas.42

Romano, ca. 1520, Villa Madama, Rome.

But della Robbia here replaced Dürer’s dense Germanic

Fig. 4 (opposite) Workshop of Giovanni della Robbia, Adam and

forest with a field of maize and, in doing so, likened Adam

Eve, 1515. Walters Art Museum, Baltimore.

and Eve to the nude natives that Columbus, Vespucci, and Peter Martyr described, and placed the Garden of Eden in the Americas. Although Cosimo de’ Medici, future grand duke of Tuscany, was not yet born, one won-

Rome (fig. 3). But even before this, Pope Leo X, who

ders if he would have encountered this terra-cotta Ameri-

reportedly enjoyed having Peter Martyr’s letters con-

can Eden—likely the first pictorial reference to the

cerning the New World read aloud after dinner in the

Americas in Florence. The following chapter begins to

company of cardinals, commissioned frescoes includ-

examine the engagement with the New World at the

ing American plants and animals. Raphael, Giovanni

Medici court, from the growing of maize in the villa gar-

da Udine, and their workshop painted maize and other

dens to the celebration of new Medici abundance via the

New World plants and animals in Leo X’s loggia in the

representation of a turkey.

38

14

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15

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two • A Turkey in a Medici Tapestry

In the early 1540s Duke Cosimo de’ Medici founded the

naturalistically rendered turkey from the New World

first tapestry workshop in Florence when he set two

stands prominently in the center of the composition.

Flemish tapestry makers up in the Palazzo Vecchio. Their



first work in Florence was a tapestry known as La

tapestry sheds light on how New World goods and

Dovizia, dated to 1545 and attributed to Agnolo

images of those goods were manipulated and took on

Bronzino (fig. 5). Judging from its large size (about two

new meanings in Medici Florence under Cosimo I.

meters tall) and its elaborate border, it likely func-

Without traveling to the New World or participating in

tioned as a portiere, or door hanging, that would have

the conquest of these new lands, Cosimo I and his wife

been moved between various Medici palaces. A 1553

Eleonora di Toledo in the 1540s were able to experience

inventory lists it as “dovizia with a landscape.” Beyond

the Americas virtually through the influx of the flora,

“abundance,” the word dovizia encompasses the idea of

fauna, and objects they collected in Florence and

wealth, prosperity, and fecundity. Dovizia was a com-

through representations of the Americas that court

mon allegorical figure in Florentine art, yet this tapes-

artists produced. New plants motivated Cosimo’s

try portrays an unusual utopian scene. In the

development of the first botanical garden of Pisa, and

background an idealized landscape includes a fertile

new goods inspired artists to incorporate the New

countryside, peacocks, laboring peasants, flowing

World in Medici iconography in various media, includ-

water, and palatial buildings. The foreground is set

ing frescoes, tapestries, and a grotto. This chapter shows

within a shallow marble-paneled corridor; at the right a

how the representation of the New World began shift-

female figure holds a potted plant, and at the left a

ing from the margins of various media to the center in

seated child clutches some squash and offers some to a

Bronzino’s Dovizia tapestry and how the American tur-

turtle. This turtle reflects Duke Cosimo’s associations

key became connected with the idea of abundance and

with Augustus’s ancient motto Festina lente, or “Make

conquest under Duke Cosimo.

1

2

The representation of this American bird in the

haste slowly,” a saying that advocated the slow enjoyment of life. It was used throughout the Palazzo Vecchio and in works that Cosimo commissioned, where it

The Politics of an Ephemeral America in Florence

often appears with a representation of a turtle with a

Cosimo’s marriage to Eleonora di Toledo in 1539 was an

sail on its shell. Just behind the boy and the turtle, a

ideal political and social union that created important

Detail of fig. 5

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Fig. 5 Agnolo Bronzino, La Dovizia, ca. 1545. Museo degli argenti, Florence.

18

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ties with Spain and the Holy Roman Empire. Eleonora

Artists and architects such as Agnolo Bronzino, Benve-

connected the Medici court to the Spanish court

nuto Cellini, Niccolò Tribolo, and Giorgio Vasari were

through family, politics, culture, and language. Her fam-

just a few of the individuals entrusted with the decora-

ily moved from Toledo to Naples in the early 1530s, after

tion of these homes and gardens and with the produc-

Emperor Charles V appointed her father, Pedro Álvarez

tion of state portraits, festivals, and other courtly

de Toledo, viceroy of Naples. Although Cosimo initially

apparati where art and propaganda merged.

lacked such powerful political connections, he was a



supreme Medici ruler in the sense that he connected

celebration of Cosimo and Eleonora’s wedding, an

both sides of the Medici family. He was the son of the

artistic and intensely political display of their new reign

great Medici military leader Giovanni dalle Bande Nere

in Florence. No visual evidence survives of the wedding

and Maria Salviati, granddaughter of Lorenzo de’

decorations, but Pierfrancesco Giambullari’s 1539 Appa­

Medici. Cosimo came to power following the assassina-

rato et feste nelle noze describes in great detail many of

tion of Alessandro de’ Medici, the family member who

the images used in the festivities.5 The ducal wedding

was made Duke of Florence under Emperor Charles V

was a complex multimedia event involving a procession

and Pope Clement VII following a period of republican

that began in Pisa and traveled to Florence, passing

government in Florence. With the emperor’s support,

through decorated arches along the way. Images of the

Cosimo united the many city-states of Tuscany under

New World appeared prominently on Florence’s city

Medici rule, and in 1569, seven years after his wife’s

gate. Giambullari explains that Charles V was repre-

death, he was elevated to Grand Duke of Tuscany. Cosi-

sented seated next to allegorical depictions of Spain,

mo’s marriage to Eleonora was critical to his alliance

New Spain, and Peru. He says little about Spain’s like-

with Spain, his attainment of the grand-ducal title, and

ness but devotes great attention to a nude figure repre-

his acquisition of goods from the Americas.

senting New Spain, writing that she “had her right hand



placed on her head, holding the knot of the headdress,

3

Cosimo and Eleonora’s powerful court fostered

The New World made its first appearance in the

the lively intersection of art and politics. Following

which, winding around the temples, pulled the hair up

their 1539 marriage, they moved from the Medici palace

into the topknot according to the custom of that coun-

on the Via Larga into the Palazzo Vecchio, which also

try. And in her other hand she held a pinecone.”6 He

housed Florence’s civic government. To refurbish the

then explains that “after her, also in a circle, appeared

palace, they hired a team of artists, led by the painter,

the new Peru, figured as a lady draped in a sort of cloth

architect, and historian Giorgio Vasari, to decorate

without sleeves. . . . She had with her, tied through the

both their private apartments and the more public gov-

ears, a sheep with a long neck, the animal that flour-

ernment spaces. The couple later bought and renovated

ishes best in that region.”7 The artists who produced

several other homes, including the Villa of Castello,

these representations for the Medici gate must have

with its extensive garden, just outside the city. Within

read published accounts of New Spain and Peru. Yet

these properties and particularly within the Palazzo

the Spanish conquistador Francisco Pizarro’s conquest

Vecchio, Cosimo and Eleonora kept their treasures.

of Peru had taken place less than a decade before, in

4

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and Peru’s “sheep with a long neck” was certainly a llama, since they were described as such throughout the sixteenth century.8 Already this early processional imagery employs nude or partially nude women holding specific objects to personify the New World, an element that would appear later in the female figure in the Dovizia tapestry.

Medici artists and advisors might have borrowed

this New World iconography for Cosimo and Eleonora’s wedding from the nuptial decorations of Charles V and other imperial imagery, but, if so, they altered it significantly. For their wedding celebration in Seville in 1526, Charles V and Isabella of Portugal passed beneath an arch depicting Spaniards, Italians, Germans, Flemings, and Indians at Charles V’s feet.9 The triumphal arch for his 1541 entry into Milan similarly portrayed Charles V overcoming Native Americans.10 An illustration within the text commemorating this Milan entrance procession immortalizes the arch (fig. 6); here Charles V is placed atop the arch, like a Roman emperor, astride a rearing horse trampling three generic Native Americans. The text accompanying the image reads: “Our age will be more rich and perfect / With the New World discovered and vanquished.”11 In both instances, Charles V appears Fig. 6 Triumphal Arch from the 1541 Entry of Charles V into Milan,

as a violent conqueror of dominions. Italy is actually

from Giovanni Albicante, Trattato del’intrar in Milano di Carlo V,

included as one of these conquered lands in his nuptial

1541. Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles (2893-040).

allegory. But in Cosimo and Eleonora’s wedding imagery, Charles is depicted as a peaceful scepter-wielding ruler who stands between his newly acquired domains.

20

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1532, and there were few descriptions of its land and

The Medici, themselves under Charles’s rule, obviously

people. Because Giambullari finds it difficult to

had to portray a benevolent emperor but also sought to

describe attributes of the personifications he sees deco-

associate themselves with these newly conquered lands.

rating the arch, he uses terms that he and his contem-



poraries would understand. The “pinecone” held by

Peru in Cosimo and Eleonora’s wedding decorations

New Spain was quite likely meant to be a pineapple,

played an important part in the complex political state-

The depiction of Charles V with New Spain and

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ment of the union. The Medici’s wedding propaganda

in the decorative borders of frescoes painted by

sought to curry the favor of the Florentine people, to

Giovanni da Udine in his Loggia di Psiche in the Villa

demonstrate the power of the Medici over other Tus-

Farnesina, Eleonora and Cosimo cultivated New World

can cities and localities, and to confirm Medici ties to

plants on Medici grounds.13 Among the duties Eleonora

the Holy Roman Empire.12 This final objective becomes

assumed as duchess was the management of the agri-

clear in the decoration of the gate. By representing

cultural production at many of the Medici estates, and

Charles peacefully surrounded by his expanded empire,

she experimented with grano indiano, or maize.14 A

Cosimo and Eleonora connected themselves to Charles

November 1545 letter between court secretaries in Pisa

and also affirmed the Holy Roman Empire’s control

and Florence describes Eleonora’s desire to plant grano

over both Florence and the New World. This was a way

indiano.15 Cosimo too was involved in the planting of

for the Medici to pay homage to Charles V while dis-

corn on Medici estates. According to an August 1547

playing their knowledge of the Americas. Cosimo did

letter between secretaries, “the duke says that he wants

not yet possess the grand-ducal title and needed to cul-

to see planted in a field grani d’India of the type that was

tivate a significant relationship with the emperor. This

planted here [Pisa]”; it stresses the difficulty of this

gate decoration therefore reveals the Medici’s compli-

endeavor, explaining that mice had recently eaten a

cated conception of the New World as a counterpart

field of corn in Agnano.16 An April 1548 letter explains

under the Holy Roman Empire’s domain but also as a

that the duke ordered the planting of grano indiano at

wondrous novelty. Giambullari’s long description of

the Medici villa at Castello, and an October 1548 letter

the new personifications of the Americas makes clear

says that tomatoes, which Europeans still thought of as

that these representations, with their unusual attributes

poisonous, were already available at the Medici court.17

of the llama and the pineapple, were a provocative part

Furthermore, Cosimo’s son Prince Francesco later

of the Medici public ephemeral display and were now

recounted to Bolognese scientist Ulisse Aldrovandi

incorporated into Medici propaganda. The depiction of

that the duke had successfully grown guanabano but it

New Spain and Peru in Cosimo and Eleonora’s wed-

had died after receiving insufficient care.18

ding represents an attempt to place the New World



within the politics of display despite their lack of tan-

Medici grounds paralleled his developing interest in bot-

gible connection to the Americas.

any. By this time he would have been able to learn all

Cosimo’s interest in cultivating American plants on

about these new plants in works such as Oviedo’s Som­ Cultivating, Cataloguing, and Representing the Nature of the New World

mario, which included a lengthy description and illustrations of corn. Sienese physician Pietro Andrea Mattioli’s 1546 revision of Dioscorides’s De materia medica, an

After their wedding, New World objects and imagery

encyclopedic study of plants, also included New World

were increasingly woven into Cosimo and Eleonora’s

plants such as tomatoes and corn.19 In 1545 Duke Cosimo

life at court. Following the lead of Agostino Chigi, who

assisted in the creation of a botanical garden at the Uni-

grew maize in Rome as early as the 1510s and then saw it

versity of Pisa, which was likely among the first botanical

a t ur key i n a m edici tape stry

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Fig. 7 Francesco Salviati, Estate, ca. 1545–48. Gabinetto disegni e stampe, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence.

22

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gardens to be connected to a public university.20 Cosimo

any, citing his desire for specimens from the Indies for the

hired botanist Luca Ghini to found and maintain the Pisa

sake of scienza.22 In the gardens, plants were organized by

garden; by the time of Ghini’s death, in 1556, the Studio

type and provenance. Ghini catalogued and documented

pisano had achieved prominence among naturalists, such

them by drying them and hiring artists to illustrate

as Aldrovandi from Bologna and Pierre Belon from Paris,

them.23 These physical and visual records are lost, but the

who came to study plants and animals collected there

creation of the gardens and Ghini’s efforts to record them

from around the globe. Cosimo corresponded frequently

represent a first systematic effort to organize botanical

with scholars and ambassadors about the cultivation of

knowledge from the New World.

certain plants. A June 1565 letter from Cosimo to his sec-



retary Paolo Trenta in Pisa reveals that Cosimo was

into fresco cycles and tapestries at court and took on

exchanging rare seeds and looking for instructions from

another role as symbolic decoration. Artist Francesco

the botanists in Pisa on how to plant them.21 Vincenzo

Salviati incorporated ears of maize into the border sur-

Fedeli, an ambassador serving Venice in Florence,

rounding his representation of summer for a tapestry

described Cosimo’s “rare” and “personal” interest in bot-

design dated 1545–48 (fig. 7).24 Salviati similarly

These new plant specimens soon made their way

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included tomatoes within the decorative framing in the frescoes of Camillus in the Sala dell’Udienza of the Palazzo Vecchio (fig. 8).25 These tapestries and frescoes demonstrate that just as the actual plants were being catalogued in books and cultivated in gardens, artists visually catalogued new flora and fauna on palace walls. Although relegated to the margins of art at court, the American plants announce their presence in the Medici collection and reveal a prosperous court where New World nature flourished.

The New Abundance of the Dovizia Tapestry It was within this expansive cultural milieu in Florence in the 1540s and 1550s that Cosimo commissioned the Dovizia tapestry. The turkey in the Dovizia tapestry is neither the first representation nor the earliest example of an American bird in Europe. Parrots and other foreign birds figure in frescoes and other media throughout the Palazzo Vecchio. For instance, in Eleonora’s Camera Verde, located outside her chapel, Ridolfo del Ghirlandaio painted exotic birds perched on branches in the ceiling decoration.26 Parrots were associated with the New World early on, in illustrated texts like Chris-

Fig. 8 Francesco Salviati, detail from the Triumph of Camillus in

topher Weiditz’s 1529 Trachtenbuch, where an Indian

the Sala dell’Udienza, ca. 1543–45, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence.

chief is depicted holding a parrot and a feather staff. In 27

the Palazzo Vecchio they reveal an interest in displaying the exotic and novel New World within the margins of the grand-ducal couple’s private and public spaces.28

Villa Madama in Rome (fig. 3).29 By this time turkeys



were probably roaming in gardens in Rome. The first

Turkeys figured much less prominently in six-

teenth-century art than parrots, and they were taking on

documented turkey, called the gallina d’india, arrived in

more complex meanings as well. As mentioned in the

Italy in 1520 when the bishop of Santo Domingo sent

previous chapter, Giovanni da Udine, on commission

one to a cardinal in Rome.30 Cosimo received shipments

from Cardinal Giulio di Giuliano de’ Medici, the future

of birds from the Indies, including turkeys, as early as the

pope Clement VII, frescoed a turkey in a vault in the

1540s.31 Oviedo equated turkeys with peacocks, and in

a t ur key i n a m edici tape stry

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fact, the Italian word for peacock, pavone, was used in Ramusio’s translation of chapter 37 of his Sommario. Through such sources the turkey became a beautiful display bird and a symbol of the New World. Unlike the birds represented in the Palazzo Vecchio and the turkey at the Villa Madama, Bronzino’s Dovizia turkey is no longer consigned to the periphery of the image or the vault of a frescoed room: it is a central subject of the tapestry. The turkey was here connected to the idea of dovizia and represented next to the turtle, thus conspicuously linked to Medicean imagery.

The personification of dovizia, or abundance or

plenty, generally portrayed with her cornucopia or a platter of fruits and vegetables, had a long history in Florence by the middle of the sixteenth century. Throughout the fifteenth century Florentine artists had looked to Donatello’s statue of Dovizia, a symbol borrowed from antiquity and erected atop an ancient col-

Fig. 9 Sandro Botticelli, Abundance, ca. 1475–82. British Museum.

umn in the Mercato Vecchio (today’s Piazza della Repubblica), as an emblem of the flourishing republic.32 Representations of Dovizia grew more elaborate

24

Markey book.indb 24

throughout the century and were depicted with putti or

the Palazzo Vecchio.34 In the 1550s Cosimo erected a

with grapes, alluding to Bacchus and the vendemmia, as

statue of Dovizia by Pierino da Vinci (fig. 11) on a col-

seen in Botticelli’s drawing of Abundance from around

umn in the marketplace in the recently conquered

1480 (fig. 9). In the fifteenth century, under Cosimo’s

Pisa.35 According to Vasari, Pierino’s statue strongly

great-great-great-grandfather, Cosimo di Giovanni de’

resembles Donatello’s statue of the same subject for

Medici, the Dovizia figure morphed into a ninfa fioren­

Florence because it holds a cornucopia and includes a

tina—a symbol not only of abundance but of Florence’s

putto at her feet.36 While the statue today no longer

prosperity and wealth under the Medici.33

includes a putto, the draped figure holds a cornucopia



in her left hand and fruits in her right. David Wilkins

Cosimo adapted this earlier Medici symbol to fit

his interests. Reclining allegorical figures of abundance,

has read Cosimo’s act of erecting the Dovizia figure in

such as a detail of Ceres in the fresco of Earth in the

Pisa as “an emblem of the Florentine presence in the

Room of the Elements (fig. 10) and Summer in the

conquered city.”37 By the mid-sixteenth century, Dovizia

Room of Opi, painted by Vasari and his workshop in

had come to symbolize Florence and the flowering

the 1540s and 1550s, abound in the fresco decorations of

Medici reign over new lands.

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Fig. 10 Giorgio Vasari, detail from Allegory of the Earth in the Sala degli Elementi, ca. 1550, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Fig. 11 Pierino da Vinci, La Dovizia, ca. 1550. Piazza della Berlina, Pisa.

25

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Fig. 12 Agnolo Bronzino, detail of La Dovizia, ca. 1545. Museo degli argenti, Florence.



Like the statue of Dovizia in Pisa, the Dovizia tap-

child’s arm, while the idyllic scene in the background

estry similarly conveyed a revised notion of conquest

recalls early sixteenth-century descriptions of the New

by including the American turkey in its iconography.

World. For instance, Peter Martyr’s account of Tenoch-

The female figure clad in antique drapery carries not a

titlan (modern-day Mexico City) in his Fifth Decade

cornucopia but rather a potted plant, perhaps a symbol

(1523) could almost be seen as a gloss for the back-

of the new plants grown in Medici botanical gardens.38

ground (fig. 12):

The green marble featured in the corridor in the fore-

26

Markey book.indb 26

ground is reminiscent of both the stone quarried in

This province, which is surrounded by tall mountains, is

Tuscany and the green stone objects arriving from the

called Mexico. As I have already explained, in this plain

New World (discussed in the following chapter). The

there are two lakes, one of sweet water and one of salt

turkey is in the foreground with the squash in the

water. It is said that this valley, which is seventy leagues in

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circumference, is largely occupied by these lakes. The city of

New World have here been inserted into this ancient

Tenochtitlan, home of the great King Montezuma, is built in

and now familiar mode of representation, the personifi-

the center of the salt lake. . . . Day and night, boats come and

cation of plenty. Dovizia shows how Bronzino, Cosi-

go over the waters of the lake. . . . The inhabitants’ domestic

mo’s tapestry designer, purposefully used New World

animals, all raised at home like the chickens raised by our

iconography to propagandize the Medici engagement

farmers, are geese and ducks and a great number of pea-

with the natural New World as well as to aggrandize the

cocks, which we call gallinas.

concept of Cosimo’s prosperous reign. Dovizia had by

39

that time become a symbol of conquest, and by includPeter Martyr goes on to describe these unusual gallinas,

ing the turkey within its iconography, the Medici

or indicorum pavonum, likely turkeys, as somewhat sim-

announced their claim over the Americas. The sumptu-

ilar to female peacocks in the size and coloring of their

ous medium of tapestry was ideal for this new iconog-

back feathers. He later describes the colonnaded palace

raphy of abundance because it epitomized wealth, and

of Montezuma and the elaborate gardens of Mexico in a

its production at the court was like the turkey itself—a

way that recalls the background of the tapestry.

novelty. The tapestry’s mobility meant that this new

Although the Dovizia tapestry, as its inventorial title

abundance could be displayed as the Medici traveled

reveals, was likely not intended specifically as an alle-

between palaces and villas throughout their conquered

gory of the Americas, it demonstrates that these New

Tuscany. Cosimo’s interest in cataloguing new plants in

World attributes, including the turkey, plant, and

the garden and in representing the novelty of the Amer-

squash, were now equated with abundance and associ-

icas translated into his conception of a permanent col-

ated with the wealth of the Medici.

lection space within the family apartments of the

40



The turkey in the Dovizia tapestry represents a

new awareness of a global world. Elements from the

Palazzo Vecchio, the Guardaroba Nuova, discussed in the following chapter.

a t ur key i n a m edici tape stry

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three • The Americas in the Guardaroba Nuova

In 1556 Agostino de Cravaliz dedicated his Italian trans-

the Indies than I, but so that you can see and read about

lation of Francisco López de Gómara’s Historia de las

them together with some details that are pleasing, novel,

Indias (1552) to Duke Cosimo I de’ Medici. The open-

and most true.”2 De Cravaliz employs the traditionally

ing lines explain the significance of the so-called dis-

obsequious language of dedications, but he also declares

covery of the Americas:

that Cosimo is a worthy dedicatee of this translation of Gómara’s book, as a knowledgeable man who already

The greatest thing that has happened since the world was

knows “more about the Indies” than the translator.

created—with the exception of the Incarnation and death of

Gómara based his tome on Hernán Cortés’s story of the

the Son of God, who created the world—is the discovery of

conquest of New Spain and information on the customs

the Indies. Strange and wondrous to behold, they have been

and material culture of the native people. De Cravaliz’s

called a new world—new not so much because of their

translated edition would certainly have been in Cosimo’s

recent discovery as because of their immense grandeur,

library and would also have been circulated at court so

which is almost equal to that of the old world, which con-

that others could experience the “pleasing” and “novel”

tains Europe, Africa, and Asia. We can also call them new

land and people of the New World.

because everything there is different from what we have in



the old world: the animals, though few in species, are differ-

Cosimo’s collection in the late 1530s. Scholars have

ent in form; thus too the creatures of the air and sea, trees,

demonstrated that the European drive to acquire and

fruits, plants, and grains produced by the earth.

collect wonders from the New World derived from

1

Actual goods from the New World arrived in Duke

medieval collecting interests in novelty, naturalia, and This sentiment also captures the enthusiasm for novel-

precious objects.3 Collections from the Americas, how-

ties from the Americas at Cosimo’s court, from the

ever, present new complexities and questions: How did

“grains produced by the earth” planted outside Medici

these novelties fit into the already-established treasur-

country homes to the “creatures of the air and sea” that

ies and collections of Europeans? How were new

began to appear in Medici paintings and tapestries in the

media, such as featherwork and mosaic masks, classi-

1540s. De Cravaliz goes on to write specifically to

fied among preexisting collections of small bronzes,

Cosimo: “I wanted to dedicate this work to Your Excel-

jewelry, and paintings? How was the New World repre-

lency, not because you do not already know more about

sented, and integrated into court culture?

Detail of fig. 20

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Following the work of anthropologists Arjun

Guardaroba Nuova—a space that was never brought to

Appadurai and Igor Kopytoff, art historians have

completion. Although Detlef Heikamp, Mark Rosen,

shown that objects possess a “social life” of their own.

Francesca Fiorani, and Adriana Turpin have considered

Kopytoff explains that “an eventful biography of a thing

the role of the Americas in the Guardaroba Nuova,

becomes the story of the various singularizations of it,

these scholars fail to take into account the wider cul-

of classifications and reclassifications in an uncertain

tural context of the space with regard to Cosimo’s

world of categories whose importance shifts with every

engagement with the Americas.7 The representation of

minor change in context.”5 This is true for the emer-

the New World in Cosimo’s Florence epitomizes

gence of novelties from the Americas. The objects that

Anthony Pagden’s idea of the “autoptic imagination.”8

Emperor Charles V received via Cortés represented

In his discussion of sixteenth-century texts about the

war booty from a land newly conquered. As chapter 1

New World by Oviedo, de Acosta, Las Casas, and oth-

has shown, these objects inevitably reached Italy

ers, Pagden explains: “The tensions which were created

through networks of exchange, and they came to serve

by the very different responses to the presence of the

as tangible symbols of the Americas: territories

‘new’ of America derived, at one level, from the prob-

recently obtained by Spain and Portugal that were inac-

lem of how to create a text where none had existed

cessible to most Italians. Not only did these objects

before. This led to the invention of new genres or, at

from the New World shift in meaning as they moved

least, to new versions of old genres.”9 Indeed, just as

from place to place around Europe, but they acquired

European writing had to adapt to the novelty of the

new significance as they were transferred within a sin-

New World, so too did material and visual culture. The

gle collection. The objects even provoked changes in

botanical garden emerged as a means to recategorize

collecting practices and in artistic representation.

the exterior space, while the Guardaroba Nuova reor-



dered an interior space. Just as the new literary genre of

4

This chapter argues that the influx of new things

from the Americas provoked the design of the Guarda-

the New World borrowed from various different

roba Nuova in the Palazzo Vecchio (fig. 13), a Wunder­

genres, so too the Guardaroba Nuova adapted its form

kammer-like room (guardaroba is a secret closet or

from various other spaces of display, such as the stu­

storage space accessible to few) constructed to house

diolo, the Wunderkammer, the map room, and the por-

Cosimo’s objects in cabinets with maps denoting their

trait gallery.

provenance. Before the creation of the Guardaroba



Nuova, the Medici collection was organized by object

to virtual New World discoveries taking place at the

type, along with Cosimo’s other treasures, in four small

Medici court through ephemeral celebrations, botani-

rooms that acted as personal studioli, or studies, for his

cal studies, and artistic commissions (discussed in the

private delectation. There was no large-scale display

last chapter), as well as gifts, imports, letters, and

space for visitors to the Medici court. Cosimo’s classifi-

printed texts (to be explored in this chapter). Cosimo

cation of novelties and their presentation and integra-

planned to create a single cartographically organized

tion in the court culminated in the creation of the

space in which he could admire and examine his trea-

6

30

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The creation of the room was intricately connected

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Fig. 13 Sala delle Carte Geografiche, or Guardaroba Nuova, ca. 1563–65, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence.

31

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sures, and where he could sort out and systematize new

such as due vestaglie di penne d’India, or two feather

things into labeled cabinets. Charles V, in contrast, had

capes from the Indies.11 These “Indian” works are distin-

little interest in his New World treasures and dispersed

guished from items in this section of the inventory

his new acquisitions to family members and allies.

described as asiatica and morescha,12 indicating that the

Therefore, while Spain and the Holy Roman Empire

inventory writer knew that their provenance was dis-

were physically conquering the New World, Cosimo

tinct from these other regions. However, it is not clear

sought to use its art and representation to associate

whether the term “India” was meant to signify Amer-

himself with these powers profiting from New World

ica.13 Due to the description of these feather objects, it

wealth and to show that under his rule Florence was

can be assumed that the inventory is referencing the

being similarly enriched.

two Tupinamba feather capes located today in the Museo di antropologia of Florence (fig. 14).14 There is

Tracking Mexican Stonework and Featherwork in Cosimo’s Collection

Markey book.indb 32

entered Cosimo and Eleonora’s collection, but they were likely wedding gifts from family members who

At the same time that Bronzino produced the Dovizia

would have had access to such featherwork.15 For

tapestry in Florence and Cosimo was developing the

instance, Ferdinand d’Alvarez of Toledo, Eleonora’s

botanical gardens at Pisa, the duke was also acquiring

cousin or uncle, received feather items from Charles V

other treasures from the New World, receiving imports

in the 1520s, and Ferdinand could certainly have passed

from the Americas at the port of Livorno, learning

some of his objects on to Eleonora.16 They could have

about activities in the Indies, and acquiring maps of

also been part of Medici pope Clement VII’s collection

this new land. Unlike the New World objects in Marga-

of Americana.17

ret of Austria’s collection, which were located together



in her library, the American goods in Cosimo’s collec-

clothes for masquerade reveals one potential use of

tion were first distributed according to type throughout

these objects, demonstrating that they likely were worn

the palace. Inventories of the Palazzo Vecchio from 1539

and maybe even used in courtly display. For the wed-

to Cosimo’s death, in 1574, provide insight into the cat-

ding of Cosimo and Eleonora’s daughter Lucrezia in

egorization and reception of his collection, and corre-

July 1555, twelve people wore Indian costumes in a

spondence reveals the great variety of information

masked ball.18 In 1608 costumed courtiers in feather

Cosimo was learning about the Americas.

capes were included in various Medici court spectacles



for the marriage of Cosimo II and Maria Maddalena

Cosimo’s brief 1539 inventory, organized by object

The categorization of the feather capes among

type, lists under abiti da maschera, or dress for cos-

d’Austria.19 European festivals endeavored to bring the

tumes, at least forty-two different types of items

New World to the Old by producing artificial spectacles

described as being composed of penne d’India (feathers

in which Europeans dressed like Native Americans. A

of India). Several of these are habiti al indiana, or

festival held in Rouen in 1550 for Cosimo’s cousin Cath-

Indian clothes, and things made out of Indian feathers,

erine de’ Medici created an entire Brazilian village.20

10

32

no evidence to suggest when or how these costumes

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Fig. 14 One of two feather capes in the Museo nazionale di antropologia e etnologia, Florence.

33

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Fig. 15 Aztec head of a dog, ca. 1430–1520, onyx.

Fig. 16 Aztec head of a dog, ca. 1430–1520, amethyst.

Museo di mineralogia, Florence.

Museo di mineralogia, Florence.

Such performance, which could have made use of

elry was of great value, so the inclusion of these animal

native dress, was yet another way to experience the

heads and masks on a list of jewelry means they must

Americas secondhand.

have been regarded as among the most prized objects



in the collection.

21

The location and description of other New World

items in Cosimo’s inventories hint at their value and



function at the court. A 1553 inventory lists an “Indian

the Medici court. A marginal note in a 1553 inventory

cane” and “animal heads of various types, Indian ones,

indicates that court sculptor Benvenuto Cellini bor-

one of amethyst, and two of agate,” which are believed

rowed one of the Aztec animal heads, so he likely stud-

to be the Aztec animal heads today in the Mineralogical

ied the fine workmanship of the object in order to

Museum in Florence (figs. 15 and 16). The same inven-

emulate it or to learn more about its construction.26 It is

tory lists a “mask from the Indies composed of tur-

also possible that Cellini worked on these animal

quoise on wood” in the twelfth cabinet of the

heads, perhaps creating the hole in the amethyst head

guardaroba. The 1554–55 inventory of the Medici col-

so that it could be used as a pendant (fig. 16).27 Ambigu-

lection, organized by type, names the Indian animal

ous language in a 1559 inventory might indicate that the

heads and now two turquoise masks—the second

animal heads were either compared to Cellini’s work or

appears to have entered the collection in 1555—with

attributed to him.28 Regardless, their multiple associa-

the Medici jewelry, among diamonds, “Indian emer-

tions with Cellini reveals that the Medici court held the

alds,” agate saltcellars, and ruby and emerald boxes.

workmanship of these precious stones in high esteem.

On the basis of their descriptions and later provenance,



they could be the Mixtec masks today located in the

tec mask in the decorative faces for the grotto at the

Museo Pigorini in Rome (figs. 1 and 2), which might

Villa di Castello (fig. 17), where Cosimo and Eleonora

once have been part of Clement VII’s collection. Jew-

grew maize.29 Masks are a common motif in High

22

23

24

25

34

Markey book.indb 34

These Indian objects directly influenced artists at

Other Medici artists in the 1560s copied the Mix-

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Fig. 17 Ceiling of the grotto designed by Niccolò Tribolo, ca. 1565– 72, Villa di Castello, Florence.

Renaissance and particularly Mannerist art, but those at Castello, a space designed by Tribolo and then completed by Vasari’s workshop, are different from the painted and sculpted masks of Michelangelo and Bronzino. The mosaic stonework and abstract faces in the grotto mimic the turquoise Mixtec mask in the Medici collection. These were not direct copies: the Medici artists borrowed the medium and overall conception of the Mixtec mask but manipulated its iconography and meaning. The Mixtec mask (as in figs. 1 and 2) represents a hybrid creature in which parts of different animal faces, such as those of birds and snakes, are enlarged and merge into one another to represent gods, whereas the grotto mosaic face resembles a Greek theater mask and thus recalls another pagan tradition. The Medici artists interspersed these stylized masks all’Indiana, as they would have been called, with mosaics of the Medici ducal crown and set them in the ceil-

Fig. 18 Grotto designed by Niccolò Tribolo, ca. 1565–72, Villa di

ing of the grotto, above a menagerie of sculpted animals

Castello, Florence.

t he a m er i c a s i n t he gua r daroba nuova

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New World goods. Cosimo received news about Pizarro’s activities and about mining in Peru from avvisi (handwritten newsletters) and from ambassadors in other cities, and in 1560 an avviso from Spain notified Cosimo of a ship arriving from Peru with “a great quantity of gold and silver and some golden statues and jewels discovered in those parts.”30 A 1561 letter from Tuscan ambassador Fabrizio Ferrari in Milan also informs Cosimo of the “great riches” from Peru arriving at Philip II’s court in Spain.31 Letters from Leonardo de’ Nobili, the Tuscan ambassador to the Spanish court in Madrid and Seville, inform the duke of fleets arriving from New Spain, the Indies, and Peru filled with gold and other treasures.32 One very detailed letter from Nobili describes an engineer who had been in the Indies and had seen a model of a “bellissimo et riuscibile” underwater machine that allowed four people to fish for pearls with great ease.33 It was not only the value of goods from the New World that might Fig. 19 Giambologna, turkey, ca. 1560. Museo nazionale del Bargello, Florence.

have interested the duke, but also technological innovation, like this precursor to a submarine. The comprehensive nature of such letters and their frequency suggest that the duke requested such news from the New World and was an eager recipient of it.

By the late 1560s other robbe d’india, or goods from

(fig. 18), including a naturalistic turkey by Giambolo-

the Indies, were arriving at the Medici port of Livorno

gna, today at the Bargello (fig. 19). The Mixtec mask

via Spain. The Medici were not the only Florentine

and Giambologna’s turkey in the grotto, like the turkey

families to benefit; other noble Florentine families,

represented in the Dovizia tapestry, were here associ-

such as the Capponi and the Cavalcanti, also acquired

ated with nature, abundance, and ducal splendor.

goods. Corresponding with Cosimo’s son Prince Francesco de’ Medici in 1567, Bernardo Baroncelli, commis-

News and Goods from the Americas

36

Markey book.indb 36

sary and superintendent at the port of Livorno, lists the goods arriving on ships and even specifies for whom

Medici correspondence from the 1560s reveals a

the goods are intended. For instance, one of Baron-

heightened awareness of the value and uniqueness of

celli’s entries reads:

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On the 26th of May 1567

knowledge of the Americas was in fact not wrong. With

Brought on the ship of San Piero of Andrea Beka of Ragusa

sources of information including avvisi, letters from

coming from Cartagena and Alicante

ambassadors, and Baroncelli’s reports concerning navi-

323 cases of sugar . . .

gation of the New World and imports entering Livorno,

739 pieces of brazilwood for the Capponi . . .

Cosimo was well informed about events taking place in the Americas and would certainly have known about

57 cases of sugar for Cavalcanti for Giraldi . . .

the provenance of his New World featherwork, masks,

1 small case of things from India for Mariotto Neretti . . .

34

and animal heads. The objects from the Americas in his Although the entries are not detailed, Baroncelli lists an

collection—located before the creation of the Guarda-

abundance of sugar, brazilwood, cochineal, and other

roba Nuovo around the palace and intermingled with

“things” entering the port of Livorno via ports in Spain.

other works, including precious jewelry and cos-



tumes—were objects of inspiration and emulation for

35

Baroncelli also gave Cosimo a portolan chart that

provided directions on how “to travel to New Spain and

Medici artists and linked to images of abundance. Dur-

to Peru and the great river of Origliana and the Rio de la

ing the 1550s and 1560s, Cosimo and his court began to

Plata.” The map is included within the text of Baron-

learn from the objects and information that flowed

celli’s Il Thalason, a translation from Portuguese of a

from the New World.

36

text describing a journey to Asia via Africa, and it acted as a guide for navigating the Indie occidentali from Mexico through the Antilles and Cuba to South Amer-

The Guardaroba Nuova

ica. The chart also offers evidence that Cosimo may

The arrival of information and goods from the New

have planned to travel to the Americas, and his strategy

World certainly provoked the design of Cosimo’s inno-

to build up the port of Livorno in these same years

vative and more public Guardaroba Nuova in 1563.

could have aided him in this endeavor. No concrete

This room, on the third floor of the Palazzo Vecchio,

evidence supports the hypothesis that he intended to

next to the Sala dei Gigli, was designed specifically to

make this trip, but Baroncelli’s text nevertheless dem-

store Cosimo’s most precious goods from around the

onstrates that Cosimo sought out navigational informa-

world within cupboards painted with detailed maps of

tion about the New World. Such maps could have

the regions from which the objects hailed.38 In the

provided Cosimo with knowledge of this foreign place

plans for the guardaroba, Cosimo could fulfill his

and symbolically represented this land of abundance,

desire to insert the New World into his comprehensive

which clearly fascinated him. Baroncelli’s navigational

knowledge of the world.

guide might also have been used as a valuable source



for designing the maps of the Guardaroba Nuova.

roba through his exchanges with Paolo Giovio, who also



sought information and goods from the Americas, and

37

The dedication by de Cravaliz cited at the start of

Cosimo likely developed his ideas for the guarda­

this chapter may have employed the rhetoric of

the two men corresponded regularly and exchanged gifts.

patronly praise, but his high estimation of Cosimo’s

Like other mid-sixteenth-century rulers and scholars,

t he a m er i c a s i n t he gua r daroba nuova

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Cosimo certainly owned a copy of Giovio’s Historiarum

including Columbus, Vespucci, Peter Martyr, and even

Sui Temporis (1530), which includes a long passage on the

Cortés.44 Although there were no portraits of Mont-

New World in which Giovio patriotically praises Christo-

ezuma or any other New World rulers in the museum,

pher Columbus and uses the work of two other Italians,

the New World might have been represented by the

Peter Martyr and Antonio Pigafetta, to describe the land

Mexican codex and by the idol he requested. Giovio

and people of the Americas. About the history of the

therefore inserted the New World not only into his His­

New World, Giovio also states that a secretary of the

toriarum Sui Temporis but also into the display within

39

emperor gave him a “handwritten history” with “hiero-

his museum. As Giovio’s friend and correspondent,

glyphic figures” and covered in a leather of “tiger skin.”

Cosimo would likely have followed the development of

This must have been a Mexican codex, much like the one

the museum in Como. He certainly was also aware of

that Clement VII received in the same year and that the

the collection spaces of Margaret of Austria, whose

Medici would later obtain. Giovio seems to have actively

early collection included a large number of items from

tried to acquire other objects from the New World for his

the New World displayed in her library.45 In 1563 Duke

museum in Como. In 1542 Giovio wrote to Giovanni

Albrecht V of Bavaria began to create his own Wun­

Poggio, a liaison between collectors in Italy and Spain:

derkammer that would include both portraits and

“ask Signor Hernando Cortés to send me information

objects from around the world.46 Meanwhile, French

about his stupendous victory; and also tell him that I

historian André Thevet, working first under Catherine

would like a bizarre idol from Temistitan to display in my

de’ Medici and then under the kings of France as court

museum, alongside his portrait.” The request for a

cosmographer, was creating maps of various parts of

“bizarre idol” shows that this Italian collector considered

the world using texts, other cartographic sources, and

ceremonial objects from the Americas to be coveted rari-

memories of his own travels.47

ties, not threatening symbols of a barbaric culture, as the



Spanish sometimes thought. Giovio asked for an idol to

shaped by these collectors, but his surpassed the oth-

accompany the portrait of Cortés in his museum so that

ers in complexity. Like his friend Giovio, Cosimo

it might act as a tangible reflection of New Spain and thus

intended to display portraits of great men and women

make Cortés’s achievement—toppling the Aztec

in this space. Like Thevet, Cosimo wished to obtain

Empire—more immediate within his collection. This

the most recent maps of the new lands, and like Mar-

idea of conserving representative objects from different

garet of Austria and Albrecht V of Bavaria, Cosimo

places around the world was at the heart of the design of

collected ethnographic objects such as featherwork

the Guardaroba Nuova as well.

and masks. He also planned to include images of flora



and fauna below the maps in the room.48 The plans for

40

41

42

43

38

Markey book.indb 38

The mid-Cinquecento saw a rise in museum-like

Cosimo’s plans for the guardaroba may have been

spaces known as Wunderkammern, combining ethno-

the guardaroba truly outdid these other collections

graphic objects with portrait collections. Giovio began

because they reorganized his objects according to

building his museum in Como around 1537 to house

provenance and brought together portraits, collectible

portraits of great men and women throughout history,

objects, and the most up-to-date cartography all in

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one place. In this space, Cosimo borrowed from both

explaining that the people in the city have all been con-

modern and ancient conceptions of collecting: Franc-

verted to Christianity and that Mexico City resembles

esca Fiorani has shown that the innovation of Cosi-

Venice in that it is surrounded by canals.52 He states that

mo’s display in the guardaroba “relied on the

his source for information about New Spain was Cor-

Renaissance use of Ptolemy’s geographical order to

tés’s reports, which not coincidentally had recently

organize encyclopedic knowledge.” Cosimo was able

been translated into Italian and published in Benedetto

to update Ptolemy’s conception of the world within

Bordone’s Isolario and then in Giovanni Battista Ramu-

the design of the guardaroba by including the newly

sio’s Navigationi et viaggi, books with which Cosimo

discovered lands of the Americas.

and his court were surely familiar. Danti’s detail of the



The Americas were of utmost importance to the

city of Tenochtitlan, or Mexico City (fig. 21), within the

guardaroba—the maps of the Americas were among

large map was certainly copied from Bordone’s print of

the first that Dominican monk and cartographer

the city (fig. 22). Within a smaller cartouche at the

Egnazio Danti created for the room. Fourteen of the

lower left in the panel, Danti reveals another source

fifty-three painted map panels in the guardaroba repre-

when he compares the Pacific Ocean with the Atlantic

sent European lands; thirty-nine depict non-European

Ocean using the same words as the Spanish chronicler

regions, and nine of these depict lands in the Ameri-

Oviedo in his Sommario.53 For the Peru cartouche,

cas.51 Danti painted eight of the American maps in the

Danti likely used the work of Pedro Sancho de la Haz,

room before he left Florence in 1575, and his colleague

who traveled with Francisco Pizarro and whose text on

Stefano Buonsignori, who completed the guardaroba

Peru was also published in Ramusio’s volume.54

maps, painted just one. To achieve accuracy in the pan-



els, the cartographers relied on current world maps

(fig. 23) is one of Danti’s most elaborate and is the only

from the early 1560s by Giacomo Gastaldi and Abra-

one dedicated specifically to Duke Cosimo. Promi-

ham Ortelius. The format of each painting is consistent

nently set at the top center of the map, above the Isola

overall, comprising a title at the top of the panel, a

Spagnola (modern-day Hispaniola, shared by Haiti and

detailed topographic map with measurements border-

the Dominican Republic) in the middle of the Carib-

ing it, and at least one painted cartouche within the

bean, the upper part of the cartouche features putti that

image, inscribed with information about the place.

hold up the Medici stemma. Swags of New World fruits

49

50



The texts and images in the maps in the guardaroba

The cartouche for the map of the Caribbean Sea

and vegetables, such as squash and tomatoes, hang

reveal many of the sources that provided Cosimo and

from the lower part of the cartouche. The text inside

his cartographers with such comprehensive knowledge

the cartouche reads:

about the New World in the 1560s and 1570s. The brief paragraphs within the cartouches provide historical

To His Serene Highness, Cosimo [de’] Medici Gran Duca di

context for the land depicted and for the sources used.

Toscana.

In the New Spain map’s central cartouche (fig. 20),

Here is continued the rest of the North sea with the

Danti describes the people and topography of Mexico,

island of San Domenico, called Spagnola, in which the City

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Fig. 20 (opposite) Egnazio Danti, New Spain, ca. 1565. Guardaroba Nuova, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Fig. 21 Egnazio Danti, detail of New Spain, ca. 1565. Guardaroba Nuova, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Fig. 22 Map of “Temistitan,” from Benedetto Bordone, Libro di Benedetto Bordone: Nel qual si ragiona de tutte l’Isole del mondo, 1528.

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of San Domenico, the first inhabitations of Christians in

reign, Buonsignori’s map reveals a different aesthetic and

these Indies . . . a Dominican friar was the first Priest to have

a particular interest in the flora and fauna of the land that

celebrated the holy mass on this island and to have said

coincides with Francesco’s interest.

there the Holy name of Jesus Christ. The first land that was



seen by Columbus was the Desired Island.

Nuova was constructed specifically to show the prov-

55

The cartographic display in the Guardaroba

enance of the carefully catalogued objects to be A smaller inscription on a protruding green band across

housed in the cabinets behind the panels. Vasari was

the bottom of the cartouche includes Egnazio Danti’s

well aware of this function when he wrote in the 1568

signature. Within the upper cartouche in the map of

edition of his Lives of the Artists: “This fanciful inven-

New Spain, Danti cites another Dominican father

tion [the guardaroba] came from Duke Cosimo, who

named Alfonso “who was born in the city [of Tenoch-

wished to put together once and for all these things

titlan] with a Mexican father.” Danti, as a Dominican

both of heaven and earth, absolutely exact and without

friar, was obviously proud of the Dominicans’ achieve-

errors, so that it might be possible to see and measure

ments in “Spagnola” and sought to bring them to the

them separately and all together, according to the plea-

attention of the grand duke in multiple citations.

sure of those who delight in this most beautiful profes-



sion and study it.”59 Vasari here stresses Cosimo’s wish

56

The imaginative and fantastical embellishment in

these maps varies widely. Danti has been careful to map

to display all things universally or “absolutely exact

accurately the known parts of the New World and has

and without errors,” for the purpose of learning. This

not embellished his cartographic representations with

idea of bringing material “together” for the “pleasure”

imaginative creatures or unusual topography. He

of the duke is also evoked in Cravaliz’s dedication to

expresses his interest in truthfulness when he writes, in

Cosimo from the Gómara translation. Cosimo’s

his cartouche for “the last part of the West Indies,” that

Guardaroba Nuova dynamically blended text, cartog-

part of the map “has been left white, not wanting to place

raphy, and objects to inform both the collector and the

anything there of which there is no knowledge until it

visitor of the wonders of the globe. In this way it

pleases God to give us notice.” However, Danti’s map of

employed a heightened and multidimensional com-

Brazil (fig. 24) includes three drawn vignettes of canni-

plexity in its approach to cartography, collection, and

bals preparing bodies for consumption. Danti could

European expansion. The achievement was quite dif-

have read about anthropophagy in a variety of sources,

ferent from other map rooms in Italy, such as the

and these images derive from others on numerous early

doge’s audience chamber in Venice, with its mural map

maps. Buonsignori, who finished the maps in the

of the world, painted by Giacomo Gastaldi in 1549–53,

guardaroba, was not as faithful to texts as Danti: his map

and the Terza Loggia in the Vatican Palace, commis-

of the Strait of Magellan (fig. 25) is replete with mon-

sioned by Pope Pius IV in the 1560s as a hallway of

strous hybrid beasts and imaginative cities and even

maps. Fiorani explains that the “visibility given to the

includes a fiery volcano below Lake Titicaca. Painted

exotica within the Medici collections was also unprec-

following Cosimo’s death and under Duke Francesco’s

edented. While exotica were prized items in European

57

58

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Fig. 23 Egnazio Danti, Caribbean, ca. 1565. Guardaroba Nuova, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Fig. 24 Egnazio Danti, Brazil, ca. 1565. Guardaroba Nuova, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence.

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Fig. 25 Stefano Buonsignori, Strait of Magellan, ca. 1577. Guardaroba Nuova, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence.

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collections, no ruler had yet set aside a room for them,

they had been located in 1570.63 Nor were the masks

let alone one that attempted their integration within

placed in the “crocodile room” or the “room of the

the geography of the world.” The novelties and infor-

monster,” spaces near the guardaroba that housed the

mation from the Americas gathered in the Guardaroba

more naturalistic wonders of the court such as animal

Nuova, particularly the maps, emphatically corre-

heads and stuffed fish. Rather, they were moved into a

sponded with this new “geography of the world.”

room that housed a strange variety of objects such as



fish teeth and pieces of mother of pearl.64 Hundreds of

60

Cosimo’s dreamed-of collection space never came

to fruition, however. He experienced a cerebral hemor-

books were placed in some cabinets, but others

rhage in 1568, and by 1571 his son Francesco had gained

remained primarily empty, and some were merely used

control of the government and of most of his artistic

to store cloth. The Guardaroba Nuova would never

commissions. Francesco began to turn to other proj-

become the idealized collecting and display space

ects, including his own collection space, a stanzino in

designed to “measure and separate” the wonders of the

the Palazzo Vecchio. His interests in the New World

world into distinct cabinets and catalogue Cosimo’s

(the subject of the next chapter), were different from

treasures from the Americas.

his father’s. Therefore, many of the maps in the guarda­



roba were left incomplete, and no objects from the

plete, its design reveals that through the collection,

New World were ever displayed in it. Mark Rosen

organization, and display of these new objects, the

observes that Vasari’s 1568 account of the guardaroba

grand duke intended to demonstrate an intellectual

came out long before work on the room actually com-

claim on these new lands.65 Whereas the Dovizia tapes-

menced, quite likely in order to broadcast Cosimo’s

try and the imitation of the Mixtec mask at Castello

plans to other collectors and patrons. Vasari’s descrip-

linked the New World to Medici imagery of abundance,

tion therefore does not reflect the actualized space.

the Guardaroba Nuova could have revealed Cosimo’s

Although the painted cabinets were nearly complete

mastery over the Americas within the larger context of

by the time of both Cosimo’s and Vasari’s deaths, in

the cosmos. Through these actions, Cosimo would

61

1574, the posthumous inventory makes plain that the

Although the Guardaroba Nuova was left incom-

compensate for the Medici’s inactivity in the Americas

cabinets were never arranged according to their plan.

and make clear to Spain and the other powers of

For instance, the two turquoise masks from the Indies

Europe that the Florentine family too were gaining

were no longer kept with the precious jewels, where

from the riches of this new land.

62

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four • Francesco’s Exchange and Documentation of American Nature

In August 1570 Cosimo and Eleonora’s eldest son, Prince

cas therefore appears on two separate occasions in epis-

Francesco, wrote to Leonardo de’ Nobili, a Tuscan

tolary exchanges of great political importance, indicating

ambassador at the Spanish court, about Spain’s failure to

that Francesco’s interest in the nature of the New World

acknowledge Cosimo’s grand-ducal title. He explained to

was intertwined with his political concerns.

de’ Nobili that Charles IX of Valois had written to



Cosimo using the grand-ducal title but that King Philip II

tion of birds from the New World coincides with his

of Spain had not yet addressed him as such. At the end of

interest in exchanging and documenting the naturalia

this politically motivated letter, Francesco added:

of the New World. His correspondence with the Bolog-

“Would you see if it would be possible to provide us with

nese naturalist Ulisse Aldrovandi and his commission-

some little birds from the Indies or some sparrow-

ing of drawings by Jacopo Ligozzi further evince this

hawks?” Years later, in 1576, after the death of Cosimo I

pursuit. At the same time, Francesco was giving New

and during Francesco’s own tenure as grand duke, this

World goods to European princes in order to secure

same political issue and the gifting of birds again shared

political and social ties.4 Following the long wake of

pages of correspondence. In this year, Francesco sent

Marcel Mauss’s seminal 1924 essay on gift giving, schol-

King Philip II of Spain a marble crucifix by Cellini (today

ars of the early modern period have shown that presta-

in the basilica of the Escorial) in an effort to gain his favor

tion served to safeguard relationships and status among

and to solidify the family’s power and name. Although

ruling families and to foster the development of art and

his main concerns in this correspondence involve the

science.5 This Medici possessed several motivations for

proper use of the grand-ducal title and the transport of

giving gifts that depended on his various associations

Cellini’s sculpture, the letter includes an inquiry regard-

and interests. His collegial exchange with Aldrovandi

ing birds from the Indies, further revealing Francesco’s

differed greatly from his more official diplomatic gifting

interest in these novel creatures. In one of the final letters

to the Wittelsbach duke Albrecht V of Bavaria, his

regarding the Cellini crucifix, Don Diego Fernández de

brother-in-law. Although Francesco had a variety of

Córdoba, an assistant to the king, assures Francesco that

incentives and partners in his exchanges, a partiality

the Spanish court will send two parrots from the Indies

toward and fascination with things from the Americas

to the grand duke via Medici ambassador Filippo Lenzi

appear as constants in the transactions I discuss here.

as soon as possible. The desire for birds from the Ameri-

Analysis of Francesco’s correspondence and gift

1

2

3

Detail of fig. 27

Markey book.indb 47

This correspondence about Francesco’s acquisi-

47

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exchanges with Habsburg dukes and Aldrovandi

sister of Maximilian II, the current Habsburg emperor.

reveals his significant knowledge of the provenance and

Thus, by his mid-twenties Francesco was politically

value of these New World objects and of the important

allied with the Spanish and Habsburg courts; by 1570, at

role of art in documenting the nature of the Americas.

age twenty-nine, he essentially possessed full control of

Furthermore, his communications demonstrate that

the Florentine government. Although Cosimo contin-

Francesco was more interested in giving treasures from

ued to hold the title of grand duke, his fragile health

the New World to others for their collections than in

forced him to reside in the Medici villas in the country-

receiving them himself and that he was attracted to the

side or in Pisa. Francesco then ruled as grand duke

nature of New World more than its art.

from the time of Cosimo’s death, in 1574, until his own, in 1587.

Prince Francesco’s Politics and His Acquisitions from the Americas

Tuscany, he began collecting and tracking the import of

Francesco’s reputation as a moody and romantic scien-

1560s he developed the Casino of San Marco, a large

tist and collector, more concerned with his own schol-

structure designed by Buontalenti near the church of

arly pursuits and private desires than with promoting

San Marco, as a center for various artistic workshops in

the Tuscan state, must be nuanced. Already in 1547

Florence, including one for glass and crystal and then

Cosimo’s court secretary Cristiano Pagni noted that the

later for ceramics in the style of Chinese blue and white

six-year-old Francesco was melancholic, as he was

porcelain imports.9 The space also functioned as a

throughout his life.7 Yet as prince he was politically

workshop for alchemical experiments and for collect-

active and, as the letter that begins this chapter demon-

ing and studying naturalia from around the world.

strates, engaged in discussing various diplomatic and



cultural issues. This comes as no surprise, because he

variety of means. As discussed in the last chapter, the

was raised to become grand duke and his early years

prince was in communication with Bernardo Baron-

were spent establishing important alliances. In May

celli, administrator at the port of Livorno, about

1562 the twenty-one-year-old Prince was sent to Madrid

imports from the New World. For instance, letters from

to live at Philip II’s court for a year. There he created

1568 through 1572 from the administrator to Francesco

connections with the Spanish court and with visiting

show that Baroncelli sent him parrots, fresh nuts, and

dignitaries from throughout Europe. In December

other galanterie, or extraordinary things, from the

1565, although already involved in a romantic relation-

Indies.10 He also continued to provide Francesco and

ship with the Venetian Bianca Cappello, who later

Cosimo with inventories of goods to be delivered to

became his second wife, Francesco strengthened the

various Florentine families portata della nave, or arriv-

Medici ties to the Habsburgs by marrying Giovanna

ing aboard ships, at Livorno via Spain and Portugal.

d’Austria, the youngest daughter of the recently

These items included the rather vague robbe dindia, or

deceased Holy Roman emperor Ferdinand I and the

stuff from the Indies, such as sugar (probably from Bra-

8

Markey book.indb 48

Well before Francesco became Grand Duke of

naturalia and other items from the New World. In the

6

48



Francesco acquired American goods through a

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zil), leather, and an abundance of cuciniglia, or cochi-

ing deliveries of wine and food, particularly bottarga,

neal, a potent red dye produced in New Spain using the

throughout the 1560s.17 The captain, who actually spent

dried bodies of female cochineal insects.11 Documents

some time as a prisoner of a Turkish slave ship in 1560

from the 1570s and 1580s show that the import of cochi-

and who might have acted as a pirate himself, clearly was

neal, sugar, pearls, and other coveted goods from the

in good standing with the Medici and acted as a faithful

Indies into Tuscany steadily increased.

supplier of cherished food and drink.18 The provocative



letter concerning the Montezuma portrait makes clear

12

Baroncelli was just one of many agents with whom

Francesco communicated about imports and news

that a feather painting of the Aztec king would have been

from the Americas. Francesco also received novelties

of great interest to the prince. One wonders how and

and news from the Americas from Florentines who

where Salemi acquired it and what became of it.

traveled to the New World and from Medici ambassa-



dors at the Spanish court. In 1578 the Florentine mer-

cesco also acquired goods from the New World via rela-

chant and writer Filippo Sassetti began ten years of

tives and ambassadors at the Spanish court. In an

travel around the world. In 1582 Francesco wrote sev-

instance of gifting, Francesco’s distant cousin Cardinal

eral letters to Sassetti asking for “rare things” and

Rodrigo de Castro of Seville promised him a wild Peru-

“extraordinary goods from the Indies,” and throughout

vian peccary (which sadly died en route), two “bizarre”

the 1580s Sassetti responded with descriptive letters

birds, and a skull from the New World in 1584.19 Over

and gifts for the duke, albeit primarily from India.14

the years, Francesco also exchanged glassware pro-

Later, in 1586, Francesco praised another Florentine,

duced in his Casino for other plants and animals from

Francesco Giraldi, for moving to Brazil and asked him

the cardinal in Spain.20 Earlier letters from 1566 and 1567

to send various seeds and curiosities.15

to and from Leonardo de’ Nobili, the Tuscan ambassa-



dor who was involved in transporting birds to Florence,

13

Even sea captains supplied Francesco with goods

As mentioned at the start of this chapter, Fran-

from the New World. In the late 1560s Sicilian captain

make clear that Francesco loaned Medici galleys to the

Giorgio Salemi wrote from Livorno to the prince about a

king of Spain in return for gifts from the Americas.21 In

feather painting of Montezuma, explaining: “I send in a

April 1566 Francesco exclaimed to de’ Nobili, “The new

little case to your excellency a portrait in feathers of King

things that you gave us from Florida and from the three

Montezuma that was in the Indies, [the king repre-

ships that came from the Indies have given us great

sented] armed as if going to battle . . . so that you can see

pleasure.”22 Although this response and his description

how the people went off to battle, and it is all worked in

of the gifts from the New World are frustratingly impre-

feathers, although this is just a small gift.” Unfortu-

cise, he nonetheless indicates his great excitement at

nately, neither a record of receipt of this feather painting

receiving them. In another letter from 1566 Francesco

nor an extant object similar to this description can be

employs the same phrase to express his happiness

found. In fact, this would be a very unusual feather paint-

regarding the safety of a fleet of ships from the Indies

ing, since few feather paintings of secular subject matter

and his hope that the ships are worth a great sum of

exist. The Medici exchanged letters with Salemi regard-

gold.23 Francesco therefore was aware of the value of

16

f r a n c e sco a n d a m er ican nature

Markey book.indb 49

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these shipments, whether they contained birds, cochi-



neal, or gold. He must also have recognized that the

gifts for Albrecht? In the letter included with the gift,

“pleasure” he felt for these commodities could be trans-

Francesco writes, “At my port of Livorno, on a boat that

ferred to others through gift giving.

came from the Indies, I found some little things that I

But how did Francesco acquire these particular

thought Your Excellency would enjoy.”29 This statement regarding the arrival of the exotic items directly at “his

Gifts for Northern European Dukes

port” at Livorno rather boastfully implies that Fran-

In May 1572 Francesco sent eleven chests of various

cesco had special access to these treasures. Although

objects from the New World, including talking parrots,

Francesco points out that the items arrived at Livorno

mice, and their necessary food, to Duke Albrecht V of

directly from the Americas, this was probably not the

Bavaria. Although there were also items from Turkey

case; Philip II had stipulated that all ships coming from

and South Asia in these chests, most of the goods were

the Indies stop at a Spanish port first. This, of course,

from New Spain. Inventories of these objects were writ-

did not prevent much robbe dindia from making its way

ten up both in Italian, when they were sent, and in Ger-

to Livorno, as Baroncelli’s letters attest. But there is no

man, on their arrival in Munich. The inventory authors

evidence that any Medici ships actually traveled

described with precision in both Italian and German “a

directly to and from the New World in the 1560s and

scene like a painting of our lady all made of bird feath-

1570s. Therefore Francesco, in an attempt to magnify

ers from Mexico” and “an idol in human shape com-

his own power, purposely phrased his letter to suggest

posed of different chosen seeds made in Mexico where

that he had direct access to the Indies through Livorno

people not only worship it but also sacrifice human

when, in fact, he did not.

beings to this unclean spirit.” The “painting of our lady



all made of bird feathers” is likely a featherwork object

Francesco likely amassed these gifts over time at the

much like the one today in the Schatzkammer of the

Medici court and assembled them specifically for the

Kunsthistorisches Museum of Vienna (fig. 26). The

Duke of Bavaria. For instance, a “painting of a Virgin

idol in this inventory receives a much more detailed

Mary made of feathers” listed in a 1570 general Medici

description than that provided by Paolo Giovio of the

inventory30 does not reappear again in later Medici

idol discussed in the last chapter; it reveals that these

inventories, and its description indicates that it was

European collectors conceived of idol worship as con-

similar to the one sent to the German duke.31 It is also

nected to human sacrifice.28 The use of the term “from

possible that some of the items for the duke could have

Mexico” rather than “from the Indies” also reveals an

been acquired by Francesco’s younger brother, Cardinal

awareness of the provenance of these objects. The spec-

Ferdinando de’ Medici, who wrote from Rome to the

ificity of these inventories attests to a greater knowl-

Duke of Bavaria about this same transaction. The cardi-

edge of the New World, to the importance of

nal’s inventory from the 1570s lists many feather items

Francesco’s gift to Duke Albrecht, and to an interest in

and other things from the Indies.32 Francesco’s letter

the function and unusual composition of the objects.

and the description of the objects make clear that these

24

25

26

27

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Rather than receive the goods in one shipment,

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Fig. 26 Juan Baptista Cuiris, Madonna feather mosaic, ca. 1550–80. Schatzkammer of the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna.

gifts to the Duke of Bavaria were specifically collected

Austria, was a daughter of the Holy Roman emperor

to demonstrate Medici ties to Spain and the New

Ferdinand I and the older sister of Francesco’s wife,

World through their trade via the port of Livorno.

Giovanna d’Austria. These existing family ties con-



nected the Medici to the Habsburgs and the Holy

The gifts themselves functioned primarily as diplo-

matic gestures meant to ally the two dukedoms and to

Roman Empire, but gifts helped cement political bonds

strengthen the familial bond. As a Wittelsbach duke

between the families.33 The gift of the seven chests

from 1547 to 1579, Albrecht ruled Bavaria under the

might have been timely, because the husband of Fran-

Holy Roman Empire. The two dukes were connected

cesco’s well-known mistress, Bianca Cappello, mysteri-

through their wives: Albrecht’s wife, Anne Habsburg of

ously died this same year, and the gift had the potential

f r a n c e sco a n d a m er ican nature

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to distract attention from a scandal and to fortify bonds

lection’s fame. At the same time, by mentioning the

important to the Medici: with this gift Francesco could

port of Livorno in his letter, the duke flaunted his own

secure relations with Giovanna’s family and remain

economic power and his relation to the New World.

politically connected to the Habsburgs.





extravagant and best-documented example of Fran-

Francesco surely also knew that the gift would be of

This 1572 shipment might have been the most

great appeal to Albrecht, who had developed a

cesco’s New World gift giving, but it was not unique. In

renowned Kunstkammer to house his collection. In 1565

1581 Francesco gave Archduke Ferdinand II of Austria

the Flemish physician Samuel Quiccheberg published

“an animal from the Indies that they call a hare in that

his Inscriptiones vel Tituli Theatri Amplissimi, a guide,

country.”38 Besides being the Duke of Tyrol and

inspired by Albrecht’s Kunstkammer, that described the

Giovanna of Austria’s brother, Ferdinand II was also an

ideal manner in which to organize a collection. This

avid collector, involved at the time in refurbishing the

text categorized New World materials and other ethno-

castle at Ambras as a display space for his collection.

graphic objects alongside natural specimens and sepa-

Following Giovanna’s 1578 death and Francesco’s

rated them from art objects and religious works.

remarriage to Bianca Cappello a year later, diplomatic

Albrecht V would have been an eager recipient of these

relations between the Medici and the Habsburgs were

items from the New World because he was actively

especially vulnerable. Francesco assembled New World

working to enrich his collection. For instance, in 1558

gifts for the Duke of Tyrol and the Duke of Bavaria in

Albrecht purchased the entire library of the humanist

order to solidify political ties and to contribute to the

Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter, which included the

growing collections of others. Francesco himself was

Codex Vindobonensis Mexicanus i, the same Mexican

more interested in studying and documenting the natu-

manuscript that had been in the collection of Medici

ral materials arriving from the New World than in

pope Clement VII just a few decades before. Besides

amassing and publicly displaying them.

34

35

purchasing the entire collections of others and receiving objects as gifts, Albrecht sent agents throughout Europe to seek out and acquire novel items. In 1566 he received goods from the Indies that came to him via Spain from

Aldrovandi

the Fuggers, a prominent banking family who supplied

Francesco’s exchange with Bolognese naturalist Ulisse

collectors throughout Europe. Johann Baptist Fickler’s

Aldrovandi was significantly different from his exchanges

1598 inventory of Albrecht’s Munich Kunstkammer lists

with these northern dukes and with the Spanish court.

some seventy items from the New World.

The letters between them reveal genuine friendship and



Thanks to Quiccheberg’s 1565 description of the

collegiality and are less motivated by politics. In this case,

collection, Francesco was surely aware of the signifi-

their gifting and exchange were provoked by the desire to

cance of the Kunstkammer. With this generous 1572 gift,

record the wonders of the Americas for posterity and to

he could contribute to Albrecht’s vast collection of

revise what the ancients had written about the natural

New World goods and thus connect himself to the col-

world. Following Aldrovandi’s May 1577 visit to Florence,

36

37

52

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Ligozzi’s Works on Paper and the Exchange with

i m ag in in g t h e am e r ic a s in m edi c i f lor en c e

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he and Francesco became immersed in an epistolary

plants.42 He also possessed a vast library that included

relationship that would last until Francesco’s death, in

nearly every work published in Europe about the New

1587. Aldrovandi was a renowned scientist, professor at

World, including various editions of the works of

the University of Bologna, and published scholar who

Oviedo, Ramusio, Peter Martyr, Benzoni, Cieza de

collected and studied plants and animals from around

León, and López de Gómara.43

the world. He was in communication with other collec-



tors and scientists from Egypt to Hungary and was com-

and Aldrovandi, nearly half of them discuss the acquisi-

mitted to preserving and recording his specimens in his

tion of goods from the New World, the drive to docu-

museum, or Teatro della natura. Although Aldrovandi

ment them visually, and often how one should go about

studied a variety of subjects, from antiquity to the natural

comprehending these things—novelties that

sciences, the Americas fascinated him above all.

Aldrovandi excitedly claims “had not been described

Already in the 1560s the collector had plans to organize

by the ancients.”44 The majority of the early letters deal

an expedition on which he intended to bring artists from

with the need to swap seeds, plants, and animals and to

Europe to paint the nature of the New World. His

illustrate these new imports from the Americas, but

unpublished Discorso naturale (1572) describes his desire

their content also reveals the duke’s special bond with

and concern for the future:

Aldrovandi. A lengthy letter of September 1577 from

39

40

Of the fifty-eight known letters between Francesco

Aldrovandi to Francesco explains that Aldrovandi’s One useful and simple enough act that would accomplish all

artist had been ill and unable to paint a particular

that is desired for posterity would be to send to the new

Indian fish but that he is able to send with the letter

world of the Indies men skilled in the arts and versed in the

“four figures of four Indian plants very beautiful and

European methods. Thus, they would be able to paint what

rare that have been growing in Portugal for eight

there is of this Indies and send it on [to us]. For ten years I

years.”45 The naturalist also explains that the plants will

have entertained the fantasy of going to the newly discov-

be featured and illustrated in his history and that his

ered Indies so widely used and enjoyed by others. Happily I

excellency should hire his own artist to paint them as

would undertake such an enterprise, however laborious and

well.46 The attached list of gifts for the duke from

fatiguing, [and] in the manner of Columbus I would be ready

Aldrovandi includes paintings of various fruits

to make the voyage.41

dell’America, such as a spiny acacia plant and other plants listed with their Nahuatl names.47 Other letters

Although Aldrovandi never made this dream journey,

from Aldrovandi include detailed descriptions of an

he did hire artists to document the natural specimens

Indian fish and of a tiger-flower and also mention a

from the Americas that arrived in Bologna. He also

porco indiano, or Indian pig.48 Although Francesco’s

founded the first botanical garden in Bologna, where he

responses to Aldrovandi’s long-winded letters and

cultivated plants from the Americas. In the mid-1550s

essays are brief, the duke does express gratitude to

Aldrovandi corresponded with Cosimo’s botanist Luca

Aldrovandi and mentions items and drawings that he is

Ghini at the Pisa garden and exchanged seeds and

sending to Aldrovandi in exchange.

f r a n c e sco a n d a m er ican nature

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One set of letters shows that Francesco and

for a pope or another European ruler, but also as a sig-

Aldrovandi sought to gain information about the New

nificant source of firsthand knowledge of a foreign land

World not only from their own correspondence and

that was difficult to visit. As Aldrovandi’s letter shows,

specimens but also from codices and illustrations pro-

Hernández’s book of drawings became the subject of

duced in the Americas. The correspondence reveals the

much discussion in scientific circles.55 The fact that

politics involved in the study of nature. In a letter dated

Aldrovandi was content to see copies of Hernández’s

April 1, 1586, Aldrovandi explains to Francesco that the

work rather than originals demonstrates that he was

bishop of Piacenza, while visiting King Philip in Spain,

interested in the new information provided by the

saw “a book of various plants, animals and other Indian

source rather than in the book itself.

things newly painted, a thing of true greatness.”



Aldrovandi then states that he would very much like

travel to the Americas, with their own collection of draw-

Francesco to try to acquire copies of these drawings in

ings they did endeavor to bring the New World to Italy.

Spain. Francesco’s prompt response, from April 7,

The drawings not only reveal the important role of art in

regretfully explains that “it would be very difficult to

documentation but also function as visual evidence of

acquire these drawings of plants and animals from that

Francesco’s exchange with Aldrovandi. Francesco gener-

king,” but the author offers no reason. The book to

ously shared drawings with Aldrovandi for study. In a 1581

which Aldrovandi refers is probably the work of Fran-

letter to Cardinal Gabriele Paleotti, Aldrovandi states that

cisco Hernández, who was sent to Mexico under Philip

Duke Francesco gave him a few drawings of birds from

II for seven years to document all the new plants and

the Indies.56 As he explains elsewhere: the grand duke

animals.52 The drawings Hernández produced were

had promised to “share with me all the precious things

returned to Spain in 1577 and were immediately

that came into his hands, and every time he had two he

archived in the Escorial. In some ways, Francesco and

would give me one.”57 Indeed, several of the drawings in

Aldrovandi’s motivation to document naturalia was

Aldrovandi’s collection in Bologna are copies of works

quite similar to that of King Philip and Hernández. Yet

that Francesco had commissioned from Ligozzi, works

Hernández did not consider his trip to the New World

that are even listed in Aldrovandi’s description of draw-

the utopian experience about which Aldrovandi

ings seen during his “secondo soggiorno fiorentino” of

dreamed; instead, Hernández saw his duty in New

1586.58 For instance, there are two nearly identical draw-

Spain as a form of exile.53 Francesco must have known

ings of pineapples (figs. 27 and 28) and two of a lepro

the problems related to Hernández’s project when he

dell’Indie (figs. 29 and 30),59 one today located at the Bib-

responded to Aldrovandi’s inquiry.54

lioteca universitaria of Bologna, along with Aldrovandi’s



drawings, and the other at the Gabinetto in Florence. On

49

50

51

54

Markey book.indb 54

Francesco and Aldrovandi’s correspondence sug-

Although neither Francesco nor Aldrovandi could

gests that the volume containing Hernández’s drawings

close study, the drawings in Aldrovandi’s collection reveal

would have had multiple uses for the collector-natural-

fewer details than those in Ligozzi’s works, indicating that

ist; it could have served not only as a commodity or

they could be copies of Ligozzi originals in Florence by

status symbol, as such a book might have functioned

Ligozzi himself or by the hand of another artist.

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Fig. 27 Jacopo Ligozzi, Pineapple, ca. 1570. Gabinetto

Fig. 28 After Jacopo Ligozzi, Pineapple, ca. 1570–90. Ulisse

disegni e stampe, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence.

Aldrovandi, Tavole di piante, Biblioteca universitaria di Bologna.

55

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Fig. 29 Jacopo Ligozzi, Hare from the Indies, ca. 1570. Gabinetto disegni e stampe, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence. Fig. 30 After Jacopo Ligozzi, Hare from the Indies, ca. 1570–90. Ulisse Aldrovandi, Tavole di animali, Biblioteca universitaria di Bologna.

56

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These detailed visual sources and the exchange

and watercolors were quite likely bound into volumes—

between Francesco and Aldrovandi demonstrate that

Aldrovandi mentions some forty figures in his descrip-

the colleagues studied these new plants and animals not

tion of his visit to Francesco’s casino in 1577, listing them

from written texts but rather from live specimens. Most

among Francesco’s books on natural history and medi-

of Ligozzi’s remarkably preserved paintings of plants and

cine and indicating that the drawings were placed next to

animals in Florence are composed of gouache on paper.

the books and used as visual references.64 Aldrovandi’s

The works on paper reveal close firsthand analysis of the

albums of works on paper acted as an early type of image

actual plants and animals. The brushstrokes are fine, vis-

library, used to unite his collection with his studies.65 The

ible only when viewing the surface of the works closely.

fact that Francesco’s drawings were located in the same

Specimens are not presented in any sort of setting but

space as his books makes clear that they too functioned

rather in space. Many of his representations of New

as a type of visual library for the ducal naturalist.

World plants, such as the Agave americana at the Gabi-



netto in Florence (fig. 31), depict the plants just as he saw

and Aldrovandi were not alone in their pursuit of the

them. The agave plant is obviously near death, with

nature of the New World in these years.66 In the 1570s and

brown decay visible on its thick and spiky leaves. Its

1580s Aldrovandi exchanged letters with members of

shadows cast patterns onto the folds of the leaves. Simi-

Rudolf II’s court in Prague about the production of

larly, Ligozzi’s Pineapple (fig. 27) has begun to yellow

nature studies there and received works on paper by

into a state of desiccation. The specimens are presented

court artist Giuseppe Arcimboldo, who had been com-

as they were at a specific moment in Italy, not as they

missioned by Rudolf to paint, among other things, “mar-

would have looked in their context in the New World.

velous birds from the New World.”67 Via Francesco and

This sort of objective approach to the subject is different

Aldrovandi, Ligozzi’s drawings now located in Vienna are

from depictions of plants in printed herbals and sources

thought to have once been in Rudolf II’s collection in

on the history of plants, such as Pietro Andrea Mattioli’s

Prague, whereas the many Arcimboldo drawings in the

Discorsi and Leonhart Fuchs’s De Historia Stirpium Com­

Gabinetto in Florence and in Aldrovandi’s collection in

mentarii Insignes, both first published in the 1540s, where

Bologna further demonstrate the exchange between Italy

the plants appear less naturalistically and more simpli-

and the North in this period.68 These visual studies of

fied in their basic woodcut renderings. As Brian Ogilvie

naturalia were exchanged in the same way as the actual

and Claudia Swan have already made clear, images of

natural commodities—the images of these new plants

plants and animals were produced not only for integra-

and animals, like the representations of birds in

tion into symbolic content in other media but also to

Aldrovandi’s collection, were thus nearly as valuable as

record faithfully the naturalia of inaccessible places.

the ephemeral possessions themselves.





60

61

62

63

Francesco commissioned Ligozzi’s works on paper

As Paula Findlen and others have shown, Francesco

Francesco and Aldrovandi’s correspondence and

for the benefit of study. He intended them to be exam-

the extant visual evidence reveal what they were collect-

ined in lieu of the actual specimens and as colorful and

ing and documenting from the New World but also what

detailed supplements for illustrated books. The drawings

they were not preserving, or at least not discussing or

f r a n c e sco a n d a m er ican nature

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Fig. 31 Jacopo Ligozzi, Agave, ca. 1570. Gabinetto disegni e stampe, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence.

58

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illustrating. Their letters and the related drawings were

with a Christian message and at the same time clarifies

mostly related to naturalia. There is no mention of feath-

how information about the New World inspired

erwork, Mexican idols, or any other objects from the

Aldrovandi’s own conception of art and nature. In the

New World made by human hands, even though both

middle of the letter, Aldrovandi condemns the

collectors were also coming in contact with these

“ancients” for not visually depicting the nature

objects. As already mentioned, Francesco was dealing

described in texts by Alexander the Great, Aristotle,

with these materials and sending them to Albrecht V.

Theophratus, and others. He later intriguingly refers to

Moreover, some of these New World goods remained in

an Inca leader of Cusco in Peru as a major innovator in

Medici inventories. For instance, one featherwork piece

nature studies:

depicting the Last Supper is listed as being in Francesco’s casino.69 Aldrovandi also knew of such treasures from the

Guaynacapa, king of Cusco, was a man of great spirit, and he

New World. He was aware of the vast collection of Anto-

took so much pleasure in the things of nature that in his

nio Giganti da Fossombrone, who in 1572 moved to

guardaroba, amid an infinite number of enormous gold stat-

Bologna with his New World objects, including a feather

ues that seemed like giants, he had life-sized figures realized

miter, an idol, and knife holders. Aldrovandi even used

of all the four-legged animals that had come to his attention

Giganti’s collection as a research tool for his drawings:

and all the birds and all the trees and plants that the earth

the unusual feather headdress depicted in Aldrovandi’s

produces; also, as many fish as there were in the sea, rivers,

drawing of a Floridian woman (fig. 32) resembles Gigan-

and other waters of his dominion. All of these were made

ti’s inventory description of just such a headdress.

and formed in gold and silver, so if a barbarian prince had so

Aldrovandi later acquired many of Giganti’s objects and

much spirit that he wanted to form in gold and silver all of

a Medici turquoise mosaic mask from Mexico for his

the natural things that God in His Greatness produced for

own collection. These works are illustrated and

man’s use, how much more should it be incumbent on Chris-

described in his posthumous Musaeum Metallicum, of

tian princes . . . to realize in painting all of the things that

1648. In his Ornithologiae, of 1599, Aldrovandi also cites

nature continually produces in their dominions!74

70

71

72

a feather painting of Saint Jerome that he acquired from Cardinal Paleotti via the cardinal of Burgos.73 Yet because

Here Aldrovandi cites, nearly verbatim, a description of

no letters between Francesco and Aldrovandi describe

the king of Cusco from López de Gómara’s Historia.75 It

artificialia from the New World, it is likely that such

is as if Aldrovandi had here conflated Guaynacapa with

objects were not part of their documenting fervor of the

Francesco. Possessing little knowledge of the reality of

late 1570s and early 1580s.

Guaynacapa’s rule, Aldrovandi idealizes him and likens



him to a ruler he does know. Although Aldrovandi

A 1581 letter Aldrovandi wrote in response to Car-

dinal Paleotti’s yet-unpublished treatise on painting

refers to Guaynacapa as a “barbarian prince,” he praises

begins to explain why Francesco and Aldrovandi

this king’s intense appreciation of, or “delight” in, the

focused on exchanging and documenting the naturalia

nature of his native land and credits him with the idea

of the New World. It purposefully provides Paleotti

of recording nature through life-size works of art, remi-

f r a n c e sco a n d a m er ican nature

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Fig. 32 Floridian, ca. 1570–90. Ulisse Aldrovandi, Tavole di animali, Biblioteca universitaria di Bologna.

60

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niscent of the animal statues in the Medici grotto at

Francesco engaged much more with naturalia from

Castello begun under Cosimo. Here Aldrovandi calls

the Americas, documenting them on works on paper

out to all the Christian princes to emulate this Incan

and analyzing them with Aldrovandi. Francesco did

and to have nature painted.

not create a large representative collection like that



which Duke Albrecht or his father, Cosimo, had

It is Francesco who heeded this call. During his

1586 visit to Florence, Aldrovandi saw Francesco’s

planned. He appears to have been more interested in

drawings after nature and might have seen his private

giving and exchanging Americana than gathering it.

collection space, his stanzino in the Palazzo Vecchio.

In the stanzino, the topic of the next chapter, he did

While Cosimo initially categorized New World novel-

create a distinct room to house symbolic materials

ties in the garden and in the Guardaroba Nuova,

from around the world.

f r a n c e sco a n d a m er ican nature

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five • The Stanzino and the Representation of the New World

Francesco’s private collection space in the Palazzo Vec-



chio (fig. 33), referred to as his studiolo or stanzino in con-

particularly about the iconography of the painted panels

temporary documents, was constructed between 1569

and about their organization within the room.2 However,

and 1570, when he was not yet grand duke.1 Although this

much remains to be said of how Francesco’s interests in the

stanzino shared many compositional elements with

Americas inspired aspects of the room’s design and con-

Cosimo’s Guardaroba Nuova, its purpose was different.

ception. Scott Schaefer first showed where and why the

Both included storage space and were composed by a

Americas are embodied in the stanzino paintings.3 He con-

team of artists as complex multimedia systems, and both

sidered the room a reflection of Francesco’s “awareness of

collections were accessible by doors that led from pas-

and interest in the multiplicity of his own world.”4 Yet

sageways to private parts of the palazzo. Francesco’s

Schaefer did not fully explore the extent to which Fran-

room, smaller than the guardaroba, was likely a more

cesco exchanged goods from the New World, the level of

personal space for the prince. In conception it was also

his knowledge and interest in the Americas, and the signifi-

much more esoteric than Cosimo’s map room, and it was

cance of these images in relation to Europe’s changing

accessible only through a small staircase that led from

economy. Furthermore, Schaefer discusses only Jacopo

the bedrooms. Yet like the guardaroba, Francesco’s stan­

Zucchi’s painting Mining (fig. 34), as a representation of the

zino was arranged in accordance with the collections

mining in Potosí (sixteenth-century Peru and modern-day

maintained behind the painted cabinet doors. Although

Bolivia), and does not consider any other works in the

the organization of Cosimo’s collection was based on the

room in relation to the Americas. Alessandro Allori’s paint-

provenance of the objects, the geographical locations

ing, Pearl Fishers (fig. 35), should similarly be regarded as a

painted on the doors in his room, Francesco’s objects

depiction of a symbolic conquest of New World naturalia.

were organized according to material. Rather than maps,

Housed behind these doors were silver goods and pearls,

the panels in his stanzino portrayed narrative scenes

respectively, important commodities imported from the

illustrating either the processes involved in acquiring

Americas during the years of the stanzino’s construction.

various raw materials or historical or mythological tales

The paintings represent these acquisitions by depicting the

related to the goods contained therein. Both rooms were

natives of the Americas who worked to obtain them.

designed to house treasures from the New World and



included representations of the Americas.

(explored in the previous chapter) reveal a microeco-

Detail of fig. 34

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There is a great deal of literature about the stanzino,

Whereas Francesco’s gift giving and exchanges

63

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Fig. 33 (opposite) Francesco’s stanzino, ca. 1569–75, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Fig. 34 Jacopo Zucchi, Mining, ca. 1569–75. Francesco’s stanzino, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence.

65

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Fig. 35 Alessandro Allori, Pearl Fishers, ca. 1569–75. Francesco’s stanzino, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence.

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nomic system of exchange of New World objects

of the stanzino in a series of letters.7 Bronzino’s portraits

among a circumscribed group in Europe, the stanzino

of Cosimo and Eleonora were placed in the two

panels suggest a larger, macroeconomic system in

lunettes at the ends of the room’s barrel vault. Fran-

which raw materials from the Americas were trans-

cesco Morandini frescoed the ceiling with nine scenes

formed into global commodities. Byron Ellsworth

surrounded by stucco and grotesque work. The central

Hamann has claimed that three of the objects within

scene portrays Prometheus, likely an allegorical depic-

Velazquez’s Las meninas, namely a red ceramic cup and

tion of Francesco himself, with a representation of

a silver tray held by the Infanta as well as a red curtain

Nature holding a piece of rock crystal in her out-

in the background, “can be viewed as virtual portraits of

stretched hand, extended toward him.8 The ceiling’s

New World laborers.”5 In Francesco’s stanzino there are

four “corner” scenes show playful putti, and female alle-

actual representations of laborers in the Americas dis-

gorical figures of the four elements occupy the four

played as indexical signs of the New World objects

scenes adjacent to that in the center of the vault. The

housed within the cabinets. The relationship produced

walls of the room below the female figures each repre-

at the Medici court reveals a different sort of colonial

sent one of the elements. Each wall comprises an upper

encounter than what Hamann proposes regarding

level of panel paintings and a lower level of painted cab-

Velazquez’s painting at the Spanish court nearly a cen-

inet doors that illustrate various scenes exemplifying

tury later. Unlike the Spanish, the Medici were not

these elements and the materials kept inside the cabi-

involved in the colonization of the New World, nor was

nets. Although Borghini expounds on the basic con-

Francesco able to obtain these goods directly from the

cept of the room, the iconography of the ceiling

Americas. Rather (as seen in the previous chapter), he

decoration, the subjects of the sculpture, and the types

depended on exchange with others and on shipments

of materials to be housed in the cabinets, he does not

that made their way via Spain to the Medici port of

describe the subject matter of each of the individual

Livorno. Livorno’s port was first developed while Fran-

cabinet paintings. Nor do any surviving documents by

cesco was prince, so he would have witnessed how

him or anyone else elucidate them. Thus, many of the

imports from the New World altered Tuscany’s econ-

subjects of the panels remain a mystery to scholars.

omy. Francesco’s engagement with the New World and



its visual representation in the stanzino conveys a new

into the general theme of the room: “The invenzione [of

consciousness of the procurement and significance of

the room] it seems to me should conform to the mate-

the natural materials coming from the Americas.

rial and the quality of the things that are collected, . . .

6

Borghini did reflect on how the panel paintings fit

first of all, it should serve in part as an indication and The Invenzione of the Stanzino

almost an inventory for finding things, alluding to in a certain way with the figures and the paintings that are

Court administrator, historian, and philologist Vin-

above and around the cabinets that which is inside

cenzo Borghini, who devised the room’s program,

them.”9 According to Borghini, Francesco’s collection

described to Vasari the iconography and organization

inspired the iconography of the panel paintings, and

t he stanzino a n d t he new world

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nets showcased both art and nature, so precious stones and minerals were placed next to vases and jewelry composed of the same materials, a system quite different from the one Quiccheberg described in the Munich Kunstkammer.12 Francesco may have kept his Mexican featherwork along with his taxidermied and sculpted birds in the cupboard on the “Air” wall, adorned by a painting by Maso da San Friano of the fall of Icarus, in which the protagonist and his father are depicted wearing feather wings.13 The stanzino was therefore a repository for Francesco’s treasures from around the world and would have included some of the plants and animals that he acquired through his agents and friends throughout Europe, including precious pearls from the Caribbean and Peruvian silver.14

Mining Zucchi’s large-scale panel representing mining (fig. 34) is prominently located in the center of the second level of the “Earth” wall, between Domenico Poggini’s sculpture of Pluto and Bartolomeo Ammannati’s Ops and Fig. 36 Giovanni Stradano, Alchemical Lab, ca. 1570. Francesco’s

below the portrait of Cosimo. Like several other stan­

stanzino, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence.

zino paintings, such as Mirabolo Cavalori’s Woolworkers and Giovanni Stradano’s Alchemical Lab (fig. 36), Min­ ing portrays a contemporary scene rather than a biblical, mythological, allegorical, or historical subject. Most of the thirty-five paintings in the stanzino are fic-

the cabinet doors functioned as a type of memory aid

tional in conception, but a small group of paintings,

that would remind the collector of what was located

including Mining, can be conceived more as genre

behind the doors. Although there is no extant inven-

paintings because they represent current events or

tory for the stanzino, Borghini’s description suggests an

moments of life at the court. Yet the figures in these

organizing principle for the space and explains that the

genre scenes are heroicized and embellished to resem-

paintings themselves functioned as an inventory of

ble the allegorical and mythological figures in the other

sorts. Borghini also explains that objects in the cabi-

stanzino paintings; Mining’s powerful seminude clas-

10

11

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Fig. 37 Potosí, from Pedro de Cieza de León, Chronica del Peru: Primera parte, 1553. Houghton Library, Harvard University, f (*58-803).

sicized men are portrayed in complex postures, pound-

members of the court of Don Francisco de Toledo y

ing on metals and carting them off in wheelbarrows.

Figueroa, Francesco’s cousin.15 Cieza de León’s text, like



Diverse figure types in the painting differentiate

Gómara’s, had been recently translated into Italian by

the work from other images in the room and provide

Agostino de Cravaliz, and the woodcut of Potosí was

the scene with a specificity that can be linked to events

the only known image of the mountain in Europe.

in South America. In contrast to the idealized workers,

Francisco de Toledo was elected the fifth viceroy of

a shackled figure in the foreground at right clearly rep-

Peru under Philip II in 1569, at roughly the same time

resents a slave. His smooth skin, in comparison to that

this panel was painted.16 Indeed, one of Toledo’s pri-

of the bearded men surrounding him, could be an allu-

mary duties as viceroy was to increase the production

sion to a New World native because the peoples of the

of silver in Peru through “increasing indigenous eco-

Americas were generally described as hairless. In the

nomic participation.”17 Copying the Incan mita system,

background a courtly entourage of Europeans is given a

which had required men to work for the cacique, or

tour of the mining site. Schaefer rightly suggests that

leader, he created labor drafts of the natives. In October

the unusual mountain in the background of the Zucchi

1572 Toledo traveled to Potosí to check on the laborers

resembles a woodcut of Potosí from Pedro de Cieza de

and to install more.18 Toledo’s reports to King Philip II

León’s Chronica del Peru (fig. 37) and that the figures in

about the project surely circulated at the Spanish court

the background, at the base of the mountain, represent

and beyond, so the chained figure in the foreground of

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the painting could be a reference to Toledo’s new eco-

gini, whose brother Domenico created the Pluto

nomic system in Peru.

sculpture in the niche adjacent to the Mining panel, rep-



resents Philip II on the obverse and an allegorical

In this same period Francesco saw to it that he

received updates about mining in Peru, and he could

depiction of the land of Peru on the reverse (fig. 38).25

have read about it in various publications. On June 22,

Poggini sent the medal to Cosimo in 1562 with a letter

1568, Ambassador de’ Nobili in Madrid excitedly wrote

describing the representation of Peru:26 “I dressed the

to the Medici court, “We await a ship from Peru that will

men and women with the clothes they wear in Peru, as

bring miraculous things that one cannot believe: all this

you see; and the animal that resembles both a camel

gold and silver collected over three months’ time and

and a sheep . . . I have shown it burdened with bars of

worth a hundred thousand scudi.” An avviso from

silver. The woman who bears the half globe as an offer-

Madrid dated September 11, 1569, explained that a fleet

ing represents the Indian province [of Peru], as is pleas-

from New Spain with a large amount of merchandise

ing to Gonzalo Perez. But I prefer to identify her as

was arriving and that they awaited ten ships from Peru

Fortune or Providence.”27 The land of Peru is here asso-

that were “even more rich.”20

ciated with silver and with Fortune. Borghini is known



to have used medals and printed books as sources for

19

Although Schaefer suggests that Girolamo Benzoni’s

1565 Historia del Mondo Nuovo functioned as a textual

his invenzioni, so it is quite possible that he studied this

source for Mining, there were many other sources about

medal and knew Poggini’s description.28

mining in Peru available in the 1560s and 1570s. Peter



Martyr’s history of the Indies, included in Ramusio’s 1565

included a representation of Peru, and it was Borghini

compilation text, describes mining sites around the

again who designed this entire program for the prince,

Caribbean. Similarly, Oviedo’s Sommario, yet another

demonstrating that he considered Peru to be a significant

chapter in Ramusio’s text, incorporates a long section

part of the Medici-Habsburg cultural and political iden-

called “Delle minere dell’oro.” Furthermore, various

tity.29 Giovanna’s procession into Florence for the wed-

histories of Peru by Francesco di Xerez and other anony-

ding passed through numerous triumphal arches

mous authors, also available in Ramusio, touch on the

throughout the city. Borghini designed these arches in

subject of mining. Significantly, both Peter Martyr’s

order to make sure that they effectively articulated the

writing and Ramusio’s text were included in the Medici

Medici’s cultural agenda.30 A now-lost painting of Peru

library, which Vincenzo Borghini surely could have

for the wedding procession by Michele di Ridolfo was

accessed when devising subjects for the program.

located on the Arch of Maritime Empire, next to the



Ponte Santa Trinita. Domenico Mellini, author of the

21

22

23

24

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Other images of Peru had by this time also made

Francesco’s 1565 wedding to Giovanna d’Austria

their way to the Medici court. As previously discussed,

festival book for the wedding, describes Peru within the

allegorical representations of Peru were present in

painting as a seminude allegorical female figure sur-

Cosimo and Eleonora’s wedding celebration as early as

rounded by putti and flanked by Christ.31 The painting

1539, and maps of Peru were featured in Cosimo’s guard­

was located in the arch, across from a painting of Elba and

aroba. A medal by Medici court artist Gian Paolo Pog-

surrounded by smaller paintings and statues of various

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Fig. 38 Gian Paolo Poggini, reverse of a medal of Philip II of Spain, ca. 1562. Fig. 39 Mining, from Vannoccio Biringuccio, De la pirotechnia, 1540. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Typ 525.40.213.

water gods, nymphs, and gold vases, references to the

“that you all know how to do.”35 Zucchi and Borghini

material wealth of Peru. The arch shows that Peru was

would therefore have had an excellent nearby visual

considered to be—like Elba, which the Medici had taken

resource for the depiction of miners. De la pirotechnia

over only in 1546—part of the Medici-Habsburg “mari-

(1540), an early printed book on metallurgy by Sienese

time empire.”

author Vannoccio Biringuccio, includes woodcut illus-



The representation of mining in the stanzino could

trations (e.g., fig. 39) that Zucchi might also have con-

in fact possess multiple meanings and may not allude

sulted for this painting, particularly for the depiction of

solely to the Americas. Although Borghini’s conception

the huts and the wheelbarrows. In the text, Biringuccio

for the Mining panel could have been inspired by these

admits to not having seen mining in person but notes

images of and news about Peru, he could have derived

that “the Indies hold first place [for mining], particu-

the actual depiction of the miners from mining occur-

larly those islands that, as we hear, are called Peru,

ring closer to home. At the same time that images and

recently discovered by the naval armada of the sacred

information about Peruvian mines were circulating, the

King of Portugal and of His Majesty the Emperor.”36

Medici were developing mines at home in Tuscany.33

There was mining in Tuscany by the late sixteenth cen-

Letters to Francesco in 1576 inform the duke of the sil-

tury, but since the mid-sixteenth century the industry

ver extracted from the mines at Pietrasanta, on the Tus-

had been connected to the discoveries made in Peru.

can coast. In his note on the invenzione of the room,

Zucchi’s representation in the stanzino could promote

Borghini alludes to mining in Tuscany as something

both the mining activities in Tuscany and the Medici

32

34

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ties to and knowledge of the now-famous mines of

dawn, and nude men aboard canoe-like boats wait for

South America, thus once again linking Tuscan activi-

the swimmers to return with shells. Allori creates a

ties to the New World.

more dramatic scene by depicting many male bodies per boat rather than the single one Oviedo describes. In the foreground, female figures clad in pearls clutch the

Pearl Fishing

shells that hold the precious objects, while they wait for

Unlike mining, there were no accessible visual models

swimmers and divers to return from fishing. Mytho-

for Allori’s Pearl Fishers panel in the stanzino (fig. 35).

logical water nymphs on seahorses in the middle

Pearls were the single most precious commodity of the

ground serve to make the scene more otherworldly.

Indies before the discovery of the great silver deposits



of Potosí (1545) and Zacatecas (1547). Gómara

derives from textual sources like Oviedo’s descrip-

reported on the abundance of pearls in Mexico after

tion, Allori draws from visual material at court for

37

Although the general conception of the painting

Cortés sent expeditions to the shores of El Mar del Sur,

both the style and the specific iconography of the

between Sinaloa and Tehuantepec, to search for them.

work. The prominent male figure climbing on the

Idealized textual descriptions of pearl fishing in the

rock has been borrowed from Michelangelo’s famous

Indies, like those of mining in Peru, abound in early

cartoon for the Battle of the Cascina (fig. 40), which

Cinquecento sources about the New World and surely

by this time had been reproduced in prints and dis-

functioned as a guide for Borghini’s invenzione and

seminated widely. The water nymphs and putti hold-

Allori’s painting. Oviedo’s section “Del pescar delle

ing shells filled with pearls in Vasari and Cristofano

perle” within his Sommario, as published in Ramusio,

Gherardi’s Allegory of Water (fig. 41) from 1555–58, in

corresponds with Allori’s painting:

the Sala degli Elementi, also functioned as a source

38

39

for Allori’s depiction of an ideal waterscape. Allori’s In a canoe or a boat, they [the Indians] go out in the morn-

Pearl Fishers would have been located in the upper

ing, four or five or six or more of them, and where it seems

right corner of the water wall to the right of Santi di

or where they know that there are a quantity of pearls, they

Tito’s Sisters of Phaeton, representing the origin of

stop in the water, and they dive in and swim until they reach

amber, and Vasari’s Perseus and Andromeda, depicting

the deep water; and one of them rests in the boat and holds

the origin of coral, and Allori’s panel therefore had to

its place, waiting for those who have entered the water. And

match the paintings of his colleagues, both stylisti-

like this, after an Indian has spent a good amount of time

cally and iconographically.

under the water, he swims to the boat, enters it, and leaves



all the oysters that he has collected, because within the

of tapestries and prints depicting hunt scenes of the

oysters are found the pearls.40

New World that were produced by Allori along with

More significantly, this painting relates to a series

another stanzino painter, Giovanni Stradano (an artist

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Markey book.indb 72

As in Oviedo’s description, in the background of Allo-

discussed in greater depth in chapter 8), in the same

ri’s painting a sunrise lightens the sky to represent

years.41 The tapestries were designed for Medici coun-

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Fig. 40 Marcantonio Raimondi, The Climbers (after Michelangelo’s Battle of Cascina cartoon), ca. 1510. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Purchase, Joseph Pulitzer Bequest, 1917. Fig. 41 Giorgio Vasari and Cristofano Gherardi, Allegory of Water, ca. 1555–58, in the Sala degli Elementi, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence.

t he stanzino a n d t he new world

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Fig. 42 Giovanni Stradano, Fishing for Oysters, ca. 1570–80. Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, NC266.St81 1776St81.

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try estates, and prints produced after the tapestries

Stradano’s male natives wear feather skirts and round

around 1578 were also initially dedicated to the Medici.

hats, whereas Allori’s pearl fishers, both men and

Among Stradano’s depictions of various types of hunt-

women, are dressed in sparse drapery and courtly jew-

ing were several images of New World endeavors,

elry more fitting for Francesco’s space in the palazzo.

including oyster hunting (fig. 42) and geese hunting



(fig. 43).42 Although perhaps less fantastical and more

ers, but Allori is credited with the design of a set of tap-

ethnographic in conceit, the oyster-hunting print

estries depicting Native American geese hunters (figs.

shares some similarities with Allori’s depiction of pearl

44–46) that once hung in the villa at Poggio a Caiano

fishers in composition and iconography. The Stradano

and remain today in the Medici palace in Siena, now

print, like Allori’s painting, portrays figures in active

the Palazzo del Governo or della Provincia.43 Over the

poses in the foreground, while divers in the back-

years the tapestries have been cut apart and sewn to

ground ride in a boat in water along a rocky shore.

other pieces of tapestries, and one wonders if the two

There is no extant tapestry representing pearl fish-

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Fig. 43 Giovanni Stradano, Indians Catching Geese Using Squash, ca. 1570–80. Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, NC266.St81 1776St81.

restored pieces once formed part of a larger work. The

hunt tapestry now poses beside her mate, festooned in

practice of hunting for geese using gourds, as seen in

a shell necklace and a skirt made of leaves. Produced in

Allori’s tapestry and in Stradano’s print, is described in

the 1570s and 1580s, Allori’s tapestries and Stradano’s

Oviedo’s Historia.44 Both Stradano’s print and Allori’s

prints reveal how Medici artists were imagining the

tapestry depict the hunt with an underwater figure

New World, learning from New World histories, and

wearing a pumpkin on his head (fig. 45), ready to attack

stimulating one another’s representations.

the foolish goose who pecks at it. Allori’s second tapes-



try represents the moment after the hunt, and here the

and Zucchi panels for the stanzino aestheticize the

native couple resembles Adam and Eve in the Garden

activities of the natives of the New World. The

of Eden, reminiscent of the first couple in the della

extremely dangerous and inhumane conditions

Robbia terra-cotta (fig. 4, discussed in chapter 1). The

involved in mining and pearl fishing are not depicted in

same blond female seated in the upper left corner of the

these works. The only reference to the use of slaves in

Like these tapestries and prints, both the Allori

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procuring these goods is the shackled figure in the foreground of Zucchi’s Mining. The stanzino was not the space to depict brutality or to comment on the negative aspects of activities in the Americas. Furthermore, Francesco may not even have been aware of the brutality involved in mining or pearl fishing, nor would it have been a concern of his. Few sources, certainly not Oviedo or the avvisi he received, mentioned slavery or the lives of the workers.45 These paintings were designed to celebrate the riches of different elements and to incorporate the newest discoveries from the New World into the space.

Zucchi’s and Allori’s paintings demonstrate that

images and information about the Americas had permeated the Medici court and inspired artistic production. Their location in Francesco’s personal treasure room makes clear that they were a significant part of his self-representation. These two panels refer to the wealth and abundance of these materials at court and once again display Francesco’s knowledge of and interest in the natural wonders of the Americas. The paintings on the cabinet doors must have acted to enliven the goods Francesco was acquiring from the Americas. So different from Ligozzi’s naturalistic works on paper documenting the Americas, these paintings convey narratives derived from letters, avvisi, and travel literature. Both the Mining and Pearl Fishers panels emphasize the rich materials that derived from the land and seas of the New World. In these cases New World labor-

Fig. 44 Alessandro Allori, Indians Catching Geese Using Squash, ca. 1578. Palazzo della Provincia di Siena.

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ers act as emblems of the natural commodities. Fran-

panels also evince the beginning of a shift toward the

cesco was not only aware of the general provenance of

fantastic from the ethnographic. Natives fishing for

his naturalia and interested in surpassing the ancients

pearls are made beautiful and miners heroic. One court

through his visual documentation but also familiar

artist, Zucchi, would develop this mode of representing

with their methods of extraction and thus the global

the Americas further in Rome, where he worked for

economic ramifications of his collectibles. Yet these

Francesco’s brother, Cardinal Ferdinando de’ Medici.

Fig. 45 Alessandro Allori, detail of Indians Catching Geese Using Squash, ca. 1578. Palazzo della Provincia di Siena. Fig. 46 Alessandro Allori, Indians Holding Geese, ca. 1578. Palazzo della Provincia di Siena.

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six • Between Ethnography and Fantasy in Ferdinando’s New World

In the same years that Francesco’s stanzino was con-

images in Ferdinando’s casino, or garden pavilion, and

structed in Florence, his brother Cardinal Ferdinando

in his studiolo paintings. For instance, the entrance area

was expanding his collection and commissioning his

in Ferdinando’s casino includes Zucchi’s frescoed

own studiolo paintings in Rome. In 1576 the young car-

trompe l’œil ceiling of a pergola with plants and ani-

dinal bought Cardinal Ricci’s villa on the Pincian Hill

mals, recalling the frescoes in Duchess Eleonora’s Cam-

and developed it into a magnificent palace to house

era Verde in the Palazzo Vecchio.7 An image of a turkey

his collection. For the refurbishment and decoration

figures prominently in the ceiling decoration here (fig.

of the villa, Ferdinando imported some of his favorite

47), and frescoed corn flanks the interior entrance of

Medici court artists and architects from Florence. He

the casino—perhaps indicating that live turkeys were

hired architect Bartolomeo Ammannati to renovate

grazing and corn grew in his garden right outside and

the space and to create a decorative façade facing the

also carrying on the message of abundance that Ferdi-

garden. Jacopo Zucchi, who had produced Mining for

nando’s father communicated in the Dovizia tapestry.8

Francesco’s stanzino, received a commission to paint

Zucchi also included a turkey in his Allegory of Creation,

many of the rooms in the palace and became a pre-

now in the Borghese Gallery, which Ferdinando likely

ferred artist of the cardinal’s. Within the palace and

commissioned for his studiolo. The same artist created

garden and on the garden façade, Ferdinando dis-

another elaborate studiolo painting for Ferdinando

played Roman antiquities that he had acquired from

depicting the New World.9

Cardinal Ricci and purchased himself.4 Throughout



the villa he also displayed the work of great Florentine

rently titled Allegory of the Americas at the Borghese Gal-

masters, such as Andrea del Sarto, Jacopo Pontormo,

lery (fig. 48), in light of Ferdinando’s New World

Francesco Salviati, and Giambologna. The Roman

collection. Unlike Francesco, who was most interested in

villa also became a showcase for Ferdinando’s collec-

the flora, fauna, and commodities of the Americas, Fer-

tion of exotica, including more than 100 pieces of Chi-

dinando primarily collected artificialia and ritual objects

nese porcelain. Objects from the New World were a

from the Americas. Ferdinando’s collection in Rome and

major part of this vast collection.

the Zucchi panel reveal an “ethnographic impulse,” to



borrow Joan-Pau Rubiés’s term.10 Although “ethnogra-

1

2

3

5

6

As in the Palazzo Vecchio and Medici villas out-

side Florence, American flora and fauna featured in

Detail of fig. 49

Markey book.indb 79

The current chapter examines this painting, cur-

phy” became an anthropological method only in the late

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Fig. 47 Jacopo Zucchi, detail of birds on the ceiling of Ferdinando’s casino, ca. 1576–77, Villa Medici, Rome. Fig. 48 (opposite) Jacopo Zucchi, Allegory of the Americas, ca. 1580. Borghese Gallery, Rome.

nineteenth century, cultural and art historians have used

of Zucchi’s painting also correlates with a general decline

the term convincingly to describe an early modern pen-

in the excitement over objects from the New World,

chant to categorize the appearances and traditions of

indicating that this decrease in interest may have led to

different types of people from around the world. In the

more imaginative and less ethnographically plausible

small-scale panel (55 × 45 cm), Zucchi emphasizes the

representations of the Americas.

11

ethnicity of the New World natives by representing skin color, costume, and attributes. These inhabitants share space in Zucchi’s work with mythological figures, so that

80

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Ferdinando’s American Collection in Rome and the

this ethnographic scene fuses with fantasy. Whereas

Wane of Novelty

Cosimo’s and Francesco’s engagement with the Ameri-

During his twenty-four years as a cardinal (1563–87),

cas was focused on its geography, nature, and wealth,

Ferdinando became an influential figure in Rome and

Ferdinando was most interested in gaining further

held many prestigious positions, including protector of

knowledge of its peoples and even in connecting himself

the faith in Spain, protector of the Franciscan friars

with their lives and activities. In this case, the production

minor, and protector of the patriarchs of Antioch and

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Alexandria and of the Kingdom of Ethiopia. These

Spanish and Portuguese ships.16 Occasionally, Batta-

international designations enabled Ferdinando to cre-

glini and Tizio sent Ferdinando items from both Asia

ate relations with religious and political leaders from

and the Americas, including “a table from the Indies,”

around the world and inspired him to interact with and

feather hats, gloves, and fabrics.17

learn about other cultures.12 For example, as protector



of the patriarchs of Antioch and Alexandria and of the

ity of goods from the New World was falling, and items

Kingdom of Ethiopia, he helped organize departments

from the Americas no longer attracted the same awe

of Asian and Middle Eastern languages in universities

that they had in previous decades. For example, on the

and set up the Stamperia orientale, a publishing house

first of May 1584, secretary Battaglini explained that “a

that printed bibles and other religious texts in Arabic.

gift of various treasures from the Indies is being con-

As the head of the Spanish faction at the papal court in

signed to G. Luigi,” and he complained that “the riches

Rome, Ferdinando developed a strong connection with

that are being sent from the Indies are just not fabu-

the court in Madrid. He sent religious gifts and

lous.”18 Augusto Tizio similarly grumbled in 1587 that he

arranged for indulgences in order to strengthen this

had nothing to send from the New World to Ferdi-

tie. These religious and cultural relations were critical

nando, because no “curiosities” were arriving on the

for maintaining the power of the Medici in foreign

Spanish fleets anymore.19 Because goods from the

affairs and certainly aided Ferdinando in acquiring col-

Indies were no longer novel, agents became choosy

lectible objects from around the world.

about what they wished to send on to Ferdinando.





13

14

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Markey book.indb 82

In Rome, Ferdinando also had access to a variety

However, in late sixteenth-century Rome the qual-

Collecting exotica from the New World was already

of political, economic, and religious information about

commonplace among cardinals and nobles in Rome in

the New World. His agents and secretaries in Spain

the sixteenth century. As mentioned previously, in 1520

wrote regular updates to his secretary in Rome, Pietro

Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici already owned a Mexican

Usimbardi, regarding events occurring in Spain and in

codex, and Agostino Chigi was growing corn in his gar-

the Americas. Augusto Tizio, stationed in Seville in the

den. In the mid-Cinquecento Michelangelo’s friend

1580s, sent reports about fleets carrying gold from the

Tommaso de’ Cavalieri, a Roman nobleman, possessed

Americas, about the capture of French ships in Brazil,

treasures from the Americas, including featherwork and

and about new things, like a special antidote to poison

idols. Aldrovandi describes these items both of nature

from New Spain. He even included lists of items from

and of art in his personal notes following a visit to Caval-

the New World entering the Spanish port, such as

ieri’s collection.20 According to Jean-Jacques Boissard’s

cochineal, silver, sarsaparilla, and sugar.15 Secretary

1597–1602 Romanae Urbis Topographiae, an elaborate

Giulio Battaglini wrote almost daily from Madrid

six-part guidebook to Rome, Cardinal Roberto Strozzi

informing Ferdinando of both political and religious

also possessed many objects from the Americas, includ-

governing bodies in Peru and Mexico, of the travels of

ing featherwork pieces that were greatly admired.21 Pope

such explorers as Sir Francis Drake and merchants like

Sixtus V also highly esteemed the featherwork objects he

Filippo Sassetti, and of various shipments arriving on

owned in these same years.22

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Perhaps inspired by these other collectors in

concern regarding its arrival in Ferdinando’s hands

Rome, Ferdinando in 1567, then an eighteen-year-old

attest to the importance of this rare object.

cardinal, sent his agent in Spain a shopping list of New



World goods, including pearls, aloe, and “a feather

medium of feather painting, Cardinal Ferdinando must

painting about a mezzo braccio in size from Peru.” Dur-

have treasured his feather miters. Unlike many of the

ing this period, most sought-after feather paintings

New World objects that Europeans collected, symbolic

were produced in Mexico and not Peru, and most

of another place or material, these miters acted as perfor-

requests for paintings during this period specified the

mative objects. Their inclusion in Ferdinando’s Roman

subject matter. Ferdinando’s lack of knowledge indi-

inventory among other miters indicates that he wore

cates that he was more interested in the medium and

them instead of merely putting them on display with

the origin of the piece than in its subject. Two inven-

devotional items or art objects.29 Alessandra Russo has

tories of his possessions from 1571 and 1588 demon-

proposed that these shimmering feather miters endowed

strate Ferdinando’s continuing interest in featherwork.

Christian men with “new powers” derived from their

The first inventory lists among other miters “two miters

very medium—the feathers.30 After all, feathers both

of feathers from the Indies . . . composed of the said

recalled the dove of the Holy Spirit and composed the

feathers.” The second inventory, which marks Ferdi-

wings of angels in heaven. The fact that indigenous peo-

nando’s transfer from Florence to Rome, also lists two

ple of the Americas produced these objects proclaimed,

headdresses, but the description is more detailed: “two

in the eyes of these European cardinals, that the natives

miters of feathers from the Indies in which there are

of the New World were finding Christ.

more saints composed of said feathers with a gold bor-



der.” This inventory citation describes a gold-bordered

marking his transfer of goods to Florence, both orga-

feather miter illustrating scenes from the Passion and

nized by object type, list many other items from the

various saints that is today housed in the Museo degli

Americas, including ethnographic objects the Medici

argenti (figs. 49 and 50). It is possible that one of Ferdi-

collection in Florence had previously lacked. For

nando’s precious hats had been sent to him by Batta-

instance, Ferdinando owned at least two Indian shields,

glini, his secretary at the Madrid court: Battaglini

and several items are listed as penne all’indiana, indicat-

explains in a July 1586 letter that the miter he is sending

ing that he possessed other types of featherwork

is “worked in feathers with the most delicate variety of

items.31 Hammocks, another New World novelty, are

colors,” and further asserts, “it is the most beautiful

listed in his inventory under the heading letti a vento

piece that I have ever seen of this type.” A month later,

d’ogni sorte (wind beds of various types).32 Some of these

however, Battaglini reports that he is not sure whether

hammocks are described in more detail as “beds of cord

the miter will make it to Ferdinando, because he fears

from the Indies.”33 The hammock, described and illus-

that it was lost in a shipwreck.28 For Battaglini, the same

trated in Oviedo and Benzoni, would have been a tan-

agent who was earlier concerned about the novelty of

gible sign of how the natives lived, and must have been

New World objects, the praise of the miter and later

admired as a marvelous feat of design and engineering.

23

24

25

26

27

As a religious man who was interested in the novel

Ferdinando’s inventory in Rome and the inventory

b et ween et hn og r a phy and fantasy

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Fig. 49 Feather miter, mid-sixteenth century. Museo degli argenti, Florence. Fig. 50 Feather infulae, mid-sixteenth century. Museo degli argenti, Florence.

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The hammocks appear in the later inventory, record-

same years. The background portrays coral and pearl

ing Ferdinando’s move, but not among bedding or

fishers in the waters in front of rocky outcroppings,

mattresses, as one might imagine. Instead, they appear

while the foreground shows seminude women fes-

just before the paintings, indicating that they might

tooned in jewels sitting alongside a sea god, putti, and a

have been displayed near them or at least hung in the

monkey. In the very far right corner a giant sea turtle is

same manner.

being pulled from the sea, perhaps making reference to



This later inventory also cites many other items

the Medici Festina lente motto.

classified now as dellindie. For instance, Ferdinando



displayed several quadri di pitture dellindie (paintings of

Zucchi oil-on-copper studiolo paintings that Ferdinando

or from the Indies). It is clear that these paintings dell-

likely commissioned (fig. 51).40 No documentation exists

indie were not feather paintings, because those are cat-

regarding the paintings’ commission, but because of their

egorized under “paintings with figures in embroidery

stylistic similarity to Zucchi’s other dated oil-on-copper

and in feathers al’Indiana” and include “a painting of

panels from the 1580s, they have been connected to Fer-

the Virgin and child with feathers al’Indiana.” What

dinando’s time in Rome.41 Furthermore, Giovanni

these quadri represented is difficult to say because they

Baglione’s early seventeenth-century biography of Zuc-

are not described in detail, and the term quadro itself is

chi refers to the painting as “a representation of coral fish-

ambiguous because it can refer to both paintings and

ers with many nude females” done for Ferdinando’s

works on paper. Regardless of the vague language of

“studiolo in the palace in the Medici garden.”42

inventories, these sources reveal that Ferdinando



amassed much ethnographica from the Americas at a

studiolo, Zucchi would have known Allori’s Pearl Fishers

time in the 1590s when the enthusiasm over their nov-

(fig. 35), one of the cabinet paintings discussed in the

elty was on the wane.

last chapter.43 Zucchi’s precise brushstroke, the titillat-

34

35

36

The Borghese painting is one of four nearly identical

From his production of paintings for Francesco’s

ing rendering of bodies, and the opulent representation of jewels from the sea emulate Allori’s painting and the

Zucchi’s Allegory of the Americas

late Mannerist style of many other paintings in Fran-

Although feather items and other goods from the New

cesco’s studiolo. Zucchi also copied in reverse the com-

World were not unusual in collections, there are few

position of Allori’s painting, with the rock formation in

examples of painted images of the Americas from the

the background and the figures in the foreground. In

sixteenth century. The studiolo panel Zucchi painted in

both works scantily clad figures hold treasures from the

the 1580s now titled Allegory of the Americas (fig. 48)

sea while fishermen in boats procure more precious

represents one such extraordinary depiction. It could

materials. Through the depiction of pearl fishing and

be one of the paintings listed in the inventories as dell-

the rendering of nude laborers, both works evoke an

indie, since variations of di in Italian can mean both

idealized view of the Americas.

“from” and “of.” In any case, this small painting corre-



lates with Ferdinando’s collecting interests in these

through the act of pearl fishing in the context of Fran-

37

38

39

But Allori’s painting refers to the New World

b et ween et hn og r a phy and fantasy

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Fig. 51 Jacopo Zucchi, Allegory of the Americas, ca. 1590. Lviv National Art Gallery.

86

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cesco’s stanzino, whereas Zucchi’s panel emphasizes the

chi painting, the display of pearls and other precious

diversity of the figures portrayed. The figures of various

materials and the act of fishing for them are not sym-

skin colors and genders in the background of Zucchi’s

bolic of the Caribbean in relation to a global economy

painting stand in sharp contrast to the figures in Allori’s

of material commodities. Instead, Zucchi’s work sug-

painting, who all possess the same rosy flesh tone and

gests a fascination for the exotic peoples of the New

are displayed as homogeneous inhabitants. In the Zuc-

World and emphasizes their difference through their

i m ag in in g t h e am e r ic a s in m edi c i f lor en c e

5/5/16 9:54 PM

attributes, hairstyles, and skin tones.44 For instance,

an ethnographic drive to catalogue and make sense of

Mónica Domínguez-Torres has pointed out that many

the world.50 As early as 1508 Hans Burgkmair’s woodcuts

of the African swimming figures carry net bags like

of Africans and Indians (fig. 52), based on Balthasar

those discussed in Oviedo, revealing knowledge of the

Springer’s travel writing, depicted people from Africa,

working methods of these slave laborers. Most nude

the Levant, and India in a processional frieze that clearly

figures in the middle ground and background have

differentiated the individuals on the basis of their physi-

curly or wavy hair, but one background figure, seated

cal features, dress, and local customs. Stephanie Leitch

and handling oyster shells at left, stands out because he

delineates these prints as an “ethnographic map” that

has a topknot. In the middle ground, Zucchi has

charts peoples in various parts of the world by their dif-

painted dark-skinned men with bows and arrows. The

ferent types as represented in separate spaces aligned

seated figure with multiple piercings, in a pose recalling

horizontally.51 Unlike Burgkmair’s printed frieze and

the Belvedere torso, holds out a parrot and makes eye

other printed images of natives of the New World, Zuc-

contact with the viewer, while a standing figure with his

chi’s Allegory of the Americas is painted in colorful oil,

back to the viewer gestures out toward the water. Peter

emphasizing the physical differences in the figures’ skin

Mason has argued that the dark-skinned figures are not

color. Furthermore, the people in the background of

adequate proof that this is an image of the New World,

Zucchi’s painting do not self-consciously display diver-

and that the men would instead have been connected to

sity but rather inhabit one space and interact with one

Africa in the minds of viewers. Hugh Honour, on the

another as they fish and display treasures from the sea.

other hand, has asserted that the figures were “surely



intended to depict American Indians.” Both critics are

tasy as much as they reveal ethnic difference. For

in a sense correct. Zucchi quite likely painted the for-

instance, in the foreground a sea god, perhaps Neptune

eign people he knew, which would have been African

or Amphitrite, sits beside a monkey and putto and

servants in Rome, to underscore the physical differ-

among courtly women, who appear to be portraits of

ences of New World inhabitants that he and his patron

specific individuals. Thus, in Zucchi’s panel ethno-

could have read about in travel literature and letters

graphic awareness fuses with the familiar late sixteenth-

from secretaries or seen in other images of the New

century visual language of mythology and courtly

World. Ferdinando certainly knew that Africans trav-

display, making this image of the exotic New World

eled to the Caribbean in the mid-Cinquecento as slaves

appear less foreign to viewers in Ferdinando’s circle.52

and that the New World was composed of a diverse

After all, ethnographic depictions and figures of fantasy

population. Although the idea of race, as understood

were often lumped together iconographically; Gabriele

today as a social construct, did not exist in the sixteenth

Paleotti wrote in his 1582 Discorso intorno alle imagini that

century, this Zucchi image clearly reveals an awareness

“those who depicted things from Africa or the newly

of color as a marker of difference.

discovered countries could paint without reproach the



various monsters and humans and wildmen narrated by

45

46

47

48

49

By the late sixteenth century the visual representa-

tion of diverse peoples was not unusual but rather part of

The figures in Zucchi’s painting portray exotic fan-

the authentic writers from those places.”53

b et ween et hn og r a phy and fantasy

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Fig. 52 Hans Burgkmair the Elder, excerpt of Peoples of Africa and India, ca. 1508. Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin.



The painting also overtly comments on Ferdinan-

do’s court culture in Rome and his conception of the

mario (fig. 53).55 Furthermore, their jewels appear to

New World through its portraits of members of his

show off the many precious stones that are listed in Fer-

court. Baglione’s description of the work as a painting

dinando’s inventories and mentioned in letters about

that includes many “portraits of beautiful Roman

gifts sent to Ferdinando from the Americas.56 For

women” is informative of the work’s contemporary

instance, an entry in his inventory from 1587 lists jewelry

meaning. Baglione does not even mention the exotic

that was destined for a specific woman—“three pearls to

peoples of the middle ground and background but

be put on a hair ornament for Clelia,” Ferdinando’s mis-

focuses instead on the figures in the foreground. These

tress.57 Perhaps the pearl headband and ruby pendant

so-called Roman women are in disguise, however,

flanked with pearls that the woman in the center of the

because they are represented in the dress of New World

canvas wears represent gifts to Clelia. Scholars have sug-

natives. Their anklets, bracelets, armbands, and drapery

gested that the central female figure specifically repre-

derive directly from a woodcut illustration of an indig-

sents Clelia because of her similarity to Zucchi’s portrait

54

88

Markey book.indb 88

enous woman in Ramusio’s translation of Oviedo’s Som­

i m ag in in g t h e am e r ic a s in m edi c i f lor en c e

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Fig. 53 Woman from the New World, from Giovanni Battista Ramusio, Terzo volume delle Navigationi e viaggi, 1565. Biblioteca Berenson, Florence.

Fig. 54 Jacopo Zucchi, Portrait of Clelia Farnese, ca. 1570–80. Galleria nazionale di arte antica, Rome.

of her from the same period (fig. 54).58 Zucchi’s reinven-

tion for Ferdinando.59 In place of the African figure

tion of Allori’s Pearl Fishers therefore could also have

holding a parrot, Zucchi includes a bejeweled, middle-

acted as a record of Ferdinando’s collectibles, in this case

aged, fair-skinned, partially clothed man holding a bow

perhaps his servants, his mistress, and his precious

and arrow and gazing out at the viewer. Because of this

stones from the New World.

figure’s physiognomic resemblance to the subject of



A version of the painting that now resides in the

Scipione Pulzone’s Portrait of Cardinal Ferdinando de’

National Art Gallery of Lviv (fig. 51) includes signifi-

Medici (fig. 55), it probably portrays Ferdinando him-

cant changes and is an even more personal representa-

self.60 It was common for a Medici ruler or even reli-

b et ween et hn og r a phy and fantasy

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Fig. 55 Scipione Pulzone, Portrait of Cardinal Ferdinando de’ Medici, ca. 1580. Art Gallery of South Australia, Adelaide. Mrs. Mary Overton Gift Fund 1998.

90

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gious man to have himself painted in the nude in the

Colombia).63 Perhaps the Lviv version is a copy pro-

guise of another figure. Ferdinando’s father, Cosimo I,

duced years after the Borghese painting. Although it

appears as a nude Orpheus in a painting by Agnolo

may be impossible to prove this speculation or to know

Bronzino, and his brother, Cardinal Giovanni de’

why Zucchi produced four versions of this same paint-

Medici, appears as a nude John the Baptist in a work by

ing, the fact that they do exist demonstrates that the

the same artist. Stradano inserted a clothed portrait of

painting served as an important image for Ferdinando

Francesco into his painting of an alchemical lab in Fran-

and that he might have sent copies of it to friends and

cesco’s stanzino. Building on this tradition of disguised

colleagues as gifts to boast of the Medici’s connection

representations of Medici men, Ferdinando had him-

(through him) to the New World. In the Lviv painting,

self placed among these Roman women in this Ameri-

Ferdinando has physically entered the other world of

can scene, indicating his distinctive association with

the Americas, and he too is dressed as a native, seated

the natives of the New World.

among his dressed-up and ornamented court ladies.



Ferdinando’s imaginative self-placement in the New

61

The ambiguous “159[?]” date inscribed on the back

of the Lviv panel complicates the history of the paint-

World merges fantasy with ethnography and reveals

ings, however. By 1590 Ferdinando had already

both his identification with its people and his desire for

become Grand Duke of Tuscany and was living in Flor-

encounter at a time when American goods were no lon-

ence with his new wife, Christine of Lorraine. Could

ger the cause of great excitement. The next chapter fur-

the blond-haired female figure wearing an elaborate

ther contextualizes Zucchi’s fantastical portrayal of the

necklace at the bottom right corner in the Lviv painting

Americas, for it shows how Cardinal Ferdinando

represent Ferdinando’s Christine? Her inventory of

engaged with the Florentine Codex and examines the

goods moved to Florence lists many precious jewels,

more political representation of the Americas in Flor-

including “emeralds from Peru” (likely modern-day

ence under his new dukedom.

62

b et ween et hn og r a phy and fantasy

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seven • The Florentine Codex and Buti’s Frescoes of Amerindians

In 1588, just months after moving to Florence and be-

shields, Spanish armor, and bows, made out of canna

coming grand duke, Ferdinando set out to complete

d’India, that could have come from the New World.5 It

the decoration of the Uffizi that his predecessor Fran-

was fitting therefore that Ferdinando commissioned

cesco had left incomplete. It was especially important

Ludovico Buti to fresco one of the ceilings of the Ar-

to decorate two new spaces, the Tribuna and Armeria,

meria with battle scenes from different parts of the

before his wedding, because various rulers and ambas-

world (fig. 57).6 Yet in the very center of one of these

sadors would attend. Before his death, in 1587, Fran-

ceilings (today room 20 of the Uffizi), Buti painted

cesco had dismantled his studiolo and begun to create

something incongruous with the other battle scenes:

the Tribuna, a new display space off the first corridor

feathered natives of the New World in a triumphal pro-

on the main floor of the Uffizi. Although Francesco had

cession before a lush background of green palm trees

hired Ligozzi to decorate its cupola with bird and fish

and a blue sky. Why depict the New World at the center

designs, today lost, and had brought some of the paint-

of this ceiling? What did Ferdinando intend to convey

ings and sculpture from his studiolo into the Tribuna, he

with these images of the Americas in the Armeria?

and his artists had made little progress, and his inten-



tions for the space remain largely unknown. Ferdinan-

Armeria frescoes are tied iconographically to the Flo-

do and his artists, on the other hand, quickly trans-

rentine Codex (fig. 58), an illustrated Mexican codex by

formed the Tribuna into a sumptuous room for the

Franciscan friar Bernardino de Sahagún, which entered

public display of Medici paintings, sculpture, and small

the Medici collection in the late sixteenth century. This

collectible items, including at least one American ob-

chapter explains how and when the codex made its way

ject. The rooms of the Armeria (fig. 56), located just

to Florence, how it was received, and how it relates spe-

past the Tribuna off of the main corridor, displayed “an-

cifically to Buti’s frescoes. Ferdinando’s public frescoes

cient weapons of offense and of defense, weapons from

of the Armeria respond to Philip II’s agenda, which

every nation, and the most modern exquisite ones,

reflected no interest in preserving the culture and reli-

which were even from the New World and from India,”

gions of the natives of the Americas.7 Unlike Philip II,

according to Filippo Pigafetta, a military strategist who

Ferdinando reveled in the history and ethnographica of

visited the court in 1600. Indeed, inventories of the

the New World and, with his safekeeping of Sahagún’s

Armeria from the late 1580s and 1590s list German

manuscript, conserved part of Mexico’s history.

1

2

3

4

Detail of fig. 65

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As Detlef Heikamp has already shown, the

93

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94

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Fig. 56 Room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence. Fig. 57 Ludovico Buti, ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence.

95

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Fig. 58 Florentine Codex, Codice Laurenziana Mediceo Palatino 218, 219, 220, ca. 1560. Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence.

96

07 Chapter 07.indd 96

Sahagún’s Codex Between Rome and Florence

descriptions of the gods and goddesses of the Aztec peo-

The three-volume illustrated manuscript today known as

ple and discussions of the nature of Mexico’s land and

the Florentine Codex, modeled after Pliny’s encyclope-

sea, of the creation of feather paintings, and of the rav-

dic history, remains the most important history of New

ages inflicted by the Spaniards. Exactly how the Floren-

Spain, recording the lives of the natives before, during,

tine Codex made its way to Florence is uncertain. But

and just following the conquest. In it Sahagún, with the

Ferdinando’s inventories, other archival documents, and

help of native draftsmen and friends, has documented

a related manuscript at the Hispanic Society of America

various aspects of life in New Spain. Highlights include

in New York City now make it possible to prove that Fer-

i m ag in in g t h e am e r ic a s in m edi c i f lor en c e

5/9/16 11:59 AM

dinando acquired Sahagún’s manuscript while he was a

Sequera reached Mexico, and in 1576 a terrible pesti-

cardinal in Rome. He had part of it translated and cop-

lence struck Mexico, likely killing many of the native

ied there, and later, after he became grand duke in 1587,

scribes and artists with whom Sahagún worked. To

he moved it to Florence. Ferdinando’s acquisition of and

make matters worse, in April 1577 King Philip II

significant interaction with this important manuscript

ordered that Sahagún’s manuscripts be seized and pro-

suggest the impetus behind his artistic commissions

hibited him from doing any further work.11 Philip’s let-

representing the New World and help to contextualize

ter of instruction reads: “You must proceed with much

his collection of featherwork and ethnographica. A brief

care and diligence to seize those books, without any

history of the codex and its role in Ferdinando’s collec-

original or copy remaining, and to send them carefully

tion reveals its influence on Medici artistic production as

guarded at the first opportunity to our Council of the

well as on Ferdinando’s conception of the New World

Indies, so that they may be examined there. Do not

and relationship with Spain.

allow any person to write things having to do with the



superstitions and the way of life of the natives, in any

8

The Florentine Codex represents the culmination

of Sahagún’s research and writing during his tenure in

language.”12 At least one other decree calling for the

New Spain, from roughly 1555 to 1577. Considered to be

confiscation of Sahagún’s text followed in the next

an early anthropologist by Miguel León-Portilla, this

year.13 But Sahagún appeared to be unaware of the ban

Spanish Franciscan friar and missionary interviewed

on his work and continued. He even wrote to the king

natives about their ancestral past, translated Nahuatl

about the significance of the work, telling him of other

histories, and collaborated with native artists and

drafts. Sequera, Sahagún’s sponsor and dedicatee, likely

scribes. His experience resulted in the creation of sev-

brought the unfinished codex to Spain sometime

eral memoriales, letters, and other, longer texts docu-

between 1578 and 1584, when it is believed that he

menting sixteenth-century New Spain, which he

returned to Europe. Sahagún’s letters from the last years

subsequently compiled into a universal encyclopedic

of his life indicate that, sadly, he never knew what

history in the codex. For several years in the 1570s

became of his great work.

Sahagún’s work was brought to a halt when the Francis-



can provincial in Mexico cut off his funding and then

Rome, must have received the codex from Sequera,

seized many of his texts for the Inquisition. Things

who would have recognized him as a worthy recipient

changed when a new Franciscan commissary general,

and caretaker of such an important manuscript. After

Father Rodrigo de Sequera, arrived in Mexico in 1575.

all, Ferdinando held the title of protector of the Fran-

Sequera fostered his writing and even suggested that

ciscan friars minor, and Sahagún was a Franciscan friar.

Sahagún write the text in both Spanish and Nahuatl.

The bilingual Florentine Codex, written by a Francis-

According to Sahagún, Sequera was instructed to send

can missionary, would have been of great interest to the

his history to Spain because the president of the Coun-

young cardinal, who collected featherwork from the

cil of the Indies, Don Juan de Ovando, wished to read

New World, sought to translate religious texts in his

it. Unfortunately, Ovando died in 1575, shortly after

Stamperia orientale, and even published books on the

9

10

Sometime in the 1580s, Ferdinando, when still in

t he f lor en t i n e codex a n d b uti’s fre scoe s

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conversion of the New World.14 In fact, in the 1580s Fer-

with commentary, of an earlier manuscript by Pedro de

dinando was already engaged in publishing the work of

los Riós, a Dominican friar who lived in Mexico in the

another Franciscan missionary, Padre Giovanni Pietro

mid-sixteenth century.19 Still later in the early seven-

Maffei, whose 1588 Historiarum Indicarum brought

teenth century, Cardinal Francesco Barberini in Rome

together the history of the evangelization of both Asia

acquired another Mexican manuscript, the De la Cruz-

and the Americas. A Jesuit scholar originally from Ber-

Badiano Codex. The Accademia dei Lincei, a scientific

gamo, Maffei was invited to Portugal by King Enrico I

society in Rome that eventually published Francisco

in 1579 to study documents related to missionary work

Hernandez’s natural history, studied the De la Cruz-

abroad. Maffei’s book not only discusses ways to con-

Badiano Codex, and Cassiano del Pozzo, a prominent

vert the native people but also describes the land and

member of the accademia and secretary to Cardinal Bar-

nature of the people, and it inevitably became a source

berini, commissioned an illustrated copy of it.20

for artists’ depictions of the Americas.16 Although dedi-



cated to Philip II of Spain, Maffei’s text about the con-

several handwritten books from the Indies. For

version of the people of the New World was clearly an

instance, the 1587 inventory of his belongings in Rome

important project on Ferdinando’s cultural and politi-

lists several books dell’Indie, classified as being in “pen”

cal agenda, as evidenced by the fact that it was origi-

and cited under the heading “books of various types in

nally published in Florence under Ferdinando’s

Latin and the vulgar printed and written in pen.”21 These

15

auspices and that Ferdinando, as a cardinal, received

volumes appear among history books, religious books,

personal correspondence regarding its publication.

works by Machiavelli, and other miscellaneous titles.

Given Ferdinando’s involvement in the Maffei publica-

One page of the inventory names “three books covered

tion, Sahagún’s manuscript should have been of similar

in a blue leather from the Indies” along with “a book of

interest, and he may well have considered publishing it.

pictures from the Indies.”22 The next line states merely:



“Three books . . .”23 This citation might well refer to

17

Religious men frequently acted as conservators of

important documents from the New World. Through-

Sahagún’s manuscript, as the codex likely came to Fer-

out the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries,

dinando in the three volumes known today.

codices like Sahagún’s manuscript readily made their



way to Rome, where members of the papal court exam-

in the 1580s, it is possible that he did not want to

ined and reproduced them. As already mentioned, Fer-

advertise that fact. Unlike Maffei’s book on the con-

dinando’s own Medici predecessor, Cardinal Giulio de’

version of people around the world, Sahagún’s book

Medici, who in 1523 became Pope Clement VII, at some

contained information and illustrations from the

point came into possession of the Mixtec Codex Vindo-

natives of New Spain, including information about the

bonensis Mexicanus i, today in the National Library in

religious beliefs and traditions of the natives, which

Vienna. Yet another codex likely acquired by a Roman

King Philip regarded as blasphemous. The Medici’s

cardinal or pope, Codex Vaticanus A, today in the Vati-

grand-ducal title depended on Spain’s support, so this

can Library, is actually an illustrated Italian translation,

young cardinal and future duke would not want to

18

98

Markey book.indb 98

Ferdinando’s inventories indicate that he owned

Although Ferdinando possessed Sahagún’s codex

i m ag in in g t h e am e r ic a s in m edi c i f lor en c e

5/5/16 9:54 PM

jeopardize his family’s relationship with Philip. Ferdinando probably would not have wanted Philip’s court to know about the books he kept at his own court, and so the vague references in the inventories might have been deliberate.

Despite a ban on the text, copies of Sahagún’s work

were produced in Europe, and it appears that Ferdinando himself had the codex copied.24 In 2008 a littleknown manuscript at the Hispanic Society in New York was discovered to be an Italian translation of the first five books, or first volume, of the codex once in Ferdinando’s collection.25 The Hispanic Society manuscript’s cover, with Cardinal Ferdinando’s coat of arms (fig. 59), the Medici palle with the cardinal’s hat, indicates that Ferdinando owned this manuscript copy of Sahagún’s text.26 Furthermore, the inventory number on the first page of the New York manuscript, “n. 1138,” is the very same number that appears in two Medici inventories of books from the late 1580s. An alphabetical Medici book inventory from the late 1580s defines this manuscript as “His-

Fig. 59 Cover of Hispanic Society of America, ms B1479. Hispanic

tory of the land called New Spain in pen no. 1138.”27 A

Society of America, New York.

1588 Medici book inventory by Ferdinando’s librarian Domenico Mellini lists the same inventory number along with the title “On the customs of the Mexicans, 5 books with additions,” and then “it is a translation.”28 The

was supposed to have filled in the blanks here to trans-

front page of the Hispanic Society manuscript includes

late the visual images from the codex much as the text

these same words: “on the customs of the Mexicans 5

was translated. The blank spaces for the images might

books—,”making clear that this translated edition, writ-

also have been left as markers for printed images to be

ten in a legible late sixteenth-century hand, was part of

included in a later published edition.

Ferdinando’s collection in 1588 and that it was identified



as a book about the customs of New Spain.

uscript closely followed the Spanish text in the original



Florentine Codex. Its first pages are therefore devoted

29

Although the New York manuscript lacks images,

The Italian translator of the Hispanic Society man-

it has spaces intended for images. These spaces corre-

to Sahagún’s general “Prologo,” in Italian called the

spond precisely to the location of images in the Floren-

“Proemio.” Nonetheless, several deviations from the

tine Codex. Obviously, an Italian artist or illuminator

Spanish raise questions about Ferdinando’s reception

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of the manuscript. The Italian translator makes small

tain his relationship with Spain conflicted with his

mistakes or perhaps purposeful alterations throughout

desire to comprehend the lives of the peoples of the

the text. For instance, on the recto of folio 3 the Nahuatl

New World. Although he was careful to conceal his

word Tollantzinco is written in two different ways, devi-

acquisition of the manuscript, its translation into Ital-

ating from the codex: first Tullabinco and then Tullam­

ian might have been designed for publication. Copying

bico. In numerous cases the Italian translator misspells

the manuscript demonstrates that Ferdinando thought

the name of a particular god or leaves off a portion of

the book was an important resource that needed to be

the name. Obviously, these foreign words were difficult

preserved and possibly disseminated. The manuscript

to translate for the Italian, who likely had no editor or

informed Ferdinando about life in Mexico, about the

took no time to check over the transcription. More sig-

conquest, and about his American collectibles. It cer-

nificant deviations are found in the translation from

tainly motivated the depictions of the New World pro-

Spanish to Italian. For instance, the New York manu-

duced at the court.

script mistranslates conquista as acquista twice in the prologue, first when the writer describes the final book, on the acquista of Mexico, and then in the last para-

Buti’s Armeria Frescoes of Indigenous Peoples

graph, where the Spanish text uses the word “conquest”

The image on the ceiling of the Armeria of Mexican

twice but the Italian uses “acquire” only once. This

warriors with conical hats and long spears (figs. 60 and

small but meaningful change could reflect an attempt

61) is unlike any other European representations of the

by the Italian translator or a Medici administrator to

New World and can derive only from images in the Flo-

neutralize the language of the original. In the sixteenth-

rentine Codex.31 Even more convincing of this connec-

century dictionary of the Academia della Crusca,

tion is the affinity between one specific figure from the

acquistare merely means “to possess something,”

codex and an indigenous warrior Buti painted within

whereas conquistare means “to possess or make one’s

the grotesque work in the Armeria ceiling (fig. 62).

own” and implies violence. It is possible that the trans-

From the codex the Italian artist copied not only the

lator tried to temper the characterization of the con-

costume, headdress, and weapons but the warrior’s

quest for a future publication so as to avert the disfavor

stance as well (figs. 63 and 64), with only slight changes

of the King of Spain, who had banned Sahagún’s writ-

in the angle of the spear and details of the dress. Clearly

ings. At the same time, the alteration recognizes the

this Medici court artist had access to the Florentine

significance of the calamity of the conquest of Mexico

Codex when he painted these frescoes in 1588. Other

by rewording it.

frescoed New World figures in the Armeria, however,



exhibit no relation to the codex. Instead, many of Buti’s

30

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The circumstances surrounding Ferdinando’s

acquisition of the codex and commission of its transla-

natives recall printed depictions of various Native

tion suggest his conscious engagement with both

Americans circulating as single sheets or in books

Sahagún and New Spain. Undoubtedly, Ferdinando’s

throughout Europe, suggesting that he availed himself

dealings with the codex were fraught: his need to main-

of multiple sources.

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Fig. 60 Ludovico Buti, New World battle on the ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence.

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Fig. 61 (top) Ludovico Buti, detail of New World battle on the ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence. Fig. 62 (bottom) Ludovico Buti, detail of Amerindian warrior on the ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence.

Fig. 63 Detail of a warrior in the Florentine Codex, Codice Laurenziana Mediceo Palatino 220, ca. 1560. Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence.

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Curiously, the New World is absent from King Philip

weapons, and skin color act as ethnographic markers of

II’s room of battle frescoes in the Escorial, painted just a

place much as they do in Zucchi’s studiolo paintings. The

few years earlier, which contains only decisive battles that

images of the New World, located within this display

the Spanish fought in Europe. But the Armeria’s ceiling

room at the court and next to other world battles, were no

illustrates battles of warriors from around the world—

doubt useful, functioning to ally the Medici both to the

battles that did not even involve the Medici. Costumes,

conquest of the New World and to the creation of a visual

32

Fig. 64 Page from the Florentine Codex, Codice Laurenziana Mediceo Palatino 220, ca. 1560. Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence.

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Fig. 65 Ludovico Buti, center roundel on the ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence.

and political parallel between Spain’s American conquest

Surrounding the central roundel, grotesque designs

and the Medici battles against the Turks. The battle scenes

frame four trompe l’œil quadri riportati, each represent-

also reiterate Ferdinando’s various occupations as cardi-

ing a different battle. On the east side of the ceiling a

nal, whereby he had served as protector of numerous

scene presents Africans battling against European com-

regions of the world, including Spain, Antioch, Alexan-

batants, and on the west side of the ceiling Africans

dria, and Ethiopia. Yet the frescoes do not simply portray

appear to be fighting Turks. On the north the Medici

the church triumphant and Christianity’s defeat of the

battle the Turks, and on the opposing south Europeans

pagan parts of the world. In contrast to the battle scenes,

fight Native Americans. Buti painted figures of the four

the center roundel of the ceiling conveys an exultant tone

continents in each corner of the ceiling, corresponding

and displays the Americas as a peaceful land (fig. 65).

with the battle scenes that they frame, whereas various



animals, birds, and Turkish and American warriors fill

The iconography underlying the depiction of

indigenous peoples in the ceiling frescoes is complex.

33

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the grotesques surrounding the narrative scenes.

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in the Sadeler print, Buti’s America is a female figure

Grotesques were an ideal and familiar pictorial

mode for the Armeria ceiling, and Buti was likely

wearing a feather headdress, holding an arrow, and sit-

deemed a worthy artist for this project at the court

ting beneath a parrot perched on a tree branch. Buti’s

because he had already painted grotesques in a chapel in

Asia, also reversing a Sadeler print of this subject, holds

the convent of San Domenico in Fiesole. By the late

a staff, whereas Buti’s Europe and Africa deviate only

1580s grotesques were a common decorative motif

slightly from the Sadeler series of continents and do

throughout Italy and especially at the Medici court,

not reverse the prints. The detail of the rhinoceros

where they appear in the Sala di Cosimo and Eleonora’s

beneath one of the battle scenes is most likely copied

Camera Verde in the Palazzo Vecchio, and in Ferdinan-

from Dürer’s well-known rhinoceros woodcut or

do’s studiolo in Rome. Francesco had already commis-

another print like it and was a fitting subject for this

sioned grotesques for the outer hallway of the Uffizi.

room because the rhino’s skin resembles armor. The

Although Gabriele Paleotti’s 1582 Discorso declared that

monochromatic color choice for the rhino fresco also

grotesques were inappropriate for religious painting

emphasizes its relation to the print. Buti’s close repro-

because of the unnatural and monstrous portrayal of

duction of the prints might reflect the placement of the

figures, they remained popular for both secular and

continents in the frescoes: merely decorative indicators

sacred art. Grotesques came to represent an encyclope-

of place, the four continents are marginal to the main

dic aesthetic, evoking both antiquity’s past and the novel

narrative scenes and thus did not require the same sort

discoveries of the present in a fantastic form. When

of invenzione as the larger images in the program.

Buti here painted exotic plants and animals, he followed



the tradition that Giovanni da Udine and Raphael had

spond with the battle scenes in the quadri on the four

begun in their grotesques for Leo X, though Buti prob-

sides of the ceiling. To the right of the allegory of Asia,

ably used Ligozzi’s drawings as his source for some of the

the Medici fight the Turks at the 1555 Battle of Piombino

details. Serge Gruzinski has pointed out that the gro-

(fig. 68). The battle iconography is clear: the red flag with

tesques in Buti’s ceiling reflect an interest that “might go

the Medici coat of arms indicates an imperial war; the

beyond mere curiosity and the desire to accumulate rare

downtrodden Turks, with their flag in the foreground at

and exotic booty, sometimes favoring new encounters

left, clearly signify a Medici victory; and the port visible

and provoking mestizo processes.” Indeed, Buti bor-

in the background designates a waterfront. By the late

rows from multiple sources, from Europe and the New

1580s at the Medici court, depiction of this particular bat-

World, mixing American imagery with European and

tle consistently included Turkish soldiers falling into

ethnography with fantasy.

water and Medici soldiers triumphing with great fanfare.39



Images of the battle were commonplace at the court by

34

35

36

37

For the creation of these frescoes, Buti was

The representations of the four continents corre-

inspired by imagery in various media, including prints.

the late sixteenth century. In the 1560s Vasari and his

For the figure of America in one of the corners of the

workshop painted the battle in the Salone dei

ceiling (fig. 66), Buti looked to Jan Sadeler’s 1581 print

Cinquecento and in the Sala di Cosimo, and Stradano

of the subject (fig. 67) but reproduced it in reverse. As

included it in his series of Medici battle prints from 1583.40

38

t he f lor en t i n e codex a n d b uti’s fre scoe s

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Fig. 66 Ludovico Buti, detail of America on the ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence. Fig. 67 Jan Sadeler, America, 1581. Palmer Museum of Art, The Pennsylvania State University, University Park.

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Fig. 68 Ludovico Buti, Medici Battle of Piombino on the ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence.



The other battle scenes depicted in the Armeria are

the Battle of Alcácer Quibir, also known as the Battle of

more difficult to identify and might have been designed

the Three Kings, on the northern coast of Morocco in

to be more ambiguous. Between the European and Asian

1578. A figure on horseback highlighted in white in the

allegories, Buti painted a battle between a European and

center of the battle could represent King Sebastian of

a non-European power (fig. 69), perhaps from Asia or

Portugal, who, according to legend, was tragically killed

Africa. The hooded dark-skinned warriors on horseback

in this engagement. The battle on the opposing section of

and holding long spears could represent Islamic North

the ceiling, between the African allegory and the New

Africans. These were the men who had fought Portugal in

World allegory, presents two non-European peoples

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Fig. 69 Ludovico Buti, Portuguese battle on the ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence.

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Markey book.indb 108

fighting (fig. 70). The figures on the left are dressed in the

sentations to a specific battle.41 However, the costumes

same striped suits that the Turks wear in the Battle of

and the difference in skin tone clearly suggest African and

Piombino scene, signifying that they too are Turks. In

Turkish warriors and correspond with the regions that

contrast, the figures on the right, with darker skin and

Ferdinando defended as cardinal.

wearing only loincloths, likely represent Africans. Both



groups use exotic types of bows and arrows, demonstrat-

European allegory, the fourth battle scene clearly por-

ing how some of the diverse arms displayed in the room

trays Native Americans with spears fighting against

functioned in battle. Because of the generic portrayal of

Spaniards on horseback (fig. 60). By the 1580s images

the figures and the lack of indicators or attributes like

and news of the conquest of the New World had widely

flags in these scenes, it is impossible to connect the repre-

circulated through the courts of Europe. Printed images

Located between the New World allegory and the

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Fig. 70 Ludovico Buti, African battle on the ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence.

of natives and battles in the Americas produced in

faict en la terre du Brésil similarly includes woodcuts

northern Europe were particularly widespread; the

depicting fighting Brazilians. Early costume books pro-

very first images of indigenous peoples were produced

duced by François Deserps (1562) in France and by

for illustrations in printed editions of Vespucci’s letters

Joost Amman for Hans Weigel (1577) in Germany also

in the first years of the sixteenth century. In the mid-

include representations of feathered natives.43

sixteenth century, printed images of natives also prolif-



erated in books. André Thevet’s 1558 edition of Les

the native warriors depicted in Buti’s New World battle

singularitez de la France antarctique, devoted to Brazilian

fresco are unique (fig. 61). They do not resemble their

natives, includes images of Tupinamba men in battle

counterparts in any specific European prints of the con-

(fig. 71), and Jean de Léry’s 1578 Histoire d’un voyage

quest of the New World or in any of the images found in

42

However, as mentioned at the start of this section,

t he f lor en t i n e codex a n d b uti’s fre scoe s

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Fig. 71 Comme ces Sauuages, from André Thevet, Les singularitez, 1558. John Carter Brown Library, Brown University. Fig. 72 Warriors from the Florentine Codex, Codice Laurenziana Mediceo Palatino 220, ca. 1560. Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence.

printed costume books. Buti’s depiction of the conquest

much like Buti’s figures.45 When he painted this New

is based on images that the artist studied in the Floren-

World battle scene, Buti quite likely also copied the elab-

tine Codex. Although Buti has classicized the bodies of

orate feather headdresses and shields from the codex.

the Indians, their dress clearly recalls some of the native



warriors illustrated in the twelfth book of the codex,

62), Buti once more borrowed a costume and pose

which describes and illustrates the conquest of Mexico

from the codex (fig. 63), this time right down to the

(fig. 72). Several images in the codex include natives

details of the footwear and hairstyle. He did, however,

wearing cone hats and loincloths while holding spears,

give his shield- and spear-wielding native a heroic bear-

44

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For the native figure in the grotesque tracery (fig.

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Fig. 73 Hans Burgkmair the Elder, Youth Dressed in a

Fig. 74 Wolf Traut, Man from Genea, in Balthasar

Feather Skirt, ca. 1520. British Museum.

Springer, Die Merfart, 1509. Widener Library, Harvard University.

ing, in the manner of Hans Burgkmair’s man holding a



Buti might well have also copied an actual Aztec

Mexican shield (fig. 73) and Wolf Traut’s man from

shield, like the one located today at the Castillo de

Genea in Balthasar Springer’s Die Merfart (fig. 74),

Chapultepec in Mexico City (fig. 75), because both

both dating from the early sixteenth century. Although

Pigafetta and the Armeria inventory indicate that the

the Burgkmair drawing did not circulate, images like

Medici displayed examples of arms from all over the

Traut’s might have entered the Medici court. Here Buti

world in this room. Buti’s exotic figures holding

takes the images of the Mexican warriors in the codex

shields and weapons demonstrate the use of various

and turns them into classical figures resembling the

arms displayed in the Armeria and exhibit the cos-

illustrious men in humanist texts like Thevet’s portrait

tumes of the warriors who would have used them.

book and the figures of exotic peoples in certain

Like the objects displayed in the cases of a twentieth-

printed images from the North. He therefore cleverly

century anthropological museum, whose use is illus-

transforms something he had never seen into figures

trated in didactic panels with photos of natives

more familiar to viewers visiting the Medici court.

wielding them, the objects displayed in the Armeria

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Indians in the ceiling betray few similarities with images in the manuscript and indicate that he turned to European prints of natives for inspiration. For instance, the image of the warrior in the green jaguar suit within the grotesque tracery (fig. 76) not only recalls depictions of these animal suits in the codex but also appears to be a composite of two portraits of Native American rulers in André Thevet’s 1584 Portraits and Lives of Illus­ trious Men (figs. 77 and 78).46 However, Buti deviates from Thevet. He portrays the native warrior in full profile and full length instead of the half profile and halflength of the portraits in Thevet’s text. Only the facial features of the warrior are close to Thevet’s print of Paracovssi, roi de Platte (fig. 77).47 The animal costume and stance of the figure, on the other hand, do recall Thevet’s Paraovsti Satovriona, roi de la Florida (fig. 78).48 Similarly, Buti’s depiction of the two Turks within the grotesques might derive from Thevet’s portraits of various Persians and Turks in the same book. Borrowing from a variety of sources, Buti produced remarkable portraits of warriors that plainly demonstrated the court’s knowledge of these exotic peoples.

In comparison to the Mexican battle scene and the

details of warriors, the center roundel presents a more Fig. 75 “Chimali” feather shield, late fifteenth–early sixteenth

general view of the New World, based loosely on

century. Museo Nacional de Historia, Castillo de Chapultepec,

printed images and enhanced by the imagination of the

Mexico City.

artist. Although the figures hold bows and arrows, they are not engaged in combat (fig. 79). Whereas the four continents battle it out in the surrounding quadri, the

were animated by illustrations of the natives who

center medallion portrays a peaceful scene, perhaps

used them, shown above in the frescoes. In this case,

illustrating a golden age before the European conquest

the Florentine Codex functioned as background

of the Americas. The natives’ dress in the depicted pro-

material for these ethnographic renderings.

cession recalls early representations of the New World



in German woodcuts for Vespucci’s text. Their exagger-

Although Buti probably studied and made prepa-

ratory drawings from the codex, the other depictions of

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ated feather headpieces and skirts also recall the image

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Fig. 76 Ludovico Buti, detail of an Amerindian warrior on the ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence. Fig. 77 Paracovssi, roi de Platte, from André Thevet, Les vrais pourtraits et vies des hommes illustres, 1584. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Typ 515.84.831F. Fig. 78 Paraovsti Satovriona, roi de la Florida, from André Thevet, Les vrais pourtraits et vies des hommes illustres, 1584. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Typ 515.84.831F.

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Fig. 79 Ludovico Buti, detail of the center roundel on the ceiling of room 20 of the Armeria, 1588, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence. Fig. 80 Joost Amman, Brazilian Man and Woman, from Hans Weigel, Habitus Praecipuorum Populorum, 1577. Spencer Collection, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations. Fig. 81 Joost Amman, Brazilian Man, from Hans Weigel, Habitus Praecipuorum Populorum, 1577. Spencer Collection, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.

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of the Brazilian man in Hans Weigel’s 1577 costume book (fig. 80). The feathered robe of the chief recalls the Brazilian armed man from Weigel’s book (fig. 81) as well as similar feathered robes in Christoph Weiditz’s drawings of natives at the Spanish court, which Buti might have known through copies. François Deserps’s costume of a savage en pompe (fig. 82) could also have served as a source for these feathered capes. It is further possible that Buti had carefully studied one of the feathered capes located in the Medici collection. The unusual use of pinks and blues for the feathers was likely a function of Buti’s imagination and might be an indication that he was looking at black-and-white prints and was unfamiliar with the vibrant colors of feathers in native dress. Here again Buti’s fantasy mixes with a desire for accurate ethnographic representation.

For the detail of the procession, Buti may have

looked to various printed images of native rulers car-

Fig. 82 Le sauuage en pópe, from François Deserps,

ried on platforms. As in the renowned procession of an

Recueil de la diuersité des habits, 1564. Houghton

Indian king in Burgkmair’s 1508 frieze (fig. 83), Buti also

Library, Harvard University, Typ 515.64.734.

included a figure with an umbrella.49 Here it seems Buti had looked to images and descriptions specifically of Peru. For instance, the frontispiece of the anonymous La conquista del Peru, published in Seville in 1534 (fig. 84), and the view of Cusco from Georg Braun and

describes a cacique’s grand arrival, his men beautifully

Franz Hogenburg’s Civitates Orbis Terrarum, published

made up and dressed in feathers and shells. Buti’s image

first in 1572 in Cologne (fig. 85), both similarly portray

of a native chief in the center roundel, amid European

the Peruvian cacique carried in a litter. Historian

battle scenes in the quadri, clearly recalls Benzoni’s

Girolamo Benzoni’s 1565 description of the natives of

description of the triumph of this American chief.

Peru would have been accessible to the Medici court



and also closely corresponds with the frescoes: “The

coes in the Armeria vividly connects the Medici to events

cacique arrived . . . and then came the men painted in

occurring in the Americas. By organizing the frescoes so

black, red, and yellow, with plumes of parrot feathers

that the Medici battle against the Turks is located directly

and of other wild birds, with marine shells around the

across from Spain’s battle against Mexico, the artist cre-

neck and the legs and the arms.” Benzoni here

ates a symbolic spatial link between the two battles and

50

51

The representation of the New World in Buti’s fres-

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Fig. 83 Hans Burgkmair the Elder, The King of Cochin, ca. 1508. Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin. Fig. 84 Frontispiece from La conquista del Peru, 1534. John Carter Brown Library, Brown University. Fig. 85 Cusco, from George Braun and Franz Hogenberg, Civitates Orbis Terrarum, 1572. John Carter Brown Library, Brown University.

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shows that the Medici battle was comparable to the Span-

ter roundel presents a positive celebratory image that

ish invasion of the New World. This comparison serves

recalls the joyful people and abundant land that

a dual function: in underscoring the images of Native

Sahagún described. The processional scene indicates

Americans and Turks within the grotesque tracery, the

that Ferdinando embraced the natives of the New

ceiling invests both the battles and the arms with an eth-

World. The Medici, after all, like the caciques of Peru,

nographic spirit, but in linking the Medici and Spanish

ruled under the reign of Philip II. Perhaps this scene of

courts, it also strives to commemorate Medici ties to

the New World depicting the native chief being carried

Spain and the Holy Roman Empire. A relatively small

by his men functioned as an allegory for Ferdinando’s

space, the Armeria was used to display arms and armor to

new role as grand duke. Painted in a public display

visiting dignitaries, to legitimize Medici rule, and to illus-

space, just months before Ferdinando’s wedding, the

trate its own conquests and its connection to other

processional and the battle scenes acted as propaganda

events taking place around the world.

that boasted of Medici power on the world stage and



reflected Ferdinando’s varied positions as a cardinal

52

53

Although many prints and images of the New

World illustrated a land of cannibalism and war, Buti

protector. The conquest of the Americas was a battle

had another agenda while working under the Medici.

Ferdinando and the Medici never fought, but by hav-

The center roundel portrays the natives of the New

ing it painted within the Armeria ceiling and by ideal-

World as noble savages in triumph. Using a selection of

izing this new land in the center roundel, Ferdinando

printed sources and inspired by the Florentine Codex,

could delight in the utopian splendor preserved in

Buti painted a serene image of the Americas. The cen-

Sahagún’s codex.

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eight • Stradano’s Invention of the Americas

During the first years of Ferdinando’s reign as grand duke,

images of the New World. By framing the New World in

precisely the same years that Buti was painting the con-

recognizable allegorical imagery, Stradano’s engravings

quest of Mexico in the Armeria of the Uffizi, another

could declare that the New World was a Florentine

Medici court artist, Giovanni Stradano (also known as Jan

invention and patriotically revel in these discoveries.4

Van der Straet and Johannes Stradanus), designed two

Using the textual materials available about the New

print series representing the discovery of the New World.

World and stimulated both by contemporary epic litera-

He fashioned navigators as mythological heroes, his

ture written about the navigators and by ancient sources

images suggesting a fantasia, or dream, rather than a record

such as Lucretius, Stradano produced allegorical images

of newsworthy events. Stradano’s Americae Retectio series

that borrow from emblems and imprese, frescoes, festi-

includes an elaborate frontispiece (fig. 86) and three prints

vals, tapestries, and cartography, using a visual language

in chronological order that depict Columbus (fig. 87), Ves-

that was familiar to sixteenth-century viewers.

pucci (fig. 88), and Magellan (fig. 89). Two prints from



Stradano’s Nova Reperta series similarly unite mythological

the Renaissance, The Survival of the Pagan Gods, Jean

imagery with captions to portray Vespucci’s encounter

Seznec writes, “basically, allegory is often sheer impos-

with the New World (figs. 90 and 91). Stradano’s four

ture, used to reconcile the irreconcilable.”5 Indeed,

Americae Retectio prints and these two Nova Reperta prints

Stradano’s images do just that; they make no reference

possess similar iconography, were dedicated to members

whatever to the Spanish but rather overtly connect the

of the Alamanni family, and were first printed by the Galle

New World to Italy, with the figure of Vespucci in par-

publishing house in the late 1580s and early 1590s.

ticular, highlighting Florence’s role in the discovery.



Fraught with temporal clashes between the old (pagan

1

2

Although Stradano produced these images outside

the court environment, they could only have come to

mythology) and the new (the discovery and invention

fruition in Florence under the cultural and political con-

of the Americas), the prints make America part of Flor-

ditions that the Medici created. Stradano had previously

ence’s history, even though in reality the New World

been involved in the creation of allegorical paintings,

played a small role in Florence’s past and present. Look-

ephemera, and cartography for Medici propaganda

ing beyond the court, this chapter demonstrates how

under Cosimo and Francesco. At the Medici court he

the allegorical turn manifested itself in the print media

would have encountered objects from, texts about, and

and reached a larger public.

3

Detail of fig. 90

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In his seminal study on mythology and allegory in

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Fig. 86 Giovanni Stradano, frontispiece for the Americae Retectio series, late 1580s.

120

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Fig. 87 Giovanni Stradano, Columbus, from the Americae Retectio series, late 1580s.

121

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Fig. 88 Giovanni Stradano, Vespucci, from the Americae Retectio series, late 1580s.

122

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Fig. 89 Giovanni Stradano, Magellan, from the Americae Retectio series, late 1580s.

123

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Fig. 90 Giovanni Stradano, America, from the Nova Reperta series, late 1580s. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. The Elisha Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha Whittelsey Fund, 1949.

124

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Fig. 91 Giovanni Stradano, The Astrolabe, from the Nova Reperta series, late 1580s. Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, NC266.St81 1776St81.

125

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Stradano, Alamanni, and the Accademia degli

that the prints were produced around this time.9 The

Alterati

Galles printed at least three editions of the Nova Rep­

The captions on the prints make clear that their produc-

erta series, between 1591 and 1638, and two editions of

tion was the result of a collaboration between the

the Americae Retectio series, first in 1589 and then again

designer/inventor (Stradano), the printmaker and pub-

in 1592 for the hundredth anniversary of Columbus’s

lisher (Galle and Collaert), and the dedicatees/patrons

discovery of the New World.10

(the Alamanni), a common formula in sixteenth-century



engravings. Stradano was a Flemish artist who began

cites both Luigi and Ludovico Alamanni as “noblemen

working at the Medici court sometime before 1554, first

of Florence,” but the Nova Reperta frontispiece names

as cartoon designer for Grand Duke Cosimo’s new tap-

only Luigi.11 Stradano considered Luigi Alamanni’s

estry workshop and then as an artist under Giorgio

scholarship to be a catalyst for many of his print

Vasari. By the 1560s he was a relatively well-known inde-

designs, and in various inscriptions on preparatory

pendent artist living in Florence. He was an active mem-

drawings and sketches, he refers to Alamanni as the

ber of the Accademia del Disegno and secured

auctor intellectualis, or “intellectual advisor,” for many of

commissions for paintings and frescoes around Tuscany,

these same designs.12 Luigi also commissioned other

both from the Medici and from private patrons and

works by Stradano, and most of the preparatory draw-

churches. Stradano also helped produce several court

ings for the Americae Retectio prints and the drawings

festivals and weddings, and in the 1570s he worked

for a Dante series are today located in the same archival

6

briefly in Naples and in Flanders for John of Austria. He

album of the Laurentian Library in Florence, indicating

is best known for an abundance of preparatory drawings

that the Alamanni conserved them together.13 The dates

for prints and tapestries that illustrate and document life

on the sheets in this album attest that Stradano pro-

at the Medici court, significant battles, hunts, as well as

duced them in Florence between 1587 and 1589.14 Luigi

other current events and religious subjects.

Alamanni wrote copious notes on Dante in this album



Stradano produced most of his print designs,

and perhaps even did some of the drawings, demon-

including the engravings in these two series, in partner-

strating that he was closely involved in the creation of

ship with Philip Galle’s family-run print-publishing

Stradano’s images.15

house in Antwerp.8 Comparing the engravings them-



selves and Stradano’s six finished extant preparatory

drawings for the prints, Luigi was an active member of

drawings for them, it is clear that the Galles reproduced

the Accademia degli Alterati, a literary group interested

Stradano’s drawings with great precision. They did,

in the discovery of the New World. Smaller and more

however, likely control when the prints were published,

private than other Florentine Cinquecento academies,

how much they cost, and where they were sold and dis-

such as the Accademia Fiorentina and the Accademia

tributed. Few clues exist about the dissemination of the

della Crusca, the Accademia degli Alterati began in

undated prints, but a 1589 date on the Vespucci prepara-

1569 among a group of Florentine noblemen who met

tory drawing in the Americae Retectio series suggests

frequently to discuss theoretical and technical issues

7

126

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The caption on the Americae Retectio frontispiece

While Stradano was producing the preparatory

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related to their own writing and to other authors, par-

voked the production of these prints. Another

ticularly ancient poets, as well as Dante, Ariosto, and

Alamanni family member, Vincenzo di Andrea Ala-

Tasso. Many members came from prominent Floren-

manni, served both Francesco and Ferdinando as

tine families, such as the Ricasoli, Neroni, Rucellai,

ambassador to the Spanish court in Madrid; he sent

Davanzati, and Albizzi. Two of the more famous mem-

updates about imports from the Americas and ship-

bers were Filippo Sassetti, a traveling merchant whose

ments from Portugal to the Medici-controlled port at

letters are informative about India and the New World,

Livorno. Moreover, he was entrusted with the acquisi-

and Giovanni Battista Strozzi, the author of an elabo-

tion of Giovanni Pietro Maffei’s Historiarum Indicarum

rate Vespucci intermedio for Prince Cosimo II de’ Medi-

(discussed in the last chapter) on behalf of Grand Duke

ci’s marriage celebration in 1608 (discussed in the

Ferdinando.21 Stradano refers to Maffei’s text in an

following chapter) and an epic poem about Vespucci.

inscription on the back of the preparatory drawing for

According to academy member Jacopo Soldani’s

the America print (fig. 92) of the Nova Reperta series.22

funeral oration for Alamanni, Luigi had suggested that



Strozzi write the poem about the navigator in order “to

the New World at the Medici court when designing the

render more glorious his country.” In an undated doc-

iconography of the prints in his Venationes (Animal

ument, Strozzi wrote a list of potential discussion top-

Hunt) suite of 104 engravings, also printed by the Galle

ics for the Alterati, including whether “the discovery of

family, begun as early as 1570 and initially dedicated to

the Indies was harmful or useful to our country.” Not

the Medici.23 Several prints depict natives in feather

coincidentally, both Sassetti and Strozzi were writing

skirts and headdresses in idyllic landscapes, procuring

about the Americas in the years just before Stradano

birds, animals, and pearls in great abundance by novel

designed these American prints for the Alamanni.

means. For example, Stradano’s Indians Catching Geese

Members of the Accademia degli Alterati were also

Using Squash print (fig. 43, discussed briefly in chapter 5)

reading Colombeidos, Giulio Cesare Stella’s epic poem

illustrates an unusual style of hunting that Oviedo

about Columbus’s discovery of the New World and

describes in great detail in his Sommario.24 In another

interaction with the natives, published in 1589.19 An

engraving designed by Stradano these same natives are

entry dated March 11, 1587, in the academy’s diary states

also depicted using pelicans to fish, a Chinese method of

that Stella gave a copy of his text to the academy.

fishing with birds described in Maffei’s Historiarum.25

Stradano’s preparatory drawings for the prints were

Stradano also used José de Acosta’s Historia natural y

born out of this literary interest in the discovery of the

moral de las Indias (1590) for his preparatory drawings

New World.

for a never-produced print of “Indians smoking out ani-

16

17

18

20

Stradano accessed Maffei and other sources about

mals.”26 This was another unusual means of hunting, in Sources at the Medici Court

which Mexicans set fire to land in order to force animals out of hiding and then capture them.27 Compared to the

Stradano and Alamanni had various sources of infor-

hunters in the Venationes series, Stradano’s New World

mation about the New World that might also have pro-

representations in the Americae Retectio and the Nova

st r a da n o’s i n ven t i on of t h e americas

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Fig. 92 Giovanni Stradano, America, late 1580s. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Gift of the Estate of James Hazen Hyde, 1959.

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Reperta appear fanciful. Many of the hunt prints are cer-

known well Egnazio Danti’s and Stefano Buonsignori’s

tainly imaginary, but their subject matter and the series

painted maps in Cosimo’s Guardaroba Nuova. In Strada-

as a whole are more ethnographic in conception, aiming

no’s prints, the visual morphology of allegory, as seen in

for realistic representations of different types of hunting

Vasari’s frescoes and in maps produced at the Medici

throughout the world. By contrast, although they are

court, is united with knowledge about the New World

perhaps also based on the writings of Maffei, Oviedo,

acquired through circulating texts and news to broadcast

and de Acosta, the Americae Retectio and Nova Reperta

Florence’s largely fictitious role in the Americas.

prints of the Americas neither reflect current events nor endeavor to portray the New World realistically. In this way, they are more like some of the allegorical paintings

America Unveiled

and cartography produced at the Medici court.

The frontispiece of Stradano’s Americae Retectio series



As a participant in Vasari’s circle at the court,

(fig. 86), in introducing this sequence of celebratory

Stradano worked with and encountered emblems and

prints, presents an elaborate mythology rejoicing in

imprese in art. In the 1550s Stradano aided Vasari with

the retectio, or discovery, of the Americas as if it had

the frescoes Duke Cosimo commissioned for the Sala

been an Italian endeavor. Although the fourth print in

degli Elementi in the Palazzo Vecchio, which

the series features Magellan, a Portuguese explorer,

employed imprese. Two of Vasari’s frescoed walls, like

the frontispiece omits him and his national origin. In

each of Stradano’s prints, feature a hero or god in the

the frontispiece the gods Flora and her husband,

center of the composition acting out a narrative: Sat-

Zephyr (symbols for Florence); Janus, together with a

urn is offered fruits on one wall, and Venus rises from

pelican (a symbol for Genoa); and Oceanus (a symbol

the sea on the adjacent wall (fig. 41). In the waters

for sea travel) present a globe, and set within medal-

surrounding these figures, emblematic composi-

lions at the top of the sheet are the two Italian naviga-

tions—such as a personification of abundance with

tors, Amerigo Vespucci and Christopher Columbus.

her cornucopia (at left on the Earth wall) (fig. 10); a

At the upper corners of the composition, Mars and

turtle with a sail, alluding to one of Cosimo’s favorite

Neptune—other symbols for Florence and Genoa—

mottos, Festina lente, borrowed from Augustus (at

ride chariots. Thus, Florence, Vespucci’s birthplace, is

right on the Earth wall); and a triton blowing into a

represented at left in the composition with images of

shell, representing fame (at right on the Water wall)—

Mars, Flora, and a portrait of Vespucci, while Genoa,

reveal different aspects of Medici power.

Columbus’s birthplace, is represented at right with



Neptune, Janus, and a portrait of Columbus. This

28

29

30

Much as these emblematic frescoes communicated

Medici control over the cosmos, the cartography pro-

entire scene floats above the waters off the west coast

duced at the court communicated Medici control over

of Italy, allowing an Italocentric view of land at the

the earth. Stradano made maps for the private rooms in

bottom of the composition to highlight the cities of

the Palazzo Vecchio and was certainly aware of the tradi-

Florence and Genoa, again reminding the viewer of

tional use of allegory in cartography. He would have

the origins of the navigators.33

31

32

st r a da n o’s i n ven t i on of t h e americas

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Stradano quite likely emulated other triumphant

works of art when he designed this frontispiece. The

within the Medici collection.36 Stradano used the best-

organization of the Americae Retectio frontispiece

known images of the explorers to make them easily

closely resembles that of a tapestry from The Spheres

recognizable to his viewers. With the names and ori-

series produced in Brussels around 1530 for John III of

gins of their subjects nonetheless inscribed around

Portugal and his new Habsburg wife, Catherine of Aus-

their perimeters, the medallions in Stradano’s print

tria (fig. 93). More significantly, the frontispiece also

recall commemorative numismatics and clearly endow

recalls preparatory drawings for, and commemorative

these likenesses with antique grandeur.

prints of, ephemeral events at the Medici court. The



images of the two gods aboard chariots recall the floats

Ligurian coast at the very bottom of the image shows

that paraded down the Arno or in the Pitti Palace court-

definitively that the discovery of the New World began

yard in Medici festivals and wedding celebrations, such

on the northwestern coast of Italy and specifically in

as the boats and seascape scenes used in Grand Duke

the navigators’ hometowns, Florence and Genoa. Here

Francesco’s 1579 wedding to Bianca Cappello (fig. 94)

the west coast of Italy is reoriented so that it is featured

and in the intermezzo for the 1589 celebration for Ferdi-

at the bottom of the page. Although Florence is actually

nando’s wedding. For the drapery that Flora and Janus

a good distance from the coast, it is depicted promi-

hold, Stradano might also have looked to triumphal

nently at the lower left of the map, with an entire

arches in public Florentine processions, where pagan

cityscape, quite close to the water’s edge and framing

gods flanked a coat of arms, and to the drapery decorat-

the view of the coast. The Medici port of Livorno is also

ing arches and the facades of churches for special

highlighted at the left, with an image of a Medici for-

events. As a court artist who worked on the production

tress. Other important port towns are labeled and illus-

teams of various Medici festivals and public events,

trated similarly with recognizable buildings. Genoa

Stradano was surely familiar with this style of represen-

marks the very center of the map and appears as a larger

tation and its triumphal intent.

coastal town than Cogoreto, Albizola, and Savona.



The portraits of the two navigators within the

Cogoreto and Savona are on the map likely because

medallions at the top of the image, combined with the

Oviedo wrote that Columbus might have been from

blatant omission of Magellan, are perhaps the most

one of these towns outside of Genoa.37 By repositioning

overtly pro-Italian aspects of the print. For the portrait

Columbus’s and Vespucci’s birthplaces on the map,

of Vespucci, Stradano likely copied Domenico Ghir-

Stradano appoints these Italian cities as the starting

landaio’s portrait in a fresco of the Madonna della

points for the discovery of the New World.

Misericordia in the family chapel in Ognissanti church



in Florence. Stradano’s portrait of Columbus was

the frontispiece, the literary scholar Alamanni likely

most certainly based on the portrait of the navigator

chose the erudite Latin inscription.38 The caption

first produced for Paolo Giovio’s portrait museum and

includes the characteristic signature of the artist and

then reproduced both in Paolo Giovio’s 1554 Elogia

printmaker at left and the dedication to the “noble Ala-

34

35

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Virorum Bellica Virtute Illustrium and in a portrait

The spatially manipulated map of the Tuscan and

Although Stradano is credited with the design of

i m ag in in g t h e am e r ic a s in m edi c i f lor en c e

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Fig. 93 Attributed to Bernard van Orley, The Earth Protected by Jupiter and Juno, 1530s. Palacio Real, Madrid. Fig. 94 Float for the Wedding of Francesco I de’ Medici to Bianca Cappello, from Raffaello Gualterotti, Feste nelle nozze del serenissimo Don Francesco Medici gran duca di Toscana, et della sereniss. sua consorte la sig. Bianca Cappello, 1579. Spencer Collection, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.

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manni brothers” at right. Both the preparatory drawing

The Florentine Vespucci

and the print include an interrogative title in the center:

Of all of Stradano’s engravings of the navigators, the

“quis potis est dignum pollenti pectore carmen

Vespucci prints in the Americae Retectio and Nova Rep­

condere pro rerum maiestate, hisque repertis?”

erta series most overtly promote Florence’s role in the

which translates as, “Who is able to compose a song

so-called discovery of the Americas. They also depend

worthy of a powerful heart on behalf of the majesty of

most emphatically on Florentine sources for their

these things that have been discovered?” These Latin

design. Although works on Vespucci in the late

words are the first lines from book 5 of Lucretius’s first-

Cinquecento included Vespucci’s own letters and bio-

century b.c.e. epic poem De rerum natura. By the six-

graphical texts by Thevet and others, it was likely Stro-

teenth century De rerum natura was available in several

zzi’s poem that Luigi Alamanni, the academy, and

printed editions and was scrutinized in literary circles

Stradano knew best and that inspired the design of the

both as a significant scientific treatise and as a work of

Vespucci print in the Americae Retectio series (fig.

great poetry that was thought to have inspired Virgil.

88).41 Of Strozzi’s poem only one canto survives; writ-

The same work likely formed part of the readings and

ten in Italian rather than Latin, it fictionalizes and

discussion of the members of the Accademia degli Alte-

romanticizes the tale of the navigator, much like Stel-

rati, who were at this time emulating the epic poetic

la’s text about Columbus. In his image Stradano emu-

form of Virgil. Lucretius’s discussion of technology

lates Strozzi’s dramatic setting and implied patriotism.

and invention could likewise have shaped Alamanni’s

Strozzi describes the rays of the sun that shone

conception of both of Stradano’s print series, docu-

through the sky at dawn and tells of the dangerous

menting the new inventions and discoveries of early

waters and fierce winds that Vespucci encountered; so

modern man.

in the print Stradano translates this passage visually



Lucretius’s evocative question could also have

with a luminous rising sun on the horizon and choppy

been understood as a literal challenge to contemporary

waters. Strozzi writes that Vespucci was born from the

poets writing about the discovery. Perhaps the caption

river Arno, and Stradano depicts several Florentine

even alludes to Stella’s Colombeidos and Strozzi’s text

symbols to represent Vespucci’s origins: in the back-

about Vespucci’s journey. Here Stradano has not cho-

ground at right, Mars, a symbol for Florence, rides a

sen to write a song but has rather designed images “on

turtle, again perhaps a reference to the Medici motto

behalf of the majesty of these things that have been dis-

Festina lente. Another turtle is visible at left in the

covered.” By referring to this other medium, the song or

background, and Minerva, who pushes Vespucci’s

poem, within his own engraving, Stradano has com-

ship, holds a giglio, or lily—a symbol for the virgin of

mented on the debate (or paragone) over the primacy

Florence, Santa Maria del Fiore—and a spear with a

of the different arts and has shown that the print is a

Florentine lily at its end. Strozzi later alludes to a col-

“worthy” medium for depicting this “majesty.” The fol-

umn broken in the waves. In the foreground of the

lowing prints in the series thus represent visual songs

print, Stradano too depicts a broken columnar mast

dedicated to each discoverer.

aboard Vespucci’s ship. Stradano has in many ways

39

40

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captured the patriotic fervor, setting, and drama of

prints in the series portray a community of people using a

Strozzi’s poem in his visual rendering of the hero.

new invention, the America and Astrolabe prints depict



Vespucci alone, as the sole inventor of the New World

Stradano infused the image with fantasy when he

transformed the emblematic tritons into bizarre can-

and the astrolabe, two things that he did not invent. In

nibalistic Native Americans clutching human body

the Astrolabe print (fig. 91), Vespucci is pointedly con-

parts. Half serpent–half woman and half Amerindian–

nected to the Florentine poet Dante, who in his Purgato­

half European, the New World nereid at the left of Ves-

rio describes the Southern Cross, Vespucci’s navigational

pucci’s ship wears a peacock-feather headdress as a

guide.43 In the image at right, Vespucci stands in front of a

symbol of her riches and her pride in the way figures

desk littered with nautical devices and a small crucifix.

representing superbia, or arrogance, do in other six-

He holds up an armillary sphere and gazes past it toward

teenth-century prints. She tames her scorpion tail with

the Southern Cross while his shipmates sleep on the

the club she holds in her left arm, and with her right

ground beside him. At left Stradano includes a large cap-

arm she raises a human arm on a skewer. The devilish

tion with the passage from Dante’s Purgatorio, both in

male triton next to her, with pointy ears and beard,

Italian and in Latin, in which Dante sees the four stars.

holds a dismembered male torso as if it were a piece of

Above this an inscription framing a portrait of the poet

antique statuary rather than a piece of meat to be

explains that Vespucci cited Dante in his letters.44 Ala-

devoured. By the late sixteenth century, images of can-

manni, as a Dante scholar and colleague of Galileo’s, must

nibals were widespread in European art, particularly in

have been particularly interested in this Vespucci letter. In

maps and prints. Although it had been common since

his funeral oration for Alamanni, Soldani explicitly con-

Pliny’s time to represent cannibals as men and women

nects Vespucci’s voyage to Dante’s journey and describes

holding body parts on skewers, images rarely (if ever)

Alamanni’s fascination with the two travelers.45 By linking

portrayed cannibals dressed as mythological or alle-

Vespucci to the great Florentine poet, the print produces

gorical figures. By doing this, Stradano has represented

a claim for the large navigational impact of Vespucci and

these New World natives as proud demonic cannibals,

subsequently of Florence. Finally, it is likely no coinci-

different from the cannibals depicted on mappae mundi

dence that the representation of the Southern Cross in

and in early Vespucci broadsheets. They are fantastical

this print evokes the stemma used for the Medici’s Caval-

creatures who reference anthropophagy but also mask

ieri di Santo Stefano, a sacred knightly order begun by

this gruesome practice playfully, in the guise of per-

Cosimo I in 1562 and expanded in the years under Ferdi-

sonifications. In this way their representation comes

nando to fight crusades against the Turks.

across as nonthreatening figures of fantasy.



42



The Vespucci prints in the Nova Reperta (figs. 90 and

Vespucci is portrayed in a similarly heroic mode in

the well-known America print from the Nova Reperta

91) are decidedly more propagandistic in their praise of

(fig. 90).46 However, in this print there is no mention of

the navigator and particularly of his Florentine origin.

Dante, and Vespucci gazes not toward the stars but

Vespucci is the only navigator portrayed in this series of

toward a seminude female personification of the New

some nineteen new inventions, and whereas most other

World. Sharing the same physiognomy as the represen-

st r a da n o’s i n ven t i on of t h e americas

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tations of Vespucci in Stradano’s other prints, the navi-

describes the animals for the Northern printmakers

gator here looks as if he has just set foot on land and, in

and, as previously mentioned, here states that he used

a sense, is continuing the narrative begun in the Ameri­

Maffei’s Historiarum Indicarum as his source. In using

cae Retectio print. Here his ship is anchored nearby and

and citing this text, Stradano conveyed his intent to

his rowboat is beached behind him. In one hand he

portray particular New World animals accurately.

holds a staff with a banner bearing the Southern Cross



and crucifix and in the other a compass. America ges-

tory drawing (fig. 92) provide insight into the Latin cap-

tures toward Vespucci. She is seated on a hammock,

tion on the final print. The caption alludes to the female

and her Tupinamba club leans against a tree at the right.

seated on a hammock: “Amerigo rediscovers America;

Stradano could have seen these two artifacts from the

he called her but once, and thenceforth she was always

New World in the Medici collection, because invento-

awake.”50 Although the caption is omitted from the front

ries from Duke Ferdinando’s reign reveal that he owned

of the preparatory drawing, it is written on its reverse,

such items.

above two other lines in Latin, in what appears to be



Other details, such as the cannibal scene in the

Luigi Alamanni’s hand: “Tua sectus orbis nomina ducet.

background and the various animals grazing in the fore-

Hor. Ode 17 t. 3 / Parsq tuum terre tertia nomen habet.

ground and background, reflect Stradano’s (or perhaps

Ovidius Fasto.” As the citations conveniently reveal,

Alamanni’s) knowledge of the New World, as acquired

these are lines from Horace’s Odes and Ovid’s Fasti.51 The

from maps, images, and texts. The representation of

Horace quotation, which translates as “part of the world

cannibals roasting human body parts on skewers over

shall henceforth carry Europa’s name,” derives from a

fire is a more traditional depiction of New World can-

passage in which Venus tells Europa that a continent has

nibals than the allegorical portrayal in the Americae

been named for her.52 The Ovid passage similarly

Retectio Vespucci print. Stradano might have taken this

recounts the moment in Europa’s story when Venus tells

particular arrangement of figures from a small detail in

her that “earth’s third part has your name.”53 It is possible

Egnazio Danti’s Brazil map (fig. 24) in Cosimo’s Guard-

that Alamanni devised the caption for the print, using

aroba Nuova, which similarly represents two seated

the words of Horace and Ovid as his guide. Vespucci,

men beside a human leg on a spit. Michael Schreffler,

then, is like Europa, and the woman seated on the ham-

however, claims that this scene is borrowed from vari-

mock is an American Venus telling him the significance

ous other printed views of cannibals, and he points out

of his name.54 Indeed, the caption here, like the captions

the “indistinct” nature of the representation. Set in the

in the Astrolabe print and the Americae Retectio prints,

background, far from the narrative in the foreground,

literally defines the scene. In the preparatory drawing,

the scene functions differently from the female personi-

the word “america” is written in bold and in reverse on

fications and acts more like an ethnographic symbol of

the front of the paper just above the cannibal scene and

the New World. The animals are also ethnographic in

in line with Vespucci’s lips, producing the effect that the

conceit. Stradano’s Flemish inscription on the back of

words are coming out of the navigator’s mouth, indicat-

the print’s preparatory drawing both labels and

ing that he is calling out to the New World. At the same

47

48

49

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Markey book.indb 134

The other inscriptions on the verso of the prepara-

i m ag in in g t h e am e r ic a s in m edi c i f lor en c e

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time, he names her “America,” which, as Peter Hulme originally remarked and Rabasa has repeated, “is his [name] feminized.”55 Why the Galles omitted this detail from the final print remains unknown, but its inclusion would have elucidated the image and would have corresponded more closely with the caption.

Much ink has been spilled over this caption and the

representation of America as a nude female awakening to find Vespucci’s gaze on her. Vespucci’s typical profile has been read as a symbol for the colonial gaze, and America’s nudity has been viewed quite rightly as a symbol of her sexual and/or spiritual naïveté.56 Stradano uses a common sixteenth-century visual allegorical device, the female nude, to represent a place, and sixteenth-century artists often used the nude woman to personify the New World.57 After all, both Vespucci and Columbus mentioned that men and women in the Americas were, like the ancients, unclothed.58 A woodcut from Girolamo Benzoni’s Historia del Nuovo Mondo (1565) (fig. 95) in which a tattooed nude female is seated among clothed European men illustrates this point.59 The personifica-

Fig. 95 Marvelous Indian Woman, from Girolamo Benzoni, La

tion of America on the frontispiece of Abraham Ortel-

historia del Mondo Nuovo, 1565. Rare Book and Manuscript Library,

ius’s Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (1570) wears a headdress

Columbia University in the City of New York, B917B443.

similar to that of Stradano’s America and might have functioned as the very source for Stradano’s image. Another seminude female New World personification

linked in the popular imagination to the Americas. With

frames many of the portraits in a 1575 edition of Giovio’s

the nude woman, Stradano has produced a personifica-

Elogia and could also have been a source for Stradano.

tion of America in keeping with previous emblematic

Like Stradano’s, Ortelius’s and Giovio’s representations

depictions in other printed sources and images and icon-

of the New World link a seminude female with cannibal-

ographic renderings familiar to him.

ism. In the latter cases, severed heads next to the women



connote their flesh-eating tendencies. In his work

indicate, however, that the woman represented in the

Stradano has built on a preestablished allegorical depic-

print could in fact be a very specific American figure

tion of the New World that combined a nude female

and that the navigator portrayed could initially have

figure with signs of cannibalism and other attributes

been designed to represent Columbus rather than Ves-

Details in the print and in the preparatory drawing

st r a da n o’s i n ven t i on of t h e americas

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pucci. The first evidence for this hypothesis is an

allude to Stella’s romantic epic but changed the concep-

inscription in Stradano’s hand on the back of the prepa-

tion of the print because of his own wishes or those of

ratory drawing: “De Christoforo Colombo” (On Chris-

the Alamanni. This might explain why there are two rep-

topher Columbus). Furthermore, in the America print

resentations of Vespucci in the Nova Reperta series and

Vespucci wears armor beneath his robe, unlike the fig-

why Columbus is mentioned on its frontispiece but not

ure in the print dedicated to him in the America Retectio

represented in any of its prints. The emphasis here is evi-

and in the Astrolabe print in the Nova Reperta. Both

dently on the Florentine Vespucci. America is conceived

Columbus and Magellan wear armor in the Americae

within this series as a new invention, or reperta, and Ves-

Retectio series. Also, it is Columbus who first planted a

pucci, a Florentine, is considered its true discoverer,

crucifix in the New World, as this figure does with the

even though his travels followed those of Columbus.

Genoese banner. Additionally, there are no references



to Florence or Vespucci’s origins in the print, unlike the

ten of the nineteen inventions, but interestingly the

quite overt ones in the other prints of Vespucci. Finally,

prints offer no mention whatsoever of Spain, Portugal,

the woman representing America is reminiscent of

or the actual conquest of the Americas. These works,

Princess Anacaona, a Haitian princess in Stella’s Colum­

produced nearly a century after the initial encounter,

beidos, who is described as an alter ego to Dido and

still conceive of the Americas as a Florentine invention,

who, according to various sources, fell in love with

even though Florence had little or no direct relation

Columbus. In Stella’s text, Anacaona falls so deeply in

with the Americas following Vespucci’s travels. Strada-

love with Columbus that she cannot fall asleep—and

no’s American prints could only have been designed in

when she finally does, she sees Columbus in her

this particular environment in Florence, in a place

dreams. She then confronts Columbus with her love,

where the discovery of the New World was a topic of

and when Columbus renounces it and sails off, Anaca-

discourse among academicians and at a time when

ona faints. Perhaps Stradano is representing a scene

Grand Duke Ferdinando had brought to the city new

from Stella’s verses—either the moment when Anaca-

books about and objects from the Americas.

ona sees Columbus in her sleep or the moment just



before she faints. It is possible that Stradano’s image

hierarchical fantasy that places the Florentine explorer

was initially inspired by Stella’s text about Columbus. If

Vespucci, and therefore Florence itself, at the pinnacle.

this is the case, the gaze is reversed, and it is Anacaona,

Although Columbus is referenced on the frontispieces

the representation of the New World, examining Ves-

of both the Americae Retectio and Nova Reperta series,

pucci, a representation of the Western world.

he is forgotten in the Nova Reperta print cycle, while



Yet Vespucci’s profile is represented in the America

Vespucci is fashioned in two separate engravings within

print, and the front of the preparatory drawing includes

the series as a Christlike figure encountering a new land

the inscribed words “Americus Vespuccis Florentinus

to awaken. The Vespucci images heighten drama

1497” at the feet of the navigator. It is possible Stradano

through composition and iconography in order to

intended the America print to depict Columbus and to

emphasize his importance. The Magellan print is satu-

60

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Markey book.indb 136

Within the Nova Reperta, America is tied to at least

Viewed and read together, the images produce a

i m ag in in g t h e am e r ic a s in m edi c i f lor en c e

5/5/16 9:55 PM

rated with details that distract the viewer from its

in an active contrapposto stance, Vespucci fearlessly

seated central character, and the Columbus sheet

confronts the mythologized cannibals before him,

shows the navigator on languid waters guided by a non-

while in the distance a rising sun implies hope. The Flo-

chalant Diana, but the Vespucci image reveals a spec-

rentine is the true protagonist of this narrative of dis-

tacular adventure. His ships travel on an acute diagonal

covery, and as the next chapter shows, he continues to

in choppy waters, indicating the force by which armed

be the subject of patriotic fervor in another context in

Minerva propels him with her Florentine lily. Standing

Florence years later.

st r a da n o’s i n ven t i on of t h e americas

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nine • The Americas Both Real and Imagined

At the end of Grand Duke Ferdinando’s life and the

the New World became present in ephemeral events

culmination of Jacopo Ligozzi’s career, the artist

and in large-scale paintings.

painted one more specific New World plant: the Pas­



siflora coerulea (fig. 96). Europeans greatly admired this

ship with Ligozzi and Aldrovandi, two figures ­critical to

South American flower because of the arrangement of

the documentation of the Americas at the Medici court.

its stamens and pistils, recalling a crown of thorns. This

When he became grand duke, Ferdinando picked up

resemblance prompted its christening as the “passion-

where Francesco had left off working with these men. Yet

flower” and led to its interpretation as a good omen

his relationship with them was quite different from Fran-

indicating that the natives of South America were pre-

cesco’s, and the resulting cultural and artistic production

pared to be converted to Christianity. As a pious man,

is suggestive of Ferdinando’s more public political con-

interested in the conversion of the natives of the New

cerns. The next section reveals Ferdinando’s concrete

World, Ferdinando must have considered this delicate

activities in the Americas, tracking how his commercial

flower, which he had previously requested from an

dreams nearly developed into an actuality.

ambassador in Spain, an apt symbol for this new land of



hope and prosperity.

the wedding of Ferdinando’s son Cosimo II in 1608,



focusing on an elaborate opera intermedio dedicated to

1

During the years of Ferdinando’s dukedom

Finally, this chapter examines the celebrations for

(1588–1609), the Americas became increasingly

Vespucci. This one-act stage production, like the

important to his cultural politics. Beyond his collec-

prints by Stradano examined in the last chapter, cel-

tion and artistic commissions (explored in chapters 6

ebrated the navigator as Florence’s hero of the Ameri-

and 7), Ferdinando grew interested in creating actual

cas. The performance took place at the same time that

ties to the New World. He began by seeking informa-

Ferdinando sent his voyage to the Americas and is

tion about navigation to the Americas and about the

therefore best conceived as a propagandistic meta-

legislation concerning colonization. Then he built up

phor for Ferdinando’s New World incursions. Only

the Medici port of Livorno and sent an exploratory

after the novelties of the New World had been fully

expedition to Brazil. During this same period in the

explored and integrated alongside other wonders of

late sixteenth century, images of the New World began

the period through collection, documentation, and

to proliferate publicly in Florence. Under Ferdinando,

study could the Americas be represented allegorically

2

Detail of fig. 98

Markey book.indb 139

This final chapter first looks at Ferdinando’s relation-

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Fig. 96 Jacopo Ligozzi, Passionflower, 1609. Biblioteca nazionale centrale di Firenze.

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and fully participate as a subject of patriotic delight in

he wrote to Francesco, complimenting the duke on his

Medici court ephemera. Here, then, nature shifted to

marriage and on the birth of his children and comparing

fantasy as the virtual became a reality.

their relationship with that between Alexander the Great and Aristotle. For instance, in a letter dated November 27,

Aldrovandi, Ligozzi, and the Public Display of the Americas Under Ferdinando

1591, to Duke Ferdinando, Aldrovandi writes: “I appeal to Your Highness as Aristotle did to Alexander the Great when he composed his history of animals, since one can-

The cultural politics related to the Americas that Ferdi-

not come to know these plants and animals if not for the

nando developed while he was a cardinal in Rome con-

greatest princes, who, like Your Highness, imitate these

tinued during his years as grand duke. His exchange

past great kings and send for goods from these far-off

with scientist Ulisse Aldrovandi and his patronage of

countries to enrich and illustrate knowledge of nature.

artist Jacopo Ligozzi demonstrate some continuity

For this your name will be held in perpetual memory and

from Grand Duke Francesco’s reign and enduring inter-

rendered eternal by all scholars.”4 Perhaps Ferdinando,

est in the naturalia of the Americas. Yet examination of

like Alexander the Great, was requesting “goods from

Ferdinando’s relationship with these men reveals a

these far-off countries,” but there is no evidence to show

more politically ambitious duke inclined toward a more

that, like his brother, he was using them “to enrich and

public display of the Americas.

illustrate knowledge of nature,” as Aldrovandi suggests.



As in Aldrovandi’s letters to Francesco, the naturalist

Recognizing that Ferdinando, as the new grand

duke, possessed the means and interest to publish texts,

sought to appeal to the Medici grand duke through the

Aldrovandi of course actively sought his patronage. The

evocation of perpetuity. But no amount of flattery from

tone and content of the correspondence between

Aldrovandi could provoke Ferdinando to publish

Aldrovandi and Ferdinando show an interaction very

Aldrovandi’s works during their lifetime. Although

different from the one between the scientist and Grand

Aldrovandi dedicated his texts Ornithologiae, Monstrorum

Duke Francesco. Aldrovandi and Francesco were col-

Historia, and Musaeum Metallicum to Grand Duke Ferdi-

leagues and friends who shared a great enthusiasm for

nando, they were not published until the 1640s, years

documenting science and art, whereas Ferdinando was a

after both Aldrovandi and Ferdinando had died. Ferdi-

patron whom Aldrovandi solicited for financial support.

nando clearly was not as interested in Aldrovandi’s natu-

Thus Aldrovandi used his own scientific writings, rather

ralistic pursuits as had been his brother Francesco.

than actual specimens, as gifts for Ferdinando in an effort



to gain his support. However, his difficult financial situa-

Aldrovandi. Although Ferdinando’s responses to

tion in the late 1580s, paired with his desire to publish his

Aldrovandi’s very long letters are extremely brief, he

writings, caused Aldrovandi more overtly to pursue fund-

thanks him for sending his writings and praises them.

ing and support from Duke Ferdinando and others.

Ferdinando read his work and appears to have even

Aldrovandi sent Ferdinando excerpts from his texts in

given Aldrovandi several New World gifts, perhaps

progress, and his letters are more obsequious than those

including one of his father’s Mexican mosaic masks

3

Yet Ferdinando did not completely dismiss

t he a m er i c a s b ot h r ea l a nd imagined

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of Ligozzi’s works, many of the extant works could have been from Ferdinando and produced by Francesco Ligozzi rather than Jacopo.

Jacopo Ligozzi’s employment at Ferdinando’s court

was quite different from that under Francesco. He continued to produce works that referred to the Americas, but they were now in the form of large-scale history paintings for public spaces rather than personal works on paper. Between 1590 and 1592 both Jacopo and his son Francesco were involved in painting two giant oils on slate to be hung high, next to the balcony, in the Salone dei Cinquecento over the Udienza in the Palazzo Vecchio.8 One of the paintings illustrates Cosimo’s coronation as grand duke by Pope Pius V in 1569, a fitting subject for a room designed to portray the glory of the Medici Fig. 97 Mixtec Mask, from Ulisse Aldrovandi,

rule. The other painting depicts the moment when Pope

Musaeum Metallicum, 1648. Rare Book and

Bonifacio VIII received twelve ambassadors (fig. 98),

Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the

each representing a different European power, at his cor-

City of New York, B549 Al2.

onation ceremony in 1295, when the pope praised Florence, claiming that it was the “fifth element on earth.” The foreground of the painting therefore depicts the ambas-

(see figs. 1 and 2). In the 1596 inventory of the Palazzo

sadors at the feet of the new pope, celebrating this impor-

Vecchio, only one mask is listed, rather than the two

tant moment in Florentine political and religious history.

cited in previous inventories, and it is described as

In the background, a large-scale painting of the four con-

“broken.” A Mexican mosaic mask is then later illus-

tinents is on display. In the center of this painting within a

trated and described in depth in Aldrovandi’s Musaeum

painting, a personification of Florence emulates the

Metallicum (fig. 97), documenting the sculpture and

scene of the enthroned pope at the right. Florence is sur-

stones in his collection. It is also possible that Ferdi-

rounded by personifications of Africa, Europe, Asia, and

nando sent Aldrovandi copies of Ligozzi’s paintings of

America with their individual attributes. Because the

plants and animals from the New World. Medici

New World was “discovered” only in 1492, this represen-

5

6

142

Markey book.indb 142

account books indicate that in 1590 Ferdinando paid

tation of the four continents in the background of an

7

Francesco Ligozzi to copy the older Ligozzi’s works.

event that took place in 1295 is quite anachronistic. The

Perhaps these copies are the extant Ligozzi works on

painting again portrays America, whose figure is better

paper in Aldrovandi’s collection in Bologna. Although

defined in Ligozzi’s preparatory drawing (fig. 99) than in

Aldrovandi claims that Francesco gave him duplicates

the final painting, as a nude female wearing a feather

i m ag in in g t h e am e r ic a s in m edi c i f lor en c e

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Fig. 98 Jacopo Ligozzi, Pope Bonifacio VIII Receiving Twelve Ambassadors, ca. 1590–92. Salone dei Cinquecento, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Fig. 99 Jacopo Ligozzi, preparatory drawing for Pope Bonifacio VIII Receiving Twelve Ambassadors, 1590–92. Gabinetto disegni e stampe, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence.

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headdress.9 A small fantastical animal, perhaps an ant-

closer to the display of the king’s body.12 Prints by Gio-

eater, acts as an attribute at her feet. For this female repre-

van Battista Mossi remain to document these lost

sentation of the New World Ligozzi quite likely used as

paintings. The print of the interior portrays an image of

his source Buti’s allegorical representation of America in

the New World above the right-hand door, in keeping

the Armeria and prints such as Stradano’s America from

with those by Buti, Ligozzi, and Stradano (fig. 100).13

the Nova Reperta series (see fig. 92), just recently printed

Vincenzo Pitti, a member of the Accademia degli Alte-

and featuring a similar nude figure and bizarre animals.

rati, wrote the official printed description of the 1598

Designed to reflect Florence’s power in the late sixteenth

funeral and described these four allegorical representa-

century and to create a parallel between the city’s past

tions of the continents in great detail. Pitti’s enthusias-

and present, Ligozzi’s work clearly represented the New

tic description of the image of America recalls the

World, along with the other continents, as one of Flor-

patriotic fervor of Stradano’s engravings, as Pitti not

ence’s dominions.

only describes the image of America but also writes



extensively of Vespucci’s and thus Florence’s greatness:

Ligozzi was hired again in 1598 to depict American

natives in a painting for another political forum, in this case Philip II’s funeral decoration. The Florentine gov-

Splendor and glory [mark] the Florentine daring that, with

ernment under Ferdinando commissioned artists to

excellent ease, defied and conquered the proud sea that

produce chiaroscuro grisaille paintings for this ephem-

stretches itself toward [America]. It was this America that the

eral event in the king’s honor. Twenty-four large-scale

Florentine gentleman Amerigo Vespucci found in the Occi-

paintings, each by a different Florentine artist and

dent in 1497, and [it is] from his name that America takes its

depicting a significant moment from Philip’s life, hung

own. This America is not a deserted island or an uninhabited,

in the nave of San Lorenzo for the extravagant funeral.

rocky shore, but rather a land as spacious and grand as ours,

Similar paintings had been produced for the funerals of

and with so many kingdoms that it is called the New World.

Grand Duke Francesco and Michelangelo, but never

Glorying in themselves are its many sovereigns and lofty

before had Florence put on a funeral of this stature for a

emperors, who enjoy immortal fame. They possess empires so

non-Florentine. The monthlong event was designed to

expansive that cities and territories are consecrated in their

secure the Medici ties to the Spanish kingdom and

names, and their lands extend to the end of the earth to find

sought to outdo the funeral celebrations for the king in

new worlds in the ample bosom of the sea. This name, Amer-

Ferrara, one of Tuscany’s major rivals at this point.

ica, thus precisely serves as tribute to Florentine valor, honor,

Artists had a mere six weeks to complete the design and

and glory. All of this is depicted in the figure of the nude

decoration of the exterior and interior of San Lorenzo.

female with a hat decorated with various feathers on her



head, with bells on her legs, and below her a long net repre-

10

11

Paintings containing allegorical representations of

Africa and Asia hung outside, on the facade of the

senting the beds that come from those countries.14

church, while those of Europe and America, the two

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Markey book.indb 144

continents under Philip’s closer command, appeared

Pitti here describes an allegorical figure of America

inside the church, above the side doors, physically

much like the one in Stradano’s America engraving,

i m ag in in g t h e am e r ic a s in m edi c i f lor en c e

5/5/16 9:55 PM

right down to the hammock and bells on her legs. More significantly, Pitti equates this allegorical image of America with Vespucci’s journey and emphasizes Florence’s role in the discovery.

Pitti also indicates that Ligozzi contributed to a

painted cycle illustrating Philip II’s life. Ligozzi’s largescale painting of ambassadors “from the grand Empire of Mexico, from Cuzelano, from the Kingdoms of Mezioca and many others,” is entitled Philip II Receiv­ ing Ambassadors from the Indies (fig. 101).15 Other scenes in the cycle show moments from Philip’s childhood, important meetings with rulers of Italy, courtly entrances into other European cities, military victories, his marriage to Ann of Austria, and his various conquests. Here Ligozzi has depicted a group of feather-clad natives bowing and kneeling before the enthroned Philip II, illustrating the people of the

Fig. 100 Giovan Battista Mossi, Interior of San Lorenzo for the Funeral of Philip II, 1598. Albertina, Vienna.

Americas submitting to the Spanish king. The scene represents one of the embassies from native communities that came to Spain to plead their cases before Philip. Such moments are described and even illus-

this scene in a public spectacle in Florence, Ferdi-

trated in Diego Muñoz Camargo’s Relaciones geográfi­

nando propagandistically allied the Medici with Spain

cas de Tlaxcala, a manuscript presented to Philip in

and with the conquest of the Americas.

the 1580s. Ligozzi’s natives resemble Romans—their



feathered tunics and headdresses recall the metal hel-

representations of all varieties, received fewer artistic

mets of ancient warriors. Their earrings and bracelets

commissions later in his life, and the paintings of plants

reflect the wealth of the Americas, and the figure rid-

and animals that he created for documentary purposes

ing an elephant in the background references the exot-

under Francesco ultimately served as decorative arts

icism of this poorly understood new land. Ligozzi’s

under Ferdinando and his son Cosimo II. Throughout

representation here is based more on fantasia than on

the subsequent decades they functioned as models for

any visual or textual sources. The imagery deviates

designs for pietre dure. For example, a pietre dure table-

from the work of Buti and Stradano but reveals that

top designed by Ligozzi, dating from 1610–20, and

once again an artist working for Ferdinando has

today at the Museo degli argenti illustrates a parrot and

depicted a peaceful New World, portraying a benevo-

various flowers and was surely based on his naturalistic

lent king meeting with his new subjects. By illustrating

works on paper for Francesco.17

16

Ligozzi, essentially now a specialist in New World

t he a m er i c a s b ot h r ea l a nd imagined

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Fig. 101 Jacopo Ligozzi, Philip II Receiving Ambassadors from the Indies, 1598. Galleria degli Uffizi, Deposito, Florence.

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Just as Aldrovandi’s relationship with the Medici

wrote to Cardinal Rodrigo de Castro of Seville, asking

changed with Ferdinando, so too did Ligozzi’s role as

for large pieces of precious stones from the Indies spe-

court artist. The exchange of protoscientific knowledge

cifically for the creation of his chapel.20 The New World

and images of the Americas between Francesco,

provenance of these stones would have been significant

Aldrovandi, and Ligozzi did not continue to the same

for Ferdinando, who likely considered different stones

extent under Ferdinando. Ligozzi no longer produced

symbolic of different aspects of the Medici reign.21

renderings of plants and animals of the Americas but



instead helped create large-scale paintings for more-

these New World materials from indirect sources.

public display. Ligozzi’s painting in the Salone del

Already in 1591, despite Phillip II’s restrictions on com-

Cinquecento and his work for Philip II’s Florentine

merce with Brazil, Ferdinando had endeavored to set

funeral incorporated New World imagery and brought

up direct trade with the region.22 Letters from Decem-

the Americas into the public sphere. These paintings as

ber of 1591 through April of 1592 to Ferdinando from

well as Ligozzi’s pietre dure works coincide with Ferdi-

Francesco Lenzoni, an ambassador in Madrid from 1591

nando’s commercial and political ambitions of the

to 1593, discuss negotiations with merchant Tommaso

1590s and 1600s.

Ximenes in which the three try to obtain a license to

Ferdinando sought to do much more than acquire

send eight to ten ships from Livorno to San Tomé (in Ferdinando’s Commercial Interest in the Americas

modern-day Venezuela) over a period of some ten years to acquire sugar.23 This project must have been unsuc-

Imports from and relations with the New World began

cessful, because a letter from July 1595 from the next

to increase in the 1590s under Ferdinando, and the pro-

ambassador in Madrid, Francesco Guicciardini, makes

duction of pietre dure at the court presented a major

no mention of these previous plans and instead

incentive for developing relations with the Americas.

describes the ships with sugar and brazilwood entering

For instance, in January 1592 Ferdinando wrote from

Lisbon from Pernambuch.24 Guicciardini then writes in

the Villa Ambrogiana outside of Florence to his ambas-

September 1595 about a Florentine merchant in Lisbon

sador Giulio Brunacci in Cadiz, asking him to send var-

who might aid in these mercantilist projects.25

ious items from the Americas, including two pieces of



girasol (opal) and some red wood and a passionflower,

tions on travel to and imports from the New World

the flower that Ligozzi later documented. Then, in

were lifted. A significant official report sent from King

March, Ferdinando’s brother Prince Giovanni de’

Phillip III to the Medici court in 1599 announced that

Medici reported that a large quantity of stones, pearls,

navigational routes and commerce were open to the

and other rarities from the Indies had arrived for Ferdi-

East and West Indies in exchange for payment of cer-

nando at the port of Livorno. These stones were likely

tain “tributes and rights.”26 Thus, after 1599 correspon-

for the Cappella dei Principi in San Lorenzo (fig. 102), a

dence about the New World changed significantly, and

new burial space for the Medici grand dukes that was to

more and more Tuscans traveled there, providing Fer-

be composed entirely of pietre dure. In 1597 Ferdinando

dinando with firsthand information about the Ameri-

18

19

Following King Phillip II’s death, in 1598, restric-

t he a m er i c a s b ot h r ea l a nd imagined

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Fig. 102 Cappella dei Principi, San Lorenzo, Florence.

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cas. The Tuscan artist Matteo da Leccia moved to Peru

he is stationed there, and you continually to search out

in the late sixteenth century in order to spread Christi-

detailed information about New Spain and Peru and

anity through his paintbrush. Letters from Matteo to

the news that comes from there, and the laws that they

Ferdinando from earlier in his career indicate that the

write in those places and the nature of the Viceroys and

artist worked for the grand duke. Although there is no

their first names and last names.”33 In that same year

evidence indicating that the duke corresponded with

della Rena provided Ferdinando with a long and thor-

Matteo while he was in Peru, it is likely the Duke at

ough report on the New World entitled Description of

least knew of his journey, and he might even have sup-

America or of the True West Indies to the Grand Duke of

ported it. The Florentine merchant Francesco Car-

Tuscany.34 In 1607 Ferdinando learned of the amount of

letti, on the other hand, returned to Florence in 1606,

silver and gold arriving at Spanish ports and requested

after his trip around the world, and found a place at the

avvisi about events happening in the Indies.35

Medici court under Ferdinando’s patronage. During his



extensive journey around the world, Carletti had essen-

enteenth century are informative about Ferdinando’s

tially acted as a Medici agent, and with the stories he

substantial interests in making incursions in the Ameri-

then told back at court, he brought to life the objects

cas. In 1604 Ferdinando’s brother Giovanni wrote to ask

acquired from afar. Carletti’s posthumously published

permission to join the French Crown in their ventures

Ragionamenti, describing his trip, provides great insight

in the Americas. Ferdinando’s rather irritated response

into a mercantile response to the land and people of

made it clear that Giovanni was to concentrate solely

27

28

29

both Mexico and Peru and shows that Ferdinando

Other documents from the first decade of the sev-

on serving the Medici interests, the duke explaining

found value in Carletti’s knowledge of the New World.

that it was “not the time to be entering into war.”36



Although Ferdinando makes no mention of his own

30

By the early seventeenth century, Ferdinando evi-

dently began to consider the idea of creating a commer-

interests in the New World, his instructions to his

cial enterprise in the Americas and was eager to arm

brother to remain faithful to the Medici suggests that

himself with as much information about the Americas

he indeed sought to become involved and saw France

as possible. In August 1601 he received a notice from

as a rival in this endeavor. Another letter indicates that

Francisco de Sosa, an engineer working in Brazil, about

between 1606 and 1608 Spanish priests who had been

mining in the region. In 1604 Ferdinando himself

based in the Indies came to Florence to meet with Fer-

wrote to Domizio Peroni, one of his ambassadors to the

dinando.37 Although little is known about this visit, it is

court of Spain, instructing him to procure not only

possible that these clerics gave Ferdinando crucial

information about the laws and customs of New Spain

information about the culture and religion of the

and Peru but also the first and last names of the Vice-

natives of the New World.

roys there: “Knowing that we are very curious about all



things, but particularly about the Indies, and given that

focus primarily on South America. A long letter from

this task is a fitting one for secretaries, we would like

the Tuscan engineer Baccio da Filicaia, who was then

Rena [Tuscan ambassador Orazio della Rena], while

living in Portugal but had previously spent four years

31

32

In the late summer of 1608 Ferdinando began to

t he a m er i c a s b ot h r ea l a nd imagined

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in Brazil participating in the Portuguese conquest, reports on the gold and silver mines in Brazil and on the lands Portugal had conquered.38 The final paragraph explains that he and Francisco de Sosa, with whom Ferdinando had corresponded previously about mines in Brazil, were returning to Brazil to found a new city, and he asks the duke for support in this endeavor.39 Ferdinando’s response, in November 1608, enthusiastically encourages Baccio’s activities in Brazil and “sends him to discover and conquer the provinces around the rivers of the Marañón and the Amazon.”40 These letters strongly imply that the duke helped finance this expedition. An unsigned letter to Ferdinando referring to the year 1608 discusses the purchase of several large boats and a Livorno warehouse in which to create a refinery for the sugar arriving from Brazil (fig. 103).41 It seems that Ferdinando’s initial plans from the 1590s were finally coming to fruition.

In the fall of 1608 Ferdinando corresponded with

other individuals regarding commercial and navigational ventures in the Americas. Sallustio Tarugi, the Medici agent in Madrid, wrote to Ferdinando in October 1608, explaining that “the act of sending ships to the Indies is something so sensitive and guarded” that he felt that the duke must be completely “certain” of his plans.42 Ferdinando’s response reveals his specific desires: Fig. 103 Excerpt of an unsigned letter to Grand Duke Ferdinando I de’ Medici from 1608 regarding the importation of sugar and the

Ultimately, we have considered procuring some part of New

creation of a sugar refinery in Livorno. Archivio di Stato di Firenze,

Spain or the coast of Brazil. . . . And now, having just learned

Miscellanea Medicea 97, 89.

of news about a place on the coast of Brazil under the Crown of Portugal called the Spirito Santo and under the perpetual domain of certain Portuguese, we gladly negotiate with them because they say it is a large country to acquire and with good air. . . . It would be enough to have the license to send two ships per year for many years.43

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Ferdinando explains that because the region offered little

on the island of Elba, just off the Italian coast, not far

sugar, they hoped to search for new mines instead.

from Livorno.50 Ironically, or perhaps fittingly, Maria



Maddalena’s dowry was paid with gold from the “fleets

44

Ferdinando had already hired Robert Dudley, a

British cartographer, to organize a voyage to South

from the Indies.”51

America. In fact, in September of 1608, before the pre-



ceding letter to Tarugi, the Medici-funded expedition

included a triumphal procession through Florence, a

set out from Livorno for Brazil, or more specifically for

banquet in the Salone del Cinquecento, a calcio match in

what is today French Guyana, under the direction of

Piazza Santa Croce, two operas, an equestrian ballet, a

Dudley’s colleague, the English captain Robert Thorn-

tug-of-war game on the Ponte Santa Trinita, and a cel-

ton. According to Dudley’s report on the mission later

ebration of the poem Argonautica on the Arno waters.

published as part of his sea atlas, Arcano del mare, the

The New World featured in one of the operas—in an

team was sent to find the mouth of the Amazon in

intermedio featuring Vespucci—and in the tug-of-war.

search of undiscovered lands. Dudley explained that

Both occasions served as visual reminders of the Medici

the expedition returned to Florence with “at least five

accomplishments and interests in the New World.

or six Indians” who he described as “Caribs, who eat



human flesh.” Five of them died soon after their

28 in a more public event for the Gioco del Ponte, one

arrival, but one of them survived, learned Italian, and

of the major festivities of the wedding: a tug-of-war on

served the Medici court for several years. Following

the Ponte Santa Trinita between Pisan noblemen and

Ferdinando’s death, it appears that these expeditions to

pseudo-warriors from around the world. In Matthias

Brazil ceased, and only in 1612 did Cosimo II, Ferdi-

Greuter’s engraving of the event from Camillo Rinuc-

nando’s son, endeavor again (albeit unsuccessfully) to

cini’s festival book (fig. 104), Indiani are labeled and

create direct commercial ties with the Indies.

figured among other peoples of the world at the lower

45

46

47

48

49

The well-documented and well-attended wedding

Native Indians appear for the first time on October

left of the scene, as if they were illustrations in a cosCosimo II’s Wedding and the Vespucci Intermedio

tume book.52 Rinuccini describes particular Tuscan noblemen dressed as Turks, ancient Romans, Germans,

At the same time that Ferdinando’s ships set sail for the

Greeks, Moors, and even Cyclopes, and lists the Flo-

New World, his advisors and artists busily prepared for

rentine men on one team as “dressed as Indians with

an elaborate two-month-long event in honor of Ferdi-

feathers.”53 The illustrations of these men in the Greuter

nando’s son Cosimo II’s marriage to Maria Maddalena

print, however, resemble many of Stradano’s depictions

of Austria, daughter of Archduke Karl II, and the sister

of feathered Indians in his hunt prints, and in particular

of Queen Margarete of Spain, wife of Philip III. The

Stradano’s sketch of an Indian in the upper left corner

marriage was arranged specifically to secure ties

of a composite sheet (fig. 105). The gioco Indians also

between the Medici and the Holy Roman Empire and

recall Buti’s Indians in the roundel of the Armeria ceil-

Spain when Florence was feeling vulnerable to the

ing, and perhaps the spears they carried were borrowed

Spanish, who were in the process of building fortresses

from or modeled on those in the Armeria’s collection.

t he a m er i c a s b ot h r ea l a nd imagined

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Fig. 104 Matthias Greuter, Gioco del Ponte, from Camillo Rinuccini, Descrizione delle feste fatte nelle reali nozze de’ serenissimi principi di Toscana d. Cosimo de’ Medici e Maria Maddalena, arciduchessa d’Austria, 1608. Gabinetto disegni e stampe, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence.

Giulio Parigi’s costume design for another Medici festi-

Segovia, not far from the Escorial. In this event actors

val, in 1616 (fig. 106), also recalls these dressed-up Flo-

played the role of “Yndios,” wearing few clothes and

rentines, indicating that Indians as first seen in

riding horses.56 Representing Native Americans in

Stradano’s drawings and prints were popular subjects

European festivals or court events was nothing new at

for ephemera through the first decades of the seven-

this point. As early as 1551 Rouen had employed Bra-

teenth century.

zilians in an artificial battle in honor of the royal entry



of Henri II.57 Like those Brazilians, the Indians in the

54

Besides Stradano’s prints and the other images of

Indians at the court, news of other European court

Medici gioco seemed to be, as Steven Mullaney writes,

festivities that incorporated natives of the New World

“rehearsing culture.”58 But the natives in the Medici

certainly inspired the portrayal of these natives at the

gioco were different: they were not authentic natives

1608 event. For instance, in 1600 the Medici court

like the Brazilians in Rouen, “rehearsing” events that

received an avviso about a masquerade at the court of

occurred in Brazil. Rather, they were Tuscan noble-

Philip III and Margarete of Austria, at the forest of the

men costumed as generic feathered Indians. Further-

55

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Fig. 105 Giovanni Stradano, composite sheet with studies of oysters, a native, and an elephant hunt, ca. 1570–80. Cooper Hewitt, Smithsonian Design Museum, New York. Museum purchase through gift of various donors, 1901-39-150. Fig. 106 Giulio Parigi, design for a costume of a native of the New World, 1616. Biblioteca Marucelliana, Florence.

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more, because the Florentine “Indians” were paraded

And then followed the intermedio; the scene reflected a

with other exotic types, their foreignness was high-

placid sea, quiet with trees unknown to us . . . elsewhere

lighted and codified along with the others, actually

there were trellised plants; and beds hung between trees;

emphasizing their difference. Perhaps in this case it is

the air was full of parrots, and a similar variety of birds, and

best to use Susan Castillo’s term “performing the

on the earth were nude men, like those dressed in the West

noble savage” to describe these Indians in the Floren-

Indies. In this sea, there appeared a large sailboat, with a

tine court spectacle, because the noblemen portraying

lion at its prow, and a giglio on its mast, and between the

these natives were Medici courtiers playing a game

sails and these symbols one could recognize the Florentine

against the Pisans, Florence’s true “other.” Exhibited

Amerigo Vespucci, who was seated on an armed stern wear-

before a large crowd, they might therefore have

ing an overcoat from his homeland and holding an astrolabe

boasted of the Medici connection to the Americas and

in his hand.63

59

60

their knowledge of these peoples. Here on display with the other exotic characters, the Indians could

Here Vespucci’s dramatic entrance on the stage, among

also act as examples of a collectible specimen of man-

these nude natives, exotic birds, trees, and hammocks,

kind, much like the American objects in the Medici

parallels his arrival in the New World and recalls

collection, on display among goods from all over the

Stradano’s depiction of Vespucci aboard ship in the

world. Just months after this event, it must have been

Americae Retectio series. Rinuccini then quotes some of

revelatory to witness the arrival of true natives of the

the lyrics about Vespucci from the intermedio, calling

Indies when they came to the Tuscan court after trav-

his arrival a spettacolo giocondo, or “merry show.”64 Ulti-

eling on Thornton’s ship.

mately Rinuccini describes an elaborate allegorical



This voyage, organized by Ferdinando, was cel-

scene in which Vespucci is deified through the praises

ebrated symbolically in an intermedio at the October 25

of Virgil, Dante, and Petrarch, who hover above him in

performance of the opera Il giudizio di Paride in the

the clouds.65

courtyard of the Pitti Palace. This long opera, written



and directed by Michelangelo Buonarrotti the Younger,

roti the Younger’s personal notes on the event indicate

was interspersed with six smaller acts, or intermedi,

that Giovanbattista Strozzi the Younger, the Accademia

quite likely also conceived by Michelangelo, each of

degli Alterati member who wrote the unfinished poem

which told the story of a particular mythological or

about Vespucci, wrote the libretto for the intermedio.

allegorical figure, including Fame, Astraea, Calypso,

Both his poem and the verses from Rinuccini’s text, like

Vulcan, and Peace. The fourth intermedio featured the

Stradano’s prints, romanticize Vespucci’s journey and

only historical protagonist, Amerigo Vespucci, whose

emphasize his Florentine origins. Strozzi might have

inclusion among these mythological figures is further

culled from his other work in order to write this libretto

evidence of the veneration of the navigator. Rinuccini,

for the intermedio.66 Strozzi’s surviving notes on inter­

the chronicler of the entire wedding celebration,

medi in general include his initial thoughts on this par-

described the Vespucci intermedio:

ticular Vespucci display, observing that “added to

61

62

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Rinuccini’s description and Michelangelo Buonar-

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Fig. 107 Remigio Cantagallina (after Giulio Parigi), The Ship of Amerigo Vespucci on the Shores of the Indies, an etching depicting the fourth intermezzo of Il giudizio di Paride, 1608. Victoria and Albert Museum, London.

Europe, Africa, and Asia was America and Magellanica,

included in the image.68 In the Cantagallina print, Ves-

as named for our Vespucci and the other for Magellan,

pucci, labeled with the letter A, enters from stage left

who found them.” The possessive “our” before Ves-

aboard his ship and approaches the figure of Tranquillity,

pucci emphasizes the navigator’s Florentine origins and

or Lady Calm, labeled B in the center and sitting upon a

highlights his achievement as distinct.

rocky outcrop, reminiscent of the landscape in Zucchi’s



Allegory of the Americas. The allegorical figure of Immor-

67

Remigio Cantagallina’s etching (fig. 107), based on

Giulio Parigi’s stage design for the scene (fig. 108), also

tality floats above the figure of Tranquillity alongside

recalls Stradano’s print and corresponds closely with

Apollo, the Muses, and a chorus of great poets. Sea mon-

Strozzi’s verses as recounted in Rinuccini’s description,

sters dance in the waters below, and exotic animals stand

although some details in the description are not

on the shores on either side. Parigi has here borrowed

t he a m er i c a s b ot h r ea l a nd imagined

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Fig. 108 Giulio Parigi, design for the fourth intermezzo of Il giudizio di Paride, with the ship of Amerigo Vespucci on the shores of the Indies, 1608. Victoria and Albert Museum, London.

156

Markey book.indb 156

the iconography for Vespucci aboard ship among tritons

iconic moment in the performance that is reminiscent of

and mermaids from Stradano’s Vespucci print from the

Stradano’s emblematic prints and quite different from

Americae Retectio series, and he has copied the exotic

Rinuccini’s exotic description, revealing the visual effi-

animals from Stradano’s print of Vespucci’s encounter

cacy of Stradano’s images.

with America in the Nova Reperta. In Cantagallina’s



montage of the scene, however, the artist has not repre-

Maddalena of Austria functioned as an ideal venue at

sented the many natives and parrots described by Rinuc-

which to boast of Florence’s role in the discovery of the

cini in the festival book, but only illustrated Vespucci

Americas. The intermedio within the more private court

approaching the poets and Muses within a detailed sea-

opera event again likened Vespucci to a mythological

scape and landscape. In doing so, he has recorded an

god, while the Florentines dressed as Indians within

The wedding celebration for Cosimo II and Maria

i m ag in in g t h e am e r ic a s in m edi c i f lor en c e

5/5/16 9:55 PM

the Gioco del Ponte brought the native Americans to

tions with the Habsburg Empire. These images of the

life before the public with a shared Florentine patrio-

New World in the 1608 Medici wedding, however,

tism. Previous Medici spectacles, like the wedding pro-

made no reference to the Holy Roman Empire or to

cessions for both Cosimo and Eleonora’s wedding and

Spain. Rather, the Vespucci intermedio, like Stradano’s

Francesco and Giovanna d’Austria’s wedding, as well as

prints, boasted of Florence’s participation in the discov-

Philip II’s funeral, included images of the New World as

ery, and the natives in the gioco displayed their alle-

symbols of the Holy Roman Empire and of Medici rela-

giance firmly to Florence.

t he a m er i c a s b ot h r ea l a nd imagined

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Conclusion: Vicarious Conquest

In his groundbreaking 1993 study, European Encounters

side analytical comparison with other objects and

with the New World, Anthony Pagden argues that one

images, that a more precise cultural context and recep-

particular object in the Medici collection conveyed

tion of New World artifacts can be written. This book

meanings more revelatory of European culture than of

has shown that Medici collectors and artists were cog-

its own place of origin. He explains that “the greenstone

nizant of the objects from the Americas in the court’s

Aztec mask, which one of the Medici had set with

collection and were knowledgeable about this place

rubies and mounted in a gilded copper frame, is wholly

they could not experience firsthand. Furthermore, it

incommensurate with its original purpose, function or

was this knowledge of the New World that informed

value, as either cultural symbol or object of exchange

and provoked the creation of new spaces and new

. . . [and] served less to provide evidence of the identity

works of art.

of alien cultures than [it] did to illustrate what was



believed to be a universal past of which Europe itself

as evidence of this newly “discovered” place, the Medici

had once been part.” This greenstone mask (fig. 109) is

vicariously conquered the Americas through their dis-

not listed in Medici inventories and is thought to have

play of American things and particularly their represen-

arrived in the collection, probably already set with

tations of the New World in works of art. The phrase

stones and mounted, only when Vittoria della Rovere

“vicarious conquest” conveys the idea that through artis-

(1623–1694) became duchess in the seventeenth cen-

tic production and collecting, the Medici grand dukes

tury, because the laurel design around the mask quite

and other collectors and artists in their circle forged a

likely refers to the Rovere coat of arms. This mask

type of personal conquest of the New World—they

likely has no relation to Aztec culture whatsoever and

sought to create a sense of symbolic possession or own-

most likely was not even conceived as such under the

ership. This connection between conquest and collect-

Medici. While at the Medici court, actual masks from

ing was not new in the sixteenth century. Pliny the

Mexico may indeed have been displaced and manipu-

Elder’s first-century Natural History makes clear that

lated; nevertheless, many of them, as their descriptions

acquiring and possessing art and natural materials in

in inventories and as letters attest, were used and stud-

ancient Rome were an expression of its empire’s author-

ied as significant proof of this “alien culture.” It is only

ity over other subjugated powers.3 Ancient Rome’s con-

through a close study of inventories and letters, along-

quest of material spoils mirrored its actual, physical

1

2

Detail of fig. 110

Markey book.indb 159

I propose that beyond merely conceiving of objects

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Fig. 109 Greenstone mask. Museo degli argenti, Florence.

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conquests of peoples, lands, and cultures. In sixteenth-

race of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centu-

century Florence these conquests were only visual and

ries, Italy was slow to attempt colonization in the early

material. The Medici’s subordinate relationship to Spain

modern period. Yet in both nineteenth-century Ger-

and the Holy Roman Empire is therefore also at the

many and sixteenth-century Florence, the cultural

heart of this study. To compete with or at least to

engagement with foreign places was a critical way to

respond to the colonization of these growing European

lay claim and to demonstrate dominance.

powers, the Medici grand dukes of Tuscany promoted their relations with and knowledge of the New World via

This book opens and closes with the Florentine naviga-

artistic production and collection. In turn and perhaps

tor Amerigo Vespucci. It travels from the reality of Ves-

more importantly for the history of the Americas, the

pucci’s letter to Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco de’ Medici in

Medici acted as conservators of the culture of the Ameri-

1500 to the allegorization of his voyage in Medici

cas, as seen particularly in the case of the Florentine

ephemera in Cosimo II’s 1608 wedding celebration—

Codex, as well as curators of its objects, as is evident in

from the first descriptions of his feats to his symbolic

Medici collection and display.

exaggeration in public spectacle. Significantly, this cel-



ebration of Vespucci coincided with actual excursions

This phenomenon of vicarious conquest in six-

teenth-century Florence is comparable to what has

to South America sponsored by Cosimo II’s father, Fer-

been termed both “German Orientalism” and “Deep

dinando. Only after the novelty of the Americas was

Orientalism” in nineteenth-century studies. Edward

integrated into court life, excitement about its newness

Said famously excluded Germany from his landmark

had worn thin, and substantial knowledge had been

1978 Orientalism, explaining that “the German Orient

acquired could allegorical depictions of the Americas

was almost exclusively a scholarly, or at least a classical,

prevail. The various representations of the New World

Orient: it was made the subject of lyrics, fantasies, and

in the 1608 fete were indeed the last great allusions to

even novels, but it was never actual, the way Egypt and

the Americas in Florence for many decades. Grand

Syria were actual for Chateaubriand. . . . What German

Duke Cosimo II would soon turn to another new world

Oriental scholarship did was to refine and elaborate

when he became a patron to Galileo.

techniques whose application was to texts, myths,



ideas, and languages almost literally gathered from the

cally at the Medici court, did not wane in the seven-

Orient by imperial Britain and France.” Recent schol-

teenth century. In the early part of the century images

ars of German Orientalism, such as Suzanne March-

of native people from the Americas were included in

and and Ursula Wokoeck, have developed

most European costume books, and the New World

more-critical readings of Germany’s conception of the

was officially codified in emblem books like Cesare

Middle East, Africa, and Asia by reevaluating German

Ripa’s Iconologia. In Genoa aristocratic families com-

interests as distinct from those of France and England

memorated Columbus in painted cycles and in silver

and as complex and varied endeavors within diverse

pieces within their palaces.6 Collectors and scientific

disciplines.5 Just as Germany was late in the colonial

academies, such as Athanasius Kircher and the Acca-

4

But interest in the New World in Italy, and specifi-

conclusion

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Fig. 110 Antonio Rodríguez (?), Montezuma, late seventeenth century. Museo degli argenti, Florence.

162

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demia dei Lincei in Rome, Manfredo Settala in Milan

of the sixteenth century as forerunners of the collection

and Ferdinando Cospi in Bologna, continued to collect

and representation of the New World in the early mod-

and document the nature and material culture of the

ern period. While this study concludes with the reign

New World, building on Aldrovandi’s precedent. In the

of Cosimo II, the story does not end there: the excite-

late seventeenth century Grand Duke Cosimo III de’

ment about the Americas continued on, as did Flor-

Medici acquired a nearly life-size portrait of Monte-

ence’s role therein.10 In this regard, it is fitting to leave

zuma (fig. 110), still housed today in the Museo degli

the reader with the enthusiastic first lines of Raffaello

argenti in the Palazzo Pitti, and his librarian, Antonio

Gualterotti’s L’America, dedicated to Cosimo II and

Magliabecchi, is believed to have acquired a Mexican

published in 1611:

7

manuscript, found today in Florence’s Biblioteca nazionale.8 Cosimo III’s name is also inscribed on a large-

O canto il saggio osservator sovrano,

scale painting representing the lives of members of the

Di quel di Stelle, fiammeggiante impero,

Franciscan order, located in an old monastery in Mex-

Amerigo Vespucci, il gran Toscano,

ico City. The Medici’s relationship with the New World

Grande, e mirabil d’opre, e di pensiero;

in the seventeenth century remains to be written. This

Che varcando l’amplissimo Oceàno,

book provides concrete evidence of Italian interest in

Altri regni conobbe, altro Emisfero,

and specifically Medici fascination with the New World

E’nvidiator del Sole, Ercol secondo

and at the same time presents the Medici grand dukes

Volgendo, aggiunse al mondo un altro Mondo.

9

conclusion

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Notes

Abbreviations AGI Archivo General de Indias ASF Archivio di Stato di Firenze BNCF Biblioteca nazionale centrale di Firenze BNF Bibliothèque nationale de France BUB Biblioteca universitaria di Bologna GDSU Gabinetto disegni e stampe degli Uffizi GM Guardaroba medicea MAP Medici Archive Project MM Miscellanea medicea MP Mediceo del principato Introduction 1. Vespucci, Letters from a New World, 15–16. First known as the Mundus Novus, this letter remains in a Latin translation of a lost Italian original. It was published as early as 1503 throughout Europe. 2. Because of the many publications about the New World published in Venice in the sixteenth century, studies of Italy and the Americas in the sixteenth century have focused on Venice and on Italian textual and cartographic sources about the New World. On Venice’s interest in the New World, see Ambrosini, Paesi e mari ignoti; Sartor, “Venezia e il Nuovo Mondo”; Horodowich, “Armchair Travelers”; and Kim, “Uneasy Reflections.” See also the many articles in Caracciolo Aricò, L’impatto della scoperta dell’America. 3. European Vision, 30. 4. Parts of Heikamp’s Mexico and the Medici were first published in French and German as “Les Medicis et le Nouveau Monde,” “Mexikanische Altertümer aus süddeutschen Kunstkammern,” and “Mexico und die Medici-Herzöge.” See also Heikamp’s essays “American Objects in Italian Collections” and “Il Nuovo Mondo.” Other examinations of particular American objects in the Medici collection include Bushnell, “North American Ethnographical Material”; Giglioli, “Intorno a due rari cimelî”; Ciruzzi, “Antichi oggetti americani”; Bassani, “Collezionismo esotico dei Medici”; Cipriani, “Mondo americano”; Turpin, “New World Collections”; Domenici and LaurencichMinelli, “Domingo de Betanzos’ Gifts”; and Laurencich-Minelli, “Flights of Feathers.”

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5. For a historical analysis of the Medici’s engagement with the world, see Brege, “Empire That Wasn’t.” Best on Medici collecting of exoticism is Bassani, “Collezionismo esotico dei Medici.” On the Medici and China, see Backus, “Asia Materialized.” See also Morena, Dalle Indie orientali, and the work of Spallanzani, particularly “Porcellane cinesi nella guardaroba.” 6. See Feest, “Collectors, Collections, and Collectibles.” This argument permeates much of Feest’s other work as well, such as “American Indians and Ethnographic Collecting in Europe,” “The Collecting of American Indian Artifacts in Europe, 1493–1750,” “Mexico and South America in the European Wunderkammer,” “Vienna’s Mexican Treasures,” and “Spanisch-Amerika in außerspanischen Kunstkammern.” Other sources that have dealt with exotic objects in European collections include Nowotny, Mexikanische Kostbarkeiten; Exotica; Shelton, “Cabinets of Transgression”; Bujok, “Africana und Americana”; Bujok, Neue Welten in europäischen Sammlungen; Bujok, “Ethnographica in der Münchner Kunstkammer”; Bujok, “Ethnographica in Early Modern Kunstkammern”; and Yaya, “Wonders of America.” 7. This idea is at the heart of many studies, such as Pagden, European Encounters; Mason, Infelicities; Johnson, Cultural Hierarchy. 8. Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions; MacCormack, “Limits of Understanding”; Grafton, New Worlds, Ancient Texts. 9. Gerbi, Nature in the New World. 10. On ethnographic representations of the New World, see S. Davies, Renaissance Ethnography; Leitch, Mapping Ethnogra­ phy; Van Groesen, Representations of the Overseas World; and Gaudio, Engraving the Savage. 11. O’Gorman, Invention of America. For a more recent consideration of the “invention of the Americas,” see Householder, Inventing Americans. 12. Elliott, Old World and the New. 13. Ryan, “Assimilating New Worlds.” 14. Pagden, European Encounters. 15. Robertson, “Mexican Indian Art.” 16. Dacos, “Présents Américains á la Renaissance.” Other early art-historical studies that demonstrate the influence of the

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New World on European art include Collon-Gevaert, “L’art précolombien,” and Chastel, “Masques mexicains à la Renaissance”; see also the more recent though less convincing Colbert, “‘They Are Our Brothers.’ ” 17. Several texts and exhibitions have brought the New World into the discourse of Renaissance art and greatly inspired this case study of the Medici: Age of the Marvelous; Circa 1492; Farago, Reframing the Renaissance; and particularly Russo, Untranslatable Image. 18. Mignolo, Darker Side of the Renaissance. Chapter One 1. This is true for other regions in Europe. For instance, in his examination of the Dutch response to the New World in the early modern period, Innocence Abroad, Benjamin Schmidt has shown that there was no single European response to the Americas and that each case must be examined separately. See also Johnson, Cultural Hierarchy. Benjamin Keen devotes several pages to the Italian response: Aztec Image in Western Thought, 139–44. Though Walter D. Mignolo does not discuss the Italian situation in particular, he does make clear that his study is focused on the Spanish and Portuguese and the very different “Renaissance” they endured through colonization: Darker Side of the Renaissance. See also Surdich, Verso il Nuovo Mondo. Sources that do not always account for regional differences in the response to the New World but remain critical for this text include Mason, Deconstructing America, and Rabasa, Inventing America. 2. See Romeo, Scoperte americane (reprint of Romeo’s 1954 text); M. Benzoni, Cultura italiana e il Messico; Donattini, Dal Nuovo Mondo all’America. Other relatively recent Italian publications include Vannini de Gerulewicz, America agli occhi dei primi scopritori; Americhe; Prosperi and Reinhard, Nuovo mondo nella coscienza italiana e tedesca; and Airaldi and Formisano, Scoperta nelle relazioni. For further historiography and bibliography on Italy and the New World, please see the introduction and an essay by Liz Horodowich in Horodowich and Markey, Discovery of the New World, forthcoming. 3. This translation is from Guicciardini, History of Italy, 179. “Degni, e i portogallesi e gli spagnuoli e precipuamente Colombo, inventore di questa più maravigliosa e più pericolosa navigazione, che con eterne laudi sia celebrata la perizia la industria l’ardire la vigilanza e le fatiche loro, per le quali è venuta al secolo nostro notizia di cose tanto grandi e tanto inopinate. Ma più degno di essere celebrato il proposito loro se a tenti pericoli e fatiche gli avesse indotti non la sete immoderate dell’oro e delle

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ricchezze ma la cupidità o di dare a se stessi e agli altri questa notizia o di propagare la fede cristiana.” Guicciardini, Storia d’Italia, 644. 4. On Bembo’s statement, see Perocco, “‘Un male non pensato,’” 287, and McCarthy-King, “Voyage of Columbus.” At the start of book 6 of his history, Bembo describes the discovery as “un male non pensato da lontane genti e regioni eziandio le venne.” Bembo, “Della istoria viniziana,” 347. 5. A survey of two compilation texts demonstrates that more works written about the New World in the sixteenth century were published in Italy: Alden and Landis, European Ameri­ cana, and G. Cole, Catalogue of Books. The notion that Italy was the center for the publication and dissemination of information about the New World was already put forward in 1892 by Berchet, Fonti italiane per la storia della scoperta, 1:xvii. 6. See Bellini, “Scoperta del Nuovo Mondo.” 7. Symcox, Letters, Dispatches, and Papal Bulls, 7. This text and Symcox’s Italian Reports on America, 1493–1522: Accounts by Contemporary Observers are edited and translated editions of Berchet, Fonti italiane per la storia della scoperta. 8. Maria Matilde Benzoni, in La cultura italiana e il Messico, 21, cites this phrase from Navagero: “Delle cose de las Indias qui non si truova niente di stampato.” See Navagero, Viaje por España, 108. 9. See Perocco, Viaggiare e raccontare, 19. 10. See, for instance, M. Davies, Scoperta del Nuovo Mondo, which includes Giuliano Dati’s La lettera delle isole (Florence, 1493) and Columbus’s Epistola de insulis (Rome, 1493). 11. The Florentine Galeotto Cei also recorded his experience in the Americas from 1539 to 1553, but it appears that his manuscript did not circulate widely and was not published until modern times. See Cei, Viaggio e relazione. 12. On Peter Martyr, see Eatough, Selections from Peter Mar­ tyr; Lunardi, Magioncalda, and Mazzacane, Scoperta del Nuovo Mondo; and Gerbi, Nature in the New World, 50–75. 13. Ramusio, Terzo volume delle Navigationi et viaggi. 14. Myers, “Representation of New World Phenomena.” Gerbi, Nature in the New World, 145–200, stresses the importance of Oviedo’s experience at the Italian courts. 15. Best on the documentation and history of the first objects is Russo, “Cortés’s Objects.” While these are the bestdocumented early objects from the Americas in Europe, there is evidence for the transport of slaves from the Americas to Europe as early as Columbus’s voyage. 16. Christian Feest lists these various responses to Charles V’s gifts, and Paul Vandenbroeck remarks upon them: Feest,

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“Vienna’s Mexican Treasures”; Vandenbroeck, “Amerindian Art and Ornamental Objects,” 99. 17. This translation and the original Italian are published in Symcox, Letters, Dispatches, and Papal Bulls, 78, 131: “molti vestimenti et ornamenti di testa, che usano in detti paesi, di tela, lana et pelle di uccelli. Item, molte teste di lupi, tigri et altri animali, lavorate et ornate d’oro, con molti pennacchi de pappagalli et altri uccelli a nui incogniti, et assai altre varie cose di pietre rimesse molto minute, che in vero dimostra in quelle parti esser persone d’ingegno.” 18. Vandenbroeck’s “Amerindian Art and Ornamental Objects,” 110–11, includes excerpts of this 1519 inventory. The inventory is located in the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna, Hs. Ser. Nova 1600 (his. prof. 1200, olim W5279), fols. 13r–21v. It is also published in Nowotny, Mexikanische Kost­ barkeiten aus Kunstkammern, 21–25. 19. Vandenbroeck, “Amerindian Art and Ornamental Objects,” 110. 20. In New Golden Land, 25, Hugh Honour dismisses any interest Charles V had in native art. William Eisler, in “The Impact of the Emperor Charles V,” 93–94, calls for a closer examination of Charles V’s interests and cites his itinerant court as a reason for the difficulty in tracking his collection and commissions. Edited volumes by Hugo Soly, Charles Quint 1500–1558 and Carolus, deal with Charles and the arts. Two articles with brief sections speculating about his New World objects are Parker, “Le monde politique de Charles Quint” (131–33), and Schmitt, “Découverte et partage du monde.” In “Charles Quint et la naissance de l’économie-monde capitaliste,” 389, Immanuel Wallerstein explains that Charles V financed wars using the precious metals that were looted from the Americas. See also Rudolf, “Exotica bei Karl V.” More recently, Fernando Checa Cremades, in “Emperor Charles V,” 57, has written of Charles V as “a figure who can hardly be described as a collector at any point.” For a more general study of collecting in Spain that deals with Charles, see Morán and Cremades, Coleccionismo en España. Best on Charles V’s collection of objects from the New World is Holohan, “Collecting the New World,” 62–125. 21. Vandenbroeck, “Amerindian Art and Ornamental Objects,” 111–15, has translated and published some of the inventories from 1520 to 1525, which are today located in the Archivo de Indias, Seville, Patronato, est. 1, caj. 1, and published in their original Spanish in Torres de Mendoza, Colección de documentos inéditos, 12:339–61. 22. Torres de Mendoza, Colección de documentos inéditos, 12:318–29: “Memoria de los plumajes é joyas que se envian á

España, para dar y repartir á las iglesias é monasterios é personas particulares siguientes.” 23. Vandenbroeck, “Amerindian Art and Ornamental Objects,” 116–17, includes excerpts of this 1536 inventory, which is published in its entirety in Michelant, “Inventaire des joyaux.” This 1536 inventory is the same as the one transcribed in Checa Cremades, Inventories of Charles V, 1:85–148, which is cited as Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris, Cinq Cents de Colbert, 129. Charles’s items from the Americas are discussed in Pérez de Tudela and Jordan Gschwend, “Luxury Goods for Royal Collectors,” 6, and Holohan, “Collecting the New World,” 62–125. Other 1545 inventories are published in Checa Cremades, Inven­ tories of Charles V, 1:163–228. 24. On Margaret of Austria as ruler and collector, see Eichberger, Leben mit Kunst; Women of Distinction; and Eichberger, “Margaret of Austria.” 25. Vandenbroeck, “Amerindian Art and Ornamental Objects,” 105. This 1516 inventory is also mentioned by Deanna MacDonald in “Collecting a New World,” 654. Both sources refer to Le Glay, Correspondance de l’empereur Maximilien Ier et de Marguerite d’Autriche, 2:479. The 1516 inventories have more recently been transcribed in Checa Cremades, Inventories of Charles V, 3:2389–99, and are cited as Archives Départementales du Nord, Lille, Chambre des Comptes de Lille, nos. 123900, 123904, 123909. See also Capenberghs, “Margaret of Austria.” 26. Margaret’s complete 1524 inventory is published in Michelant, “Inventaire des vaisselles.” Margaret’s inventories have more recently been published in Checa Cremades, Invento­ ries of Charles V, 3:2425–513: Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris, Cinq Cents de Colbert, 128, and Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, Vienna, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, HabsburgischLothringisches Familienarchiv, Famlienurkunde, Nr. 1176. The inventory in Vienna cites the largest number of Indian objects. 27. Margaret’s collection is described as an early Kunstkam­ mer in MacDonald, “Collecting a New World,” 663, and Capenberghs, “Margaret of Austria,” as well as Eichberger, “Margareta of Austria.” 28. Marginalia in Margaret’s 1523 inventory indicate which objects were given to whom. These are notated in Michelant’s footnotes and discussed in Vandenbroeck, “Amerindian Art and Ornamental Objects,” 106. 29. It should be noted in this context that feather objects have been found in the 1548 inventory of Mencia de Mendoza (1508– 1554). They were likely acquired by her uncle Antonio de Mendoza, the first viceroy of Mexico and owner of the Mendoza codex: Cummins, “Through the ‘Devil’s Looking-glass’ Darkly,” 16–17.

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30. The description is translated by Vandenbroeck, “Amerindian Art and Ornamental Objects,” 107, and discussed by MacDonald, “Collecting a New World,” 658. The full passage reads: “Plus, une chasuble de toille des Yndes, doublée de taffetaf blanc, croisée et garnye devant et derrière et à l’entour de brodure de fil d’or, ung estolle, ung manipule, le frontal servant de hamiet, quatre pieces pour garnir l’aube sure les poingnetz, fraingé de mesmes, le devant d’austel aussy de mesmes, à une croix de broderie de fil d’or, et tout à l’entour garny d’ouvraige large d’ung quartier de fil d’or et d’argent, soye verde et rouge, fait pour envoyer au Pape moderne.” Michelant, “Inventaire des vaisselles,” 97–98. 31. For differences in artistic tastes and interests of these two popes, see Reiss, “Adrian VI, Clement VII, and Art.” 32. MacDonald, “Collecting a New World,” 658; Vandenbroeck, “Amerindian Art and Ornamental Objects,” 107. See also Checa Cremades, Inventories of Charles V, 3:130. 33. In Mexico and the Medici, 9, Detlef Heikamp elaborates on the codex. Lauran Toorians’s two articles on the provenance of the codex provide further information regarding its history: “Some Light in the Dark Century of Codex Vindobonensis Mexicanus 1” and “Codex Vindobonensis Mexicanus 1: Its History Completed.” 34. Heikamp, Mexico and the Medici, 9. 35. See Laurencich-Minelli, “From the New World to Bologna, 1533,” and Domenici and Laurencich-Minelli, “Domingo de Betanzos’ Gifts.” 36. Domenici and Laurencich-Minelli, “Domingo de Betanzos’ Gifts,” 196–97. 37. Laurencich-Minelli, “From the New World to Bologna, 1533,” 145: “Poscia li diede alcune maschere molto grosse fornite di torchine, per le quali diceva parlavano li demoni a quei popoli.” 38. In a letter Peter Martyr himself boasts of Pope Leo’s appreciation of his work. This letter has been numbered 559 within Peter Martyr’s Opus Epistolarum and is published in Eatough, Selections from Peter Martyr, 21, 517. 39. The New World plants and animals in Raphael’s loggia were first brought to light in Dacos, “Présents Américains à la Renaissance.” 40. Lazzaro, “Animals as Cultural Signs,” 212. See also Ryan, “Assimilating New Worlds.” 41. Fassina, “Mais nel Veneto,” 88–89, figs. 1–3; Gentillini, I della Robbia, 332. 42. Gentillini, I della Robbia, 332. On Leo’s interest in the parrot, see Weddigen, Raffaels Papageienzimmer.

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Chapter Two 1. See the following sources for the most thorough reading and bibliography of the tapestry: Meoni, Arazzi nei musei fioren­ tini, 158–61; Medici, Michelangelo, and the Art of Late Renaissance Florence, 138; Adelson, “Cosimo I de’ Medici,” 905–24; Adelson, “Tapestry Patronage,” 88–111. 2. The 1553–54 inventory (ASF, GM 28, fol. 36v) states: “Portiere d’arazzo d’oro argento, et seta, co’ una dovitia à paesi.” See Adelson, “Tapestry Patronage,” 664, doc. 259. 3. On Eleonora’s Spanish background, see Gáldy, “Tuscan Concerns and Spanish Heritage.” On Eleonora in general, see Eisenbichler, Cultural World of Eleonora di Toledo, and Cox-Rearick, introduction to Bronzino’s Chapel of Eleonora. 4. The bibliography on Medici collecting under Cosimo I de’ Medici is vast. Some of the more recent important texts, in chronological order, are Allegri and Cecchi, Palazzo Vecchio e i Medici; Massinelli and Tuena, Treasures of the Medici; Magnifi­ cenza alla corte dei Medici; Acidini Luchinat, Treasures of Flor­ ence; Gáldy, “‘Che sopra queste ossa’”; Gáldy, Cosimo I de’ Medici as Collector; Cox-Rearick, “Art at the Court of Duke Cosimo”; Van Veen, Cosimo I de’ Medici and His Self-Representation. 5. On the wedding festivities and Giambullari’s text, see Minor and Mitchell, Renaissance Entertainment. 6. Giambullari, Apparato et feste nelle noze, 13: “con la destra posata in su’l capo, il nodo della accociatura, la quale dalle tepie rigirandosi, riduceva i capegli al sommo alla usanza a di quel paese, et haveva nella altra mano una Pigna.” 7. Giambullari, Apparato et feste nelle noze, 14: “Dopo lei pure in cerchio appariva il nuovo Perù figurato per una Donna involta come in un telo senza maniche . . . haveva costei se co legata per gli orecchi una pecora del collo lungo, che sopra gli altri animali, belli si producono in quella regione.” Translation adapted from Minor and Mitchell, Renaissance Entertainment, 120. 8. For instance, see chap. xxx in bk. xii of Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés’s Historia general y natural and chap. xli in bk. iv of de Acosta’s Historia natural y moral. 9. No visual evidence remains of this arch. The contemporary source on the wedding procession is Feste et archi triumphali. On Charles V’s wedding decoration, see Rodríguez Martín, “La arquitectura efímera y la música catedralicia,” and Morales, “Recibimiento y boda de Carlos V en Sevilla.” 10. Boorsch, “America in Festival Presentations,” 509. 11. Translated in ibid. from Albicante, Trattato del’intrar in Milano di Carlo V, Gr. 12. Minor and Mitchell, Renaissance Entertainment, 18.

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13. On the earliest cultivation and representation of corn in Italy, see Janick and Caneva, “First Images of Maize in Europe,” and Fassina, “Mais nel Veneto,” 88. In Il Mondo di Cerere nelle Loggia di Psiche Caneva has systematically identified all the plants in these frescoes. On corn in Chigi’s garden, see also Rowland, Roman Garden of Agostino Chigi, 29. 14. Edelstein, “Nobildonne napoletane e committenza.” 15. ASF, MP 1170a, insert 3, fol. 249: “La Sigra Duchessa mi ha comadato che io scriva alla SV che lei faccia seminare quell grano indiano, il quale ho dato al coneto che lo cosegni alla SV” (MAP DocID 6233). 16. ASF, MP 1170a, insert 4, 529: “Il Duca dice che VS faccia vedere, in cotesti giardini di Fiorenza et all’intorno dove sien de grani d’India della sorte che son qui, et procuri di haver le semenze, tutte o quante ne potra havere et ci conservi perche vuol veder di farne seminar un campo et crescer di mano in mano, se conserva. Il ser. Lorenzo Cibo ne haveva a Agnano et se lo lasso mangiare da topi” (MAP DocID 6364). See also Gentilcore, Pomodoro! 21. 17. ASF, MP 1174, insert 3, 10: “Il Duca mi ha commesso che serviva a VS che dia ordine di far, sementare il campo, che è sotto il vinaio a Castello di grani d’India et di quanta piu somma ne potrà havere, che mi ricordo altre volte seli scrisse ne dovessi cercar d havere.” ASF, MP 1174, insert 5, fol. 1, also cites a pomo­ doro. See also Gentilcore, Pomodoro! 19–20. 18. ASF, MP 269, fol. 18r: “Sono più anni, mentre che viveva il Gran Duca Cosimo mio signore et padre, che è fu portato uno di quei frutti del guanabano, et presi di quei semi ne feci pore in un vaso, et nacque la pianta, et crebbe con havere le foglie minori di quelle dell’arancio et maggiori di quelle dell’alloro, ma perché non fuseguitato di custodirla con la diligentia che bisognava, la pianta si perse.” Published in Tosi, Ulisse Aldrovandi e la Toscana, 295. 19. This was not the first source to document all plant life systematically, integrating New World plants; see L. Fuchs, De historia stirpium commentarii insignes. 20. For a concise history of the botanical garden, see Tongiorgi Tomasi, “Arte e natura.” Some controversy regarding the date of the first botanical garden remains, since the garden in Padua was formed in these same years. See Tchikine, “Gardens of Mistaken Identity.” 21. ASF, MP 225, fol. 1r: “Con la vostra de 7 habbiamo riceuto l’ampoletta del balsamo del quale faremo l’esperienza se sarà vero balsamo et se lo troverreno vero, ve ne dareno adviso, perchè procuriate di farci comperare quella libra che tiene quello indiano amico vostro. Et quanto a quelle semenze che ci scrivete havere portate, ci farete piacere mandarcele” (MAP DocID

7781). ASF, MP 225, fol. 1v: “Aviamo ricevuti e semi, la pignia et li noccioli che ci havete mandato et tutto ci è stato gratissimo. Manca che voj ci advisiate del modo del sementargli et di che mese. Et sapendolo ci farete piacere a darcene adviso” (MAP DocID 5691). 22. “Ma per camminare alla conclusione, voglio pur dire una cosa rara di questo principe, che di tutto s’intende e ne fa professione, e ciascheduna cosa pare che sia sua propria. E specialmente delle erbe e dei semplici n’ha egli una grandissima cognizione, e n’ha i giardini ripieni, e ne fa tenere una particolar cura, con grandissima sua dilettazione in farli piantare, governare e sperimentare, avendo appresso di sè uomini eccellentissimi in questa professione; e tra gli altri ha uno da Civitade suddito della serenità vostra, che in ragionare di queste cose me l’ha molto lodato, dicendo che per la gran scienza sua lo voleva mandare nell’Indie per riportare delli semplici di quelle parti.” Albèri, Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato, 356. This is also cited in Perifano, Alchimie à la cour de Côme Ier de Médicis, 80–81. 23. For Ghini’s conservation methods, see Garbari, “Prefetti of the Botanical Gardens.” 24. I have found no sources that point out the maize depicted in the design and finished tapestry by Salviati. For the tapestry, see Meoni, Arazzi nei musei fiorentini, 51–52, figs. 23 and 24. Two preparatory drawings at the Gabinetto disegni e stampe degli Uffizi (no. 613 and the less refined but better preserved no. 1131) clearly portray ears of corn in their margins. 25. David Gentilcore pointed this out in a lecture at the Villa I Tatti on May 16, 2006. 26. Edelstein, “Early Patronage of Eleonora di Toledo,” 197–204. 27. Weiditz, Authentic Everyday Dress, fig. xxii. 28. The same can be said for the drawings, tapestries, and wall paintings of Francesco Bachiacca. Throughout the 1550s and 1560s, Cosimo hired Bachiacca to document in drawings (now lost) the various plants and animals brought to the court. Bachiacca then used his drawings of rare plants and animals in designs for tapestries of the twelve months, where they adorn the outer borders of the scenes. In 1552, when Bachiacca was commissioned to decorate Cosimo’s scrittoio on the mezzanine of the Palazzo Vecchio with birds, animals, and vegetation, he reproduced this flora and fauna in frescoes. Plants are depicted alongside fish, birds, and animals in a simple, nearly abstract trompe l’œil style covering the small study. The fish hang from faux, painted threads, and the plants float in space, as if they were on display in a natural-history museum. The Bachiacca frescoes recall the display of plants in the botanical garden and again

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reveal an interest in systematically viewing and studying nature. Maria Adele Signorini, in “Sulle piante dipinte,” 401, claims that there are no examples of plants from the New World depicted in the scrittoio. However, the terrible condition of the frescoes precludes knowledge of which plants and animals were originally depicted in the room. A thorough investigation of the extant animals painted in the frescoes remains to be done. See Signorini, “Sulle piante dipinte dal Bachiacca,” and La France, Bachiacca, 220–23. 29. For more on early representations of the turkey, see Mason, “Of Turkeys and Men.” 30. Eiche, Presenting the Turkey, 22. 31. ASF, MM 713: “Ricordanze di Bastiano Campana di un viaggio in Spagna e Portogallo per Affari di schiavi e grani per Cosimo I, 1547.” See fols. 1v, 2r, 3v, 6r, 6v, 9r, 72v, 77v. 32. On the idea of dovizia within the Medici context, see Randolph, Engaging Symbols, 19–107, and Edelstein, “La fecundis­ sima Signora Duchessa.” 33. Randolph, Engaging Symbols, 75. 34. Bruce Edelstein has shown how dovizia is illustrated in many Medicean spaces, such as Salviati’s ceiling decoration in Eleonora’s scrittoio, Bandinelli’s Ceres in the Boboli Gardens, and Ammannati’s Ceres in the Bargello; he argues that the many representations of dovizia under Cosimo and Eleonora’s rule were designed to represent Eleonora as both a fertile mother figure and someone who brought wealth to Florence through her management of the Medici estates and gardens. See Edelstein, “La fecundissima Signora Duchessa.” 35. On the Pierino statue of Dovizia, see Rosi, Pierino da Vinci; Collareta, “Pierino da Vinci e Pisa”; and Utz, “Neue Dokumente und Anmerkungen.” 36. Vasari, Opere, 5:234: “Era il duca Cosimo allora intento a benificare et abbellire la città di Pisa, e già di nuovo aveva fatto fare la piazza del Mercato con gran numero di botteghe intorno, e nel mezzo messe una colonna alta dieci braccia, sopra la quale per disegno di Luca doveva stare una statua in persona della Dovizia. . . . Condusse il Vinci di trevertino la statua tre braccia e mezzo alta, la quale molto fu da ciascheduno lodata, perché avendole posto un fanciulletto a’ piedi che l’aiuta tenere il corno dell’abbondanza.” 37. Wilkins, “Donatello’s Lost Dovizia,” 415 n. 74. 38. Adelson, “Tapestry Patronage,” 106, suggests that it could be a plant from a Medici garden. It is difficult to identify this plant with certainty. Via personal correspondence Lucia Tongiorgi Tomasi has suggested that the plant is a Myrtus com­ munis (common myrtle, a small evergreen shrub) and hence

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another symbol of fertility, whereas Martin Kemp raises the possibility that it could be an Anemia mexicana (Mexican flowering fern). Close analysis of the detail on the pot reveals mask faces bordering the rim that recall Mixtec masks. 39. The English here is adapted from MacNutt’s translation in d’Anghiera, De Orbe Novo, 107–9. D’Anghiera, De Orbe Novo Decades, 2:594–96: “Provinciam appellari Messicam dicit, altis montibus circumseptam. In ea planicie lacunae sunt illae duae, dulcis una, salsa altera, uti iam dictum est. Planiciem illam leucarum esse aiunt ambitu septuaginta, quam lacunae maiori ex parte occupant. Cum sit Tenustitana civitas, magni Regis Muteczumae domicilium . . . die noctuque, fervet cymbis euntibus ac redeuntibus lacuna. . . . Inter altilia domestica, anseres, anates, pavonum autem, quos nostri ‘gallinas’ nuncupant, sicuti nostrates rurale foeminae pullos, alunt quique domi copiam.” 40. Conforti, “Isola nel giardino,” 501–2; Adelson, “Tapestry Patronage,” 125. Chapter Three 1. López de Gómara, Historia generale, n.p.: “La maggior cosa dopo la Creatione del Mondo, eccetto la Incarnatione & morte del figliuolo de Iddio, che lo creò, è il discoprimento delle Indie; & come cosa ammiranda, & maravigliosa, si chiama mondo nuovo, & non tanto dicono che è nuovo, per essere nuovamente trovato, quanto per essere grandissimo, & quasi di tal grandezza com’è il vecchio, il quale comprende in se la Europa, l’Africa, & l’Asia. Si può anchora chiamarlo nuovo, perche tutte le cose sue sono differenti da quelle del nostro vecchio; gli animali in generale, anchor che pochi in specie, sonno de un’altra maniera; gli acquatici, & gli aerie gli arbori, le frutte, l’herbe, & il grano prodotti dalla terra.” 2. Ibid.: “ho voluta indirizzarla a V. Eccellentia, non gia perche ella non sappi le cose delle Indie meglio di me, ma perche le vegga, & legga insieme con alcune particularità, tanto piacevoli, come nuove, & verissime, & anchora perche vadi piu sicura, & con maggior autorità sotto il nome di V. Eccellentia che la gratia, & perpetuità, la medesima Historia gliela darà overo gliela levarà.” 3. Daston and Park, Wonders and the Order of Nature; Bredekamp, Lure of Antiquity; Lugli, Naturalia et Mirabilia; Shelton, “Cabinets of Transgression”; Scheicher, Kunst- und Wunderkam­ mern der Habsburger. 4. See Clunas, Superfluous Things, and Hilsdale, “Gift.” Two seminal essays on the significance of exchange are Appadurai’s introduction and Kopytoff ’s “Cultural Biography of Things,” both in Social Life of Things.

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5. Kopytoff, “Cultural Biography of Things,” 90. 6. In 1559 some of the New World goods, specifically the animal heads made out of precious stones, were moved to Cosimo’s Scrittoio di Calliope, a small study designed by Vasari (1555–58) and primarily used to hold and display Cosimo’s Etruscan treasures. On the movement of these objects to the scrittoio, see Turpin, “New World Collections,” 73. On the history of the scrittoio and Cosimo’s collection of Etruscan objects, see Gáldy, “Scrittoio della Calliope.” Cosimo possessed other private studiolo spaces in the Palazzo Vecchio that might have housed various diplomatic gifts as well. These included a scrittoio built between 1558 and 1561 in the Quarters of Leo X on the second floor and a very personal space called the Tesoretto built between 1559 and 1561 in a small space hidden between two floors. Perhaps Cosimo also used the Bachiacca scrittoio as a collection space, though no evidence suggests this. For a study of the studioli spaces in the Palazzo Vecchio, see Liebenwein, Studiolo, 118–30. 7. See Heikamp, Mexico and the Medici, 10–11; Rosen, “Cosmos in the Palace”; Fiorani, Marvel of Maps; Turpin, “New World Collections”; and Rosen, Mapping of Power in Renaissance Italy. 8. See Pagden, “The Autoptic Imagination,” chap. 2 in Euro­ pean Encounters, 51–87. 9. Ibid., 54. 10. ASF, GM 7, fol. 26r. 11. Heikamp was the first to find and transcribe the Mexican feather capes listed on this page in the inventory (Mexico and the Medici, 34). See also Barocchi, Palazzo Vecchio, 172. 12. ASF, GM 7, fols. 26r–v. 13. I discuss the meaning of the term “India” in the following chapters as well, and Keating and Markey, “‘Indian’ Objects,” deals with the ambiguity of the term in depth. 14. Sara Ciruzzi has traced the provenance of these two feather capes through various Medici and museum inventories: Ciruzzi, “Antichi oggetti americani,” 155. On the reception of feather capes in European collections, see Buono, “‘Their Treasures.’ ” 15. See Torres de Mendoza, Colección de documentos inéditos, 8:318–29, 327–28. 16. The feathered items in the Medici inventory and the works in the anthropological museum recall many of the featherwork pieces listed in the inventories of Charles V and Margaret of Austria, but because the language of these inventories is so vague, it is impossible to make a direct correlation. Feest calls this interest in linking the objects in the Medici collection to Charles V’s gifts from Montezuma the “Medici theory.” He considers it but also concludes that there is no evidence to prove this hypothesis (“Vienna’s Mexican Treasures,” 36).

17. Domenici and Laurencich-Minelli, “Domingo de Betanzos’ Gifts,” 86–87. 18. ASF, Manoscritti 128, fol. 117v: “Furono fatte in questa notte cinque bellisime mascherare con mantelline di veletta d’oro ed argento, con richi di sopra d’argento che furono dodici Indiani, dodici fiorentini all’antica, dodici Greci, dodici Imperatori e dodici Peregrini.” 19. See Mathias Greuter’s print and my discussion of this event in chapter 9. 20. See C’est la deduction du sumptueux. Best on this event is Wintroub, Savage Mirror. 21. I return to this subject in chapter 9. 22. The majority of this inventory is transcribed and published in C. Conti, Prima reggia di Cosimo I; parts are also transcribed and published in Heikamp, Mexico and the Medici, 34–35. The inventory describes the location and arrangement of the objects in the Medici collection. Its page is dated November 8, 1553. ASF, GM 28, fol. 47r: “Teste di varii animali cioe 3 indiane u d’amatista et 2 d’agate, le 4 u di prasma d di corniuola, et dua d’agata.” Heikamp is the first to point out the connection of these animal heads in the Medici inventories to the works in the Museo di mineralogia of Florence (Mexico and the Medici, 13, 59). See also Barocchi, Palazzo Vecchio, 168; Domenici and Laurencich-Minelli, “Domingo de Betanzos’ Gifts,” 187. 23. ASF, GM 28, fol. 42r. Francesca Fiorani also cites the specific location of this mask (Marvel of Maps, 75). 24. This is an inventory a capi, meaning that it lists the objects by type and not by their location in the collection. The heading of this section of the inventory is “gioie di varie sorte” (ASF, GM 30, fols. 19r–v). It lists “una maschera venuta d’India composta di Turchine sopra il legno” and, “[d]al Illmo & Eccmo Signor Duca addi 9 di marzo 1555[,] [u]na maschera di legno venuta dindia composta di turchine e sua vesta di cuoio no recò Desiderio Scudier al gior[na]le” (fol. 19r). 25. On the literature written about the masks, see Keating and Markey, “‘Indian’ Objects,” 291; see also Laurencich-Minelli, “From the New World to Bologna, 1533”; Domenici and Laurencich-Minelli, “Domingo de Betanzos’ Gifts,” 181–83. 26. Heikamp, Mexico and the Medici, 13 (although he mistakes the date of the inventory); a page of Cosimo’s 1553 inventory dated November 8 includes a parenthesis in the margin that connects items that Cellini had borrowed: “2 figurette di bronzo antiche una d’un bra et senza braccia et la gabaritta e l’altra d 1/3 per andare à Cavallo / 7 teste di varii animali cioe 3 indiane una d’amatista et 2 d’agate, le 4 una di prasma una di Corniuola, et dua d’agata / 1 granchietto di corniuola di rilievo inscatoletta

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fonda le quali si sono richavute q°3 di soprasto da Benvenuto” (ASF, GM 28, fol. 47r). Soustelle, Arts of Ancient Mexico, 132, cites Cellini’s admiration of Mexican workmanship. 27. Turpin, “New World Collections,” 71; Heikamp, Mexico and the Medici, 13. 28. Turpin, “New World Collections,” 71 (though she mistakes the inventory page); ASF, GM 37, fol. 14r: “Otto teste di varii animali grandi come noccioule di varie pietre et goioe di mano di Benvenuto Cellini.” 29. The connection between the grotto faces and the Mixtec mask was first made by Claudia Conforti in “Grotta ‘degli animali’ o ‘del diluvio.’ ” Luciano Berti, in the caption to figure 146 of Il principe dello studiolo, then illustrated the connection. See also Lazzaro, Italian Renaissance Garden, 181. 30. ASF, GM 5037, fol. 59r: “Se sabuia por letras de Toledo de 14 como ha arribado a seviglia una Nave de las Indias la qual referre haver dexado larmada que vien de aquellas bandas de Peru en la Isla de cuba la qual trae muÿ gran quantita de oro y plata y algunas statuas doro que se han halliado en a quellias partes con otro mucho numero de joyas y sta esperando con grandissimo deseo l’Armada atras de dia en dia.” This document was found by the Medici Archive Project but has not yet been entered into the online database. 31. ASF, MP 3108, fol. 235: “Scrivano ch’erano arrivate otto navi dall’India con un milione e ottocento mille scudi de quali ve ne sono 180 mila di detta Sua Maestà [Felipe II] e altri de particolari et che al principio di settembre aspettavano la flotta dal Peru con gran richezza” (MAP DocID 16555). 32. See, for instance, ASF, MP 4901 and MP 4902. 33. ASF, MP 4902, fol. 251: “qui è stato x mesi sono un ingegnere stato nelle Indie che fece un modello di un instrumento capace per quattro persone da mettere in cento passi d’aqqua, et pescar perle et quanto si volea; suonava trombe, et camminava sott’aqqua molte braccia; e tanto che portando seco fuoco lavorato havea un ingegno, che mettendosi sotto a una nave o una galera gliene ficcava nel corpo a uso di succhiello, et dava al fuoco quel termine, che li tornava commodo per far balzar in aria, et abbruciar qualsivoglia vassello. Fece costui il disegno, qual’io non vidi; ma chi lo vide dicea esser bellissimo et riuscibile, et che nell’Indie ven’era assai per pescare a le perle ma qui come non son vaghi di novità, non li prestorno orecchi” (MAP DocID 16332). On the role of mechanical means of pearl fishing, see Donkin, Beyond Price, 323. 34. ASF, MP 529a, fol. 822: “Portata della nave san Piero padrone Andrea Beka raugeo caricho in carta genia [Cartagena] e alicante: 323 casse di zucchero a Paulo Guardi / [. . .] 739 pezzi

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di verzino a’ Capponi e Nerettj / [. . .] I casetta di robbe d’india a Mariotto Nerettj / 2 botte di più robbe d’india a’ Cavalcanti” (MAP DocID 17315). 35. ASF, MP 573, fols. 157r–159v. These Baroncelli reports continue into the 1570s. 36. Baroncelli’s entire text (BNCF, ms Magliabechiano, cl. xiii, 6) is published in Guarnieri, Principato mediceo, app. 2. Heikamp, Mexico and the Medici, 10, was the first to point out the significance of this text. “Origliana” likely refers to the Orinoco. 37. Guarnieri, Principato mediceo, 48. 38. For the most thorough studies of the guardaroba, see Rosen, “Cosmos in the Palace”; Fiorani, Marvel of Maps, pt. 1; Cecchi and Pacetti, Sala delle Carte Geografiche; Rosen, Mapping of Power in Renaissance Italy. 39. Although Giovio’s history is not listed in Cosimo’s 1553 inventory of books (ASF, GM 28, fols. 86–106), he must have owned a copy of it. An Italian edition came out in 1556: see Giovio, Seconda parte dell’istorie, 392–97. 40. Maria Mathilda Benzoni found this reference to Giovio’s Mexican codex (Cultura italiana e il Messico, 35). See Giovio, Seconda parte dell’istorie, 393–94: “Talche al Cortése non fu difficile affatto, havendo soggiogato con l’armi quella natione per se ingengnosa, & docile, & spaventata per lo miracolo dell’artiglierie, facendole lasciare le superstitione de gli Idoli haverle insegnato la fede Christiana; percioche eglino maravigliosamente, & già più che volentieri imparano le nostre lettere, havendo poste da parte le figure ieroglifice, con le quali solevano scrivere Istorie, & con diverse pitture far memoria de’ Re loro. Donomi un volume di queste istorie fatto di fogli tutti interi, ma piegati in detro, et coperto d’un cuoio indanaiato di tigre, il molto illustre fig. Francesco Covos, segretario dell’imperatore.” 41. Giovio, Lettere, 1:280: “e prometta la penna mia al clarissimo signor Hernando Cortése, se si degnarà farmi informazione de sue stupende vittore; né altro voglio se non una qualche cosa bizarre de idolo di Temistitan per ornarne il mio Museo, col suo ritratto.” Thanks to Linda S. Klinger Aleci for suggesting I examine Giovio’s letters and will. On Giovanni Poggio, see Carretero Zamora, “Colectoría de España en época de Carlos V.” See also Domenici and Laurencich-Minelli, “Domingo de Betanzos’ Gifts,” 186. 42. On the different conceptions of non-European idols in post-Tridentine Europe, see Johnson, “Stone Gods and CounterReformation Knowledges.” 43. I have found no evidence that indicates that Giovio ever actually acquired this “Mexican idol.” His 1552 last testament lists instead a heart-shaped piece of emerald given to him by Cortés.

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See Monti and Barbantani, Testamento di Paolo Giovio, 79: “Inoltre, per diritto testamentario, lasciò in eredità a Belisario soltano uno smeraldo a forma di cuore che fu mandato come dono al testatore da Ferdinando Cortés, conquistatore delle Indie.” 44. On Giovio’s portrait museum, see Klinger, “Portrait Collection of Paolo Giovio.” 45. The collection also included family portraits. See Eichberger and Beaven, “Family Members and Political Allies.” On Margaret’s collection of New World objects, discussed also in chapter 1, see Capenberghs, “Margaret of Austria,” and MacDonald, “Collecting a New World.” 46. In the following chapter Albrecht’s collection of New World goods is discussed in greater depth in relation to Prince Francesco. On Albrecht’s collection in general, see Seelig, “Munich Kunstkammer, 1565–1807.” 47. Thevet, following Giovio’s lead, later created a series of printed portraits of great men. The bibliography on Thevet is vast. See Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World. 48. Fiorani, Marvel of Maps, 27. 49. Ibid., 78. 50. Marcolin, “Cartigli delle tavole della Sala della Guardaroba,” 113. 51. The American maps are best documented in Rosen, “Cosmos in the Palace,” 410–25. 52. Also on the cartouches, see Danti and Buonsignori, Tavole geografiche della Guardaroba Medicea, and the final section of Cecchi and Pacetti, Sala delle Carte Geografiche. New Spain’s cartouche reads: “Li habitatori di detta città sono hogi tutti Christiani. Huomini di pocha inventione ma docili ap[p]rendon con gran facilità tutto quello che è loro insegnato. . . . Sonno in detta cità 100025 case come alcuni scrivano . . . il quale havendo visto Venetia diceva doiterzi minori del Mexico benchè il Cortése dichi esservi solo 70000 anime, se già la stampa non è scoretta et voglia dire 700000.” See also Rosen, Mapping of Power in Renaissance Italy, 8–9. 53. Marcolin, “Cartigli delle tavole della Sala della Guardaroba,” 113. 54. Ibid., 114. 55. This is Rosen’s translation, in “Cosmos in the Palace,” 417, of the Italian original: “Al Sereni: Cosmo Med. Gran Duca di Toscana. Qui si è continuato il resto del mare del Nort con l’isola di San Domenico detta Spagnola nella quale è la Città di San Domenico, primiera habitazione de Christiani in queste indie . . . un frate di San Domenico il primo Sacerdote che habbia celebrate la santa messa qu[e]st’isola e chiamatovi il Santo nome di Iesu Christo. La prima terra che fusse vista dal Colombo fu l’Isola Desiata.”

56. “Frate Alfonso frate di S. Domenico (nato in detta città di padre mexicano).” 57. This is Rosen’s translation, in “Cosmos in the Palace,” 410, of “si è lassato bianco non volendo porvi cosa gnuna a caso della qual non si habbi cognitione nota fino tanto che a Dio piaccia darcene notitia.” 58. See S. Davies, Renaissance Ethnography. 59. Translation by de Vere from Vasari, Lives, 10:29. Vasari, Opere, 7:635–36: “Questo capriccio ed invenzione è nata dal duca Cosimo, per mettere insieme una volta queste cose del cielo e della terra giustissime e senza errori, e da poterle misurare e vedere, ed a parte e tutte insieme, come piacerà a chi si diletta e studia questa bellissima professione.” Discussed in Rosen, Map­ ping of Power in Renaissance Italy, 94–97, 118–19. 60. Fiorani, Marvel of Maps, 92. 61. Rosen, Mapping of Power in Renaissance Italy, 96. 62. Rosen, “Cosmos in the Palace,” 286, app, 3; ASF, GM 87, fols. 48v–57v, 76v. 63. ASF, GM 75, fol. 11r. 64. ASF, GM 87, fol. 20v. 65. Rosen, Mapping of Power in Renaissance Italy, 114, points out that the guardaroba, had it been completed, would have been the first truly public display of the Medici collection. Chapter Four 1. ASF, MP 4901, unpaginated (dated August 14, 1570): “Et il Re. Chr.mo [Carlo IX di Valois] ha scritto pur hieri al Grand.a nostro S.re [Cosimo I de’ Medici] dandoli titolo di Granduca di Toscana, come ha fatto in molt’altre scritture publiche passate per il suo consiglio, et firmato di man sua, si che non può parerci se non strano, che chi meno ne ha causa habbia a essere de’primi a favorirci, et honorarci, et quelli a chi tocca il protegerci, come è S.M.tà Catt.ca [Filippo II di Spagna] per l’incomparabile devotione, et servitù nostra, faccia con la sua inresolutione credere al mondo di non haverci in quella buona gratia [. . .] Vedete se fusse possibile di provederci, o uccellini dell’Indie o sparvieri come potrete trovare, et inviateci subito.” 2. The history of this crucifix is told in great detail in Mulcahy, Philip II of Spain, 91–114. Mulcahy has argued that the timely gift was designed to help save the grand-ducal title and the Medici name following rumors regarding two dreadful murders within the Medici family (74). The rumors suggested that the Medici princesses Dianora de Toledo and Isabella de’ Medici were both murdered by their husbands in July of 1576 (94). Elisabetta Mori, in “La malattia e la morte di Isabella Medici Orsini,”

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has since demonstrated that Isabella Medici Orsini was not murdered but rather died of an illness. 3. ASF, MP, 693, fols. 101r–102v. This entire letter is cited in Mulcahy, Philip II of Spain, 114: “El Prior don Antono [de Toledo] se hallo con dos y entendido los desseava Vuesta Altexa los a dado a Lenzi, y a mi me queda el cuidado de solicitar algunos, si vinieren de Indias para embiarlos dindolo si vinieren al embaxador.” 4. Mauss, Gift. For an excellent historiography of the topic as well as more-recent essays engaging with gift giving, see Schrift, Logic of the Gift. 5. The bibliography on gift giving in the early modern period is vast, too extensive to cite fully here. Studies on gift giving and political relationships include Davis, Gift in SixteenthCentury France; Jardine and Brotton, Global Interests; Pérez de Tudela and Jordan Gschwend, “Luxury Goods for Royal Collectors”; Goldberg, “State Gifts from the Medici”; and Bernstorff and Kubersky-Piredda, L’arte del dono. On the role of gift giving for the study of nature, see Findlen, “Economy of Scientific Exchange,” and Findlen, Possessing Nature. On the role of gifts in the production of art, see Nagel, “Gifts for Michelangelo and Vittoria Colonna,” and Nagel, “Art as Gift.” 6. The best source on Francesco’s life remains Berti, Prin­ cipe dello studiolo. See also Schaefer, “Studiolo of Francesco I de’ Medici”; Galluzzi, Istoria del Granducato di Toscana; and Saltini, “Educazione del principe don Francesco de’ Medici.” 7. Berti, Principe dello studiolo, 261. 8. See Saltini, “Educazione del principe don Francesco de’ Medici,” and ASF, MP 218 (letters Francesco wrote from Spain to his family in Florence), for information about Francesco’s time in Spain. 9. On Francesco’s casino, see Covoni, Casino di San Marco. 10. ASF, MP 538a, fol. 926: “s’e inteso da quellj della nave di Siviglia e dj Calis [Cádiz] come portano per V.E.I. [Francesco de’ Medici] una cassa dj porcellane, una monna e un papagallo. Subito che la nave arà la praticha li manderò a V.E.I.” (MAP DocID 14767). ASF, MP 573, fol. 30r: “mandato perche molta a Al Serma un papagallo . . . la mandera auiso mando a donare a Al S. un bellmo gattino nero come un velluto et a duna raza che mai no sene ucciuti e piu li mando qualo nocie dindia fresce co aqua ce cucapitera altre galanterie ne mandero la gratia.” ASF, MP 573, fol. 155r: “la nave di marino peraltro che ando alla gran canaria e aspetta dora mora e pigliero per il sermo Principe e papagalli esse passere e li mandero subito.” 11. ASF, MP 573, comprises hundreds of records of ships entering the port of Livorno delivering goods from the New

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World to Florentines. For example, see ASF, MP 573, fol. 158r: “adi 24 daprile 1572. . . . Portata della nave . . . 7 casse di ciciniglia—a quaratesi . . . 4 casse di zucchero a capponi . . . 2 casse di zuchero a fillip ricasoli.” Cochineal was used as a pigment for painting and manuscript illumination, as a dye for textiles, and as a medicine. As an amateur chemist and patron of the arts, Francesco would have been well aware of the value of cochineal. 12. See, for instance, ASF, MP 695, fol. 94 (MAP DocID 12736), 199, and 320, which list an abundance of imports, including cochineal and sugar, from the New World at the port of Livorno from 1576 to 1577. ASF, MP 2079, lists imports into Livorno from 1549 to 1611, and MP 2080 records shipments from the 1570s. For a thorough analysis of the imports entering the port of Livorno, see Braudel and Romano, Navires et marchan­ dises; tables vii and xi display the increase of cochineal and sugar. Goldthwaite, Economy of Renaissance Florence, 160–61, notes that the Capponi family “held the contract for the cochineal imported at Seville from the Americas.” 13. Sassetti spent the majority of his travels in India (Cochin and Malabar), from which he wrote letters not only to Francesco de’ Medici but also to various Florentines who supported this mercantilist trip. On his way to India he stopped in Spain and Brazil, and it is thanks to his visits in these destinations that he recounted stories of the New World and acquired goods from the Americas. Most of his extant letters are published; see, for instance, Sassetti, Lettere dall’India. On Sassetti, see also Milanesi, Filippo Sassetti, and more recently Brege, “Empire That Wasn’t,” 89–168. 14. See ASF, MP 259, fol. 88 (copialettere): “qualche galanteria di cosse rare,” and ASF, MP 258, fol. 51: “voi intendiamo che voi ve ne passate all’Indie, donde aremmo care avere semi, piante, et laltre cose stravaganti e non ordinarie.” These letters are cited in Barocchi and Gaeta Bertelà, Collezionismo mediceo: Cosimo I, 235. See also Karl, “Galanterie di cose rare.” 15. Francesco wrote to Giraldi on December 26, 1586, ASF, MP 270, 6: “Sento molto piacere intendere dalla lettera del primo di novembre che ella se ne vada al Governo del Brasil [. . .] se ella harà comodità di scrivermi qualche volta non potrà farmi cosa più grata, et quando le venisse alle mani qualche curiosità o semi di cosa che non sien qua, harò caro che me ne mandi con qualche comodità di nave per compensare lei in quello che le piacesse valersi di me” (MAP DocID 19301). Two years later Francesco died, but Giraldi sent a gift box of treasures from Brazil to Ferdinando de’ Medici. See ASF, MP 4919, fol. 222 (MAP DocID 8238). 16. Giorgio Saleme writes to Francesco on March 29, 1569,

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ASF, MP 535, fol. 672: “Mando in una cassettina a V.E.I. il ritratto di Penne del Re Montesomma ch[e] era del Indie nella maniera che se armava quando andava in bat[t]aglia e per esser cosa del Indie gliene mando accio V.E. veda in che maniera andavano queste gente quando andavano a co[m]battere e per esser tutto lavorato di penne co[n] tutto che sia picciolo presente V.E.I. c[he] accettera co quell buo[n] c[u]or che gliene mando come humilissimo servitor che ci sono e no[n] essendo questa per altro faro fine pregando dio li dia quell co[n]tento che desidera di Livorno.” I thank Rafael Girón for bringing this document to my attention. The date, cut off on the document, reads “mdlxi,” but because of its inclusion among letters from 1568 to 1570, it must date from this period. 17. See ASF, MP 516a, fol. 87 (MAP DocID 20664), July 24, 1565; ASF, MP 223, fol. 19 (MAP DocID 5358), August 5, 1565; ASF, MP 522, fol. 836 (MAP 9703), September 24, 1566; ASF MP 225, fol. 57 (MAP DocID 6606), October 6, 1566; ASF, MP 232, fol. 52, March 19, 1568. 18. About the imprisonment, see ASF, MP 214, fol. 44, fol. 49. 19. Augusto Tizio, secretary to the cardinal, wrote to Francesco’s secretary, Antonio Serguidi, on April 17, 1584; ASF, MP 1212, insert 4, fol. 676: “Per la nave del Rodi inviai al gran Duca mio s.re [Francesco I] dua ucelli [uccelli] bizarrj, un porchetto salvatico del Perù, et un tescion [teschione] di quei paesi, incomendato tutto al Falconio. A quest’hora tutto doverà essere comparso. Sentirò piacere d’intendere che siano state cose di gusto di S. A. che con la flotta che verrà meglio si complirà, cose erano del Cardinale mio s.re [Rodrigo de Castro] si ben non volse venissono sotto nome suo, non gli parendo presente degnio di S. A. Receve alli giorni passatj le lettere di congratulatione del capello di l’una et l’altra alt” (MAP DocID 4269). 20. Other letters from Tizio tell of exchanges between Francesco and the cardinal. ASF, MP 1212, insert 4, fol. 712: “C’è di poi la flotta di Nuova Spagna, la quale ordinariamente porta poco argento et poco oro. Diego Flores, qual partì due annj sono per lo Stretto di Magaglianes, è ritornato sette giornj sono con sua armata et con tre nave franzese di più, se ben gl’huominj scapparano dentro a terra in Cile. Referiscono, secondo si dice, che il Stretto è così largo et con tante isole che è impossibile impedir il passo con fortezze et simil diligentie, et così sono ritornati senza farci altro [. . .] Inviai al gran Duca mio S.re [Francesco I] gl’ucelli [uccelli] et animali de l’indie quali, per avviso de mia casa, intendo che hano satisfatto, se ben mancò il porchetto che era il più bizzarro de tuttj. Vederò d’inviare altre curiosità per questa flotta, et il Cardinal mio s.re [Rodrigo de Castro] buscarà alettj [proposed reading: altrj]. Vorria bene [Castro] che di costà se gl’inviassi

qualche galanteria come di quelli vetri di cristallo et simil sorte di cose, che di più d’essere tanto amico et servitore di cotesti signori ritornerano in costà mille curiosità” (MAP DocID 4273). ASF, MP 1212, insert 4, fol. 745: “Ricevei la di V. S. da Livorno di xiii di dicembre et non possei ricevere la cassetta delli cristalli per ritrovarmj a Saragozza, però dal S.r Anibal del Caccia tengo avviso che sbarcò in Cartagena et che se gl’inviariò a Siviglia, dove aspetterà il nostro ritorno. Ho comunicato tutto con S. S. I. [Rodrigo de Castro] et resta con molta obligatione di questo favore a S. A. [Francesco I] et se come ritorniamo a Siviglia, come spero, inviaremo noi ancora altre galanteri” (MAP DocID 4282). 21. ASF, MP 4901: the letters in this entire unpaginated filza, dating from 1565 to 1571, are to and from Leonardo de’ Nobili and various members of the Medici court, including Cosimo, Francesco, Giovanna d’Austria, and Antonio Serguidi. 22. Ibid.: “Le nuove che ci dati della Florida, e delle tre Navi venuti dall’Indie ci hanno dato gran piacere.” 23. Ibid., letter dated November 4, 1566: “Della salvezza della flotta dell’Indie habbiamo preso singularissimo piacere, poi che smta potra valersi di grossa soma d’oro.” 24. Scholars, including Detlef Heikamp and Hans Thoma, have mistakenly attributed this gift for Duke Albrecht V to Duke Cosimo: Heikamp, Mexico and the Medici, 11; Thoma, Schatz­ kammer der Residenz München, 371. Lauran Toorians’s “Earliest Inventory of Mexican Objects in Munich,” a study of the documents related to this transaction, clearly demonstrates that the gift came from Francesco. 25. Toorians has transcribed and translated both the Italian and German inventories and skillfully combined them in her discussion of the goods. 26. Toorians, “Earliest Inventory of Mexican Objects in Munich,” 64–65. 27. An early sixteenth-century Aztec feather fan made of quetzal feathers and gold is located at the Museum für Völkerkunde in Vienna. Estrada, “Juan Bautista and/or Juan Cuiris,” has attributed the feather painting of Mary at the Schatzkammer in Vienna to Juan Baptista Cuiris from Michoacán and dated it to 1590/1600. Though it likely dates from a later period than the feather painting in Francesco’s list, it demonstrates how such a feather painting might have looked. According to the Huejotzingo Codex, from 1531, feather paintings of the Virgin were requested already at this time. See Cummins, “Madonna and the Horse,” 65. 28. Toorians, “Earliest Inventory of Mexican Objects in Munich,” 66. The idol described was likely a tepictoton, an Aztec mountain god made of clay, described in great detail by Ber-

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nardino de Sahagún in book i, chapter 21, of the Florentine Codex. In 1572 the codex was not yet in Medici hands, so it surely was not the source for the inventory’s description of the object. The idol made of seeds was likely made of amaranth seeds, which Mexicans today call alegría. 29. This is my translation of the letter transcribed by Toorians in “Earliest Inventory of Mexican Objects in Munich,” 61, from Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv: Kurbayern Äußeres Archiv, Nr. 4853, 260: “al mio porto di Livorno una nave che viene dell’Indie, su la quale havendo trovato alcune cosette, delle quali vien detto che l’Eccellentia Vostra si diletta.” The letter is duplicated in ASF, MP 239, fol. 92r. 30. ASF, GM 75, fol. 61r: “Uno quadretto di una vergine maria di penne.” 31. For instance, the description in the Italian inventory of goods for the duke reads: “Un quadretto asimilitudne di Pittura composta Tutto de penne / di uccelli oue è figurate una Madonna fatto al Mescico.” See Toorians, “Earliest Inventory of Mexican Objects in Munich,” 64. 32. ASF, GM 79. I discuss Cardinal Ferdinando’s collection, as well as this 1570 inventory, in greater depth in chapter 6. 33. Pérez de Tudela and Jordan Gschwend, “Luxury Goods for Royal Collectors,” 4–5, have shown how gift exchange affected family relations and diplomacy within the Habsburg family network. 34. Quiccheberg, Inscriptiones vel Tituli Theatri Amplissimi; Quiccheberg, First Treatise on Museums. 35. This codex is briefly discussed with regard to Clement VII’s collection in chapter 1. Widmanstetter probably acquired the codex when he was working as secretary to Pope Clement VII in 1533. Toorians’s two articles on the provenance of the codex deftly trace its movements through various collections in the sixteenth century. See, by Toorians, “Some Light in the Dark Century of Codex Vindobonensis Mexicanus 1” and “Codex Vindobonensis Mexicanus 1: Its History Completed.” 36. For the Fuggers’ trade with the New World and relation to Albrecht V, see Meadow, “Merchants and Marvels,” and Panhorst, Deutschland und Amerika, 92–94. 37. See Diemer, Johann Baptist Fickler. 38. Francesco wrote on September 9, 1581, that he was sending “un animaletto venutomi dell’Indie, che chiamano leper di quel paese, guidicando che forse per la sua novità e quasi stravaganzia non le abbia a essere discaro” (ASF, MP 257, fol. 30). This letter is transcribed in Barocchi, Collezionismo mediceo, 1:204, and the Medici Archive Project (DocID 13969). 39. Aldrovandi and Francesco met through the latter’s

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brother Ferdinando, who was introduced to the scientist in 1576 via a mutual friend. Aldrovandi continued to correspond with Duke Ferdinando until Aldrovandi’s own death in 1605. Their relationship is discussed in the final chapter. 40. The following represents a brief bibliography of the topic of Aldrovandi and the New World: Cermenati, Ulisse Aldrovandi e l’America; Laurencich-Minelli, “Bologna und Amerika vom 16. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert”; Laurencich-Minelli, “Oggetti americani studiati da Ulisse Aldrovandi”; Serra, “Ulisse Aldrovandi americanista e i suoi manoscritti”; Tugnoli Pattaro, “Filosofia naturale di Ulisse Aldrovandi: L’America”; Olmi, Inventario del mondo; Savoia, “Biodiversità americana nell’opera di Aldrovandi”; Laurencich-Minelli, “Culture del Nuovo Mondo”; Stasi, “Interesse di Ulisse Aldrovandi verso la Mesoamerica”; Asúa and French, New World of Animals, 197–203; Olmi and Trabucco, “Nuovi mondi da Aldrovandi ai Lincei”; and Olmi, “Things of Nature.” 41. “Un’altro moso, assai più facile et utile, per conseguire quanto si desidera per la posterità, saria di mandare nell’Indie del mondo novo a posta huomini eccellenti in queste cognitioni, versati in varie cose, che si conoscono in Europa, et così se potrebbono poi fare depingere, mandate che fussero da quell’Indie. Sono già da diece anni ch’io entrai in questa fantasia d’andare nell’Indie novamente scoperte, per utile universale, tant’era il desiderio di giovare altrui. Allhora vulentieri havrei pigliato questa impresa, quantunque laboriosa, et, disprezata ogni fatica, a guisa di Cristoforo Colombo, mi sarei posto a fare questo viaggio.” Discorso naturale, BUB, ms Aldrovandi 91, fol. 537v. Aldrovandi’s Discorso was not published until 1981, when it was transcribed by Sandra Tugnoli Pattaro in the appendix of Metodo e sistema delle scienze nel pensiero di Ulisse Aldrovandi, 173–232. It has been published online at http://www.filosofia. unibo.it/aldrovandi/pinakesweb/UlisseAldrovandi_discorsonaturale. asp. 42. De Toni, Cinque lettere di Luca Ghini ad Ulisse Aldrovandi. 43. See Stasi’s bibliografia in “Interesse di Ulisse Aldrovandi verso la Mesoamerica,” 250–64, for an inventory of the books about the New World in Aldrovandi’s collection. See also Bacchi, “Libri di viaggi nella biblioteca di Ulisse Aldrovandi,” and Duroselle-Melish and Lines, “Library of Ulisse Aldrovandi.” 44. The Biblioteca universitaria di Bologna houses the letters written to Aldrovandi as well as copies of Aldrovandi’s letters to the Medici. The Archivio di Stato di Firenze also possesses copies of Medici letters as well as many of the Aldrovandi letters. Of the eighty-eight extant letters to which I refer here,

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many have been transcribed in Tosi, Ulisse Aldrovandi e la Tos­ cana. Tosi’s text is the most complete source for the correspondence, and I use it for all of my citations here. This quotation from Aldrovandi, “non descritto dagli antichi,” derives from his last letter to Francesco, July 26, 1587. Ibid., 306; ASF, MP 788, fols. 273–74. 45. Tosi, Ulisse Aldrovandi e la Toscana, 224–25; BUB, ms 6, fol. 2: “le mando Quattro figure di quarto piante Indiane molto belle et rare quali sono da otto anni che hebbi di Portugalo.” 46. Tosi, Ulisse Aldrovandi e la Toscana, 225; BUB, ms 6, fol. 2: “le feci depingere nelle mie historie da questi originali; da’ quali Vostra Altezza potrà farne fare la pittura dal suo eccellente pittore, il qual per il suo disegno le potrà aiutare et farle più belle et più perfette.” 47. Tosi, Ulisse Aldrovandi e la Toscana, 230–31; BUB, ms 6, 14: “Cua muchil Colorado, et fructa. Questo arbore nasce parimente nell’America et fa le silique simile all’acacia seconda, et non è spinosa. . . . Qua huxilorl et fruta, come pepine y comese cozido o asado. Questa pianta al mio giuditio è una sotte di eucumar aboreo . . . et nell’America la magnano a lesso, et fritte, come noi mangiamo le zucche.” 48. Tosi, Ulisse Aldrovandi e la Toscana, 254–55; BUB, ms 6, i, fols. 55–70: “pesce indiano chiamato guaicano, et riverso dagl’Indiani.” Tosi, Ulisse Aldrovandi e la Toscana, 260–61; BUB, ms 6, i, fols. 55r–70r, 286: “pianta chiamata fior di Tigride.” ASF, MP 774, fol. 64: “un porco indiano, il quale ha sopra il dorso un forame con che urina.” 49. Tosi, Ulisse Aldrovandi e la Toscana, 294–95; ASF, MP 780, fol. 711: “un libro di varie piante, animali et altre cose indiane nove dipinto; cosa veramente regale.” This is also discussed in Olmi and Trabucco, “Nuovi mondi da Aldrovandi ai Lincei,” 158–59, and Freedberg, Eye of the Lynx, 248. 50. Tosi, Ulisse Aldrovandi e la Toscana, 295; ASF, MP 780, fol. 711: “perciò se piacesse a Vostra Altezza serenissima per il signor suo Ambasciatore di Spagna trarne ritratto di qualche figura degna, penso che non le potriano forsi esser discari.” 51. Tosi, Ulisse Aldrovandi e la Toscana, 295; ASF, MP 269, fol. 18: “In Spagna sarebbe difficilissimo il poter cavare ritratto di piante o animali di qual libbro del Re, et fra le altre difficoltà si stenta a trovarvi chi sappia di tale arte.” 52. This connection was first made by Cermenati, Ulisse Aldrovandi e l’America, 31–50. The scholarship on Hernández includes Varey, Chabrán, and Weiner, Searching for the Secrets of Nature, and Varey, Mexican Treasury. 53. See Benito-Vessels, “Hernández in Mexico.” 54. It is also likely that Francesco, when he was in Spain,

encountered a similar manuscript, an Aztec herbal today referred to as the De la Cruz-Badiano Codex. 55. Hernández’s book continued to be a topic of discourse among scientists for decades. In 1587 Leonardo Ricchi da Monte Corvino, a physician at the Spanish court, was given a copy of the manuscript, and this copy did eventually make its way to Italy, where it was published by the famous Accademia dei Lincei in the early seventeenth century as the Rerum Medicarum Novae Hispaniae Thesaurus and became known as the Tesoro messicano. A facsimile of the Tesoro messicano has been published with a guide to the text: Marini-Bettolò, Guida alla lettura del Tesoro messicano. See also Freedberg, Eye of the Lynx, 268–74. 56. This letter, today conserved in the Biblioteca universitaria di Bologna as ms Aldrovandi, 124, vol. 6, T3, is transcribed in Barocchi, Trattati d’arte del Cinquecento, 2:511–17: “alcune figure d’uccelli venuti dall’Indie, donatemi da S.A. Serenissima” (514). 57. Translation in Flowering of Florence, 39. For the original, see Aldrovandi’s autobiography in Frati, Vita di Ulisse Aldrovandi, 25–26. 58. Tosi, Ulisse Aldrovandi e la Toscana, 327–28. See also De Luca, “Jacopo Ligozzi,” 58–64. 59. It is unclear what animal is represented in the drawing of the lepro, an old Italian world for hare. It resembles a gerbil or jerboa, neither of which is indigenous to the New World. However, it is quite likely that Aldrovandi conceived of the animal as American, and for that reason it was labeled as dell’Indie. 60. Foucault, Order of Things, 39–41. 61. For excellent visual analysis of the drawings, see Kenseth, “Jacopo Ligozzi: Pittore-Miniatore,” 2:5–8. 62. Ligozzi’s drawings therefore demonstrate that objective representations of nature were produced in the sixteenth century. On this issue, see Lorraine Daston and Peter Galison’s argument in Objectivity. 63. Ogilvie, Science of Describing, 15–16; Swan, “Ad Vivum, Naer Het Leven,” 370–71. 64. “Figuras plantarum depictarum numero 40”: Tosi, Ulisse Aldrovandi e la Toscana, 216; Barocchi and Gaeta Bertelà, Collezionismo mediceo e storia artistica, 1:261; BUB, ms 136, fol. 88. 65. Laurencich-Minelli, “Culture del Nuovo Mondo,” 90. 66. The bibliography on the European study of nature in the late sixteenth century is too enormous to list here. Most important are Findlen, Possessing Nature; Olmi, Tongiorgi Tomasi, and Zanca, Natura-cultura; and Ogilvie, Science of Describing. On the role of art and nature, see Niekrasz and Swan, “Art.” More specifically on nature studies in Italy, see Findlen, “Formation of a Scientific Community.” Specifically on the way

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in which Europeans recorded the nature of the New World, see Gerbi, Nature in the New World. 67. On Aldrovandi’s exchange with Rudolf, see Conigliello, “Pesci, crostacei e un’iguana,” and Kaufmann, Arcimboldo, 122, 127, 152. 68. See Olmi, “Osservazione della natura,” 167; Staudinger, “Arcimboldo and Ulisse Aldrovandi”; and in particular Kaufmann, Arcimboldo, chaps. 5 and 6. 69. The 1588–89 casino inventory lists “uno cenacolo di penne dell’Indie, con lettere simile ornamento d’Ebano” (ASF, GM 136, fol. 136). Excerpts of this inventory are published in Barocchi and Gaeta Bertelà, Collezionismo mediceo e storia artistica, 1:326–47. See also Covoni, Casino di San Marco. Corinna Tania Gallori recognizes another feather item in this same inventory, described as “Uno Aouatino di penna di pagone piccolo entroui un Cristo con ornamento.” See her “Collecting Feathers,” 71. 70. See Fragnito, “Museo di Antonio Giganti da Fossombrone.” 71. In “Oggetti americani studiati da Ulisse Aldrovandi,” ­Laurencich-Minelli rightly refers to the connection between the inventory description and Aldrovandi’s depiction. Maria Christina Tagliaferri reiterates it in a brief entry on the drawing in Bologna e il Mondo Nuovo, 140. The inventory—transcribed from the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, ms S. 85, fols. 233–53, in Fragnito, “Museo di Antonio Giganti da Fossombrone,” 28–51—lists “un’acconciatura, che portano le donne in capo alla Florida, et le pende giu per la schiena, è di penne rosse di Pappagallo, ò altro uccello legate insieme, che di dentro par una rate, lunga, 2 piedi et mezzo” (fol. 246v). 72. Laurencich-Minelli, in “Oggetti americani studiati da Ulisse Aldrovandi,” 189, speculates that these objects did not enter Aldrovandi’s collection until after 1586. See Aldrovandi, Musaeum Metallicum, 550. After Aldrovandi’s death, the objects were given to Ferdinando Cospi, among whose possessions they were catalogued in Legati’s Museo Cospiano. Aldrovandi probably acquired the Medici mosaic mask, today in the Museo Pigorini, from Ferdinando. This possibility is discussed further in chapter 9. 73. Aldrovandi, Ornithologiae, 656. 74. Barocchi, Trattati d’arte del Cinquecento, 2:514: “Guaynacapa, re del Cusco fu di tanto grand’animo e tanto si dilettò delle cose di natura, che nella sua guardarobba, tra infinite statue grandissime d’oro, che parevano giganti, avea ancora le figure, fatte con la grandezza naturale, di tutti gli animali quadrupedi de’ quali avea notizia, e parimente di tutti gli uccelli, si come ancora degli arbori e piante che la terra produceva; similmente di quanti pesci erano nel mare, fiumi et altre acque de’suoi regni; e tutti

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queste cose erano fatte e formate d’oro e d’argento. Se un prencipe barbaro avea tanto grand’animo, che volse far formare tutte le cose naturali, dal grand’ Iddio a l’uso umano prodotte, d’oro e d’argento; quanto maggiormente i principi cristiani . . . doveriano far dipingere tutte le cose che ne’ suoi regni dalla natura continuamente sono prodotte!” Marzia Faietti, in “Dentro alle ‘cose di natura,’” 39, also engages with the text. 75. López de Gómara, Historia generale, 115: “nella sua guardarobba statue vuote de oro che parevano giganti, & le figure al proprio naturale & tanto grandi di quanti animali havessero noticia, uccelli, arbori, & herbe che produce la terra, & di quanti pesci crea il mare & acque delli suoi regni, haveva corde, & molte alter cose simili, & canestri de oro, & argento.” Chapter Five 1. The room was dismantled by Francesco in 1586 and only reassembled in 1908 by Giovanni Poggi after the discovery of Borghini’s letters. 2. The major sources on the studiolo include Berti, Principe dello studiolo; Schaefer, “Studiolo of Francesco I de’ Medici”; and Conticelli, “Guardaroba di cose rare et preziose.” See also Feinberg, “Studiolo of Francesco I Reconsidered”; Rinehart, “Document for the Studiolo of Francesco I”; Dezzi Bardeschi, Stanzino del principe in Palazzo Vecchio; Bolzoni, “‘Invenzione’ dello Stanzino di Francesco I”; and, most important for this study, Schaefer, “Europe and Beyond.” 3. Schaefer, “Studiolo of Francesco I de’ Medici,” 427–40. 4. Schaefer, “Europe and Beyond,” 938; Schaefer, “Studiolo of Francesco I de’ Medici,” 433. 5. Hamann, “Mirrors of Las Meninas.” 6. Braudel and Romano, Navires et marchandises; Guarnieri, Livorno medicea nel quadro delle sue attrezzature portuali. 7. These letters to Vasari are published in Frey, Der liter­ arische Nachlass, 2:522–23, 526–28, 530–35, 886–91. 8. See Conticelli, “Prometeo, Natura e il Genio sulla volta dello Stanzino di Francesco I.” 9. Feinberg, “Studiolo of Francesco I Reconsidered,” 49, translated from Frey, Der literarische Nachlass, 2:886–87: “L’inventione mi pare che si dimandi conforme alla materia et alla qualita delle cose, che vi si hanno a riporre, . . . anzi serva in parte come per un segno et quasi inventario da ritrovar le cose, accennado in un certo modo le figure et le pitture che saranno sopra et intorno et negl’armadii quel che e serbono dentro da loro.” 10. This is the thesis of Bolzoni’s “‘Invenzione’ dello Stanzino di Francesco I” and a point in her book Gallery of Memory, 246–49.

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11. A thorough analysis of what might have been housed in the cabinet doors is Conticelli, “Guardaroba di cose rare et prezi­ ose,” 59–65. 12. Borghini wrote: “tutta questa inventione fusse dedicate all natura et all’arte, mettendoci statue che rapresentino quelli che furno ò inventori o cagione ò (come credetto l’antica poesia) tutori et preposti à tesori della natura, et historie di pittura che mostrino anche loro la varieta et l’artificio di quelle.” Frey, Der literarische Nachlass, 2:887. 13. See Michael Cole’s discussion of this “sculpture as taxidermy” in Ambitious Form, 121–30. Schaefer, “Studiolo of Francesco I de’ Medici,” 355. 14. Francesco’s second wife, Bianca Cappello, had her own ways to access goods from the New World for her stanziolino. In 1582 she received a letter from an agent in Rome stating that he would send her information regarding navigations in the Indies and a few rare things from these lands. Heikamp references this letter in Mexico and the Medici, 30: ASF, MP 5930, fol. 447. It is dated June 12, 1582, but it is very difficult to discern the author of the letter: “Hora potra VA da lui sapere ciò che vorrà intendere dele navigatione dele indie et deli venti che arriveno in Roma piu felice non fu mai . . . et appresso confidar che se sua paternita li promettera portirli del’indie a suo diletto alcune cose rare di quei paesi.” Other letters within this filza of Cappello’s letters from friends in Rome make frequent mention of items being sent for her stanzio­ lino, indicating that she had her own studiolo, or collecting space. 15. Schaefer, “Europe and Beyond,” 936. 16. Ibid., 937. 17. Mangan, Trading Roles, 36. 18. See Bakewell, “Toledo,” chap. 3 in Miners of the Red Mountain. 19. ASF, MP 4902, fols. 48–49: “aspettasi la d’Agosto quella del Peru, che portera altretanto cosa certo miracolosa, che à pena si può credire: et di tutto questo’oro et argento in 3 mesi non rimarra in spagna centomila scudi.” 20. ASF, MP 5037, fol. 231: “E giunta la flotta dela nova spagna la condoto per conto di Sua Maestà m/650 et piu d’un millione de mercanti et particolari, et per ottobre s’aspetta anco dieci navi dal Perù che saranno piu riche.” 21. Ramusio, Navigazioni e viaggi, 5:44, 58, 60–61, 106, 112. 22. Ibid., 321–26. 23. Ibid., 6:663–855. 24. ASF, GM 235-Ter, unpaginated. 25. Schaefer, “Europe and Beyond,” 935. 26. See Kubler, “Medal by G. P. Poggini,” and Scher, Cur­ rency of Fame, 166–67. The inscription on the obverse reads:

“philippvs.ii.hispan.et.novi orbis occivirex” (Philip II, king of Spain and of the New World in the West); and the inscription on the reverse: “reliqvvm datvra india” (India will provide the rest). The medal is gilt bronze and measures 40.6 mm in diameter. 27. Kubler, “Medal by G. P. Poggini,” 149–50; ASF, MP 4894, 256: “ò vestito li ominii e le donne colli abiti che usono in el Peru, come quella vedrà, e quello animale che pare uno cammello et una pecora così fatta . . . e la fi[g]urata carica di fasci di argento. La donna che porta a offerire il mezo mondo è fi[g]urata per la India provincia, come piace al s[igno]re Gonzalo Peres. Ma io l’atribuisco alla fortuna o providenza, secondo il motto suo.” 28. See Scorza, “Vincenzo Borghini and Invenzione.” 29. Besides R. A. Scorza’s work on Borghini’s plans for the wedding, see Starn and Partridge, Arts of Power, 151–256. See also Ginori Conti, Apparato per le nozze. A contemporary source on the wedding is Mellini, Descrizione dell’entrata della sereniss. reina Giovanna d’Austria. 30. Scorza, “Vincenzo Borghini and Invenzione,” 58. 31. Mellini, Descrizione dell’entrata della sereniss. reina Giovanna d’Austria, 38–39: “Nella facciata poi degli Spini, cioè dalla destra mano, & appunto di rincotro al Portone de’ Ricasoli di verso Arno, era in un quadro alto undici bracc. & largo fette, dipinta la nuova Terra del Perù; per laquale, era figurata una Ninfa à sedere, quasi che ignuda; con certi putti intorno & di quelli animali, & uccelli, che quel nuovo paese produce, diversi da’ nostri: & mostrando nel sembiante gran de humiltà, & divozione, guardava il Cielo: dove dalla sua destra si scorgeva Cristo Signor, & salvator nostro in croce; & à rincontrogli il Sole, che tra certe nugole, trapassandole co’suoi splendidissimi, & vivificati raggi, quegli spandeva sopra una gran Città; per dimostrare, che la vera luce della cristiana fede, & della verità cattolica, se le è pienamente scoperta, & vi è stato introdotto il culto del vero Iddio; & seminato il seme della sua parola, con honore della divina Maestà sua, che gli effetti produce simili in tutto alla sua bontà; & con frutto mirabile, & salute di quei popoli. Dono veramete preziosissimo, & celeste.” 32. See Conticelli, “Guardaroba di cose rare et preziose,” 187–90. 33. Fabretti and Guidarelli, “Ricerche sulle iniziative dei Medici.” 34. See, for instance, ASF, MP 695, fol. 338, an inventory from September 9, 1576, to March 31, 1577, of silver extracted from the mines of Pietrasanta (MAP DocID 12609). 35. “Et quanto all’invention sotto la terra hanno à esser persone che cavino miniere, pietre, metallic et simil cose in diversi

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modi et con vari ingegni, come voi sapete ben fare.” Frey, Der literarische Nachlass, 2:891. 36. Biringuccio, De la pirotechnia, fols. 1v–2r: “Ma per che li monti che tal miniera doro contengano, ò li luochi dove la pratica di tal lavoro s’doperino posso dire haver cõ li ochi veduti, vi diro sol quello che accuratamente cercando dintenderne me stato da persone degne di fede narrato, overo quello che leggendo alcuni scrittori ho racolto, dali quali ho per verissimo inteso chel piu di questo metallo si trova in Scitia, & in quelle provintie ch’in fra di noi si chiamano orietali, forse per che in quei luochi par chel sole il suo maggiore vigore estenda. De quali oggi secondo la fama tiene lindia el primo luogo, & massime quelle Isole che larmate navale del sacro Re di Portogallo, & de la Maesta de Limperatore han di nuovo trovate, quali secodo che sintende son chiamate el Peru, & anchora altre.” 37. Donkin, Beyond Price, 318. See also Warsh, “Adorning Empire.” 38. Donkin, Beyond Price, 307–18. 39. Schaefer, in “Studiolo of Francesco I de’ Medici,” 277, has connected this scene to a description of the color of pearls beneath a particular sky in Pliny’s Natural History, bk. ix, 108. 40. Ramusio, Navigazioni e viaggi, 5:333: “In una canoa over barca se ne vanno la mattina, quattro o cinque o sei o piú, e dove gli pare o sanno che vi sia quantità di perle, e lì si fermano nell’acqua e si tuffono in aqua di sotto a nuoto, finché giungono in fondo; e resta uno nella barca, il qual la tiene ferma quanto può, aspettando che venghino di sopra quelli che sono entrati nell’acqua. E cosí, doppo che l’Indiano è stato un buon spazio di tempo in fondo, vien di sopra e notando viene alla sua barca, entrandovi dentro e ponendovi tutte l’ostreghe che ha prese e seco portate, perché nell’ostreghe si truovano le dette perle . . . e in ciascuna d’esse truovano le perle.” 41. On the drawings related to the hunt series, see Baroni Vannucci, Jan van der Straet detto Giovanni Stradano, 371, and Bok van Kammen, “Stradanus and the Hunt,” 247–57. 42. Stradano later designed a print representing pearl fishing. 43. See Heikamp, “Unbekannte Medici-Bildteppiche in Siena,” 378–79; Meoni, Arazzi nei musei fiorentini, 224–25; Ciatti and Avanzati, “Arazzi,” 279; and Ciatti and Bari, “Arazzi del palazzo,” 179. The restored tapestries, each composed of two pieces, are located in two different rooms of the palace. Because one is difficult to photograph in its current location, the detail of the figure underwater at the base of the tapestry (fig. 45) is here printed separately from the rest of the textile. 44. Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés, Natural History of the West Indies, 22–23.

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45. Domínguez-Torres, in “Pearl Fishing in the Caribbean,” 77, has shown that Girolamo Benzoni did write of the working conditions of pearl fishers in the Caribbean. Chapter Six 1. See Andres, “Villa Medici in Rome.” 2. Butters, “Ammannati et la villa Médicis”; Lolli Ghetti, “Architettura per il cardinale Ferdinando.” 3. Morel, Villa Médicis, vol. 3; Morel, “Jacopo Zucchi al servizio di Ferdinando de’ Medici.” 4. See Boyer, “Inventaire inédit des antiques”; Boyer, “Transfert des antiques”; Cagiano de Azevedo, Antichità di Villa Medici; and Gasparri, “Marmi antichi di Ferdinando.” 5. Cecchi, “Collezione di quadri di Villa Medici”; Barocchi and Gaeta Bertelà, Collezionismo mediceo e storia artistica, 1:78–87. 6. See Morena, Dalle Indie orientali, 33–35, and Spallanzani, “Porcellane cinesi nella guardaroba.” 7. On these Zucchi frescoes, see Morel, Villa Médicis, 3:45– 88. On this garden room as a casino, see Tice, “Recreation and Retreat,” 35–92. 8. For this hypothesis about the turkey, see Butters, “Ferdinand et le jardin du Pincio,” 352–53. On the garden in general, see Brunon, “Bell’ordine della natura.” 9. See Morel’s entry in Villa Medici: Il sogno di un cardinale, 298–99, and the entries in Medici, Michelangelo, and the Art of Late Renaissance Florence, 178–79, and Magnificenza alla Corte dei Medici, 201, cat no. 155. See also Pillsbury, “Cabinet Paintings of Jacopo Zucchi,” 215–16. 10. See Rubiés, “Travel Writing and Ethnography,” 242–43. 11. See in particular Leitch, Mapping Ethnography, 5–8. See also S. Davies, Renaissance Ethnography; Van Groesen, Represen­ tations of the Overseas World; and Gaudio, Engraving the Savage. Seminal sources on sixteenth-century ethnographic responses to the New World include Hodgen, Early Anthropology in the Six­ teenth and Seventeenth Centuries; Rowe, “Ethnography and Ethnology in the Sixteenth Century”; and Rubiés, “New Worlds and Renaissance Ethnology.” 12. For Ferdinando’s biography and artistic patronage and collecting, see Saltini, “Istoria del Gran Duca Ferdinando I”; Silli, Corte alla fine del 500; Butters, “Cardinal Ferdinand de Médicis”; Calonaci, “Ferdinando dei Medici”; Villa Medici: Il sogno di un cardinale; Butters, “Ferdinando de’ Medici and the Art of the Possible”; and Butters, “Uses and Abuses of Gifts.” 13. For a recent analysis of the Stamperia orientale, see Mario Casari, “Eleven Good Reasons for Learning Arabic in Late-Renaissance Italy.”

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14. Mulcahy, Philip II of Spain, 85. 15. ASF, MP 1234a, insert 5, unpaginated: “È venuta la confermatione per più vie della presa di tredici navi franzese per l’armata che andava al Stretto di Magagliano. A la costa del Brasil hano preso da 70 pezzi d’artiglieria et morti da circa mille franzesi. Una nave sola scappò con cent’huominj che ha dato conto di tutto. Aspettasi l’armata di Terra Ferma per tutto il mese di luglio ricchissima di oro et platta di otto milionj” (MAP DocID 15211). ASF, MP 5113, 339: “Darò avviso a Vostra Signoria un par di quanti di ambra, un poco di balsamo et di pietre bezaar, devono esser adesso per il mar. al Cardinale mio Signore [Ferdinando de’ Medici] inviai altri semj di l’India et un poco di contraierva di Nuova Spagna” (MAP DocID 15651). 16. Correspondence from Battaglini can be found in ASF, MP 5113 and MP 5103. 17. See in particular ASF, MP 5113, 142, fol. 161r, 651–52. 18. ASF, MP 5113, fol. 142: “Ha persuaso à consegnare al G. Luigi un regalo di diverse gallanterie dell’Indie che lo stimiamo più di due mila scudi perchè lo reparta fra S.A.V. Illma è il Sig. D. Pietro.” ASF, MP 5113, fol. 141: “Le richezze che mando queste Indie in fine non son favolose” (MAP documents, no DocID available). 19. ASF, MP 1234a, insert 5, unpaginated: “L’anno passato non gli posseti mandar’ perchè non venne cosa nissuna de’ curiosità nelle flotte” (MAP DocID 15220). 20. Maurizio Serra cites these personal notes in his essay in the appendix of his dissertation, “Ulisse Aldrovandi americanista e i suoi manoscritti,” 111, and Heikamp, in “American Objects in Italian Collections,” 461, refers to the collection without citing his sources. The text is part of Aldrovandi’s undated and unpublished travel journal: BUB, ms 143, Tomo iii, fols. 143v–146v. 21. Boissard, I. Pars Romanae Urbis Topographiae, 5: “Amplae & sumptuosae illae aedes quae superius videntur ad dextram, pertinebant ad Robertum Strozzam; in quibus praeter infinita ornamenta notatu digna, ostenditur armamentarium splendidissimum, omni genere armoru exornatum, tam nostratium (quibus hoc tempore Principes vtuntur, & in quibus singulare sculptorum & aurifabrorum ars & industria videtur) quam exterarum nationum; maxime Indorum & Americorum: vt sunt clauae & gladii lapidei & lignei, quibus etiam chalybs scinditur; diversa vestimenta, pilei, cassides, perizonia, periscelides, & balthei, clipeiq;, ex plumis artificiosissime composita omnia, tantaque industria elaborata, vt fine admiratione nemo ea satis contemplari potis sit.” 22. Russo, “Postface: Uncatchable Colors,” 404–6. 23. Butters, “Arte coloniale messicana”; ASF, MP 5121, vol. 1,

fols. 64v–66r: “copia di un memorandum che il cardinale Ferdinando inviò a Giovan Battista Uguccioni . . . un quadro di mezzo braccio di pittura di penne che vengono dal Perù.” 24. Butters, “Arte coloniale messicana,” 222. Butters also explains that a few years later, in 1573, Ferdinando received a fiori di penne (flower of feathers) from the Florentine bishop of SaintPapoul, France, Anton Maria Salviati: Butters, “Arte coloniale messicana,” 222; Butters, “Ferdinand et le jardin du Pincio,” 352– 53. See ASF, MP 5099, fol. 451r, a letter from Francesco Bellotto to Ferdinando dated the July 18, 1573: “El Vesc m’ha scritto piu volte haver’ mandato i fiori di penne ne mai mi so capitati alle mani, no so se gl’hara lei havuti.” 25. ASF, GM 79, fol. 49r: “Dua mitrie di penne dell’Indie dentrovi piu santi composte di dette penne.” 26. ASF, GM 132, fol. 271: “Dua mitrie di penne dellindie dentrovi piu santi composti di dette penne co trina doro venute come sopra.” 27. Butters, “Arte coloniale messicana,” 223; ASF, MP 5103, insert 9, fol. 70: “Mi ha consignato due barilotti di olii delle Indie con certi pezzi dell’albero saxifras et di più una mitra lavorata di piume di varii colori delicatissimi et è la più bella pezza ch’io ho visto in questo genere.” 28. ASF, MP 5103, insert 9, fol. 90: “Il collettore che torna di Portogallo consegnara a VS Illma quella mitra di piume data dal Dotto Milio se pure non harà naufragato con le altre sue robbe a passi di Saragozza perche non ha provato miglior sorte in terra di quelle c’habbia fatta in mare ove in sul partir di Lisbona ando sotto acqua la nave che portava sue robbe di prezzo. Due bariletti di olii non ha potuto venire che il caldo gli arrabbiava.” 29. ASF, GM 79, fols. 49r, 49v. 30. Russo, “Plumes of Sacrifice,” 236. 31. ASF, GM 79, fol. 212r: “Una rosta di sanderli dellaute del Indie dono SS. Dal ambasciatore Paulo Giordano . . . / Una rosta di sanderli delle Aute dell indie.” Barocchi and Gaeta Bertelà, in Collezionismo mediceo e storia artistica, 1:51, also cite a “Pietà di penne di pavone venuta dell’India” (ASF, GM 79, fol. 42) that was given to a certain Mandragona. 32. Sara Ciruzzi first discovered the hammocks listed in Ferdinando’s inventory (ASF, GM 132, 340) and has connected one of them to an extant hammock in the Museo di antropologia in Florence. Ciruzzi, “Antichi oggetti americani,” 159. 33. ASF, GM 132, fol. 340: “Un letti a vento con suo piano di tela havuto da Gio. Bat da Certo . . . / Un letto di corde d’erba dell’indie che fa piano a uso di rete-havuto di chamera . . . / Un letto di corde indiano.” 34. Barocchi and Gaeta Bertelà, in Collezionismo mediceo e

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storia artistica, 1:83, cite “sei tele dipinte dell’indie dipinte di figure e animali e fiori di quelli paesi,” from ASF, GM 79, fol. 404 (February 12, 1586). The related inventory lists “un quadro di pittura dellindie . . . [ellipses in text] il quale venuto di Rome come per la mandato delle robe” (ASF, GM 132, fol. 482). Francesco Morena, in Dalle Indie orientali, 38, considers the paintings to be Chinese; however, the term “dellindie” generally specifies the New World. 35. ASF, GM 132, fol. 128. The heading reads: “Quadri con figure di ricamo et di penne al’Indiana.” The item listed is “un quadretto di una vergine col figlio in collo di penne all’Indiana.” 36. Henry, “What Makes a Picture?” has examined the word quadro in sixteenth-century Venetian inventories. 37. I know of only one other extant sixteenth-century painted representation that could depict the New World: Jan Mostaert’s 1545 West Indies Landscape (Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam). 38. On the Borghese painting, see Medici, Michelangelo, and the Art of Late Renaissance Florence, 180–81; Oro y la plata de las Indias, 97, 674, cat. no. 53; Morel, Villa Médicis, 3:300–303; and Angelini, “Jacopo Zucchi: La pesca del corallo.” See also Pillsbury, “Jacopo Zucchi,” 1:86–89; Mason, Infelicities, 22–23; Vannugli, “Per Jacopo Zucchi”; Honour, “Wissenschaft und Exotismus,” 38–40; Pillsbury, “Cabinet Paintings of Jacopo Zucchi”; Honour, “Science and Exoticism,” 294; Lorenzetti, “Martino de Vos e Jacopo Zucchi in alcuni inediti,” 464–65; Voss, “Jacopo Zucchi: Ein vergessener Meister,” 154–56; and Domínguez-Torres, “Pearl Fishing in the Caribbean.” 39. A fuller exploration of the term “Indian” in Medici and Habsburg inventories can be found in Keating and Markey, “‘Indian’ Objects.” 40. The others are located in the National Art Gallery in Lviv, a private collection in Milan, and an unknown private collection (Sotheby’s Monaco sale, June 17, 1989). The paintings in the two private collections are illustrated in the fototeca at the Kunsthistorisches Institut, Florence, and in Pillsbury, “Cabinet Paintings of Jacopo Zucchi.” 41. Ibid., 209–14. Two Holy Family paintings by Zucchi are located at the Musée des Augustins in Toulouse and a private collection in Italy, and both are listed in Ferdinando’s 1571–88 inventory with the date 1584 (ASF, GM 79, fol. 399). 42. Ibid., 190, 210. Baglione, Vite, 45: “Venne egli a Roma giovane nel Pontificato di Gregorio xiii e n’hebbe protettione Ferdinando de’ Medici all’hora Cardinale; tennelo in casa, e molte cose li fece dipingere, e tra le altre uno studiolo che stà nel palagio del giardino de’ Medici, rappresentante una pesca di coralli con

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molte Donne ignude, ma piccole, tra le quali sono molti ritratti di varie Dame Romane di quei tempi assai belle, e degne come di vista, così di maraviglia.” Morel, in Villa Médicis, 3:300, named it the Realm of Amphitrite because of the variety of marvels of the sea depicted in the painting. The exhibition catalogue El oro y la plata, 97, 674, cat. no. 53, is the first to actually title the work Allegory of the Americas. Because of Baglione’s identification of the painting, the work had previously been entitled Fishing for Coral. On Ferdinando’s studiolo, see also Darragon, “Le studiolo du Cardinal Ferdinand.” 43. Hermann Voss, in “Jacopo Zucchi: Ein vergessener Meister,” 154, mentions the relation between Zucchi’s studiolo painting and the paintings in Francesco’s studiolo. 44. Edmund Pillsbury, in “Jacopo Zucchi,” 29, has associated the painting with Ferdinando’s interest in coral and shown the relation between it and Zucchi’s design for a fountain representing the birth of coral. 45. Domínguez-Torres, “Pearl Fishing in the Caribbean,” 75. 46. Mason, Infelicities, 22. 47. Honour, “Science and Exoticism,” 294. 48. On the representation of black Africans in Europe in the early modern period, see Earle and Lowe, Black Africans in Renaissance Europe; Bindman and Gates, Image of the Black in Western Art, vol. 3, pt. 1; and Revealing the African Presence in Renaissance Europe. 49. On black African pearl divers in the Caribbean, see Warsh, “Enslaved Pearl Divers in the Sixteenth-Century Caribbean,” and Domínguez-Torres, “Pearl Fishing in the Caribbean.” 50. The following texts share the idea that while race is anachronistic in the Renaissance, conceptions of diverse ethnicities prevailed: Smith, Race and Rhetoric in the Renaissance; Loomba and Burton, Race in Early Modern England; Iyengar, Shades of Difference; Hannaford, Race. 51. Leitch, Mapping Ethnography, 80. 52. Inspired by the work of Sujata Iyengar, one could push this reading further to speculate that the inclusion of mythological figures might have helped to make the painting a refuge from the anxiety that ethnic difference might have caused. See Iyengar, Shades of Difference, 13: “Reading prose romance alongside theories of color and light from the scientific revolution, I speculate that the world of romance offers a literary escape from the emerging cultural hierarchies of gender and pigmentation—the social fiction of race.” 53. Barocchi, Trattati d’arte del Cinquecento, 2:420: “Così chi figurasse le cose di Africa o de’ paesi nuovamente trovati, potria senza biasimo pingere varii mostri et umani e ferini, narrate dagli

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scritori autentici di quei luoghi.” This passage is in chapter xxxvi in book ii of Paleotti’s Discorso. 54. Baglione, Vite, 45: “con molte Donne ignude, ma piccole, tra le quali sono molti ritratti di varie Dame Romane di quei tempi assai belle.” 55. Ramusio, Terzo volume delle Navigationi et viaggi, fol. 68v. 56. For instance, a page dated 1563 from one of Ferdinando’s inventories in Rome lists some thirty-three rubies, two large pearls, three smaller pearls, 156 small diamonds, and even jeweled arms, perhaps like the bow the dark-skinned figure holds within the painting. ASF, GM 99, 162: “dua perle grosse . . . tre perle . . . cinque canne darchibuso . . . centocinquantasette diamantine.” A more extensive inventory of Ferdinando’s collection in Rome up to 1588 includes pages of precious jewels, including sapphires, emeralds, rubies, diamonds, lapis lazuli, pearls, and coral. See ASF, GM 79, fols. 23v–27r, 38v. 57. ASF, GM 99, fol. 183: “Adi detto tre perle delle venture . . . avev messe nel pennacchio della Sig Clelia.” 58. On the portrait connection to Clelia Farnese, see Pillsbury, “Cabinet Paintings of Jacopo Zucchi,” 214, and Morel, Villa Médicis, 3:300. 59. The other two versions of the painting are nearly identical to the Borghese painting and do not include the alterations seen in the Lviv work. 60. Pillsbury, in “Jacopo Zucchi,” 28, was the first to demonstrate the likeness between Pulzone’s portrait and that in the Lviv painting. 61. Butters, in “Cardinal Ferdinand de Médicis,” 170–71, was the first to point out the connections between these works. 62. According to Morel, Villa Médicis, 3:300, the inscribed date on the Lviv painting reads: “159[. . .].” Curator Svetlana Stets of the Lviv Art Gallery reads the date as 159[3] on the panel (e-mail correspondence in May 2007). Pillsbury, in “Jacopo Zucchi,” 87–88, had previously considered the Lviv painting to be an earlier and finer version of the painting. 63. “[S]meraldi del Perù”: Barocchi and Gaeta Bertelà, Collezionismo mediceo e storia artistica, 1:382; ASF, GM 152, fol. 39v. Emeralds are mined in Colombia, which was then under the Viceroyalty of Peru. Chapter Seven 1. On Ferdinando’s overall involvement in the Uffizi, see Barocchi and Gaeta Bertelà, Collezionismo mediceo e storia artis­ tica, 1:91–143. 2. For Francesco’s role in refurbishing the rooms of the Uffizi, see ibid., 61–75.

3. On the Tribuna, see Heikamp, “Zur Geschichte der Uffizien-Tribuna”; Heikamp, “Tribuna degli Uffizi come era nel Cinquecento”; Frulli, “Tradizione e sintesi nella Tribuna degli Uffizi”; and Turpin, “Display of Exotica in the Uffizi Tribuna.” Turpin identifies “una testa con busto d’uno idolo, di calcidonio, vestita con panno in capo, peduccio di simile, n. 1,” listed as being in the sixth arch in the 1589 Tribuna inventory, published in Gaeta Bertelà, Tribuna di Ferdinando I de’ Medici, 37. 4. “Quivi presso le stanze s’aprono, et le sale dell’armi, dove sono raccolte l’antiche da offensione, et difesa d’ogni natione, et le moderne più esquisite, fin anco del nuovo mondo, et dall’India.” Barocchi and Gaeta Bertelà, Collezionismo mediceo e storia artistica, 1:370. 5. Barocchi and Gaeta Bertelà, Collezionismo mediceo e sto­ ria artistica, 1:357–61. 6. The first commission for Buti’s fresco can be found in ASF, GM 124, fol. 14v. On the Uffizi ceilings, see C. Caneva, “Soffitti nei corridoi e nelle sale.” Ferdinando then paid Buti on June 9, 1588: ASF, GM 183, insert 3, fol. 29; see Barocchi and Gaeta Bertelà, Collezionismo mediceo e storia artistica, 1:355–56. The Armeria comprises rooms 19–23 in the Uffizi Gallery today. 7. On Philip’s II engagement with goods and objects from the New World, see Holohan, “Collecting the New World,” 126–99. 8. This argument was first put forth in Markey, “Istoria della terra chiamata la nuova spagna,” in which portions of this chapter were previously published. The provenance of the codex has been examined in the following texts: Anderson, “Variations on a Sahaguntine Theme”; Heikamp, Mexico and the Medici, 20; Marchetti, “Hacia la edición crítica de la Historia de Sahagún”; Bustamante García, Fray Bernardino de Sahagún, 342; Schwaller, “Tracking the Sahagún Legacy.” 9. On Sahagún as an anthropologist, see León-Portilla, Bernardino de Sahagún, and Klor de Alva, “Sahagún and the Birth of Modern Ethnography.” 10. On Ovando’s interest in Sahagún’s manuscript, see S. Poole, Juan de Ovando, 142–44. 11. Best on the history of the confiscation are Bustamante García, Fray Bernardino de Sahagún, 334–41; Baudot, Utopia and History in Mexico, 493–504; and Browne, Sahagún and the Transi­ tion to Modernity, 26–36. 12. This translation is published in Baudot, Utopia and His­ tory in Mexico, 500. The 1577 document regarding the confiscation, AGI, Patronato, 275, R. 79, is published in its entirety in Fernández del Castillo, Libros y libreros en el siglo xvi, 513: “y asì os mandamus que luego que recibáis esta nuestra Cédula, con

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mucho cuidado y diligencia procuréis haber estos libros, y sin que de ellos quede original ni traslado alguno.” 13. See Baudot, Utopia and History in Mexico, 493–504; AI, Patronato, 15, R. 5. 14. John Frederick Schwaller, in “Tracking the Sahagún Legacy,” also speculates that Ferdinando acquired the codex and that it would have interested him greatly because of his position as a cardinal in Rome. However, Schwaller argues that Ferdinando received the codex in 1589 as a wedding gift for his marriage to Christine of Lorraine. 15. A letter from Ferdinando to Giovanni Pietro Maffei dated January 27, 1588, confirms the publication plans for Maffei’s text (ASF, MP 272, fol. 41). Another letter from Vincenzo Alamanni written just a few weeks later praises Ferdinando for publishing Maffei’s text. ASF, MP 4919, fols. 504–7: “Il libro del Padri Maffeo non è poi comparso, et io intendo dal Battaglino, che VA ha poi fatto risolutioni di mandarlo per Don Luis di Velasco, ch’estata buona considerazione irspetto al porto” (MAP DocID 8424). A letter of December 29, 1588, to Ferdinando from Alamanni explains that Philip II received his copy of Maffei’s book and compliments the duke for publishing it. ASF, MP 4919, 631: “Feci presentari il libro del Pre Maffeo a Smta la quali risposi haverlo havuto carom et dar grazi a VA della cortesia in mandarglielo, et della buona opera in haverlo fatto stampare” (MAP DocID 8466). 16. Maffei’s text is discussed with regard to Stradano’s prints of the Americas in the next chapter. 17. A second edition was published in Venice in 1589. 18. On the provenance of the Codex Vindobonensis, see Toorians, “Some Light in the Dark Century of Codex Vindobonensis Mexicanus 1,” and Toorians, “Codex Vindobonensis Mexicanus 1: Its History Completed.” 19. Best on the history of the Vaticanus A, also known as the Codex Vaticanus 3738, is Keber, “Collecting Cultures.” 20. On the reception of the De la Cruz-Badiano Codex within the circle of the Accademia dei Lincei, see Freedberg, Eye of the Lynx, 263–64, and Zetina et al., “Encoded Language of Herbs.” 21. ASF, GM 132, fol. 484. The heading on the page reads: “Libri di piu sorte latini e volgari stampati e scritti in penna.” 22. ASF, GM 132, fol. 484: “Tre libri coperti di corame turchino dell’Indie di SAS equali vennero a firenze indiritti a m parugio choma al quanto. . . . Un libro di pitture dell’Indie.” This same “libro di pitture dell indie mandato a firenze a quella guardaroba a di 26 di novembre 1587” is also listed in the inventory of the transfer of Ferdinando’s goods to Florence (ASF, GM 79, 203). It is inventoried only with religious books such as missals, a

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text about the Order of the Knights of St. Stephen, and Pope Leo X’s ceremony book. Perhaps the book’s placement among these religious titles indicates that it is the Florentine Codex, whose Franciscan authorship may have qualified it for inclusion. 23. ASF, GM 132, fol. 484: “Tre libri . . . quali sia in consegnia la camera venuti co sopra ad q A p 399n.” 24. One copy or derivation of the Florentine Codex, without images and without the Nahuatl text, is now located in Madrid. Known as the Manuscrito de Tolosa, it is generally believed to be a copy of the Florentine Codex produced in Spain when Father Rodrigo de Sequera still had possession of it. Until the twentieth century this manuscript was housed in a Franciscan monastery in Tolosa. Biblioteca de la Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid, ms 9-4812, a-77. 25. Hispanic Society of America, New York, ms B1479. Before my discovery of the manuscript, it had only been published in Cline, Guide to Ethnohistorical Sources, 2:206, 4:453. 26. The watermark on the paper further validates the origin and date of the manuscript as Roman, written after 1580. The watermark of a bird within a circle matches Briquet no. 12209, which is described as having a similar variation produced in Rome in 1580; Briquet, Filigranes, 3:613. 27. The manuscript is listed in two different inventories in the same unpaginated archival record, ASF, GM 235 Ter: once as “Istoria della terra chiamata la nuova spagna fog pena no. 1138” and then as “De costumi de Mexicani lib. 5.” On the inventories, see Vaccari, Guardaroba medicea dell’Archivio di Stato di Firenze, and Perini, “Contributo alla ricostruzione della biblioteca privata.” 28. “De costumi de’ Mexicani libri 5, con una aggiunta”; “è traduzzione” in “Index eorum librorum qui privatim regalibus in aedibus Ferdinandi Medicaei S. R. E. Cardinalis et Magni Ducis Etruriae tertiiasservantur.” BNCF, ii. ii, 309. See Rao, “Mediceo Palatino 218–220,” 41. 29. In ms B1479: “dè costumi de Mexicani lib. 5—.” Finally, there is further evidence to indicate that the Hispanic Society manuscript is a copy after the Florentine Codex and not after the Tolosa Manuscript. Like the Florentine Codex, the Hispanic Society manuscript lacks the dedication to Father Sequera included in the Tolosa manuscript in Madrid. It is obvious that this dedication page has been cut from the first page of the Florentine manuscript. Perhaps this was done before it was given to Ferdinando, or perhaps Ferdinando got rid of the dedication page himself. In any case, this dedication was not copied into Ferdinando’s translated edition. From this manuscript at the Hispanic Society, along with its connection to these Medici

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book inventories and its relation to the Florentine Codex, it is reasonable to conclude that Ferdinando owned the Florentine Codex in Rome, had it copied, and moved it to Florence when he became grand duke. 30. Laurentian Library, Codice Mediceo Palatino 218, fols. 2v–3r: “Porque de lo que son, en las cosas de guerra, esperientia se tiene dellos: ansi en la conqujsta desta tierra, como en otras particulares conquistas, que despues aca se an hecho: quan fuertes son, en sufrir trabajos, de ambre, y sed, frio, y sueño: quan ligeros y dispuestos, para acometer, qualesqujera trances peligrosos.” Hispanic Society of America, ms B1479, fol. 4v: “Et se nelle cose di Guerra si è toccato con mano, quanto sono bellicose, così nell’acquisto, che si fece di questi paesi, come d’altri, che si son fatti doppo, et come’atti a sopportar travagli di fame, sete, freddo, e sonno e quanto destri in superar qualsi voglia pericolo.” 31. Heikamp, Mexico and the Medici, 20–21. 32. J. Brown, Sala de Batallas de el Escorial. 33. Very little has been written about the frescoes, and their iconography has never been the subject of close study. See Heikamp, Mexico and the Medici, 19–22; Honour, “Science and Exoticism,” 287; Honour, “Wissenschaft und Exotismus,” 36–38; Honour, New Golden Land, 30–32; and Zanieri, “Ludovico Buti,” 248. 34. Zanieri, “Ludovico Buti,” 247–48. 35. Paleotti’s comments on grotesques are published in Barocchi, Scritti d’arte del Cinquecento, 3:2639–65. 36. On the significance of grotesques in the late sixteenth century, and for contemporary writing about the artistic form, see Dacos, Découverte de la Domus Aurea; Barocchi, “Le Grottesche,” in Scritti d’arte del Cinquecento, 3:2617–701; Acidini Luchinat, “Grottesca”; and Morel, “Funzionamento simbolico e la critica delle grottesche.” Morel’s more recent book, Les gro­ tesques, situates the grotesque within Mannerist culture. 37. Gruzinski, Mestizo Mind, 127. 38. Strauss and Spike, Illustrated Bartsch, 70:27–32. The Sadeler prints had similarly been used as a source for two different representations of America by Brescian artists in the 1580s, one by Pietro Bagnatore at Castello di Velturno in Bressanone and another by Pietro Marone now in a private collection in Brescia. The obvious influence of Sadeler’s images indicates that the prints were accessible on the Italian peninsula by this time and that artists considered them a source for imagery of the four continents. See Anelli, “America ‘immaginata’ di due pittori bresciani.” The fact that Buti’s image is in reverse suggests that he might have seen the now-lost preparatory drawing for the print by Dirck Barendsz or perhaps some other print after it, which

would probably have shown the reverse of the Sadeler engraving. See Judson, Dirck Barendsz., 87–90. 39. The single-arch bridge Buti painted in the fresco produces a dramatic composition that closely resembles Titian’s Battle of Spoleto, indicating that Buti might have known Titian’s work through a copy today at the Uffizi or perhaps through a printed reproduction by Giovanni Battista Fontana. On the lost Titian painting and its relation to the Uffizi painting, the Fontana print, and various other works, see Tietze-Conrat, “Titian’s ‘Bat­ tle of Cadore,’” and Poeschel, “Rubens’ Battle of the Amazons as a War-Picture.” 40. See K. Poole, “Medici Grand Dukes and the Art of Conquest.” 41. The scene could reflect contemporary events taking place on Africa’s Swahili coast involving the Portuguese, Ottomans, and the Zimba cannibals. See Casale, “Global Politics in the 1580s.” 42. On early printed images of natives, see Sturtevant, “Sources for European Imagery of Native Americans”; Sturtevant, “First Visual Images of Native America”; Jantz, “Images of America in the German Renaissance”; Glaser, Engraved America; and Leitch, Mapping Ethnography. 43. The most thorough study of European costume books in Italy is Wilson, “Eye of Italy.” 44. For comparison I have chosen images from the codex different from those in Heikamp, Mexico and the Medici, 20–21, in order to better elucidate the point. 45. The cone hat is generally a symbol of barbarians and was commonly used to represent Greeks, Turks, Asians, and Jews in the Renaissance. See Lipton, Images of Intolerance, 15–19. 46. Thevet, Pourtraits et vies des hommes illustres. 47. Ibid., 656. 48. Ibid., 663. 49. The Indians of Calcutta in the prints Burgkmair made for the Triumph of Maximilian I from 1517 are similarly dressed. See Feest, “The People of Calicut.” 50. In “Indulgent Image,” 211, 216–20, Cummins explains that the 1534 print shows the Incan lord Antahualpa receiving a book from the Dominican friar Vicente de Valvedere and that the image derives from the Burgkmair print of the king of Cochin. 51. G. Benzoni, Historia del Mondo Nuovo, 54r: “Il Cacique andava . . . poi seguivano tutte l’altre genti; gli huomini inanzi dipinti di nero colore, rosso & giallo, con pennacchi di penne di papagalli, & altri uccelli salvatichi, con gussi di cappe marine al collo, alle gambe & alle braccia.”

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52. It was common for Renaissance ceiling decoration to be organized so that all the parts relate to one another spatially and iconographically in order to create a narrative or symbolic connection between the scenes. See Ernst Gombrich’s study of the Stanza della Segnatura in the Vatican: “Raphael’s Stanza della Segnatura and the Nature of Its Symbolism.” 53. Pia Cuneo, in “Images of Warfare as Political Legitimization,” similarly argues that Jörg Breu’s prints served to legitimate leadership. On the legitimization of the Medici rule through images of conquest, see K. Poole, “Medici Grand Dukes and the Art of Conquest.” Chapter Eight 1. On the general history of the Americae Retectio prints, see the following catalogue entries: Van der Sman, “Giovanni Stradano ( Jan van der Straet)”; Age of the Marvelous, 226–27. See also Leesberg and Leeflang, New Hollstein: Dutch and Flemish Etchings, vol. 20, Johannes Stradanus, 3:26–32, and Baroni Vannucci, Jan van der Straet detto Giovanni Stradano, 401. 2. The most thorough studies of the Nova Reperta prints are McGinty, “Stradanus ( Jan Van der Straet),” and Van der Sman, “Fertile Imagination.” On many of the preparatory drawings from this series, see Benisovich, “The Drawings of Stradanus.” On the prints, see Leesberg and Leeflang, New Hollstein: Dutch and Flemish Etchings, vol. 20, Johannes Stradanus, 1:xxxviii and 3:5–15; Baroni Vannucci, Jan van der Straet detto Giovanni Stradano, 397–400; Margócsy, “Stradanus ( Jan van der Straet) Netherlandish”; and K. Park, “Allegories of Knowledge,” 363–64. On the role of invention, see Gombrich, “Eastern Inventions and Western Response.” 3. The prints have commonly been used as illustrations or emblems of Renaissance “discovery” without discussion of their iconography or meaning in the context in which they were produced. See Certeau, Writing of History; Mason, Deconstructing America; Hulme, “Polytropic Man”; Hulme, Colonial Encounters; Grafton, New Worlds, Ancient Texts; and Cañizares-Esguerra, Nature, Empire, and Nation. 4. For a fuller exploration of Stradano’s American prints, see Markey, “Stradano’s Allegorical Invention of the Americas.” 5. Seznec, Survival of the Pagan Gods, 274. On allegory in the early modern period, see also Fletcher, Allegory; Allen, Mysteri­ ously Meant; Baskins and Rosenthal, Early Modern Visual Alle­ gory, 1–10; and K. Park, “Allegories of Knowledge.” 6. For monographic studies of Stradano, see Baroni Vannucci, Jan van der Straet detto Giovanni Stradano, and Sellink, Stradanus (1523–1605). For the biography of the artist, see Vasari,

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Opere, 7:99, 309, 584, 617; Borghini, Riposo, 3:151–57; Baldinucci, Notizie de’ professori, 2:591–96; and Van Mander, Lives of the Illus­ trious Netherlandish and German Painters, 5:65–73. 7. On Stradano’s festival designs, see Van Sasse van Ysselt, “Johannes Stradanus.” 8. See Sellink, New Hollstein: Dutch and Flemish Etchings, vol. 10, Philips Galle, pt. 1, xlviii; Leesberg and Balis, New Holl­ stein: Dutch and Flemish Etchings, vol. 15, Collaert Dynasty, pt. 1, lvii; and Sellink, Stradanus (1523–1605). Around 1580, after Adriaen Collaert married Philips Galle’s daughter, the Collaert engraving family, brothers Adriaen and Jan II in particular, began working exclusively with the Galle family as well. The family business was subsequently taken over by Philips Galle’s son Theodoor and then his grandson Johannes. Accordingly, the first two editions of the Americae Retectio prints cite Philips Galle as the printer and Philips’s son-in-law Adriaen Collaert as the engraver, whereas the second edition names Johannes Galle as the printer. Similarly, the first edition of the Nova Reperta series labels Philips Galle as the printer, and then Theodoor and Johannes Galle are credited with the two subsequent editions. See Leesberg and Balis, New Hollstein: Dutch and Flemish Etch­ ings, vol. 15, Collaert Dynasty, pt. 5, 182–83, 189–91. 9. Inscribed on the broken mast of the ship: joan/strad/ anus/inven/1589. 10. Leesberg and Balis, New Hollstein: Dutch and Flemish Etchings, vol. 15, Collaert Dynasty, pt. 5, 182, 189. McGinty, in “Stradanus ( Jan Van der Straet),” 21, is less certain about the exact dating of the prints and speculates that the earliest possible date for the Nova Reperta is 1588. 11. On the Alamanni, see Brunner, “Alcune note sulla commissione,” 123, and Baldini, Alamanni e il Castello di Sezzate, 66, 72–74. 12. Leesberg and Leeflang, New Hollstein: Dutch and Flem­ ish Etchings, vol. 20, Johannes Stradanus, 1:xxxviiii; Van der Sman, “Fertile Imagination,” 135–43. See also Brunner, Illustrierung von Dantes Divina Commedia; Baroni Vannucci, Jan van der Straet detto Giovanni Stradano, 57, 217, 233; and Leesberg and Leeflang, New Hollstein: Dutch and Flemish Etchings, vol. 20, Johannes Stradanus, 1:xxxvi, xxxviiii. 13. The album, or codex, has been dismantled, so Stradano’s drawings are now conserved in separate folders. The album and separate drawings share the same title: Laurentian Library, Mediceo Palatino 75; Brunner discusses this archival record and the possibility that the works were in Luigi Alamanni’s possession. See Brunner, “Alcune note sulla commissione,” 123–24, 131, and Brunner, Illustrierung von Dantes Divina Commedia, 94–95; a

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facsimile of the album was published in Biagi, Dante. Recent additions to the scholarship on the album following its restoration are Rao, “Restauro e sorpresa,” and Baroni Vannucci, “Ancora su Jan van der Straet.” 14. The dismantled album is composed of fifty-six drawings: fifty illustrate cantos from the Divine Comedy, four are preparatory drawings for the Americae Retectio series, one is a preparatory drawing for the print of Vespucci and the astrolabe from the Nova Reperta series, and one is a preparatory drawing for the frontispiece of Stradano’s Calcius series—an unfinished series presumably dedicated to football (calcio storico). A few unsigned drawings of paradise from Dante’s Inferno in the album have been attributed to Alessandro Allori. 15. Brunner, “Alcune note sulla commissione,” 126–28; Brunner, Illustrierung von Dantes Divina Commedia, 330–36. That the preparatory drawings for the Americae Retectio series and for the Vespucci Astrolabe print returned to Florence after they were engraved, and were placed together in the album with these important Dante drawings, demonstrates that they were considered important collectibles for the Alamanni. 16. On the Accademia degli Alterati, see Manni and del Rosso, Memorie della fiorentina famosa Accademia degli Alterati; Weinberg, “Accademia degli Alterati and Literary Taste”; Weinberg, “Argomenti di discussione letteraria nell’Accademia degli Alterati”; Plaisance, “Académie des Alterati au travail”; Van Veen, “Accademia degli Alterati and Civic Virtue”; and Blocker, “Lettré, ses pistole et l’académie.” Diaries of the academy and archival documents regarding its members are located in the Laurentian Library and the Biblioteca nazionale centrale di Firenze. 17. Soldani, “Orazione di Luigi Alamanni, accademico Alterato,” 56: “Quanto tale cognizione fusse perfetta nel nostro Alamanni ne può essere ora testimonio, chi per rendere più gloriosa questa Patria, si è proposto per soggetto di Poema degnissimo quell maraviglioso viaggio d’Amerigo Vespucci, pel quale quella sì vasta penisola della nuova Spagna, e del Perù ritrovando, e del suo nome illustrandola, e nuovo mondo al vecchio mondo aggiungendo, la informò de’ precetti della nostra Religione.” 18. The entry reads, “Che il ritrovamento dell’Indie nuove è stato piu di dano a nostri paesi che d’utile.” BNCF, ms Magliabechiano, cl. ix, 124, fol. 279v. 19. Barbi, Accademico mecenate e poeta, 55. On Stella’s Colombeidos, see Bradner, “Columbus in Sixteenth-Century Poetry”; Hofmann, “Scoperta del Nuovo Mondo nella poesia Latina”; Hofmann, “Seconda edizione della Columbeis di Giulio Cesare Stella”; Hofmann, “Adveniat tandem Typhis qui detegat orbes”; and Llewellyn, “Columbeis of Giulio Cesare Stella.”

20. Laurentian Library, Ashburnham 558, 1:87: “Giulio Cesare Stella donò all’Accademia due libri alla sua Colobeide i versi Latini per mano al Tenero.” 21. ASF, MP 4919, fol. 504 (MAP DocID 8424; Vincenzo di Andrea Alamanni in Madrid to Duke Ferdinando de’ Medici in Florence, October 15, 1588). This letter demonstrates that Alamanni was reporting on the shipment of goods from the New World and was working on acquiring Maffei’s History of the Indies for the duke. 22. Stradano inscribed: “Vides Petrus Mafforum . . . Historiarum Indicarum, Tome 2.” McGinty, “Stradanus ( Jan Van der Straet),” 21; Achilles, “Johannes Stradanus,” 162; Baroni Vannucci, Jan van der Straet detto Giovanni Stradano, 397; Van der Sman, “Fertile Imagination,” 142. 23. Many of Stradano’s drawings for the hunt series were based on his own tapestry designs produced in the preceding years for the Medici and ultimately derived from courtly hunting manuscripts. On the hunt series and their relation to literature about the Americas, see Leesberg and Balis, New Hollstein: Dutch and Flemish Etchings, vol. 15, Collaert Dynasty, pt. 6, 192; Baroni Vannucci, Jan van der Straet detto Giovanni Stradano, 373–74; Bok van Kammen, “Stradanus and the Hunt,” 525; and Achilles, “Johannes Stradanus,” 162. There is some uncertainty about the exact dating of the specific prints from this series. Stradano seems to have continued to produce drawings for it throughout the 1590s, and Luigi Alamanni has been named as the auctor intellectualis of some of these prints as well: Leesberg and Leeflang, New Hollstein: Dutch and Flemish Etchings, vol. 20, Johannes Stradanus, 1:xxxviii. 24. The preparatory drawing for this print is located in New York at the Cooper Hewitt National Design Museum, inv. 190139-131: Bok van Kammen, “Stradanus and the Hunt,” 525; Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés, Natural History of the West Indies, 22–23. 25. Bok van Kammen, “Stradanus and the Hunt,” 512–13; Baroni Vannucci, Jan van der Straet detto Giovann Stradano, 387. 26. Baroni Vannucci, Jan van der Straet detto Giovann Stradano, 316–17; Bok van Kammen, “Stradanus and the Hunt,” 372; Van Sasse van Ysselt, “Jacht van Johannes Stradanus thuisgebracht.” 27. De Acosta, Natural and Moral History of the Indies, 274. 28. The terms “emblem” and impresa are often used interchangeably in modern scholarship, and both generally include a symbolic image and a motto. However, an emblem usually provides an explanatory text and an image personifying a particular idea or allegory; an impresa is generally a particular visual device that stands for an individual. These definitions are based on

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Manning, Emblem; Caldwell, “Studies in Sixteenth-Century Italian Imprese”; and Caldwell, Sixteenth-Century Italian Impresa. It should be noted that by the late sixteenth century the study and use of emblems and particularly of imprese were especially popular at the Medici court and within the Florentine academies. One of the Accademia degli Alterati diaries from the 1570s and 1580s includes pages of analysis of imprese in various different hands, and in 1573 Filippo Sassetti presented a lecture on imprese to the Accademia Fiorentina: BNCF, ms Magliabechiano, cl. ix, 124. 29. See Baroni Vannucci, “Giovanni Stradano pittore e disegnatore,” 79, and Baroni Vannucci, “Per il percorso dello Stradano,” 6. 30. Philipp Fehl, in “Vasari e Stradano come panegiristi dei Medici,” 211, has shown how other prints by Stradano resemble Vasari’s work in the Palazzo Vecchio and has expanded on the relationship between the two artists. 31. Fiorani, Marvel of Maps, 33–35. 32. McGinty, “Stradanus ( Jan Van der Straet),” 55. 33. For other readings of the iconography of the frontispiece, see Bettini, “‘Americae Retectio,’” and Marrani, “Disegno preparatorio.” 34. Scholars have noted the similarity between the Ameri­ cae Retectio and art produced for public spectacles: McGinty, “Stradanus ( Jan Van der Straet)”; Bettini, “Antico e non antico,” 415. 35. Stradano reuses this same profile of Vespucci wearing a late fifteenth-century-style hat in his representations of the navigator in all of his other prints. This image of Vespucci, then, becomes the typical mode of representation for the navigator and is copied in other prints. The Medici portrait collection included a similar portrait of Vespucci by Cristofano dell’Altissimo (1525–1605), painted in the late sixteenth century. 36. On the Giovio portrait, see Klinger, “Portrait Collection of Paolo Giovio,” 2:57–58. It is not certain whether Giovio included a portrait of Vespucci in his collection. Vespucci was not included in his Elogia. On Columbian iconography in general, see Ferro, Faldini, and Milanesi, Columbian Iconography, and Ferro, “‘True’ Face of Columbus.” A similar likeness of Columbus, with a high forehead and with his head turned slightly to his right, was painted in the map room of the Villa Farnese at Caprarola in the years preceding Stradano’s print: Kish, “Caprarola Portrait of Columbus.” 37. Carrillo, Oviedo on Columbus, 44. 38. There are very few differences between the preparatory drawing and the print of the Americae Retectio frontispiece, indi-

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cating that the Galles closely reproduced Stradano’s design. In the drawing Stradano used more identifying labels on the globe. The shapes of the continents are slightly more accurate in the print than in the preparatory drawing, indicating that the printmakers may have corrected the map based on sources available to them in Antwerp. 39. On the general reception of Lucretius in the Renaissance, see Hadzsits, Lucretius and His Influence, 248–83; A. Brown, “Lucretius and the Epicureans”; A. Brown, Return of Lucretius to Renaissance Florence; Greenblatt, Swerve; and Palmer, Reading Lucretius in the Renaissance. 40. Déborah Blocker has found that another academy member, Lorenzo Giacomini, was an avid reader and follower of Lucretius (private correspondence). 41. On Vespucci’s letters and biography, see Formisano, Letters from a New World, and Caraci Luzzana, Per lasciare di me qualche fama. 42. See S. Davies, Renaissance Ethnography. 43. Alighieri, Divina commedia: Purgatorio, 5–7 (canto 1, lines 2–27). 44. “His verbis ab Americo Vespuccio in suis Epistolis adductis.” Indeed, in a famous and widely published letter of 1502 to Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco de’ Medici, Vespucci describes the use of his astrolabe and writes further: “And while pursuing this, I recalled a passage from our poet Dante from the first canto of Purgatorio, when he imagines he is leaving this hemisphere in journeying to the other. Wishing to describe the South Pole, he says: ‘Then I turned to the right, setting my mind upon the other pole, and saw four stars not seen before except by the first people.’ ” Formisano, Letters from a New World, 6. 45. Soldani, “Orazione di Luigi Alamanni, accademico Alterato,” 56–57: “Non lo distolse finalmente d’adoperarsi in altrui benefizio la Cosmografia, la quale misura i corpi, di cui fu intendissimo, come ne può essere indizio il dono, che fece all’Accademia nostra del proffilo dell’Inferno di Dante, dal cui sacro viaggio, come di quello del Vespucci, fu indicibilmente studioso, ammirando, che quell sovrano intelletto, non per l’acque dell’Indie, dell’Australe, del Magellanico, ovvero del Settentrionale oceano; ma per le viscere della terra, per le bolge dell’Inferno, tra fuoco, tra martiri, tra demoni, e dannati, camminando, arrivasse al centro: indi salito al monte del Purgatorio, dalla sommità di quello se ne volasse al Cielo, ove rimirando la gloria de’ Beati, s’affittasse nel Sole, che muove il Sole, e l’altre Stelle.” 46. Maike Christadler traces the vast historiography of the Vespucci America print in particular and explains how it has been commonly discussed as “an icon of postcolonialism”: Chris-

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tadler, “Giovanni Stradanos America-Allegorie.” Sources that expand on de Certeau’s use of the image and discuss it as an image representing colonialism include Montrose, “Work of Gender in the Discourse of Discovery”; M. Zamora, Reading Columbus, 152–55; McClintock, Imperial Leather, 25–27; Conley, Self-Made Map, 305–9; and Schmidt, Innocence Abroad, 129–31. Both José Rabasa and Michael Schreffler examine the image more closely with regard to the discourse of colonialism: Rabasa, Inventing America; Schreffler, “Vespucci Rediscovers America.” The most detailed and thorough studies of the image that are unmotivated by this general interest in using it as a symbol in a Pan-European context include Palm, “Amerika oder die eingeholte Zeit”; Bettini, “Antico e non antico”; Bettini, “‘Americae Retectio’”; Margolin, “À propos des Nova reperta de Stradan”; and Van der Sman, “Fertile Imagination.” 47. The hammocks are listed in Ferdinando’s inventory from the 1580s: ASF, GM 132, fol. 340. The club depicted by Stradano resembles one of the Tupinamba clubs thought to derive from the Medici collection and today located in the Museo nazionale di antropologia e etnologia in Florence. The 1631 inventory of the Armeria lists “quattro legni indiani di differente sorte” (ASF, GM 513, 19), so it is possible that Stradano saw both of these objects at the court. 48. For an illustration of this small detail, see Pacetti, Sala delle Carte Geografiche, 34. 49. Schreffler, “Vespucci Rediscovers America,” 301–2. Similarly, Michael Gaudio, in Engraving the Savage, xv, points out that the “image hardly serves as a white pebble promising access to untainted origins.” 50. “America. / Americen Americus retexit, semel vocavit inde semper excitam.” 51. Alamanni is slightly incorrect in that these lines come from Horace’s book 3, ode 27 (rather than 17), and the fifth book of Ovid’s Fasti, section 14. 52. Horace, Odes: With the Latin Text, 178. 53. Ovid, Fasti, 132. 54. Rabasa, in Inventing America, 26, mistakenly considers the captions to be a product of the Galle workshop but rightly points out that these words “transform the allegory into a repository of true statements about the discovery.” 55. Hulme, “Polytropic Man,” 17; Rabasa, Inventing America, 33. 56. Regarding the gender of the figure of America and her political and cultural connotations, see in particular McClintock, Imperial Leather; M. Zamora, Reading Columbus; and Montrose, “Work of Gender in the Discourse of Discovery”; and see also Timberlake, “Painted Colonial Image,” 589–90; Dean, “Savage

Breast / Salvaged Breast,” 267–68; Donattini, Dal Nuovo Mondo all’America, 9–10; and K. Park, “Allegories of Knowledge,” 363. 57. In “Shaping Civic Personification,” 96, Cristelle Baskins points out that Pisa was generally depicted as a female allegorical figure. 58. On the significance of unclothed New World natives and their relation to classicism and nature, see Zorach, Blood, Milk, Ink, Gold, 210–11. 59. G. Benzoni, Historia del Mondo Nuovo, fol. 3v. 60. On Anacaona in Stella, see Hofmann, “Adveniat tandem Typhis qui detegat orbes,” 466. Chapter Nine 1. On Ligozzi’s drawing and the significance of this flower, see Flowering of Florence, 39, and De Luca and Wolf, “Ligozzis Naturstudien zwischen Kunst und Wissenschaft,” 292–94. 2. Two important articles on the Medici and Brazil are forthcoming: Paoli, “Da Livorno a Nombre de Dios,” and an article by Brian Brege in Horodowich and Markey, Discovery of the New World. 3. On Aldrovandi’s financial situation, see Tavoni, “Stampa e fortuna delle opere di Ulisse Aldrovandi.” In a letter to one of Ferdinando’s secretaries, Belisario Vinta, from April 1599, Aldrovandi asks him about having parts of his book Ornitholo­ giae printed. Tosi, Ulisse Aldrovandi e la Toscana, 388–89; ASF, MP 890, fols. 451r–v. 4. Tosi, Ulisse Aldrovandi e la Toscana, 388; ASF, MP, 830, fol. 293: “Io ricorro a Sua Altezza serenissima sì come fece Aristotele ad Alessandro Magno quando compose l’historia d’animali, perché queste piante et animali peregrini non si possono conseguire se non per mezzo di grandissimi Principi, sì come è Sua Altezza serenissima, la quale si vede ch’imitando quei Re magnanimi manda con grandissime spese in lontanissimi paesi per arrichir et illustrare questa cognizione naturale, de che ne faranno perpetua memoria et renderanno eterno il suo excelso nome tutt’ i studiosi.” 5. ASF, GM 190, fol. 125v: “Mascheria di mosaico al’Indiana rotta.” 6. Aldrovandi, Musaeum Metallicum, 550. For further discussion of the place of the mask in Aldrovandi’s collection, see Keating and Markey, “‘Indian’ Objects,” 291; Laurencich-Minelli, “From the New World to Bologna, 1533,” 152–53; and Domenici and Laurencich-Minelli, “Domingo de Betanzos’ Gifts,” 183–84. 7. The receipt for payment to Francesco Ligozzi for these ten drawings of animals from the Indies is cited in Barocchi and Gaeta Bertelà, Collezionismo mediceo e storia artistica, 1:401; ASF,

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GM 184, 14. See also Cristina Casoli in Jacopo Ligozzi: “Pittore universalissimo,” 90–91. 8. For the history and documents related to these paintings, see Allegri and Cecchi, Palazzo Vecchio e I Medici, 372–74. The work is also briefly discussed in Conigliello, Vedute del sacro monte della Verna, 29 n. 20. See also Wolf, “Ligozzi, miniator.” 9. The large-scale signed preparatory drawing in pencil with wash must have functioned as a finished presentation drawing (GDSU, n. 1370s 826E). See De Luca, “Jacopo Ligozzi,” 62–63, and Jacopo Ligozzi: “Pittore universalissimo,” 120–21. 10. Today only thirteen of these paintings remain, though the subject matter of all twenty-four is ascertainable, thanks to documentation regarding the commission and Vincentio Pitti’s 1598 description of the event. For the art produced for this event, see Borsook, “Art and Politics at the Medici Court iii”; Gaeta Bertelà and Petrioli Tofani, Feste e apparati medicei, 86–95; and Goldenberg Stoppato, “Tele con le storie della vita di Filippo II.” 11. Best on the political context for the funeral is Borsook, “Art and Politics at the Medici Court iii,” and Menicucci, “‘Il sol di Spagna e le medicee stelle.’ ” 12. Borsook, “Art and Politics at the Medici Court iii,” 96; Goldenberg Stoppato, “Tele con le storie della vita di Filippo II.” 13. See Castelli, “Esequie di Filippo II,” 88–89. 14. Pitti, Essequie della sacra cattolica real maesta del re di Spagna, 12–13: “Ma ò Gloria, ò Splendor’ del l’ardir Fiorentino, che con altrettanta larghezza, sprezzando e superando l’orgoglio del mare la dilatasti? l’America era questa, che da Amerigo Vespucci Gentil’huomo Fiorentino fu in Occidente l’anno 1497 ritrovata, e dal nome di lui, America chiamata; e non è questa Isola deserta, o inabitabile scoglio, ma paese tanto spatioso, e cosi grande, e tanti Regni in se cotiene, che al nostro Mondo agguagliandosi nuovo Mondo si chiama. Glorinsi pure i più soprani, e più alti Imperatori del Mondo d’haver’ con fama immortale i termini al lor’ Imperio dilatati, preginsi d’haver’ al nome loro città e paesi consecrati, che d’allargare i termini della terra, e trovar’ nuovi mondi nell’ampio seno del mare, e al proprio nome dedicarli del valor’ Fiorentino solamento è pregio, e Gloria. Questa in figura di donna ignuda con cappelletto in testa intessuto di varie penne con sonagliere alle gambe, e dentro à una rete lunga involta in significanza de’ letti di quei paesi fu dipinta.” 15. This phrase derives from Pitti’s personal notes on the event: “del grand’Impero Mesicano, del Cuzelano, deli Regni del Mezioca e di tanti altri.” Goldenberg Stoppato, “Tele con le storie della vita di Filippo II,” 124; Vincenzo Pitti, “Censure fatte sopra l’Esseuie del Re Cattolico,” BNCF, ms Magliabechiano, cl. xxvii,

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105, fol. 63. Pitti’s publication about the funeral describes the painting with less geographical specificity: “Nella seguente pittura l’Imperio del Mondo nuovo si vedeva, il quale fù giudicato potersi senza pregiudicare alla verità delle cose, in questa maniera esprimere. Fingersi Imbasciadori che vestititi d’habiti stranieri e con diverse usanze davanti al Re.” Pitti, Essequie della sacra cattolica real maesta del re di Spagna, 50. On the painting, see Jacopo Ligozzi: “Pittore universalissimo,” 114–15. 16. This manuscript is today in the Glasgow University Library, Special Collection ms Hunter 242 (U.3.15). See Muñoz Camargo, Relaciones geográficas de Tlaxcala. 17. For this pietre dure piece, see Giusti, Pietre Dure, 59. On Ligozzi’s role in designing pietre dure, see del Riccio, Istoria delle pietre, 42. On Ligozzi’s pietre dure designs, see Jacopo Ligozzi: “Pittore universalissimo,” 144–53. 18. ASF, MP 282, fol. 107r, Ferdinando to Giulio Brunacci, January 12, 1592: “Delli girasoli con altra vi habbiamo risposto che procuriate di comprarne dua per mandarcele per mostra, acciò possiamo risolverci dalla compra di tutti o parte. Ci sarà di piacere di ricevere il granadiglio, legno rosso et il bianco che scrivete haverci provisto” (MAP DocID 16705). 19. ASF, MP 5154, fols. 173–74, Giovanni to Ferdinando, March 17, 1592: “Ci sono nelle nave alcune casse di robe dell’indie proprie, che con il primo buon tempo si caveranno conforme al comandamento di VA alla quale lo humilissima reverenza et prego felicità perpetua. . . . Nota delle robe in una cassetta a Svetonio Nunes in Roma. Trentaquattro pietre belzuar piccole, ma finissime et belle; tre sacchetti di perle piccole infilate; tre mostre di guarnitione di collari; . . . una scatola d’un par di guanti d’ambra et altre paste; una cassa di cuoi.” 20. ASF, MP 70, fol. 23r, Ferdinando to Rodrigo de Castro, May 23, 1597: “Facendo io fare una cappella in honor di Dio, et desiderando di ornarla di varie sorte di pietre delle più pretiose, et rare, che io possa havere prego VS Ill., a con quella confidenza che ho in lei, et che deve haver ella in me, et comandarmi sempre con ogni autorità, che venendone dell’Indie, ella mi favorisse di farmene haver in particolare alcuni pezzi, et più grandi che sia possibile.” This is quoted in Bassani, “Collezionismo esotico dei Medici,” 61. 21. On the symbolism of the stones in pietre dure inlay, see Butters, “‘Una pietra eppure non una pietra.’ ” 22. Buarque de Holanda, “Projetos de colonização e comércio toscanos no Brasil,” 109. 23. These letters are transcribed in ibid., 114–17, and are located in ASF, MP 4921, fol. 405, fols. 516–17, fols. 570–71. 24. Transcribed in Buarque de Holanda, “Projetos de colo-

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nização e comércio toscanos no Brasil,” 117; ASF, MP 4923, fol. 716. 25. Transcribed in Buarque de Holanda, “Projetos de colonização e comércio toscanos no Brasil,” 118; ASF, MP 4923, 791. 26. ASF, MP 5080, fol. 307r, 1599: “El Rey de España [Felipe III de Austria] acordará ala dichas Provinçias la libertad de la navegaçion a las Indias orientales y occidentales pagando sus derechos y tributo adonde estubieren sus oficiales, y no empedina el comercio con los Principio paganos en la dichas Indias” (MAP DocID 9943). 27. See Palesati and Lepri, Matteo da Leccia. 28. Ibid., 21–27. 29. See Brege’s chapter on Carletti in “Empire That Wasn’t,” 168–287, particularly 207–8. 30. A modern edition was published in 1958 as Ragiona­ menti del mio viaggio intorno al mondo (Turin: Einaudi). Though Carletti’s text was not published until 1701, it was dedicated to Ferdinando and was probably circulated at Ferdinando’s court and even read aloud by Carletti himself. See also ASF, MP 910, 327, Carletti to Ferdinando, July 20, 1602. This lengthy account is transcribed in Guarnieri, Principato mediceo, 347–49. 31. Mangiarotti, “Politica economica di Ferdinando I de’ Medici”; Buarque de Holanda, “Projetos de colonização e comércio toscanos no Brasil,” 110–12; Ciano, Primi Medici e il mare, 161–71; Heikamp, Mexico and the Medici, 18; Guarnieri, Principato mediceo, 62–120; Uzielli, Cenni storici sulle imprese scientifiche maritime e coloniali, 36–38. 32. ASF, MP 5080, fol. 315r, Francisco de Sosa to Ferdinando, August 20, 1601: “Della città di San Sebastiano Ryo de Jenero. . . . Havrà otto giorni che qui arrivai in compagnia del s.r governatore generale don Francesco de Sosa, che torniamo da discoprire mine d’oro et argento, della quale di oro particularmente si ha discoperto pure assai, et dell’argento alcune però non molto ricche” (MAP DocID 9952). 33. This letter is transcribed, unfortunately without mention of the whereabouts of the actual document in the archives, in Uzielli, Cenni storici sulle imprese scientifiche maritime e colo­ niali, 73: “E essendo Noi curiosissimi d’ogni cosa, ma particolarmente dell’Indie, essendo questo offizio proprio de’ Segretari, vogliamo che il Rena, mentre ve le fermerà, e voi continuamente cerchiate di sapere a minuto le cose della Nuova Spagna e del Perù, e gli avvisi che vengono di là, e le provisioni che si fanno per que’ luoghi, e le qualità de Vice Re, e i loro nomi e cognomi.” For more on Orazio della Rena, see Goldberg, “State Gifts from the Medici.” 34. “Descrizione della America o vero Indie Occidentali al

Ser.mo Gran Duca di Toscana.” BNCF, ms Magliabechiano, cl. xxiv, 53, fols. 433–45. This text is transcribed in its entirety in Guarnieri, Principato mediceo, 352–70, and in part in Ridolfi, “Pensieri medicei di colonizzazione nel Brasile,” 707. 35. ASF, MP 5080, 412: “Relatione della Portata della Flotta di nuova spagna di quest’anno 1607” (MAP DocID 10010). On Ferdinando’s request for avvisi, see ASF, MP 4936, fol. 317r, Curzio di Lorenzo da Picchena to Belisario Vinta, October 1, 1604: “Mentre si leggevano gl’Inserti de segretarij di Spagna, in un luogo dove si parla dell’Indie, il Gran Duca [Ferdinando I de’ Medici] disse, che si ricordasse all’Ambasciadore et a’ segretarij, che in queste cose facessero particolare studio, per poter sapere, e scriver qua, più minutamente che potranno. Et perché mostravano non haver l’avviso delle flotte arrivate, et S.A. disse esser qua venuto per altra strada, vuole che si scriva loro che ci stiamo più avvertiti. Ma a me non par maraviglia, et lo dissi, che tale avviso possa esser in Italia, nel medesimo tempo che alla Corte di Spagna, poiché da Siviglia a Genova può venir molto presto” (MAP DocID 17286). An avviso from Antwerp also informed the duke of other European commerce; ASF, MP 4256, 354: “Di Middelburgo l’arrivo in Olanda de 18 vasselli partiti da quell’isola per la Nova Spagna portando gran quantità di pepe, cuciniglia et altre riche merci” (MAP DocID 23066). 36. ASF, MP 5153, fol. 80v, Ferdinando to Giovanni, June 9, 1604: “perche, oltre che non è tempo hora da partire dalla Guerra, non è anche punto à proposito, ne per il servitio mio; ne per quell di V. Ecc.za che la vadia in Francia, ne per burla, per da vero.” 37. ASF, MP 1326, fols. 315r–316v, Curzio Picchena to Ferdinando, June 27, 1608: “La tra quel padre spagnuolo fu mandata costà da me tra le altre spedite. Questo frate è provinciale dell’Indie.” This document is cited in Palesati and Lepri, Matteo da Leccia, 34. 38. This letter from Baccio da Filicaia is transcribed in both Guarnieri, Principato mediceo, 407–9, and Uzielli, Cenni storici sulle imprese scientifiche maritime e coloniali, 76–77: ASF, MP 949, 1346–49, Baccio to Ferdinando, August 30, 1608. 39. ASF, MP 949, fol. 1348v, Baccio to Ferdinando, August 30, 1608: “Don Francesco de Sousa dal’altra parte nominato che fu governatore generale nello stato del Verzino [Brazil] come discoprissi molte mine di Oro nel tempo che lo accompagnai estato da S.M. de dispacciato per administrador generale di esse e che le fabrichi una nuova Città in quelle parte e si intituli marchese di essa, e infinite altre gratie et honorj.” Guarnieri, Princi­ pato mediceo, 409. 40. Ferdinando’s response, from November 14, 1608, is transcribed in Uzielli, Cenni storici sulle imprese scientifiche mari­

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time e coloniali, 79, without mention of the location of this letter: “mandato a scoprire e conquistare le Provincie de fiumi del Maragnone e Amazzone.” 41. ASF, MM 97, 89, fol. 3r (F. 126 già F. 124, 89), undated though referring to the year 1608: “Disegnando ancora S.A.S. sopra il susditto negotio di traficar In brasilia per introdur a Livorno la rafineria di Zucari, il che reuscirebbe di buonissimo guadagno et causserebbe crescemento di trafficquo nel ditto luogho, et tutto suo paese, et per farlo con buonissimo fondamento sarebbe necessario che S.A.S. ottenesse dal Re di Spagna de poter ogni anno mandar duo o tre in piu nave fiamenghe, o Finne, in brasil per carricar Zuceri et altro per livorno sansa esser obligato de andar in lisbona, ma solamente farle registrare in brasil con pagar iui il dritto.” Guarnieri, Principato mediceo, 412. 42. ASF, MP 4938, fol. 338r, Tarugi to Ferdinando, September 27, 1608: “Non lassando di dire che la facultà di mandar’ vasselli nell’Indie e material cosi tenera et gelosa, che non credo sia per conseguirsi in modo alcuno ma non per quanto lasserò di camminarsi sopra, confidando solamente nel Duca per esser’ certo.” 43. Ridolfi transcribes this correspondence in “Pensieri medicei di colonizzazione nel Brasile,” 709. ASF, MP, 4939, insert 2, fols. 638–39, October 9, 1608: “Ultimamente ci è venuto in considerazione di procurar qualche luogo alla nuova Spagna o alla Costa del Brasil. . . . Et hora, havendo noi avuto notizia d’un luogo nella detta Costa del Brasil sotto la corona di Portogallo che si chiama lo Spirito Santo et è in feudo perpetuo a certi Portughesi, noi contatteremmo volentieri con loro perché dicono che v’è gran paese da acquistare et in buona aria. . . . Basterebbe adunque have licenza di potervi mandar ogn’anno due vasselli per tanti anni.” 44. Ridolfi, “Pensieri medicei di colonizzazione nel Brasile,” 710; ASF, MP, 4939, ii, fol. 639r. 45. William Davies, a participant on Thornton’s voyage, describes his experience in A True Relation of the Travailes. For more on Davies, see Brege, “Empire That Wasn’t,” 351–56. 46. Excerpts of Dudley’s text are published in Guarnieri, Principato mediceo, 425–30; Guarnieri, Audace impresa marittima, 79–88; and Dudley, Arcano del mare, 33. This latter is a second edition of the text first published in 1646. 47. “[C]inque, ò sei Indiani per presentare alle loro Altezze in Firenze, si come fece, i quali erano di quei Carribi, che mangiano le carne humana.” Dudley, Arcano del mare, 33. 48. “Uno solo di quelli campo, il quale servì poi in Corte per alcuni anni il Serenissimo Principe Cardinale de’ Medici, et imparò à parlare comodamente la lingua italiana.” Ibid., 33. 49. See Ridolfi, “Pensieri medicei di colonizzazione nel

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Brasile,” 714–20; ASF, MP 4943, fols. 390–94. See also Brege, “Empire That Wasn’t,” 350. It seems that there was an effort to make connections in Sierra Leone after this failed attempt in Brazil. See Hair and Davies, “Sierra Leone and the Grand Duke of Tuscany.” 50. The political alliance is best described in Carter, “Florentine Wedding of 1608,” 90. 51. ASF, MP 5080, fol. 1018: “El embax del Gran Duque de Toscna di Le que Vostra Mag en execucion y cumplimento de las capitulaciones matrimoniales del Gran Duque con la Serenissima Archiduqsa Maria Madalena de Austria mando se la pagasin trezientos mil escudos en las flotas que vinieren de las yndias los anos de seyscientos y ocho, nuebe, y diez en cada ano cien mil escudos, y acudiendo al vio S. Pedro de Contreras por despacho necessario repara en que se le han de pagar tan solamente docientos y ochenta y dos mill escudo por tercias partes.” This unsigned document, dated July 17, 1609, was found and partially transcribed by the Medici Archive Project (DocID 16566). 52. Though this image is illustrated in many texts, it is actually discussed in few: Mullaney, “New World on Display,” 106–7; Gaeta Bertelà and Petrioli Tofani, Feste e apparati medicei, 105–6. 53. Rinuccini, Descrizione delle feste fatte, 92: “Una squadra fatta da’ Signor Gio Maria Rucellai, Fabio Orlandini, Jacopo Nerli e Cammillo Berzighelli: vestiti da Indiani, con penne, comandata da Orazio Moriani.” 54. On the Parigi, see Theater Art of the Medici, 101, and Medici, Michelangelo, and the Art of Late Renaissance Florence, 333–34. 55. An excellent survey of this topic can be found in Boorsch, “America in Festival Presentations.” 56. ASF, MP 5053, fol. 10: “Se hico una mascara de 60 que salieron en havito de indios vestidos de cabritillas moradas que pareçian desnudos como ellos andan con cavelleras negras muy cargados de joyas y en los cavallos sin sillas al vio de los Yndios que parecio muy buena la fiesta y sus Mad. des quisieran berla otra dia pero no fue posible por haverse buelto las joyas a sus dueños y no haver aparejo de haçerse tan en breve los vestidos. Despues se les hiço fiesta de toros y canas” (MAP DocID 14925). 57. This is an especially well-documented event thanks to primary sources such as C’est la deduction du sumptueux. See the fulllength study of the Rouen activities in Wintroub, Savage Mirror. 58. Mullaney, “Strange Things, Gross Terms, Curious Customs”; Mullaney, “New World on Display,” 106–7. 59. Johan Verberckmoes, in “Imaginative Recreation of Overseas Cultures,” points out that European festivals representing overseas cultures “strengthened the difference if they did not entirely create it.”

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60. See Castillo, “Performing the Noble Savage,” chap. 4 in Colonial Encounters in New World Writing. 61. Michael Wintroub, in Savage Mirror, chap. 8, makes this connection between the Rouen event and the wonder cabinets of the Renaissance. 62. On Il giudizio di Paride and its intermedi, see Nagler, Theatre Festivals of the Medici, 101–15, and J. Cole, Music, Spectacle, and Cultural Brokerage, 209–62. 63. Rinuccini, Descrizione delle feste fatte, 45–46: “cedendo il luogo all’intermedio, la Scena si fece mare placido, e quieto, e le suo’ rive apparuero vestite d’alberi incognito à noi, e fra essi vedevansi quà, e la sparse case fatte di palme, e di canne, alcune in terra, altre sù gli alberi; altrove ricinta d’incannucciate; e letti di rete legati a gli alberi; l’aria piena di Pappagalli, e simil varietà d’uccelli, e per terra uomini nudi, come costuman nell’Indie Occidentali. In questo mare comparve à vela una nave grande, con un Leon in prua, e gigli sopra gli alberi, e nelle vele, dà tali contrassegni, si riconobbe Amerigo Vespucci Fiorentino, che sedeva in poppa armato, con sopravesta all vso della patria, e l’Astrolabio in mano.” 64. Rinuccini, Descrizione delle feste fatte, 46. 65. Ibid., 47. 66. See Rossi, “Per l’unità delle arti,” and Palisca, “Prescriptions for Intermedi,” 216. A few stanze from Strozzi’s intermedio are located in Archivio Buonarroti 60, 201. 67. BNCF, Fondo Ginori Conti 27, unpaginated: “il Mondo aggiugnendo all’Europa, Affrica, et Asia, l’America, e la Magellanica, denomandosi l’una dal nostro Amerigo Vespucci, e l’altra dal Magaglianes che le ritrovarono.” 68. On the Cantagallina etching, see Theater Art of the Medici, 51–55; Gaeta Bertelà, and Petrioli Tofani, Feste e apparati medicei, 115–16; and J. Cole, Music, Spectacle, and Cultural Broker­ age, 236–38.

Conclusion 1. Pagden, European Encounters, 33. 2. Detlef Heikamp was the first to propose this theory. Heikamp, “Medicis et le Nouveau Monde,” 19. For a more thorough analysis of this complex and mysterious object, see du Crest, “Fluidity of Meaning.” 3. On Pliny, collecting, and conquest, see Carey, “Problem of Totality,” and Carey, Pliny’s Catalogue of Culture. 4. Said, Orientalism, 19. 5. See in particular Marchand, German Orientalism in the Age of Empire, xix, and Wokoeck, German Orientalism, 11. 6. On Genoa, see Bozzo, Merlano, and Rabino, Palazzo Nicolosio Lomellino di Strada Nuova a Genova; Cristoforo Colombo nella Genova del Seicento; Essig, “Bernardo Strozzi”; Banta, “Bernardo Strozzi,” 162–92; and Banta, “Commission Gone Awry.” 7. On Kircher and the New World, see Osorio Romero, La luz imaginaria; Kramer, “‘. . . ex ultimo angulo orbis’”; Bargellini, “Athanasius Kircher e la Nuova Spagna”; and Findlen, “Jesuit’s Books in the New World.” On the Accademia dei Lincei’s activities related to New Spain and the Tesoro messicano, see a forthcoming essay by Mackenzie Cooley in Horodowich and Markey, Discovery of the New World. On Cospi and the Americas, see Laurencich-Minelli, “Bologna e il Mondo Nuovo.” 8. On the Montezuma portrait, see Heikamp, Mexico and the Medici, 23–25; Cuadriello, “Origen del reino y la configuración de su empresa,” 60–62; Mosco, “Medici and the Allure of the Exotic,” 172–73; Escalante Gonzalba, “Portrait of Montezuma”; and Hajovsky, “Portrait of Moctezuma.” On the manuscript, see Nutall, Book of the Life of the Ancient Mexicans. 9. See Heikamp, Mexico and the Medici, 23; Nutall, Book of Life of the Ancient Mexicans, xiii–xiv; and especially Bargellini, “Historia franciscana.” 10. On the Medici import of American goods in the seventeenth century, see Zamora Rodríguez, “Interest and Curiosity.”

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John Weston Evans and Alexander Marr, 63–85. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006. Utz, Hildegard. “Neue Dokumente und Anmerkungen zu einigen Werken des Pierino da Vinci.” Storia dell’arte 14 (1972): 100–125. Uzielli, Gustavo. Cenni storici sulle imprese scientifiche marittime e coloniali di Ferdinando I, granduca di Toscana (1587–1609). Florence: Spinelli, 1901. Vaccari, Maria Grazia. La Guardaroba medicea dell’Archivio di Stato di Firenze. Florence: Giunta regionale, 1997. van den Boogaart, Ernst. “The Empress Europe and Her Three Sisters: The Symbolic Representation of Europe’s Superiority Claim in the Low Countries, 1570–1655.” In America: Bride of the Sun; 500 Years Latin America and the Low Coun­ tries, exhibition catalogue, 120–27. Ghent: Imschoot, 1992. Vandenbroeck, Paul. “Amerindian Art and Ornamental Objects in Royal Collections: Brussels, Mechelen, Duurstede, 1520–1530.” In America: Bride of the Sun; 500 Years Latin America and the Low Countries, exhibition catalogue, 99–119. Ghent: Imschoot, 1992. van der Sman, Gert Jan. “A Fertile Imagination: Stradanus as an Inventor of Prints.” In Stradanus (1523–1605): Court Artist of the Medici, edited by Manfred Sellink, 134–59. Turnhout: Brepols, 2011. ———. “Giovanni Stradano ( Jan van der Straet), Raccolta di disegni.” In Cristoforo Colombo e l’apertura degli spazi: Mostra storico-cartografica, edited by Gugliemo Cavallo, exhibition catalogue, 2:1001–2. Rome: Istituto poligrafico e zecca dello stato, Libreria dello stato, 1992. van Groesen, Michiel. The Representations of the Overseas World in the De Bry Collection of Voyages (1590–1634). Boston: Brill, 2008. van Mander, Karel. The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters. Vol. 5, Commentary on Lives: Fol. 262r01– 291r47. Edited by Hessel Miedema and translated by Derry Cook-Radmore. Doornspijk: Davaco, 1998. Vannini de Gerulewicz, Marisa. “L’America agli occhi dei primi scopritori.” In Atti del iii Convegno di studi colombiani, 405– 26. Genoa: Civico istituto colombiano, 1979. Vannugli, Antonio. “Per Jacopo Zucchi: Un’‘Annunciazione’ a Bagnoregio ed altre opere.” Prospettiva 75–76 (1994): 161–73. van Sasse van Ysselt, Dorine. “Il Calcio Fiorentino disegnato da Giovanni Stradano.” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Insti­ tutes in Florenz 37, nos. 2–3 (1993): 481–87. ———. “Una composizione di Giovanni Stradano identificata:

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Index

Page numbers in italics refer to illustrations. abundance fresco themes of, 22–23, 23, 24, 25, 76–77, 79 personifications of (see Dovizia) symbols of, 17, 24, 26, 27, 36, 79 tapestry themes of, 17, 18, 26–27 Abundance (Botticelli), 24, 24 Accademia degli Alterati, 126–27, 132, 154, 187–88n28, 188n40 Accademia dei Lincei, 98, 161, 163, 177n55 Accademia della Crusca, 126 Accademia Fiorentina, 126, 188n28 Acosta, José de, 30, 127, 129 Adam and Eve (Della Robbia and workshop), 14, 15, 75 Adrian VI, Pope, 13 Africa native imagery, 81, 87, 88, 104, 107–8, 109 personifications of, 142, 143, 144 Agave (Ligozzi, J.), 57, 58 agricultural cultivation, 21 Alamanni, Ludovico, 119, 126 Alamanni, Luigi New World publications as references of, 127 print series dedicated to, 119, 126 print series inscription designs by, 130, 132, 134 Strozzi’s Vespucci poem suggested by, 127 Vespucci letters citing Dante, interest in, 133 Alamanni, Vincenzo di Andrea, 127 Alberti, Leandro, 13 Albicante, Giovanni: Triumphal Arch from the 1541 Entry of Charles V into Milan, 20, 20 Albrecht V, Duke of Bavaria, 38, 47, 50–52, 59 Alchemical Lab (Stradano), 68, 68, 91 Aldrovandi, Ulisse associates, 47, 52–54, 59, 139, 141–42, 176n39 botanical gardens founded by, 53 botanical studies of, 22 career, 53 collection purpose, 57, 59, 61, 142

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expedition plans, 53 gift exchanges, 57, 142 libraries and references of, 53 museums/collections of, 13, 53, 57, 59, 178n72 naturalia illustrations for scientific study, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60 publications of, 53, 141, 189n3 turquoise mosaic masks of, 59, 142, 142 Allegory of Creation (Zucchi), 79 Allegory of the Americas (Borghese Gallery) (Zucchi), 79, 80, 81, 85–89, 155 Allegory of the Americas (Lviv National Art Gallery) (Zucchi), 85–89, 86, 91, 155 Allegory of the Earth (Vasari and workshop), 24, 25 (detail) Allegory of Water (Vasari and Gherardi), 72, 73 Allori, Alessandro Dante series drawings attributed to, 187n14 Indians Catching Geese Using Squash, 74–75, 76, 77 (detail), 127 Indians Holding Geese, 74–75, 77 Pearl Fishers, 63, 66, 72, 76–77, 85, 89 aloe, 83 amber, 72 L’America (Gualterotti), 163 America (personification) ceiling frescoes, 105, 106, 144 funeral decorations, 144–45 paintings, 142–44, 143 print series, 124, 128, 133–35 America (Sadeler), 105, 106 America (Stradano), 119, 124, 127, 133–36, 144, 156 America, preparatory drawing (Stradano), 128, 134–35 Americae Retectio series (Stradano) art style, 129 Columbus, 119, 121, 136, 137 dedication and patronage, 119, 126 frontispiece, 120, 129–30, 132 Magellan, 119, 123, 129, 136–37 preparatory drawings for, 187n14–15 printing/publication of, 126

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Americae Retectio series (Stradano) (continued) sources for, 119, 127, 129, 132 symbolism and themes, 119, 129 Vespucci, 119, 122, 132–33, 136–37 Amman, Joost Brazilian Man, 114, 115 Brazilian Man and Woman, 114, 115 costume books produced by, 109 Ammannati, Bartolomeo Ops, 68 Villa Medici decorations, 79 Amphitrite (god), 81, 85, 86, 87 Anacaona, Princess, 136 animal head stonework, 34, 34 Animal Hunt (Stradano), 127 animals. See also birds; parrots; turkeys African imagery symbolism, 105 descriptions of, 53 importation of, 49 naturalia illustrations for scientific study of, 54, 56 New World misinterpretations with, 145 painting imagery of, 143, 144 stonework of, 34, 34 wedding arch decorations with, 19, 20, 21 Anne Habsburg of Austria, 51 Antahualpa (Incan lord), 185n50 anteaters, 143, 144 antiquity, classical, 3, 5, 11, 105, 111 Apollo (god), 155 Apparato et feste nelle noze (Giambullari), 19 Arcano del mare (Dudley), 151 Arcimboldo, Giuseppe, 57 Argonautica (poem), 151 Armeria (Uffizi). See also Armeria ceiling frescoes collections displayed in, 93, 111, 117 room function, 117 room location and descriptions, 93, 94, 95 Armeria ceiling frescoes (Buti) African battle scenes, 107–8, 109 America personification, 105, 106, 144 Amerindian warriors, 100, 102, 110–11, 112, 113, 151 Battle of Piombino, 104, 105, 107 descriptions, overview, 93, 95, 103 New World battle, 100, 101, 102 (detail), 108–10, 151 Portuguese battle, 107, 108 roundel, 104, 104, 112, 114 (detail), 115, 117

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sources for, artifacts as, 111, 112 sources for, frescoes as, 105 sources for, illustrations as, 105 sources for, prints as, 105, 106, 111, 111, 115, 116 sources for, textual, 93, 100, 102, 103, 109–10, 110, 112, 113 symbolism and function, 103–4, 115, 117 themes, 104 armor collections, 93 artifacts (artificialia, robbe d’india) contextual meanings of, 29–30 gift exchanges with, 10–13, 50–52, 82 importation and acquisitions of, 36–37, 48–51, 59, 61, 70, 82, 83, 85, 179n14 importation regulations, 50 interest decline, 80, 82, 161, 163 wedding gifts, 10–13, 32, 36–37 Asia battle imagery, 105, 107, 108 Christian evangelization in, 98 importations from, 2, 50, 82 personifications of, 105, 142, 143, 144, 155 The Astrolabe (Stradano), 119, 125, 133, 136, 187n15 Athanasius Kircher, 161, 163 avviso, 36, 70, 152 Aztec culture and artifacts animal head stonework, 34, 34 as artistic influence, 5 codices with descriptions of, 96 feather fans, 175n27 greenstone masks, 159, 160 shields, 111, 112 Bacchus (god), 24 Baccio da Filicaia, 149–50 Bachiacca, Francesco, 169–70n28 Baglione, Giovanni, 85, 88 Bagnatore, Pietro: Castello di Velturno frescoes, 185n38 Bandinelli: Ceres, 170n34 Barberini, Francesco, Cardinal, 98 Barendsz, Dirck, 185n38 Baroncelli, Bernardo, 36–37, 48, 50 Battaglini, Giulio, 82, 83 Battle of Alcácer Quibir, 107 Battle of Cascina (Michelangelo Buonarroti), 72, 73 Battle of Pombino, 105, 107, 108, 115, 117 Battle of Spoleto (Fontana after Titian), 185n39

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Battle of the Three Kings, 107 Belon, Pierre, 22 Benzoni, Girolamo, 70, 83, 115, 135, 135, 180n45 Betanzos, Domingo de, 13 Bianca, Grand-Duchess of Tuscany, 48, 51–52, 130, 131, 179n14 birds. See also feathers and featherwork; parrots; turkeys frescoes featuring, 14, 23, 79, 80, 93, 104 gift exchanges and importation of, 23. 40, 47, 50 naturalia illustrations of, 54, 57 opera set descriptions featuring, 154 taxidermied and sculpted, 68 Biringuccio, Vannoccio: Mining, 71, 71 blankets, feather, 13 blasphemy, 98 blunt impact theory, 3 Boissard, Jean-Jacques, 82 Bonifacio VIII, Pope, 142, 143 Bordone, Benedetto, 39, 41 Borghini, Vincenzo, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72 botanical gardens, 17, 21–22, 30, 53 botany studies, 22 bottarga, 49 Botticelli, Sandro Abundance, 24, 24 Primavera, 1 Braun, George, 115, 116 Brazil cannibalism associations with, 42, 134 commercial interests in, 48–49, 147, 149–50, 150 commercial restrictions, 147 exploratory expeditions to, 2, 139, 147, 151 festival masquerade themes of, 32 maps of, 42, 43 natives employed for festival battles, 152 natives in illustrations, 109, 110, 114, 115 Brazil (Danti), 42, 43 Brazilian Man (Amman), 114, 115 Brazilian Man and Woman (Amman), 114, 115 brazilwood, 37, 147 Bronzino, Agnolo La Dovizia, 17, 18, 24, 26–27, 26 (detail) patron portraits, 67, 91 patrons of, 19 Brunacci, Giulio, 147 Buonsignori, Stefano: Strait of Magellan, 39, 42, 44, 129 Buontalenti, Bernardo: Casino of San Marco, 48

Burgkmair, Hans, the Elder The King of Cochin, 115, 116, 185n50 Peoples of Africa and India, 87, 88 Triumph of Maximilian I, 185n49 Youth Dressed in a Feather Skirt, 111, 111 Buti, Ludovico. See Armeria ceiling frescoes Calcius series (Stradano), 187n14 Camargo, Diego Muñoz, 145 cannibalism map imagery featuring, 42, 134 native cannibals visits to Florence, 151 nudity linked to, 135 print series featuring, 2, 122, 124, 133, 134, 135 Cantagallina, Remigio: The Ship of Amerigo Vespucci on the Shores of the Indies, after Parigi, 155, 155–56 capes, feather, 32–34, 33, 114, 115, 115 Cappella dei Principi, San Lorenzo, Florence, 147, 148 Cappello, Bianca, 48, 51–52, 130, 131, 179n14 Capponi family, 36–37, 174n12 Caribbean (Danti), 39, 42, 43 Carletti, Francesco, 149 cartography. See maps Casino of San Marco, Florence, 48 Castello di Velturno frescoes (Bagnatore), 185n38 Castro, Rodrigo del, Cardinal, 49, 147 Catherine de’ Medici, 32 Catherine of Austria, Queen of Portugal, 130 Cavalcanti family, 36–37 Cavalieri, Tommaso de’, 82 Cavalieri di Santo Stefano, 133 Cavalori, Mirabolo: Woolworkers, 68 Cei, Galeotto, 166n11 Cellini, Benvenuto, 19, 34, 47 censorship, 100 Ceres (goddess), 24, 25 Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor collection of, 10–11, 13, 32, 171n16 gift-giving preferences, 32 Medici wedding decorations portraying, 19, 20–21 New World information acquisition, 9–10 triumphal arches and equestrian portrayals, 20, 20 wedding celebrations and triumphal arch designs, 20 Chigi, Agostino, 21, 82 Christianity feather miter symbolism, 83

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Christianity (continued) native evangelization and conversion to, 7, 8, 98, 139 Christine of Lorraine, Grand Duchess of Tuscany, 91, 184n14 Chronica del Peru: Primera parte (Cieza de León), 69, 69 Civitates Orbis Terrarum (Braun and Hogenberg), 115, 116 Clement VII, Pope (Giulio di Giuliano de’ Medici) artifact acquisitions, 13, 82, 98 Mixtec masks in collection of, 13, 34 turkey fresco commissions, 13–14, 23 The Climbers (Raimondi after Michelangelo Buonarroti), 72, 73 clubs, Tupinamba, 133, 134 coats of arms (stemma) battle scenes with, 105, 107 codex copy covers with, 99, 99 maps featuring, 39, 43 mask decorations referring to, 159, 160 Southern cross imagery as, 126, 133 wedding celebration decorations with, 130, 131 cochineal, 37, 49, 50, 82 Codex Vaticanus A, 98 Codex Vindobonensis Mexicanus I, 13, 52, 82, 98, 176n35 Codice Laurenziana Mediceo Palatino. See Florentine Codex codices. See also Florentine Codex acquisitions of, 13, 38, 52, 82, 98, 176n35 Collaert, Adriaen, 126, 186n8 Collaert, Jan, II, 126, 186n8 collection display styles ethnographic impulse, 79–80 guardaroba, 30–32, 37–45 Kunstkammer/Wunderkammer, 11, 38, 52 Colombeidos (Stella), 127, 132, 136 colonial gaze, 135 colonization artifact acquisitions as compensation for lack of, 2–3, 45, 67 commercial interests, 139, 147–51, 150 conservation roles as competition with, 161 intellectual claims as response to, 45, 161 legislation and restrictions on, 1 Medici involvement in, 2–3, 7, 67, 139 of space and time, 5 Columbus (Stradano), 119, 121, 136, 137 Columbus, Christopher epic poems on, 127, 132, 136 Genoan aristocracy and pride in, 161 print series designs originally for, 135–36

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print series featuring, 120, 129, 130 publication response to discoveries of, 8, 9, 10 Comme ces Sauvage, from Les singularitez (Thevet), 109, 110 cone hats, 100, 110 conquest symbols of, 17, 24, 26, 30, 63 vicarious, 159, 161 La conquista del Peru, 115, 116 Contarini, Gasparo, 9 coral, 72, 85 corn. See maize Corner, Francesco, 10 cornucopia, 24, 25, 129 Cortés, Hernán, 9, 10–11, 29, 30, 38, 39 Cosimo I de’ Medici, Grand-Duke of Tuscany agricultural production, 21 animals owned by, 23 artifact acquisition methods, 10–13, 32, 36–37 artifacts and contextual meanings, 29–30 artifacts as artistic influences, 34–36 botanical gardens of, 17, 21–22, 30 collection display methods, 30, 32, 38 (see also Guardaroba Nuova) collection inventories, 32, 34, 83, 85 collection purpose, 1, 2–3, 32, 45 illness and death, 45, 48 knightly orders founded by, 133 map dedications to, 39, 42 mottos of, 17 New World information acquisition, 1, 10, 29, 36–37, 38, 70 palatial residences of (see Palazzo Vecchio, Florence) political leadership and marriage alliance, 17, 19 portraits of, 67 portraits of, allegorical, 91 publications dedicated to, 29 scrittoio decoration commissions, 169–70n28 tapestry workshops of, 126 wedding celebrations, 19–21, 70, 157 Cosimo II de’ Medici, Grand-Duke of Tuscany commercial interests, 151 patronage, 161 publications dedicated to, 163 wedding celebration festivities, 2, 32, 151–52, 152, 154 wedding celebration operas, 127, 139, 154–57 Cosimo III de’ Medici, Grand-Duke of Tuscany, 163 Cospi, Ferdinando, 163, 178n72

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costume books, 109, 151, 161 costumes. See also headdresses capes/robes/cloaks, 11, 32–34, 33, 114, 115, 115 festivals and public displays of (see masquerades) paintings with courtly women in, 87–88 Cuiris, Juan Baptista: Madonna feather mosaic, 50, 51, 175n27 Cusco, from Civitates Orbis Terrarum (Braun and Hogenberg), 115, 116

Florentine popularity and history of, 24 frescoes with figures of, 22–23, 23, 24, 25 statues of, 24, 25 symbolism, 24, 27, 170n34 tapestries with figures of, 17, 18, 26–27, 26 (detail) Drake, Sir Francis, 82 Dudley, Robert, 151 Dürer, Albrecht, 10, 14, 105

Dante Alighieri, 125, 126, 133, 154 Dante series (Allori), 187n14 Dante series (Stradano), 126, 186n23, 187n14–15 Danti, Egnazio Brazil, 42, 43 Caribbean, 39, 42, 43 Guardaroba Nuova map commission, 39 Guardaroba Nuova maps as visual sources, 129 New Spain, 39, 40, 41 (detail) De Cravaliz, Agostino, 29, 37, 42, 69 De Historia Stirpium Commentarii Insignes (Fuchs), 57 De la Cruz-Badiano Codex, 98 De la pirotechnia (Biringuccio), 71, 71 Della Rena, Orazio, 149 Della Robbia, Giovanni, and workshop: Adam and Eve, 14, 15, 75 De materia medica (Dioscordes, Mattioli revision), 21 De orbe novo decades (Peter Martyr d’Anghiera), 9 De rerum natura (Lucretius), 132 Description of America or of the True West Indies to the Grand Duke of Tuscany (Della Rena), 149 Descrizione delle feste fatte nelle reali nozze de’ serenissimi principi di Toscana d. Cosimo de’ Medici e Maria Maddalena, arci­ duchessa d’Austria (Rinuccini), 151, 152, 154, 155, 156 Deserps, François, 109, 115, 115 Diana (goddess), 137 Dianora di Toledo, 173–74n2 Dioscorides, 21 Discorsi (Mattioli), 57 Discorso intorno alle imagini (Paleotti), 87, 105 Discorso naturale (Aldrovandi), 53 diversity, representation of, 81, 86, 86–87, 88, 107, 108 Donatello: Dovizia, 24 La Dovizia (Bronzino), 17, 18, 24, 26–27, 26 (detail) Dovizia/Abundance (personification) acoutrements of, 24 artistic inspirations for, 20 drawings of, 24, 24

The Earth Protected by Jupiter and Juno (Van Orley, attrib.), 130, 131 elements of universe, 67, 68, 76 Eleonora di Toledo, Grand-Duchess of Tuscany agricultural production, 21 commissions and collections, 17 decorated rooms of, 23, 79, 105, 170n34 marriage and alliance, 17, 19 palatial residences of, 19 portraits of, 67 wedding celebrations, 19–21 Eleonora of Austria, Queen of Portugal, 13 elephants, 145, 151, 153 Elogia Virorum Bellica Virtute Illustrium (Giovio), 130, 135 Emanuel, King of Portugal, 13 emblems, 119, 129, 133, 135, 187–88n28. See also Dovizia/ Abundance Enrico I, King of Portugal, 98 Escorial, 47, 54, 103, 152 Estate (Salviati), 22, 22 ethnography ceiling fresco imagery conserving, 93, 103 collection display styles and, 38, 52, 79–80 fantasy vs., 2, 3, 77, 80, 87, 111, 115, 129 individualization of diverse peoples as device of, 86–87 as scientific field of study, 79–80 Europe (personifications), 142, 143, 144 European Encounters with the New World (Pagden), 159 fans, feather, 175n27 fantasy. See also mythology cannibalism as New World mythology, 133 ethnography fused with, 2, 3, 77, 80, 87, 111, 115, 129 native ambassadorial visits and, 145 post-exploration allegorical representations, 139, 141 Farnese, Clelia, 88–89, 89 Fasti (Ovid), 134 feathers and featherwork. See also headdresses, feather

index

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feathers and featherwork (continued) capes/robes, 32–34, 33, 34, 114, 115, 115 collections featuring interest in, 32, 83 courtly displays of, 32, 34 display methods for, 68 early importation of, 10–11, 13 fans, 175n27 miters and infulae, 83, 84 as naturalia illustration sources, 59 paintings, 49, 50, 51, 59, 83, 85, 175n27 fecundity, 17, 170n34, 170n38 Fedeli, Vincenzo, 22 Ferdinand I, Holy Roman Emperor, 48, 51 Ferdinand II, Archduke of Austria, 52 Ferdinando I de’ Medici, Cardinal/Grand-Duke of Tuscany artifact acquisition methods, 82, 83, 85 associates, 139, 141–42, 176n39 book publishing of, 97–98, 100 books and manuscript collections, 96–97, 98–99, 127, 184n14 (see also Florentine Codex) Brazilian expeditions, 2, 139, 147, 151 collectibles recorded as painting imagery, 88–89 collecting preferences, 79 collection inventories, 83, 85 collection special interests, 79, 83 display spaces for (See Armeria) gift exchange practices, 50, 141–42 naturalia illustrations, 139, 140, 142 New World commercial interests, 139, 147–51, 150 New World information acquisition, 82, 96–97, 139, 147, 149 painting commissions, 142–47 political alliances and cultural agendas, 80, 82, 98–99, 100, 139, 141 portraits of, 86, 89–91 portraits of, allegorical/patron, 86, 88, 91, 117 protectorship roles, 80, 82, 98, 104 publications dedicated to, 149 studiolo painting collections, 79, 80, 81, 85–89, 86, 91, 93, 105 Uffizi decoration, 93 (see also Armeria) villas of, 79, 80 weapons and armory collections, 93, 111, 117 wedding celebrations, 130 Fernández de Córdoba, Diego, 47 Ferrari, Fabrizio, 36 fertility, 17, 170n34, 170n38 Feste nelle nozze del serenissimo Don Francesco Medici gran duca di

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Toscana, et della sereniss. sua consorte la sig. Bianca Cappello (Gualterrotti), 130, 131 Festina lente (motto), 17, 85, 129 Fickler, Johann Baptist, 52 Fifth Decade (Peter Martyr d’Anghiera), 26–27 fish, 53, 93, 169n28 fishing oyster, 72, 74, 74 pearl, 63, 66, 72, 75–76, 81, 86, 87, 89 with pelicans, 127 technology developments for, 36 working conditions, 180n45 Fishing for Oysters (Stradano), 72, 74, 74 Float for the Wedding of Francesco I de’ Medici to Bianca Cappello, from Feste nelle nozze del serenissimo Don Francesco Medici gran duca di Toscana, et della sereniss. sua consorte la sig. Bianca Cappello (Gualterrotti), 130, 131 Flora (goddess), 129 Florence (Italy) mythological figures symbolizing, 129, 132 New World discovery propaganda and role of, 103–4, 115, 117, 142–47 personifications of, 24, 142, 143 political instability, 7 political/religious events, 142 wedding processions and gate decorations, 19–21 Florentine Codex (Codice Laurenziana Mediceo Palatino, Sahagún) acquisition of, 96–97, 98–99, 184n14 authorship, 97 as ceiling fresco source, 93, 100 content and descriptions, 96, 96 idol figure descriptions, 175–76n28 publications and copies of, 97, 99, 99–100 warrior illustrations, 100, 102, 103, 109–10, 110 Floridian, from Tavole di animali (Androvandi), 59, 60 flowers, 132, 139, 140 Fontana, Giovanni Battista: Battle of Spoleto, after Titian, 185n39 food and drink, 21, 49 Fortune (personification), 70, 71 France, 7, 38, 149 Francesco I de’ Medici, Grand-Duke of Tuscany artifact acquisition methods, 36–37, 48–51, 59, 61, 70 artist workshops developed by, 48 associates, 47, 52–54, 59 collection display methods and spaces (see Francesco’s stan­ zino/studiolo, Palazzo Vecchio)

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gift exchanges, 47, 48, 49, 50–54, 57, 59, 61 grand-ducal title concerns, 49 Incan ruler comparisons, 59, 61 map commissions and art style, 42 marriages, 48, 52 naturalia illustration commissions, 2, 54, 57 New World information acquisition, 1, 47, 48, 52 personality descriptions, 48 political alliances and diplomacy, 48 portraits of, allegorical, 67, 68, 91 scandals, 51–52 wedding celebrations, 70–71, 130, 131, 157 Francesco’s stanzino/studiolo, Palazzo Vecchio artifacts in, 63 ceiling frescoes of, 64, 67 commission and construction, 45, 63 design iconography and collection organization, 67–68 design purpose, 63 dismantling and reassembling of, 178n1 panel paintings of, 63, 65, 66, 67–72, 68, 85 Fuchs, Leonhart, 57 Fuggers family, 52 Galileo Galilei, 161 Galle, Johannes, 186n8 Galle, Philip, 126 Galle, Theodoor, 186n8 Galle publishing house, 119, 126, 127 gallina d’india. See turkeys Gastaldi, Giacomo, 39, 42 gemstones. See stones, precious; turquoise mosaic masks Genoa (Italy), 120, 129, 130, 161 gerbils, 54, 56 Gherardi, Cristofano: Allegory of Water, with Vasari, 72, 73 Ghini, Luca, 22, 53 Ghirlandaio, Domenico, 130 Ghirlandaio, Ridolfo del: Camera Verde ceiling fresco, 23 Giacomini, Lorenzo, 188n40 Giambologna, 36, 36, 79 Giambullari, Pierfrancesco, 19–21 gift exchanges artifact importation and acquisition for, 47, 49 preference for, 32, 48, 59 purpose of, 47, 50–54, 57, 82, 141–42 tradition of, 10–13, 47 Giganti da Fossombrone, Antonio, 59

Gioco del Ponte (Greuter), 151, 152 Giovanna d’Austria, Grand-Duchess of Tuscany, 48, 51–52, 157 Giovanni dalle Bande Nere, 19 Giovanni da Udine Loggia di Psiche frescoes, Villa Farnesina, 21 Sala di Giulio Romano frescoes, Villa Madama, 13–14, 14, 23 Giovio, Paolo, 37–38, 130, 135 Giraldi, Francesco, 49 girasol, 147 Il giudizio di Paride (opera), 154, 155, 156 gold, 10, 11, 36, 150 Gómara, Francisco López de, 29, 42, 59, 69, 72 grano idiano. See maize greenstone masks, 159, 160 Greuter, Matthias: Gioco del Ponte, 151, 152 grotesques, 42, 97, 104–5, 155–56 Gruzinski, Serge, 105 Gualterotti, Raffaello, 130, 131, 163 guanabano, 21 Guardaroba Nuova (Sala delle Carte Geografiche, Palazzo Vecchio) design influences on, 38 design purpose and symbolism, 30, 32, 37, 45 display methods and organization principles, 38, 42, 45 Francesco’s stanzino/studiolo design comparisons, 63 incompletion of, 45 legacy and influence, 42, 45 location, 37 maps of, 37–45, 40, 41, 43, 44, 70, 129 room name and term translations, 30 room views, 31 Guaynacapa, King of Cusco, 59 Guicciardini, Francesco, 8, 147 Habitus Praecipuorum Populorum (Weigel), 114, 115 Habsburgs gift exchanges and diplomatic relationships, 4, 8, 10–11, 48, 50–52 New World colonization, 3 political alliances through marriages, 48, 51, 70, 151, 157 hammocks, 83, 85, 124, 128, 134, 145 Hare from the Indies (Ligozzi, J.), 54, 56 headdresses, feather as collection artifacts, 10, 11, 59, 83 illustrations depicting, 100, 102, 103, 105, 106, 110, 124, 128, 133 paintings featuring, 143, 144, 145, 146 Hernández, Francisco, 54, 98 Histoire d’un voyage faict en la terre du Brésil (Léry), 109

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Historia de las Indias (Gómara, Cravaliz, trans.), 29, 42, 59, 69 Historia del Mondo Nuovo (Benzoni), 70, 135, 135 Historia general de las Indias (Oviedo), 10, 75 Historia natural y moral de las Indias (Acosta), 127 Historiarum Indicarum (Maffei), 98, 127, 134 Historiarum Sui Temporis (Giovio), 38 Historie di Bologna (Alberti), 13 History of Italy (Guicciardini), 8 Hogenberg, Franz, 115, 116 Horace, 134 Huejotzingo Codex, 17n27 human sacrifice, 50 hummingbirds, 14 hunting scenes elephants, 151, 153 fishing with pelicans, 127 geese, 74–75, 75, 76, 77 oyster fishing, 74, 74 pearl fishing, 63, 66, 72, 75–77, 81, 85, 86, 87, 89 smoking out animals, 127 Iconologia (Ripa), 161 idols, 38, 50, 59, 82 imprese, 119, 129, 187–88n28 Indians Catching Geese Using Squash (Allori), 74–75, 76, 77 (detail), 127 Indians Catching Geese Using Squash (Stradano), 74, 75, 127 Indians Holding Geese (Allori), 74–75, 77 indicorum pavonum. See turkeys Indies (term usage), 32, 50 Inferno (Dante), 187n14 infulae, feather, 83, 84 Inscriptiones vel Tituli Theatri Amplissimi (Quiccheberg), 52 Interior of San Lorenzo for the Funeral of Philip II (Mossi), 144, 145 Isabella of Portugal, 20 Isolario (Bordone), 39 Janus (god), 129 jewelry, 11, 34, 37, 68, 74, 88–89 John III, King of Portugal, 130 John of Austria, 126 The King of Cochin (Burgkmair), 115, 116, 185n50 Kunstkammern/Wunderkammern, 11, 30, 38, 52 Last Supper feather painting, 59

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Lenzi, Filippo, 47 Lenzoni, Francesco, 147 Leo X, Pope, 9, 14 Léry, Jean de, 109 Libro di Benedetto Bordone (Bordone), 39, 41 Ligozzi, Francesco, 142 Ligozzi, Jacopo Agave, 57, 58 art style descriptions, 57 commissions and patronage, 2, 54, 57, 93, 142–47, 147 copies of illustrations by, 142 Hare from the Indies, 54, 56 illustrations as decorative arts source, 145 illustrations as fresco sources, 105 illustrations as gift exchanges, 57 Passionflower, 139, 140 Philip II Receiving Ambassadors from the Indies, 145, 146 Philip II’s funeral decoration painting, 144 Pineapple, 54, 55, 57 Pope Bonifacio VIII Receiving Twelve Ambassadors, 142–44, 143 lily, 132 Lives of the Artists (Vasari), 42 Livorno (Italy) expeditions to Brazil from, 2, 139, 147, 151 importation information and artifact acquisition, 32, 36–37, 48, 50, 67, 127 Stradano’s print series frontispieces featuring map with, 130 trade regulations vs. direct access, 50 llamas, 19, 20, 21 Loggia di Psiche, Villa Farnesina, 21 Lucretius, 119, 132 Madonna feather mosaic (Cuiris), 50, 51, 175n27 Maffei, Giovanni Pietro, 98, 127, 134 Magellan expedition manuscripts, 9 operas featuring, 155 prints featuring, 119, 123, 129, 136–37 prints with omissions of, 129, 130 Magellan (Stradano), 119, 123, 129, 136–37 Magliabecchi, Antonio, 163 maize (corn, grano idiano) cultivation of, 21–22, 34, 79, 82 as fresco border designs, 21 as tapestry border designs, 22, 22 terra-cotta imagery of, 14, 15

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Man from Genea (Traut), 111, 111 Manuscrito de Tolosa, 184n24 maps cannibalism imagery on, 42, 133 collection displays featuring, 37–45, 70, 129 murals of, 42 New World navigational directions, 37 print frontispiece with, 120, 130 Margarete of Spain, Queen of Spain, 151, 152 Margaret of Austria, Regent of the Netherlands, 11, 32, 38, 171n16 Maria Maddalena of Austria, Grand-Duchess of Tuscany, 32, 151 Mars (god), 129, 132 Marvelous Indian Woman, from Historia del Mondo Nuovo (Benzoni), 135, 135 masks displays methods, 34, 45 greenstone, 159, 160 grotto decorations based on, 34–36, 35 illustrations of, 59, 142, 142 importation and gift exchange, 12, 13, 13, 34, 141–42 masquerades artifact usage for, 32, 34 Spanish court festivities, 152 wedding celebrations with, 2, 32, 151, 152, 152, 154 Matteo da Leccia, 149 Mattioli, Pietro Andrea, 21, 57 Mechelen palace, 11 medals, 70, 71 Medici, Alessandro de’, Duke of Florence, 19 Medici, Cosimo di Giovanni de’, 24 Medici, Giovanni de’ (Cosimo I’s brother), 91 Medici, Giovanni de’ (Cosimo I’s son), 147, 149 Medici, Giulio di Giuliano de’, Cardinal. See Clement VII Medici, Isabella de’, 173–74n2 Medici, Lodovico (Giovanni dalle Bande Nere), 19 Medici, Lorenzo de’, 19 Medici, Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco de’, 1, 161 Medici, Lucrezia de’, Duchess of Ferrara, 32 Mellini, Domenico, 70, 99 Las meninas (Velazquez), 67 Die Merfart (Springer), 111, 111 mermaids, 155, 156, 156 Mexico. See also Mixtec artifacts; New Spain artifacts from, 2, 8, 10–11, 50, 83 expeditions to, 54, 72

manuscripts and publications on, 26–27, 98, 149 (see also Florentine Codex) maps of, 39, 41 naturalia illustrations of, 54 terminology usage, 50 Michelangelo Buonarroti: Battle of the Cascina, 72, 73 Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, 154 Minerva (goddess), 132, 137 mining commercial interests in, 149, 150, 151 descriptions, 70 in Italy, 69 painting imagery, 63, 65, 68–72, 75–76 publication illustrations, 71, 71 Mining (Biringuccio), 71, 71 Mining (Zucchi), 63, 65, 68–72 Mining, from De la pirotechnia, 71, 71 miters, feather, 83, 84 Mixtec artifacts codices, 13, 53, 82, 98, 176n35 masks, turquoise mosaic: as artistic influence for grotto decorations, 34–36; descriptions, 12, 13; display as value indication, 34, 45; importation and gift exchange, 13, 34, 141–42; publication illustrations of, 142, 142 Mixtec Mask, from Musaeum Metallicum (Aldrovandi), 59, 142, 142 monkeys, 81, 85, 86, 87 Monstrorum Historia (Aldrovandi), 141 Montezuma, 10, 27, 49, 162, 163 Montezuma (Rodríguez), 162, 163 Morandini, Francesco: Francesco’s stanzino/studiolo ceiling decoration, 64, 67 Mossi, Giovan Battista: Interior of San Lorenzo for the Funeral of Philip II, 144, 145 Mundus Novus, 1, 165n1 Musaeum Metallicum (Aldrovandi), 59, 141, 142, 142 mythology abundance themes, 24, 25 Aztec, 175–76n28 cannibalism as New World, 133 as emblems/imprese imagery, 129 navigators as figures of, 154 New World discovery as Florentine, 30, 31, 34, 63, 119, 129, 136, 159, 161 New World imagery inclusion and purpose of, 87 travel symbolism and sea-themed, 81, 85, 85, 87, 129, 132, 137

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Native Americans. See also Native Americans, imagery of Christian evangelization and conversion, 7, 8, 98, 139 religious beliefs and practices, 50, 93, 97, 98 (see also cannibalism) Native Americans, imagery of as ambassadors, 142, 143, 145, 146 battle scenes, 100, 101, 102, 108–9, 110, 113 as cannibals, 42, 122, 124, 133, 134, 135 costumes of, 111, 111, 114, 115, 115 courtly masquerades and costume displays of, 32, 34 fishing for pearls, 63, 66, 72, 75–76, 81, 86, 87 hunting, 127, 151, 153 hunting geese, 74–75, 75, 76, 77 hunting oysters, 74, 74 individualization and diversity, 81, 86, 86–87, 88, 107, 108 mining, 63, 65, 68–72, 71, 75–76 as noble savage collectible, 152, 154 processional scenes, 104, 104, 112, 114, 115 slavery, 75–76, 166n15 triumphal arch imagery and conquest, 20, 20 as warriors, 102, 103, 106, 111, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115 wedding festival masquerades, 151, 152, 152, 154 women, 88, 89, 114, 115, 133, 135, 135 (see also America) Natural History (Pliny), 159 naturalia, as collection category, 29, 48, 54, 57, 59, 141. See also animals; plants; specific types of animals and plants Nature (personification), 67 Navagero, Andrea, 9 Navigazioni e viaggi (Ramusio), 9, 39, 70, 72 Neptune (god), 81, 85, 86, 87, 129 New Spain. See also Mexico commercial interests and research in, 149 maps of, 39, 40, 41 (detail) natives of, illustrations, 59, 60, 112, 113 navigational directions to, 37 personifications of, 19–21 New Spain (Danti), 39, 40, 41 (detail) New World, overview acculturation response to discovery of, 3 artifact importation, early, 10–11, 13 collections as compensation for lack of colonization, 2–3, 45, 67 collections as intellectual claim on, 45 commercial interests in, 147–51, 150 conquest and exploration benefits, 7, 8–9 cultural politics and public display agendas, 139, 141

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discovery significance, 29 diseases imported from, 7 European art influenced by, 5 explorations and descriptions, 1 flowers symbolizing, 139 importation and commercial restrictions, 50, 147 information acquisition, 1, 8–10, 36–37, 47, 48, 52, 82, 96–97, 139, 141, 147–51 intellectual claims and conservation roles, 45, 161 interest in, overview, 3, 80, 82, 161, 163 Italian colonization involvement, 2–3, 67, 139 Italian expeditions to, 2, 53, 139, 147, 151 publications and references on, 9–10, 21, 24, 38, 98 travel restrictions to, 1 virtual discovery and vicarious conquest responses to, 30, 31, 34, 63, 119, 129, 136, 159, 161 ninfa fiorentina, 24 Nobili, Leonardo de’, 36, 47, 49, 70 noble savages, 117, 154 Nova Reperta series (Stradano) America, 119, 124, 127, 133–36, 144, 156 America, preparatory drawing, 128, 134–35 art style, 129 The Astrolabe, 119, 125, 133, 136, 187n15 dedication and patronage, 119, 126 original designs for, 135–36 preparatory drawings for, 128, 134–35, 187n14 printing/publication of, 126 sources for, 119, 127, 129, 134, 136 symbolism and themes, 119, 136 nudity of female figures, 128, 135, 135 of native laborers, 65, 66, 68–69, 72, 74, 81, 85 of New Spain personifications, 19, 20 of patron portraits, 86, 91 Oceanus (god), 129 Odes (Horace), 134 opal, 147 operas, 127, 139, 154–57, 155, 156 Ops (Ammannati), 68 Opus Epistolarum (Peter Martyr d’Anghiera), 10 Orientalism (Said), 161 Orley, Bernard van: The Earth Protected by Jupiter and Juno, attributed to, 130, 131 Ornithologiae (Aldrovandi), 59, 141, 189n3

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Ortelius, Abraham, 39, 135 Ovando, Juan de, 97 Ovid, 134 Oviedo y Valdés, Gonzalo de Fernández de, 10. See also Somma­ rio (Oviedo, Ramusio, trans.) oysters and oyster fishing, 72, 74, 74, 151, 153. See also pearl fishing; pearls Pagni, Cristiano, 48 paintings from/of Indies collection inventories with, 85 feather, 49, 50, 51, 59, 83, 85, 175n27 of native rulers, 49, 162, 163 Palazzo della Provincia di Siena tapestries, 74–75, 76, 77, 77 (detail) Palazzo Vecchio, Florence battle scene frescoes, 105 collection displays in, 30, 171n6, 179n14 (see also Francesco’s stanzino/studiolo; Guardaroba Nuova) dovizia fresco imagery, 23, 23, 24, 25, 170n34 grotesque decorations, 105 imprese imagery, 129 large-scale history paintings in, 142 mottos used at, 17 naturalistic wonder collections in, 45 plant and animal fresco imagery, 79, 169–70n28 remodel of, 19 waterscapes as visual sources, 72, 73 Paleotti, Gabriele, Cardinal, 54, 59, 87, 105 Paracovssi, roi de Platte, from Les vrais pourtraits et vies des hom­ mes illustres (Thevet), 112, 113 Paraovsti Satovriona, roi de la Florida, from Les vrais pourtraits et vies des hommes illustres (Thevet), 112, 113 Parigi, Giulio Il giudizio di Paride, set designs for, 155–56, 156 New World native costume designs for Medici festivals, 152, 153 The Ship of Amerigo Vespucci on the Shores of the Indies, Cantagallina after, 155, 155–56 parrots featherwork/feathers of, 10, 13, 115 frescoes featuring, 23, 105, 106 illustrations featuring, 23 importation and gift exchanges of, 47, 48, 49, 50 opera set descriptions featuring, 154 paintings featuring, 81, 87

pietre dure tabletop designs with, 145 terra-cotta imagery with, 14, 15 Passionflower (Ligozzi, J.), 139, 140 passionflowers, 139, 140, 147 peace themes, 104, 115, 145 peacocks (pavone), 17, 18, 23–24, 27 Pearl Fishers (Allori), 63, 66, 72, 76–77, 85, 89 pearl fishing paintings featuring, 63, 66, 72, 75–77, 81, 85, 86, 87, 89 working condition descriptions, 180n45 pearls, 49, 72, 83, 147 peccaries, 49 pelicans, 129 Peoples of Africa and India (Burgkmair), 87, 88 Peroni, Domizio, 149 Perseus and Andromeda (Vasari and workshop), 72 Peru commercial interests in, 149 exploration and descriptions, 19–20 landscape scenery in publications on, 69, 69 maps of, 70 medals with scenery of, 70, 71 mining production, 63, 69–70, 72 newsletter descriptions of, 36 personifications of, 70 wedding celebration imagery of, 19–21, 70–71 Peter Martyr d’Anghiera, 9, 10, 26–27, 38, 70 Petrarch, 154 Philip II, King of Spain battle frescoes in palaces of, 103 funeral decoration themes, 144, 145 grand-ducal titles and political alliances, 47, 98–99 importation/commercial restrictions, 50, 147 life cycle painting series of, 145, 146 manuscripts dedicated to, 98 medals of, 70, 71 native ambassador visits to, 145, 146 natural illustration books of, 54 New World agenda, 93, 97, 98–99, 100 silver production, 69–70 Philip III, King of Spain, 151, 152 Philip II Receiving Ambassadors from the Indies (Ligozzi, J.), 145, 146 Pierino da Vinci: La Dovizia, 24, 25 pietre dure, 145, 147 Pigafetta, Antonio, 9, 38, 93

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pigs, 53 pineapple, 20, 21, 54, 55, 57 Pineapple (Ligozzi, J.), 54, 55, 57 Pisa (Italy), 24, 189n57 Pitti, Vincenzo, 144–45 Pius IV, Pope, 42 Pius V, Pope, 142 Pizarro, Francisco, 19–20, 36, 39 plants botanical garden display methods, 22 cultivation of, 21–22, 34, 79, 82 flower symbolism, 132, 139 food and drink importation, 21, 49 fresco imagery of, 21, 23, 23 illustrations and scientific study of, 53, 54, 55, 57, 58, 139, 140 importation of, 139, 147 as tapestry border designs, 22, 22 terra-cotta imagery of, 14, 15 wedding arch decorations with, 20, 21 Pliny the Elder, 96, 133, 159 Poggini, Domenico, 68, 70 Poggini, Giam Paolo: Philip II of Spain medals, 70, 71 Poggio, Giovanni, 38 political alliances cultural agendas, 80, 82, 98–99, 100, 139, 141 gift giving for, 10–13, 47, 48, 50–52 marriages for, 17, 19, 48, 151, 157 political propaganda Florence’s role in New World discovery, 103–4, 115, 117 gift giving as, 50–52 public-displayed paintings, 142–47 wedding celebrations for, 19–21, 151, 156–57 Pontormo, Jacopo, 79 Pope Bonifacio VIII Receiving Twelve Ambassadors (Ligozzi, J.), 142–44, 143 portrait collections, 38–39 Portrait of Cardinal Ferdinando de’ Medici (Pulzone), 89–91, 90 Portrait of Clelia Farnese (Zucchi), 88–89, 89 Portraits and Lives of Illustrious Men (Thevet), 112, 113 Portugal, 7, 8, 9, 107, 108, 150 Potosí (Peru), 63, 69, 69, 72 Pozzo, Cassiano del, 98 Primavera (Botticelli), 1 processions Native American, 104, 104, 112, 114, 115 wedding, 19–21, 70–71, 157

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Prometheus (mythological figure), 67 provenance geographic, 22, 30, 38–39, 42, 63 terminology usage and, 32, 50 Ptolemy, 39 Pulzone, Scipione: Portrait of Cardinal Ferdinando de’ Medici, 89–91, 90 Purgatorio (Dante), 125, 133 putti, 24, 67, 72, 81, 85 quails, 14 Quiccheberg, Samuel, 52 Ragionamenti (Carletti), 149 Raimondi, Marcantonio: The Climbers, 72, 73 Ramusio, Giovanni Battista as map information source, 39 mining descriptions, 70 native women illustrations, 88, 89 pearl fishing descriptions, 72 publications as New World references, 9–10, 39, 53 turkey descriptions, 24 Raphael, 5, 14, 105 Recueil de la diuersité des habits (Deserps), 115, 115 Relaciones geográficas de Tlaxcala (Camargo), 145 religion, 50, 93, 97, 98. See also Christianity rhinoceros, 105 Ricci, Giovanni, Cardinal, 79 Ridolfo, Michele di, 70 Rinuccini, Camillo, 151, 152, 154, 155, 156 Riós, Pedro de los, 98 Ripa, Cesare, 161 Robertson, Donald, 5 Rodríguez, Antonio: Montezuma, 162, 163 Romanae Urbis Topographiae (Boissard), 82 Rudolf II, Holy Roman Emperor, 57 Sadeler, Jan: America, 105, 106 Sahagún, Bernardino de, 97, 175–76n28. See also Florentine Codex Sala di Giulio Romano, Villa Madama, 13–14, 14, 23 Salemi, Giorgio, 49 Salviati, Francesco Eleonora’s scrittoio ceiling fresco, 170n34 Estate, 22, 22 Medici collection with works by, 79 Triumph of Camillus, 23, 23 (detail)

index

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Salviati, Maria, 19 Sancho de la Haz, Pedro, 39 San Friano, Maso da, 68 San Lorenzo, Florence, 144, 145, 147, 148 Santa Maria del Fiore, 132 Sarto, Andrea del, 79 Sassetti, Filippo, 49, 82, 127, 187–88n28 Saturn (god), 129 Le savvage en pope, from Recueil de la diuersié des habits (Deserps), 115, 115 scandals, 47, 51–52 Sebastian, King of Portugal, 107 Sequera, Rodrigo de, 97, 184n24, 184n29 Settala, Manfredo, 163 Sforza, Ascanio, 9 shields, 11, 83, 93, 110, 111, 112 The Ship of Amerigo Vespucci on the Shores of the Indies (Cantagallina after Parigi), 155, 155–56, 156 silver production and importation, 69, 70, 71, 149, 150 Les singularitez (Thevet), 109, 110 Sisters of Phaeton (Tito), 72 Sixtus V, Pope, 82 slavery, 75–76, 87, 166n15 Sommario (Oviedo, Ramusio, trans.) Columbus’s birthplace, 130 female native images in, 88 hammock illustrations, 83 hunting/fishing descriptions, 72, 87, 127, 129 as map source, 39 mining descriptions, 70 as New World reference, 21, 30 publication and translation of, 9–10 turkeys as display birds, 23–24 Sosa, Francisco de, 149, 150 Southern Cross, 133, 134 Spain American colonization, 7 book publishing in, 9 importation information from, 36–37, 48–51, 82 Italian criticism of conquests of, 8 New World travel restrictions imposed by, 1 political alliances with, 19, 21, 47, 82, 98–99 political control of Italy, 7, 47, 98–99 Tuscan ambassadors to, 36, 47, 49, 70, 127, 147, 149 The Spheres series (Van Orley), 130, 131 spiny acacia plant, 53

Springer, Balthasar, 87, 111, 111 squash, 17, 18, 26, 27, 39 Stella, Guilio Cesare, 127, 132, 136 stemma. See coats of arms stones, precious. See also turquoise mosaic masks animal head carvings, 34, 34 chapel decoration and importation of, 147 collection displays of, 68 importation of, 49, 72, 83, 147 masks of, 159, 160 paintings featuring fishing for, 63, 66, 72, 75–76, 81, 85, 86, 87, 89 paintings featuring jewelry with, 81, 86, 88, 89 paintings on origins of, 72 pietre dure designs, 145, 147 tapestry imagery of, 26 Stradano, Giovanni ( Jan van der Straet, Johannes Stradanus). See also Americae Retectio series (Stradano); Nova Reperta series (Stradano) Alchemical Lab, 68, 68, 91 Battle of Piombino prints, 105 biographical information, 126 Calcius series, 187n14 commissions, 119, 126 Dante series, 126, 186n23, 187n14–15 Fishing for Oysters, 72, 74, 74 Indians Catching Geese Using Squash, 74, 75, 127 influences on, 126–27 maps designed by, 129 patron portraits, 91 prints as artist visual sources, 144, 151, 152, 153, 156 sketches and composite sheets, 151, 153 Venationes (Animal Hunt) series, 127 Straet, Johannes van der. See Stradano, Giovanni Strait of Magellan (Bunonsignori), 39, 42, 44, 129 Strozzi, Giovanni Battista, 127, 132, 139, 154 Strozzi, Roberto, Cardinal, 82 sugar production and importation, 48–49, 147, 150, 150 Summer (personifications), 22, 22, 24 The Survival of the Pagan Gods (Seznec), 119 syphilis, 7 Tarugi, Sallustio, 150, 151 Tavole di animali (Aldrovandi), 54, 56, 59, 60 Tavole di piante (Aldrovandi), 54, 55 Teatro della natura (Aldrovandi’s museum), 13, 53, 57, 59, 178n73 technological innovations, 36

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Tenochtitlan (Mexico City), 26–27, 39, 41 tepictoton, 175–76n28 Terza Loggia, Vatican Palace, 42 Terzo volume delle Navigationi et viaggi (Ramusio), 88, 89 Il Thalason (Baroncelli), 37 Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (Oretlius), 134 Thevet, André, 38, 109, 110, 112, 113 Thornton, Robert, 151, 154 Titian: Battle of Spoleto, 185n39 Tito, Santi di: Sisters of Phaeton, 72 Tizio, Augusto, 82 Toledo, Pedro Álvarez de, 19, 32 Toledo y Figueroa, Francisco, 69 Tolosa Manuscript, 184n29 tomatoes, 21, 23, 23, 39 Trachtenbuch (Weiditz), 23 Tranquility (personification), 155 Trattato del’intrar in Milano di Carlo V (Albicante), 20, 20 Traut, Wolf: Man from Genea, 111, 111 Tribolo, Niccolò, 19, 34–36, 35 Tribuna, Uffizi Gallery, 93 Triumphal Arch from the 1541 Entry of Charles V into Milan (Albicante), 20, 20 triumphal processions, 19–20, 20, 70–71, 151 Triumph of Camillus (Salviati), 23, 23 (detail) Triumph of Maximilian I (Burgkmair), 185n49 tug-of-war games, 151, 152 Tupinamba, 32, 109, 110, 133, 134 turkeys (gallina d’india, indicorum pavonum) ceiling frescoes featuring, 79, 80 as display birds, 23–24 frescoes featuring, 13–14, 14, 23 in Italy, first documentation, 23 paintings with, 79 published descriptions of, 26 statues of, 36, 36 symbolism, 17, 24, 27, 36 tapestries featuring, 17, 18, 23, 24, 26, 26–27 Turks, 105, 107, 108, 109, 112 turquoise mosaic masks as artistic influence for grotto decoration, 34–36, 35 displays of, 34, 45 importation and gift exchange of, 12, 13, 13, 34, 141–42 publication illustrations of, 59, 142, 142 turtles, 17, 18, 85, 129, 132

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Uffizi, 93, 105. See also Armeria; Armeria ceiling frescoes underwater fishing machines, 36 University of Pisa, 17, 21–22 Usimbardi, Pietro, 82 Vasari, Giorgio, and workshop Allegory of the Earth, 24, 25 (detail) Allegory of Water, with Gherardi, 72, 73 artists employed by, 126, 129 Battle of Piombino frescoes, 105 Medici collection displays, descriptions, 42, 45 Palazzo Vecchio remodel, 19, 171n6 patrons of, 19 Summer, 24 Vatican Palace, 42 Velazquez, Diego: Las meninas, 67 Venationes series (Stradano), 127 Venice, 8–9, 39 Vespucci (Stradano), 119, 122, 132–33, 136–37, 154–56 Vespucci, Amerigo epic poems on, 127, 132, 154 explorations and descriptions, 1 native woodcut illustrations, 112 New World descriptions, 9, 132, 165n1 operas and set designs featuring, 127, 139, 151, 154–56, 155, 156 Philip II’s funeral decoration descriptions and, 144 Stradano’s print featuring, 119, 122, 132–33, 136–37, 154–56 Stradano’s print series featuring, 124, 125, 133–37 Stradano’s print series frontispiece featuring, 120, 129, 130 Villa Castello, Florence, 19, 34–36, 35, 36, 36, 61 Villa Farnesina, Rome, 21 Villa Madama, Rome, 13–14, 14, 23, 23 (detail) Villa Medici, Rome building purchase and redecoration, 79 Ferdinando’s casino ceiling frescoes, 79, 80 Ferdinando’s studiolo paintings, 79, 80, 81, 85–89, 86, 91, 93, 105 Virgil, 132, 154 Virgin Mary, 50, 51, 85, 132, 175n27 Vittoria della Rovere, Grand-Duchess of Tuscany, 159 volcanos, 42 Les vrais pourtraits et vies des hommes illustres (Thevet), 112, 113 weapons collections, 93 wedding celebrations event descriptions, 151

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masquerades, 2, 32, 151, 152, 152, 154 operas and set designs, 127, 130, 139, 154–57, 155, 156 preparatory drawings for, 130, 131 triumphal processional arches, 19–21, 70–71, 157 Weiditz, Christopher, 23, 115 Weigel, Hans, 109, 114, 115 Widmanstetter, Johann Albrecht, 52 Woman from the New World, from Terzo volume delle Nagvigationi et viaggi (Ramusio), 88, 89 Woolworkers (Cavalori), 68 Wunderkammern/Kunstkammern, 11, 30, 38, 52

Youth Dressed in a Feather Skirt (Burgkmair), 111, 111 Zucchi, Jacopo Allegory of Creation, 79 Allegory of the Americas (Borghese Gallery), 79, 80, 81, 85–89, 155 Allegory of the Americas (Lviv National Art Gallery), 85–89, 86, 91, 155 Mining, 63, 65, 68–72 Portrait of Clelia Farnese, 88–89, 89 Villa Medici ceiling frescoes, 79, 80

Xerez, Francesco di, 70 Ximenes, Tommaso, 147

index

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