Imagining Fascism: The Culture Politics of the French Young Right, 1930-1945 087413949X, 9780874139495

Table of contents :
Contents
Introduction
Acknowledgments
1. Languages of Decadence and Renewal
2. Under the Sign of Agathon
3. The Generation of 1930
4. Germany Reborn!
5. Coalition of Dissidents?
6. Days of Rage
7. Why Not Us?
8. National Revolution
9. From Uncertain Triumph to Defeat
Conclusion
Notes
Select Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

IMAGINING FASCISM

IMAGINING FASCISM The Cultural Politics of the French Young Right,

1930-1945

Paul Mazgaj

Newark: University of Delaware Press

02007 by Rosemont Publishing & Printing Corp. All rights reserved. Authorization to photocopy item s for internal or personal use, or the in­ ternal o r personal use o f specific clients, is granted by the copyright owner, provided that a base fee o f $10.00, plus eight cents per page, per copy is paid directly to the C opyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, M assachusetts 01923. [0-87413-949-X/Ö7 $10.00 + pp, pc.] Other than as indicated in the foregoing, this book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form (except as permitted by Sections 107 and 108 o f the U.S. Copyright Law, and except for brief quotes appearing in reviews in the public press).

A ssociated University Presses 2010 Eastpark Boulevard Cranbury, NJ 08512

The paper used in this publication m eets the requirem ents o f the Am erican National Standard for Perm anence o f Paper for Printed Library M aterials 2139.48-1984. Library o f Congress C ataloging-in-Publication Data M azgaj, Paul, 1942Im agining fascism : the cultural politics o f the French young right, 1930/1945 / Paul M azgaj. p. cm.. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-87413-949-5 (alk. paper) ISB N -10:0-87413-949-X (alk. paper) 1. France— Intellectual life— 20th century. 2. Intellectuals—France—History— 20th century. 3. Nationalism —France—History----- 20th century. 4. Conservatism — France—History— 20th century. 5. France— Politics and government—20th century. I. Title. DC33.7.M 37 2007 944.08r 5 —dc22 2006024202

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

F or N icole

Contents

Acknowledgments

9

Introduction

13

1. Languages of Decadence and Renewal

35

2. Under the Sign of Agathon

56

3. The Generation of 1930

79

4. Germany Reborn!

104

3. Coalition of Dissidents?

131

6. Days o f Rage

158

7. Why Not Us?

182

8. National Revolution

211

9. From Uncertain Triumph to Defeat

235

Conclusion

259

Notes Bibliography Index

277 327 347

Acknowledgments I AM MOST GRATEFUL TO BOTH THE NATIONAL ENDOW M ENT FOR THE Humanities and the University of North Carolina Greensboro (UNCG) for financial support at an early stage of this project. For help in securing that support, 1 am indebted to Beverly Maddox-Britt at UNCG’s Office of Sponsored Services. I also want to thank the members of the History De­ partment at UNCG, who, over the years, have provided not only support and encouragement but a wonderfully collegial environment. I am still very much in debt to my adviser from graduate school days, Alan Spitzer, who introduced me to generational history and, more general­ ly, to the craft of the historian. 1 am also grateful to my colleagues at the So­ ciety for French Historical Studies and the W eston Society for French History, where I first presented much of the material contained in this book; they include Joel Blatt, Stuart Campbell, Vinni Datta, Stewart Doty, Allen Douglas, Sam Goodfellow, Bertram Gordon, Martha Hanna, Pat Hutton, Bill Irvine, Jonathan Judaken, Sam Kalman, Sean Kennedy, Bill Keylor, Kim Munholland, David Schalk, Bob Soucy, and Steve Zdatny. I have benefited greatly from their perspectives, their encouragement, and their criticism— though some of them might think not enough of the latter after reading this. Richard Crane of Greensboro College read early chapters and offered valu­ able criticism. The anonymous readers of the University of Delaware Press have my special thanks for their generous and helpful evaluation. My gratitude is also extended to the many librarians, both here and in France, that I have encountered while researching this project. I am partic­ ularly grateful to the librarians here at UNCG and, most especially, to Gaylor Callahan and the staff of the Interlibrary Loan Office at Jackson Li­ brary. I am also indebted to Stuart Campbell, director of Historical Reflectionsf Reflections historiques, for his support and encouragement over the years.

10

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Portions of this book first appeared in two articles in his journal: “Defend­ ing the West: The Cultural and Generational Politics of Henri Massis,” 17 (1991): 103-23, and “Ce Mal du Siècle: The ‘Romantic’ Fascism of Robert Brasillach,” 23 (1997): 49-72. Finally, my greatest debt is to Nicole Maicon Mazgaj. She has endured this long project, with patience and good humor—for the most part. As first editor, she has endeavored to make this a more readable book, despite, at times, my considerable resistance. Most importantly, she has served throughout as intellectual companion and has provided unwavering emo­ tional support. For that I owe her more than 1 can ever express. All translations throughout this book, unless cited from secondary sources, are my own.

IMAGINING FASCISM

Introduction

A s TH E DECADE OF THE I 9 3 OS OPENED, CHARLES MAURRAS’S ACTION française, though still regarded as the major intellectual force of the na­ tionalist Right, was showing its age. The movement’s ideological message, a product of the fin-de-siècle, appeared less than cutting edge and its aging leader cut a poor figure among the youthful cadres of the radical national­ ist movements of interwar Europe. It was of no small moment, therefore, when a circle of young writers, later identified under the rubric of the Young Right, emerged and was almost immediately recognized as a poten­ tial force of renewal. At the center of this circle stood Robert Brasillach and Thierry Maulnier.1While still classmates at the Ecole Normale Supér­ ieure, the most prestigious of the Third Republic’s grandes écoles, they had begun to embark on literary careers. Given their considerable talents, it is hardly surprising that Brasillach’s and M aulnier’s careers flourished early. Brasillach, while still in his twenties, published several novels, won exclusive literary prizes, and established himself as one of Paris’s leading literary critics. Maulnier, for his part, authored a series of book-length essays published by leading presses and earned a reputation as one of the most astute political commentators of the younger generation. Others in the inner circle of the Young Right also seemed marked for privileged places among the Parisian intellectual elite. They included a coterie of young Catholic writers, such as Jean de Fabrègues, René Vincent, and Jean-Pierre Maxence; a firebrand journalist named Maurice Blanchot; and a slightly younger group that included Raoul Girardet, Claude Roy, and Jacques Laurent.2As the best and brightest talents in the nationalist camp in the early and midthirties, they seemed destined for important things. This was certainly the judgment of Henri Massis, one of the most influ­ ential literary critics on the nationalist Right and a friend of Maurras, who first recruited many of the Young Right into the Action française. The am­

13

14

I m a g in in g F ascism

bitions of these young men, however, extended beyond writing for neoroy­ alist publications. As part of a generational insuigency, they aspired to define the mission of “their" generational cohort. As fledgling intellectu­ als, they looked to renew the intellectual capital of the nationalist Right, much as Maurice Barrés and Maurras had done for the generation of the 1890s. And most importantly, by the mid-1930s, they saw themselves as the emerging voice of a “national revolution," a revolution that would bring down the corrupt republic, revitalize the nation, and end the threat posed by the Popular Front. To be sure, these ambitions ultimately fell short of realization. Nevertheless, the collective experience of these young nationalists is instructive in several important respects. First, the Young Right provides a neglected perspective on the study of historical generations. Much has been written about two twentieth-century French generational cohorts: the patriotic “generation of 1914” and the radical “generation of 1968.” Less attention has been paid to the interme­ diate “generation of 1930." Yet the beginning of the 1930s witnessed the emergence of several clusters of young writers, each competing to become the voice of the generation of 1930 and, no less importantly, to define its “mission." The Young Right stood in the forefront of this competition. The efforts of these young neo-Maurrassians were primarily aimed at con­ structing a compelling generational narrative, forging alliances with other leading elements of their generation, and, most crucially, fusing the con­ cept of generation with that of another and even more powerful ideological force—the concept of nation. The result was a heady mix of militant generationalism and intransigent nationalism. Second, a reconstruction of the story of the Young Right throws new light on that characteristically French phenomenon, the engagé writer. Though the notion of engagement is generally seen as a post-1945 product of the existential Left, this study will demonstrate not only its prewar ori­ gins but the degree to which the nationalist Right had a hand in its earliest formulation. The construction of the modem nationalist intellectual, which began early in the century with Maurras’s influential L ’Avenir de l'intelli­ gence and was reformulated during the 1920s by Massis, achieved its fullest expression only during the Popular Front era. It is at this time that the Young Right, borrowing from Maurras and Massis while also reacting to the Left’s emerging vision of the committed intellectual, fashioned a distinctive nationalist prototype of the engagé writer. Finally, the story of the Young Right opens a revealing window on the divisions produced on the French Right by the rise of European fascist movements and regimes. The debate over what implications fascism would

In tro d u ctio n

15

have for French nationalism—a debate greatly intensified with H itler’s arrival in power in 1933— was particularly divisive within the orbit of the Action française. It produced a rift that had been latent for decades. On the one side, an activist minority of “regenerationists,” influenced by the likes o f a Nietzsche or a Georges Sorel, had long argued that energy and even violence were essential to break through the cul-de-sac of contem­ porary decadence. On the other, a more conservative majority of “restorationists” understood decadence to be primarily the breakdown of order and authority, even though they also spoke of energy and even, on occa­ sion, o f violence. Among the Young Right, clearly in the camp of the re­ generationists, fascism was seen through an optic shaped by their hopes for a national renaissance. In a succession of small reviews, launched as part o f their campaign to define the mission of their generation, the neoMaurrassians worked to identify what could usefully be adapted from for­ eign fascism s. This effort to move “beyond nationalism ," which reached high gear in the months just after the Popular Front’s electoral victory of 1936, can best be described as an attempt to articulate a French-style fas­ cism. Yet, as this study also reveals, the issue o f fascism finally proved divi­ sive even among the advance-guard regenerationists of the Young Right. Virtually all of the young neo-Maurrassians agreed that a French “national revolution" was necessary and that neighboring fascist regimes and move­ ments offered valuable “lessons." But how were these lessons to be inter­ preted and then applied? This is where, by the eve of the war, a crucial di­ vision emerged over the place of Nazism within the larger context o f fascism. On the one side, a faction of the Young Right, led by Maulnier, began to argue that a French national revolution, although necessary, could not be patterned after German Nazism, whose irrationalism, biological racism, and aggressive militarism made it incompatible with France’s his­ toric humanism. On the other side, gathered around Brasillach, a second faction was more ambivalent. Though held back from openly embracing Nazism by the threat posed by the German state, Brasillach and his friends were increasingly fascinated with the mobilizing power of Nazi myths and public theater. With the defeat of 1940, whatever misgivings remained were put aside and Brasillach’s faction succumbed to the dream of a Naziled regeneration of Europe. They soon looked to Nazi Germany as the leader in the crusade against Bolshevism, as the exemplar of heroic virtues in a world increasingly sunk in materialistic vices, and as the incarnation of the hopes of “young Europe" in its struggle against the decadent democ­ racies o f “old Europe."

16

Im a g in in g F ascism

After the defeat of 1940 and the subsequent Nazi Occupation, it was no longer possible for this ongoing debate between the two factions o f the Young Right to be perceived, as it might have been in the early 1930s, as a mere squabble among parvenu intellectuals carried on in small-circulation reviews. By the early 1940s, Maulnier was writing front-page commentary for Le Figaro, a leading conservative daily, while Brasillach was promot­ ing his collaborationist views as editor of Je suis partout, whose circula­ tion swelled to over two hundred thousand, making it the dominant voice of the collaborationist press. It was an interest in the neglected generation of 1930 that sparked the first serious historical treatment of the Young Right. Published in 1969, JeanLouis Loubet del Bayle’s pioneering Les Non-conformistes des années 30 included the Young Right as one o f three groups of young writers that competed to represent the generation of 1930.1Gathered around small but ultimately influential reviews, the non-conformistes, according to Loubet, not only marked the arrival of a new intellectual generation but repre­ sented a political watershed. It was one of those rare moments in French history, according to Jean Touchard, who inspired Loubet’s study, when the “spirit of the epoch" prevailed not only over party affiliations but over seemingly exhausted ideological divisions.4Though Loubet admitted that the short-term goals of the non-conformistes were not achieved, he con­ cluded that their longer-term impact on French political culture in the middle decades of the twentieth century was considerable.3 Further, im­ plicit in Loubet’s argument and especially germane to this study was the claim that not only did the Young Right help form the general outlook o f the non-conformistes, but, reciprocally, the outlook of the non-con­ form istes had a shaping influence on the Young Right and, in fact, gave it a distinctive identity on the nationalist Right. Hence, non-conformisme is one context for understanding the Young Right. Perhaps the most striking feature of Loubet’s non-conformistes, seen from a later vantage point, was the sheer extravagance of their intellectual pretensions. Their earliest writings were exemplary in this regard. Despite their tender age, they threw themselves headlong into a controversy that had engaged the most celebrated writers and artists of the postwar era, the heated exchange over the “crisis of civilization." From the perspective o f the non-conformistes, such a crisis was evident in a number of ominous de­ velopments: a leveling of taste and opinion, expressed politically in the prevalence of parliamentary democracy; an enervating materialism, mani­ fested in the spread of American-inspired consumerism; and, finally, a

I n tro d u ctio n

17

failure o f direction and nerve on the part of formerly directing elites, re­ flected in the decline of France among the nations of the West. These dark m usings led to a sense of the catastrophic, a sense well captured when one of the Young Right wrote that it was pointless to search for a historical par­ allel to the current crisis for it was the “beginning of a definitive crisis," which would herald “one of the critical phases of civilization and perhaps o f the species.”6The immensity of the crisis, however, did not signal a loss of nerve of the non-conformistes. With guileless self-assurance, their writ­ ings were filled with bold visions of a “spiritual revolution," one that prom ised to restore humanistic and spiritual values, reassert the preroga­ tives o f elite leadership, and renew the depleted capital of French civiliza­ tion. Yet Loubet’s study, confined as it is to the few years on either side of 1930, fails to provide a historical canvas large enough for a full apprecia­ tion o f the non-conformistes generally and the Young Right in particular. On the one side of die 1930 divide, Loubet largely focused his attention on the im pact o f the First World War and developments in the 1920s as the critical context for understanding the emergence of the “generation of 1930." Although this approach helps explain certain aspects of non-con­ form ism e, it fails in one major respect: namely, it tends to seal off the young intellectuals of 1930 from a language of generationalism and cul­ tural politics already well developed before 1914.7 Once the connection w ith this prewar language is reestablished, the generation of 1930 begins to look less unique, less the kind of watershed Loubet has claimed for it. To be sure, the intensity of youthful disenchantment and the pervasiveness of cultural pessimism were exacerbated by the war, but one must recognize that these were shifts in emphasis within a larger, well-traveled prewar dis­ course rather than a novel development. The unearthing of this discourse was the signal achievement of Robert Wohl, whose Generation o f 1914, published a decade after Loubet’s Les Non-conformistes des années 30, is another point of departure for this study.* All across Europe in the decade or so preceding the First World War, according to Wohl, young literary intellectuals wrote of a “crisis of civi­ lization," one with unmistakable family resemblances to the crisis Loubet had described. Almost exclusively male, of bourgeois origins, and prod­ ucts of elitist educations, and thus hardly representative of their age cohort, they, nevertheless, claimed to speak on behalf of the “younger generation." As posed in its original pre-1914 terms, the crisis over which they ago­ nized presupposed a series of anxious questions: How could the spiritual demands of civilization be served in societies evermore mechanical, seien-

18

I m a g in in g F ascism

tific, and materialistic? How could the increasingly restless masses be properly led if the classes with historic responsibilities for leadership failed to bear these responsibilities? And, most importantly, how could cul­ ture remain a vital force given the flagging energies of Europe’s formerly creative elites? Yet, despite this mood of uncertainty, prewar youth did not succumb to despair. A new generation—Wohl’s “generation o f 1914"— stood in the wings preparing to assume the tasks of regeneration. Against the reigning scientism and materialism, they would pursue cultural revital­ ization; in the face of the encroaching masses, they would reassert the rule of quality over quantity and reassume the burdens of elite leadership; and, finally, they would give youthful energy and singleness of purpose to the tasks their elders had abandoned. In short, Wohl identified generationalism as a remarkably durable for­ mula, constructed around the powerful mythopoetic sequence of decline and renewal, answering deep-seated cultural anxieties on the part o f Europe’s humanistically educated youth and operating over a large swath of European history. In France during the decade running up to the Dreyfus affair, Maurice Barrés had formulated an early nationalist version of generationalist politics. This Banèssian brand of generationalism reemerged, according to Wohl, on the eve of the First World War in the form o f Agathon’s famous survey of youth opinion, Les Jeunes Gens d'aujourd'hui. Fi­ nally, it resurfaced again, roughly between 1928 and 1933, when, accord­ ing to Wohl, “the swell of generationalism reached its peak."* These were precisely the years in which the non-conformistes emerged. But, inasmuch as Wohl’s interest was primarily the generation of 1914, his study did little more than suggest the connection between prewar youth and the genera­ tion of 1930.10He did, however, point to the importance of Henri M assis, who, more than any single individual in France, became the architect of the French generation of 1914. Massis, one of the two pseudonymous authors of Les Jeunes Gens, reworked the Barrèssian format, putting in place many of the conventions that would mark subsequent nationalist literature in France. M assis’s impact resulted neither from his originality nor from the profundity of his ideas—he was, in fact, a journeyman intellectual o f un­ exceptional talents—but from his ability to combine pervasive cultural anxieties and fears of national decline with hopes for renewal through the agency of youth. He interpreted contemporary perceptions of “decadence” in terms of the decline of traditional humanistic French culture before the combined onslaught of Germanic science and the leveling pressures of de­ mocratization. His hopes for renewal rested on the energies and idealism o f “the young men of today." As Wohl persuasively argues, M assis’s genera-

I n tro d u ctio n

19

üonal portraiture was so successful that it helped transform generationalist polemics into a widely imitated brand of cultural politics, one that com­ bined a global vision of national decadence with the possibility of renewal through the offices of a messianic generationalism." However, Massis’s career as a purveyor of generational sensibilities did not end in 1914. This study will, in effect, pick up the story where Wohl left off and demonstrate how Massis became a critical link between his own generation of 1914 and the nationalist component of the generation of 1930. A t one level, this link was personal. M assis took Brasillach, Maulnier, and their friends under his wing while they were still students. He not only helped get their careers properly launched through his connections to important reviews and newspapers, but also introduced them to other young intellectuals, who joined with them to form the core of the Young Right. At another level, Massis gave the younger men an apprenticeship in genera­ tionalist politics. They learned die conventions and rhetorical strategies of a genre o f cultural criticism in which Massis had become an accomplished master, a genre in which concern over the fate of civilization, the responsi­ bilities o f young writers, and nationalist politics were part of a seamless whole. Yet if Loubet’s non-conformisme and Wohl’s generationalism provide two important contexts for understanding the Young Right—the first more immediate, the second of longer term and, finally, more significant—there is also a third context: Charles Maurras and the Action française. Though not all o f those who identified with the Young Right were actually mem­ bers o f the neoroyalist organization, they all had been decisively influ­ enced by Maurras, influenced to the degree that the label neo-Maurrassian is perhaps the most accurate single descriptor. A t first blush, such an identification raises immediate questions. A commonly held image of M aurras’s Action française might lead one to conclude that it was profoundly at odds with both the spirit of non-conform ism e and M assis’s generationalism. Maurras, in the first instance, was a monarchist, a professed counterrevolutionary and thus, to all appearance, a representative of one of the fossilized ideological formations that the non-conformistes professed to disdain. Yet, as Eugen Weber has argued in his m asterful study of the movement, the Action française was not simply a reactionary throwback, led by nostalgic individuals whose time had passed, attempting to square the circle by reviving long-dead ideas and in­ stitutions,12for such an interpretation would scarcely explain the very con­ siderable power it exerted over the French Right in the first half of the twentieth century.

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Im a g in in g F ascism

What accounts for this influence? Several explanations—all indebted to Weber—have been put forward.11 First, though Maurras never ceased being a monarchist, it was his nationalism not his royalism that proved de­ cisive. And, in this regard, Maurras looked forward, not backward. He was a leading proponent of the new nationalism of the extreme Right that became common coin during the interwar years, a nationalism defined by its uncompromising hostility to democracy, its open embrace of violence, and, most especially, its nativist and exclusionary emphasis. Second, al­ though the leading neoroyalist figures were men of older generation, the Action française had, from its origins, incorporated a strong generationalist component into its appeal. Not only did neoroyalist political propa­ ganda bristle with youth motifs, but the Action française built a formidable institutional network that politically socialized several generations o f young nationalists, including the Young Right. This appeal to youth was enhanced when not long after the end of the First World War Henri Massis gravitated toward the neoroyalist movement, taking with him his reper­ toire as a generationalist and his credentials as an emissary to the younger generation. As noted, the recruitment of the Young Right was, in no small measure, the result of M assis’s efforts. Finally, Maurras and his stable of neoroyalist writers not only played an important role in reshaping French nationalism and giving it a generational appeal but were instrumental in formulating and promoting the mission of the nationalist “intellectual."14 Not the least of the virtues of Weber’s history of the neoroyalist movement was that it documented how Maurrassian ideas radiated outward through a network of allied and fellow-traveling newspapers, reviews, and editorial offices, making the Action française something much greater than the sum of its card-carrying parts.13 This insight was not only confirmed but expanded in Pascal Ory’s and Jean-François Sirinelli’s Les Intellectuels en France.'* Published in 1986, this study signaled the emergence of a new and fruitful approach to move­ ments like the Action française, which, beginning with the Dreyfus affair, provided a platform for writers and artists eager to find a political voice. Intellectuals, they argued, should be studied not only individually and in isolation but collectively, from within the various “structures of sociabil­ ity" that shaped them: schools, editorial boards of reviews and newspa­ pers, as well as explicitly political movements.17The coauthors of Les In­ tellectuels en France also took issue with the marked tendency to equate the study of intellectuals in politics with the study of the avant-guard Left. This, they argued, had the effect of distorting the balance of political forces in literary and intellectual circles in France, especially during the interwar

I ntro d u ctio n

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years, a tim e when nationalist intellectuals, in sharp contrast to the post1945 period, more than held their own with their counterparts on the Left." In this context the Action française is an important site for the study of nationalist intellectuals. Various neoroyalist organizations, especially those that catered to youth, provided the institutional support for several genera­ tions of nationalist intellectuals while Maurrassian ideas created an ideolog­ ical “microclimate” where recruits imbibed a shared language of politics. No less important was the fact that the Action française, from its earliest days, developed a distinctly Maurrassian version of the intellectual, one that was sharpened by its opposition to the more celebrated prototype elab­ orated by Zola and his fellow Dreyfusard intellectuals. Maurras’s clerc, de­ fender o f the nation, stood in sharp contrast to the Dreyfusard intellectual, defender o f individual rights. This Maurrassian struggle to define the responsibilities and mission of the nationalist intellectual would continue through the twenties, at a time when defending France became more explicitly tied to “defending the West.” Here, once again, Henri Massis became a key figure. As Sirinelli has shown, Massis took the lead in waging a high-profile campaign to rally French “intelligence” to the postwar nationalist cause, a cause in which French interests were defined within the larger context of civilizational de­ fense. In this regard, Massis, once again, proved to be a crucial link be­ tween the “first generation” of neoroyalist intellectuals, already mature before 1914, and the “third generation” of neo-Maurrassians, come of age about 1930. As this study will demonstrate, the most prominent voices among the latter, the men of the Young Right, would, in effect, attempt to adapt the mission of Maurrassian “intelligence” and the Maurrassian-style clerc to the very different environment of the second interwar decade. In this process, I will argue, the young neo-Maurrassians developed a nation­ alist version of engagement and of the committed writer, one that both contests and mirrors the version that was being developed on the Left at about the same time. Further, the study of the emergence of a nationalist variant of the committed writer not only contributes to a more balanced picture of the interwar intellectual but throws light on an important subset of that prototype, the fascist intellectual. If, as has been seen, Loubet’s foreshortening of perspective to the years just before 1930 led him to ignore or underemphasize the import of certain prewar connections, his decision in effect to end his story in 1934 is also problematic— especially in regard to the Young Right. The most obvious problem raised by this exclusive focus on the early thirties is that the nar­

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rative draws to a close just as the Young Right was approaching a critical juncture in its history—the point at which the question of fascism began to take center stage.19 However, if the question of fascism and the Young Right fell outside the chronological limits set by Loubet, it has not escaped the attention of other historians. In fact, the Young Right’s two leading per­ sonalities, Robert Brasillach and Thierry Maulnier, have become touch­ stones in the long-running debate over the question of fascism and French intellectuals.30 That Brasillach, by the late thirties, had become a fascist has never been seriously questioned. Not only did he admit his fascist sympathies at a time when few in France did, but under his editorship the weekly Je suis partout became a voice for a national revolution that promised to align France with the “new Europe." What has been questioned, however, is the importance o f publications like Je suis partout in French political culture and, even more critically, the significance of Brasillach’s fascism. Symptomatically, when René Rémond published his enormously influential La Droite en France in 19S4, Brasillach and his Je suis partout did not merit even pass­ ing mention.21This was of a piece with Rémond’s larger argument that the very word fascism was a misnomer when applied to France in the thirties. Much of what passed for French fascism, according to Rémond, was either superficial imitation or, more often, a revival of an older strain of French nationalism, which had no real relation to fascist movements or regimes elsewhere in Europe. Not only did he thus absolve the nationalist leagues, but he scarcely raised the issue of the fascist sympathies of such intellectu­ als as Brasillach. Although a consensus soon formed in France around the Rémond the­ sis, it did not stay fixed exactly where Rémond had planted it. Shortly after publication of La Droite en France, Raoul Girardet—who had been asso­ ciated with Brasillach and the Young Right and, subsequently, became an important historian of French nationalism—aigued for a modest, yet im­ portant, modification of the Rémond thesis.22 Girardet claimed that al­ though Rémond was correct in minimizing the significance of French fas­ cism, he failed to recognize a “new resonance,” a “new tonality” in French nationalism during the Popular Front era. The language of the nationalist leagues of the thirties was neither a simple mimicry of foreign models nor a mere reappropriation of older strains of nativist nationalism. Girardet claimed that this new resonance, which he labeled an “imprégnation fas­ ciste,” was largely the work of a small circle of young literary intellectuals, in which Brasillach and his Je suis partout colleagues figured prominently. In fact, Girardet’s characterization of this fascist resonance in France was

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almost exactly as Brasillach had described it in the thirties. French fas­ cism, in Girardet’s rendering, was not a “doctrine” but a “spirit”—precisely the point that Brasillach made virtually every time he discussed fascism. Further, as Girardet spelled out the particulars of this “spirit of fascism,” the reader was left with the impression of having revisited Brasillach’s memoir, Notre Avant-guerre.” Everything remained as Brasillach had left it: the irreverence and camaraderie; the cult of activism and the back-tonature mania; the frustration with a stagnant, “bourgeois” France; and the belief in the regenerative powers of youth. Girardet tied all of this together under the label of romanticism. It was a characterization o f French fas­ cists that would prove surprisingly potent in subsequent French historiog­ raphy.” Yet Girardet’s “imprégnation fasciste” argument showed up as only a minor blip on the screen o f Rémond’s minimalist argument concerning French fascism. For one thing, Girardet ended his story on the eve of the war, leaving his fascist “romantics” isolated and pessimistic; ending it then tended to reinforce Rémond’s basic claim for the impotence of fascist ten­ dencies in France. But more important than specific conclusions was the larger connotation that emerged from Girardet’s piece. The label romantic conjured up something superficial, something merely literary rather than concretely political. The implication seemed to be that “real fascism”-as in its Italian and German incarnations, for example—was hard-fisted and doctrinal; Brasillach’s fascism, by contrast, was soft-headed and spiritual, something of a literary affectation. This “romantic” characterization of Brasillach was later echoed in two very different literatures. The first, openly apologetic, attempted to redeem Brasillach’s reputa­ tion. The most extreme version of Brasillach apologetics was from the pen of his brother-in-law, Maurice Bardèche.25 In one sense, as a postwar de­ fender o f Brasillach’s wartime collaboration with the Nazis and an early Holocaust “revisionist,” Bardèche had isolated him self on the neofascist political fringe. Yet, as a normalien with university credentials, he was no run-of-the-mill extremist. He not only controlled Brasillach’s papers but edited a multivolume generously annotated edition of the bulk of Brasil­ lach’s writings, making him one of the most accessible of Europe’s fascist intellectuals.26Also central to Brasillach’s rehabilitation effort have been the Cahiers des amis de Robert Brasillach, whose central thrust has been in the direction of renewing an appreciation for the “poète assassiné” and a lifting o f the purported “conspiracy of silence” surrounding his life and writing.27 Finally, this rehabilitation campaign reached high gear when a number o f highly sympathetic biographies appeared in the late 1980s.21

24

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Unlike Bardiche’s attempt to justify Brasillach’s fascism, these biogra­ phies took a less exposed and seemingly more plausible line of defense. Representative of this genre of apologetics is Anne Brassié’s Robert Bra­ sillach ou encore un instant de bonheur, which appeared in 1987. Brassié posed the admittedly perplexing question of how a person with Brasil­ lach’s reputed joie de vivre and finely honed sensibility could have been attracted to fascism. Her answer, reduced to essentials, was that Brasillach was “seduced” not so much by fascism but by his romanticized image o f it—a mystique of fascism. The portrait that emeiges is that of an essentially literary rather than a political person, who, pulled by a misguided sense o f duty and a naïve craving for fully living the adventure of his age, wandered innocently off the grounds of the literary compound and into the jungle o f interwar and collaborationist politics.29 Meanwhile, for much of the immediate postwar period, Brasillach was largely ignored by the mainline historical establishment in France. In a general way, Brasillach’s treatment at the hands of French historians has followed the trajectory traced out by Henry Rousso in his Vichy Syn­ drome.30First, from the early 19S0s through the early 1970s, silence pre­ vailed, interrupted only momentarily by voices like that o f Girardet, whose interest in Brasillach was only incidental.11 Then, by the 1970s, sparked by the publication of the French edition of Robert Paxton’s Vichy France, the long silence was broken.32 Paxton has convincingly demon­ strated that many of the early initiatives of the Pétainist regime, including the anti-Semitic laws and collaboration with Nazi Germany, were not im­ posed from without but initiated by Vichy authorities themselves. This helped set in motion a massive wave of revisionism concerning the “dark years” from 1940 to 1944, a wave that, by the 1980s, had transformed his­ torical understanding of the period. Remembering what had been re­ pressed—to employ Rousso’s therapeutic idiom—came into vogue. Virtu­ ally no stone was left unturned, including Brasillach and his Je suis partout. As early as 1976, Pascal Ory, representative of a new generation of French historians, devoted a chapter of his history of the French collab­ oration to the Je suis partout circle.11Ory claimed that Brasillach’s weekly was the epicenter of the formidable propaganda network developed as part of the “intellectual collaboration.” By 1996, when Jeannine VerdèsLeroux’s massive study of the extreme Right from 1930 to the Liberation appeared, Brasillach and his Je suis partout had assumed a prominent role.14 As do most productive areas of new research, the scholarship on the Occupation years not only provided new answers to old questions but

In tro d u c tio n

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stimulated a host of new questions. One of the most intriguing of these was the relation o f the Vichy period to the last decade of the Third Republic. This, in effect, was the question posed and provocatively answered by the Israeli historian Zeev Sternhell in his M droite ni gauche, which appeared in 1983.” In a book every bit as ambitious as Paxton’s, Sternhell argued that the “amnesia" that had blinded the French to the truth concerning Vichy and French collaboration in the forties had also operated to conceal the appeal of fascism in the thirties. Although Sternhell accepted the con­ ventional argument that organized fascist movements remained weak in R anee, he contended that the intellectual elite, more influential in France than elsewhere, had been “saturated” with fascist ideas well in advance of 1940.” M uch of the controversy surrounding Stem hell’s Ni droite ni gauche centered on the highly unorthodox and politically provocative argument suggested by the book’s title—namely, that fascism was not a phenomenon of the extreme Right but a synthesis of nationalism and revisionist social­ ism. Focus on this controversial claim drew attention away from another important assertion of Sternhell’s N i droite ni gauche: that the non-conformiste circles of the thirties—particularly that of the Young Right—were an im portant but neglected “laboratory” for French fascist ideas. His penultimate chapter, entitled “Spiritual Fascism,” focused on Combat, a small neo-Maurrassian review that assembled all the leading personalities of the Young Right. Though the ideological formulations found in the columns of Combat were “subtler” than those of “self-declared fascists,” it is difficult, Sternhell asserted, to discern “any real basic difference be­ tween them.”37 One other less noted element o f revisionism also emerged from Stemhell’s argument in Ni droite ni gauche. The central figure in Stemhell’s re­ construction of the Young Right milieu was not Brasillach, who openly cel­ ebrated his fascism and became a leading voice of collaboration after 1940, but the lesser known Thierry Maulnier, who never fully embraced the fas­ cist label before the war and remained with M aurras’s Action française through the Occupation. What dictated this seemingly odd choice? Maul­ nier, it seems, represented for Sternhell the kind of French intellectual whom he seemed intent on exposing: one who promoted fascist ideas but cleverly avoided labeling them as such, one whose influence operated through the conduit of small-circulation but prestigious reviews read by the literary and intellectual elites, and, not incidentally, one whose postwar career resumed its upward climb without any admission—much less any full public accounting—of his fascist past.3*

26

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However, whereas the impeccably argued Paxton thesis, after some minimal resistance, finally won the day in France, the Sternhell thesis ran into an almost solid wall of hostility. The earliest responses were particu­ larly critical, not only challenging Sternhell’s conclusions concerning French fascism but questioning the methodological underpinnings o f his work.59In this latter regard especially. Sternhell was vulnerable in two crit­ ical areas. First, his approach to fascist ideology reflected an older and largely discredited practice of treating ideas as largely detached from their immediate social and political context. Thus “fascist ideology," which Sternhell claims was fully formulated before 1914, took on the appearance o f a hermetically sealed essence, touching down at particular historical points, but unchanging in its nature. This gave SternhelTs treatm ent o f France in the thirties a peculiar ahistorical quality. His historical agents, impervious to events swirling about them, seemed to be merely acting out their ideological predispositions; the reader was left with the impression that how these agents behaved after 1940 could be anticipated by what they wrote before 1934.40Second, his conception of what constituted fas­ cism was never clearly spelled out. Instead, a number of vaguely defined traits were identified as fascist with the implication that some combination of such traits, clustered together, made for a fascist. Yet precisely which traits and in what combination were never clearly defined, with the result that Stemhell’s judgments seemed, at best, arbitrary. Yet, in spite of its methodological weaknesses. Ni droite ni gauche was a difficult book to dismiss wholesale. It was hard to ignore the sheer accu­ mulation of incriminating evidence that pointed to a seemingly inescap­ able conclusion—namely, that fascism had exerted a powerful attraction on the imaginations of important segments of the French intellectual elite during the 1930s. Even if he failed to make the case he set out to make, Sternhell made it difficult to return to the comforting view that French po­ litical culture offered a kind of prophylactic against the allure of fascist ideas.41 Symptomatic were two works published in France in the second half of the 1980s: Philippe Burrin’s La Dérive fasciste and Pierre M ilza’s Fascisme français.*1Though critical of Sternhell, they were markedly less dismissive than his earliest commentators. In fact, from one perspective, Burrin’s and M ilza’s work can be seen as an attempt to reconfigure the older view first promoted by Rémond taking Sternhell—along with other, largely foreign, critics of Rémond—into account. Given the impact that Burrin and Milza have had on the historiography of French fascism since the late 1980s, one might legitimately label this reconfiguration the new French orthodoxy.

I n tro d u ctio n

27

Several distinctive features mark this new orthodoxy, all of them ad­ mirably illustrated in Butrin’s path-breaking La Dérive fasciste. First, in sharp contrast to Sternhell, Burrin paid attention to context and evolution over tim e. Unlike Sternhell, whose dramatis personae seem bound by a preform ulated, unchanging “fascist discourse," Burrin recreated his as genuine historical subjects. Their final embrace of fascism during the Oc­ cupation years, he convincingly argued, was only one of several possible outcomes. Second, Burrin dealt more satisfactorily with the curious attrac­ tion that fascism admittedly exerted over some of the most original minds of the younger generation. He, in effect, invites the reader to visualize a set of concentric circles: a small, compact inner core of genuine fascists; a second, larger circle of “fascization" populated by those who had been in­ fluenced in significant ways by fascism; and, finally, a still larger circle of those merely “fascinated" and, thus, only superficially influenced.41 The resulting picture, where half-tones predominated, seemed much truer to the situation in France in the 1930s than Stemhell’s stark contrasts. Finally, Burrin and Milza, in contrast to Sternhell, provided an operational defini­ tion o f fascism and, no less importantly, attempted to apply it evenhandedly across the board. Elaborated in its earliest version, B unin’s formula­ tion o f a “fascist minimum" was elegantly succinct, a Weberian ideal type rather than an attempt to isolate a fascist “essence" or to accumulate a gro­ cery list of purported fascist traits. Yet if the form of Bunin’s fascist mini­ mum was a distinct improvement over earlier versions, its content was less fully satisfying. Burrin began with two relatively uncontroversial claims: first, that the “fascist project" was aimed at reunifying, through violence if necessary, a national community badly divided by purportedly antinational ideologies, particularly liberalism and socialism; and, second, that fascists, once in power, tend to be expansionist. More questionable was a critical corollary: that fascism is inherently totalitarian.** The consequence, if not the intent, of incorporating this totalitarian corollary into a definition o f fascism is that virtually all potential French fascists—be they intellectuals or political figures—must be judged as something less than fully fascist. The Young Right serves as a case in point. For Burrin and Milza, its leading personalities were illustrations of the impotence of fascism in in­ terwar France. In fact, Thierry Maulnier, in Burrin’s words, is “emblem­ atic” of French fascism in this regard. Though he could, on occasion, employ the word totalitarian, he was in reality a pluralist who wanted to recreate the diversity of the “natural" society of the old regime. Further, though he might speak in pseudo-Darwinian terms about combat as the ul­ timate test o f the mettle of a nation, by the eve of the war M aulnier was

28

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eager, as were most of the neopacifists of the extreme Right, for concilia­ tion with Nazi Germany. Thus, M aulnier’s journey from obvious “fascina­ tion” with fascism in the early 1930s to genuine fascization by the time o f the Popular Front was a truncated process, paradigmatic in its failure to embrace totalitarianism and an expansionist drive. According to Burrin, Maulnier revealed in his person, as it were, “a fascism [that was] weak and incomplete.”41 Likewise, Milza, commenting on M aulnier’s friends at Combat, concluded that, though they shared certain important elements with genuine fascists, they were conspicuously lacking in, among other things, a “warrior ethic,” an “idolatry of state and race," and a “totalitar­ ian” frame of mind.46Milza seemed willing to concede more ground con­ cerning Brasillach and his Je suis partout contingent, claiming that their anti-Semitic weekly became “the epicenter of intellectual fascism” in France.47 But he later qualified this claim, arguing that the fascism es­ poused by Brasillach and his équipe was “more a style, an aesthetic, a ‘ro­ mantic’ choice for what Brasillach liked to call the ‘poetry of the 20th cen­ tury’ than an economic and political doctrine.”4* Thus, if, for Sternhell, Maulnier and the Young Right circle were prime examples of the degree to which fascism had “saturated” the French intellectual community, for Burrin and Milza they were exemplars of precisely what was lacking in French fascism—namely, the totalitarian imperative to consolidate inter­ nally and to expand externally. If the new French orthodoxy around the Burrin thesis has succeeded in fending off StemheU’s challenge to Rémond, and reanchoring the latter’s minimalist argument on a firmer base, it remains vulnerable on one impor­ tant ground. Though Burrin and Milza concede the widespread diffusion o f a fascist or fascisant appeal in France, their restrictive conception of the fascist minimum—making totalitarianism the sine qua non of fascism—is equivalent to the argument that virtually all French fascism is “incom­ plete.” Yet the question might legitimately be posed: should totalitarianism be included as a necessary litmus test for fascism? The usefulness of the term totalitarianism as an analytical tool in describing the two “model” fascist regimes has long been questioned by many students of fascism.49In the case of Italian Fascism, the term is useful primarily in describing the image the regime wished to project; behind the image, most recent schol­ ars agree, the Fascist state was in fact a patchwork of compromises with traditional elites—nothing that could even remotely justify die label total­ itarian.10Even applied to the Nazis, where a stronger case can be made, its utility has been questioned; a number of the most prominent historians o f

I n tro d u ctio n

29

the Nazi state have claimed that use of the term obscures more than it re­ veals about power relationships within the Third Reich.31 It is noteworthy that since the publication of Milza’s and Burrin’s stud­ ies in the 1980s there has been a renewed effort, after several decades of relative neglect, to construct a generic fascism.32The products of these ef­ forts, though diverse, share two qualities: first, drawing from the nowenormous stock of discrete national studies of various radical Right move­ ments and regimes, they aim to construct a genuinely comparative model; and second, virtually none of them include totalitarianism as a necessary component of their definition.53Among the earliest and the most influential of these recent studies o f generic fascism is Roger Griffin’s The Nature o f Fascism. As did a number of others before him, including Zeev Sternhell, Griffin insisted on understanding fascism as an ideology. However, he rec­ ognized that earlier attempts at reconstituting fascism in ideological terms had foundered over the difficulty of finding common denominators among the confusing muddle of doctrines and programs put forth by fascists. Grif­ fin suggested an ingenious remedy. The common element that bound to­ gether the highly variegated mix of individuals and groups under the label of fascism , he argued, was not a shared political or economic agenda but something closer to myth in the Sorelian sense—that is, a collection of evocative images that fired the imagination and offered a spur to action. The content of this mythic imagery, according to Griffin, was a secularized version o f the older religious notion of palingenesis, the belief in the pos­ sibility of rebirth after an extended period of decline. W hat distinguished fascists from the much larger circle of restorationists and renovationists, many of whom were also convinced of the decadence of the existing order, was precisely this apocalyptic cast of mind, this belief that the modem, lib­ eral society was so steeped in decadence, so utterly corrupted, that only total regeneration would suffice. It was this palingenetic myth, along with a populist ultranationalism, seen by many, if not all, commentators as part of the fascist amalgam, that became the litmus test for Griffin’s fascism.34 Among the virtues of this formulation, two stand out in relief. First, G riffin’s palingenetic myth proposed a solution to the most intractable problems surrounding the conception of a “fascist minimum”: that of find­ ing a semblance of unity amid a cacophonous diversity. What Griffin man­ aged to accomplish was to move from the notion of ideology as a cluster of ideas to ideology as an essentially cultural construct with, in the case of fascist ideology, the myth of national death and renewal as its centerpiece. Under the ample spread of his palingenetic umbrella, Griffin has found shelter for the seemingly endless variety of nostrums and platforms put

30

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forth by radical nationalists in search of a redemptive formula. In all o f this, Griffin builds on the earlier insights of George Mosse, most notably the latter's claim that historians have failed to explore fascism ’s signifi­ cance as a cultural phenomenon.” Second, Griffin’s formulation offered a solution to another problem haunting fascist studies: the inability to ex­ plain how fascists, despite the patent banality of most of their schemes for social and economic reform, could plausibly pose as “revolutionaries.’’ Once again, the notion of palingenesis suggested an answer. Translating the ancient religious topos of death and redemption into a secular myth o f national decadence and renewal, fascists were able to project a sense o f in­ credible dynamism, a sense that a new society would soon rise from the ashes of a dying one. In short, what mattered to fascists was not the devel­ opment of specific programs, but a generalized belief that decadence was rife and rebirth imminent. Here newer work on fascist culture and aesthet­ ics—on how fascists, in effect, projected notions of rebirth and renewal— could lend ready support to Griffin’s position.96 By the end of the decade of the 1990s, Griffin could argue that after years of often bitter division a consensus was finally emerging on the issue of generic fascism.97Clearly, such hopes were buoyed by new studies, es­ pecially those by Roger Eatwell and Stanley Payne, that shared, with im­ portant reservations, his general approach.9* Yet, as Griffin him self later admitted, his claim o f an emerging “new consensus" was, at best, prema­ ture.59As Griffin surely realized, resistance to his approach would arise es­ pecially from historians, many of whom had long-standing objections to purely ideological approaches to fascism. And, indeed, such resistance was not long in emerging. Robert Paxton, writing in 1998, challenged not only Griffin’s but other attempts, like those of Eatwell and Payne, to character­ ize fascism in ideological terms.60There was a difference in kind, Paxton argued, between earlier ideological constructions, such as liberalism and socialism, and fascism: the former two, formulated in a predemocratic age, were based on philosophic premises and rational programs; the latter, a product of mass politics, was essentially about the mobilization o f political passions.61 Understanding fascism, therefore, required not so much an analysis of “doctrines" as a careful reconstruction of the practices o f fas­ cist political mobilization. To this end, Paxton recommended a “func­ tional" approach, one that would pay more attention to what fascists did than to what they said, and, critically, would focus not so much on the ide­ ological origins of fascism but its historical evolution. In light of this, it is not surprising that Paxton stressed processes rather than definitions and di­ rected attention toward the historical context.62

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Paxton’s functional and contextual analysis led him to an important general observation—namely, that there was a marked tendency for suc­ cessful fascist movements, however radical in their earliest ideological pronouncements, to reach some accommodation with the parties and ligues of the Right and conservative social elites." According to Paxton, this ten­ dency, absolutely crucial to understanding the success or failure of fascist movements, is obscured by a focus on ideology. This tine of argumenta­ tion, especially in regard to France, was not altogether novel. Robert Soucy, whose two-volume survey of French fascism has had considerable influence, had taken an even stronger stance than Paxton.64 Not only had Soucy long argued the importance of the link between conservatives and fascists, but he had suggested that the familiar definitional boundaries that rigidly compartmentalized them had the effect of seriously distorting his­ torical reality. While not denying differences between fascists and author­ itarian conservatives, Soucy insisted that these were differences of degree rather than kind.* Others, most notably Michel Dobry and Brian Jenkins, have gone even further. Dobry has called for a break with “the logic of classification,” a logic that, he claimed, leads not only to constructing highly artificial ideological entities but to endowing such entities with “essences” and surrounding them with impenetrable frontiers. For Dobry, no better example of this can be found than in the construct of “fascism” by mainline French historians; it belies the historical reality of the French authoritarian Right in the 1930s when various movements, drawing from a common pool of ideological staples, jockeyed for position in a relatively open field. In the tight of this, Dobry advised historians to abandon the misguided and increasingly unproductive debate over definitional bound­ aries and to replace it with a “relational perspective” that would focus the discussion on the struggle for competitive advantage among the various el­ ements of the French authoritarian Right.66 Granting that Dobry rightly calls into question the exaggerated focus on the defining and patrolling of ideological boundaries, and the insufficient attention paid to their permeability, it is unlikely that most historians will abandon ideological classifications altogether—or, for that matter, accept the notion that ideological formulations play no more than a purely instru­ mental role. Paxton, for his part, has admitted that he “was tempted to reduce the role o f ideology in fascism to a simple functionalism” but de­ cided that it “would be a gross oversimplification.”67 Further, even as Paxton’s focus has been primarily on the interaction between fascists and their conservative allies over time, he has concluded that fascism cannot be totally reduced to “processes and stages.” In the end, Paxton has conceded,

32

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one cannot avoid defining a “fascist minimum."** Yet, although Paxton’s capsule definition of fascism does, in its most recent version, incorporate elements of Griffin’s palingenetic emphasis,*9there is little evidence that anything like Griffin’s “new consensus" is emeiging. Considering only Griffin and Paxton, outstanding differences remain unresolved—though, perhaps, not unresolvable. Griffin claims, not without some justice, that Paxton unfairly characterizes him as simply another in a long line of schol­ ars attempting to define fascism through a description of its “doctrines."10 In fact, Griffin’s elaboration of the “core myth" of fascism is not descrip­ tive but Weberian, in that it is an ideal type based on a range of observed phenomena and rising above regional peculiarities and “time-bound con­ tingencies.”71Yet, this much admitted, Paxton’s question remains a salient one. Does not the frequency with which fascist movements entered into al­ liances with the political Right and conservative social elites, in their at­ tempt to carve out political space, suggest something more than contin­ gency? Furthermore, Paxton’s larger methodological question about the viability of conceiving fascism in purely ideological terms is one likely to resonate with historians. It is probably safe to assume that this controversy between “ideolo­ gists" and “functionalists” will not find definitive resolution any tim e soon. One might argue that this unresolved historical conundrum is highly inconvenient for a study, such as this, where the question of fascist en­ gagement is central. Yet there is a beneficial side to such controversies: not only do they raise a host of knotty questions that resist pat answers, they also invite looking at historical phenomena from multiple perspectives. It is my hope that the close scrutiny of the Young Right that follows has been enriched by a consideration of such questions and perspectives. From the side of the “Ideologists,” I have found Griffin’s approach useful in two re­ spects. First, his concept of palingenesis not only is useful in characteriz­ ing the Young Right’s agitated search for a path that would carry them “beyond nationalism," but helps one understand what connected them with other such movements that had very different programmatic agendas. It also suggests an explanation for the Young Right’s insistent but seemingly empty claim that they were “revolutionaries." Though some perfunctory gestures in the direction of an economic and social program can be found in their writings, what the young neo-M aurrasians envisioned was a pri­ marily political and cultural revolution—a change in institutions, attitudes, and values. Their formulation can be considered “revolutionary" in the sense that they envisioned, in a single apocalyptic episode, the destruction of a decadent France and the emergence of a regenerated one. Yet, did this

I n t r o d u c t io n

33

make them fascists? Although those writing in Young Right publications often spoke, as did their fascist contemporaries, of participating in a “na­ tional revolution” and o f creating a “new order,” their political outlook was in many respects still shaped by their Maurrassian heritage. Given this ambiguity, to what degree is the label fascist appropriate? If appropriate, to which element or elements of the Young Right should it be applied? And, finally, among those who might be labeled fascists, at what stage in their political evolution can the designation be most properly applied? In coming to terms with these questions, Griffin's ideal type proves useful in a second way—as an instrument for separating fascism from what might be better described as conservative or reactionary. Seen through the filter of G riffin's fascist minimum, the question of ideological differences be­ tween the Young Right and the conservatives, especially the aging leaders of the Action française, is foregrounded; and the Young Right’s attempt to stake out a new ideological position “beyond" the more conservative na­ tionalism of their elders is brought into sharp focus. Yet to end here would leave the story of the Young Right with a missing dimension. In this respect, the emphasis of the “functionalists” on the im­ portance of the historical context and the porousness of ideological fron­ tiers offers a valuable corrective. Taking the period of the mid-1930s as an example, if one changes one's focus from the Young Right’s ideological stances—their vehement diatribes against conservative positions and their obsession with a national revolution—to their political behavior, another side o f the picture emerges. Most of the Young Right, in fact, continued to write for Maurrassian publications, participated in conferences and rallies flanked by conservatives of various stripes, and, ultimately, despite inter­ nal feuds, joined as comrades in arms with other factions of the nationalist Right in the common struggle against the Popular Front. Here, one must ask the kind of questions raised by Paxton and, before him, Soucy. Were the differences between the Young Right and the traditional Right, how­ ever real, perhaps less consequential than what they shared as allies against a recently united Left? To what degree were the criticism s of the Young Right less intended to reject but more to reconfigure the traditional con­ cepts o f authority, hierarchy, and community? From this vantage point, the ideological similarities between the Young Right and the Action française —and, more generally, between the Young Right and the larger conserva­ tive Right—are brought into focus. The extent to which the questions posed by both Griffin and Paxton can be applied in this reconstruction of the story of the Young Right suggests the latter's role as an interesting case study of nationalist intellectuals.

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Some of the young neo-M aunassians, as will be seen, are of interest be­ cause they inhabited the interstices of the political culture between fascism and conservatism. Others claim attention because they wandered freely across fascism’s “magnetic field”—to reemploy B unin’s evocative im­ agery—where the lines separating the fascist core from the outer circles populated by those partly “fascisized”or merely “fascinated” were highly porous. Finally, the case of the Young Right is made all the more intriguing in that these were men who attempted to legitimize their fascist or fascisant politics by claiming to speak as the voice of their generation and with the authority of French “intelligence.”

1 Languages of Decadence and Renewal

W hen T hierry Maulnier, barely into m s twenties, wrote somberly about the “definitive crisis of civilization,“ he was certainly not breaking new rhetorical ground.1The notion of “crisis,“ the fear o f encroaching decadence and of civilizational decline, had haunted not only many of his elders— Agathon’s “generation of 1912“—but, to an even greater degree, his elders’ elders—the “generation of 1890.“ That the early French Third Republic became a privileged site for narratives constructed around images o f national decadence is perhaps not surprising given its less than auspicious beginnings. It has become conventional wisdom for historians to point to the doubly traumatic birth pangs of the Third Republic—a hu­ m iliating defeat in the Franco-Prussian War compounded by the bloodlet­ ting o f the Commune. Further, historians have stressed the degree to which these events were only reflections of longer-term problems: on the one side, the relative decline of French power in the constellation of European politics, a decline that, given contemporary indices, was not only likely to continue but to accelerate; and, on the other, a history of bitter class ani­ m osities.2 M ore recently, historians have focused on the fin de siècle, a period when decadence graduated from the status of a preoccupation to become something of a national obsession.3 What is most immediately striking when looking at the closing years of the nineteenth century is the ever-ex­ panding list o f the various symptoms o f decadence. Radiating outward from the core fears of external decline in national power and of internal social disintegration, manifestations of collective anxiety stretched as far as the eye could see: from perceived increase in the incidence of suicide, alcoholism, crime, pornography, and mental illness; to the growing sus­ ceptibility of the populace to certain feared diseases, especially tuberculo35

36

I m a g in in g F a sc ism

sis and syphilis; and, finally, to the most alarming and pervasive of French fears—that of a stagnant French birth rate. What gave these seemingly dis­ parate apprehensions not only a coherence but a claim to scientific legiti­ macy was a cluster o f widely shared and interrelated notions, which Robert Nye has reconstructed and labeled “the medical model o f degener­ acy.” At die core of this cluster was the belief that the entire French popu­ lation, the “national stock,” was suffering from certain hereditary weak­ nesses, which might have had environmental sources originally, but, subsequently, had become “fixed” in the hereditary apparatus of French­ men. Seen through the perspective of this “medical model,” all problems became discrete pathologies in the fabric of a pathological society. For ev­ erything from alcoholism to debauchery, from crime to mental illness, and, ultimately, to the “master pathology,” the inability to reproduce the species, the French sought and received explanations within the frame of an overarching model whose legitimacy was anchored in “science.” Fur­ ther, as Nye has pointed out, adaptations from this model not only became the stuff of contemporary fiction—Zola’s Rougon-Macquart soies, to take the most celebrated example— but also had an enormous impact on the de­ velopment of entire fields of social research, from psychiatry through criminology to public hygiene. Finally, and most critically according to Nye, the medical model of degeneration began to enter the currents of con­ temporary political discourse.4 Nowhere was evidence of this entry more pronounced than in the new conservative nationalism taking shape in the decade between the Boul­ anger and Dreyfus affairs, a nationalism that was bom, in the words o f Raoul Girardet, as a “meditation on a form of decadence.”1The paradig­ matic figure of this new nationalism, as it moved from an inchoate Boulangist Left to an anti-Dreyfusard Right, was Maurice Barrés. In Barrès’s classic expression of anti-Dreyfusard nationalism, decadence was inter­ preted primarily in terms of contamination of the French body politic by “foreign” influences, defined to include a host o f external and internal agents of corruption.6However, Barrès’s musings on French national deca­ dence did not end in despair: the fear of decline was matched by the hope of recovery. Barrés was, in fact, quite explicit concerning the agency through which a national renaissance might be operated. That agency, as Robert Wohl has emphasized, was the “younger generation,” or more pre­ cisely that portion of the younger generation equipped with the social and cultural capital to organize and pursue the regenerationalist project. Fur­ ther, as Wohl argued, Barrès’s writings in the decade that preceded the Dreyfus affair provided a set of rhetorical conventions that stocked the ar­

L anguages

of

D ecadence

and

R enew al

37

senals o f succeeding French generationalists. These included a strong per­ ception o f collective identity drawn in sharp contrast to the preceding gen­ eration, a bittersweet sense of being “lost" or “sacrificed,” and a height­ ened awareness of a “destiny" or a “mission” to fulfill.7 Among the literary intelligentsia of the next generation, no individual relived Barrès’s journey from fm-de-siècle literary decadence to regenera­ tion through identity with the nation with more vicarious intensity than Henri M assis. As a student in Paris in the first decade of the new century, M assis looked to Barrés not only as a maître à penser but as a personal guide. Speaking of two of Barrès’s early novels, Massis recalled “[w]ith what ardor we read those little books in our study rooms, books that seem ed to have been written for us alone.”* But it was not simply personal salvation that Massis sought. W hile still a student, according to Wohl, M assis “throbbed with the ill-concealed ambition of becoming a leader of youth and a spiritual guide," an ambition soon to be realized.9 Massis, combining his talents with those o f another young intellectual, Alfred de Tarde, became “Agathon," pseudonymous author of two enormously con­ troversial press campaigns that took the prewar Parisian intellectual scene by storm . The materials from these campaigns were soon published in book form—L ’Esprit de la nouvelle Sorbonne in 1911 and Les Jeunes Gens d ’aujourd’hui in 1913. The first, rallying all of the long-festering grievances of French littérateurs, was a spirited, broad-front attack on the reform movement in education; the second, framed as an enquête on the “generation of 1912," was a virtual call for national redemption through the agency of youth. These two campaigns, taken together, represented a distinctive genre of cultural politics that would serve as handmaiden to the prew ar “nationalist revival" and would become a critical interwar text in the literature of nationalist generationalism. The first o f Agathon’s two offensives, launched in the Parisian daily L ’Opinion in the summer of 1910, took aim at the nouvelle Sorbonne, shorthand for the reforms that had transformed French higher education in the preceding two decades.10According to Massis and de Tarde, the typical product o f the nouvelle Sorbonne was the highly specialized pedant, who, instead of approaching his texts in the traditional humanist fashion, busied him self with tracing influences, reconstructing historical contexts, and as­ sembling footnotes. Signs of originality, intuitive insight, or stylistic ele­ gance branded a student as a budding dilettante, unfit to pursue a career in the modem, scientific university. Implicitly, at the level of intellectual pol­ itics, Agathon struck a blow for the nonacademic littérateur whose prestige and livelihood were threatened by the new university. No less dangerous

38

I m a g in in g F a sc ism

than the reformers’ attempt to create specialists, according to Agathon, w as their democratizing zeal, their desire to open the university to the m asses. A democratized educational system would necessarily result in a lowering of standards. What educational reformers resisted was the idea o f the “ne­ cessity of an elite.” One must realize, Agathon insisted, that “the elite alone is absolutely necessary to the grandeur of a people.”11The intensity o f the public debate ignited by Agathon's campaign—a debate that flooded news­ papers and reviews, finally reaching the floor of the Senate—testifies to the potency of framing questions raised by educational reform in the context o f widespread alarm over national decline. Almost immediately leading fig­ ures from the new university felt compelled to respond. And, as the tenor o f many of their comments revealed, they had been maneuvered into a defen­ sive stance, where they were to remain for more than a decade.12 W hile controversy over the nouvelle Sorbonne continued unabated, Agathon launched a second press campaign, which took the form o f an enquête into the opinions of >4the young people of today.”13 If the first effort, in effect, sketched the dimensions of cultural decadence being pro­ moted from the highest levels of the French educational establishment, the second not only pointed to a vehicle of renewal— la jeunesse—but also re­ ported, with barely concealed excitement, the degree to which this vehicle had already been empowered to begin the struggle for a “national renais­ sance.” Agathon’s portrait of the “generation of 1912” was drawn against the backdrop of the preceding generation. Born in the dark shadow o f the defeat, the “generation of 1885” was characterized as pessim istic, rela­ tivistic, and, most notoriously, lacking in both will and energy. Bored and indifferent to life, it was a generation that took refuge in “pure intelli­ gence,” living through its books while disdaining activity in the world. It was also a generation that took its pleasures, meager and measured as they were, in rejection—most notably of God and country; anticlericalism, pos­ itivistic science, and cosmopolitan love of “humanity” replaced traditional religion and patriotism. Not only did the representatives of this generation reflect national decline, according to Agathon, they openly and w illingly embraced it.14 Meanwhile, Agathon’s “generation of 1912,” radiating “plenitude and vitality,” was sketched in sharp contrast to its elders. Confident and opti­ mistic, it seized life eagerly, refusing to see it as an “intellectual debate,” but rather as an opportunity to exert its will and provide a field on which to exercise its inexhaustible store of eneigy. As against the flabby interna­ tionalism of its elders, the men of the generation of 1912 were resolutely “realist” in the sense that, in Agathon’s words, “they know that they are

L anguages

of

D ecadence

and

Renew al

39

here, and here means that they live in France, in a certain period of its his­ tory, and that everything must be looked at from this present-day and French point of view.”11This realism, of course, implied willingness to defend one’s country on the battlefield, not as a grim necessity but, as one’s distant ancestors viewed it, a virtue in itself and a field of potential glory.16Finally, if the older generation wallowed in decadence, the men of 1912 focused their considerable energies on the project of renewal. “What takes precedence over all today,’’ Agathon concluded, “is the idea of the national revival. Our attentive readers will find it, invisible but present, on each line of this book.”17 Agathon’s enquête on prewar youth, not unlike the attack on the nouvelle Sorbonne that preceded it, had widespread contemporary impact if judged by the amount of commentary it stimulated. Moreover, the long-term in­ fluence of Les Jeunes Gens d'aujourd’hui was more than apparent in the enduring historical image o f pre-1914 French youth, which, for decades, was colored by Agathon’s rendering of it. In fact, it was not until thel970s that a number of historians successfully challenged Agathon’s portrait as an accurate rendering of the “generation of 1912.’’ At best, they conclud­ ed, Agathon spoke for a small, lycée-educated, exclusively male, bourgeois elite—and, owing to Agathon’s nationalist agenda, even the opinion of this restricted elite was probably inaccurately represented.1*With Aga-thon’s credibility as a generationalist witness called to question, Massis and de Tarde seemed destined to fade into the obscurity reserved for second-rank polemicists. However, by the end of the 1970s, Agathon resurfaced and Henri Massis, the more precocious and ambitious half of the team, became a central player in Robert Wohl’s Generation o f 1914. Wohl agreed with critics that Agathon did not paint anything like a faithful portrait of the generation of 1912 but claimed that it was never M assis’s intention to conduct an objec­ tive survey, and his view prevailed, despite de Tarde's initial resistance.19It was M assis’s voice, Wohl argued, that was heard in the admission, can­ didly stated in the preface, that the purpose of the enquête was not so much to record generational change but to help promote it.20Thus Agathon’s pro­ file of the prewar generation was, in Wohl’s rendering, “an act of cultural politics, not an effort at objective reportage.”21And it is by this measure— its effectiveness as an instrument of mobilization not its accuracy as a survey o f opinion—that M assis’s efforts must be judged. From this perspective, it is hardly surprising that Massis emerges in Wohl’s study as the leading French generationalist of his age. As the sue-

S elec ted B ibliography

345

-----------, ed. Histoire de l 'extrême droite en France. Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1993. ---------- . Le Siècle des intellectuels. Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1997. W ohl, R obert. “French Fascism , Both R ight and Left: R eflections on the Sternhell Con­ troversy.” Journal o f Modem History 63, no. 1 (M arch 1991): 91-9 8 . ---------- . The Generation o f 1914. C am bridge, M A: H arvard U niversity Press, 1979. W olf, D ieter. Doriot: Du communisme à la collaboration. T ranslated by G eorgette ChateneL Paris: Fayard, 1969. W olin, R ichard. The Politics o f Being: The Political Thought ofM artin Heidegger. New York: C olum bia U niversity Press, 1990. ---------- . The Seduction o f Unreason: The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from Nietz­ sche to Postmodernism. Princeton, N J, and O xford: Princeton U niversity Press, 2004.

Index

A betz, O tto. 303n. 23,236 A chard, Jean, 322n. 74 A ction française, 170,177, 2 01,263,309 n. 5 2 ,314n. 6 1 ,318n. 6; anti-Sem itism and, 108; appeal to young nationalists and, 154; B rasillach and, 237-38,240; C ercle Proudhon and, 161; Combat and, 160-61; Com ité national de vigilance des jeunes français m obilisables and, 194; corporatism and, 128; Fabiègues and, 6 2 -6 3 ,2 8 9 n. 7; Fascism , Italian, and, 105-7; fascism and, 14-15,105; French “intelligence” and, 155; La Gazette française and, 57; generationalism and, 2 0 ,9 6 ,1 0 4 ; generational strains w ithin, 152-57,160; intellectu­ als, nationalist, and, 20-21; Je suis partout and, 182-83,237-38; La Rocque and, 194; Laurent and, 154-55; M arion’s evaluation of, 305 n. 61; M aritain and, 4 5 -4 6 ,5 5 ,5 8 -5 9 ; M assis and, 2 0 ,4 6 -4 7 ,1 0 4 ,2 6 2 ; M aulnier and, 213, 219-20; m idthirties recruits to, 152-57; monarchy, French, and, 108,154; M us­ solini and, 105-7; nationalism and, 20, 160,245; National Socialism and, 105, 107-9; O ry’s and Sirinelli’s interpreta­ tion of, 20-21 ; Réaction and, 64-65; La Revue universelle and, 49-50; social policy, neglect of, and, 62-63 155-56; 306n. 67; Solidarité française and, 118; Stavisky affair and, 122; tensions with­ in, 1 4 -1 5 ,5 8 -5 9 ,9 1 -9 2 ,1 0 4 ,1 5 2 -5 7 ,

1 6 0 ,2 3 7 -3 8 ,2 6 8 ,313n. 47; Valois and, 106,161; Vatican condem nation of, 55, 5 8 -5 9 ,289nn. 5 and 6; W eber’s inter­ pretation of, 19-20; Young Right and, 1 3 ,1 9 -2 1 ,3 3 .4 0 ,1 5 2 -5 7 ,1 6 0 ,2 6 8 , 271-72. See also L’Action française; M aunas, Charles Action française, V (daily new spaper), 57, 6 2 ,6 9 ,7 3 ,2 9 1 -9 2 n. 4 9 ,1 0 4 -5 ,1 1 3 , 1 2 0 ,1 5 7 ,1 8 3 ,2 0 4 ,2 2 6 ,2 3 7 ,2 4 6 ,318n. 5; anti-Sem itism and, 220; cultural page of, 7 0 ,1 5 7 ,2 9 2 n. 51; M assis and. 47; M aulnier and, 7 0 ,1 5 0 -5 1 ,2 1 3 ,2 1 4 ,2 1 6 2 1 9 ,2 2 0 ,2 4 3 ,2 4 5 ,2 4 6 ; Stavisky affair and, 122 Action française. Ligue d*. 165 A ffton, Matthew, 282n. 56 Agathon (Henri M assis and A lfred de Tarde), 4 0 .4 7 ,5 5 ,6 4 ,6 7 ,7 4 ,7 6 ,7 7 , 262; L’Esprit de la nouvelle Sorbonne, 37-38; Les Jeunes Gens d ’aujourd’hui, 1 8 ,3 7 ,3 8 -3 9 Alain (Em ile C hartier), 146,215 Allardyce, G ilbert, 304n. 48 Amaury, Philippe, 320-21 n. 44 Andreu, Pierre, 170,303n. 2 3 ,3 0 8 n. 36; anti-Sem itism and, 250; Cercle Proud­ hon and, 161; Combat and, 159,160-61, 1 6 4 ,306n. 1; corporatism and, 137-38, 159,161; crisis o f civilization and, 134; decadence and, 136; dissidents, coali­ tion of, and, 133-140; D oriot and, 192, 195; Drieu la Rochelle and, 138,192,

347

348

INDEX

303nn. 19 and 20; D nunont and, 250; Fascism , Italian, and, 135,137; Febru­ ary 6,1934, riot, and, 135-36; genera­ tion o f 1930 and, 133; L’Homme nou­ veau and, 1 3 8 -3 9 ,303n. 18; hum anism and, 134; Idées and, 250; La Lutte des jeunes and, 136-37; M arion and, 138-39; M arinas and, 134-35,161; National So­ cialism and, 135; non-conformistes (of the 1930s) and, 133,140,159; Sorel and, 136,161,250; Spirito, Ugo, and, 137,159; Young R ight and, 134-40 Andrieu, C laire, 319n. IS Angleterre en guerre, L ’ (Blond), 236 anti-Am ericanism : Duhamel and, 80; Fran­ cis, Robert and, 81; French intellectuals and, 79-83; M aulnier and, 8 2 -8 4 ,8 9 , 115-16; M axence and, 81-82; Vincent and, 227; Young Right and, 81-83,227 antim odem ism . See crisis o f civilization anti-Sem itism : Andreu and, 250; Blanchot and, 173; Brasillach and. 202,210,231, 2 3 4 ,2 5 7 ,315n. 75; Combat and, 183, 2 0 1 - 3; Gaxotte and, 208; Gringoire and, 119; Idées and, 249-50; L’Insurgé and, 173-74; Je suis partout and, 183,201-3, 2 0 8 ,2 2 0 ,2 3 4 ,2 5 0 ; M aulnier and, 2 0 2 - 3 ,2 2 0 -2 1 ; M aurras and, 42,220; M axence and, 173; Rebatet and, 183, 20 1 -2 ,2 0 8 ; Vincent and, 202,248-49 A n tliff.M ark .2 8 2 n .5 6 Arban, Dom inique, 311 n. 11 A riis, Philippe. 152-53,156 A rland, M arcel, 7 6 -7 7 ,1 2 0 A rnal, Oscar, 289nn. 5 and 6 Aron, Robert, 6 5 -6 6 ,8 1 ,1 3 6 ,296n. 55, 297n. 5 6 ,302n. 6 A rthuys, Jacques, 137 A ssociation o f Revolutionary A rtists and W riters (AEAR), 144-45 Assouline, Pierre, 305 n. 62 A uburtin, Jean, 139-40 Au-delà du nationalisme (M aulnier), 198-200,263,270-71 Auzépy-Chavagnac, Véronique, 289nn. 2 and 7 .2 9 0 n. 2 3 .2 9 5 n. 4 2 ,315n. 69 Avenir de l ’intelligence, L ’(M aurras), 14, 4 3 -4 5 ,7 7 ,8 6 .1 5 4 ,2 6 2 ,2 6 3 ,2 6 4

Azém a, Jean, 325n. 58 Azém a, Jean-Pierre, 2 7 4 ,317n. 1 ,318n. 4, 319n. 15

Bagatelles pour un massacre (Céline),

201-2 Bain ville, Jacques. 4 9 .1 0 4 ,291-92n. 49. 295n. 3 3 ,298n. 9 Balm and, Pascal, 83-84,291 n. 3 6 ,2 9 4 nn. 16 and 21 Barbusse, H enri, 146,185 Bardèche, M aurice, 279n. 2 4 ,6 7 .6 9 .2 9 2 n. 5 0 .322n. 66; B rasillach and, 2 3 .1 9 6 , 2 3 0 ,2 9 2 n. 6 5 ,312n. 27; 1933 (w eekly) and, 120; La Revuefrançaise and, 98 Barrés, M aurice, 5 7 ,6 1 .8 5 ; Cahiers of, 86; decadence and, 3 6 ,2 8 3 n. 6; generationalism and, 1 4 ,1 8 ,3 6 -3 7 ; generation o f 1885 and, 86; M assis and, 37 ,7 2 ; the O rient and, 283 n. 6 Barrés, Philippe, 121 Barrows, Susanna, 283n. 3 Battleship Potemkin (Eisenstein’s), 186 Bédarida, François, 317n. 1 .319n. 15 Beilanger, Claude, 300nn. 52 and 53, 308 n. 3 5 .310n. 1 ,324n. 36 BeUessort, André, 77-78,291 nn. 42 and 43 Belot, Robert. 291 n. 4 9 .297-98n. 1,311 n. 8 ,312n. 2 1 .313n. 4 6 .315n. 7 1 .3 1 7 n. 9 5 .3 2 2 n. 6 7 ,323nn. 1 and 12 Benda, Julien, 4 6 ,2 9 0 n. 17; engagement and, 56,146; M axence and, 60; La Trahison des clercs, 5 4 ,304n. 40 Bénéton, Philippe, 284n. 18 Benjam in, René, 120 Benoist-M échin, Jacques, 195 Bergery, Gaston, 132-33,152,226 Bergés. M ichel. 2 2 2 ,2 2 4 ,319n. 23. 321 n. 5 0 ,3 2 4 nn. 34 and 36 Bergson, Henri, 7 2 ,8 0 ,3 2 5 n. 50 Bernanos, Georges, 65 Bernstein, Serge, 8 0 ,2 8 0 n. 3 9 ,300n. 60, 302n. 1 ,3 0 5 n. 54 Billy, André, 120 Blanchot, M aurice, 307n. 26; antipatrio­ tism and, 174; anti-Sem itism and, 173; Combat and, 168; decadence and, 174; engagement and, 87-88; generation o f

INDEX 1930 and, 13-14; L'Insurgé and, 170, 173-74; Jeune France and, 222; M axen ce’s im pact on, 87-88; La Revue française and, 71; silence concerning his early politics, 278n. 20 B latt, Joel, 106,298nn. 2 and 3 B linkhorn, M artin, 271,281 n. 32 B lond, G eorges, 6 7 ,1 5 9 ,1 8 4 ,2 3 2 , 311 n. 1 1 ,312n. 21; L’Angleterre en guerre, 236 B lum . Léon. 1 6 3 ,1 73,208,232 B om paire-Evesque, C laire-Françoise, 2 8 4 n. 12 B onnard, Abel, 120,241 B onnaud-Lam otte, D ., 291 n. 36 B ordeaux, Henry, 120 B orne, Etienne, 60 B ourdieu, Pierre, 278n. 17 B rasillach, Robert, 170; Action française and, 237-38,240; L ’Action française and, 7 0,237; anti-comm unism and, 239; anti-Sem itism and, 2 0 2 ,2 1 0 ,2 3 1 ,2 3 4 , 2 3 7 ,315n. 75; B ardiche and, 2 3 .292n. 6 5 .1 9 6 ,2 3 0 ,312n. 27; B ellessoit and, 7 7 -78,291 n. 41; bourgeoisie and, 187-88; Brem er and, 237,240; B ritain and, 232-33; cam araderie and, 71-72, 9 8 -9 9 ,1 8 4 ,2 4 0 ; Céline and. 202; collaborationism and, 2 3 1 ,232-33,240, 233,234; Combat and, 159; conserva­ tives, attacks on, by, 165; C orneille and, 68; DegreUe, Léon. 189-90,191,231; dem ocracy and, 238; D oriot and, 196; D rieu la Rochelle and, 141-42; early lit­ erary career of, 13; engagement and, 184,185; Evocations (M assis) and, 72; fascism and, 2 2 -2 4 ,1 8 0 -8 1 ,1 8 6 ,1 8 7 , 1 8 9 ,1 9 7 -9 8 ,2 0 8 -1 0 ,2 3 1 ,2 3 3 ,2 3 8 -3 9 . 2 4 1 ,2 3 1 ,2 3 2 ,2 3 3 -5 8 ,2 6 8 -6 9 ; fascist “joy” and, 1 8 6 ,2 0 9 ,319-20n. 29; “Fin de l’après guerre” and, 7 4 -7 8 ,292nn. 65 and 70; “fraternal adversaries” and, 326n. 69; Gaxotte and, 184-85,208-9; generationalism and, 23 8 ,2 4 1 ,2 3 3 ,2 3 5 , 2 7 2 ,292n. 60; generation o f 1930 and, 1 3 -1 4 ,1 8 9 ,1 9 0 ,1 9 1 -9 2 ,2 3 0 ,2 3 5 -3 6 ; Germ an Institute and, 237,240; Goebbels and, 234; historiography of,

349

2 2 -2 4 ,2 3 3 -3 7 ; H itler and, 190,191. 192,239,230; hom osexuality and, 234, 323n. 18; influence of, 236; Je suis partout and, 182-88,1 9 0 -9 1 ,2 1 0 -1 1 , 2 3 0 -3 4 ,2 4 1 ,2 4 2 ,2 5 2 -5 3 ,2 6 8 -6 9 ; je ­ unesse unique and, 232; Légion des volontaires français contre le bolshevism e and, 233; Lettre à un soldat de la classe soixante, 236-58; liberalism and, 236; Librairie rive-gauche and, 237; Louis-le-G rand (lycée) and, 67; M assis and. 1 9 ,6 8 -6 9 ,1 9 1 ,2 3 8 -4 2 ,2 5 4 ,2 7 2 , 291 n. 4 7 ,292n. 60; M aulnier and, 119, 1 5 9 ,2 0 7 ,2 3 0 .2 4 4 ,319-20n. 2 9 ,322n. 75; M aunas and, 6 8 ,2 0 8 ,2 1 1 ,2 3 0 , 2 3 7 -3 8 ,2 4 0 ,2 6 3 ,2 7 2 ; M axence and, 70 -7 1 ,1 3 9 ; M ilza’s new French ortho­ doxy and, 28; M ussolini and, 190, 209-10; m yth and, 1 5 ,1 8 6 -8 7 ,1 8 8 -9 2 , 1 9 7 -9 8 ,2 0 7 ,2 0 9 ,2 3 3 ,2 3 6 ,2 6 8 -6 9 ; na­ tional interest and, 233,233; national­ ism , French, and, 189,240,232-53; na­ tional poetry and, 189-92,231; N ational Revolution (Vichy) and, 2 31-32,234, 238,233-56; national revolution and, 1 8 3 ,1 8 7 ,2 3 8 ,2 3 5 ,2 7 2 ,322n. 72; na­ tional socialism (concept) and, 189, 2 3 0 -3 1 ,2 3 4 ,2 3 0 -5 1 ; National Social­ ism and, IS. 191,20 8 ,2 3 3 ,2 3 2 -5 3 ; Nazi Germany and, 2 3 7 ,2 3 8 ,2 3 0 -5 1 , 2 3 5 ,236,272; neopacifism and, 204; “new Europe” (H itler’s) and, 230,234, 242,232,272; 1933 (weekly) and. 120, 300n. 34; Notre Avant-guerre, 23,236, 237; Nüremberg rally (1937) and, 191; the O rient and, 234; parti unique and, 232,234; Pétain and, 231,233; Popular Front and, 1 8 4 -8 7 ,1 8 9 ,1 9 2 ,2 5 2 ,2 6 3 , 268; Présence de Virgile, 68.291 n. 44; Prim o de Rivera, José Antonio, and, 1 9 0 ,1 9 1 ,322n. 72; racism and, 315n. 75,251; Réaction and, 66-67; Rebate! and, 1 8 4 ,2 3 2 -5 3 ,2 9 2 n. 50; Révolution nationale and, 233; La Revuefrançaise and, 9 8 -99,119; R ibbentrop and, 234; “rom antic” fascism of, 2 2 -2 3 ,2 4 , 186-87,235; Sorel and. 186-87.191; totalitarianism and, 267-68; Varillon

350

INDEX

and, 70; Vichy regim e and, 211,231-32, 2 4 1 ,2 3 0 ,2 3 1 ,2 7 3 -7 4 ; w riters’ confer­ ence at W eimar (1941) and, 237; youth policy (Vichy) and, 241 B rassié, Anne, 2 4 ,279n. 28,311 n. 18;

Robert Brasillach ou encore un instant de bonheur, 24 Bremer, Karl-Heinz, 236,2 3 7 ,2 4 0 Breton, André, 23,137 Brinon, Fernand de, 237 Brisson, Pierre, 214 Broszat, M artin, 281 n. 51 Brower, Daniel R., 308n. 45 Brunet, Jean-Paul, 304n. 4 8 ,313nn. 48 and 4 9 ,314nn. 5 2 ,3 4 ,6 0 . and 61 B unin, Philippe, 1 4 8 ,1 4 9 ,1 5 2 ,3 0 2 n. 2, 303nn. 18.21. and 2 3 .3 0 5 nn. 49 and 30. 274; La Dérive fasciste, 2 6 -2 8 ,1 3 2 -3 3 , 313nn. 4 0 ,4 3 , and 4 8 ,314nn. 61 and 62; “new French orthodoxy” and, 26-28, 266-67; Sternhell and, 2 6 -2 8 ,2 6 6 “C ahier de revendications” (in Nouvelle Revuefrançaise), 100-102 Cahiers (o f M axence), 5 9 -6 2 ,7 0 ,7 1 , 8 1 -8 2 ,289-90n. 9 Cahiers des amis de Robert Brasillach, 23 Cam elots du roi. 1 3 0 ,1 3 4 ,1 9 4 ,313n. 47 Cancer américain. Le (Aron and Dandieu), 66,81 Candide, T l, 1 8 2 ,2 0 8 ,300n. 5 3 .310n. 1, 323 n. 2 Carcopino, Jérôm e, 322n. 74 Carroll, David, 280nn. 34 and 40.281 n. 45, 283 nn. 6 and 7 .2 8 4 n. 2 4 ,2 8 5 n. 26 Cartier, André, 323 n. 49 C astille, Robert, 313n. 45 Catalogne, Gérard de, 296n. 44 C atholic Church. See Catholicism Catholicism : antim odernism and, 64; De­ main and, 246-48; La Gazette française and, 57; M ari tain and, 4 5 -4 6 ,5 8 -5 9 , 289n. 9; M assis and. 4 7 -4 8 ,6 1 ,6 3 -6 4 , 232,290 n.19; M atures and. 4 1 ,4 4 -4 5 , 4 6 .5 8 -5 9 ,1 3 5 ,289n. 9 ,290n. 15; La Revue universelle and, 4 9,214; Vatican condem nation o f M atures and, 58-59; Young Right and, 9 8 ,2 6 8 ,289n. 7;

youth policy (Vichy) and, 216,222.

See also Fabrègues, Jean de Céline, Louis-Ferdinand (Louis-Ferdinand Destouches). 1 5 7 ,2 0 8 ,315n. 70; Bagatelles pour un massacre, 201 Centre polytechnicien d ’études économ iques, 314n. 55 C ercles populaires français, 195,196 Cercle Proudhon. 161-64,172,175 Chabrol, Véronique, 320n. 35 Cham son, Andé, 100 Chantiers de la jeunesse, 222 Charbonneau, Henry, 313n. 47 C harte, Christophe, 278n. 17 Chfiteaubriant, Alphonse de, 236 Chavagnac, Véronique, 289n. 2 Chenut, C hristian, 296n. 44 Clair, René, 120 Claudel. Paul, 3 06n.70 Clichy m assacre, 173 Cocteau, Jean, 306n. 70 Cointet-Labrousse, M ichèle, 318 Colin, Pierre, 289n. 2 Collaborateurs, Les (Ory), 235 Colomb. Hélène. 296n. 4 9 ,300n. 47 Colton, Joel, 307n. 2 4 ,3 0 8 n. 45 Combat, 9 8 .1 7 3 ,1 7 6 ,1 7 7 ,1 8 0 ,1 8 2 ,1 8 5 . 1 9 2 ,1 9 3 ,2 0 0 -2 0 1 ,2 0 6 ,2 6 8 ,315n. 69; Action française and, 160-61; Andreu and, 1 5 9 ,1 6 0 -6 1 ,1 6 4 ,306n. 1; antiSem itism and, 183,201-3; conserva­ tives, attacks on, by, 165-67; corpo­ ratism and, 162,306n. 1 ,315n. 64; Czech crisis (1938-39) and, 204-8; engagement and, 158,194; fascism and, 180-81,198,208; foreign policy and, 203-8; Inform ation, M inistry o f (Vichy), and, 226; Je suis partout and, 1 8 2 -8 3 ,1 9 4 ,2 0 1 -3 ,2 0 7 -8 ; Jeune France and, 222; launching of, 158-60; lim ited appeal of, 169; M aulnier and, 1 5 8 -6 9 ,2 2 1 ,2 6 3 ,2 7 0 ,2 7 1 ,318n. 7; M orutier and, 1 6 1 -6 2 ,1 6 4 ,306n. 1; M unich agreem ent and, 204; national revolution and, 221,227; neopacifism and. 2 0 4,207-8; “new phase” of, 201, 208; Parti populaire français and, 195; Popular Front and, 163,169; radicalism .

INDEX question of, and, 162-69,268; R ebatet and, 202; social policy and, 160-64; S ternhell thesis and, 25-26; Vichy regim e and, 211,2 2 1 -2 5 ; Young Right and, 158-69.221 C om belle, Lucien, 253 C om ité de rassem blem ent de la révolution nationale and, 217 C om ité national de vigilance des jeunes français m obilisables and, 194,313n. 47 co m m itm en t See engagement com m itted w riter. See engagement C om m unist Party, French (PCF), 139, 1 4 2 -4 4 ,1 4 4 -4 5 ,1 4 8 -4 9 ,1 7 2 ,1 7 3 ,1 7 5 , 1 7 6 ,1 9 3 ,3 14n. 60 C om m unists, French. See Com munist P arty, French C om pagnons de France, 221 C om te, B ernard, 319n. 1 5 ,320n. 35 Condition humaine, La (M alraux), 93 C onseil national (Vichy), 213,246 Contre-révolution spontanée, La (M aurras), 245 C ornick, M artyn, 288n. 6 7 ,2 9 6 -9 7 n. 55, 3 0 4 n .4 1 .3 1 3 n .5 1 C orpet, O livier, 310n. 2 C o sta Pinto, A ntönio, 281 n. 41 C oston, Henry, 300n. 46 C o t, Pierre, 296n. 54 C oty, François, 118 C ousteau, Pierre-A ntoine, 2 3 6 ,310n. 3 C outrot, Jean, 314n. 55 C rane, R ichard, 286n. 38 C raw , W illiam , 313-14n. 51 C ri du peuple. Le, 236 Crise est dans l ’homme, La (M aulnier), 89, 9 5 .2 6 3 crisis o f civilization: Am erica and, 78, 79 -8 3 ; Andreu and, 134; Fabiègues and, 6 2 ,8 2 ; generation o f 1930 and, 56-57; M aritain and, 5 7 -5 8 ,2 8 6 n. 37; M assis and, 4 8 ,4 9 -5 2 ,6 3 ,7 4 ,8 5 .290n. 20; M aulnier and, 1 7 ,3 5 ,8 8 ,9 2 -9 3 ,1 1 0 , 1 1 4 ,1 6 6 ,1 9 8 ,2 1 7 ,2 6 3 ; M aunas and, 4 2 -4 5 ,5 7 -5 8 ,286n. 37; M axence and, 81-82; non-conformistes and, 16-17, 8 1 -8 3 ,8 4 ,2 2 1 ,2 5 9 ,2 6 0 ; Réaction'» m anifesto and, 64; Rougem ont and, 102;

351

Spengler and, 50; Valéry and, 50; W ohl’s conception of, 17-18; Young Right and, 74,260 Croix de Feu, 1 3 8 ,1 4 9 ,1 8 9 ,304n. 44. 314n.53 C urtius, E rnst-R obert 287n. 58 Daladier, Edouard. 206 Dandieu, Arnaud, 6 5 -6 6 .8 1 ,2 9 7 n. 56, 3 0 2 n .6 Daniel-Rops, H enri (Henri Petiot), 76,100, 121,297n. 56 Darquier de Pellepoix, Louis, 194 D atta, Venita. 278n. 1 7 ,283n. 3 .2 8 5 n. 31 D audet Léon, 104,298n. 9 D éat M arcel. 100,132,139,252; Perspec­ tives socialistes, 132; Rassem blem ent national populaire, 217 decadence: Action française and, 15,268; Andreu and, 136; Barrés and, 36; Blanchot and, 174; B rasillach and, 238,242; Demain la France and 128-29; Drieu la Rochelle and, 138,305n. 60; G axotte and, 188; G irardet and, 36; G ravier and, 228; Idées and, 229-30; M assis and, 1 8 -1 9 ,5 0 -5 2 ,2 3 8 ,2 4 2 ; M aulnier and, 1 2 1 ,1 2 7 ,1 6 7 ,1 6 8 .1 8 0 ,2 1 5 ,2 1 6 .2 4 4 , 262; M aurras and, 41-45; M axence and, 229-30; M ussolini and, 107; N ietzsche and, 91-92; non-conformistes and, 221; nouvelle Sorbonne and, 3 8,261; N ye’s “m edical model o f degeneracy” and, 36; Third Republic and, 35-36; the W est and, 40; Young Right and, 238,268, 273,275. See also palingenetic m yth Décadence de la nation française (Aron and Dandieu). 6 6 ,8 1 ,296n. 49 Decaux, A lain, 279n. 28 Decline of the West, The (Spengler), 50 Décombres, Les (R ebatet), 236,237 Défense de l ’Occident, La (M assis), 5 0 -5 2 ,6 3 ,6 8 -6 9 ,7 8 ,1 0 7 ,1 9 1 .2 6 2 DegreUe, Léon, 189-90,191,231, 312n. 28 Demain, 2 4 6 -4 8 ,324n. 34 Demain la France (Francis, M aulnier, M axence), 1 2 4 -1 3 0 .1 3 1 ,1 3 9 -4 0 ,1 4 1 , 158,270

352

INDEX

Déon, M ichel, 152

Dérivefasciste, La (B unin), 2 6-28,132-33 Descartes. René, 58,185 Detwiler, Bruce, 295n. 36 Deux Russies (M arion), 139 Digeon, Claude, 283 n. 2 Dioudonnat, Pierre-M arie, 1 9 6 ,306n. 69, 310 n n .1 ,2 .6 .2 3 . and 2 8 .314nn. 56 and 5 8 .317n. 9 7 ,3 2 3 nn. 2 ,4 ,5 , and 7; Je suis partout (book), 235 dissidents, coalition of: Andreu and, 133-140; D oriot and, 149,152; Fabrfegues and, 141; generationalism and, 150; Jouvenel and, 136-37,138,139, 141,149,150,192; La Lutte des jeunes and. 136-37,138,139; M arion and. 139, 151,192,224; M aulnier and, 141, 150-51; M aurras and, 150-51; Popular Front and, 148-52; Révolution (supple­ m ent to La République) and, 150-52; Young Right and, 140-42,201 dissidents, French Radical Party. See Young Ttirks (Radical Party dissidents) dissidents, French Socialist Party. See neosocialists Dobiy, M ichel. 3 1 .278n. 13 Dom inique. Pierre, 132,136,150,151, 305n. 58; Idées and, 226-27; La Rév­ olution créatrice, 305n. 54 Dorgères, Henri, 280n. 36 D oriot, Jacques, 223,236,263—6 4 ,314n. 61; Com munist Party, French, and, 148-49; dissidents, coalition of, and, 149,152 ; Front de la liberté and, 171; generational appeal of, 195; nationalist R ight and, 194-95; Parti populaire français and, 149,152,192-97; Popular Front and, 148-49; Révolution (supple­ ment to La République) and, 152; Young Right and. 192-97,263-64,273 Dostoevski, Fyodor, 5 1 .5 3 ,3 0 2 n. 6 Doty, C. Stewart, 283-84n. 7 Douglas, A llen, 295n. 3 3 ,298n. 4 ,3 0 6 n. 1 Drescher, Seymour, 283n. 3 Dreyfus affair, 156,264 Drieu la Rochelle, Pierre, 137,157,237; Andreu and, 138,303 nn. 19 and 20, 192; B rasillach and, 141-42; decadence

and, 138; dissidents, coalition of, and 151; D oriot and, 192,195; M aulnier and, 142; La Révolution (supplem ent to La République) and, 151; Le Socialisme fasciste, 141-42 Dritte Reich, Das (M oeller van den Bruck). See Le Troisième Reich Droite en France, La (Rém ond), 22-23 Droites en France, Les (Rémond), 279n. 24 D nunont, Edouard, 202,250 Dubief, Henri, 134 Duhamel, Georges, 80-82 Dupius, René. 121 Eatw ell, Roger, 30,281 n. 52 écrivain engagé. See engagement Eliot, T. S., 287-88n. 60 Emancipation nationale, L', 195,314n. 61 engagement. Benda and, 56; B lanchot and, 87-88; B rasillach and, 184,185; Com­ bat and, 158,194; crisis o f civilization and, 56-57; fascism and, 32,119; G ide and, 56; Idées and, 227; intellectuals. Left, and, 265-66; intellectuals, na­ tionalist, and, 265-66; Je suis partout and. 194; M assis and. 1 4 ,5 7 .7 7 86; M aulnier and, 8 8 -8 9 ,1 5 9 ,1 9 3 ,2 6 5 ; M aurras and, 1 4 ,2 1 ,4 5 ; M axence and, 85-88; M ourner’s Esprit and, 294n. 21; non-conformistes and, 83-85; Ordre nouveau and, 294n. 21; origins of, 294 n. 21 ; Popular Front Left and, 146,265; Young Right and, 1 4 ,2 1 ,8 5 -8 8 ,1 1 9 , 158,193,227 Epting, Karl, 236 Esprit (review ), 6 0 ,1 0 1 ,1 3 4 ,1 5 2 ,2 2 3 , 2 2 2 -2 4 ,300n. 5 9 .302n. 17.308n. 35. 324n. 36 Esprit de la nouvelle Sorbonne, L ’(A gathon), 37-38 Etiem ble, René (pseud. Jean Louvem é,), 304n. 39 Etudiantfiançais, L \ 6 2 ,6 9 ,1 5 4 ,290n. 22 Evocations (M assis), 63-64,72-74,292n. 6 0 Exideuil, Pierre d ’, 296n. 54 Fabrègues, Jean de, 118,170,297n. 56, 302n. 6 .314n. 56; Action française and.

INDEX 6 2 -6 3 ,2 8 9 o. 7; anti-Am ericanism and, 8 2 ,2 9 3 n. 8; authority and, 222-24,246; capitalism and, 64-63; C atholic m ilieu and, 2 2 4 ,2 4 6 ,2 6 9 ; collaboration and, 2 4 7 -4 8 ; collaborationism and, 247-48; Combat and, 9 8 ,1 5 9 ,1 6 3 ; corporatism and, 163; Demain and, 246-48; dissi­ dents, coalition of, and, 141; D oriot and, 269; fascism and, 224,268; French “in­ telligence’*and, 247; La Gazette française and, 37; generation o f 1930 and. 13-14; Idées and, 226,246,248; Jeune Fiance and, 222-24,269; M arion and, 224-23; M aritain and, 37-39; M assis and, 63 -6 7 ; M aulnier and, 97-98, 1 3 9 ,2 4 6 -4 8 ,313n. 69; M atures and, 3 7 -3 9 .6 2 -6 3 .1 0 8 ,1 6 3 ,2 1 1 ,2 4 6 ,2 6 8 , 2 6 9 ,2 8 4 -8 5 n. 2 3 ,289n. 7; M axence and, 9 7 -9 9 ,1 5 9 ,315n. 69; M ounier and, 2 2 2 -2 4 ,3 2 4 n. 36; National Revo­ lution (Vichy) and, 222-23,246; Na­ tional Socialism and, 110,181; “new Europe” (H itler’s) and, 248; Parti pop­ ulaire français and, 193-96,223,269; Pétain and, 211,226,247; Réaction and, 6 2 -6 7 ,9 7 ,290n. 23; restorationism and, 269; La Revue du siècle and, 9 7 -9 8 ,296n. 44,118; La Revue duxxe siècle and, 98; La Revuefrançaise and, 9 7 -9 9 ; totalitarianism and, 222-23; Vat­ ican condem nation o f M aunas and, 58-39; Vichy regim e and, 211.222-24; Vincent and, 6 2 ,9 8 ,2 2 3 ,2 4 6 Fabre-Luce, Alfred, 195 Faisceau, 106,137 Falange, Spanish, 1 8 0 ,1 9 0 ,322n. 72 fascism : Action française and, 14-13,105; Blinkborn and, 271,281 n. 32; B rasil­ lach and. 2 2 -2 4 ,1 8 0 -8 1 ,1 8 6 ,1 8 7 ,1 8 9 , 1 9 7 -9 8 ,2 0 8 -1 0 ,2 3 1 ,2 3 3 ,2 3 8 -3 9 ,2 4 1 , 2 3 1 ,2 3 2 ,2 3 5 -5 8 ,2 6 8 -6 9 ; B unin’s “fascist minimum,” 2 7 ,266-67; Combat and. 180-81,198,208; La Dérive fas­ ciste (B unin) and, 132-33; dissident Radicals and, 132-33; dissident Social­ ists and, 132-33; Dobry’s “relational perpsective” and, 31; G irardet’s “roman­ tic” rendering of, 22-23; G riffin’s palin-

353

genetic thesis and, 29-30,267; Idées and, 228-30; M aulnier and, 2 2 ,2 3 ,1 1 4 , 1 2 5 -2 6 ,1 4 2 ,1 7 7 -8 0 ,1 9 8 -2 0 1 ,2 0 5 , 2 0 7 ,2 0 8 ,2 0 9 ,2 6 9 -7 1 ; new French or­ thodoxy and, 26-28; non-conformistes and, 101.103; Paxton’s “functional" thesis and. 30-32,271,281 n. 53; Pop­ ular Front and, 197; Rémond thesis and, 22; Soucy and, 271; Sternhell thesis and. 23-26; totalitarianism and, 27,267, 281 n. 53; Young Right and, 14-16; 2 1 -3 4 ,1 0 9 ,2 3 3 ,2 6 6 ,2 7 2 ,2 7 4 -7 5 Fascism , Italian, 2 3 ,1 0 3 -7 ,1 1 3 ,1 2 1 ,1 3 7 , 1 6 1 .1 7 7 .1 8 1 .1 9 9 ,2 0 0 ,302-3n. 17. 305n. 54 Fascismefrançais (M ilza), 26 February 6,1934, riot of, 118,123,130, 1 3 5 -3 6 ,1 3 8 ,1 4 2 ,1 5 3 ,1 5 6 ,1 5 8 Fédération républicaine, 136,1 6 3 ,3 0 7 nn. 15 and 23 Ferenczi, Thom as, 279n. 28 Ferette, Guillaum e de, 320n. 32 Fernandez, Ramon, 9 3 -9 6 ,1 0 0 .1 9 5 ,2 3 7 , 296n. 52 Figaro. Le, 1 6 ,4 7 ,7 7 ,2 1 4 ,2 2 1 ,2 3 2 “Fin de l’après guerre” (B rasillach). 7 4 -7 8 ,2 9 2 nn. 65 and 70 Fisher, David Jam es, 287n. 42 Fishm an, Sarah, 280n. 3 2 ,318n. 2

Flèche, La, 226 Fletcher, John Gould, 2 8 7-88n. 60 Fontenoy, Jean, 171 Footitt, Ann, 312n. 34 Ford, Henry, 84 Forot, Charles, 296n. 44 Forth, Christopher, 295nn. 33 and 34 France, la guerre et la paix. La, 217-18, 2 2 0 ,2 2 9 ,2 6 3 ,317n. 93 Francis, Robert (Jean Godmé): antiAm ericanism and, 81; Demain la France, 1 2 4 ,1 2 9 -3 0 ,1 5 8 ,303n. 25; February 6 ,1 9 3 4 , riot of, and, 123; national revolution and, 129-30; La Revue française and, 71; Solidarité française and, 118 Franck, Henri, 72 Franco, Francisco, 307n. 26 Franco-Soviet Pact, 144

354

INDEX

French “intelligence,” 121-22,195,228, 264; Am erica and, 82; generation o f 1920 and, 54; G ide’s opposition to, 53-54; Idées and, 227; M assis and, 4 7 -4 9 ,5 4 .7 3 -7 4 ,2 6 2 ; M aulnier and, 1 4 5 ,1 4 6 ,1 7 8 ,1 9 9 ,2 0 0 ,2 0 7 ,2 1 7 -1 9 , 2 2 0 ,319n. 2 4 ,2 4 4 -4 5 ,2 4 7 ,2 6 3 ,319n. 29; M aurras and. 1 4 .2 1 .4 3 -4 5 ,8 6 .1 5 4 , 263-64; Party o f Intelligence m anifesto and, 47-49; Young Right and, 2 1 ,3 4 , 227,263-64 Front commun, 133,148,150 Front de la liberté, 171,196 Front national. See National Front Front national syndicaliste, 135 Front populaire. See Popular Front Front social, 304n. 47 Fum aroli, M arc, 320n. 35 Gallim ard, Gaston, 296n. 55 G andillac, M aurice de, 60 G am e, Robert, 296n. 54 Gaxotte, Pierre, 314n. 61; anti-Sem itism and, 208; B rasillach and, 184,208-9; history o f France and, 188; im portance of, 310n. 1; Je suis partout and, 182, 184,1 8 8 ,2 0 8 -9 ; National Socialism and, 109 Gazette française. La, 57 generationalism : Action française and, 20. 96,104; Barrés and, 1 4 ,1 8 .3 6 -3 7 ; B rasillach and. 2 3 8 ,2 4 1 ,2 5 3 ,2 5 5 ,2 7 2 , 292n. 60; dissidents, coalition of, and, 150; G ravier and, 228; Idées and, 227; neosocialists and, 131-32; M assis and, 1 8 -2 0 ,3 7 .3 8 -4 0 ,6 3 -6 4 ,7 2 -7 4 ,2 3 8 . 288 n. 6 4 ,292n. 60; M aurras and, 14; nationalism and, 1 4 ,1 8 ,3 6 -3 7 ; Young Right and, 7 3 -7 4 ,1 4 0 ,2 2 7 ; Young Turks (Radical Party dissidents) and. 131-32 generation o f 1885,38,86 generation o f 1912 (alternately, generation o f 1914), 1 4 .5 4 ,1 0 6 ,2 6 2 ; Action française and, 104; Agathon’s portrait of, 18-19,38-39; crisis of civilization and, 17-19; Evocations (M assis) and, 6 4 ,7 2 -7 4 ; “Fin de l'ap rès guerre”

(B rasillach) and, 74-78; Les Jeunes Gens d ‘aujounl’hui (Agatbon) and, 18, 37; M ussolini and, 107; nationalism and, 261-62; W ohl’s characterization of, 17-19,260-62; Young R ight and, 261. See also M assis, Henri generation o f 1914. See generation o f 1912 Generation o f 1914, The (W ohl), 17-19. 3 9 ,2 2 7 ,2 2 9 ,2 6 0 -6 2 generation o f 1920: Evocations (M assis) and, 64; “Fin de Captés guerre” (B rasil­ lach) and, 7 4 -7 8 ,292n. 65; G ide influ­ ence on, 53-55; M assis’s attack on, 75; M axence attack on, 86-87 generation o f 1930: B rasillach and, 13-14, 1 8 9 ,1 9 0 ,1 9 1 -9 2 ,2 3 0 ,2 3 5 -3 6 ; crisis o f civilization and, 56-57; dissidents, coalition of, and, 131-57; Evocations (M assis) and, 6 4 ,7 2 -7 4 ; February 6, 1934, riot, and, 123; “Fin de l’aprés guerre” (B rasillach) and, 7 4 -7 8 ,2 9 2 n. 65; Loubel del Bayle and, 1 6 -1 7 ,2 1 -2 2 . 259-62; La Lutte des jeunes and, 136-37; M arion and, 139; M assis and, 1 9 .2 1 ,4 0 .2 6 2 ; M aulnier and, 13-14. 112,117,121,216; M aurras and, 155; M axence and, 96 -9 9 ,1 7 1 ; neglect of, 14; non-conformistes and, 16-18, 9 9 -1 0 3 ,2 4 2 ,2 5 9 ; Roy and, 13-14; Vin­ cent and, 13-14,249; Young R ight and, 1 4 ,1 4 0 ,1 5 6 ,1 7 6 ,2 4 2 . See also under Loubet del Bayle, Jean-Louis generation o f 1935,228 generation o f 1968,14 George, Bernard, 280n. 31 Gerbe, La, 236 German Embassy, 236 German Institute, 236,237 Ghéon, Henri, 288n. 65 Gide, André, 157; engagement and, 56; “Fin de Captés guerre” (B rasillach) and, 76-77; generation o f 1920 and. 53-54; humanism and, 304n. 39; M assis’s at­ tack on, 52-54; Popular Front strategy and, 146 Gil Robles. José M arfa, 309n. 66 Gilson, Paul, 120 G iotitto, Pierre. 319n. IS, 320n. 35

INDEX G iraidet, Raoul, 283n. 3; generation o f 1930 and, 13-14; M aurras depicted by, 297n. 1; resistance (during the Occupa­ tion) and, 211; “rom antic” fascism and, 22-23; Young Right and. 132-54 G iraudoux, Jean, 306n. 70 G leason, A bbott, 281 n. 49 G obineau, A rthur de, 233 G odechot, Jacques, 300n. 52 G oebbels. Joseph, 2 3 4 ,2 3 7 ,324n. 42 G ordon, Bertram M ., 318n. 4 Goyet, Bruno, 277n. 12,2 8 4 a 2 4 ,2 8 3 a 26 G raincourt, M ax, 308n. 40 G ravier, Jean-François, 170,223,226,228, 3 2 4 a 37 Green, M ary Jean, 2 8 9 a 1 ,2 9 3 a 71 G riffin, Roger 180: M aulnier and, 270; M osse’s influence on, 3 0 ,2 8 2 a 35; The Nature o f Fascism, 29-30; “new consen­ sus” on fascism and, 30,32; palingene­ sis and. 2 9 -3 0 ,2 6 7 ,2 6 8 ,2 7 4 -7 5 ; totali­ tarianism and, 2 6 7 ,2 8 1 -8 2 a 53; Young Right and, 33.267,271 Gringoire, 1 1 9 -2 9 ,1 8 2 ,3 0 0 a 5 3 ,3 1 0 a 1, 3 2 3 n ,2 Grover, Frédéric, 303n a 19 and 20 Guéhenno, Jean, 301 a 74 G uiral, Pierre, 300n. 52 H æ dens, Kléber. 152,170,222,226, 3 1 4 a 6 1 ,3 1 8 a 5 Halévy, Daniel, 54,120 H alls, H. D ., 319n. 15 H anna M artha 285n a 28 and 30. 2 8 6 a 3 7 ,2 8 7 a 49 Heidegger, M artin, 8 1 ,293n. 8 Heilm an, Jotm , 277 a 7,291 n. 36, 3 0 0 a 5 8 .3 0 2 -3 a 1 7 .3 2 0 a 35 Hesse, Hermann, 51 Hewitt, Nicholas, 293 a 71 H itler. Adolf, 1 0 3 ,1 0 8 ,1 0 9 ,1 9 0 ,1 9 1 ,1 9 2 . 2 0 5 ,2 0 9 -1 0 ,2 1 1 ,2 3 9 ,2 4 4 -4 5 ,2 5 0 , 3 1 0 n .3 ,3 1 1 a 18,312n. 1 9 ,3 1 3 a 45, 323a 4 Hoffituum, Stanley, 2 1 2 ,3 1 8 a 3 Homme nouveau, L \ 138-40,151 humanism: Andreu and, 134; Com munist Party, French, and, 145; Gide and, 3 0 4 a

355

39; M aulnier and, 8 3 ,8 8 -% , 102.114, 1 1 6 ,1 2 7 ,1 4 5 -4 6 ,1 6 6 ,2 4 4 Humanité, L‘, 47 Humeau, Edmond, 60 Hussards, Les, 152

Idées, 321 n. 5 0 .2 4 3 ,2 4 6 ,2 4 8 ,2 5 0 ; An­ dreu and, 250; anti-Sem itism of, 249-50; description of, 225-230; Vin­ cent and, 2 2 6-30,246 Inform ation, M inistry o f (Vichy), 216, 2 2 4 -2 5 ,2 2 6 ,3 2 0 a 44 Institut d’Action française, 69 Insurgé, L \ 1 6 9 ,1 8 0 ,2 0 1 ,3 1 0 a 6; anticapitalism and, 174,175; antipatriotism and, 173-74; anti-Sem itism and, 173-74; C ercle Proudhon and, 172,175; failure of, 175-76,182; launching of, 170-71; M aulnier and. 170,174 -7 5 ,1 8 2 ,2 6 3 , 3 0 8 a 4 1 ,318n. 7 .2 7 0 ; M aunas and, 169,174-75; M axence and. 170-71, 182; M onnier and. 1 7 1 ,1 7 3 ,1 7 6 ,3 0 8 a 3 6 ,309n. 57; populism of, 170; social policy and, 171-72; syndicalism , revo­ lutionary, and, 171-72,175; violence and, 173,174,200-201 Intellectuels en France, Les (Ory and Sirinelli), 20-21 “intelligence,” French. See French “intelli­ gence.” Irvine, W illiam , 2 8 0 a 3 6 ,3 0 7 n a 15,23, and 2 5 .3 2 6 a 10 Izard, Georges, 304n. 47 Jackson, Julian, 302 n .1 ,303n. 3 3 ,3 0 4 nn. 3 4 ,3 5 . and 3 7 ,317n. 1 .3 1 9 a 18 Jacob, M ax, 325 a 50 Jeanne d’Arc, 314n. 61 Jeanneret, Serge, 308n. 40 Jeantet, Claude, 1 8 3 ,2 3 6 ,3 1 0 a 3 Jenkins, Brian, 3 1 ,278n. 1 3 ,285n. 26 Jennings, Jerem y, 278n. 17 Je suis partout, 1 6 ,291-92n. 4 9 ,1 8 8 ,2 0 3 , 207,238,241 3 0 0 a 5 3 ,3 1 0 a 1; Action française and, 182-83,237-38; antiSem itism and, 1 8 3 ,2 0 1 -3 ,2 0 8 ,2 2 0 , 234,250; Brasillach and, 182-88, 1 9 0 -9 1 ,2 1 0 -1 1 ,2 3 0 -3 4 ,2 4 1 ,2 4 2 ,

356

INDEX

2 S 2 -S 3 ,268-69; circulation of, 233; collaborationism and, 232-33,236; Combat and, 182 -8 3 ,1 9 4 ,2 0 1 -3 , 207-8; Czech crisis (1938-39) and. 207- 8; engagement and, 194; fascism and, 208,268-69; foreign policy and, 2 0 8 - 10; G axotte and, 182,184,188, 208-9; historiography of, 233-37; im­ portance of, 22,236; M assis and, 209; M aulnier and, 2 0 2 -3 ,2 4 3 -4 6 ; M aunas and, 208,237-38; M ilza’s new French orthodoxy and, 28; national revolution and, 183,197; Nazi Germany and, 24, 2 09,211,232-33; neopacifism and, 204, 207-9; “new Europe” (H itler’s). 211, 2 3 0 ,2 48,250; Parti populaire français and, 1% ; Popular Front and, 183,208, 268; social policy, neglect of, and, 183; tensions at, 232-53; Vichy regim e and, 2 1 1 ,2 3 0 -3 4 ,2 7 3 -7 4 ; violence and, 183. See also R ebatet, Lucien Je suis partout (Dioudonnat), 235 Jeune France, 196,221-24,269 Jeunes Gens d ’aujourd’hui. Les (Agathon), 1 8 ,3 7 ,3 8 -3 9 Jeunesses partriotes, 118 Jeunes D ires. See Young D irks (Radical Party dissidents) Jouhandeau, M arcel, 237 Journal de la Solidarité française. Le, 118 Journal des débats. Le, 71 Jouvenel. Bertrand de, 1 3 2 ,1 9 5 ,303n. 23; dissidents, coalition of, and, 136-37, 1 3 8 ,1 3 9 ,1 4 1 ,1 4 9 ,1 5 0 ,1 9 2 ; La Lutte des jeunes and, 136-37,138,141 Jouvenel, Henry de: Le Rajeunissement de la politique, 100 Julliaid, Jacques, 280n. 39 K allis, A ristotle A., 281 n. 52 Kant, Im m anuel, 58 Kaplan, Alice Yaeger, 25 4 ,2 7 9 n. 25, 280n. 3 4 ,3 2 3 nn. 84 (chap. 8). 3,1 1 . and 18,325 nn. 57 and 59 Katyn m assacre, 237 Kaufmann, W alter, 295 n. 36 Kemp-W elch, Anthony. 278n. 17 Kershaw, Ian, 281 n. 51

Kessler, N icolas, 278n. 1 9 ,289nn. 2 and 7, 290n. 23 Keylor, W illiam. 287nn. 49 and 5 8 ,298n. 9 Kidd, W illiam , 313n. 51 Krutch, Joseph Wood, 287-88n. 60 La Cham bre, Guy, 296n. 54 Lachance, Paul F., 284n. 18 Lacombe, O livier, 60 Lacom e, Denis, 293n. 2 Lacoste, R o b o t, 137 Lacoutuie, Jean, 307n. 2 4 ,3 0 8 n. 45 Lafue, Pierre, 120 Lagrange, Henri: Vingt Ans en 1914,1 6 1 Laroche, Hervé, 149 La Rocque, François de, 1 7 6 ,1 9 4 ,304n. 4 4 ,314n. 55; Service public, 149 Lasserre, Pierre, 9 1 ,2 9 5 n. 33 Latinité, 296n. 44 La Tour du Pin, René de, 309n. 52 Laubreaux, A lain, 310n. 3 Laurent, Jacques (pseud. Jacques B ostan), 170; Combat and, 2 2 5 ,3 0 6 n. 1; genera­ tion o f 1930 and. 13-14; Idées and, 226, 248,269; Inform ation, M inistry o f (Vichy), and, 225,269; M aulnier and. 160; M aurras depicted by, 155,156-57; myth and, 248; “new Europe” (H itler’s), 248; Rolin and, 248; Young Right and, 152,154-55 Lauridan, Henri, 308n. 40 Laval, M ichel, 323 nn. 84 (chap. 8), 3 ,1 1 , and 18.326n. 69 Laval, Pierre, 241 Le Cour Grandm aison, Jean, 246 Légion des volontaires français contre le bolshevism e, 233 Lem aigre-Dubreuil, Jacques, 175 Le M archand. Jean. 159,181,193 Lenin, V. I., 51 Leroy, G éraldi, 306nn. 68 (chap. 5) and 1, 308nn. 3 5 an d 3 6 .3 1 0 n . 1 Le Roy Ladurie, G abriel, 313n. 49 Lesca, Charles, 322n. 64.252

Lettre à un soldat de la classe soixante (B rasillach), 256-58 Lévy. Claude. 320n. 44 Ligue pour la culture française, 284n. 12

INDEX L oiseaux, G érard, 323nn. 8 and 9 Loisy. Jean. 1 7 0 .2 2 2 -2 4 .3 0 8 n. 40. 3 2 4 n. 37 L oubet del B ayle, Jean-Louis, 289n. 2, 2 9 0 n. 23.291 n. 3 4 ,296n. 4 4 .300n. 58, 314n. 55; “common front” o f non-con­ form istes and, 297n. 62; generation o f 1930 and, 1 6 -1 7 ,2 1 - 2 2 ,259-62; inter­ pretive problem s and, 17-18 ,2 1 -2 2 , 25 9 -6 2 ; K essler and, 278n. 19; Non­ c o rf ormistses des années 30, 16-17; Young Right interpreted by, 16-19, 259-61 L ouis XIV, 314n. 61 Loustau, R obert, 1% , 223,224 Louvrier, Pascal, 279n. 28 L upin, José (pseud. Pierre Tisserand), 67, 6 9 ,7 7 ,1 5 9 ,1 8 7 ,312n. 19 Lutte des jeunes. La, and, 136-37,138, 1 3 9 ,1 4 0 ,1 4 2 ,1 5 1 ,3 0 3 n. 20 M adiran, Jean, 4 6 ,2 8 0 n. 3 1 ,290n. 19 M agniez, Roger, 294n. 13 M aisons de la culture, 195 M alraux, André, 56; La Condition humaine, 93; M assis’s Défense de l ’Oc­ cident review ed by, 287n. 60; M aulnier and, 8 9 -9 0 ,9 3 M andel, Georges, 120 M ann, M ichael, 281 n. 52 M arc, Alexandre, 121 M arcel, G abriel, 120 Marianne, 300n. S3 M arion, Paul: Andreu and, 138-39; com­ m unism and, 139; Deux Russies, 139; dissidents, coalition of, and, 139,151, 192,224; L’Homme nouveau and, 139; Idées and, 225,226; Inform ation, M in­ istry o f (Vichy), and, 216,2 2 4 -2 5 ,2 2 6 , 324n. 34; National Revolution (Vichy) and, 224-25; neosocialism and, 139; non-conformistes and, 225,226; Parti populaire français and, 192,195,224; La Révolution (supplem ent to La République) and, 151 M aritain, Jacques, 315n. 74; Action française and, 4 5 -4 6 ,5 5 ,5 8 -5 9 ; Catholicism and, 4 5 -4 6 ,5 8 -5 9 ,289n.

357

9; crisis o f civilization and, 286n. 37; Fabrègues and, 57-59; La Gazette française and, 57; M assis and, 4 6 ,2 9 0 n. 15; M axence and. 5 7 -6 0 ,289-90n. 9. 290n. 15; neo-Thomism of, 45-46; Pri­ mauté du spirituel, 5 8 -5 9 ,290n. 17; La Revue universelle and, 4 9 ,5 8 ; Vatican condem nation o f M aunas and. 58-59, 289n. 6 M arras, M ichael R.. 313n. 4 5 .320n. 33 M arx, Karl. 163,185 M assis, Henri, 2 6 4 ,309n. 53; A ction française and, 2 0 ,4 6 -4 7 ,1 0 4 ,2 6 2 ; L ’Avenir de l ’intelligence (M aunas) and, 262; Barrés and, 37 ,7 2 ; Boshevism and. 121,287n. 58; B rasillach and, 19. 6 8 -6 9 ,1 9 1 ,2 3 8 -4 2 ,2 5 4 ,2 7 2 ,2 9 1 n. 47, 292n. 60; Cahiers (o f M axence) and, 60; C atholicism and, 4 7 -4 8 ,6 1 ,6 3 -6 4 , 232,290 n.19; Conseil national (Vichy) and, 213,246; crisis o f civilization and, 4 8 .4 9 -5 2 ,6 3 ,7 4 ,8 5 .290n. 20; deca­ dence and. 1 8 -1 9 ,5 0 -5 2 ,2 3 8 ,2 4 2 ; Défense de l ’Occident, 5 0 -5 2 ,6 3 , 6 8 -6 9 ,7 8 ,1 0 7 ,1 9 1 ,2 6 2 ; engagement and, 1 4 ,5 7 ,7 7 ,8 6 ; Evocations, 63-64, 7 2 -7 4 ,292n. 60; Fabrègues and, 63-67; Fascism , Italian, and, 106-7; fascism and, 209; “Fin de l’après guerre” (B rasillach) and, 74-78; French “intelli­ gence” and. 4 7 -4 9 ,5 4 .7 3 -7 4 ,2 6 2 ; generationalism and, 1 8 -2 0 ,3 7 ,3 8 -4 0 , 2 3 8 ,6 3 -6 4 ,7 2 -7 4 , 288n. 6 4 .292n. 60; generation o f 1912 and, 18-19,21, 72-74; generation o f 1930 and, 19,21, 40,262; Gide and, 52-54; intellectuals, nationalist, and, 1 4 ,2 1 ,8 6 ,2 6 2 ; Je suis partout and, 209; M aritain and, 46,2 9 0 n. 15; M aulnier and, 1 9 .7 1 -7 4 ,8 8 .1 1 0 , 174,318n. 7; M aunas and, 6 1 ,8 6 ,1 5 6 , 174,262,284 n.25; M axence and, 6 0 -6 2 ,7 0 ,8 5 ; M ounier and, 223; M us­ solini and, 106-7; nationalist revival (pre-1914) and. 1 8 -1 9 ,3 9 -4 0 ,2 6 1 -6 2 ; National Revolution (Vichy) and, 217; 1933 (weekly) and, 120; 1934 (weekly) and, 141; the O rient and, 51-52; Party o f Intelligence m anifesto and, 4 7 -4 9 ,6 1 ,

358

INDEX

83; Pétain and. 213,246; Réaction and, 97-98; La Revuefrançaise and, 12-1 A, 184; La Revue universelle and, 49-30, 3 2 ,2 1 3 -1 4 ,291-92n. 49; Vichy regim e and, 213,232; Wohl’s depiction of, 37, 39; Young Right and. 1 3 -1 4 ,1 9 ,4 0 . 7 2 -7 4 ,2 6 1 ,2 7 2 ; Young Turks (Radical Party dissidents) and, 141 ; youth policy (at Vichy) and, 213,217,232. See also Agathon Mathy, Jean-Philippe, 79 M atignon agreem ent, 173 M auban, Charles, 324n. 37 M aud’huy, Bertrand de, 149 M aulnier, Thierry (Jacques Talagrand), 2 2 8 ,3 0 3 n. 23; Action française and, 213,219-20; L’Action française and, 7 0 .1 5 0 -5 1 ,2 1 3 ,2 1 4 ,2 1 6 ,2 1 9 ,2 2 0 , 243 ,2 4 5 ,2 4 6 ; anti-Am ericanism and, 8 2 -8 4 ,8 9 ,1 1 5 -1 6 ; antipatriotism and, 167-68,174-75; anti-Sem itism and, 2 0 2 -3 ,2 2 0 -2 1 ; aristocratic revolution and, 116-17,164,166; Au-delà du na­ tionalisme, 1 9 8-200,263,270-71; Bel­ lessort and, 77-78,291 n. 43; “beyond nationalism ” and, 88,198; bourgeoisie, attack on, by, 166-67; B rasillach and, 1 1 9 ,1 5 9 ,2 0 7 ,2 3 0 ,2 4 4 ,3 1 9 -2 0 n. 29, 322n. 75; Britain and, 2 0 5 -6 ,2 1 5 ; Burrin’s “fascist minimum” and, 27-28; “C ahier de revendications” and, 101-2; capitalism and, 1 0 2 ,1 6 2,172,217; Cercle Proudhon and. 161-64,175; Cercles populaires français, 1% ; col­ laboration and, 2 1 5 ,2 1 6 ,2 4 7 -4 8 ; collaborationism and, 216,247-48; Czech crisis (1938-39), 204-6; Combat and, 1 5 8 -6 9 ,2 2 1 ,2 6 3 ,2 7 0 ,2 7 1 ,318n. 7; Com ité de rassem blem ent de la révolu­ tion nationale and, 217; Com ité national de vigilance des jeunes français m obilis­ ables and, 194; communism and, 102, 113,172; Com munist Party, French, and, 145-46; “conservative revolution­ aries" (Germ an) and. 88,111-12; con­ servatives, attacks on, by, 165-67,172, 198,215-16; La Contre-révolution spontanée (M aurras) and, 245; corpo­

ratism and, 142,162; La Crise est dans l ’homme, 89,263; crisis o f civilization and. 1 7 .3 5 ,8 8 ,9 2 -9 3 ,1 1 0 ,1 1 4 .1 6 6 . 198,217,263; decadence and, 121,127, 1 6 7 ,1 6 8 ,1 8 0 ,2 1 5 ,2 1 6 ,2 4 4 ,2 6 2 ; De­ main la France, 124-2 8 ,1 5 8 ,2 7 0 303 n. 25; dem ocracy and, 9 2 -9 3 ,1 1 3 ,1 7 2 , 1 7 9 ,2 0 4 ,2 0 6 ,2 1 4 ,2 1 7 ,2 4 4 -4 6 ,3 0 1 n. 6 9 ,324n. 32; descriptions of, 160; dissi­ dents, coalition of, and, 141,150-51; Drieu la Rochelle and, 142; early liter­ ary career of, 13; elitism of, 8 5 ,8 8 ; en­ gagement and, 8 8 -8 9 ,1 5 9 ,1 9 3 ,2 6 5 ; “enrollm ent” and, 146-47,265; L ’Etu­ diant français and, 69; Evocations (M assis) and, 72; Fabrègues and, 97-98, 1 5 9 ,2 4 6 -4 8 ,315n. 69; Fascism , Italian, and. 1 1 3 ,1 2 1 ,1 9 9 ,2 1 7 ,2 7 0 ; fascism and. 2 2 ,2 5 .1 1 4 ,1 2 5 -2 6 ,1 4 2 ,1 7 7 -8 0 , 1 9 8 -2 0 1 ,2 0 5 ,2 0 7 ,2 0 8 ,2 0 9 ,2 6 9 -7 1 ; Le Figaro and. 214 ,2 1 5 ,2 2 1 ; La France, la guerre et ta paix , 217-18, 2 2 0 ,2 2 9 ,2 6 3 ,317n. 93; French “intel­ ligence” and. 1 4 5 ,1 4 6 ,1 7 8 ,1 9 9 ,2 0 0 . 2 0 7 ,2 1 7 -1 9 ,2 2 0 ,2 4 4 -4 5 ,2 4 7 ,2 6 3 , 319nn. 24 and 29; generation o f 1930 and, 1 3 -1 4 ,1 1 2 ,1 1 7 ,1 2 1 ,2 1 6 ; Germ an “Young Right” interpreted by, 111-12; G riffin’s “fascist minimum” and, 270; H itler and, 1 0 9 ,1 2 3 ,2 0 5 .2 4 4 -4 5 ; hu­ manism and, 8 3 ,8 8 -9 6 ,1 0 2 ,1 1 4 ,1 1 6 , 1 2 7 ,1 4 5 -4 6 ,1 6 6 ,2 4 4 ; ideas, historical role of, and. 84-85; Idées and, 243-44; im perialism and, 127; Institut d ’A ction française and, 69; L’Insurgé and, 170, 1 7 4 -7 5 .1 8 2 ,2 6 3 ,2 7 0 ,308n. 4 1 .318n. 7; intellectuals and, 8 5 ,8 8 -8 9 ,2 6 3 , 265; irrationalism and, 127„ 219,244, 271,301 n. 72; Je suis partout and, 2 0 2 -3 ,2 4 3 -4 6 ; “liberalism ” of, 221, 229; Louis-le-G rand (lycée) and, 67; M alraux and, 8 9 -9 0 ,9 3 ; M assis and, 1 9 ,7 1 -7 4 ,8 8 ,1 1 0 ,1 7 4 ,318n. 7; M aurras and, 6 8 ,6 9 ,8 8 ,8 9 ,9 2 ,9 5 . 1 1 0 ,1 2 4 -2 5 ,1 5 0 ,1 5 2 ,1 6 0 ,1 6 4 , 1 7 4 -7 5 ,2 0 0 ,2 1 1 ,2 1 6 ,2 1 9 -2 0 ,2 4 5 , 2 6 3 -6 5 ,2 6 9 -7 1 ,3 0 1 n. 69; M axence and. 7 0 -7 1 ,8 8 ,9 7 ,9 9 ,1 4 8 ; M unich

INDEX agreem ent and, 204-5; M ussolini and, 123; m yth and. 2 0 0 ,2 0 3 ,2 0 7 ,2 1 8 ,2 1 9 , 2 4 4 ,2 7 0 ,316n. 77; national interest, French, and, 2 0 6 ,2 1 5 ,2 4 4 ; nationalism , French, and, 1 2 6 ,1 5 8 ,1 7 7 ,2 0 0 ,2 6 2 , 263,270; National Revolution (Vichy) and 214-19; national revolution and, 1 1 5 ,1 2 1 ,1 4 2 ,1 4 3 ,1 4 7 ,1 5 8 ,1 6 3 ,1 6 4 , 1 6 8 ,1 7 0 ,1 7 2 ,1 7 9 ,1 8 0 ,2 0 0 ,2 0 6 ,2 0 9 , 2 2 1 ,2 7 0 ,2 7 1 ,300n. 61; National So­ cialism (Germ an) and, 15,109-15, 1 1 6 -1 7 ,1 2 1 ,1 4 3 ,1 7 7 ,1 9 9 ,2 0 0 ,2 1 7 , 2 7 0 ,2 9 9 n. 30; nationalist-syndicalist al­ liance and, 1 62-63,175,270; Nazi Ger­ many and, 1 0 9 -1 5 ,1 2 1 ,1 9 9 ,2 0 5 ,2 1 5 , 270; neonationalism and, 198-200; neopacifism and, 204-6; Nietzsche, 92-96; N ietzsche and, 8 8 -% , 110-11, 166,270; 1933 (weekly) and, 120-21; Parti populaire fiançais and, 1% ; Pétain and, 2 1 1 ,2 1 4 ,2 1 9 ,2 2 1 ,2 4 7 ; Popular Front and. 1 4 3 -4 8 ,1 6 4 ,1 6 6 ,1 6 7 ,1 8 9 , 2 6 3 ,2 6 5 ,2 7 0 ; populism and, 270; Racine and, 68,291 n. 43; racism and, 1 1 3 ,2 2 0 -2 1 ,299n. 30; Le Rajeunisse­ ment de la politique (Jouvenel) and, 100; Réaction and, 6 6 -6 7 ,9 7 ; resistance (during the Occupation), and, 219, 243-46; La Revue du siècle and, 98; La Revue universelle and, 2 1 4 ,2 1 7 ,318n. 7; social question and, 164,166; Soli­ darité française and, 119; Sorel and, 200; Soviet Union and, 8 4 -8 5 ,8 9 ,1 0 2 , 12 1 ,1 2 5 ,1 9 9 ,2 0 6 ; “spiritual révolu­ tion” and, 8 8 .1 0 1 ,1 1 1 ,1 6 2 -6 3 ,2 4 7 ; Stavisky affair and, 123; Sternhell thesis and, 25,281 n. 45; Third Republic and, 2 0 4 ,2 0 6 -7 ,2 1 4 ,2 1 6 ,2 1 9 ,2 2 0 ,2 4 4 , 245; “third way” and, 205 -7 ,2 7 1 ; total­ itarianism and, 179,267-68; tragic sense and, 9 0 .9 3 -9 4 , % , 112-13; Le Troisième Reich (M oeller van den B rack) and, 111-12; Valois and, 164; Varillon and, 70; Vichy regim e and, 211, 2 1 3 -2 1 ,2 4 5 ,2 7 3 ; Vincent and, 227, 229; violence and, 117,162,168-69, 219; w ork and, 9 0 -9 1 ,1 1 6 ,1 6 4 ; youth policy (Vichy) and, 216,217

359

M aunas, C harles. 8 5 .1 8 2 ,1 8 4 ,2 1 5 ,2 5 0 , 303n. 2 0 ,306n. 1 ,314n. 61; anti-G er­ m anism and, 108,155,203; antirepubli­ canism and, 167; anti-Sem itism and, 42, 220; L’Avenir de l ’intelligence, 14, 4 3 -4 5 ,7 7 ,8 6 ,1 5 4 ,2 6 2 ,2 6 3 .2 6 4 ; Brasillach and, 6 8 ,2 0 8 ,2 1 1 ,2 3 0 , 2 3 7 -3 8 ,2 4 0 .2 6 3 ,2 7 2 ; Catholicism and. 4 1 ,4 4 -4 5 ,4 6 ,5 8 -5 9 ,1 3 5 ,289n. 9 .2 9 0 n. 15; conspiratorialism and, 42-45; La Contre-révolution spontanée, 245; crisis o f civilization and, 4 2 -4 5 ,5 7 -5 8 ,2 8 6 n. 37; decadence and, 127; dissidence, coalition of, and, 150-51; Dreyfus affair and, 156; Fabrègues and, 5 7 -5 9 ,6 2 -6 3 , 1 0 8 ,1 6 3 ,2 1 1 ,2 4 6 ,2 6 8 ,2 6 9 ,2 8 4 -8 5 n. 2 5 ,289n. 7; Fascism , Italian, and, 105-7; fascism and, 109; French “intel­ ligence” and, 1 4 ,2 1 .4 3 -4 5 ,8 6 .1 5 4 , 263-64; La Gazette française and, 57; generationalism and, 14; generational tensions and, 152-57; G irardet’s depic­ tion of, 297n. 1; historical vision of, 68; Idées and. 226; L’Insurgé and, 169, 174-75; intellectuals, nationalist, and, 2 1 ,4 3 -4 5 ,5 7 ; Je suis partout and, 208, 237-38; Laurent’s depiction of, 155; M assis and. 6 1 .8 6 .1 5 6 ,1 7 4 ,2 6 2 ,284n. 25; M aulnier and, 6 8 ,6 9 ,8 8 ,8 9 ,9 2 ,9 5 . 1 1 0 ,1 2 4 -2 5 ,1 5 0 ,1 5 2 ,1 6 0 ,1 6 4 , 1 7 4 -7 5 ,2 0 0 ,2 1 1 ,2 1 6 ,2 1 9 -2 0 ,2 4 5 , 263-65 ,2 6 9 -7 1 ,3 0 1 n. 69; M axence and, 5 7 -5 9 ,8 6 ,2 1 1 ,289-90n. 9; monarchy, French, and, 4 1 ,1 0 8 ; M onnier’s depiction of, 297n. 1,153-54; M ussolini and, 1 0 5 -7 ,298n. 9; national­ ism and, 2 0 ,1 5 5 ,1 5 7 ,2 6 7 ,284n. 25; National Socialism (Germ an) and, 108-9; Nazi Germ any and, 203; neopacifism and, 2 0 3 -4 ,2 0 7 -8 ; N iet­ zsche and, 9 2 ,2 9 5 n. 34; L’Ordre nou­ veau and, 100; O rient and, 4 2 ,2 8 5 n. 29; pays réel-pays légal distinction and, 167; Pétain and, 211,213; Rebatet and, 237; Reform ation and, 41-43; rom anti­ cism and, 41-44; Soviet Union and, 203; Vatican condem nation of, 5 8 -5 9 ,6 1 , 289n. 6; Vichy regim e and, 211,225,

360

INDEX

232; Young Right and, 13,19-21, 5 7 -5 8 ,1 0 9 ,1 5 2 -5 7 ,1 6 0 ,2 4 5 ,2 6 2 -6 4 , 266,268,272; See also Action française M axence, Jean-Luc, 289n. 8 ,2 9 5 n. 42, 296nn. 44 and 5 0 .300n. 4 7 .314n. 61 M axence, Jean-Pierre (Pierre Godmé): Ac­ tion française and, 6 2 -6 3 ,1 5 1 ,1 7 4 ,2 8 9 n. 7; anti-Am ericanism and, 81-82; antiSem itism and, 173; Barrés and, 86-87; Benda and, 60; B rasillach and, 70-71, 159; Cahiers, 5 9 -6 2 ,7 0 ,7 1 ,8 1 -8 2 , 289-90n. 9; cam araderie and, 296nn. 48 and 49; capitalism and, 128,147; civilizational crisis and, 8 5 -8 8 ,3 0 2 n. 6; Com ité national de vigilance des jeunes français m obilisables and, 194; conser­ vatives and, 147; corporatism and, 128, 147-48; decadence and, 269; Demain la France, 124,128,158,303 n. 25; dissi­ dents, coalition of, and, 141,151-52; engagement and, 8 5 -8 8 ,1 4 6 -4 7 ,1 5 9 ; Fabrègues and, 9 7 -9 8 ,1 5 9 ,315n. 69; fascism and, 229,269; February 6,1934, riot of, and, 123; “Fin de l’après guerre” (B rasillach) and, 76; Front de la liberté and, 171; La Gazette française and, 57; generation o f 1930 and, 13-14 ,9 6 -9 9 , 171 ; Gringoire and. 119-29; H itler and, 109-10; humanism and, 97; Idées and, 226,2 2 9 -3 0 ,2 4 8 ; L'Insurgé and. 170-71,182; intellectuals and, 85-88, 146-47; leadership style of, 98; ligues, nationalist, and, 147,174; M aritain and, 5 7 -6 0 ,2 8 9 -9 0 n. 9 .290n. 15; M assis and, 6 0 -6 2 ,7 0 ,8 5 ; M aulnier and, 7 0 -7 1 ,8 8 .9 7 ,9 9 ,1 4 8 ; M aurras and, 5 7 -5 9 ,8 6 ,2 1 1 ,2 8 9 -9 0 n. 9; M ounier and, 297n. 62; myth and, 248; national­ ism , French, and, 158; National Social­ ism (Germ an) and, 109-10; Parti popu­ laire français and, 273; Pétain and, 211; Popular Front and, 147,151,189; pop­ ulism and, 147-48,151; Le Rajeunisse­ ment de la politique (Jouvenel) and, 100; Réaction and, 97; La Révolution (supplem ent to La République) and, 151-52; La Revue du siècle and, 98; La Revuefrançaise and, 7 0 -7 2 ,9 6 -9 9 ,1 1 9 ;

Solidarité française and, 118-19; Valéry and. 85; Vatican condem nation o f M aur­ ras and, 58-59; Vichy regim e and, 211, 269; Young Right and, 147-48,152 M ayet-de-M ontagne (Vichy leadership school), 225 M aze. Jean, 225 M azgaj, Paul, 291 n. 4 4 ,2 9 5 n. 3 3 ,306n. 1, 326n. 4 M ers-el-K ébir attack, 215 M ilza, Pierre, 2 6 -2 7 ,279n. 2 2 .2 9 9 n. 43. 3 0 4 -5 n. 4 8 .3 0 5 n. 5 0 .310n. 4 M istier, Jean, 296n. 54 M oeller van den Bruck, Arthur, 111 monarchy, French. See Action française; M aurras, Charles M onnier, Pierre (pseud. M aurice Grandchamp): Cercle Proudhon and, 161-63; Combat and, 1 6 1 -6 2 ,1 6 4 ,306n. 1; L’Insurgé and, 1 7 1 ,1 7 3 ,1 7 6 ,3 0 8 n. 36. 309n. 57; Langrange and, 161-62; M aulnier and, 160; M aurras and, 1 53-54,297n. 1; nationalist-syndicalist alliance and, 161-63,173; Proudhon and, 163; Young Right and, 153-54 M ontety, Etienne de, 170,174-75,182, 243,291 n. 4 3 .296n. 5 0 ,300n. 54.308 n. 4 1 ,3 0 9 nn. 5 1 ,5 4 , and 5 5 ,309n. 58. 318n. 11 M ontherlant, Henry de, 120,306n. 70 M ontoire-sur-le-Loir m eeting, 211 M orand, Paul, 120 M osse, George, 3 0 ,282n. 55 M ounier, Em m anuel, 302n. 17; dissident alliance and, 136,152; Esprit and, 60, 101,223-24; Fabrègues and, 222-24, 324n. 36; intellectual, elitist conception of, and, 84; Jeune France and, 222-24; M assis and, 223; O rdre nouveau and, 100-101; Young Right and, 297n. 62 M unich agreem ent, 204-5 M usset, Alfred de, 322n. 82 M ussolini, Benito, 105-7,121,190, 2 0 9 -1 0 ,2 3 3 ,2 5 2 ,2 9 8 n. 9 Napoleon, 256 Nathan, Roger, 296n. 54 National Front, 1 1 8 ,1 5 1 ,314n. 61

INDEX national revolution (concept): Brasillach and, 1 8 5 ,1 8 7 ,2 3 8 ,2 5 5 ,2 7 2 ,322n. 72; France and, 121,206; Francis and, 129-30; Germ any and, 109; Italy and, 109; M aulnier and, 115,121, 1 4 2 ,1 4 3 ,1 4 7 ,1 5 8 ,1 6 3 ,1 6 4 ,1 6 8 , 1 7 0 ,1 7 2 ,1 7 9 ,1 8 0 ,2 0 0 ,2 0 6 ,2 0 9 , 2 2 1 ,2 7 0 ,2 7 1 ,300n. 61; Young Right and, 1 4 ,1 5 ,3 3 ,1 2 3 -2 4 ,1 4 0 ,1 5 6 ,1 5 8 , 19 2 ,1 9 7 ,2 2 1 ,2 6 5 ,2 7 5 N ational Revolution (Vichy), 211-19,243, 273; B rasillach and, 2 3 1 -3 2 ,2 3 4 ,2 3 8 , 255-56; C atholicism and, 246; Fab* lègues and, 222-25,246; fascism and, 2 1 2 - 13; Idées and, 226-30; Jeune France and, 222-24; M aulnier and, 214-19; La Revue universelle and, 21314; Rolin and, 248 N ational Socialism (Germ an), 4 ,1 2 1 , 302-03n. 17,303n. 23; Action française and, 105,107-9; B rasillach and, 15, 191,20 8 ,2 3 3 ,2 5 2 -5 3 ; Fabrègues and, 110; M aulnier and, IS, 109-15,116-17, 1 2 1 ,1 4 3 ,1 7 7 ,1 9 9 ,2 0 0 ,2 1 7 ,2 7 0 ,299n. 30; M aurras and, 109-10; M axence and, 109-10; non-conformistes and, 103; Young Right and, IS, 109-15,155,197, 266 Nature of Fascism, The (G riffin), 29-30 Nazism . See National Socialism (Germ an) neo-M aurrassians. See Young Right neosocialists (Socialist Party dissidents), 100,136,159,193; Déat and, 132; de­ scription of, 131-34; “directed econ­ omy” and, 131; fascism and, 132-34; L’Homme nouveau and, 138-40; M arion and, 139. See also dissidents, coalition of neo-Thomism . See M aritain, Jacques Nguyen, Victor, 283 n. 3 ,2 8 5 n. 26 N icolas, André, 324n. 42 Ni droite ni gauche (Sternhell), 25-26, 26 6 ,2 8 0 nn. 35 and 36,281 n. 38 N ietzsche, Friedrich, 15,136; apoliticism of, 295 n. 36; joy, concept of, in, 92-93; M aulnier and. 8 8 -% , 110-11,166,270; M aurras and, 9 2 ,2 9 5 n. 34; tragic sense of, 9 2-94

361

Nietzsche (M aulnier), 9 2 -% 1933 (weekly), 12 0 -2 2 ,305n. 5 6 ,311n. 11 1934 (weekly). 134-35 N izan, Paul, 101 N oailles, M adame de, 72 Nobécourt, Jacques, 305n. 50 N olle, Ernst, 285n. 26 non-conformistes (of the 1930s), 131,152, 195-% , 224; Andreu and, 133,140, 159; “C ahier de revendications” and, 1 0 0-102,2% n. 55; “common front” of, 9 9 -1 0 3 ,2 9 7 n. 62; crisis o f civilization and, 1 6 -1 7 ,8 1 -8 3 ,8 4 .2 2 1 ,2 5 9 ,2 6 0 ; dissident, coalition of, and, 136-37; en­ gagement and, 85; fascism and, 103, 137; generation o f 1930 and, 16-18, 9 9 -1 0 3 ,2 4 2 ,2 5 9 ; M arion and, 225, 226; M assis and, 47; N ational Revolu­ tion (Vichy), 242; Réaction and, 65-66; La Revue du siècle and, 97-98; “spiri­ tual revolution” and, 99,259; Sternhell thesis and, 25; U riage and, 222; Vichy regim e and, 221-25,242; Young Right and, 1 6 -17,97-98. See also Ordre nou­ veau; Loubet del Bayle, Jean-Louis;

Non-conformistses des années 30, Les (Loubet del Bayle), 16-17 Nora, Pierre, 289n. 6 Notre Avant-guerre (B rasillach), 23,236, 257 Nouvelle Revuefrançaise, La (NRF), 8 5 -8 6 ,9 5 ,2 % n . 5 2 ,1 4 6 ,1 9 5 ,304nn. 40 and 41 ; “C ahier de revendications” and, 100-102; Cahiers (o f M axence) and, 60; generation o f 1920 and, 53-54; Party o f Intelligence m anifesto and, 288n. 65 Nuremberg rally (1937), 191 Nye, Robert, 3 6 ,2 8 3 n. 3 Offen, Karen, 283 n. 3 Ogé, Frédéric, 318n. 6 Opinion, V , 37-38 Oradour-sur-Glane m assacre, 256 O rdre nouveau (m ovejnent), 6 5 -6 6 ,8 3 -8 4 , 9 8 ,9 9 ,1 0 0 -1 0 2 ,1 2 1 ,1 3 4 .1 5 2 ,1 % . 2 9 1 n .3 6 .3 1 4 n .5 5 Ordre nouveau, V (review), 1 0 0 ,300n. 59

362

INDEX

O rient, the: B rasillach and, 254; Les Déracinés (Barrés) and, 283n. 6; M assis and, 51-52; M aunas and, 4 2 ,2 8 5 n. 29; M axence and, 82 Ory, Pascal. 2 0 .2 4 .8 0 ,2 3 6 ,2 9 3 n. 2 ,3 0 4 nn. 35 and 3 6 ,310n. 1 ,2 3 6 ,3 2 3 n. 3; Les Collaborateurs, 235; Les Intellec­ tuels en France (Ory and Sirinelli), 20-21 Pact o f Steel, 210 palingenetic m yth, 2 9 -3 0 ,3 2 ,1 3 1 ,1 8 0 , 2 3 9 ,2 4 2 ,2 6 7 ,2 6 8 ,2 7 4 -7 5 Paris-Soir, 236 Parti com m uniste fiançais. See Com munist Party, French (PCF) Parti populaire fiançais (PPF) and, 149, 1 5 2 ,1 7 0 ,1 7 1 ,1 7 6 ,1 9 2 -9 7 .2 0 1 ,2 2 3 , 2 2 4 ,2 6 3 -6 4 ,2 7 3 Parti social fiançais (PSF), 170,194, 314n. 60 Parti socialiste de France-Union Jean Jaurès, 148,304n.47 Party o f Intelligence m anifesto, 4 7 -4 9 ,5 4 , 6 1 ,7 8 ,8 5 Passm ore, Kevin, 280n. 3 6 ,304n. 44, 307n. 29 Paulhan, Jean, 296n. 55 Paxton, Robert O., 280n. 36,281 n. 52, 313n. 4 5 ,320n. 33; “functional” thesis on fascism and, 3 0 -32,271,281 n. 53; totalitarianism and, 281 n. S3; Vichy France, 2 4 ,2 1 2 ,318n. 3; Young Right and, 3 3 ,326n. 9 Payne, Stanley, 30,281 nn. 50 and 52, 282n. 5 5 .312n. 35 Paz, M aurice, 296n. 54 Péguy, Charles, 6 0 .7 2 ,7 3 ,4 6 ,1 0 7 ,1 3 6 , 290nn. 15 and 19 Péguy, M arcel, 135 Pellissier, Pierre, 279n. 2 8 ,3 0 0 nn. 50 and 5 4 ,312n. 19 Perroux, François, 35 personalism , 59-6 0 ,1 0 2 personalists. See Les non-conformistes (of the 1930s) Perspectives socialistes (Déat), 132 Peschanski, Denis, 318n. 3 ,319n. 18, 320n. 44,321 nn. 4 6 .4 8 and 50

Pétain, Phitippe, 2 1 1 -1 3 ,2 2 1 ,2 2 6 ,2 2 7 , 233,246; B rasillach and, 231.233; M assis and, 213,246; M aulnier and. 211, 2 1 4 ,2 1 9 ,2 2 1 ,2 4 7 ; M aunas and. 211, 213; Rebatet and, 230-31; Young R ight and, 211,273 Petitjean, Armand, 225 Petit Parisien, Le, 2 36,323n. 4 Popelin, Claude. 14 9 -5 0 ,1 9 2 .3 0 5 n. 51 Popular Front, 133,143-48,154-180, 1 8 3 ,1 8 6 ,1 9 3 ,1 9 5 ,1 9 7 ,2 5 2 ,2 6 3 -2 6 9 passim , 2 7 0 ,2 7 2 ,2 7 3 ,309n. 52 Poulain, Henri, 252 Pourrai, Henri, 324n. 35 Présence de Virgile (B rasillach), 68, 291 n. 44 Primauté du spirituel (M aritain), 58-59, 290n. 17 Prim o de R ivera, José A ntonio, 180,190, 23 1 ,3 2 2 n. 72 Prince, Robert, 194 Propaganda-Abteilung, 236 Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph, 163,233 Proust, M arcel, 157,215-16 Pucheu, P iene, 1 4 9 .2 2 3 ,2 2 4 ,313n. 49 Radical Party, French, 100,131-34,144. 1 5 0 ,1 9 3 ,308n. 41. See also Young Ttirks (Radical Party dissidents) Rajeunissement de la politique. Le (Jouvenel, Henry de), 100 Réaction [pour l ’ordre], 6 2 -6 7 ,7 1 ,1 3 4 , 1 3 6 ,1 8 1 ,290n. 23,291 n. 34 ,8 2 , 9 7 -9 8 ,296n. 4 4 ,300n. 59 Rebatet, Lucien (pseud. François Vinneuil), 310n. 3 ,312n. 21; L ’Action française and, 292n. 50; anti-Sem itism and, 183,201-2,208; B rasillach and, 1 8 4 ,2 5 2 -5 3 ,292n. 50; Céline and. 2 0 1-2,208; Combat and, 202; Com ité national de vigilance des jeunes français m obilisables and, 194; Les Décombres, 236,237; M aunas and, 237; Pétain and, 230-31; racism and, 208; Varillon and, 70; Vichy regim e and, 230-31; Vincent and, 202 Redier, A lexis, 70 Reflections on Violence (Sorel), 187

INDEX Rémond, René, 266; La Droite en France, 21-23’, Les Droites en France, 279n. 24 Renaud, Jean, 118 Renon, Jean, 2 2 2 ,22S République, La, ISO Révolution, La (supplem ent to La République), 150-52,197 Révolution créatrice, La (Dom inique), 30Sn. 54 Révolution nationale, La, 253 Revue des vivants, La, 100 Revue du siècle, La, 9 7 -9 8 ,1 1 0 ,1 1 8 , 1 4 0 -4 1 ,296n. 4 4 ,300n. 59 Revue du xxe siècle, La, 98 Revuefrançaise, La, 7 0 -7 2 ,7 7 , 96-99, 9 7 -9 9 ,1 0 9 ,1 1 9 -2 0 ,1 8 4 ,296n. 49, 30 0 n .5 9 Revue universelle, La, 4 9 -5 0 ,5 2 ,5 8 ,6 0 , 6 8 ,7 0 ,7 4 -7 5 ,4 6 ,1 7 7 ,1 9 1 ,2 1 3 -1 4 , 2 1 5 ,2 1 7 ,2 2 6 ,290n. 2 0 ,291-92n. 49. 318n. 7 Rex (Belgian C hristus Rex movem ent), 189-90 Reynaud, Jacques, 296n. 44 Ribbentrop, Joachim von, 234,237 Ringer, Fritz, 284nn. 10 and 2 9 ,3 0 7 n. 29 Rioux, Jean-Pierre, 320n. 35 R ispail, J.-L., 291 n. 36 R ivière, Jacques, 288n. 65

Robert Brasillach ou encore un instant de bonheur (B rassié), 24 Roberts, David, 302n. 14 Roche, Anne, 306n. 6 8 ,3 0 8 nn. 35 and 36, 310n. 1 Roche. Em ile. 1 3 2 ,1 5 0 ,1 5 1 ,306n. 1 Roditi, Georges, 136,138 Roger, Philippe, 293 n. 2 Rolin, Jean: myth and, 248; National Rev­ olution (Vichy) and, 248 Rolland, Romain, 4 7 ,5 2 ,1 4 6 Roman Catholic Church. See Catholicism . Rotnier, Lucien, 293n. 74 Roosevelt, Franklin D ., 252 Rosenstock-Franck, Louis, 302n. 13 Rougemont, Denis de, 8 4 ,1 0 2 -3 ,1 5 2 , 297n. 62 Rousso, Henry, 24; Vichy Syndrome, 24, 235

363

Roy, Claude, 170,318n. 5; generation o f 1930 and, 13-14; Jeune France and, 222; resistance (during the O ccupation) and, 211; Young Right and, 152 Rupnik, Jacques, 293 n. 2 Sabean, David, 283n. 3 Saillenfest, Jean (pseud. André M oncon­ duit). 170,1 8 1 ,3 0 3 n. 2 6 .310n. 67 Saint-Germ ain, Jacques, 118 Saint-Vincent, Bertrand de, 321 n. 46 Salleton, Louis, 160,308n. 4 0 ,310n. 6, 316n. 81 Sand, Shlom o, 280n. 39 Satire, Jean-Paul, 56 Seines de la vie future (Duham el), 80 Schaeffer, Pierre, 222 Schalk. David. 294n. 2 1 ,300n. 48 Schlumberger, Jean, 288n. 6 5 ,2 9 6 -9 7 n. 55 Schneider, Jean, 312n. 19 Schrameck, Abraham , 305n. 63 Secrétariat général à la jeunesse, 221,241 Sentein, François, 170,226 Sérant, Paul. 279n. 2 4 .320n. 30 Service central de la censure (Vichy), 225 Service public (La Rocque), 149 Sharlin, Allan, 283 n. 3 Sicard, M aurice-Yvan, 171,309n. 57 Siegfried, André, 293n. 74 Silverm an, Debora L., 283n. 3 Sipriot, Pierre, 279n. 2 8 ,311n. 8 Sirinelli, Jean-François, 6 7 ,2 7 8 n. 18; 281 n. 4 4 ,2 8 7 n. 4 5 ,304n. 36; history o f intellectuals and, 278n. 17; Les Intel­ lectuels en France (Ory and Sirinelli), 20-21; M assis interpreted by, 286n. 40; Party o f Intelligence m anifesto evalu­ ated by, 49 Socialisme fasciste. Le (Drieu la Rochelle). 141-42 Socialist Party, French, 100,131-34,139; Popular Front and, 142-44. See also neosocialists Solidarité française, U S -1 9 ,194,305n. 61 Sordet, Dom inique, 70 Sorel, Georges, 1 5 ,1 0 7 ,1 3 5 ,1 3 6 ,3 0 7 n. 1 9 .1 6 1 ,1 8 6 -8 7 ,1 9 1 ,2 0 0 ,2 3 3 ,2 5 0 , 267; Reflections on Violence, 187

364

INDEX

Sorldn, David J., 282n. S3 Soucy, Robert, 3 1 ,3 3 ,2 7 1 ,280n. 36, 283-84n. 7 .2 9 9 n. 4 3 ,300n. 44, 303 n. 19,309n. 5 6 ,313nn. 4 1 ,4 8 and 4 9 ,314nn. 52 and 60 Spanish civil war, 190-91,322 n.72 Specklin, Paul, 308n. 40 Spengler, Oswald, 50 Spirito, Ugo, 1 3 7 .1 5 9 ,3 0 2 -0 3 n. 17 “spiritual revolution” : M aulnier and, 88, 101, 111, 1 6 2 -6 3 ,2 4 7 ;non-con­ formistes and, 1 7 ,6 6 ,9 9 Young Right and, 129,158 Stalin, Joseph, 8 0 -8 1 ,8 4 ,1 3 9 ,1 4 4 Stavisky affair, 122 Stéphane, Roger. 324n. 27 Sternhell, Zeev, 281 n. 4 5 ,2 8 3 n. 7 ,3 0 2 n. 2 ,306n. 1; M aulnier's relation to Nazism interpreted by, 111-12; Ni droite ni gauche, 2 5 -2 6 ,2 6 6 ,2 8 0 nn. 35 and 36.281 n. 38 Strasser, Otto, 302-03n. 17 Strauss, David. 287n. 53,293 nn. 74 (chap. 2) and 2 syndicalism , revolutionary, 136,161, 172-73 Ihm e, Peter, 279n. 29.291 n. 3 9 .312n. 28 (chap. 2) and 3 4 ,322n. 68 Tarde, Alfred de. See Agathon Tardieu, André, 293n. 74

Temps, Le, TJ Temps présent. Le, 324n. 36 Tenou, Fernand, 300n. 52 Tharaud, Jean, 45,1 2 0 Tharaud, Jérôm e, 4 5 .1 2 0 Thibaudet, Albert, 7 5 ,7 6 ,1 2 0 Tocqueville, Alexis de, 79 Toda, M ichel. 4 6 .2 7 7 n. 11 ,286n. 39.287 n. 4 9 ,290n. 17,300n. 54 Toinet, M arie-France, 293n. 2 Tortorice, John S., 282n. 55 Touchard, Jean, 16 Trahison des clercs, La (Benda), 54, 304n. 40 Troisièm e Force, La, 304n. 47 Troisième Reich, Le (M oeller van den Bruck). 111-12

TVoy, W illiam , 2 8 7-88n. 60 Tucker, W illiam R., 280n. 3 4 ,286n. 35, 291 n. 39.311 nn. 10 and 1 6 ,312nn. 28 and 3 4 .3 2 5 n. 58 Ungar, Steven, 278-79n. 20 Union socialiste et républicaine, 304n. 47 United Front, 143,150,159,197 Uriage (Vichy leadership school), 222, 320n. 35 Valéry. Paul. 5 0 .5 2 .7 6 .8 0 .1 5 7 ,2 1 5 -1 6 Valois, Georges (Alfred-G eorges G ressent), 9 1 ,1 3 5 ,30Sn. 57; Action française and, 106,161; C ercle Proud­ hon and, 161,172; Faisceau and, 106, 137; Fascism , Italian, and, 106; M us­ solini and, 106; N ietzsche’s im pact on, 295n. 33 Vandromme, Pol, 280n. 31 Varillon, Pierre, 70,291 n. 49 Veillon, Dom inique, 320n. 44 Vendredi, 185,300n. 52 Verdès-Leroux, Jeannine, 2 4 ,2 9 2 n. 51, 298n. 9 ,3 0 6 n. 1 ,308n. 3 6 ,310nn. 1 and 2,310-11 nn. 6 and 7 .318-19n. 14, 321 n. 4 5 .3 2 2 nn. 68 and 8 1 .3 2 3 nn. 83 (chap. 8), l.a n d 6 Vichy France (Paxton), 2 4 ,2 1 2 .318n. 3 Vichy regim e, 230-31; B rasillach and, 2 1 1 ,2 3 1 -3 2 .2 4 1 ,2 5 0 ,2 5 1 ,2 7 3 -7 4 ; conservatives and, 242-43; “cultural revolution” and, 274; dissident groupa and, 221; Fabrègues and, 222-24; histo­ riography of, 211-13,274; Inform ation, M inistry of. 2 1 6 ,320n. 44; M arion and, 216; M aulnier and, 211,213-21,245, 273; non-conformistes and, 221-25, 242; Young Right and. 211-13,221-25, 242,273; youth initiatives and, 213, 2 2 1 -2 5 ,3 2 0 n .35 Vichy Syndrome (Rousso), 24,235 Vincent, R en é, 170,324n. 37; antiSem itism and, 202,248-49; Céline and, 201-2; Combat and, 159; Fabrègues and, 6 2 ,9 8 ,2 2 5 ,2 4 6 ; fascism and, 229, 249; France, la guerre et la paix (M aulnier) and, 229; generation o f 1930

INDEX and, 13-14,249; Idées and, 226-30, 246; M aulnier and, 227,229; M aurras and, 211 ; N ational Revolution (Vichy) and, 249; neopacifism and, 204; “new Europe” (H itler’s) and, 248-49; Pétain and, 211; Réaction and, 6 2 ,6 3 ; Rebatet and, 202; Service central de la censure (Vichy) and, 223; Solidarité française and, 118; totalitarianism and, 226,229; Vichy regim e and, 211 Vingt Ans en 1914 (Lagrange), 161 Vitoux, Frédéric, 315 n. 70 Voisin, A ndré, 308n. 40 Volontaires nationaux, 1 4 9 -3 2 ,1 3 9 ,1 % . See also dissidents, coalition o f Voltaire (François-M arie A rouet), 183 W all, Irwin, 304n. 34 W eber, Eugen. 278n. 1 3 ,283n. 3 .284n. 2 4 ,2 8 7 n. 3 1 ,298nn. 3 and 1 1 ,300n. 6 0 .3 0 5 -6 n. 6 3 .306n. 1 ,3 0 7 n. 24.308 nn. 40 and 47, 309n. 3 6 ,310n. 1 ,313n. 4 5 ,315n. 66. 317n. 96, 318n. 6 , 319n. 20, 326n. 1; Action française inter­ preted by, 1 9 -2 0 ,2 8 5 n. 26; Combat de­ scribed by, 306n. 1; L'Etudiantfiançais described by, 290n. 22; L’Insurgé de­ scribed by, 308n. 36; M aulnier inter­ preted by, 319n. 28; M aurras’s antiNazism evaluated by, 108-9; M aurras’s anti-Sem itism evaluated by, 42; Vatican condem nation o f Action française de­ scribed by, 289n. 5 W eisz, George, 284n. 10 W endel, François de, 312n. 19 W ilson, Stephen, 278n. 13,283n. 3 ,2 8 4 n. 2 4 .2 8 7 n. 41 W inock, M ichel. 278n. 13.285n. 27.304 n. 3 6 ,3 1 8 n .4 Wohl, Robert, 281 n. 4 1 ,3 6 ; The Genera­ tion o f1914,1 7 -1 9 ,3 9 ,2 2 7 ,2 2 9 , 260-62; intellectuals, “literary,” and, 260-61; M assis as depicted by, 36,39, 289n. 70 W olf. Dieter, 304n. 4 8 ,313nn. 40 and 42 Wolin, R ichard, 278-79n. 2 0 ,293n. 8, 295n. 36 W urmser, André, 296, n. 34

365

Young Right (Jeune D roite), 189; Action française and, 1 3 ,1 9 -2 1 ,3 3 ,4 0 , 1 5 2 -3 7 ,1 6 0 ,2 6 8 ,2 7 1 -7 2 ; Andreu and, 134-40; anti-Am ericanism and, 81-83, 227; anti-com m unism and, 265; Ariès and, 152-53,136; authority and, 222-23; B unin’s “fascist minimum” and, 2 7 -2 8 ,2 6 7 ,2 7 4 ; “C ahier de reven­ dications” and, 100-102; cam araderie and, 7 1 -7 2 ,9 8 -9 9 ; C atholicism and, 289n. 7 ,9 8 ,2 6 8 ; collaboration and, 211-13; collaborationism and, 211-13; Combat and, 158-69,221; com position of, 13,57; conservatives and, 136,272; crisis o f civilization and, 74,260; deca­ dence and, 2 3 8 ,2 6 8 ,2 7 3 ,2 7 5 ; dissi­ dents, coalition of, and, 140-42,201; D oriot and, 1 9 2-97,263-64,273; elitism and, 85; engagement and, 14,21, 8 3 -8 8 ,1 1 9 ,1 5 8 ,1 9 3 ,2 2 7 ; Fascism . Italian, and, 266; fascism and, 14-16, 2 1 -3 4 ,1 0 9 ,2 3 3 ,2 6 6 ,2 7 2 ,2 7 4 -7 5 ; “Fm de 1*après guerre” (B rasillach) and, 7 4 -7 8 ,292n. 65; form ation of, 70-71, 97-99; French “intelligence” and, 21, 3 4 ,2 2 7 ,2 6 3 -6 4 ; generationalism and, 7 3 -7 4 ,1 4 0 ,2 2 7 ; generation o f 1930 and, 1 4 ,1 4 0 ,1 5 6 ,1 7 6 ,2 4 2 ; G riffin and, 33,267; Idées and, 226; intellectuals, nationalist, and, 259-61,264; La Rocque and, 194; Loubet del Bayle and, 1 6-19,259-61; M aritain and. 57-58; M assis and. 1 3 -1 4 ,1 9 ,4 0 .7 2 -7 4 ,2 6 1 , 272; M aurras and, 1 3 .1 9 -2 1 ,5 7 -5 8 , 1 0 9 ,1 5 2 -5 7 ,1 6 0 ,2 4 5 ,2 6 2 -6 4 ,2 6 6 , 268,272; M axence and, 147-48,152; m idthirties recruits to, 152-57; M ilza’s new French orthodoxy and, 28; M ounier and, 297n. 62; M unich agreem ent and, 205; m yth and, 275; National Revolu­ tion (Vichy) and, 242-43,273; national revolution and, 1 4 ,1 5 ,3 3 ,1 2 3 -2 4 ,1 4 0 , 1 5 6 ,1 5 8 ,1 9 2 ,1 9 7 ,2 2 1 ,2 6 5 ,2 7 5 ; Na­ tional Socialism (Germ an) and, 15, 1 0 9 -1 5 ,1 5 5 ,1 9 7 ,2 6 6 ; neopacifism and, 204; “new Europe” (H itler’s) and, 213; 1933 (w eekly) and, 120; non-conformistes and, 1 6 -1 7 ,9 7 -9 8 ; Parti popu-

366

INDEX

laite français (PPF) and, 192-97, 263-64,273; Pétain and, 211,273; Popelin and, 130; Popular Front and, 1 4 3 -4 4 ,1 3 9 ,1 9 7 ,2 7 2 ,2 7 3 ; populism and, 129,147-48,268; resistance (dur­ ing the Occupation) and, 211; restorationism and, 268; La Révolution (sup­ plem ent to La République) and, 132; La Revuefrançaise and, 71-72; Right, French, and, 271-72 ; Solidarité fran­ çaise and, 118-19; “spiritual revolu­ tion” and, 129,138; Stavisky affair and, 123; Sternhell thesis and, 23-26; tensions among. 201-3; totalitarianism

and, 22 2 -2 3 ,2 6 7 -6 8 ; Vichy regim e and, 2 1 1 -1 3 ,2 2 1 -2 3 ,2 4 2 ,2 6 4 ,2 7 3 Young D irks (Radical Party dissidents), 100, 148,139, 303n. 34; Demain la France (Francis, M aulnier, M axence) and, 141; description of, 131-34; “directed economy” and, 132; fas­ cism and, 132-34; M aulnier and, 141; La Révolution (supplem ent to La République) and, 130-32. See also dissidents, coalition o f Yvignac, Am édée d \ 37 Zola, Em ile, 36

S elec ted B ibliography

345

-----------, ed. Histoire de l 'extrême droite en France. Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1993. ---------- . Le Siècle des intellectuels. Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1997. W ohl, R obert. “French Fascism , Both R ight and Left: R eflections on the Sternhell Con­ troversy.” Journal o f Modem History 63, no. 1 (M arch 1991): 91-9 8 . ---------- . The Generation o f 1914. C am bridge, M A: H arvard U niversity Press, 1979. W olf, D ieter. Doriot: Du communisme à la collaboration. T ranslated by G eorgette ChateneL Paris: Fayard, 1969. W olin, R ichard. The Politics o f Being: The Political Thought ofM artin Heidegger. New York: C olum bia U niversity Press, 1990. ---------- . The Seduction o f Unreason: The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from Nietz­ sche to Postmodernism. Princeton, N J, and O xford: Princeton U niversity Press, 2004.

Index

A betz, O tto. 303n. 23,236 A chard, Jean, 322n. 74 A ction française, 170,177, 2 01,263,309 n. 5 2 ,314n. 6 1 ,318n. 6; anti-Sem itism and, 108; appeal to young nationalists and, 154; B rasillach and, 237-38,240; C ercle Proudhon and, 161; Combat and, 160-61; Com ité national de vigilance des jeunes français m obilisables and, 194; corporatism and, 128; Fabiègues and, 6 2 -6 3 ,2 8 9 n. 7; Fascism , Italian, and, 105-7; fascism and, 14-15,105; French “intelligence” and, 155; La Gazette française and, 57; generationalism and, 2 0 ,9 6 ,1 0 4 ; generational strains w ithin, 152-57,160; intellectu­ als, nationalist, and, 20-21; Je suis partout and, 182-83,237-38; La Rocque and, 194; Laurent and, 154-55; M arion’s evaluation of, 305 n. 61; M aritain and, 4 5 -4 6 ,5 5 ,5 8 -5 9 ; M assis and, 2 0 ,4 6 -4 7 ,1 0 4 ,2 6 2 ; M aulnier and, 213, 219-20; m idthirties recruits to, 152-57; monarchy, French, and, 108,154; M us­ solini and, 105-7; nationalism and, 20, 160,245; National Socialism and, 105, 107-9; O ry’s and Sirinelli’s interpreta­ tion of, 20-21 ; Réaction and, 64-65; La Revue universelle and, 49-50; social policy, neglect of, and, 62-63 155-56; 306n. 67; Solidarité française and, 118; Stavisky affair and, 122; tensions with­ in, 1 4 -1 5 ,5 8 -5 9 ,9 1 -9 2 ,1 0 4 ,1 5 2 -5 7 ,

1 6 0 ,2 3 7 -3 8 ,2 6 8 ,313n. 47; Valois and, 106,161; Vatican condem nation of, 55, 5 8 -5 9 ,289nn. 5 and 6; W eber’s inter­ pretation of, 19-20; Young Right and, 1 3 ,1 9 -2 1 ,3 3 .4 0 ,1 5 2 -5 7 ,1 6 0 ,2 6 8 , 271-72. See also L’Action française; M aunas, Charles Action française, V (daily new spaper), 57, 6 2 ,6 9 ,7 3 ,2 9 1 -9 2 n. 4 9 ,1 0 4 -5 ,1 1 3 , 1 2 0 ,1 5 7 ,1 8 3 ,2 0 4 ,2 2 6 ,2 3 7 ,2 4 6 ,318n. 5; anti-Sem itism and, 220; cultural page of, 7 0 ,1 5 7 ,2 9 2 n. 51; M assis and. 47; M aulnier and, 7 0 ,1 5 0 -5 1 ,2 1 3 ,2 1 4 ,2 1 6 2 1 9 ,2 2 0 ,2 4 3 ,2 4 5 ,2 4 6 ; Stavisky affair and, 122 Action française. Ligue d*. 165 A ffton, Matthew, 282n. 56 Agathon (Henri M assis and A lfred de Tarde), 4 0 .4 7 ,5 5 ,6 4 ,6 7 ,7 4 ,7 6 ,7 7 , 262; L’Esprit de la nouvelle Sorbonne, 37-38; Les Jeunes Gens d ’aujourd’hui, 1 8 ,3 7 ,3 8 -3 9 Alain (Em ile C hartier), 146,215 Allardyce, G ilbert, 304n. 48 Amaury, Philippe, 320-21 n. 44 Andreu, Pierre, 170,303n. 2 3 ,3 0 8 n. 36; anti-Sem itism and, 250; Cercle Proud­ hon and, 161; Combat and, 159,160-61, 1 6 4 ,306n. 1; corporatism and, 137-38, 159,161; crisis o f civilization and, 134; decadence and, 136; dissidents, coali­ tion of, and, 133-140; D oriot and, 192, 195; Drieu la Rochelle and, 138,192,

347

348

INDEX

303nn. 19 and 20; D nunont and, 250; Fascism , Italian, and, 135,137; Febru­ ary 6,1934, riot, and, 135-36; genera­ tion o f 1930 and, 133; L’Homme nou­ veau and, 1 3 8 -3 9 ,303n. 18; hum anism and, 134; Idées and, 250; La Lutte des jeunes and, 136-37; M arion and, 138-39; M arinas and, 134-35,161; National So­ cialism and, 135; non-conformistes (of the 1930s) and, 133,140,159; Sorel and, 136,161,250; Spirito, Ugo, and, 137,159; Young R ight and, 134-40 Andrieu, C laire, 319n. IS Angleterre en guerre, L ’ (Blond), 236 anti-Am ericanism : Duhamel and, 80; Fran­ cis, Robert and, 81; French intellectuals and, 79-83; M aulnier and, 8 2 -8 4 ,8 9 , 115-16; M axence and, 81-82; Vincent and, 227; Young Right and, 81-83,227 antim odem ism . See crisis o f civilization anti-Sem itism : Andreu and, 250; Blanchot and, 173; Brasillach and. 202,210,231, 2 3 4 ,2 5 7 ,315n. 75; Combat and, 183, 2 0 1 - 3; Gaxotte and, 208; Gringoire and, 119; Idées and, 249-50; L’Insurgé and, 173-74; Je suis partout and, 183,201-3, 2 0 8 ,2 2 0 ,2 3 4 ,2 5 0 ; M aulnier and, 2 0 2 - 3 ,2 2 0 -2 1 ; M aurras and, 42,220; M axence and, 173; Rebatet and, 183, 20 1 -2 ,2 0 8 ; Vincent and, 202,248-49 A n tliff.M ark .2 8 2 n .5 6 Arban, Dom inique, 311 n. 11 A riis, Philippe. 152-53,156 A rland, M arcel, 7 6 -7 7 ,1 2 0 A rnal, Oscar, 289nn. 5 and 6 Aron, Robert, 6 5 -6 6 ,8 1 ,1 3 6 ,296n. 55, 297n. 5 6 ,302n. 6 A rthuys, Jacques, 137 A ssociation o f Revolutionary A rtists and W riters (AEAR), 144-45 Assouline, Pierre, 305 n. 62 A uburtin, Jean, 139-40 Au-delà du nationalisme (M aulnier), 198-200,263,270-71 Auzépy-Chavagnac, Véronique, 289nn. 2 and 7 .2 9 0 n. 2 3 .2 9 5 n. 4 2 ,315n. 69 Avenir de l ’intelligence, L ’(M aurras), 14, 4 3 -4 5 ,7 7 ,8 6 .1 5 4 ,2 6 2 ,2 6 3 ,2 6 4

Azém a, Jean, 325n. 58 Azém a, Jean-Pierre, 2 7 4 ,317n. 1 ,318n. 4, 319n. 15

Bagatelles pour un massacre (Céline),

201-2 Bain ville, Jacques. 4 9 .1 0 4 ,291-92n. 49. 295n. 3 3 ,298n. 9 Balm and, Pascal, 83-84,291 n. 3 6 ,2 9 4 nn. 16 and 21 Barbusse, H enri, 146,185 Bardèche, M aurice, 279n. 2 4 ,6 7 .6 9 .2 9 2 n. 5 0 .322n. 66; B rasillach and, 2 3 .1 9 6 , 2 3 0 ,2 9 2 n. 6 5 ,312n. 27; 1933 (w eekly) and, 120; La Revuefrançaise and, 98 Barrés, M aurice, 5 7 ,6 1 .8 5 ; Cahiers of, 86; decadence and, 3 6 ,2 8 3 n. 6; generationalism and, 1 4 ,1 8 ,3 6 -3 7 ; generation o f 1885 and, 86; M assis and, 37 ,7 2 ; the O rient and, 283 n. 6 Barrés, Philippe, 121 Barrows, Susanna, 283n. 3 Battleship Potemkin (Eisenstein’s), 186 Bédarida, François, 317n. 1 .319n. 15 Beilanger, Claude, 300nn. 52 and 53, 308 n. 3 5 .310n. 1 ,324n. 36 BeUessort, André, 77-78,291 nn. 42 and 43 Belot, Robert. 291 n. 4 9 .297-98n. 1,311 n. 8 ,312n. 2 1 .313n. 4 6 .315n. 7 1 .3 1 7 n. 9 5 .3 2 2 n. 6 7 ,323nn. 1 and 12 Benda, Julien, 4 6 ,2 9 0 n. 17; engagement and, 56,146; M axence and, 60; La Trahison des clercs, 5 4 ,304n. 40 Bénéton, Philippe, 284n. 18 Benjam in, René, 120 Benoist-M échin, Jacques, 195 Bergery, Gaston, 132-33,152,226 Bergés. M ichel. 2 2 2 ,2 2 4 ,319n. 23. 321 n. 5 0 ,3 2 4 nn. 34 and 36 Bergson, Henri, 7 2 ,8 0 ,3 2 5 n. 50 Bernanos, Georges, 65 Bernstein, Serge, 8 0 ,2 8 0 n. 3 9 ,300n. 60, 302n. 1 ,3 0 5 n. 54 Billy, André, 120 Blanchot, M aurice, 307n. 26; antipatrio­ tism and, 174; anti-Sem itism and, 173; Combat and, 168; decadence and, 174; engagement and, 87-88; generation o f

INDEX 1930 and, 13-14; L'Insurgé and, 170, 173-74; Jeune France and, 222; M axen ce’s im pact on, 87-88; La Revue française and, 71; silence concerning his early politics, 278n. 20 B latt, Joel, 106,298nn. 2 and 3 B linkhorn, M artin, 271,281 n. 32 B lond, G eorges, 6 7 ,1 5 9 ,1 8 4 ,2 3 2 , 311 n. 1 1 ,312n. 21; L’Angleterre en guerre, 236 B lum . Léon. 1 6 3 ,1 73,208,232 B om paire-Evesque, C laire-Françoise, 2 8 4 n. 12 B onnard, Abel, 120,241 B onnaud-Lam otte, D ., 291 n. 36 B ordeaux, Henry, 120 B orne, Etienne, 60 B ourdieu, Pierre, 278n. 17 B rasillach, Robert, 170; Action française and, 237-38,240; L ’Action française and, 7 0,237; anti-comm unism and, 239; anti-Sem itism and, 2 0 2 ,2 1 0 ,2 3 1 ,2 3 4 , 2 3 7 ,315n. 75; B ardiche and, 2 3 .292n. 6 5 .1 9 6 ,2 3 0 ,312n. 27; B ellessoit and, 7 7 -78,291 n. 41; bourgeoisie and, 187-88; Brem er and, 237,240; B ritain and, 232-33; cam araderie and, 71-72, 9 8 -9 9 ,1 8 4 ,2 4 0 ; Céline and. 202; collaborationism and, 2 3 1 ,232-33,240, 233,234; Combat and, 159; conserva­ tives, attacks on, by, 165; C orneille and, 68; DegreUe, Léon. 189-90,191,231; dem ocracy and, 238; D oriot and, 196; D rieu la Rochelle and, 141-42; early lit­ erary career of, 13; engagement and, 184,185; Evocations (M assis) and, 72; fascism and, 2 2 -2 4 ,1 8 0 -8 1 ,1 8 6 ,1 8 7 , 1 8 9 ,1 9 7 -9 8 ,2 0 8 -1 0 ,2 3 1 ,2 3 3 ,2 3 8 -3 9 . 2 4 1 ,2 3 1 ,2 3 2 ,2 3 3 -5 8 ,2 6 8 -6 9 ; fascist “joy” and, 1 8 6 ,2 0 9 ,319-20n. 29; “Fin de l’après guerre” and, 7 4 -7 8 ,292nn. 65 and 70; “fraternal adversaries” and, 326n. 69; Gaxotte and, 184-85,208-9; generationalism and, 23 8 ,2 4 1 ,2 3 3 ,2 3 5 , 2 7 2 ,292n. 60; generation o f 1930 and, 1 3 -1 4 ,1 8 9 ,1 9 0 ,1 9 1 -9 2 ,2 3 0 ,2 3 5 -3 6 ; Germ an Institute and, 237,240; Goebbels and, 234; historiography of,

349

2 2 -2 4 ,2 3 3 -3 7 ; H itler and, 190,191. 192,239,230; hom osexuality and, 234, 323n. 18; influence of, 236; Je suis partout and, 182-88,1 9 0 -9 1 ,2 1 0 -1 1 , 2 3 0 -3 4 ,2 4 1 ,2 4 2 ,2 5 2 -5 3 ,2 6 8 -6 9 ; je ­ unesse unique and, 232; Légion des volontaires français contre le bolshevism e and, 233; Lettre à un soldat de la classe soixante, 236-58; liberalism and, 236; Librairie rive-gauche and, 237; Louis-le-G rand (lycée) and, 67; M assis and. 1 9 ,6 8 -6 9 ,1 9 1 ,2 3 8 -4 2 ,2 5 4 ,2 7 2 , 291 n. 4 7 ,292n. 60; M aulnier and, 119, 1 5 9 ,2 0 7 ,2 3 0 .2 4 4 ,319-20n. 2 9 ,322n. 75; M aunas and, 6 8 ,2 0 8 ,2 1 1 ,2 3 0 , 2 3 7 -3 8 ,2 4 0 ,2 6 3 ,2 7 2 ; M axence and, 70 -7 1 ,1 3 9 ; M ilza’s new French ortho­ doxy and, 28; M ussolini and, 190, 209-10; m yth and, 1 5 ,1 8 6 -8 7 ,1 8 8 -9 2 , 1 9 7 -9 8 ,2 0 7 ,2 0 9 ,2 3 3 ,2 3 6 ,2 6 8 -6 9 ; na­ tional interest and, 233,233; national­ ism , French, and, 189,240,232-53; na­ tional poetry and, 189-92,231; N ational Revolution (Vichy) and, 2 31-32,234, 238,233-56; national revolution and, 1 8 3 ,1 8 7 ,2 3 8 ,2 3 5 ,2 7 2 ,322n. 72; na­ tional socialism (concept) and, 189, 2 3 0 -3 1 ,2 3 4 ,2 3 0 -5 1 ; National Social­ ism and, IS. 191,20 8 ,2 3 3 ,2 3 2 -5 3 ; Nazi Germany and, 2 3 7 ,2 3 8 ,2 3 0 -5 1 , 2 3 5 ,236,272; neopacifism and, 204; “new Europe” (H itler’s) and, 230,234, 242,232,272; 1933 (weekly) and. 120, 300n. 34; Notre Avant-guerre, 23,236, 237; Nüremberg rally (1937) and, 191; the O rient and, 234; parti unique and, 232,234; Pétain and, 231,233; Popular Front and, 1 8 4 -8 7 ,1 8 9 ,1 9 2 ,2 5 2 ,2 6 3 , 268; Présence de Virgile, 68.291 n. 44; Prim o de Rivera, José Antonio, and, 1 9 0 ,1 9 1 ,322n. 72; racism and, 315n. 75,251; Réaction and, 66-67; Rebate! and, 1 8 4 ,2 3 2 -5 3 ,2 9 2 n. 50; Révolution nationale and, 233; La Revuefrançaise and, 9 8 -99,119; R ibbentrop and, 234; “rom antic” fascism of, 2 2 -2 3 ,2 4 , 186-87,235; Sorel and. 186-87.191; totalitarianism and, 267-68; Varillon

350

INDEX

and, 70; Vichy regim e and, 211,231-32, 2 4 1 ,2 3 0 ,2 3 1 ,2 7 3 -7 4 ; w riters’ confer­ ence at W eimar (1941) and, 237; youth policy (Vichy) and, 241 B rassié, Anne, 2 4 ,279n. 28,311 n. 18;

Robert Brasillach ou encore un instant de bonheur, 24 Bremer, Karl-Heinz, 236,2 3 7 ,2 4 0 Breton, André, 23,137 Brinon, Fernand de, 237 Brisson, Pierre, 214 Broszat, M artin, 281 n. 51 Brower, Daniel R., 308n. 45 Brunet, Jean-Paul, 304n. 4 8 ,313nn. 48 and 4 9 ,314nn. 5 2 ,3 4 ,6 0 . and 61 B unin, Philippe, 1 4 8 ,1 4 9 ,1 5 2 ,3 0 2 n. 2, 303nn. 18.21. and 2 3 .3 0 5 nn. 49 and 30. 274; La Dérive fasciste, 2 6 -2 8 ,1 3 2 -3 3 , 313nn. 4 0 ,4 3 , and 4 8 ,314nn. 61 and 62; “new French orthodoxy” and, 26-28, 266-67; Sternhell and, 2 6 -2 8 ,2 6 6 “C ahier de revendications” (in Nouvelle Revuefrançaise), 100-102 Cahiers (o f M axence), 5 9 -6 2 ,7 0 ,7 1 , 8 1 -8 2 ,289-90n. 9 Cahiers des amis de Robert Brasillach, 23 Cam elots du roi. 1 3 0 ,1 3 4 ,1 9 4 ,313n. 47 Cancer américain. Le (Aron and Dandieu), 66,81 Candide, T l, 1 8 2 ,2 0 8 ,300n. 5 3 .310n. 1, 323 n. 2 Carcopino, Jérôm e, 322n. 74 Carroll, David, 280nn. 34 and 40.281 n. 45, 283 nn. 6 and 7 .2 8 4 n. 2 4 ,2 8 5 n. 26 Cartier, André, 323 n. 49 C astille, Robert, 313n. 45 Catalogne, Gérard de, 296n. 44 C atholic Church. See Catholicism Catholicism : antim odernism and, 64; De­ main and, 246-48; La Gazette française and, 57; M ari tain and, 4 5 -4 6 ,5 8 -5 9 , 289n. 9; M assis and. 4 7 -4 8 ,6 1 ,6 3 -6 4 , 232,290 n.19; M atures and. 4 1 ,4 4 -4 5 , 4 6 .5 8 -5 9 ,1 3 5 ,289n. 9 ,290n. 15; La Revue universelle and, 4 9,214; Vatican condem nation o f M atures and, 58-59; Young Right and, 9 8 ,2 6 8 ,289n. 7;

youth policy (Vichy) and, 216,222.

See also Fabrègues, Jean de Céline, Louis-Ferdinand (Louis-Ferdinand Destouches). 1 5 7 ,2 0 8 ,315n. 70; Bagatelles pour un massacre, 201 Centre polytechnicien d ’études économ iques, 314n. 55 C ercles populaires français, 195,196 Cercle Proudhon. 161-64,172,175 Chabrol, Véronique, 320n. 35 Cham son, Andé, 100 Chantiers de la jeunesse, 222 Charbonneau, Henry, 313n. 47 C harte, Christophe, 278n. 17 Chfiteaubriant, Alphonse de, 236 Chavagnac, Véronique, 289n. 2 Chenut, C hristian, 296n. 44 Clair, René, 120 Claudel. Paul, 3 06n.70 Clichy m assacre, 173 Cocteau, Jean, 306n. 70 Cointet-Labrousse, M ichèle, 318 Colin, Pierre, 289n. 2 Collaborateurs, Les (Ory), 235 Colomb. Hélène. 296n. 4 9 ,300n. 47 Colton, Joel, 307n. 2 4 ,3 0 8 n. 45 Combat, 9 8 .1 7 3 ,1 7 6 ,1 7 7 ,1 8 0 ,1 8 2 ,1 8 5 . 1 9 2 ,1 9 3 ,2 0 0 -2 0 1 ,2 0 6 ,2 6 8 ,315n. 69; Action française and, 160-61; Andreu and, 1 5 9 ,1 6 0 -6 1 ,1 6 4 ,306n. 1; antiSem itism and, 183,201-3; conserva­ tives, attacks on, by, 165-67; corpo­ ratism and, 162,306n. 1 ,315n. 64; Czech crisis (1938-39) and, 204-8; engagement and, 158,194; fascism and, 180-81,198,208; foreign policy and, 203-8; Inform ation, M inistry o f (Vichy), and, 226; Je suis partout and, 1 8 2 -8 3 ,1 9 4 ,2 0 1 -3 ,2 0 7 -8 ; Jeune France and, 222; launching of, 158-60; lim ited appeal of, 169; M aulnier and, 1 5 8 -6 9 ,2 2 1 ,2 6 3 ,2 7 0 ,2 7 1 ,318n. 7; M orutier and, 1 6 1 -6 2 ,1 6 4 ,306n. 1; M unich agreem ent and, 204; national revolution and, 221,227; neopacifism and. 2 0 4,207-8; “new phase” of, 201, 208; Parti populaire français and, 195; Popular Front and, 163,169; radicalism .

INDEX question of, and, 162-69,268; R ebatet and, 202; social policy and, 160-64; S ternhell thesis and, 25-26; Vichy regim e and, 211,2 2 1 -2 5 ; Young Right and, 158-69.221 C om belle, Lucien, 253 C om ité de rassem blem ent de la révolution nationale and, 217 C om ité national de vigilance des jeunes français m obilisables and, 194,313n. 47 co m m itm en t See engagement com m itted w riter. See engagement C om m unist Party, French (PCF), 139, 1 4 2 -4 4 ,1 4 4 -4 5 ,1 4 8 -4 9 ,1 7 2 ,1 7 3 ,1 7 5 , 1 7 6 ,1 9 3 ,3 14n. 60 C om m unists, French. See Com munist P arty, French C om pagnons de France, 221 C om te, B ernard, 319n. 1 5 ,320n. 35 Condition humaine, La (M alraux), 93 C onseil national (Vichy), 213,246 Contre-révolution spontanée, La (M aurras), 245 C ornick, M artyn, 288n. 6 7 ,2 9 6 -9 7 n. 55, 3 0 4 n .4 1 .3 1 3 n .5 1 C orpet, O livier, 310n. 2 C o sta Pinto, A ntönio, 281 n. 41 C oston, Henry, 300n. 46 C o t, Pierre, 296n. 54 C oty, François, 118 C ousteau, Pierre-A ntoine, 2 3 6 ,310n. 3 C outrot, Jean, 314n. 55 C rane, R ichard, 286n. 38 C raw , W illiam , 313-14n. 51 C ri du peuple. Le, 236 Crise est dans l ’homme, La (M aulnier), 89, 9 5 .2 6 3 crisis o f civilization: Am erica and, 78, 79 -8 3 ; Andreu and, 134; Fabiègues and, 6 2 ,8 2 ; generation o f 1930 and, 56-57; M aritain and, 5 7 -5 8 ,2 8 6 n. 37; M assis and, 4 8 ,4 9 -5 2 ,6 3 ,7 4 ,8 5 .290n. 20; M aulnier and, 1 7 ,3 5 ,8 8 ,9 2 -9 3 ,1 1 0 , 1 1 4 ,1 6 6 ,1 9 8 ,2 1 7 ,2 6 3 ; M aunas and, 4 2 -4 5 ,5 7 -5 8 ,286n. 37; M axence and, 81-82; non-conformistes and, 16-17, 8 1 -8 3 ,8 4 ,2 2 1 ,2 5 9 ,2 6 0 ; Réaction'» m anifesto and, 64; Rougem ont and, 102;

351

Spengler and, 50; Valéry and, 50; W ohl’s conception of, 17-18; Young Right and, 74,260 Croix de Feu, 1 3 8 ,1 4 9 ,1 8 9 ,304n. 44. 314n.53 C urtius, E rnst-R obert 287n. 58 Daladier, Edouard. 206 Dandieu, Arnaud, 6 5 -6 6 .8 1 ,2 9 7 n. 56, 3 0 2 n .6 Daniel-Rops, H enri (Henri Petiot), 76,100, 121,297n. 56 Darquier de Pellepoix, Louis, 194 D atta, Venita. 278n. 1 7 ,283n. 3 .2 8 5 n. 31 D audet Léon, 104,298n. 9 D éat M arcel. 100,132,139,252; Perspec­ tives socialistes, 132; Rassem blem ent national populaire, 217 decadence: Action française and, 15,268; Andreu and, 136; Barrés and, 36; Blanchot and, 174; B rasillach and, 238,242; Demain la France and 128-29; Drieu la Rochelle and, 138,305n. 60; G axotte and, 188; G irardet and, 36; G ravier and, 228; Idées and, 229-30; M assis and, 1 8 -1 9 ,5 0 -5 2 ,2 3 8 ,2 4 2 ; M aulnier and, 1 2 1 ,1 2 7 ,1 6 7 ,1 6 8 .1 8 0 ,2 1 5 ,2 1 6 .2 4 4 , 262; M aurras and, 41-45; M axence and, 229-30; M ussolini and, 107; N ietzsche and, 91-92; non-conformistes and, 221; nouvelle Sorbonne and, 3 8,261; N ye’s “m edical model o f degeneracy” and, 36; Third Republic and, 35-36; the W est and, 40; Young Right and, 238,268, 273,275. See also palingenetic m yth Décadence de la nation française (Aron and Dandieu). 6 6 ,8 1 ,296n. 49 Decaux, A lain, 279n. 28 Decline of the West, The (Spengler), 50 Décombres, Les (R ebatet), 236,237 Défense de l ’Occident, La (M assis), 5 0 -5 2 ,6 3 ,6 8 -6 9 ,7 8 ,1 0 7 ,1 9 1 .2 6 2 DegreUe, Léon, 189-90,191,231, 312n. 28 Demain, 2 4 6 -4 8 ,324n. 34 Demain la France (Francis, M aulnier, M axence), 1 2 4 -1 3 0 .1 3 1 ,1 3 9 -4 0 ,1 4 1 , 158,270

352

INDEX

Déon, M ichel, 152

Dérivefasciste, La (B unin), 2 6-28,132-33 Descartes. René, 58,185 Detwiler, Bruce, 295n. 36 Deux Russies (M arion), 139 Digeon, Claude, 283 n. 2 Dioudonnat, Pierre-M arie, 1 9 6 ,306n. 69, 310 n n .1 ,2 .6 .2 3 . and 2 8 .314nn. 56 and 5 8 .317n. 9 7 ,3 2 3 nn. 2 ,4 ,5 , and 7; Je suis partout (book), 235 dissidents, coalition of: Andreu and, 133-140; D oriot and, 149,152; Fabrfegues and, 141; generationalism and, 150; Jouvenel and, 136-37,138,139, 141,149,150,192; La Lutte des jeunes and. 136-37,138,139; M arion and. 139, 151,192,224; M aulnier and, 141, 150-51; M aurras and, 150-51; Popular Front and, 148-52; Révolution (supple­ m ent to La République) and, 150-52; Young Right and, 140-42,201 dissidents, French Radical Party. See Young Ttirks (Radical Party dissidents) dissidents, French Socialist Party. See neosocialists Dobiy, M ichel. 3 1 .278n. 13 Dom inique. Pierre, 132,136,150,151, 305n. 58; Idées and, 226-27; La Rév­ olution créatrice, 305n. 54 Dorgères, Henri, 280n. 36 D oriot, Jacques, 223,236,263—6 4 ,314n. 61; Com munist Party, French, and, 148-49; dissidents, coalition of, and, 149,152 ; Front de la liberté and, 171; generational appeal of, 195; nationalist R ight and, 194-95; Parti populaire français and, 149,152,192-97; Popular Front and, 148-49; Révolution (supple­ ment to La République) and, 152; Young Right and. 192-97,263-64,273 Dostoevski, Fyodor, 5 1 .5 3 ,3 0 2 n. 6 Doty, C. Stewart, 283-84n. 7 Douglas, A llen, 295n. 3 3 ,298n. 4 ,3 0 6 n. 1 Drescher, Seymour, 283n. 3 Dreyfus affair, 156,264 Drieu la Rochelle, Pierre, 137,157,237; Andreu and, 138,303 nn. 19 and 20, 192; B rasillach and, 141-42; decadence

and, 138; dissidents, coalition of, and 151; D oriot and, 192,195; M aulnier and, 142; La Révolution (supplem ent to La République) and, 151; Le Socialisme fasciste, 141-42 Dritte Reich, Das (M oeller van den Bruck). See Le Troisième Reich Droite en France, La (Rém ond), 22-23 Droites en France, Les (Rémond), 279n. 24 D nunont, Edouard, 202,250 Dubief, Henri, 134 Duhamel, Georges, 80-82 Dupius, René. 121 Eatw ell, Roger, 30,281 n. 52 écrivain engagé. See engagement Eliot, T. S., 287-88n. 60 Emancipation nationale, L', 195,314n. 61 engagement. Benda and, 56; B lanchot and, 87-88; B rasillach and, 184,185; Com­ bat and, 158,194; crisis o f civilization and, 56-57; fascism and, 32,119; G ide and, 56; Idées and, 227; intellectuals. Left, and, 265-66; intellectuals, na­ tionalist, and, 265-66; Je suis partout and. 194; M assis and. 1 4 ,5 7 .7 7 86; M aulnier and, 8 8 -8 9 ,1 5 9 ,1 9 3 ,2 6 5 ; M aurras and, 1 4 ,2 1 ,4 5 ; M axence and, 85-88; M ourner’s Esprit and, 294n. 21; non-conformistes and, 83-85; Ordre nouveau and, 294n. 21; origins of, 294 n. 21 ; Popular Front Left and, 146,265; Young Right and, 1 4 ,2 1 ,8 5 -8 8 ,1 1 9 , 158,193,227 Epting, Karl, 236 Esprit (review ), 6 0 ,1 0 1 ,1 3 4 ,1 5 2 ,2 2 3 , 2 2 2 -2 4 ,300n. 5 9 .302n. 17.308n. 35. 324n. 36 Esprit de la nouvelle Sorbonne, L ’(A gathon), 37-38 Etiem ble, René (pseud. Jean Louvem é,), 304n. 39 Etudiantfiançais, L \ 6 2 ,6 9 ,1 5 4 ,290n. 22 Evocations (M assis), 63-64,72-74,292n. 6 0 Exideuil, Pierre d ’, 296n. 54 Fabrègues, Jean de, 118,170,297n. 56, 302n. 6 .314n. 56; Action française and.

INDEX 6 2 -6 3 ,2 8 9 o. 7; anti-Am ericanism and, 8 2 ,2 9 3 n. 8; authority and, 222-24,246; capitalism and, 64-63; C atholic m ilieu and, 2 2 4 ,2 4 6 ,2 6 9 ; collaboration and, 2 4 7 -4 8 ; collaborationism and, 247-48; Combat and, 9 8 ,1 5 9 ,1 6 3 ; corporatism and, 163; Demain and, 246-48; dissi­ dents, coalition of, and, 141; D oriot and, 269; fascism and, 224,268; French “in­ telligence’*and, 247; La Gazette française and, 37; generation o f 1930 and. 13-14; Idées and, 226,246,248; Jeune Fiance and, 222-24,269; M arion and, 224-23; M aritain and, 37-39; M assis and, 63 -6 7 ; M aulnier and, 97-98, 1 3 9 ,2 4 6 -4 8 ,313n. 69; M atures and, 3 7 -3 9 .6 2 -6 3 .1 0 8 ,1 6 3 ,2 1 1 ,2 4 6 ,2 6 8 , 2 6 9 ,2 8 4 -8 5 n. 2 3 ,289n. 7; M axence and, 9 7 -9 9 ,1 5 9 ,315n. 69; M ounier and, 2 2 2 -2 4 ,3 2 4 n. 36; National Revo­ lution (Vichy) and, 222-23,246; Na­ tional Socialism and, 110,181; “new Europe” (H itler’s) and, 248; Parti pop­ ulaire français and, 193-96,223,269; Pétain and, 211,226,247; Réaction and, 6 2 -6 7 ,9 7 ,290n. 23; restorationism and, 269; La Revue du siècle and, 9 7 -9 8 ,296n. 44,118; La Revue duxxe siècle and, 98; La Revuefrançaise and, 9 7 -9 9 ; totalitarianism and, 222-23; Vat­ ican condem nation o f M aunas and, 58-39; Vichy regim e and, 211.222-24; Vincent and, 6 2 ,9 8 ,2 2 3 ,2 4 6 Fabre-Luce, Alfred, 195 Faisceau, 106,137 Falange, Spanish, 1 8 0 ,1 9 0 ,322n. 72 fascism : Action française and, 14-13,105; Blinkborn and, 271,281 n. 32; B rasil­ lach and. 2 2 -2 4 ,1 8 0 -8 1 ,1 8 6 ,1 8 7 ,1 8 9 , 1 9 7 -9 8 ,2 0 8 -1 0 ,2 3 1 ,2 3 3 ,2 3 8 -3 9 ,2 4 1 , 2 3 1 ,2 3 2 ,2 3 5 -5 8 ,2 6 8 -6 9 ; B unin’s “fascist minimum,” 2 7 ,266-67; Combat and. 180-81,198,208; La Dérive fas­ ciste (B unin) and, 132-33; dissident Radicals and, 132-33; dissident Social­ ists and, 132-33; Dobry’s “relational perpsective” and, 31; G irardet’s “roman­ tic” rendering of, 22-23; G riffin’s palin-

353

genetic thesis and, 29-30,267; Idées and, 228-30; M aulnier and, 2 2 ,2 3 ,1 1 4 , 1 2 5 -2 6 ,1 4 2 ,1 7 7 -8 0 ,1 9 8 -2 0 1 ,2 0 5 , 2 0 7 ,2 0 8 ,2 0 9 ,2 6 9 -7 1 ; new French or­ thodoxy and, 26-28; non-conformistes and, 101.103; Paxton’s “functional" thesis and. 30-32,271,281 n. 53; Pop­ ular Front and, 197; Rémond thesis and, 22; Soucy and, 271; Sternhell thesis and. 23-26; totalitarianism and, 27,267, 281 n. 53; Young Right and, 14-16; 2 1 -3 4 ,1 0 9 ,2 3 3 ,2 6 6 ,2 7 2 ,2 7 4 -7 5 Fascism , Italian, 2 3 ,1 0 3 -7 ,1 1 3 ,1 2 1 ,1 3 7 , 1 6 1 .1 7 7 .1 8 1 .1 9 9 ,2 0 0 ,302-3n. 17. 305n. 54 Fascismefrançais (M ilza), 26 February 6,1934, riot of, 118,123,130, 1 3 5 -3 6 ,1 3 8 ,1 4 2 ,1 5 3 ,1 5 6 ,1 5 8 Fédération républicaine, 136,1 6 3 ,3 0 7 nn. 15 and 23 Ferenczi, Thom as, 279n. 28 Ferette, Guillaum e de, 320n. 32 Fernandez, Ramon, 9 3 -9 6 ,1 0 0 .1 9 5 ,2 3 7 , 296n. 52 Figaro. Le, 1 6 ,4 7 ,7 7 ,2 1 4 ,2 2 1 ,2 3 2 “Fin de l’après guerre” (B rasillach). 7 4 -7 8 ,2 9 2 nn. 65 and 70 Fisher, David Jam es, 287n. 42 Fishm an, Sarah, 280n. 3 2 ,318n. 2

Flèche, La, 226 Fletcher, John Gould, 2 8 7-88n. 60 Fontenoy, Jean, 171 Footitt, Ann, 312n. 34 Ford, Henry, 84 Forot, Charles, 296n. 44 Forth, Christopher, 295nn. 33 and 34 France, la guerre et la paix. La, 217-18, 2 2 0 ,2 2 9 ,2 6 3 ,317n. 93 Francis, Robert (Jean Godmé): antiAm ericanism and, 81; Demain la France, 1 2 4 ,1 2 9 -3 0 ,1 5 8 ,303n. 25; February 6 ,1 9 3 4 , riot of, and, 123; national revolution and, 129-30; La Revue française and, 71; Solidarité française and, 118 Franck, Henri, 72 Franco, Francisco, 307n. 26 Franco-Soviet Pact, 144

354

INDEX

French “intelligence,” 121-22,195,228, 264; Am erica and, 82; generation o f 1920 and, 54; G ide’s opposition to, 53-54; Idées and, 227; M assis and, 4 7 -4 9 ,5 4 .7 3 -7 4 ,2 6 2 ; M aulnier and, 1 4 5 ,1 4 6 ,1 7 8 ,1 9 9 ,2 0 0 ,2 0 7 ,2 1 7 -1 9 , 2 2 0 ,319n. 2 4 ,2 4 4 -4 5 ,2 4 7 ,2 6 3 ,319n. 29; M aurras and. 1 4 .2 1 .4 3 -4 5 ,8 6 .1 5 4 , 263-64; Party o f Intelligence m anifesto and, 47-49; Young Right and, 2 1 ,3 4 , 227,263-64 Front commun, 133,148,150 Front de la liberté, 171,196 Front national. See National Front Front national syndicaliste, 135 Front populaire. See Popular Front Front social, 304n. 47 Fum aroli, M arc, 320n. 35 Gallim ard, Gaston, 296n. 55 G andillac, M aurice de, 60 G am e, Robert, 296n. 54 Gaxotte, Pierre, 314n. 61; anti-Sem itism and, 208; B rasillach and, 184,208-9; history o f France and, 188; im portance of, 310n. 1; Je suis partout and, 182, 184,1 8 8 ,2 0 8 -9 ; National Socialism and, 109 Gazette française. La, 57 generationalism : Action française and, 20. 96,104; Barrés and, 1 4 ,1 8 .3 6 -3 7 ; B rasillach and. 2 3 8 ,2 4 1 ,2 5 3 ,2 5 5 ,2 7 2 , 292n. 60; dissidents, coalition of, and, 150; G ravier and, 228; Idées and, 227; neosocialists and, 131-32; M assis and, 1 8 -2 0 ,3 7 .3 8 -4 0 ,6 3 -6 4 ,7 2 -7 4 ,2 3 8 . 288 n. 6 4 ,292n. 60; M aurras and, 14; nationalism and, 1 4 ,1 8 ,3 6 -3 7 ; Young Right and, 7 3 -7 4 ,1 4 0 ,2 2 7 ; Young Turks (Radical Party dissidents) and. 131-32 generation o f 1885,38,86 generation o f 1912 (alternately, generation o f 1914), 1 4 .5 4 ,1 0 6 ,2 6 2 ; Action française and, 104; Agathon’s portrait of, 18-19,38-39; crisis of civilization and, 17-19; Evocations (M assis) and, 6 4 ,7 2 -7 4 ; “Fin de l'ap rès guerre”

(B rasillach) and, 74-78; Les Jeunes Gens d ‘aujounl’hui (Agatbon) and, 18, 37; M ussolini and, 107; nationalism and, 261-62; W ohl’s characterization of, 17-19,260-62; Young R ight and, 261. See also M assis, Henri generation o f 1914. See generation o f 1912 Generation o f 1914, The (W ohl), 17-19. 3 9 ,2 2 7 ,2 2 9 ,2 6 0 -6 2 generation o f 1920: Evocations (M assis) and, 64; “Fin de Captés guerre” (B rasil­ lach) and, 7 4 -7 8 ,292n. 65; G ide influ­ ence on, 53-55; M assis’s attack on, 75; M axence attack on, 86-87 generation o f 1930: B rasillach and, 13-14, 1 8 9 ,1 9 0 ,1 9 1 -9 2 ,2 3 0 ,2 3 5 -3 6 ; crisis o f civilization and, 56-57; dissidents, coalition of, and, 131-57; Evocations (M assis) and, 6 4 ,7 2 -7 4 ; February 6, 1934, riot, and, 123; “Fin de l’aprés guerre” (B rasillach) and, 7 4 -7 8 ,2 9 2 n. 65; Loubel del Bayle and, 1 6 -1 7 ,2 1 -2 2 . 259-62; La Lutte des jeunes and, 136-37; M arion and, 139; M assis and, 1 9 .2 1 ,4 0 .2 6 2 ; M aulnier and, 13-14. 112,117,121,216; M aurras and, 155; M axence and, 96 -9 9 ,1 7 1 ; neglect of, 14; non-conformistes and, 16-18, 9 9 -1 0 3 ,2 4 2 ,2 5 9 ; Roy and, 13-14; Vin­ cent and, 13-14,249; Young R ight and, 1 4 ,1 4 0 ,1 5 6 ,1 7 6 ,2 4 2 . See also under Loubet del Bayle, Jean-Louis generation o f 1935,228 generation o f 1968,14 George, Bernard, 280n. 31 Gerbe, La, 236 German Embassy, 236 German Institute, 236,237 Ghéon, Henri, 288n. 65 Gide, André, 157; engagement and, 56; “Fin de Captés guerre” (B rasillach) and, 76-77; generation o f 1920 and. 53-54; humanism and, 304n. 39; M assis’s at­ tack on, 52-54; Popular Front strategy and, 146 Gil Robles. José M arfa, 309n. 66 Gilson, Paul, 120 G iotitto, Pierre. 319n. IS, 320n. 35

INDEX G iraidet, Raoul, 283n. 3; generation o f 1930 and, 13-14; M aurras depicted by, 297n. 1; resistance (during the Occupa­ tion) and, 211; “rom antic” fascism and, 22-23; Young Right and. 132-54 G iraudoux, Jean, 306n. 70 G leason, A bbott, 281 n. 49 G obineau, A rthur de, 233 G odechot, Jacques, 300n. 52 G oebbels. Joseph, 2 3 4 ,2 3 7 ,324n. 42 G ordon, Bertram M ., 318n. 4 Goyet, Bruno, 277n. 12,2 8 4 a 2 4 ,2 8 3 a 26 G raincourt, M ax, 308n. 40 G ravier, Jean-François, 170,223,226,228, 3 2 4 a 37 Green, M ary Jean, 2 8 9 a 1 ,2 9 3 a 71 G riffin, Roger 180: M aulnier and, 270; M osse’s influence on, 3 0 ,2 8 2 a 35; The Nature o f Fascism, 29-30; “new consen­ sus” on fascism and, 30,32; palingene­ sis and. 2 9 -3 0 ,2 6 7 ,2 6 8 ,2 7 4 -7 5 ; totali­ tarianism and, 2 6 7 ,2 8 1 -8 2 a 53; Young Right and, 33.267,271 Gringoire, 1 1 9 -2 9 ,1 8 2 ,3 0 0 a 5 3 ,3 1 0 a 1, 3 2 3 n ,2 Grover, Frédéric, 303n a 19 and 20 Guéhenno, Jean, 301 a 74 G uiral, Pierre, 300n. 52 H æ dens, Kléber. 152,170,222,226, 3 1 4 a 6 1 ,3 1 8 a 5 Halévy, Daniel, 54,120 H alls, H. D ., 319n. 15 H anna M artha 285n a 28 and 30. 2 8 6 a 3 7 ,2 8 7 a 49 Heidegger, M artin, 8 1 ,293n. 8 Heilm an, Jotm , 277 a 7,291 n. 36, 3 0 0 a 5 8 .3 0 2 -3 a 1 7 .3 2 0 a 35 Hesse, Hermann, 51 Hewitt, Nicholas, 293 a 71 H itler. Adolf, 1 0 3 ,1 0 8 ,1 0 9 ,1 9 0 ,1 9 1 ,1 9 2 . 2 0 5 ,2 0 9 -1 0 ,2 1 1 ,2 3 9 ,2 4 4 -4 5 ,2 5 0 , 3 1 0 n .3 ,3 1 1 a 18,312n. 1 9 ,3 1 3 a 45, 323a 4 Hoffituum, Stanley, 2 1 2 ,3 1 8 a 3 Homme nouveau, L \ 138-40,151 humanism: Andreu and, 134; Com munist Party, French, and, 145; Gide and, 3 0 4 a

355

39; M aulnier and, 8 3 ,8 8 -% , 102.114, 1 1 6 ,1 2 7 ,1 4 5 -4 6 ,1 6 6 ,2 4 4 Humanité, L‘, 47 Humeau, Edmond, 60 Hussards, Les, 152

Idées, 321 n. 5 0 .2 4 3 ,2 4 6 ,2 4 8 ,2 5 0 ; An­ dreu and, 250; anti-Sem itism of, 249-50; description of, 225-230; Vin­ cent and, 2 2 6-30,246 Inform ation, M inistry o f (Vichy), 216, 2 2 4 -2 5 ,2 2 6 ,3 2 0 a 44 Institut d’Action française, 69 Insurgé, L \ 1 6 9 ,1 8 0 ,2 0 1 ,3 1 0 a 6; anticapitalism and, 174,175; antipatriotism and, 173-74; anti-Sem itism and, 173-74; C ercle Proudhon and, 172,175; failure of, 175-76,182; launching of, 170-71; M aulnier and. 170,174 -7 5 ,1 8 2 ,2 6 3 , 3 0 8 a 4 1 ,318n. 7 .2 7 0 ; M aunas and, 169,174-75; M axence and. 170-71, 182; M onnier and. 1 7 1 ,1 7 3 ,1 7 6 ,3 0 8 a 3 6 ,309n. 57; populism of, 170; social policy and, 171-72; syndicalism , revo­ lutionary, and, 171-72,175; violence and, 173,174,200-201 Intellectuels en France, Les (Ory and Sirinelli), 20-21 “intelligence,” French. See French “intelli­ gence.” Irvine, W illiam , 2 8 0 a 3 6 ,3 0 7 n a 15,23, and 2 5 .3 2 6 a 10 Izard, Georges, 304n. 47 Jackson, Julian, 302 n .1 ,303n. 3 3 ,3 0 4 nn. 3 4 ,3 5 . and 3 7 ,317n. 1 .3 1 9 a 18 Jacob, M ax, 325 a 50 Jeanne d’Arc, 314n. 61 Jeanneret, Serge, 308n. 40 Jeantet, Claude, 1 8 3 ,2 3 6 ,3 1 0 a 3 Jenkins, Brian, 3 1 ,278n. 1 3 ,285n. 26 Jennings, Jerem y, 278n. 17 Je suis partout, 1 6 ,291-92n. 4 9 ,1 8 8 ,2 0 3 , 207,238,241 3 0 0 a 5 3 ,3 1 0 a 1; Action française and, 182-83,237-38; antiSem itism and, 1 8 3 ,2 0 1 -3 ,2 0 8 ,2 2 0 , 234,250; Brasillach and, 182-88, 1 9 0 -9 1 ,2 1 0 -1 1 ,2 3 0 -3 4 ,2 4 1 ,2 4 2 ,

356

INDEX

2 S 2 -S 3 ,268-69; circulation of, 233; collaborationism and, 232-33,236; Combat and, 182 -8 3 ,1 9 4 ,2 0 1 -3 , 207-8; Czech crisis (1938-39) and. 207- 8; engagement and, 194; fascism and, 208,268-69; foreign policy and, 2 0 8 - 10; G axotte and, 182,184,188, 208-9; historiography of, 233-37; im­ portance of, 22,236; M assis and, 209; M aulnier and, 2 0 2 -3 ,2 4 3 -4 6 ; M aunas and, 208,237-38; M ilza’s new French orthodoxy and, 28; national revolution and, 183,197; Nazi Germany and, 24, 2 09,211,232-33; neopacifism and, 204, 207-9; “new Europe” (H itler’s). 211, 2 3 0 ,2 48,250; Parti populaire français and, 1% ; Popular Front and, 183,208, 268; social policy, neglect of, and, 183; tensions at, 232-53; Vichy regim e and, 2 1 1 ,2 3 0 -3 4 ,2 7 3 -7 4 ; violence and, 183. See also R ebatet, Lucien Je suis partout (Dioudonnat), 235 Jeune France, 196,221-24,269 Jeunes Gens d ’aujourd’hui. Les (Agathon), 1 8 ,3 7 ,3 8 -3 9 Jeunesses partriotes, 118 Jeunes D ires. See Young D irks (Radical Party dissidents) Jouhandeau, M arcel, 237 Journal de la Solidarité française. Le, 118 Journal des débats. Le, 71 Jouvenel. Bertrand de, 1 3 2 ,1 9 5 ,303n. 23; dissidents, coalition of, and, 136-37, 1 3 8 ,1 3 9 ,1 4 1 ,1 4 9 ,1 5 0 ,1 9 2 ; La Lutte des jeunes and, 136-37,138,141 Jouvenel, Henry de: Le Rajeunissement de la politique, 100 Julliaid, Jacques, 280n. 39 K allis, A ristotle A., 281 n. 52 Kant, Im m anuel, 58 Kaplan, Alice Yaeger, 25 4 ,2 7 9 n. 25, 280n. 3 4 ,3 2 3 nn. 84 (chap. 8). 3,1 1 . and 18,325 nn. 57 and 59 Katyn m assacre, 237 Kaufmann, W alter, 295 n. 36 Kemp-W elch, Anthony. 278n. 17 Kershaw, Ian, 281 n. 51

Kessler, N icolas, 278n. 1 9 ,289nn. 2 and 7, 290n. 23 Keylor, W illiam. 287nn. 49 and 5 8 ,298n. 9 Kidd, W illiam , 313n. 51 Krutch, Joseph Wood, 287-88n. 60 La Cham bre, Guy, 296n. 54 Lachance, Paul F., 284n. 18 Lacombe, O livier, 60 Lacom e, Denis, 293n. 2 Lacoste, R o b o t, 137 Lacoutuie, Jean, 307n. 2 4 ,3 0 8 n. 45 Lafue, Pierre, 120 Lagrange, Henri: Vingt Ans en 1914,1 6 1 Laroche, Hervé, 149 La Rocque, François de, 1 7 6 ,1 9 4 ,304n. 4 4 ,314n. 55; Service public, 149 Lasserre, Pierre, 9 1 ,2 9 5 n. 33 Latinité, 296n. 44 La Tour du Pin, René de, 309n. 52 Laubreaux, A lain, 310n. 3 Laurent, Jacques (pseud. Jacques B ostan), 170; Combat and, 2 2 5 ,3 0 6 n. 1; genera­ tion o f 1930 and. 13-14; Idées and, 226, 248,269; Inform ation, M inistry o f (Vichy), and, 225,269; M aulnier and. 160; M aurras depicted by, 155,156-57; myth and, 248; “new Europe” (H itler’s), 248; Rolin and, 248; Young Right and, 152,154-55 Lauridan, Henri, 308n. 40 Laval, M ichel, 323 nn. 84 (chap. 8), 3 ,1 1 , and 18.326n. 69 Laval, Pierre, 241 Le Cour Grandm aison, Jean, 246 Légion des volontaires français contre le bolshevism e, 233 Lem aigre-Dubreuil, Jacques, 175 Le M archand. Jean. 159,181,193 Lenin, V. I., 51 Leroy, G éraldi, 306nn. 68 (chap. 5) and 1, 308nn. 3 5 an d 3 6 .3 1 0 n . 1 Le Roy Ladurie, G abriel, 313n. 49 Lesca, Charles, 322n. 64.252

Lettre à un soldat de la classe soixante (B rasillach), 256-58 Lévy. Claude. 320n. 44 Ligue pour la culture française, 284n. 12

INDEX L oiseaux, G érard, 323nn. 8 and 9 Loisy. Jean. 1 7 0 .2 2 2 -2 4 .3 0 8 n. 40. 3 2 4 n. 37 L oubet del B ayle, Jean-Louis, 289n. 2, 2 9 0 n. 23.291 n. 3 4 ,296n. 4 4 .300n. 58, 314n. 55; “common front” o f non-con­ form istes and, 297n. 62; generation o f 1930 and, 1 6 -1 7 ,2 1 - 2 2 ,259-62; inter­ pretive problem s and, 17-18 ,2 1 -2 2 , 25 9 -6 2 ; K essler and, 278n. 19; Non­ c o rf ormistses des années 30, 16-17; Young Right interpreted by, 16-19, 259-61 L ouis XIV, 314n. 61 Loustau, R obert, 1% , 223,224 Louvrier, Pascal, 279n. 28 L upin, José (pseud. Pierre Tisserand), 67, 6 9 ,7 7 ,1 5 9 ,1 8 7 ,312n. 19 Lutte des jeunes. La, and, 136-37,138, 1 3 9 ,1 4 0 ,1 4 2 ,1 5 1 ,3 0 3 n. 20 M adiran, Jean, 4 6 ,2 8 0 n. 3 1 ,290n. 19 M agniez, Roger, 294n. 13 M aisons de la culture, 195 M alraux, André, 56; La Condition humaine, 93; M assis’s Défense de l ’Oc­ cident review ed by, 287n. 60; M aulnier and, 8 9 -9 0 ,9 3 M andel, Georges, 120 M ann, M ichael, 281 n. 52 M arc, Alexandre, 121 M arcel, G abriel, 120 Marianne, 300n. S3 M arion, Paul: Andreu and, 138-39; com­ m unism and, 139; Deux Russies, 139; dissidents, coalition of, and, 139,151, 192,224; L’Homme nouveau and, 139; Idées and, 225,226; Inform ation, M in­ istry o f (Vichy), and, 216,2 2 4 -2 5 ,2 2 6 , 324n. 34; National Revolution (Vichy) and, 224-25; neosocialism and, 139; non-conformistes and, 225,226; Parti populaire français and, 192,195,224; La Révolution (supplem ent to La République) and, 151 M aritain, Jacques, 315n. 74; Action française and, 4 5 -4 6 ,5 5 ,5 8 -5 9 ; Catholicism and, 4 5 -4 6 ,5 8 -5 9 ,289n.

357

9; crisis o f civilization and, 286n. 37; Fabrègues and, 57-59; La Gazette française and, 57; M assis and, 4 6 ,2 9 0 n. 15; M axence and. 5 7 -6 0 ,289-90n. 9. 290n. 15; neo-Thomism of, 45-46; Pri­ mauté du spirituel, 5 8 -5 9 ,290n. 17; La Revue universelle and, 4 9 ,5 8 ; Vatican condem nation o f M aunas and. 58-59, 289n. 6 M arras, M ichael R.. 313n. 4 5 .320n. 33 M arx, Karl. 163,185 M assis, Henri, 2 6 4 ,309n. 53; A ction française and, 2 0 ,4 6 -4 7 ,1 0 4 ,2 6 2 ; L ’Avenir de l ’intelligence (M aunas) and, 262; Barrés and, 37 ,7 2 ; Boshevism and. 121,287n. 58; B rasillach and, 19. 6 8 -6 9 ,1 9 1 ,2 3 8 -4 2 ,2 5 4 ,2 7 2 ,2 9 1 n. 47, 292n. 60; Cahiers (o f M axence) and, 60; C atholicism and, 4 7 -4 8 ,6 1 ,6 3 -6 4 , 232,290 n.19; Conseil national (Vichy) and, 213,246; crisis o f civilization and, 4 8 .4 9 -5 2 ,6 3 ,7 4 ,8 5 .290n. 20; deca­ dence and. 1 8 -1 9 ,5 0 -5 2 ,2 3 8 ,2 4 2 ; Défense de l ’Occident, 5 0 -5 2 ,6 3 , 6 8 -6 9 ,7 8 ,1 0 7 ,1 9 1 ,2 6 2 ; engagement and, 1 4 ,5 7 ,7 7 ,8 6 ; Evocations, 63-64, 7 2 -7 4 ,292n. 60; Fabrègues and, 63-67; Fascism , Italian, and, 106-7; fascism and, 209; “Fin de l’après guerre” (B rasillach) and, 74-78; French “intelli­ gence” and. 4 7 -4 9 ,5 4 .7 3 -7 4 ,2 6 2 ; generationalism and, 1 8 -2 0 ,3 7 ,3 8 -4 0 , 2 3 8 ,6 3 -6 4 ,7 2 -7 4 , 288n. 6 4 .292n. 60; generation o f 1912 and, 18-19,21, 72-74; generation o f 1930 and, 19,21, 40,262; Gide and, 52-54; intellectuals, nationalist, and, 1 4 ,2 1 ,8 6 ,2 6 2 ; Je suis partout and, 209; M aritain and, 46,2 9 0 n. 15; M aulnier and, 1 9 .7 1 -7 4 ,8 8 .1 1 0 , 174,318n. 7; M aunas and, 6 1 ,8 6 ,1 5 6 , 174,262,284 n.25; M axence and, 6 0 -6 2 ,7 0 ,8 5 ; M ounier and, 223; M us­ solini and, 106-7; nationalist revival (pre-1914) and. 1 8 -1 9 ,3 9 -4 0 ,2 6 1 -6 2 ; National Revolution (Vichy) and, 217; 1933 (weekly) and, 120; 1934 (weekly) and, 141; the O rient and, 51-52; Party o f Intelligence m anifesto and, 4 7 -4 9 ,6 1 ,

358

INDEX

83; Pétain and. 213,246; Réaction and, 97-98; La Revuefrançaise and, 12-1 A, 184; La Revue universelle and, 49-30, 3 2 ,2 1 3 -1 4 ,291-92n. 49; Vichy regim e and, 213,232; Wohl’s depiction of, 37, 39; Young Right and. 1 3 -1 4 ,1 9 ,4 0 . 7 2 -7 4 ,2 6 1 ,2 7 2 ; Young Turks (Radical Party dissidents) and, 141 ; youth policy (at Vichy) and, 213,217,232. See also Agathon Mathy, Jean-Philippe, 79 M atignon agreem ent, 173 M auban, Charles, 324n. 37 M aud’huy, Bertrand de, 149 M aulnier, Thierry (Jacques Talagrand), 2 2 8 ,3 0 3 n. 23; Action française and, 213,219-20; L’Action française and, 7 0 .1 5 0 -5 1 ,2 1 3 ,2 1 4 ,2 1 6 ,2 1 9 ,2 2 0 , 243 ,2 4 5 ,2 4 6 ; anti-Am ericanism and, 8 2 -8 4 ,8 9 ,1 1 5 -1 6 ; antipatriotism and, 167-68,174-75; anti-Sem itism and, 2 0 2 -3 ,2 2 0 -2 1 ; aristocratic revolution and, 116-17,164,166; Au-delà du na­ tionalisme, 1 9 8-200,263,270-71; Bel­ lessort and, 77-78,291 n. 43; “beyond nationalism ” and, 88,198; bourgeoisie, attack on, by, 166-67; B rasillach and, 1 1 9 ,1 5 9 ,2 0 7 ,2 3 0 ,2 4 4 ,3 1 9 -2 0 n. 29, 322n. 75; Britain and, 2 0 5 -6 ,2 1 5 ; Burrin’s “fascist minimum” and, 27-28; “C ahier de revendications” and, 101-2; capitalism and, 1 0 2 ,1 6 2,172,217; Cercle Proudhon and. 161-64,175; Cercles populaires français, 1% ; col­ laboration and, 2 1 5 ,2 1 6 ,2 4 7 -4 8 ; collaborationism and, 216,247-48; Czech crisis (1938-39), 204-6; Combat and, 1 5 8 -6 9 ,2 2 1 ,2 6 3 ,2 7 0 ,2 7 1 ,318n. 7; Com ité de rassem blem ent de la révolu­ tion nationale and, 217; Com ité national de vigilance des jeunes français m obilis­ ables and, 194; communism and, 102, 113,172; Com munist Party, French, and, 145-46; “conservative revolution­ aries" (Germ an) and. 88,111-12; con­ servatives, attacks on, by, 165-67,172, 198,215-16; La Contre-révolution spontanée (M aurras) and, 245; corpo­

ratism and, 142,162; La Crise est dans l ’homme, 89,263; crisis o f civilization and. 1 7 .3 5 ,8 8 ,9 2 -9 3 ,1 1 0 ,1 1 4 .1 6 6 . 198,217,263; decadence and, 121,127, 1 6 7 ,1 6 8 ,1 8 0 ,2 1 5 ,2 1 6 ,2 4 4 ,2 6 2 ; De­ main la France, 124-2 8 ,1 5 8 ,2 7 0 303 n. 25; dem ocracy and, 9 2 -9 3 ,1 1 3 ,1 7 2 , 1 7 9 ,2 0 4 ,2 0 6 ,2 1 4 ,2 1 7 ,2 4 4 -4 6 ,3 0 1 n. 6 9 ,324n. 32; descriptions of, 160; dissi­ dents, coalition of, and, 141,150-51; Drieu la Rochelle and, 142; early liter­ ary career of, 13; elitism of, 8 5 ,8 8 ; en­ gagement and, 8 8 -8 9 ,1 5 9 ,1 9 3 ,2 6 5 ; “enrollm ent” and, 146-47,265; L ’Etu­ diant français and, 69; Evocations (M assis) and, 72; Fabrègues and, 97-98, 1 5 9 ,2 4 6 -4 8 ,315n. 69; Fascism , Italian, and. 1 1 3 ,1 2 1 ,1 9 9 ,2 1 7 ,2 7 0 ; fascism and. 2 2 ,2 5 .1 1 4 ,1 2 5 -2 6 ,1 4 2 ,1 7 7 -8 0 , 1 9 8 -2 0 1 ,2 0 5 ,2 0 7 ,2 0 8 ,2 0 9 ,2 6 9 -7 1 ; Le Figaro and. 214 ,2 1 5 ,2 2 1 ; La France, la guerre et ta paix , 217-18, 2 2 0 ,2 2 9 ,2 6 3 ,317n. 93; French “intel­ ligence” and. 1 4 5 ,1 4 6 ,1 7 8 ,1 9 9 ,2 0 0 . 2 0 7 ,2 1 7 -1 9 ,2 2 0 ,2 4 4 -4 5 ,2 4 7 ,2 6 3 , 319nn. 24 and 29; generation o f 1930 and, 1 3 -1 4 ,1 1 2 ,1 1 7 ,1 2 1 ,2 1 6 ; Germ an “Young Right” interpreted by, 111-12; G riffin’s “fascist minimum” and, 270; H itler and, 1 0 9 ,1 2 3 ,2 0 5 .2 4 4 -4 5 ; hu­ manism and, 8 3 ,8 8 -9 6 ,1 0 2 ,1 1 4 ,1 1 6 , 1 2 7 ,1 4 5 -4 6 ,1 6 6 ,2 4 4 ; ideas, historical role of, and. 84-85; Idées and, 243-44; im perialism and, 127; Institut d ’A ction française and, 69; L’Insurgé and, 170, 1 7 4 -7 5 .1 8 2 ,2 6 3 ,2 7 0 ,308n. 4 1 .318n. 7; intellectuals and, 8 5 ,8 8 -8 9 ,2 6 3 , 265; irrationalism and, 127„ 219,244, 271,301 n. 72; Je suis partout and, 2 0 2 -3 ,2 4 3 -4 6 ; “liberalism ” of, 221, 229; Louis-le-G rand (lycée) and, 67; M alraux and, 8 9 -9 0 ,9 3 ; M assis and, 1 9 ,7 1 -7 4 ,8 8 ,1 1 0 ,1 7 4 ,318n. 7; M aurras and, 6 8 ,6 9 ,8 8 ,8 9 ,9 2 ,9 5 . 1 1 0 ,1 2 4 -2 5 ,1 5 0 ,1 5 2 ,1 6 0 ,1 6 4 , 1 7 4 -7 5 ,2 0 0 ,2 1 1 ,2 1 6 ,2 1 9 -2 0 ,2 4 5 , 2 6 3 -6 5 ,2 6 9 -7 1 ,3 0 1 n. 69; M axence and. 7 0 -7 1 ,8 8 ,9 7 ,9 9 ,1 4 8 ; M unich

INDEX agreem ent and, 204-5; M ussolini and, 123; m yth and. 2 0 0 ,2 0 3 ,2 0 7 ,2 1 8 ,2 1 9 , 2 4 4 ,2 7 0 ,316n. 77; national interest, French, and, 2 0 6 ,2 1 5 ,2 4 4 ; nationalism , French, and, 1 2 6 ,1 5 8 ,1 7 7 ,2 0 0 ,2 6 2 , 263,270; National Revolution (Vichy) and 214-19; national revolution and, 1 1 5 ,1 2 1 ,1 4 2 ,1 4 3 ,1 4 7 ,1 5 8 ,1 6 3 ,1 6 4 , 1 6 8 ,1 7 0 ,1 7 2 ,1 7 9 ,1 8 0 ,2 0 0 ,2 0 6 ,2 0 9 , 2 2 1 ,2 7 0 ,2 7 1 ,300n. 61; National So­ cialism (Germ an) and, 15,109-15, 1 1 6 -1 7 ,1 2 1 ,1 4 3 ,1 7 7 ,1 9 9 ,2 0 0 ,2 1 7 , 2 7 0 ,2 9 9 n. 30; nationalist-syndicalist al­ liance and, 1 62-63,175,270; Nazi Ger­ many and, 1 0 9 -1 5 ,1 2 1 ,1 9 9 ,2 0 5 ,2 1 5 , 270; neonationalism and, 198-200; neopacifism and, 204-6; Nietzsche, 92-96; N ietzsche and, 8 8 -% , 110-11, 166,270; 1933 (weekly) and, 120-21; Parti populaire fiançais and, 1% ; Pétain and, 2 1 1 ,2 1 4 ,2 1 9 ,2 2 1 ,2 4 7 ; Popular Front and. 1 4 3 -4 8 ,1 6 4 ,1 6 6 ,1 6 7 ,1 8 9 , 2 6 3 ,2 6 5 ,2 7 0 ; populism and, 270; Racine and, 68,291 n. 43; racism and, 1 1 3 ,2 2 0 -2 1 ,299n. 30; Le Rajeunisse­ ment de la politique (Jouvenel) and, 100; Réaction and, 6 6 -6 7 ,9 7 ; resistance (during the Occupation), and, 219, 243-46; La Revue du siècle and, 98; La Revue universelle and, 2 1 4 ,2 1 7 ,318n. 7; social question and, 164,166; Soli­ darité française and, 119; Sorel and, 200; Soviet Union and, 8 4 -8 5 ,8 9 ,1 0 2 , 12 1 ,1 2 5 ,1 9 9 ,2 0 6 ; “spiritual révolu­ tion” and, 8 8 .1 0 1 ,1 1 1 ,1 6 2 -6 3 ,2 4 7 ; Stavisky affair and, 123; Sternhell thesis and, 25,281 n. 45; Third Republic and, 2 0 4 ,2 0 6 -7 ,2 1 4 ,2 1 6 ,2 1 9 ,2 2 0 ,2 4 4 , 245; “third way” and, 205 -7 ,2 7 1 ; total­ itarianism and, 179,267-68; tragic sense and, 9 0 .9 3 -9 4 , % , 112-13; Le Troisième Reich (M oeller van den B rack) and, 111-12; Valois and, 164; Varillon and, 70; Vichy regim e and, 211, 2 1 3 -2 1 ,2 4 5 ,2 7 3 ; Vincent and, 227, 229; violence and, 117,162,168-69, 219; w ork and, 9 0 -9 1 ,1 1 6 ,1 6 4 ; youth policy (Vichy) and, 216,217

359

M aunas, C harles. 8 5 .1 8 2 ,1 8 4 ,2 1 5 ,2 5 0 , 303n. 2 0 ,306n. 1 ,314n. 61; anti-G er­ m anism and, 108,155,203; antirepubli­ canism and, 167; anti-Sem itism and, 42, 220; L’Avenir de l ’intelligence, 14, 4 3 -4 5 ,7 7 ,8 6 ,1 5 4 ,2 6 2 ,2 6 3 .2 6 4 ; Brasillach and, 6 8 ,2 0 8 ,2 1 1 ,2 3 0 , 2 3 7 -3 8 ,2 4 0 .2 6 3 ,2 7 2 ; Catholicism and. 4 1 ,4 4 -4 5 ,4 6 ,5 8 -5 9 ,1 3 5 ,289n. 9 .2 9 0 n. 15; conspiratorialism and, 42-45; La Contre-révolution spontanée, 245; crisis o f civilization and, 4 2 -4 5 ,5 7 -5 8 ,2 8 6 n. 37; decadence and, 127; dissidence, coalition of, and, 150-51; Dreyfus affair and, 156; Fabrègues and, 5 7 -5 9 ,6 2 -6 3 , 1 0 8 ,1 6 3 ,2 1 1 ,2 4 6 ,2 6 8 ,2 6 9 ,2 8 4 -8 5 n. 2 5 ,289n. 7; Fascism , Italian, and, 105-7; fascism and, 109; French “intel­ ligence” and, 1 4 ,2 1 .4 3 -4 5 ,8 6 .1 5 4 , 263-64; La Gazette française and, 57; generationalism and, 14; generational tensions and, 152-57; G irardet’s depic­ tion of, 297n. 1; historical vision of, 68; Idées and. 226; L’Insurgé and, 169, 174-75; intellectuals, nationalist, and, 2 1 ,4 3 -4 5 ,5 7 ; Je suis partout and, 208, 237-38; Laurent’s depiction of, 155; M assis and. 6 1 .8 6 .1 5 6 ,1 7 4 ,2 6 2 ,284n. 25; M aulnier and, 6 8 ,6 9 ,8 8 ,8 9 ,9 2 ,9 5 . 1 1 0 ,1 2 4 -2 5 ,1 5 0 ,1 5 2 ,1 6 0 ,1 6 4 , 1 7 4 -7 5 ,2 0 0 ,2 1 1 ,2 1 6 ,2 1 9 -2 0 ,2 4 5 , 263-65 ,2 6 9 -7 1 ,3 0 1 n. 69; M axence and, 5 7 -5 9 ,8 6 ,2 1 1 ,289-90n. 9; monarchy, French, and, 4 1 ,1 0 8 ; M onnier’s depiction of, 297n. 1,153-54; M ussolini and, 1 0 5 -7 ,298n. 9; national­ ism and, 2 0 ,1 5 5 ,1 5 7 ,2 6 7 ,284n. 25; National Socialism (Germ an) and, 108-9; Nazi Germ any and, 203; neopacifism and, 2 0 3 -4 ,2 0 7 -8 ; N iet­ zsche and, 9 2 ,2 9 5 n. 34; L’Ordre nou­ veau and, 100; O rient and, 4 2 ,2 8 5 n. 29; pays réel-pays légal distinction and, 167; Pétain and, 211,213; Rebatet and, 237; Reform ation and, 41-43; rom anti­ cism and, 41-44; Soviet Union and, 203; Vatican condem nation of, 5 8 -5 9 ,6 1 , 289n. 6; Vichy regim e and, 211,225,

360

INDEX

232; Young Right and, 13,19-21, 5 7 -5 8 ,1 0 9 ,1 5 2 -5 7 ,1 6 0 ,2 4 5 ,2 6 2 -6 4 , 266,268,272; See also Action française M axence, Jean-Luc, 289n. 8 ,2 9 5 n. 42, 296nn. 44 and 5 0 .300n. 4 7 .314n. 61 M axence, Jean-Pierre (Pierre Godmé): Ac­ tion française and, 6 2 -6 3 ,1 5 1 ,1 7 4 ,2 8 9 n. 7; anti-Am ericanism and, 81-82; antiSem itism and, 173; Barrés and, 86-87; Benda and, 60; B rasillach and, 70-71, 159; Cahiers, 5 9 -6 2 ,7 0 ,7 1 ,8 1 -8 2 , 289-90n. 9; cam araderie and, 296nn. 48 and 49; capitalism and, 128,147; civilizational crisis and, 8 5 -8 8 ,3 0 2 n. 6; Com ité national de vigilance des jeunes français m obilisables and, 194; conser­ vatives and, 147; corporatism and, 128, 147-48; decadence and, 269; Demain la France, 124,128,158,303 n. 25; dissi­ dents, coalition of, and, 141,151-52; engagement and, 8 5 -8 8 ,1 4 6 -4 7 ,1 5 9 ; Fabrègues and, 9 7 -9 8 ,1 5 9 ,315n. 69; fascism and, 229,269; February 6,1934, riot of, and, 123; “Fin de l’après guerre” (B rasillach) and, 76; Front de la liberté and, 171; La Gazette française and, 57; generation o f 1930 and, 13-14 ,9 6 -9 9 , 171 ; Gringoire and. 119-29; H itler and, 109-10; humanism and, 97; Idées and, 226,2 2 9 -3 0 ,2 4 8 ; L'Insurgé and. 170-71,182; intellectuals and, 85-88, 146-47; leadership style of, 98; ligues, nationalist, and, 147,174; M aritain and, 5 7 -6 0 ,2 8 9 -9 0 n. 9 .290n. 15; M assis and, 6 0 -6 2 ,7 0 ,8 5 ; M aulnier and, 7 0 -7 1 ,8 8 .9 7 ,9 9 ,1 4 8 ; M aurras and, 5 7 -5 9 ,8 6 ,2 1 1 ,2 8 9 -9 0 n. 9; M ounier and, 297n. 62; myth and, 248; national­ ism , French, and, 158; National Social­ ism (Germ an) and, 109-10; Parti popu­ laire français and, 273; Pétain and, 211; Popular Front and, 147,151,189; pop­ ulism and, 147-48,151; Le Rajeunisse­ ment de la politique (Jouvenel) and, 100; Réaction and, 97; La Révolution (supplem ent to La République) and, 151-52; La Revue du siècle and, 98; La Revuefrançaise and, 7 0 -7 2 ,9 6 -9 9 ,1 1 9 ;

Solidarité française and, 118-19; Valéry and. 85; Vatican condem nation o f M aur­ ras and, 58-59; Vichy regim e and, 211, 269; Young Right and, 147-48,152 M ayet-de-M ontagne (Vichy leadership school), 225 M aze. Jean, 225 M azgaj, Paul, 291 n. 4 4 ,2 9 5 n. 3 3 ,306n. 1, 326n. 4 M ers-el-K ébir attack, 215 M ilza, Pierre, 2 6 -2 7 ,279n. 2 2 .2 9 9 n. 43. 3 0 4 -5 n. 4 8 .3 0 5 n. 5 0 .310n. 4 M istier, Jean, 296n. 54 M oeller van den Bruck, Arthur, 111 monarchy, French. See Action française; M aurras, Charles M onnier, Pierre (pseud. M aurice Grandchamp): Cercle Proudhon and, 161-63; Combat and, 1 6 1 -6 2 ,1 6 4 ,306n. 1; L’Insurgé and, 1 7 1 ,1 7 3 ,1 7 6 ,3 0 8 n. 36. 309n. 57; Langrange and, 161-62; M aulnier and, 160; M aurras and, 1 53-54,297n. 1; nationalist-syndicalist alliance and, 161-63,173; Proudhon and, 163; Young Right and, 153-54 M ontety, Etienne de, 170,174-75,182, 243,291 n. 4 3 .296n. 5 0 ,300n. 54.308 n. 4 1 ,3 0 9 nn. 5 1 ,5 4 , and 5 5 ,309n. 58. 318n. 11 M ontherlant, Henry de, 120,306n. 70 M ontoire-sur-le-Loir m eeting, 211 M orand, Paul, 120 M osse, George, 3 0 ,282n. 55 M ounier, Em m anuel, 302n. 17; dissident alliance and, 136,152; Esprit and, 60, 101,223-24; Fabrègues and, 222-24, 324n. 36; intellectual, elitist conception of, and, 84; Jeune France and, 222-24; M assis and, 223; O rdre nouveau and, 100-101; Young Right and, 297n. 62 M unich agreem ent, 204-5 M usset, Alfred de, 322n. 82 M ussolini, Benito, 105-7,121,190, 2 0 9 -1 0 ,2 3 3 ,2 5 2 ,2 9 8 n. 9 Napoleon, 256 Nathan, Roger, 296n. 54 National Front, 1 1 8 ,1 5 1 ,314n. 61

INDEX national revolution (concept): Brasillach and, 1 8 5 ,1 8 7 ,2 3 8 ,2 5 5 ,2 7 2 ,322n. 72; France and, 121,206; Francis and, 129-30; Germ any and, 109; Italy and, 109; M aulnier and, 115,121, 1 4 2 ,1 4 3 ,1 4 7 ,1 5 8 ,1 6 3 ,1 6 4 ,1 6 8 , 1 7 0 ,1 7 2 ,1 7 9 ,1 8 0 ,2 0 0 ,2 0 6 ,2 0 9 , 2 2 1 ,2 7 0 ,2 7 1 ,300n. 61; Young Right and, 1 4 ,1 5 ,3 3 ,1 2 3 -2 4 ,1 4 0 ,1 5 6 ,1 5 8 , 19 2 ,1 9 7 ,2 2 1 ,2 6 5 ,2 7 5 N ational Revolution (Vichy), 211-19,243, 273; B rasillach and, 2 3 1 -3 2 ,2 3 4 ,2 3 8 , 255-56; C atholicism and, 246; Fab* lègues and, 222-25,246; fascism and, 2 1 2 - 13; Idées and, 226-30; Jeune France and, 222-24; M aulnier and, 214-19; La Revue universelle and, 21314; Rolin and, 248 N ational Socialism (Germ an), 4 ,1 2 1 , 302-03n. 17,303n. 23; Action française and, 105,107-9; B rasillach and, 15, 191,20 8 ,2 3 3 ,2 5 2 -5 3 ; Fabrègues and, 110; M aulnier and, IS, 109-15,116-17, 1 2 1 ,1 4 3 ,1 7 7 ,1 9 9 ,2 0 0 ,2 1 7 ,2 7 0 ,299n. 30; M aurras and, 109-10; M axence and, 109-10; non-conformistes and, 103; Young Right and, IS, 109-15,155,197, 266 Nature of Fascism, The (G riffin), 29-30 Nazism . See National Socialism (Germ an) neo-M aurrassians. See Young Right neosocialists (Socialist Party dissidents), 100,136,159,193; Déat and, 132; de­ scription of, 131-34; “directed econ­ omy” and, 131; fascism and, 132-34; L’Homme nouveau and, 138-40; M arion and, 139. See also dissidents, coalition of neo-Thomism . See M aritain, Jacques Nguyen, Victor, 283 n. 3 ,2 8 5 n. 26 N icolas, André, 324n. 42 Ni droite ni gauche (Sternhell), 25-26, 26 6 ,2 8 0 nn. 35 and 36,281 n. 38 N ietzsche, Friedrich, 15,136; apoliticism of, 295 n. 36; joy, concept of, in, 92-93; M aulnier and. 8 8 -% , 110-11,166,270; M aurras and, 9 2 ,2 9 5 n. 34; tragic sense of, 9 2-94

361

Nietzsche (M aulnier), 9 2 -% 1933 (weekly), 12 0 -2 2 ,305n. 5 6 ,311n. 11 1934 (weekly). 134-35 N izan, Paul, 101 N oailles, M adame de, 72 Nobécourt, Jacques, 305n. 50 N olle, Ernst, 285n. 26 non-conformistes (of the 1930s), 131,152, 195-% , 224; Andreu and, 133,140, 159; “C ahier de revendications” and, 1 0 0-102,2% n. 55; “common front” of, 9 9 -1 0 3 ,2 9 7 n. 62; crisis o f civilization and, 1 6 -1 7 ,8 1 -8 3 ,8 4 .2 2 1 ,2 5 9 ,2 6 0 ; dissident, coalition of, and, 136-37; en­ gagement and, 85; fascism and, 103, 137; generation o f 1930 and, 16-18, 9 9 -1 0 3 ,2 4 2 ,2 5 9 ; M arion and, 225, 226; M assis and, 47; N ational Revolu­ tion (Vichy), 242; Réaction and, 65-66; La Revue du siècle and, 97-98; “spiri­ tual revolution” and, 99,259; Sternhell thesis and, 25; U riage and, 222; Vichy regim e and, 221-25,242; Young Right and, 1 6 -17,97-98. See also Ordre nou­ veau; Loubet del Bayle, Jean-Louis;

Non-conformistses des années 30, Les (Loubet del Bayle), 16-17 Nora, Pierre, 289n. 6 Notre Avant-guerre (B rasillach), 23,236, 257 Nouvelle Revuefrançaise, La (NRF), 8 5 -8 6 ,9 5 ,2 % n . 5 2 ,1 4 6 ,1 9 5 ,304nn. 40 and 41 ; “C ahier de revendications” and, 100-102; Cahiers (o f M axence) and, 60; generation o f 1920 and, 53-54; Party o f Intelligence m anifesto and, 288n. 65 Nuremberg rally (1937), 191 Nye, Robert, 3 6 ,2 8 3 n. 3 Offen, Karen, 283 n. 3 Ogé, Frédéric, 318n. 6 Opinion, V , 37-38 Oradour-sur-Glane m assacre, 256 O rdre nouveau (m ovejnent), 6 5 -6 6 ,8 3 -8 4 , 9 8 ,9 9 ,1 0 0 -1 0 2 ,1 2 1 ,1 3 4 .1 5 2 ,1 % . 2 9 1 n .3 6 .3 1 4 n .5 5 Ordre nouveau, V (review), 1 0 0 ,300n. 59

362

INDEX

O rient, the: B rasillach and, 254; Les Déracinés (Barrés) and, 283n. 6; M assis and, 51-52; M aunas and, 4 2 ,2 8 5 n. 29; M axence and, 82 Ory, Pascal. 2 0 .2 4 .8 0 ,2 3 6 ,2 9 3 n. 2 ,3 0 4 nn. 35 and 3 6 ,310n. 1 ,2 3 6 ,3 2 3 n. 3; Les Collaborateurs, 235; Les Intellec­ tuels en France (Ory and Sirinelli), 20-21 Pact o f Steel, 210 palingenetic m yth, 2 9 -3 0 ,3 2 ,1 3 1 ,1 8 0 , 2 3 9 ,2 4 2 ,2 6 7 ,2 6 8 ,2 7 4 -7 5 Paris-Soir, 236 Parti com m uniste fiançais. See Com munist Party, French (PCF) Parti populaire fiançais (PPF) and, 149, 1 5 2 ,1 7 0 ,1 7 1 ,1 7 6 ,1 9 2 -9 7 .2 0 1 ,2 2 3 , 2 2 4 ,2 6 3 -6 4 ,2 7 3 Parti social fiançais (PSF), 170,194, 314n. 60 Parti socialiste de France-Union Jean Jaurès, 148,304n.47 Party o f Intelligence m anifesto, 4 7 -4 9 ,5 4 , 6 1 ,7 8 ,8 5 Passm ore, Kevin, 280n. 3 6 ,304n. 44, 307n. 29 Paulhan, Jean, 296n. 55 Paxton, Robert O., 280n. 36,281 n. 52, 313n. 4 5 ,320n. 33; “functional” thesis on fascism and, 3 0 -32,271,281 n. 53; totalitarianism and, 281 n. S3; Vichy France, 2 4 ,2 1 2 ,318n. 3; Young Right and, 3 3 ,326n. 9 Payne, Stanley, 30,281 nn. 50 and 52, 282n. 5 5 .312n. 35 Paz, M aurice, 296n. 54 Péguy, Charles, 6 0 .7 2 ,7 3 ,4 6 ,1 0 7 ,1 3 6 , 290nn. 15 and 19 Péguy, M arcel, 135 Pellissier, Pierre, 279n. 2 8 ,3 0 0 nn. 50 and 5 4 ,312n. 19 Perroux, François, 35 personalism , 59-6 0 ,1 0 2 personalists. See Les non-conformistes (of the 1930s) Perspectives socialistes (Déat), 132 Peschanski, Denis, 318n. 3 ,319n. 18, 320n. 44,321 nn. 4 6 .4 8 and 50

Pétain, Phitippe, 2 1 1 -1 3 ,2 2 1 ,2 2 6 ,2 2 7 , 233,246; B rasillach and, 231.233; M assis and, 213,246; M aulnier and. 211, 2 1 4 ,2 1 9 ,2 2 1 ,2 4 7 ; M aunas and. 211, 213; Rebatet and, 230-31; Young R ight and, 211,273 Petitjean, Armand, 225 Petit Parisien, Le, 2 36,323n. 4 Popelin, Claude. 14 9 -5 0 ,1 9 2 .3 0 5 n. 51 Popular Front, 133,143-48,154-180, 1 8 3 ,1 8 6 ,1 9 3 ,1 9 5 ,1 9 7 ,2 5 2 ,2 6 3 -2 6 9 passim , 2 7 0 ,2 7 2 ,2 7 3 ,309n. 52 Poulain, Henri, 252 Pourrai, Henri, 324n. 35 Présence de Virgile (B rasillach), 68, 291 n. 44 Primauté du spirituel (M aritain), 58-59, 290n. 17 Prim o de R ivera, José A ntonio, 180,190, 23 1 ,3 2 2 n. 72 Prince, Robert, 194 Propaganda-Abteilung, 236 Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph, 163,233 Proust, M arcel, 157,215-16 Pucheu, P iene, 1 4 9 .2 2 3 ,2 2 4 ,313n. 49 Radical Party, French, 100,131-34,144. 1 5 0 ,1 9 3 ,308n. 41. See also Young Ttirks (Radical Party dissidents) Rajeunissement de la politique. Le (Jouvenel, Henry de), 100 Réaction [pour l ’ordre], 6 2 -6 7 ,7 1 ,1 3 4 , 1 3 6 ,1 8 1 ,290n. 23,291 n. 34 ,8 2 , 9 7 -9 8 ,296n. 4 4 ,300n. 59 Rebatet, Lucien (pseud. François Vinneuil), 310n. 3 ,312n. 21; L ’Action française and, 292n. 50; anti-Sem itism and, 183,201-2,208; B rasillach and, 1 8 4 ,2 5 2 -5 3 ,292n. 50; Céline and. 2 0 1-2,208; Combat and, 202; Com ité national de vigilance des jeunes français m obilisables and, 194; Les Décombres, 236,237; M aunas and, 237; Pétain and, 230-31; racism and, 208; Varillon and, 70; Vichy regim e and, 230-31; Vincent and, 202 Redier, A lexis, 70 Reflections on Violence (Sorel), 187

INDEX Rémond, René, 266; La Droite en France, 21-23’, Les Droites en France, 279n. 24 Renaud, Jean, 118 Renon, Jean, 2 2 2 ,22S République, La, ISO Révolution, La (supplem ent to La République), 150-52,197 Révolution créatrice, La (Dom inique), 30Sn. 54 Révolution nationale, La, 253 Revue des vivants, La, 100 Revue du siècle, La, 9 7 -9 8 ,1 1 0 ,1 1 8 , 1 4 0 -4 1 ,296n. 4 4 ,300n. 59 Revue du xxe siècle, La, 98 Revuefrançaise, La, 7 0 -7 2 ,7 7 , 96-99, 9 7 -9 9 ,1 0 9 ,1 1 9 -2 0 ,1 8 4 ,296n. 49, 30 0 n .5 9 Revue universelle, La, 4 9 -5 0 ,5 2 ,5 8 ,6 0 , 6 8 ,7 0 ,7 4 -7 5 ,4 6 ,1 7 7 ,1 9 1 ,2 1 3 -1 4 , 2 1 5 ,2 1 7 ,2 2 6 ,290n. 2 0 ,291-92n. 49. 318n. 7 Rex (Belgian C hristus Rex movem ent), 189-90 Reynaud, Jacques, 296n. 44 Ribbentrop, Joachim von, 234,237 Ringer, Fritz, 284nn. 10 and 2 9 ,3 0 7 n. 29 Rioux, Jean-Pierre, 320n. 35 R ispail, J.-L., 291 n. 36 R ivière, Jacques, 288n. 65

Robert Brasillach ou encore un instant de bonheur (B rassié), 24 Roberts, David, 302n. 14 Roche, Anne, 306n. 6 8 ,3 0 8 nn. 35 and 36, 310n. 1 Roche. Em ile. 1 3 2 ,1 5 0 ,1 5 1 ,306n. 1 Roditi, Georges, 136,138 Roger, Philippe, 293 n. 2 Rolin, Jean: myth and, 248; National Rev­ olution (Vichy) and, 248 Rolland, Romain, 4 7 ,5 2 ,1 4 6 Roman Catholic Church. See Catholicism . Rotnier, Lucien, 293n. 74 Roosevelt, Franklin D ., 252 Rosenstock-Franck, Louis, 302n. 13 Rougemont, Denis de, 8 4 ,1 0 2 -3 ,1 5 2 , 297n. 62 Rousso, Henry, 24; Vichy Syndrome, 24, 235

363

Roy, Claude, 170,318n. 5; generation o f 1930 and, 13-14; Jeune France and, 222; resistance (during the O ccupation) and, 211; Young Right and, 152 Rupnik, Jacques, 293 n. 2 Sabean, David, 283n. 3 Saillenfest, Jean (pseud. André M oncon­ duit). 170,1 8 1 ,3 0 3 n. 2 6 .310n. 67 Saint-Germ ain, Jacques, 118 Saint-Vincent, Bertrand de, 321 n. 46 Salleton, Louis, 160,308n. 4 0 ,310n. 6, 316n. 81 Sand, Shlom o, 280n. 39 Satire, Jean-Paul, 56 Seines de la vie future (Duham el), 80 Schaeffer, Pierre, 222 Schalk. David. 294n. 2 1 ,300n. 48 Schlumberger, Jean, 288n. 6 5 ,2 9 6 -9 7 n. 55 Schneider, Jean, 312n. 19 Schrameck, Abraham , 305n. 63 Secrétariat général à la jeunesse, 221,241 Sentein, François, 170,226 Sérant, Paul. 279n. 2 4 .320n. 30 Service central de la censure (Vichy), 225 Service public (La Rocque), 149 Sharlin, Allan, 283 n. 3 Sicard, M aurice-Yvan, 171,309n. 57 Siegfried, André, 293n. 74 Silverm an, Debora L., 283n. 3 Sipriot, Pierre, 279n. 2 8 ,311n. 8 Sirinelli, Jean-François, 6 7 ,2 7 8 n. 18; 281 n. 4 4 ,2 8 7 n. 4 5 ,304n. 36; history o f intellectuals and, 278n. 17; Les Intel­ lectuels en France (Ory and Sirinelli), 20-21; M assis interpreted by, 286n. 40; Party o f Intelligence m anifesto evalu­ ated by, 49 Socialisme fasciste. Le (Drieu la Rochelle). 141-42 Socialist Party, French, 100,131-34,139; Popular Front and, 142-44. See also neosocialists Solidarité française, U S -1 9 ,194,305n. 61 Sordet, Dom inique, 70 Sorel, Georges, 1 5 ,1 0 7 ,1 3 5 ,1 3 6 ,3 0 7 n. 1 9 .1 6 1 ,1 8 6 -8 7 ,1 9 1 ,2 0 0 ,2 3 3 ,2 5 0 , 267; Reflections on Violence, 187

364

INDEX

Sorldn, David J., 282n. S3 Soucy, Robert, 3 1 ,3 3 ,2 7 1 ,280n. 36, 283-84n. 7 .2 9 9 n. 4 3 ,300n. 44, 303 n. 19,309n. 5 6 ,313nn. 4 1 ,4 8 and 4 9 ,314nn. 52 and 60 Spanish civil war, 190-91,322 n.72 Specklin, Paul, 308n. 40 Spengler, Oswald, 50 Spirito, Ugo, 1 3 7 .1 5 9 ,3 0 2 -0 3 n. 17 “spiritual revolution” : M aulnier and, 88, 101, 111, 1 6 2 -6 3 ,2 4 7 ;non-con­ formistes and, 1 7 ,6 6 ,9 9 Young Right and, 129,158 Stalin, Joseph, 8 0 -8 1 ,8 4 ,1 3 9 ,1 4 4 Stavisky affair, 122 Stéphane, Roger. 324n. 27 Sternhell, Zeev, 281 n. 4 5 ,2 8 3 n. 7 ,3 0 2 n. 2 ,306n. 1; M aulnier's relation to Nazism interpreted by, 111-12; Ni droite ni gauche, 2 5 -2 6 ,2 6 6 ,2 8 0 nn. 35 and 36.281 n. 38 Strasser, Otto, 302-03n. 17 Strauss, David. 287n. 53,293 nn. 74 (chap. 2) and 2 syndicalism , revolutionary, 136,161, 172-73 Ihm e, Peter, 279n. 29.291 n. 3 9 .312n. 28 (chap. 2) and 3 4 ,322n. 68 Tarde, Alfred de. See Agathon Tardieu, André, 293n. 74

Temps, Le, TJ Temps présent. Le, 324n. 36 Tenou, Fernand, 300n. 52 Tharaud, Jean, 45,1 2 0 Tharaud, Jérôm e, 4 5 .1 2 0 Thibaudet, Albert, 7 5 ,7 6 ,1 2 0 Tocqueville, Alexis de, 79 Toda, M ichel. 4 6 .2 7 7 n. 11 ,286n. 39.287 n. 4 9 ,290n. 17,300n. 54 Toinet, M arie-France, 293n. 2 Tortorice, John S., 282n. 55 Touchard, Jean, 16 Trahison des clercs, La (Benda), 54, 304n. 40 Troisièm e Force, La, 304n. 47 Troisième Reich, Le (M oeller van den Bruck). 111-12

TVoy, W illiam , 2 8 7-88n. 60 Tucker, W illiam R., 280n. 3 4 ,286n. 35, 291 n. 39.311 nn. 10 and 1 6 ,312nn. 28 and 3 4 .3 2 5 n. 58 Ungar, Steven, 278-79n. 20 Union socialiste et républicaine, 304n. 47 United Front, 143,150,159,197 Uriage (Vichy leadership school), 222, 320n. 35 Valéry. Paul. 5 0 .5 2 .7 6 .8 0 .1 5 7 ,2 1 5 -1 6 Valois, Georges (Alfred-G eorges G ressent), 9 1 ,1 3 5 ,30Sn. 57; Action française and, 106,161; C ercle Proud­ hon and, 161,172; Faisceau and, 106, 137; Fascism , Italian, and, 106; M us­ solini and, 106; N ietzsche’s im pact on, 295n. 33 Vandromme, Pol, 280n. 31 Varillon, Pierre, 70,291 n. 49 Veillon, Dom inique, 320n. 44 Vendredi, 185,300n. 52 Verdès-Leroux, Jeannine, 2 4 ,2 9 2 n. 51, 298n. 9 ,3 0 6 n. 1 ,308n. 3 6 ,310nn. 1 and 2,310-11 nn. 6 and 7 .318-19n. 14, 321 n. 4 5 .3 2 2 nn. 68 and 8 1 .3 2 3 nn. 83 (chap. 8), l.a n d 6 Vichy France (Paxton), 2 4 ,2 1 2 .318n. 3 Vichy regim e, 230-31; B rasillach and, 2 1 1 ,2 3 1 -3 2 .2 4 1 ,2 5 0 ,2 5 1 ,2 7 3 -7 4 ; conservatives and, 242-43; “cultural revolution” and, 274; dissident groupa and, 221; Fabrègues and, 222-24; histo­ riography of, 211-13,274; Inform ation, M inistry of. 2 1 6 ,320n. 44; M arion and, 216; M aulnier and, 211,213-21,245, 273; non-conformistes and, 221-25, 242; Young Right and. 211-13,221-25, 242,273; youth initiatives and, 213, 2 2 1 -2 5 ,3 2 0 n .35 Vichy Syndrome (Rousso), 24,235 Vincent, R en é, 170,324n. 37; antiSem itism and, 202,248-49; Céline and, 201-2; Combat and, 159; Fabrègues and, 6 2 ,9 8 ,2 2 5 ,2 4 6 ; fascism and, 229, 249; France, la guerre et la paix (M aulnier) and, 229; generation o f 1930

INDEX and, 13-14,249; Idées and, 226-30, 246; M aulnier and, 227,229; M aurras and, 211 ; N ational Revolution (Vichy) and, 249; neopacifism and, 204; “new Europe” (H itler’s) and, 248-49; Pétain and, 211; Réaction and, 6 2 ,6 3 ; Rebatet and, 202; Service central de la censure (Vichy) and, 223; Solidarité française and, 118; totalitarianism and, 226,229; Vichy regim e and, 211 Vingt Ans en 1914 (Lagrange), 161 Vitoux, Frédéric, 315 n. 70 Voisin, A ndré, 308n. 40 Volontaires nationaux, 1 4 9 -3 2 ,1 3 9 ,1 % . See also dissidents, coalition o f Voltaire (François-M arie A rouet), 183 W all, Irwin, 304n. 34 W eber, Eugen. 278n. 1 3 ,283n. 3 .284n. 2 4 ,2 8 7 n. 3 1 ,298nn. 3 and 1 1 ,300n. 6 0 .3 0 5 -6 n. 6 3 .306n. 1 ,3 0 7 n. 24.308 nn. 40 and 47, 309n. 3 6 ,310n. 1 ,313n. 4 5 ,315n. 66. 317n. 96, 318n. 6 , 319n. 20, 326n. 1; Action française inter­ preted by, 1 9 -2 0 ,2 8 5 n. 26; Combat de­ scribed by, 306n. 1; L'Etudiantfiançais described by, 290n. 22; L’Insurgé de­ scribed by, 308n. 36; M aulnier inter­ preted by, 319n. 28; M aurras’s antiNazism evaluated by, 108-9; M aurras’s anti-Sem itism evaluated by, 42; Vatican condem nation o f Action française de­ scribed by, 289n. 5 W eisz, George, 284n. 10 W endel, François de, 312n. 19 W ilson, Stephen, 278n. 13,283n. 3 ,2 8 4 n. 2 4 .2 8 7 n. 41 W inock, M ichel. 278n. 13.285n. 27.304 n. 3 6 ,3 1 8 n .4 Wohl, Robert, 281 n. 4 1 ,3 6 ; The Genera­ tion o f1914,1 7 -1 9 ,3 9 ,2 2 7 ,2 2 9 , 260-62; intellectuals, “literary,” and, 260-61; M assis as depicted by, 36,39, 289n. 70 W olf. Dieter, 304n. 4 8 ,313nn. 40 and 42 Wolin, R ichard, 278-79n. 2 0 ,293n. 8, 295n. 36 W urmser, André, 296, n. 34

365

Young Right (Jeune D roite), 189; Action française and, 1 3 ,1 9 -2 1 ,3 3 ,4 0 , 1 5 2 -3 7 ,1 6 0 ,2 6 8 ,2 7 1 -7 2 ; Andreu and, 134-40; anti-Am ericanism and, 81-83, 227; anti-com m unism and, 265; Ariès and, 152-53,136; authority and, 222-23; B unin’s “fascist minimum” and, 2 7 -2 8 ,2 6 7 ,2 7 4 ; “C ahier de reven­ dications” and, 100-102; cam araderie and, 7 1 -7 2 ,9 8 -9 9 ; C atholicism and, 289n. 7 ,9 8 ,2 6 8 ; collaboration and, 211-13; collaborationism and, 211-13; Combat and, 158-69,221; com position of, 13,57; conservatives and, 136,272; crisis o f civilization and, 74,260; deca­ dence and, 2 3 8 ,2 6 8 ,2 7 3 ,2 7 5 ; dissi­ dents, coalition of, and, 140-42,201; D oriot and, 1 9 2-97,263-64,273; elitism and, 85; engagement and, 14,21, 8 3 -8 8 ,1 1 9 ,1 5 8 ,1 9 3 ,2 2 7 ; Fascism . Italian, and, 266; fascism and, 14-16, 2 1 -3 4 ,1 0 9 ,2 3 3 ,2 6 6 ,2 7 2 ,2 7 4 -7 5 ; “Fm de 1*après guerre” (B rasillach) and, 7 4 -7 8 ,292n. 65; form ation of, 70-71, 97-99; French “intelligence” and, 21, 3 4 ,2 2 7 ,2 6 3 -6 4 ; generationalism and, 7 3 -7 4 ,1 4 0 ,2 2 7 ; generation o f 1930 and, 1 4 ,1 4 0 ,1 5 6 ,1 7 6 ,2 4 2 ; G riffin and, 33,267; Idées and, 226; intellectuals, nationalist, and, 259-61,264; La Rocque and, 194; Loubet del Bayle and, 1 6-19,259-61; M aritain and. 57-58; M assis and. 1 3 -1 4 ,1 9 ,4 0 .7 2 -7 4 ,2 6 1 , 272; M aurras and, 1 3 .1 9 -2 1 ,5 7 -5 8 , 1 0 9 ,1 5 2 -5 7 ,1 6 0 ,2 4 5 ,2 6 2 -6 4 ,2 6 6 , 268,272; M axence and, 147-48,152; m idthirties recruits to, 152-57; M ilza’s new French orthodoxy and, 28; M ounier and, 297n. 62; M unich agreem ent and, 205; m yth and, 275; National Revolu­ tion (Vichy) and, 242-43,273; national revolution and, 1 4 ,1 5 ,3 3 ,1 2 3 -2 4 ,1 4 0 , 1 5 6 ,1 5 8 ,1 9 2 ,1 9 7 ,2 2 1 ,2 6 5 ,2 7 5 ; Na­ tional Socialism (Germ an) and, 15, 1 0 9 -1 5 ,1 5 5 ,1 9 7 ,2 6 6 ; neopacifism and, 204; “new Europe” (H itler’s) and, 213; 1933 (w eekly) and, 120; non-conformistes and, 1 6 -1 7 ,9 7 -9 8 ; Parti popu-

366

INDEX

laite français (PPF) and, 192-97, 263-64,273; Pétain and, 211,273; Popelin and, 130; Popular Front and, 1 4 3 -4 4 ,1 3 9 ,1 9 7 ,2 7 2 ,2 7 3 ; populism and, 129,147-48,268; resistance (dur­ ing the Occupation) and, 211; restorationism and, 268; La Révolution (sup­ plem ent to La République) and, 132; La Revuefrançaise and, 71-72; Right, French, and, 271-72 ; Solidarité fran­ çaise and, 118-19; “spiritual revolu­ tion” and, 129,138; Stavisky affair and, 123; Sternhell thesis and, 23-26; tensions among. 201-3; totalitarianism

and, 22 2 -2 3 ,2 6 7 -6 8 ; Vichy regim e and, 2 1 1 -1 3 ,2 2 1 -2 3 ,2 4 2 ,2 6 4 ,2 7 3 Young D irks (Radical Party dissidents), 100, 148,139, 303n. 34; Demain la France (Francis, M aulnier, M axence) and, 141; description of, 131-34; “directed economy” and, 132; fas­ cism and, 132-34; M aulnier and, 141; La Révolution (supplem ent to La République) and, 130-32. See also dissidents, coalition o f Yvignac, Am édée d \ 37 Zola, Em ile, 36