Ideological Manipulation of Children’s Literature Through Translation and Rewriting: Travelling Across Times and Places [1st ed.] 9783030477486, 9783030477493

Table of contents :
Front Matter ....Pages i-xv
Introduction (Vanessa Leonardi)....Pages 1-8
Children’s Literature and Translation (Vanessa Leonardi)....Pages 9-31
Ideological Manipulation in Intralingual Translation: Case Studies (Vanessa Leonardi)....Pages 33-64
Ideological Manipulation in Interlingual Translation: Case Studies (Vanessa Leonardi)....Pages 65-114
Conclusions and Prospects for Future Research (Vanessa Leonardi)....Pages 115-120
Back Matter ....Pages 121-136

Citation preview

Ideological Manipulation of Children’s Literature Through Translation and Rewriting Travelling Across Times and Places Vanessa Leonardi

Ideological Manipulation of Children’s Literature Through Translation and Rewriting

Vanessa Leonardi

Ideological Manipulation of Children’s Literature Through Translation and Rewriting Travelling Across Times and Places

Vanessa Leonardi Department of Biomedical and Specialty Surgical Sciences University of Ferrara Ferrara, Italy

ISBN 978-3-030-47748-6    ISBN 978-3-030-47749-3 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47749-3 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover pattern © Melisa Hasan This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Children’s books keep alive a sense of nationality; but they also keep alive a sense of humanity. They describe their native land lovingly, but they also describe faraway lands where unknown brothers live. They understand the essential quality of their own race; but each of them is a messenger that goes beyond mountains and rivers, beyond the seas, to the very ends of the world in search of new friendships. Every country gives and every country receives – innumerable are the exchanges – and so it comes about that in our first impressionable years the universal republic of childhood is born. Hazard (1944: 146)

A mia mamma Luciana che mi ha insegnato ad amare e a mia figlia Chanel che mi ha insegnato come amare …

Acknowledgements

I would like to express my gratitude to the Palgrave Macmillan publishing team, and in particular, I owe a special debt to Cathy Scott and Alice Green, who subjected my manuscript to rigorous scrutiny and made this publication possible. I am also grateful to my family for their support and encouragement with this project throughout the writing of this book. I would also like to thank Mrs Sabrina Ferrero and the Nerosubianco edizioni for granting me permission to reproduce the following copyrighted material: Figs.  1 and 2 reproduced from L.  Curreri (2008) Pinocchio in camicia nera: Quattro ‘pinocchiate’ fasciste, Cuneo: Nerosubianco. Finally, Sect. 4.2 was previously published in V.  Leonardi (2018) ‘Foreign Women Writers in Fascist Italy: The Case of Danish Bibi and Her Double Censorship’, in Pilar Godayol and Annarita Taronna (eds) Foreign Women Authors Under Fascism and Francoism, Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, pp. 61–79.

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Contents

1 Introduction  1 Bibliography  7 2 Children’s Literature and Translation  9 2.1 Definitions, Features and Functions of Children’s Literature 10 2.2 Historical Development of Children’s Literature 14 2.3 Children’s Literature and Translation Studies 18 2.4 Who Are the Translators of Children’s Literature? 23 2.5 The Role of Editors, Publishers and Third Parties 24 2.6 Taboos, Censorship and Manipulation: Ideological and Cultural Considerations 26 Bibliography 29 3 Ideological Manipulation in Intralingual Translation: Case Studies 33 3.1 Political Ideology and Fascism: The Case of Pinocchio 34 3.2 Feminist Ideology and Fairy Tales: The Case of Snow White 41 3.3 Cultural Ideology and Nationalism: The Case of Harry Potter 52 Bibliography 62

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Contents

4 Ideological Manipulation in Interlingual Translation: Case Studies 65 4.1 The Ideology of Naming: Cultural Translation of Harry Potter 66 4.2 Censorship and National Ideology: The Case of BIBI 86 4.3 Hegemony and National Ideology: British vs. American Pinocchio101 Bibliography110 5 Conclusions and Prospects for Future Research115 Bibliography120 Bibliography121 Index133

List of Figures

Fig. 3.1 Fascist Pinocchio and its weapon. (Adapted from L. Curreri (2008: 19)) Fig. 3.2 Consequences of bad behaviour and disobedience. (Adapted from L. Curreri (2008: 39)) Fig. 4.1 Reasons for censorship

38 39 87

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List of Tables

Table 3.1 Features of the Harry Potter novels appealing to children and adults 53 Table 3.2 Different spelling in the British and American versions of Harry Potter56 Table 3.3 Different lexis in the British and American versions of Harry Potter58 Table 3.4 Different culture-bound terms in the British and American versions of Harry Potter59 Table 3.5 Different prepositions in the British and American versions of Harry Potter61 Table 4.1 Translation comparison from English into French, Spanish and Italian 70 Table 4.2 Comparing professors’ names in English, French, Spanish and Italian 71 Table 4.3 Translation comparison from English into French, Spanish and Italian 77 Table 4.4 Suggested translations in French, Spanish and Italian 77 Table 4.5 Translation comparison from English into French, Spanish and Italian 78 Table 4.6 Suggested translations in French, Spanish and Italian 79 Table 4.7 Translation comparison from English into French, Spanish and Italian 84 Table 4.8 Suggested translations in Spanish 85 Table 4.9 Official and suggested translations in Italian 85 Table 4.10 Toponyms in Kampmann’s, Villoresi’s and German translated versions 93

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CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Abstract  This chapter introduces the topic and aims of this work, that is exploring the cultural and ideological shifts that take place when translating children’s literature (ChL). When ChL is translated, the text is inevitably rewritten and recreated by translators from a target-oriented perspective and their mediation may reflect a certain degree of ideological manipulation. Translation, therefore, becomes a form of rewriting and adaptation and this is particularly true in the case of ChL whose stories and fairy tales are known and enjoyed worldwide. This work attempts to present different ways of looking at the translation of ChL from both an intralingual and an interlingual perspective as both types of translation may provide interesting insights into the ideological manipulation of source texts. The term ‘intralingual translation’ is used in this work not only in the strict sense of rewording as proposed by Jakobson in 1959 in his tripartite typology of translation but also as a form of rewriting within the same language in line with Lefevere’s claim that all translations are a form of rewriting. The texts chosen for the case studies were selected on the basis of their relevance to the issue of ideological manipulation and were classified into different types of ideologies, such as political, feminist, cultural and national ideologies as well as naming practices and censorship. This work does not deal with illustrations as it focuses on translation manipulation from a textual perspective rather than from a visual language perspective. The languages used in the illustrative case studies are English, © The Author(s) 2020 V. Leonardi, Ideological Manipulation of Children’s Literature Through Translation and Rewriting, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47749-3_1

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Italian, French, Spanish and German. Yet the case studies are written in such a way as to allow comprehension even to readers who are not familiar with these particular languages through explanations. Keywords  Translation • Rewriting • Ideological manipulation • Children’s literature Although fairy tales are characterised by simplicity and pervasiveness, they also carry with them significantly cultural and ideological elements. Throughout the years, there have been myriads of variations upon variations justified by different historical periods and cultural settings, thus making it rather complex to refer to original stories. Children’s stories and fairy tales have been translated, rewritten and/or adapted to suit the socio-­ cultural, historical and ideological needs of each single target audience and to fulfil several purposes. This work explores the issues of ideology and manipulation, and more precisely, the cultural and ideological shifts that take place when translating children’s literature (ChL). When ChL is translated, the text is inevitably rewritten and recreated by translators from a target-oriented perspective and their mediation may reflect a certain degree of ideological manipulation. Translation, therefore, becomes a form of rewriting and adaptation and this is particularly true in the case of ChL whose stories and fairy tales are known and enjoyed worldwide. Due to socio-economic, political, cultural, historical and ideological reasons, children’s stories have gone through many transformations, which have largely contributed to their acceptability and survival throughout the years. However, are the stories and tales that people currently read the same as the original ones? Among the classics, for instance, Snow White and Cinderella have endured hundreds of revisions and retellings, which inevitably reflect specific cultural, historical and ideological aspects of the time when they were translated, rewritten or adapted. Children’s literature is an umbrella term, which includes nursery rhymes, songs, storybooks, poems, riddles, fairy tales, folk tales and picture books. For the purpose of this work, ChL is used to refer to all those books written specifically for children, bearing in mind both the ambivalence and the dual readership of such texts. Children’s literature is regarded as the Outsider (Hunt 1990: 1) or the Cinderella of literary studies (Shavit

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1994: 5) and its translation can be complex and challenging for several reasons. First of all, the translation of children’s literature requires a specific knowledge of all the features and functions of fairy tales as well as a solid understanding of cultural values in both the source culture (SC) and in the target culture (TC). Secondly, translation is a very complex activity and, especially in the case of ChL, more and more attention should be paid in terms of language usage and lexical choices, along with violent or strong content features. Thirdly, ideological and cultural assumptions may lead to translation manipulation of ChL as a result of censorship, taboos and other moral and ethical issues to consider when the target audience is young and innocent. The translation of ChL is affected by many variables and agents involved in its production. Translation is not a neutral activity and, throughout the years, scholars have largely debated about its role and quality. Translation is a complex activity which is undoubtedly influenced by many factors, such as context, history, politics, target audience, target language conventions and ideology, to mention a few. For years, translations were considered as derivatives and copies. With the emergence of poststructuralist and functionalist approaches, the focus of attention was shifted towards the issues of translators’ subjectivity and agency, thus questioning their (in) visibility and role in the translated work. Bassnett (1996: 22), for instance, called for a reassessment of the translators’ role through an analysis of their intervention in the linguistic transfer process by claiming that ‘once considered a subservient, transparent filter through which a text could and should pass without adulteration, the translation can now be seen as a process in which intervention is crucial’. Álvarez and Vidal (1996: 5) believed that behind any translator’s choice and strategy ‘there is a voluntary act that reveals his history and the socio-political milieu that surrounds him; in other words, his own culture and ideology’. Scholars who view translation as an ideological activity believe that translation is in itself a political act. Tahir-Gürcağlar (2003: 113), for instance, asserted that ‘[t]ranslation is political because, both as activity and product, it displays process of negotiation among different agents. On micro-level, these agents are translators, authors, critics, publishers, editors, and readers’. This work supports the theory that translation is an ideological activity whose purposes and results may vary on the basis of several factors, such as cultural and linguistic norms and acceptability, and it targets a domestic rather than a foreign audience. In this respect, translation becomes a form of rewriting and adaptation aimed at manipulating the original text for a

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domestic culture. This could be done both within the same language (intralingual translation) and between different languages (interlingual translation). In other words, when reading children’s books, people should wonder whether the translation is a faithful reproduction of the source text (ST) or it is rather a rewriting or adaptation of it. This work was conceived on the basis of many questions surrounding the translation of children’s literature, such as how do target language norms and conventions affect the quality of a translation? How are translations selected on the basis of what is culturally accepted? How many parties are involved in the selection of what should be translated for children in the target culture? This work attempts to present different ways of looking at the translation of ChL from both an intralingual and an interlingual perspective as both types of translation may provide interesting insights into the ideological manipulation of source texts. ChL has long been considered as a minor and peripheral literary form in many cultures worldwide, although nowadays things are beginning to change. In Shavit’s (1995) opinion, one of the main reasons to explain the marginal role played by ChL across the world was the fact that its emergence and development had followed common patterns across different countries. This peripheral position of ChL in the literary polysystem resulted in the translators and editors’ freedom to manipulate, adapt and rewrite stories to suit the target audience’s culture and context. Interestingly, these interventions in the translation of ChL have been mainly justified on the basis of pedagogical and educational needs by considering the young readership as unable to understand specific cultural and linguistic elements. These elements would create a sense of estrangement, which, in turn, would prevent children from fully enjoying the stories (Klingberg 1986). In Klingberg’s opinion, translators’ interventions such as cultural context adaptation, purification, modernisation, abridgements and serious mistranslations, to name a few, would hinder the enrichment of foreign culture and knowledge. Therefore, he suggested that translation strategies should be aimed at preserving the foreign flavour of the originals, so as to allow the young readers to get acquainted with the foreign culture and context of the books they read. As in any translation, the dilemma faced by translators is to decide for either a target-oriented or a source-oriented strategy whose choice is dictated by the position of the texts in their respective literary polysystem. It is worth noting, however, that adaptation and rewriting can also occur

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within the same polysystem in order to meet specific needs, such as a different medium of transmission or a different audience. As far as the structure of the book is concerned, this work explores ideological manipulation occurring in both intralingual translation (within the same language) and interlingual translation (between different languages) leading to cases of rewriting and adaptation. The term ‘intralingual translation’ is used in this work not only in the strict sense of rewording as proposed by Jakobson in 1959 in his tripartite typology of translation but also as a form of rewriting within the same language in line with Lefevere’s claim that all translations are a form of rewriting. In other words, the present study extends the definition of intralingual translation to include rewriting based on the assumption that all translations are a form of rewriting and, conversely, rewriting can be considered as a form of translation. Two of the case studies included in this work, namely the fascist rewriting of Pinocchio and the feminist rewriting of classic fairy tales, both depart from a ST, which is then ideologically manipulated to suit different purposes and target different audiences. The study of translation was confined for a long time to the linguistic approach where a great deal of importance was given to the ST as primary and authoritative text par excellence. Translation, in that context, was compared to the ST and considered as a subordinate, derivative and servile copy of the original. However, thanks to the emergence of the so-called Cultural Turn in Translation Studies, things began to change. Equivalence and fidelity were no longer regarded as the only important features in translation, as other aspects began to be taken into account, such as culture, history, ideology and poetics. Attention was laid upon differences between the ST and the TT by moving beyond the linguistic level to consider a wider socio-­cultural context which, to a greater or lesser degree, influences the translation of texts for various reasons to suit different needs and purposes. This cultural turn provided the field of Translation Studies with two significant concepts, namely rewriting and manipulation. The approach to translation as manipulation is most often associated with the Manipulation School, which represents an approach to translation as manipulation or more precisely as rewriting of texts for a specific target audience in conformity with target language norms and under various constraints. Translation was viewed as a form of rewriting and ‘[r]ewriting is manipulation, undertaken in the service of power’, thus implying a certain degree of ideological influence inherent in this activity (Lefevere 2017: vii). The concept of translation as rewriting was put forward by Lefevere as he held the view that all

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translators cannot avoid being traitors, although ‘most of the time they do not know it and nearly all of the time they have no other choice, not as long as they remain within the boundaries of the culture that is theirs by birth or adoption’ (ibid.:10). Lefevere introduced the notion of ‘refracted text’ to refer to any text produced for a specific audience or adapted on the basis of a specific ideology (Gentzler 2004). The notion of ‘refraction’ eventually led to the emergence of the concept of rewriting viewed as the process of adaptation of translated works to certain ideologies or poetics, or both (Hermans 2004). In other words, according to Lefevere, translation is not done in a vacuum and, as such, it should not be treated as an isolated or neutral activity because it is undertaken in the service of power. It should be contextualised within the target culture bearing in mind differences in context, history, linguistic conventions, cultural and ideological norms. All translations are, therefore, a form of rewriting and, as also acknowledged by Lefevere (2017: vii): All rewritings, whatever their intention, reflect a certain ideology and a poetics and as such manipulate literature to function in a given society in a given way. Rewriting is manipulation, undertaken in the service of power, and in its positive aspect can help in the evolution of a literature and a society. Rewriting can introduce new concepts, new genres, new devices and the history of translation is the history also of literary innovation, of the shaping power of one culture upon another. But rewriting can also repress innovation, distort and contain, and in an age of ever increasing manipulation of all kinds, the study of the manipulation processes of literature as exemplified by translation can help us towards a greater awareness of the world in which we live.

This means that when a text begins to be interpreted and translated, its original ideology, values and norms will be inevitably shifted, diminished or lost and new ideas and concepts may be added to suit the target culture. In line with Lefevere (2017), Stolze (2003: 208) claims that ‘[t]he starting point of an approach to translating for children is often a view of translation as rewriting for different audiences in different times, places, and cultures’. Translation as a form of rewriting, therefore, reflects a certain degree of ideological manipulation of the ST in order to either conform to the norms and conventions of the target context or serve ideological purposes. This work includes six case studies aimed at showing how ideological manipulation through intralingual and interlingual

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translation can transform the original story, thus providing readers with a different perspective, which reflects different interpretations, opinions and even ideologies aimed at suiting the socio-political, cultural and historical context in which they were produced. As far as the choice of languages used in the illustrative case studies is concerned, the chosen languages are English, Italian, French, Spanish and German. Yet the case studies are written in such a way as to allow comprehension even to readers who are not familiar with these particular languages through explanations. The texts chosen for the case studies were selected on the basis of their relevance to the issue of ideological manipulation and were classified into different types of ideologies, such as political, feminist, cultural and national ideologies as well as naming practices and censorship. Finally, this work does not deal with illustrations due to space restrictions. Any discussion of the role of illustrations in ChL would require more specific analyses and discussions, which go beyond the purpose of this work. This work, indeed, focuses on translation manipulation from a textual perspective rather than from a visual language perspective.

Bibliography Secondary Sources Álvarez, R., & Vidal, M.  C. (1996). Translating: A Political Act. Philadelphia: Multilingual Matters. Bassnett, S. (1996). The Meek or the Mighty: Reappraising the Role of the Translator. Philadelphia: Multilingual Matters. Gentzler, E. (2004). Contemporary Translation Theories. Shanghai: Shanghai Foreign Language Education Press. Hermans, T. (2004). Translation in Systems: Descriptive and System-oriented Approaches Explained. Shanghai: Shanghai Foreign Language Education Press. Hunt, P. (1990). Children’s Literature: The Development of Criticism. London: Routledge. Klingberg, G. (1986). Children’s Fiction in the Hands of the Translators. Malmo: CWK Gleerup. Lefevere, A. (2017). Translation, Rewriting, and the Manipulation of Literary Fame. London/New York: Routledge. Shavit, Z. (1994). Beyond the Restrictive Frameworks of the Past: Semiotics of Children’s Literature  – A New Perspective for the Study of the Field. In H.  Ewers, G.  Lehnert, & E.  O’Sullivan (Eds.), Kinderliteratur im Interkulturellen Prozess (pp. 3–15). Stuttgart/Weimar: Verlag J. B. Metzler.

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Shavit, Z. (1995). The Historical Model of the Development of Children’s Literature. In M. Nikolajeva (Ed.), Aspects and Issues in the History of Children’s Literature (pp. 27–38). London: Greenwood Press. Stolze, R. (2003). Translating for Children: World View or Pedagogics? Meta, 48(1–2), 208–221. Tahir-Gürçağlar, S. (2003). The Translation Bureau Revisited: Translation as Symbol. In M.  Calzada-Pérez (Ed.), Apropos of Ideology (pp.  113–129). London/New York: Routledge.

CHAPTER 2

Children’s Literature and Translation

Abstract  This chapter provides a general introduction to the main themes covered in this work. Firstly, it deals with some of the most influential definitions, features and functions of children’s literature in order to better determine and define the field of research. Secondly, this chapter provides a brief historical account of the development of children’s literature aimed at establishing the role played by this field in the past and present times. This role will be then further analysed in relation to the field of Translation Studies (TS) in order to explore the ways in which intralingual and interlingual translations, through rewriting and adaptation, have produced ideologically loaded texts in different languages and/or in different times. Two sections are devoted to the role played by translators as well as editors, publishers and third parties as the final translated product is a negotiation involving several different agents in the process. This chapter also includes a section dealing with the issues of taboo, censorship and manipulation, which can be detected in the translated works of children’s literature as a result of ideological and cultural considerations. Children’s texts, indeed, may play different roles and function differently from one culture to another for different reasons. Keywords  Features and functions of children’s literature • Historical development of children’s literature • Relation of children’s literature with translation studies • Role of translators • Role of editors • Publishers and third parties • Taboo • Censorship • Manipulation © The Author(s) 2020 V. Leonardi, Ideological Manipulation of Children’s Literature Through Translation and Rewriting, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47749-3_2

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This chapter provides a general introduction to the main themes covered in this work. Firstly, it deals with some of the most influential definitions, features and functions of children’s literature in order to better determine and define the field of research. Secondly, this chapter provides a brief historical account of the development of children’s literature aimed at establishing the role played by this field in the past and present times. This role will be then further analysed in relation to the field of Translation Studies (TS) in order to explore the ways in which intralingual and interlingual translations, through rewriting and adaptation, have produced ideologically loaded texts in different languages and/or in different times. Two sections are devoted to the role played by translators as well as editors, publishers and third parties as the final translated product is a negotiation involving several different agents in the process. This chapter also includes a section dealing with the issues of taboo, censorship and manipulation, which can be detected in the translated works of children’s literature as a result of ideological and cultural considerations. Children’s texts, indeed, may play different roles and function differently from one culture to another for different reasons.

2.1   Definitions, Features and Functions of Children’s Literature Children’s literature, as a separate entity from adult literature, is relatively new. Hunt (1994: 9) acknowledges that children’s literature achieved visibility as a distinctive field of the literary world by the 1950s. Nowadays, the children’s book market is huge, and its growing importance and role in society are strengthened by the work carried out by several important associations worldwide through awards and sponsorship to allow children’s books to circulate and be known all over the world. As far as children’s books in translation are concerned, there is, for instance, an important award that could be mentioned in this respect, that is, the Mildred L.  Batchelder Award in the United States. The Association for Library Service to Children gives this award annually to American publishers who translate and print a book from another country with the aim of introducing young American readers to outstanding foreign children’s literature. This award honours Mildred L.  Batchelder, a former executive director of the Association for Library Service to Children, who strongly believed in the importance of good books for children in translation from

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all over the world. In her opinion, when children know that they are reading a translation of a text from another country, they develop a sense of nearness with those people. Therefore, the interchange of children’s books between countries through translation enhances communication between the peoples of those countries. Interestingly, one of the most important criteria to award this prize is that the books should not be unduly Americanised, which means that readers should be able to sense that the book is a translation of a work originally written and produced in another country (Marks 2006). Bobulová et al. (2003: 11) claim that children’s literature can be tackled and studied from several different perspectives, such as (1) a part of national history and culture, (2) a special part of a complex whole of national literature, (3) a component part of general aesthetic and literary education and (4) an instrument of language education. Defining children’s literature may prove challenging and several definitions seem to clearly reflect this complexity. Lathey (2006) believes that difficulties in defining children’s literature arise from the very definitions of the terms ‘children’ and ‘literature’. Oittinen (1993: 11) asserts that: There is little consensus on the definition of child, childhood and children’s literature. The definition … is always a question of point of view and situation: childhood can be considered a social or cultural issue; it can be seen from the child’s or adult’s angle … I see children’s literature as literature read silently by children and aloud to children.

Knowles and Malmkjaer (1996: 2) believe that ‘children’s literature is any narrative written and published for children [including] the “teen” novels aimed at the “young adult” or “late adolescent reader”’. Hunt (1990: 1) acknowledges that children’s literature has no clear-cut boundaries and, therefore, it cannot be defined by textual features such as content or style but its definition should consider who the readers are rather than authors’ intentions or text features. Furthermore, when attempting to provide a definition of children’s literature, other variables should also be considered, namely: 1. Age 2. Target audience 3. Medium of transmission 4. Level of language simplification

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5. Pragmatic and ideological considerations about possible taboos and censorship One of the major features of ChL is undoubtedly its ambivalence as it is addressed to two different audiences, namely (1) children, who perceive literature as a source of entertainment as well as a source of information; and (2) adult readers, including parents, editors and publishers, academics and critics (Puurtinen 1995). The latter, however, exert a certain degree of influence upon the former since they are those who decide what should be read, altered, omitted, translated, published and sold. As also acknowledged by Briggs (1989: 4) ‘children’s books are written for a special readership but not, normally, by members of that readership; both the writing and quite often the buying of them are carried out by adult non-members on behalf of child members’. This means that children’s books are ambivalent texts aimed at addressing both young and adult readers. Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland written by Lewis Carroll (1865), for instance, can be read by children for entertainment as well as by adults in a much more sophisticated and satirical way (Shavit 1986). Another interesting example could be that of Harry Potter, which is used as a case study in this work. Other works, such as Robinson Crusoe, belong to those texts that were originally written for adults and were eventually adopted by children. Ambivalence may pose several problems to translators who should take both the child and the adult audience into account when translating. This means that readers’ needs and demands are to be considered and translation should be cautious because: Complete omission of ambivalent elements (deleting terms, transforming, or adding explanations) can result in the loss of characteristics making the literary text unique. Adults will no longer enjoy the book when reading it aloud; it may lose its linguistic quality. To preserve multiple levels in the text, the conventional one to be simply realised by the child reader; the other one only understandable to adults, is one of the biggest challenges for translators of children’s literature. (Frimmelova 2010: 35)

Interestingly, Astrid Lindgren (1969) questions whether children’s books are translatable and does not agree with all those theorists and scholars who claim that children’s literature is necessarily bound to its country of origin, thus making it hard for foreign children to understand and transpose themselves into ‘foreign places and cultures’. In this respect, she

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claims ‘that children have a marvellous ability to re-experience the most alien and distant things and circumstances, if a good translator is there to help them, and I believe that their imagination continues to build where the translator can go no further’ (quoted in Stolt 2006: 69). McDowell (1973) offers a detailed list of features of children’s books by claiming that: [C]hildren’s books are generally shorter; they tend to favour an active rather than a passive treatment, with dialogue and incident rather than description and introspection; child protagonists are the rule; conventions are much used; the story develops within a clear-cut moral schematism which much adult fiction ignores; children’s books tend to be optimistic rather than depressive; language is child-oriented; plots are of a distinctive order, probability is often disregarded; and one could go on endlessly talking of magic, and fantasy, and simplicity, and adventure. (ibid.: 51)

Bobulová et al. (2003: 9) claim that children’s and juvenile literature can be further divided into three subcategories: 1. Children’s folklore 2. Non-intentional literature for children and young adults (literary texts that passed from adults’ literature to children’s literature) 3. Intentional literature for children and young adults (literary texts written primarily for young readers) Furthermore, Bobulová et al. (2003: 10) also provide readers with a list of features of children’s literature: 1. Children’s point of view: when writing for children, their psychology should be taken into account. Writing should be clear and simple through the use of basic and plain language and topics should be interesting and motivating for children. 2. Preference for short and dynamic stories: long descriptions and explanations should be avoided in children’s writings in order to keep their attention, interest and curiosity throughout the story. 3. Clear moral determination of the characters: opposite characters representing opposite forces are always a must in children’s literature, that is, good and bad or true and false, for instance.

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4. Literary characters in children’s age: children look for partners in the stories they read rather than adults, and it is very common and popular to use both toys and personified animals in children’s books to allow children to relate to them. 5. Perception of the world: children, unlike adults, rely upon pictures, smells, noises and touches rather than words to perceive the world around them. Picture books, graphics and rhymes are among the most popular works for them. 6. Language based on real children’s speech: children’s books are characterised by simple syntax and concrete, though varied, language. 7. Nonsense, fantasy and imagination: children like playing, and in their readings, they prefer easy stories where nonsense, fantasy and imagination play a fundamental role. In terms of language and style of children’s books, Rudvin and Orlati (2006: 162) suggest a few common, although at times stereotypical, features such as ‘child-orientedness, simplicity, easy structure, a narrow range of grammatical and lexical patterns, simple lexis and register, standard set phrases, words from everyday life, repetitions, short texts and sentences’. Furthermore, children’s books may be characterised by several functions, such as entertainment, information (to enrich children’s knowledge about the world), educational or didactic and aesthetic purposes among others.

2.2   Historical Development of Children’s Literature It is legitimate to claim that children’s literature is closely bound to the development of the notion of childhood and, as also acknowledged by Townsend (1977: 17), ‘before there can be children’s books, there had to be children – children, that is, who were accepted as beings with their own particular needs and interests, not only as miniature men and women’. According to O’Sullivan (2006: 155) two main factors explain the reasons for such a spread and development of children’s literature, firstly the awareness that childhood is distinct from adulthood and, secondly, changes in the social conditions of children who were allowed to obtain a proper education (learning to read and write) as compared to those who had to work instead of receiving any kind of education. Interestingly, Hunt (1994: 27) reminds us that children started reading and enjoying books

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before children’s books were written and, in this respect, he claims that ‘all pre-1700 texts can be considered as (also) children’s texts’. The historical development of ChL can be more conveniently divided into three main periods, namely (1) the Middle Ages, where no distinction was made between adults’ and children’s stories; (2) the second period ranging from the sixteenth to seventeenth centuries, mainly characterised by didactic texts; and (3) from the eighteenth century onwards, which marked the emergence of the ChL as an independent genre. Nevertheless, children’s stories and education have always been dealt with in several ways in earlier times. Children in the Greek and Roman eras, for instance, were instructed and trained for adult life, thus children’s stories were not meant to provide any form of pleasure or entertainment. Children were mainly told stories taken from the Iliad, the Odyssey and Aesop’s fables, among others. Interestingly, children’s education was mentioned in Book VI of Plato’s The Republic. Although he held rather liberal views on education, he believed in censoring all those stories, legends and myths that would have encouraged bad behaviour for children (Townsend 1996). In the Middle Ages, children were treated as adults and, especially in poor families, they had to work hard all day without having the time and the chance to receive any form of education. In other words, there was no clear-cut distinction between children’s and adults’ stories and literature in those years was meant to represent and include ‘the entire culture’ (Hunt 1994: 37). Folk stories, fables and legends were therefore passed from generation to generation in oral form and oral tradition played an important role until the times where the first literature began to be written down by the monks (Bobulová et al. 2003: 9). Children were mainly exposed to adults’ works, such as Beowulf, El Cid, King Arthur and Robin Hood. Before the invention of the printing press, books were rare and expensive and, therefore, they were not meant to reach the poor children who continued enjoying the oral tales (Bingham and Scholt 1980). The available books were mainly didactical rather than entertaining, as it was believed that ‘the young should read only what would instruct and improve them’ (Meigs 1953: 32). Good examples, in this respect, include William Caxton’s Book of Courtesy and Jacques Legrand’s The Book of Good Manners. It was not until the advent of Renaissance and, more precisely, with the invention of the movable-type printing press that it became feasible to develop and increase the production of educational materials. The printing press, indeed, made it possible to print books in large quantities, thus contributing to the increase of literacy and the dissemination of

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knowledge. This meant that specific books targeting children could be produced more economically, thus allowing parents and educators alike to devote more time to rear children who began to be seen and treated differently from adults (Bingham and Scholt 1980). The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries witnessed the appearance of religious writings for children and, more precisely, the rise of the so-called ‘Puritan children’s literature’ (Ghesquiere 2006: 20). The aim of this new form of literature was to provide children with both religious and moral education. One of the best examples, in this respect, is James Janeway’s A Token for Children: Being an Exact Account of the Conversion, Holy and Exemplary Lives and Joyful Deaths of Several Young Children (1672). Although the Puritans had the merit of producing a large number of children’s books, their doctrine of original sin implied that all children were damned until they were converted to Christianity. Among the books which were most approved by the Puritans were John Foxe’s Book of Martyrs (1563) and John Bunyan’s Pilgrims Progress (1678) (Ghesquiere 2006). In 1658 Johann Amos Comenius published one of the earliest children’s illustrated books, Orbis Pictus (or Visible World) which, despite having a didactic aim, showed life as it was through wars, tortures, diseases and deformities (Hunt 1995). At the turn of the eighteenth century, childhood began to be viewed in a positive light, as a state of freedom and innocence and a new philosophy appeared, thus highlighting a new notion of childhood thanks to the influence of German Philanthropism as well as to some influential educationalists who began to consider children as separate entity from adults. Educationalists believed that children were born as ‘blank slates’, thus implying that infants were neither inherently good nor inherently evil. Children’s nature and personality would develop over childhood and adults surrounding them could potentially have a significant influence over their personality. One of the most influential theorists, in this respect, was John Locke who introduced the concept of Tabula Rasa to refer to children’s mind. Locke’s theory strongly relied upon Bacon’s Empiricism who had established the reliance on the experience of the senses over speculation in the pursuit of knowledge. In his Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1689), John Locke reiterated the importance of experience of the senses over speculation and asserted that the human mind at birth is a complete, but receptive, blank slate (tabula rasa) upon which experience imprints knowledge. According to him, people acquire knowledge from the information about the objects in the world that our senses bring. Therefore, children begin with simple ideas and then combine them

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into more complex ones. Locke believed neither in the power of intuition nor that the human mind is invested with innate conceptions. In his Some Thoughts Concerning Education (1693), Locke recommended practical learning to prepare people to manage their social, economic and political affairs efficiently. He claimed that a sound education began in early childhood and insisted that the teaching of reading, writing and arithmetic be gradual and cumulative (Hunt 1994). Another influential theorist in those years was Jean Jacques Rousseau who asserted that children of varying ages differ from one another in their ability to use reason. Rousseau believed that young children are not yet capable of reason, thus claiming that ‘[i]t is impossible to form any idea of moral facts or social relations before the age of reason [...] [Children’s] knowledge is all in sensation; nothing has got through to the understanding’ (Rousseau 1964: 47). In other words, what Rousseau implied is that reasoning must be an end, not a means, to education since children cannot properly employ their rationality. Rousseau criticised the thought of talking to children as if they were rational beings and, in referring back to Locke’s theory, he asserted that: Locke’s great maxim was to reason with children; and it is the most popular method at the present day. Its success does not appear to recommend it; for my own part, I have never seen anyone so silly as those children with whom they have reasoned so much. Of all man’s faculties, Reason, which is a combination for the rest, is developed last and with greatest difficulty; yet, this is the faculty which we are asked to use for the development of the earlier. It is the climax of a good education to form a man who is capable of reason; and we propose to educate a young child by means of his reason! This is beginning where we ought to end, and making of the finished product an instrument in its own manufacture. (ibid.: 95)

In other words, while Locke argued that children were the tabula rasa upon which ideas could be impressed, Rousseau opposed his theory by claiming that children develop at their own pace and on their own terms. Nevertheless, it is interesting to note that, though Locke’s and Rousseau’s philosophies seem opposed, they both acknowledged and highlighted the role of children’s books in the creation of childhood (Townsend 1996). Furthermore, in the eighteenth century, German Philanthropism also had a substantial impact on ChL by providing children with useful and moralising stories (Ghesquiere 2006: 21–22).

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As childhood came to be more valued in the nineteenth century, children’s books began to be more entertaining rather than didactic and children enjoyed reading Grimm’s folk tales and Hans Christian Anderson’s stories, among others (Hunt 1995). Under the influence of Romanticism, children ‘were isolated from the negative aspects of society and given the opportunity to remain “small” and enjoy childhood’ (ibid.: 23). Taboo issues such as sex and violence were removed from children’s stories, and many of the most popular classics of ChL were written in those years, such as Lewis Carroll’s Alice in the Wonderland (1865), Carlo Collodi’s Pinocchio (1883), Frank Baum’s The Wonderful Wizard of Oz (1900), Barry’s Peter Pan (1904) and Milne’s Winnie the Pooh (1926). Fairy tales, adventure stories along with historical novels and girl’s fiction dominated the field of ChL until the 1950s (Ghesquiere 2006: 20). The twentieth century witnessed the development of fantasy and gothic stories further to ‘the influence of various emancipation movements’, which brought a new wave of realism (ibid.). At the end of the twentieth century, many parodies of traditional folk tales, such as Fiona French’s Snow White in New  York (1986) and Jack Zipes’s The Trials and Tribulations of Little Red Riding Hood (1993) and his collection of feminist fairy tales were published. Both the twentieth and twenty-first centuries have witnessed an increasing variety of children’s books ranging from picture and flap books to online multimedia texts. Media adaptations of children’s stories and books as films and television series have seen a great increase, thus making ChL an important and profitable business. Walt Disney, in particular, is one of the greatest producers of film adaptations of children’s books. Walt Disney has also produced a number of live-action films, such as Mary Poppins (1964), based on the famous story written by Pamela Lyndon Travers in 1934, as well as animated feature films based on Carlo Collodi’s Le avventure di Pinocchio (1882) and T. H. White’s The Sword in the Stone (1939), among others. Throughout the years, more and more adults have enjoyed texts that were originally designed for children, as in the case of J. K. Rowling’s Harry Potter series, which have achieved worldwide recognition.

2.3   Children’s Literature and Translation Studies Children’s literature has a rich history of translation through which children from all over the world have been, and still are, exposed to different cultures and their world tolerance towards ‘diversity’ may be encouraged.

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Hallford and Zaghini (2005: 4–5), in their introduction to Outside In, Children’s Books in Translation, claim that: [T]ranslated literature should break down the barriers of geography, language, race and build bridges between nations. It can develop a greater tolerance and understanding of other people’s beliefs by teaching us about other cultures, and it can be an enriching experience as it opens up new horizons and stimulates ideas.

The increasing importance of ChL in the field of Translation Studies is witnessed by the proliferation of studies and research carried out by scholars and researchers worldwide. One of the most influential scholars, in this respect, is Klingberg whose Children’s Fiction in the Hands of the Translators (1986) is a major contribution to the study of the translation of children’s literature. In his study, he questioned ‘how children’s books are actually being translated and how they should be translated’ (ibid: 7). Klingberg went as far as providing five possible research areas into the translation of children’s books: 1. Statistical studies on which source languages yield translations in different target languages or countries; 2. Studies on economic and technical problems associated with the production of translations; 3. Studies on how books are selected for translation; 4. Studies of current translation practice and specific problems encountered by translators; 5. Studies concerning the reception and influence of translations in the target language (ibid.: 9). Klingberg adopted a prescriptive approach to the translation of children’s literature claiming that the main goal of this activity should be that of making more literature available to children. He believed in a close adherence to the ST, thus supporting faithfulness as the main translation strategy. Furthermore, Klingberg asserted that an important aim of children’s literature is that of expanding children’s international outlook and this is why he claimed that ‘the removal of peculiarities of the foreign culture will not further the reader’s knowledge of and interest in the foreign culture’ (ibid.: 10). Klingberg, however, stressed that the ST could be revised and adapted in two cases: (1) when there is a reason to believe

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that children will not understand the text because of their lack of foreign culture and (2) when translators and publishers find that values in the ST are not suitable for the TC readers. Klingberg’s notion of adaptation resembles Venuti’s concept of ‘domestication’ which is ‘an ethnocentric reduction of the foreign text to target-language cultural values, bringing the author back home’ (Venuti 1995: 20). According to Klingberg (1986: 18) cultural context adaptation can be achieved through the following strategies or methods: 1) Added explanation (the cultural element in the source text is retained but a short explanation is added within the translated text). 2) Rewording (what the source text says is expressed but without using the cultural element). 3) Explanatory translation (the function or use of the cultural element is given rather than the foreign name for it). 4) Explanation outside the text (the explanation may be given in the form of a footnote, a preface or the like). 5) Substitution of an equivalent in the culture of the target language (the culture-specific element is changed into something of equal status in the target language culture). 6) Substitution of a rough equivalent in the culture of the target language (the culture-specific element is changed into something of roughly the same status in the target language culture). 7) Simplification (a more general concept is used instead of a specific one). 8) Deletion (words, sentences, paragraphs or chapters are deleted). 9) Localisation (through which the whole cultural setting of the source text is moved closer to the readers of the target text). Several scholars have focused on the role of children’s literature as a minor and peripheral literary form in many cultures and have attempted to show the reasons behind these assumptions. O’Sullivan (2005) focused on the implications of the asymmetrical adult-child relationship for translation practice. She showed how historical examples of censorship, cultural context adaptation and didacticism reflected changing expectations of childhood and the peripheral status of children’s literature by claiming that both the removal of culture-specific references as well as detailed translators’ explanations would not normally be tolerated in books for adults. According to Shavit (2006), the emergence and development of

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ChL have followed common patterns across different countries and their translation is dictated by the position within their respective literary polysystem. In other words, if children are considered as a minority group in a specific country, this status of inferiority also applies to the position of both ChL and its translation within their literary polysystem. Other translation scholars have explored the relationship between children’s literature and other kinds of ‘inferior’ or ‘minority’ literatures, such as feminist or post-colonial literature. In Hunt’s (1992: 2) opinion, for instance: An instructive parallel can be drawn between the emergence of children’s literature and other ‘new’ literatures (national, ethnic, feminist, post-­ colonial) that are becoming part of the institutional/cultural critical map. Just as the literatures of colonized countries have had to fight against the dominant culture, so children’s literature (as a concept) has had to fight against the academic hegemony of ‘Eng. Lit.’ to gain any recognition. […] Just as colonizing countries have adopted a paternalistic stance towards the ‘natives’ and a patronizing one to their writings, so, within what seems to be a single culture, the same attitude has been taken to children’s books.

In line with these scholars’ claims, others began to assume that if children’s literature was relegated to an inferior or lower status, so it was expected to occur in the case of its translation worldwide. What could be done to help children’s literature gain more recognition? Lathey (2006: 20) believed that more emphasis should have been laid on the translation of children’s literature starting, for example, from the very academic context where the discipline of Translation Studies was gaining more and more importance and yet, not many courses or teaching were devoted to the translation of children’s literature. In her opinion, if the translation of ChL was given more recognition and visibility, in turn, this would provide worldwide recognition and support. Lathey also emphasised the fact that translating for children differs from translating for adults for two main reasons: Firstly, there is the social position of children and the resulting status of literature written for them, and, secondly, the developmental aspects of childhood that determine the unique qualities of successful writing for children and that make translating for them an imaginative, challenging and frequently underestimated task (ibid.: 4).

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Knowles and Malmkjaer (1996: ix) acknowledged that there is a ‘curious discrepancy between the ubiquity and perceived importance of children’s literature, and scholarly research in the field’. O’Connell (1999), one of the most focused scholars who approached this dangerous liaison between children’s literature and Translation Studies, managed to provide a series of definitions and parameters of children’s literature. After proving the neglect of children’s literature in TS, O’Connell suggested to adopt a descriptive approach aimed at analysing both the purpose and reception of these texts in the target culture (TC) and acknowledged the importance of including also audiovisual texts within the definition of children’s literature. Puurtinen (1995) is another influential scholar who asked for more recognition and visibility of children’s literature because it fulfils two important functions, which are sometimes neglected, such as: [Children’s literature] belongs simultaneously to the literary system and the social-educational system, i.e. it is not only read for entertainment, recreation and literary experience but also used as a tool for education and socialization. This dual character affects both the writing and the translation of children’s literature, whose relationships with literary, social and educational norms make it a fascinating and fruitful field of research. (ibid.: 17)

Several scholars have also focused on the issue of censorship, such as Oittinen (2000) who related Bakhtin’s ideas on carnivalism to the translation of children’s literature and claimed that ‘[a]s long as there have been children’s books, they have been censored by adults, either at the publication or at the translation stage, or when they are read aloud’ (ibid.: 53). This means that translated books are chosen, censored and interpreted by adults (parents, translators and publishers) who act as the elite in this field with the power of deciding what is good/acceptable and what is bad/ unacceptable for children because they know better. There are, obviously, several different variables to take into account when determining the reasons why some books are chosen for translation over others as well as the reasons why texts are altered, manipulated and/or censored to a greater or lesser degree. These variables are inevitably culture-bound.

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2.4   Who Are the Translators of Children’s Literature? Who are the translators of children’s literature? As far as children’s literature is concerned, it is interesting to note that translators may be either professional translators or children’s book writers who decide to carry out the translation of a specific text for children. Translators, undoubtedly, need to be quite creative when translating children’s literature, and their creativity does involve not only the translation of sounds and/or words, but also the visual. On the one hand, translating sounds and/or words requires a great deal of competence because their work resembles poetry rather than mere prose. Translating the visual, on the other hand, can prove to be challenging because small children cannot be expected to read texts and, therefore, pictures should compensate for this lack. Ann Lawson Lucas, for instance, deliberately changed her translation of Collodi’s Pinocchio to suit the needs of a much older audience (Lathey 2006). This practice, however, can be seen as a form of ideological manipulation, thus questioning the ethics of translation. Shavit (2006: 26) claims that ‘[u]nlike contemporary translators of adult books, the translator of children’s literature can permit himself great liberties regarding the text, as a result of the peripheral of children’s literature within the literary polysystem. That is, the translator is permitted to manipulate the text in various ways by changing, enlarging, or abridging it or by deleting or adding to it’. These liberties, however, as also acknowledged by Shavit, can be justified on the basis of the two important principles, namely (1) adjustment of the text and adjustment of the plot and (2) characterisation and language to make the target texts easy to be read, understood and educationally good for children in society (ibid.). It seems, however, that most translations of children’s books tend to be guided rather by the principle of comprehensibility as if this ability is the only real justification to any kind of manipulation or adaptation of ChL in the TC. Comprehensibility along with reading capacities are the common factors to consider when translating children’s books, as also claimed by Puurtinen (1994: 84), ‘[c]hildren with their imperfect reading abilities and limited experience of life are not expected to tolerate as much strangeness and foreignness as adult readers’. No all translation scholars, however, seem to agree with this kind of behaviour and this means that changes and manipulations carried out by translators of children’s literature cannot

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always be simply justified on the basis of children’s limited abilities and experience. House (1997: 131), for instance, provocatively wonders: Why do translators of children’s books feel licensed to change as they see fit instead of providing the children with access to the original? […] Is it possible that children in their intelligent and imaginative capacities to learn and be exposed to the strange world of the original are largely underrated?

Translators are mediators between two languages and two cultures and their mediation may imply a possible degree of manipulation for several purposes, as also claimed by Hermans (1985). In line with his theory, therefore, a translation can never be conceived as a transparent piece of writing, or as an exact reflection of the original text. All translations are characterised by the translator’s conscious or unconscious mediation, thus marking a certain degree of visibility within the text. It is, however, worth noting that translators’ decisions and strategies may also depend on editors and publishers alike who undoubtedly play an important role in terms of what and how should be translated for children in their respective countries.

2.5   The Role of Editors, Publishers and Third Parties Most of the time, when people read any translated text, they rarely think of the negotiation that takes place among translators, editors, publishers and other third parties involved both in the selection process as well as in the translation activity. As Van Coillie and Verschueren (2006: v) rightly acknowledge: [T]ranslators are not as neutral as the term “mediator” initially seems to suggest. Translators do not simply stand “in between” source text and target audience, from the beginning they are always an intrinsic part of the negotiating dialogue itself, holding a fragile, unstable middle between the social forces that act upon them (the imposed norms of the publishing industries and the expectations of the adults who act as buyers and often as co-­readers), their own interpretation of the source text and their assessment of the target audience.

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The translation of children’s literature is dictated by several factors, although the most important issue is to make a specific text of outstanding quality and popularity available to all those readers who cannot read it in its original language. This decision is primarily taken by editors and publishers worldwide and the challenging task is undertaken and carried out by translators. Furthermore, it is worth noting that each culture may have different expectations of child readers and may, therefore, hold diverging ideologies in terms of what is acceptable and what is not suitable. In other words, children’s books pass through various filter stages and pressures from different people involved in the process of selection. The selection process of suitable children’s books is much more complex and many third parties are actually involved. In the first place, we need to think larger, that is, the international book market which offers a wide range of books to publishers and their consultants. Their task is then to choose the best books to be translated for their own national market. A further selection is carried out by parents who choose suitable texts from the wide range of books chosen by publishers in the first place. Other third parties involved in the selection process include teachers and librarians who, by selecting specific texts, contribute to further narrowing down the list of books available for children. Children, therefore, are the last link of this chain and despite the great quantity of children’s books around the world, only a small percentage reaches children in a specific country. Both the writing and the translation of children’s literature are undoubtedly governed by a series of careful considerations in terms of suitability, appropriateness and usefulness. These principles are motivated or justified, to a certain extent, by the fact that parents are normally very protective towards their children. Booksellers and publishers play an important role in deciding what should be translated and how, by taking into account a number of factors, as also acknowledged by Thomson-Wolgemuth (1998: 25–26), who asserts that: Booksellers and publishers, feeling the pressure from parents, will adapt in order to sell their books; or rather, they will anticipate what it is that parents want and will censor anything that they feel would not meet with parental approval. Authors will adapt to survive in the market and write only “good” books –that is, meaning superficial, sanitised books– avoiding controversial and taboo subjects. What society wants, in the end, are good citizens who function according to society’s norms. It will therefore exercise pressure in

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its citizens, i.e. the people working and bringing up their children, and so the circle closes again.

Therefore, issues such as taboos and censorship may also affect the selection process. Censorship in translation has been widely analysed and, as far as ChL is concerned, this issue becomes even more important because cultural norms and expectations vary greatly from one country to another. Lathey (2006: 6) claims that censorship in the translation of ChL is aimed at avoiding and eliminating ‘the representation of violence and scatological references in which children take such delight’. There are different forms of censorship and their role and impact on translations should not be underestimated.

2.6   Taboos, Censorship and Manipulation: Ideological and Cultural Considerations Children’s literature may be perceived as unbiased, didactic and entertaining and, above all, easy to translate. This work, however, supports the belief that ChL, as other kinds of literature, has been characterised by a series of gradual modifications, rewritings and adaptations throughout the years and all over the world. ChL is not so innocent as it may seem and, as it occurs in literature, changes may be justified by the changing of time, socio-political and economic reasons as well as ideological factors, which inevitably lead to manipulation. What should be translated and how? What should be omitted? What is acceptable for a children’s audience? Furthermore, bearing in mind the pedagogical dimension of children’s literature, it seems legitimate to wonder what message do we want to transmit to our children? Broadly speaking, there seems to be a tendency to omit complex scenes, dialogues and characterisations of adults. This can be seen, for instance, in the translation of the opening dialogue between Robinson and his father (Robinson Crusoe) which is generally omitted by translators as well as in the case of Geppetto’s description (Pinocchio) where all the negative features and traits are usually omitted in translation (Shavit 2006). The Brothers Grimm’s stories are such a good example. For instance, in many translations of Cinderella into different languages the toe and heel mutilation and the pecking out of the sisters’ eyes are omitted. Another good example is one of the books written by Lindgren, Pippi Longstocking,

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which was heavily censored and manipulated by editors because the content was not suitable for the American market. For instance, a dung heap was replaced by a pile of leaves (Stolt 2006). One of the biggest dilemmas for the translators of children’s literature is the fact that children’s cultural knowledge is limited and since footnotes do not work either, they decide, at times, to opt for a domestication strategy, although there may be obvious and debatable implications for this choice. Hatim and Mason (1997: 145) claim that in domesticated texts, foreign cultural values are expressed in familiar ways to the target culture through assimilation to a dominant culture. These scholars assert that domestication and foreignisation strategies reflect the translator’s ideology as, by opting for the former or the latter strategy, they inevitably filter the ST through their own ideology and mediation, thus reducing the range of interpretations. Venuti (1995) regards domestication as a form of ethnocentric racism and violence. The point is that in some cases, especially in the translation of ChL, domestication may take the form of rewriting and adaptation, which, to a greater or lesser degree, may reflect a certain degree of ideology and manipulation. According to Ottinen (2000), translation, by targeting different text users, involves rewriting for new target readers. Translators adapt texts for certain purposes and certain readers, and the use of familiar language, especially in the case of children’s stories is fundamental, thus making domestication a necessary strategy in translation. As far as adaptation is concerned, Lathey (2006: 7) asserts that ‘[it] rests on assumptions that young readers will find it difficult to assimilate foreign names, coinage, foodstuffs or locations, and that they may reject a text reflecting a culture that is unfamiliar’. In this respect, Klinberg’s concept of ‘cultural context adaptation’ seems to fit to include all those strategies of adaptation of names, locations and other cultural elements concerning difficult or unfamiliar concepts for children bearing in mind, though, that this strategy should be minimised to reduce ST manipulation (ibid.). Translating ChL may involve manipulation as both the target culture and society may decide what is wrong and what is acceptable for their children. Translation, therefore, becomes a form of manipulation dictated by the needs and purposes of the target audience. In manipulation theory, equivalence is given a functional purpose, although the problem with this approach is that if it is taken to extremes, any text that is claimed to be a translation will be accepted as such (Snell-Hornby 1995: 25).

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Careful analyses and evaluations of the translations of ChL may provide good examples of how manipulation and adaptation in translations are dictated by moral and ethical reasons according to what is morally, socially and culturally acceptable and what is taboo for children to read. The translation of ChL is a form of cultural translation where difficulties and barriers may arise as a result of different perceptions of this genre, as also acknowledged by Shine (1978: 119) who claims that ‘[i]t is possible that certain cultures are antagonistic towards the introduction of genres foreign to their ChL. It is also possible that such cultures interpret genre definitions in such ways as to inhibit the introduction of foreign equivalents’. Although the adaptation of the ST to the needs and expectations of the target audience may be considered to be necessary, such a strategy should not be arbitrary and translators should justify their choices. Attention towards the needs of the target audience is crucial and the competent translator plays an important role in enabling the receiver to interpret the text and understand the intentions of the sender. In other words, as far as the translation of ChL is concerned, foreignising translations are likely to be alienating and may fail to enable the reader to fully understand a text and/or identify with the characters. Domestication through adaptation should be therefore preferred, although this strategy may, if taken to extremes as in the case of rewriting and manipulation, lead to significantly crucial omissions where the intentions or message from the ST may be entirely lost. Shavit (2006), for instance, provides us with a good example taken from Gulliver’s Travels where several translated versions present a different view from the ST. This is the scene in which Gulliver saves the palace from the fire by urinating on it. In Shavit’s analysis, however, this scene is either adapted or even omitted, at times, and in doing so, the original message is lost, that is the satire of ‘the arbitrariness of the laws and the ingratitude of the people’ (Shavit 2006: 34). There exist many adapted and abridged versions of some of the best-­ known children’s books and they offer interesting examples of textual manipulation and provide some good insights into the reasons why the STs are manipulated all over the world. According to the rule of simplification, for instance, it makes sense for many translators and publishers to simplify texts for a young audience. The question, however, is to understand why things and concepts are simplified in cases where it is not necessary at all. What happens when manipulations are dictated by ideological rather than simplification reasons? One of the most controversially manipulated texts is undoubtedly that of Robinson Crusoe through the German

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translation carried out by Joachim Campe and it served as model for future translations into other languages. Alice in Wonderland is another good example in that many translated versions tend to present the whole story as a dream whereas in the original text Carroll ambiguously plays around with dream and reality so that it is hard ‘to determine whether things happen in a dream or in reality’ (Shavit 2006: 37). Stolze (2003: 214) underlines the tricky relationship between ‘the translator’s knowledge base and ideology as a person’ and claims that: Translation is not only a question of language transfer, of easy reading and of old- fashioned or modern wording. Even ideology reflects in the formulations. Translation is a question of understanding the text and the cultural background, and of deciding about the concrete language formulations to be used that imply decisions on coherence, style and ideology. (ibid. 2003: 220)

The following six case studies are analysed both from an intralingual and from an interlingual perspective in order to show how ideological manipulation works through translation by taking into account several important variables in which the texts are contextualised. These variables include historical, economic, socio-cultural and ideological issues.

Bibliography Secondary Sources Bingham, J., & Scholt, G. (1980). Fifteen Centuries of Children’s Literature: An Annotated Chronology of British and American Works in Historical Context. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Bobulová, I., Pokrivčáková, S., Preložníková, E., & Přibylová, I. (2003). Children’s and Juvenile Literature (Written in English). Nitra: Univerzita Konštantína Filozofa, Pedagogická Fakulta. Briggs, J. (1989). Reading Children’s Books. Essays in Criticism, XXVIX(1), 1–17. Frimmelova, K. (2010). Translating Children’s Literature: Typical Problems and Suggested Strategies. Colne: Lambert Academic Publishing. Ghesquiere, R. (2006). Why does Children’s Literature need Translations? In J. Van Coillie & W. P. Verschueren (Eds.), Children’s Literature in Translation: Challenges and Strategies (pp. 19–33). Manchester: St Jerome Publishing.

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Hallford, D., & Zaghini, E. (2005). Introduction. In D. Hallford & E. Zaghini (Eds.), Outside in: Children’s Books in Translation (pp. 4–5). Chicago: Milet Publishing. Hatim, B., & Mason, I. (1997). The Translator as Communicator. London/New York: Routledge. Hermans, T. (1985). The Manipulation of Literature: Studies in Literary Translation. New York: St. Martin’s. House, J. (1997). Translation Quality Assessment: A Model Revisited. Tübingen: Gunter Narr. Hunt, P. (1990). Children’s Literature: The Development of Criticism. London: Routledge. Hunt, P. (Ed.). (1992). Literature for Children: Contemporary Criticism. London: Routledge. Hunt, P. (1994). An Introduction to Children’s Literature. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hunt, P. (Ed.). (1995). Children’s Literature: An Illustrated History. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Klingberg, G. (1986). Children’s Fiction in the Hands of the Translators. Malmo: CWK Gleerup. Knowles, M., & Malmkjaer, K. (1996). Language and Control in Children’s Literature. London/New York: Routledge. Lathey, G. (Ed.). (2006). The Translation of Children’s Literature: A Reader. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd. Lindgren, A. (1969). Traduire des livres d’enfant: Est-ce possible? Babel, 15(2), 98–100. Marks, D. F. (2006). Children’s Book Award Handbook. Westport, CT: Libraries Unlimited. McDowell, M. (1973). Fiction for Children and Adults: Some Essential Differences. Children’s Literature in Education, 4(1), 50–63. Meigs, C. (1953). A Critical History of Children’s Literature. London: Macmillan. O’Connell, E. (1999). Translating for Children. In G. Anderman & M. Rogers (Eds.), Word, Text, Translation (pp.  208–216). Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd. Oittinen, R. (1993). On the dialogics of Translating for Children. In C. Picken (Ed.), Translation: The Vital Link, XIII FIT WORLD CONGRESS (pp. 10–16). London: Institute of Linguists. Oittinen, R. (2000). Translating for Children. New  York/London: Garland Publishing. O’Sullivan, E. (2005). Comparative Children’s Literature. New York: Routledge. O’Sullivan, E. (2006). Does Pinocchio have an Italian Passport? What is Specifically National and What is International About Classics of Children’s Literature? In

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G.  Lathey (Ed.), The Translation of Children’s Literature: A Reader (pp. 146–162). Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd. Puurtinen, T. (1994). Dynamic Style as a Parameter of Acceptability in Translated Children’s Books. In M.  Snell-Hornby, F.  Pöchhacker, & K.  Kaindl (Eds.), Translation Studies: An Interdiscipline (pp. 83–90). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Puurtinen, T. (1995). Linguistic Acceptability in Translated Children’s Literature. Joensuu: University of Joensuu. Rousseau, J. J. (1762/1964). Emile, Julie and Other Writings, R. L. Archer (Ed.), New York: Barron, 1964. Rudvin, M., & Orlati, F. (2006). Dual Readership and Hidden Subtexts in Children’s Literature: The Case of Salman Rushdie’s Haroun and the Sea of Stories. In J. Van Coillie & W. P. Verschueren (Eds.), Children’s Literature in Translation: Challenges and Strategies (pp. 157–184). Manchester: St Jerome Publishing. Shavit, Z. (1986). Poetics of Children’s Literature. Athens: University of Georgia Press. Shavit, Z. (2006). Translation of Children’s Literature. In G. Lathey (Ed.), The Translation of Children’s Literature: A Reader (pp.  25–40). Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd. Shine, N. (1978). The Translation of Children’s Literature: A Case Study of English Children’s Books Written Between 1800 and 1900 and at Some Point in Time Translated into Danish. In G. Klingberg, M. Ørvig, & S. Amor (Eds.), Children’s Books in Translation – The Situation and the Problems (pp. 113–129). Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International. Snell-Hornby, M. (1995). Translation Studies: an Integrated Approach (revised ed.). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Stolt, B. (2006). How Emil Becomes Michel: On the Translation of Children’s Books. In G. Lathey (Ed.), The Translation of Children’s Literature: A Reader (pp. 67–83). Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd. Stolze, R. (2003). Translating for Children: World View or Pedagogics? Meta, 48(1–2), 208–221. Thomson-Wolgemuth, G. (1998). Children’s Literature and Its Translation: An Overview. MA Thesis, Department of Linguistics, Language and Culture, University of Surrey. Townsend, J. R. (1977). Written for Children. London: Penguin. Townsend, J.  R. (1996). Written for Children: An Outline of English Language Children’s Literature. Lanham, MD/London: The Scarecrow Press Inc. Van Coillie, J., & Verschueren, W.  P. (Eds.). (2006). Children’s Literature in Translation: Challenges and Strategies. Manchester: St Jerome Publishing. Venuti, L. (1995). The Translator’s Invisibility: A History of Translation. London/ New York: Routledge.

CHAPTER 3

Ideological Manipulation in Intralingual Translation: Case Studies

Abstract  This chapter focuses on the ideological manipulation in intralingual translation through an analysis of rewritten works of children’s literature. As already mentioned in the introduction, in this work the term ‘intralingual translation’ refers to all those texts which have been translated within the same language by means of either rewording or rewriting. As a result, in the first two case studies readers are presented with rewritings of classic children’s books which are totally different from their original source texts whereas in the last case study ideological manipulation was detected in the different use of spelling, lexical choices and culture-bound terms. The three case studies chosen for this chapter are (1) the fascist rewriting of Carlo Collodi’s Pinocchio as an example of manipulation of political ideology, (2) Snow White’s feminist rewritings by Angela Carter and Emma Donoghue as cases of ideological manipulation of classic fairy tales and (3) the intralingual translation of Harry Potter from British into American English as an example of manipulation of cultural ideology aimed at decontextualising a typically British text and adapting it to the American culture. The first two texts are analysed as a case of intralingual translation to show how the popularity of their main characters is re-­ framed and re-interpreted to suit specific political and feminist ideologies respectively whereas the last text is an example of how translating into the same language only serves the ideological purpose of domesticating a foreign book for hegemonic reasons. © The Author(s) 2020 V. Leonardi, Ideological Manipulation of Children’s Literature Through Translation and Rewriting, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47749-3_3

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Keywords  Intralingual translation • Fascist rewriting • Political ideology • Feminist rewriting • Cultural ideology • Hegemony This chapter focuses on the ideological manipulation in intralingual translation through an analysis of rewritten works of children’s literature. As already mentioned in the introduction, in this work the term ‘intralingual translation’ refers to all those texts which have been translated within the same language by means of either rewording or rewriting. As a result, in the first two case studies readers are presented with rewritings of classic children’s books which are totally different from their original source texts whereas in the last case study ideological manipulation was detected in the different use of spelling, lexical choices and culture-bound terms. The three case studies chosen for this chapter are (1) the fascist rewriting of Carlo Collodi’s Pinocchio as an example of manipulation of political ideology, (2) Snow White’s feminist rewritings by Angela Carter and Emma Donoghue as cases of ideological manipulation of classic fairy tales and (3) the intralingual translation of Harry Potter (HP) from British into American English as an example of manipulation of cultural ideology aimed at decontextualising a typically British text and adapting it to the American culture. The first two texts are analysed as a case of intralingual translation to show how the popularity of their main characters is re-­ framed and re-interpreted to suit specific political and feminist ideologies respectively whereas the last text is an example of how translating into the same language only serves the ideological purpose of domesticating a foreign book for hegemonic reasons.

3.1   Political Ideology and Fascism: The Case of Pinocchio The ambivalent status of translated literature during Fascism has been widely analysed and approached in a myriad of ways by translation scholars worldwide (Billiani 2000, 2007; Bonsaver 2007; Ferme 2002; Rundle 2004, 2010, 2012; Rundle and Sturge 2010). The fascist ideology required children’s books and stories to fulfil the task of forging the ‘new Italians’ and children had to be indoctrinated

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from early stages in this respect. During Fascism, translations, rewritings and adaptations of children’s stories and classics served the purpose of deliberately manipulating a specific national identity sought by the regime and in line with its ideology. During Fascism, it was fundamental to repress, censor, manipulate and adapt dissident narratives, both national as well as international books, to make them conform to the regime’s ideology. On the one hand, the inherent foreignness of translated literature was seen as a potentially dangerous and contaminating influence, especially when addressed to psychologically weaker people in society, such as children and, therefore, it was confined to the margins of the literary discourse. On the other hand, however, it played an important role in the publishing industry. The fascist regime considered ChL as a powerful tool for propaganda and indoctrination. The regime’s efforts to create a genuinely fascist ChL proved very problematic for two main reasons. First of all, the creation of a proper fascist culture was never properly achieved. Secondly, ChL had always relied upon traditional stories, which did not satisfy the new fascist regime’s values. Stone (1993: 230) claims that ‘the official culture of Italian Fascism is best defined by its diversities, contradictions and ambiguities’. In Forgacs’s (1990: 79) opinion, the regime’s failure to impose its ideology and hegemony on the Italian popular culture was due to its contradictory attitude of switching between tradition and innovation. Fascist imperialist ideology clashed with the image of Italy as a receptive country, which heavily relied upon foreign cultural imports. On the one hand, translation was conceptualised according to an ‘ideology of expansion, invasion and submission, with one culture “penetrating” another’ (Rundle 2010: 56). On the other hand, translation was viewed as a way of appropriating the foreign and reproducing it through domestication and conformity to the Italian norms and conventions in line with the regime’s ideology. Despite this view of translation as a dangerous and poisonous activity, no specific censorship criteria were applied to foreign literature before the 1930s. Gradually, however, things began to change and several measures were adopted and implemented to monitor, limit and, in some cases, ban the number of translations (ibid.). Translation, however, was not only a form of censorship (as in the case of adult literature), but also a source of innovation and propaganda through the manipulation of books and stories for children. One of the best examples, in this respect, is the fascist rewriting and adaptation of one of the most important classics for children, that is Pinocchio, which has undergone numerous

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transformations and adaptations worldwide to suit several needs and serve different purposes, ranging from didactic and moral norms to ideological and political propaganda. This story was written by Carlo Collodi (1826–1890) whose real surname was Lorenzini; he was a man of humble origins who was educated in a seminary. Later in life, he decided to abandon his religious path to become a political and satirical writer. Collodi began writing for children after having translated Perrault’s fairy tales in 1875. Although he was a strong supporter of Italy’s Unification, many critics have described Pinocchio as an ambiguous work, which seems to reflect its author’s disillusionment with the political ideology of the new State. Furthermore, several scholars regard Pinocchio as an ambiguous text written for middle-class children but aimed at clearly criticising bourgeois social policies. In this respect, Sherberg (2006: 29) argues that ‘Pinocchio was aimed not at the illiterate peasants of rural Tuscany featured in the book but at middle-class children whose parents could afford to buy the Giornale per i bambini and were eager to instill in their children the values that the cautionary tale appeared to advocate’. The wide range of translations, transformations, adaptations and rewritings of Collodi’s Pinocchio, both in Italy and worldwide, reflect a certain degree of manipulation mainly motivated by the need to suit the target audience and to justify political and ideological reasons of the time when they were produced. Furthermore, besides having been translated, adapted and rewritten extensively, Pinocchio has also inspired and influenced several Italian and foreign authors and film directors, such as: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

The Golden Key or the Adventures of Buratino (A. Tolstoy 1936) Le avventure di Guizzardi (G. Celati 1972) Pinocchio con gli stivali (L. Malerba 1977) Pinocchio in Venice (R. Coover 1997) Pinocchio (R. Benigni 2002)

As far as Fascism is concerned, this text was interpreted and adapted to suit different political, educational and ideological priorities of Mussolini’s regime. As Collodi firmly believed in the role of education, he provided many examples in his novel to show both adults and children its importance. This could be one of the reasons why the fascist regime turned to this novel in the first place to adapt it to its ideology and as one of the best tools to instruct and educate the young fascists. The fascist appropriation and adaptation of Collodi’s Pinocchio served the dual function of

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establishing and glorifying the characteristics and qualities of the perfect fascist citizen as well as caricaturising foreign enemies and domestic dissenters. In 2008 the literary scholar Luciano Curreri recovered and published four such texts in a volume entitled Pinocchio in camicia nera. These rewritings of Collodi’s Pinocchio during Fascism reflect core messages such as rejection of communism, racism, praise of black-shirt violence and references to the Italian colonialism. For the purpose of this work, only the first three stories will be analysed. The first story, The Adventures and Punitive Expeditions of Fascist Pinocchio, was written by Giuseppe Petrai in 1923 when Italy was governed by Benito Mussolini who gradually transformed it into a dictatorship, thus influencing, controlling and manipulating several aspects ranging from ways of life and politics to culture and children’s books. The front cover of this text depicts Pinocchio wearing the fascist uniform who forces a communist dissenter to swallow castor oil. This was the typically humiliating punishment for intellectuals and opponents to the regime. This image clearly exemplifies the message of the story, that is the glorification of fascist violence. The setting of this short story (Tuscany) was not changed in order to display integrity to the original text. This story reflects the core values of early Fascism, such as the cult of violence, national renovation and imposition of power through intimidation. The aim was to instil a sense of patriotism into the Italian children. The reason for choosing Pinocchio to exemplify the regime’s ideology and values could be partly due to the fact that his wooden body resembles the fascist weapon, that is the truncheon and through his stiff arms and nose Pinocchio could perfectly perform the fascist salute. By looking at the picture (Fig. 3.1), one could easily see how his nose was, indeed, used as an intimidating weapon to face his enemies: The story is presented as a sequel to the original, although Pinocchio in this fascist adaptation is no longer a boy, but he is still a marionette. Petrai provides several episodes where Pinocchio intimidates the communist puppet Nicolaccio who is portrayed as a cowardly political leader. Nicolaccio is probably a pejorative nickname chosen to refer to Nicola Bombacci, a real historical character who was one of the founders of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and one of Lenin’s closest friends. In the late 1930s, Bombacci began to support Fascism and became one of Mussolini’s close friends and supporters. When he was a communist, he was also friendly called with its diminutive nickname, Nicolino. The fascist adaptation transformed him from Nicolino to Nicolaccio, which is a pejorative nickname, and he went

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Fig. 3.1  Fascist Pinocchio and its weapon. (Adapted from L. Curreri (2008: 19))

through a process of conversion from being a communist to becoming a true and loyal fascist follower thanks to Pinocchio’s intervention. In other words, Petrai’s rewriting shows a clear contextualisation of both the fascist ideology and fascist indoctrination aimed at making children the perfect fascist citizens. The second story, Pinocchio Among the Balillas, was written in 1927 by Cirillo Schizzo. This version is closer and more faithful to the original ST in that it follows the old didactic route where there is an evolution of the main character from being a naughty and disobedient puppet to a polite real boy. The story records the puppet’s trials as he learns to behave well and eventually accepts to be recruited into the paramilitary corps of the Italian Balillas. This story is not a sequel of the original story but rather a fascist alternative aimed at adopting, adapting and manipulating specific elements of the ST in order to suit the regime’s principles and values. This rewriting, aimed at educating and indoctrinating Italian children, is characterised by simplification, which is an important strategy used in both translation and children’s literature. The moral complexities found in Collodi’s Pinocchio are simplified and reduced to the concepts of good and bad, right and wrong through the means of punishment. In Schizzo’s rewriting, indeed, school is described in positive terms as the only means through which people can be educated and integrated properly and

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successfully into society. The importance of school as a means to divulgate fascist ideology and forging a national identity (fascist identity) was one of the regime’s main concerns. By using Pinocchio as an example, Schizzo’s rewriting managed to successfully achieve the fascist regime’s educational goal of making children become obedient and perfect fascists. The moral teaching of this story was to show how disobedient people were not accepted in society and the following picture was chosen to show how children could easily understand the consequences of bad behaviour and disobedience (Fig. 3.2). The third story, Pinocchio Tutors the Negus, was written anonymously in 1939. It deals with the issue of colonialism which played a key role in the fascist political agenda. The story is, therefore, instilled with imperialist ideology. During the imperial phase of the regime, Mussolini carried out several military campaigns in Africa aimed at establishing the fascist power and authority over other races and cultures. The story is set in the fascist colony of Abyssinia where Pinocchio ends up in his attempt to escape punishment for his naughty behaviour. At the beginning of the story, Pinocchio accidentally blackens his face while stealing chocolate. As the shopkeeper shouts ‘catch him, the Abyssinian’, he begins being chased by a furious crowd. He is rescued by a Britishman who, thinking that he is an Abyssinian, decides to take him back to Africa where he meets the Negus, the Abyssinian leader. The whole story is witty

Fig. 3.2  Consequences of bad behaviour and disobedience. (Adapted from L. Curreri (2008: 39))

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and humorous and both the Africans (colonised people, thus inferior) as well as the Britishman (the Italian enemy) are portrayed as being funny and foolish. The ideology laying behind this story was that of glorifying the superiority of the Italian race. Racism is the key element in the story exemplified in Pinocchio’s racist comments towards both the Africans and the Britishman and in the repulsion shown towards that ‘inferior’ race in Abyssinia. In line with the Italian imagination of the time, as also noted by Polezzi (2001: 51), Italian colonialism was characterised by an ambiguous attitude of showing both initial attraction towards new places and cultures and subsequent repulsion towards different races considered inferior to the Italian race. Pinocchio, who embodies the true fascist soldier and represents the Italian race, is described as being strong and fast whereas the Africans, the inferior race, are portrayed as lazy, coward and foolish people. The inferiority of the African race is shown in their eating habits and, above all, in their lack of hygiene. Language plays a very important role in the story as it implies not only a satirical but also a political stance. In those years, indeed, the defence of the Italian language against foreign contamination was stronger and stronger as censorship towards the translation of foreign works was becoming stricter and stricter. From an autarchian perspective, language was strongly associated with the Italian identity, thus showing linguistic racism and xenophobic tendencies towards both foreign inferior races (such as the Africans) and the enemies (the Anglo-­ American world). The greatest ideological manipulation of this rewriting lies in the depiction of Pinocchio who, in Collodi’s story, is described as a puppet that could be easily manipulated because of his lack of self-control and for his moral weakness whereas in this fascist rewriting he is portrayed as a physically and intellectually superior character aimed at exemplifying the higher recognition of both the Italian race and identity. Pinocchio’s repulsion towards those inferior people makes him kick the Negus in the face and run away in an attempt to be saved and rejoin the Italian military forces. The story ends with his final rescue and return to civilisation. The fascist rewritings of Collodi’s Pinocchio served as indoctrination tools, thus showing how children’s literature can be easily manipulated for ideological purposes. These rewritings show how Collodi’s Pinocchio was deliberately manipulated to serve the regime’s propaganda purposes at various stages of its evolution. Frosini (1967) claimed that Pinocchio is imbued with political satire, which is exemplified in the portrayal of characters and society described in the novel through farce and buffoonery. The political satire and buffoonery were retained in the fascist rewriting of

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Pinocchio but they were adapted to suit the regime’s ideology and political propaganda.

3.2   Feminist Ideology and Fairy Tales: The Case of Snow White Fairy tales are undoubtedly children’s first exposure to literature. The cultural contexts embedded in fairy tales play an important role in the children’s socialisation process. Several cultural norms are contained, ipso facto, in fairy tales, such as gender and racial issues, which through translations and various forms of adaptation and rewriting are maintained and/ or reinforced, changed or omitted for several different reasons ranging from cultural considerations to ideological motivations. Fairy tales allow the development of children’s gender identity, which affects the way they are treated and raised in their respective societies, thus influencing, to a lesser or greater degree, future behaviour expectations (Meece 2002; Demarest and Kortenhaus 1993). Besides entertaining children, characters in fairy tales teach them how to be males and females in terms of behaviour, occupations and expectations within their own culture. This implies a great deal of ideological manipulation, which makes fairy tales, far from being neutral, powerful cultural agents responsible for children’s gender development. Many scholars worldwide began to question whether this early exposure to gender stereotypes could affect children’s development, perceptions and behaviours (ibid.). Studies carried out in this respect have revealed recurring patterns of male dominance and female subservience in fairy tales, which could have a negative effect on children’s gender development (Key 1971; Weitzman et  al. 1972; Bender-Peterson and Lach 1990; Demarest and Kortenhaus 1993). These studies agree on the fact that most of the traditional fairy tales, as those by the Brothers Grimm and Charles Perrault for instance, tend to maintain and perpetuate patriarchal values. In Parsons’s (2004: 137) opinion, these stories portray women as ‘weak, submissive, dependent, and self-sacrificing while men are powerful, active, and dominant’. Women are usually portrayed as beautiful, helpless and passive objects who have to be rescued and owned by powerful, rich and dominant men. When women are strong and powerful in traditional fairy tales, they are usually ugly and evil (witches and stepmothers as a recurring pattern).

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The feminist criticism of fairy tales in the 1970s and 1980s led to an interest in the possibility to adapt and rewrite fairy tales in such a way as to avoid patriarchal values and negative female stereotyping which, throughout the years, have always encouraged male dominance and female subservience in society (Stone 1986). This is how the notion of feminist fairy tale emerged and raised many questions surrounding ChL, such as: • What are fairy tales supposed to teach children? • Are they responsible for children’s future gender development? • What have traditional fairy tales already taught them throughout the years? Many scholars have criticised the fact of altering fairy tales for the sake of current ideology, insisting that they should maintain their simplicity and purity. In his book, Fairy Tales and the Art of Subversion: The Classical Genre for Children and the Process of Civilization, Jack Zipes investigates the subversive role of women writers of fairy tales and he claims that: ‘[a]ll the authors employed the tale to engage in an ongoing institutional discourse about mores and manners’ (1991: 32). Zipes analyses the difference between male and female authors of fairy tales and he found that Perrault, for instance, used to portray female characters as passive and patient whereas male characters were portrayed differently, they were smart, independent and brave. Zipes claims that it is ‘not so much beauty and modesty that counts for men but brains and ambition’ (ibid.: 42). On the contrary, female authors portrayed female characters differently, they were less naïve and gullible and displayed more brain than expected. Dworkin (1974: 48–49) acknowledges that: There are two definitions of woman. There is the good woman. She is a victim. There is the bad woman. She must be destroyed. The good woman must be possessed. The bad woman must be killed, or punished. Both must be nullified. The bad woman must be punished, and if she is punished enough, she will become good. To be punished enough is to be destroyed. There is the good woman. She is the victim. The posture of victimization, the passivity of the victim demands abuse. Women strive for passivity, because women want to be good. The abuse evoked by that passivity convinces women that they are bad. The bad need to be punished, destroyed, so that they can become good. Even a woman who strives conscientiously for passivity sometimes does something. That she acts at all provokes abuse. The abuse provoked by that activity convinces her that she is bad. The bad

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need to be punished, destroyed, so that they can become good. The moral of the story should, one would think, preclude a happy ending. […] It tells us that happiness for a woman is to be passive, victimized, destroyed, or asleep.

What happens when a classic fairy tale is rewritten through a feminist ideology? According to Kuykendal and Sturm (2007), this process may lead to a ‘fractured fairy tale’, that is a text with reversed gender roles. The main question, however, is to determine both the function and the message of these rewritten tales. Will they still educate and/or entertain readers? Who are or can be the readers of such tales? What are the reasons that lie behind this deliberate choice of rewriting classic fairy tales? Two of the most influential feminist writers, in this respect, are Angela Carter who, back in 1979, published a collection of short stories, The Bloody Chamber and Other Stories and Emma Donoghue, an Irish lesbian feminist author who in 1997 wrote Kissing the Witch: Old Tales in New Skins. Many similarities with classic fairy tales can be detected in both collections, although they are rewritten from a different perspective, that is a feminist perspective. Due to space restrictions, only the tale of Snow White (SW) was chosen as a case study. Although people associate fairy tales with Perrault, the Brothers Grimm, Hans Christian Andersen and Walt Disney, these stories were passed on by minstrels or elders. One of the first people to record these stories, which are normally associated with the north of Europe, was the Italian writer Giovanni Francesco known as Straparola (babbler). During his life he collated seventy-five folkloristic tales into two volumes entitled Le Piacevoli Notti published between 1550 and 1553. Another Italian fairy tale collector was Giambattista Basile, a poet who wrote Lo Cunto de li Cunti overo lo Trattenimiento de Peccerille (Tale of Tales or Entertainment for Little Ones), published between 1634 and 1636 in Neapolitan dialect known to us today as Il Pentamerone due to its structure. The book, indeed, is composed of fifty fairy tales recounted by ten different storytellers in five days and they are divided into five volumes, thus Pentamerone from Penta (Greek word for five). Since Basile’s stories were considered brutal, vicious and racist, his work was forgotten for a long time and it was then unearthed by the Brothers Grimm who had it translated into German, thus resulting in its first integral publication with the preface by Jacob Grimm in 1846. Jacob Grimm praised Basile’s work as being one of the richest collections in the world. In 1925, Basile’s work returned to Italy thanks to an

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excellent translation into Italian by philosopher Benedetto Croce. Many translations of Basile’s work were censored in several countries worldwide because they were not suitable for children. Nevertheless, in Basile’s work we find early incarnations of the most popular princesses of fairy tales, such as Cinderella, Sleeping Beauty, Rapunzel and Snow White. As far as Snow White (SW) is concerned, nowadays there exist countless versions of this story, which has undergone numerous alterations and transformations throughout the years and in different parts of the world. What has happened to Snow White throughout the ages and why? How has its story changed throughout the years and from place to place through translations, rewritings and adaptations? Although these variations and adaptations of the tale may be based on particular ideologies, they all share the common theme of colours, namely white, red and black. SW is always described as being as white as snow (meaning innocence), with lips as red as blood (meaning passion) and hair as black as ebony (meaning death). The tale of Snow White was not included in Perrault’s fairy tale collection entitled Mother Goose’s Tales (1697). Therefore, the first written text of this tale belongs to the Brothers Grimm who, in 1812 published a collection entitled Kinder- und Hausmärchen. The most important and popular tales of Snow White are undoubtedly those written by the Brothers Grimm and produced by Disney in 1937. These two versions are, however, very different and a closer analysis can help shed light upon the ideology lying behind the Disney’s adaptation. First of all, in the Disney’s version the introduction to the tale is different since the audience is shown neither SW’s biological mother nor her wishes for a daughter with specific features. Disney presents SW’s stepmother as the queen and the dwarves’ names in the Disney’s version are not found in the Brothers Grimm’s story where they are anonymous people who work in the mines. Furthermore, in the Brothers Grimm’s version, the stepmother makes three attempts to kill SW, but only the ‘apple’ case is reported by Disney. In the Disney’s movie, the stepmother does not appear in SW’s wedding as Disney seemed to be interested in providing the audience with the happy ending. In the Brothers Grimm’s story, the stepmother wears red-hot iron shoes for her evil deeds whereas in the Disney’s version she is only chased after for punishment by the dwarves. In both versions, SW perpetuates the stereotype of the ‘silent woman’ as she is portrayed as being passive and in need to be saved by a man. Although the way the spell is broken in the story is different in these two versions, SW does not seem to be capable to save herself in either of them. Disney assigns a romantic function to the prince who

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saves SW by kissing her whereas in the Brothers Grimm’s version SW awakens after the removal of the apple piece from her throat. The comparison between these two versions inevitably discloses several binary oppositions. As also acknowledged by Wright (1975: 128), ‘through the structure of oppositions, the characters represent social types’. The ideological representation of social types in SW is shown through beauty, which is attributed to good people and ugliness, which is assigned to evil characters. The ideology, which lies behind these representations, plays a key role in shaping the culture and reinforcing stereotypes. From a gender perspective, both versions provide their audience with traditional stereotypes where the concepts of family, marriage and motherhood play a key role, thus suggesting the domestication of female characters in the patriarchal order. These stereotypes, however, seem to be reinforced by Disney (Zipes 1994). In the Brothers Grimm’s version, it was SW’s biological mother who was jealous of her own daughter’s beauty and sought to have her killed. According to Warner (1994), this alteration was deliberately chosen by the Brothers Grimm to reinforce the patriarchal values of the institution of both marriage and family where the concept of having a ‘bad’ mother could not be accepted. Through their stories, the Brothers Grimm exerted a great deal of influence on shaping cultural identity (ibid.: 62) and their rewritten versions of classic fairy tales were meant to suit the ideology and world-view of those who held power at the time (Teverson 2013). Although Disney had the merit of romanticising the tale of SW to make it more suitable for children, there are nowadays many modern rewritings of this story that aim to return SW to her dark roots. Some of these rewritings include the following: 1. White as Snow (2000)—Tanith Lee. 2. Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs (1971)—Anne Sexton from Transformations. 3. Snow (2000)—Francesca Lia Block from The Rose and the Beast. 4. The Snow Child (1979)—Angela Carter from The Bloody Chamber. 5. The Tale of the Apple (1997)—Emma Donoghue from Kissing the Witch. 6. Snow, Glass, Apples (1998)—Neil Gaiman from Smoke and Mirrors. 7. Yet Another Poisoned Apple for the Fairy Princess (1994)— A. R. Morlan from The Year’s Best Fantasy & Horror.

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Angela Carter is a renowned English feminist author whose fairy-tale work has greatly influenced feminist fairy-tale scholarship. In her collection of fairy tales, she retells and rewrites the classical European fairy tales from a feminist perspective to challenge the myths of sexuality and patriarchy, thus dwelling upon the sexist ideologies perpetuated and reinforced by fairy tales throughout the years. Carter’s most important fairy-tale related work is The Bloody Chamber written in 1979 where all the fairy tales included in this collection are rewritten in the light of female empowerment. According to Makinen (1992: 3) ‘[t]he tales in The Bloody Chamber still foreground the violence and the abuse, but the narrative itself provides an exuberant re-writing of the fairy tales that actively engages the reader in a feminist deconstruction’. This collection is made up of ten short stories including The Snow Child whose version resembles the tale of SW written by the Brothers Grimm. Carter’s tale, similarly to the original tale, begins in a snowy day and readers find the same references to three important colours, namely black, red and white and three attempts to kill SW or, in Carter’s story, the snow child. This story challenges dominant ideology as in her story it is the patriarch who wishes to have a girl with skin as white as snow, lips as red as blood and hair as black as a bird’s feather. Since the snow child is born out of the Count’s wish, she is designated for his needs and this message signals Carter’s criticism of patriarchy in classic fairy tales. The snow child, indeed, is an image constructed by society and ruled by men who are only interested in her physical appearance. As a result of his wishes, the Countess hates the snow child and her jealousy makes her attempt to kill her. At her third attempt, she succeeds in killing the snow child who dies when she picks a rose for the Countess. The story ends with the Count who, in a last spur of passion, copulates with her daughter’s dead body and then rejoins his wife and hands her the rose that killed the snow child. The lack of both the dwarves and the magic mirror makes the story revolve around three main characters, namely the Count as the representative of the male voice, the Countess in the role of an active female and the snow child who plays the role of a passive beauty. In her rewriting, Carter emphasises how competition for male approval creates rivalry between the female characters and, furthermore, by deliberately excluding the prince from the tale, the whole story revolves around the concept of patriarchal desire for the ideal of female beauty. Through a careful use of the syntax, Carter succeeds in highlighting the Count’s

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importance over the female characters. For instance, by writing ‘the Count and his wife’, Carter introduces the male character first and, through the use of the title ‘Count’, he is given prominence in the tale whereas the use of the possessive adjective ‘his’ seems to identify the female character as one of his possessions. The Count is the first voice that readers encounter in the tale and whose wishes are expressed and granted whereas his wife’s wishes are not given the same importance. The Countess, indeed, is reduced to a physical description, thus emphasising the issue of women as objects in fairy tales. Carter, however, retains the cunning and evil features of this female character, who resembles the evil Queen in the original fairy tale, by describing the colours of her clothes, mainly black clothes (suggesting an obscure and cunning nature) and her scarlet heels (hinting to the idea of violence). Finally, Carter cleverly shifts this character from being ‘his wife’ to ‘the Countess’, from a passive to a more assertive woman whose feelings and thoughts are finally expressed in the tale. These feelings are hatred and jealousy towards the snow child whose beauty takes all of the Count’s attention and interest. Carter’s subversion of the fairy-tale genre is clear from the very beginning of the story. In the original story, it is the woman (SW’s biological mother) who wishes to have a child, thus expressing a maternal desire. In Carter’s tale, however, it is the male character who wishes to have a daughter, thus displaying both a paternal as well as a sexual desire in his request. The snow child, indeed, appears naked as if Carter implied that female nudity is an obvious element of men’s erotic fantasies. The fact of appearing completely naked in the forest shows both the snow child’s vulnerability to the male gaze and her role as object of sexual desire, despite being only a ‘child’. Carter’s rewriting of SW is mainly characterised by shocking and taboo issues, such as incest, paedophilia and necrophilia as a way of implying how a (passive) woman can be easily dominated and victimised. In The Bloody Chamber, Carter brings up many of the elements included in the Brothers Grimm’s first edition where violence, eroticism, incest and necrophilia could be found, as also acknowledged by Zipes who back in 2014 translated the first edition of their stories into English. In the Brothers Grimm’s first edition, the tales were not obviously meant to address children but rather adults as they contained several adult issues, which were eventually omitted in their subsequently revised versions. Snow White, for instance, is only seven years old in their first edition and this explains why Carter chose The Snow Child as the title of her rewritten version of SW.

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Carter’s story undermines the gender ideology of traditional tales through a deliberate emphasis on the female characters’ helplessness and subordinate roles. When the snow child pricks her finger on a thorn of a rose, she dies and she is immediately raped by the Count and then she melts away. This scene is extremely significant, as also acknowledged by Bacchilega (1988: 18) who claims that ‘the Snow Child has lived her life and fulfilled her function as object of his desire, because of him, she has experienced some sexual and social transformation, but no psychological growth’. Carter’s stories collected in The Bloody Chamber have been heavily criticised since they are seen as tools to perpetuate patriarchal behaviours and no solutions seem to be offered by her from a feminist perspective. Nevertheless, it should be stressed that Carter cleverly disguises her feminist deconstruction through her careful rewriting of tales within their original framework. In her own words, ‘I am all for putting new wine in old bottles, especially if the pressure of the new wine makes the old bottles explode’ (Carter 1983: 69). The Bloody Chamber was written for a specific audience, that is adults informed by feminism who are able to detect and understand Carter’s subversive and deconstructive irony in her tales. The impact and influence of queer theory have been recently found in the field of ChL where heteronormativity used to dominate classic fairy tales. Emma Donoghue’s collection entitled Kissing the Witch: Old Tales in New Skins (1997) is an attempt to depart from this heteronormativity framework in order to introduce queer theory in fairy tales. This collection is made up of thirteen interlocking tales where the role of the storyteller is assigned to women. Donoghue appropriates the classic fairy tale canon from a lesbian perspective by subverting the sexist and patriarchal ideology in order to give importance to issues such as women’s liberation and lesbian desire as well as providing female characters with a ‘voice’ within the narrative. In her fairy-tale retellings, Donoghue ‘uncovers the underlying assumptions of the classical versions as she explores “deviant” or “perverse” alternatives which challenge stereotypical representations of gender roles and sexual desire and derail the straight path of female destiny encoded in the tales’ (Hennard Dutheil de la Rochère 2009: 14). Donoghue’s aim is to emphasise both the promotion of the female agency as well as women’s liberation in all fields. In her rewritings, Donoghue provides readers with an alternative ‘happily ever after’ ending where women and men hold a much more egalitarian status.

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One of these stories, The Tale of the Apple, is clearly a rewritten version of SW where the author, by questioning and rejecting the female subordination and inferiority in patriarchal societies, provides readers with an innovative story where SW is finally given a voice through the use of the first-person narrative. Being silent in the traditional tale, in Donoghue’s rewriting SW plays an active role in telling the story, thus showing a step forward towards her independence. The story focuses on the relationship between her and the Queen, thus leaving the male characters in the shadow as ‘others’. This relationship, however, is threatened by patriarchal society’s expectations. Both female characters are treated as equals, thus eliminating the binary opposition of good and evil traditionally found in the Brothers Grimm’s version. According to Martin (2010: 7), ‘Donoghue is part of a larger feminist response to the patriarchal canon of Western fairy tales’ and as such, ‘she critiques established norms of femininity and alters the traditional power structures within and surrounding the narration of the tales’. Readers are presented with a declared lesbian character, SW, from the very beginning of the story who tells them about her lesbian love with her stepmother, the Queen. The theme of jealousy is retained by Donoghue when SW’s maturation is sealed with a ‘patch of red on [her] crumpled sheet’ (Donoghue 1997: 45) and her father decides to bring home a new wife who is not much older than his daughter. The conflict between these two women arises from SW’s beauty and her stepmother plots against her out of her jealousy. At the beginning, both female characters try to be friends and have a fair relationship, thus avoiding competition. Yet, this harmony is broken by the King’s comparison between the two women: Tell me, he asked, how am I to judge between two such beauties? I looked at my stepmother, and she stared back at me, and our eyes were like mirrors set opposite each other, making a corridor of reflections, infinitely hollow. (ibid.: 47–48)

Both characters are not only similar in age but also in appearance with hair as black as coal, lips as red as blood and skin as white as snow. The king’s rhetorical question about how he is to judge between two such beauties makes him identify with the evil stepmother’s mirror in the Brothers Grimm’s tale. The king, as in the case of the mirror, represents patriarchal power and he ‘instigates jealousy between two women so that they can start competing for his affection’ (Joosen 2007: 233). Donoghue depicts

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patriarchy as both a danger and a powerful imposition upon the female will and independence. This is exemplified in the desire of SW’s father to have an heir from her stepmother and when all methods fail, the king tells her to stay still and lie on her back and ‘wait to find herself with a child’ (ibid.: 49). SW and her stepmother, therefore, drift apart and her stepmother is confined in her room until she will fall pregnant. As a result, the stepmother becomes more and more aggressive towards SW and in an anger outburst she makes it clear to SW that she intends to hurt her. This reaction, however, is clearly motivated by her will to free herself from the king’s impositions and injustice and to get a taste of her future freedom: My stepmother had called me to the throne room where she sat, huddled in ermine, fist closed around the sceptre. Say that I am queen, she said. You are my father’s wife, I replied. I will be queen after he is dead, she said. I made no reply. Say that I am queen, she repeated, her fingers whitening around the sceptre. If you really were, I told her, it would need no saying. She stood on the pedestal above me. The moment I am a widow, she said, I could have you cast out. Indeed. If you cross me in this, she said confidingly, I could have a huntsman take you into the forest, chop out your heart and bring it back on a plate. Strong meat, I murmured. I can do it, she howled. I have the power. I said nothing. (Donoghue 1997: 50)

This brief extract shows how patriarchy can lead to the establishment of unequal power relationships and, from a feminist perspective, how men can spoil women’s relationships. She never meant to hurt or kill SW because if she really wanted to, no obstacles stood in her way. Nevertheless, when her father dies the same night, SW flees from the palace to find a place to stay in the forest where she meets a gang of woodsmen who function as the seven dwarves in the Brothers Grimm’s tale. SW does all the housework for them and, in return, they let her stay in their house. Despite her busy work in the house, SW keeps on thinking about her relationship with her stepmother who, one day, finds her in woods, thus showing that a special bond between them still exists. In Donoghue’s tale, the

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stepmother searches for SW and begs her to go back to the palace with her. She makes repeated visits to her in the woods but these visits cannot be compared to the three attempts of the evil queen in the Brothers Grimm’s version aimed at killing SW. In the original tale, indeed, the stepmother goes to the woods to find and kill SW after disguising herself as an old hag whereas in Donoghue’s story the stepmother does not disguise her look and through her visits, she shows good intentions to reconstruct their relationship. They talk to each other and revive the old memories. However, when the stepmother adjusts SW’s garment by lacing up her corset as tightly as possible, like she used to do in the castle, SW is left out of breath. On her second visit, the stepmother combs SW’s hair as she used to do when she was younger, but SW gets numb with pleasure and falls asleep. In both cases, the woodsmen find SW in an unusual state and believe that her stepmother is trying to kill her. Donoghue maintains these two similar events from the original tale, but in Donoghue’s story, the stepmother’s attempts to get closer to SW are only positive efforts aimed at reconstructing their relationship whereas in the Brothers Grimm’s tale the stepmother deliberately attempts to kill SW. On the last occasion, the stepmother goes to SW and feeds her with an apple, which is green on a side and red on the other. The stepmother bit the green side whereas SW bit the red side. SW perceives this gesture as a motherly act and, at the same time, the fact of sharing the same apple symbolises their mutual lesbian love. Nevertheless, after biting the apple, SW falls to the ground and when she regains consciousness, she finds herself in a glass coffin. The woodsmen want to take her to another kingdom ‘where they’ll know how to treat a princess’ (ibid.: 58). Similarly to the Brothers Grimm’s version, SW’s fate seems to lie in the hands of the male authoritarian characters surrounding her. Donoghue’s SW, however, is an active female character able to take her fate into her own hands and this is clear on several occasions. Firstly, when she does not accept her stepmother’s new powerful position and imposition and after her father’s death she flees the palace to find a quieter place to stay. Secondly, she fends away the woodsmen’s advances by lying about the knives sewn into her skirts. ‘One of them asked what was in my skirts to make them so heavy, and I said, Knives, and he took his hand off my thigh and never touched me again’ (ibid.: 52). Finally, although patriarchy cannot accept such a relationship between two women and imposes a certain degree of rivalry between them, both SW and her stepmother seem to fight against this patriarchal power because they miss each other. At the end of the story, indeed, SW decides to return

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to the castle to discover the truth on the basis of her own observation rather than stereotypes. She needs to rejoin with her stepmother and she needs to get to know her better. Donoghue’s rewritten version of SW shows readers how female characters do not necessarily need a man to save them. Donoghue’s SW is a very active character, self-sufficient, intelligent and brave. Through her rewritings, Donoghue manages to free people from stereotypes and makes them see that other realities exist, such as love and affection between women. In Donoghue’s story both female characters deliberately distance themselves from patriarchy to avoid the objectification and manipulation of women traditionally found in the classic fairy tales. Fairy tales are undoubtedly a very complex and challenging field of studies that can be approached from a variety of perspectives. Fairy-tale rewritings simultaneously reject and include material of the traditional tales. Feminist fairy-tale rewritings, in particular, are aimed at challenging the patriarchal ideology that has always dominated this field. These rewritings have the merit of establishing different power relationships by giving voice to female characters who have been silenced in the traditional tales throughout the years. It is interesting to note how Carter deliberately chooses to use taboo topics, such as incest and necrophilia to challenge the traditional tale of SW whereas Donoghue deliberately changes the story by providing readers with a totally new and different ending in an attempt to help the female protagonist escape from the destiny traditionally imposed upon her by patriarchy.

3.3   Cultural Ideology and Nationalism: The Case of Harry Potter Harry Potter (HP) has been the subject of extensive investigation in many disciplines, such as Translation Studies, Gender Studies, Film Studies and Psychology to name a few. More and more academics use these novels for a variety of purposes ranging from research to teaching activities. Harry Potter is a series of fantasy novels written by British author J. K. Rowling and published for the first time by Bloomsbury in London in 1997. These stories describe the adventures of the young boy wizard Harry Potter and his friends Ron Weasley and Hermione Granger, during the seven years spent at Hogwarts School of Witchcraft and Wizardry. The

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plot focuses on the struggle between Good (Harry Potter) and Evil (Lord Voldemort) who killed Harry’s parents in an attempt to conquer the wizarding world. Harry Potter novels can be seen as a hybrid genre whose features appeal to both children and adults as shown in the table below (Table 3.1). Harry Potter matures over the course of the novels along with his readers and as he grows up and becomes an adult the novels become longer and longer, more complex in terms of plot and very challenging both from a linguistic and a translation point of view. The Harry Potter books are very popular worldwide and they have been translated into more than seventy languages, despite the numerous difficulties encountered by translators. Difficulties in translating these novels into other languages may be found in the: . Translation of proper names. 1 2. Translation of puns and wordplays. 3. Translation of rhymes, anagrams and acronyms. 4. Translation of formality address (e.g. formal vs. informal you). 5. Translation of culture-bound terms and concepts. Harry Potter is a perfect example of how translation can reflect ideology and manipulation in different ways and it can be analysed from three different perspectives. From an intralingual perspective, it is worth mentioning that the ST was translated from British into American English. Since the Harry Potter texts are culturally and linguistically British, it can be interesting to analyse whether and how the ‘Americanisation’ of these texts can possibly reflect a hidden ideology as a form of hegemony aimed at resisting Britain’s culture and distinctness. Intralingual translation can Table 3.1  Features of the Harry Potter novels appealing to children and adults Children’s literature

Adult literature

Central characters are children Fantasy stories Creative and funny names Magic

Challenging language Complex plots Mysteries Symbolism Ambivalent meanings Serious issues (danger, death, etc.)

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help us understand how one language can possibly reflect and shape different identities and realities. From an interlingual perspective, Harry Potter is a worldwide phenomenon, which has been translated into over seventy different languages. It is interesting to analyse how this typically British text has been translated and transformed into other languages and cultures. Finally, Harry Potter can also be analysed from an intersemiotic perspective, as this novel was remediated by movie directors and there are now eight series of Harry Potter movies. Through a contrastive comparison of the novel(s) and the film adaptation(s) it is possible to determine what is lost, added and/or altered in the final product to suit different target audiences worldwide (Leonardi 2016). Although most North American readers of the HP series might not realise it, they are reading a translation, more specifically an intralingual translation or rewriting of a text, which was originally written in British English. Harry Potter is, therefore, a perfect example of rewriting on cultural grounds, as these books are both culturally and linguistically British and their rewriting into American English seems to reflect a particular ideology. Culture can be easily manipulated through translation as it occurred with the American (intralingual) translation of Harry Potter. Back in 1997, Scholastic Corporation, an American publishing house, bought the US rights at the Bologna Book Fair and demanded an intralingual translation or a different version, more Americanised, of Harry Potter on the pretext that American children will not understand the British novel in its current form. In Whitehead’s (1996: 688) words, the American publishers seem to be ‘more interventionist than their British counterpart’. Eastwood (2010: 2) focused on the importance of analysing this intralingual translation in order to: [T]heorize the linguistic and cultural implications of the Americanization of Harry Potter by treating Harry Potter as a case study that works to reveal the literary repercussions of American hegemony, the relationship between orthography and nationalism, and how protectionism is literally imposed about youth audiences.

Broadly speaking, the adaptation of Harry Potter for the American readers leads to an Americanisation of the novel itself where the first and most noticeable change can be seen in the different spelling used. It may sound odd, to a certain degree, having typically British characters who speak or

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write with American accents and spelling. In other words, different voices emerge in direct conflict with the text, and there is a discrepancy between the choice of a British cultural context on the one hand, and the spelling, lexical choices and even grammar on the other, which have been deliberately Americanised. The American editor, Arthur A.  Levine justified his choice of deliberately opting for an intralingual translation to ensure ‘that an American child reading the books would have the same literary experience that a British kid would have’ (quoted in Radosh 2009). One of the most challenging and complex aspects of this intralingual translation is, indeed, the cultural context, which is typically British. The first and most obvious difference between the UK and the US versions lies in the translation of the title, which changes from Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone into Harry Potter and the Sorcerer’s Stone. The Philosopher’s Stone refers to a man-made, blood-red stone with magical properties which can be used either to create the elixir of life aimed at extending the drinker’s lifespan or to transform any metal into pure gold. Sorcerer refers to someone who practices sorcery, although it carries with it a negative connotation to black magic. The American publisher believed that American children would associate the word Philosopher with someone who studies philosophy and therefore they would not recognise the magic reference of the book. This is why it was essential for the American publisher to change the title. However, according to Scholes (2001: 208), this change in the title may create confusion as ‘that word Philosopher in the English edition connects the magic stone to the actual history of human thought in a way that the word Sorcerer in the American edition does not’. This immediate change would eventually prompt a change in the visual appearance of the book cover, which had to be changed. This explains why on the front cover of the British version there is a boy (presumably Harry Potter) who stands in front of the Hogwarts Express train whereas the American version depicts the young wizard on his flying broom. The American version undoubtedly recalls a much more magical atmosphere as compared to the British one, thus clearly showing a preference for explicitation strategies. As far as the text is concerned, intralingual translation strategies were aimed at handling three specific categories as shown below: 1. Spelling differences 2. Lexical differences 3. Culture-bound terms

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Table 3.2  Different spelling in the British and American versions of Harry Potter

British English

American English

Moustache Neighbours Mouldy Grey Colour Flavour Pyjamas Ploughed Recognise Realise Mummy / Mum / Mam Memorise Aeroplane Practise Harbour Honour Favoured Maths Centre

Mustache Neighbors Moldy Gray Color Flavor Pajamas Plowed Recognize Realize Mommy / Mom Memorize Airplane Practice Harbor Honor Favored Math Center

As far as syntax is concerned, it is interesting to note that it remains mainly intact in the American version and, as noted by Eastwood (2010: 3), ‘[c]onsequently, the text preserves a distinctively English inflection’. As a result, readers may find it rather odd to have characters using an American accent in British sentence structures. In terms of spelling, the following chart reports some of the spelling differences found in the two editions (Table 3.2). One of the most striking features to notice in terms of different spellings is the word ‘mummy’, as also noted by Nel (2002) who asserted that these differences display a clear inconsistency in their use throughout the text. For instance, when Hagrid uses the American terms mom/mommy while speaking with a supposedly Scottish accent: British Version, p. 39 ‘Las’ time I saw you, you was only a baby,’ said the giant. ‘Yeh look a lot like yer dad, but yeh’ve got yer mum’s eyes.’ American Version, p. 35 “Las’ time I saw you, you was only a baby,” said the giant. “Yeh look a lot like yet dad, but yeh’ve got yet mom’s eyes.”

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British Version, p. 172 ‘Bless him, look, he knows his mummy!’ said Hagrid. American Version, p. 188 “Bless him, look, he knows his mommy!” said Hagrid.

Another instance can be found later on when another character, Seamus Finnegan displays clear Irish accent features and in the American edition the word used is still mom instead of mam: British Version, p. 93 ‘I’m half and half,’ said Seamus. ‘Me dad’s a Muggle. Mam didn’t tell him she was a witch ’til after they were married. Bit of a nasty shock for him.’ American Version, p. 100 “I’m half-and-half,” said Seamus. “Me dad’s a Muggle. Mom didn’t tell him she was a witch ’til after they were married. Bit of a nasty shock for him.”

These changes in spelling led to the removal of many cultural and dialectal features, which play an important role in the ST as their function is that of differentiating the idiolects of the characters in the story. Their identity is removed regardless of their linguistic origins. These differences were cleverly thought and planned by Rowling as they served the purpose of better presenting the characters and their main features. As far as lexis is concerned, changes in the American version, which were aimed at rendering the target text (TT) more intelligible to its audience, seem to display a few inconsistencies, as also shown in the following table (Table 3.3). It is interesting to note that some of these lexical changes in the American edition are at times inconsistent in their use. The term post, for instance, is used in the ST but it was changed in most of the occasions in the TT. It can be debatable whether American children do not recognise the word post when they have post offices and postmen. However, later on in the TT it is possible to find the word post: British Version, p. 34 ‘No post on Sundays,’ he reminded them happily […] American Version, p. 30 “No post on Sundays,” he reminded them cheerfully […]

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Table 3.3  Different lexis in the British and American versions of Harry Potter

British English

American English

Sellotape Sellotaped Fortnight Post Roundabout Notes Cine camera Video recorder Bars Cinemas Holiday Fringe Lot Jumper Glove puppet Ice lolly Rucksack Football Hoover Gawped Beetroot OK Letter-box Food mixer Multi-storey car park Motorway Mint Puddings Happy Christmas

Scotch tape Taped Two weeks Mail Carousel Bills Video camera VCR Restaurants The movies Vacation Bangs Crowd Sweater Hand puppet Ice pop Backpack Soccer Vacuum Gawked Beet Okay Mail slot Food processor Multilevel parking garage Highway Peppermint Desserts Merry Christmas

In this case post was left intact whereas the translator focused on the adverb happily and changed it into cheerfully. Another interesting example is the way in which the word lot in the ST is changed into crowd. When lot is used in the ST, it implies someone’s belonging to a specific group of people as to mark their social position. By changing this word into crowd this sense of ‘otherness’ is lost in the TT. However, there is an instance in

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which in the ST lot is used as a synonym of crowd and in the TT instead of using crowd as in the other instances, the word lot is used. British Version, p. 28 but as Dudley was the biggest and stupidest of the lot, he was the leader. American Version, p. 23 but as Dudley was the biggest and stupidest of the lot, he was the leader.

Other odd cases include minor changes such as Merry Christmas instead of Happy Christmas or food processor instead of food mixer, which were, in the American editor’s opinion, otherwise unintelligible to the American audience. Finally, there are several words which are undoubtedly bound to the British culture and, since they do not exist in the American culture, they were changed in order to make them more familiar to the American audience, although at times they do not have the same correspondence, as shown below (Table 3.4). The differences mentioned above express the American editor’s willingness of marking the difference between the two cultures. However, a few culture-bound terms can be debatable in the American version as if, on a few occasions, references to British culture are not fully understood in the TT. For instance, the American editor’s deliberate choice of leaving the word humbug in the American edition because it was thought to be a ‘magical term’ (Radosh 1999) is a clear example of cultural misunderstanding. This term, indeed, is not a fantasy or magical term at all since it refers to a very common type of sweets in Britain. Another interesting debatable choice of the American editor is the omission of the word Smeltings whose reference is completely lost. In the ST this term is used to refer to the Smeltings Academy, which was a Muggle public school that Table 3.4 Different culture-bound terms in the British and American versions of Harry Potter

British English

American English

Crumpets Sherbet lemon Bobble hats Bobble Tea Tea

English muffins Lemon drop Bonnets Puff ball Dinner Meal

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Dudley Dursley attended and it was also the alma mater of Dudley’s father, Vernon. This posh-sounding name chosen for a posh school carries an obvious reference to the Dursleys’ social class belonging as compared to Harry Potter’s humble origins. It is worth noting that even a few grammatical differences were detected in the comparison of these two versions, namely (1) different concordances between collective nouns and verbs, (2) some verb forms were changed from compound to simpler forms in American English (e.g. BE – They had sat down and AE  – they sat down), (3) as expected in an American context, the past participle of get (got) becomes gotten. Furthermore, in the American version a few extra elements were added, as shown in the following cases: British Version, p. 24 his knickerbocker glory wasn’t big enough… American Version, p. 19 his knickerbocker glory didn’t have enough ice cream on top… British Version, p. 91 And now there were only three people left to be sorted. ‘Turpin, Lisa’ became a Ravenclaw and then it was Ron’s turn. He was pale green by now. American Version, p. 97 And now there were only three people left to be sorted. “Thomas, Dean,” a Black boy even taller than Ron, joined Harry at the Gryffindor table. “Turpin, Lisa,” became a Ravenclaw and then it was Ron’s turn. He was pale green by now.

The extra sentence added in the last example of the American version serves the purpose of enhancing diversity at Hogwarts by introducing an African-American student. Nevertheless, a mistake occurs in this example, as people should be four in the American version rather than three. On other occasions, additions in the American version are meant to explain concepts, as if they cannot be fully understood by the young American audience, as in the following example: British Version, p. 138 Down in the stands, Dean Thomas was yelling, ‘Send him off, ref! Red card!’

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‘This isn’t football, Dean,’ Ron reminded him. ‘You can’t send people off in Quidditch – and what’s a red card?’ American Version, p. 150 Down in the stands, Dean Thomas was yelling, “Send him off, ref! Red card!” “What are you talking about, Dean?” said Ron. “Red card!” said Dean furiously. “In soccer you get shown the red card. and you’re out of the game!” “But this isn’t soccer, Dean,” Ron reminded him.

Although football is the British term used for the American soccer, the game is the same in both countries and, as such, it has the same rules. This means that it was not necessary to explain what a red card is or why it is used in this game. Addition in the American version, therefore, seems completely pointless. Finally, different prepositions were used (Table 3.5). The American version of Harry Potter has been criticised in terms of Americanisation and appropriation of the ST in a sort of nationalist struggle over Britain’s culture and language distinctness. As acknowledged by Nel (2002), Rowling’s political function expressed through the adoption of different dialects is erased in the American version. In Eastwood’s (2010: 6) opinion, ‘Levine’s “translations” become thinly veiled acts of appropriation that interrupt the nationalist discourse and subtly erode the text’s Britishness’. In other words, this intralingual translation has shown a tendency to dominate and appropriate the English language and culture, though preserving Rowling’s neologisms as much as possible. This Table 3.5  Different prepositions in the British and American versions of Harry Potter British English

American English

In the next street On to the floor In to the station Learn off by heart Spell off by heart To stop his knees trembling To stop it breaking his nose

On the next street Onto the floor Into the station Learn by heart Spell by heart To stop his knees from trembling To stop it from breaking his nose

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intralingual translation seems to be motivated by ideological reasons rather than linguistic choices or needs. As shown in these analyses, intralingual translation used as a form of rewording or rewriting of a ST may provide interesting cases and examples of ideological manipulation where changes that take place within the same language do not necessarily imply a common culture. These changes may be motivated by several ideological reasons and ideology is, indeed, a scheme of ideas which can help explain reality and its main purpose is that of serving the interest(s) of a particular group. In the first analysis, Pinocchio was rewritten to serve the fascist regime’s ideology. The second case study showed how intralingual rewritings of classic fairy tales by feminist authors served the ideological purpose of fighting and rebelling against patriarchal values and structures. Finally, the third case study explored how a translation carried out in the same language can be viewed as a form of cultural hegemony and nationalism aimed at opposing and resisting the source culture. In other words, changes in these cases of intralingual translation cannot be justified on linguistic grounds because they are clearly motivated by ideological manipulation.

Bibliography Primary Sources Carter, A. (1979). The Bloody Chamber. London: Victor Gollancz Ltd. Curreri, L. (2008). Pinocchio in camicia nera: Quattro ‘pinocchiate’ fasciste, Cuneo: Nerosubianco. Donoghue, E. (1997). Kissing The Witch. London: Hamish Hamilton Ltd. Rowling, J. K. (1997). Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone. London: Bloomsbury. Rowling, J. K. (1998). Harry Potter and the Sorcerer’s Stone, New York: Arthur A. Levine Books.

Secondary Sources Bacchilega, C. (1988). Cracking the Mirror: Three Re-Visions of “Snow White”. Boundary 2, 15(3), 1–25. Bender-Peterson, S., & Lach, M.  A. (1990). Gender Stereotypes in Children’s Books: Their Prevalence and Influence on Cognitive and Affective Development. Gender and Education, 2(2), 185–197. Billiani, F. (2000). Translators, Writers, Publishers and the Literary Reception of the British and American Novel in Italy in the Inter-war Period. Journal of the Institute of Romance Studies, 8, 171–193.

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Billiani, F. (Ed.). (2007). Modes of Censorship and Translation: National Contexts and Diverse Media. London/New York: Routledge. Bonsaver, G. (2007). Censorship and Literature in Fascist Italy. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Carter, A. (1983). Notes from the Frontline. In M. Wandor (Ed.), On Gender and Writing (pp. 69–77). London: Pandora. Demarest, J., & Kortenhaus, C.  M. (1993). Gender Role Stereotyping in Children’s Literature: An Update. Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, 28(3/4), 219–232. Dworkin, A. (1974). Woman Hating. New York: Dutton. Eastwood, A. (2010). A Fantastic Failure: Displaced Nationalism and the Intralingual Translation of Harry Potter. The English Languages: History, Diaspora, Culture, 1, 1–14. Ferme, V. (2002). Tradurre è tradire. La traduzione come sovversione culturale sotto il fascismo. Ravenna: Longo. Forgacs, D. (1990). Italian Culture in the Industrial Era, 1880–1980: Cultural Industries, Politics and the Public. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Frosini, V. (1967). La satira politica di Carlo Lorenzini. Cliometrica, 3, 271–299. Hennard Dutheil de la Rochère, M. (2009). Queering the Fairy Tale Canon: Emma Donoghue’s Kissing The Witch. In S.  Redington Bobby (Ed.), Fairy Tales Reimagined: Essays on New Rewritings (pp. 13–30). Jefferson/London: McFarland & Company Publishers. Joosen, V. (2007). Disenchanting the Fairy Tale: Retellings of “Snow White” Between Magic and Realism. Marvel, 21(2), 228–239. Key, M. R. (1971). The Role of Male and Female in Children’s Books: Dispelling all Doubt. Wilson Library Bulletin, 46, 167–176. Kuykendal, L.  F., & Sturm, B.  W. (2007). We Said Feminist Fairy Tales, Not Fractured Fairy Tales! Children & Libraries: The Journal of the Association for Library Service to Children, 5(3), 38–41. Leonardi, V. (2016). The Remediation of Harry Potter: An Intersemiotic Perspective. In M. Canepari, G. Mansfield, & F. Poppi (Eds.), Remediating, Rescripting, Remaking: Language and Translation in the New Media (pp. 86–99). Rome: Carocci Editore. Makinen, M. (1992). Angela Carter’s “The Bloody Chamber” and the Decolonization of Feminine Sexuality. Feminist Review, 42, 2–15. Martin, A. (2010). Generational Collaborations in Emma Donoghue’s Kissing the Witch: Old Tales in New Skins. Children’s Literature Association Quarterly, 35(1), 4–25. Meece, J. (2002). Child and Adolescent Development for Educators (2nd ed.). New York: McGraw Hill. Nel, P. (2002). You say “Jelly”, I say “jell-o”: Harry Potter and the Transfiguration of Language. In L. Whited (Ed.), The Ivory Tower and Harry Potter: Perspectives on a Literary Phenomenon (pp.  261–284). Columbia/London: University of Missouri Press.

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Parsons, L. T. (2004). Ella Evolving: Cinderella Stories and the Construction of Gender-appropriate Behavior. Children’s Literature in Education, 35(2), 135–154. Polezzi, L. (2001). Esotismi-eroismi: Motivi d’Africa nell’immaginario fascista. In A.  Brilli & F.  Chielli (Eds.), Immagini e retorica di regime (pp.  51–54). Milan: Motta. Radosh, D. (1999). Ink. The New Yorker, 20 September 1999, p. 54. Radosh, D. (2009). Why American Kids Don’t Consider Harry Potter an Insufferable Prig, Radosh.net.online. Retrieved April 2017 from: http://www. radosh.net/writing/potter.html. Rundle, C. (2004). Resisting Foreign Penetration: The Anti-translation Campaign in Italy in the Wake of the Ethiopian War. In F. Brizio-Skov (Ed.), Reconstructing Societies in the Aftermath of War: Memory, Identity and Reconciliation (pp. 292–307). Boca Raton: Bordighera Press. Rundle, C. (2010). Publishing Translations in Fascist Italy. Oxford: Peter Lang. Rundle, C. (2012). Translation as an Approach to History. Translation Studies, 5(2), 232–248. Rundle, C., & Sturge, K. (2010). Translation and the History of Fascism. In C. Rundle & K. Sturge (Eds.), Translation Under Fascism (pp. 3–12). London: Palgrave Macmillan. Scholes, R. (2001). The Crafty Reader. New Haven/London: Yale University Press. Sherberg, M. (Ed.). (2006). Approaches to Teaching Collodi’s Pinocchio and its Adaptations. New York: MLA of America. Stone, K. (1986). Feminist Approaches to the Interpretation of Fairy Tales. In R.  B. Bottigheimer (Ed.), Fairy Tales and Society: Illusion, Allusion, and Paradigm. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Stone, M. (1993). Staging Fascism: The Exhibition of the Fascist Revolution. Journal of Contemporary History, 28(2), 215–243. Teverson, A. (2013). Fairy Tale. Abingdon/Oxon/New York: Routledge. Warner, M. (1994). Managing Monsters: Six Myths of Our Time. London: Vintage. Weitzman, L. J., Eifler, D., Hokada, E., & Ross, C. (1972). Sex-role Socialization in Picture Books for Preschool Children. American Journal of Sociology, 77(6), 1125–1150. Whitehead, J. (1996). “This is NOT What I Wrote”: The Americanization of British Children’s Books – Part I. The Horn Book Magazine, 72, 687–693. Wright, W. (1975). Six Guns and Society: A Structural Study of the Western. Berkeley/Los Angeles/New York: University of California Press. Zipes, J. (1991). Fairy Tales and the Art of Subversion: The Classical Genre for Children and the Process of Civilization. New York: Routledge. Zipes, J. (1994). Fairy Tale as Myth, Myth as Fairy Tale. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press.

CHAPTER 4

Ideological Manipulation in Interlingual Translation: Case Studies

Abstract  This chapter focuses on the ideological manipulation in interlingual translation through an analysis of three specific texts: (1) Harry Potter as a form of cultural adaptation. The hidden ideology behind naming strategies created by J.  K. Rowling was manipulated in several ways in Italian, Spanish and French in an attempt to adapt this text to their respective target audience’s expectation and understanding; (2) Michaëlis’s work, Bibi, as a case of adaptation strategies aimed at avoiding censorship. This text underwent a double censorship in its translation into German and Italian; and (3) Collodi’s Pinocchio as a case of national adaptation whose translations into both British and American English show different approaches to tackle the issues of horror and violence. These translations display different degrees of ideological manipulation dictated by the historical and socio-cultural context in which they were produced and released. Keywords  Interlingual translation • Cultural adaptation • Censorship • National adaptation This chapter focuses on the ideological manipulation in interlingual translation through an analysis of three specific texts: (1) Harry Potter as a form of cultural adaptation. The hidden ideology behind naming strategies created by J. K. Rowling was manipulated in several ways in Italian, Spanish © The Author(s) 2020 V. Leonardi, Ideological Manipulation of Children’s Literature Through Translation and Rewriting, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47749-3_4

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and French in an attempt to adapt this text to their respective target audience’s expectation and understanding; (2) Michaëlis’s work, Bibi, as a case of adaptation strategies aimed at avoiding censorship. This text underwent a double censorship in its translation into German and Italian; and (3) Collodi’s Pinocchio as a case of national adaptation whose translations into both British and American English show different approaches to tackle the issues of horror and violence. These translations display different degrees of ideological manipulation dictated by the historical and socio-cultural context in which they were produced and released.

4.1   The Ideology of Naming: Cultural Translation of Harry Potter Translating proper names is undoubtedly one of the most complex and challenging activities for translators worldwide. In children’s literature, in particular, proper names tend to have several connotations related to culture, sex, geography and history among others. Most scholars categorise proper names as culture-specific items (CSIs) or cultural markers, although others do not seem to agree with this statement. Davies (2003: 72), for instance, claims that there are ‘many problems concerning the translation of proper names which may not plausibly be subsumed within a discussion of culture-specific references’. It is undoubtedly true that CSIs are challenging in translation because of the complex relationship between SC and TC whereas names are usually thought of as being a ‘universal’, though complex, part of speech (Willems 1996, 2000). Nevertheless, a difference should be made between fictional and non-fictional proper names, bearing in mind that fictional proper names could serve as cultural markers in certain cultures (Nord 2003: 184). Hervey and Higgins (2002: 32) claim that there are two main possibilities to choose from when dealing with the translation of names, that is, translators may leave them unchanged (no translation) or they can adapt them ‘to conform to the phonic/graphic conventions of the TL’. Newmark (1993: 15) acknowledges that translating proper names is problematic in any text and claims that ‘[i]n literature it has to be determined whether the name is real or invented. In non-literary texts, translators have to ask themselves what if any additional explanatory or classificatory information has to be supplied for the TL readership’.

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The translation of names can be dealt with in several ways based on both differences in TL conventions and cultures as well as ideological factors. Proper names can be translated, retained in the original form (untranslated), morphologically or culturally adapted or substituted. Most character names in children’s literature intentionally suggest their role and personality within the text and their translation into other languages could pose problems for translators. The same cannot be said about geographical references, for instance, which most of the time have a direct equivalent in different languages and, therefore, are easier to be translated. Although this latter statement can be true for real places, problems arise when we are dealing with fictional or fantasy names. Let us consider, for instance, geographical names in the Harry Potter books, which do not exist in real life. One of the first and most striking examples could be the street name, Diagon Alley, which is purely fictional and, to a certain extent, it is a pun. Strategies differ, in this respect, across languages: (1) fully translated in French as le chemin de traverse, (2) partly translated in Spanish as el callejón Diagon and (3) untranslated in Italian which opted for the English term Diagon Alley. The translation of proper names is undoubtedly one of the most complex, challenging and controversial issues for translators worldwide and decisions taken in this respect are dictated by a variety of factors, including ideology, culture reception, TL conventions and publishers’ impositions. Many translation scholars have developed different approaches to deal with this complex task of translating proper names, such as (1) Baker (1992) with her interest on the role of pragmatics; (2) House’s (1997) analysis of field, tenor and mode; (3) Munday (2001) who looked at the Harry Potter translations into Italian and Spanish, and Davies’s (2003) translation strategies (preservation, addition, omission, globalisation, localisation, transformation and creation), to mention a few. Translators and translation scholars can agree or disagree with these different approaches, although they cannot avoid thinking about two basic considerations when dealing with proper names, that is, choosing between foreignisation strategies aimed at preserving the cultural elements of the ST and domestication strategies aimed at bringing the text closer to the TC readers by adapting it to the TT norms and conventions. Furthermore, according to Hermans (1988), names, from a translation point of view, can be divided into two main categories:

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1. Conventional names: These names are usually untranslated for several reasons, such as:

(a) They apparently do not seem to carry any semantic meaning with them; (b) Their phonology and morphology require no adaptation in other languages; (c) They have achieved a universal recognition / status. 2. Loaded names: These names are usually translated and include both fictional as well as non-fictional names.

In the specific case of Harry Potter, both personal and place names display an important identity-building capacity. J. K. Rowling creates names with an underlying meaning that is not always accessible to children due to her numerous references to literature, mythology and other linguistic borrowings. Furthermore, many name places coined by Rowling are evocative of both the atmosphere and the inhabitants of the location they describe, thus contributing to the construction of social identities, which may be manipulated in translation for ideological, cultural or linguistic reasons. Goldstein (2004: 16–17) claims that translating Harry Potter into other languages is challenging not only from a linguistic point of view but also from a cultural perspective. He asserts that: The most important of these challenges is undoubtedly a cultural one, as the environment of the book is decidedly English, from the very English-­ sounding Privet Drive, where Harry lives with his non-magical relatives, to teachers calling students by their surnames to virtually everyone having tea and crumpets in the afternoon. The stories follow a familiar theme in English children’s books, that of adventures at boarding school, and many of the cultural nuances will be unfamiliar to readers in translation. Translators have several options, including de-Anglicizing the text, leaving names and concepts as they are (but including explanations of particularly difficult notions, such as Christmas crackers, Halloween, and Cornflakes—the latter having earned a footnote in the Chinese translation, to indicate that these are consumed immersed in milk for breakfast), or some combination of the two.

Goldstein also acknowledges that translators need to use a great deal of creativity when translating proper names in order to get as close as possible to the associations and meanings of the ST terms.

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Although the Harry Potter books were originally written for British children, it is worth noting that Rowling’s allusions in proper names throughout the books are not always clear to the British audience. Morris (2001) carried out a study on the etymology of some proper names in the Harry Potter novels claiming that character names reveal a great deal of information about their personality. For instance, in the case of Lord Voldemort, Morris shows how this name was carefully planned to refer to the ‘will of death’ (ibid.: 9). It is, indeed, made up of two words, VOLDE coming from old English and it is an obsolete version of the word ‘will’ and MORT (French origin) which refers to death or dead. Morris (2001: 31) concludes his study by claiming that proper names are stylistic devices used to achieve three ends: [F]irstly to foreshadow character traits or personalities prior to their proper “physical” introduction, as with Voldemort, Sirius, Lupin and Snape; secondly to re-enforce a view of a character from the information already given, as with the Malfoys; and thirdly, in a device which also relies quite heavily on the previous two, as part of a mechanism to provide the reader with red-­ herrings through misinformation.

Since J. K. Rowling spent a year in France for her studies when she was younger, Lord Voldemort can simply be seen as a French name meaning VOL (flight) De (of) MORT (Death). Nevertheless, the most interesting and, from a translation point of view, challenging issue about this name is that Lord Voldemort started life as Tom Marvolo Riddle. His name is in itself a riddle as in the second book (The Chamber of Secrets) it is established that the appellation Lord Voldemort is derived from an anagram of this name forming the following statement: ‘I am Lord Voldermort’. The translation of this name into other languages posed a few problems mainly due to the fact that this riddle or anagram would become clear only in the second book. The table below shows how French, Spanish and Italian handled this name in their translations (Table 4.1). Difficulties encountered by translators in dealing with proper names were due to the fact that Harry Potter was an unfinished tale, which developed over a seven-year period. This required some changes, adjustments and revisions on behalf of translators. For instance, the term Ravenclaw was initially translated into Italian as Pecoranera (black sheep) and it was eventually changed into Corvonero (black raven) because, later on, it became more evident that developments in the tales might depend on the

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Table 4.1  Translation comparison from English into French, Spanish and Italian English

Tom Marvolo Riddle

I am Lord Voldemort

French Spanish Italian

Tom Elvis Jedusor Tom Sorvolo Ryddle Tom Orvoloson Riddle

Je suis Voldemort Soy Lord Voldemort Son io Lord Voldemort

animals depicted on the shields. Another such example is that of the Spanish translation of Profesor Sinistra, which was changed with the female title Profesora Sinistra in later editions when her gender became clear. Since these books are mainly addressed to British children, many names are conventional and ordinary to them. They can more easily recognise foreign or newly coined names but for foreign readers things are not so clear. In Rowling’s novels, the aesthetic (wordplay) and informative (meaning) functions are complementary. Translators must have faced a great deal of difficulties in rendering both functions and several strategies were adopted. The question is, why did Rowling create such amazing, though at times challenging, proper names in her novels? The author was born in Chipping Sodbury, near Bristol, in England and this is an important aspect to consider as claimed by Rowling herself, as the funny sound of her birthplace may have contributed to her love for curious-sounding words in later life. Translating Professors’ Names Since there are too many examples of proper names to be analysed in the Harry Potter series, a selection was made to focus exclusively on the translation of some of the professors’ names and some place names from English into French, Spanish and Italian. As far as the professors’ names are concerned, the following names were chosen: Table 4.2 shows that in Italian there is a tendency to translate either partially or in full names, whereas French and Spanish tend, most of the times, to leave them unchanged. Only two out of the nine professors’ names chosen for this analysis are not translated in French, Spanish and Italian, namely Rubeus Hagrid and Remus Lupin. The name Rubeus possibly comes from the Latin word ‘rubinus’ meaning ‘red’ which could possibly refer to the colour of Hagrid’s face after

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Table 4.2  Comparing professors’ names in English, French, Spanish and Italian English

French

Albus Dumbledore Rubeus Hagrid

Albus Dumbledore Rubeus Hagrid

Gilderoy Lockhart Remus Lupin Alastor Mad-eye Moody Minerva McGonagall Sybill Trelawney Severus Snape Dolores Umbridge

Spanish

Albus Dumbledore RUBEUS HAGRID Gilderoy Lockhart Gilderoy Lockhart Remus Lupin Remus Lupin Alastor Maugrey Fol Alastor Ojoloco Oeil Moody Minerva McGonagall Minerva McGonagall Sybille Trelawney Sybill Trelawney Severus Rogue Severus Snape Dolores Ombrage Dolores Umbridge

Italian Albus Silente Rubeus Hagrid Gilderoy Allock Remus Lupin Alastor Malocchio Moody Minerva McGrannitt Sibilla Cooman Severus Piton Dolores Umbridge

drinking since he is a big drinker. It is possible to make a connection between him and Hagrid Rubes who was the ‘Giant of the jewels’ in the ancient Greek mythology. It is challenging to assume that most adult readers can grasp either the Latin association of ‘red’ or the reference to ancient Greek mythology and it is extremely unexpected in the case of children. Therefore, these possible references and associations are completely lost in all these three languages, thus leaving their respective readers with a clear reference to someone belonging to a foreign place. Remus Lupin is a werewolf, an old classmate of Harry’s father and a really good friend of Harry’s. It is interesting to note how the lycanthrope professor’s surname Lupin may possibly come from the Latin word ‘lupus’ meaning ‘wolf’ whereas his name, Remus, is probably derived from one of the two legendary founders of Rome (Romulus and Remus) who were, indeed, brought up by a wolf. Given the Latin origin of these three languages chosen for the comparison, the decision not to translate it into their respective TTs is partly justified by the fact that this name, indeed, conveys a clear meaning in these languages. Furthermore, there is an interesting association that can be done with the character of Arsène Lupin, a fictional gentleman thief and master of disguise, who was created by French writer Maurice Leblanc in 1905. As far as the name of Professor Dolores Umbridge is concerned, different strategies were adopted. Both the Spanish and the Italian translator left the name unchanged whereas the French translator only translated her

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surname. Her first name, Dolores, in Latin means ‘lady of sorrow or pain’ and, as such, it seems to imply a certain degree of pain. In the English-­ speaking world Dolores, which is taken from the Spanish title of the Virgin Mary ‘María de los Dolores’, has been used since the nineteenth century although it has become especially popular in America during the 1920s and 1930s and there is also an English similar sounding word, that is ‘dolorous’, which means causing or expressing grief and suffering. Her surname seems to reinforce her features for several reasons. First of all, Umbridge is a pun on the English ‘umbrage’ meaning offence or insult. In English the expression, ‘to take umbrage’ means feeling resentment or taking offence. Secondly, ‘umbrage’, may have originated from both the Middle French ‘ombrage’ as well as from the Latin ‘umbra’ which means ‘shadow’, presumably alluding to the ‘shadow of displeasure’ and it may imply someone standing in one’s light or way. Her name and surname, therefore, perfectly fit her role and behaviour in the series as an unpleasant and deceitful woman. These assumptions and possible associations are perfectly suited in the French translation where the word ‘ombrage’ can be translated as shade, offence, resentment or umbrage whereas they are partially lost in the Spanish and Italian versions. Although her name was not translated into Spanish and Italian as Dolores can be possibly understood by their respective readers, the surname reference is completely lost and no attempt is made by the Spanish and Italian translators to find a solution for this partial loss. The first striking feature about Albus Dumbledore is the fact that ‘albus’ means ‘white’ in Latin and this is probably due to his long white beard, to his old age (whereby elderly people are seen as white people) and, finally, white could also symbolise his white magic as opposed to black magic. Furthermore, it seems that J. K. Rowling must have taken her inspiration from ancient Roman history regarding the alliance between Decimus Clodius Albinus (Albus Dumbledore?) and Septimius Severus (Severus Snape). When Emperor Pertinax died, Decimus Clodius Albinus attempted to seize the throne but ended up as Caesar in alliance with another imperial contender, Septimius Severus. After Severus defeated two other rivals (Voldemort and maybe Slytherin?), the expendable Albinus was forced into another attempt at usurpation, an attempt that came to an end at the bloody battle of Lyon. This name was left unchanged in both the French and the Spanish versions whereas the decision of translating Albus Dumbledore, the Headmaster of Hogwarts, as Albus Silente in Italian

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caused some heated controversy and criticism, even from J. K. Rowling herself who, back in 2002, claimed: Sometimes I find strange little aberrations. [...] In the Italian translation, Professor Dumbledore has been translated into “Professore Silencio”. The translator has taken the “dumb” from the name and based the translation on that. In fact “dumbledore” is the old English word for bumblebee. I chose it because my image is of this benign wizard, always on the move, humming to himself, and I loved the sound of the word too. For me “Silencio” is a complete contradiction. But the book is very popular in Italy - so, it obviously doesn’t bother the Italians!1

Professor Gilderoy Lockhart is a famous writer and his name was probably derived from Sir Walter Scott’s son-in-law and biographer (John Gibson Lockhart). Sir Walter Scott was called the wizard of the North, thus it is not surprising to find out that Professor Lockhart was selected by Rowling to be the most clever writer among wizards. As far as his first name is concerned, it can be split into two parts, namely Gild meaning to cover (something) with a thin layer of gold or to give an attractive but often deceptive appearance to someone and Roy, which can be associated with the Old French word for Roi (king). Thinking about the character, his name perfectly fits its role of a person whose good look hides his incapacity of being a powerful wizard. The choice of translating his surname as Allock in Italian functions as a phonological device, which makes it sound as allocco, a term used in Italian to mean stupid, fool or silly. It works perfectly well for the little Italian audience where children can understand why this professor is actually Allock. No attempts were made by the French and the Spanish translators who left the name unchanged in their respective versions. Severus Snape, one of the most intriguing characters in the series, is the potions master and head of Slytherin. He is depicted as an unpleasant person both in his appearance and behaviour and an unjust, harsh and strict person who cannot be trusted. These features of his personality are also reflected in his name. First of all, Severus may come from the Latin word for harsh or severe. Rowling may have been borrowed his name from the Roman Emperor, Septimius Severus (in full Lucius Septimus Severus Pertina), who gained and maintained control of the Empire with bloody 1

 J. K. Rowling in ‘The Scotsman’, November 2002.

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force. He founded a personal dynasty and converted the government into a military monarchy. His reign marked a critical stage in the development of the absolute despotism that characterised the later Roman Empire. Professor Snape, indeed, is a cruel teacher who sadistically humiliates his students. He is insulting, vicious and slimy. His surname is similar to the term snake and the Italian translator must have taken this reference into account when opting for ‘Piton’, which recalls the word ‘python’ in Italian. The French translator decided to translate his surname as Rogue, which in English means arrogant and, as such, it perfectly suits his personality. Both the Italian and the French translators seem to maintain the author’s intention to portray the character as an evil, slimy and arrogant person whereas this is not done in Spanish where the name was left unchanged. Although his first name may be associated with the adjective ‘severe’ or ‘harsh’ in French, Spanish and Italian, the association of his surname is completely lost in Spanish since no attempt was made by the translator to work out a similar strategy. Minerva McGonagall is the strict head of the Gryffindor House and transfiguration teacher at Hogwarts. Her first name, Minerva, recalls the Roman goddess of wisdom, medicine, commerce, handicrafts, poetry, the arts in general, and, later, war. In French, Spanish and Italian the name is therefore left unchanged since their respective readers can clearly recall her origin. However, both the French and the Spanish translators left her surname unchanged whereas the Italian translator opted from McGrannitt. The word ‘Grannitt’ sounds as ‘granito’ in Italian, which is the word for granite in English and in the series this professor is as hard as granite. She is extremely strict and punishes kids who misbehave regardless of the reason. Nevertheless, this does not mean that she ignores the good. She always gives credit to her students when it is due. Mc is also left in Italian to allow readers to make a connection to her Scottish origins. Professor Sybill Trelawney provides another good example of the way Rowling uses names to allude to ancient myths. Professor Trelawney teaches Divination at Hogwarts. She regularly makes very gloomy predictions and many of her colleagues and students think she is a complete fraud. The character’s first name, Sybill, could possibly refer to the sibyls or prophetesses of Greek and Roman mythology. Their prophecies, which emerged as riddles to be interpreted by priests, were inspired by Apollo and other gods. The most famous of these prophetesses was the Cumaean Sibyl who guided Aeneas to the underworld and back. Virgil describes her as spewing forth prophecy in an ecstatic trance divinely inspired by Apollo.

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The Italian translator must have thought about the Cumaen Sibyl (in Italian Sibilla Cumana) when translated this name as Sibilla (Italian spelling for Sybill) Cooman, which sounds and is pronounced in Italian as ‘Cuman’ but uses an English spelling for the surname, thus allowing readers to make a connection with her English context. The French translator only turned her first name into a French spelling and left her surname unchanged whereas the Spanish translator left both her name and surname unchanged. Finally, Professor Alastor Mad-Eye Moody is a Scottish pure-blood wizard considered to be the most famous Auror of all time. His demeanor is intimidating and rough, but many witches and wizards hold him in esteem from his years battling Death Eaters and sending them to Azkaban. He is always on alert and nervous and he changes his mood fast and easily. As far as the origin of this character’s name is concerned, the first observation that can be done regards the spelling of his first name, that is Alastor, which resembles Alistar. Alistar (Alasdair) is the Scottish form of Alexander. This name, in turn, is the Latinised form of the ancient Greek name Alexandros composed of ‘alexein’ meaning to defend and ‘andros’ meaning man or masculine, so that Alexander means ‘defender of the mankind’. The most famous bearer was Alexander the Great, King of Macedon in the fourth century B.C. and he is still considered the greatest military general of all time and Professor Alastor Mad-Eye Moody is undoubtedly a great warrior too. However, Alastor, in Ancient Greece, was an epithet of the Greek god Zeus, which described him as the avenger of evil deeds and this could partly explain why Rowling chose this name for this character as a law-enforcement officer. Moody refers to people who quite often change their mood or personality, in a negative sense and Alastor Mad-Eye Moody perfectly fits the description. Furthermore, ‘mad-eye’ is a nickname referring to his magical eye. Alastor Moody, indeed, lost his left eye during the first wizarding war and had a replacement eye described as an electric blue orb that is able to see through anything. Both the Spanish and the Italian translators opted for translating only ‘mad-eye’ as ojoloco and malocchio respectively. The Spanish version literally translates mad or crazy eye whereas in Italian malocchio means jinx or evil eye. However, the French translator decided to translate also the ‘moody’ reference as maugrey probably from the French verb maugréer meaning ‘to grumble’. The ideological manipulation behind Rowling’s naming choices is mostly lost in French, Spanish and Italian despite a few attempts to provide TT readers with a possible alternative. In this case, ideological

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manipulation lies in the source text itself rather than in the translated versions although the translators’ mediation and strategies had the potential to maintain, reinforce or completely neutralise it in their respective TTs. Translating Place Names In this analysis, attention was laid upon those names referring to non-­ existent locations that have been created by the author to indicate places and possibly construct or reinforce identity traits of their characters.  Privet Drive 4 Privet Drive, the name of the street where the Dursleys live, recalls an immediate reference to the British identity sought by the author in her novels. Privet, indeed, designates a specific suburban plant (an evergreen bush), which makes neat hedges around many English gardens. Nevertheless, the connection between the place name and identity of the people who live there is quite straightforward in this context for most British readers. Rowling, indeed, describes the Dursleys as conventional, middle-of-the-road Englanders who live in the suburban conformity. ‘“Privet Drive” signals to an English reader the orderliness and monotony of a suburban English childhood of the 1940s, 50s and 60s, where neatly trimmed privet hedges around the edge of a garden were a common sight, and living in a “Drive” certainly indicated a higher social status than living in a “Street” or “Road”’ (Lathey 2016: 48). Throughout her novels, Rowling uses many devices to refer to ‘a return to the conventional England of the early and mid-twentieth century’ (ibid.). Rowling claimed that she liked the association with both suburbia and enclosure as the Dursleys are so smugly middle class and so determinedly separate from the wizarding world. The question here is to assess how translators managed to reproduce this effect in their TTs. Most of them, as in the case of the French, Spanish and Italian translations, opted for leaving the street name in English, thus depriving the target language readers of this connection and reference to the Britishness of the text. Why? Could have they used a botanical reference as well? (Tables 4.3 and 4.4) For instance, in French the privet plant can be translated as le troène. However, by translating the address directly as l’allée des troènes would have made it extremely French sounding and would detract from the foreign flavour of a street in London’s suburbs. The same strategy could have been used in Spanish (La calle de los ligustros) and Italian (La via dei

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Table 4.3  Translation comparison from English into French, Spanish and Italian English

French

Spanish

Italian

Privet Drive

Privet Drive

Privet Drive

Privet Drive

Table 4.4  Suggested translations in French, Spanish and Italian English

French

Spanish

Italian

Privet Drive

l’allée des troènes

La calle de los ligustros

La via dei ligustri

ligustri) with the same unsuccessful result as in French. The Italian, Spanish and French translators, bearing in mind that translation may entail some kind of loss, decided to leave the term untranslated and their choice inevitably led to the loss of an important reference to a typically British identity. The term ‘privet’ is phonetically pronounced in French as privè, and the French words that are most phonetically similar, privé and priver, bring an entirely new dimension to the address. Privé is both the French adjective for ‘private’ and the noun for ‘private life’ while priver is the verb ‘to deprive’. The meaning is undeniably significant as the question of privacy is linked to Harry’s nosy aunt, who spends ‘so much of her time craning over garden fences, spying on the neighbours’ (Rowling 1997: 1). Yet, she is paranoid regarding her own family’s private life, keeping everything behind closed door to avoid revealing any sliver of truth about the magical member of her household. Furthermore, deprivation is an extremely telling image of Harry’s life with his aunt and uncle; before being contacted by Hogwarts, Harry is forced to live in the cupboard under the stairs of their house and he is deprived of affection and food. In other words, deprivation is all Harry Potter has ever known in his life with them. This phonetic device, however, does not work either in Spanish or in Italian.  2 Grimmauld Place 1 In the fifth volume of Harry Potter’s adventures, the young wizard escapes the loathsome Dursley residence only to arrive at a worse place: the family home of his godfather, Sirius, a dwelling formally known as ‘The Noble and Most Ancient House of Black’ (Rowling 2003: 111). Its address, 12 Grimmauld Place, is appropriate as the house is indeed a grim

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old place. Number 12 Grimmauld Place was formerly a handsome muggle townhouse built in London. At some point, an early member of the wizarding House of Black coveted the beautiful house and managed to persuade the original muggle occupant to leave and eventually put the appropriate spells on it to hide it from muggles. The building decay, to a certain extent, is used to symbolise the decadence of the Black Family. From a linguistic perspective, however, this place name is another example of Rowling’s wordplay as it could mean both (1) Grim and Old and (2) Grim and Mould. Davies (2003: 94) reminds us that (Table 4.5): Given that the place names associated with the real world do not seem particularly meaningful, the policy of consistent preservation may seem preferable. In contrast, the names used for the fantasy part of the setting, such as Hogwarts, seem much more allusive and may justify renderings which are meaningful in the target language.

In other words, Davies remarks the importance of translating place names that belong to the magical world so as to allow the target readers to access the connotative meanings that such names carry. From a translation point of view, this could be extremely hard and challenging and Newmark (1981: 71) attempts to provide a solution to this problem by suggesting that (Table 4.6): A possible method of translating literary proper names that have connotations in the SL is first to translate the word that underlies the proper name into the TL, and then to naturalize it back into a new SL proper name.

In line with Newmark’s theory, a possible Spanish translation could be El Lugar Grisoscuro, which combines the word ‘gris’ (meaning grey) and ‘oscuro’ (meaning dark). Thanks to this possible translation, the Spanish readers can be provided with both the connotative effect of the original name as well as the uninviting appearance of this place. A literal translation of the ST word into Spanish as grisviejo would not work due to its Table 4.5  Translation comparison from English into French, Spanish and Italian English

French

Spanish

Italian

Grimmauld Place

Square Grimmaurd

Grimmauld Place

Grimmauld Place

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Table 4.6  Suggested translations in French, Spanish and Italian English

French

Spanish

Italian

Grimmauld Place

La Vieille Place Sinistre

El Lugar Grisoscuro

Il Vecchio Luogo Oscuro

phonetic and phonologic difficulty in combining these two terms. In a similar way, the Italian translator could have opted for Il Vecchio Luogo Oscuro in order to let the Italian readers aware that this is an old and sinister place. In the French version, the translator opted for Square Grimmaurd, thus changing a perfectly French word, place (used to refer to public squares in French), to a borrowed English word square, which suggests that the address regards an English location. Furthermore, the translator also changed the l in Grimmauld to r possibly to create an equally meaningless word in French that can be more easily pronounced by French speakers. It is felt, however, that the connotative meaning of this place name and its association with the Black family’s identity is lost in French. A possible translation could be La Vieille Place Sinistre where ‘place’ plays a double role (translation into French or English word) and the sense of both ‘old’ and ‘grim’ is transferred in the target text. Hogwarts Houses In Rowling’s magical world, wizards can attend different schools whose organisation and structure resemble typically British high-school systems. Nevertheless, there are two schools, in particular, which are regarded as the most prestigious ones, namely Hogwarts and Durmstrang. In her novels, however, the focus of attention is laid upon Hogwarts, with only a few refereces to Durmstrang. The name Hogwarts is actually the name of a flower. Rowling claimed that she could not remember where she got this name from until a friend of hers recalled the day when they went to Kew Gardens and saw some lilies called Hogwarts. Hogwarts is divided into four houses, namely Gryffindor, Hufflepuff, Ravenclaw and Slytherin. Each name deserves careful attention since not only was Rowling clever at naming each after its respective founder, but she also chose names that themselves tell us a lot about the Houses, if one makes the connection between the name place, the founder’s name and the animal chosen to mascot each house. Animals,

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indeed, play an important role in the HP series and a closer look at the place names and the animals chosen to mascot these houses can provide readers with interesting insights about students’ identity in each house. When analysing the names of the houses and their features, it is interesting to note the association between the houses and the students chosen by the Sorting Hat to live in each of them. Unsurprisingly, Gryffindor students are open and extroverted and are chosen for their bravery, Ravenclaw students are chosen for their intelligence, Hufflepuffs students for their loyalty and Slytherin students for their ambition. House identities are maintained and reinforced through a mutual relationship among founders, animals and places. Gryffindor Harry’s House was founded by Godric Gryffindor. The name Godric means ‘power of God’ and it is a name derived from old English God combined with ric meaning ‘power, rule’. This name died out a few centuries after the Norman Conquest. Gryffindor can be associated with the mythical griffin. A griffin was a creature from Greek mythology with the body of a lion and the head of an eagle. Gryffindor’s mascot is a lion, and the house colours are gold and scarlet, lion-like colours. These animals served as protectors of wealth and their nobility and braveness are the main characteristics of the Gryffindor’s house. It is likely that Rowling must have coined the word from the French griffon d’or (meaning golden griffin). It is interesting to see how the term was not translated into French. According to the Sorting Hat: You might belong in Gryffindor, Where dwell the brave at heart; Their daring nerve and chivalry, Sets Gryffindors apart.

The Sorting Hat provides us with the main features of people who can be placed within this house, thus making Gryffindor the house of bravery, courage and chivalrous attitudes whose students are reckless and daring fighters. Gryffindor’s mascot animal, the lion, could be associated with Richard the Lionheart, and this makes lions brave as well as royal. Lions, besides, are the kings of the forests, thus making them superior animals and, indeed, this house is represented as the ruling house in Hogwarts where the three main protagonists live. In Hindu mythology, lions do not

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put up with evil (Matthews and Matthews 2005: 367) and Gryffindors, indeed, uphold justice. Furthermore, in Ancient Greece lions are the symbol of strength (ibid.). Nevertheless, both lions and gryffindors seem to share a common vice, that is, laziness. Lions, for instance, sleep up to eighteen hours a day and this vice is exemplified by Fred, George and Ron Weasley who prefer to take it easy and relax most of the time rather than do their homework. Hufflepuff The founder of this house is Helga Hufflepuff. This name is another example of Rowling’s alliteration, which combines images of huffing and puffing. Students chosen to belong to Hufflepuff are similar to those in Gryffindor as, in both cases, they value justice. The difference, however, lies in the fact that students in Hufflepuff hold up the principle of justice through loyalty, as also claimed by the Sorting Hat: You might belong in Hufflepuff, Where they are just and loyal; Those patient Hufflepuffs, Are true and unafraid of toil.

The animal chosen to mascot this house is the badger and throughout the HP novels, there are many examples of how this animal fits the Hufflepuff identity. Badgers can be often found in children’s literature and one of the best-known examples is Kenneth Grahame’s The Wind in the Willows (1908). In this story, badger is always loyal to his friends and no matter how hard Toad tests his patience, badger never stops helping Toad. The badger’s features are exemplified in Cedric Diggory’s character who is always ready to help his friends. In the Goblet of Fire, despite being competitors, he helps Harry in the second task of the Tri-Wizard Tournament and later offers him the trophy. This shows how Cedric is not interested in his own personal glory because his main goal is that of remaining loyal to his house and to Hogwarts as a whole. Students in Hufflepuff are kind and caring, thus recalling Helga Hufflepuff, the founder of the house whose caring and all-inclusive nature is exemplified in her will not to exclude any student from her house, thus claiming that she would ‘teach the lot, and treat them just the same’ (Rowling 2003: 185). Recalling the tale of The Animals of Farthing Wood (Dann 1979), the badger has an all for one and one for all mentality and he is particularly protective of the blind mole, just

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like Hufflepuffs, he looks after the vulnerable. Furthermore, badgers are seen as protectors also in Navajo tradition where they are associated with the yellow colour, which is also the colour chosen by Rowling for the Hufflepuff house (Matthews and Matthews 2005: 53). In many cultures badgers have been associated with medicine and curative powers. The Native Americans, for instance, considered the badger as the keeper of the medicine roots. It is not surprising, therefore, that the head of Hufflepuff house is Professor Sprout, the Herbology teacher. Students in Hufflepuff, therefore, are loyal, hardworking, protective and caring, just like badgers. Ravenclaw This house is named after Rowena Ravenclaw and, surprisingly, the chosen animal to mascot this house is not a raven but an eagle. Why? In order to better understand this choice, we should first refer to the Sorting Hat claiming that: Or yet in wise old Ravenclaw, If you’ve a ready mind Where those of wit and learning, Will always find their kind.

The name is derived from both its founder as well as being an obvious combination of the well-known bird and claw. The animal chosen to mascot this house is a different bird, that is, an eagle. First of all, the name Rowena means ‘mother of the nation’ in Welsh poetry, which refers to her status as one of the founders of Hogwarts and her surname has a symbolic meaning. Ravens are intelligent creatures and, indeed, intelligent students are placed in this house. As for the eagle, in Mesopotamian myth, the eagle is ‘double-headed, representing its ability to see in both directions at the same time, and emphasizing its association with wisdom’ (Matthews and Matthews 2005: 189). As the eagle is seen as a very intelligent animal in most cultures, it is not surprising to find its image on Plato’s tomb to embody his ‘aspiring spirit’ (ibid.). In Aztec and Mayan culture, the eagle is seen as ‘the rising sun which devoured the serpent of darkness’ (ibid.). It is not surprising that Ravenclaws, along with Gryffindors, are opposed to Slytherins.

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Slytherin This house is named after Salazar Slytherin and his name was derived from Portuguese dictator Antonio de Oliviera Salazar who was in power between 1932 and 1968. Rowling used to live in Portugal and this is probably why she is familiar with Portuguese history. The chosen animal to mascot this house is the snake and since its founder was a Parselmouth, his ability to talk to snakes made him the perfect candidate to represent his house. Who are, then, the perfect candidates to live in this house? According to the Sorting Hat in Slytherin: You’ll make your friends; Those cunning folk use any means, To achieve their ends.

Slytherin members are described as being cunning and ambitious and their association with snakes is significant. Snakes are, indeed, both cunning and ambitious as they often take on and swallow larger preys by waiting patiently for the right moment and keeping camouflaged. Snakes can be found in the myths and legends of countless cultures around the world and, most of the time, they have negative connotations. ‘In Egyptian myth, snakes can be divine protectors or symbols of renewal, but the Apophis snake seems to be an entirely destructive force’ (Pinch 2002: 106). Apophis can be compared to Lord Voldermort in terms of power and destructive force. It is possible, however, that Rowling drew the features of darkness and invisibility from the Ogdoad of Hermopolis in Ancient Egypt. The Egyptians believed that before the world was formed, there was a watery mass of dark, directionless chaos. In this chaos lived the Ogdoad of Khmunu (Hermopolis), four frog gods and four snake goddesses of chaos. These eight deities arranged in four male-female pairs who embodied the qualities of primeval matter, such as water, invisibility, infinity and darkness (ibid.). Having established some of the possible connections between the choice of the names, colours and animals of the four houses of Hogwarts, it is interesting to look into the several translation strategies used worldwide to deal with these names and their connotations. Ideological manipulation lies in Rowling’s careful choice of names and their translation into different languages and cultures could either maintain and reinforce it or completely neutralise it. Both linguistic and cultural challenges seem to play a key role in the following translation strategies.

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Translation Comparison The French translator turned the English term Gryffindor into Gryffondor by altering the spelling. As shown above, the i became an o and, in either case, it does not change anything about the meaning since both terms derive from French (griffon d’or, ‘golden griffin’). The translations of the other three houses, however, were more considerably altered. As far as Ravenclaw is concerned, for instance, Serdiagle is a nice combination of serrer (meaning to grip or grasp, as in a claw), and aigle, meaning eagle. The animal on the house’s crest is, indeed, an eagle. This choice is also much more lyrical than a more literal translation would have been (serre du corbeau). Interestingly, the translation of Hufflepuff as Poufsouffle in French has very much the same feel as Hufflepuff produces in English. The two words were inversed in the French translation, but otherwise it is a close direct translation. Finally, the translation of Slytherin as Serpentard in French seems to be suitable as ‘serpent’ means snake and the English word invokes, indeed, the image of a snake. Furthermore, −ard is a negative suffix in French aimed at exemplifying the bad nature and features of people chosen to belong to this house (Table 4.7). As far as the Spanish translation is concerned, the names of the houses were not translated, as it also happens with most of the personal names used throughout the novels. It seems that the Spanish translator aims at foreignising the TT to make readers aware of the fact that they are reading a translation and, possibly, in an effort to maintain the British flavour and identity of the series. Could the Spanish translator have attempted to find possible equivalents to match the ST references? The following table shows an attempt to translate these place names into Spanish, bearing in mind both the ST original names and connotations and the fact that they are addressed to a young target audience (Table 4.8).

Table 4.7  Translation comparison from English into French, Spanish and Italian English

French

Spanish

Italian

Gryffindor Hufflepuff Ravenclaw Slytherin

Gryffondor Poufsouffle Serdaigle Serpentard

Gryffindor Hufflepuff Ravenclaw Slytherin

Grifondoro Tassorosso Pecoranera / Corvonero Serpeverde

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Table 4.8  Suggested translations in Spanish English

Spanish (official translation)

Spanish (suggested translation)

Gryffindor

Gryffindor

Hufflepuff Ravenclaw Slytherin

Hufflepuff Ravenclaw Slytherin

Grifodeoro Griforojo Tejónresoplante Cuervogarra Serpiengaño

Table 4.9  Official and suggested translations in Italian English

Italian (official translation)

Italian (suggested translation)

Gryffindor Hufflepuff

Grifondoro Tassorosso

Ravenclaw Slytherin

Pecoranera / Corvonero Serpeverde

Grifondoro Tassosbuffo Uffasbuffa Corvartiglio Serpefurba Serpebirba

As far as the Italian translation is concerned, the choice of translating all the proper names as much as possible seems to have been the rule. It is felt, however, at least in these examples, that different strategies could have been adopted in order to show more consistency with the ST place names, bearing in mind that the main target audience should be children (Table 4.9). From this brief contrastive analysis, it is clear that the translations of the Harry Potter series into French, Spanish and Italian reproduce the plot devices, characterisations and countless descriptive details of J. K. Rowling’s books with varying degrees of success. This is not the case of thinking of the old Italian saying Traduttore, Traditore but the abundance of invented names of people, places and things adds to the complexities and challenges of the translation activity. These names inevitably conjure up associations for English-speaking readers, but might well be semantically empty—or at least phonologically challenging—for the non-English-speaking audience. The strategies adopted by these translators have produced several different effects in their respective versions. This comparison shows how Italian translation strategies were aimed at domesticating the ST whereas the

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Spanish translations showed a preference for foreignising strategies. French translation strategies, however, seem to stand in the middle. All these translation strategies reflect different ideological manipulations that significantly impact readers’ interpretations, opinions and understanding of the text itself. Names are important worldwide as they provide us with a sense of personal identity and uniqueness, as in the case of the HP series. Despite their universality, however, cultures may assign a different importance to names and translation may manipulate them to a greater or lesser degree. Regardless of the interpretations and ideologies behind the choice of names, the manipulative power of translation has a strong responsibility towards the original ST author’s intentions. Translating is, to a certain extent, renaming a person, a concept or a place and in a way, it may reshape a different identity in the target text, which does not always match the ST author’s choices and intentions. If it is true that the reception of a foreign text heavily depends on translation, then in the case of Harry Potter, which has been translated into more than seventy languages worldwide, has been an absolute success. Nevertheless, the French, Spanish and Italian translators, though very successful, do not show a consistent strategy in dealing with names in the HP series in their respective versions, which means that their work is neither entirely domesticated nor entirely foreignised but a mixture of both techniques. As a result, their ideological manipulation lies in the fact that readers may have mixed perceptions about characters’ physical features, qualities, origins and personality traits.

4.2   Censorship and National Ideology: The Case of BIBI Censorship can be defined as the control of the information and ideas circulated within society or as the removal or prohibition of any material that a controlling body deems to be offensive or objectionable in some way. Although the term ‘censorship’ is normally associated with dictatorships, it may be implemented by different institutions for several reasons. Censorship and translation are, interestingly, two opposing forces driving communication towards two extreme ends: Translation allows the circulation of communication worldwide whereas censorship bans or blocks this circulation. Both censorship and translation practices are aimed at negotiating linguistic, political, social and ideological norms by creating

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Political Grounds

Sexual Grounds

Religious Grounds

Social Grounds

Fig. 4.1  Reasons for censorship

boundaries between different languages and cultures. These boundaries can either be traversed by translation, which can be regarded as a ‘bridge that creates out of itself the two fields of battle it separates’ (Johnson 1985: 147), or they can be limited by censorship. According to Rundle and Sturge (2010: 7), ‘translated works are magnets for censorship, since they make manipulation possible at several stages, from the selection for publication to the precise wording of the translated text’. There are two main forms of censorship that are usually implemented, such as Preventive Censorship (exercised before the expression is made public) and Punitive Censorship (carried out after the expression is made public). There are several reasons that may induce people to censor oral or written expressions, although they can be conveniently divided into four main groups, as also acknowledged by Karolides, Bald and Sova (1999) (Fig. 4.1). Political censorship occurs when governments hold back information from their citizens, which is considered to be critical or threatening. It regards censorship carried out under dictatorial regimes, although it may apply even to democracies to protect their privacy and security. Religious censorship occurs when material may threaten the moral order of a given society and it is defined as morally unacceptable. Social censorship refers to the practice of banning, censoring or challenging any material that contains references to sensitive issues such as discrimination based on race and

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social class, but also other topics such as drug addiction, suicide, divorce and abortion. Finally, one of the most obvious reasons why material is banned on sexual grounds is to ban sexually explicit material because it is considered morally unacceptable or indecent. Although it may seem surprising, Italy witnessed a wide flow of translations between 1920s and 1930s. Given the authoritarian attitude of Fascism, this is undoubtedly a striking feature, as censorship, which is a core issue in any totalitarian government, had no clear objectives in its implementation. In other words, as also noted by Dunnett (2002: 101), ‘[w]hilst the press and the film industry were closely monitored by the State, the publishing industry was allowed a far greater margin of movement. Essentially, it was required to regulate itself’. According to Fabre (2007), there are possibly three main reasons that could explain Mussolini’s attitude towards the translation of foreign books. Firstly, he had translated many works from French and German in his youth, thus showing greater tolerance towards ‘foreign’ cultures and languages. Secondly, Mussolini initially believed in the potential of the Italian race to assimilate other races. Thirdly, as the translation industry was quite profitable in those years, Mussolini had probably no intention to damage the Italian publishing industry. In Fabre’s opinion (2007: 27), ‘the censorship of translation was a very long and complex process, linked with the evolution of the “racial campaign”. In the end, however, this policy culminated in drastic measures’. As also noted by Dunnet (2002: 101) ‘[u]ntil 1934, there was no preventive censorship, although books were liable to sequestration after publication’. Despite the lack of clear-cut guidelines about what could be acceptable or not for publishing, editors and publishers were aware of specific issues to avoid, such as peace, abortion, sexuality, suicide, incest, war and taboos. On 26 March 1938, however, the censorial order was officially stated through circular n. 1135, according to which: • Dating from 1 April of this year only the Ministry may authorize the diffusion of foreign translations in Italy; • Publishers may send in the original language those titles they intend to translate into Italian directly to this Ministry or through the Prefecture; • This Ministry will notify the Publisher  – through the appropriate Prefecture – of its judgment with the shortest possible delay; • Publishers are permitted to present works in draft Italian translation;

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• Purely scientific treatises (in medicine, engineering, mathematics, astronomy, botany and zoology) and classics universally recognized as such are exempt from prior approval. (Fabre 2007: 28) According to Rundle (2004), harsh repression towards foreign books and translations was carried out as a result of the economic sanctions against Italy after the Ethiopian war and, between 1937 and 1938, censorship began stricter and stricter. The process of censorship under Fascism was complex and modified several times for different reasons, thus displaying a lack of objectivity and coherence. As far as foreign children’s literature is concerned, an interesting case to mention is the translation of the Danish writer Karin Michaëlis’s series Bibi. These stories were translated under Fascism and, at the beginning, they were appreciated by the regime, although a few years later, they were completely banned from Italy. Despite the initial success of the Bibi’s series in Italy, Michaëlis was one of the authors banned by the fascist regime at the National Conference on Youth and Children’s Literature held in Bologna in 1938. The aim of the conference was to control and renew Italian children’s literature in line with the values of the regime. A whole session was devoted to the translation of children’s books and many foreign authors were banned because their work was considered unsuitable, dangerous and threatening for Italian young readers. The list of banned foreign authors included mainly Jewish writers but also others, such as Lewis Carroll, Joseph Rudyard Kipling, James Fenimore Cooper, Louisa May Alcott, Charles Perrault and Karin Michaëlis (Giacobbe 1947). This case raises questions of how these authors were initially translated and whether censorship measures were applied to conform to the regime’s ideology. Three important hypotheses are provided to justify the initial acceptance of Michaëlis’s works in fascist Italy. First of all, it is fundamental to look at the time period, as her books were written between 1927 and 1939 and translated within a few years. As stated above, at the beginning of the fascist regime, many translations of foreign authors circulated around the country until the time when censorship measures became stricter. Secondly, it may be argued that Michaëlis’s political views were initially unknown to the regime. Thirdly, it is important to look at the strategies employed by the translator, Villoresi, to determine whether self-­ censorship measures were adopted in the first place to avoid being censored by the regime.

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Karin Michaëlis (1872–1950) was a celebrated Danish author, journalist and lecturer whose work mainly focused on feminist and antifascist subjects. She wrote thirty-six novels for adults, nine children’s books, two autobiographies besides numerous other books, newspaper and magazine articles. Michaëlis always documented and protested against the dangers of the growing nationalism (associated with Fascism and dictatorships) in her numerous publications and speeches, thus firmly opposing war, oppression and political persecution. She openly warned of the danger arising from Mussolini and Hilter. Her books, after the rise of Fascism, her opposition to the German government and her humanitarian anti-fascist activity, were banned both in Germany and Italy. Despite her association with feminism and her reluctance to support both Fascism and Nazism, she managed to be translated in fascist Italy. This could be justified by the fact that her work was censored by the translator herself, as shown in the following contrastive analysis. In other words, Michaëlis’s Bibi went through Villoresi’s self-censorship practice, which allowed the stories to pass unnoticed. Bibi Stensen, the main character, is a little Danish girl who lives with her father, a stationmaster, in Jutland (Denmark). Her mother, who died when she was only one year old, was an aristocrat disinherited by her parents because she had married a man belonging to a lower class. Bibi is an independent and outspoken girl who enjoys running away from home out of curiosity to explore Denmark. She always writes letters to her father to let him know what she does and what she learns around the place. Although Bibi embodied important features and qualities of young people strongly praised and appreciated by the fascist regime, such as bravery and boldness, she was also a girl whose main female traits did not suit the typical fascist ideology of how women should be. Bibi’s character seems to contrast both with the girl’s image endorsed by Fascism and with the typical model promoted through children’s literature, which would be considered as ‘appropriate’ and ‘acceptable’ by the regime. This model called for concepts such as motherhood, patriarchal authority and religion devotion (Giacobbe 1947: 259). In Ziliotto’s opinion, Bibi was a rebel who rejected any kind of imposition and authority from school and institutions. She provided Italian girls with a sense of freedom called ‘democracy’ (2005: 260–261). In terms of reception, interesting reviews were issued by Santamaria, the co-editor of the journal L’Italia che scrive published during the years of Fascism. This journal provided book reviews and brief articles about contemporary literary production and it did not

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support the regime’s ideology. Santamaria, initially, displayed a positive attitude towards Michaëlis’s style and works and, in particular, she praised the values of freedom and independence exemplified in her novels (Fava 2004). Santamaria’s positive opinion, however, gradually turned into negative comments as the series progressed because, in her view, Bibi was an immature character, thus implying that Michaëlis could no longer provide Italian girls with good pedagogical and educational models. Paradoxically, some journals, which openly supported the fascist ideology, viewed Bibi in positive terms. Pia Addoli, for instance, one of the contributors of the literary journal La parola e il libro, associated Bibi with an Italian character Lisa-Betta created by Giuseppe Fanciulli. This strategy was aimed at assimilating a foreign product into the national production and associating it with an author who supported the fascist regime (Surdi 2016; Fava 2004). Eva Kampmann, retranslated the first book of the Bibi’s series into Italian directly from Danish and her translated version, included a note where she comments on Villoresi’s first translation. She noted that Villoresi’s translation was mediated through the German version, as Villoresi might have not known Danish. Kampmann’s assumptions were justified by two main aspects found in Villoresi’s translation, namely (1) additions found in Villoresi’s translation are the same ones found in the German version but they do not appear in the ST and (2) toponyms in Villoresi’s translation have a German spelling rather than Danish. As far as the first aspect is concerned, a few examples are provided: Villoresi’s Translation (p. 7): Scommetto con voi quello che volete […] Ma questo libro verrà letto, suppongo, da bambine che, in Danimarca, non hanno ancor messo nemmeno l’unghia del dito mignolo e dalle quali non si può pretendere che sappiano, della Danimarca, più di quanto sappiano, poniamo, i bambini danesi dell’Italia. German Translation (p. 9): Ich wette mit euch, was ihr wollt [...] Über dieses Buch soll ja in der Hauptsache von kleinen Mädchen gelesen werden, die noch nie auch nur eine Fußspitze nach Dänemark gesetzt haben, und von denen kann man nicht gut verlangen, daß sie mehr von Dänemark wissen als – sagen wir einmal – dänische Kinder von Deutschland.

By comparing this opening paragraph, it is immediately evident the fact that Villoresi added the part highlighted in bold whereas in Kampmann’s

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version this does not occur. The same addition is found in the German translation and the only difference is that nationalities are changed to suit the target culture in their respective language. The fact that Villoresi’s translation was carried out from the German version can also be noted in the following example: Kampmann’s Translation (p. 5): Infatti, per chi ci vive, la Danimarca è a dir poco il paese più grande del mondo, proprio come il nostro Himmelbjerg (che vuol dire Monte del cielo) ci sembra più alto sia delle Alpi sia del Monte Everest, quella montagna laggiù nell’Himalaya. Villoresi’s Translation (p. 7–8): Noi danesi crediamo sul serio che il nostro Himmelberg il quale, in realtà, è alto circa come il Duomo di Colonia, sia più alto delle Alpi e del monte Everest. German Translation (p. 10): Wir Dänen glauben ja auch, daß unser Himmelberg, der in Wirklichkeit ungefähr so hoch ist wie der Kölner Dom, höher sei als die Alpen oder der Mount Everest, jener Berg dahinten in Indien, den sie jedes Jahr aufs neue zu besteigen versuchen – aber noch nie ist es jemand geglückt, bis ganz auf seine Spitze zu kommen.

The German reference to the ‘Cathedral of Cologne’ does not appear in the Danish ST as exemplified in Kampmann’s translation and it was clearly added by the German translator and subsequently taken in Villoresi’s version. As far as toponyms are concerned, Villoresi’s translation undoubtedly adopts a German rather than a Danish or an Italian spelling, as in the following cases (Table 4.10). In these examples, a few aspects are important. First of all, Villoresi’s spelling clearly follows the German, except for the case of Thurø which is spelled differently in Villoresi’s text whereas Kampmann opts for its Danish spelling. Secondly, it is interesting to note that the term Dannebrog is not a place name but it is the Danish flag. Villoresi could have opted for either the original Danish spelling, as in the case of Kampmann, or for its Italian translation, bandiera danese (Danish flag). Her spelling adopts the German term, thus validating Kampmann’s assumption that Villoresi translated Bibi from German into Italian. Bearing in mind that Michaëlis was banned in Germany a few years before being banned in Italy, it is not surprising to expect that the German translation had already censored the original ST.

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Table 4.10  Toponyms in Kampmann’s, Villoresi’s and German translated versions Kampmann’s translation

Villoresi’s translation

German translation

Himmelbjerg Fionia Lolland Thurø Dannebrog Jutlandia Jammerbugt Selandia Copenaghen

Himmelberg Fünen Holland Thüro Danebrog Jütland Jammerbucht Seeland Kopenhagen

Himmelberg Fünen Holland Thurö Danebrog Jütland Jammerbucht Seeland Kopenhagen

(Self)-Censorship on Political and Social Grounds In the following examples, Villoresi’s translation strategies can be framed within self-censorship measures for political and social reasons. In the first example, for instance, Villoresi opted for omission as a strategy to delete the ST author’s derogatory comment about Italian people. This strategy is seen as a self-censorship measure aimed at making the TT acceptable for the Italian readers and avoid being censored by the fascist regime: Kampmann’s Translation (p. 188): Ma poi, in un angolo dietro la porta, vede due bambini che si tengono per mano e hanno le facce scure e i vestiti laceri, e le basta un’occhiata per capire che devono essere polacchi o russi o italiani o zingari. Di sicuro non hanno un soldo. Villoresi’s Translation (p. 206): Ma Bibi vede laggiù, nell’angolo, presso la porta, due bambini che si tengono per mano. Sono tutti stracciati e, dal colore del viso, giudica al primo sguardo, che debbono essere polacchi o zingari. Non hanno denaro, di certo! German Translation (p. 267): Sie sind sehr zerlumpt und von so dunkler Gesichtsfarbe, daß Bibi auf den ersten Blick erkennt, es müssen Polacken oder Italiener oder Zigeuner sein. Sie haben sicher kein Geld.

In this passage, Bibi helps two poor children, who do not have enough money to buy something to eat, and, judging by their appearance, she thinks they must be Polish, or Russians, or Italians or Gypsies. The

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references to these nationalities are modified in the German text where for obvious political reasons or political censorship the reference to Russians was omitted. Translating from the German, Villoresi does not include ‘Russians’ simply because this reference was not in the German version, but she also goes as far as deleting another reference, that of Italians as being associated with poverty and equal to Gypsies. Furthermore, besides omitting the reference to the Italian nationality, it is interesting to note how she also avoids translating the expression ‘dark faces’ as during Fascism this expression was used to refer to Africans and it had quite a racist connotation. She had to avoid this expression not to hurt both the regime’s and the TT readers’ feelings. Villoresi’s reluctance to make any reference to Russia can be seen in the following example where she changes ‘Russian’ with ‘Bulgarian’, even if this does not occur in the German version: Kampmann’s Translation (p. 88): le piccole valigie avevano il buon odore di quello che si chiama cuoio di Russia, che Bibi era capace di rimanere impalata ad annusare davanti a un negozio per un intero quarto d’ora. Villoresi’s Translation (p. 95): le valigie odoravano deliziosamente di quella pelle ch’è detta “bulgaro” e che Bibi fiutava così volentieri. German Translation (p. 122): und die kleinen Koffer rochen himmlisch nach dem Leder, das man Juchten nannte und das Bibi so gerne roch – ganze Viertelstunden konnte sie vor einer offenen Ladentür danach schnuppern.

In the following example, Michaëlis refers to Odense as an important place in Denmark known for being Hans Christian Andersen’s birthplace. In Michaëlis’s opinion, he is such a famous writer that children from any part of the world know him and, to increase his international fame, she quotes different countries and nationalities: Kampmann’s Translation (p. 204): A Odense è nato il più grande favolista del mondo. Per fortuna, non è necessario che dica... chi è. Infatti, la cosa buffa è che se si chiede a una bambina in Giappone, a un bambino in Siberia, a un piccolo cowboy nel Far West americano, o alla figlia di un contadino australiano: ‘Come si chiama l’uomo che ha scritto le fiabe e le storie più belle del mondo? Allora risponderebbero tutti lo stesso nome.

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Villoresi’s Translation (p. 222–3): In questa città è nato il più grande novelliere del mondo. Chi sia, non ho bisogno di dirvelo, per fortuna. Se si chiede a una ragazzina in Giappone, o a un bambinetto in Siberia, o a un piccolo guardiano di mucche delle selvagge “pampas” d’America: Come si chiama l’uomo che ha scritto le storie e le leggende più belle? Tutti risponderanno lo stesso nome con pronunzia diversa, naturalmente, perché il turco non suona come il cinese né l’indiano come il russo. German Translation (p. 289–90): In Odense ist der größte Märchendichter der Welt geboren. Wer das ist, brauche ich zum Glück nicht zu sagen. Denn das ist ja das Schöne; wenn ich ein Mädelchen in Japan oder ein Büblein in Sibirien oder einen kleinen Cowboy weit draußen im wilden Westen von Amerika oder eine australische Bauerntochter frage: Wie heißt der Mann, der auf der ganzen Welt die allerschönsten Märchen und Geschichten schrieb? – dann nennen sie alle miteinander den gleichen Namen. Freilich, er wird ein wenig verschieden klingen, denn der Türke hat ja eine andere Ausspreche als der Chinese und der Chinese eine andere als der Indianer oder Russe usw.

In this example, two aspects are important, namely, the fact that Villoresi avoids any reference to the United States and Australia by choosing South America as a setting and her ‘addition’ of the text underlined in the example. This part of the text is clearly taken from the German as it is not found in Kampmann’s translation from Danish. Although it may seem a paradox, both the German and the Italian translators, in this example, use the term Russian, previously avoided or eliminated. As far as social self-censorship is concerned, Villoresi attempts to minimise Michaëlis’s criticism of social differences between poor and rich people’s burial practice, as shown in the following example: Kampmann’s Translation (p. 53–4): Al cimitero la povera gente si deve accontentare della terra peggiore, dove perfino l’erba stenta a crescere, e di una tomba talmente piccola che la bara c’entra a malapena. I ricchi, invece, vengono sepolti nel bel terriccio scuro, con tanto di salice piangente, un’inferriata tutt’intorno e una panchina fissata al tronco dell’albero con una catena, quasi fosse un cane da guardia. Inoltre, sopra le tombe dei ricchi viene sistemata una pesante lastra di marmo, proprio come il fermacarte che si mette sui fogli della scrivania. Per contro, ai poveri tocca solo un bastoncello con un numero, e nient’altro. Dovete però sapere che oltre ai poveri e ai ricchi, ci sono anche i gran signori.

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E questi non possono essere seppelliti in un normale cimitero insieme a chicchessia  – infatti si spostano in carrozza per non mescolarsi a tutti gli straccioni che camminano per le strade  – ecco, questi vengono seppelliti nelle cappelle. Le cappelle sono quelle salette che ci sono nelle chiese. Oppure vengono sepolti giù nella cripta, che è la cantina della chiesa, e ‘cripta’ suona molto meglio di ‘cantina’. Sia le salette sia la cantina del Duomo di Roskilde sono stipate dei più grandi signori di tutta la Danimarca, re e regine, e principi e principesse. Riposano in imponenti feretri di marmo, però alcuni stanno in bare foderate di velluto di seta e rivestite d’argento, e vengono esibiti a pagamento come le statue del museo delle cere. La maggior parte della gente pensa che sia una cosa sopraffina, e sarebbe disposta a morire due volte pur di ricevere, almeno in un’occasione, una sepoltura tanto distinta. Chi immaginerebbe che esista una sepoltura ancora più raffinata di quella in una cappella o in una cripta? E invece c’è. Anzi, ce ne sono ben due. Una è dentro le piramidi, che gli antichi egizi impiegarono anni e anni a costruire, e che oggi vengono usate per essere scalate dalle persone che visitano l’Egitto. Solo i faraoni – come si chiamavano i re dell’Egitto, quando c’erano i re – venivano sistemati nelle piramidi. Villoresi’s Translation (p. 60): Quando è morta, la povera gente deve accontentarsi di poca terra grama, con un pezzo di legno per il nome, e basta. I ricchi, invece, vengono sepolti sotto pesanti lapidi di marmo, o  – se sono celebri  – nelle cappelle delle chiese. Il duomo di Roskilde è zeppo di personaggi importanti dell’intera Danimarca, di re e regine, di principi e principesse. I quali giacciono in grandi sarcofaghi di marmo, e la gente paga per andarli a vedere. Ma ci sono due modi d’esser sepolti, ancor più da signori. L’uno entro una piramide, come i faraoni dell’antico Egitto (impiegarono tanti e tanti anni a costruirle e oggi servono per lo spasso della gente, che si diverte ad arrampicarvisi su). German Translation (p. 74–6): Arme Leute müssen sich auf dem Kirchhof mit der allerschlechtesten Erde begnügen, wo nicht einmal Gras wächst, und ihre Grabstätte ist so klein, daß kaum Platz für den Sarg ist. Reiche Leute dagegen kommen in feine schwarze Gartenerde. Da wachsen Trauerweiden, ein Eisengitter umgibt das Grab, und an einem Baumstamm ist eine Gartenbank angeschlossen wie ein Kettenhund. Außerdem bekommen die reichen Leute einen schweren Marmorstein über sich, gerade wie man auf dem Schreibtisch einen Briefbeschwerer auf die Papiere legt, um sie festzuhalten; die armen Leute jedoch bekommen einen Holzpflock mit dem Namen, weiter nichts. Außer den Armen und den Reichen gibt es ja noch die ganz vornehmen Leute. Die können nicht auf einem gewöhnlichen Kirchhof mit Krethi und Plethi zusammen begraben liegen – sie sind ja vorher auch immer Wagen gefahren,

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um nicht mit allen möglichen schäbigen Menschen zusammen auf der Straße zu gehen; die also werden in einer Kapelle beigesetzt. Kapellen nennt man die kleinen Zimmer in einer Kirche. Oder man begräbt sie auch in Krypten, das sind Kirchenteller, aber Krypta klingt feiner als Keller. Sowohl in den kleinen Zimmern als auch im Keller der Domkirche von Roskilde ist es gedrängt voll von den allervornehmsten Leuten aus ganz Dänemark, von Königen und Königinnen, Prinzen und Prinzessinnen. Sie liegen in mächtigen Marmorsärgen, oder auch in Särgen, die mit Seidensamt bezogen und mit Silber beschlagen sind, und sie werden für Geld gezeigt wie Figuren in einem Wachsfigurenkabinett. Die meisten Menschen finden das so über alle Maßen sein, daß sie allen Ernstes gerne zweimal sterben würden, wenn sie nur dafür das eine Mal so vornehm begraben werden könnten – aber das geht nun nicht. Sollte man glauben, daß es noch etwa Feineres gibt, als in einer Kapelle oder in einer Krypta zu liegen? Ja, das gibt es. Zwei Begräbnisarten sind noch feiner. Erstens: in einer Pyramide begraben zu werden. Viele, viele Jahre brauchten die alten Ägypter, um eine solche Pyramide zu bauen. Jetzt sind die Pyramiden bloß noch dazu da, damit die Leute, die nach Ägypten reisen, darauf herumklettern können. Nur die Pharaonen  – so nannte man damals die König von Ägypten  – wurden in Pyramiden begraben.

Although in this example, Villoresi cuts a longer description short in order to avoid further detailed information about social disparities, thus eliminating Michaëlis’s sarcastic comments on the ridiculous differences in social status even after death, in the following example her strategy is even more drastic as she completely omits an entire description of social differences in land distribution between the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie: Kampmann’s Translation (p. 194): Una tenuta è un pezzo di terra, a volte talmente grande che si impiega un giorno intero a percorrerlo a cavallo, però senza andare al galoppo. Altre volte, invece, bisogna essere in due per poterlo percorrere a cavallo in due giorni, e al gran galoppo. E quando questo pezzo di terra era diventato nobile, non poteva mai più diventare borghese. Proprio come un cavallo non può ridiventare puledro. O una gallina pulcino. Villoresi’s Translation (p. 213): (OMISSION) German Translation (p. 276): Ein Gut ist ein Fetzen Land, manchmal nicht größer, als daß ein Reiter bequem in einem Tag um es herumreiten kann, aber zuweilen so groß, daß

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zwei Reiter zwei Tage dazu brauchen, um ihn in gestredtem Galopp zu umreiten. Wenn so ein Fetzen Land einmal adlig geworden war, konnte es nie wieder bürgerlich werden. So wenig ein Pferd wieder Füllen und ein Huhn wieder Küken werden kann.

In terms of class disparities, Fascism promoted the existence of a class system where private property was allowed, thus marking a difference between rich and poor people in society. In economic terms, Fascism promoted a corporatist economic system whereby both employers and employees could work collectively and their efforts had to be directed towards the needs of the state instead of their own social class. This economic system intended to resolve class conflict through collaboration between the classes (Whittam 1995; Vincent 2010). However, the truth is that the rich got richer and the poor got poorer. This truth was so clear and evident that Villoresi must have opted for a strategy aimed at minimising these differences in order not to create further disappointment and discontent from the lower classes as well as avoiding contrasts with and possibly censorship on behalf of the fascist regime. (Self)-Censorship on Religious Grounds Mussolini fostered good relations with the Roman Catholic Church because, regardless of his power as a dictator, the Roman Catholic Church was a very powerful institution in Italy. In order to gain credibility with the Roman Catholic Church, Mussolini had a religious wedding in 1925, thus remarrying Rachele and had his children baptised (Neville 2004: 84). On 11 February 1929, a historic treaty was signed between the Italian Government and the Vatican re-establishing the political power and diplomatic standing of the Catholic Church, which had been lost when Italy seized Rome on 20 September 1870. This treaty, known as the Lateran Treaty or Lateran Pact, was signed by Benito Mussolini for the Italian government and by cardinal secretary of State Pietro Gasparri for the papacy and confirmed by the Italian constitution of 1948. According to this treaty, Mussolini governed the political side of Italy whereas the Roman Catholic Church governed the spiritual side. In other words, Mussolini did all he could to avoid the Roman Catholic Church’s disappointment and frustration (ibid.: 85–88). The same compromise is found in Villoresi’s translation strategies, which reflect religious self-censorship measures aimed at deleting

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criticisms against the Church and the clergy as much as possible in order to avoid problems with the fascist regime and the Church, thus bypassing censorship, as also shown in the following example: Kampmann’s Translation (p. 191–2): E così, nonostante sfacchinassero a tutta birra dall’alba al tramonto, rimanevano sempre poveri, perchè ogni briciola che riuscivano a guadagnare se la prendeva la ‘Chiesa’...’La Chiesa’, si diceva, ma in realtà erano i preti (o il clero, come erano chiamati). Eh sì, perchè la Chiesa non può mica andarsene in giro a reclamare soldi o uova e burro e grano e polli dalla gente. Così lo facevano i preti. E i preti di allora erano completamente diversi da quelli di oggi. Non facevano che ingozzarsi e bere e pensare ad arraffare. In fondo era strano che non scoppiassero, ma forse capitava. I preti erano molto importanti, perchè potevano dare la scomunica, che significa che potevano impedire alla gente di andare in paradiso e di essere seppellita. Tutti avevano un pò di paura dei preti, e cercavano di ingraziarseli. Anche i borghesi. Villoresi’s Translation (p. 211): Insomma, avevano l’obbligo di logorarsi dal primo mattino all’Angelus della sera per rimaner miserabili. Quel poco che potevano mettere da parte, se lo prendeva la Chiesa. Si dice la Chiesa per modo di dire. In realtà era il clero, assai diverso da quello di oggidì. German Translation (p. 272–3): Sie mußten sich schinden und plagen vom ersten Hahnenschrei bis zum Abendläuten und blieben doch bettelarm, denn das kleinste Bißchen, das sie sich hätten ersparen können, schnappte ihnen die Kirche weg. „Kirche“ sagt man, aber es waren ja die Priester (oder, wie man es auch ausdrückt: „die Geistlichkeit“). Denn eine Kirche kann ja nicht herumgehen und den Leuten Geld abfordern oder Fier und Butter und Korn und Küken. Nein, das taten die Priester. Die Priester dazumal waren anders als die Pfarrer heute. Sie dachten nur an Essen und Trinken und Geldzusammenscharren. Ein Wunder, daß sie nicht platzten  – aber vielleicht taten es auch einige. Priester, das bedeutete damals schrecklich viel; denn ein Priester konnte ja andere Menschen in den Bann tun, das hieß: man durfte nicht begraben werden und konnte nicht in den Himmel kommen. Darum hatten alle ein bißchen Angst vor den Priestern und bemühten sich, sich gut mit ihnen zu stellen. Auch die Bürger.

Villoresi’s omission is clearly justified on religious grounds and her will to hurt neither the institution of the Church nor the fascist regime, on the basis of the relationship established in the Lateran Pact. This kind of

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omission is not found in the German version, thus reflecting a different relationship between State and religion in Germany as compared to Italy. In Germany, Hitler held quite a controversial position about the Church. On the one hand, he sought to reduce the influence of Christianity on society but, on the other, he was reluctant to make public attacks on the Church for political reasons (Kershaw 2008). Although on 20 July 1933 Hitler signed the Reichskonkordat, which was a treaty negotiated between the Vatican and Nazi Germany aimed at guaranteeing the rights of the Roman Catholic Church in Germany, he consistently ignored it, thus allowing persecutions of the Catholic Church (ibid.). It is worth mentioning, in this respect, that many historians claim that Hitler, despite his will to avoid conflicts with the Church, the Vatican and Italy, eventually hoped to eradicate Christianity in Germany (Wheaton 1968; Bullock 1991; Bendersky 2007; Evans 2009). Priests are also criticised by Michaëlis for their greediness on another occasion within the same chapter, and Villoresi opts for the same strategy to minimise criticism by omitting Michaëlis’s harsh and sarcastic comments on them, as shown below: Kampmann’s Translation (p. 196): I preti ricevono uno stipendio fisso, e adesso non rischiano più di scoppiare a furia di mangiare e bere troppo, tutt’altro, poveretti! Villoresi’s Translation (p. 214): I parroci hanno il loro stipendio fisso. German Translation (p. 278): Die Pfarrer haben ihr festes Gehalt und kommen nicht mehr in die Gefahr, infolge übermäßigen Essens und Trinkens zu platzen – alles andere als das!

Translators are always subjected to a variety of pressures in their work for several different reasons. During Fascism, in particular, translators had to suit the regime’s ideology, the publishers’ needs and the target audience’s expectations while attempting to remain as loyal as possible to the ST authors. In terms of translation strategies, Villoresi’s version displays a greater deal of freedom as a translator whereas Kampmann’s text is closer and more faithful to the original ST. The case study of Bibi analysed in this work reveals how this novel and her author were censored twice in fascist Italy. Firstly, by taking the German version as ST for her translation, Villoresi relied upon a text which

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had already been ideologically mediated and manipulated for the German audience; secondly, by adopting self-censorship strategies in her translation, Villoresi succeeded in having this work published, although the TT was partly deprived of its original message and it was manipulated and censored to suit the Italian audience and the fascist regime. This form of double censorship, however, has not prevented Michaëlis from being known worldwide, and through retranslations, such as in the case of Eva Kampmann’s version, justice has been done and the original flavour has been re-established.

4.3   Hegemony and National Ideology: British vs. American Pinocchio Pinocchio has also undergone a series of adaptations in its numerous translations all over the world. Throughout the years, the story has been shortened and simplified in such a way that some of these texts cannot really be thought of as translations of the original ST at all. The story has been adapted to different receiving contexts and cultural backgrounds, thus resulting in an interesting loss of Collodi’s intent and allegory. It is worth noting, however, that translations of Pinocchio worldwide have been very successful, thus showing that what is lost in terms of Italian cultural and allegorical aspects has been gained in translation through different elements. There are controversial opinions on whether rewritings of Pinocchio worldwide can be judged as positive or negative. Wunderlich (1992) claims that the American knowledge of Pinocchio has little or nothing to do with the original ST as a result of the various adaptations and manipulations the text has gone through. Morrissey and Wunderlich’s (2002) study, for instance, reveals how the American translated version of Pinocchio does not match the original Collodi’s text. Changes are justified by the socio-political, economic and cultural values, which reflected the transformation of the American society. According to these theorists, these multiple rewritings or adaptations of Pinocchio have deprived the readers of ‘the seminal complexity’ of the ST, thus presenting a different, (over)simplified and neutral story (ibid.: 2). Bearing in mind that the socio-political and historical background of the novel is that of the Italian Post-Unification period where one of the most important concerns was that of creating a national identity, Pinocchio is a metaphor of the Italian contemporary

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society expressing, through his disruptive behaviour, feelings of discontent and revolt. On the one hand, Pinocchio rejects the authoritarian imposition for a national identity; on the other, it supports the creation of a new society. This metamorphosis of Pinocchio from a puppet to a child, therefore, exemplifies the Italian society’s changes. These important issues, however, are neither clear nor obvious in most of the versions available worldwide. The first translation of Pinocchio was published in London in 1891 by Mary Alice Murray entitled Pinocchio: The Story of a Puppet. The first American translation appeared in 1892 under the title The Story of a Puppet or the Adventures of Pinocchio published by the Cassell Publishing Company in New York. Since then, many other different versions of this text have been published in America, and among the most important translations, one could mention those by Walter Cramp (1904), Joseph Walker (1909) and Carol Della Chiesa (1925). According to Wunderlich and Morrissey (2002: 31), one of the best English translations of Pinocchio is undoubtedly the first one carried out by Mary Alice Murray. In this respect, indeed, they claim that: Murray’s direct, rather literal translation of the novel was fortunate: the play it granted Collodi’s ironic wit could charm English adults even if, as was likely, it went over the heads of their children. […] Indeed, even though its language is now a century old, today Murray's translation is ranked as the best or among the very best, and throughout the twentieth century it has been the most widely read, circulated, and available version of the novel in the United States.

When Walter Cramp translated Pinocchio for the American audience, his translation was revised for pedagogical purposes in order to meet the American schools’ needs and to respond ‘to a society that was changing precipitously’ in those years (Wunderlich and Morrissey 2002: 34). Although many translators worldwide have deliberately changed the cultural context in which Pinocchio is embedded to adapt it to different cultural backgrounds, a closer analysis of Cramp’s translation reveals a certain degree of manipulation of the ST for ideological purposes, thus reflecting the socio-economic and political period in which this translation was commissioned and produced. Pinocchio has always been publicised as a children’s story and, as such, several translators, who have worked on this text, have decided to simplify

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their version both at lexical-semantic level as well as at cultural level to facilitate understanding. Pinocchio, however, as other children’s books, is highly characterised by an ambivalent nature, as also acknowledged by Halliday (2013: 181) who claims that ‘Pinocchio’s systemic ambivalence (children’s /adult literature) has been present since the very beginning of his life in English, as his narrative ambivalence (boy-puppet / well-­ behaved-­delinquent) continues to be one of the driving forces behind the text’s continued success’. The comparison of Murray’s translation with the Italian ST shows how her translation was intended for children and, at the same time, also targeted adults, as in the case of Collodi’s text. Furthermore, her translation is rather literal as it follows the ST very closely. This means that Murray’s translation retains the violence of the original. The American version, however, shows a tendency towards the softening or omission of most of the cases of violence. It is worth mentioning, indeed, that although Collodi’s Pinocchio tends to be labelled as a classic for children, a closer look reveals that issues of violence and horror are quite prominent in this text. Throughout the text, Collodi provides his readers with many examples of how bad behaviour can lead to serious negative consequences, as also noted by Heisig (1974: 26): Hardly is Pinocchio taught to walk before he runs away in disobedience; as a result he burns his feet and has to be repaired. Repentance is short-lived, however, and he takes off self-reliantly again and again, piling up a history of lies and broken promises, and involving himself with shady characters who promise to fulfill all his desires without his having to go to school or do a stitch of work. In consequence of his misdeeds Pinocchio is nearly used for firewood, is hung by the neck on an oak tree, finds his nose grown to immense proportions, loses his money to the fox and the cat and goes to prison, is caught in a trap and tied up as a watchdog, is forced to beg for food, spends a second term in jail, is almost fried as a fish in a pan, is transformed into a donkey, is sold to a circus and then to a man who decides to make a drum of his hide after drowning him, and is finally swallowed by the great shark. The moral is obvious: evil comes to those who disobey their elders.

It is worth noting that Pinocchio started as a series of stories for the children’s magazine Giornale per i bambini and, due to its great success, it grew from originally fifteen to thirty-six chapters. It was at that point that Collodi decided to kill off his character in the final hanging scene with the

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aim of ending this popular series with the message that children could face serious consequences for being disobedient. Nevertheless, the editor of this magazine asked him to continue writing and that was where the blue fairy came in to save Pinocchio. Throughout these stories and throughout the book, Pinocchio provides readers with several examples of violence, most of which were omitted in Cramp’s translation. As far as the issue of violence is concerned, significant differences can be noted when comparing Murray’s translation with Cramp’s version. Cramp expurgated the source text and took out the violence and all references to death. It is worth mentioning, however, that the first version translated by Cramp was revised by his American publisher as they had an excellent reputation in publishing school texts: Cramp’s original translation was withdrawn (the first printing was released to the trade market, however), and just two months afterward, in November 1904, the revised edition was substituted. So there would be no doubt, the change in text was trumpeted by a change of title: The Adventures of Pinocchio became Pinocchio, the Adventures of a Marionette. It was this latter rendition, which Ginn offered on the trade market until about 1919, that served elementary school classrooms continuously as late as the 1950s. (Wunderlich and Morrissey 2002: 37)

Revisions to the first version of Cramp’s translation were clearly aimed at eliminating violence in order to suit the younger audience and, as such, fulfil a more didactic role to present this book as a suitable school text. This explains why significant omissions are found in Cramp’s version as compared to both Collodi’s text and Murray’s translation. The following examples are aimed at showing some of the major differences found between the British and the American versions in terms of violence, thus reflecting two different views about what is good and what is bad for their respective young target audiences: Collodi (1981: 37): A queste ultime parole, Pinocchio salto su tutt’infuriato e preso di sul banco un martello di legno, lo scaglio contro il Grillo-parlante. Forse non credeva nemmeno di colpirlo: ma disgraziatamente lo colse per l’appunto nel capo, tanto che il povero grillo ebbe appena il fiato di fare cri-cri-cri. e poi rimase li stecchito e appiccicato alla parete.

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Murray (2009: 20): At these last words Pinocchio jumped up in a rage, and snatching a wooden hammer from the bench he threw it at the Talking-cricket. Perhaps he never meant to hit him; but unfortunately it struck him exactly on the head, so that the poor Cricket had scarcely breath to cry cri-cri-cri and then remained dried up and flattened against the wall. Cramp (1904: 18): At these words Pinocchio jumped up enraged, and taking a hammer from a bench flung it at the Talking Cricket. Perhaps he did not intend to do such a thing; but unfortunately the hammer struck the poor little Cricket in the head and killed him.

As it can be seen from these examples, Murray keeps rather faithful to the syntax and semantics of the ST. Cramp opts for several omissions in the first paragraph whereas the second paragraph was completely paraphrased. Cramp’s version retains the part where the Talking Cricket is killed, although the description is softened as compared to the British version to make it sound less dramatic and avoid the cricket’s suffering state. In translating ‘ebbe appena il fiato di fare cri-cri-cri’, Murray intensifies the Talking Cricket’s pain by opting for ‘had scarcely breath’ and by using the verb to cry rather than to say ‘cri-cri-cri’. Cramp, however, omitted the whole part, thus softening the degree of sufferance and violence. Furthermore, instead of opting for a more idiomatic expression in English for ‘stecchito’, such as ‘stone dead’, Murray produced a more literal translation ‘dried up’ whereas Cramp completely omits this expression. In the following example, Collodi tells his readers how Pinocchio burns his feet: Collodi (1981: 43): Tornò a casa bagnato come un pulcino e rifinito dalla stanchezza e dalla fame: e perchè non aveva più forza da reggersi ritto, si pose a sedere, appoggiando i piedi fradici e impillaccherati sopra un caldano pieno di brace accesa. E lì si addormentò; e nel dormire, i piedi che erano di legno gli presero fuoco e adagio adagio gli si carbonizzarono e diventarono cenere. Murray (2009: 26): He returned home like a wet chicken quite exhausted with fatigue and hunger; and having no longer strength to stand, he sat down and rested his damp and muddy feet on a brazier full of burning embers. And then he fell asleep; and while he slept his feet, which were wooden, took fire, and little by little they burnt away and became cinders.

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Cramp (1904: 23): Poor Pinocchio returned home, weak from hunger and tired out; and because he had not enough strength to stand upright, he dropped into a chair. Resting his feet on the stove that was filled with burning shavings, he fell asleep. But while he slept, his feet, which were of wood, took fire and slowly became cinders.

Murray’s version shows again her tendency for a more literal translation. The Italian expression ‘presero fuoco’ is literally translated as ‘took fire’ whereas there is a more idiomatic expression in English, which is ‘caught fire’. Furthermore, Collodi’s expression ‘si carbonizzarono’ is literally translated by Murray as ‘burnt away’, although she could have opted for a much more idiomatic expression in English, such as ‘burnt to a crisp’. Finally, Murray opts for another word-for-word translation to render the Italian expression ‘diventarono cenere’ translated as ‘became cinders’ rather than using ‘turned to ashes’ or ‘turned to dust’. Cramp omits the translation of ‘si carbonizzarono’ probably as a way to downplay and attenuate the sense of horror in the original text and he simply retains the expressions ‘took fire’ and ‘became cinders’. In the following example, Collodi introduces the Fairy’s character to his readers for the first time: Collodi (1981: 82–83): Avvedutosi che il bussare non giovava a nulla, comincio per disperazione a dare calci e zuccate nella porta. Allora si affaccio alia finestra una bella bambina, coi capelli turchini e il viso bianco come un’immagine di cera, gli occhi chiusi e le mani incrociate sul petto, la quale senza mouvere punto le labbra, disse con una vocina che pareva venisse dall’altro mondo: • • • • • •

In questa casa non c’e nessuno. Sono tutti morti. Aprimi almeno tu! – grido Pinocchio piangendo e raccomandando si. -Sono morta anchi’io. Morta? e allora che cosa fai costi alia finestra? Aspetto la bara che venga a portarmi via. Appena detto cosi, la bambina disparve, e la finestra si richiuse senza far rumore.

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Murray (2009: 74): Seeing that knocking was useless he began in desperation to kick and pommel the door with all his might. The window then opened and a beautiful Child appeared at it. She had blue hair and a face as white as a waxen image; her eyes were closed and her hands were crossed on her breast. Without moving her lips in the least, she said in a voice that seemed to come from the other world: ‘In this house there is no one. They are all dead’. ‘Then at least open the door for me yourself’, shouted Pinocchio, crying and imploring. ‘I am dead also.’ ‘Dead? then what are you doing there at the window?’ ‘I am waiting for the bier to come to carry me away.’ Having said this she immediately disappeared, and the window was closed again without the slightest noise. Cramp (1904: 65): Seeing that the knocking did not have any effect, he began to kick and beat the door in desperation. Then there appeared at the door a beautiful Fairy with blue hair. Her hands were crossed on her breast. When she saw Pinocchio she said, ‘In this house there is no one; they have all gone away.’ ‘Open the door at least for me, won’t you?’ cried Pinocchio, weeping. ‘I am also waiting to go away’. Scarcely had she said this when the Fairy disappeared and the window closed without making any noise.

Murray’s translation shows how she did not tone down the horror of this scene regardless of her audience. She retains the expressions ‘dead’ found in the ST and she literally translates the Italian sentence ‘aspetto la bara che venga a portarmi via’ as ‘I am waiting for the bier to come to carry me away’. Murray’s choice of translating ‘bara’ as ‘bier’ rather than ‘coffin’ makes one think that her text is more suitable for adults as children would not normally use this word. Furthermore, it is interesting to note how Murray’s intensification of violence can also be seen in the first part of the paragraph where she deliberately adds the expression ‘with all his might’, thus emphasising Pinocchio’s violent behaviour. The comparison between Murray’s translation and Cramp’s version clearly shows how the latter opted for some omissions as the length of the text is clearly shorter as compared to the former. Cramp, indeed, provides readers with a much shorter version where the removal of any reference to death is achieved by changing sentences such as ‘they are all dead’ with ‘they have all gone away’ or ‘I am also dead’ with ‘I am also waiting to go away’. Interestingly,

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the few lines dealing with the Fairy’s death are shortened through some omissions and changed in such a way as to make children believe that the Fairy is probably taking a trip instead of telling them that Pinocchio is actually speaking with a dead person. Wunderlich and Morrissey (2002: 37) also comment on this translation by claiming that: Poor Fairy. How does this make her look? She can’t save Pinocchio because she’s taking a trip?! Being dead is a far more compelling reason for inaction. The purpose behind this change, of course, might have been to hide death from children.

Both Murray’s and Cramp’s translations clearly reflect the socio-cultural context in which they were produced and released. The British and the American versions of Pinocchio differ in their different approach to the issues of horror and violence. Murray retained, and at times even intensified through deliberate additions, these issues in her translated version in order to suit the literary, socio-historical and cultural context in which she was living, that is the Victorian Age. As far as British children’s literature is concerned, indeed, in the early nineteenth century Britain experienced a revival of interest in the folk tales, and as a result, fairy tales were rehabilitated during this period. Nevertheless, it seems that in those years, children’s book writers had a taste for violence and violent themes, as also acknowledged by Kearney (1986: 233–234): Victorian writing for children is often marked by an odd mixture of the prudish, the high-minded, and the horrific. Many writers who flinched from the remotest sexual allusion were happy to regale their readers with scenes of torture, violent death, and general mayhem, all set out in gory detail. In doing so they were clearly capitalizing on a tolerance in the Victorian outlook for horrific themes which extended to all levels of literature […]. Tiny tots apart, strong doses of horror were clearly thought to be harmless or even character-forming, making children face up to unpleasant facts and testing their courage. Descriptions of the sav- age and the barbaric, quite apart from allowing outlets for sadistic or morbid fantasies in a moralistically buttoned-up society, were also seen to have further positive uses in reinforcing a sense of civilized values […] An awareness of how people behaved in the Middle Ages or in the South Seas, so the theory went, gave children a stronger sense of the virtues of their own civilization. It also gave them a chance to gratify a mixture of emotions; curiosity, fear, revulsion, an appetite for the nightmarish and the morbid, and so on.

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The most remarkable loss in the English translation of Pinocchio is Collodi’s allegory about the reality of the Italian Post-Unification period. This important element has been replaced by a purely educational purpose of providing a set of moral codes of behaviour. As a matter of fact, the American translation was commissioned by primary school educators whose aim was that of providing children with instructions on how to behave in the changing socio-political and economic period characterised by violence, revolts and national strikes as a consequence of the phenomenon of industrialisation in the United States. Children had to be acquainted with important concepts such as self-discipline, industriousness and respect for authority. These factors greatly influenced Cramp’s translation, thus resulting in a series of important deletions to suit the target audience. Some episodes dealing with social violence were, therefore, intentionally removed to discourage violence and maintain discipline in the classroom. As also acknowledged by Wunderlich and Morrissey (2002: 39): While the elimination of violence might have been due to a protective, benevolent attitude toward young children, it might also have been provoked by an urgent pair of concerns facing school teachers: discouraging violence among children (by removing suggestive sources, as Comstock was urging) and maintaining discipline in the classroom. In 1904, urban children were highly aware of violence and most likely resorted to it themselves. With cities growing larger and more congested each year, they inevitably housed an increasingly diverse mixture of ethnic and foreign-language groups. Antipathies among the various groups, as well as conflict with the American-born population, occurring in a context of economic deprivation and industrial struggle, extended to children and must have been centered in the schools, where the groups mixed together.

Pinocchio has been read and interpreted in a myriad of ways, which explains why there exist so many different translations and adaptations worldwide. Most of them, however, seem to portray Pinocchio in a light-hearted way whereas a closer reading of Collodi’s text would reveal interesting insights and allusions to Post-Unification Italy. Italy, indeed, was unified twenty-­ two years before Pinocchio was created and those were years of hard work on all fronts to establish a true ‘Italian identity’. Pinocchio, therefore, became the symbol of how the ‘new Italians’ had to be. What Collodi implied in his text was that a new identity could be achieved only through a significant transformation process. The various degrees of manipulation of this ST in different adaptations worldwide are clearly a reflection of how

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ideology and its effects on culture(s) can be seen in translation. This analysis, in particular, showed how the British audience was presented with a more violent, though more faithful, version of Pinocchio whereas the American readers were introduced to a different version which, throughout the years, has become less and less faithful to the original tale, thus transforming the source text into a simplistic children’s story with educational and entertainment purposes. As a result, Pinocchio was deprived of its historical roots along with its violent connotations.

Bibliography Primary Sources Collodi, C. (1904). The Adventures of a Marionette, trans. by Walter S. Cramp, Boston: Ginn and Company. Collodi, C. (1981). Le Avventure di Pinocchio: Storia di un Burattino. Milano: Arnoldo Mondadori Editore. Collodi, C. (2009). Pinocchio: The Story of a Puppet, trans. by M. A. Murray, Chapel Hill: Yesterday’s Classics. Michaëlis, K. (1929). Bibi: Leben eines kleinen Mädchen. Berlin: Herbert Stuffer Verlag. Michaëlis, K. (1931). Bibi: La bambina venuta dal nord, trans. by Emilia Villoresi. Milan: Antonio Vallardi Editore. Michaëlis, K. (2005). Bibi: Una bambina del nord, trans. by Eva Kampmann. Milan: Adriano Salani Editore.

Harry Potter (English) Rowling, J.  K. (1997). Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone. London: Bloomsbury. Rowling, J.  K. (1998). Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets. London: Bloomsbury. Rowling, J.  K. (1999). Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban. London: Bloomsbury. Rowling, J. K. (2000). Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire. London: Bloomsbury. Rowling, J.  K. (2003). Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix. London: Bloomsbury. Rowling, J.  K. (2005). Harry Potter and the Half-Blood Prince. London: Bloomsbury. Rowling, J. K. (2007). Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows. London: Bloomsbury.

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Harry Potter (French) Rowling, J. K. (1998). Harry Potter à l’école des sorciers, trans. by J. F. Ménard. Paris: Gallimard. Rowling, J. K. (1999). Harry Potter et la chambre des secrets, trans. by J. F. Ménard. Paris: Gallimard. Rowling, J.  K. (1999). Harry Potter et le prisonnier d’Azkaban, trans. by J. F. Ménard. Paris: Gallimard. Rowling, J. K. (2000). Harry Potter et la coupe de feu, trans. by J. F. Ménard. Paris: Gallimard. Rowling, J. K. (2003). Harry Potter et l’ordre du phénix, trans. by J. F. Ménard. Paris: Gallimard. Rowling, J. K. (2005). Harry Potter et le prince de sang-mêlé, trans. by J. F. Ménard. Paris: Gallimard. Rowling, J. K. (2007). Harry Potter et les reliques de la mort, trans. by J. F. Ménard. Paris: Gallimard.

Harry Potter (Italian) Rowling, J. K. (1998). Harry Potter e la pietra filosofale, trans. by M. Astrologo. Milano: Salani. Rowling, J. K. (1999). Harry Potter e la camera dei segreti, trans. by M. Astrologo. Milano: Salani. Rowling, J.  K. (2000). Harry e il prigioniero di Azkaban, trans. by B.  Masini. Milano: Salani. Rowling, J.  K. (2001). Harry Potter e il calice di fuoco, trans. by B.  Masini. Milano: Salani. Rowling, J.  K. (2003). Harry Potter e l’ordine della fenice, trans. by B.  Masini. V. Daniele & A. Ragusa, Milano: Salani. Rowling, J. K. (2006). Harry Potter e il principe mezzosangue, trans. by B. Masini. Milano: Salani. Rowling, J.  K. (2008). Harry Potter e i doni della morte, trans. by B.  Masini. Milano: Salani.

Harry Potter (Spanish) Rowling, J. K. (1997). Harry Potter y la piedra filosofal, trans. by A. Dellepiane. Barcelona: Editorial Salamandra. Rowling, J. K. (1998). Harry Potter y la cámara de los secretos, trans. by A. M. García & N. M. Azofra. Barcelona: Editorial Salamandra. Rowling, J.  K. (1999). Harry Potter y el prisionero de Azkaban, trans. by A. M. García & N. M. Azofra. Barcelona: Editorial Salamandra. Rowling, J. K. (2000). Harry Potter y el cáliz del fuego, trans. by A. M. García & N. M. Azofra. Barcelona: Editorial Salamandra.

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Rowling, J. K. (2003). Harry Potter y la orden del fénix, trans. by R. G. Ortega. Barcelona: Editorial Salamandra. Rowling, J. K. (2006). Harry Potter y el misterio del príncipe, trans. by R. G. Ortega. Barcelona: Editorial Salamandra. Rowling, J. K. (2008). Harry Potter y las reliquias de la muerte, trans. by R. G. Ortega. Barcelona: Editorial Salamandra.

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Hervey, S., & Higgins, I. (2002). Thinking French Translation, A Course in Translation Method: French to English (2nd ed.). London/New York: Routledge. House, J. (1997). Translation Quality Assessment: A Model Revisited. Tübingen: Gunter Narr. Johnson, B. (1985). Taking Fidelity Philosophically. In J. Graham (Ed.), Difference in Translation (pp. 142–148). Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Karolides, N. J., Bald, M., & Sova, D. B. (1999). 100 Banned Books: Censorship Histories of World Literature. New York: Checkmark Books. Kearney, A. (1986). Savage and Barbaric Themes in Victorian Children’s Writing. Children’s Literature in Education, 17(4), 233–240. Kershaw, I. (2008). Hitler: A Biography. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. Lathey, G. (2016). Translating Children’s Literature. London/New York: Routledge. Matthews, J., & Matthews, C. (2005). The Element Encyclopedia of Magical Creatures. London: HarperCollins Ltd. Morris, R. (2001). The Function and Etymology of Proper Nouns in the Work of J. K. Rowling. Retrieved April 2017 from: www.fallen-angel.co.uk, pp. 1–34. Munday, J. (2001). Introducing Translation Studies: Theories and Applications. London/New York: Routledge. Neville, P. (2004). Mussolini. London/New York: Routledge. Newmark, P. (1981). Approaches to Translation. Oxford/New York/Toronto/ Sydney/Paris/Frankfurt: Pergamon Press. Newmark, P. (1993). Paragraphs on Translation. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd. Nord, C. (2003). Proper Names in Translations for Children: Alice in the Wonderland as a Case in Point. Meta, 48(1–2), 182–196. Pinch, G. (2002). Egyptian Mythology: A Guide to the Gods, Goddesses, and Traditions of Ancient Egypt. Oxford/New York: Oxford University Press. Rundle, C. (2004). Resisting Foreign Penetration: The Anti-translation Campaign in Italy in the Wake of the Ethiopian War. In F. Brizio-Skov (Ed.), Reconstructing Societies in the Aftermath of War: Memory, Identity and Reconciliation (pp. 292–307). Boca Raton: Bordighera Press. Rundle, C., & Sturge, K. (2010). Translation and the History of Fascism. In C. Rundle & K. Sturge (Eds.), Translation Under Fascism (pp. 3–12). London: Palgrave Macmillan. Surdi, E. (2016). Emilia Villoresi: Scrittice per ragazzi. Un viaggio tra poesia e traduzioni. Milan: Vita e Pensiero. Vincent, A. (2010). Modern Political Ideologies (3rd ed.). Massachusetts/Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd. Wheaton, E.  B. (1968). Prelude to Calamity: The Nazi Revolution, 1933–35. Garden City, NY: Doubleday.

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Whittam, J. (1995). Fascist Italy. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Willems, K. (1996). Eigenname und Bedeutung. Ein Beitrag zur Theorie des “nomenproprium”. Heidelberg: C. Winter. Willems, K. (2000). Form, Meaning, and Reference in Natural Language: A Phenomenological Account of Proper Names. ONOMA, 35, 85–119. Wunderlich, R. (1992). The Tribulation of Pinocchio: How Social Change can Wreck a Good Story. Poetics Today, 13(1), 197–219. Wunderlich, R., & Morrissey, T. J. (2002). Pinocchio Goes Postmodern: Perils of a Puppet in the United States. London/New York: Routledge. Ziliotto, D. (2005). Generazione Bibi. In K.  Michaëlis (Ed.) and trans. by E. Kampmann, Bibi. Una bambina del nord (pp. 260–262). Milan: Salani.

CHAPTER 5

Conclusions and Prospects for Future Research

Abstract  This chapter focuses on the results and partial conclusions that can be drawn from the previous translation analyses. Results cannot be clearly generalised and no universal conclusions can be drawn since it is impossible to provide a fully comprehensive analysis of how children’s literature has been and is still currently translated in different parts of the world. Keywords  Translation • Rewriting • Ideological manipulation • Children’s literature This chapter focuses on the results and partial conclusions that can be drawn from the previous translation analyses. Results cannot be clearly generalised and no universal conclusions can be drawn since it is impossible to provide a fully comprehensive analysis of how children’s literature has been and is still currently translated in different parts of the world. Children’s literature, as a reflection of our values and belief systems, plays a crucial role in shaping and maintaining ideology. The power of children’s books and stories should not be underestimated and readers often ignore their influence on their daily lives, growth and development. The translation of children’s literature is a complex activity, which appeals simultaneously to two different types of audience: (1) children, who are thought of as implied readers and (2) adults whose opinions and © The Author(s) 2020 V. Leonardi, Ideological Manipulation of Children’s Literature Through Translation and Rewriting, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47749-3_5

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judgements about the work quality determine what texts can be read aloud, published and therefore, translated. Children’s literature is caught between two main systems, which determine what texts should be translated and how, namely (1) the educational system with its pedagogical values and (2) the literary system with its aesthetic values. The translation of children’s literature is undoubtedly an important research field, which deserves more attention, further investigation and more practical analyses. Research in this field is undoubtedly increasing and influential theories have already been successfully developed. First of all, the notion of the polysystem introduced by Itamar Even-Zohar, which has allowed children’s literature and other ‘minor’ literatures to gain more visibility in the literary system. Secondly, an interesting contribution was given by Gideon Toury through the notion of translation norms, which stress the role of the text in the target culture system. Finally, the notion of the translator’s invisibility introduced by Lawrence Venuti along with the approaches of domesticating and foreignising translation strategies, which have significantly contributed to studying children’s literature in translation. It is felt, however, that the number of publications and research papers and projects devoted to the study of children’s literature in translation is still comparatively low when compared to other studies within the field of Translation Studies. The practice of translating children’s literature, as compared to adult literature, has always allowed a greater degree of freedom in terms of cuts, omissions, additions, explanations, simplifications and adaptations among others, in order to conform to the target audience’s context, norms and culture, thus displaying a certain degree of ideological manipulation. The main translation strategies normally adopted by translators are either domestication or foreignisation. Both Klingberg and Shavit object to domesticating strategies in children’s literature. The former fears that a domesticated or naturalised translation will not allow children to further expand their international outlook whereas the latter believes that adaptations and abridgements are responsible for the low status of children’s literature in the literary polysystem. This work was aimed at exploring how historical, socio-political and cultural circumstances and ideologies have affected the translation of children’s literature across times and places. Although translation of children’s literature is a process highly dependent on the translator’s linguistic skills and creativity, time, place, history, society and culture also play a key role in shaping the final product, thus revealing hidden or explicit ideologies

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through the manipulation of the source texts. This manipulation of the STs, therefore, responds to the will to conform to the socio-cultural, political, literary, pedagogical and ideological norms of the target context, thus leading to different texts or different text functions in their respective translations. Translation is not a neutral activity but rather a highly ideological and complex process, which, on the one hand allows communication all over the world and on the other, however, may slightly or completely change and/or manipulate meanings to serve different purposes. The notions of translation and ideology and their mutual relationship have been approached and studied by many scholars worldwide throughout the last few decades. As Nergaard (2007: 35) correctly acknowledges: Key concepts here are statements like ‘no translation is innocent’, ‘translation does not take place in a vacuum’, ‘there is nothing that can be called objectivity in translation’, and ‘translations are inevitably partial’, where the manipulating ‘force’ was recognized to be less linguistic and more cultural or institutional.

In her statement, she recognises the importance of manipulation as a concept bound to ‘power to manipulate for certain purposes, power to select, power to achieve desired effects’ (ibid.). Chapter 2 provided a general introduction to the historical development, definitions and features of children’s literature. It dealt with the problematic nature of defining this field along with its role in relation to the field of Translation Studies. The role of translators, editors, publishers and third parties was discussed to gain some insights into the ideological manipulation of translated children’s stories. Issues such as taboos, censorship and manipulation were investigated to prove that translation, far from being a neutral activity, is loaded with a certain degree of ideology and when it is manipulated, for several reasons, it may turn into forms of rewriting and adaptation, which provide readers, at times, with different stories as compared to the original ones. Chapter 3 was devoted to the ideological manipulation in intralingual translation to show how texts rewritten in the same language for several purposes and in different years reflect a certain degree of ideology, which could be more or less explicit. In the first case study, Pinocchio, rewriting became an indoctrination tool to serve the regime’s propaganda and ideology aimed at instructing Italians and, more specifically, young Italian

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children. In the second case study, emphasis was laid upon sexist ideology and feminism in the rewriting of traditional fairy tales by feminist authors. Their aim is to reverse gender roles and challenge patriarchy. Finally, the last case study focused on cultural ideology and nationalism through the American rewriting or intralingual translation of the British popular series Harry Potter. The results revealed how changes in the American version were mainly motivated by a will to Americanise this British text as a form of cultural hegemony aimed at resisting Britain’s culture and distinctness. Chapter 4 explored the ideological manipulation in interlingual translation by looking at and analysing the way some texts have been adapted through translation for several purposes and in different years. The first case study was aimed at exploring the ideology of naming in translation as names are undoubtedly one of the most complex and challenging issues for translators worldwide. The best example to use in this respect was Harry Potter. The peculiarity of naming strategies in the HP series made it more difficult for translators worldwide to provide the target audience with a universal translation and many translators failed to reproduce the same effect found in the ST either as a result of misinterpretation or as a way of simplification. The hidden ideology behind the naming strategies created by J. K. Rowling was manipulated in a wide range of ways in different translations into other languages and, as a result, readers have mixed perceptions about characters’ physical features, qualities, origins and personality traits. The second case study focused on the translation of children’s literature in fascist Italy by looking at the way Michaëlis’s work, Bibi, underwent a double censorship in those years. This text was initially translated from the German version, which had already been ideologically mediated and manipulated for the German audience and then, it was manipulated and censored to suit the Italian audience and the fascist regime through the Italian translator’s self-censorship strategies adopted throughout the text. The final result was that the TT was partly deprived of its original message and many references and events were omitted from the ST. The third and last case study explored how national ideology works through a comparison of the British and the American translations of the Italian Pinocchio carried out by Murray and Cramp respectively. These translations differ in their different approach to the issues of horror and violence, thus displaying a different ideological manipulation dictated by the socio-cultural context in which they were produced and released. The translation of children’s literature is a promising research field and, as such, it deserves greater attention and it should be further explored in

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the future. It is felt that more research and more support are needed in order to determine how children’s literature has been and still is manipulated and the reasons behind this manipulation in different languages and cultures worldwide. As far as future research in this field is concerned, there are numerous areas that would need further exploration. First of all, the same research could be undertaken in different language pairs (interlingual translations) or in the same language (intralingual translations) in countries, which have also been under totalitarian dictatorships (e.g. Germany, Spain, the Soviet Union). Secondly, research can also be carried out in a comparative framework where Western and Eastern countries could be compared. Thirdly, more research could be carried out to examine and assess the publishing houses and their role in the translation of children’s literature and publication processes worldwide. Fourthly, from a historical perspective, it could be interesting to focus on a single story, such as Cinderella or Snow White, and analyse the way they have been translated in a single country throughout the years. This kind of specific research could undoubtedly provide a detailed analysis of how ideology works through translation to serve cultural, historical, socio-political and economic purposes. Finally, one of the most interesting areas to explore, in this respect, could be the analysis of children’s stories that have never been translated in specific countries and it could be worth attempting to find out the reasons behind this choice. Translation should not be viewed as a merely linguistic activity aimed at translating two languages. It also involves the translation of cultural values and it travels through a complex web of ethical and ideological issues as language is not simply made up of sounds and signs but it is also bound up with the way(s) we see the world. Switches in language may lead to switches in perception. This means that the manipulation of children’s literature in translation may lead to different stories and different interpretations or perceptions of the world. Children’s literature in translation undoubtedly enriches our worldview by providing us with different cultures and realities worldwide and, as such, it should be as close as possible to the original source texts. Notions such as foreignness and otherness should not be stigmatised as negative or harmful elements for children. This work attempted to make people reflect upon the fact that when they buy and read a specific children’s story they may not realise that they are actually reading a translation, which does not necessarily reproduce the original story. The ideological manipulation of children’s literature across times and places has deprived, to a greater or lesser degree, the readers of

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their own freedom to accept or refuse a particular story. Fairy tales, indeed, do not only serve as tools for entertainment and/or education but they can, and should, also be historical documents, which reflect the socio-­ cultural and ideological values of a given (dominant) society, be it a patriarchal, a totalitarian or any other kind of society. This is why this work calls for further research in this area and more fruitful debate on different aspects of ideological manipulation of children’s literature in translation across times and places.

Bibliography Secondary Sources Nergaard, S. (2007). Translation and Power: Recent Theoretical Updates. In M. Buzzoni & M. Bampi (Eds.), The Garden of Crossing Paths: The Manipulation and Rewriting of Medieval Texts (2nd ed., pp. 33–43). Venice: Libreria Editrice Cafoscarina.

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Index

A Acceptability, 2, 3 Adaptation(s), 2–6, 10, 18, 20, 23, 26–28, 35–37, 41, 44, 54, 65, 66, 68, 101, 109, 116, 117 Addition(s), 60, 61, 67, 91, 92, 95, 108, 116 Ambivalence, 2, 12, 103 American, 10, 27, 53–57, 59–61, 101–110, 118 Appropriation, 36, 61 Assumption(s), 3, 5, 20, 27, 48, 72, 91, 92 Audience(s), 2–6, 11, 12, 23, 24, 26–28, 36, 44, 45, 48, 54, 57, 59, 60, 66, 69, 73, 84, 85, 100–102, 104, 107, 109, 110, 115, 116, 118

B Bad, 13, 15, 22, 38, 39, 42, 45, 84, 103, 104 Book(s), 2, 4, 5, 10–26, 28, 34–37, 42, 43, 53–55, 67–70, 73, 85, 88–91, 103, 104, 108, 115 British, 34, 52–56, 59, 61, 69, 70, 76, 77, 79, 84, 101–110, 118 C Case study/case studies, 5–7, 12, 29, 34–62, 65–110, 117, 118 Censorship, 3, 7, 10, 12, 20, 22, 26–29, 40, 66, 86–101, 117, 118 Change(s), 4, 5, 14, 23, 24, 26, 35, 52, 54, 55, 57, 59, 62, 69, 75, 84, 94, 101, 102, 104, 108, 117, 118

© The Author(s) 2020 V. Leonardi, Ideological Manipulation of Children’s Literature Through Translation and Rewriting, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47749-3

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INDEX

Character(s), 13, 14, 22, 28, 34, 37, 38, 40–42, 45–49, 51, 52, 54, 56, 57, 67, 69, 71, 73–76, 81, 86, 90, 91, 103, 106, 118 Child, 11–13, 17, 25, 46–48, 50, 55, 102, 107 Childhood, 11, 14, 16–18, 20, 21, 76 Children, 2, 4, 6, 10–28, 34–39, 41, 42, 44, 45, 47, 53–55, 57, 68–71, 73, 85, 89, 90, 93, 94, 98, 102–104, 107–110, 115–119 Children’s literature (ChL), 2–4, 7, 10–29, 34, 35, 38, 40, 42, 48, 66, 67, 81, 89, 90, 108, 115–120 Choice(s), 3, 4, 6, 7, 27, 28, 34, 43, 55, 59, 62, 73, 75, 77, 82–86, 107, 119 Classic(s)/classical, 2, 5, 18, 34, 35, 43, 45, 46, 48, 52, 62, 89, 103 Conventions, 3, 4, 6, 13, 35, 66, 67 Cultural, 2–7, 10, 11, 20, 21, 26–29, 35, 41, 45, 54, 55, 57, 59, 62, 66–68, 83, 101–103, 108, 116–119 Cultural adaptation, 65 Cultural ideology, 34, 52–62, 118 Cultural norms, 6, 26, 41 Cultural translation, 28, 66–86 Culture, 3–6, 10–12, 15, 18–21, 24, 25, 27, 28, 34, 35, 37, 39–41, 45, 53, 54, 59, 61, 62, 66, 67, 82, 83, 86–88, 92, 110, 116, 118, 119 D Deletion(s), 20, 109 Development, 4, 10, 14, 17, 18, 20, 21, 41, 69, 74, 115 Domestic, 3, 4, 37 Domesticating, 34, 85, 116

E Economic, 17, 19, 26, 29, 89, 98, 101, 109, 119 Editors, 3, 4, 10, 12, 24–27, 55, 59, 88, 104, 117 Education/educational/ educationalist(s), 4, 11, 14–17, 22, 36, 39, 91, 109, 110, 116, 120 English, 7, 46, 47, 55, 56, 61, 67–80, 84, 102, 103, 105, 106, 109 Entertainment, 12, 14, 15, 22, 110, 120 F Fairy-tales, 2, 3, 5, 18, 34, 36, 41–52, 62, 108, 118, 120 Fascism, 34–41, 88–90, 94, 98, 100 Feminism, 48, 90, 118 Feminist, 5, 7, 18, 21, 34, 41–52, 62, 90, 118 Feminist translation, 21 Foreign, 3, 4, 10, 12, 19, 20, 27, 28, 34–37, 40, 70, 71, 76, 86, 88, 89, 91 Foreignising, 28, 84, 86, 116 French, 7, 66, 67, 69–80, 84–86, 88 G Gender, 41, 43, 45, 48, 70, 118 Gender development, 41, 42 German, 7, 28, 43, 66, 88, 90–95, 100, 101, 118 Good, 10, 13, 15–17, 22, 23, 25, 26, 28, 29, 38, 42, 43, 45, 49, 51, 53, 71, 73, 74, 91, 98, 104

 INDEX 

H Harry Potter (HP), 12, 18, 34, 52–62, 65–86, 118 Hegemony, 21, 35, 53, 54, 62, 101–110, 118 Historical development, 14–18, 117 History, 3, 5, 6, 11, 18, 55, 66, 72, 83, 103, 116 I Ideological manipulation, 2, 4–7, 23, 29, 34–62, 65–110, 116–120 Ideology, 2, 3, 5–7, 25, 27, 29, 34–54, 62, 65–110, 115–119 Innocence, 16, 44 Interlingual translation, 4–6, 10, 65–110, 118, 119 International, 19, 25, 35, 94, 116 Interpretation(s), 7, 24, 27, 86, 119 Intralingual translation, 4, 5, 34–62, 117–119 Italian, 7, 35–38, 40, 43, 44, 65–67, 69–79, 84–86, 88–95, 98, 101–103, 106, 107, 109, 117, 118 Italy, 35–37, 43, 73, 88–90, 92, 98, 100, 109, 118 K Knowledge, 3, 4, 14, 16, 17, 19, 27, 29, 101 L Language(s), 3–5, 7, 10, 11, 13, 14, 19, 23–27, 29, 34, 40, 53, 54, 61, 62, 67–69, 71, 76, 83, 86–88, 92, 102, 117–119 Linguistic norms, 3, 86 Loss, 12, 72, 77, 101, 109

135

M Manipulation, 2, 3, 5–7, 10, 23, 24, 26–29, 34–36, 52, 53, 87, 101, 102, 109, 117, 119 N Names/naming, 4, 7, 20, 27, 44, 52, 53, 60, 65–86, 92, 118 National, 11, 21, 25, 35, 37, 39, 66, 91, 101, 102, 109 National ideology, 7, 86–110, 118 Nationalism, 52–62, 90, 118 Negative, 18, 26, 41, 42, 55, 75, 83, 84, 91, 101, 103, 119 Norms, 4–6, 22, 24, 25, 35, 36, 49, 67, 86, 116, 117 O Omission(s), 12, 28, 59, 67, 93, 99, 100, 103–105, 107, 108, 116 Original, 2–7, 16, 24, 25, 28, 29, 34, 37, 38, 46–48, 51, 67, 78, 84, 86, 88, 92, 100, 101, 103, 104, 106, 110, 117–119 P Patriarchy, 46, 50–52, 118 Pinocchio, 5, 18, 23, 26, 34–41, 62, 66, 101–110, 117, 118 Political, 2, 3, 7, 17, 34, 36, 37, 39–41, 61, 86, 87, 89, 90, 93–98, 100, 102, 117 Political Ideology, 34–41 Polysystem, 4, 5, 21, 23, 116 Positive, 6, 16, 38, 51, 91, 101, 108 Power, 5, 6, 17, 22, 37, 39, 45, 49–52, 80, 82, 83, 86, 98, 115, 117 Propaganda, 35, 36, 40, 41, 117

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Publishers, 3, 10, 12, 20, 22, 24–26, 28, 54, 55, 67, 88, 100, 104, 117 Purpose(s), 2, 3, 5–7, 14, 22, 24, 27, 34–37, 40, 52, 57, 60, 62, 102, 108–110, 117–119 R Reader(s), 3, 4, 7, 10–13, 19, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 34, 43, 46–49, 52–54, 56, 67–72, 74–76, 78–80, 84–86, 89, 93, 94, 101, 103–108, 110, 115, 117–119 Readership, 2, 4, 12, 66 Relationship(s), 20–22, 29, 49–52, 54, 66, 80, 99, 100, 117 Rewriting(s), 2–6, 10, 26–28, 34–41, 43–49, 52, 54, 62, 101, 117, 118 S Snow White (SW), 2, 18, 34, 41–52, 119 Social, 11, 14, 17, 21, 22, 24, 36, 45, 48, 58, 60, 68, 76, 86–88, 93–98, 109 Society, 6, 10, 18, 23, 25, 27, 35, 39–42, 46, 49, 86, 87, 98, 100–102, 108, 116, 120 Source culture (SC), 3, 62, 66 Source language (SL), 19, 78 Source-oriented, 4 Source text (ST), 4–6, 19, 20, 24, 27, 28, 34, 38, 53, 57–59, 61, 62, 67, 68, 76, 78, 84–86, 91–93, 100–105, 107, 109, 110, 117–119 Spanish, 7, 65, 67, 69–79, 84–86 Story/stories, 2, 4, 7, 13–15, 17, 18, 26, 27, 34–41, 43–49, 51, 52, 57, 68, 81, 89, 90, 101–104, 110, 115, 117, 119, 120 Strategies, 3, 4, 19, 20, 24, 27, 28, 38, 55, 65–67, 70, 71, 74, 76, 83, 85, 86, 89, 91, 93, 97, 98, 100, 101, 116, 118

T Taboo, 3, 10, 12, 18, 25–29, 47, 52, 88, 117 Target culture (TC), 3, 4, 6, 20, 22, 23, 27, 66, 67, 92, 116 Target-language (TL), 3, 5, 19, 20, 66, 67, 76, 78 Target-oriented, 2, 4 Target text (TT), 5, 20, 57–59, 67, 71, 75, 76, 79, 84, 86, 93, 94, 101, 118 Text(s), 2–7, 10–15, 18, 20, 22–25, 27–29, 34, 36, 37, 43, 44, 53–56, 61, 65–68, 76, 86, 87, 92, 94, 95, 100–104, 106, 107, 109, 116–118 Traditional, 18, 35, 41, 42, 45, 48, 49, 52, 118 Translation(s), 2, 10, 34, 66, 115 Translation Studies (TS), 5, 10, 18–22, 52, 116, 117 Translator(s), 2–4, 6, 10, 12, 13, 19, 20, 22–24, 26–29, 53, 58, 66–77, 79, 84–86, 89, 90, 92, 95, 100, 102, 116–118 V Value(s), 3, 6, 20, 27, 35–38, 41, 42, 45, 62, 81, 89, 91, 101, 108, 115, 116, 119, 120 Violence, 18, 26, 27, 37, 46, 47, 66, 103–105, 107–109, 118 W Work(s), 2–7, 10–12, 14, 15, 23, 26, 27, 29, 34, 36, 37, 40, 43, 44, 46, 50, 54, 66, 73, 74, 77, 78, 86–91, 98, 100, 101, 103, 109, 116, 118–120