I, Candidate for Governor: And How I Got Licked [Reprint 2019 ed.] 9780520913523

Citation preview

I, Candidate for Governor: And How I Got Licked

UPTON SINCLAIR Introduction by James N. Gregory

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley

Los Angeles

London

University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. London, England Originally published by Upton Sinclair © 1934, 1935 Upton Sinclair Introduction © 1994 by The Regents of the University of California Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Sinclair, Upton, 1 8 7 8 - 1 9 6 8 . I, candidate for governor, and how I got licked / Upton Sinclair ; introduction by James N. Gregory, p. cm. Originally published: New York : Farrar & Rinehart, © 1935. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-520-08197-8 (alk. paper). — ISBN 0-520-08198-6 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Sinclair, Upton, 1878—1968. 2. Governors—California— Election—History—20th century. 3. Mass media—Political aspects— California—History—20th century. 4. California—Politics and government—1865—1950. I. Gregory, James Noble. II. Title. F866.S59 1994 324.9794'05—dc20 94-25599 CIP Printed in the United States of America 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984

INTRODUCTION JAMES N . GREGORY

For a few weeks in the fall of 1934, events in California threatened to push Adolf Hitler off the front pages of American newspapers. An extraordinary political story was unfolding. The internationally known author and long-time socialist Upton Sinclair had captured the Democratic party nomination for governor on the strength of an audacious plan to "End Poverty in California." Riding on the hopes of hundreds of thousands of working-class and unemployed Californians who had endured four years of economic depression, Sinclair's EPIC movement had stirred an equally charged conservative opposition, who saw in it a threat to "sovietize California." The result was one of the angriest electoral contests in twentieth-century American politics and a collision that echoed far and wide. California's distinctive multifaction two-party political system was born in that encounter, as was the national media's fascination with California politics. In Washington, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt's New Deal administration came under new pressures as a result of EPIC, and the altered political priorities and social policies of 1935 show the impact. More significant, Sinclair's End Poverty movement and the Republican countercampaign that kept him out of the California governor's mansion may have changed the tools of American electoral politics. The first election in which Hollywood money and talent figured prominently, the 1934 contest has been credited with the birth of modern media politics. The EPIC story belongs to a pivotal year in a pivotal decade. Like 1919 and 1968, 1934 was a year of exceptional turmoil and uncommon challenges to the political order—a year that convinced many Americans that society was poised on the brink of dramatic change or irreversible conflict. The early years of the Depression had been remarkably calm, particularly in comparison with Europe, where the crisis had turned the continent into a battleground between fascism, communism, and assorted other political passions. Americans reacted differently. All through the Hoover years, as the economy declined and jobs and homes were lost, the political life of [iii]

INTRODUCTION the United States had remained largely undisturbed. Organized labor quietly absorbed its losses in the early 1930s. And while the tiny Communist party and still smaller Socialist party tried to stir the unemployed to action in the major cities, the radical left remained fragmented, weak, and easy to ignore. So quiescent was the American public that in most locales it was not until 1931 that incumbent officeholders began to pay a price at the polls, and not until 1932 that voter dissatisfaction finally cost the Republican party its majority following. But 1932 was no climax. The election of Roosevelt and Democratic gains in Congress and in many state governments marked the beginning, not the high point, of political mobilization and conflict. Roosevelt's inauguration and the early New Deal plans he announced in the spring of 1933 opened the door to all sorts of nongovernmental initiatives, which soon threatened to overwhelm the New Deal administration. Labor unrest was part of it: 1934 saw a massive wave of union organizing and strikes roll across the industrial heartland, touching big cities and small, climaxing in fullblown general strikes in San Francisco and Minneapolis. Paralleling conflicts at the factory gates were a variety of political movements that emerged suddenly to challenge the moderate economic policies of the New Deal. In the upper Midwest, a revived Farmer-Labor movement led by Minnesota's governor, Floyd Olson, demanded that Washington move toward social-democratic policies of public ownership and public spending to rebuild the economy. In the South, the flamboyant Louisiana senator Huey Long built a potentially potent network of "Share the Wealth" clubs with his slogan "Every man a king" and a vague plan to confiscate and redistribute the fortunes of the nation's millionaires. From Detroit, a Catholic priest, Father Charles Coughlin, kept an audience of millions tuned to his weekly radio broadcasts as he railed against the conspiracy of bankers that had driven the nation into bankruptcy. And that is only part of the list. The year also witnessed the beginnings of Francis Townsend's Old Age Revolving Pension movement, with its fanciful plan to end the Depression through generous pension spending. In Wisconsin, Senator Robert L a Follette's sons built a new Progressive party, which soon controlled the state, and in Oregon and Washington, another left-wing political movement, the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation, began electing public officials. The far right was active too, as the Silver Shirts and other fascist groups claimed headlines and growing memberships. It was, in short, a year of explosive political initiative, much of it outside the old, established political parties, much of it ideologically unorthodox by standards of recent American poli[iv]

INTRODUCTION tics, much of it as threatening to FDR's Democratic party as it was to the conservatives in the Republican party. EPIC was part of this explosion. It started as a lark, one of a limitless number of schemes and projects tested over the years by America's best-known, if not always most respected, radical. Upton Sinclair was about to turn fifty-five in the summer of 1933 when the idea of EPIC began to take shape in his mind. His writings (among them The Jungle and more than forty other books) had fueled radical causes since 1904, and for most of that time he had carried a Socialist party card. Since 1915, he had made his home in Southern California, in faintly bohemian but decidedly upscale Pasadena, whose tranquility he managed now and then to disturb. Sinclair was an expert at gathering media attention. If his endless stream of books did not make headlines, his personal crusades on behalf of such disparate causes as civil liberties and mental telepathy always did. Californians had come to know him also as a perennial Socialist party candidate for statewide office, usually the governor's. He rarely campaigned in an active way, but his name, a speech or two, and a few I-dare-you-to-print-this letters to the state's major newspapers had usually earned him at least 50,000 votes, far more than other Socialist party candidates had received in recent years. The idea for EPIC, Sinclair claimed, first came to him in the mail, in a letter from a Democratic party activist urging that he run for governor once again, but this time as a Democrat. But that was only part of it. He had been working on a plan—a bold, unorthodox blueprint for ending the Depression. California, along with the rest of the country, was suffering the greatest economic crisis in its history. The state's unemployment rate had stood at 29 percent when FDR assumed office six months before and had changed only slightly since. The administration's emergency relief spending was finally putting some money into the hands of the unemployed, but hundreds of thousands of Californians were still jobless, and tens of thousands were homeless. The New Deal was not going to solve the crisis, Sinclair was sure. The National Recovery Administration's policy of supporting corporate profits while restricting production made no sense, not when people were hungry and in need. Nor did the New Deal's massive relief programs, which Sinclair thought were wasteful and would ultimately bankrupt the government. His Socialist party did not seem to be coming up with answers either. The party was in the midst of a comeback in 1933. It had almost disappeared in the 1920s, shattered by the split in 1919 that generated the Communist party and battered by the postwar Red Scare and the lingering climate of antiradicalism. The Depres[v]

INTRODUCTION sion had reenergized the SP, and Norman Thomas's 1932 presidential campaign had brought the party almost 900,000 votes. But in truth, the left was failing, Sinclair realized, despite the unprecedented opportunity at hand. With capitalism apparently crumbling all around, the American public still feared the term socialism and remained stubbornly wedded to its two old political parties. It was time to try something new, time to see what could be done working on the inside with an "Americanized" version of socialism. So, in early September 1933, Upton Sinclair walked into the Beverly Hills city hall and changed his voter registration to Democrat. On his desk at home was a nearly complete draft of the platform he would bring to the California voters, his plan to end poverty in California. "I say, positively and without qualification, we can end poverty in California," it would announce. "I know exactly how to do it, and if you elect me Governor, with a Legislature to support me, I will put the job through—and I won't take more than one or two of my four years." The plan had elements that later would appear sensible, like pensions of $50 a month for the elderly and disabled. Other provisions were within the realm of political possibility, such as one to replace sales taxes with sharply graduated income and property taxes. But the heart of the platform was an elaborate project that mainstream economists and orthodox Socialists alike would denounce as unworkable and conservatives would charge was more than dangerous. The new government would establish a network of cooperative colonies for the state's 700,000 unemployed, basing them in idle factories and vacant farmland, which the state would seize under its powers of eminent domain or through confiscatory taxes. The state would capitalize and manage these cooperatives, which would exchange their products within a giant, cash-free network. Modeled, although Sinclair did not say so, on Soviet collective farms, the EPIC colonies were not envisioned as temporary projects. They were to be the seedbeds of a new cooperative economy, an economy of "production for use" that would ultimately supplant the old economy of "production for profit" as workers, farmers, and even businessmen realized the efficiency and numerous personal and social advantages of cooperation. Sinclair sketched his vision in a booklet that became the principal organizing tool of the campaign. Bearing the remarkable title, I, Governor of California: And How I Ended Poverty: A True Story of the Future, the 64-page pamphlet narrated its story backward from the future in the style of Edward Bellamy's Utopian novel Looking Backward (1888). Writing from the fictional vantage point of 1938, "Governor" Sinclair details the steps that have brought Cali[vi]

INTRODUCTION fornia out of the Depression and made it the model for recovery for the rest of the nation and the capitalist world. The booklet also depicted the campaign that had supposedly carried Sinclair into the statehouse. It proved to be a marvelous bit of forecasting. Apart from the final vote, events happened just about as he said they would. Publication of the booklet in October 1933 set off a flurry of interest. People from around the state ordered copies, distributed them to friends, and then set up EPIC clubs to discuss the plan and organize the campaign. By December, there were dozens of such clubs, and Sinclair had launched a weekly newspaper, the EPIC News. By May, when the number of clubs had grown to the hundreds, the old-line Democratic party began to understand the implications. Although desperate to fend off "the socialist carpetbagger," the party's bitterly antagonistic factions could not unite around an alternative candidate for the upcoming primary election. One of the contenders, Sheridan Downey, saw the handwriting on the wall and signed on as Sinclair's running mate for lieutenant governor. That left George Creel, who had been head of President Woodrow Wilson's Committee on Public Information during World War I, and more recently had served as West Coast chief for Roosevelt's National Recovery Administration, as the most credible opponent. Sinclair had chosen his target well. California's primary election system permitted anyone to run for a party's nomination, and the Democrats, the junior party in the state since the 1890s, were particularly vulnerable to such a move. Democratic fortunes had reached an all-time low in the 1920s, when registration favored Republicans three to one. As late as 1931, not a single Democrat held statewide office, while Republicans claimed 12 out of the state's 13 congressional and Senate seats and an incredible 111 out of 120 seats in the state legislature. The Republican monopoly had started to disintegrate in 1932, when Roosevelt carried California, sweeping into office with him a sizable contingent of Democratic congressmen and legislators. But California's Democratic party still faced major problems. The leadership could not put aside the feuds between wet and dry and Catholic and Protestant factions that had complicated the 1920s. Equally important, they had done little to shape a liberal agenda. Always responsive to the ideological leadership of William Randolph Hearst, whose five in-state newspapers had been the voice of California Democrats for more than thirty years, the party leadership remained cautious and conservative at a time when Democrats in Washington and elsewhere were practicing active liberalism. Now it was too late. By June, EPIC had nominated a slate of [vii]

INTRODUCTION candidates for the legislature and had built up a political organization the likes of which California had never seen. Operating out of a huge headquarters in downtown Los Angeles, scores of volunteers coordinated a network of over fifty district organizations and nearly eight hundred EPIC clubs. In addition to the weekly newspaper, which was distributed by the hundreds of thousands in local editions, the campaign operated speakers' bureaus, research units, women's clubs, youth clubs, and drama groups. It put on radio broadcasts, plays, and rodeos, was making a film, and drew big crowds to a lavishly staged EPIC pageant that depicted the lessons of production for use—all this in addition to a heavy schedule of campaign speeches and rallies. Even so, the August 28 primary election results came as a surprise, not because Sinclair won but because of the scale of his support. He captured the Democratic nomination with more than 436,000 votes, more than any primary election candidate in California history, more than all of his Democratic opponents combined, and more than the Republican he would face in November, the incumbent governor, Frank Merriam. Standing with him in the general election would be Sheridan Downey and forty-nine E P l C endorsed candidates for the state legislature. Who were these voters who had turned the Democratic party over to a former socialist? A scornful George Creel blamed Los Angeles, claiming in a widely quoted Saturday Evening Post article that EPIC appealed to the same sort of disoriented Southern Californians who had previously flocked to Aimee Semple McPherson's Angelus Temple and other dreamland "religious, political, and economic cults." Historians have generally concurred, echoing Carey McWilliams's assessment that EPIC belonged to the desperate unemployed and the disaffected lower middle class of depression-battered Los Angeles. But a close inspection of voting patterns shows something different. Southern California provided most of the votes, but EPIC belonged solidly, almost exclusively, to workingclass voters. The race had been close in many parts of California, and George Creel had actually won in the city of San Francisco, but in Los Angeles and the other counties of Southern California, Sinclair had buried the opposition, collecting two-thirds of all Democratic votes in Los Angeles County. Many of his voters were new Democrats (the party had added 3 5 0 , 0 0 0 registrants in the seven months prior to the election), and they were overwhelmingly working-class. It was in the blue-collar neighborhoods of central and east Los Angeles, and even more in the industrial suburbs stretching south to Long Beach that EPIC found its key support. In South Gate, [viii]

INTRODUCTION Lynwood, and Hawthorne, Sinclair won by margins of 80 percent and more, amid record-breaking turnouts. George Creel meanwhile owed what modest support he received in Southern California to hillside and westside middle-class neighborhoods, where Sinclair's message had been badly received, and where in the election to come Republicans would pile up a huge anti-EPIC vote. Elsewhere in California, the patterns were somewhat more complicated, but Sinclair's support everywhere was limited by class. With the exception of some of the activists drawn into EPIC (many of them former socialists), he had little luck appealing to whitecollar or well-educated voters. In the Bay Area, middle-class Democrats supported Creel in the primary, then defected to the Republicans in the general election. Working-class voters split between the two major Democrats: Sinclair enjoying a substantial lead among blue-collar voters in the East Bay; Creel getting a slight edge in San Francisco, thanks to the support of many of the city's labor leaders. But unlike Creel's middle-class supporters, those blue-collar votes— indeed blue-collar votes nearly everywhere—would go to Sinclair in the November election. Even more than the primary, the vote in that contest would break strictly on class lines. What EPIC had done was reshuffle the electorate. For a generation, the Republican party had encompassed most of California's citizenry in a remarkably stable two-wing, cross-class coalition. Now Sinclair had stolen much of its progressive wing with a program that appealed very strongly to the less privileged segments of the population. In addition to finding a natural following among the unemployed, he had also struck responsive chords among employed blue-collar voters. California was returning to political alignments that it had not known for a generation. Like the Workingman's party of 1878, the Democratic party of the 1880s, and the Union Labor parties of the prewar period, EPIC had resurrected the politics of class. Fear had also been resurrected. The road to the primary had been easy; the next two months had a different momentum. While national media turned up the spotlight, Sinclair's campaign met one obstacle after another. The first disappointment came from the White House. Fresh from his primary triumph, Sinclair had left for a cross-country speaking tour to capitalize on the headlines and seek an audience with the president. Roosevelt met with him, but would offer no endorsement, despite Sinclair's efforts to tone down some aspects of his plan. That rejection cleared the way for many of California's established Democratic party leaders to defect to the Republican camp. Of equal import was the new role of the state's major newspa[ix]

INTRODUCTION pers, many of which were linked to the conservative wing of the Republican party. The press had been relatively quiet during the primary campaign, suspecting that Sinclair would be easier to defeat than the moderate Creel. But the huge primary vote for the former socialist raised the stakes; now it seemed that he might actually win. Joining in the panic that gripped conservatives throughout the state that summer and fall of 1934, the state's major newspapers pounced on the Democratic candidate in a display of partisan viciousness almost without parallel. Sinclair details the distortions and slanders in the account you are about to read. Several missteps also h u r t the EPIC cause. Sinclair's careless comment about the unemployed flooding into California if he won gave the opposition some of its best ammunition, while awkward attempts to soften the EPIC program to appeal to New Dealers and moderates pleased no one and cut into the campaign's credibility. To make matters worse, a third party candidate, Raymond Haight, running under the banner of the old Progressive party, was now making a claim to the ideological middle ground and picking up disaffected Democrats and moderate Republicans. By October, EPIC was in trouble. And the record-breaking voter turnout on November 6 confirmed it. Sinclair doubled his primary tally, but his 879,537 votes were well behind Frank Merriam's 1,138,620. The Republican had not, however, received an electoral majority. Raymond Haight collected 3 0 2 , 5 1 9 votes. The election did not finish EPIC. Although his supporters were devastated, and Sinclair himself was exhausted, the year-long campaign had accomplished too much to be considered a loss. The idea that almost 9 0 0 , 0 0 0 Californians had voted for EPIC was electrifying: Sinclair had received almost exactly the number of votes in one state that Norman Thomas had gained in his nationwide Socialist party presidential campaign two years earlier. Those same California voters had also just elected thirty-eight Democrats to the eighty-seat Assembly, twenty-four of them EPIC nominees. Several EPIC-endorsed state senators and U.S. congressmen would also be taking office. In addition, EPIC candidates had captured Democratic central committee posts around the state, giving the movement effective control of the party machinery. Sinclair saw in this a beginning, not an end, to the EPIC story. Now, he decided, the time was ripe to take the message of "production for use" beyond California. I, Candidate for Governor: And How I Got Licked was written as Sinclair contemplated that new campaign. Dashed off in five weeks of feverish writing, it was intended to spread the End Poverty plan far and wide. Offered as a daily series to newspapers that had been [x]

INTRODUCTION clamoring for Sinclair's story, the account was published in more than fifty papers across the country, representing millions of readers. But as a national movement, EPIC did not live up to its creator's dreams. Clubs sprang up in many states, but only in the Pacific Northwest did the movement catch on. End Poverty campaigns in Oregon and Washington surpassed the successes of California. In Washington, an EPIC spin-off called the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation elected congressmen and a U.S. senator, in addition to a variety of state officeholders, and went on to influence Democratic party affairs for the next decade. Elsewhere, EPIC ran into too much competition. By 1935, the spectrum of radical reform proposals had become impossibly wide, as political movements of various descriptions jockeyed for members and headlines. Just as important, both the labor movement and the Democratic party were on the move, providing options for activists eager to push for comprehensive change. The 1934 elections had sent a message. Left-wing Democrats had won election to legislatures and Congress from a number of states, and now the machinery of formal politics was grinding out new New Deals in state capitols throughout the land. While EPIC ideas about cooperative production surfaced frequently in the year or two after the campaign, the movement itself got lost in the commotion, and outside the West, it never gained much of a foothold. The organization faced difficulties in its home base as well. The campaign over, EPIC almost immediately began to fragment. Jealousies were part of it. The movement lost some of its ablest organizers in battles over Sinclair's excessive authority. Difficulties with the Communist party also took a toll. After viciously condemning EPIC during the 1934 campaign, the CP then tried to join and influence the organization, triggering a bitter expulsion struggle. Most damaging of all was the battle that erupted between EPIC's headquarters and some of its newly elected legislators over the proper role of each. State Senator Culbert Olson, leader of the EPIC legislative caucus and new chair of the state Democratic party, wanted EPIC to move to the background and fold most of its functions into the party. Sinclair and most of the activists resisted, arguing that EPIC had to remain an independent movement with its own agenda. The organization continued and had some success sponsoring candidates in the 1935 municipal elections in Los Angeles, but with Olson and the new Democrats taking a separate course, EPIC could not maintain its influence. A final miscalculation all but finished the movement in mid-1936. Still hoping to send a message to Washington, EPIC entered its own "production for use" slate in the California presidential primary in opposition to [xi]

INTRODUCTION the official Roosevelt slate of delegates, although pledged to back the president on the second ballot. The gambit failed badly. California Democrats had had enough of Sinclair, and perhaps of EPIC. They voted seven to one for Roosevelt. Sinclair himself lost interest shortly afterward, and although the End Poverty League continued to exist for another decade, it very quickly became a small political sect. EPIC's legacy was more impressive than its organizational halflife. The movement, the campaign, and the election each had a profound impact, certainly on California, very likely on the rest of the United States as well. Sinclair liked to believe that his movement strongly influenced the direction of federal policy after 1934, providing the ideas and impetus behind the creation of the Works Progress Administration, which in 1935 replaced the patchwork of emergency relief programs that Sinclair had loudly attacked. The WPA did not embrace production for use, but it was a massive program of public works, designed to put the unemployed to work at jobs that would contribute to societal needs. Federal policy might well have taken this turn without EPIC. The idea of work relief was far from new, and both Harry Hopkins and Roosevelt favored the principle, but events in California certainly helped push it forward. So, too, the New Deal's expanded support for producer and consumer cooperatives can be at least partly attributed to EPIC. Several federal agencies began to issue grants to cooperative projects for the unemployed in 1934. The Farm Security Administration experimented as well with rural cooperatives, setting up collective farms—including one in California—that in the planning stages resembled EPIC's proposed land colonies. Much more significant were the ways in which EPIC transformed California, especially its politics and policy. A divided Democratic party was one of the legacies of the 1934 election. Political alignments were changing in many states in the early 1930s as Democrats built winning coalitions of working-class, ethnic, and urban middle-class voters. California followed the broad trend up to a point, joining other western states in developing a balanced two-party system for the first time in the twentieth century. But the Democrats never built the kind of stable coalition that became politically dominant in many other states. EPIC had fixed a deep fault line within the Democratic party, one that would remain for the next twenty years. Sinclair's campaign marked the beginning of a powerful left-wing presence in the party. Although EPIC itself melted away, veterans of that cam[xii]

INTRODUCTION paign formed the nucleus of a Democratic party faction that was ideologically very liberal and soon closely tied to organized labor, especially the left-wing CIO. Powerful enough to win primaries and nominate candidates, that faction faced almost constant warfare from the antiradical wing of the party, a loose coalition that, like the left, had originated in the 1934 contest. Several hundred thousand Democrats, including many of the traditionalists who had been with the party during the lean 1920s, bolted in 1934 rather than vote for Sinclair, costing him the election. They would do so again repeatedly over the next two decades. Although able to turn out impressive majorities for Roosevelt in presidential elections, the new majority party in California could not function on the state level. The election of 1938 almost proved otherwise. Culbert Olson, leader of what had been the EPIC legislative caucus and the favorite of left-wing and liberal Democrats, won the nomination and swept on to victory over a tired Frank Merriam. But the intraparty warfare resumed almost immediately in the legislature, as conservative Democrats joined Republicans to block Olson's legislative program and undermine his administration. Defeated when he ran for reelection four years later, Olson would remain California's only twentieth-century Democratic governor until Edmund G. "Pat" Brown won the office in 1958. A revitalized Republican party was another legacy of 1934. Despite an electorate that became more and more Democratic in registration, in state politics the Republicans managed to hold on to power nearly continuously through the New Deal period. This made California unique among states with sizable metropolitan populations. Merriam's victory was one of the few GOP triumphs of 1934, a year that sent the Republicans reeling toward oblivion in most parts of the country. Sinclair's incursion into the Democratic party had given the Republicans a rare chance to move to the middle, a strategy that paid off, not only in that election, but throughout the next two decades. Frank Merriam inaugurated the strategy with his belated and clumsy endorsement of the New Deal midway through the 1934 campaign. He more or less maintained that course during his next four years in office, supporting tax and relief programs much resented by conservative Republicans, while maintaining good relations with Washington. But even more than Merriam, it was the young Republican district attorney of Alameda County, Earl Warren, who best understood the lessons and opportunities of 1934. An adviser to Merriam and successful candidate for state attorney general in 1938, Warren crafted a liberal Republican politics that [xiii]

INTRODUCTION carried him into the governor's mansion in 1942 and kept him there for three terms. In one sense, then, EPIC changed the course of California politics by returning things to their old channel: the Republican channel that so dominates the state's twentieth-century experience. In another sense, all the channels were new. California would never again be a one-party state, and rarely would its political life be contained within two cohesive parties: 1934 had given birth to the pattern of politics that still prevails, a politics of party factions and extreme variation, which ultimately became standard for Republicans as well as Democrats. The political system that later in the century would alternate liberal Democrats and conservative Republicans in the governor's mansion, while bringing still more extreme differences into congressional and legislative delegations, had its origins in the turbulent campaign of that year. •

•

•

Although EPIC has been the subject of numerous articles, chapters, dissertations, and, most recently, of a fine book, I, Candidate for Governor: And How I Got Licked arguably remains the best source for understanding the campaign. Written immediately after Sinclair's November 6 defeat, it captures the intensity of the moment as no secondary account can. Its narrative of the events of the campaign is full, if a bit disjointed, and needs little annotation despite the passage of six decades. Most important, I, Candidate reveals the personality at the center of these events. Filled, as nearly all of his books are, with autobiographical detail, the book introduces the many sides of Upton Sinclair. There is Sinclair the political wizard, concocting a program out of bits and pieces of earlier radical strategies. He borrowed much of the program's gradualist, consensus spirit and softened socialist terminology ("production for use") from Edward Bellamy, who over fifty years earlier had invented an "Americanized" socialism. The key electoral strategy of invading one of the old parties was also taken from the past, principally from the experience of the radical Non-Partisan Leagues that after World War I briefly captured Republican parties in several midwestern states. Inspiration also came from more recent projects. The Technocracy movement had generated great enthusiasm in Los Angeles in 1932 and 1933 with its plans for a nonmonetary economy of abundance based on scientific planning. Echoes of that efficiency ethos would appear in EPIC. The barter clubs that had sprung up by the score in Southern California in the early Depression were a still more important source of ideas, for it was there that Sinclair saw the basic model for the [xiv]

INTRODUCTION cooperative network that would be EPIC's answer to unemployment and California's gateway to socialism. The wizard was also a brilliant publicist. The genius of EPIC was as much in the packaging as in the plan. Sinclair worked the media better than anyone on the left; he knew how to attract publicity. But what was ultimately more important was his ability to address the working-class audience that became EPIC's primary constituency. His writings had never aimed at highbrow readers. Sinclair had started out writing adventure serials for the pulps while still in high school, and one of his special gifts was storytelling; he could build drama into any scene. Another was pedagogy; he would turn the same scene into a lesson in radical politics. No one did it better. His books had educated two generations of radicals and were especially prized by the young and the modestly educated. In an age that had been inventing popular media, his books had been the reader's digests of American radicalism. That special skill is evident in I, Candidate, as it was throughout the campaign. Master of the clever phrase and powerful slogan, Sinclair was unmatched in his ability to bring ideas down to the level of common sense, while persuading his audience that no other level was valid. The intellectuals of his day found his style annoyingly egocentric, but for hundreds of thousands of modestly educated Californians, his self-presentation as teacher-with-all-theanswers was powerful and self-affirming. He was the teacher, but he taught that they were the experts, insisting that the so-called economists were fools, and that the only kind of economics that made sense had to be based on common sense. Thus he set up his appealing equations: that cooperation was more efficient than competition; that capitalism begot overproduction, which in turn begot unemployment; that putting people to work made more sense than giving them handouts; that state management and planning would balance production and consumption; that "production for use" would end the Depression. It was all so straightforward. "I have spent my whole life studying the idea of production for use," he assured his audiences. "It is to me as obvious as arithmetic, as certain as sunrise. If you give hungry men tools and access to land, they will grow food; if you give them access to factories, they will turn out goods. Who but a lunatic—or a hireling—would question it?" But was the teacher perhaps the real fool, or, worse, a charlatan? The plan made no sense to most economists, including many on the left. How would Sinclair finance enterprises employing half a million workers? Could the products really be distributed in such a way as to make them self-sufficient? Would the unemployed really join the cooperatives? What would keep private capital from fleeing [XV]

INTRODUCTION the state, worsening the crisis? How would EPIC acquire the land and factories? How would it handle the unemployed from other states, who were sure to come west? To many analysts, of various political persuasions, Sinclair's plan seemed a prescription for state bankruptcy, for social chaos, and worse. Did Sinclair really believe it would work? That is hard to say. Privately, he admitted after the election that he was relieved to have lost. He knew that he had none of the administrative talents necessary in government, and after a year of campaigning, he was dying to return to his writing. But it is also clear that he was thinking about and probably troubled by some of the criticisms of his plan. Indeed, during the campaign, he had modified quite a few provisions, making the twelve-point EPIC plan included in the appendix to this book substantially different from the original program. The difference is in the details, many of which had disappeared by the end of the campaign. In the version published here, there is no longer a calculation of what the plan will cost or how it will be funded. There is less detail, too, about Sinclair's tax-reform measures, which he had earlier promised would raise millions through steep taxes on wealthy estates and large incomes. More significant, he dropped the idea of confiscating idle factories and farmland; instead, the state would rent them. Also eliminated was the severely criticized proposal for a separate monetary system, the California Authority for Money, which under the original plan was to have issued scrip as a medium of exchange within the co-op system. By the end of the campaign, it had become the California Authority for Barter, charged with working out the procedures for distribution and exchange of goods. There were sound political reasons for these modifications, most of which were hammered out at the statewide Democratic party convention after Sinclair won the nomination. But they probably also represent some second thoughts on the part of the plan's original architect, who at precisely that moment was confronting the possibility that he might actually win and get a chance to try EPIC. Sinclair did not yet realize it, and in fact would never realize it, but the campaign had changed him. By the time he wrote I, Candidate, he was on his way to becoming a New Dealer. Years more would pass before he felt completely comfortable with Roosevelt, and he would go to his grave three decades later still proclaiming his socialist faith, but those months of trying to end poverty in California in 1934 had begun to erode the clarity of his radicalism. The plan that he had devised in late 1933 as an alternative to the weak medicine of the New Deal was by the end of the campaign losing [xvi]

INTRODUCTION its visionary force and becoming an extension or refinement of the general thrust of New Deal reform. It had always had that potential. Part of the political genius of EPIC was its susceptibility to multiple readings. Putting the unemployed to work was an idea that mixed nicely with some very traditional values, and read narrowly the plan for cooperative work projects was not particularly radical, especially if they turned out to be self-sufficient, as Sinclair promised. Barter clubs and self-help groups had been functioning in California's major cities since 1932, sometimes modestly assisted with public funds. Was EPIC merely proposing a larger, better-funded version of that primitive cooperative network? Sinclair cleverly played both answers from the start, encouraging both radical and narrow interpretations of the plan. Just so he encouraged multiple readings of his relationship to the New Deal, early on claiming an affinity with and trading on the legitimacy of the Roosevelt administration, even while severely criticizing much of the New Deal program. But what began as a pair of strategic positions designed to lure moderate voters led ultimately toward more genuine ambiguity. By the time he wrote I, Candidate, Sinclair was seeing the New Deal in an increasingly positive light. He was still critical and still promoting his End Poverty plan as the solution, but now it was production for use within the framework of the New Deal rather than EPIC as replacement for the New Deal. This subtle transformation in political values was not his alone; indeed, it was one of the big stories of the 1930s, shared by millions of Americans. Through the EPIC movement, and in other states through a variety of other political experiences, great numbers of Americans came to embrace the Democratic party and the welfare state liberalism that had become its creed. The converted came from various backgrounds, conservative as well as progressive, and among them was much of Sinclair's generation of radicals, former members of the Socialist and Progressive movements who discovered in the unfolding policies of an activist government major portions of what they had long fought for—rights for labor, sustenance for the poor, controls on the economy, a language of collective good and public authority. Some on the left remained very clear that welfarism was not socialism, but what Roosevelt offered was enough for many. As it opened wide over the course of its first four years, the New Deal became an ever-larger tent, drawing converts of many political faiths. EPIC had helped make that happen. Pushing the New Deal from the left, the various political movements of 1934 led large numbers of activists into the Democratic coalition, effectively [xvii]

INTRODUCTION bringing to a close the story of democratic socialism and electoral radicalism in the United States, leaving the Communist party as the only important voice of the left. There is another side of Sinclair that fairly leaps from the pages of I, Candidate: the competitor, the pugilist, the warrior. He loved combat, or at least political combat, and the meaner the better. He had waged crusades all of his adult life, beginning with his stunningly successful exposé of the meat-packing business in 1906. For almost thirty years, he had practiced the art of muckraking journalism in dozens of books that exposed the insidious corruptions of capitalism. His targets were almost too many to list: journalism in The Brass Check; universities in The Goose Step; public schools in The Goslings; organized religion, The Profits of Religion; art and literature, Money Writes and Mammonart; banks, The Moneylenders; the courts, Boston and Singing Jailbirds; Hollywood, Upton Sinclair Presents William Fox; and we could go on. Each had been an exercise in literary combat. So is I, Candidate. From the opening paragraph, Sinclair is on the attack, setting up to tell "the inside story" of the campaign, a story that reveals "what money can do in American politics." Actually, there are two inside stories. A narrative of his own campaign structures the book and dominates the first hundred pages. But intertwined with it, and gradually becoming the dominant story, is his account of the malicious countercampaign, the "Lie Factory," as he calls it, that pulled out all of the stops to save the "Plutocracy" and smash EPIC. This is where the book gains its power and its significance. And it is where Sinclair exacts his revenge. He may have lost the election, but through I, Candidate he won the battle for history, ensuring the EPIC would be remembered by future generations less for what it tried to do than for what was done to it, ensuring that his opponents would be remembered as the architects of modern American "dirty" politics. The facts are clear enough. Almost the entire established media in California lined up against his candidacy, in what the Nation labeled "the worst press conspiracy we have ever witnessed." Balance and fairness disappeared entirely from many of the leading newspapers as they pummeled Sinclair mercilessly from front page to back. This was to be expected from the Los Angeles Times, whose ultraconservative owner, Harry Chandler, had passionately fought reds and liberals for decades. The surprise came when the powerful Hearst newspapers and the usually progressive McClatchy Bee newspapers joined the cause. Among the metropolitan dailies, only the San Francisco News and the Los Angeles Illustrated Daily News [xviii]

INTRODUCTION gave Sinclair anything like reasonable coverage, but there was some compensation from the small newspapers that served the blue-collar suburbs where EPIC thrived. Historians have found greater historical significance in two other aspects of the anti-Sinclair campaign. One is the role of Hollywood, discussed briefly in the account that follows. When MGM's Louis B. Mayer dove into politics to save California from the threat of "Sinclairism" in 1934, he started a pattern of filmland involvement that would reshape American political life. Not that the heavy-handed perversions of media power of that year would become routine. As far as we know, neither the faked newsreels nor the extortionist fund-raising tactics have been repeated. But Hollywood and politics discovered each other in 1934 and have been married ever since. In the years to come, Democrats as well as Republicans would turn to the film community for money and celebrity power. Indeed, it was not long before Washington greeted its first actor-politician. Like the rest of Hollywood, Congresswoman Helen Gahagan Douglas, Democratic representative from Los Angeles for 1944—50, traced her political awakening back to the EPIC campaign. Her political demise at the hands of Richard Nixon in the 1950 senate campaign would be remembered as California's second encounter with the "Lie Factory." The other innovation is extensively explored in Greg Mitchell's recent book Campaign of the Century. The anti-Sinclair campaign was orchestrated by media professionals. Hired by the prominent Los Angeles advertising agency Lord and Thomas, Clem Whitaker and Leona Baxter went into business as the first-ever professional campaign managers and quickly designed a strategy that became a model for modern "hit campaigns." Ignoring the colorless Merriam, whose record and personality offered little voter appeal, they built a campaign entirely out of negatives, exclusively around Sinclair and EPIC. Sinclair makes reference to Lord and Thomas in the account that follows and in one important passage refers to "political chemists at work preparing poisons" to be delivered to the press and public, but he may not have been fully aware of the dimensions of their work. He certainly knew the end product. It was Whitaker and Baxter who devised the devastating tactic of using Sinclair against himself. Combing his massive bibliography for politically embarrassing quotations, they fed the press a stream of excerpts from his earlier writings that purported to show his extremist views. Featured in the famous front-page "boxes" of the Los Angeles Times, these quotations, bearing headlines such as "Sinclair on Marriage," [xix]

INTRODUCTION "Sinclair on the Soviet Union," and "Sinclair on Christ," also appeared as pamphlets mailed to voters by Whitaker and Baxter under various phony organizational names. And what was the effect of these and all the other opposition tactics? Sinclair asserts loudly that the election was stolen, that voters were tricked into rejecting EPIC by a cabal of powerful interests. Trickery and deceit there were, but it is by no means clear that Sinclair would have won a clean election. Even without malicious embellishment, his background and his program would have seemed very radical, and not just to a tiny business elite. Many Californians feared drastic change during the 1930s, especially those retaining middle-class jobs and social standing. Depressions, it must be remembered, distribute economic distress unevenly—and even in the Great Depression, it was only a minority of Americans who suffered significant unemployment. Political instincts were polarized accordingly, and with or without media manipulation, Sinclair would have had trouble assembling an electoral majority. Too many people felt they had too much to lose, too much to fear. In the end, Sinclair's 879,000 ballots represented no small accomplishment. They testify to the remarkable grass-roots political movement the writer-politician had built. Even more, that vote reminds us of the extraordinary fluidity of American politics in the pivotal year 1934.

[XX]

ADDITIONAL READING Blake, Fay M., and H. Morton Newman. "Upton Sinclair's EPIC Campaign." California History, Fall 1984. Gregory, James, and Nancy Quam-Wickham. "Who Voted for Upton Sinclair? The EPIC Campaign of 1934." Paper delivered at the Southwest Labor Studies Association meeting in San Francisco, April 29, 1989. Larsen, Charles E. "The Epic Campaign of 1934." Pacific Historical Review, May 1958. Leader, Leonard. "Upton Sinclair's EPIC Switch: A Dilemma for American Socialists." Southern California Quarterly, Winter 1980. Mcintosh, Clarence Fredric. "Upton Sinclair and the EPIC Movement, 1933—1936." Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University, 1955. Mitchell, Greg. The Campaign of the Century: Upton Sinclair's Race for Governor of California and the Birth of Media Politics. New York: Random House, 1992. Singer, Donald L. "Upton Sinclair and the California Gubernatorial Campaign of 1934." Southern California Quarterly, Winter 1974.

[xxi]

I, Candidate For Governor: And How I Got Licked

by

UPTON SINCLAIR

PUBLISHED BY

T H E AUTHOR STATION A, PASADENA, CALIFORNIA

Copyright, 1934, 1935, by Upton Sinclair Printed in the United States of America All rights reserved

I , CANDIDATE

FOR

A N D H O W I GOT

GOVERNOR LICKED

By UPTON SINCLAIR CHAPTER I

This is the story of the EPIC movement and the campaign to End Poverty in California; an "inside" story of events about which there has been much guessing. It is a revelation of what money can do in American politics; what it will do when its privileges are threatened. When I was a boy, the President of Harvard University wrote about "the scholar in politics." Here is set forth how a scholar went into politics, and what happened to him. I am beginning this story three days after the election. Having known for a month what was coming, I had time to practice smiling. I write now in a mood of cheerful aloofness. To the gentlemen of great wealth who control the State of California I would not pay the compliment of grieving about anything they could do to me. I grieve for the people. But the people have suffered for ages, and I have no way to help it. Whoever made this universe ordained it that people learn by suffering, and in no other way. The people of California have much to learn. For the past fourteen months I have traveled up and down the S t a t e , addressing some two hundred meetings and facing half a million men and women. I spoke a score of times over the radio, so that practically every one in the State heard my voice. The substance of my message was this: "All my life I have believed and preached democracy, in the broad sense of that word; the right and power of the people to govern their own affairs. I am proposing now that the people shall vote to End Poverty in California. I am willing to abide by the people's decision. If you have not suffered enough, it is your Godgiven right to suffer some more. All you have to do is

[3]

I , CANDIDATE

FOR

A N D H O W I GOT

GOVERNOR LICKED

By UPTON SINCLAIR CHAPTER I

This is the story of the EPIC movement and the campaign to End Poverty in California; an "inside" story of events about which there has been much guessing. It is a revelation of what money can do in American politics; what it will do when its privileges are threatened. When I was a boy, the President of Harvard University wrote about "the scholar in politics." Here is set forth how a scholar went into politics, and what happened to him. I am beginning this story three days after the election. Having known for a month what was coming, I had time to practice smiling. I write now in a mood of cheerful aloofness. To the gentlemen of great wealth who control the State of California I would not pay the compliment of grieving about anything they could do to me. I grieve for the people. But the people have suffered for ages, and I have no way to help it. Whoever made this universe ordained it that people learn by suffering, and in no other way. The people of California have much to learn. For the past fourteen months I have traveled up and down the S t a t e , addressing some two hundred meetings and facing half a million men and women. I spoke a score of times over the radio, so that practically every one in the State heard my voice. The substance of my message was this: "All my life I have believed and preached democracy, in the broad sense of that word; the right and power of the people to govern their own affairs. I am proposing now that the people shall vote to End Poverty in California. I am willing to abide by the people's decision. If you have not suffered enough, it is your Godgiven right to suffer some more. All you have to do is

[3]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R to elect G o v e r n o r M e r r i a m , a n d he will see t h a t you do it." In t h r e e of m y novels you m a y r e a d w h a t I h a v e observed d u r i n g n i n e t e e n years of residence in the S t a t e of C a l i f o r n i a . T h e first, "100 P e r C e n t : the Story of a P a t r i o t , " deals w i t h the broken promises of the World War. T h e second, " T h e y Call M e C a r p e n t e r , " p i c t u r e s Jesus coming to " W e s t e r n City," a n d n o t h a v i n g a h a p p y t i m e . Finally, at the h e i g h t of the Coolidge b o o m , I w r o t e "Oil!" a sort of p a n o r a m a of S o u t h e r n California life. If you prefer facts to fiction, t h e r e are the o p e n i n g c h a p t e r s of " T h e Goslings," telling how I was a r r e s t e d a n d k i d n a p e d by the police of Los Angeles u n d e r a charge of "suspicion of criminal syndicalism"; the offense being an a t t e m p t to read the C o n s t i t u t i o n of the U n i t e d S t a t e s while s t a n d i n g on p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y with the w r i t t e n c o n s e n t of the owner in m y p o c k e t . Or r e a d the c h a p t e r in " T h e Goose-Step," which deals with our S t a t e University, t e r m e d " T h e U n i v e r s i t y of the Black H a n d . " Finally, in " T h e Brass Check," are c h a p t e r s dealing with our n e w s p a p e r s , t h e same ones you will m e e t in this book, u n c h a n g e d between 1919 a n d 1934. For those who h a v e no t i m e to read books, let me say briefly t h a t for nineteen years I observed my h o m e S t a t e g o v e r n e d by a small g r o u p of rich men whose sole p u r p o s e in life was to become richer, a n d w h o subordin a t e d all public affairs to t h a t e n d . I saw t h e m set aside t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n of S t a t e a n d N a t i o n , a n d use the law e n f o r c e m e n t officers as s t r i k e b r e a k e r s , k i d n a p e r s , t o r t u r e r s a n d killers. I saw the civil r i g h t s of workers a n d friends of workers a b r o g a t e d . In seventeen c o u n t ies of California it is a g a i n s t the law for more t h a n t h r e e persons to c o n g r e g a t e in any place, a n d it is a g a i n s t the law for poor men even to walk u p o n the h i g h w a y s . I saw the G o v e r n o r of the S t a t e publicly j u s t i f y t h e lynching of possibly innocent m e n ; a G o v e r nor who was d r i n k i n g himself i n t o paresis, a n d p e t t i n g his movie mistress in a u t o m o b i l e s in the public s t r e e t s . I saw our richest n e w s p a p e r publisher keeping his movie mistress in a p r i v a t e city of palaces a n d c a t h e d r a l s , f u r n i s h e d with shiploads of j u n k i m p o r t e d f r o m E u r o p e , a n d s u r r o u n d e d by v a s t acres reserved for the use of

[4]

A N D HOW I GOT L I C K E D zebras a n d giraffes; telling it as a j e s t t h a t he h a d s p e n t six million dollars to m a k e this lady's r e p u t a t i o n , a n d using his n e w s p a p e r s to celebrate her changes of h a t s . Side by side with such e v e n t s I saw t h e e x t r e m e p o v e r t y which e v e r y w h e r e a c c o m p a n i e s t h e m . I saw old people dying of slow s t a r v a t i o n , a n d children by the t e n s of t h o u s a n d s growing u p s t u n t e d by the diseases of m a l n u t r i t i o n — t h e very school teachers d i p p i n g into their slender purses to p r o v i d e milk for pupils who c a m e to school w i t h o u t b r e a k f a s t . I saw h u n d r e d s of t h o u s a n d s of persons driven f r o m their h o m e s ; the sweep of an economic process which has t u r n e d m o s t of the l a n d of California over to m o n e y - l e n d e r s a n d b a n k s . I saw one colossal swindle a f t e r a n o t h e r p e r p e t r a t e d u p o n the public; a n d for every official who was sent to jail I k n e w t h a t a t h o u s a n d were h i d i n g their loot. In s h o r t , I h a v e seen this fair S t a t e going the w a y of the slave e m p i r e s of h i s t o r y ; decaying with l u x u r y a t t h e t o p , a n d d e s t r o y i n g the concept of d e m o c r a c y by r u t h l e s s suppression of the people's p r o t e s t . For nineteen years I p u t m y S t a t e into books, telling myself t h a t this was my way of service. B u t now a n d t h e n my feelings would boil over, a n d I would go o u t a n d m a k e a political speech, or a t t e m p t to m a k e o n e , a n d get a r r e s t e d . T h r e e times I let myself be pers u a d e d to run for public office, as a more i m m e d i a t e form of p r o t e s t . Twice I ran for G o v e r n o r , a n d once for U n i t e d S t a t e s Senator, always on the Socialist t i c k e t , a n d the highest vote I ever polled was sixty t h o u s a n d o u t of an e l e c t o r a t e of a couple of million. I was f i f t y - f o u r years of age, a n d beginning to feel t h e effects of a lifetime of o v e r w o r k . I said t h a t I h a d d o n e m y s h a r e , a n d p r o m i s e d myself, a n d also m y wife, t h a t f r o m then on I would be a writer a n d n o t h i n g else. B u t then c a m e H i t l e r ; to me the m o s t h i d e o u s phen o m e n o n since the days of the I n q u i s i t i o n . I saw where our civilization was h e a d i n g . I saw a r o u n d me all the little incipient H i t l e r s — t h e Californazis. I p u t to m y self t h e q u e s t i o n : w h a t is the use of t a k i n g a lifetime to build a Socialist m o v e m e n t , when our enemies can d e s t r o y it in t w e n t y - f o u r hours? I sat down to r e t h i n k the p r o b l e m s of m y lifetime. W h a t was w r o n g with the Socialist p a r t y , t h a t it h a d m a d e no h e a d w a y in America? F i r s t , it was a foreign

[5]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R m o v e m e n t , a n d h a d used long foreign w o r d s — p r o l e t a r i a t , s u r p l u s v a l u e , dialectical m a t e r i a l i s m . I h a d always k n o w n t h a t was a blunder, a n d h a d tried to prev e n t it, b u t with little success. Second, the m o v e m e n t was based u p o n the w o r k i n g class. So far as concerned m y h o m e S t a t e , there was very little working-class m e n t a l i t y . T h o s e who belonged to t h a t class did n o t know it, a n d h a t e d you for telling t h e m . T h e y were middle class in their t h o u g h t s a n d reelings, a n d even t h e m o s t hopeless a m o n g t h e m were c e r t a i n t h a t their children were going to get an e d u c a t i o n a n d "rise in the world." I saw the m i d d l e classes suffering j u s t as m u c h as m a n u a l workers a n d f a r m e r s . T h e w h i t e collar people were losing their j o b s a n d their h o m e s ; the small investors h a d been swindled o u t of e v e r y t h i n g ; even the skilled t e c h n i c i a n s , the engineers, administrators, a r c h i t e c t s — w e r e s i t t i n g idle in their offices, unable to p a y their r e n t . Six h u n d r e d lawyers were being d r o p p e d f r o m the Bar Association, because they could n o t p a y their a n n u a l dues of seven dollars a n d a h a l f . T h o u s a n d s of d o c t o r s were no longer able to collect fees—so it w e n t , w h e r e v e r one t u r n e d . If Fascism c a m e to California it would be t h r o u g h these m i d d l e class people. If D e m o c r a c y were preserved in C a l i f o r n i a , it would be because these people h a d come to u n d e r s t a n d the depression a n d the remedy. I w r o t e a little b o o k , " T h e W a y O u t , " i n t e n d e d to enlighten t h e m . T h e r e c a m e to me a y o u n g m a n , R i c h a r d S. O t t o , a real e s t a t e subdivider, forcibly r e t i r e d . H e h a d a t h o u s a n d acres of l a n d which he would be glad to d o n a t e for a c o l o n y — t h e r e was n o t h i n g else t h a t could be d o n e with it. H e r e a d " T h e W a y O u t " a n d it m e t his m e n t a l needs. H e s p e n t a p a r t of w h a t m o n e y he h a d left to p r i n t an edition of ten t h o u s a n d copies of this b o o k . H e was r u n n i n g two " B e l l a m y societies," a n d would sell the books or give t h e m away at meetings. T h a t was A u g u s t , 1933, a n d there c a m e to me a l e t t e r f r o m an elderly g e n t l e m a n of S a n t a M o n i c a , c h a i r m a n of the C o u n t y C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e of the D e m ocratic P a r t y in his assembly d i s t r i c t . H e suggested t h a t I register as a D e m o c r a t a n d a n n o u n c e myself a c a n d i d a t e for the n o m i n a t i o n for G o v e r n o r on the D e m -

[6]

A N D HOW I GOT L I C K E D ocratic t i c k e t , p u t t i n g f o r w a r d a definite p r o g r a m to deal with t h e d e p r e s s i o n . I s m i l e d , a n d m a r k e d t h e l e t t e r to receive the form answer p r e p a r e d for those who invited m e into politics. B u t this old g e n t l e m a n would n o t be p u t off. H e w r o t e several times. H e said t h a t five of the seven m e m b e r s of his c o m m i t t e e were for m e ; he said it would be the same all over the S t a t e . T h e D e m o c r a t i c P a r t y was split i n t o half a dozen f a c t i o n s , with half a dozen w a r r i n g l e a d e r s , no one of t h e m h a v i n g any economic knowledge or any idea how to m e e t the crisis. H e t e m p t e d me s u b t l y ; even if I did n o t r u n , would I n o t help p r e p a r e a p r o g r a m for those who wished to t a k e action ? T h i s s t a r t e d a process in m y m i n d . Suppose the people of C a l i f o r n i a w a n t e d to do s o m e t h i n g , w h a t could they do? I took all m y t h o u g h t s on the subject a n d t h o u g h t t h e m over a g a i n , weighing t h e m from a new p o i n t of view. I no longer h a d t h i r t y years, perh a p s n o t t h i r t y m o n t h s ; s o m e t h i n g h a d to be d o n e n o w — a n d w h a t was it? T h i s ruled o u t all m e a s u r e s which were difficult to u n d e r s t a n d , or were foreign to the A m e r i c a n m i n d . I t ruled o u t all foreign m o v e m e n t s , all foreign w o r d s . I t ruled o u t all m i n o r p a r t i e s , all new p a r t i e s . I said to myself: " F i f t y per c e n t of the people are going to v o t e a certain ticket because their g r a n d f a t h e r s v o t e d t h a t t i c k e t . In o r d e r to get a n y w h e r e , it is necessary to h a v e a p a r t y which h a s g r a n d f a t h e r s . " T h a t seemed to p o i n t to t h e D e m o c r a t i c P a r t y , t h e oldest in the c o u n t r y , a p a r t y of g r a n d f a t h e r s a n d of g r e a t g r a n d f a t h e r s . M y own g r e a t - g r a n d f a t h e r h a d been one of its f o u n d e r s — C o m m o d o r e A r t h u r Sinclair, who comm a n d e d the first f r i g a t e built by our n a t i o n , the " C o n gress," in 1802. I h a d left the D e m o c r a t i c P a r t y , because as a y o u t h in N e w York I h a d got close to T a m m a n y H a l l . N o w it was p r o p o s e d t h a t I should come b a c k , a n d e n d e a v o r to t a k e the D e m o c r a t i c P a r t y of C a l i f o r n i a away f r o m t h e graf ters and c o r p o r a t i o n a g e n t s . T h e idea began to i n t e r e s t m e , a n d finally I yielded this f a r ; I said to the old g e n t l e m a n in S a n t a M o n i c a : "I will p r e p a r e a p r o g r a m a n d see w h a t you a n d your friends t h i n k of it." T h a t was how I fell into the t r a p , a n d ceased to be

[7]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R an a u t h o r a n d became a politician for f o u r t e e n m o n t h s — i n spite of all the promises to myself, a n d the still m o r e solemn promises to m y wife!

C H A P T E R II Somewhere in the writings of R o b e r t B l a t c h f o r d occurs the s e n t e n c e : " W h e n six men go o u t into a field to c a t c h a h o r s e , it m a k e s all the difference w h e t h e r t h e y spend their time c a t c h i n g the horse or keeping onea n o t h e r f r o m c a t c h i n g the horse." For t h i r t y years t h a t sentence s t a y e d in m y m i n d as a final s t a t e m e n t on the subject of c o o p e r a t i o n versus c o m p e t i t i o n in i n d u s t r i a l affairs. I know t h a t we began in a c o m p e t i t i v e w o r l d , a n d I h a v e no q u a r r e l with the p a s t . I am looking t o w a r d t h e f u t u r e ; a n d I say t h a t when m e n c o m p e t e with one a n o t h e r for w e a l t h they p r o d u c e p o v e r t y for t h e m selves. T h e y d u p l i c a t e p l a n t s , they o v e r - p r o d u c e , t h e y a d u l t e r a t e goods, they lie a b o u t their p r o d u c t s , they spy u p o n one a n o t h e r , t h e y buy special favors f r o m gove r n m e n t officials, they subsidize lobbyists a n d politicians, a n d build u p political m a c h i n e s , a n d u l t i m a t e l y u n d e r m i n e t h e p r a c t i c e of Democracy. For all such forms of w a s t e the c o n s u m e r p a y s . For t h i r t y years I h a v e been pleading for p r o d u c t i o n p l a n n e d by t r a i n e d e x p e r t s a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n based u p o n services r e n d e r e d . T h i r t y years ago I asserted t h a t by such e l i m i n a t i o n of w a s t e it would be possible to give every w o r k e r J5000 per year for three or four h o u r s w o r k a day. T h i r t y years h a v e p a s s e d , a n d with our new powers of p r o d u c t i o n we could give every worker twice t h a t m u c h for two h o u r s ' work a day. I p r e a c h e d a n d t a u g h t this; I c a m p a i g n e d for office, a n d g r e a t audiences came a n d a p p l a u d e d — a n d then w e n t a w a y a n d v o t e d for the old s y s t e m . W h y was it? I sat down to t h i n k it o u t , a n d decided t h a t the t h i n g s o u n d e d too good to be t r u e . People did not really believe it; they could see no w a y of g e t t i n g f r o m where they were to the heaven I offered. So I said: " L e t us drop Utopias from our program.

[8]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R an a u t h o r a n d became a politician for f o u r t e e n m o n t h s — i n spite of all the promises to myself, a n d the still m o r e solemn promises to m y wife!

C H A P T E R II Somewhere in the writings of R o b e r t B l a t c h f o r d occurs the s e n t e n c e : " W h e n six men go o u t into a field to c a t c h a h o r s e , it m a k e s all the difference w h e t h e r t h e y spend their time c a t c h i n g the horse or keeping onea n o t h e r f r o m c a t c h i n g the horse." For t h i r t y years t h a t sentence s t a y e d in m y m i n d as a final s t a t e m e n t on the subject of c o o p e r a t i o n versus c o m p e t i t i o n in i n d u s t r i a l affairs. I know t h a t we began in a c o m p e t i t i v e w o r l d , a n d I h a v e no q u a r r e l with the p a s t . I am looking t o w a r d t h e f u t u r e ; a n d I say t h a t when m e n c o m p e t e with one a n o t h e r for w e a l t h they p r o d u c e p o v e r t y for t h e m selves. T h e y d u p l i c a t e p l a n t s , they o v e r - p r o d u c e , t h e y a d u l t e r a t e goods, they lie a b o u t their p r o d u c t s , they spy u p o n one a n o t h e r , t h e y buy special favors f r o m gove r n m e n t officials, they subsidize lobbyists a n d politicians, a n d build u p political m a c h i n e s , a n d u l t i m a t e l y u n d e r m i n e t h e p r a c t i c e of Democracy. For all such forms of w a s t e the c o n s u m e r p a y s . For t h i r t y years I h a v e been pleading for p r o d u c t i o n p l a n n e d by t r a i n e d e x p e r t s a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n based u p o n services r e n d e r e d . T h i r t y years ago I asserted t h a t by such e l i m i n a t i o n of w a s t e it would be possible to give every w o r k e r J5000 per year for three or four h o u r s w o r k a day. T h i r t y years h a v e p a s s e d , a n d with our new powers of p r o d u c t i o n we could give every worker twice t h a t m u c h for two h o u r s ' work a day. I p r e a c h e d a n d t a u g h t this; I c a m p a i g n e d for office, a n d g r e a t audiences came a n d a p p l a u d e d — a n d then w e n t a w a y a n d v o t e d for the old s y s t e m . W h y was it? I sat down to t h i n k it o u t , a n d decided t h a t the t h i n g s o u n d e d too good to be t r u e . People did not really believe it; they could see no w a y of g e t t i n g f r o m where they were to the heaven I offered. So I said: " L e t us drop Utopias from our program.

[8]

A N D HOW I GOT L I C K E D N o m o r e ideal c o m m o n w e a l t h s , no m o r e p e r f e c t societies. L e t us s t a r t from where we are." I n Los Angeles C o u n t y there w e r e , according to official figures, 509,000 persons d e p e n d e n t u p o n public relief. To keep these persons was costing a h u g e s u m of money. I n c l u d i n g f o o d , r e n t , g a s , c a r f a r e , a n d o t h e r necessities, it could n o t be less t h a n fifty cents a d a y per p e r s o n . O n e - q u a r t e r of a million dollars a day, or nearly a h u n d r e d million a y e a r — t h a t was t h e b u r d e n which m y county, h a d to reckon u p o n . Of course n o t all this m o n e y was p a i d by the county. Some of it c a m e f r o m the S t a t e , some f r o m the F e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t , some f r o m p r i v a t e charity. B u t in the long r u n it all came to the same t h i n g ; somebody was p u t t i n g u p a h u n d r e d million dollars a year, a n d it could only be those who still h a d j o b s or incomes. If you were no longer going to keep these persons as objects of charity, w h a t else could you do? M a n i f e s t l y t h e r e was only one a l t e r n a t i v e ' You could p u t t h e m at w o r k a n d let t h e m p r o d u c e w h a t they themselves were going to c o n s u m e ; m a k e t h e m s e l f - s u s t a i n i n g , t a k e t h e m off the backs of t h e t a x p a y e r s , a n d s t o p the process of driving the S t a t e i n t o b a n k r u p t c y . A curious s t o r y c a m e to me f r o m the c o t t o n c o u n t r y , the Mississippi D e l t a , where m y wife's people live. For m o r e t h a n a h u n d r e d years these people h a d used the labor of the N e g r o e s ; the whites riding on the N e g r o e s ' b a c k s . T h e r e was only one c r o p , c o t t o n ; it was c h e a p e r to buy e v e r y t h i n g else o u t s i d e . B u t now the depression c a m e , a n d c h a n g e d the s i t u a t i o n in the o d d e s t way. C o t t o n being no longer a cash c r o p , the p l a n t e r s h a d no m o n e y ; b u t they h a d to feed their N e g r o e s — i t was the t r a d i t i o n , h a n d e d down from slavery d a y s . So the N e g r o e s were being k e p t in idleness—riding on t h e backs of the whites! Of course it did n o t t a k e the w h i t e people m a n y years to realize t h i s , a n d c o t t o n ceased to be t h e only c r o p . T h e N e g r o e s were m a d e to grow corn a n d raise hogs for their own food. P r o d u c t i o n for use in t h e M i s sissippi D e l t a ! A n d now here were t h e people of Los Angeles c o u n t y in the s a m e position! T h e y could n o t let their u n e m ployed s t a r v e ; they h a d to give t h e m some food a n d c l o t h i n g . H o w long would it be before they took t h e

[9]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R s a m e s t e p as the Mississippi p l a n t e r s , a n d set the idle workers at p r o d u c i n g w h a t they were going to consume? H e r e seemed to be the e m m e d i a t e issue, the p r o g r a m for this m o m e n t . U s e the credit power of t h e S t a t e to give t h e u n e m p l o y e d access to l a n d a n d let t h e m grow their own food; give t h e m access to m a c h i n e r y a n d let t h e m p r o d u c e their own goods. W h e n they h a d prod u c e d , let t h e m exchange a m o n g t h e m s e l v e s , a n d so build u p a system of p r o d u c t i o n for use instead of for profit. T h e S t a t e of California is well a d a p t e d to such an e x p e r i m e n t . We h a v e a v a s t a r e a , with widely diverg e n t c r o p s , a n d w h a v e m a n y of basic n a t u r a l resources. We can p r o d u c e every kind of food except a few secondary t h i n g s such as tea a n d coffee. We h a v e lumber, c e m e n t , rock a n d g r a v e l , clay a n d gold. We h a v e no iron ore, b u t we h a v e steel mills a n d c o p p e r s m e l t e r s , a n d factories in which m o s t of t h e c o m m o n articles are p r o d u c e d . N e e d l e s s to say, we h a v e skilled workers in all these i n d u s t r i e s , a n d t r a i n e d technicians a n d a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , t h o u s a n d s of t h e m idle. T h e t o t a l n u m b e r on relief in the S t a t e was a b o u t one million, which m e a n t some four h u n d r e d t h o u s a n d able-bodied w o r k e r s . If we established a c o o p e r a t i v e system for t h a t m a n y p e r s o n s , t h e r e would be work of every k i n d , a n d each could do t h e kind for which he h a d been t r a i n e d . T h e scale of the u n d e r t a k i n g would be large enough to d e m o n s t r a t e the a d v a n t a g e s of coope r a t i o n , a n d to t h e e x t e n t t h a t we m a d e a success of it t h e whole world would learn f r o m C a l i f o r n i a . I t would be impossible to m a k e an e n t i r e failure, for no one could deny t h a t t h e u n e m p l o y e d would p r o d u c e s o m e t h i n g , a n d w h a t e v e r they p r o d u c e d would be t h a t m u c h saved to the t a x p a y e r s . Such a p r o c e d u r e would help e v e r y b o d y a n d h u r t nobody. I t would restore the m o r a l e of the u n e m p l o y e d ; it would m a k e t h e m self-sustaining a n d selfrespecting citizens, p a y i n g their own w a y in t h e w o r l d ; it would benefit the t a x p a y e r s because it would t a k e the u n e m p l o y e d off their backs. I t would help the workers who still h a d j o b s , because it would t a k e the u n e m p l o y e d off the labor m a r k e t , a n d so s t o p the process of b e a t i n g down wages. I t would n o t h u r t the business m e n , because t h e u n e m p l o y e d are no longer of

[10]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D a n y use to p r i v a t e business, h a v i n g no m o n e y to s p e n d . T h a t which t h e y spend w i t h the m e r c h a n t s they first get f r o m the t a x p a y e r s — w h i c h m e a n s the m e r c h a n t s a n d those who still h a v e j o b s . If I was r i g h t in m y belief t h a t the crisis was a p e r m a n e n t o n e , the m o n e y paid by the S t a t e to feed the u n e m p l o y e d was an e x p e n d i t u r e w i t h o u t e n d . B u t by m a k i n g a c a p i t a l i n v e s t m e n t for the u n e m p l o y e d , t h e S t a t e would solve the problem once for all. T h e u n e m p l o y e d would earn a s u r p l u s , a n d p a y off t h e d e b t of the S t a t e , a n d t h e n be in position to m a n a g e their own affairs in an i n d e p e n d e n t c o o p e r a t i v e society. H e r e , t h e n , was the way of m a k i n g a s t a r t a t t h e building of a new social order. I t was a way a d a p t e d to our i m m e d i a t e needs; it was an A m e r i c a n way, in accordance w i t h our t r a d i t i o n s of self-help a n d i n d e p e n d e n c e . I t would be a D e m o c r a t i c way, d e p e n d i n g u p o n m u t u a l c o n s e n t ; it would be b r o u g h t a b o u t by the votes of the whole p e o p l e , in accordance with our laws a n d Constitution. N o b o d y would be robbed a n d no p r o p e r t y would be c o n f i s c a t e d . T h e r e was any q u a n t i t y of idle l a n d , a n d our ten t h o u s a n d factories were r u n n i n g on an average of only forty per cent of capacity. M a n y of the owners would be glad to sell or r e n t to the S t a t e . All t h a t was necessary was to p e r s u a d e the t a x p a y e r s a n d v o t e r s to m a k e this c a p i t a l i n v e s t m e n t . I t was a problem of m a s s psychology; a n d I cast a b o u t for a slogan. E n d P o v e r t y I n C a l i f o r n i a c a m e to me as a s t a t e m e n t of our goal, a n d I n o t e d t h a t the initials spelled the word E P I C . We f o u n d t h a t people liked t h a t — i t s o u n d e d impressive. T h e E P I C P l a n it b e c a m e , a n d t h e E P I C P l a n it r e m a i n s , a n d it is good n o t merely for C a l i f o r n i a , b u t for C o n n e c t i c u t , Color a d o , C a n a d a , a n d even K a n s a s a n d K e n t u c k y ! U n f o r t u n a t e l y n o t all of o u r S t a t e s begin w i t h C or K ; b u t as o u r m o v e m e n t s p r e a d s , the rest of the world m a y i n t e r p r e t t h e n a m e to m e a n E n d P o v e r t y In Civilization. If any one can suggest a b e t t e r v e r s i o n , I'll be glad to hear from him!

[11]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R C H A P T E R III I t is easy to imagine the u n e m p l o y e d of California in a system of p r o d u c t i o n for use because of the efforts which they h a v e m a d e to establish such a system for t h e m s e l v e s . All over the S t a t e self-help a n d b a r t e r g r o u p s h a v e s p r u n g u p . T h e r e h a v e been literally h u n dreds of t h e m , a n d for a year or two I h a d been h e a r i n g stories of their a c h i e v e m e n t s . In C o m p t o n , an industrial town south of Los Angeles, they served 19,745 meals a t a t o t a l m o n e y cost of less t h a n one-half cent a m e a l . M y f r i e n d , H j a l m a r R u t z e b e c k , a u t h o r of "Alaska M a n ' s L u c k , " was active in the U X A ( U n e m ployed E x c h a n g e Association) of O a k l a n d , a n d told me m a r v e l o u s tales a b o u t t h e c o m p l i c a t e d p r o c e d u r e whereby a g r o u p of several t h o u s a n d h u n g r y men would m a n a g e to m a k e s o m e t h i n g o u t of n o t h i n g . T h e y would find a f a r m e r with a crop of peaches r o t t i n g on the trees, a n d who needed to h a v e his b a r n p a i n t e d . T h e y would find a p a i n t m e r c h a n t who would accept some c a n n e d peaches in r e t u r n for p a i n t . Some of these o p e r a t i o n s were e x t r e m e l y c o m p l i c a t e d , involving an e l a b o r a t e circle of activities with a dozen different p a r ticipants. One would h a v e expected such efforts a t s e l f - s u p p o r t to be welcomed by the e n t i r e c o m m u n i t y . T h e cooperatives of Los Angeles c o u n t y m a i n t a i n e d 150,000 m e m bers for five m o n t h s on a cash e x p e n d i t u r e by the G o v e r n m e n t of only s e v e n t e e n cents per family per m o n t h . Since a family is f o u n d to average 3.6 p e r s o n s , this was less t h a n one-sixth of a cent per person per day. H e r e was Los Angeles c o u n t y d r i f t i n g into b a n k r u p t c y ; here was t h e board of supervisors being besieged one d a y by h u n g r y m e n d e m a n d i n g doles, a n d t h e next d a y by t a x p a y e r s c l a m o r i n g against f u r t h e r taxes. For persons on the dole w h o did n o t belong to cooperatives t h e S t a t e of California was p a y i n g o u t in one w a y a n d ano t h e r forty-five cents per person per day, or 270 times as m u c h as t h e c o o p e r a t i v e s were costing. O n e would h a v e expected t h a t e v e r y b o d y in the c o u n t y would hail t h e cooperatives as t h e m o s t progressive, the m o s t A m e r i c a n , the m o s t h e l p f u l of all the d e v e l o p m e n t s of these depression y e a r s . B u t it was n o t so. T h e cooperatives were h a n d i -

[12]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D c a p p e d a n d h a m s t r u n g in a h u n d r e d different ways. T h e i r f u n d s were c u t off, their leaders were bribed, they were broken by dissentions deliberately f o s t e r e d . A story was told to me by one of t h e leading society ladies of Los Angeles. A self-help g r o u p h a d got hold of some old b a k i n g m a c h i n e r y a n d got it to w o r k i n g a n d were t u r n i n g o u t several t h o u s a n d loaves of bread per day. A n o t h e r g r o u p h a d got some l a n d a n d grown some v e g e t a b l e s . T h e y h a d an old t r u c k a n d were exc h a n g i n g b r e a d for v e g e t a b l e s ; b u t the b a k e r y concerns objected to the b a r t e r i n g of b r e a d , a n d the p r o d u c e concerns objected to the b a r t e r i n g of v e g e t a b l e s , a n d the politicians forced the relief workers to c u t off t h e gasoline supply of the t r u c k , a n d so the o p e r a t i o n was b r o u g h t to an e n d . T h a t is how it is in our b l i n d , a n a r c h i c society. W h e n the S t a t e gives m o n e y to t h e u n e m p l o y e d a n d t h e y spend it for b r e a d in a s t o r e , t h a t a m o u n t s to a subsidy for the stores; a n d in their greed for t h a t subsidy the store-owners are willing to see t h e t a x p a y e r s driven o u t of their h o m e s a n d t h e S t a t e driven i n t o bankruptcy. E v e n relief itself h a s become a r a c k e t . As I w r i t e , S e n a t o r Borah tells the A m e r i c a n people t h a t of the m o n e y which t h e G o v e r n m e n t gives for relief of the u n e m p l o y e d n o t more t h a n one-half a c t u a l l y reaches t h e u n e m p l o y e d . T h e rest goes to the politicians along the line. In D e m o c r a t i c S t a t e s it goes to build u p a D e m o c r a t i c m a c h i n e a n d in R e p u b l i c a n S t a t e s it goes to build u p a R e p u b l i c a n m a c h i n e . California h a s been a R e p u b l i c a n S t a t e for f o r t y years a n d r e m a i n s so, a n d the relief m o n e y serves to build u p a m a c h i n e of Presid e n t Roosevelt's enemies a n d to bring the N e w Deal to futility. T h e society lady who told me the b a k e r y episode h a d tears of v e x a t i o n a n d despair in her eyes. H e r s t o r y s t a y e d in m y m i n d , a n d was one of the f a c t o r s which b r o u g h t a b o u t m y decision to t r y to b r e a k u p this r a c k e t a n d set the c o o p e r a t i v e s free to grow. I t is i n t e r e s t i n g to n o t e t h a t a f t e r I a n n o u n c e d m y c a n d i d a c y for G o v e r n o r , this lady sent me messages of s y m p a t h y , t o g e t h e r with apologies for her failure to help m e . H e r whole family was in a r m s a g a i n s t m e , insisting t h a t I was going to ruin t h e m . H e r d a u g h t e r was actively

[13]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R c a m p a i g n i n g , first for George Creel a n d then for M e r r i a m . T h e m o t h e r k e p t silence. I t seemed such a simple t h i n g to p u t t h e credit of the S t a t e behind these c o o p e r a t i v e s a n d enable t h e m to f u n c t i o n , a n d t a k e care of the people for half a cent a d a y i n s t e a d of for forty-five cents a day. T h e plight of the people was so t r a g i c , a n d their efforts to help t h e m selves so infinitely t o u c h i n g ! I visited a c o o p e r a t i v e in P o m o n a , where I f o u n d a g r o u p of men a n d w o m e n w o r k i n g in an old g a r a g e . T h e y h a d been p e r m i t t e d to g a t h e r peaches a n d t o m a t o e s which were going to rot for lack of a m a r k e t . T h e y h a d set u p t h r e e or four oil-burning stoves w i t h wash-boilers to t o p ; with this p r i m i t i v e e q u i p m e n t t h e y h a d s t a c k e d u p half the garage w i t h c r a t e s of c a n n e d f r u i t . T h e y were not perm i t t e d to sell any of it to m e , b u t they were p e r m i t t e d to eat i t , or to exchange with a n o t h e r place where old c l o t h i n g was being r e p a i r e d . T h e possibilities of p r o d u c t i o n were u n l i m i t e d . All our cities are ringed a r o u n d with idle l a n d held o u t of use by s p e c u l a t o r s . In G e r m a n y every s q u a r e foot of such l a n d was p l a n t e d with vegetables a n d small f r u i t s . W h y could n o t we in California h a v e g a r d e n plots where now were b u r n e d - o v e r p a t c h e s of weeds? "Americans don't w a n t to w o r k the land," said my objecting f r i e n d s . " T h e y leave t h a t sort of work for M e x i c a n s a n d J a p s a n d P o r t u g u e s e a n d Filipinos a n d H i n d o o s . " T h e answer c a m e in the s h a p e of a p h o t o g r a p h showing w h a t a c o o p e r a t i v e in A l h a m b r a was d o i n g . T h e y h a d got a p a t c h of l a n d , a n d h a v i n g no h o r s e , four men h a d h i t c h e d themselves to the plow, a n d were pulling it while the fifth m a n g u i d e d . I collected s t a t i s t i c s as to factories. T h e r e were more t h a n 10,000 of all kinds in California a n d they were w o r k i n g on an average of 40% of capacity. Some 16% were entirely idle. M a n y were d i s m a n t l e d ; b u t how quickly the u n e m p l o y e d would h a v e gone to w o r k a n d p u t t h e m into c o n d i t i o n , a n d s t a r t e d t h e m u p to m a k e their own shoes a n d clothes, a n d their own flour a n d s u g a r a n d b u t t e r a n d l u m b e r a n d brick a n d c e m e n t ! I h a d no time to get statistics as to the financial condition of the factories, b u t it seemed obvious t h a t no p l a n t which was r u n n i n g a t 40% of c a p a c i t y was m a k i n g money, a n d those which were closed down were

[14]

A N D HOW I GOT L I C K E D falling into the h a n d s of the m o n e y l e n d e r s . I t was so easy to imagine an e n l i g h t e n e d G o v e r n m e n t saying: " M r . F a c t o r y Owner, you c a n n o t p a y your taxes a n d the i n t e r e s t on your b o n d s . L e t the S t a t e t a k e over the r u n n i n g of your p l a n t , g u a r a n t e e you y o u r fixed charges a n d a m o d e s t p r o f i t , a n d call in your own idle w o r k e r s a n d set t h e m to m a k i n g goods for t h e m s e l v e s . We will keep your own a d m i n i s t r a t i v e staff a n d p a y t h e m the usual salaries. All we w a n t is p r o d u c t i o n . I n s t e a d of 40% c a p a c i t y we will get 100%; indeed we will r u n it two or t h r e e s h i f t s a n d m a k e seven factories o u t of one." I said to myself, " T h e t i m e h a s come for the people to u n d e r s t a n d this p r o p o s i t i o n . T h e y h a v e got to u n d e r s t a n d it because the S t a t e is a p p r o a c h i n g b a n k r u p t c y a n d our t a x p a y e r s are losing their h o m e s a n d their r a n c h e s . We c a n n o t go on for m o r e t h a n a year or two longer; a n d it does no good to imagine t h a t we are going to get help f r o m the F e d e r a l G o v e r n m e n t , because California will owe its s h a r e of the n a t i o n a l d e b t , a n d t h e r e is no use fooling ourselves with the idea t h a t the people of Texas are going to p a y o u r s h a r e . In Texas the people are fooling themselves with the idea t h a t California is going to p a y their share." A t t h a t t i m e , the a u t u m n of 1933, we h a d a deficit of s o m e t h i n g like thirty-five million dollars in the S t a t e , d u e to our h a v i n g elected as G o v e r n o r a s u n n y gentlem a n whose qualifications for office were a smile, an excellent knowledge of good liquor, t h e ability to wear shiny boots a n d a g a r d e n i a , a n d to ride a horse backw a r d s at c o u n t y fairs. F i f t e e n m o n t h s h a v e passed since t h e n , a n d now the S t a t e controller tells us t h a t t h e deficit will be sixty-five million v e r y soon, a n d this w i t h o u t c o u n t i n g any e x p e n d i t u r e for relief. In the m e a n - t i m e the n a t i o n a l d e b t h a s been increased by ten billion dollars, a n d the n u m b e r of the d e p e n d e n t in California h a s increased by a n o t h e r q u a r t e r million. I said to myself, " S o m e b o d y h a s to m a k e a s t a r t ; a n d if I t r y in C a l i f o r n i a , I will probably accomplish m o r e t h a n by a d d i n g a n o t h e r book to the forty-five I have written. I said: " I will d r o p all the t h i n g s I h a v e t a u g h t a n d believed in the p a s t t h i r t y y e a r s . I will c o n c e n t r a t e u p o n one simple a n d practical idea; to t a k e the u n e m -

[15]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R ployed of C a l i f o r n i a off t h e backs of the t a x p a y e r s , a n d p u t t h e m at work u n d e r a system of p r o d u c i n g for u s e . T h a t , with a tax revision p r o g r a m a n d social insurance m e a s u r e s , will be t h e w a y to E n d P o v e r t y I n C a l i f o r n i a , a n d I will offer m y services to do the j o b , if the people w a n t me."

C H A P T E R IV A proposal to p u t t h e half million u n e m p l o y e d w o r k ers of California a t p r o d u c t i v e labor, w o u l d , of course, involve the e x p e n d i t u r e of a considerable a m o u n t of money, either for r e n t a l or p u r c h a s e of l a n d a n d f a c t o r ies. T h i s m a d e it necessary t h a t the E P I C P l a n should include a tax p r o g r a m , a n d I set myself to the s t u d y of t h i s . I am n o t an e x p e r t on t a x a t i o n ; b u t it needs no e x p e r t to discover t h a t our S t a t e system is not designed to r e m e d y t h e inequalities of w e a l t h d i s t r i b u t i o n . O u r p r e s e n t tax s t r u c t u r e is a p a r t of the system whereby t h e rich are m a d e to grow richer a n d the poor to grow poorer. Taxes u p o n b o n d s , public utilities a n d g r e a t c o r p o r a tions are very l i g h t , a n d those u p o n n a t u r a l resources are still lighter. T h e g r e a t bulk of t a x a t i o n is u p o n l a n d a n d i m p r o v e m e n t s , a n d the assessment m e t h o d s are such t h a t the small h o m e o w n e r pays relatively several t i m e s as m u c h as the g r e a t c o r p o r a t i o n . M a n y forms of m a n u f a c t u r i n g escape all t a x i n g . For exa m p l e , a firm in H o l l y w o o d m a n u f a c t u r e s a m o t i o n pict u r e a t a cost of a million dollars; the n e g a t i v e is shipped to N e w York a n d k e p t t h e r e , a n d it pays no taxes either in N e w York or in C a l i f o r n i a . T h e e x t r a v a g a n c e s of " S u n n y J i m " R o l p h m a d e necessary a d d i t i o n a l taxes in 1932. Two m e a s u r e s were p r o p o s e d : a sales tax a n d a S t a t e income t a x . T h e latter was designed to raise $45,000,000, b u t the s e n a t e c u t it down to $15,000,000. T h e assembly t h e n passed the sales tax a n d the income t a x , the u n d e r s t a n d i n g being t h a t t h e G o v e r n o r would sign b o t h ; b u t he signed the sales tax and v e t o e d the income t a x , a n d t h e people of the S t a t e " t o o k it lying down," as u s u a l . [16]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R ployed of C a l i f o r n i a off t h e backs of the t a x p a y e r s , a n d p u t t h e m at work u n d e r a system of p r o d u c i n g for u s e . T h a t , with a tax revision p r o g r a m a n d social insurance m e a s u r e s , will be t h e w a y to E n d P o v e r t y I n C a l i f o r n i a , a n d I will offer m y services to do the j o b , if the people w a n t me."

C H A P T E R IV A proposal to p u t t h e half million u n e m p l o y e d w o r k ers of California a t p r o d u c t i v e labor, w o u l d , of course, involve the e x p e n d i t u r e of a considerable a m o u n t of money, either for r e n t a l or p u r c h a s e of l a n d a n d f a c t o r ies. T h i s m a d e it necessary t h a t the E P I C P l a n should include a tax p r o g r a m , a n d I set myself to the s t u d y of t h i s . I am n o t an e x p e r t on t a x a t i o n ; b u t it needs no e x p e r t to discover t h a t our S t a t e system is not designed to r e m e d y t h e inequalities of w e a l t h d i s t r i b u t i o n . O u r p r e s e n t tax s t r u c t u r e is a p a r t of the system whereby t h e rich are m a d e to grow richer a n d the poor to grow poorer. Taxes u p o n b o n d s , public utilities a n d g r e a t c o r p o r a tions are very l i g h t , a n d those u p o n n a t u r a l resources are still lighter. T h e g r e a t bulk of t a x a t i o n is u p o n l a n d a n d i m p r o v e m e n t s , a n d the assessment m e t h o d s are such t h a t the small h o m e o w n e r pays relatively several t i m e s as m u c h as the g r e a t c o r p o r a t i o n . M a n y forms of m a n u f a c t u r i n g escape all t a x i n g . For exa m p l e , a firm in H o l l y w o o d m a n u f a c t u r e s a m o t i o n pict u r e a t a cost of a million dollars; the n e g a t i v e is shipped to N e w York a n d k e p t t h e r e , a n d it pays no taxes either in N e w York or in C a l i f o r n i a . T h e e x t r a v a g a n c e s of " S u n n y J i m " R o l p h m a d e necessary a d d i t i o n a l taxes in 1932. Two m e a s u r e s were p r o p o s e d : a sales tax a n d a S t a t e income t a x . T h e latter was designed to raise $45,000,000, b u t the s e n a t e c u t it down to $15,000,000. T h e assembly t h e n passed the sales tax a n d the income t a x , the u n d e r s t a n d i n g being t h a t t h e G o v e r n o r would sign b o t h ; b u t he signed the sales tax and v e t o e d the income t a x , a n d t h e people of the S t a t e " t o o k it lying down," as u s u a l . [16]

A N D HOW I GOT L I C K E D T h e sales tax is s u p p o s e d to be 2'/2%, b u t it begins with a tax of one c e n t on a 15 cent p u r c h a s e , which is nearly 7%. Since the poor do m o r e of their p u r c h a s i n g in small q u a n t i t i e s , they p a y t h e higher r a t e s . In any case they p a y m o s t of the t a x , a n d t h a t is why it is favored by the rich. I t s effect is to reduce p u r c h a s i n g power a n d m a k e still worse the depression which it is s u p p o s e d to remedy. M a n i f e s t l y any e n l i g h t e n e d t a x p r o g r a m would provide for the repeal of the sales tax a n d the s u b s t i t u t i o n of the S t a t e income t a x , also an increase in the S t a t e i n h e r i t a n c e t a x e s . T h e m a x i m u m i n h e r i t a n c e tax was reduced recently f r o m 20% to 12%. I t h a s been so easy to fool the people of C a l i f o r n i a ! I asked the question of m a n y audiences a n d f o u n d t h a t not more t h a n two or t h r e e in a t h o u s a n d knew t h a t this r e d u c t i o n in inh e r i t a n c e taxes h a d t a k e n place. T h e next source of t a x a t i o n would be, of course, t h e idle l a n d . California h a s always been a p a r a d i s e of real e s t a t e s p e c u l a t o r s . E v e r y b o d y who h a d any m o n e y a t all b o u g h t some lots, a n d was h o p i n g to sell t h e m for two or t h r e e times w h a t they h a d cost. T h e result is t h a t every city, town a n d village is s u r r o u n d e d with a belt of unoccupied l a n d . In all the o u t l y i n g p o r t i o n s t h e r e are m o r e v a c a n t lots t h a n occupied lots, a n d this results in g r e a t l y increased costs for p a v i n g , water, g a s , electricity a n d t e l e p h o n e s . W i t h homeless men by the t h o u s a n d s w a n d e r i n g our h i g h w a y s a n d with people s t a r v i n g by t h e t h o u s a n d s in every city a n d t o w n , it r e q u i r e d no tax expert to see t h a t idle l a n d should be t a x e d , a n d t h u s be t a k e n o u t of the h a n d s of the specul a t o r s a n d b r o u g h t into p r o d u c t i v e use. Finally t h e r e was the problem of the small r a n c h owners a n d h o m e owners who were u n a b l e to pay their t a x e s . All over the S t a t e they were being t u r n e d o u t of their h o m e s , or allowed to s t a y on as t e n a n t s of the b a n k s . To deal with this problem I suggested t h a t h o m e s occupied by the owners a n d ranches occupied by the owners which were assessed a t less t h a n $3000 should be e x e m p t f r o m t a x a t i o n . W o r k for those who are able to work a n d S t a t e care for those who are u n a b l e to w o r k — t h a t seems to me the basic p r o g r a m for any e n l i g h t e n e d country. I proposed the p a y m e n t of a pension of $50 per m o n t h to every needy person over sixty years of age who h a d [17]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R lived for three years in the S t a t e ; the s a m e for the blind and those physically incapacitated; also for the widowed mothers of dependent children. Such was the E P I C P l a n . It was designed to meet the immediate issues of this depression by methods which involved the least possible strain upon the propertied classes. Since it was designed to win majority consent, it necessarily had to appeal to the masses of voters. It was expected to win the unemployed, the small home owners, the small t a x p a y e r s , the old people, and the women. Since these various groups included 80% or 90% of all v o t e r s , the only question was whether these people could be persuaded to vote in their own interest, instead of in the interest of those who exploited their labor and disregarded their sufferings. H a v i n g completed this p r o g r a m , I printed it and sent it to some fifty of the most qualified thinkers upon the subject. I asked for their c o m m e n t s , and several changes were made in the Plan to meet their objections. I mention this because one of the charges brought against me was that I had proceeded with rash impetuosity upon my own ideas. Among those who m a d e these charges was a certain Catholic publication, so perhaps I should mention that one of those who gave me advice was Father John A . R y a n of the Catholic University of America. I took the program to my Democratic friends in S a n t a M o n i c a . I had not had much to do with Democrats since the days of my youth, and I did not know how they were thinking and feeling. I read the prog r a m to them, and was not a little surprised to find that they took what I had to say with enthusiasm. It was the unanimous opinion of the members of that county central committee that if my program were put before the Democratic party it would sweep the S t a t e and become California's share of the N e w Deal. T h e old gentleman who lured me into this E P I C adventure is Mr. Gilbert F. Stevenson, who once owned the M i r a m a r Hotel in S a n t a M o n i c a , assessed at $2,136,000. T h e banks had got it during the depression, and we met in a cheap hotel across the street. A f t e r w a r d s he gave me one of his books to r e a d , a work on money reform, and I discovered to my distress that my political monitor h a d fallen under the sway of the

[18]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D a n t i - S e m i t i c a g i t a t o r s , a n d believed in the so-called P r o t o c o l s of Zion! I t was the first of m a n y complications which I f o u n d to be incidental to a career in t h e Democratic party. "Go a n d register as a D e m o c r a t , " whispered Mr. S t e v e n s o n , as we p a r t e d . " D o it a t once, a n d do it quietly." So on the first of S e p t e m b e r , 1933, I slipped into the city hall a t Beverly H i l l s , a n d signed a piece of p a p e r to the effect t h a t I h a d formerly been registered as a Socialist b u t was now registering as a D e m o c r a t . I didn't w a n t a n y b o d y to know a b o u t it until I h a d w r i t t e n m y book s e t t i n g f o r t h the p r o g r a m a n d the p l a n . B u t a couple of weeks later, while I was in the m i d s t of w r i t i n g , some n e w s p a p e r r e p o r t e r picked u p the s t o r y a n d called on me for a s t a t e m e n t . I t was e m b a r r a s s i n g , because I needed a book to explain w h a t was in m y m i n d , a n d e v e r y b o d y w a n t e d the e x p l a n a t i o n at once. M y son a n d his wife, d e v o t e d Socialist p a r t y m e m b e r s in N e w York, sent me f r a n t i c t e l e g r a m s , a n d f r o m all over the c o u n t r y c a m e p e r e m p t o r y l e t t e r s d e m a n d i n g to know if this was one m o r e " B r a s s C h e c k " story, or h a d I really gone back u p o n t h e f a i t h of m y lifetime? All I could say was t h a t I was writing a b o o k , a n d would t h e y please w a i t . I h a d h i t u p o n the lively idea of p u t t i n g m y p r o g r a m into the f o r m of a story, imagining myself elected G o v ernor a n d doing the j o b . I t h o u g h t t h a t people would be more a p t to read it in t h a t f o r m . T h e title, " I , G o v e r n o r of C a l i f o r n i a , a n d H o w I E n d e d Poverty," s o u n d e d t e m p t i n g , a n d I h o p e d it would lure t h e m o n . Above all I c o u n t e d u p o n the fact t h a t people were in need a n d it was a r e m e d y for their troubles I was offering. As I w r o t e the story it became m o r e a n d more real to m e . I began to see myself as Governor. If I h a d been the vain person which my enemies p o r t r a y m e , I m i g h t h a v e been delighted with this rise to p r o m i n e n c e . Being a person who h a t e s m o r e t h a n any one t h i n g to be b o r e d , I f o u n d t h e vision t e r r i f y i n g , a n d it took all m y courage to hold myself to t h e new t a s k . In the m i d d l e of S e p t e m b e r m y wife a n d I h a d to travel to N e w Y o r k , to a t t e n d t h e opening of a m o t i o n p i c t u r e , " T h u n d e r O v e r Mexico," for which we h a d got ourselves responsible. I finished revising t h e m a n u -

[19]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R script of the book on the t r a i n , a n d l e f t it with m y p r i n t e r s in C h i c a g o . In a few d a y s the proofs of t h e book reached me in N e w Y o r k , a n d a m o n g m y f r i e n d s who read t h e m was N o r m a n T h o m a s . H e felt it his d u t y to issue in t h e " N e w L e a d e r " a r e p u d i a t i o n of the P l a n . I observe with sorrow t h e fallibility of the h u m a n brain as an i n s t r u m e n t for arriving a t t r u t h . M y old f r i e n d , N o r m a n T h o m a s , h a s been w r i t i n g now for f o u r t e e n m o n t h s a b o u t the E P I C P l a n , a n d I have yet to find in w h a t he writes a n y t h i n g which I can recognize as the P l a n I a d v o c a t e . R e a d i n g the p r o o f s , a n d seeing the e x c i t e m e n t s of t h e N e w York n e w s p a p e r s on the s u b j e c t , I realized once m o r e the p a i n f u l possibility t h a t I m i g h t become the G o v e r n o r of a S t a t e . I composed a brief p a r a g r a p h to the effect t h a t as I w r o t e this story it h a d become real to m e , a n d I h a d been t e m p t e d into t a k i n g it seriously; now it was necessary for me to say t h a t I p u r posed to remain a writer, a n d r e q u e s t e d the readers of this book to t a k e it as fiction. I p a s t e d t h a t o n t o the last p a g e , a n d was a b o u t to mail the proofs to the p r i n t e r , when my wife got hold of t h e m a n d s t o p p e d m e . " N o ! " she said. "You h a v e publicly c o m m i t t e d yourself! Terrible as it all seems, you m u s t go on with it." So the p a r a g r a p h was t a k e n o u t a n d the E P I C movement started. In the m o n t h s t h a t followed, how m a n y occasions I h a d to be glad t h a t my wife was a s h a r e r in m y guilt! E v e r y h u s b a n d will u n d e r s t a n d how f o r t u n a t e we are when our wives are n o t in position to b l a m e us for t h e troubles we h a v e b r o u g h t u p o n t h e m . I was a candid a t e for Governor, a n d M a r y C r a i g Sinclair, bless her h e a r t , was c a n d i d a t e for G o v e r n e s s , in spite of being t h e least a m b i t i o u s for f a m e of all persons in t h e S t a t e of California!

CHAPTER V T h e b o o k , " I , G o v e r n o r of C a l i f o r n i a : A n d H o w I E n d e d Poverty," was published in October, 1933. I ret u r n e d f r o m N e w York in t h e first days of N o v e m b e r ,

[20]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R script of the book on the t r a i n , a n d l e f t it with m y p r i n t e r s in C h i c a g o . In a few d a y s the proofs of t h e book reached me in N e w Y o r k , a n d a m o n g m y f r i e n d s who read t h e m was N o r m a n T h o m a s . H e felt it his d u t y to issue in t h e " N e w L e a d e r " a r e p u d i a t i o n of the P l a n . I observe with sorrow t h e fallibility of the h u m a n brain as an i n s t r u m e n t for arriving a t t r u t h . M y old f r i e n d , N o r m a n T h o m a s , h a s been w r i t i n g now for f o u r t e e n m o n t h s a b o u t the E P I C P l a n , a n d I have yet to find in w h a t he writes a n y t h i n g which I can recognize as the P l a n I a d v o c a t e . R e a d i n g the p r o o f s , a n d seeing the e x c i t e m e n t s of t h e N e w York n e w s p a p e r s on the s u b j e c t , I realized once m o r e the p a i n f u l possibility t h a t I m i g h t become the G o v e r n o r of a S t a t e . I composed a brief p a r a g r a p h to the effect t h a t as I w r o t e this story it h a d become real to m e , a n d I h a d been t e m p t e d into t a k i n g it seriously; now it was necessary for me to say t h a t I p u r posed to remain a writer, a n d r e q u e s t e d the readers of this book to t a k e it as fiction. I p a s t e d t h a t o n t o the last p a g e , a n d was a b o u t to mail the proofs to the p r i n t e r , when my wife got hold of t h e m a n d s t o p p e d m e . " N o ! " she said. "You h a v e publicly c o m m i t t e d yourself! Terrible as it all seems, you m u s t go on with it." So the p a r a g r a p h was t a k e n o u t a n d the E P I C movement started. In the m o n t h s t h a t followed, how m a n y occasions I h a d to be glad t h a t my wife was a s h a r e r in m y guilt! E v e r y h u s b a n d will u n d e r s t a n d how f o r t u n a t e we are when our wives are n o t in position to b l a m e us for t h e troubles we h a v e b r o u g h t u p o n t h e m . I was a candid a t e for Governor, a n d M a r y C r a i g Sinclair, bless her h e a r t , was c a n d i d a t e for G o v e r n e s s , in spite of being t h e least a m b i t i o u s for f a m e of all persons in t h e S t a t e of California!

CHAPTER V T h e b o o k , " I , G o v e r n o r of C a l i f o r n i a : A n d H o w I E n d e d Poverty," was published in October, 1933. I ret u r n e d f r o m N e w York in t h e first days of N o v e m b e r ,

[20]

The Literary Circle in California

[21]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R which gave me j u s t a year for the political c a m p a i g n . M y h o m e at t h a t t i m e was in Beverly H i l l s , a n d my s e c r e t a r y h a d a little five-room c o t t a g e n e a r b y ; I arr a n g e d to use the f r o n t room as an office, p a y i n g half the r e n t . T h a t became the h e a d q u a r t e r s of the " E n d P o v e r t y League," a non-profit c o r p o r a t i o n , which we f o r m e d for our p u r p o s e . T h e r e m y new f r i e n d , R i c h a r d S. O t t o , a n d I answered l e t t e r s , filled orders for the b o o k , a n d received the visitors who c a m e in a constantly widening stream. T h e book "caught o n " from the v e r y o u t s e t ; orders p o u r e d in, for single copies or for h u n d r e d s . People c a m e every d a y to offer help. T h e r e was only one t r o u ble a b o u t i t ; each person w a n t e d to see m e , a n d get his i n s t r u c t i o n s f r o m m e , a n d his e n t h u s i a s m was condit i o n e d u p o n t h a t wish being g r a n t e d . T h a t r e m a i n e d t h e case u p to the very e n d . I o u g h t to h a v e been able to grow by fission, like the a m o e b a ; first there would h a v e been two of m e , a n d then four, t h e n e i g h t , s i x t e e n , t h i r t y - t w o — a n d so on u n t i l there were a t h o u s a n d . T h e n I should h a v e been able to receive all the visitors, m a k e all the speeches, sign all the l e t t e r s a n d a u t o g r a p h b o o k s — s o , no d o u b t , I m i g h t h a v e carried t h e election. As I look back on t h a t year, it was like living on b o a r d a ship in a h u r r i c a n e . A n o t h e r s e c r e t a r y h a d to be e n g a g e d , then a t h i r d a n d a f o u r t h . T h e elderly lady who lived in the c o t t a g e v a c a t e d a n o t h e r r o o m , a n d t h e n , u n a b l e to s t a n d the d a y a n d n i g h t t u r m o i l , she m o v e d to a n o t h e r h o u s e , a n d the E n d P o v e r t y L e a g u e h a d five r o o m s . A m o n t h or so l a t e r we m o v e d into a house with seven r o o m s , each twice as big. In t w o or t h r e e m o n t h s m o r e we m o v e d to d o w n t o w n Los Angeles, a f o u r t e e n - r o o m place which fifty years ago h a d been a m a n s i o n of the rich. F r o m there we m o v e d i n t o a t h i r t y - t w o - r o o m office building, where we finished the c a m p a i g n with s o m e t h i n g like a h u n d r e d a n d fifty v o l u n t e e r w o r k e r s , a n d a big w a r e h o u s e n e a r by serving as the w r a p p i n g a n d mailing rooms of our paper. Telephones, telegrams, postage, stationery, l i t e r a t u r e — a l l these t h i n g s t a k e m o n e y ; a n d m o n e y was our problem f r o m the first hour. We solved it at first by using the cash which c a m e d a y by d a y f r o m the sale of the b o o k s — u n t i l I h a d run u p a bill a t m y p r i n t e r s of s o m e t h i n g over $3,000. T h e n I generously p r e s e n t e d

[22]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D the book to t h e E n d P o v e r t y L e a g u e — w h i c h m e a n t t h a t f r o m t h e n on Dick O t t o h a d to do t h e w o r r y i n g a b o u t m o n e y ! H e h a d told me at the o u t s e t t h a t he h a d enough of his own to keep him a n d his wife for the year's c a m p a i g n , a n d a f t e r t h a t he didn't know w h a t he would d o . T h e year h a s passed now, a n d he is still on the j o b sixteen h o u r s a day, a n d I h a v e been too busy to ask him how he is m a n a g i n g , a n d he h a s been too busy to tell m e . I began m a k i n g speeches; a n y w h e r e I was i n v i t e d , to any sort of crowd which was willing to learn how to end p o v e r t y in C a l i f o r n i a . I r e m e m b e r t h e a n n u a l b a n q u e t of t h e " T h i r d D i s t r i c t Association," a neighborhood i m p r o v e m e n t g r o u p . T h e y h a d invited also o u r S t a t e t r e a s u r e r , a p o p u l a r political p e r s o n a g e , "Gus" J o h n s o n ; he also was a c a n d i d a t e for the g o v e r n o r s h i p , a n d he laid down the law t h a t w h a t the S t a t e of California needed was a "business m a n . " "Well," said I , " I am r u n n i n g as a business m a n " — w h i c h excited g r e a t hilarity a m o n g the c r o w d . I told t h e m m y extensive experience; publisher of over a million books, n o t c o u n t i n g ten millions in foreign t r a n s l a t i o n s ; p r o d u c e r of several plays a n d a m o t i o n p i c t u r e ; publisher of a m o n t h l y m a g a z i n e ; m a n a g e r of a f a r m a n d also of a Socialist colony. I h a d h a n d l e d several millions of dollars, a n d m a d e close to a million in p r o f i t s , a n d s p e n t t h e m on the causes I l o v e d — I c o u n t e d myself successful, w h a t ever the world chose to t h i n k . P r e s e n t l y we f o u n d t h a t we could t a k e collections at m e e t i n g s , a n d so help o u t our suffering b a n k - a c c o u n t . U n d e r the C a l i f o r n i a law the people m a y use the schoolhouses for political a n d e d u c a t i o n a l m e e t i n g s , b u t no collections m a y be t a k e n ; however, they allow "volunt a r y dues," so we invited people to join the E n d P o v e r t y L e a g u e , a n d p a y us w h a t e v e r d u e s they could a f f o r d . A few would p a y a d o l l a r ; o t h e r s would p a y a penny, or a c o l l a r - b u t t o n . I look back over t h a t year, a blur of m e e t i n g s , m e e t ings, m e e t i n g s . I shall never be able to pass a California high school building w i t h o u t r e m e m b e r i n g the t i m e I spoke t h e r e , a n d the crowd which filled the last seat u p in t h e balcony, a n d lined t h e walls all a r o u n d , a n d stood o u t s i d e , h o p i n g to catch an echo. T h e way t h e people crowded in, the way t h e y l i s t e n e d , a n d t h e n

[23]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R went out and organized, and did the j o b in their neighborhood—later on it was called "a political miracle." B u t it wasn't t h a t , it was j u s t the pressure of the economic screw, and the fact that we had a program which met the people's needs and appealed to their sound judgment. From the outset I m a d e practice of answering questions from the audience. I would speak for an hour, and then answer questions for an hour. Some of our friends who had political experience were frightened by this; no candidate ever had done such a thing, the enemy would set traps for me, and so on. M y answer was that I had been studying this subject all my thinking life, and I did not think anybody in the audience could ask me a question I could not answer. If they d i d , I might learn something myself. T h e question periods did educate me as well as the audience; they told me what the people were thinking, and helped me to prepare for the later a t t a c k s . At the outset the Socialists would ask why I had deserted them, and did I think this was Socialism, and so on. B u t it was not long before the Socialists came to u n d e r s t a n d — t h e drop in their vote at the end showed that ninety-five per cent of them were with me. As to the C o m m u n i s t s , their heckling was violent and bitter: did I think the capitalist class would surrender anything without a fight? did I imagine I would be allowed to take office if I were elected?—and so on. At some meetings they showered the audience from the gallery with leaflets attacking me; I would call for a copy of the leaflet, and read it to the audience, and answer it. T h e people showed such resentment at interruptions, and such an overwhelming resolve for Democratic procedure, that in the end the C o m m u n i s t s gave u p , and I do not recall any a t t e m p t at heckling during the last three months of the c a m p a i g n . I made it the rule to speak simply and quietly, without any a t t e m p t at oratory. I explained to the people the plight in which they found themselves, and what our program was, and what I believed it would do for them. I said, in substance: " I cannot end poverty in California, but you c a n , and what I offer is to show you how, and guide the procedure. B u t first and last it is your problem. I am not asking to be Governor of

[24]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D C a l i f o r n i a , I am n o t asking a n y b o d y to vote for m e . I am offering m y services, if you w a n t t h e m ; b u t you h a v e to go o u t a n d do the w o r k . I t m e a n s organizat i o n , e d u c a t i o n , a n d sacrifice for a year. It's u p to you." I took to asking a t the e n d : " H o w m a n y are for this p l a n ? " a n d the h a n d s raised would be ninety per cent of those p r e s e n t . I would tell t h e m a b o u t an old fellow w h o spoke to me in the post office in P a s a d e n a , a year or so a f t e r t h e depression s t a r t e d . "Sinclair," he s a i d , " t h e people in this neighborhood don't know w h a t is h a p p e n i n g to t h e m . S m i t h knows t h a t he's in t r o u b l e , b u t he t h i n k s t h a t Jones is all r i g h t ; Jones knows he is going under, b u t he t h i n k s t h a t S m i t h is still safe." So I would s a y : " L e t ' s see how it is in Fresno"—or in San Diego, or S a n t a R o s a , or San Luis Obispo. " H o w m a n y here are o u t of w o r k ? " A n y w h e r e f r o m one in t h r e e to one in five of t h e audience would raise their h a n d s . In the f a r m i n g c o m m u n i t i e s it would be less, a n d I would s a y : " T h e y h a v e c o n t r i v e d it so t h a t the f a r m e r does n o t get o u t of w o r k . W h a t t h e f a r m e r gets o u t of is money. H o w m a n y in this audience are o u t of m o n e y ? " Of course, there would be a roar of l a u g h t e r , a n d everybody in the hall would raise his h a n d ; m a n y would raise two h a n d s . T h e y would accept m y challenge, a n d go o u t a n d organize. O f t e n they would s t a y in the hall a n d organize t h a t n i g h t . I t s p r e a d so fast we could n o t keep u p with it. L e t t e r s would come in, telling of new clubs f o r m e d , new h e a d q u a r t e r s o p e n e d ; there would be m o r e l e t t e r s to answer, more orders to fill, l i t e r a t u r e , books, p o s t e r s , s t i c k e r s , b u t t o n s a n d w h a t n o t — a n d our p i t i f u l little office crowded with visitors all day, a n d Dick O t t o h a v i n g to t a k e h o m e a r m f u l s of l e t t e r s to answer a t night. To the audiences I s a i d , over a n d over a g a i n : " T h e r e is only one t h i n g you can do for m e , which is to vindic a t e the f a i t h in t h e people which I h a v e held to all m y life." A n d they did t h a t ; f r o m t h a t p o i n t of view it was a magnificent t r i u m p h , t h r o u g h the whole year. T h e people a w a k e n e d ; they s t u d i e d a n d t h o u g h t a b o u t their p r o b l e m s , they took charge of their own j o b . T h e y f o r m e d nearly two t h o u s a n d clubs; they o p e n e d a n d financed several h u n d r e d h e a d q u a r t e r s ; they p a i d

[25]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R for a n d circulated nearly half a million booklets a n d ten or fifteen million n e w s p a p e r s ; they organized t h o u s a n d s of m e e t i n g s ; they swept the D e m o c r a t i c p r i m a r i e s by t h e biggest v o t e ever polled, a n d ten weeks l a t e r they doubled t h a t v o t e . A n d if anyone t h i n k s they are t h r o u g h y e t , he h a s s o m e t h i n g to learn a b o u t politics in the S t a t e of C a l i f o r n i a !

C H A P T E R VI T h e only way you could u n d e r s t a n d w h a t we w e n t t h r o u g h in t h e early days of the E P I C m o v e m e n t is if you h a v e built a house a n d lived in it at the same t i m e . We h a d to do the work of r u n n i n g an office, a n d a t the s a m e t i m e sort o u t the s t r e a m of visitors to find new people to do t h e double work t h a t would be piled u p o n our shoulders the next day. I h a v e m e t men who claimed to be infallible j u d g e s of c h a r a c t e r , able to pick o u t the c o m p e t e n t person a t a glance. I looked in vain for such a m i r a c u l o u s one all t h r o u g h the c a m p a i g n . We were obliged to follow t h e more p a i n f u l process of trial a n d error. M e n a n d w o m e n offered t h e m s e l v e s , a n d some w e n t to work a n d did w h a t they said they would d o ; while o t h e r s sat a r o u n d a n d t a l k e d , a n d told stories a n d got in o t h e r people's way. Since they were all v o l u n t e e r s a n d fellowidealists, we couldn't bear to h u r t their feelings. T h e r e c a m e p r o m o t e r s with w o n d e r f u l schemes for m a k i n g money, a n d i n v e n t o r s with things we could p u t on the m a r k e t a n d solve our financial problems at once. T h e r e c a m e p o e t s , a n d composers of c a m p a i g n songs a n d m a r c h e s , a n d a u t h o r s of E P I C plays a n d p a i n t e r s of E P I C p i c t u r e s , a n d astrologers to cast our h o r o scopes, a n d sculptors to m a k e busts of us. T h e r e c a m e efficiency e x p e r t s , highly t r a i n e d , r e a d y to m a k e us all over a f t e r t h e p a t t e r n of big business. O n e of these g e n t l e m e n w o r k e d d a y a n d n i g h t for a w e e k , a n d b r o u g h t a whole p o r t f o l i o full of p l a n s a n d c h a r t s , a d a p t e d to the r e q u i r e m e n t s of a ten-million-dollar c o r p o r a t i o n with t w e n t y - t w o d e p a r t m e n t h e a d s a t a salary of twenty-five t h o u s a n d per year e a c h . We h a d

[26]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R for a n d circulated nearly half a million booklets a n d ten or fifteen million n e w s p a p e r s ; they organized t h o u s a n d s of m e e t i n g s ; they swept the D e m o c r a t i c p r i m a r i e s by t h e biggest v o t e ever polled, a n d ten weeks l a t e r they doubled t h a t v o t e . A n d if anyone t h i n k s they are t h r o u g h y e t , he h a s s o m e t h i n g to learn a b o u t politics in the S t a t e of C a l i f o r n i a !

C H A P T E R VI T h e only way you could u n d e r s t a n d w h a t we w e n t t h r o u g h in t h e early days of the E P I C m o v e m e n t is if you h a v e built a house a n d lived in it at the same t i m e . We h a d to do the work of r u n n i n g an office, a n d a t the s a m e t i m e sort o u t the s t r e a m of visitors to find new people to do t h e double work t h a t would be piled u p o n our shoulders the next day. I h a v e m e t men who claimed to be infallible j u d g e s of c h a r a c t e r , able to pick o u t the c o m p e t e n t person a t a glance. I looked in vain for such a m i r a c u l o u s one all t h r o u g h the c a m p a i g n . We were obliged to follow t h e more p a i n f u l process of trial a n d error. M e n a n d w o m e n offered t h e m s e l v e s , a n d some w e n t to work a n d did w h a t they said they would d o ; while o t h e r s sat a r o u n d a n d t a l k e d , a n d told stories a n d got in o t h e r people's way. Since they were all v o l u n t e e r s a n d fellowidealists, we couldn't bear to h u r t their feelings. T h e r e c a m e p r o m o t e r s with w o n d e r f u l schemes for m a k i n g money, a n d i n v e n t o r s with things we could p u t on the m a r k e t a n d solve our financial problems at once. T h e r e c a m e p o e t s , a n d composers of c a m p a i g n songs a n d m a r c h e s , a n d a u t h o r s of E P I C plays a n d p a i n t e r s of E P I C p i c t u r e s , a n d astrologers to cast our h o r o scopes, a n d sculptors to m a k e busts of us. T h e r e c a m e efficiency e x p e r t s , highly t r a i n e d , r e a d y to m a k e us all over a f t e r t h e p a t t e r n of big business. O n e of these g e n t l e m e n w o r k e d d a y a n d n i g h t for a w e e k , a n d b r o u g h t a whole p o r t f o l i o full of p l a n s a n d c h a r t s , a d a p t e d to the r e q u i r e m e n t s of a ten-million-dollar c o r p o r a t i o n with t w e n t y - t w o d e p a r t m e n t h e a d s a t a salary of twenty-five t h o u s a n d per year e a c h . We h a d

[26]

AND HOW I G O T L I C K E D fifteen dollars in the bank at t h a t time and maybe a thousand in debts. W h a t we wanted was somebody to sit at a desk and straighten out the tangles in my speaking dates, or go out and persuade the owner of some radio station t h a t a talk on the ending of poverty in California would be economics and not politics. Our one perpetual need was funds. We would pick out likely looking persons and tactfully suggest t h a t they go out and try to find money for the ending of poverty in California. Almost invariably they would request t h a t I give them a list o f my friends who happened to have money. N o . 1 was always Charlie Chaplin; N u m b e r 2 was Aline Barnsdall, whose father owned an oil company; Number 3 was K a t e CraneG a r t z , whose father founded the Crane Company. We would patiently explain that if our friends had anything to give, they would be as likely to give it to us as to strangers. T h e r e was money to be had for our campaign, but unfortunately always money t h a t we could not t a k e . As soon as it became evident t h a t we had a real movem e n t , we began to have visits from well-dressed, smooth-spoken persons familiar with politics, who offered us the solution to all our problems. T h e first was a representative o f a group o f men who conducted a gambling game, and at t h a t time were taking sixtyfive thousand dollars a day from the people of Los Angeles. All these people wanted to know was t h a t if I was elected Governor I would let them alone. On t h a t basis I could have "anything within reason." I never found out how much t h a t was, because I told the gentleman t h a t we were not making political promises, except those in our program. N e x t came the " r o c k , sand and gravel people." T h e gentleman they sent to us was shrewd and took a lot of trouble. H e studied our program, he was deeply interested, he came into our office and went to work; he helped to organize several clubs, and went out and tried to raise money for us honestly. After a while he came with an offer. T h e rock, sand, and gravel people understood that I was an honest man and would have nothing to do with any kind of corruption. T h e y wanted to be on our side without any kind o f pledge whatever; there were three different companies which

[27]

I, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR wanted to pay fifty thousand dollars each to our campaign fund. Of course, I understood that these companies had been practicing collusive bidding for years, and I told our friend that we were not taking that kind of money. Soon afterward I learned that this man had run up a bill in our name at a hotel where we then had headquarters. There came another who had been a hanger-on of our movement, doing a little work and feeling us out. He got me into a room alone and had a proposition that was "absolutely honest" and I need not be afraid of. I had become wise by that time, and when anybody told me he had something honest, I knew he wasn't honest. However, I listened to the proposition, and learned that the State of California insures certain of its buildings against fire with private insurance companies. If I became Governor I would be obliged to place this insurance, and there could be no question of rates because these were fixed; so there would be no loss to the State by my indicating which companies I would favor. If I would so indicate, this gentleman would get me fifteen thousand dollars from each of the companies concerned. I said: "If I were Governor, the honest way for me to meet such a situation would be to find out how many qualified companies there were and then divide the business among them." The reply was, "Yes, but you wouldn't get any campaign funds that way." I said: "Is it not possible that there might be some insurance men who would like to have the business of the State honestly conducted?" The gentleman said that he doubted it, but would inquire. As he did not come back, I gather that he was right and I was wrong. No doubt he is sure of it by now, since I have failed of election. All through the campaign we struggled with a load of debt, and had these fortunes dangling before our eyes. One of our San Francisco workers, a manufacturer ruined by the depression and living by the kindness of his son, received a visit from a representative of the gamblers of San Francisco, who offered us sixteen thousand dollars per month, not merely during the period of the campaign but during the four years of my incumbency. T h a t worked out at close to nine hundred thousand dollars. Later on when I saw our opponents

[28]

From the New York "Evening Post"

[29]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R p o u r i n g o u t u n l i m i t e d t r e a s u r e I was able to guess where it h a d come f r o m . T h e s e offers were no t e m p t a t i o n to m e , because I did n o t care t h a t m u c h a b o u t w i n n i n g . B u t I was int e r e s t e d to observe the effect of t h e m u p o n some of our w o r k e r s . I h a v e in m i n d a y o u n g m a n j u s t recently o u t of college, a f r e s h , eager y o u n g s t e r , full of fine ideals. H e w o r k e d for us for several m o n t h s , living on the b o u n t y of his f a t h e r . H e would t h i n k u p w o n d e r f u l p l a n s which we could c a r r y o u t if only we h a d the m o n e y ; a n d he would be h e a r t b r o k e n because his p l a n s were n o t carried o u t . H e would blame o u r c a m p a i g n m a n a g e r a n d o t h e r s for failing to do t h e t h i n g s which t h e y h a d n o t the m o n e y to d o . Finally, one S u n d a y m o r n i n g he c a m e o u t to see me a t m y h o m e . " U p t o n , we g o t t a h a v e the d o u g h ! " he cried. I t was not the l a n g u a g e t h e y h a d t a u g h t him a t t h e university, b u t the l a n g u a g e of politics which he h a d t a k e n u p . "We g o t t a h a v e t h e d o u g h , I tell y o u . You can't win any election w i t h o u t d o u g h . " " B u t where can we get i t ? " I a s k e d . M y y o u n g friend b l u r t e d o u t : "I know an old g e n t l e m a n who w a n t s to be m a d e fish a n d g a m e commissioner, a n d he'll p u t fifteen t h o u s a n d dollars into the c a m p a i g n if you will p r o m i s e him." I asked why an old g e n t l e m a n w a n t e d to be fish a n d g a m e commissioner, a n d the answer w a s : " H e likes to fish, a n d his f r i e n d s like to fish, a n d it would be an honor. H e ' s got a lot of m o n e y a n d h e ' d like to wear a ribbon or s o m e t h i n g . " I said: "If he w a n t s to wear a r i b b o n , t h a t ' s all r i g h t , b u t suppose he w a n t s to steal the fish?" I t u r n e d down the young man's p r o p o s i t i o n , a n d he w e n t a w a y d i s g u s t e d , a n d I h a v e n o t seen him since. An odd t h i n g a b o u t the fish a n d g a m e commissioner. I h a d m a d e my r e m a r k a b o u t stealing t h e fish as a j o k e ; b u t a few days l a t e r a friend took me sailing outside the harbor, a n d I p u t o u t a trolling line, a n d I did n o t get a s t r i k e , a n d r e m a r k e d , " T h e r e do not seem to be m a n y fish here." M y friend replied t h a t it was the commercial fishing t h a t h a d r u i n e d these fishing g r o u n d s . I asked if t h e r e were n o t laws on the s u b j e c t , a n d m y friend said: "Yes, b u t you see the commercial fisheries invite J i m m y R o l p h down a n d give him a b a n q u e t once a year, a n d t h e n they n a m e the fish a n d g a m e commissioners, a n d can d o w h a t they please." [30]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D I p r o m i s e d you the story of "a scholar in politics." As you know, I am now a scholar o u t of politics, because I r e f u s e d to play this g a m e according to the rules. All t h r o u g h the c a m p a i g n I said to m y audiences: "I h a v e n o t m a d e the promise of a single office, nor any o t h e r sort of pledge, except those which are in our p l a t f o r m . I h a v e n o t t a k e n one dollar with a string tied to it. On the n i g h t before election I i n t e n d to m a k e t h a t s a m e s t a t e m e n t over the radio to the v o t e r s of the whole S t a t e . " I m a d e i t , a n d it was t r u e ; a n d because of t h a t a t t i t u d e a n d t h a t c o n d u c t , we did n o t h a v e the m o n e y to answer the millions of lies of our enemies, a n d so we did n o t get the v o t e s . A n d so t h e scholar is o u t of politics.

C H A P T E R VII California is 650 miles f r o m N o r t h to S o u t h , m u c h too big for one s t a t e . I f o u n d it so in this c a m p a i g n ; I am sure t h a t d u r i n g the f o u r t e e n m o n t h s I travelled enough miles to h a v e t a k e n me a r o u n d the e a r t h . I would set o u t on a t r i p to the N o r t h , a n d spend a week going f r o m town to t o w n , s p e a k i n g every evening in a high school a u d i t o r i u m , a n d o f t e n in the a f t e r n o o n also. T h e first t r i p , j u s t before C h r i s t m a s , very nearly b r o u g h t the E P I C m o v e m e n t to a s u d d e n finish. We set o u t in an old car which I h a v e driven for the p a s t six years; two recent college g r a d u a t e s w i t h m e , a n d a load of l i t e r a t u r e to be disposed of on the way. We were in the m o u n t a i n s n e a r L o m p o c , on the coast r o u t e , a n d it was raining h a r d . On a c u r v e we s t r u c k a m u d d y place, a n d the car s k i d d e d . I t was a m a t t e r of a small p a r t of a second: there were white p a i n t e d posts set u p on the edge of a precipice, a n d we hit one a n d k n o c k e d it o u t of the s o f t m u d , a n d hit a second a n d k n o c k e d it p r e t t y nearly o u t , a n d there we s t o p p e d , poised carefully on the edge. We scrambled o u t into the rain a n d m u d ; a n d presently c a m e a n o t h e r traveller, whose tires were n o t worn q u i t e so s m o o t h as m i n e , a n d d r o v e me to the next t o w n , f r o m which I sent back a tow-car. T h e next d a y I received a l e t t e r from m y anxious wife, who did n o t a p p r o v e of long c a m p a i g n [31]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D I p r o m i s e d you the story of "a scholar in politics." As you know, I am now a scholar o u t of politics, because I r e f u s e d to play this g a m e according to the rules. All t h r o u g h the c a m p a i g n I said to m y audiences: "I h a v e n o t m a d e the promise of a single office, nor any o t h e r sort of pledge, except those which are in our p l a t f o r m . I h a v e n o t t a k e n one dollar with a string tied to it. On the n i g h t before election I i n t e n d to m a k e t h a t s a m e s t a t e m e n t over the radio to the v o t e r s of the whole S t a t e . " I m a d e i t , a n d it was t r u e ; a n d because of t h a t a t t i t u d e a n d t h a t c o n d u c t , we did n o t h a v e the m o n e y to answer the millions of lies of our enemies, a n d so we did n o t get the v o t e s . A n d so t h e scholar is o u t of politics.

C H A P T E R VII California is 650 miles f r o m N o r t h to S o u t h , m u c h too big for one s t a t e . I f o u n d it so in this c a m p a i g n ; I am sure t h a t d u r i n g the f o u r t e e n m o n t h s I travelled enough miles to h a v e t a k e n me a r o u n d the e a r t h . I would set o u t on a t r i p to the N o r t h , a n d spend a week going f r o m town to t o w n , s p e a k i n g every evening in a high school a u d i t o r i u m , a n d o f t e n in the a f t e r n o o n also. T h e first t r i p , j u s t before C h r i s t m a s , very nearly b r o u g h t the E P I C m o v e m e n t to a s u d d e n finish. We set o u t in an old car which I h a v e driven for the p a s t six years; two recent college g r a d u a t e s w i t h m e , a n d a load of l i t e r a t u r e to be disposed of on the way. We were in the m o u n t a i n s n e a r L o m p o c , on the coast r o u t e , a n d it was raining h a r d . On a c u r v e we s t r u c k a m u d d y place, a n d the car s k i d d e d . I t was a m a t t e r of a small p a r t of a second: there were white p a i n t e d posts set u p on the edge of a precipice, a n d we hit one a n d k n o c k e d it o u t of the s o f t m u d , a n d hit a second a n d k n o c k e d it p r e t t y nearly o u t , a n d there we s t o p p e d , poised carefully on the edge. We scrambled o u t into the rain a n d m u d ; a n d presently c a m e a n o t h e r traveller, whose tires were n o t worn q u i t e so s m o o t h as m i n e , a n d d r o v e me to the next t o w n , f r o m which I sent back a tow-car. T h e next d a y I received a l e t t e r from m y anxious wife, who did n o t a p p r o v e of long c a m p a i g n [31]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R t o u r s , saying t h a t while asleep in the a f t e r n o o n she h a d d r e a m e d of o u r car going over a precipice on a m o u n tain r o a d . We held our m e e t i n g in San Luis Obispo with several h u n d r e d people in a t h e a t r e on a rainy n i g h t , a n d we sold our q u o t a of books to p a y t h e costs of t h e j o u r n e y , a n d w e n t our way, k n o w i n g we h a d got a s t a r t in t h a t valley. I t was i n t e r e s t i n g to note the difference when we c a m e back a couple of m o n t h s l a t e r ; we h a d an o r g a n i z a t i o n now, a n d twice as large an a u d i e n c e , a n d the q u e s t i o n s showed t h e y h a d r e a d the book. I t would be t h a t w a y e v e r y w h e r e . In S a c r a m e n t o we s t a r t e d w i t h 300 in t h e M e t h o d i s t C h u r c h , a n d finished with 4000 in the A u d i t o r i u m . In Fresno we s t a r t e d with 600 in t h e high school, a n d finished w i t h the A u d i t o r i u m p a c k e d to the doors. In San Francisco we s t a r t e d in the Veterans M e m o r i a l H a l l , a b o u t half full, p e r h a p s 700 p e o p l e ; we finished, a week before election, with a crowd in the A u d i t o r i u m which the hostile n e w s p a p e r s e s t i m a t e d a t f r o m 16,000 to 20,000, a n d across t h e s t r e e t in the plaza some 10,000 m o r e listening to K a t e O ' H a r e a n d Sheridan Downey. San Francisco would be a h a r d n u t to c r a c k , they told us. I t is a c o s m o p o l i t a n city, p r o u d of itself, a n d n o t friendly to c r a n k s f r o m Los Angeles. J u s t i c e W a r dell a n d George Creel, m y two leading rivals for the D e m o c r a t i c n o m i n a t i o n , both lived in San Francisco; t h e f o r m e r being the city's p e r p e t u a l c a n d i d a t e for D e m o c r a t i c offices. I t is a s t r o n g Catholic city, a n d the r u m o r s p r e a d quickly t h a t I h a d w r i t t e n d r e a d f u l things a b o u t the c h u r c h . We m a d e a s t a r t with half a dozen on our c o m m i t t e e , a n d h a d a h a r d time finding a n y b o d y t h a t a n y b o d y else a p p r o v e d of; our little g r o u p would h a v e a b u s t - u p every now a n d t h e n . B u t in spite of this the m o v e m e n t s p r e a d ; the railroad b r o t h e r h o o d s c a m e over to us, a n d t h e labor politicians began to worry, realizing t h a t we were t a k i n g their people f r o m u n d e r t h e m . A c e r t a i n p o s t m a s t e r said to m e : " T h e F e d e r a l brigade is all w o r k i n g a g a i n s t y o u " — m e a n i n g the office-holders. I replied: " T h e generals a n d the colonels are a g a i n s t us, b u t the p r i v a t e s are for u s — a n d this is no Mexican army." H e l a u g h e d , a n d a d m i t t e d t h a t I was r i g h t ; every clerk a n d carrier in his place was an E P I C m a n .

[32]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D By one m e a n s or a n o t h e r we were m a n a g i n g to get the book c i r c u l a t e d . We were n o t p e r m i t t e d to sell lite r a t u r e in school-house m e e t i n g s — i t is one of the devices by which the reactionaries keep the people f r o m g e t t i n g new ideas. B u t there was no w a y to keep people f r o m buying books on the sidewalk o u t s i d e , nor to keep me f r o m telling t h e m t h a t the books were on sale o u t s i d e . T h e books cost a b o u t t h r e e cents a copy to m a n u f a c t u r e , a n d the E n d P o v e r t y L e a g u e sold t h e m for fifteen cents a copy, or six dollars a h u n d r e d . M a n y of t h e u n e m p l o y e d e a r n e d their keep by selling these books a t m e e t i n g s ; they learned to follow me a r o u n d , a n d one even m a d e a t r i p to San Francisco in m y w a k e . T h e L e a g u e p r i n t e d edition a f t e r edition of " I , Governor of California." T h e t o t a l u p to election d a y a m o u n t e d to 255,000 copies. A f t e r several m o n t h s of travelling a n d answering q u e s t i o n s , I k n e w w h a t the people w a n t e d to know a b o u t the P l a n , so I p r e p a r e d a second b o o k l e t , " E P I C Answers." T h i s told how the P l a n would affect v a r i o u s g r o u p s : w o r k i n g m e n , f a r m e r s , b u s i n e s s m e n , clerks, d o c t o r s , lawyers, w o m e n , the u n e m p l o y e d , a n d so o n . I t answered the q u e s t i o n s which were asked over a n d over again a t m e e t i n g s . T h e sales h a v e been 65,000. As the c a m p a i g n w a x e d h o t t e r , I began writing letters answering the charges of this person or t h a t newspaper. P r e s e n t l y t h e r e was q u i t e a s t a c k of such letters, a n d I collected t h e m into a book, " T h e Lie F a c t o r y S t a r t s . " O u r E P I C w o r k e r s were w a i t i n g for it a n d took 50,000 copies in less t h a n four m o n t h s . Finally, j u s t a f t e r the p r i m a r y election c a m e " I m m e d i a t e E P I C , " s e t t i n g f o r t h the first s t e p s we would m a k e , a n d explaining v a r i o u s changes in t h e P l a n . Of t h a t there were p r i n t e d 65,000. T h i s m a k e s a t o t a l of 435,000 books, a n d the E n d P o v e r t y L e a g u e m u s t h a v e m a d e $10,000 or $20,000 from these four v o l u m e s . T h e m o n e y w e n t for radio t i m e , travelling expenses of s p e a k e r s , t h e p r i n t i n g of leaflets, all the costs of a g r e a t e d u c a t i o n a l j o b . F r o m first to last none of our workers received any salary for w h a t they did for t h e m o v e m e n t ; we j u s t didn't h a v e it. W h e n we f o u n d t h a t some of our f a i t h f u l workers were going w i t h o u t food in the m i d d l e of t h e day, we began giving t h e m fifty cents for l u n c h .

[33]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R T h e first big "lie f a c t o r y " was set u p in P a s a d e n a . A m a n c a m e to work in our h e a d q u a r t e r s t h e r e ; I don't know if he was a " p l a n t " , or a genuine p s y c h o p a t h i c case. Anyhow, he began q u a r r e l i n g with t h e people t h e r e , a n d t h r e a t e n e d physical violence. I h e a r d Dick O t t o , our c a m p a i g n m a n a g e r , o r d e r i n g this m a n to resign over the t e l e p h o n e ; the m a n r e f u s e d , a n d before we got rid of him the police h a d to be called in. W h i l e I was a w a y on a t r i p , he called to see m y wife, a n d with two o t h e r men s p e n t several h o u r s a r g u i n g w i t h her. H i s d e m a n d was t h a t O t t o should be "fired", a n d himself placed in charge of the c a m p a i g n ; o t h e r w i s e , he said, " I will see t h a t your h u s b a n d does n o t become G o v e r n o r of California." M y wife replied: " M y h u s b a n d does n o t wish to become G o v e r n o r on t h o s e terms." So the m a n w e n t o u t , a n d a few d a y s l a t e r there a p p e a r e d in a w r e t c h e d a d v e r t i s i n g sheet which is left on the d o o r s t e p s of e v e r y b o d y in P a s a d e n a , an i n t e r view w i t h this m a n , in which he q u o t e d m y wife as saying t h a t her h u s b a n d did n o t care to become G o v e r nor of C a l i f o r n i a , b u t was using the c a m p a i g n j u s t to a d v e r t i s e his books. T h e n , a little later, an e l a b o r a t e article in the Los Angeles " T i m e s , " in which this m a n told the "inside" details a b o u t the f o r t u n e s U p t o n Sinclair was m a k i n g o u t of the E P I C m o v e m e n t . M y profits f r o m the "Gove r n o r " book were "expected to net a r o u n d $40,000." T h e fact was t h a t the L e a g u e owed me a b o u t $1,700, which I in t u r n owed to m y p r i n t e r s , a n d still owe. I was said to be expecting to m a k e $25,000 o u t of the " E P I C N e w s . " T h e fact was t h a t I h a d never h a d one cent f r o m the paper, a n d h a v e n o t h a d since. I was said to h a v e " a u g m e n t e d " the sales of m y f o r m e r books by the c a m p a i g n ; the fact being t h a t in 1933 the sales of my books a v e r a g e d $1720 per m o n t h , while in 1934 t h e y averaged less t h a n half t h a t . T h e s t o r y w e n t o n : "And so on down the line, m o t i o n p i c t u r e s , plays, shows, r o d e o s , food a n d o t h e r m e r c h a n dising, a u c t i o n sales, b a n q u e t s a n d w h a t nots! A n d for t h e personal profit of Sinclair to the p o t e n t i a l t u n e of a q u a r t e r of a million dollars." T h e answer to all this is t h a t I h a d never h a d a n y t h i n g to do with any of these a t t e m p t s of t h e E n d P o v e r t y L e a g u e to earn m o n e y for

[34]

[35]

I, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR its work, and had never derived a cent of profit from any of them; at that time I had personally contributed more than $3,000 to the work of the League in one form or another, and when I have finished the writing of this present book, and turned it over to the League to help earn money to pay its debts, I shall go on a lecture tour to earn money to pay the debts which I myself have incurred. This mess of falsehoods was taken up and reprinted all over the State of California. Three supposed to be respectable newspapers of the central part of the S t a t e , the Sacramento "Bee", the Fresno "Bee", and the Modesto "Bee", published and edited by C. K. McClatchy, who doubtless thinks he is a gentleman—all three of the "Bees" printed this libel. Mr. McClatchy resents the statement that he got it from the "Times", and claims the dubious honor of having published it first. All right, Mr. McClatchy! You think you have done your full duty because you allowed me to deny the slanders in your columns—but with no retraction or apology from you. W h a t I ask is, why, before publishing grave charges against a man's honor, not give the man a chance to say whether there is any basis of fact in them? The answer is, because you wanted to discredit the man, and you didn't care what means you used.

C H A P T E R VIII One of the first needs of the End Poverty campaign was, of course, a newspaper. I was modest, and hoped for a weekly bulletin. But in the first weeks of the campaign there came a man who introduced himself as an old Hearst editor; he had some money and thought that publishing a weekly paper for our movement could become a commercial proposition. He was willing for me to control the editorial policy of the paper, and I signed a contract providing that a share of any profits of the enterprise was to come to me. That was the only basis for the charge that I was "expecting" to make money out of the campaign. Of course, I was hoping to get some money for our growing

[36]

I, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR its work, and had never derived a cent of profit from any of them; at that time I had personally contributed more than $3,000 to the work of the League in one form or another, and when I have finished the writing of this present book, and turned it over to the League to help earn money to pay its debts, I shall go on a lecture tour to earn money to pay the debts which I myself have incurred. This mess of falsehoods was taken up and reprinted all over the State of California. Three supposed to be respectable newspapers of the central part of the S t a t e , the Sacramento "Bee", the Fresno "Bee", and the Modesto "Bee", published and edited by C. K. McClatchy, who doubtless thinks he is a gentleman—all three of the "Bees" printed this libel. Mr. McClatchy resents the statement that he got it from the "Times", and claims the dubious honor of having published it first. All right, Mr. McClatchy! You think you have done your full duty because you allowed me to deny the slanders in your columns—but with no retraction or apology from you. W h a t I ask is, why, before publishing grave charges against a man's honor, not give the man a chance to say whether there is any basis of fact in them? The answer is, because you wanted to discredit the man, and you didn't care what means you used.

C H A P T E R VIII One of the first needs of the End Poverty campaign was, of course, a newspaper. I was modest, and hoped for a weekly bulletin. But in the first weeks of the campaign there came a man who introduced himself as an old Hearst editor; he had some money and thought that publishing a weekly paper for our movement could become a commercial proposition. He was willing for me to control the editorial policy of the paper, and I signed a contract providing that a share of any profits of the enterprise was to come to me. That was the only basis for the charge that I was "expecting" to make money out of the campaign. Of course, I was hoping to get some money for our growing

[36]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D m o v e m e n t ; b u t I n e v e r got any. D u r i n g the five m o n t h s t h a t he published " E n d P o v e r t y " this gentlem a n never r e n d e r e d a s t a t e m e n t , a n d we f o u n d at t h e end t h a t his p r o c e d u r e was to t a k e t h e income a n d leave t h e bills u n p a i d . T h e clash between t h e profit m o t i v e a n d t h e idealistic one in our o r g a n i z a t i o n was i n c e s s a n t , a n d finally we asked t h e publisher to cancel the c o n t r a c t a n d q u i t . W h e n he failed to do so, we j u s t d r o p p e d t h a t paper, and s t a r t e d a new one with a new n a m e , " E P I C N e w s . " T h i s w a s f r o m the beginning the p r o p e r t y of the E n d P o v e r t y L e a g u e , a n d no one h a s ever m a d e a cent o u t of it. T h e price was five cents per copy, a n d we got a thrill o u t of h e a r i n g the newsboys crying E P I C on t h e s t r e e t s . O n e bold c r u s a d e r took his s t a n d in f r o n t of the " T i m e s " building, a n d it was n o t long before a plainclothes m a n came f r o m police h e a d q u a r t e r s across the s t r e e t a n d o r d e r e d him away. B u t the c r u s a d e r refused to obey, a n d the d e t e c t i v e t h o u g h t it over, a n d the sacred r i g h t of selling t h e " E P I C N e w s " in f r o n t of t h e " T i m e s " building h a s stood u n c h a l l e n g e d ever since. I c o n t r i b u t e d an editorial to t h e p a p e r every w e e k , explaining o u r p r o g r a m , and dealing with the various issues of t h e c a m p a i g n as they arose. T h e first n u m b e r c o n t a i n e d m o s t of the " I , G o v e r n o r " book, a n d in subseq u e n t issues " E P I C Answers" r a n as a serial, a n d then " I m m e d i a t e E P I C . " T h e p a p e r was sold a t m e e t i n g s , a n d b u n d l e orders c a m e f r o m our clubs all over the S t a t e ; we published the news of the progress of our m o v e m e n t in California a n d in t h e rest of t h e country. O u r direct sales f r o m the beginning a m o u n t e d to a b o u t 20,000 weekly. A f t e r a few m o n t h s we h i t u p o n the idea of g e t t i n g o u t special editions for different localities. T h e p a p e r was eight p a g e s , tabloid size, a n d we would p r i n t an o u t s i d e sheet of four a d d i t i o n a l p a g e s , dealing with the news of San F e r n a n d o Valley or O a k l a n d or w h a t e v e r the place m i g h t be. O u r clubs would get local a d v e r t i s i n g for these special f o u r p a g e s , sufficient to p a y for an edition of ten t h o u s a n d or m o r e . T h e y would then d i s t r i b u t e the p a p e r s free from door to door. T h i s p r o v e d a f r u i t f u l i d e a , a n d it was n o t long before we were p r i n t i n g special editions for big affairs, such as a m e e t i n g in the P a s a d e n a R o s e Bowl or the Civic A u d i t o r i u m a t L o n g B e a c h , a n d d i s t r i b u t -

[37]

I, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR ing thirty or forty thousand papers over the city and the neighboring towns. By such means the paper continued to grow, until two weeks before the primary we printed what was probably the largest edition of a newspaper ever printed in California, 1,450,000 copies, more than eighty separate editions. Before the general election we beat that with two issue of nearly two million each. The clubs distributed the paper and the paper made new clubs. There were so many that I could not keep track of the growth. Every time I would boast of the number in a speech, I would be told that I was behind the times. At the date of the primary there were close to a thousand, and before the general election there were nearly two thousand. It was a mass movement, springing directly out of the needs of the people. They did the work, and they did the thinking, and brought in so many new ideas that I did not know what was going on. I would come back from a speaking tour and be told that we had a play in rehearsal, or that I was to appear at a rodeo. The nearest I came to feeling like a real Governor was at this last affair, when I had to drive my car around the ring and wave to a roaring mass of people. We had a barbecue, and feats of horsemanship and steer-roping, and then a string of candidates poured their eloquence into a loud speaker in the middle of the dusty field. I must not forget "Depression Island." In my book, "The W a y Out," written before the EPIC movement started, I had used the illustration of three men cast ashore upon a tropical island; I imagined what would happen to them while they were free, and then the situation if one of them came to own the island. I made a story out of it—three or four pages—and when the EPIC movement got going people began begging me to take up this idea and make it into a play or motion picture. I wrote it as a scenario for a picture, a two-reel comedy. Since the picture producers refuse any story which suggests any thing wrong with the profit system, we decided to raise the money and make "Depression Island" for ourselves. I spent five days visiting in the palaces of the rich, begging for a loan of thirty-five hundred dollars. I was able to get pledges amounting

[38]

But the Dog Can't Vote

CARTOON FROM T H E " E P I C "

[39]

NEWS

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R to seventeen h u n d r e d — o f which five h u n d r e d was w i t h d r a w n two or t h r e e days a f t e r it was pledged! So the m o t i o n p i c t u r e version of "Depression I s l a n d " still waits. Some of our people d e m a n d e d it as a stage show, which could be m a d e to p a y for itself. So in due course the S h r i n e a u d i t o r i u m was r e n t e d a n d our clubs were p u t a t work selling t i c k e t s . We borrowed the "set" of a tropical island f r o m a m o t i o n p i c t u r e c o n c e r n , a n d one evening an audience of t h r e e or f o u r t h o u s a n d assembled. T h e c u r t a i n w e n t u p on t h r e e c a s t a w a y s searching for w a t e r a n d s o m e t h i n g to e a t . T h e r e was an entirely practical c o c o a n u t tree a n d highly realistic fish, both fresh a n d d r i e d . T h e r e magically arose a h u t . T h e t h r e e men were h a p p y , because if Abie c h a r g e d too m a n y c o c o a n u t s for a fish, Bing a n d C r u n k could go o u t a n d get their own fish; a n d t h e same with c o c o a n u t s and huts. T h e only trouble was they became bored and took to g a m b l i n g , a n d C r u n k , a r e a l t o r f r o m Los Angeles, won the ownership of the island a n d also the fishing r i g h t s . At once e v e r y t h i n g was c h a n g e d , for C r u n k p u t Abie a n d Bing to work for h i m , a n d paid t h e m only one c o c o a n u t a n d one dried fish per day for their labors. H e m a d e t h e m pile u p dried fish a n d c o c o a n u t s for h i m , a n d when they h a d piled u p more t h a n he could use, he told t h e m he was very sorry b u t there was no m o r e work for t h e m . W h e n they asked the r e a s o n , he said there was a depression on the island, a n d when t h e y w a n t e d to know w h a t they should do a b o u t i t , he told t h e m t h a t was their p r o b l e m , n o t his. C r u n k was a believer in "rugged individualism." So of course there arose the problem of social u n r e s t . Abie, a little Jewish song writer f r o m N e w York, insisted u p o n helping himself to c o c o a n u t s , w h e r e u p o n C r u n k , owner of the island, hired Bing as policeman a n d o r d e r e d him to p u t Abie into j a i l . W h e n Abie tried to p e r s u a d e Bing t h a t this was all n o n s e n s e , a n d t h a t he a n d Bing should t a k e the island a w a y from C r u n k , t h e l a t t e r called t h a t criminal s y n d i c a l i s m , a n d urged Bing n o t to listen to any of t h a t red t a l k . Bing was a taxicab driver f r o m C h i c a g o , a n d told Abie t h a t he was a D e m o c r a t a n d a p a t r i o t , a n d believed in law a n d or-

[40]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D d e r ; he obeyed the owner of the island, a n d Abie h a d to s u r r e n d e r , a n d be p u t on a dole of half a dried fish a n d half a c o c o a n u t a day. You can imagine how an audience of E P I C e n t h u s i asts r o a r e d over these sallies. T h e story w e n t on to satirize all the d e v e l o p m e n t s of t h e depression. W h e n C r u n k s t a r t e d to publish a n e w s p a p e r a n d hired Abie to write editorials to tell Bing t h a t the social system was o r d a i n e d by G o d , the actors h a d to s t o p a n d w a i t for the audience to get over l a u g h i n g . Finally Abie hit u p o n the idea of p e r s u a d i n g Bing to political a c t i o n . B i n g , a loyal one h u n d r e d per cent A m e r i c a n , would n o t listen to red t a l k , b u t he was q u i t e r e a d y to h e a r t h a t they needed an election on t h a t isl a n d . So they f o u n d e d t h e D e m o c r a t i c p a r t y , a n d Abie w r o t e a p l a t f o r m , a n d elected himself G o v e r n o r a n d Bing L i e u t e n a n t - G o v e r n o r , a n d proceeded to impose an income tax on the rich, to cover the deficit a n d p a y the salaries of the public officials. T h e m a s t e r of ceremonies a t this show was my f r i e n d , Lewis B r o w n e , a n d he helped in the e n d i n g of the play. I h a d really been too busy to t h i n k u p an e n d i n g , a n d h a d q u i t at t h e p o i n t where C r u n k refused to recognize the g o v e r n m e n t , a n d he a n d Bing got into a civil war. A t t h a t p o i n t the m a s t e r of ceremonies c a m e r u n n i n g o n t o the scene p r o t e s t i n g t h a t brawling would n o t solve the social p r o b l e m . T h e actors said t h a t t h a t was as far as the script w e n t , a n d it was u p to the a u t h o r to tell t h e m w h a t to do n e x t . So then there was a s h o u t , " A u t h o r ! A u t h o r ! " a n d t h e a u t h o r of "Depression I s l a n d " was d r a g g e d o n t o the s t a g e , a n d p e r s u a d e d to tell the audience how this problem of w a n t in the m i d s t of p l e n t y could be solved by m a j o r i t y consent. I t was j u s t one more E P I C speech; b u t everybody agreed t h a t we h a d p r o v i d e d a new sort of i n t r o d u c t i o n , a n d there was a clamor for " D e p r e s s i o n I s l a n d " to be shown all over the S t a t e . B u t by then t h e p r i m a r i e s were only a m o n t h off, a n d our club m e m b e r s h a d to do precinct w o r k , a n d we h a d to rule o u t the d r a m a a n d all o t h e r c u l t u r a l a r t s . T h a t r u i n e d a n o t h e r fine e n t e r p r i s e , t h e " E P I C P a g e a n t " , which my y o u n g friend Youldon Howell h a d got u p a m o n g his a r t pupils in the P a s a d e n a schools. I t

[41]

I, C A N D I D A T E F O R G O V E R N O R was a deeply stirring picture o f poverty and the people's struggle against i t , and some forty amateurs acted it with great effect before crowded audiences in our city and others nearby. W h a t talent there is among the people; and what possibilities of happiness for t h e m , when once the great nightmare has been banished from their lives!

CHAPTER

IX

I must not omit the story of the E P I C movement on the air. E a r l y in our crusade I tried my beguilements upon the owners and managers of radio stations, and succeeded in persuading Mr. Guy E a r l o f K N X t h a t fifteen minutes about E P I C would be educational and not political. Mr. G . Allison Phelps, who conducts an hour on a small station from his h o m e , also gave my ideas a hearing, and reported t h a t his audience called for more. B u t the big stations and "hook-ups" towered above us like snowy mountain-tops; hurnble peasants in the valley, we gazed at their summits, never hoping to attain them. Among my friends was Will K i n d i g , business man and tireless propagandist of social j u s t i c e . Mr. Kindig owned a l o t , worth sixty-five hundred dollars in the dear, dead days beyond recall. I f anybody could find a purchaser for t h a t lot for two thousand dollars, Kindig would lend the money for radio time. We sought, but could find no purchaser o f lots in our one-time paradise o f realtors. B u t Kindig was not to be thwarted. H e found a small radio station willing to take his lot in exchange for $ 7 5 0 of time a t , one dollar per minute. T h i s gave us fifty broadcasts of 15 minutes each; we could beg for money over the air and perhaps get enough to pay K i n dig the $ 7 5 0 . Such was our humble beginning. I spoke h a l f a dozen times over t h a t small s t a t i o n , and Kindig and O t t o would do most eloquent begging. Other talent appeared, and we kept going. T h e n came Aline Barnsdall from a winter in J a p a n .

[42]

I, C A N D I D A T E F O R G O V E R N O R was a deeply stirring picture o f poverty and the people's struggle against i t , and some forty amateurs acted it with great effect before crowded audiences in our city and others nearby. W h a t talent there is among the people; and what possibilities of happiness for t h e m , when once the great nightmare has been banished from their lives!

CHAPTER

IX

I must not omit the story of the E P I C movement on the air. E a r l y in our crusade I tried my beguilements upon the owners and managers of radio stations, and succeeded in persuading Mr. Guy E a r l o f K N X t h a t fifteen minutes about E P I C would be educational and not political. Mr. G . Allison Phelps, who conducts an hour on a small station from his h o m e , also gave my ideas a hearing, and reported t h a t his audience called for more. B u t the big stations and "hook-ups" towered above us like snowy mountain-tops; hurnble peasants in the valley, we gazed at their summits, never hoping to attain them. Among my friends was Will K i n d i g , business man and tireless propagandist of social j u s t i c e . Mr. Kindig owned a l o t , worth sixty-five hundred dollars in the dear, dead days beyond recall. I f anybody could find a purchaser for t h a t lot for two thousand dollars, Kindig would lend the money for radio time. We sought, but could find no purchaser o f lots in our one-time paradise o f realtors. B u t Kindig was not to be thwarted. H e found a small radio station willing to take his lot in exchange for $ 7 5 0 of time a t , one dollar per minute. T h i s gave us fifty broadcasts of 15 minutes each; we could beg for money over the air and perhaps get enough to pay K i n dig the $ 7 5 0 . Such was our humble beginning. I spoke h a l f a dozen times over t h a t small s t a t i o n , and Kindig and O t t o would do most eloquent begging. Other talent appeared, and we kept going. T h e n came Aline Barnsdall from a winter in J a p a n .

[42]

AND HOW I GOT L I C K E D Miss Barnsdall's grandfather drilled the second oil-well in the S t a t e of Pennsylvania, and her father, " T h e e " Barnsdall, drilled more oil-wells than any other man in the U n i t e d S t a t e s . His daughter still has some of his money, and attributes the fact to me. She read my books, and realized t h a t I was r i g h t — t h e Coolidge boom was not going to last. So she put her money into Government bonds! Aline Barnsdall inherited from a rugged "independ e n t " a habit of thinking for herself, and also a sense of fair play. When T o m M o o n e y was j a i l e d , she made up her mind t h a t it was a "frame-up", and has been his tireless defender ever since. H e r property, Olive H i l l , in the heart of Hollywood, has been kept covered with Mooney billboards, of Miss Barnsdall's composition; and of course she did not fail to make note o f the fact t h a t in my book, " I , Governor o f California", I had promised t h a t my first action upon taking office would be the pardoning o f Mooney. T h e r e is a wide difference of opinion on this case in California. E i t h e r you are for Mooney or against h i m , and you are apt to be violent in either case. M y own position was set forth throughout the campaign as follows: I take no position regarding Mooney's guilt or innocence. I was not present when the crime was committed, and I do not have access to Mooney's mind and conscience. B u t I do know that he was convicted upon perjured testimony. I have been told t h a t by the judge who tried h i m . J u d g e Griffin's integrity has never been impugned by anybody, and I have listened to his story, how certain he was t h a t Mooney was guilty, and later on was forced to realize that every particle of the evidence had been manufactured. All the j u r o r s who still survive have come to the same conclusion, and any one who reads the Densmore report, by disinterested Federal investigators, will be forced to the same conclusion. So I said throughout the campaign; and my conclusions have not been weakened by having the same men who employed perjurers against Mooney employ perjurers against me. Miss Barnsdall offered to pay for some radio time, and the E P I C candidates spoke several times with "hook-ups", and h a l f a dozen times over K N X . One

[43]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R trying feature was that I was forced to submit copy in advance; and having to read a speech takes all the life out of it for me. B u t the big stations asserted that Federal regulations required this. I noticed, when I went E a s t after the primaries, that Federal regulations did not apply. In Chicago, Washington, and New York I was invited six or eight times to speak over nationwide hook-ups, and they left me free to say whatever I pleased. I noticed that on election night the barriers went down even in California, and both Columbia and N B C chains gave me time and told me to "shoot the works." Early in our radio campaign there came forward a quiet-mannered little man by the name of G u s Ingles, who had been a motion picture publicity man and was familiar with the radio field. It was magical the way somebody turned up who knew about everything! Whenever I went down to headquarters I would find new men and women installed at desks or tables, working at some new j o b . G u s and his wife call themselves "mind students," and have studied to good effect, hating learned serenity and kindness. They took me on one of my Northern trips in a P a c k a r d limousine, purchased in those h a p p y days when, as G u s explained, you went into an automobile place and s a i d : "Give me that one." G u s became our "radio m a n " , and m a d e all our bargains, and kept all our schedules, and saw to it that I was there and my script too. When the newspapers refused to give mention to our E P I C p r o g r a m s , and some even refused to take advertisements of our prog r a m s , G u s attended to printing hundreds of thousands of slips which went out to all E P I C workers. T h e s e took to organizing parties in headquarters and in their homes, so when I went on the air I had a multiplied audience. I used to meet those people at our meetings and hear what they thought about talks which I had already forgotten. In N o r t h Hollywood lived a young m a n , formerly a labor organizer by the name of Oliver T h o r n t o n . We heard of great results in the organizing of N o r t h Hollywood. They had a meeting in the high school, and the j a n i t o r said there had never been such a crowd since the building was erected. I learned that Oliver and his wife h a d polled one entire precinct of N o r t h Hollywood for a test, and that we had 73% of the votes. [44]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D We b r o u g h t this able organizer down to h e a d q u a r t e r s , a n d he h a d charge of our m e e t i n g s a n d d a t e s . E v e r y time I arrived a t a hall t h e r e was Oliver w a i t i n g on t h e c u r b s t o n e with a b o d y g u a r d . T h e r e were literat u r e sellers, a p r o g r a m figured to the m i n u t e , a n d a s q u a d of boys a n d girls to t a k e u p the collection. I could tell a b o u t scores of d e v o t e d men a n d women who c a m e to work in our m a i n h e a d q u a r t e r s , or w h o m I m e t in towns a n d cities of C a l i f o r n i a . To know such people was to h a v e one's faith in h u m a n i t y r e s t o r e d . To see t h e cheering crowds p a c k i n g the g r e a t a u d i t o r i u m s , to n o t e t h e quickness with which they got every p o i n t , the d e t e r m i n a t i o n they registered when called u p o n for a c t i o n — i t was a new birth of Democracy. All over the place men a n d w o m e n would rise a n d ask k e e n , p e n e t r a t i n g q u e s t i o n s , going to t h e h e a r t of the problems. H o w pleased they were when I gave a satisfactory a n s w e r ; a n d how quickly they showed a n n o y a n c e a t a s t u p i d or u n f a i r q u e s t i o n . I used to t h i n k of m y friend M e n c k e n , with w h o m for t w e n t y years I h a v e been c a r r y i n g on a d e b a t e on the subject of t h e p e o p l e , their r i g h t a n d ability to m a n a g e their own affairs. Mencken's n a m e for t h e m is the "booboisie", a n d I wished I could h a v e him with m e , to see w h a t the people of California were t h i n k i n g a n d doing. In the last stages of the c a m p a i g n I used to ask t h r e e q u e s t i o n s of all the audiences: first, how m a n y are o u t of w o r k ? — a n d a b o u t o n e - t h i r d would raise their h a n d s ; second, how m a n y h a v e r e a d the book, " I , G o v e r n o r " ? — a n d a b o u t t w o - t h i r d s would raise their h a n d s ; finally, at the end of the e v e n i n g , how m a n y are for the E P I C P l a n ? — a n d 90% would declare for it. T h e y would crowd u p to t h e p l a t f o r m to s h a k e m y h a n d ; they would catch a t me a n d try to touch me as I w e n t o u t . I shall never forget those h a n d s — t h e big h a r d - c r u s t e d h a n d s of f a r m e r s , the h a n d s of mechanics with fingers missing, the t h i n , skinny h a n d s of toilworn w o m e n . I see before me a blur of faces, tens of t h o u s a n d s of California's people. I see t h e m rise to their feet as I come u p o n the p l a t f o r m . T h e y took to doing t h a t early in the c a m p a i g n , a n d people told me I o u g h t to be p r o u d , b u t it m a d e me h u m b l e ; I was no longer a p e r s o n , I was a symbol of the hopes a n d longings of millions. O n e of our m e e t i n g s in the S h r i n e A u d i t o r i u m in Los [45]

I, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR Angeles: the curtain was down and behind it on the stage some two or three hundred people, our leaders and organizers. We sat chatting, until there came a signal, and everybody fell silent. The curtain started, and when it had risen about six inches, a roar broke, like the sea in a storm. The curtain went higher, and gradually there came to view that ocean of faces, arms, hands, hats and handkerchiefs. The crowd was on its feet, and we rose, and our eyes went up to the gallery, the topmost seats—it was like seeing people on a mountain. The roar continued until I raised my hands and explained that we were going on the air; they must wait for the signal and then give a fresh cheer—but not too long, because it cost thirty dollars a minute!

CHAPTER X The Republican party has named the Governors of the State of California for more than forty years, and during that period the Democratic party has been a small and feeble minority. It has been strongest in San Francisco, on account of the labor unions; there the party has played the part of office boy to Republican reaction. I was familiar with that bi-partisan combination of graft from the days of my youth in New York City, where I saw Tammany working hand in glove with the upstate Republican crooks, the two groups always ready to unite against any progressive candidate. The California Democracy consisted of elder statesmen who had managed its affairs for thirty years or more, and naturally they did not relish the intrusion of a Socialist. They were split among themselves, living in the memory of old-time factional fights. There was a Catholic group who had fought for A1 Smith; these were led by J u s t u s Wardell, a stock-and-bond dealer of San Francisco, and were in a deadly feud with the partisans of Senator McAdoo, who had blocked A1 Smith's hopes, and was accused by his enemies of being a "Kluxer." This fight was irreconcilable, and anybody whom the Wardell crowd favored would be fought by the McAdoo crowd.

[46]

I, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR Angeles: the curtain was down and behind it on the stage some two or three hundred people, our leaders and organizers. We sat chatting, until there came a signal, and everybody fell silent. The curtain started, and when it had risen about six inches, a roar broke, like the sea in a storm. The curtain went higher, and gradually there came to view that ocean of faces, arms, hands, hats and handkerchiefs. The crowd was on its feet, and we rose, and our eyes went up to the gallery, the topmost seats—it was like seeing people on a mountain. The roar continued until I raised my hands and explained that we were going on the air; they must wait for the signal and then give a fresh cheer—but not too long, because it cost thirty dollars a minute!

CHAPTER X The Republican party has named the Governors of the State of California for more than forty years, and during that period the Democratic party has been a small and feeble minority. It has been strongest in San Francisco, on account of the labor unions; there the party has played the part of office boy to Republican reaction. I was familiar with that bi-partisan combination of graft from the days of my youth in New York City, where I saw Tammany working hand in glove with the upstate Republican crooks, the two groups always ready to unite against any progressive candidate. The California Democracy consisted of elder statesmen who had managed its affairs for thirty years or more, and naturally they did not relish the intrusion of a Socialist. They were split among themselves, living in the memory of old-time factional fights. There was a Catholic group who had fought for A1 Smith; these were led by J u s t u s Wardell, a stock-and-bond dealer of San Francisco, and were in a deadly feud with the partisans of Senator McAdoo, who had blocked A1 Smith's hopes, and was accused by his enemies of being a "Kluxer." This fight was irreconcilable, and anybody whom the Wardell crowd favored would be fought by the McAdoo crowd.

[46]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D In the S o u t h W a r d e l l was r e p r e s e n t e d by an elderly a t t o r n e y for the S o u t h e r n Pacific r a i l r o a d , Isidore Dockweiler, who early took occasion to d e n o u n c e my i n t r u s i o n a n d say t h a t if I got t h e n o m i n a t i o n he would v o t e for a R e p u b l i c a n . P a p a Isidore's position was c o m p l i c a t e d by the fact t h a t his son was a c o n g r e s s m a n r u n n i n g for re-election, who a n n o u n c e d t h a t he would s u p p o r t any D e m o c r a t i c n o m i n e e . T h e M c A d o o faction was s u p p o s e d to be allied with t h e f r i e n d s of J o h n B. E l l i o t t , an oil o p e r a t o r of Los Angeles, v i c e - c h a i r m a n of the p a r t y ; b u t it developed t h a t there was a m i n o r feud between M c A d o o a n d Ell i o t t . T h e l a t t e r i n d i c a t e d a wish to confer with m e , a n d I listened while he told me t h a t the S t a t e was in a terrible p l i g h t , a n d he did not know w h a t to do a b o u t it, a n d didn't believe a n y b o d y could do a n y t h i n g . A p p a r ently t h a t r e m a i n e d Mr. Elliott's position to t h e e n d . Various D e m o c r a t s were urged to sacrifice themselves a n d u n i t e t h e p a r t y a g a i n s t the "Socialist interloper." O n e feeble boom a f t e r a n o t h e r was l a u n c h e d , b u t a p p a r ently t h e r e was nobody w h o m e v e r y b o d y would a c c e p t . Dr. M a l a b y t h r e w his h a t into t h e ring, a physician of P a s a d e n a who h a d been a D e m o c r a t when he was the only o n e ; t h e n M i l t o n K . Y o u n g , a lawyer of Los Angeles, who h a d been t h e p a r t y ' s successful c a n d i d a t e in 1930. P r e s i d e n t Roosevelt h a d b r o u g h t new hopes to Democracy, a n d n a t u r a l l y these elder s t a t e s m e n felt e n t i t l e d to the r e w a r d of their years of service. T h e r e began to be t a l k a b o u t George Creel. I h a d k n o w n Creel since early y o u t h , w h e n we h a d b o t h been w r i t i n g j o k e s a n d sketches for the editor of the N e w York " E v e n i n g J o u r n a l . " I h a d m e t him again at the t i m e of the C o l o r a d o coal s t r i k e , when he w a s , or I t h o u g h t he w a s , a radical like myself. H e was now acting as a d m i n i s t r a t o r of the N R A on the Pacific c o a s t , a n d I called to see h i m , a n d listened to h a r r o w i n g tales of the inefficiency of t h a t o r g a n i z a t i o n , a n d how t h e politicians in W a s h i n g t o n were b e t r a y i n g Creel. H e told me he was sick of politics a n d t h r o u g h forever. A couple of m o n t h s l a t e r he a n n o u n c e d himself as c a n d i d a t e for the D e m o c r a t i c n o m i n a t i o n for Governor. I m m e d i a t e l y there s t a r t e d a b i t t e r row with the W a r d e l l f a c t i o n ; these two h a d been doing some n e g o t i a t i n g , a n d each claimed t h a t t h e o t h e r h a d p r o m i s e d to keep

[47]

I, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR out. Wardell now dug up the testimony which had been extracted from Creel by a Senate investigating committee, to the effect that he had taken five thousand dollars from Doheny. Creel answered in kind, and our EPIC people behaved like the pioneer who came back home and found his wife in hand-to-hand conflict with a bear, and took a seat on the fence and said, "Go it, woman; go it, bear." When the primaries closed in J u l y there were eight Democratic candidates in the field. Besides myself were George Creel, J u s t u s Wardell, Dr. Malaby, Milton Young, a lawyer of Hollywood named McNichols, a physician of Los Angeles named Dowie, and a business man of Culver City named Evans. Dr. Dowie had come into our organization, and had publicly pledged funds at one of our banquets, and promised to finance the motion picture, "Depression Island". But then it developed that what was on the doctor's mind was to run for Lieutenant-Governor on our ticket. He had a program of his own devising; he wanted to put all the police of the State under control of the Governor, and then have the Governor declare martial law and wipe out all the crooks. When Dr. Dowie discovered that we did not favor him as a candidate, he lost interest in our movement. The story of William H . Evans, "Fighting Bill" as he calls himself, is a still odder one. "Fighting Bill" came early into the field, with a little pamphlet in which he announced himself as a true progressive and intimate friend of the President and other eminent Democrats. He published the evidence, consisting of such formal notes of thanks as one gets by writing to men in public positions. His program had, if I remember correctly, eleven points, whereas our EPIC program had twelve; and apparently he had arrived at his ideas by taking ours and toning them down. Thus, we proposed to exempt homes assessed at less than three thousand dollars; "Fighting Bill" said two thousand. We proposed to give pensions at sixty years; "Fighting Bill" said sixty-five. All this did not worry me, because I had predicted in the "Governor" book that the politicians would take our ideas. It did worry me somewhat when "Fighting Bill" took to writing long letters to my friends, urging that I withdraw in his favor, as he was the only progressive who [48]

AND HOW I GOT L I C K E D could be elected. L a t e r on he came to see m e — a little round, bald-headed man of the high pressure salesman t y p e — t o say t h a t he intended to support me if I carried the primaries. H e went away, and a day or two later I received a long telegram signed "A Friend," or "A Well-wisher", or something like t h a t , urging me to withdraw in favor o f William H . E v a n s , the only progressive who could be elected. I cannot prove t h a t " F i g h t ing B i l l " sent this telegram, but I have a strongly rooted suspicion. A few days later he announced his retirement in favor of Creel; and I heard t h a t he was a t t a c k i n g me over the radio. T h e n he sent me a telegram urging me to listen-in, because he was going to defend me against the unjust charges o f my enemies. I listened, and learned t h a t his way of defending me was to say t h a t to be sure I had been a free-lover once upon a time, but I had repented o f my sins, as was proved by the fact t h a t I had changed my novel, "Love's Pilgrimage", in later editions. I wrote " F i g h t i n g B i l l " informing him t h a t no changes had ever been made in "Love's Pilgrimage", and begging him never to defend me again, but to go on attacking me. After the primaries, when I got the nomination, he publicly stated t h a t I would be a candidate for the Presidency in 1936. When I rebuked him for this impertinence, he wrote me humbly, asking if I meant to read him out o f the party. A few days thereafter he came out for M e r r i a m ; and that is the last I have heard from " F i g h t i n g Bill". M y relations with George Creel through the campaign were equally amusing. One of our people sent out a circular asking for samples o f the atrocity stories which Creel had invented during the War. I wrote this man a letter saying t h a t we were not dealing in personalities or in history, and asked him to stick to the E P I C P l a n . I sent a copy of this letter to George, because I wished him to know my a t t i t u d e ; he replied t h a t he had never invented any atrocity stories, and t h a t he also meant to exclude personalities from his campaign. B u t soon afterwards there was widely distributed in the churches a circular containing extracts from " T h e Profits of Religion", and signed by " T h e Catholic Friends o f George Creel." On my first speaking trip to O a k l a n d , I learned t h a t [49]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R Creel h a d been t h e r e the p r e v i o u s day. S o m e b o d y got u p in m y audience a n d s t a t e d t h a t he h a d said: "Sinclair h a s the brains of a pigeon. I a n s w e r e d : "I don't know m u c h a b o u t t h e a n a t o m y of pigeons, a n d I d o u b t if George Creel does e i t h e r ; b u t this I know, t h a t nobody ever saw ten million pigeons s t a r v i n g to d e a t h while the g r o u n d was covered with corn a n d the trees were full of cherries." T h i s r e p o r t crossed the ocean; t h e " N e w English R e v i e w " c o m m e n t e d t h a t it " h a d wings." I w r o t e George a n o t h e r n o t e r e m i n d i n g him of his p r o m i s e , a n d telling him to go easy, because "as a good a n d loyal D e m o c r a t you are going to be s u p p o r t i n g me a f t e r t h e primaries." H e replied t h a t he h a d only m a d e the r e m a r k a b o u t t h e pigeon's brains once, a n d again he renewed his p r o m i s e to be g o o d . B u t it is h a r d to be good when you w a n t s o m e t h i n g very m u c h a n d somebody else is t a k i n g it away f r o m y o u . On the S u n d a y before the p r i m a r y elections, two y o u n g m e m b e r s of the C o m m u n i s t p a r t y c a m e r u s h i n g into our h e a d q u a r t e r s in a g r e a t s t a t e of e x c i t e m e n t . H o w d a r e d we claim t h a t C o m m u n i s t s were endorsing us? We asked w h a t t h e y were t a l k i n g a b o u t , a n d t h e y exhibited leaflets which were being d i s t r i b u t e d in f r o n t of churches all over the city. T h e leaflet c o n t a i n e d my p h o t o g r a p h , side by side w i t h t h e red flag a n d the h a m m e r - a n d - s i c k l e of Soviet R u s s i a , a n d a ringing call to the v o t e r s to s u p p o r t U p t o n Sinclair in t h e n a m e of the " Y o u n g People's C o m m u n i s t L e a g u e of Los Angeles." Of course we h a s t e n e d to assure the C o m m u nists t h a t we h a d n o t h i n g to do with this d o c u m e n t . T h e y h a d m a d e a n o t e of the license n u m b e r of the t r u c k which was doing the d i s t r i b u t i n g , a n d we set to work on the mystery. T h e circulars h a d a p p e a r e d s i m u l t a n e o u s l y all over S o u t h e r n C a l i f o r n i a a n d in t h e Bay cities. Boys h a d received a r m f u l s to d i s t r i b u t e , a n d were p r o m i s e d fifty cents each for the s e r v i c e — t h o u g h m a n y of t h e m never g o t the money. T h e r e was no such o r g a n i z a t i o n as t h e " Y o u n g People's C o m m u n i s t L e a g u e of Los Angeles." T h e r e is a " Y o u n g People's Socialist L e a g u e " a n d a " Y o u n g C o m m u n i s t League", b u t n e i t h e r h a d a n y t h i n g to do with this m a t t e r . T h e address p r i n t e d on t h e circulars (as r e q u i r e d by law) was a lodging h o u s e ; t h e

[50]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D person n a m e d in the c i r c u l a r — V l a d i m i r K o s l o f f — w a s u n k n o w n , b u t a person who w o r k e d in the Creel h e a d q u a r t e r s lived t h e r e . We followed this a n d o t h e r clues a n d f o u n d the s h o p where the circular h a d been p r i n t e d . I t h a d been ord e r e d from the Creel h e a d q u a r t e r s . T h e whole affair h a d been p r e p a r e d in the office of one of the largest law firms in Los Angeles. I shall n a m e t h e m later. I h a v e no idea how m a n y v o t e s this f r a u d u l e n t circular f r i g h t e n e d away from us. I t m u s t h a v e been j u d g e d successful, for it was r e p r i n t e d again a n d again bei ore t h e N o v e m b e r elections. Of course we exposed the f r a u d over the r a d i o , a n d also in our " E P I C News". O u r people w a n t e d to p u t the b l a m e on the Creel h e a d q u a r t e r s , b u t I v e t o e d t h i s , telling t h e m w h a t I h a d told C r e e l — t h a t he would be s u p p o r t i n g us before long!

CHAPTER XI Soon a f t e r the a n n o u n c e m e n t of my c a n d i d a c y for t h e D e m o c r a t i c n o m i n a t i o n I learned t h a t a lawyer of S a c r a m e n t o , Sheridan Downey, h a d also a n n o u n c e d h i m s e l f , a n d t h a t his p r o g r a m was in some ways like m y own. H e h a d published a book e n t i t l e d " O n w a r d , America", a n d I read it. Mr. D o w n e y h a d dealt m o r e w i t h n a t i o n a l p r o b l e m s , especially the p r i v a t e control of c r e d i t . All my life I h a d declared t h a t to be the m a i n p r o b l e m , b u t in our E P I C c a m p a i g n I was dealing with w h a t t h e people of one S t a t e could do by t h e m selves. Mr. Downey and I started a correspondence, and l a t e r he came to see m e a n d we t h r e s h e d o u t our differences. We never did get entirely together. Downey was able to see p r o d u c t i o n for use as the final goal, b u t he believed t h a t it would h a v e to be on a n a t i o n a l scale, by the t a k i n g over of our g r e a t p r o d u c t i v e e n t e r p r i s e s ; the idea of s t a r t i n g at t h e b o t t o m , by c o o p e r a t i v e action of the w e a k e r a n d less c o m p e t e n t of o u r p o p u l a t i o n , using the idle p l a n t s a n d p u t t i n g t h e m i n t o condition by their own l a b o r s — t h i s p r o g r a m a p p a l l e d S h e r i d a n Downey, a n d he s p e n t m u c h t i m e p o i n t i n g o u t

[51]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D person n a m e d in the c i r c u l a r — V l a d i m i r K o s l o f f — w a s u n k n o w n , b u t a person who w o r k e d in the Creel h e a d q u a r t e r s lived t h e r e . We followed this a n d o t h e r clues a n d f o u n d the s h o p where the circular h a d been p r i n t e d . I t h a d been ord e r e d from the Creel h e a d q u a r t e r s . T h e whole affair h a d been p r e p a r e d in the office of one of the largest law firms in Los Angeles. I shall n a m e t h e m later. I h a v e no idea how m a n y v o t e s this f r a u d u l e n t circular f r i g h t e n e d away from us. I t m u s t h a v e been j u d g e d successful, for it was r e p r i n t e d again a n d again bei ore t h e N o v e m b e r elections. Of course we exposed the f r a u d over the r a d i o , a n d also in our " E P I C News". O u r people w a n t e d to p u t the b l a m e on the Creel h e a d q u a r t e r s , b u t I v e t o e d t h i s , telling t h e m w h a t I h a d told C r e e l — t h a t he would be s u p p o r t i n g us before long!

CHAPTER XI Soon a f t e r the a n n o u n c e m e n t of my c a n d i d a c y for t h e D e m o c r a t i c n o m i n a t i o n I learned t h a t a lawyer of S a c r a m e n t o , Sheridan Downey, h a d also a n n o u n c e d h i m s e l f , a n d t h a t his p r o g r a m was in some ways like m y own. H e h a d published a book e n t i t l e d " O n w a r d , America", a n d I read it. Mr. D o w n e y h a d dealt m o r e w i t h n a t i o n a l p r o b l e m s , especially the p r i v a t e control of c r e d i t . All my life I h a d declared t h a t to be the m a i n p r o b l e m , b u t in our E P I C c a m p a i g n I was dealing with w h a t t h e people of one S t a t e could do by t h e m selves. Mr. Downey and I started a correspondence, and l a t e r he came to see m e a n d we t h r e s h e d o u t our differences. We never did get entirely together. Downey was able to see p r o d u c t i o n for use as the final goal, b u t he believed t h a t it would h a v e to be on a n a t i o n a l scale, by the t a k i n g over of our g r e a t p r o d u c t i v e e n t e r p r i s e s ; the idea of s t a r t i n g at t h e b o t t o m , by c o o p e r a t i v e action of the w e a k e r a n d less c o m p e t e n t of o u r p o p u l a t i o n , using the idle p l a n t s a n d p u t t i n g t h e m i n t o condition by their own l a b o r s — t h i s p r o g r a m a p p a l l e d S h e r i d a n Downey, a n d he s p e n t m u c h t i m e p o i n t i n g o u t

[51]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R to me t h e difficulties which would r e s u l t . Of course I was p r e p a r e d for difficulties; b u t t h e n it is difficult for people to s t a r v e , a n d they h a v e to choose between the t w o k i n d s of t r o u b l e . I would p o i n t o u t to Downey how s p o n t a n e o u s l y all over t h e S t a t e h u n d r e d s of such c o o p e r a t i v e s h a d actually set to work at self-help; b u t he would come back to the idea of g e t t i n g the F e d e r a l G o v e r n m e n t to use its control over credit to m a k e the g r e a t t r u s t s into n a t i o n a l p r o d u c t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s . N e e d l e s s to say, I shall be m o r e t h a n glad to h a v e it come t h a t w a y ; I believe t h a t the need of our people will force P r e s i d e n t R o o s e v e l t to act in t h e e n d . B u t I saw no chance of a n a t i o n a l s t a r t in t h e i m m e d i a t e f u t u r e , a n d as c a n d i d a t e for t h e g o v e r n o r s h i p of California, I was p l a n n i n g to do w h a t I could with the resources of one S t a t e . Downey q u e s t i o n e d gravely w h e t h e r we could win t h e f a r m e r s of C a l i f o r n i a to any p r o g r a m which m i g h t a p p e a r to involve S t a t e c o m p e t i t i o n with t h e m . To m e e t his d o u b t s , I p u t i n t o the " I , G o v e r n o r " book a six-point s t a t e m e n t of exactly w h a t our P l a n could do for the f a r m e r ; I e m p h a s i z e d t h e p o i n t t h a t the f a r m e r was in t h e s a m e position as the b u s i n e s s m a n — t h e u n employed were of no use to h i m , because they h a d no m o n e y to buy the food he r a i s e d . T h e only way they could get p u r c h a s i n g power was f r o m t h e S t a t e , a n d t h e S t a t e h a d to get it f r o m the f a r m e r in the form of t a x e s ; so it would be b e t t e r for t h e f a r m e r to m a k e u p his m i n d t h a t the u n e m p l o y e d are o u t of i t , a n d let t h e m grow t h e food which they themselves are going to e a t . I t was m y h o p e t h a t D o w n e y would c o n s e n t to join us a n d r u n for L i e u t e n a n t Governor. I was shy a b o u t suggesting i t , because he h a d been in the field a h e a d of me a n d h a d considerable s u p p o r t f r o m the S t a t e G r a n g e s a n d t h e railroad b r o t h e r h o o d s . H e was a lawyer of wide experience; he h a d r e p r e s e n t e d a c o m m i t t e e of the S t a t e s e n a t e , i n v e s t i g a t i n g g r a f t u n d e r t h e R o l p h r e g i m e , a n d he knew the S t a t e affairs far b e t t e r t h a n I . H e p r o p o s e d t h a t we wait two or t h r e e m o n t h s a n d see how our c a m p a i g n s d e v e l o p e d . Finally we h a d ano t h e r c o n f e r e n c e , a n d to m y g r e a t j o y D o w n e y c a m e into o u r m o v e m e n t as my r u n n i n g - m a t e . F r o m t h a t t i m e on we c o o p e r a t e d loyally, a n d w h e r e v e r there were

[52]

We Appeal to the Exploited Masses! "Help Us Save the State" iKyi m ^SFmFÄ. V B-f^Wm Emblem of Freedon

ML • ' - .TM^ 1 lisais UPTON SINCLAIR

UPTON SINCLAIR X for GOVERNOR SPONSORED BY THE

Young People's Communist League

VLADIMIR KOSLOFF. Secy., 234 N. Chicago St. Los Angeles

[53]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R big m e e t i n g s we a p p e a r e d on t h e p l a t f o r m together. D o w n e y is a p r a c t i s e d o r a t o r ; he told m y wife t h a t it was his life's a m b i t i o n to deliver the g r e a t A m e r i c a n o r a t i o n , a n d the crowds in m a n y halls t h o u g h t t h a t he succeeded d u r i n g t h e c a m p a i g n . We h a d the t a s k of picking a whole "slate", a n d this fell u p o n us in the last t h r e e or four weeks before the n o m i n a t i o n s closed. O u r o r g a n i z a t i o n s h a d not been s t r o n g enough before t h a t a n d we h a d n o t known the people. We tried to find c a n d i d a t e s for t r e a s u r e r a n d controller a n d a t t o r n e y g e n e r a l , a n d for m e m b e r s of the board of e q u a l i z a t i o n , a n d d i r e c t o r of public i n s t r u c tion, a n d so on down the list, including eighty c a n d i d a t e s for t h e assembly a n d t w e n t y for the s e n a t e . We w a n t e d m o s t of these c a n d i d a t e s to be D e m o c r a t s ; for of course we knew t h e e n e m y was going to say t h a t ours was a Socialist ticket in disguise. We could n o t keep the Socialists f r o m coming into our c a m p a n d going to work for us, n e i t h e r could we c h a n g e t h e fact t h a t they were the best o r g a n i z e r s , a n d m o s t clearly u n d e r s t o o d p r o d u c t i o n for u s e . Likewise we were powerless before the fact t h a t they were h o n e s t and disinterested. M e m b e r s of our c a m p a i g n c o m m i t t e e used to tell me comical stories a b o u t the o l d - t i m e D e m o c r a t i c workers in Los Angeles a n d San F r a n c i s c o , who c a m e to sell us their services, a n d were d u m f o u n d e d to discover t h a t we expected t h e m n o t merely to work w i t h o u t pay b u t to raise the m o n e y for their h e a d q u a r t e r s — a n d w i t h o u t even t h e promise of a j o b if we won! " W h o s e c a m p a i g n is t h i s , Sinclair's or m i n e ? " d e m a n d e d one ward heeler f r o m San F r a n c i s c o — a n d was q u i t e t a k e n aback when he was assured t h a t the c a m p a i g n was n o t Sinclair's. I t is p l e a s a n t to record t h a t some of these fellows saw the p o i n t a f t e r a while, a n d p i t c h e d in a n d worked as e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y as anybody. We h a d a c o m p l i c a t e d time with one of our S t a t e c a n d i d a t e s , a D e m o c r a t of long s t a n d i n g , with the highest c o n n e c t i o n s . Only a f t e r we h a d accepted him a n d he h a d s t a r t e d his c a m p a i g n , did we m a k e t h e p a i n f u l discovery t h a t he s o m e t i m e s imbibed too freely before a p p e a r i n g on public p l a t f o r m s . So it was necessary for me to t a k e u p m y old role of t e m p e r a n c e reformer. I w r o t e this g e n t l e m a n a m o s t e l o q u e n t letter, p o u r i n g

[54]

Uppie and

[55]

Downey

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R o u t m y h e a r t to h i m , giving him his choice between r e t i r i n g as c a n d i d a t e or t a k i n g t h e pledge. H e m e t the p r o p o s i t i o n in a fine spirit a n d a p p a r e n t l y k e p t his w o r d , so I can feel t h a t I accomplished s o m e t h i n g , even if I did n o t become Governor. A m o n g those whose s u p p o r t I wooed was my old f r i e n d , J . S t i t t W i l s o n , formerly m a y o r of Berkeley on t h e Socialist t i c k e t . S t i t t is a m a g n i f i c e n t c a m p a i g n e r of the C h r i s t i a n Socialist t y p e . H e is s e v e n t y years y o u n g or t h e r e a b o u t s , b u t he can still t a k e off his black frock coat on the p l a t f o r m a n d lift t h e crowd to ecstasies. H e h e s i t a t e d for a long t i m e , b u t finally j o i n e d our c a m p . T h e n it was proposed t h a t he should r u n for s t a t e controller, b u t the D e m o c r a t s rose u p in a r m s — " N o m o r e Socialists on o u r t i c k e t ! " S t i t t took it in good p a r t a n d c a m p a i g n e d for us as d e v o t e d l y as ever. I c a m e into a c o m m i t t e e m e e t i n g one d a y a n d c o m m a n d e d our f r i e n d , Will K i n d i g , to become candid a t e for controller. H e looked a little s t a r t l e d , b u t obeyed like a good soldier a n d c a m e within an ace of nosing o u t Riley, whose sole title to f a m e is t h a t he is t h e a u t h o r of our sales t a x . I could t a k e m a n y pages to tell the troubles we h a d finding our assembly c a n d i d a t e s . We w a n t e d to proceed democratically, a n d invited o u r local clubs to m a k e their selections. T h e difficulties began when half a dozen c a n d i d a t e s would get themselves selected in one assembly d i s t r i c t , a n d then m a k e h a s t e to file. All these c a n d i d a t e s would a p p e a r the s a m e a f t e r n o o n to be i n t e r v i e w e d by our c a m p a i g n c o m m i t t e e . D e m o c r a t i c i n c u m b e n t s would c o m e , offering their pledges to help end p o v e r t y in C a l i f o r n i a , a n d we h a d the p r o b l e m , could we believe t h e m or not? If we tried to believe t h e m , we were certain to receive agonized p r o t e s t s f r o m our local g r o u p s , who declared t h a t they were n o t h i n g b u t old-style political self-seekers. T h e m o s t p a i n f u l p r o b l e m , to choose between a D e m o c r a t i c politician w h o could get elected a n d an E P I C w o r k e r who couldn't! I n the last few days I suppose I received a h u n d r e d t e l e g r a m s begging me to intercede in this or t h a t local fight; a n d here was I , scheduled for a big m e e t i n g every n i g h t , a n d writing m a g a z i n e articles, a n d giving n e w s p a p e r i n t e r v i e w s , a n d helping with t h e " E P I C News", a n d t r y i n g to answer ten p o u n d s of letters every day.

[56]

A N D HOW I GOT L I C K E D S o m e h o w or o t h e r the selections were m a d e ; a n d now before long we shall find o u t if we were r i g h t or w r o n g . For the new legislature is to m e e t in J a n u a r y , a n d of t h e E P I C c a n d i d a t e s w h o m we n o m i n a t e d a n d the D e m o c r a t s w h o m we e n d o r s e d , some t h i r t y - e i g h t h a v e been elected, a n d we shall see how they s t a n d by their pledges. We shall n o t be able to pass any laws in t h e face of a hostile s e n a t e , b u t we can d r a f t our m e a s u r e s a n d force t h e m to a v o t e , a n d p u t the p a r t i s a n s of special privilege on r e c o r d . A n d back in t h e districts our clubs will tell t h e people how their legislators are v o t i n g — a n d if they v o t e w r o n g , believe m e , they will h e a r a b o u t it!

CHAPTER XII All t h r o u g h the p r i m a r y c a m p a i g n efforts were being m a d e to get the old-line D e m o c a t s together. T h e r e were conferences in p r i v a t e , a n d o t h e r s with r e p o r t e r s p r e s e n t ; the lesser c a n d i d a t e s m e t d a y a f t e r day in a hotel in H o l l y w o o d , b u t all t h a t resulted was the discovery t h a t each was certain t h a t he would win if t h e o t h e r s would w i t h d r a w . George Creel a n d J u s t u s W a r dell k e p t aloof; each h a t e d the o t h e r more bitterly t h a n he h a t e d the possibility of seeing me win. T h e r e a p p e a r s to be some peculiar disease which affects the j u d g m e n t of political c a n d i d a t e s . J u s t u s Wardell h a s r u n four or five times for D e m o c r a t i c nomin a t i o n s , a n d has never come a n y w h e r e near w i n n i n g , b u t he felt c e r t a i n of success this t i m e . George Creel was even more so, as I learned f r o m his i n t i m a t e s . H e a p p e a r e d to h a v e p l e n t y of money, a n d h a d the s u p p o r t of the e n t i r e " F e d e r a l brigade." I was told t h a t his m a i n source of u n h a p p i n e s s was t h a t he h a d p r o m i s e d so m a n y j o b s t h a t he h a d lost t r a c k a n d p r o m i s e d t h e m several times. All these c a n d i d a t e s were a r d e n t in s u p p o r t of t h e N e w D e a l , a n d all s p e n t m o s t of their t i m e d e n o u n c i n g the "Socialist interloper." George Creel called me a "rainbow-chaser", a n d a d d e d t h a t " t h e D e m o c r a t i c p a r t y will never p e r m i t a Socialist h i t c h - h i k e r to t h u m b his way to S a c r a m e n t o . " Soon a f t e r t h a t on a t r i p [57]

A N D HOW I GOT L I C K E D S o m e h o w or o t h e r the selections were m a d e ; a n d now before long we shall find o u t if we were r i g h t or w r o n g . For the new legislature is to m e e t in J a n u a r y , a n d of t h e E P I C c a n d i d a t e s w h o m we n o m i n a t e d a n d the D e m o c r a t s w h o m we e n d o r s e d , some t h i r t y - e i g h t h a v e been elected, a n d we shall see how they s t a n d by their pledges. We shall n o t be able to pass any laws in t h e face of a hostile s e n a t e , b u t we can d r a f t our m e a s u r e s a n d force t h e m to a v o t e , a n d p u t the p a r t i s a n s of special privilege on r e c o r d . A n d back in t h e districts our clubs will tell t h e people how their legislators are v o t i n g — a n d if they v o t e w r o n g , believe m e , they will h e a r a b o u t it!

CHAPTER XII All t h r o u g h the p r i m a r y c a m p a i g n efforts were being m a d e to get the old-line D e m o c a t s together. T h e r e were conferences in p r i v a t e , a n d o t h e r s with r e p o r t e r s p r e s e n t ; the lesser c a n d i d a t e s m e t d a y a f t e r day in a hotel in H o l l y w o o d , b u t all t h a t resulted was the discovery t h a t each was certain t h a t he would win if t h e o t h e r s would w i t h d r a w . George Creel a n d J u s t u s W a r dell k e p t aloof; each h a t e d the o t h e r more bitterly t h a n he h a t e d the possibility of seeing me win. T h e r e a p p e a r s to be some peculiar disease which affects the j u d g m e n t of political c a n d i d a t e s . J u s t u s Wardell h a s r u n four or five times for D e m o c r a t i c nomin a t i o n s , a n d has never come a n y w h e r e near w i n n i n g , b u t he felt c e r t a i n of success this t i m e . George Creel was even more so, as I learned f r o m his i n t i m a t e s . H e a p p e a r e d to h a v e p l e n t y of money, a n d h a d the s u p p o r t of the e n t i r e " F e d e r a l brigade." I was told t h a t his m a i n source of u n h a p p i n e s s was t h a t he h a d p r o m i s e d so m a n y j o b s t h a t he h a d lost t r a c k a n d p r o m i s e d t h e m several times. All these c a n d i d a t e s were a r d e n t in s u p p o r t of t h e N e w D e a l , a n d all s p e n t m o s t of their t i m e d e n o u n c i n g the "Socialist interloper." George Creel called me a "rainbow-chaser", a n d a d d e d t h a t " t h e D e m o c r a t i c p a r t y will never p e r m i t a Socialist h i t c h - h i k e r to t h u m b his way to S a c r a m e n t o . " Soon a f t e r t h a t on a t r i p [57]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R N o r t h my old car broke d o w n , a n d I h a d to do t h e v e r y t h i n g which George h a d said I couldn't do! M r . W a r d e l l was n o t satisfied to call me a Socialist— he called me a C o m m u n i s t a n d u n d e r t o o k to prove it. T h e r e h a d recently been published a sort of " W h o ' s W h o " of the radical m o v e m e n t , e n t i t l e d " T h e R e d N e t w o r k " ; it was edited a n d published by a w o m a n , a n d you can j u d g e her intelligence by the fact t h a t a m o n g the d a n g e r o u s radicals of America she listed M r s . Louis D . B r a n d e i s a n d M r s . F r a n k l i n D . R o o s e v e l t . She did n o t d a r e to list the h u s b a n d s , b u t the wives were fair game! I do n o t know how she got her d a t a , b u t a p p a r e n t l y she collected the n a m e s of all h u m a n i t a r i a n organizations in the world a n d shook t h e m o u t of a p e p p e r - p o t . She h a s listed me as an official of o r g a n i z a t i o n s I h a d never h e a r d o f , a n d Mr. W a r d e l l took this list a n d p r i n t e d it in a leaflet and d i s t r i b u t e d it all over the S t a t e of C a l i f o r n i a . L a t e r on t h e R e p u b l i c a n s took it u p , a n d the " U n i t e d for California League", a n d t h e "Save O u r S t a t e " L e a g u e , a n d all the o t h e r r e a c t i o n a r y organizations. H a v i n g been a Socialist for t h i r t y - t w o years, a n d h a v i n g set f o r t h my ideas in a score of books a n d h u n d r e d s of m a g a z i n e articles, I really t h o u g h t I was safe f r o m being called a C o m m u n i s t . I h a v e been tireless in m y insistence u p o n m a j o r i t y c o n s e n t , a n d in m y rejection of every suggestion of violence a n d d i c t a t o r s h i p in bringing a b o u t social c h a n g e . E a r l y in the c a m p a i g n t h e " W e s t e r n W o r k e r " , organ of the C o m m u n i s t p a r t y on the Pacific C o a s t , described t h e E P I C P l a n as "one more addled egg f r o m the blue buzzard's nest." R o b e r t M i n o r , e d i t o r of the " D a i l y W o r k e r " , described it as the m o s t r e a c t i o n a r y plan ever p u t f o r w a r d ; a n d surely t h a t o u g h t to h a v e saved me f r o m being identified with t h e Communists. Soon a f t e r the Soviet revolution t h e C o m m u n i s t s f o r m e d a n u m b e r of camouflage o r g a n i z a t i o n s , leagues for defense of political prisoners, a n d so o n , a n d all well-known liberals were invited to join these organizations. So I became a m e m b e r of t h e " I n t e r n a t i o n a l L a bor Defense", a n d of the " I n t e r n a t i o n a l W o r k e r s ' Aid". L a t e r , when these g r o u p s came to be controlled entirely by C o m m u n i s t s a n d were used to a t t a c k Socialists, I

[58]

Boo!

[59]

I, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR severed all connection with them; but of course that did not help me with the lady editor of "The Red Network", and it did not help me with Mr. J u s t u s Wardell, who even changed the titles of these organizations to make them sound more terrible. He listed them as the "National Communist Committee for International Labor Defense" and the "National Communist Committee for International Workers' Aid". Another terrible sounding one was "The Emergency Committee for Soviet Political Prisoners." After some prodding of the memory, I recalled this as an organization founded by Roger Baldwin for the defense of those unfortunate Socialists who were imprisoned by the Communists of Russia. All Communists consider this an anti-Soviet organization—but here was Mr. Wardell citing it as proof that I was "an agent of Moscow"! Also they had me as a contributor to the "New Masses." First there was the "Masses", a Socialist publication, and of course I wrote for it. When the "New Masses" fell into the hands of the Communists and became that party's organ, it began to attack me, like all other Communist organs; and of course I have no connection with it. They had me as secretary of "The Revolutionary Writers' Federation." Whether this Federation ever existed I don't know. As to my being its secretary, my answer is that I have never been the secretary of any writers' federation; I have been a whole writers' federation by myself, and have needed several secretaries. Of course no red-baiters ever failed to list the American Civil Liberties Union. This is an organization of the finest idealists in the United States, who devote their energies to defending the basic principles of our Constitution. Its supporters include such men as John Dewey and Felix Frankfurter, John Haynes Holmes, H a r r y F. Ward, and Father John A. R y a n . It is true that we frequently defend the civil liberties of Communists; we have also defended the civil liberties of the Salvation Army and the Reverend Bob Shuler, but that does not identify us with the doctrines and beliefs of these people. I thought I knew something about the dishonesty of political campaigning, but my fellow-Democrat, Mr. J u s t u s Wardell, taught me a lot of new tricks. He took

[60]

TAKEN FOR A RIDE

From the Chicago "Tribune"

[61]

I, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR one sentence from "Letters to Judd", reading: "We are going to take over the industrial plant of the United States and run it as one planned enterprise for the benefit of the whole people." He went on to assert that this meant confiscation; when the fact is that the next five pages of the book are an argument against confiscation and in favor of constitutional procedure. One of the arguments ends with the sentence, "So you see why I am in favor of compensation". But Mr. Wardell did not quote that sentence! He went on to quote what he called "the incredibly shocking statement", as follows: "I say if there is violence, let the capitalists start it, and then you, J u d d , and the rest of the workers can finish it". Mr. Wardell got a shock from reading that sentence, and I got a shock when I looked into my book, "Letters to Judd", and saw that the sentence was taken from an elaborate argument in favor of constitutional procedure. The sentence immediately preceding it reads: "I have pointed out the way to make a change under the Constitution." How could Mr. Wardell have brought himself to omit such a sentence? I was pointing out to my readers what had happened in American history. Abraham Lincoln had fought the slave power, using constitutional means; he had carried an election, and left it to the slave power to attempt to revolt against the people's verdict; so he had kept the moral forces of America on his side. In "Letters to J u d d " I was pleading with American workingmen to display the same wisdom in obtaining their rights. I was appealing to the people of California to display that same wisdom—and my fellow-Democrat was lying about what I had written! One of the Wardell onslaughts was really funny. Speaking at a banquet of old-line Democrats he called me an atheist, and said that I had "defied the power of Almighty God." I answered next morning that I did not know what he meant; like every human being, I lived by the power of Almighty God, and in my campaign to End Poverty In California I expected to succeed by the power of Almighty God. It was not until later that I learned what was in the poor stockbroker's mind. He said that I had stood in the pulpit of a church and taken out my watch and said, "If there is

[62]

AND HOW I GOT LICKED a God, let him prove it by striking me dead within the next three minutes." So I realized that J u s t u s had got me mixed up with Sinclair Lewis! I wasted a threecent stamp telling him that I was not Sinclair Lewis, and that God would not hold me responsible for the actions of Sinclair Lewis. I explained all that in a letter, and I published it in a pamphlet, "The Lie Factory Starts". I reached many voters in that way—but not enough of them; for the lies were taken up and reprinted in millions of leaflets, and put into the hands of every voter many times over. All those wretched fabrications of "The Red Network", all those garbled quotations from my books—millions of dollars were spent to spread them; and how could I, having only a few dollars, attempt to answer? Our opponents had hundreds of daily newspapers; we had one tabloid weekly. They had hours on the radio to our minutes; and if I used up my time answering falsehoods, what chance would I have to explain how to End Poverty In California? W h a t our enemies wanted was to put me on the defensive, and have me making explanations and apologies, instead of dealing with the thing the people really cared about—their own troubles and the remedy.

CHAPTER XIII The greatest single handicap I had to face in the campaign was "The Profits of Religion." This book was written and published in 1917, in the midst of the World War, and has the bitterness universal at that time. I saw millions of peasant boys being led out to slaughter in the interest of the governing classes of Europe; I saw priests of Jesus blessing the flags, and inciting the mass destruction of the human race. I sat down to study religion from a new point of view—the use, or rather the abuse which had been made of it, "as a source of income and a shield to privilege". The book is a defense of true religion, its purpose being to take the churches out of the hands of ruling classes and exploiters of all kinds.

[63]

AND HOW I GOT LICKED a God, let him prove it by striking me dead within the next three minutes." So I realized that J u s t u s had got me mixed up with Sinclair Lewis! I wasted a threecent stamp telling him that I was not Sinclair Lewis, and that God would not hold me responsible for the actions of Sinclair Lewis. I explained all that in a letter, and I published it in a pamphlet, "The Lie Factory Starts". I reached many voters in that way—but not enough of them; for the lies were taken up and reprinted in millions of leaflets, and put into the hands of every voter many times over. All those wretched fabrications of "The Red Network", all those garbled quotations from my books—millions of dollars were spent to spread them; and how could I, having only a few dollars, attempt to answer? Our opponents had hundreds of daily newspapers; we had one tabloid weekly. They had hours on the radio to our minutes; and if I used up my time answering falsehoods, what chance would I have to explain how to End Poverty In California? W h a t our enemies wanted was to put me on the defensive, and have me making explanations and apologies, instead of dealing with the thing the people really cared about—their own troubles and the remedy.

CHAPTER XIII The greatest single handicap I had to face in the campaign was "The Profits of Religion." This book was written and published in 1917, in the midst of the World War, and has the bitterness universal at that time. I saw millions of peasant boys being led out to slaughter in the interest of the governing classes of Europe; I saw priests of Jesus blessing the flags, and inciting the mass destruction of the human race. I sat down to study religion from a new point of view—the use, or rather the abuse which had been made of it, "as a source of income and a shield to privilege". The book is a defense of true religion, its purpose being to take the churches out of the hands of ruling classes and exploiters of all kinds.

[63]

I, C A N D I D A T E F O R G O V E R N O R I have before me the campaign literature of the socalled " U n i t e d for California League." H e r e is a fourpage leaflet entitled " U p t o n Sinclair on the Catholic C h u r c h " ; another entitled " U p t o n Sinclair's Opinion of Christian Science"; another entitled " U p t o n Sinclair, Defiler o f all Churches and All Christian Institutions." Originally this label was " D y n a m i t e r ; " on page two they still keep t h a t word. O f these three leaflets nearly ten million were distributed in our S t a t e . A set was mailed to every voter. T h e " D e f i l e r " pamphlet starts off with this quotation from the " P r o f i t s of R e l i g i o n " : " T h e r e are a score of great religions in the world, each with scores or hundreds o f sects, each with its priestly orders, its complicated creed and ritual, its heavens and hells; each damns all the others and each is a mighty fortress of graft." Yes, t h a t is the thesis of the book; and that it is true is my sorrow, not my fault. T h e proofs were all taken from history, and from the utterances of all the churches. J o h n H a y n e s Holmes wrote me: " I must confess t h a t it has fairly made me writhe to read these pages, not because they are untrue or unfair, but on the contrary, because I know them to be the real facts. I love the church as I love my h o m e , and therefore it is no pleasant experience to be made to face such a story as this which you have told. I t had to be done, however, and I am glad you have done i t , for my interest in the c h u r c h , after all, is more or less incidental, whereas my interest in religion is a fundamental thing." In the course o f seventeen years I have received hundreds of letters from clergymen telling me this same thing. A few were brave enough to come forward and say it in California. I quote again from the leaflet: " I t is the thesis of this book t h a t 'Religion' in this sense is a source of income to parasites, and the natural ally of every form of oppression and exploitation. (P. 17)." I f you read t h a t sentence carefully you will note t h a t the crucial words are "in this sense". W h a t do these words refer to? You have to read the book to find out. T h e average voter of California hasn't time to read books, and hasn't a dollar to spare for " T h e Profits of Religion".

[64]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D If he goes to the public library, he finds t h a t all my books are o u t a n d there is a long w a i t i n g l i s t — s o m e times a h u n d r e d n a m e s . T h o s e who p r i n t garbled quot a t i o n s know this s i t u a t i o n . H e r e is the whole of page 17 f r o m m y book; r e a d i t , a n d u n d e r s t a n d how the people of California were lied to. " I t is the f a t e of m a n y a b s t r a c t words to be used in two senses, one good a n d the o t h e r b a d . M o r a l i t y m e a n s the will to r i g h t e o u s n e s s , or it m e a n s A n t h o n y C o m s t o c k ; d e m o c r a c y m e a n s the rule of the p e o p l e , or it m e a n s T a m m a n y H a l l . A n d so it is w i t h the word 'Religion'. In its t r u e sense Religion is t h e m o s t f u n d a m e n t a l of the soul's impulses, the impassioned love of life, the feeling of its preciousness, the desire to foster a n d f u r t h e r it. In t h a t sense every t h i n k i n g m a n m u s t be religious; in t h a t sense Religion is a p e r p e t u a l l y selfrenewing force, t h e very n a t u r e of our being. In t h a t sense I have no t h o u g h t of assailing i t , I would m a k e clear t h a t I hold it beyond a s s a i l m e n t . " B u t we are denied the pleasure of using the word in t h a t h o n e s t sense, because of a n o t h e r which h a s been given to it. To the o r d i n a r y m a n 'Religion' m e a n s , n o t t h e soul's longing for g r o w t h , the ' h u n g e r a n d t h i r s t a f t e r r i g h t e o u s n e s s ' , b u t certain forms in which this h u n g e r h a s m a n i f e s t e d itself in history, a n d prevails tod a y t h r o u g h o u t the w o r l d ; t h a t is to say, i n s t i t u t i o n s h a v i n g fixed d o g m a s a n d ' r e v e l a t i o n s ' , creeds a n d r i t u als, with an a d m i n i s t e r i n g caste claiming s u p e r n a t u r a l s a n c t i o n . By such i n s t i t u t i o n s the m o r a l strivings of t h e r a c e , t h e affections of childhood a n d t h e a s p i r a t i o n s of y o u t h are m a d e the p r e r o g a t i v e s a n d stock in t r a d e of ecclesiastical h i e r a r c h i e s . I t is the thesis of this book t h a t 'Religion' in this sense is a source of income to p a r a s i t e s , a n d t h e n a t u r a l ally of every form of oppression a n d exploitation." I q u o t e again f r o m the leaflet: " H e says the church is a 'sepulchre of c o r r u p t i o n ' (P. 94)". Again I ask you to read the e n t i r e p a r a g r a p h f r o m which this q u o t a t i o n is t a k e n . Bear in m i n d t h a t I am describing my own childhood as a pious little E p i s c o p a l i a n boy in N e w Y o r k , a t t e n d i n g the g r e a t F i f t h A v e n u e c h u r c h e s , a n d h e a r i n g the words of Jesus r e a d , a n d looking a t the worldly c o n g r e g a t i o n ; w a t c h i n g politics a n d business,

[65]

I, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR learning about Tammany Hall, and how it is being used as a tool by the same fashionably dressed gentleman in the pews of these churches. Now read the p a r a g r a p h : "So little by little I saw my beautiful church for what it was and is: a great capitalist interest, an integral and essential part of a gigantic predatory system. I saw that its ethical and cultural and artistic features, however sincerely they might be meant by individual clergymen, were nothing but a bait, a device to lure the poor into the trap of submission to their exploiters. And as I went on probing into the secret life of the great Metropolis of Mammon and laying bare its infamies to the world, I saw the attitude of the church to such work; I met, not sympathy and understanding, but sneers and denunciation—until the venerable institution which had once seemed dignified and noble became to me as a sepulchre of corruption." Again the pamphlet quotes from page 282: "From that time on Christianity has been what I have shown in this book, the chief of the enemies of social progress." In the pamphlet all this sentence except the first four words is printed in black letter. Manifestly, the four words may be important. W h y were they left obscure? The chapter in which the sentence occurs is entitled "Christ and Caesar", and tells how the early Christians were primitive communists, having "all things in common, except women." They tell how the devil tried to tempt Jesus, and failed to get him, but came again to get his church. The Roman Emperor became a Christian, "and Satan went off laughing to himself. He had got everything he had asked from Jesus three hundred years before; he had got the world's greatest religion." How came it that the compilers of the pamphlet failed to note that designation of Christianity as "the world's greatest religion?" And why did they stop with one sentence? W h y not finish the paragraph? Listen: "From that time on Christianity has been what I have shown in this book, the chief of the enemies of social progress. From the days of Constantine to the days of Bismarck and M a r k H a n n a , Christ and Caesar have been one, and the Church has been the shield and armor of predatory economic might. With only one qualification to be noted: that the Church has never been able to suppress entirely the memory of her prole-

[66]

COMINO H O M E

[67]

TO

ROOST.

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R t a r i a n Founder. She h a s done her best, of course; we h a v e seen how her scholars twist his words o u t of their sense, a n d the Catholic C h u r c h even goes so far as to keep to the use of a d e a d l a n g u a g e , so t h a t her victims m a y not h e a r the w o r d s of Jesus in a f o r m they can understand. ' " T i s well t h a t such seditious songs are sung Only by p r i e s t s , a n d in t h e L a t i n t o n g u e ! "

T h e leaflet q u o t e s f r o m page 290: " T h i s book will be d e n o u n c e d f r o m one end of C h r i s t e n d o m to the o t h e r as the w o r k of a b l a s p h e m o u s infidel. (P. 290)." A t the risk of boring the r e a d e r I will c o m p l e t e t h a t p a r a g r a p h also: "Yet it s t a n d s in the direct line of the C h r i s t i a n t r a d i t i o n : w r i t t e n by a m a n who was b r o u g h t u p in the C h u r c h , a n d loved it with all his h e a r t a n d soul, a n d was driven o u t by the f o r m a l i s t s a n d h y p o c r i t e s in high places; a m a n who t h i n k s of Jesus more f r e q u e n t l y a n d with m o r e d e v o t i o n t h a n he t h i n k s of any o t h e r m a n t h a t lives or h a s ever lived on e a r t h ; a n d who h a s b u t one p u r p o s e in all t h a t he says a n d does, to bring into reality the d r e a m t h a t Jesus d r e a m e d of peace on e a r t h a n d good will t o w a r d m e n . " I will go f a r t h e r yet a n d say t h a t n o t merely is this book w r i t t e n for the cause of J e s u s , b u t it is w r i t t e n in t h e m a n n e r of Jesus. We read his b i t t e r railings a t the P h a r i s e e s , a n d miss the p o i n t entirely, because the word P h a r i s e e h a s become to us a word of r e p r o a c h . B u t this is d u e solely to J e s u s ; in his t i m e the word was a holy w o r d , it m e a n t the m o s t o r t h o d o x a n d r e s p e c t a b l e , t h e u l t r a h i g h - c h u r c h devotees of J e r u s a l e m . " T h e book then goes on to q u o t e t h e t w e n t y - t h i r d c h a p t e r of M a t t h e w , b u t s u b s t i t u t i n g A m e r i c a n n a m e s for those w h o m Jesus d e n o u n c e d , a n d using A m e r i c a n l a n g u a g e i n s t e a d of K i n g J a m e s E n g l i s h . In the last d a y s of the c a m p a i g n I h a d the curious experience of h e a r i n g a well-known lawyer of Los Angeles read this e n t i r e passage over the r a d i o ; he t h o u g h t the sentim e n t s were mine! A n d how d r e a d f u l t h e y s o u n d e d : — "Woe u n t o y o u , doctors of divinity a n d M e t h o d i s t s , h y p o c r i t e s ! for you send missionaries to A f r i c a to m a k e one c o n v e r t , a n d when you h a v e m a d e h i m , he is twice as m u c h a child of hell as yourselves."

[68]

AND HOW I GOT LICKED T h e crowning infamy of this leaflet is still to be mentioned. Here are a couple of sentences, taken from page 313 in "Profits of Religion": " W h o does not know the genius of revolt who demonstrates his repudiation or private property by permitting his lady loves to support him? W h o does not know the man who finds in the phrases of revolution the most effective devices for the seducing of young girls?" W h a t do you make of these two sentences, thus taken out of their context? W h a t is anybody to make of them? T h e last sentence is printed in black letters; and why? Manifestly, the ignorant reader is supposed to draw the conclusion t h a t I am in favor of the seducing of young girls, and am recommending the "phrases of revolution" as useful for t h a t purpose. W h a t other reason could there be for the quotation? And now for the facts. Having been brought up in the Church, and holding to the ideals of Jesus, I have been considered an old-fashioned P u r i t a n by several generations of young rebels whom I have seen pass through Greenwich Village. At the end of " T h e Profits of Religion" I preached a sermon to these young people; I pointed out to them t h a t the need of changing the social system does not obviate the need for a personal morality. Read my words to the young radicals of America, and judge whether I am advocating vice: " I t is our f u n d a m e n t a l demand t h a t society shall cease to repeat over and over the blunders of the past, the blunders of tyranny and slavery, of luxury and poverty, which wrecked the ancient societies; and surely it is a poor way to begin by repeating in our own persons the most ancient blunders of the moral life. To light the fires of lust in our hearts, and let them smoulder there, and imagine we are trying new experiments in psychology! W h o does not know the radical woman who demonstrates her emancipation from convention by destroying her nerves with nicotine? Who does not know the genius of revolt who demonstrates his repudiation of private property by permitting his lady loves to support him? Who does not know the man who finds in the phrases of revolution the most effective devices for the seducing of young girls? "You will read this book to ill purpose if you draw the conclusion t h a t there is anything in it to spare you

[69]

I, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR the duty of getting yourself moral standards and holding yourself to them. On the contrary, because your task is the highest and hardest that man has yet undertaken—for this reason you will need standards the most exacting ever formulated". W h a t was the effect of all these falsehoods? Franklin K. Hichborn, well-known California publicist, tells me of talking with two Portuguese fishermen on the beach. They had registered Democratic, and voted for me in the primary, but were going to vote for Merriam in the finals. "They say that if we vote for Sinclair, the Virgin will be angry." Another friend writes: "You were beaten by the Catholic and Christian Science vote."

C H A P T E R XIV Soon after the EPIC movement started I was invited to address the Los Angeles Democratic Club, and a stern-looking elder statesman, General Somebody, arose and demanded to know whether I had voted for A1 Smith for President. I told him that I had never voted any but the Socialist ticket in my life. He then asked sarcastically if I did not think it presumptous of so young a Democrat to aspire to party leadership in the great State of California. I answered in the words of Pitt to Walpole: "The heinous crime of being young, with which the honorable gentleman has charged me, I shall attempt neither to palliate nor to deny." However, the problem of who was to lead the Democratic party was one which the voters would decide, and all good Democrats would abide by their decision. The California law permits the voter to register as a member of any party, and he can file as a candidate on any ticket, regardless of how he is registered. In order to vote for EPIC candidates at the primaries, the voter had to be registered as a Democrat; and we took to having deputy registrars in the lobby at every meeting to take the changes. After our big meeting so many people would change that the registrars in that town would run out of blanks. In Pomona the deputy regis-

[70]

I, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR the duty of getting yourself moral standards and holding yourself to them. On the contrary, because your task is the highest and hardest that man has yet undertaken—for this reason you will need standards the most exacting ever formulated". W h a t was the effect of all these falsehoods? Franklin K. Hichborn, well-known California publicist, tells me of talking with two Portuguese fishermen on the beach. They had registered Democratic, and voted for me in the primary, but were going to vote for Merriam in the finals. "They say that if we vote for Sinclair, the Virgin will be angry." Another friend writes: "You were beaten by the Catholic and Christian Science vote."

C H A P T E R XIV Soon after the EPIC movement started I was invited to address the Los Angeles Democratic Club, and a stern-looking elder statesman, General Somebody, arose and demanded to know whether I had voted for A1 Smith for President. I told him that I had never voted any but the Socialist ticket in my life. He then asked sarcastically if I did not think it presumptous of so young a Democrat to aspire to party leadership in the great State of California. I answered in the words of Pitt to Walpole: "The heinous crime of being young, with which the honorable gentleman has charged me, I shall attempt neither to palliate nor to deny." However, the problem of who was to lead the Democratic party was one which the voters would decide, and all good Democrats would abide by their decision. The California law permits the voter to register as a member of any party, and he can file as a candidate on any ticket, regardless of how he is registered. In order to vote for EPIC candidates at the primaries, the voter had to be registered as a Democrat; and we took to having deputy registrars in the lobby at every meeting to take the changes. After our big meeting so many people would change that the registrars in that town would run out of blanks. In Pomona the deputy regis-

[70]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D t r a r was a s t r o n g R e p u b l i c a n , a n d became i n d i g n a n t a t h a v i n g to t a k e the depositions of so m a n y d e s e r t e r s f r o m his p a r t y . H e r e f u s e d to t a k e m o r e , a n d when this was r e p o r t e d to the c o u n t y r e g i s t r a r he said t h a t the solution of the problem would be to m a k e one of our people a d e p u t y . P r e s i d e n t Roosevelt h a d been the cause of m a n y new v o t e r s j o i n i n g the D e m o c r a t i c p a r t y in 1932, b u t this h a d s t o p p e d a f t e r his election. N o w h a d come a new wave of c h a n g e s . Between J a n u a r y 1 a n d J u l y 19, 1934, nearly 350,000 new D e m o c r a t s c a m e i n t o t h e p a r t y ; a n d we E P I C S t h o u g h t we knew w h a t they m e a n t . We were g e t t i n g precinct r e p o r t s f r o m all over the S t a t e , a n d learned of two or t h r e e precincts in which every registered D e m o c r a t w a s for u s . In a cons e r v a t i v e town like S a n t a B a r b a r a , o u r precinct workers r e p o r t e d 52% of D e m o c r a t s for us on the first visit, a n d a f t e r we h a d left some l i t e r a t u r e a n d come back a g a i n , 90% were for us. O u r rivals for the n o m i n a t i o n m a d e e a r n e s t efforts to p e r s u a d e me to w i t h d r a w ; t h e y m a d e efforts to get the help of the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , a n d claimed success w h e t h e r they h a d it or n o t . P o s t m a s t e r General Farley c a m e to open a new postoffice; a n d since he was also C h a i r m a n of the D e m o c r a t i c N a t i o n a l C o m m i t t e e , all c a n d i d a t e s owed him their respects a n d c l a m o r e d for his blessing. Seven of t h e m c l a m o r e d for him to r e p u d i a t e the "Socialist interloper." I was invited to a t t e n d a luncheon given in his h o n o r by W a r n e r B r o t h e r s , the only D e m o c r a t s a m o n g t h e m o t i o n p i c t u r e m a g n a t e s ; an e l a b o r a t e affair, served on a set p r e p a r e d for a p i c t u r e of H a w a i i , with music a n d e n t e r t a i n m e n t a n d little speeches by the local political celebrities. Truly f u n n y were the p r e c a u t i o n s t a k e n to deal with all the eight would-be governors u p o n an equal basis. T h e y were placed at exactly the s a m e dist a n c e from Mr. Farley's t h r o n e , a n d a safe distance a p a r t from one a n o t h e r . E a c h was called u p o n in t u r n to t a k e a bow, b u t none was p e r m i t t e d to s p e a k . T h e Socialist interloper shook h a n d s with Mr. Farley a n d c h a t t e d for a m i n u t e or t w o — w h e r e u p o n the r e p o r t e r s c a m e r u n n i n g u p to ask w h a t we h a d t a l k e d a b o u t . M r . F a r l e y said t h a t we h a d t a l k e d a b o u t the w e a t h e r , a n d I agreed with h i m .

[71]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R Farley w e n t a w a y w i t h o u t giving any sign as to his a t t i t u d e ; a p r o c e d u r e which broke the h e a r t s of all t h e o t h e r seven c a n d i d a t e s . G e n e r a l J o h n s o n of t h e N R A c a m e a few days later, fresh f r o m h a v i n g helped to s m a s h t h e San Francisco s t r i k e . H e was George Creel's boss, a n d gave the Creel crowd his blessing; w h e r e u p o n all the o t h e r c a n d i d a t e s g n a s h e d their t e e t h a n d despised G e n e r a l J o h n s o n . I h a d s t a t e d m y a t t i t u d e t o w a r d s the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n a t the very o u t s e t . We were t r y i n g to get California's s h a r e of the N e w Deal by o u r own efforts. I personally m a d e no secret of m y d i s a p p r o v a l of p a r t s of the N e w D e a l — t h e d e s t r u c t i o n of f o o d , the l i m i t a t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n , the t u r n i n g of the N R A into a price-fixing m a chine for big business. A n o t h e r f e a t u r e , the Tennessee Valley e x p e r i m e n t , I hailed with d e l i g h t , a n d called on the people of California to do s o m e t h i n g like t h a t for themselves. I h a d a f o r m u l a a b o u t the P r e s i d e n t which I h a d been r e p e a t i n g all over the S t a t e . I r e p e a t e d it to him when we m e t . " I m i g h t h a v e j o i n e d the R e p u b l i c a n p a r t y , b u t I saw t h a t it was the p a r t y of H e r b e r t H o o ver, a n d I t h o u g h t M r . H o o v e r m i g h t be u n h a p p y if I j o i n e d his p a r t y . I looked a t t h e D e m o c r a t i c p a r t y a n d saw t h a t it h a d given us in the W h i t e H o u s e a m a n w h o h a s n o t merely a kind h e a r t b u t also an open m i n d . " T h e r e would be a p p l a u s e a t t h i s ; a n d I would a d d : " T h a t is a r a r e c o m b i n a t i o n in a s t a t e s m a n , a n d it's a lot b e t t e r luck t h a n you d e s e r v e . If you h a d known in 1932 w h a t F r a n k l i n R o o s e v e l t was going to do to y o u , you would all h a v e v o t e d for H o o v e r . M a n y of m y f r i e n d s urged me to learn f r o m Roosevelt's e x a m p l e , a n d n o t tell e v e r y t h i n g I knew. B u t I h a v e s p e n t m y whole life l e a r n i n g to say w h a t I t h i n k . T h e p u r p o s e of the E P I C c a m p a i g n was to teach the people of California the idea of p r o d u c t i o n for use. I told t h e m exactly w h a t was in my m i n d , and I told t h e m it was far m o r e i m p o r t a n t for t h e m to u n d e r s t a n d the causes of the depression t h a n for me to be elected governor. Because of t h a t , I am able to t a k e c o m f o r t in our e n o r m o u s v o t e . T h o s e people really knew w h a t they were doing. E v e n our b i t t e r e s t o p p o n e n t s know in their h e a r t s t h a t we c o n d u c t e d an h o n e s t c a m p a i g n . We did n o t

[72]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D reply to p e r s o n a l i t i e s — u n l e s s with l a u g h t e r . We t h a n k e d t h e m for a d v e r t i s i n g our cause i n s t e a d of their own p l a n s . We answered every question of o u r a u d i e n c e s — I figure somewhere between five a n d ten thousand questions. We advised people to question the other c a n d i d a t e s — a n d this worried t h e c a n d i d a t e s greatly. George Creel, s p e a k i n g in a t h e a t r e , would s t e p back when he finished, a n d h a v e the c u r t a i n d r o p quickly. On occasions he a n d Wardell tried to argue with our p e o p l e , a n d lost their t e m p e r s a n d left the p l a t f o r m ; one of our s p e a k e r s then took over the m e e t i n g . If you t u r n e d on the radio in t h e closing d a y s you h e a r d n o t h ing, b u t E P I C for or a g a i n s t . An u n p r e c e d e n t e d t h i n g in a p r i m a r y — t h e rival R e p u b l i c a n c a n d i d a t e s s t o p p e d d e n o u n c i n g one a n o t h e r , a n d took to telling their audiences how a b s u r d a n d u n - A m e r i c a n a n d a n a r c h i s t i c a n d atheistic was the promise to E n d P o v e r t y I n C a l i f o r n i a . T h e p r i m a r y election c a m e on t h e 28th of A u g u s t , a n d our people closed the c a m p a i g n in a whirlwind of e n t h u s i a s m . We h a d literally h u n d r e d s of m e e t i n g s every n i g h t of the last w e e k . I could n o t d o u b t our precinct r e p o r t s , a n d h a d m a d e u p m y m i n d two m o n t h s a h e a d t h a t we were going to win. T h e m a r g i n proved to be so g r e a t we knew the result half an h o u r a f t e r the polls closed. T h e v o t e for the D e m o c r a t i c n o m i n a t i o n w a s : Sinclair, 436,000; Creel, 288,000; W a r d e l l , 48,000; M i l t o n K . Y o u n g , 41,000; a n d a few t h o u s a n d for each of t h e o t h e r s . T h e R e p u b l i c a n votes were divided a m o n g four c a n d i d a t e s . M e r r i a m , who h a d been LieutenantG o v e r n o r , a n d h a d become acting G o v e r n o r when R o l p h d i e d , received 346,000. F o r m e r G o v e r n o r C . C . Young received 231,000; Q u i n n , a s u p e r v i s o r of Los Angeles county, 153,000 a n d R a y m o n d L . H a i g h t , 84,000. T h e t o t a l D e m o c r a t i c v o t e w a s slightly g r e a t e r t h a n the R e p u b l i c a n , a n d the v o t e for the "Socialist i n t e r l o p e r " exceeded t h a t of all his seven rivals. T h e e x t e n t of the " R e d " peril in C a l i f o r n i a m a y be j u d g e d f r o m the fact t h a t the C o m m u n i s t v o t e was 1072, a n d the Socialist 2521.

[73]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R C H A P T E R XV T h e news t h a t a f o r m e r Socialist h a d c a p t u r e d t h e D e m o c r a t i c n o m i n a t i o n by the biggest v o t e ever polled in a C a l i f o r n i a p r i m a r y , of course c r e a t e d a t r e m e n d o u s sensation t h r o u g h o u t the country. E v e r y b o d y agreed t h a t it was a p o r t e n t . To the c o n s e r v a t i v e s it m e a n t t h a t t h e N e w Deal was m a r c h i n g s t r a i g h t into C o m m u n i s m ; to f o r w a r d - l o o k i n g persons it m e a n t t h a t we h a d f o u n d how to win the A m e r i c a n people. M y v o t e was seven times w h a t I h a d been able to get in the best of m y t h r e e previous v e n t u r e s into California politics. To me personally it m e a n t t h a t my h o m e was t u r n e d o v e r n i g h t i n t o a m a d h o u s e . W h i l e we were a n s w e r i n g the t e l e p h o n e the f r o n t doorbell was ringing, a n d before we could get away f r o m the door the t e l e p h o n e was ringing a g a i n . O u r living room became a motion pict u r e s t u d i o , a p h o t o g r a p h gallery, a n e w s p a p e r office, a conference place for politicians. All the D e m o c r a t s of California w a n t e d to see m e ; they would c o m e , a n d find me s t a n d i n g on the lawn m a k i n g speeches before newsreel c a m e r a s , or being p h o t o g r a p h e d at m y desk or my t y p e w r i t e r , or hoeing weeds in m y g a r d e n , or g a t h e r i n g figs f r o m my fig t r e e , or s h a k i n g one finger or two fists at imaginary audiences. I seldom m a k e such g e s t u r e s , b u t I h a d to look as if I were m a k i n g t h e m at t h e h o r d e of p h o t o g r a p h e r s . M y wife insisted t h a t the n e w s p a p e r s picked o u t the very worst of those p h o t o g r a p h s and sent t h e m over t h e c o u n t r y — t h e ones in which I was f r o w n i n g because of the s u n , or in which I looked h a g g a r d a n d wild because of the flashlight, a n d because I w a s tired a n d h a r r a s s e d . C o n s i d e r i n g e v e r y t h i n g else t h e n e w s p a p e r s did to u s , this suspicion did n o t seem u n r e a s o n a b l e . F r o m the m o m e n t I read the election results m y t h o u g h t s t u r n e d to W a s h i n g t o n a n d N e w York. I was seeking to influence n o t merely California b u t the whole country. O u r slogan, E n d P o v e r t y In C a l i f o r n i a , really m e a n t to me E n d P o v e r t y In Civilization. N e w York was the c e n t r e of the c o u n t r y ' s t h i n k i n g ; t h e big m a g a zines w e n t o u t f r o m t h e r e , a n d I w a n t e d t h e m to tell a b o u t our m o v e m e n t . Also I w a n t e d to see P r e s i d e n t R o o s e v e l t , a n d explain m y p u r p o s e s to h i m . As a n o m i n e e of his p a r t y ,

[74]

A Great Help He Turned Out to Re!

Frora the Los Angeles " E x a m i n e r "

[75]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R I felt that I owed him the courtesy of a call. Equally important was the fact that if I became Governor, I would have to deal with his administrators in Washington; the men who held the purse-strings, and would decide the fate of our E P I C p r o g r a m . I wanted to meet these men face to face, and get their reaction to my ideas. T h e President was spending his vacation at his mother's countryplace in H y d e P a r k , up the H u d s o n river. I had written to say that if I carried the primary, I would seek the privilege of meeting him. On the day after election I sent a telegram asking for an appointment. In reply came a long message from Secretary M c l n t y r e , explaining the President's a t t i t u d e . H e had publicly declared his position, that he would take no part in S t a t e elections. If I called to see him, he would be glad to meet me, but politics would not be discussed. Of course I understood what that m e a n t , and telegraphed immediately that I accepted the conditions, and would leave on T h u r s d a y , arriving in N e w York on Monday, and seeing the President the next day. I appreciated Roosevelt's position fully. H e had to carry the N o v e m b e r elections, not merely in California but throughout the nation. T h e nomination of an exSocialist put him very much "on the spot". T h e Democrats of California had endorsed me, and I would come running eagerly to him, wearing this large and shiny m e d a l , and expecting him to receive me with open a r m s . If he did so, what would be the reaction of the other forty-seven S t a t e s , which had not nominated any Socialists? What would the Republican N a t i o n a l Committee make of the incident? W h a t would be said by the newly organized American Liberty League—which I had described as a league of liberty for millionaires? T h e President had a host of congressmen and senators to think a b o u t , and if he gained the California delegation and lost those of N e w York, M a s s a c h u s e t t s , and Pennsylvania, it would be a poor swap. I traveled with Robert Brownell, a S t a n f o r d graduate who had joined our campaign committee, and Crane G a r t z , son of M r s . K a t e Crane-Gartz. We were started off by a cheering crowd, and of course the usual group of reporters, and photographers with flashlights which fail to go off and m a k e it necessary for you to shake

[76]

ON THE WEST COAST

[77]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R y o u r finger or your two fists all over a g a i n . I t seemed as if there w a s h a r d l y a s t a t i o n between P a s a d e n a a n d N e w York a t which we did n o t receive a t e l e g r a m ; req u e s t s for i n t e r v i e w s , r e q u e s t s for m a g a z i n e articles, bulletins f r o m our c o m m i t t e e , a message f r o m my wife i n f o r m i n g me t h a t t h e Los Angeles " H e r a l d " h a d q u o t e d me as saying t h a t our E P I C P l a n was the same as the R u s s i a n s were d o i n g , a n d to please d e n y it i m m e diately. In between s t a t i o n s I gave a final revision to the m a n u s c r i p t of " I m m e d i a t e E P I C " , a n d mailed it back in i n s t a l l m e n t s for o u r paper. Bob Brownell sat in ano t h e r c o m p a r t m e n t a n d p o u n d e d away at his p o r t a b l e t y p e w r i t e r . A f t e r a year of p r a c t i c e , Bob h a d learned to write E P I C interviews a n d articles so successfully t h a t nobody could tell t h e m f r o m m i n e , a n d if I ever sort o u t those boxes of clippings I won't h a v e an idea which is w h i c h . T h e r e c a m e a t e l e g r a m f r o m E d w a r d N o c k e l s of the Chicago F e d e r a t i o n of Labor, asking if I would s t o p a t t h e Fair a n d a d d r e s s a L a b o r D a y m e e t i n g on S u n d a y a f t e r n o o n ; the radio s t a t i o n owned by t h e Chicago w o r k e r s would be at m y disposal with a n a t i o n - w i d e h o o k - u p . I a c c e p t e d , a n d asked if I would h a v e to prep a r e copy, a n d so m a d e t h e discovery t h a t the " F e d e r a l r e g u l a t i o n s " which h a d been applied to me in California were n o t k n o w n in C h i c a g o . M a y o r L a G u a r d i a of N e w York was in C h i c a g o , int e n d i n g to speak to the s a m e audience on M o n d a y . I s p e n t an h o u r in his hotel r o o m , a n d he asked all a b o u t E P I C , a n d I p o i n t e d o u t how he could s t a r t t h e idle shoe a n d clothing factories of his city a t m a k i n g goods for the u n e m p l o y e d , a n d exchanging t h e m for the surplus food p r o d u c e d u p s t a t e by the f a r m e r s . I c o n j u r e d before his m i n d a t r u c k i n g system which would t a k e the f a c t o r y p r o d u c t s to the c o u n t r y a n d bring back the food to the h u n g r y people of t h e N e w York t e n e m e n t s . M a y o r L a G u a r d i a was deeply i n t e r e s t e d b u t feared it would t a k e a long t i m e to get such a project s t a r t e d . I was n o t able to see why it should t a k e a long t i m e , a n d I never h a v e seen b u t one r e a s o n — t h a t public officials are m o r e a f r a i d of the m o n e y of big business t h a n they are of t h e votes of i g n o r a n t a n d misguided a n d helpless poor people.

[78]

AND HOW I GOT LICKED LaGuardia has in New York City exactly the same situation as we in California; the same population—six or seven millions, and the same number of unemployed workers; the same deficit, and the same clamor by the taxpayers against piling up of debts. I told him I would start a New York EPIC Committee, and I herewith commend it to the attention of all who read this book. The address is 112 East 19th Street, and the persons in charge are my friends, Horace A. Davis and Philip Hurn. It was a rainy day in Chicago. An outdoor meeting had been planned, and the thousands who came could not get into the hall. However, the radio was there, and I talked for half an hour to the audience of W C F L , the Chicago Federation of Labor, and then for another half hour to the same audience plus a chain of other stations. In the first half hour I told how we had built up the EPIC movement; the second speech dealt with our plan to End Poverty In California, and how this could be applied by the people of other States and of the whole nation. From the audience in the hall I had the same reaction as in California; intense interest, and an instant response to every point. Let no politician have any doubt in his mind—the American people are awake, and are going to find a solution to the problem of want in the midst of abundance. We arrived at the Pennsylvania Station in New York, and a deputation of reporters met us; we repaired to the Algonquin Hotel, and for an hour or so answered questions about the EPIC movement. After you get through there is always a belated reporter, and then another; they present apologies and beg your indulgence, and you tell your story and answer the questions all over again. Meanwhile there are six or eight cameramen telling you to uncross your legs, or to hold the telephone receiver, or to stand against this dark curtain; and the flashlight bulbs that don't flash, but make more delays and apologies. Then the newsreel men, who take an hour or so to set up their apparatus, and blind your eyes with their kleig lights; you made your two minute speech about the meaning of EPIC, and they ask you to make it again for a close-up, and they ask the second half again, because one camera ran out of film, or something. Meanwhile the telephone is ring-

[79]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R ing every t w o m i n u t e s in t h r e e different rooms a n d t h r e e secretaries bring messages, a n d m a g a z i n e editors come to c o n t r a c t for articles, a n d an a r t i s t to sketch your p o r t r a i t , a n d your old f r i e n d s s t a n d a r o u n d a n d w a i t for a chance to say hello. T h i s is the price of t a k i n g p a r t in public life in A m e r i c a . You h a v e to learn to t h i n k on your f e e t , a n d to t h i n k a b o u t several things a t once. You s p e a k knowing t h a t if you m a k e a single m i s t a k e , you h a v e lost your cause, a n d the hopes of a million people. You h a v e to h a v e a cast iron s t o m a c h , or else be wise enough n o t to e a t u n t i l t h e e x c i t e m e n t is over. You m u s t go on w i t h o u t knowing t h a t you are e x h a u s t e d . F o r t u n a t e l y for m e , I h a d a whole year in which to learn m y E P I C lesson; f o r t u n a t e l y , also, I h a v e s t u d i e d psychology a n d p r a c t i c e d w h a t I l e a r n e d , so t h a t when I go to bed a t one or two o'clock in the m o r n i n g with a dozen d y n a m o s w h i r r i n g in my b r a i n , I am able to s t o p t h e m a n d go to sleep w i t h o u t d r u g s .

C H A P T E R XVI I h a d t e l e p h o n e d the P r e s i d e n t ' s secretary, Mr. M c I n t y r e , a t H y d e P a r k , a n d confirmed the a p p o i n t m e n t for the following a f t e r n o o n . I said to h i m : "I w a n t to m a k e it plain t h a t I a p p r e c i a t e the P r e s i d e n t ' s position a n d don't i n t e n d to e m b a r r a s s h i m . I am not coming to m a k e his h o m e into a s o u n d i n g - b o a r d for m y ideas. I w a n t him to feel free to say w h a t he pleases to m e , a n d you m a y assure him t h a t he m a y c o u n t u p o n m y discretion." I was not asked to say t h i s , b u t v o l u n teered it, a n d I h a v e no d o u b t t h a t it a c c o u n t e d in p a r t for the P r e s i d e n t ' s f r a n k n e s s a t our m e e t i n g . A f r i e n d d r o v e our p a r t y t h e eighty miles or so u p t h e H u d s o n , a n d I saw the a u t u m n woods for the first t i m e in y e a r s . T h e fifth of S e p t e m b e r is early, b u t alr e a d y t h e s u m a c h was t u r n i n g r e d . In woods like these I used to h u n t r a b b i t s , p a r t r i d g e s a n d deer, a n d once in m y y o u t h I rode a bicycle over t h a t road u p the H u d s o n a n d i n t o the A d i r o n d a c k s . T h e Albany p o s t road it used to be called; they h a v e p a v e d it since t h e n ,

[80]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R ing every t w o m i n u t e s in t h r e e different rooms a n d t h r e e secretaries bring messages, a n d m a g a z i n e editors come to c o n t r a c t for articles, a n d an a r t i s t to sketch your p o r t r a i t , a n d your old f r i e n d s s t a n d a r o u n d a n d w a i t for a chance to say hello. T h i s is the price of t a k i n g p a r t in public life in A m e r i c a . You h a v e to learn to t h i n k on your f e e t , a n d to t h i n k a b o u t several things a t once. You s p e a k knowing t h a t if you m a k e a single m i s t a k e , you h a v e lost your cause, a n d the hopes of a million people. You h a v e to h a v e a cast iron s t o m a c h , or else be wise enough n o t to e a t u n t i l t h e e x c i t e m e n t is over. You m u s t go on w i t h o u t knowing t h a t you are e x h a u s t e d . F o r t u n a t e l y for m e , I h a d a whole year in which to learn m y E P I C lesson; f o r t u n a t e l y , also, I h a v e s t u d i e d psychology a n d p r a c t i c e d w h a t I l e a r n e d , so t h a t when I go to bed a t one or two o'clock in the m o r n i n g with a dozen d y n a m o s w h i r r i n g in my b r a i n , I am able to s t o p t h e m a n d go to sleep w i t h o u t d r u g s .

C H A P T E R XVI I h a d t e l e p h o n e d the P r e s i d e n t ' s secretary, Mr. M c I n t y r e , a t H y d e P a r k , a n d confirmed the a p p o i n t m e n t for the following a f t e r n o o n . I said to h i m : "I w a n t to m a k e it plain t h a t I a p p r e c i a t e the P r e s i d e n t ' s position a n d don't i n t e n d to e m b a r r a s s h i m . I am not coming to m a k e his h o m e into a s o u n d i n g - b o a r d for m y ideas. I w a n t him to feel free to say w h a t he pleases to m e , a n d you m a y assure him t h a t he m a y c o u n t u p o n m y discretion." I was not asked to say t h i s , b u t v o l u n teered it, a n d I h a v e no d o u b t t h a t it a c c o u n t e d in p a r t for the P r e s i d e n t ' s f r a n k n e s s a t our m e e t i n g . A f r i e n d d r o v e our p a r t y t h e eighty miles or so u p t h e H u d s o n , a n d I saw the a u t u m n woods for the first t i m e in y e a r s . T h e fifth of S e p t e m b e r is early, b u t alr e a d y t h e s u m a c h was t u r n i n g r e d . In woods like these I used to h u n t r a b b i t s , p a r t r i d g e s a n d deer, a n d once in m y y o u t h I rode a bicycle over t h a t road u p the H u d s o n a n d i n t o the A d i r o n d a c k s . T h e Albany p o s t road it used to be called; they h a v e p a v e d it since t h e n ,

[80]

AND HOW I GOT LICKED but it still wanders here and there through old towns like Yonkers, following paths that were laid out by cows three hundred years ago. A State trooper met us at the gate and checked us in. Franklin Roosevelt is a country squire with many acres and a beautiful home where he has lived all his life. His ways have been made smooth, and it is only natural that when men of his own class come to see him he should find it easy to understand their point of view and yield to their persuasions. It is always a task to make real to such a person the sufferings of the millions of forgotten men who own no estates and no homes, and do not know where they are to get the food for their wives and children next day. I must explain my attitude toward Franklin D. Roosevelt. I do not think I have ever been more curious about any man in my life. I had watched him as Governor of New York and as candidate for the Presidency. I had seen him confront the breakdown of our banking system, the most difficult situation faced by any incoming President since Lincoln's day. I had watched for eighteen months his efforts to bring back prosperity. M y knowledge of economics taught me that a few of these efforts were sound, while most were completely futile. There were two possibilities: he might be blindly groping; or he might be a wise man, letting the people have their own way and learn by their own blunders. Which was it? Of one thing I was and still am certain: the whole future of America depends upon what is in that man's mind. The profit system is crumbling before our eyes, and there are only two alternatives—social ownership and operation of the industrial plant, or else Fascism, which I have defined as "capitalism plus murder." And Roosevelt is going to decide which it shall be. Nothing except his death can keep him from being re-elected in 1936, and by 1940 the issue will have been fought to a finish. So I went into that fine old home possessed with an intense curiosity; also of a resolution, which was modest, I hope, but firm. All my thinking life I have been studying depressions, and for more than thirty years I have been claiming to know the cause and the remedy. To a hundred audiences up and down my home State I

[81]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R h a d said, w i t h o u t any h e s i t a t i o n or a p o l o g y : "I know how to end poverty." T h e r e were several things t h a t I w a n t e d to tell the P r e s i d e n t , a n d m e a n t to tell h i m if he could be got to listen. T h e p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n which p u t him "on the s p o t " is now p a s t . H e h a s got his election, an o v e r w h e l m i n g m a j o r i t y in both the S e n a t e a n d the H o u s e — i n spite of his h a v i n g shown c o u r t e s y to a "Socialist interloper." Also, I am o u t of his way, so t h e r e is no longer any h a r m to be done by m y telling a b o u t t h a t i n t e r v i e w — especially since I h a v e n o t h i n g b u t kind a n d g r a t e f u l t h i n g s to say. Of course I shall not tell any of the personal t h i n g s t h a t he s a i d , either a b o u t himself, or a b o u t his aides in W a s h i n g t o n , or a b o u t t h e D e m o c r a t i c oliticians of California (how some of t h e i r ears would urn!) or a b o u t the g r e a t b a n k e r s of San Francisco (even t h o u g h they p u t u p t h e m o n e y to f r u s t r a t e m y cause!) I was escorted i n t o a library with logs b u r n i n g in the fireplace. T h e P r e s i d e n t was s i t t i n g in a large l e a t h e r chair which h a s a brass p l a t e with some kind of inscription— a g i f t , I s u p p o s e , to one of his f o r e f a t h e r s . H e h a d a table before him with a s t a c k of d o c u m e n t s a foot or two h i g h . H i s first r e m a r k was: "You see how far behind I am in m y work." I told him we all m a r veled t h a t he was so far a h e a d with it. H e is a powerfully built m a n with a large h e a d , a n d his physical infirmity is n o t a p p a r e n t unless you look for it. H e is a w a r m - h e a r t e d a n d genial p e r s o n ; you feel t h a t he likes you a n d is i n t e r e s t e d in t a l k i n g to y o u . H e could h a r d l y keep t h a t u p all the t i m e unless it was genuine on his p a r t . H e likes to t a l k . H e tells stories w i t h g u s t o , elabor a t i n g the d e t a i l s . T h e ones he told me were all to the p o i n t , a n d I did n o t h a v e to feign i n t e r e s t in t h e m . H e told me w h a t h a p p e n e d when all the b a n k s closed; how in San Francisco a g r o u p of insiders a t t e m p t e d to use the Federal R e s e r v e B a n k to p u t two of their rivals o u t of business. I f o u n d a f t e r w a r d s t h a t this s t o r y is generally known in financial circles, so it c a n n o t do any h a r m for me to m e n t i o n i t — e x c e p t for w h a t the Presid e n t told me a b o u t his own p a r t in t h e affair. W h e n he got t h r o u g h I said: "I h a v e m e t two P r e s i d e n t s in m y life. T h e o t h e r was T h e o d o r e , a n d I don't know which of you is the more indiscreet." H e t h r e w his h e a d back a n d l a u g h e d heartily.

E

[82]

WATCHING

.

.

.

.

-

From the San Frenciico "New«"

[83]

-

By Rodger

I, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR Of course there was nothing to the pretense that we were not going to talk politics. I found that he knew all about the California situation, and I asked him if he had all the other forty-seven States as well in mind. He told me about politics in Washington, and told me whom to see there; I afterwards learned that he had arranged for them to see me. In short, he was as kind to me as a man could have been. But do not think that I was taken in by personal charm, or the honor of being cordially received by a President. I had all my thoughts concentrated upon one question—how much does this man know? How well is he equipped mentally for the tasks he has to perform? No good stories and no personal favors were going to keep me from getting that information. I found that he had read my book and knew the EPIC Plan. I told him our situation regarding unemployment. I told him my firm conviction that he had ten million permanently unemployed men and their families to care for. To keep them on the dole would pile up the public debt and drive the nation into bankruptcy. There was only one possible solution, to put them at productive labor and let them produce what they were going to consume. He understood all that clearly, and after we had discussed it at length he said about as follows: " M y advisers tell me that I have to talk to the people again over the radio and explain to them what I am doing. I am going to give that talk in two sections. The first will deal with general problems, and the second will deal with unemployment. I am coming out in favor of production for use." To that I said: "If you will do that, Mr. President, it will elect me." He said, "That is what I am going to do. It will be somewhere about the 25th of October." You can imagine that from that time on the 25th of October was a prominent day in my thoughts! Later on I shall tell what happened. We discussed the crisis and its meaning, and I had a chance to cover all the points I had in mind. We are piling up the public debt, and when it comes to the point that we cannot borrow any more, we shall have to start inflation—real inflation, not merely pretended,

[84]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D as we h a v e h a d so far. W h e n t h a t m o n e y is p r i n t e d , it can be s p e n t for doles, a n d we h a v e got no f u r t h e r with our p r o b l e m ; b u t if we spend it as a capital i n v e s t m e n t for the benefit of the u n e m p l o y e d , we m a k e t h e m selfs u p p o r t i n g , a n d we solve the problem for the p r e s e n t . In the process of inflation we should be doing to the s t o c k - a n d - b o n d - o w n i n g classes no more t h a n they h a v e been doing to us t h r o u g h o u t A m e r i c a n history. T h e y got possession of the p r o d u c t i v e m a c h i n e r y by w a t e r i n g stocks a n d bonds a n d m a n i p u l a t i n g m a r k e t s . We would get possession back to us by w a t e r i n g the currency. We discussed the C e n t r a l Valley p r o j e c t , a n d t h e m e t h o d by which t h e E P I C m o v e m e n t would u n d e r t a k e it u p o n a p r o d u c t i o n for use basis. Also our E P I C t a x — a tax payable a t the option of the S t a t e in goods a n d services. W i t h the g r e a t p r o d u c t i v e p l a n t of California r u n n i n g at forty p e r c e n t of capacity, it is h a r d for the c o r p o r a t i o n s to p a y taxes in c a s h , b u t t h e y could p a y in p r o d u c t i o n , a n d in so doing would p u t tens of t h o u s a n d s of laborers at w o r k , a n d at the s a m e t i m e the S t a t e would h a v e for the C e n t r a l Valley project g r e a t q u a n t i t i e s of lumber, c e m e n t , rock a n d g r a v e l , steel, oil, e t c . We would h a v e all the utility services, l i g h t , h e a t , power, telephones a n d t e l e g r a p h s , a n d t r a n s p o r t a tion by t r u c k a n d r a i l r o a d . T h i s E P I C tax was new to h i m , a n d it gave me a test of his m i n d . H e w e n t s t r a i g h t t h r o u g h i t ; it was like seeing a bunch of firecrackers go off. "Yes, it would be this w a y ; b u t w h a t would it do to t h a t , a n d how would it affect such a n d s u c h ? " H e answered the q u e s t i o n s himself, or took the answers o u t of m y m o u t h . I saw it was his own m i n d w o r k i n g , not j u s t things which o t h e r men h a d b r o u g h t to h i m . W i t h all the o t h e r m a t t e r s I f o u n d t h a t he was familiar. I s t a r t e d on o n e , a n d he s a i d , "Yes, t h a t ' s imp o r t a n t . I was t a l k i n g with So-and-so a b o u t it yesterday." I began on a n o t h e r a n d he said: "Yes, I am h a v i n g So-and-so p r e p a r e me a p a p e r on t h a t . " Finally I l a u g h e d a n d said: " I see you don't need me." H i s a t t i t u d e t o w a r d s social changes was s u m m e d u p in one s e n t e n c e , " I c a n n o t go any f a s t e r t h a n the people will let me." T h a t , of course, fitted in with w h a t I h a d been saying to the people of C a l i f o r n i a : " I t ' s u p to you."

[85]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R I said to the P r e s i d e n t : " T h e people of my S t a t e will let you know w h a t t h e y are t h i n k i n g ! " I h a v e never read Miss E m i l y P o s t , a n d did n o t know how long one was supposed to visit a P r e s i d e n t . I h a d e n t e r e d a t five o'clock a n d expected to leave a t a b o u t six; b u t the P r e s i d e n t was t a l k i n g , a n d seemed to be i n t e r e s t e d in w h a t he was s a y i n g , a n d it didn't seem c o u r t e o u s to s t o p h i m . I do not know how long he m i g h t h a v e gone on to e n t e r t a i n m e , b u t when the clock showed seven I t h o u g h t it was really t i m e to a c t , so I got u p a n d t h a n k e d him for his k i n d n e s s , a n d assured him t h a t if any p a r t of the b u r d e n fell u p o n me I would c o o p e r a t e . O n e t h i n g more I w a n t e d to say to h i m ; some foolish persons in California a n d N e w York h a d been t a l k i n g a b o u t me as a c a n d i d a t e for the Presidency, a n d I w a n t e d to assure him t h a t I myself was n o t n u m b e r e d a m o n g those foolish ones. H e did not w a n t to let me say it; he said he wouldn't m i n d p u t t i n g t h e b u r d e n off on somebody else, a n d coming back to H y d e P a r k a n d w r i t i n g books. B u t I insisted on saying m y say, which w a s t h a t he h a d his j o b a n d was doing i t , a n d if I should become G o v e r n o r of C a l i f o r n i a , he would h a v e no more loyal s u p p o r t e r in 1936. T h a t was my a t t i t u d e on S e p t e m b e r 5 t h , a n d it is my a t t i t u d e on N o v e m b e r 17th, as I write these w o r d s . I believe t h a t the Squire of H y d e P a r k will give the people of A m e r i c a p r o d u c t i o n for use as fast as t h e y u n d e r s t a n d it. I t h i n k the eight h u n d r e d a n d s e v e n t y five t h o u s a n d who h a v e j u s t v o t e d for our E P I C prog r a m are a p a r t of t h a t d e m a n d , a n d I feel certain t h a t Roosevelt h a s h e a r d it.

C H A P T E R XVII On the way driving u p to see the P r e s i d e n t a wise f r i e n d h a d said to m e : " T h e whole c o u n t r y is w a i t i n g to know how Roosevelt receives y o u . N o m a t t e r w h a t he says, a n d no m a t t e r how you really feel, you m u s t look cheerful when you come o u t . T h e r e p o r t e r s will be w a t c h i n g every sign." B u t I did n o t h a v e to act for

[86]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R I said to the P r e s i d e n t : " T h e people of my S t a t e will let you know w h a t t h e y are t h i n k i n g ! " I h a v e never read Miss E m i l y P o s t , a n d did n o t know how long one was supposed to visit a P r e s i d e n t . I h a d e n t e r e d a t five o'clock a n d expected to leave a t a b o u t six; b u t the P r e s i d e n t was t a l k i n g , a n d seemed to be i n t e r e s t e d in w h a t he was s a y i n g , a n d it didn't seem c o u r t e o u s to s t o p h i m . I do not know how long he m i g h t h a v e gone on to e n t e r t a i n m e , b u t when the clock showed seven I t h o u g h t it was really t i m e to a c t , so I got u p a n d t h a n k e d him for his k i n d n e s s , a n d assured him t h a t if any p a r t of the b u r d e n fell u p o n me I would c o o p e r a t e . O n e t h i n g more I w a n t e d to say to h i m ; some foolish persons in California a n d N e w York h a d been t a l k i n g a b o u t me as a c a n d i d a t e for the Presidency, a n d I w a n t e d to assure him t h a t I myself was n o t n u m b e r e d a m o n g those foolish ones. H e did not w a n t to let me say it; he said he wouldn't m i n d p u t t i n g t h e b u r d e n off on somebody else, a n d coming back to H y d e P a r k a n d w r i t i n g books. B u t I insisted on saying m y say, which w a s t h a t he h a d his j o b a n d was doing i t , a n d if I should become G o v e r n o r of C a l i f o r n i a , he would h a v e no more loyal s u p p o r t e r in 1936. T h a t was my a t t i t u d e on S e p t e m b e r 5 t h , a n d it is my a t t i t u d e on N o v e m b e r 17th, as I write these w o r d s . I believe t h a t the Squire of H y d e P a r k will give the people of A m e r i c a p r o d u c t i o n for use as fast as t h e y u n d e r s t a n d it. I t h i n k the eight h u n d r e d a n d s e v e n t y five t h o u s a n d who h a v e j u s t v o t e d for our E P I C prog r a m are a p a r t of t h a t d e m a n d , a n d I feel certain t h a t Roosevelt h a s h e a r d it.

C H A P T E R XVII On the way driving u p to see the P r e s i d e n t a wise f r i e n d h a d said to m e : " T h e whole c o u n t r y is w a i t i n g to know how Roosevelt receives y o u . N o m a t t e r w h a t he says, a n d no m a t t e r how you really feel, you m u s t look cheerful when you come o u t . T h e r e p o r t e r s will be w a t c h i n g every sign." B u t I did n o t h a v e to act for

[86]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D the r e p o r t e r s . T h e i n t e r v i e w h a d lifted a g r e a t load off m y m i n d ; a n d n o t because I w a n t e d the j o b of being Governor, b u t because m y whole being is c o n c e n t r a t e d u p o n t h e idea t h a t t h e r e shall be no Fascism in t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s in m y lifetime. T h e P r e s i d e n t s s e c r e t a r y h a d told me to s t o p by a t the Nelson H o u s e in P o u g h k e e p s i e , so we d r o v e t h e r e a n d f o u n d a score of r e p o r t e r s a n d half as m a n y c a m e r a m e n . T h e y took us u p to the executive offices, a n d we h a d a half h o u r session. Of course, there were two things they w a n t e d to k n o w — f i r s t , w h a t I h a d said to the P r e s i d e n t , a n d second, w h a t the P r e s i d e n t h a d said to m e . I told t h e m t h a t I could n o t tell those t h i n g s , a n d the rest of the time was s p e n t in s p a r r i n g . T h e y tried every sort of question t h a t would get t h e m a h i n t ; a n d I would smile a n d ask t h e m to be easy on m e . A few c r u m b s I was able to give t h e m — h a r m l e s s t h i n g s such as w h a t the P r e s i d e n t h a d said a b o u t " T h e J u n g l e " — h o w his m o t h e r h a d insisted on r e a d i n g it to him a t the b r e a k f a s t t a b l e , a n d n a t u r a l l y it h a d spoiled his a p p e t i t e . I would tell t h e m a n y t h i n g they w a n t e d to know a b o u t the E P I C P l a n — e x c e p t w h a t I h a d told the P r e s i d e n t a b o u t it! Of course, there was one p o i n t on which I did n o t h a v e to leave t h e m in d o u b t , a n d t h a t was t h a t I was satisfied. A n o t h e r was t h a t I liked the P r e s i d e n t . T h e y h a d n o t e d the length of the visit, a n d drew their own conclusions f r o m t h a t . O n e a m u s i n g episode: they k e p t insisting t h a t it was all r i g h t for me to tell w h a t I h a d said to t h e P r e s i d e n t ; it was the established c o n v e n t i o n , t h a t visitors were p e r m i t t e d to say w h a t they h a d s a i d . B u t I a r g u e d t h a t I was a special kind of visitor. Finally I said: " T h i s is w h a t you can do: call u p S e c r e t a r y M c l n t y r e a n d ask h i m , a n d if he says it's all r i g h t for me to tell w h a t I said to the P r e s i d e n t , I will do it." T h e y began to l a u g h , a n d one said: " T h e r e he is over t h e r e , " — p o i n t i n g to a y o u n g m a n in a corner of the r o o m . H e h a d been w a t c h i n g the proceedings all t h e t i m e , u n k n o w n to me! I apologized a n d asked him w h a t I should d o . H e said: " I t h i n k things are very well j u s t as t h e y are"— a n d so the interview e n d e d . I h a d a radio d a t e in N e w York at 10:15 t h a t evening. We were n o t familiar with the r o a d a n d it took us longer t h a n we e x p e c t e d ; I would be a s h a m e d to tell

[87]

I, CANDIDATE F O R G O V E R N O R how fast we drove through the B r o n x and down R i v e r side Drive. I f we had met a traffic officer, we had an unusual e x c u s e — t h a t the President of the United S t a t e s had kept us two hours. B u t nobody stopped us and we reached the radio station seven minutes late. I t is one of the major crimes to be late for a nationwide hook-up! I t seemed to me there were a dozen men between the sidewalk and the microphone, all waiting to hurry me along. I talked the rest of my period and thought I was through. B u t the radio man said, " G o on." E v e r y five minutes I would stop and ask him again, and he would say: "Go on some more." T h a t is the way when you have j u s t come from the G r e a t W h i t e Father's throne! I had an engagement to meet Mr. Farley immediately after the broadcast. I t was after eleven o'clock, but there is no such thing as night in New Y o r k , and he was waiting for me at Democratic headquarters in the B i l t m o r e H o t e l . "Call me J i m , " was the first thing he said, and when the reporters asked about the interview I told them t h a t , and it caused a good deal o f a m u s e m e n t ; they have changed Mr. Farley's name from J a m e s to " C a l l - m e - J i m . " I hope he doesn't mind. H e did not seem to mind anything that night. H e is a large, rosy, and genial g e n t l e m a n , and gave me good political advice. At the outset he told me t h a t he had j u s t listened to my radio talk and found it interesting; also t h a t Secretary M c l n t y r e had told him t h a t I had handled the press interview very satisfactorily. Mr. Farley is the political manager of the Democratic party, and got his training in T a m m a n y H a l l . I got my training j u s t outside, where I could peek through the windows, as it were, and see what was going on. We are about the same age, so we observed the same phenomena. R i c h a r d Croker was the boss o f T a m m a n y in my youth, and I wrote with true puritanic fervor t h a t I would be willing to spear him on a pitchfork and thrust him into the fires of hell. T h i s was in my early days, when I thought t h a t graft was caused by grafters, and before I understood it was caused by big business. N o t long after t h a t my rich uncle revealed to me how he was paying R i c h a r d Croker to get the business of New York City for his company. M y uncle was a prominent pew-holder in a fashionable

[88]

CALIFORNIA ÈPICKLEMENT

[89]

I, CANDIDATE F O R G O V E R N O R Episcopal church—so you see where " T h e Profits of R e ligion" began, and why I could not take all the political advice which my new friend J i m presented to me. One thing the able political manager and I have in c o m m o n , and t h a t is loyalty to Franklin D . Roosevelt. J i m wants to get him re-elected in spite of the intrigues o f every kind o f enemy. I for my part am looking farther ahead; I want to keep him from wrecking his administration by yielding to the blandishments of those greedy interests which have either owned or wrecked every president of the United S t a t e s since the Civil War. We took the night train to W a s h i n g t o n , and at noon a luncheon at the National Press Club, a most interesting occasion. T h e r e must have been five hundred men p r e s e n t — I was told afterward t h a t as many more had to be turned away. A difficult audience, friends had warned me; all the Washington correspondents were there, and a great many public men and honored guests. Ten or fifteen feet in front of me sat Mr. Fletcher, Chairman of the Republican National Comm i t t e e ; looking, of course, for everything he could get on the Administration. Newspaper men are supposed to be hard-boiled and cynical, and those in Washington know all there is to know about the wiles of politicians and publicity seekers. T h e first fifteen minutes of my talk was a Columbia broadcast. I had wired our California headquarters about these various "hookups," in order t h a t our workers might be notified. I t is interesting to note t h a t this N a t i o n a l Press Club was the only one t h a t was broadcast in California, and it happened only because my wife, who had missed the other talks and was indignant about it, got busy on the telephone and brought so much pressure to bear upon the radio people in California that they did not dare to turn her down. T h e Los Angeles newspapers published the wrong hour, so t h a t nearly everyone missed my t a l k . I told about the E P I C m o v e m e n t , how we had built it up and what it m e a n t . I spoke for fifteen minutes over the radio, and then for another half hour or so to the audience alone, after which I answered questions for an hour. I don't know how long they would have kept me if I had not had a series of other engagements.

[90]

A N D HOW I GOT L I C K E D I was told a f t e r w a r d s t h a t P a u l M a l l o n h a d sent a confidential bulletin to the U n i t e d Press p a p e r s , saying t h a t all n e w s p a p e r m e n h a d been deeply impressed by m y t a l k a n d astonished by m y readiness in answering the m o s t difficult q u e s t i o n s . H e said there was only one experience t h e y could c o m p a r e it w i t h , their conferences w i t h F r a n k l i n R o o s e v e l t . I do n o t m i n d r e p e a t i n g t h i s , for the reason t h a t t h e e x p l a n a t i o n is a m u s i n g . I was t a k i n g an u n f a i r a d v a n tage of those s u p p o s e d - t o - b e - h a r d - b o i l e d correspond e n t s . N o n e of t h e m realized the course of t r a i n i n g t h r o u g h which I h a d been p u t by the people of California. I h a d been rehearsing t h a t speech a l m o s t every n i g h t for a full year. I h a d m a d e it in t w o - m i n u t e newsreel f o r m ; I h a d m a d e it in t w o - h o u r o r a t i o n f o r m . I could c u t it a n d fit it while in a c t i o n . I h a d p r a c t i c e d over t h e radio so as to end it literally on a c e r t a i n second. If the a n n o u n c e r told me t h a t I h a d twelve m i n u t e s a n d a h a l f , t h a t was all r i g h t ; or if he c h a n g e d his m i n d a n d said I h a d t h i r t e e n m i n u t e s a n d fifteen seconds, t h a t was equally all r i g h t . I h a d tried all my j o k e s a n d polished their p o i n t s with audiences of every kind of person you could t h i n k of: the H o l l y w o o d C h a m b e r of C o m m e r c e , the L a w y e r s ' C l u b , the M i n i s t e r i a l Association, the G r a d u a t e S t u d e n t s of U. S. C . , the y o u n g s t e r s of Los Angeles J u n i o r College, the Society of Cost A c c o u n t a n t s , the C o u n t y Medical Society, t h e L e a g u e of W o m e n V o t e r s , the J u nior Ebell C l u b , t h e C o m p t o n C o o p e r a t i v e , the employees of the Los Angeles S t r e e t R a i l w a y s — I am n a m i n g t h e m as they come to memory. I h a d t a l k e d to audiences of f a r m e r s in every one of the g r e a t valleys of C a l i f o r n i a ; I h a d t a l k e d in t h e a t r e s , school-houses, c h u r c h e s , picnic g r o u n d s ; in sun a n d in r a i n ; in c o m p e t i t i o n with a u t o m o b i l e s a n d motorcycles a n d airplanes a n d crying babies a n d p l a y i n g children a n d d r u n k e n men a n d C o m m u n i s t s — a g a i n I am r e m e m b e r ing all the a d v e n t u r e s . I used to say t h a t I could m a k e m y E P I C speech in my sleep or s t a n d i n g on m y h e a d . As for the q u e s t i o n s , I h a d answered every v a r i e t y t h a t ever c a m e into all those d i f f e r e n t k i n d s of h e a d s . I t is literally t r u e t h a t this picked W a s h i n g t o n audience, the c r e a m of the c o u n t r y ' s j o u r n a l i s t i c a n d political life, failed to t h i n k of a single question which h a d

[91]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R n o t been asked m a n y times in C a l i f o r n i a . So, of course, I was ready, a n d of course I was at ease, a n d of course I h a d p l e n t y of w i t t y r e t o r t s — a n d of course those naive a n d s i m p l e - m i n d e d n e w s p a p e r correspond e n t s t h o u g h t I was was the w o r l d s w o n d e r !

C H A P T E R XVIII I s p e n t the rest of t h a t d a y a n d all t h e next interviewing C a b i n e t m e m b e r s a n d officials w h o m the Presid e n t h a d told me to see. H e h a d listed t w o k i n d s , to be seen p r i v a t e l y or to be seen publicly. T h e first included a y o u n g m e m b e r of the " b r a i n t r u s t , " a n d I s p e n t t h a t evening in his h o m e . H e is a good-looking a n d genial fellow—I h o p e t h a t won't i d e n t i f y him too c o m p l e t e l y — a n d t h e r e were p r e s e n t a C a b i n e t member, an executive official, a n d a legal adviser. N o b o d y h a d forbidden us to t a l k politics, a n d we t a l k e d n o t h i n g else. T h e y t h o u g h t I should h a v e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n supp o r t , t h a t the p r e t e n s e otherwise was all " t h e b u n k , " a n d they advised on the tactics of p r o c e d u r e . I n c i d e n tally they gave me a m u s i n g sidelights on the queer situation of a P r e s i d e n t who has advisers on the r i g h t a n d advisers on the l e f t , a n d is pulled vigorously in both d i r e c t i o n s , a n d would like to travel in b o t h , o u t of t h e sheer kindness of his h e a r t . In giving me a list of o t h e r s I should see, the Presid e n t said with a twinkle in his eye to " t u r n the s p o t light on t h e m " — o r some such p h r a s e . N o n e of t h e m seemed to object to the p r o c e d u r e , for wherever t h e c a m e r a m e n c a m e , the officials c o n s e n t e d to be p h o t o g r a p h e d with m e . Several n e w s p a p e r s used these p h o t o g r a p h s — m o s t l y R e p u b l i c a n , if I remember. M r . Jesse Jones of the R F C m o v e d closer a t r e q u e s t , a n d placidly a t e his sandwich a n d d r a n k his glass of milk while the c a m e r a m e n flashed their m a g n e s i u m bulbs in his office. A f t e r w a r d s some c o r r e s p o n d e n t r e m a r k e d t h a t I was probably the first Socialist Mr. Jesse Jones h a d ever m e t in his whole life. Very certainly M r . Jesse Jones was n o t the first of his kind w h o m I h a d m e t ; l a r g e , a m i a b l e , elderly g e n t l e m e n from the far South h a v i n g been familiar to me f r o m c h i l d h o o d . [92]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R n o t been asked m a n y times in C a l i f o r n i a . So, of course, I was ready, a n d of course I was at ease, a n d of course I h a d p l e n t y of w i t t y r e t o r t s — a n d of course those naive a n d s i m p l e - m i n d e d n e w s p a p e r correspond e n t s t h o u g h t I was was the w o r l d s w o n d e r !

C H A P T E R XVIII I s p e n t the rest of t h a t d a y a n d all t h e next interviewing C a b i n e t m e m b e r s a n d officials w h o m the Presid e n t h a d told me to see. H e h a d listed t w o k i n d s , to be seen p r i v a t e l y or to be seen publicly. T h e first included a y o u n g m e m b e r of the " b r a i n t r u s t , " a n d I s p e n t t h a t evening in his h o m e . H e is a good-looking a n d genial fellow—I h o p e t h a t won't i d e n t i f y him too c o m p l e t e l y — a n d t h e r e were p r e s e n t a C a b i n e t member, an executive official, a n d a legal adviser. N o b o d y h a d forbidden us to t a l k politics, a n d we t a l k e d n o t h i n g else. T h e y t h o u g h t I should h a v e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n supp o r t , t h a t the p r e t e n s e otherwise was all " t h e b u n k , " a n d they advised on the tactics of p r o c e d u r e . I n c i d e n tally they gave me a m u s i n g sidelights on the queer situation of a P r e s i d e n t who has advisers on the r i g h t a n d advisers on the l e f t , a n d is pulled vigorously in both d i r e c t i o n s , a n d would like to travel in b o t h , o u t of t h e sheer kindness of his h e a r t . In giving me a list of o t h e r s I should see, the Presid e n t said with a twinkle in his eye to " t u r n the s p o t light on t h e m " — o r some such p h r a s e . N o n e of t h e m seemed to object to the p r o c e d u r e , for wherever t h e c a m e r a m e n c a m e , the officials c o n s e n t e d to be p h o t o g r a p h e d with m e . Several n e w s p a p e r s used these p h o t o g r a p h s — m o s t l y R e p u b l i c a n , if I remember. M r . Jesse Jones of the R F C m o v e d closer a t r e q u e s t , a n d placidly a t e his sandwich a n d d r a n k his glass of milk while the c a m e r a m e n flashed their m a g n e s i u m bulbs in his office. A f t e r w a r d s some c o r r e s p o n d e n t r e m a r k e d t h a t I was probably the first Socialist Mr. Jesse Jones h a d ever m e t in his whole life. Very certainly M r . Jesse Jones was n o t the first of his kind w h o m I h a d m e t ; l a r g e , a m i a b l e , elderly g e n t l e m e n from the far South h a v i n g been familiar to me f r o m c h i l d h o o d . [92]

A N D HOW I GOT L I C K E D Mr. H a r r y H o p k i n s , F E R A a d m i n i s t r a t o r , is a different t y p e . I don't know where he comes f r o m , b u t I know his p o i n t of view. H e a n d I face t h e fact t h a t there are millions of u n e m p l o y e d men in t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , t h a t they are likely to be u n e m p l o y e d for a long time to c o m e , a n d t h a t it is necessary to give t h e m jobs w i t h o u t any ifs, a n d s or b u t s . I did not h a v e to tell Mr. H o p k i n s much a b o u t our California s i t u a t i o n , because it is his j o b to know a b o u t all t h e S t a t e s . I p o i n t e d o u t to him t h a t a lot of the u n e m p l o y e d were coming our w a y this winter, because it is less easy to freeze to d e a t h h e r e , a n d he readily agreed with me t h a t the Federal G o v e r n m e n t would h a v e to feed t h e m w h e r e v e r they were. H e assured me t h a t if I became G o v e r n o r of C a l i f o r n i a , a n d w a n t e d to p u t t h e u n e m ployed a t p r o d u c t i v e labor for their own benefit, I m i g h t expect c o o p e r a t i o n from his D e p a r t m e n t . I w e n t a w a y h a p p y at h a v i n g m e t a c l e a r - m i n d e d , f r a n k - s p o k e n , h o n e s t y o u n g m a n in the public service. In his o r g a n i z a t i o n I m e t several old f r i e n d s . J a c o b Baker, formerly e d i t o r of the V a n g u a r d P r e s s , is in charge of subsistence h o m e s t e a d s , a n d he told me a b o u t the Ohio p l a n , u n d e r which the c o o p e r a t i v e s were doing m u c h the same kind of t h i n g as we a d v o c a t e for California. H e showed me a couple of pairs of shoes a n d a very good coat m a d e in t h e factories of these cooperatives, a n d also a sort of S e a r s - R o e b u c k c a t a l o g u e of t h e useful articles they h a d to exchange with one another. O u r n e w s p a p e r s h a d seen to it t h a t the people of California h a d never h e a r d of the O h i o p l a n . I promised myself the pleasure of telling a b o u t it. A n o t h e r old friend is William E . Z e u c h , formerly p r e s i d e n t of C o m m o n w e a l t h College, now e n t r u s t e d with some $25,000,000 of F e d e r a l f u n d s to be e x p e n d e d in behalf of self-help colonies. Zeuch called in all t h e people on his floor, some t w e n t y or t h i r t y y o u n g m e n a n d w o m e n , to h e a r a b o u t the E P I C P l a n , a n d t h e y plied me w i t h q u e s t i o n s for all the time I h a d to s p a r e . t i j r .1 i j a n y f a u i t s t o finely a n d was h a p p y A n d t h e n Mr. M o r g e n t h a u , S e c r e t a r y of the T r e a s u r y : I t was r a i n i n g , a n d the taxicab driver took me to t h e w r o n g door, which t u r n e d o u t to be the r i g h t one— t h e Secretary's p r i v a t e e n t r a n c e , g u a r d e d like a j a i l . Mr. M o r g e n t h a u is an amiable a n d kindly y o u n g m a n , [93]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R a n d told me I could h a v e a n y t h i n g I w a n t e d . To h e a r t h a t in the U n i t e d S t a t e s T r e a s u r y a p p e a l e d to m y sense of h u m o r ; b u t M r . M o r g e n t h a u would n o t join in m y unseemly l a u g h t e r . H e told me e a r n e s t l y how he h a d gained his t r a i n i n g in social ideals a t the H e n r y S t r e e t s e t t l e m e n t . T h e P r e s i d e n t is q u o t e d as saying t h a t u n d e r t h e M o r g e n t h a u regime t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s T r e a s u r y is in W a s h i n g t o n i n s t e a d of Wall S t r e e t for the first time in two g e n e r a t i o n s . F r o m M o r g a n to M o r g e n t h a u seems progress to m e . Also M r . T h o m a s of the F e d e r a l R e s e r v e B a n k , a n d M r . F a h e y of t h e H o m e O w n e r s L o a n C o r p o r a t i o n . T h e propositions I p u t u p to these g e n t l e m e n were new, a n d they h a d to call in their legal staff to ask if it could be d o n e , a n d their legal staffs didn't know either. For e x a m p l e , the F e d e r a l R e s e r v e B a n k can lend m o n e y only t o — I t h i n k the p h r a s e is "established i n d u s t r i a l enterprises." Well, is the S t a t e of C a l i f o r n i a an established i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r p r i s e ? I was able to p o i n t o u t a n u m b e r of i n d u s t r i a l u n d e r t a k i n g s which our S t a t e was m a n a g i n g , a n d assuredly we h a v e been established for q u i t e some t i m e . Could or could n o t a S t a t e g o v e r n m e n t borrow m o n e y to build, let us say, a c e m e n t mill, to break the m o n o p o l y which bleeds our people? T u r n ing to t h e H o m e O w n e r s L o a n C o r p o r a t i o n , could t h e S t a t e of C a l i f o r n i a borrow m o n e y to build a village for a c o o p e r a t i v e of fishermen a n d fish-canners, to b r e a k a n o t h e r m o s t cruel form of e x p l o i t a t i o n ? S e c r e t a r y Ickes of the D e p a r t m e n t of the I n t e r i o r is a lawyer who s p e n t m a n y years fighting t h e Insull g a n g in Chicago. N o w miraculously he is in c h a r g e of t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of F e d e r a l public w o r k s , a n d the P r e s i d e n t asked me to tell him a b o u t our plan to p u t t h r o u g h t h e C e n t r a l Valley project on a basis of p r o d u c t i o n for use. T h e San J o a q u i n valley, which includes m o s t of the central p a r t of C a l i f o r n i a , d e p e n d s for its whole f u t u r e u p o n this p r o j e c t . T h e w a t e r for irrigating crops is p u m p e d u p f r o m an u n d e r g r o u n d l a k e , a n d the level of this lake is c o n s t a n t l y sinking a n d the l a n d s are going d r y a n d being a b a n d o n e d . I t is necessary to d a m t h e S a c r a m e n t o R i v e r a n d bring the w a t e r a g r e a t d i s t a n c e a n d build an e l a b o r a t e irrigation s y s t e m . T h e estim a t e d cost of this project is $175,000,000. T h e people h a v e v o t e d t h e b o n d s , b u t c a n n o t get the f u n d s . M r .

[94]

AND HOW I GOT L I C K E D Ickes turned down California's application for a loan, on the ground that the Government could not spare t h a t much on one S t a t e . Under our E P I C Plan we would send fifty thousand unemployed men to work on this project. T h e farmers would bring their surplus crops to feed t h e m , taking S t a t e credits which would be good for water and power when the project was completed. B y our E P I C t a x , payable in goods and services, we could get the materials, and so all the money we would have to ask from the Federal Government would be for such things as California could not produce. Mr. Ickes said: " T h a t is a novel and important idea, and if it succeeds it can be applied all over the country." After our talk I said to h i m : " T h e r e are newspaper men waiting in the outer office and I wish you would tell me exactly what I am to say." H e thought for a minute or two, and then told me to say t h a t he had been interested in the program I had put before h i m , and t h a t if an application were made to him on t h a t basis the D e p a r t m e n t would be glad to reconsider its decision. I went out and stated this word for word; I said t h a t and nothing else whenever I told about this interview. B u t when I got back to California, the newspapers would not have it t h a t way. T h e y developed a regular technique of misquoting what I said about Washington officials, and then sending their Washington correspondents to ask if the officials had said the misquoted words; of course, the officials would deny i t , and once more Sinclair had been "repudiated." When I reached New York next day, the " E v e n i n g S u n " quoted what I had said about Secretary I c k e s , but put over it a headline which did not conform to the t e x t . I telegraphed Mr. I c k e s , calling his attention to this familiar procedure, and when I got back to California I found a letter from him saying t h a t he had no fault to find with anything I had given out about our interview. Soon after t h a t I read in Chester Rowell's column in the San Francisco "Chronicle", among a list o f my insanities, this: " H e remembered things regarding his conversation with F a t h e r Coughlin and Secretary Ickes which these gentlemen emphatically say they do not remember." Immediately after the election, the Los Angeles

[95]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R " T i m e s " published an e d i t o r i a l , q u o t i n g Mr. Ickes as saying t h a t there h a d been "a g r e a t deal of m e n d a c i t y " r e g a r d i n g his a t t i t u d e to the C e n t r a l Valley p r o j e c t . T h e " T i m e s " gave its readers to u n d e r s t a n d t h a t Mr. Ickes was r e p u d i a t i n g m e , so I a t once w r o t e to h i m , a n d received in reply a l e t t e r which seems to cover the case completely. T H E SECRETARY OF T H E WASHINGTON

INTERIOR

N o v e m b e r 20, 1934. M y d e a r M r . Sinclair: I have your l e t t e r of N o v e m b e r 13, to which was a t t a c h e d an editorial from t h e Los Angeles T i m e s . I did n o t accuse you of being " m e n d a c i o u s " with respect to t h e C e n t r a l Valley P r o j e c t in C a l i f o r n i a . As a m a t t e r of f a c t , w h a t I i n t e n d e d to say, a n d w h a t it seems to me is clear t h a t I did say, was t h a t , a f t e r you h a d visited me a n d discussed this p r o j e c t , it was charged by o t h e r s t h a t I h a d m a d e promises which I h a d not m a d e to you a n d which you never said t h a t I h a d m a d e . I am glad to a t t e s t t h a t your record in this m a t t e r is entirely clear a n d s t r a i g h t . You never m i s q u o t e d me on this m a t t e r b u t certain n e w s p a p e r s tried to m a k e it a p p e a r t h a t you a n d I h a d m a d e some sort of a deal. I t was t h a t t h a t I was striking a t . W i t h personal r e g a r d s Sincerely y o u r s , (Signed) H a r o l d C. Ickes,

One m o r e s t o r y a b o u t W a s h i n g t o n . Several m o n t h s back we h a d h e a r d r e p o r t s of a m o v e m e n t by the commissioners who govern the D i s t r i c t of C o l u m b i a , to set u p a system of p r o d u c t i o n a n d b a r t e r for t h e eighty t h o u s a n d u n e m p l o y e d of the D i s t r i c t . N a t u r a l l y we h a d been gleeful over t h a t r e p o r t ; t a k i n g it as proof t h a t the E P I C plan h a d been n o t e d by t h e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . We h a d published the story in our " E P I C N e w s , " a n d I h a d been asking m y audiences the u n a n s w e r a b l e q u e s t i o n : "If it is s t a t e s m a n s h i p in our n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l , w h y should it be C o m m u n i s m in C a l i f o r n i a ? " Of course, this gave offense to the reactionaries of o u r S t a t e , a n d our t h r e e "Bees," of S a c r a m e n t o , M o d e s t o , a n d Fresno, h a d published a d i s p a t c h from their W a s h i n g t o n c o r r e s p o n d e n t , to the effect t h a t none of those in charge of the D i s t r i c t of Columbia's affairs

[96]

Doing the Light and Very Fantastic « ByKorburg

[97]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R knew a n y t h i n g a b o u t the plan which U p t o n Sinclair was telling a b o u t . So of course one of m y t a s k s in W a s h i n g t o n was to m a k e s u r e . I called u p o n two of the t h r e e commissioners who m a n a g e the affairs of the D i s t r i c t of C o l u m b i a , a n d was received very cordially a n d told all a b o u t their p l a n . T h e y h a d n o t got very far with it; C o m m i s s i o n e r Allen, who h a d it in c h a r g e , said t h a t he h a d been away for two m o n t h s . B u t our " E P I C N e w s " h a d n o t said t h a t t h e plan was in effect, merely t h a t it was i n t e n d e d . C o m m i s s i o n e r Allen gave me a certified copy of the articles of i n c o r p o r a t i o n of the governing body which was to h a v e charge of the p r o j e c t , a n d he told me of the application to the F E R A for a g r a n t of f u n d s . T h e y h a d m a d e a s t a r t with the r e p a i r i n g of shoes a n d clothing by the u n e m p l o y e d , a n d I visited their w o r k s h o p , a n d a p h o t o g r a p h of it was published in our " E P I C News." An a m u s i n g d e t a i l : I t t u r n e d o u t t h a t the "Bees", which h a d p r i n t e d a denial of m y s t o r y a b o u t W a s h i n g t o n , h a d previously published a W a s h i n g t o n story affirming the whole t h i n g . One of our s u p p o r t e r s , who a p p a r e n t l y read the Fresno "Bee" m o r e carefully t h a n t h e editors t h e m s e l v e s , sent me a clipping f r o m t h e issue of J u l y 20, in which their W a s h i n g t o n correspond e n t , I r a B e n n e t t , h a d w r i t t e n as follows: " S c r i p — T h e D i s t r i c t of C o l u m b i a is the seed-bed for a new e x p e r i m e n t in u n e m p l o y m e n t relief. A coo p e r a t i v e concern to be called the D i s t r i c t R e h a b i l i t a tion C o r p o r a t i o n will d r a w f u n d s from the Federal R e lief A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . " F a r m colonies will be established in n e a r b y M a r y l a n d a n d Virginia, m a n a g e d by district u n e m p l o y e d . T h e y are to raise food for the 80,000 u n e m p l o y e d of t h e d i s t r i c t . N o n - p r o f i t factories are to be set u p in which o t h e r s now u n e m p l o y e d will m a k e b e d d i n g , clothing, f u r n i t u r e , e t c . C h a i n stores will be installed. W o r k ers on these f a r m s a n d factories will be p a i d in scrip which they can exchange a t the relief stores for g r u b or w h a t h a v e y o u . T h e u n e m p l o y e d will get scrip until they can be absorbed in self-sustaining r e h a b i l i t a t i o n work." I wrote the "Bees", calling their a t t e n t i o n to this little j o k e on t h e m s e l v e s . I f u r t h e r called their a t t e n -

[98]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D tion to the fact t h a t G o v e r n o r M e r r i a m h a d j u s t discovered t h a t the peach crop of California was r o t t i n g on the g r o u n d , a n d he was t r y i n g to a r r a n g e for the coope r a t i v e s to can p a r t of it for t h e m s e l v e s . M a y b e G o v e r nor M e r r i a m didn't know t h a t was the E P I C P l a n ; a n d m a y b e t h e "Bees" didn't know it! In t h i s , a n d a h u n d r e d o t h e r cases, I p a t i e n t l y supplied the f a c t s to t h e C a l i f o r n i a n e w s p a p e r s ; b u t it did no g o o d . I t was s o m e t h i n g I was to learn a b o u t the rest of the c a m p a i g n — f a c t s no longer m a t t e r e d . I m i g h t g a t h e r as m a n y as I p l e a s e d , b u t no notice would be t a k e n of t h e m , a n d the wholesale publication of falsehoods would go r i g h t o n . T h i s was a war, a n d we were in the stage of "atrocity stories"—soldiers crucified to b a r n - d o o r s , a n d Begian babies w i t h their h a n d s c u t off.

CHAPTER

XIX

In telling of m y experiences with the California n e w s p a p e r s d u r i n g the c a m p a i g n , I h a v e to r e p e a t the e x p l a n a t i o n which I m a d e in " T h e Brass Check." I am n o t j u s t v e n t i n g a grievance; I a m not a s s u m i n g t h a t m y personal m i s f o r t u n e s are a m a t t e r of i m p o r t a n c e to t h e public. T h e significance of this story derives from the fact t h a t I was t r y i n g to show the people of California a way of escape f r o m poverty. T h e n e w s p a p e r s were n o t lying a b o u t me because they objected to t h e color of my eyes, nor because some p a r t i c u l a r editors were a n g r y with m e ; on the c o n t r a r y , some of t h e m were m y f r i e n d s , a n d apologized to me for w h a t they were d o i n g , even while they w e n t on doing it. T h e i m p o r t a n c e of this story derives f r o m the fact t h a t the c a m p a i g n of lying a b o u t U p t o n Sinclair was o r d e r e d by the biggest business m e n in California a n d p a i d for with millions of their dollars. I t was carried o u t by the best n e w s p a p e r b r a i n s , t h e best a d v e r t i s i n g b r a i n s , the best m o t i o n p i c t u r e b r a i n s , t h e best political brains—so on all the w a y down the line. In p u t t i n g the f a c t s before the public I am n o t w h i n i n g , or seeking s y m p a t h y ; I am telling t h e people of California w h a t

[99]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D tion to the fact t h a t G o v e r n o r M e r r i a m h a d j u s t discovered t h a t the peach crop of California was r o t t i n g on the g r o u n d , a n d he was t r y i n g to a r r a n g e for the coope r a t i v e s to can p a r t of it for t h e m s e l v e s . M a y b e G o v e r nor M e r r i a m didn't know t h a t was the E P I C P l a n ; a n d m a y b e t h e "Bees" didn't know it! In t h i s , a n d a h u n d r e d o t h e r cases, I p a t i e n t l y supplied the f a c t s to t h e C a l i f o r n i a n e w s p a p e r s ; b u t it did no g o o d . I t was s o m e t h i n g I was to learn a b o u t the rest of the c a m p a i g n — f a c t s no longer m a t t e r e d . I m i g h t g a t h e r as m a n y as I p l e a s e d , b u t no notice would be t a k e n of t h e m , a n d the wholesale publication of falsehoods would go r i g h t o n . T h i s was a war, a n d we were in the stage of "atrocity stories"—soldiers crucified to b a r n - d o o r s , a n d Begian babies w i t h their h a n d s c u t off.

CHAPTER

XIX

In telling of m y experiences with the California n e w s p a p e r s d u r i n g the c a m p a i g n , I h a v e to r e p e a t the e x p l a n a t i o n which I m a d e in " T h e Brass Check." I am n o t j u s t v e n t i n g a grievance; I a m not a s s u m i n g t h a t m y personal m i s f o r t u n e s are a m a t t e r of i m p o r t a n c e to t h e public. T h e significance of this story derives from the fact t h a t I was t r y i n g to show the people of California a way of escape f r o m poverty. T h e n e w s p a p e r s were n o t lying a b o u t me because they objected to t h e color of my eyes, nor because some p a r t i c u l a r editors were a n g r y with m e ; on the c o n t r a r y , some of t h e m were m y f r i e n d s , a n d apologized to me for w h a t they were d o i n g , even while they w e n t on doing it. T h e i m p o r t a n c e of this story derives f r o m the fact t h a t the c a m p a i g n of lying a b o u t U p t o n Sinclair was o r d e r e d by the biggest business m e n in California a n d p a i d for with millions of their dollars. I t was carried o u t by the best n e w s p a p e r b r a i n s , t h e best a d v e r t i s i n g b r a i n s , the best m o t i o n p i c t u r e b r a i n s , t h e best political brains—so on all the w a y down the line. In p u t t i n g the f a c t s before the public I am n o t w h i n i n g , or seeking s y m p a t h y ; I am telling t h e people of California w h a t

[99]

I, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR was done to them by their big business masters; I am telling the people of the other forty-seven States w h a t they have to expect when their turn comes. For this old dying system has a great deal of vicious life in it yet. It will fight to its last gasp, and this is the way it will fight; all this bitter sneering, these slanders and forgeries, these cruel falsehoods taken up and repeated millions of times over, pounded into the feeble minds of poor people who are overworked and over-driven, and have very little education, and often no power to absorb education. If you take this book rightly you will consider it a textbook of military strategy; a book of maps and other d a t a needed for the planning of forty-nine campaigns of the f u t u r e : forty-eight of these to take our States out of the hands of organized greed and knavery, and the forty-ninth, the biggest of all, to take our nation out of the same h a n d s . Now a little story for Catholics, and how they were persuaded to desert their Democratic party, and vote a reactionary Republican into office. On the way back to California we stopped off to call on Father Coughlin, the "radio priest." We drove some eighteen miles to the town of Royal O a k , and called by appointment at the modest cottage where Father Coughlin lives with his mother. The hour of our coming had been misunderstood, and the Father was saying mass; so we sat and chatted with another priest, presumably his secretary. This gentleman remarked t h a t Father Coughlin had been studying production for use and was keen about it. When Father Coughlin himself came in he took me into his study alone and we talked for half an hour. H e is a fine, upstanding m a n , and our conference was in every way satisfactory. H e agreed fully t h a t the unemployed must be p u t at productive labor for their own benefit. H e was heart and soul for t h a t program, and said he was going to broadcast in favor of it. I told him t h a t it was the backbone of our E P I C Plan. H e asked me for the rest of the program, and I outlined it point by point: income tax, increase in inheritance taxes, repeal of the sales tax, exemption of small homes from taxation, tax upon idle land to bring it into productive use, pensions for the aged, the blind and disa-

[100]

A N D HOW I GOT L I C K E D bled, a n d t h e widowed m o t h e r s of d e p e n d e n t c h i l d r e n . To each one of these plans F a t h e r Coughlin said, "I am for t h a t , " or " T h a t is right," a n d a t the end he said, "I a p p r o v e t h a t p r o g r a m , a n d you are a u t h o r i z e d to s t a t e t h a t I endorse it." F u r t h e r m o r e , in the course of our conversation he s a i d : "You m a y say t h a t I am willing to forgive you for a n y t h i n g you m a y h a v e w r i t t e n against our church s e v e n t e e n years ago. Tell t h e m a b o u t P a u l w h o persec u t e d the C h r i s t i a n s a n d l a t e r j o i n e d t h e m . " I said t h a t the s i t u a t i o n was a little different in this case, because the C h r i s t i a n s were j o i n i n g m e ; the v a r i o u s churches were a d o p t i n g p r o g r a m s of social j u s t i c e , coming nearer a n d nearer to w h a t I h a d been a d v o c a t i n g for t h i r t y years. I spoke of the last encyclical of the P o p e on this s u b j e c t , a n d said I wished t h a t all the C a t h o l i c s knew w h a t was in t h a t u t t e r a n c e . F a t h e r Coughlin agreed with m e , saying t h a t n o t even priests realized how radical the doctrines of the C h u r c h were—all Catholics needed to be e d u c a t e d on the s u b j e c t . T h a t e n d e d our interview, a n d we w e n t o u t a n d sat down to a good-looking S u n d a y dinner. I c a n n o t say how it t a s t e d , because as soon as I was seated at t h e table I looked at m y w a t c h a n d discovered t h a t we h a d barely t i m e to get back to our t r a i n . O n e of the y o u n g priests u n d e r t o o k to drive us, a n d it was f o r t u n a t e t h a t we h a d n o t d e l a y e d , for half w a y down t h e b o u l e v a r d he discovered he was o u t of g a s , a n d we h a d to hail a passing car and be b u t t e d along a mile or so to a filling s t a t i o n . On board the train I w r o t e an a c c o u n t of t h a t i n t e r view. M y m e m o r y was f r e s h , a n d I have an u n u s u a l l y good m e m o r y for t h a t sort of t h i n g ; it is m y h a b i t as a writer to go over in m y m i n d w h a t I w a n t to w r i t e , a n d I h a v e learned to r e t a i n several t h o u s a n d words correctly. I am sure t h a t I q u o t e d v e r b a t i m w h a t F a t h e r Coughlin said. T h e s t o r y was p u t i n t o the " E P I C N e w s , " a n d , of course, our enemies took it u p . T h e y were t r y i n g to r e p r e s e n t me as an a t h e i s t a n d a b i t t e r foe of C a t h o l i c s , a n d n a t u r a l l y it was intolerable to t h e m t h a t our prog r a m should h a v e t h e e n d o r s e m e n t of t h e m o s t p r o m i n e n t C a t h o l i c priest in A m e r i c a . W h a t t h e n e w s p a p e r s did was t h e same t h i n g as in

[101]

I, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR the case of Secretary Ickes; they distorted my words and made me say what I had not said. First, I was quoted as saying that Father Coughlin had endorsed me for Governor of California; second, I was quoted as saying that he was going to broadcast in favor of my candidacy. Then some Catholics in San Francisco wrote to him saying that I had said these things, and asking if they were true. Of course, Father Coughlin replied that they were not true, and so I was branded as having misquoted this Catholic priest. I had never dreamed of asking Father Coughlin to endorse me for Governor of California. As a priest he was not supposed to take any part in politics, and certainly not in the politics of another S t a t e . As to his broadcasting, he had said that he was going to urge that the unemployed be permitted to work and produce necessities for themselves. In a letter quoted in the San Francisco newspapers, Father Coughlin said he was "so ignorant" that he had not read any of my books. I was not surprised by t h a t ; for they are probably not included in the reading courses of Catholic seminaries. When the priest's letter was published, I telegraphed him, explaining the device of my opponents. I subsequently made an affidavit as to what had transpired in his home, and I sent a copy to him, saying that I hoped my recollection was in accord with his. He did not reply. No doubt there was heavy pressure upon him, and I do not blame him for keeping out of the controversy. I do not believe he will ever deny having said to me the things which I quoted him as saying. Six years ago A1 Smith sought to become the President of the United States, and the Ku Klux Klan and others raised the religious issue, and the Catholics were outraged. In 1934 Upton Sinclair sought to become Governor of California, and some Catholics raised the religious issue and helped to defeat him. By so doing they sacrificed their mora' tion. I have before me one leaflets of the "United for California League" of Los Angeles, entitled "Upton Sinclair on the Catholic Church." Across the top is the motto: "Out of His Own Mouth Shall He Be Judged," and at the top of the second page is the heading: "The Church of the Servant Girls." Of course, that designation, applied to the Catholic Church, sounds insulting,

[102]

SHALL THE STAMP OF SINCLAIRISM CRUSH CALIFORNIA?

[103]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R a n d is calculated to i n f u r i a t e C a t h o l i c s . B u t as u s u a l , if you read t h e book you discover t h a t it h a s a different meaning. I am telling how, as a child, I opened m y eyes to religion. I was scrubbed a n d shined a n d dressed in m y best S u n d a y clothes, a t i g h t little derby h a t a n d p a i n fully t i g h t kid gloves, a n d escorted by m y f a t h e r a n d m o t h e r u p F i f t h A v e n u e to one of the fashionable c h u r c h e s . On one side was S t . T h o m a s ' where the fashionable ladies w e n t , and across the s t r e e t was S t . P a t r i c k ' s , where the s e r v a n t girls w e n t . I t was f o r t y five years ago, a n d all the s e r v a n t girls I h a d ever seen were I r i s h , so, of course, they w e n t to S t . P a t r i c k ' s . So I knew the Episcopal c h u r c h as " T h e C h u r c h of Good Society," a n d the Catholic C h u r c h as " T h e C h u r c h of the S e r v a n t Girls." T h e C a t h o l i c s of California could h a r d l y u n d e r s t a n d t h a t I was writing as a Socialist, a n d t h a t " s e r v a n t girls" were to me n o t objects of c o n t e m p t , b u t of p i t y a n d s y m p a t h y ; I r e g a r d e d t h e m as persons who pay their own way in t h e world by h a r d labor a t long h o u r s , a n d I e s t e e m e d t h e m more highly t h a n their mistresses, who h a d never done a n y t h i n g useful in their lives, a n d would t h i n k n o t h i n g of s p e n d i n g a s e r v a n t girl's wages on an e m b r o i d e r e d h a n d k e r c h i e f or a b o t t l e of p e r f u m e . I could go t h r o u g h this anti-Sinclair leaflet, a n d show how each q u o t a t i o n h a s been t a k e n o u t of its cont e x t a n d g a r b l e d . H e r e is one f r o m page 108, which m y enemies f o u n d significant enough to p r i n t in black t y p e : " I t is no longer possible to do w i t h o u t Catholics in A m e r i c a ; n o t merely do ditches h a v e to be d u g , roads g r a d e d , coal m i n e d , a n d dishes w a s h e d , b u t franchises h a v e to be g r a n t e d , tariff-schedules a d j u s t e d , j u r i e s a n d c o u r t s m a n i p u l a t e d , police t r a i n e d a n d strikes crushed." H o w could I explain to the Catholics t h e class protest which m o t i v a t e s t h a t b i t t e r u t t e r a n c e ? T h e C a t h o lics who h a v e come to America in successive waves, the G e r m a n s , the I r i s h , the I t a l i a n s , t h e Poles, the Slovaks, the H u n g a r i a n s — i t is q u i t e t r u e t h a t they h a v e d u g the ditches a n d g r a d e d the r o a d s a n d m i n e d the coal; b u t h a v e I s p u r n e d t h e m for t h a t ? L e t the l i t e r a r y p r o d u c t s of m y lifetime be the answer. L e t " T h e J u n gle," let " K i n g Coal," answer. For these poor exploited people m y h e a r t h a s bled a n d the blood h a s run o u t

[104]

AND HOW I GOT LICKED through my pen. M y only thought has been to save them, and all my scorn has been reserved for those who exploit their labor and use them as tools of corruption. It has been for the Crokers and Murphys of Tammany H a l l , the Bradys and R y a n s of the traction trust, the Schwabs and other steel kings, men who have purchased legislatures and political machines, made our national capital into a sink of corruption, and used the prelates of the Catholic Church as their pawns. The poor Catholics of California had nothing to fear from me as Governor. Again and again I told them that I had no program that would interfere with their church or with the practice of its rites. W h a t I wanted to do was to end poverty in California, and the poor Catholics would get their share of the benefit. But the rich Catholics wanted to hold onto their riches—despite the fact that they pretend to believe in the divinity of Jesus, who commanded them to sell all they have and give to the poor. The rich Catholics put up the money to print lying leaflets and make the poor Catholics think of me as a monster; so the poor Catholics will stay poor for another four years, and "The Profits of Religion," written in 1917, has been tragically vindicated in 1934.

CHAPTER XX Returning to California, I was instructed to get off the train at Glendale, where KNX had set up a microphone on the platform and I was invited to use one of its news periods to tell about Washington and Hyde P a r k . The whistling of the trains and the cheering of a hundred or two EPIC folks provided picturesque local color over the air. And then one of our huge mass meetings in the Shrine Auditorium, packed to the top with people anxious to hear the stories about President Roosevelt— which I was not at liberty to tell! But I told them about the Ohio plan, and the District of Columbia plan, and what was being done in Michigan, and in Richmond, Virginia, and other places where the unemployed

[105]

AND HOW I GOT LICKED through my pen. M y only thought has been to save them, and all my scorn has been reserved for those who exploit their labor and use them as tools of corruption. It has been for the Crokers and Murphys of Tammany H a l l , the Bradys and R y a n s of the traction trust, the Schwabs and other steel kings, men who have purchased legislatures and political machines, made our national capital into a sink of corruption, and used the prelates of the Catholic Church as their pawns. The poor Catholics of California had nothing to fear from me as Governor. Again and again I told them that I had no program that would interfere with their church or with the practice of its rites. W h a t I wanted to do was to end poverty in California, and the poor Catholics would get their share of the benefit. But the rich Catholics wanted to hold onto their riches—despite the fact that they pretend to believe in the divinity of Jesus, who commanded them to sell all they have and give to the poor. The rich Catholics put up the money to print lying leaflets and make the poor Catholics think of me as a monster; so the poor Catholics will stay poor for another four years, and "The Profits of Religion," written in 1917, has been tragically vindicated in 1934.

CHAPTER XX Returning to California, I was instructed to get off the train at Glendale, where KNX had set up a microphone on the platform and I was invited to use one of its news periods to tell about Washington and Hyde P a r k . The whistling of the trains and the cheering of a hundred or two EPIC folks provided picturesque local color over the air. And then one of our huge mass meetings in the Shrine Auditorium, packed to the top with people anxious to hear the stories about President Roosevelt— which I was not at liberty to tell! But I told them about the Ohio plan, and the District of Columbia plan, and what was being done in Michigan, and in Richmond, Virginia, and other places where the unemployed

[105]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R are h a v i n g a c h a n c e to go to work for their own benefit. I t is coming e v e r y w h e r e in A m e r i c a , a n d the roaring of t h a t crowd revealed the d e t e r m i n a t i o n t h a t it shall come in C a l i f o r n i a — a n d w i t h o u t m a n y more years of s t a r v a t i o n a n d the piling u p of d e b t s . T h e last pages of " I m m e d i a t e E P I C " were p r e p a r e d a n d p r i n t e d a n d o u r people set o u t to d i s t r i b u t e it. T h e r e were r u m o r s t h a t we h a d been c h a n g i n g the P l a n , a n d t h a t the whole E P I C m o v e m e n t was in c o n f u s i o n ; " E P I C C h a o s " was t h e title of a column editorial in the San Francisco " N e w s . " I t was intolerable to o u r o p p o n e n t s t h a t we should c h a n g e a n y t h i n g ; they w a n t e d us to be the same kind of s t u p i d persons as t h e m s e l v e s . B u t I h a v e specialized all m y life in the open m i n d , a n d was willing to learn even f r o m our enemies when they h a d a valid criticism. I used to tell our audiences t h a t when I set o u t to drive to San F r a n cisco, I did n o t set the steering-wheel of the car a n d lock it f a s t a n d then s t a r t . I k e p t m o v i n g the steeringwheel this way and t h a t — a n d I would seem q u i t e "unstable" to a person who did n o t u n d e r s t a n d t h a t I was keeping on the r o a d . In t h e beginning the E P I C P l a n h a d called for a tax of 10 per cent on all l a n d which was held o u t of use. An elderly w o m a n got u p in an audience in S a n t a M o n ica a n d said: " M r . Sinclair, s u p p o s e t h a t a person has w o r k e d h a r d all his life a n d saved m o n e y a n d b o u g h t a lot for a nest-egg; w h a t will you do with t h a t nestegg?" I a n s w e r e d , " M a d a m , I am sorry to h a v e to tell you t h a t your nest-egg h a s gone r o t t e n . " T h e crowd r o a r e d , a n d I got a w a y with t h a t a n s w e r ; b u t I realized t h a t the old lady h a d p u t a real proposition to m e . We h a d g r a d u a t e d o t h e r t a x e s , b u t h a d f o r g o t t e n to g r a d u a t e those on idle l a n d . So we modified the p l a n , to p r o v i d e t h a t land of less t h a n a t h o u s a n d dollars v a l u a tion held by an individual should be e x e m p t from t a x a t i o n , a n d calling for a S t a t e building loan f u n d in order t h a t those who w a n t e d to build h o m e s on their v a c a n t lots m i g h t be able to do so. I am aware of t h e difficulty in d e t e r m i n i n g w h a t idle land is. I t would be necessary to classify all the land in the S t a t e , a n d to set u p s t a n d a r d s of w h a t c o n s t i t u t e s u t i l i z a t i o n . T h a t would t a k e t i m e a n d cost m o n e y ; b u t surely it is b e t t e r t h a n our p r e s e n t s i t u a t i o n , where a

[106]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D m a n like H e a r s t can set aside tens of t h o u s a n d s of acres for a p r i v a t e p a r k while one a n d a q u a r t e r million people are slowly s t a r v i n g ; where every city a n d town in C a l i f o r n i a is ringed a r o u n d with a belt of lots a n d acreage deliberately held o u t of use by speculators h o p ing for a rise in v a l u e . N o w is a good time to s t a r t , when the s p e c u l a t o r s h a v e a l m o s t given u p h o p e , a n d when u n p a i d taxes are piling u p — a n d when tens of t h o u s a n d s of homeless men are w a n d e r i n g the highw a y s . I say t h a t it would be an act of s t a t e s m a n s h i p to p u t each idle m a n on an idle lot a n d m a k e it possible for him to build a h o m e t h e r e . I say t h a t if the p r o p e r t y owners of California do n o t do i t , they m a y live to r e g r e t the failure of their brains a n d h u m a n sense. In the " I , G o v e r n o r " book we h a d called for a bond issue of $300,000,000 to cover the cost of e q u i p m e n t to m a k e the u n e m p l o y e d s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g . B u t soon our lawyers began p o i n t i n g o u t how m a n y devices our o p p o n e n t s would employ, to keep us f r o m g e t t i n g a n d exp e n d i n g any of t h a t money. Also, as t i m e p a s s e d , I saw t h e crisis growing worse; the n u m b e r of u n e m p l o y e d persons increased f r o m a million to a million a n d a q u a r t e r , a n d e m p h a s i s h a d to be laid u p o n steps which could be t a k e n w i t h o u t delay. In the book, page 54, I h a d m e n t i o n e d the possibility of s t a r t i n g on a r e n t a l basis, a n d I took to stressing this f e a t u r e of the P l a n . Of course, our enemies i m m e d i a t e l y set u p a clamor t h a t we h a d d r o p p e d the bond issue, a n d t h u s a d m i t t e d a n o t h e r blunder. T h i s was entirely u n t r u e ; for I never failed to specify t h a t a f t e r we h a d m a d e a trial on a r e n t a l basis a n d convinced the t a x p a y e r s t h a t the u n e m ployed really could p r o d u c e goods, we could more easily get the consent of the v o t e r s to spend m o n e y for a c a p i t a l i n v e s t m e n t , a n d t h u s p u t the E P I C system on a p e r m a n e n t a n d self-sustaining basis. See " I m m e d i a t e E P I C , " pages 2 7 - 2 9 . In the course of the s u m m e r P r e s i d e n t Roosevelt a n n o u n c e d a p r o g r a m of social insurance which he said would be one of the t a s k s of the new Congress. N a t u rally t h a t m a d e it futile for any S t a t e to go a h e a d with a pension p r o g r a m , a n d I said t h a t the E P I C m o v e m e n t would wait a n d see w h a t Congress did before t a k i n g u p this s u b j e c t . Again a c h o r u s f r o m t h e hostile newspap e r s : "Sinclair d r o p s his pension plans." O d d l y enough

[107]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R these s a m e opponents, who insisted that we could not raise fifty dollars a month for the aged persons of California, m a d e political capital out o f the fact that I did not favor the Townsend P l a n , which proposes to pay to the aged a pension of two hundred dollars a month! Impossible to imagine a greater instance of hypocrisy than Frank Merriam's coming out for the Townsend P l a n . Of course, it cost him nothing; for it is avowedly a Federal p l a n , and he could grin and leave it to the poor victims to appeal to Roosevelt and to Congress. A n d , meanwhile he would have the votes! I , too, needed those votes. How easy for me, when the proposal first came before the public, to say yes, of course, I favored it; pay the old people pensions, pay them anything they want—two hundred a m o n t h , or two thousand a month. They have worked hard all their lives, the dear, good old people, and why should they not have comfort and security in their old age? How they would have flocked around me—the million people who have signed Townsend petitions all over the S t a t e of California! B u t I was not trying to be elected so much as to educate the people. So as soon as the problem was put up to me I s a i d : " T h e Townsend plan proposes to raise money by a sales t a x , and a sales tax is a tax on cons u m p t i o n , which reduces consuming power and m a k e s worse the condition it is supposed to remedy." When the Townsend supporters would get up in our meetings and argue that their inspired physician of L o n g Beach would solve the problem by compelling the old people to spend their two hundred dollars every m o n t h , and thus it was a "revolving" p l a n , and would promote trade and production, I would reply by pointing out to them that every time the money "revolved," thè profittakers would take a profit on it, and if it "revolved" twelve times a year, they would take twelve profits instead of one. It would simply mean that we speeded up the process whereby all the money in the country falls into a few h a n d s , and is locked up in hiding in the vaults of the Wall Street banks. You cannot stop the collapse of the profit system by making it happen twelve times as fast! What Acting-Governor M e r r i a m really thinks about old age pensions is proved by his actions. H e has been acting for six months, and what has he done? Our law [108]

A N D HOW I GOT L I C K E D provides a pension for needy persons over s e v e n t y years of age, a n d fewer t h a n t w e n t y t h o u s a n d persons are g e t t i n g less t h a n t w e n t y dollars per m o n t h e a c h ; a b o u t eighty t h o u s a n d m o r e h a v e p r o v e d their r i g h t to the p e n s i o n , b u t there is no m o n e y for t h e m . H a s M e r r i a m m o v e d a finger to get t h a t money, as ordered by the law of t h e S t a t e ? H e called a special session of the L e g i s l a t u r e to pass certain fiscal m e a s u r e s ; b u t no word a b o u t m o n e y for old age pensions. B u t see w h a t it costs to deal h o n e s t l y with the people! I h a v e before me a leaflet d i s t r i b u t e d at a mass m e e t i n g of the T o w n s e n d people in the H o l l y w o o d Bowl on the evening of S e p t e m b e r 28. I t is h e a d e d : " W h a t U p t o n Sinclair T h i n k s of the T o w n s e n d P l a n . " a n d it concludes: T h e d u t y of all a d h e r e n t s of the Townsend P l a n is very p l a i n : W E M U S T R E P U D I A T E S I N C L A I R AT T H E P O L L S O N NOVEMBER 6TH. T h e Townsend P l a n c a n n o t be s t o p p e d by a m a n whose v a n i t y causes him to reject all m o v e m e n t s or suggestions which he h i m self did not h a p p e n to c r e a t e . A V O T E A G A I N S T S I N C L A I R IS A V O T E F O R T H E TOWNSEND PLAN.

A c t i n g G o v e r n o r M e r r i a m got the e x t r a votes which he n e e d e d , a n d now he is G o v e r n o r - E l e c t , a n d the grin is on his face, a n d on the faces of all the politicians who worked for h i m , a n d of all t h e big business gentlemen who p u t u p his millions of dollars. T h e poor deluded old people can t a k e their p e t i t i o n s to Congress a n d to P r e s i d e n t R o o s e v e l t , a n d cherish their d r e a m of t w o h u n d r e d dollars a m o n t h u n t i l t h e y die. T h e n e w s p a p e r s said it would be t h a t way with our fifty dollars a m o n t h pension. T h e y would challenge m e to say where I was going to get t h a t money, a n d when I answered they did n o t publish w h a t I said. I m possible for any editor of a commercial n e w s p a p e r to u n d e r s t a n d the difference between a profit system in a s t a t e of collapse, driving the S t a t e a n d e v e r y b o d y in it to b a n k r u p t c y , a n d a system of p r o d u c t i o n for use in process of g r o w t h , p r o v i d i n g security a n d p l e n t y for all. I used to say to our audiences: " I t is difficult to get a m a n to u n d e r s t a n d s o m e t h i n g , when his salary d e p e n d s u p o n his n o t u n d e r s t a n d i n g it!" T h e r e were a n d still are a million a n d a q u a r t e r [109]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R people in C a l i f o r n i a d e p e n d e n t u p o n public charity. A t fifty c e n t s a day, this r e p r e s e n t s $228,000,000 a year, which m u s t somehow or o t h e r be t a k e n away f r o m those w h o still h a v e j o b s or incomes. I t r e p r e s e n t s a deficit which the S t a t e m u s t m a k e u p by taxes or bond issues. If we p u t those people a t p r o d u c t i v e labor a n d m a k e t h e m s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g , we h a v e $228,000,000 which we can use in pensioning t h e old p e o p l e . A m o n g the one a n d a q u a r t e r million idle are some five h u n d r e d t h o u s a n d able-bodied w o r k e r s . If they were p u t at w o r k , w h a t would be their p r o d u c t i v e capacity? L e t us a s s u m e t h a t they w o r k e d v e r y badly, a n d t u r n e d o u t no m o r e t h a n the a m o u n t of wages t h e y used to get in p r o s p e r o u s t i m e s , four dollars per d a y e a c h . T h a t is two million dollars a d a y ; o m i t t i n g S u n days a n d holidays, it is $600,000,000 per year. T h e difference between $228,000,000 loss a n d $600,000,000 gain is $828,000,000; a n d t h e r e you h a v e t h e difference between E P I C a n d n o t - E P I C to the people of California.

CHAPTER

XXI

T h e next big t a s k we h a d before us was t h e D e m o cratic P a r t y C o n v e n t i o n , which u n d e r the law was to be held in S a c r a m e n t o on S e p t e m b e r 20. Delegates to this convention consisted of t h e p a r t y ' s chosen nominees for S t a t e offices a n d for the L e g i s l a t u r e ; also of all inc u m b e n t D e m o c r a t i c legislators, c o n g r e s s m e n , a n d sena t o r s . T h i s m a d e s o m e t h i n g like one h u n d r e d a n d fifty d e l e g a t e s ; as our E P I C t i c k e t h a d p r e t t y well swept the p r i m a r i e s , we h a d to plan the proceedings of the convention. H e r e began a new c h a p t e r in my life: as p a r t y leader a n d m a n i p u l a t o r of caucuses. T h e old p a r t y people c a m e to see m e — a t least those who were n o t m a k i n g p l a n s to go over to the enemy. D o c t o r M a l a b y c a m e , a n d b r o u g h t M i l t o n K . Y o u n g ; l a t e r c a m e William M c N i c h o l s — t h e s e t h r e e f o r m e r c a n d i d a t e s pledged their s u p p o r t a n d m a d e speeches for us d u r i n g the c a m p a i g n . Several of t h e congressional c a n d i d a t e s c a m e ,

[110]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R people in C a l i f o r n i a d e p e n d e n t u p o n public charity. A t fifty c e n t s a day, this r e p r e s e n t s $228,000,000 a year, which m u s t somehow or o t h e r be t a k e n away f r o m those w h o still h a v e j o b s or incomes. I t r e p r e s e n t s a deficit which the S t a t e m u s t m a k e u p by taxes or bond issues. If we p u t those people a t p r o d u c t i v e labor a n d m a k e t h e m s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g , we h a v e $228,000,000 which we can use in pensioning t h e old p e o p l e . A m o n g the one a n d a q u a r t e r million idle are some five h u n d r e d t h o u s a n d able-bodied w o r k e r s . If they were p u t at w o r k , w h a t would be their p r o d u c t i v e capacity? L e t us a s s u m e t h a t they w o r k e d v e r y badly, a n d t u r n e d o u t no m o r e t h a n the a m o u n t of wages t h e y used to get in p r o s p e r o u s t i m e s , four dollars per d a y e a c h . T h a t is two million dollars a d a y ; o m i t t i n g S u n days a n d holidays, it is $600,000,000 per year. T h e difference between $228,000,000 loss a n d $600,000,000 gain is $828,000,000; a n d t h e r e you h a v e t h e difference between E P I C a n d n o t - E P I C to the people of California.

CHAPTER

XXI

T h e next big t a s k we h a d before us was t h e D e m o cratic P a r t y C o n v e n t i o n , which u n d e r the law was to be held in S a c r a m e n t o on S e p t e m b e r 20. Delegates to this convention consisted of t h e p a r t y ' s chosen nominees for S t a t e offices a n d for the L e g i s l a t u r e ; also of all inc u m b e n t D e m o c r a t i c legislators, c o n g r e s s m e n , a n d sena t o r s . T h i s m a d e s o m e t h i n g like one h u n d r e d a n d fifty d e l e g a t e s ; as our E P I C t i c k e t h a d p r e t t y well swept the p r i m a r i e s , we h a d to plan the proceedings of the convention. H e r e began a new c h a p t e r in my life: as p a r t y leader a n d m a n i p u l a t o r of caucuses. T h e old p a r t y people c a m e to see m e — a t least those who were n o t m a k i n g p l a n s to go over to the enemy. D o c t o r M a l a b y c a m e , a n d b r o u g h t M i l t o n K . Y o u n g ; l a t e r c a m e William M c N i c h o l s — t h e s e t h r e e f o r m e r c a n d i d a t e s pledged their s u p p o r t a n d m a d e speeches for us d u r i n g the c a m p a i g n . Several of t h e congressional c a n d i d a t e s c a m e ,

[110]

[Ill]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R a n d of course there were conferences w i t h o u r own E P I C nominees. O u r c a n d i d a t e for S t a t e s e n a t o r from Los Angeles C o u n t y was a lawyer, C u l b e r t L . Olson. H e h a d come f o u r t e e n years ago f r o m U t a h , where he h a d been a m e m b e r of the legislature a n d h a d a g r e a t deal to do w i t h the f r a m i n g of t h a t State's labor laws, which the railway b r o t h e r h o o d men tell me are the best in the U n i o n . Mr. Olson h a d come f o r w a r d early in the E P I C c a m p a i g n ; he was p r e s i d e n t of t h e Los Angeles D e m o cratic C l u b , a n d invited me to explain m y ideas to this o r g a n i z a t i o n . H e assured me of his d e v o t i o n to the idea of p r o d u c t i o n for use a n d his willingness to go along with our forces; b u t he did n o t w a n t to come o u t definitely as an E P I C m a n u n t i l a f t e r t h e p r i m a r i e s , t h i n k i n g t h a t he could h a v e m o r e influence over the old line D e m o c r a t s by following t h a t course. To this I a s s e n t e d , a n d as a result the old line D e m o c r a t s p u t u p no o p p o n e n t to Olson, a n d he was now the D e m o c r a t i c n o m i n e e . Before leaving for W a s h i n g t o n , I h a d p r e p a r e d a suggested d r a f t for the p a r t y p l a t f o r m a n d t u r n e d it over to Downey, Olson a n d O t t o , a n d we now h a d a series of conferences a b o u t it. A n o t h e r m e n t o r w h o a p p e a r e d on the scene was U n i t e d S t a t e s S e n a t o r William G . M c A d o o . We h a d k n o w n him for m a n y y e a r s , a n d also the lady who was his wife, P r e s i d e n t Wilson's d a u g h t e r . " M a c " h a d been a b r o a d d u r i n g the p r i m a r y c a m p a i g n , a p r u d e n t course. N o w he was p r e p a r e d to s u p p o r t the p a r t y n o m i n e e , a n d I w e n t to visit him at his h o m e , a n d there m e t his law p a r t n e r , Colonel N e b l e t t , a younger m a n who h a d j u s t come o u t very a r d e n t l y in s u p p o r t of m y candidacy. M c A d o o m a d e suggestions a b o u t the p l a t f o r m , a n d a b o u t how a good D e m o c r a t should b e h a v e . T h e n c a m e George Creel. I h a d a l r e a d y m e t him in San Francisco, r e t u r n i n g f r o m the E a s t ; he a n d M a u r i c e H a r r i s o n , with D o w n e y a n d Olson, h a d come to w h a t seemed an a g r e e m e n t . Creel now c a m e to m y h o m e for a c o n f e r e n c e , a t t e n d e d by Olson, O t t o , Downey, J o h n Beardsley, J o h n P a c k a r d , a n d o t h e r s of our people. H i s physical behavior was symbolic. H e took off his coat a n d h u n g it over a c h a i r ; he took off his tie a n d h u n g it over the c o a t ; he rolled u p one sleeve a n d then t h e other, a n d sat down a n d proceeded to go to w o r k .

[112]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D H e a d m i t t e d q u i t e freely a t t h e o u t s e t t h a t all the essentials of the E P I C P l a n m u s t be in the p a r t y p l a t f o r m , because t h a t was t h e p r o g r a m for which a m a j o r ity of t h e D e m o c r a t s of t h e S t a t e h a d v o t e d ; b u t he a r g u e d t h a t we should avoid going too g r e a t l y i n t o detail a n d c o n t e n t ourselves with s t a t e m e n t s of general principles. M c A d o o urged the s a m e t h i n g ; a n d it was perfectly s a t i s f a c t o r y to m e , for I was to be the G o v e r nor, a n d would h a v e charge of the d e t a i l s . Creel h a d only one p e r e m p t o r y d e m a n d to m a k e — t h a t we would h a v e n o t h i n g to do with J u s t u s W a r d e l l . I felt q u i t e safe in p r o m i s i n g t h a t . Creel h a d given a good deal of t i m e to labor m a t t e r s a n d he u n d e r t o o k to write the labor p l a n k s , in cooperation w i t h t h e S t a t e F e d e r a t i o n people in San Francisco. We s p e n t t h r e e h o u r s discussing all these m a t t e r s , a n d c a m e to c o m p l e t e a n d cordial a g r e e m e n t . We agreed on Olson for p e r m a n e n t c h a i r m a n of the D e m o c r a t i c p a r t y . I suggested t h a t Creel should act as c h a i r m a n of the c o n v e n t i o n , a n d he p r o m i s e d to consider it. N e x t d a y O t t o a n d I w e n t to McAdoo's office for a n o t h e r c o n f e r e n c e , a n d an e m b a r r a s s i n g issue came u p . M c A d o o w a n t e d his law p a r t n e r , Colonel N e b l e t t , to be S t a t e C h a i r m a n . H e was quite insistent a b o u t it a n d said t h a t his long service to t h e p a r t y e n t i t l e d him to t h i s . I said it was m y u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h a t the candid a t e for G o v e r n o r was p e r m i t t e d to select the c h a i r m a n who was to c a r r y on his c a m p a i g n ; a n d our forces h a d agreed u p o n Olson. M c A d o o insisted t h a t he h a d a r i g h t to be c o n s u l t e d , a n d I replied t h a t I s u p p o s e d I was c o n s u l t i n g him when I c o n s u l t e d his c a n d i d a t e Creel. M c A d o o replied with some h e a t t h a t Creel did n o t speak for h i m ; Creel was his own c a n d i d a t e , a n d M c A d o o h a d n o t even known t h a t he was going to be a c a n d i d a t e u n t i l a f t e r he h a d a n n o u n c e d himself. H o w ever, M c A d o o h a d endorsed Creel's candidacy. I am p r e t t y good a t fighting with m y p e n , b u t I dislike personal controversies, a n d took r e f u g e in the suggestion t h a t M c A d o o t a k e the m a t t e r u p with Culb e r t Olson. Incidentally, I was curious to see w h a t Olson would h a v e to say for himself. T h e result was a m o s t a m u s i n g scene. C u l b e r t Olson is an extremely fine-looking m a n , l a r g e , g r a v e , a n d slow of speech. I t is easy to i n t e r r u p t

[113]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R a slow speaker, so Olson h a s evolved a m e t h o d of d e f e n s e — h e goes r i g h t on with w h a t he h a s to say, regardless of w h a t the o t h e r fellow m a y be doing or saying. H e c a m e u p to the office a n d was i n t r o d u c e d to M c A d o o , a n d w i t h o u t any preliminaries M c A d o o proceeded to inform him t h a t he w a n t e d N e b l e t t to be S t a t e C h a i r m a n . W h e r e u p o n Olson p u t his h e a d down a n d s t a r t e d for " M a c " . H e i n f o r m e d him t h a t it was n o t a q u e s t i o n for e i t h e r M c A d o o or Olson to decide. I t h a d been decided by E P I C l e a d e r s , who r e p r e s e n t e d the E P I C v o t e r s , a n d those persons would n e v e r in the world accept Colonel N e b l e t t , who h a d r e m a i n e d o u t of our c a m p a i g n u n t i l a f t e r he r e a d the election r e t u r n s . Colonel N e b l e t t stood in t h e corner a n d blinked his eyes. M c A d o o stood u p o n his p r e r o g a t i v e s as a s e n a t o r a n d elder s t a t e s m a n of the p a r t y , a n d v e n t u r e d to say t h a t he t h o u g h t Creel would p r e f e r N e b l e t t to Olson. Said Olson: "I am able to i n f o r m you u p o n the best possible a u t h o r i t y t h a t Creel would not wish to h a v e N e b l e t t become S t a t e C h a i r m a n . " M c A d o o expressed surprise a t this a n d asked w h a t Creel h a d s a i d . Olson replied: "I do not care to p u t myself in the position of a tale-bearer. I simply say t h a t I know f r o m Creel's own lips t h a t he would not accept N e b l e t t . " As a m a t t e r of fact I also h a d h e a r d Creel discuss t h a t s u b j e c t . H e h a d spoken of b o t h M c A d o o a n d N e blett in b i t t e r t e r m s . H e is a reckless slinger of epit h e t s , a n d the p a r t i c u l a r e p i t h e t he h a d slung a t M c A doo's p a r t n e r was a d e a d cockroach." To c o m p l e t e this story, let me say t h a t Colonel N e b lett c a m e u p to S a c r a m e n t o , a n d we m a d e him a m e m ber of the p l a t f o r m c o m m i t t e e , a n d he assisted in f r a m ing the p l a t f o r m a n d in p u t t i n g it t h r o u g h t h e c o n v e n t i o n . A week or two l a t e r c a m e the first m e e t i n g of the new S t a t e C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e , which h a d t h e selecting of the S t a t e C h a i r m a n , a n d it selected C u l b e r t Olson. S h o r t l y a f t e r t h a t Colonel N e b l e t t issued a m a n i f e s t o to the press, d e n o u n c i n g the E P I C p r o g r a m a n d the E P I C c a n d i d a t e . H e said t h a t I was leading t h e S t a t e into C o m m u n i s m , a n d t h e r e a f t e r he m a d e speeches over the r a d i o , a t t a c k i n g me v e h e m e n t l y in t h e n a m e of t r u e D e m o c r a c y ! While I am on t h e subject of " t r e a s o n s , s t r a t e g e m s

[114]

Facing the

Redskins—1934

—From The Kansas City

[115]

Star

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R a n d spoils", I will tell t h e s t o r y of a Los Angeles D e m o c r a t w h o was s e c r e t a r y or s o m e t h i n g of a D e m o c r a t i c C l u b , a n d published a little weekly paper. Soon a f t e r I a n n o u n c e d m y c a n d i d a c y he became q u i t e cordial a n d invited me to a d d r e s s his club. I did so, a n d there was a h u g e crowd a n d every evidence of e n t h u s i a s m . T h e weekly began to boost o u r cause in a t a c t f u l way, p u b lishing nice things a b o u t me a n d telling how I was o u t d i s t a n c i n g all o t h e r c a n d i d a t e s . T h e n one d a y t h e e d i t o r asked for an interview, a n d I s t o p p e d in to see h i m . We sat alone in his office a n d he revealed to me his idea of his f u t u r e . H e was an engineer a n d would like to be S t a t e E n g i n e e r if I was elected. I explained politely the basis on which our c a m p a i g n was being c o n d u c t e d : no promises were being m a d e . H e then w e n t on to say t h a t he would like to be S t a t e C h a i r m a n of the D e m o c r a t i c party. Since t h a t was purely a political m a t t e r , surely I could m a k e promises a b o u t it! M y answer was t h a t decision would be m a d e in the f u t u r e by the D e m o c r a t i c action of our workers. I r e m e m b e r m e n t i o n i n g to our c a m p a i g n c o m m i t t e e this man's interest in our m o v e m e n t , a n d one of t h e m e m b e r s said: "I don't t h i n k he has a particle of idealism in him." " M a y b e not," I replied; " b u t he h a s a g r a n d card-file." I t h o u g h t longingly of t h a t card-file for a m o n t h or t w o ; b u t I h e a r d no m o r e f r o m m y f r i e n d , a n d there were no more c o m p l i m e n t s in his little paper. I forgot him until I h a d become the n o m i n e e of his p a r t y a n d t h e c a m p a i g n h a d reached its full fury. T h e n all a t once his weekly blossomed o u t in double size— s u p p o r t i n g M e r r i a m ! N o n e of the R e p u b l i c a n c a m paign sheets published more vicious personal a t t a c k s u p o n me t h a n this so-called " D e m o c r a t i c " paper. A m o n g o t h e r things it p r i n t e d as a serial a piece of fiction e n t i t l e d " T h u n d e r Over California." T h i s story also a p p e a r e d in tabloid f o r m , a n d h u n d r e d s of t h o u s a n d s of copies of it were d i s t r i b u t e d over the S t a t e . I t h a d on the cover a h a i r y m o n s t e r s u p p o s e d to be a Bolshevik. You c a n n o t get the full effect in black a n d w h i t e ; you m u s t imagine the m o n s t e r h a v i n g bright red lips a n d a b r i g h t red flag a n d p l e n t y of blood s c a t t e r e d all over the p a g e .

[116]

A N D HOW I GOT L I C K E D I t was supposed to be a s t o r y of California as it would be in t h i r t y y e a r s , a f t e r the C o m m u n i s t U p t o n Sinclair h a d got t h r o u g h d e s t r o y i n g all t h e homes a n d n a t i o n a l i z i n g all the women a n d c h i l d r e n . A f t e r the c a m p a i g n was over I picked u p an item of i n f o r m a t i o n f r o m the " N e w R e p u b l i c " : T h i s story h a d been w r i t t e n for M i n n e s o t a , to show the h o r r o r s which the F a r m e r L a b o r p a r t y was going to p e r p e t r a t e . I t h a d been rew r i t t e n , with changes of n a m e s and scenery, to a d a p t it to C a l i f o r n i a . N o d o u b t it will m a k e its a p p e a r a n c e in the o t h e r forty-six S t a t e s as n e e d e d . One m o r e a n e c d o t e which ties in with this weekly paper. From the o u t s e t of the E P I C c a m p a i g n there was a young c a r t o o n i s t who m a d e d r a w i n g s for our p a per. H i s work was c r u d e , b u t he h a d an e n o r m o u s idea of its i m p o r t a n c e , a n d when it was n o t published he would send it to m e , a n d write me long l e t t e r s in p r i n t e d c h a r a c t e r s , d e m a n d i n g to know why I did n o t do s o m e t h i n g a b o u t it. Before long he became dissatisfied with R i c h a r d O t t o , our c a m p a i g n m a n a g e r , a n d served u p o n me the d e m a n d t h a t O t t o be deposed in his favor. T h e n p r e s e n t l y he w a n t e d t h e editor of our p a p e r o u s t e d a n d himself m a d e editor. In s h o r t , t h e r e seemed to be n o t h i n g this young m a n could n o t do a n d did n o t clamor to do to m a k e me G o v e r n o r of California! H e would come to see me a n d say t h a t he was s t a r v ing, a n d once or twice I gave him a few dollars. H e c a m e , very early one m o r n i n g , because he h a d h e a r d t h a t the " U t o p i a n N e w s " h a d fired its editor, a n d w a n t e d me to r e c o m m e n d him for t h a t p o s i t i o n . I told him t h a t I could not r e c o m m e n d him for any p o s i t i o n , because I did not s h a r e his own idea of his abilities. A n d then no m o r e , u n t i l the last three weeks of the c a m p a i g n , when m o n e y was free in California political life. L o , a n d b e h o l d — t h e editor who w a n t e d to be S t a t e E n g i n e e r a n d C h a i r m a n of the D e m o c r a t i c p a r t y , publishing a d r a w i n g by the c a r t o o n i s t who w a n t e d to be editor of t h e " E P I C N e w s " a n d m a n a g e r of the E n d P o v e r t y L e a g u e a n d e d i t o r of the " U t o p i a n News", ridiculing the a u t h o r who w a n t e d to be G o v e r n o r of California!

[117]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R CHAPTER

XXII

T h e twentieth of September was my fifty-sixth birthday, and the Democratic party of California presented me with a charming g i f t : the best political platform which I have ever known to be adopted by a p a r t y in America. T h e law provides that all political conventions shall be held in S a c r a m e n t o on the s a m e day. Our party being the biggest, and able to make the most noise, we had the large assembly chamber. When I entered at ten o'clock in the morning it was packed to the doors, and the gallery was a mass of E P I C s u p p o r t e r s , all prepared to make history. T h e aisles were full of newsreel cameras and spotlights, and we knew that the eyes of the world were upon us that day. We knew also that the E P I C movement was watching us, for presently there was unfurled over the balcony a huge blue-andwhite banner reading: E P I C 460,000 V O T E S NO COMPROMISE! You see, the conferences with Creel and M c A d o o had been widely exploited, and our enemies had not failed to say that we were abandoning our views and making "deals", as the price of political success. I had kept silent, realizing that our new Democratic friends were in a difficult position; I thought it could do no harm if they saved their faces a little bit. Senator M c A d o o , for example, had publicly s t a t e d that " T h e E P I C Plan is one of utter and hopeless impracticability"; and now here he was, a prominent delegate to a convention full of E P I C supporters! M o s t of the old-line D e m o c r a t s were there. Creel was chairman, and with me on one side of him and M c A d o o on the other, the kleig lights were turned on and the camera-men snapped away to their hearts' content. All public events in America are now carried on in two sections: the real thing for those present, and a rehearsal or second performance, for the benefit of those who cannot come to the show but must have it brought to them. T h e D e m o c r a t s who disapproved of us were there

[118]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R CHAPTER

XXII

T h e twentieth of September was my fifty-sixth birthday, and the Democratic party of California presented me with a charming g i f t : the best political platform which I have ever known to be adopted by a p a r t y in America. T h e law provides that all political conventions shall be held in S a c r a m e n t o on the s a m e day. Our party being the biggest, and able to make the most noise, we had the large assembly chamber. When I entered at ten o'clock in the morning it was packed to the doors, and the gallery was a mass of E P I C s u p p o r t e r s , all prepared to make history. T h e aisles were full of newsreel cameras and spotlights, and we knew that the eyes of the world were upon us that day. We knew also that the E P I C movement was watching us, for presently there was unfurled over the balcony a huge blue-andwhite banner reading: E P I C 460,000 V O T E S NO COMPROMISE! You see, the conferences with Creel and M c A d o o had been widely exploited, and our enemies had not failed to say that we were abandoning our views and making "deals", as the price of political success. I had kept silent, realizing that our new Democratic friends were in a difficult position; I thought it could do no harm if they saved their faces a little bit. Senator M c A d o o , for example, had publicly s t a t e d that " T h e E P I C Plan is one of utter and hopeless impracticability"; and now here he was, a prominent delegate to a convention full of E P I C supporters! M o s t of the old-line D e m o c r a t s were there. Creel was chairman, and with me on one side of him and M c A d o o on the other, the kleig lights were turned on and the camera-men snapped away to their hearts' content. All public events in America are now carried on in two sections: the real thing for those present, and a rehearsal or second performance, for the benefit of those who cannot come to the show but must have it brought to them. T h e D e m o c r a t s who disapproved of us were there

[118]

C '

John HOMW.I1 Hart w o eorainf back horn, to California after a long: absence. In a few mora hour» ha would again «ee the whit« Orango County farmstead where he was reared. He would again clasp his brother David's hand. Once more he was going to see his only child, a woman she would be now. whoee face he had not looked upon since she was a child. And for the first' time he was going to see that two-year-old grandson David had written him about In such blissful anticipation there waa sufficient cause to justify eagerness which made it impossible for the no longer young adventurer to remain placid in hi* deck chair while the liner warped her

[119]

way painfully into San Pedro harbor and made him press nervously r.gainst the steamer's rail, as if by so doing he could hurry the ship along the last tedious mile of her voyage. There wss more than the fond thought» of penons and plac«* to draw the traveler back to his homeland- Decade» abroad amid strangers and in strange climes had dulled in him tha poignancy of longing which most man have for ties of family and placa to a certain

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R also, a n d r e a d y to p u t u p a f i g h t . We could n o t tell how m a n y there were. " H a m " C o t t o n , a Federal office holder f r o m Los Angeles, was i n t r o d u c e d to m e , a n d said: " I a p p e a r to be the only D e m o c r a t who is going to fight you." H e m a n a g e d to find o t h e r s l a t e r on— a f t e r t h e R e p u b l i c a n p u r s e - s t r i n g s were loosened u p ! T h e first test c a m e over the a p p o i n t i n g of the p l a t f o r m c o m m i t t e e . T h e opposition w a n t e d r e p r e s e n t a tion on this c o m m i t t e e to be by assembly districts; because this would m a k e a big a n d unwieldly g r o u p , a n d some of their m e m b e r s would be on it. O u r p l a n s called for a c o m m i t t e e of eight m e m b e r s to be n a m e d by t h e c h a i r m a n , a n d we h a d an u n d e r s t a n d i n g with Creel who t h e eight were to be. O u r p r o p o s i t i o n was carried by a v o t e of s o m e t h i n g like five to o n e . T h e convention t h e n a d j o u r n e d , a n d the c o m m i t t e e retired to a room to p e r f o r m its labors. T h e c o m m i t t e e consisted of C r e e l , Olson, Downey, O t t o , N e b l e t t , F r a n k H e n n e s s y , J u d g e C a r r a n d myself. We w e n t over the p r o p o s e d d r a f t sentence by s e n t e n c e , a n d e v e r y b o d y h a d his say, a n d in the end every decision was u n a n i m o u s . In t h r e e or four h o u r s the c o m m i t t e e was r e a d y to r e p o r t . E v e r y person in t h e assembly c h a m b e r was on t i p t o e w i t h e x c i t e m e n t . C u r i o s i t y h a d been w o r k e d u p for a week or more by r e p o r t s a b o u t c o m p r o m i s e s a n d deals; a n d here a t last was to be t h e answer! H o w far h a d Sinclair given w a y to Creel? H o w far h a d Creel given w a y to Sinclair? T h e p l a t f o r m was r e a d by S h e r i d a n D o w n e y in his clear, p r a c t i c e d voice, a n d e v e r y b o d y in t h e assembly c h a m b e r h e a r d every word of it. I t s t a r t e d off w i t h an e n d o r s e m e n t of the P r e s i d e n t ' s efforts t o w a r d the N e w D e a l , a n d vigorous d e n u n c i a t i o n s of R e p u b l i c a n react i o n , a n d of the R o l p h a n d M e r r i a m regimes. Of course t h a t all s o u n d e d good to our E P I C people a n d every sentence was p u n c t u a t e d with cheers. T h e n c a m e a d e m a n d for repeal of the sales tax on t h e necessities of life, a n d the s u b s t i t u t i o n of a s t a t e income tax a n d increase in i n h e r i t a n c e taxes. N o audience in California h a d ever failed to a p p l a u d these p r o p ositions. A n d t h e n the p a r a g r a p h s a b o u t u n e m p l o y m e n t , a n d w h a t t h e D e m o c r a t i c p a r t y of California p u r p o s e d to

[120]

Calaam Up to Date

[121]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R do a b o u t it. D o w n e y r e a d : "As the g r e a t e s t possible m e a s u r e of tax r e d u c t i o n , a n d also as a m e a n s of industrial a n d social r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , e m p l o y m e n t of the u n e m ployed, a n d of e n d i n g p o v e r t y in C a l i f o r n i a . . . ." At t h a t p o i n t every E P I C m a n a n d w o m a n in t h a t audience leaped u p , a n d the cheering s t o p p e d the p r o ceedings of t h e R e p u b l i c a n convention in t h e s e n a t e c h a m b e r down the corridor. Such waving of h a t s a n d h a n d k e r c h i e f s , such s t a m p i n g a n d clapping of h a n d s ! Creel h a d to t a k e a bow, a n d I h a d to t a k e a bow, a n d M c A d o o h a d to a p p e a r between us with his a r m s a r o u n d u s . I t was all r i g h t ; the E P I C S a n d the D e m o c r a t s h a d g o t together, a n d p o v e r t y was going to be e n d e d in California! A t last Sheridan D o w n e y was able to c o n t i n u e : ". . . we pledge ourselves to a policy of p u t t i n g the u n e m ployed a t p r o d u c t i v e w o r k . . ." T h e whole t h i n g s t a r t e d over a g a i n , a n d D o w n e y h a d to wait a while longer before he c o n t i n u e d : ". . . enabling t h e m to p r o d u c e w h a t they themselves are to c o n s u m e . Such a system will restore to a c t i v i t y our idle a n d profitless processing p l a n t s a n d factories, a n d give to the u n e m p l o y e d citizens an o p p o r t u n i t y to engage in p r o d u c t i v e a n d dist r i b u t i v e services for their own exclusive use a n d benefit. " C o o p e r a t i v e self-help g r o u p s h a v e s p r u n g u p all over the s t a t e . We propose to p u t the resources of the s t a t e behind these g r o u p s a n d enable t h e m to f u n c t i o n a n d grow." Of course t h a t was our E P I C P l a n , a n d everybody k n e w it was our E P I C P l a n , a n d when Creel a n d N e b l e t t p r e t e n d t h a t we w i t h d r e w our E P I C P l a n , or c o m p r o m i s e d our E P I C P l a n , t h e y are d i s t o r t i n g history. B o t h Creel a n d N e b l e t t v o t e d for these two p a r a g r a p h s as m e m b e r s of the p l a t f o r m c o m m i t t e e , a n d they v o t e d for t h e m as delegates to the c o n v e n t i o n . T h e y knew exactly w h a t they were v o t i n g for, a n d when N e blett a f t e r w a r d s called it C o m m u n i s m , a n d when Creel a f t e r w a r d s called it S o c i a L i s m , t h e y were d a m n i n g themselves, not me. T h e p l a t f o r m goes on to cover every essential p o i n t of our P l a n to end p o v e r t y in C a l i f o r n i a . I t calls for " i m m e d i a t e e x e m p t i o n f r o m t a x a t i o n of $1000 of assessed v a l u a t i o n of h o m e s a n d f a r m s occupied by their owners, a n d a u t h o r i z i n g the legislature to increase t h a t [122]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D e x e m p t i o n to $3000 when S t a t e r e v e n u e s p e r m i t . " I t calls for t a x i n g of "large land-holdings held o u t of prod u c t i v e use", a n d goes f u r t h e r in calling for the t a x i n g of " n a t u r a l resources." I t proposes an emergency t a x m e a s u r e c o r r e s p o n d i n g to our so-called E P I C t a x . T h e C e n t r a l Valley P r o j e c t is to be c o m p l e t e d " u n d e r a system of p r o d u c t i o n for use." T h e r e are to be " t h e six-hour d a y a n d the five-day week w i t h o u t a corres p o n d i n g r e d u c t i o n in wages," a n d " a d e q u a t e old age pensions . . . as well as for the blind, the disabled, a n d the widowed m o t h e r s of helpless c h i l d r e n , also for m a t e r n i t y care." I t closes with a p a r a g r a p h which I w r o t e , a n d of which I h a d r e p e a t e d the s u b s t a n c e in a h u n d r e d speeches t h r o u g h o u t C a l i f o r n i a : " P r o g r e s s versus r e a c t i o n , public welfare against priv a t e g r e e d — t h i s is the issue in the p r e s e n t c a m p a i g n . We are going f o r w a r d u p o n a new road to reorganize our society by p e a c e f u l , orderly, c o n s t i t u t i o n a l , a n d C h r i s t i a n m e t h o d s , a n d see to it t h a t g o v e r n m e n t of t h e people by the people a n d for the people does n o t perish f r o m California." A n y b o d y who t h i n k s t h a t p l a t f o r m compromises the E P I C P l a n o u g h t to h a v e been p r e s e n t a t the convention a n d seen a n d h e a r d w h a t t h e crowd in the gallery t h o u g h t a b o u t it. T h e men who h a d u n f u r l e d the " N O C O M P R O M I S E " b a n n e r j o i n e d in the cheering, a n d e v e r y b o d y there know t h a t we h a d b r o u g h t a b o u t a m a r r i a g e of the E P I C m o v e m e n t a n d the D e m o c r a t i c p a r t y ; e v e r y b o d y there believed we were going on to triumph. M r . H a m i l t o n C o t t o n a n d his friends h a d a b r i g h t idea to e m b a r r a s s us; t h e y w a n t e d to read t h e original t e x t of the E P I C P l a n , a n d propose t h a t for a p l a t f o r m . B u t the convention did not w a n t any m o r e discussion; t h e previous question was m o v e d , a n d v o t e d by a roll call, a n d was c a r r i e d , if I r e m e m b e r correctly, by 113 to 4. T h e n e w s p a p e r s took this as the v o t e on the p l a t f o r m , a n d it was so s t a t e d in the press. For t h e benefit of h i s t o r i a n s I record t h a t this was t h e vote on the previous q u e s t i o n . T h e v o t e on the p l a t f o r m followed i m m e d i a t e l y a f t e r w a r d s , a n d was t a k e n w i t h o u t a roll call; there was silence when the "noes" were called for, so the correct s t a t e m e n t is t h a t the p l a t f o r m was a d o p t e d unanimously. T h e R e p u b l i c a n c o n v e n t i o n , m e e t i n g in t h e S e n a t e [123]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R c h a m b e r , w a i t e d to see w h a t we would d o . I h a d no t i m e to look in on t h e m , b u t o t h e r s told me t h a t the small c h a m b e r was only half full a n d it was like a f u n e r a l ; e v e r y b o d y anxious a n d d e p r e s s e d , a n d the leaders t r y i n g their best to figure o u t some w a y to dress u p their old r e a c t i o n a r y as a progressive. A t the last mom e n t t h e y decided to t a k e over o u r p l a n k for the t h i r t y h o u r week. W h e n e v e r I t h i n k over this c a m p a i g n in f u t u r e I shall be able to get a good laugh o u t of the idea of our forcing the R e p u b l i c a n p a r t y of California to such a pledge. Of course they won't keep i t , b u t it will give us an o p p o r t u n i t y to m a k e t h e m u n h a p p y , a n d p e r h a p s to recall some of their legislators for broken p r o m i s e s . A l r e a d y M e r r i a m h a s f o u n d a way to get o u t of i t — h e says t h a t t h e t h i r t y - h o u r w e e k , like old age a n d o t h e r pensions, is a m a t t e r for t h e F e d e r a l governm e n t . B u t he didn't say t h a t in his speech a t the convention! I was called on to a d d r e s s the D e m o c r a t i c convent i o n , a n d did so for half an hour. I spoke now as a full-fledged D e m o c r a t a n d leader of the p a r t y . People said it was a good s p e e c h ; a n y h o w it was deeply felt a n d full of p u r p o s e . Creel followed m e , a n d t h e n M c A d o o , a n d e v e r y t h i n g was h a r m o n i o u s . A f t e r w a r d s we r e p a i r e d to a porch o u t s i d e , a n d m a d e little o n e - m i n u t e speeches for the newsreel m e n . In the evening we h a d a g r a n d b a n q u e t for all the E P I C D e m o c r a t s in Sacram e n t o w h o could afford a dollar a n d a q u a r t e r ; a n d the c a n d i d a t e for G o v e r n o r e n d e d a p e r f e c t d a y by being laid u p with a touch of p t o m a i n e poisoning!

CHAPTER

XXIII

T h e t i m e for t h e real fight h a d now c o m e . U p to the p r i m a r i e s , m a n y R e p u b l i c a n p a p e r s h a d "laid off" m e ; they w a n t e d me to be n o m i n a t e d , figuring t h a t I would be easy to b e a t . B u t now the c o n v e n t i o n s h a d been h e l d , the p l a t f o r m s were before the p e o p l e , a n d t h e issues were j o i n e d . For the r e m a i n i n g six weeks it would be rough a n d t u m b l e , no q u a r t e r asked or given. T h e r e were t h r e e a n t a g o n i s t s in the ring; a n d t h e r e is s o m e t h i n g to be said a b o u t each of t h e o t h e r t w o . [124]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R c h a m b e r , w a i t e d to see w h a t we would d o . I h a d no t i m e to look in on t h e m , b u t o t h e r s told me t h a t the small c h a m b e r was only half full a n d it was like a f u n e r a l ; e v e r y b o d y anxious a n d d e p r e s s e d , a n d the leaders t r y i n g their best to figure o u t some w a y to dress u p their old r e a c t i o n a r y as a progressive. A t the last mom e n t t h e y decided to t a k e over o u r p l a n k for the t h i r t y h o u r week. W h e n e v e r I t h i n k over this c a m p a i g n in f u t u r e I shall be able to get a good laugh o u t of the idea of our forcing the R e p u b l i c a n p a r t y of California to such a pledge. Of course they won't keep i t , b u t it will give us an o p p o r t u n i t y to m a k e t h e m u n h a p p y , a n d p e r h a p s to recall some of their legislators for broken p r o m i s e s . A l r e a d y M e r r i a m h a s f o u n d a way to get o u t of i t — h e says t h a t t h e t h i r t y - h o u r w e e k , like old age a n d o t h e r pensions, is a m a t t e r for t h e F e d e r a l governm e n t . B u t he didn't say t h a t in his speech a t the convention! I was called on to a d d r e s s the D e m o c r a t i c convent i o n , a n d did so for half an hour. I spoke now as a full-fledged D e m o c r a t a n d leader of the p a r t y . People said it was a good s p e e c h ; a n y h o w it was deeply felt a n d full of p u r p o s e . Creel followed m e , a n d t h e n M c A d o o , a n d e v e r y t h i n g was h a r m o n i o u s . A f t e r w a r d s we r e p a i r e d to a porch o u t s i d e , a n d m a d e little o n e - m i n u t e speeches for the newsreel m e n . In the evening we h a d a g r a n d b a n q u e t for all the E P I C D e m o c r a t s in Sacram e n t o w h o could afford a dollar a n d a q u a r t e r ; a n d the c a n d i d a t e for G o v e r n o r e n d e d a p e r f e c t d a y by being laid u p with a touch of p t o m a i n e poisoning!

CHAPTER

XXIII

T h e t i m e for t h e real fight h a d now c o m e . U p to the p r i m a r i e s , m a n y R e p u b l i c a n p a p e r s h a d "laid off" m e ; they w a n t e d me to be n o m i n a t e d , figuring t h a t I would be easy to b e a t . B u t now the c o n v e n t i o n s h a d been h e l d , the p l a t f o r m s were before the p e o p l e , a n d t h e issues were j o i n e d . For the r e m a i n i n g six weeks it would be rough a n d t u m b l e , no q u a r t e r asked or given. T h e r e were t h r e e a n t a g o n i s t s in the ring; a n d t h e r e is s o m e t h i n g to be said a b o u t each of t h e o t h e r t w o . [124]

A N D HOW I GOT L I C K E D R a y m o n d L . H a i g h t is a y o u n g lawyer of Los Angeles, whose g r a n d f a t h e r was once governor of the S t a t e . H e h a d been active in a t t e m p t s at civic cleanu p , being the h e a d of an o r g a n i z a t i o n known as the " M i n u t e - m e n . " Soon a f t e r I a n n o u n c e d my candidacy, we h a d a conference; I w a n t e d him to consider coming into our m o v e m e n t a n d r u n n i n g for A t t o r n e y - g e n e r a l . B u t his t r a d i t i o n s were all R e p u b l i c a n , a n d he h a d the idea of r u n n i n g for G o v e r n o r himself. H e h a d been promised the s u p p o r t of "Bob" Shuler, M e t h o d i s t clerg y m a n of Los Angeles active in politics; a n d Shuler would not s u p p o r t m e . H a i g h t filed on the R e p u b l i c a n t i c k e t , a n d on t h a t of Shuler's newly organized C o m m o n w e a l t h party. H e got some 80,000 v o t e s as a R e p u b l i c a n , a n d a few h u n d r e d on the o t h e r t i c k e t . Since he h a d no opposition on the l a t t e r , he h a d a place on t h e ballot in N o v e m b e r . H a i g h t said to m e , in s u b s t a n c e : " I t m u s t be either you or I . If M e r r i a m carries this election, the cause of civic decency is s u n k . " H e said t h a t he was going to c o n c e n t r a t e all his fire on M e r r i a m , a n d a d d e d , with a smile: " B e f o r e I get t h r o u g h he won't know t h a t Sinclair is r u n n i n g . " T h i s p r o g r a m he carried o u t to the best of his ability, a n d e a r n e d my respect as an h o n e s t a n d public-spirited m a n . On the t r a i n going u p to the c o n v e n t i o n , H a i g h t a n d a friend c a m e into m y s t a t e r o o m a n d talked things over. H a i g h t by t h a t time h a d got the M e r r i a m crowd badly f r i g h t e n e d , a n d h a d a m o s t i n t e r e s t i n g story to tell a b o u t their behavior. F o u r different times he h a d been a p p r o a c h e d by big business m e n , with a r g u m e n t s t h a t it was his d u t y to w i t h d r a w , to a v e r t the m e n a c e of Sinclairism; also with w h a t he r e g a r d e d as bribes, b u t which they considered plain c o m m o n sense. T h e y offered: (1) any of the S t a t e s law business he w a n t e d ; (2) any S t a t e office he w a n t e d ; (3) the U n i t e d S t a t e s s e n a t o r s h i p in the e v e n t t h a t a s e n a t o r died while M e r r i a m was G o v e r n o r ; (4) the g o v e r n o r s h i p a f t e r M e r r i am's four years; a n d (5) $100,000 c a s h . H e described one of these scenes: " T h e y told me exactly how old M c A d o o was a n d w h a t diseases he suffered f r o m ; they laid him o u t cold in his coffin, r i g h t t h e r e before m y eyes." W h e n H a i g h t told me t h i s , I q u o t e d : "Again, t h e devil t a k e t h him u p i n t o an exceeding high m o u n t a i n , a n d s h e w e t h him all the king[125]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R d o m s of the w o r l d , a n d the glory of t h e m ; a n d saith u n t o h i m , All these t h i n g s will I give t h e e , if t h o u wilt fall down a n d w o r s h i p me." N o w for M e r r i a m . D a y by a day, while w r i t i n g this b o o k , I h a v e p o n d e r e d t h e q u e s t i o n : how m u c h shall I tell a b o u t M e r r i a m ? All t h r o u g h the c a m p a i g n I refused to deal in p e r s o n a l i t i e s , a n d when somebody b r o u g h t me more f a c t s a g a i n s t m y r i v a l , I m a d e a n o t h e r speech a b o u t E n d i n g P o v e r t y In C a l i f o r n i a . B u t t h e fight is over now, a n d I am w r i t i n g this book as a perm a n e n t record. I ask myself: W h y shouldn't the people of California know the kind of m a n t h e y h a v e got for G o v e r n o r ? W h y shouldn't the rest of the world know our C a l i f o r n i a p l u t o c r a c y ? F r a n k F. M e r r i a m is nearly s e v e n t y - f o u r years old. H e was born in the town of H o p k i n t o n , I o w a , a n d I h a p p e n to h a v e a friend f r o m t h e r e , so I learned t h a t early in life M e r r i a m d e s e r t e d his wife a n d t w o - m o n t h s old boy, a n d w e n t off with a n o t h e r w o m a n , a n d was sued for m a i n t e n a n c e . M e r r i a m was S t a t e a u d i t o r in I o w a , a n d m a d e a p r a c t i c e of p r e t e n d i n g to examine i n s u r a n c e c o m p a n i e s , a n d c h a r g i n g big fees for it. H i s c o n d u c t was investig a t e d by a c o m m i t t e e of the S t a t e legislature, which made a scathing report, concluding: "The committee h a s no h e s i t a t i o n , however, in c o n d e m n i n g w i t h o u t r e s e r v a t i o n the practice of M e r r i a m as a u d i t o r , a n d of Beehler, as examiner, in collecting f r o m foreign c o m p a nies the u n w a r r a n t e d a n d excessive charges exacted from t h e m as exhibited in this r e p o r t . " G o v e r n o r C u m mins of Iowa c o m m e n t e d : " U p o n t h e face of the p a p e r s t h a t I h a v e , a n d u p o n the i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t I h a v e received, it a p p e a r s t h a t m a n y of these e x a m i n a t i o n s were n o t in good f a i t h , were w i t h o u t v a l u e , a n d t h a t t h e farce was e n a c t e d for no o t h e r p u r p o s e t h a n to collect m o n e y which h a d n o t been e a r n e d . " M e r r i a m came to C a l i f o r n i a , a n d was recognized a t once as the kind of m a n who belongs in our S t a t e legisl a t u r e . H e became a m e m b e r of t h e Assembly in 1917, a n d v o t e d against an a n t i - i n j u n c t i o n bill, a n d v o t e d to weaken workmen's c o m p e n s a t i o n ; also a g a i n s t limiting the e x o r b i t a n t charges of p r i v a t e e m p l o y m e n t agencies. In the 1919 session he r e p e a t e d these v o t e s , a n d a d d e d a v o t e to w e a k e n a n d d e s t r o y the i n i t i a t i v e ; also a g a i n s t

[126]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D c r e a t i n g a b u r e a u of child hygiene. In the 1921 session he again v o t e d in favor of p r i v a t e e m p l o y m e n t agencies, a n d a g a i n s t e x t e n d i n g a n d i m p r o v i n g the workmen's c o m p e n s a t i o n a c t . In 1923 he v o t e d for himself as S p e a k e r a n d was elected. H e a p p o i n t e d u n f a i r c o m m i t tees on i n s u r a n c e a n d public utilities, a n d again v o t e d in favor of p r i v a t e e m p l o y m e n t agencies, a n d a g a i n s t an anti-blacklist bill, a n d a g a i n s t i m p r o v e m e n t in the child labor law, a n d to re-establish a poll t a x ; a g a i n s t civil service a n d to re-establish t h e spoils s y s t e m . In 1925 as S p e a k e r he v o t e d to tax publicly owned utilities, a n d t h r e e t i m e s against abolishing t h e poll t a x , a n d v o t e d a g a i n s t increased weekly p a y m e n t s u n d e r the workmen's c o m p e n s a t i o n act a n d against the a n t i blacklist bill. I h a v e selected a few of m a n y i t e m s . I t is the record of a p e r f e c t s e r v a n t of special privilege. M e r r i a m h a s always been k n o w n as a power t r u s t m a n , a n d I was a m u s e d to notice t h a t when he p r o m i s e d to f u r t h e r the C e n t r a l Valley W a t e r a n d Power project d u r i n g t h e c a m p a i g n , he r e f e r r e d to it as the " C e n t r a l Valley W a ter project." W h i l e he was S t a t e senator, M e r r i a m became presid e n t of the C r e s c e n t City I n v e s t m e n t C o m p a n y , which w a s going to build a w o n d e r f u l new city in O r e g o n . M e r r i a m employed a t w o - t e r m convict as a high pressure s a l e s m a n , a n d t h e y sold lots to "come-ons," a n d Merriam wrote them ardent letters; among other marvels he p r o m i s e d the i m m e d i a t e building of a million dollar h o t e l . A f t e r a t h o r o u g h investigation of the p r o j e c t , t h e California Real E s t a t e D e p a r t m e n t pron o u n c e d it "a f r a u d u p o n the public," a n d o r d e r e d the c o m p a n y to c h a n g e its r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s ; a d e p u t y commissioner l a t e r w r o t e t h a t this was never d o n e . W h e n t h e c o m p a n y ' s license was held u p , M e r r i a m agreed to r e t u r n the m o n e y of dissatisfied c u s t o m e r s ; b u t when some of these c u s t o m e r s d e m a n d e d their m o n e y b a c k , M e r r i a m fell silent. S u b s e q u e n t l y some of the people sued the c o m p a n y a n d got j u d g m e n t s . All this story was published in detail in the S a c r a m e n t o "Bee," b u t it did n o t do the slightest h a r m to M e r r i a m ' s political career. T h e r e is so m u c h g r a f t in California t h a t no one can keep any p a r t i c u l a r item in m i n d more t h a n a few d a y s .

[127]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R M e r r i a m became L i e u t e n a n t G o v e r n o r , a n d presided over t h e S e n a t e in t h e s a m e spirit a n d to the same effect as formerly over t h e Assembly. W h e n G o v e r n o r R o l p h ' s h e a l t h began to fail, he aspired to t a k e his place, a n d his intrigues were such t h a t G o v e r n o r R o l p h ' s son c a m e to see me in San Francisco a n d told m e t h a t he held M e r r i a m responsible for his f a t h e r ' s d e a t h . M e r r i a m ' s b r o t h e r , H a r r y , c a m e several times to our Los Angeles h e a d q u a r t e r s , a n d told us t h a t F r a n k h a d been the executor of their father's e s t a t e , a n d h a d c h e a t e d H a r r y o u t of his s h a r e . H a r r y desired to file a suit a g a i n s t him at the h e i g h t of the c a m p a i g n , a n d would h a v e done so if we h a d given him encouragement. G o v e r n o r R o l p h d i e d , a n d a t the h e i g h t of the prim a r y c a m p a i g n c a m e the strike a g a i n s t the shipowners in San Francisco. T h e San Francisco police were n o t b r u t a l e n o u g h , a n d the shipowners w a n t e d M e r r i a m to call o u t the militia to break t h e s t r i k e . M e r r i a m a t t h a t t i m e was c a r r y i n g on his c a m p a i g n for the R e p u b l i can n o m i n a t i o n for G o v e r n o r , a n d the week before the militia was called o u t his h e a d q u a r t e r s was u n a b l e to m e e t its payroll. I m m e d i a t e l y a f t e r the militia was called o u t , a c a m p a i g n c o m m i t t e e account was opened a t the C r o c k e r N a t i o n a l B a n k in San Francisco, t h e initial deposit being $13,700. R a y m o n d Haight c h a r g e d over the radio t h a t the shipowners paid to M e r r i a m ' s h e a d q u a r t e r s m o r e t h a n $30,000 on this d e a l . H e challenged M e r r i a m to deny i t , a n d M e r r i a m replied with a denial t h a t he h a d ever received any such money. T h a t , of course, didn't m e e t the issue, a n d M e r r i a m h a s never denied the real charge which H a i g h t h a s again a n d again r e p e a t e d . I personally know a m a n who claims to h a v e seen these checks. H a i g h t writes me the n a m e of a S t a t e official w h o h a d the checks in his p o c k e t , a n d showed t h e m to a friend of H a i g h t ' s on t h e s t r e e t . T h e y were payable to t h e t r e a s u r e r of the M e r r i a m c a m p a i g n ; they t o t a l e d $30,000, a n d the m a n said t h a t $20,000 more was c o m i n g . H a i g h t a d d s : "A Los Angeles shipper advised one of m y c o m m i t t e e m e n in Los Angeles t h a t the c o n t r i b u t i o n of his c o m p a n y for the M e r r i a m c a m p a i g n , p r o m i s e d in r e t u r n for the order calling o u t t h e m i l i t i a , was $5,000. I h a v e the n a m e s of the c o m p a n i e s in-

[128]

[129]

I, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR volved and the name of the man who acted as their representative." A few days after Merriam became Acting Governor, I happened to be in Sacramento, and paid a call upon him. I had two purposes: first, to ask him to pardon Tom Mooney, and second, to ask him to help the unemployed. I told him what I had seen of distress all over the State; how in fifty different meetings I had called for a show of hands, and an average of thirty per cent of those in every crowd reported themselves out of work; how, two or three days previously, I had met a group of three hundred gaunt and haggard men in San Luis Obispo, who told me that all local aid had been cut off, and they did not know where they were going to get food for their families the next day. I offered Merriam the EPIC Plan freely, asking him to put the idle men at co-operative work. He smiled; his face is like a mask, because of an incessant smile. He thanked me, and shook my hand cordially. One of the legislative representatives of the railway brotherhoods told me that when Merriam was presiding over the S t a t e , he met him seven times in one morning, and Merriam shook hands with him every time. Said the labor man: "I don't know if he was showing me special courtesy, or if he makes a practice of shaking hands with everybody every time he passes him." Next day Merriam announced in the press that unemployment is a Federal problem. He has said the same thing about old age pensions, and now about the thirty-hour week. He tried to put off the relief problem also, but Federal Administrator H a r r y Hopkins threatened publicly to cut off Federal money, and so forced Merriam to call a special session of the legislature, right in the middle of the political campaign. When Merriam tried to get the handling of the new relief funds for his gang, Hopkins sent his agent to run the legislature and rewrite the bill. One last word: in order for "The Profits of Religion" to be completely vindicated, it is necessary that such a man should be a Sunday school teacher in a Presbyterian church. Merriam is.

[130]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D CHAPTER XXIV I was half ill for a week a f t e r the c o n v e n t i o n ; b u t c a m p a i g n schedules t a k e no a c c o u n t of h e a l t h . Two of our biggest m e e t i n g s c a m e at once—in the San F r a n cisco A u d i t o r i u m a n d in the O a k l a n d A u d i t o r i u m . O u r O a k l a n d m e e t i n g always m e a n t a d i n n e r in a d v a n c e ; for o u r m a n a g e r , F r a n k Lukey, used me as a bait to m a k e t h e E P I C workers go o u t a n d sell tickets for the big e v e n t . Only those w h o sold ten dollars' w o r t h of tickets were privileged to buy a t i c k e t to the meal! We h a d t h r e e or four such e v e n t s at O a k l a n d , a n d never less t h a n two h u n d r e d d i n e r s . N o t even on account of p t o m a i n e poisoning could I miss such an e v e n t . If I d i d , the story would s t a r t t h a t the c a n d i d a t e was sickly, old, a n d d e c r e p i t , u n f i t t e d for the exacting post of G o v ernor. I t h i n k t h a t on the whole I did p r e t t y well. I carried on a c a m p a i g n of f o u r t e e n m o n t h s a n d spoke a couple of h u n d r e d t i m e s , a n d only missed t h r e e or f o u r d a t e s . B u t t h a t didn't s t o p t h e stories a b o u t m y health. I n a weekly p a p e r of Los Angeles, " I n d e p e n d e n t R e view," I learned t h a t the E P I C c a n d i d a t e was an inv a l i d , a n d "lays a r o u n d in the sunshine m o s t of t h e time." N o t being a h e n , I have never done any laying. I t so h a p p e n s t h a t I like to lie in the s u n s h i n e a n d r e a d . I do t h a t kind of l y i n g — a n d leave the o t h e r kind to the n e w s p a p e r s . O n e of t h e San Francisco p a p e r s discovered a m o s t ingenious form of lying d u r i n g this visit. In telling the story, I apologize again for so m a n y personal d e t a i l s . I t was n o t I w h o m a d e t h e m an issue in the c a m p a i g n . T h i s t i m e t h e m a t t e r has to do with the h o m e s I h a v e lived in, a n d w h a t they c o s t , a n d why I m o v e d o u t of t h e m . I t s t a r t e d with t h e Los Angeles " T i m e s , " f o u n t a i n - h e a d of so much unloveliness in California life. " T h e evil t h a t men do lives a f t e r t h e m , " said S h a k e s p e a r e , a n d few men h a v e left m o r e a f t e r t h e m t h a n t h e old m a n who begot the " T i m e s . " M y r e a c t i o n a r y f r i e n d , H a r r y Carr, is one of the e d i t o r s a n d owners of this paper, a n d early in t h e c a m paign he s t a t e d t h a t I was m a k i n g $100,000 o u t of t h e E P I C m o v e m e n t . I t h o u g h t I would settle t h a t once

[131]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D CHAPTER XXIV I was half ill for a week a f t e r the c o n v e n t i o n ; b u t c a m p a i g n schedules t a k e no a c c o u n t of h e a l t h . Two of our biggest m e e t i n g s c a m e at once—in the San F r a n cisco A u d i t o r i u m a n d in the O a k l a n d A u d i t o r i u m . O u r O a k l a n d m e e t i n g always m e a n t a d i n n e r in a d v a n c e ; for o u r m a n a g e r , F r a n k Lukey, used me as a bait to m a k e t h e E P I C workers go o u t a n d sell tickets for the big e v e n t . Only those w h o sold ten dollars' w o r t h of tickets were privileged to buy a t i c k e t to the meal! We h a d t h r e e or four such e v e n t s at O a k l a n d , a n d never less t h a n two h u n d r e d d i n e r s . N o t even on account of p t o m a i n e poisoning could I miss such an e v e n t . If I d i d , the story would s t a r t t h a t the c a n d i d a t e was sickly, old, a n d d e c r e p i t , u n f i t t e d for the exacting post of G o v ernor. I t h i n k t h a t on the whole I did p r e t t y well. I carried on a c a m p a i g n of f o u r t e e n m o n t h s a n d spoke a couple of h u n d r e d t i m e s , a n d only missed t h r e e or f o u r d a t e s . B u t t h a t didn't s t o p t h e stories a b o u t m y health. I n a weekly p a p e r of Los Angeles, " I n d e p e n d e n t R e view," I learned t h a t the E P I C c a n d i d a t e was an inv a l i d , a n d "lays a r o u n d in the sunshine m o s t of t h e time." N o t being a h e n , I have never done any laying. I t so h a p p e n s t h a t I like to lie in the s u n s h i n e a n d r e a d . I do t h a t kind of l y i n g — a n d leave the o t h e r kind to the n e w s p a p e r s . O n e of t h e San Francisco p a p e r s discovered a m o s t ingenious form of lying d u r i n g this visit. In telling the story, I apologize again for so m a n y personal d e t a i l s . I t was n o t I w h o m a d e t h e m an issue in the c a m p a i g n . T h i s t i m e t h e m a t t e r has to do with the h o m e s I h a v e lived in, a n d w h a t they c o s t , a n d why I m o v e d o u t of t h e m . I t s t a r t e d with t h e Los Angeles " T i m e s , " f o u n t a i n - h e a d of so much unloveliness in California life. " T h e evil t h a t men do lives a f t e r t h e m , " said S h a k e s p e a r e , a n d few men h a v e left m o r e a f t e r t h e m t h a n t h e old m a n who begot the " T i m e s . " M y r e a c t i o n a r y f r i e n d , H a r r y Carr, is one of the e d i t o r s a n d owners of this paper, a n d early in t h e c a m paign he s t a t e d t h a t I was m a k i n g $100,000 o u t of t h e E P I C m o v e m e n t . I t h o u g h t I would settle t h a t once

[131]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R for all, so I addressed a long letter to Harry, giving him the financial history of my entire life. H a v i n g learned that the " T i m e s " was photographing the houses I have lived in, I gave H a r r y full particulars: and if you are curious, read " T h e Lie F a c t o r y S t a r t s , " which you m a y purchase for twenty cents. I will be as brief as possible. M y wife bought some cheap lots in a working-class neighborhood in P a s a d e n a , and bought some old houses, one by one, and had them moved onto the lots and joined together. T h u s she m a d e the home in which we lived for a m a t t e r of fifteen years. B u t two years ago I found myself tied up with " T h u n d e r Over Mexico," and having to go over to Hollywood nearly every d a y ; then, as we had no money to finish the picture, I had to work for one of the studios, which meant going to Culver City every day, a m a t t e r of forty or fifty miles through traffic. I found it wearing, and went over to Hollywood to find a house to rent, and discovered that Beverly Hills was full of beautiful mansions, half of them for sale for the mortg a g e . We could a s s u m e one of these m o r t g a g e s , and the interest on it would be less than the rent of a house; so we assumed a m o r t g a g e — a n d we still have it, because nobody else will assume it! We moved to Beverly Hills, and my secretary rented a cottage near by, and there the E n d Poverty movement was born, as I have previously told. After three or four months, it had to move downtown; and as I had finished with the motion picture business, there was no longer any reason for my staying in Beverly Hills. Our home there had become a conference place for the campaign; the house in P a s a d e n a seemed a refuge in which to be quiet, so one day, without telling anybody, we put a few clothes into our car and ran away to hide. There were only a few pieces of furniture left in the old house; but the phone didn't ring, and that m a d e it heaven. Such was the situation when the L o s Angeles " T i m e s " unearthed the scandal. You can see what a find it was for them: U p t o n Sinclair had been living in a Beverly Hills mansion, but now wanted to pose as a D e m o c r a t and friend of the common m a n , so he had moved to a dilapidated old house in P a s a d e n a . M o r e " T i m e s " photographers appeared. They asked to take me sitting in a rocking-chair on my front porch; and being a c a n d i d a t e , I s a i d : As you please. [132]

I A H A R D CHOICE

-:-

.;.

•:•

From the San Francisco "News"

[133]

By Rodger I

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R T h e Beverly Hills place p r e s e n t s a convincing app e a r a n c e of a r i s t o c r a c y ; it is all o u t in f r o n t , a n d its two stories loom u p m o s t impressively. T h e P a s a d e n a h o u s e , on the o t h e r h a n d , is long a n d r a m b l i n g , m a d e of five old one-story c o t t a g e s s t r u n g together. You can't get m o r e t h a n one of the five into a p h o t o g r a p h , so it looks e x t r e m e l y h u m b l e . B u t even t h a t wasn't bad enough for the " T i m e s . " T h e y w e n t over a n d took the little c o t t a g e in which m y s e c r e t a r y h a d lived; a n d to m a k e it look worse they got a big ash can a n d set it o u t on t h e sidewalk, t u r n e d over on its side! T h e y p r i n t e d t h r e e p h o t o s , six colu m n s wide, with a f o u r - c o l u m n h e a d : "Ex-Socialist leaves P a l a t i a l R e s i d e n c e for Ballot B a t t l e . " Also t h e y r a n a column s t o r y with s e p a r a t e h e a d l i n e s , " E P I C L E A D E R S H I F T S HOME—Sinclair Deserts M a n s i o n — C a n d i d a t e N o w Receiving Followers in M o d e s t P a s a d e n a H o u s e — R e c o r d s Disclose Valuable R e a l Est a t e H o l d i n g s in Wife's N a m e . " (Records of the M o r t gages N o t M e n t i o n e d ! ) T h i s juicy scandal w e n t all over the S t a t e . T h e San Francisco "Chronicle" published it two or t h r e e d a y s a f t e r the c o n v e n t i o n . B u t they were n o t satisfied w i t h w h a t the " T i m e s " h a d d o n e ; they a d d e d a little fancy work of their own. T h e y c u t me a n d m y rocking chair o u t of the P a s a d e n a p i c t u r e , a n d s u p e r i m p o s e d it u p o n m y secretary's c o t t a g e with t h e t u r n e d - o v e r a s h - c a n ; t h e y told the people of San Francisco F l i n t was where I was living, in m y efforts to pose as a D e m o c r a t a n d friend of the c o m m o n m a n ! T h e e d i t o r of the "Chronicle," Mr. C h e s t e r H . R o w e l l , is a well-known C a l i f o r n i a publicist. E a r l y in t h e course of our E n d P o v e r t y m o v e m e n t I h a d p a i d him a courtesy call a n d invited him to discuss o u r p r o g r a m on a public p l a t f o r m . H e answered t a c t f u l l v t h a t in d e b a t e with a m a n who h a d a positive p r o g r a m , one w i t h o u t d o g m a t i c views was a t a d i s a d v a n t a g e . H e p r o m i s e d to t h i n k it over a n d let me h e a r f r o m h i m , b u t never d i d . Now, w h e n the rule of big business in C a l i f o r n i a was t h r e a t e n e d , it a p p e a r e d t h a t M r . R o w e l l h a d developed d o g m a t i c views. H i s p a p e r became, next to the " T i m e s , " our b i t t e r e s t o p p o n e n t . As a satire on our U t o p i a n p r o m i s e s , its c a r t o o n i s t i n v e n t e d a "bird of

[134]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D P a r a d i s e " w i t h t h e h e a d of the D e m o c r a t i c donkey, a n d each d a y the "Chronicle" h a d an article, i l l u s t r a t e d by this a r t i s t , p o i n t i n g o u t to some new g r o u p of Californians j u s t how I was going to ruin t h e m . We h a d our big m e e t i n g at the Civic A u d i t o r i u m , with fifteen t h o u s a n d cheering people p a c k e d inside; a n d how I did scald the "Chronicle" for t h a t f a k e d p h o t o g r a p h ! I described details to m y a u d i t o r s , a n d at every detail there was a new roar. I advised t h e m to call u p the "Chronicle" a n d say w h a t they t h o u g h t , a n d I learned next d a y t h a t s o m e t h i n g like a t h o u s a n d h a d followed m y advice. I w a n t e d to s t o p the business of f a k i n g p h o t o g r a p h s , a n d t h o u g h t it a good occasion for a libel s u i t . B u t m y f r i e n d , J o h n Beardsley, who was t a k i n g care of me on this t r i p , is a lawyer who does n o t believe in seeking t r o u b l e ; he w e n t to see C h e s t e r Rowell, a n d p u t the facts before h i m , a n d h e a r d t h e excuse of t h e editor w h o h a d d o c t o r e d the p h o t o g r a p h — h e h a d n o t w a n t e d to t a k e the space for t h r e e p i c t u r e s a n d decided to combine t h e f e a t u r e s of my secretary's h o m e a n d m y own! T h e "Chronicle" agreed to p r i n t the t h r e e with a s t a t e m e n t of the real f a c t s . A t this t i m e there c a m e c e r t a i n m e n a c i n g developm e n t s , the m e a n i n g of which we did n o t know, a n d m a y never know. T h e r e were s t r a n g e men h a n g i n g a r o u n d the place, a n d I was being followed; our t e l e p h o n e wires were t a p p e d , a n d f r i e n d s c a m e to us with w a r n i n g s of this a n d t h a t — g a n g s t e r s from the E a s t , u t t e r a n c e s by some of our e n e m i e s , "a little G e r m a n f r i g h t f u l n e s s , " a n d so o n . I very soon m a d e u p m y m i n d t h a t there was no use p a y i n g any a t t e n t i o n to this; if physical h a r m were d o n e to me it would help our cause, and I t h o u g h t our enemies m u s t know t h a t . I w r o t e a s t a t e ment to our EPIC workers—"Last Will and T e s t a m e n t " — t e l l i n g t h e m how they were to carry on if a n y t h i n g h a p p e n e d to m e ; a n d then I w a n t e d to go m y w a y as u s u a l . B u t m y wife wouldn't have it t h a t way. She w a n t e d a h u s b a n d , n o t the m e m o r y of a m a r t y r . She d r a g g e d me away to rest for a few days a t t h e h o m e of a f r i e n d . I h a d some r a d i o t a l k s to w r i t e , a n d a m a g a z i n e article; I could do it j u s t as well a t the b e a c h . B u t then h e a d q u a r t e r s called u p ; the c o r r e s p o n d e n t of a N e w York

[135]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R p a p e r was in town for a day, a n d it was v e r y i m p o r t a n t . I agreed to see this m a n , a f t e r g e t t i n g his pledge t h a t he would n o t reveal where I was s t a y i n g . H e c a m e one e v e n i n g ; a n d the v e r y next m o r n i n g came the " T i m e s " p h o t o g r a p h e r s , t a k i n g p i c t u r e s of this new h o u s e — a n d the " T i m e s " published it with a p p r o p r i a t e c o m m e n t s — how m a n y luxurious m a n s i o n s t h e " S o c i a l i s t - D e m o c r a t " h a d a t his disposal! One m o r e d e t a i l , a n d I am t h r o u g h with the subject of houses. W h i l e we were living in Beverly Hills, m y wife tried to sell the P a s a d e n a p r o p e r t y , h o p i n g to p a y off the m o r t g a g e s on b o t h . She p u t an a d v e r t i s e m e n t in the " T i m e s , " a n d p a i d the " T i m e s " ten or t w e n t y dollars; a n d how did the " T i m e s " show its a p p r e c i a t i o n ? Incredible as it m a y s o u n d , on t h e d a y before election t h e y d u g u p t h a t old a d v e r t i s e m e n t f r o m their files, a n d m a d e it the basis of a s t o r y with a two-column h e a d . Of course, m y wife, in her a d v e r t i s e m e n t , h a d set f o r t h t h e c h a r m s of her p r o p e r t y ; a n d t h e " T i m e s " used this to prove how very w e a l t h y she w a s — a g a i n n o t m e n t i o n i n g the m o r t g a g e s ! N o t merely was she wealthy, b u t she h a d tried to conceal the fact by using a box n u m b e r in her a d v e r t i s e m e n t ! Did t h a t keep a n y b o d y f r o m v o t i n g for U p t o n Sinclair for G o v e r n o r of California? I am sure I don't k n o w ; s o m e t h i n g d i d , a n d t h a t m a y h a v e h e l p e d . Certainly t h e " T i m e s " t h o u g h t it would h e l p ; so on the d a y before election the " T i m e s " t u r n e d a g a i n s t the principles for which it h a s stood since old G e n e r a l Otis begot it. T h e " T i m e s " r e p u d i a t e d the v i r t u e of t h r i f t ! T h e " T i m e s " r e p u d i a t e d the v i r t u e of a c c u m u l a t i n g w e a l t h ! T h e " T i m e s " r e p u d i a t e d the v i r t u e of t r a d i n g in California real e s t a t e ! T h e " T i m e s " r e p u d i a t e d t h e m o s t e x a l t e d of all possible California v i r t u e s — t h a t of a d v e r t i s i n g in the " T i m e s " !

CHAPTER XXV So far I h a d m a n a g e d to get t h r o u g h this c a m p a i g n w i t h o u t m a k i n g any very serious b l u n d e r ; unless, to be sure, you c o u n t t h e writing of " T h e Profits of Religion,"

[136]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R p a p e r was in town for a day, a n d it was v e r y i m p o r t a n t . I agreed to see this m a n , a f t e r g e t t i n g his pledge t h a t he would n o t reveal where I was s t a y i n g . H e c a m e one e v e n i n g ; a n d the v e r y next m o r n i n g came the " T i m e s " p h o t o g r a p h e r s , t a k i n g p i c t u r e s of this new h o u s e — a n d the " T i m e s " published it with a p p r o p r i a t e c o m m e n t s — how m a n y luxurious m a n s i o n s t h e " S o c i a l i s t - D e m o c r a t " h a d a t his disposal! One m o r e d e t a i l , a n d I am t h r o u g h with the subject of houses. W h i l e we were living in Beverly Hills, m y wife tried to sell the P a s a d e n a p r o p e r t y , h o p i n g to p a y off the m o r t g a g e s on b o t h . She p u t an a d v e r t i s e m e n t in the " T i m e s , " a n d p a i d the " T i m e s " ten or t w e n t y dollars; a n d how did the " T i m e s " show its a p p r e c i a t i o n ? Incredible as it m a y s o u n d , on t h e d a y before election t h e y d u g u p t h a t old a d v e r t i s e m e n t f r o m their files, a n d m a d e it the basis of a s t o r y with a two-column h e a d . Of course, m y wife, in her a d v e r t i s e m e n t , h a d set f o r t h t h e c h a r m s of her p r o p e r t y ; a n d t h e " T i m e s " used this to prove how very w e a l t h y she w a s — a g a i n n o t m e n t i o n i n g the m o r t g a g e s ! N o t merely was she wealthy, b u t she h a d tried to conceal the fact by using a box n u m b e r in her a d v e r t i s e m e n t ! Did t h a t keep a n y b o d y f r o m v o t i n g for U p t o n Sinclair for G o v e r n o r of California? I am sure I don't k n o w ; s o m e t h i n g d i d , a n d t h a t m a y h a v e h e l p e d . Certainly t h e " T i m e s " t h o u g h t it would h e l p ; so on the d a y before election the " T i m e s " t u r n e d a g a i n s t the principles for which it h a s stood since old G e n e r a l Otis begot it. T h e " T i m e s " r e p u d i a t e d the v i r t u e of t h r i f t ! T h e " T i m e s " r e p u d i a t e d the v i r t u e of a c c u m u l a t i n g w e a l t h ! T h e " T i m e s " r e p u d i a t e d the v i r t u e of t r a d i n g in California real e s t a t e ! T h e " T i m e s " r e p u d i a t e d t h e m o s t e x a l t e d of all possible California v i r t u e s — t h a t of a d v e r t i s i n g in the " T i m e s " !

CHAPTER XXV So far I h a d m a n a g e d to get t h r o u g h this c a m p a i g n w i t h o u t m a k i n g any very serious b l u n d e r ; unless, to be sure, you c o u n t t h e writing of " T h e Profits of Religion,"

[136]

U P T O N SINCLAIR and pictorial view of his evolution from Socialist to Democrat. Camera shows the "then and n o w " of candidate's shifts in homes. Sinclair occupied a veritable palace when he was a mere a u t h o r and socialist. Today, as chief of California Democracy, he lives in a modest cottage.

FAKE

PHOTO

FROM

SAN

FRANCISCO

[137]

"CHRONICLE"

I, C A N D I D A T E F O R G O V E R N O R seventeen years back. B u t now you are to have the pleasure—or the pain, as the case may b e — o f seeing me "put my foot in it." I f I were asked about one thing which may have cost me the election, it would be the story which follows. I came home a week after the Democratic convention. I had had no rest in the interim, and was still feeling the effects o f the ptomaine poisoning. I arrived on the morning train from San Francisco, and learned t h a t headquarters had made an appointment for me to receive the press at eleven o'clock. M y wife saw my condition and begged me to rest. T h e r e had developed between her and the "boys" at headquarters a little war. E a c h o f those boys, of course, wanted what he wanted; the one in charge of meetings wanted to make speaking dates; the one in charge of radio wanted to make radio dates; the publicity man wanted to arrange press interviews, newsreels, photographs to be taken at all hours of the day or night, emergency receptions for magazine writers, and correspondents from London or Paris. When all these things were added up, they made a formidable program; and my wife kept asking, what would be the use o f electing a Governor and having a corpse? T h a t morning a dozen reporters arrived. M y wife begged me to cut it short, and kept sending me little notes to the effect t h a t I was making it too long. B u t I am so wrapped up in the E P I C message, I would sit up all night explaining it to anybody who wanted to hear. W h a t more natural than to explain it to a group of nice, friendly young men, some one of whom might possibly be able to get a little o f it into a paper? T h a t is the way I have always felt about reporters. T h e y had been personally decent to me through the campaign; we had j o k e d and " k i d d e d " one another. " W h a t good is your E P I C Plan to m e ? " said one. " I ' m not unemployed." Said I : " Y o u go back and tell your boss what you think of h i m , and you'll be eligible under the E P I C P l a n . " So it went. I failed to allow for the change that had now taken place. T h e war had begun, and any reporter who was decent to me would lose his j o b . As a m a t t e r of fact I learned later t h a t the Los Angeles " T i m e s " had three men continually on the assignment o f trying to get something "on" me. I learned t h a t some of the men

[138]

A N D HOW I GOT L I C K E D who were c o n t a c t i n g me a t this time were g e t t i n g fifty dollars a week each f r o m M e r r i a m h e a d q u a r t e r s , j u s t to keep t h e m in the p r o p e r f r a m e of m i n d . T h e y asked me every question t h e y could t h i n k of a b o u t the E P I C P l a n , a n d I answered freely a n d h u manly. O n e said: " S u p p o s e your P l a n goes into effect, won't it cause a g r e a t m a n y u n e m p l o y e d to come to C a l i f o r n i a f r o m o t h e r S t a t e s ? " I answered with a l a u g h : "I told M r . H o p k i n s , the F e d e r a l Relief A d m i n i s t r a t o r , t h a t if I am elected, half t h e u n e m p l o y e d of the U n i t e d S t a t e s will come to C a l i f o r n i a , a n d he will h a v e to m a k e p l a n s to t a k e care of t h e m . " I w e n t on to discuss this s u b j e c t . "Of course," I s a i d , " I was m a k i n g Mr. H o p k i n s a sales t a l k . B u t he recognizes t h e s i t u a t i o n : the u n e m p l o y e d come to C a l i f o r n i a every fall, because it is less easy to freeze to d e a t h here. T h e F e d e r a l G o v e r n m e n t is t a k i n g care of t h e m where t h e y a r e , a n d it will h a v e to t a k e care of t h e m in C a l i f o r n i a . Mr. H o p k i n s knows t h a t . " Someone asked if there was any way they could be k e p t o u t of C a l i f o r n i a ; a n d I said t h e only w a y was to keep the people of California so poor t h a t those in o t h e r S t a t e s would not envy their c o n d i t i o n . I n f a c t , they h a v e to be k e p t a little poorer, because C a l i f o r n i a is a p l e a s a n t e r place to live in. Such was the p r o g r a m a c t u ally favored by our big business m a s t e r s , I a d d e d . M y wife i n t e r r u p t e d the session, a n d the r e p o r t e r s took their d e p a r t u r e . O n e of t h e m h a p p e n s to be a friend of m i n e , a n d he told me a f t e r w a r d s w h a t h a p p e n e d : how t h r e e or four of t h e m w a l k e d away together, a n d m y friend said: "I t h i n k the highlight of t h e i n t e r view was w h a t he said a b o u t t u r n i n g the E P I C clubs into p r o d u c t i o n - f o r - u s e g r o u p s i m m e d i a t e l y a f t e r election." B u t the r e p o r t e r for the Los Angeles " T i m e s " s a i d : " I t h i n k the i m p o r t a n t t h i n g was w h a t he said a b o u t half t h e u n e m p l o y e d coming to California." " B u t you know he didn't m e a n t h a t , " said my f r i e n d . T h e " T i m e s " m a n a n s w e r e d : " M a y b e he didn't m e a n it, b u t he said it, a n d it's w h a t m y p a p e r w a n t s . " So next m o r n i n g the " T i m e s " c a m e o u t with a f r o n t page s t o r y : " H E A V Y R U S H O F I D L E S E E N BY S I N C L A I R — T r a n s i e n t Flood E x p e c t e d — D e m o c r a t i c C a n d i d a t e Cites P r o s p e c t in E v e n t of H i s W i n n i n g E l e c t i o n . By a ' T i m e s ' Staff C o r r e s p o n d e n t . P a s a -

[139]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R d e n a , S e p t . 2 6 . — ' I f I ' m elected G o v e r n o r , I expect one-half t h e u n e m p l o y e d in t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s will h o p the first freight for California,' U p t o n Sinclair, SocialistD e m o c r a t i c g u b e r n a t o r i a l c a n d i d a t e said here today." N e x t the " T i m e s " h a d a two-column e d i t o r i a l , dealing w i t h the ruin which the E P I C P l a n was going to bring to C a l i f o r n i a , according to Sinclair's own admission. T h e r e were e s t i m a t e d to be 10,000,000 u n e m ployed in the U n i t e d S t a t e s , said the " T i m e s " — t h e first occasion on which t h a t admission h a d ever a p p e a r e d in its c o l u m n s . One-half of 10,000,000 was 5,000,000— t h e a r i t h m e t i c was u n e x c e p t i o n a b l e , a n d the " T i m e s " proceeded to discuss in all seriousness t h e problem of those 5,000,000 p e o p l e , w h a t should they e a t , w h a t should they d r i n k , a n d w h e r e w i t h a l should they be clothed? I saw, of course, w h a t I h a d d o n e . S p e a k i n g over t h e r a d i o t h a t n i g h t , I told t h e story, explaining t h a t I h a d been s p e a k i n g playfully. T h e San Francisco "Chronicle" discussed my answer a n d c o n d e m n e d i t , saying t h a t I was "jesting w i t h h u m a n misery." T h e s t o r y h a d gone all over the S t a t e , as far as the t e l e g r a p h could carry it. T h e r e was no end to i t ; there never would be any e n d to i t , so long as our o p p o n e n t s controlled press a n d r a d i o . I t was a p e r f e c t illustration of M a r k Twain's saying t h a t "a lie can travel half w a y r o u n d t h e e a r t h while t h e t r u t h is p u t t i n g on its boots." T h e s t a t e m e n t was r e p r o d u c e d in millions of leaflets; presently it was painted upon two thousand billboards—I know the n u m b e r , for a reason which I will m e n t i o n later. In large blue l e t t e r i n g on a w h i t e b a c k g r o u n d stood o u t these w o r d s : " I F I A M E L E C T E D G O V E R N O R , I expect onehalf t h e u n e m p l o y e d in the U. S. will h o p the first f r e i g h t to California." U P T O N S I N C L A I R , S e p t . 26, 1934. M O R E C O M P E T I T I O N F O R Y O U R J O B . In the last week of t h e c a m p a i g n I traveled N o r t h on a s p e a k i n g t r i p , a n d I t h i n k I m u s t h a v e seen five h u n d r e d of these billboards. I t was literally t r u e t h a t one could n o t e n t e r any town in California by any road w i t h o u t seeing one of t h e m ; one could-not leave by any road w i t h o u t seeing a n o t h e r . T h e c a r t o o n i s t s r a n g endless changes u p o n the t h e m e . T h e y showed the S t a t e of California as a b e a u -

[140]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D tiful Spanish h o m e with the A m e r i c a n flag flying over i t , an endless s t r e a m of b u m s going in a t one door a n d a s t r e a m of business m e n , professional m e n , f a r m e r s , a n d h o n e s t workers coming o u t a t the other. T h e y showed the S t a t e s of F l o r i d a , A r i z o n a , a n d N e v a d a holding o u t welcoming a r m s to our desirable citizens. T h e y showed t h e typical comic-page b u m s reclining on the g r o u n d , d e b a t i n g t h e problem of w h e t h e r F l o r i d a or California offered the b e t t e r a t t r a c t i o n — a n d , of course, deciding in favor of the " E P I C p a r a d i s e . " T h e p h o t o g r a p h e r s w e n t o u t to collect evidence, a n d show the u n e m p l o y e d already heeding Sinclair's call. N o w a d a y s you c a n n o t find a f r e i g h t - t r a i n in t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s w i t h o u t a n u m b e r of y o u t h s a n d men riding in the e m p t y gondolas; it h a s got to be such a plague t h a t the railroads h a v e given u p , a n d no longer a t t e m p t to drive t h e m off. T h e y are always coming into California a n d always going o u t . So it was easy for the newspapers to get p i c t u r e s , a n d p u t u n d e r t h e m c a p t i o n s a b o u t " t h e Sinclair i m m i g r a t i o n . " Also the a u t o c a r a v a n s . A t the border our S t a t e officials, p a r t of the M e r r i a m m a c h i n e , gave o u t a l a r m i n g r e p o r t s as to t h e s u d d e n increase in a u t o imm i g r a t i o n ; a n d of course the n e w s p a p e r s got p i c t u r e s of t h e m o s t d i l a p i d a t e d cars, with broken f u r n i t u r e a n d c r a t e s full of chickens a n d babies tied on to the r u n n i n g b o a r d s . T h e y showed an elderly b e a r d e d h e r m i t traveling with a s t i c k , a n d leading a d o n k e y - c a r t . T h e y even showed baby-carriages loaded with household goods. T h e newsreel c a m e r a s got these " i m m i g r a n t s " to t a l k , a n d say why t h e y h a d come to C a l i f o r n i a ; of course, for two-bits any one of t h e m would say t h a t he h a d read a b o u t Sinclair offering e v e r y b o d y j o b s w i t h o u t w o r k . If he didn't say it convincingly e n o u g h , the s t u dios h a d p l e n t y of actors who were used to saying w h a t ever they were t o l d ; the w a r d r o b e s were full of hobo c o s t u m e s , a n d the m a k e - u p experts know how to p u t a week's g r o w t h of whiskers on anybody's face. P r e s e n t l y t h e Los Angeles " H e r a l d - E x p r e s s " c a m e o u t with a pict u r e of nearly half a p a g e , showing a g r o u p of hoboes in f r o n t of a f r e i g h t - c a r ; it was m o s t striking a n d realistic—except t h a t t h e movie fans recognized D o r o t h y W i l s o n , F r a n k i e Darrow, a n d o t h e r s of their favor-

[141]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R ites! I t was a "still" f r o m " W i l d Boys of t h e R o a d , " p r e s e n t e d as a real p i c t u r e of w h a t Sinclair h a d done! Were t h e people fooled by all this? Of course they were fooled. I can answer, because a f r i e n d of m i n e was discussing t h e c a m p a i g n with a w o m a n , who said t h a t I would ruin the S t a t e of California if I was elected. " H e says himself t h a t he's going to bring half the u n e m p l o y e d of the U n i t e d S t a t e s to California." " D o you believe he really i n t e n d s t h a t ? " asked m y f r i e n d , a n d t h e w o m a n a n s w e r e d : "Of course he i n t e n d s it. H e h a s p u t it u p on billboards. You can see it all over t o w n — h i s n a m e is signed to it!" T h i s p r o p a g a n d a lasted until election day, a n d then it was folded u p a n d p u t a w a y u n t i l next t i m e . T h e Los Angeles " T i m e s " w a i t e d eleven days a f t e r the election before it v e n t u r e d to reveal the t r u t h . On S a t u r day, N o v e m b e r 17, a p p e a r e d a leading e d i t o r i a l , of which I q u o t e the first t h r e e p a r a g r a p h s : "INDIGENT JOY-RIDING " T h e e x t e n t to which W e s t e r n S t a t e s a n d p a r t i c u larly C a l i f o r n i a are being loaded u p with i n d i g e n t itinera n t s t h r o u g h the o p e r a t i o n s of the ' a u t o - c a r a v a n ' m e t h o d of certain a u t o m o b i l e dealers in h a v i n g c a r s , new a n d u s e d , driven f r o m e a s t e r n p o i n t s for sale h e r e , is little realized by the general public. "So far this year, with a m o n t h a n d a half yet to go, 12,000 cars c a r r y i n g 20,000 persons h a v e been b r o u g h t here for re-sale, m o s t of t h e m to S o u t h e r n C a l i f o r n i a — a n d on the arrival of the cars the drivers h a v e been d r o p p e d jobless, o n t o t h e c h a r i t y rolls, f r e q u e n t l y w i t h o u t receiving any wages. "At least one m u r d e r , several suicides a n d a m a t e r i a l a m o u n t of o t h e r crime h a s been traced directly to a u t o c a r a v a n drivers in Los Angeles alone." As I am r e a d i n g page proofs of this book I receive a circular sent o u t by R e v . M a r t i n L u t h e r T h o m a s , one of the clergymen w h o a t t a c k e d me in the " T i m e s . " H e now tells his flock t h a t "God spoke" to h i m , a n d told him " w h a t to do in t h e recent s t a t e election." A f t e r r e a d i n g this book w o u l d n ' t you say it was the Prince of Lies who whispered to t h e " T i m e s " a n d its preachers?

[142]

Bids For The Winter Tourist Trade

From

the Chicago Daily

[143]

"News"

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R CHAPTER XXVI One m o r e story, to finish t h e record of w h a t the Los Angeles " T i m e s " did in its c r u s a d e to E x t e n d P o v e r t y In C a l i f o r n i a . T h i s is the story of the "boxes." A "box," in n e w s p a p e r p a r l a n c e , is r e a d i n g m a t t e r set a p a r t , w i t h a border a r o u n d it to m a k e it more c o n s p i c u o u s . T h e " T i m e s " began t a k i n g e x t r a c t s f r o m m y books a n d p u t t i n g t h e m into boxes. I t s t a r t e d this i m m e d i a t e l y a f t e r the D e m o c r a t i c c o n v e n t i o n , a n d k e p t it u p every d a y for six weeks. T h e r e was always one box on the f r o n t p a g e , a n d s o m e t i m e s a n o t h e r on a later page. M y friends all f o u n d this a w o n d e r f u l t h i n g ; they said it was the m o s t i n t e r e s t i n g r e a d i n g m a t t e r ever seen in the " T i m e s . " B u t t h e n , m o s t of m y friends are e d u c a t e d p e r s o n s , while the m a j o r i t y of C a l i f o r n i a n s are less so. For m y p a r t , r e a d i n g these boxes d a y a f t e r day, I m a d e u p my m i n d t h a t the election was lost. I said: " I t is impossible t h a t the v o t e r s will elect a m a n who has written that!" I was told t h e y h a d a dozen men searching t h e libraries a n d r e a d i n g every word I h a d ever p u b l i s h e d . T h e y b r o u g h t u p m a n y t h i n g s which I myself h a d entirely f o r g o t t e n . T h e y h a d p l e n t y of t i m e to p r e p a r e , h a v i n g k n o w n several m o n t h s back t h a t I was going to be t h e D e m o c r a t i c c a n d i d a t e . T h e y h a d a staff of political chemists at w o r k , p r e p a r i n g poisons to be let loose in the California a t m o s p h e r e on every one of a h u n d r e d m o r n i n g s . T h e y passed this poison on to o t h e r n e w s p a pers all over the S t a t e , w h e t h e r freely or for sale I do n o t know. T h e r e was a series of articles a b o u t my very offensive personality. I h a v e t a l k e d a lot a b o u t myself, and h a v e c h a n g e d my m i n d f r e q u e n t l y — u n l i k e the " T i m e s , " which is fixed in its h a t e of every progressive i d e a . T h e r e was a series of articles describing my life, a n d of course m a k i n g e v e r y t h i n g I h a d ever done a p p e a r odious. T h e r e was a series of reviews of my books, picking o u t f e a t u r e s t h a t would offend v a r i o u s g r o u p s in Calif o r n i a . T h e r e was a series of articles to show how E P I C was identical with Bolshevism, which h a s been d e s t r o y i n g civilization in R u s s i a for the p a s t seventeen y e a r s — b u t never seems to finish! T h e r e was a h i s t o r y

[144]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D of "socialistic" e x p e r i m e n t s , beginning some millions of years ago with the a n t s a n d the bees, a n d coming down t h r o u g h P l a t o a n d the I n c a s to Brook F a r m a n d L l a n o , C a l i f o r n i a . T h e r e were c o l u m n s of opinions of the California press a b o u t m e — t h e y h a d no difficulty in finding a plenty, because every daily n e w s p a p e r in the S t a t e was fighting E P I C , w i t h the exception of one small c o u n t r y daily, a n d one t a b l o i d , the " I l l u s t r a t e d Daily N e w s " of Los Angeles, which r e m a i n e d n e u t r a l . So far as the "boxes" were c o n c e r n e d , it was n o t merely a q u e s t i o n of r e a d i n g m y books a n d finding the a l a r m i n g passages; it was a q u e s t i o n of s t u d y i n g sentence by sentence a n d line by line, to find how somet h i n g could be m a d e to m e a n the opposite of w h a t it really m e a n t . T h e y would leave o u t words f r o m t h e m i d d l e of a s e n t e n c e ; or they would begin a sentence a f t e r its real b e g i n n i n g , or end before its real e n d i n g . A n d when I c o m p l a i n e d a b o u t this garbling of my books, the " T i m e s " denied t h a t it was garbling anyt h i n g , a n d p r i n t e d p h o t o g r a p h s of t h r e e pages which were n o t g a r b l e d ; t h a t p r o v e d its case! A f t e r I h a d w a s t e d h u n d r e d s of dollars of precious r a d i o time in p o i n t i n g o u t instances of g a r b l i n g , t h e " T i m e s " blandly s t a t e d in an editorial t h a t I accused it of garbling my books b u t never cited any cases! I will now cite a few; and if there is ever such a t h i n g as a c o u r t of j u s t i c e in this w o r l d , let it j u d g e between us. I begin with the m o s t obvious kind of l y i n g — t h e t a k i n g of passages f r o m works of fiction, a n d a t t r i b u t ing to U p t o n Sinclair t h e opinions of i m a g i n a r y c h a r a c ters. T h u s in "Love's Pilgrimage," page 650, a fictional c h a r a c t e r writes a l e t t e r a b o u t his m a r i t a l difficulties; a n d on O c t o b e r 9 the " T i m e s " p r i n t e d an e x t r a c t from i t , h e a d e d : "Sinclair On M a r r i a g e . " In t h e novel, "100%," page 310, a perfectly odious c h a r a c t e r , the wife of a spy, learns t h a t her h u s b a n d h a s been invited by a g r e a t society lady, p r e s i d e n t of the D a u g h t e r s of the A m e r i c a n R e v o l u t i o n , to a d d r e s s some disabled war v e t e r a n s . "Gladys m a d e a wry face, because the lecture was to be delivered before a lot of g o o d - f o r - n o t h i n g soldiers in some hall, while it h a d been her h o p e t h a t it was to be delivered to the D a u g h t e r s themselves a n d in M r s . W a r r i n g S a m m y e ' s h o m e . " T h e " T i m e s " (Oct.

[145]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R 12) k e p t its r e a d e r s f r o m u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h a t sentence by s t o p p i n g a t the word "hall," a n d s u b s t i t u t i n g a period for a c o m m a . I t then p u t over the passage the h e a d i n g : "Sinclair On Disabled W a r Veterans." In explaining this to audiences I used an i l l u s t r a t i o n . L a d y M a c b e t h h a s incited her h u s b a n d to c o m m i t a m u r d e r , a n d his h a n d s are covered with blood, a n d she is ridiculing his f e a r s . "A little w a t e r will wash t h a t out," she says; a n d the " T i m e s " t a k e s t h a t a n d p u t it in a box a n d h e a d s i t : " S h a k e s p e a r e Justifies M u r d e r . " J o k i n g to an audience a b o u t this p e r f o r m a n c e , I said: "I don't know w h a t there is l e f t for t h e m to bring u p , unless it is the nationalizing of w o m e n . " M a y b e m y r e m a r k w a s passed o n t o the " T i m e s " ; a d a y or two later, O c t o b e r 3, there a p p e a r e d a box h e a d e d : " N a t i o n alizing C h i l d r e n . " T h i s was a q u o t a t i o n f r o m " T h e I n d u s t r i a l Republic," a book t w e n t y - f i v e years o u t of p r i n t a n d t h e r e f o r e n o t available to r e a d e r s of the " T i m e s " I t was a discussion of c o o p e r a t i v e care of c h i l d r e n , such as we h a d at Helicon H a l l , a n d such as we are now familiar with u n d e r the n a m e of the d a y n u r s e r y or creche. I h a v e shown you J u s t u s Wardell garbling a passage f r o m " L e t t e r s to J u d d . " T h e " T i m e s " q u o t e d t h a t same p a s s a g e , b u t did an even m o r e ingenious form of g a r b l i n g . As published in the " T i m e s , " S e p t e m b e r 28, t h e passage r e a d : "We are m o v i n g t o w a r d a new A m e r i can r e v o l u t i o n . . . . We h a v e g o t to get rid of the c a p i t a l i s t s y s t e m . I t is close to b r e a k i n g down," a n d so o n . W h a t did the f o u r d o t s signify? Well, they signified a whole p a r a g r a p h , telling a b o u t S a m u e l A d a m s a n d P a t r i c k H e n r y a n d George W a s h i n g t o n a n d T h o m a s J e f f e r s o n , a n d q u o t i n g a couple of sentences f r o m A b r a h a m L i n c o l n . I am t r y i n g to be as brief as possible so I give merely the first t h i r t e e n words of w h a t the " T i m e s " o m i t t e d : " T h a t does n o t m e a n riot a n d t u m u l t , as our enemies t r y to r e p r e s e n t . " A n d here is one f r o m the " T i m e s " of October 6, h e a d e d : "Sinclair On the Public." " F i f t e e n years ago there was a s t r o n g m o v e m e n t for social j u s t i c e in Oreg o n , led by r e f o r m e r s who fondly imagined t h a t if you gave t h e people t h e powers of direct legislation they would h a v e t h e intelligence to p r o t e c t their own i n t e r ests. We now see t h a t the h o p e w a s delusive; the people h a v e n o t the intelligence to help t h e m s e l v e s . . . . [146]

AND HOW I GOT LICKED That is the way the "Times" printed it. Of course the "Times" wanted the people to think that I was expressing contempt for the people. It did not want to let the people know that I was trying to help them, and so it garbled the last sentence. In "The GooseStep," page 169, the word "themselves" is not followed by a period. It is followed by a comma, with the further words, "and the interlocking directorate is vigorously occupied to see that they do not get this intelligence." (By the term, "interlocking directorate," the book means those big business masters who control our universities.) Let us leave the field of politics and enter the more dangerous one of religion. On October 7, the "Times" ran a box headed: "Sinclair On Christ." It was quoted from "The Profits of Religion," pages 97—98. The opening sentence, as quoted by the "Times," was: "Let us realize at the outset that they (the clergy) do their preaching in the name of a proletarian rebel, who was crucified as a common criminal because, as they said, 'He stirreth up the people.' An embarrassing 'Savior' for the Church of Good Society, you might imagine; but they manage to fix him up and make him respectable. . . ." This represents still another kind of garbling, even worse than taking out a comma and putting in a period. The words, "the clergy," were put in by the "Times," and they constituted a falsehood. The opening sentence, cut out by the "Times," reads: "There remains to say a few words as to the intellectual functions of the Fifth Avenue clergy." I wonder what the "Times" would say if I applied its methods to the Bible, and make a box reading: "Bible Justifies Suicide." The text would read: "And Judas went and hanged himself. . . . Go thou and do likewise." One curious thing I noted and commented upon fre[uently to my audiences. These hired liars quoted rom a dozen of my books, and from many articles and letters in obscure Socialist papers, published in Kansas, and in New York, and even in Moscow; they wrote about everything I had ever done, and everything I had ever written. But one thing they omitted—one book they never quoted, although it is one of my best-sellers, and one of my best known and most significant. I

?

[147]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R never saw a box in t h e " T i m e s " f r o m " T h e Brass Check," my exposure of A m e r i c a n j o u r n a l i s m ! H o w t h e audiences would roar when I m e n t i o n e d t h a t ! N o w I will give the r e a d e r of the p r e s e n t book a polite smile, by m a k i n g u p a little box of m y o w n : SINCLAIR ON T H E "TIMES" " T h i s paper, f o u n d e d by H a r r i s o n G r a y O t i s , one of t h e m o s t c o r r u p t a n d m o s t violent old men t h a t ever a p p e a r e d in A m e r i c a n public life, h a s c o n t i n u e d for t h i r t y years to rave a t every conceivable social r e f o r m , with c o m p l e t e disregard for t r u t h , a n d with abusiveness which seems a l m o s t i n s a n e . " — " T h e Brass Check," page 202. T h a t was Sinclair on the " T i m e s " in 1919; a n d here is the " T i m e s " on Sinclair in 1934: " W h a t is e a t i n g a t the h e a r t of A m e r i c a is a m a g g o t like h o r d e of R e d s who h a v e s c u t t l e d to his s u p p o r t . " CHAPTER

XXVII

I h a v e shown the a t t a c k s m a d e u p o n my religious ideas all t h r o u g h the c a m p a i g n . T h e r e is only one subj e c t m o r e d a n g e r o u s t h a n religion, a n d t h a t is sex. Tens of t h o u s a n d s of g o o d , e a r n e s t ladies in California v o t e d for M e r r i a m because t h e y h a d been m a d e to believe t h a t U p t o n Sinclair was a free-lover. In the novel, "Love's Pilgrimage," w r i t t e n in 1910, t h e idealistic y o u n g h e r o , t w e n t y - t w o years of age, discovers t h a t his wife is in love with a n o t h e r m a n , a n d he considers it his d u t y to s t e p o u t of the way. H e writes a l e t t e r to t h e o t h e r m a n , explaining his a t t i t u d e , a n d in t h e course of it t h e solemn y o u n g j a c k a s s s t a t e s as follows (page 650): " T h e crux of t h e whole difficulty I imagine m u s t lie in w h a t you say a b o u t your p r o f o u n d belief in t h e s a n c t i t y of the i n s t i t u t i o n of m a r r i a g e . T h a t is, of course, a large question to a t t e m p t to discuss in a letter. I can only say t h a t I once h a d such a belief, a n d t h a t as a result of m y studies I h a v e it no longer." I t wasn't e n o u g h for the Los Angeles " T i m e s " to p u t

[148]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R never saw a box in t h e " T i m e s " f r o m " T h e Brass Check," my exposure of A m e r i c a n j o u r n a l i s m ! H o w t h e audiences would roar when I m e n t i o n e d t h a t ! N o w I will give the r e a d e r of the p r e s e n t book a polite smile, by m a k i n g u p a little box of m y o w n : SINCLAIR ON T H E "TIMES" " T h i s paper, f o u n d e d by H a r r i s o n G r a y O t i s , one of t h e m o s t c o r r u p t a n d m o s t violent old men t h a t ever a p p e a r e d in A m e r i c a n public life, h a s c o n t i n u e d for t h i r t y years to rave a t every conceivable social r e f o r m , with c o m p l e t e disregard for t r u t h , a n d with abusiveness which seems a l m o s t i n s a n e . " — " T h e Brass Check," page 202. T h a t was Sinclair on the " T i m e s " in 1919; a n d here is the " T i m e s " on Sinclair in 1934: " W h a t is e a t i n g a t the h e a r t of A m e r i c a is a m a g g o t like h o r d e of R e d s who h a v e s c u t t l e d to his s u p p o r t . " CHAPTER

XXVII

I h a v e shown the a t t a c k s m a d e u p o n my religious ideas all t h r o u g h the c a m p a i g n . T h e r e is only one subj e c t m o r e d a n g e r o u s t h a n religion, a n d t h a t is sex. Tens of t h o u s a n d s of g o o d , e a r n e s t ladies in California v o t e d for M e r r i a m because t h e y h a d been m a d e to believe t h a t U p t o n Sinclair was a free-lover. In the novel, "Love's Pilgrimage," w r i t t e n in 1910, t h e idealistic y o u n g h e r o , t w e n t y - t w o years of age, discovers t h a t his wife is in love with a n o t h e r m a n , a n d he considers it his d u t y to s t e p o u t of the way. H e writes a l e t t e r to t h e o t h e r m a n , explaining his a t t i t u d e , a n d in t h e course of it t h e solemn y o u n g j a c k a s s s t a t e s as follows (page 650): " T h e crux of t h e whole difficulty I imagine m u s t lie in w h a t you say a b o u t your p r o f o u n d belief in t h e s a n c t i t y of the i n s t i t u t i o n of m a r r i a g e . T h a t is, of course, a large question to a t t e m p t to discuss in a letter. I can only say t h a t I once h a d such a belief, a n d t h a t as a result of m y studies I h a v e it no longer." I t wasn't e n o u g h for the Los Angeles " T i m e s " to p u t

[148]

The Fourth Horseman!

JJOLD that pose, Mussolini, Hitler and Stalin! Here comes another man on horseback, another dictator! His mount is more imaginary than reaL There is more of It in his mind than under his body, but such as it is he hopes it will carry him,into your dictatorial company. It b only Upton's hobbyhorse, but If it cannot make.

the grade and keep in Uoe it might be able to follow. Sinclair ought to be able to follow Stalin—in fact he has been following him all through his campaign for Governor. He has no chance of being elected Governor and therefore no chance of becoming dictator of California, but he would have to beeome the latter to carry out his EPIC or rather IPECAC policy.

From the Los Angeles "Examiner"

[149]

I, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR t h a t in a box in the year 1934. The cartoonists took it u p , and portrayed me as a bespectacled creature with long pointed fingernails like the devil, enunciating the following words: "The sanctity of marriage . . . I have had such a belief . . . I have it no longer." One of my pointed fingernails is directed toward the picture of a h a p p y family with a child climbing upon its father's back. Most of the garbling on this subject was done from the "Book of Life," and so I discuss the ideas of t h a t book. P a r t I I I , known as "The Book of Love," contains one hundred pages; it was published twelve years ago, and I had pretty well forgotten its contents. I run through it, and am disposed to be somewhat proud of myself, and to say t h a t I would rather be the author of those hundred pages t h a n be the Governor of a State in which men such as the editors of the Los Angeles "Times" hold and exercise power. These pages discuss every detail of a complex subj e c t , the sex relationship of h u m a n beings. They carefully make every qualification, they cover every contingency, and leave no room for any sort of misunderstanding. Any person who reads those hundred pages will know exactly what I think about love, the kinds to which I permit the name, as well as the kinds to which I deny it; about marriage, divorce, celibacy, prostitution—everything. W h a t are these ideas? I believe in and defend monogamous love, permanent love, love which involves the whole being, body, mind and soul. I t is love within marriage. T h e only exceptions are when the marriage laws are such as to block the way of true love; then I advocate changing the laws. It so happens t h a t the laws of California on the subject of marriage are liberal. Therefore, so far as concerns the State of California, I am writing "within the law." Among those who read the book when it first came out was Professor Robert Herrick, for thirty years a teacher of English at the University of Chicago, and one of our best-known novelists. H e wrote: "I find it an extraordinarily sensible and useful book, and gave it to my son to take away with him, as stating certain matters of special importance to youth more sanely than any book I know." May Sinclair, the English nov-

[150]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D elist, w r o t e : "I read it with intense interest a n d a d m i r a tion a n d a g r e e m e n t . You h a v e w r i t t e n the best a n d s a n e s t t h i n g s a b o u t love." In discussing the subject of t h e sex r e l a t i o n s h i p a n d its r i g h t s a n d w r o n g s , I used two w o r d s , "love" a n d "lust," a n d m a d e precise a n d careful definitions. I quote: " T h a t purely physical sex desire I will indicate in our f u t u r e discussions by the only convenient word t h a t I can find, which is l u s t . T h e word h a s religious implic a t i o n s , so I explain t h a t I use it in my own m e a n i n g , as above. T h e r e is a g r e a t deal of w h a t the c h u r c h e s call l u s t , which I call t r u e a n d h o n e s t love; on t h e o t h e r h a n d , in C h r i s t i a n churches today, there are celebrated i n n u m e r a b l e m a r r i a g e s between innocent y o u n g girls a n d m a t u r e men of p r o p e r t y , which I describe as legalized a n d consecrated l u s t . "We are now in position to m a k e f u n d a m e n t a l dist i n c t i o n . I assert the proposition t h a t there does n o t exist, in any m a n , a t any t i m e of his life, or in any condition of his h e a l t h , a necessity for yielding to t h e impulses of l u s t ; a n d I say t h a t no m a n can yield to t h e m w i t h o u t d e g r a d i n g his n a t u r e a n d i n j u r i n g h i m self, n o t merely morally, b u t mentally, a n d in the long r u n physically. I assert t h a t it is the d u t y of every m a n , a t all times a n d u n d e r all c i r c u m s t a n c e s , to resist the impulses of l u s t , to s u p p r e s s a n d d e s t r o y t h e m in his n a t u r e , by w h a t e v e r e x p e n d i t u r e of will power a n d moral effort m a y be required." So m u c h for " l u s t " ; a n d now for "love." I q u o t e again: " P e r s o n a l l y I am p r e p a r e d to go as far as the ext r e m e sex-radical in the defense of love a n d the r i g h t to love. I believe t h a t love is t h e m o s t precious of all t h e g i f t s of life. I accept its s a n c t i o n s a n d its a u t h o r i t y . I believe t h a t it is to be cherished a n d obeyed, a n d n o t to be r u n a w a y from or s t r a n g l e d in the h e a r t . I believe t h a t it is the voice of n a t u r e s p e a k i n g in the d e p t h s of us, a n d s p e a k i n g from a wisdom deeper t h a n we h a v e a t t a i n e d , or m a y a t t a i n for m a n y c e n t u r i e s to c o m e . A n d when I say love, I do n o t m e a n merely affection. I do n o t m e a n merely the h a b i t of living in the s a m e h o m e , which is the basis of m a r r i a g e as B l a t c h f o r d describes i t . W h a t I m e a n is the love of the

[151]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R p o e t s a n d the d r e a m e r s , the ' y ° u n g love' which is thrill a n d ecstasy, a glorification a n d a t r a n s f i g u r a t i o n of the whole life. I say t h a t , far f r o m giving u p this love for m a r r i a g e , it is the t r u e p u r p o s e of m a r r i a g e to p r e s e r v e this love a n d p e r p e t u a t e it." N a t u r a l l y , t h e garblers would n o t overlook t h a t p a r a g r a p h . On N o v e m b e r 1, a few days before the elect i o n , the Los Angeles " T i m e s " p r i n t e d one of its "boxes," w i t h two sentences t a k e n f r o m t h a t p a r a g r a p h . T h e h e a d i n g , "Sinclair a n d Sex," was in itself a falsific a t i o n , for "sex" to t h e a v e r a g e person m e a n s l u s t , n o t love, whereas I h a d explicitly s t a t e d t h a t I m e a n t love, n o t l u s t . A n d w h a t did the " T i m e s " q u o t e u n d e r t h a t h e a d i n g ? Two sentences, as follows: " P e r s o n a l l y I am p r e p a r e d to go as far as the e x t r e m e sex radical in the defense of love a n d the r i g h t to love . . . A n d when I say love I do n o t m e a n m e r e affection." T h a t , a n d no more! Of course the p a m p h l e t e e r s took u p t h a t g a r b l i n g . H e r e is a f o u r - p a g e leaflet e n t i t l e d : " U p t o n Sinclair Discusses the H o m e , the I n s t i t u t i o n of M a r r i a g e a n d A d v o c a t e s Free Love." T h i s leaflet is published by Berenice H . J o h n s o n , c l u b w o m a n a n d Women's C h r i s t i a n T e m p e r a n c e U n i o n worker, who h a s c o n d u c t e d a " C u r r e n t E v e n t s Class" for some t w e n t y years in Los Angeles. I do not know w h e t h e r she ever read m y " B o o k of Life"; my guess is t h a t she j u s t took the passages which the " T i m e s " a n d o t h e r garblers p r o v i d e d . She q u o t e s t h e fictional passage f r o m "Love's Pilgrimage," a n d a n u m b e r of passages f r o m the " B o o k of Love." H e r e is one of t h e m , which she j u d g e s so helpful to her cause t h a t she h a s the p r i n t e r p u t lines u n d e r n e a t h i t : " / do not say that I believe, I say I know, that free and happy love, guided by wisdom and sound knowledge, is not merely, conducive to health, but is in the long run necessary to health. " I am so d e p r a v e d t h a t I h a v e to s t u d y t h a t passage carefully to find o u t w h a t is w r o n g with it. P r e s u m a b l y the lady allows t h a t t h e r e is to be some love in t h e w o r l d . Is it to be love of sick p e o p l e , or of h e a l t h y people? Is it to be guided by wisdom a n d s o u n d knowledge, or by ignorance a n d delusion? Is i t to be sad love, a c c o m p a n i e d by weeping? Or can the trouble lie in the little word "free"? Does M r s . J o h n s o n favor

[152]

MARRIAGE

[153]

SCORNED

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R slave love? Does she w a n t y o u n g girls to be sold by their p a r e n t s to middle-aged men w h o are "eligible"— t h a t is w h o h a v e m o n e y ; a n d t h e n , h a v i n g been lawfully c o n t r a c t e d for, m u s t they keep the bargain the rest of their lives—or m a y they seek a divorce if they are too unhappy? A n o t h e r passage q u o t e s page 6 of the " B o o k of Life," p a r t I I I : " T h e sex a r r a n g e m e n t u n d e r which we live in m o d e r n society is n o t m o n o g a m o u s love, b u t m a r r i a g e p l u s - p r o s t i t u t i o n . I t is obvious t h a t our p r e s e n t - d a y religious creeds, ethical ideals, legal codes, a n d social r e w a r d s a n d p u n i s h m e n t s h a v e been powerless to p r o tect m a r r i a g e , or to m a k e it the rule in sex relationship." Of course, t h a t is a question of f a c t s . T h e sheltered lady who issued this leaflet m a y j u s t possibly n o t know e v e r y t h i n g a b o u t the vice districts of Los Angeles a n d H o l l y w o o d , the conditions in d e p a r t m e n t stores a n d offices—or even the divorce s t a t i s t i c s of the S t a t e of California. H a v i n g q u o t e d the garbled passages f r o m the Los Angeles " T i m e s , " a n d several of her o w n , M r s . J o h n s o n calls u p o n the readers of her leaflet to v o t e for G o v e r n o r M e r r i a m as the only way of saving C a l i f o r n i a . She says: "And now U p t o n Sinclair calls u p o n d e c e n t , selfrespecting m e n a n d w o m e n — w h o s e votes he now knows are as useful to him as the votes of C o m m u n i s t s a n d F r e e - l o v e r s — t o m a k e h i m G o v e r n o r of a C h r i s t i a n State." I am k n o w n to be a person who practices w h a t he p r e a c h e s , so of course it was inevitable t h a t the circulation of such s t a t e m e n t s should s t a r t n a s t y stories a b o u t m y p r i v a t e life. As early as J u l y t h e San R a f a e l " I n d e p e n d e n t " told its r e a d e r s a b o u t Helicon H a l l . "Once he tried to lead civilization o u t of the d a r k n e s s by g a t h ering u p a flock of a r t i s t s , w r i t e r s , f o o d - f a d d i s t s a n d o r d i n a r y r u n of the mill n u t s , placing t h e m on a large f a r m a n d forcing t h e m to eat n o t h i n g b u t vegetables." T h e end was told: " W h a t with violent q u a r r e l s a m o n g the e n l i g h t e n e d a n d some r a t h e r distressing a m a t o r y m o n k e y s h i n e s , the scheme failed." I w r o t e to the editor, calling his a t t e n t i o n to the falsity of all these s t a t e m e n t s ; b u t no correction was ever p r i n t e d . I t was n o t long before t h e r e were " f r e e love" whispers

[154]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D all over the place. M y wife's friend who told her a b o u t t h e society folk t h r o w i n g pillows a t one a n o t h e r , also told her t h a t she, t h e m e n d , was said to be in love with U p t o n Sinclair. T h i s lady h a s a perfectly good h u s b a n d , b u t t h a t didn't s t o p the story. A n o t h e r f r i e n d , considerably older t h a n I a n d several times a g r a n d m o t h e r , was r e p u t e d to be a m o n g m y mistresses— for no o t h e r reason t h a n t h a t m y wire a n d I occasionally h a v e d i n n e r w i t h her a n d her family. I w o n d e r how m a n y t h o u s a n d s of w o m e n in P a s a d e n a v o t e d a g a i n s t me for t h a t reason? A n d how m a n y on a c c o u n t of the following: A t our h o m e in P a s a d e n a there is a house which I use as an office. To this office come every d a y two elderly ladies who open m y mail a n d answer it a n d fill the orders for books. B o t h these ladies are c h u r c h g o e r s a n d both deeply conscientious. Also there live in the house m y wife's sister a n d her f o u r t e e n - y e a r - o l d d a u g h ter. In the last weeks of the c a m p a i g n , this little girl c a m e to m y wife a n d s a i d : "Aunt M a r y C r a i g , w h a t is a h a r e m ? " M y wife, who was r e a r e d in Mississippi, is a little shy of answering the q u e s t i o n s of y o u n g girls, so she said: "A h a r e m was s o m e t h i n g t h a t used to be b u t isn't any more." "Yes," said the niece, " b u t w h a t was it when it used to be?" M y wife said: " W h y do you w a n t to k n o w ? " T h e child replied, "Well, the girls a t school are saying t h a t Uncle U p t o n h a s a h a r e m u p here, a n d I w o n d e r e d w h a t it was." I n order to m a k e the record c o m p l e t e , let me s t a t e w h a t my practice is. T w e n t y - o n e - a n d - a - h a l f years ago I was m a r r i e d to a lady who believes in love as I h a v e defined it in m y b o o k . For t h a t period of t i m e she h a s been m y friend a n d p a r t n e r , a n d h a s s h a r e d m y victories a n d d e f e a t s . W h e n it h a s been the l a t t e r , she h a s told me the causes with the u t m o s t f r a n k n e s s . She t a k e s care of me a f t e r the m a n n e r of a tigress with one solitary c u b ; a n d if there should ever come along a female c r e a t u r e h a v i n g t h e idea t h a t I don't believe in m a r r i a g e — w e l l , s o m e h o w the female c r e a t u r e s u n d e r s t a n d t h e s i t u a t i o n , a n d they j u s t don't come along.

[155]

I, CANDIDATE FOR G O V E R N O R CHAPTER

XXVIII

W h e n I first c a m e to C a l i f o r n i a , nineteen years ago, I m e t H a r r y Carr, of the Los Angeles "Times". Discussing j o u r n a l i s m , he r e m a r k e d to m e : "Sinclair, it h a s been so long since I h a v e w r i t t e n a n y t h i n g I believed t h a t I w o u l d n ' t know the feeling." I q u o t e d t h a t in " T h e Brass Check," b u t w i t h o u t H a r r y ' s n a m e . R e cently I m e t him at a friend's h o m e , a n d he said t h a t I h a d n a m e d him in " T h e Brass Check." I told him n o , it was j u s t t h a t the c a p f i t t e d , a n d he h a d p u t it o n . T h e r e are h u n d r e d s of H a r r y C a r r s in California j o u r n a l i s m . T h e r e are t h o u s a n d s like him in a n o t h e r profession, t h a t of a d v e r t i s i n g a n d publicity, w h e r e , of course, the concept of believing w h a t one writes is u n k n o w n . I t is i n t e r e s t i n g to n o t e t h a t when our big business men w a n t e d to s m a s h E P I C , t h e g r o u p s they relied u p o n were these t w o ; also, of course, a few lawyers, who are hired to r e p r e s e n t either side of any cause. I t is n o t a b l e t h a t they used very few politicians. M e r r i a m a n d his crowd are all right to m a n a g e t h e business of the S t a t e of C a l i f o r n i a , a n d s p e n d the m o n e y of t h e t a x p a y e r s ; b u t when there is serious work to be d o n e , a n d the p l u t o c r a c y w a n t s to be sure of g e t t i n g its m o n ey's w o r t h , they p u t their own people on the j o b . T h e publicity was h a n d l e d by a n a t i o n a l a d v e r t i s i n g agency, L o r d a n d T h o m a s . T h e Los Angeles m a n a g e r t a l k e d q u i t e freely to a friend of m i n e , a b o u t how it felt to be doing a piece of d i r t y w o r k . A f t e r he h a d s p e n t a d a y revising copy for billboards a n d n e w s p a p e r a d s , a n d selecting garbled e x t r a c t s f r o m the books of U p t o n Sinclair, he would drive h o m e , a n d see a h o m e m a d e sign for the E n d i n g of P o v e r t y I n C a l i f o r n i a , p a i n t e d on a s t r i p of c o t t o n cloth a n d set u p between two sticks; he would feel a s h a m e d , because these a m a t e u r s were g e t t i n g so m u c h the b e t t e r of h i m . " I t was t h e swellest a m a t e u r j o b ever d o n e in America," said this e x p e r t . H e told f u r t h e r m o r e the a t t i t u d e of the staff t o w a r d the m a n they were m a k i n g G o v e r n o r of their S t a t e . T h e y left o u t his p i c t u r e a l m o s t entirely, because t h e y decided t h a t nobody w a n t e d h i m . T h e y w r o t e able speeches for h i m , a n d he did n o t h a v e sense enough to deliver t h e m . While a t their work they referred to him

[156]

A N D H O W I GOT L I C K E D by f o u r - l e t t e r words of Anglo-Saxon origin, which cust o m h a s decreed shall n o t be p r i n t e d . " H o l d your nose a n d v o t e for M e r r i a m , " was a general saying in California. A n o t h e r person to w h o m p a r t of the j o b was ent r u s t e d was a y o u n g lawyer n a m e d Albert P a r k e r , son of a Los Angeles bookseller, a n d c o n n e c t e d with t h e u l t r a - p l u t o c r a t i c law firm of O ' M e l v e n y , Tuller a n d M y ers. H e w r o t e a l e t t e r to a f r i e n d , telling a little of w h a t he was doing; I shall p r i n t this l e t t e r before long, a n d tell how it c a m e into our possession. Suffice it for the m o m e n t t h a t y o u n g P a r k e r became s e c r e t a r y of the " U n i t e d for California League," a n d raised m o r e t h a n a million dollars to " b e a t Sinclair", a n d circulated six million leaflets, a n d p u t u p two t h o u s a n d billboards. I h a v e an a s s o r t m e n t of these leaflets before m e . " T h e P r o o f T h a t U p t o n Sinclair P r e a c h e s R e v o l u t i o n a n d C o m m u n i s m " c o n t a i n s all the rubbish f r o m " T h e R e d N e t w o r k , " a n d the garbled passages f r o m J u s t u s W a r d e l l a n d the " T i m e s " , a n d some new ones. I m m e d i a t e l y a f t e r the C o m m u n i s t revolution in R u s sia, I w r o t e in " T h e Brass Check", page 385: " L e t me m a k e clear a t the o u t s e t m y p o i n t of view, o f t r e p e a t e d . I am n o t a Bolshevik, a n d h a v e never been a Bolshevik. I u n d e r s t a n d t h a t a Bolshevik is one who r e p u d i a t e s political a c t i o n , etc." T h e a r g u m e n t c o n t i n u e s for a half a p a g e , explaining t h e idea I h a v e held to all my life, t h a t in countries where the people h a v e universal suffrage a n d d e m o c r a t i c i n s t i t u t i o n s , they can bring a b o u t the changes they wish peaceably a n d by m a j o r i t y c o n s e n t , a n d they should do so, a n d there is no excuse for doing o t h e r w i s e . E v e r y b o o k , p a m p h l e t , a n d article I h a v e w r i t t e n on the subject in m y e n t i r e lifetime reite r a t e s t h a t p o i n t of view, a n d it is known to be my p o i n t of view by every s t u d e n t . N o one could get any o t h e r impression f r o m r e a d i n g a n y t h i n g of m i n e , a n d no one could m a k e it a p p e a r otherwise except by lying. W h a t was M r . Albert P a r k e r doing when he p r i n t e d in his leaflet the following words f r o m " T h e W a y O u t " , page 43: ". . . you will bring on a R u s s i a n r e v o l u t i o n , a n d councils of workers a n d f a r m e r s will build a new i n d u s t r i a l s t a t e w i t h o u t any assistance. T h a t is the final goal in any case, a n d the only question is the quickest a n d easiest w a y to reach it." H e r e , you see, are

[157]

I, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR dots at the beginning of a sentence. Why those dots? Why not the words for which the dots stand? If some of my words are worth printing, why are others not worth it? Is it because there are too many of them? Not so; in this case there are only six. Why did young Mr. Parker cut out six words, and put three dots in their place? You will understand the moment I tell you what the words are: "If you behave like a tsar." Put those words where they belong, and see how different the sentence becomes! "The Way Out" is a series of letters addressed to a young man exactly such as Mr. Parker; a member of the privileged classes, secure in his power—and in the position of a child using a can of nitroglycerine for a baseball. I am trying to appeal to his reason; also to his heart and conscience. I am showing him exactly how social changes, made necessary by the invention of new machinery, can be brought about peaceably, and without waste and bloodshed. Immediately following the sentences which Mr. Parker quoted, page 43 is one more sentence, completing the paragraph. Why did he leave out that sentence? Read the first thirteen words of it, and you will see. "I am pleading that we should travel by the road of mutual understanding." I wonder—does that young lawyer feel any shame for the work he did in this campaign? I wonder also— is the achievement going to help him to a great career in California? Will our big business men honor him as their savior? Or will they look upon him as English gentlemen did on Benedict Arnold, living in London after the American revolution? Or will he perhaps go out like Judas Iscariot, and hang himself from a tree? Other reasons for young Mr. Parker's hanging himself are entitled: "What Sinclair's EPIC Means to You"; "Upton Sinclair on the Legion, the A. E. F., the R . O. T. C., and the Boy Scouts"; "Upton Sinclair Reviews the University of California and U. C. L. A.: 'The University of the Black Hand'"; "Upton Sinclair's Attitude on Christianity"; "Upton Sinclair's Opinion of Christian Science"; "Upton Sinclair on the Catholic Church"; and the one from which I have previously quoted: "SINCLAIR, Defiler of all Churches and All Christian Institutions." The only good thing I can think of to say for this

[158]

AND HOW I GOT LICKED young lawyer is t h a t he h a d so much company. I think, of one of the most ferocious of my t r a d u c e r s , a certain Mr. H o b d a y , who used to talk every night over the radio on behalf of his " C o n s t i t u t i o n Society." I say t a l k ; but when Mr. H o b d a y got really going on Sinclair as a R E D m e n a c e — a n d especially when he got to asking for money—his voice would rise to a sort of c h a n t e d shriek. I have seen a roomful of auditors sit gazing at one another. One woman cried: " I t can't be real!" B u t it was. Equally real was the Hollywood movie actor whom this " C o n s t i t u t i o n Society" p u t o n , to i m p e r s o n a t e a q u a v e r i n g pitiful old m a n , who told the radio audience how he h a d a t t e n d e d one of our meetings at the Shrine A u d i t o r i u m , and stood near m e , and I h a d picked his pocket and stolen his purse! For purposes such as t h a t the society e x p e n d e d , so I am told, $105 per n i g h t . Also the R e v e r e n d M a r t i n L u t h e r T h o m a s , a prizefighter t u r n e d preacher, to whom God gave personal instructions. H e h a d a church a n d a radio hour, and night a f t e r night he raved at m e , and read more and more horrifying affidavits, challenging me to p u t him in jail if they were not t r u e . Affidavits t h a t I h a d t r a m p l e d on the American flag at San P e d r o on the occasion, which you m a y read a b o u t in " T h e Goslings," when I was arrested for a t t e m p t i n g to read the Constitution of the U n i t e d S t a t e s , while s t a n d i n g on p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y with the w r i t t e n permission of the owner! Affidavits from men who heard me curse the C o n s t i t u tion and the flag! Affidavits from men who h a d heard me say, when forty-eight sailors of the b a t t l e s h i p Mississippi h a d been killed by a gun explosion, t h a t I wished it h a d been forty-eight h u n d r e d ! And me the d e s c e n d a n t of a long line of naval ancestors, from Virginia and back in E n g l a n d ! I was told t h a t " S p o u t i n g T h o m a s " , as our people called h i m , was going to read an affidavit t h a t I h a d caused the P r e p a r e d n e s s Day explosion in San Francisco. M a y b e he did, and nobody told me a b o u t it. I couldn't listen to all the o r a t o r y ; I h a d to do some of my own! From N o r m a n T h o m a s I learn of something else t h a t I missed. W r i t i n g in the " N e w Leader", T h o m a s s t a t e s : "Actually a radio play was p u t on in which Sinclair's n a m e was connected in one way or a n o t h e r with

[159]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R t h e assassination of McKinley." As it h a p p e n s , when M c K i n l e y d i e d , I was j u s t o u t of C o l u m b i a U n i v e r s i t y , a n d t h o u g h t he was a g r e a t P r e s i d e n t !

CHAPTER

XXIX

T h e little b o o k , " I , G o v e r n o r of California," p r o v e d an almost p e r f e c t piece of prophesy, u p to the d a y of t h e election. A m o n g o t h e r things I told how our m o v e m e n t would c u t the two old p a r t i e s in h a l f , a n d bring a h o u t a new a l i g n m e n t of r i g h t s a n d l e f t s , t h e r e a c t i o n aries a n d t h e progressives. T h i s h a p p e n e d , a n d t h e people of California now h a v e t h e n a m e s of those leaders who are r e a d y for social c h a n g e , a n d of those who m e a n to oppose it. R e p u b l i c a n s of social vision c a m e either to E P I C or to H a i g h t ; while the D e m o c r a t s w h o are D e m o c r a t s for p l u n d e r all j o i n e d the M e r r i a m camp. I t took, no genius to foretell t h i s ; I h a d w a t c h e d t h e s a m e t h i n g all my early life in N e w Y o r k . In m y c a m paign I spoke of " D e m o c r a t s w h o feed o u t of the R e publican t r o u g h " , a n d the audiences m a d e plain t h a t they " g o t " m e . In San Francisco the D e m o c r a t i c m a chine was so mixed u p with the R e p u b l i c a n t h a t you could h a r d l y distinguish t h e m . T a k e , for e x a m p l e , J u d g e M a t t Sullivan, formerly of our s u p r e m e c o u r t b e n c h , a n d one of the men who h a s labored h a r d e s t to keep Tom M o o n e y in j a i l . " M a t t " is a D e m o c r a t , a n d a law p a r t n e r of T h e o d o r e R o c h e , G o v e r n o r R o l p h ' s a t t o r n e y ; there you see the two m a chines w o r k i n g in t h e same office. " M a t t " proved one of my fiercest o p p o n e n t s ; he became c h a i r m a n of t h e " D e m o c r a t i c M e r r i a m for G o v e r n o r C a m p a i g n C o m m i t tee", a n d compiled a collection of all the lies ever told a b o u t m e . " I s he n o t in fact a d y e d - i n - t h e - r e d C o m m u nist? H e r e is his C o m m u n i s t i c r e c o r d . L e t him answer for himself. Sinclair would Sovietize the U n i t e d S t a t e s . H e would R u s s i a n i z e California a n d inflict on our people the curse of C o m m u n i s m . " I t h a p p e n s t h a t S e n a t o r H i r a m J o h n s o n is also a m e m b e r of t h a t firm, so I suppose t h a t a c c o u n t s in p a r t

[160]

I, C A N D I D A T E FOR G O V E R N O R t h e assassination of McKinley." As it h a p p e n s , when M c K i n l e y d i e d , I was j u s t o u t of C o l u m b i a U n i v e r s i t y , a n d t h o u g h t he was a g r e a t P r e s i d e n t !

CHAPTER

XXIX

T h e little b o o k , " I , G o v e r n o r of California," p r o v e d an almost p e r f e c t piece of prophesy, u p to the d a y of t h e election. A m o n g o t h e r things I told how our m o v e m e n t would c u t the two old p a r t i e s in h a l f , a n d bring a h o u t a new a l i g n m e n t of r i g h t s a n d l e f t s , t h e r e a c t i o n aries a n d t h e progressives. T h i s h a p p e n e d , a n d t h e people of California now h a v e t h e n a m e s of those leaders who are r e a d y for social c h a n g e , a n d of those who m e a n to oppose it. R e p u b l i c a n s of social vision c a m e either to E P I C or to H a i g h t ; while the D e m o c r a t s w h o are D e m o c r a t s for p l u n d e r all j o i n e d the M e r r i a m camp. I t took, no genius to foretell t h i s ; I h a d w a t c h e d t h e s a m e t h i n g all my early life in N e w Y o r k . In m y c a m paign I spoke of " D e m o c r a t s w h o feed o u t of the R e publican t r o u g h " , a n d the audiences m a d e plain t h a t they " g o t " m e . In San Francisco the D e m o c r a t i c m a chine was so mixed u p with the R e p u b l i c a n t h a t you could h a r d l y distinguish t h e m . T a k e , for e x a m p l e , J u d g e M a t t Sullivan, formerly of our s u p r e m e c o u r t b e n c h , a n d one of the men who h a s labored h a r d e s t to keep Tom M o o n e y in j a i l . " M a t t " is a D e m o c r a t , a n d a law p a r t n e r of T h e o d o r e R o c h e , G o v e r n o r R o l p h ' s a t t o r n e y ; there you see the two m a chines w o r k i n g in t h e same office. " M a t t " proved one of my fiercest o p p o n e n t s ; he became c h a i r m a n of t h e " D e m o c r a t i c M e r r i a m for G o v e r n o r C a m p a i g n C o m m i t tee", a n d compiled a collection of all the lies ever told a b o u t m e . " I s he n o t in fact a d y e d - i n - t h e - r e d C o m m u nist? H e r e is his C o m m u n i s t i c r e c o r d . L e t him answer for himself. Sinclair would Sovietize the U n i t e d S t a t e s . H e would R u s s i a n i z e California a n d inflict on our people the curse of C o m m u n i s m . " I t h a p p e n s t h a t S e n a t o r H i r a m J o h n s o n is also a m e m b e r of t h a t firm, so I suppose t h a t a c c o u n t s in p a r t

[160]

"Out

SINCLAIR

of His Own &\Outl, Shall

He

tie

Judged"

The Proof That

DYNAMITER OF

Upton Sinclair

ALL CHURCHES AND

Preaches

ALL CHRISTIAN INSTITUTIONS

Revolution —and—

ACTIVE OFFICIAL

Communism

OF

COMMUNIST ORGANIZATIONS

His Record and Activities in Behalf of Communism •

COMMUNIST WRITER COMMUNIST AGITATOR THE MAN WHO SAID THE

P. T. Al

HAS BEEN TAKEN OVER BY THE

BLACK

HAND

additional copie* may b* MCurad from

UNITED FOR CALIFORNIA LEAGUE Issued by C a l i f o r n i a Democratic Governor's League M. J . Brown. Secy., 2000 Holly Drive, Los Angelei

A Non-Partisan

OF

TWO

Albert Parker, Secretary

411 W FIFTH ST. ®

COVERS

Organization

Robert M. Clarke, Chairman

CAMPAIGN

[161]

•