How to Read Buddhist Art (The Metropolitan Museum of Art - How to Read) 1588396738, 9781588396730

Table of contents :
Cover
Contents
Forewords
Introduction
1. Showing the Buddha
Relics of the Buddha
Representing the Buddha’s enlightened presence
The early Buddhist imagery of China
The faultless North Indian Buddha: Portable bronzes and the diffusion of an international style
Living celestial Buddhas
South Asian representations of the celestial Buddhas and their relation to the Buddha Shakyamuni and his relics
The revival of the early Buddhist relic tradition: Theravada Buddhism in Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka
2. Teachers, bodhisattvas, and tantric deities
Travelling monks and the translations of the Dharma
Protecting the Dharma and debating its meaning
Monastic teachers and enlightened ascetics in the Himalayas
Early bodhisattvas and the path to Buddhahood
Mahayana bodhisattvas and the embodiment of the Dharma
Evoking powerful bodhisattvas through Vajrayana practice
Mandalas and the great tantric deities
Buddhist imagery and the 21st-c.
Suggested reading
Glossary

Citation preview

ISBN 978-1-58839-673-0

IIII IIIII I I11111111111111111

9 781588 396730 PRINTED IN ITALY

HOW TO READ

Buddhist Art

This publication is made possible by Florence and Herbert Irving and the Richard and Geneva Hofheimer Memorial Fund.

Published by The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York Mark Polizzotti, Publisher and Editor in Chief Gwen Roginsky, Associate Publisher and General Manager Peter Antony, Chief Production Manager Michael Sittenfeld, Senior Managing Editor

The Metropolitan Museum of Art endeavors to respect copyright in a manner consistent with its nonprofit educational mission. If you believe any material has been included in this publication improperly, please contact the Publications and Editorial Department. Copyright © 2019 by The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York First printing

Edited by Elizabeth Franzen Designed by Miko McGinty and Rita Jules Production by Paul Booth and Nicole Jordan Image acquisitions and permissions by Shannon Cannizzaro Maps and diagrams by Adrian Kitzinger Photographs of works in The Met collection are by Peter Zeray, Imaging Department, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, unless otherwise noted. · Additional photography credits: Photo by Kurt Behrendt: figs. 3, 9, 39, 46; Sorin Colac / Alamy Stock Photo: fig. 98; Photo by Qi-Cheong Lee: fig. 22; Image © The Metropolitan Museum of Art: front cover and figs. 6-8, 11, 12, 14, 16-19, 23, 25-27, 30-32, 35, 37, 45, 51, 55- 57, 60, 61, 64, 70-73, 75, 79-82, 86-91, 93, 94, 99, 102, 103; Courtesy Nara National Museum: fig. 83; Regents of the University of Michigan, Department of the History of Art, Visual Resources Collections. Photographer: Bruce M. Richardson: fig. 34; Regents of the University of Michigan, Department of the History of Art, Visual Resources Collections. Photographer: Richard Edwards (1968) : fig. 36; © Tenzing Rigdol. Image © The Metropolitan Museum of Art: figs. 102, 103 Typeset in Documenta and Mallory by Tina Henderson Printed on Creator Silk 15ogsm Color separations, printing, and binding Verona Libri, Verona, Italy Front cover: Head ofBuddha. Afghanistan, probably Hadda, 5th-6th century (detail, fig. 35) . Back cover: Vajrabharrava. China, Ming dynasty (1368-1644), early 15th century (detail, fig. 101). Frontispiece, pp. 3-4: Lotuses, from the Railing of the Bharhut Stu pa. India, Madhya Pradesh, Shunga period, ca. 1st century B.C . (detail, fig. 13). Frontispiece, p. 6: Bust ofHevajra. Cambodia, Angkor period, late 12th-early 13th century (detail, fig. 99). Frontispiece, p. 8: Buddha. India, probably Bihar, Gupta period, late 6th-early 7th century (detail, fig. 28)

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. The Metropolitan Museum of Art 1000 Fifth Avenue New York, New York 10028 metmuseum.org Distributed by Yale University Press, New Haven and London yalebooks.com/ art yalebooks.co.uk Cataloguing-in-Publication Data is available from the Library of Congress . ISBN 978-1-58839-673-o

CONTENTS

7

Director's Foreword 9

Acknowledgments 10

Map 13

Introduction 23

Showing the Buddha 75

Teachers, Bodhisattvas, and Tantric Deities 130

Suggested Reading 133

Glossary

Director's Foreword

Drawing on the extraordinary collection of The Metropolitan Museum of Art, this volume traces Buddhist artistic heritage across Asia. Buddhist art has been produced for more than two millennia by diverse communities in a vast area, and it represents one of the greatest artistic traditions in the world. The foundation of The Met's collection of Buddhist sculpture and painting was established at the beginning of the twentieth century with the acquisition of important Buddhist sculptures, including the fifth- to sixth-century Head of a Buddha from Afghanistan, which appears on the cover of this publication. Today, The Met has one of the world's most comprehensive collections of Buddhist art, and the fiftyfour seminal works selected for this volume range from early reliquaries to sublime images ofBuddhas and bodhisattvas to powerful tantric deities. Like other books in the How to Read series, this volume provides the reader with a deeper understanding of a group of related objects and the context in which they were made. The author, Associate Curator Kurt Behrendt, draws on his deep knowledge and extensive field research to

emphasize key themes. Behrendt explores iconographic patterns that recur throughout this long period so that they become clearly recognizable to the reader. Artworks offer ways to understand this deeply philosophical tradition because they are meaningful across linguistic and cultural boundaries. Unifying this colossal area and time period are shared intellectual and devotional practices that had sophisticated, emotionally powerful artworks at their center. I hope this book will inspire readers to explore the voluminous examples of Buddhist art found throughout the Asian Art galleries at The Met. In closing, we gratefully acknowledge the extraordinary generosity of Florence and Herbert Irving and the Richard and Geneva Hofheimer Memorial Fund, which have helped bring this enlightening publication to fruition for the benefit of generations to come.

MaxHollein Director The Metropolitan Museum of Art

7

Acknowledgments

I am extremely grateful for the assistance and encouragement from my many colleagues at The Metropolitan Museum of Art. In the Department of Asian Art, I would like to begin by thanking Maxwell K. Hearn, Douglas Dillon Chairman; John S. Guy, Florence and Herbert Irving Curator of the Arts of South and Southeast Asia; John Carpenter, Mary Griggs Burke Curator of Japanese Art; Monika Bincsik, Diane and Arthur Abbey Associate Curator for Japanese Decorative Arts ; Zhixin Jason Sun, Brooke Russell Astor Curator of Chinese Art; Pengliang Lu; Joseph Scheier-Dolberg, Oscar Tang and Agnes Hsu-Tang Associate Curator of Chinese Paintings ; Shi-yee Liu; Stephanie Kwai; Hwai-ling Yeh-Lewis; Alison Clark; Tegan Miller; Mary Hurt; Beatrice Pinto ; Imtikar Ally; Lori Carrier; and Carlo D'Anselmi. From the conservation team, I would like to thank Jennifer Perry, Mary and James Wallach Family Conservator of Japanese Art, as well as Kristine Kamiya, Daniel Hausdorf, Vicki Parry, Marlene April Yandrisevits, and Lawrence Becker, with special thanks to Deborah Schorsch for her help on the lost-wax method. This book would not have been possible

without the sage council and support of the Publications and Editorial Department, and I would like to thank Mark Polizzotti, Peter Antony, Gwen Roginsky, Michael Sittenfeld, and Briana Parker; and in production, Paul Booth and Shannon Cannizzaro ; Miko McGinty Inc. for their remarkable design, Adrian Kitzinger for his maps and diagrams ; and special thanks to my wonderful editor Elizabeth Franzen. I would like to express my appreciation to the Imaging Department, especially Barbara J. Bridgers, Qi-Cheong Lee, Christopher Heins , Deepa Paulus, and above all to Peter Zeray for his superb photography. Thanks also to colleagues and collaborators outside The Met, including Denise Patry Leidy, Nicolas Morrissey, Robert DeCaroli, Paul Lavy, Sonali Dhingra, and Janet Hunter. Finally, this work would not have been possible without the guidance and support of my teacher Robert Brown. Kurt Behrendt Associate Curator, Department of Asian Art The Metropolitan Museum of Art

9

90°E

a.....,..,

• Ulaanbaatar

Mongolia

--

.

_.,··-·

--

' /

As

..... •••••••••••

Silk road overland routes continue to the Mediterranean

\\ • • • •

·····t··.. .....,·

\'·)..._

IA

....

BAC:TRIA {

,)..

.... ....

Bamiyan ,,

Iran

....

...-··..-·· 0

p,. r a b i

•• •

a 11 Se Q

• • • • • • •:

•

4•• Maritime trade routes continue through """"-

the Red Sea to the Mediterranean

..................

•• ••

•• ••••

••••• •

········ ················,~\!(£::::: ...................... . ········· ... ····· ..

..

•• •••

I

••• •

•• •• •

.

•• •• •• ••• 11..••

LEGEND

'

······

The Buddhist heartland The diffusion of Buddhism: --...i:,,--~

Silk road trade routes • • • • • •• Other overland trade routes • • • • • •• Maritime trade routes _____ _,, Modern borders Areas ofextreme aridity Areas ofheavy forestation 0 Miles Kilometers ~-0

250

soo

400

800

-·-

\ 1\

. d1 a n

0

Ce

Introduction

For more than two thousand years artists have been giving form to the Buddha in ways that visually capture his doctrine. If artists could have seen his radiant form breaking free from the cycle of rebirth, it would have been so much easier. Over the centuries, generation upon generation of artists worked in collective workshops and struggled to perfect the ideal and authoritative image of the Buddha in an effort to make his enlightened presence available to the devout (fig. 2). The goal of these artists was not personal expression but to create a beautiful, faultless representation of the Buddha. The very best of these sculptures and paintings succeeded in achieving this goal, and the concept of sponsoring evocative works became the ambition of emperors, merchants, monks, nuns, and the common person. All shared the desire to participate in the creation of images for the benefit of all sentient beings. According to Buddhist philosophy, such representations generate karmic merit and can lead to a positive rebirth. As long as the gift to the community is venerated, merit is created for the patron during this lifetime and perhaps in the next. For a common person, this might be a simple painting or an image in clay, but for the wealthy to create an image in stone or bronze that could endure forever had great appeal. Powerful rulers

across Asia were sometimes able to assemble the resources of whole nations to give form to the Buddha's enlightened presence. Let us begin not with an artwork, but rather with Bodhgaya, the sacred place in north India where the Buddha attained enlightenment after sitting for fortynine days under the Bodhi Tree, which is understood to mark the axis of the universe (fig. 3). When the Buddha retreated to the wilderness, he was seeking a point of perfect stability that could support his enlightenment. The Bodhi tree is a species of fig tree (ficus religiosa) that can be grown from a simple cutting, so the pious followers of the Buddha propagated the tree under which he sat. Today, Bodhi trees from the original stand in sacred areas across Asia. Since the living tree at Bodhgaya is the same tree that the Buddha sat under, it is considered a living relic that physically manifests his presence. The historical Buddha-here referred to as Shakyamuni, but also known as Siddhartha and Gautama, among other names-lived in north India near the Ganges River (see map, pp.10-11). His specific life dates are debated, but sometime between the sixth and fifth century B.C., he renounced worldly attachments and retreated to the wilderness. Physical and mental discipline led to perfect control over his mind and body,

Fig. 1. Buddha, probably Amitabha (Chinese: Amituofo). China, Tang dynasty (618 - 907), early 7th century. Hollow dry lacquer with traces of gilt and polychrome pigment and gilding, 38 x 27 x 221/2 in. (96.5 x 68.6 x 57.1 cm). Rogers Fund, 1919 (19.186)

13

Fig. 3. Bodhi Tree at Bodhgaya with worshippers

which allowed him to reach a state ofbodhi or "awakening." Broadly defined enlightenment is the cessation of desire. The Buddha spoke of how actions (karma) driven by desires and attachments to this world bind one to a cycle of rebirth (samsara). Following his enlightenment, Shakyamuni was able to explain how to break free from the cycle of rebirth. These teachings-the Buddhist dharma-can be described in terms of the Four Noble Truths. The first truth: life is full of pain and sorrow; the second truth: suffering is caused by desire, ignorance, and attachment; the third truth: cessation of suffering allows one to escape the cycle of rebirth and reach nirvana; and finally, the fourth truth: the eightfold path-teachings that aim to explain how to overcome desire, and thus to end all suffering. The eight teachings are right view, right resolve, right speech, right action, right livelihood, right effort, right mindfulness, and right concentration. The essential clarity of these core ideas is one of the reasons Buddhism took hold and spread rapidly throughout Asia.

The early followers of Buddha Shakyamuni preserved this doctrine for centuries in the form of a spoken tradition, but it is believed that subtle aspects of the dharma were gradually lost during this period of oral transmission. If a follower could have lived in the time of the Buddha and heard the dharma relayed directly from Shakyamuni, in its original uncorrupted form, then it would have been fairly easy and straightforward to reach enlightenment. Owing to this long period of oral transmission, Buddhism lacks a single authoritative text that is associated with many of the great world religions. In fact, the massive Buddhist textual tradition can be understood as an extended debate over the nature of the Buddha's original, uncorrupted doctrine. Following the Buddha's death, his cremated remains (his relics) were the initial focus for the devout as the only physical trace of his enlightened presence. Still, a pinch of ash or a tiny piece ofbone has little visual presence; therefore over time the reliquaries that housed the Buddha's

Fig. 2. Buddha. India, probably Bihar, Gupta period, late 6th-early 7th century. Bronze, 18 1/2 x 6 1/s x 5% in. (47 x 15.6 x 14.3 cm). Purchase, Florance Waterbury Bequest, 1969 (69.222)

15

remains became more elaborate, as did the monuments that contained them (see figs . 9- 12). The idea that control of the mind is equated with control of the body (yoga) is important for the Buddhist artistic tradition. To see the Buddha's perfect body, which was the product of countless meritorious rebirths, was to apprehend his teachings. For this reason, the image of the Buddha took on great significance across Asia (see fig. 2), as artists strived to represent a true and correct likeness to be an expression of the dharma. In terms of artistic representation, very few images of the Buddha succeed in capturing his transcendence, and those images that do are self-evident in their success. In terms of the many Buddhist deities presented in this book, it is important to remember that they fall into a few broad categories. Take, for example, the Buddha. There is the historic Buddha Shakyamuni, who lived in north India. Over time and with the rise of the later Mahayana and Vajrayana schools of Buddhism, other enlightened Buddhas residing in heavens emerged and became important (see figs. 42 and 48) . In terms of images, these Buddhas look similar because they have reached the same enlightened state. In order to identify a specific Buddha, a viewer had to rely on hand gestures, secondary iconography, and the context of built environments. There are also bodhisattvas-beings who have taken a vow to seek enlightenment in this life and in future rebirths . In later schools of Buddhism, the number of named male and female bodhisattvas grows as they begin to personify specific Buddhist concepts, such as compassion and wisdom. Often a single bodhisattva will have many names and manifestations, each with a distinct iconography and a specific function, and this is especially true in the complex ritual traditions of Vajrayana Buddhism. In the first centuries A.D., when Buddhism branched out of India along trade routes to China, relics were important, but it is not surprising that they were rapidly supplanted by beautiful sculptures, which successfully crossed linguistic and cultural boundaries to inspire and to convert new communities.

The Early Relic Tradition and the Theravadin School of Buddhism After the Buddha Shakyamuni reached enlightenment at the time of his death, he broke free from the cycle of rebirth and entered nirvana. Central to devotional practice were his relics that were physically charged with the power of his enlightenment. Foundational Buddhist artworks took the form of reliquaries and sculptures that were produced to glorify relics and the monuments that housed them. Initially the Buddha was not represented, but by the second century A .D ., narrative images and devotional sculptures of the Buddha began to be produced. This appearance of sculptures of the Buddha occurred at about the same time that Buddhism commenced to spread out of India and along the trade routes to China. In the Buddhist tradition, it is believed that time is cyclical, and there exists a whole series of now-forgotten Buddhas who lived in distant past ages. The Buddha Dipankara is the most often represented in sculpture of these past Buddhas (see fig. 23). It was understood that in a past life the historic Buddha Shakyamuni, who lived in north India sometime during the sixth or fifth century B.C., saw the Buddha Dipankara and vowed at his feet to pursue his own path to Buddhahood. Ultimately, Shakyamuni reached enlightenment, revealed the dharma, and after he died he left his body in the form of relics, but within this model of cyclical time, his teachings will also be forgotten and in a distant future another Buddha will be born, named Maitreya. In terms of artworks, the future Buddha Maitreya is presented as a god in heaven, who is awaiting his final rebirth (fig. 4). Significantly, Maitreya has yet to live on earth, and thus he is not associated with relics, which may be a reason why this deity was often depicted when Buddhism spread across China, Korea, and Japan. By the eleventh century there were some Buddhist communities that chose to reject the then dominant Mahayana and Vajrayana schools ofBuddhism, with their focus on deities residing in heavens, to return to the early, relic-focused tradition of Shakyamuni. This school is called Theravadin Buddhism, and it is practiced in Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, and Thailand.

Fig. 4. The Bodhisattva Maitreya. Pakistan, ancient region of Gandhara, ca. 3rd century. Schist, 313/4 x 11 1/2 x 6 in. (80.7 x 29.2 x 15.2 cm). Rogers Fund, 1913 (13.96 .17)

16

Fig. 5. Detail of the Water-Moon Form of the Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara (Korean: Guan-eum). Korea, Goryeo dynasty (918-1392), first half of the 14th century. Hanging scroll ; ink and color on silk, 45 V16x 21% in. (114.5 x 55.6 cm). Charles Stewart Smith Collection, Gift of Mrs. Charles Stewart Smith, Charles Stewart Smith Jr., and Howard Caswell Smith, in memory of Charles Stewart Smith, 1914 (14.76.6)

Celestial Buddhas and Bodhisattvas: Mahayana Buddhism Sometime around the sixth century, images relating to Mahayana Buddhism started to appear. This later school of Buddhism argues that there is a multitude of enlightened Buddhas, and the devout can hope to be reborn in a heaven, where they can hear the uncorrupted dharma from the lips of a living Buddha. It is easy to understand why sculptures and paintings of this expanded group of Buddhas became vitally important for religious practice. Attending the celestial Buddhas are various bodhisattvas: beings that have reached a state of enlightenment and remain to help those still caught in the cycle of rebirth (fig. 5). Between the sixth and twelfth century, Mahayana

Buddhism expanded to become the dominant Buddhist practice across Asia. While the many enlightened deities and diverse imagery of the Mahayana tradition can seem overwhelming, it is important to remember that the core Buddhist teachings (the dharma) remain unchanged .

Esoteric Tantric Practices: Vajrayana Buddhism Vajrayana Buddhism is the final major school that transformed the artistic tradition. This Buddhist school used images in new and innovative ways, arguing that visualizing powerful deities through correct ritual practice could lead to enlightenment in this lifetime (fig. 6) . Highly trained monks (or sometimes ascetics) would

Fig. 6. Detail of Achala with ConsortVishvavajri. Nepal, Kathmandu Valley, Malla period, 1522- 50. Distemper on cotton, 34 1/s x 25% in. (86.7 x 65.7 cm). Purchase, Lila Acheson Wallace Gift, 2012 (2012-456)

evoke powerful Vajrayana deities for a king or for the benefit of the people in a kingdom. Naturally, these rulers commissioned the very best images to serve as the focus for these esoteric rituals, and as a result some of the most beautiful and sophisticated Buddhist artworks emerged from the Vajrayana tradition. These visualization practices and complex rituals are codified in texts called tantras; hence the tradition is often referred to as Tantric Buddhism or, owing to its complexity, as Esoteric Buddhism. In general, Vajrayana artworks were intended to overwhelm the viewer with their powerful and some times even frightening imagery. These artworks could only be used correctly by someone with the ability to interpret tantric texts, and, in turn, the correct interpretation required the guidance of a teacher. The chain of transmission of knowledge from teacher to student is the basis for all ordination lineages, and this important teacher-student relationship came to be depicted in the painting of Tibet (fig. 7). Vajrayana Buddhism originated in India, and by the eighth century it had swept across Southeast Asia, China, Korea, and Japan. Today Vajrayana Buddhism remains important in the Himalayas and in other parts of Asia.

Supporting the Monastic Community, Building Sacred Areas, and Making Images Historically, the populace supported the Buddhist monastic communities (the sangha) as a way to generate merit and to ensure a positive rebirth. Some monastic communities were able to accumulate vast economic resources, however, not all were so fortunate. There is considerable

textual evidence governing how monks and nuns should handle property, and there are specific rules about the proper way to lend money with interest. These practices led to a close relationship with merchants, and it is likely the reason why Buddhism moved so readily with international trade. Imagery stood as a devotional focus for monastic practitioners and for the laypeople who supported them. Over time, monasteries began housing large communities of monks and nuns. In these centers oflearning, Buddhist doctrine was debated and many texts were compiled. The scale of this endeavor is hard to comprehend, since it is the product of a continuous effort by tens of thousands of monastic practitioners, over the last 2,500 years, making Buddhism one of the world's longest and largest sustained intellectual endeavors. Not surprisingly artworks created within these environments came to be used in increasingly sophisticated ways. The goal of How to Read Buddhist Art is to introduce the visual tradition of Buddhism with fifty-four seminal artworks in The Met's collection from India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, the Himalayas, China, Korea, Japan, and the countries of Southeast Asia. Today, we apprehend these artistic representations in similar ways as when they were first made, highlighting the power and effectiveness of the multifaceted Buddhist artistic tradition. However, this book can only be an introduction to this great tradition. My hope is to provide the reader with an entry point and a few essential tools for appreciating this sublime tradition.

Fig. 7. Monks from a monastic lineage in the acts of veneration, detail ofMahakala, Protector of the Pavilion. Central Tibet, ca. 1500. Distemper on cloth, 64 x 53 in. (162.6 x 134.6 cm). Zimmerman Family Collection, Gift of the Zimmerman Family, 2012 (2012-444.4)

20

CHAPTER 1

Showing the Buddha

Relics of the Buddha After reaching enlightenment at Bodhgaya, the Buddha Shakyainuni spent his life wandering north India and teaching the basic tenets of Buddhism to everyday people and to a growing community of monks and nuns. At the age of eighty, he died and reached a state of nonexistence. He was not reborn, because his karma (purified actions) no longer bound him to the cycle of reincarnation, but instead he reached nirvana, which in Sanskrit has the meaning of "a flame blown out by the wind." The fact that he was extinguished upon reaching nirvana was a problem for his many followers, since the Buddha had made clear that he was not a god and should not be worshipped. He was simply someone who had reached a state of enlightenment and offered a path for others to follow so that they, too, could escape samsara (the cycle of rebirth) and reach nirvana. The historic Buddha Shakyamuni was cremated after he died, in accordance with the normal practice for all religions that believe in reincarnation (Buddhism, Hinduism, and Jainism). The act of cremation is purifying and

brings closure in preparation for rebirth because the remaining physical body is understood to be polluted by karmic defilements (undesirable actions), therefore the ashes are often placed in rivers . However, Shakyamuni reached enlightenment precisely because his body was faultless and undefiled-the result of countless rebirths and meritorious past lives. All that remained of the Buddha's existence after his cremation were inherently pure relics: the physical stuff of enlightenment. According to written accounts, his ashes were originally placed in eight stupas (solid circular relic structures). Later these relics were divided so that stupas could be established across the Indian subcontinent, such as this stupa at the site of Sanchi (fig. 9). The cut-stone masonry stupa at Sanchi, located in north central India, is one of the most famous and well-preserved of these early relic structures. This monument derives its meaning and power from the Buddha's cremated ashes and bones that were understood to sit at the center of the massive stone structure in a reliquary. The three small umbrellas at the top of the stupa stand above the relics sitting deep within

Fig. 8. Detail of fig. 17, Buddha. Pakistan, ancient region of Gandhara

23

Fig. 9. Sanchi Stupa. India, Madhya Pradesh. Ashokan foundation dates to ca. 3rd century B.C ., gateways and outer encasement date to 50 B.C.-A.D. 50

the dome, symbolically honoring and sheltering his remains . The relics empower the monument, which a devotee walks around in a clockwise manner to be in contact with his enlightened presence. This stupa at Sanchi was probably built by the Buddhist king Ashoka (r. 268 232 B.c.), who is credited with establishing 84,000 relic stupas across South Asia. Outside its eastern gate, in a placement associated with the rising sun, a long imperial edict by Ashoka is carved into a now-broken pillar that states, among other things, his wish "that the sangha [monastic community) may be united and long endure" (Falk, Asokan Sites and Artefacts, 2006). A devotee worshipping at a stupa similar to the one at Sanchi would have understood that the relic buried at the stupa's core infused the whole monument with the power of enlightenment. Like a drop of perfume in a bottle of water, the smallest particle of the Buddha's body permeates all that surrounds it. The massive scale of this stupa is vitally important, as it serves to give visual form to the relic at its core, because after all what does a tiny bit

24

C H AP T ER I

of the Shakyamuni's cremated remains actually look like? This concept is equally at play with the reliquary containers that were created to enshrine his remains. See, for example, a small reliquary from about the first century A .D . found in the ancient region of Gandhara, or presentday northwest Pakistan (fig. 10b) that probably originally contained a bit of ash or perhaps a fragment of bone. This tiny inner gold container, no bigger than a thumbnail, worked well to convey the power of the Buddha's relic because gold never tarnishes, and relics are thought to be luminous and reflective. The other objects found together with this gold container in the schist outer reliquary (fig. 10a) also functioned like relics and include rock-crystal beads, a drilled pearl and a semiprecious stone wrapped in a sheet of gold. When the body-relic was deposited inside the monument, pious Buddhists offered personal items that would remain forever in contact with the relic. Notably, these offerings include crystal (fig. 10c) or reflective objects in gold that convey ideas of purity and light. These personal offerings would then become

10b

10a

infused with the power of the relic and in some sense transformed into relics themselves. Telling a very different story is the final object in this deposit, which is a small set of stacked umbrellas fabricated in gold and crowned with a pearl (fig. 10d). The tiny umbrellas must have originally stood above a small, stupa-shaped reliquary, honoring the Buddha's enlightened presence. Undoubtedly this reliquary was damaged, perhaps at a moment when the relics were being divided, and owing to the fact that these umbrellas had been in long contact with the Buddha's empowered remains, they essentially became relics in their own right and were included in the new deposit. Many early reliquaries were not designed to be seen but rather to be suitable containers for relics destined to be placed deep within stupas. Important were inscriptions that permanently recorded the great merit-making act of depositing a relic. Many inscribed reliquaries have been found among the Buddhist sites, nestled in the foothills of the Himalayas in the northwest of the subcontinent, that flourished in the ancient region of Gandhara. Some

IOC

10d

Figs. 10a-d. Reliquary and contents. Pakistan, ancient region of Gandhara, ca. 1st century A.O . Schist outer reliquary, gold inner reliquary, objects of gold, rock crystal, and pearl, outer reliquary, H. 2 9/1Gx Diam. 2 in. (6 .5 x 5.1 cm) . Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Uzi Zucker, 1987 (1987-258.2a-q)

SHOWING THE BUDDHA

25

Fig. 11. Inscribed Reliquary, donated by Prince Indravarman. Pakistan, ancient region of Gandhara, Bajaur, A.O. 5- 6. Schist, Diam. 3% in. (9.2 cm). Samuel Eilenberg Collection, Gift of Samuel Eilenberg, 1987 (1987.142.7oa, b)

of these reliquary inscriptions tell us about the royal donors and their motivations for establishing new stupas beyond simply bringing Buddhism to their people (fig. 11). This small schist reliquary from Gandhara is surprisingly simple given that it originally contained relics of the Buddha Shakyamuni, as revealed in the inscription. This container was manufactured with a lathe and then polished to a smooth surface before an inscription was scratched in rings around the exterior. The text recounts that in the year A.D. 5-6, Prince Indravarman established body-relics of Lord Shakyamuni after having been brought in a procession from a cave stupa. It goes on to list many members of Indravarman's extended family so that they will also benefit from the great merit generated by creating a new sacred center. In addition, the inscription tells us that Indravarman hopes the generated merit will lead to

rebirth in a divine realm for himself and his family. His goal is a positive rebirth rather than enlightenment. It is important to note that the Buddha did not deny the existence of gods living in heavens, but simply that these gods are also caught in the cycle of rebirth. Early fifth- to seventh-century accounts of Chinese pilgrims who visited Gandhara describe physical remains, such as ashes , bones, teeth, and objects that the Buddha used. Especially important for these pilgrims was the act of placing flowers in the Buddha's alms bowl. Clearly, some of these relics were not hidden in stupas, because they could be viewed and sometimes touched. In conjunction with this expanded relic tradition, elaborate and visually complex reliquaries begin to appear at this time, including this bronze Gandharan example from the fourth to fifth century (fig. 12).

Fig. 12. Reliquary in the Shape of a Stupa. Pakistan, ancient region of Gandhara, ca. 4th- 5th century. Bronze, 22% x i !z in. (57.8 x 19.1 cm). Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Donald J. Bruckmann, 1985 (1985.387a, b)

26

CHA P TER 1

This reliquary is fashioned as a model of a stupa, with the actual relic placed inside the detachable hemispherical dome. Similarly, the replica has stupa-topped pillars at the four corners and umbrellas to shelter and mark the Buddha's auspicious remains. The umbrellas also reference the heavens that are cosmologically understood to be stacked above. Unusual is the fact that the dome of this reliquary sits on a Corinthian capital that emerges out of a lotus on top of the square base. The model's Classical elements, including four small griffins that link the base to the outstretched foliage of the capital, reflect Gandhara's taste for Mediterranean motifs, which reached this region because of the intense international trade along the Silk Road (see map, pp. 10-11). By the time this reliquary was made, trade with the West had been going on for at least six centuries, and the rich international mercantile communities of Gandhara had developed a taste for Classical forms, although now these motifs appear in Buddhist contexts. This large, visually appealing reliquary gives importance to the relics it contained, and it functions in ways that are analogous to an image. Certainly, it is very different in conception from a lathe-turned schist reliquary seen only at the moment when it was placed deep in the core of a masonry stupa. Not surprisingly, early Buddhist sculptures were created to adorn stupas and to communicate values associated with the power of the relic. Consider, for example, these two lotuses (fig. 13), which originally crowned a high railing that defines the sacred space of the firstcentury B.C . stupa ofBharhut, located in central India.

Representing the Buddha's Enlightened Presence The lotus is one of the earliest Buddhist symbols, signifying both purity and enlightenment. The lotus is the perfect symbol of the Buddha's transcendence, since it grows out of the mud, passes through sullied waters before ultimately breaking free from the surface to bloom. Consequently, reliquaries are often embellished with lotuses (see fig. 10a), and in later centuries the Buddha is frequently depicted sitting on a lotus (see fig. 42). These wonderfully graphic lotuses, seen here, which take the form of one flower set within another, were carved in the

28

CHAPTER I

Fig. 13. Lotuses, from the Railing of the Bharhut Stu pa. India, Madhya Pradesh, Shunga period, ca. 1st century B.C. Red sandstone, 14% x 21 1/2 x 21/2 in. (37.8 x 54.6 x 6.3 cm). Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Earl Morse, 1972 (1972.215)

SHOWING THE BUDDHA

29

red sandstone of north India so that they would last forever. Braided vines wrap around the blooms to link them one to another, and the flowers were placed as a continuous band around the stupa's railing, representing the abundance of the natural world. Along the base of this relief is a row of sculpted bells supported by crossed ropes , suggesting that real bells must have originally given early stupas an auditory dimension when caught in the wind. The appearance of lotuses, vines, and an emphasis on nature in early Buddhist art is not surprising, since devotional practices to ensure fertility and agricultural success were of central importance in ancient India. Perhaps one of the main reasons that Buddhism spread rapidly across Asia is because this religion readily accepts such deeply rooted belief systems, which are in turn reframed in Buddhist terms . In India, among the earliest deities to be absorbed and represented in Buddhist contexts are the diverse goddesses who personify ideas of life and by extension all that grows and is animate. The veneration of these goddesses would have been vitally important to the lay community, who were probably more concerned with the success of their crops than with something as elusive as enlightenment. Not surprisingly, some of the first large representations of the human figure to appear on the railings of stupas take the form of exuberant nature goddesses similar to this first- or secondcentury A.D. Yakshi (fig. 14). This idealized voluptuous woman, with her elaborate necklaces , jewels in her hair, and many bracelets, is all about the potential of life. She dynamically reaches up to grasp the branch of a tree, causing it to bloom and the fruit to ripen. Charged with the Buddha's enlightened relic, this double-sided relief would have stood at the gateway of the stupa so that a devotee could venerate this goddess for agricultural success. In this way a devotee was able to address both the mundane concerns of this world and the Buddha's relic that offered the potential for a positive rebirth in the next. At the earliest Buddhist sites in India, communities chose not to represent the Buddha in human form but instead preferred to symbolize his enlightened presence

and to emphasize his relics (pp. 13, 23- 25). However, by the first or second century A.D., the figure of the Buddha began to appear in sculpture. See, for example, a narrative multiscene panel from the site of Goli in the Krishna River Valley of southeast India from about the third century, which recounts how the Buddha's younger half brother Nanda overcame his desires (see figs . 15a-d). This long relief would have been attached to a stupa facing one of the four directional entrances. Carved in a soft limestone that readily took detail, this nonsequential story begins after Shakyamuni's enlightenment, when he returns to Kapilavastu, the city where he grew up (see fig. 15d). He stands outside the city's walls , surrounded by followers who clasp their hands in veneration at his feet. The Buddha wears monastic robes and might even be taken for a monk, if not for his prominent halo. He arrives the same day that Nanda is getting married to the beautiful Sundari. In the devotional poem Saundarananda, the court poet Ashvaghosa writes of the couple's passion, emphasizing their sensual and intellectual interaction, which carries them away, so much so that Nanda did not even think of the dharma (Buddhist teachings). Learning that the Buddha is in town, Nanda tells Sundari that he will be back before her makeup has time to dry, but after meeting with Shakyamuni, he reluctantly agrees to leave his bride-to-be to become a monk. In the next panel, Nanda is having his head shaved (see fig. 15c) in preparation for his ordination. He misses his fiancee and regrets joining the monastic community. In order to show Nanda his misguided ways, the Buddha takes him on a miraculous flight over the Himalayas to the god Indra's heaven. Sadly, the figure of Nanda has almost entirely broken away from the relief (see fig. 15b). As they fly, the Buddha points to a monkey sitting on the rocky slopes of the mountains below. The Buddha asks Nanda if Sundari is more beautiful, and he replies that of course she is. Upon arrival to Indra's heaven (see fig. 15d) Nanda is entranced by the exceeding beauty of the celestial women who attend the god, and he states that in comparison, Sundari is like the monkey. The Buddha promises Nanda a future rebirth in this heaven ifhe earnestly embraces the religious

Fig. 14. Yakshi (Nature Deity) Grasping a Tree Branch. India, Uttar Pradesh, Mathura region, 1st- 2nd century. Red sandstone, 13% x 121/2 x sin. (34 .9 x 31.8 x 12.7 cm) . Rogers Fund, 1927 (27.186)

30

C H A P T ER 1

Figs. 15a-d. The Conversion of Nanda. India, Andhra Pradesh, Goli, Ikshvaku period, 3rd century. Limestone, 11 x 89 1/2 x 6 ll/15 in. (27.9 x 227.3 x 17 cm). Rogers Fund, 1930 (30.29). 15a. The Buddha and Nanda in Indra's Heaven ; 15b. The Buddha and Nanda fly over the Himalayas and see a monkey; 15c. Nanda having his hair cut in preparation for his ordination ; 15d. The Buddha arrives at the cit y gate of Kapilavastu

32

CHAPTER 1

life of a monk. The twist of this story is that Nanda's desire for the celestial maidens in Indra's heaven will also bind him to the cycle of rebirth. Only with this realization is he able to overcome his lust and attachment to the world and become an arhat (one who can attain nirvana at his death) . It is significant that this rather misogynistic story must not have resonated well, as it is rarely depicted in later Buddhist imagery. Clearly, during this early period, artists were still trying to figure out how best to convey Buddhist ideas pictorially. The Nanda episodes are visually hard to read without guidance, and this story about overcoming desire is perhaps not the best way to express the moral. This narrative relief frames the idea of desire in terms of the irresistible allure of women; however, later artistic representations take on a more positive tone with the idea of desire reframed in terms of being bound to the cycle of rebirth as the result oflove for one's children. In the Gandhara region of Northwest Pakistan, storytelling depictions became extremely popular, and it is here that many of Shakyamuni's life stories were sculpturally codified. Gandharan narrative had a major

SH OWING THE BUDDHA

33

impact because artists told the stories in ways that were visually self-evident. A great example is the Buddha's first sermon to his five former ascetic companions in the Deer Park at Sarnath in north India when he reveals the dharma (fig. 16). In this relief the Gandharan artist has masterfully compressed this key event into a format that is easy to understand and suitable for veneration, even by devotees who may not be literate. Here, in this panel, Shakyamuni is dramatically presented in the center, at a scale that is larger than the other figures. Carved on a thin slab of schist, this relief was originally attached to a small stupa with metal brackets. Typically, ten or fifteen scenes would wrap around a stupa to tell the story of the Buddha's life, which could be read by a devotee walking clockwise around the monument. According to textual accounts, after the Buddha obtained enlightenment, he traveled to the Deer Park (note the deer sitting under his throne), where he met the five ascetics with whom he had earlier practiced yoga and fasting. Shakyamuni at that time realized that only the balanced middle path that rejected both self-mortification and the luxurious life of his childhood in the palace could lead to enlightenment. The ascetics were initially scornful because he had abandoned their practices, but they were struck by the light of enlightenment that was streaming from his body, as indicated by his halo. The Buddha reached down with his right hand and turned a wheel, a symbol of the teachings (dharma). This wheel (chakra) that the Buddha set in motion continued to spin, radiating the teachings in all directions like spokes of a wheel with his sermon at Sarnath as the hub. At this point, the five ascetics donned Buddhist robes, cut their long hair, and became the Buddha's first monastic followers, as seen here. These first monks and the Buddha traveled in all directions from the Deer Park to spread the teachings. In this way, the Buddhist doctrine was revealed to the public, and his five followers established the first monastic communities (see pp. 74, 89 for a discussion of monastic lineage). Spreading the teachings of the Buddha remains a primary goal of monastic communities even

Fig. 16. Buddha's First Sermon at Sarnath and Five Original Disciples. Pakistan, ancient region of Gandhara, md century. Schist, 11 1/4 x 121/ 4 x 2 in. (28.6 x 31.1 x 5.1 cm). Gift of Daniel Slott, 1980 (1980.527.4)

SH OW I NG TH E BU DDH A

35

Fig. 18. Detail of fig. 17, showing the base of the Buddha

today. There is a sixth figure in this relief, with curly hair and holding a vajra (a ritual scepter), who does not actually appear in the story. This is Vajrapani (literally the "vajra holder"), who protects the Buddha and is often found in early narrative reliefs. In Gandhara, freestanding devotional representations of the Buddha started to be produced in the late second century A .D. at roughly the same time that the Buddha appeared in narrative reliefs. While there is considerable debate surrounding the origins of anthropomorphic representations of the Buddha, there is no question that such imagery had broad appeal across India, with early examples sculpted in the city of Mathura in north India, along the Krishna River in south India, and in the Silk Road center of Gandhara located in the northwest of the subcontinent. A good example is this early thirdcentury Gandharan standing image of the Buddha with its subtly rendered face, well-proportioned body, and dramatic cascading drapery (fig. 17). This early devotional image of the Buddha is immediately recognizable by his radiant halo and monastic

robes. The damaged right hand would have been raised with the palm open in a gesture of approachability (the abhaya mudra) , characteristic of nearly all early representations of the Buddha. In the center of his forehead is a small dot marking an inward-looking eye (urna), which is sometimes described as a hair that spirals infinitely in a clockwise direction (see fig. 8). Another indication of his capacity for reaching enlightenment is the bump on the top of his head, which is his extra brain (ushnisha) that is covered here with wavy hair. Texts reveal there are thirty-two major and eighty minor characteristics (lakshanas) of his body, which are present when he is born into his final life (for more on lakshanas, seep. 49). Physical indications that appear in this final birth reveal he is someone destined to be either a great wheel-turning monarch, like King Ashoka, or someone capable of reaching Buddhahood. This Gandharan Buddha image originally stood in a shrine that faced a relic stupa and can be understood as giving a human form to the enlightened power of the Buddha's relics. During this early period, numerous

Fig. 17. Buddha. Pakistan, ancient region of Gandhara, 3rd century. Schist, 36 1/2 x 11 x 51/2 in. (92.7 x 27.9 x 14 cm). Purchase, Denise and Andrew Saul Gift, in honor of Maxwell K. Hearn, 2014 (2014 .188)

SHOWING THE BUDDHA

37

images of the Buddha were donated by the pious. They were placed around the main stupa as a way of making merit and celebrating the powerful relics of Shakyamuni at the center of the sacred area. Image shrines containing representations of the Buddha were built to ring and enclose the sacred area with no single sculpture given as a focal position, suggesting in this early period that the act of donating the image was most important; however, we will see that over time devotional images of the Buddha supersede this focus on his relics. Looking closely at the elongated figure, it is immediately apparent that the sculptor has omitted all narrative references. The naturalistic representation of the human form is typical of Gandharan art and a stylistic choice reflecting an interest in Western Classicism that was popular at the edge of South Asia as a result ofintense trade with the Roman Empire. Although presented formally, the Buddha tilts his head and stands with his right leg slightly bent, evoking a sense of motion. We are drawn to an image like this one because of its humanity, and this must have been true for the original Gandharan audience as well.

The Early Buddhist Imagery of China During the first centuries A.D ., Buddhism spread from India to China with the traders moving across Central Asia (see map, pp. 10-11). A vast international ChinaIndia-Mediterranean trading system facilitated the exchange of goods, luxury artworks, and ideas. Silk from China and fine cotton and black pepper from India were exchanged with the Roman Empire for gold coins, wine, fermented fish paste, luxury goods, and raw materials. At the center of this immense international trade network was the region of Gandhara in northwest Pakistan, which controlled the passes through the Himalayas. For very practical reasons , the rich cosmopolitan Gandharan merchants supported flourishing Buddhist monastic centers of learning because a caravan could stop at a monastery and reprovision, translate documents, and, most importantly, borrow money at interest. These traders also sponsored the construction of new monasteries, which served as outposts along this trade system. People traveling with

these caravans were key intermediaries who brought Buddhist teachings and images to diverse new cultural groups. Buddhist art played an important role, as it easily crossed linguistic and cultural barriers, and it was key to converting people. Gradually, Indian Buddhist texts were translated into local languages and ultimately into Chinese. It is within this framework that images of the Buddha began to appear in Chinese tombs by the end of the second century A.D. A good example would be this late third-century Western Jin dynasty (265-316) funerary um from eastern China (fig. 19). This elaborate vessel was created to be placed in a tomb with the deceased. The base was created with a pottery wheel, and then the many small mold-made Buddhas on the lower section were attached to the body of the um. This method probably also applies to the elephants, deer, and flocks of birds that encircle the palace above, but here they have been additionally worked by hand to give a diverse and lively presence. Such stoneware vessels were fired in kilns after being painted with a silica glaze that took advantage of wood ash to give the surface a deep green color that anticipates the much later celadon glazes of the Song dynasty (960-1279) . The palace, with its many stacked roofs, provides a sense of the style of architecture from this early period in China. The vessel is in the form of a Daoist paradise and perhaps functioned as an eternal dwelling place for the deceased. In this context, each of the various animals had specific, auspicious meanings. Complementing this idea of a Daoist paradise are the many Buddhas that each sit on lotus bases. It is hard to know how these Buddhas were understood during this period in China, but clearly this new ideology was becoming important. By the late fourth century, however, small personal devotional images were beginning to be _made in northern China for the foreign communities that were fighting to establish themselves in these borderlands, such as this example of a bronze Buddha (fig. 21). This sculpture is one of the earliest Chinese artworks to give form to the historic Buddha Shakyamuni. He sits with his legs crossed and his hands in his lap, emphasizing his standing as a

Fig. 19. Funerary Urn (Hunping). China, Western Jin dynasty (265- 316). Stoneware with olive-green glaze (Yue ware), 17% x 11 1 o/rG in. (45-4 x 30.3 cm) . Charlotte C. and John C. Weber Collection, Gift of Charlotte C. and John C. Weber, 1992 (1992.165.21)

SHOWING THE BUDDH A

39

Fig. 20 . Reliquary in the Shape of a Coffin. China, Tang dynasty (618- 907) , 8th century. Gilt bronze, 31/2 x 21/ , x4 in. (8.9 x 6.3 x 10.2 cm). Rogers Fund, 1922 (22.12a, b)

great meditator. This posture relat_es to yoga, which is an Indian practice aimed at controlling the body and focusing the mind. Yoga and meditation were introduced across Asia as Buddhism spread, and the practices had a profound impact on societies. The lion throne and snailshell curls of the hair relate to sculptures from India and Gandhara, since creating a true likeness of the Buddha was important. Still, this image hardly looks Gandharan, with its formal and symmetrical robes and distinct physical features. Cast using a long-established Chinese piecemold technology, the surface was finished with mercury gilding to make the figure beautiful and precious and to convey the idea ofluminous enlightenment. The prominent halo with spokes referencing the wheel of law, or dharma (the Buddhist teachings), that expands in all directions works well to aggrandize this figure . The marking on his oversize halo could equally be read as solar rays; the motif and idea likely emerged from the Zoroastrian traditions of the Near East, where solar deities are shown with rays of light streaming out from behind their heads. A similar bronze Buddha survives with an inscription in Kharosthi (a script used in Gandhara), naming Central

Asian patrons living along the southern Silk Road (Leidy, Wisdom Embodied, 2010). This link to the Silk Road, indicates that this expensive, finely made portable metal image may have been made for a patron who had contacts with Buddhist centers to the west. In China, physical relics were enshrined in a manner related to long-standing, pre-Buddhist traditions of entombing the dead; take, for instance, an eighth-century reliquary (fig. 20) in the form of a coffin, which is remarkably different from those made in India and Gandhara (see figs. 10-12). The fact that it was cast in bronze and then gilded, probably indicates it was meant to be seen by the devout. The roof lifts off to provide access to the physical relic, while the mock doors on its facade and the foundation plinth imitate the architecture of a Chinese coffin. Understanding the relic in terms of death imagery was inherently problematic for a Chinese audience concerned with malevolent ghosts, whereas in India the Buddha's relic was readily understood as an object infused with the power of enlightenment. We have records of numerous Chinese monks traveling the vast reaches of Central Asia to visit Gandhara, where they had the opportunity to see

Fig. 21. Buddha, probably Shakyamuni (Shijiamouni). China, Sixteen Kingdoms period (304-439), late 4th- early 5th century. Gilt leadedbronze; piece-mold cast, 6 1/2x 2% x 1% in. (16.5 x 7 x 3.5 cm). Purchase, Arthur M. Sackler Gift, 1974 (1974 .268.Ba- c)

40

CH APT ER 1

Fig. 22. View of Monumental Buddha in Yungang complex, cave 20. China, Northern Wei dynasty (386 - 534)

and perhaps even touch powerful true relics, such as the Buddha's alms bowl. In contrast, China lacked important relics like the bowl and at times even questioned the authenticity of a given relic. Images, however, posed no such problems as a correct sculpture is inherently pure and resonates with the power of enlightenment. By the end of the fifth century, extensive temples housing monumental sculpted images had been carved out of the living rock under the sponsorship of the Northern Wei dynasty (386-534) at the Chinese site of Yungang (fig. 22). This Chinese dynasty had strong ties to Silk Road communities and adopted Buddhism as a state religion in an effort to legitimize its right to rule. A massive freestanding sandstone sculpture of the Buddha, made by the imperial workshop, is the perfect synthesis of ideology arriving via the Silk Road and an innovative new Chinese style (fig. 23). Produced at a monumental scale, this idealized presentation of the Buddha, with his rounded face and boldly folded robes, is radically different and offers a new

northern Chinese concept of what the Buddha looked like. Certainly this enormous sculpture is quite different from the small personal representation produced just a century earlier (see fig. 21). Extensive inscriptions on this image tell us that it was made over a period of six years between 489 and 495. The texts also identify the central figure as the past Buddha Dipankara, who was important to the early Buddhist communities in Gandhara and along the Silk Road. In Buddhism, there has always been the belief that the teachings are slowly forgotten and over time it becomes harder and harder for the common person to break free from the cycle of rebirth. One example is this image of the Buddha Dipankara, who is the mythic first Buddha to reveal the dharma, and who was understood to have lived long before Shakyamuni. The Buddha Dipankara was ultimately forgotten-even his relics have disappeared because they were not venerated. The story describes an ascetic named Sumedha (likely the figure standing under the Buddha's left arm) , who heard that

Fig. 23. The Past Buddha Dipankara (Randeng). China, Northern Wei dynasty (386-534), dated 489-95. Sandstone with traces of pigment, ft. 7 in. x 6 ft. 3 in. (322.6 x 190.5 cm). The Sackler Collections, Purchase, The Sackler Fund, 1965 (65.29.3)

10

42

CHAPTER I

Fig. 24. Installation view of fig. 23, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

the Buddha Dipankara was coming to a nearby city with his many monks . When Sumedha saw Dipankara, he knelt down and vowed that in all his future incarnations he would pursue the path to enlightenment so that one day he, too, could become a Buddha. Over countless rebirths, Sumedha strove to refine his actions, and long after Buddha Dipankara was forgotten, he was ultimately reborn as the historic Buddha Shakyamuni. This massive sculpture has considerable iconography to help us understand the importance of the first Buddha Dipankara, such as the group of seven other past Buddhas in his halo. Both the scale of this figure and the sinuous flames that form a body halo speak to the power of enlightenment that radiates from his form. On the back

Fig. 25. Detail of fig. 23, showing the back of the sculpture

44

CHAPTER I

of this sculpture are rows of numerous small Buddhas attesting to the limitless potential for enlightened beings (fig. 25). In the center, sitting with his legs crossed, is a figure that might be Maitreya, the future Buddha who will be reborn in a coming age after we have forgotten the dharma revealed by the Buddha Shakyamuni. While representations of the past Buddha(s) are infrequently shown, the concept of a future Buddha, named Maitreya, became incredibly important. The future Buddha Maitreya is conceived as living in a heaven, awaiting his final rebirth: a being who has essentially reached enlightenment but has not yet lived his final birth and thus is not associated with relics. For this reason, a proper image is inherently powerful and effective, as

it provides the devotee access to this enlightened being living in a heaven. Not surprisingly, some of the most expensive Chinese sculptures, such as this next massive bronze dating to 486, are representations of the future Buddha Maitreya (fig. 26). In looking at this elaborate sculpture of the Buddha Maitreya, we might ask, how does it differ from a representation of the historic Buddha Shakyamuni like the earlier Gandharan example (fig. 17). In detail, the future Buddha Maitreya is similar in terms of form and iconography, as both sculptures represent beings who have reached enlightenment and thus are conceptually the same. One major difference is that Maitreya stands on a lotus base, suggesting he resides in heaven and is not of this world; in contrast, the Buddha Shakyamuni will sit or stand on a simple throne (see fig. 18). Maitreya holds his right hand in the gesture of approachability (the abhaya mudra), and he looks down to engage the viewer. To this end, the sculptor has attempted to give this massive gilded bronze a realistic appearance, which would ha,ve been even more pronounced when the original paint survived. Traces of white in his eyes, vermilion on his lips, and the black of his hair suggest that he originally would have had a more dramatic lifelike presence (fig. 27). While the treatment of his idealized broad face is a Chinese innovation, it is striking how the formal schematized drapery clings to Maitreya's body, revealing his chest and legs in accordance with north Indian ideas of presenting the body as an expression of a Buddha's transcendence. Moreover, the artist has been careful to show details such as the three pieces of cloth he wears : one wrapped around the waist like a skirt, a second underrobe visible at his ankles, and a third outer mantle that covers his upper body and hangs down from his arms. This large bronze is at the technical limit of the Chinese piece-mold casting technology. To facilitate the manufacture of a substantial image, the hands were made separately, and the artist needed to leave an ample opening in the back for the insertion of sections of the molds. Inscriptions running just above the lotus base indicate that multiple important households financed this lavish

Fig. 27. Detail of fig. 26

sculpture, the pooling of resources ensuring profitable rebirths for these patrons and their families. One of the inscriptions records that this sculpture of Maitreya was made in the year 486 in honor of the dowager empress (Leidy, Wisdom Embodied, 2010 ) .

Fig. 26. The Future Buddha Maitreya (Mile) . China, Northern Wei dynasty (386-534), dated 486. Gilt bronze with traces of pigment; piece-mold cast, 55 1/ 4X 24 1/2 in. (140.3 x 62.2 cm). John Stewart Kennedy Fund, 1926 (26.123)

SH OW I NG TH E B U D D H A

47

The Faultless North Indian Buddha: Portable Bronzes and the Diffusion of an International Style By the seventh century two important schools of Buddhism had emerged in north India: Mahayana (greater vehicle) and Vajrayana (vajra vehicle). In the simplest terms, Mahayana proposed that all devotees are moving along the "bodhisattva path" and that one should forgo entering nirvana out of compassion until all sentient beings have reached a state of enlightenment. Mahayana also accepts the idea that there are many Buddhas living in celestial realms, which are accessible to the devout. Vajrayana practices build on these ideas by introducing complex rituals that potentially allow a worshipper to achieve enlightenment in this lifetime. Not surprisingly, as these ideas spread across Southeast Asia and along the Silk Road, new types of imagery were created to provide worshippers access to this expanded pantheon of Buddhist deities (see pp. 75-77 and 105-27). In north India, at the great pilgrimage places associated with the historic Buddha Shakyamuni, a new way of representing the Buddha was codified during the Gupta dynasty (319-550), which went on to serve as the stylistic model for images across Asia for many centuries. See, for example, this Standing Buddha (fig. 28 and see fig. 2), which is the culmination of generations of artists struggling to find effective ways to represent the Buddha's introspection, yogic control, and, fundamentally, his enlif tenment. Texts reveal that those lucky enough to have seen the Buddha during his lifetime reached enlightenment more easily because the form of the Buddha's body was an expression of his transcendence. Artists had found impressive and charismatic means to express the Buddha's calm, internally reflective state. Rather than being based on observed anatomy, like the earlier Gandharan images (see fig. 17), here the Buddha's ageless physical form is idealized. Perhaps these changes are most evident if we look closely at his face (fig. 28) . His elongated, inward-looking eyes, high forehead, and linear eyebrows capture his meditative nature and typify this north Indian style. It is tempting to suggest that the image

is derived from textual descriptions, especially the thirtytwo lakshanas (marks) that characterize a Buddha or a wheel-turning monarch like King Ashoka. Certainly some of these lakshanas are visible, including his lack of muscles or joints. Other lakshanas include a torso filled with breath (prana), "like a lion," thighs "like those of an antelope's haunches," and feet with level soles. Some of the lakshanas are surprising, such as his retracted genitals, "like those of a horse," which relate to his celibacy and, more profoundly, to his complete lack of desire and attachment to worldly things. However, the author(s) of these texts must have also been looking at sculptures, because the lakshanas include, for example, his webbed fingers, "like those of a frog, " which appear to describe the bronze casting practice of leaving metal between the Buddha's fingers so they do not break off. This type of image stood in the precincts of the great pilgrimage places of north India, such as Sarnath, where the Buddha delivered his first sermon; therefore it is not surprising that this authoritative style became popular. For all of these reasons this north Indian image was accepted as the true portrait of the historic Buddha Shakyamuni. The widespread diffusion of this international Buddha style is also the result of a new lost-wax technique of casting bronze images (see fig. 29), which became popular in north India and the foothills of the Himalayas during the sixth and seventh century. To cast a hollow metal figure using the direct lost-wax method, an artist would first make a sand-clay core that approximated the final form of the sculpture (fig. 29, stage 1). Often, that core was modeled around a hammered-iron armature. The core was then clad with thin sheets of soft, easily manipulated wax. Important elements, such as facial features, would be modeled in solid wax, while linear details could be scored or incised. Usually several core supports made of short, rectangular metal pins were hammered through the wax into the core. To allow the molten metal into all parts of the sculpture and for gases to escape, a system of judiciously placed wax rods was added (fig. 29, stage 2). The outer mold was then built up over the model, beginning with several layers of a fine-grained clay slip that

Fig. 28. Buddha. India, probably Bihar, Gupta period, late 6th-early 7th century. Bronze, 18 1/ , x 6 1/s x 55/s in. (47 x 15.6 x 14.3 cm) . Purchase, Florance Waterbury Bequest, 1969 (69.222)

SHO W I N G T HE BU DDH A

49

1

Fig. 29. 1. Over a wire armature, the basic form of the final sculpture is made in clay and allowed to dry. 2. A layer of wax is placeti over this core, and the details of the finished sculpture are modeled. Metal core supports (pins) are hammered through the wax model into the core. The pins hold the inner core in relation to the outer mold. Wax rods are added to the wax model; during the final casting stage, these rods melt and become tubes to deliver molten metal to all parts of the sculpture. 3. Fine-giained clay is added in thin layers to catch the detail present in the wax model. After the clay and wax have completely dried, a robust outer mold is built around the image. 4. The mold is slowly heated, and the wax is poured out. 5. The mold is turned upside down, and the molten metal is poured in, filling all spaces chat were previously occupied by the "lost wax." After the mold has cooled and the metal has hardened, the outer mold is broken away. Unneeded metal is trimmed off, and the cast surface is finished.

would retain subtle surface details, followed by successive layers of a coarser, drier mixture of sand and clay that was strong enough, when fired, to withstand the force of the molten metal (fig. 29, stage 3). The mold was then slowly heated to melt the wax. The metal pins, along with the armature, steadied the core once the molten wax was poured out (fig. 29, stage 4). To cast the sculpture, coppertin and copper-zinc alloys were poured into this space left by the "lost wax" to produce bronze or brass images. After the metal was poured and the assemblage had cooled, the outer mold was cracked away and newly cast surfaces were finished using chisels and chasing, as well as engraving tools to remove casting elements and flaws,

and to enhance details (fig. 29, stage 5). In some instances, the figures were gilded. This new technology not only allowed for the production of beautiful and refined metal images, but the resulting relatively lightweight sculptures were also durable enough to be easily transported along well-established trade routes out oflndia and across Asia (see map, pp. 10-11). Two major trade systems facilitated the spread of Buddhism across Asia. Most famous was the Silk Road that connected the Mediterranean world to China. Buddhist centers dotted the overland portion of this route, with Gandhara acting as the bridge between India and the great Central Asian centers north of the Himalayas.

Fig. 30. Buddha. Southern Cambodia, mid-7th century. Sandstone, 39 1/2 x 12 x 4 1/ 4 in. (100.3 x 30.5 x 10.8 cm) . Gift of Florence and Herbert Irving, 1993 (1993-477.3)

50

CH A PT ER 1

Ultimately, images, texts, and people made their way to Korea and Japan along this system. Equally important but less well understood are the maritime trade networks that wrapped around the coast of India, linking Sri Lanka and the islands oflndonesia to peninsular Southeast Asia (Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia). In turn, ships moved north from Vietnam along the coast of China to Korea and Japan. Both of these trade systems were flush with money and remained active regardless of the rise and fall of political empires. For this reason, as new Buddhist ideologies and images emerged, they fluidly spread across Asia. Buddhism first reached peninsular Southeast Asia in the sixth and seventh centuries at a time when Hinduism was also making inroads to these regions. It is within this context that sophisticated sculptures began to be produced, and a perfect example is this early seventh-century stone statue of the Buddha from southern Cambodia (fig. 30 ). This balanced, sublime representation of the Buddha, while clearly related to the international Buddha image from the great pilgrimage places in north India (see fig. 28), is distinctly different in conception. The sculptor of this work elongated the body of the Buddha and accentuated its form, as revealed through perfectly smooth monastic robes. The execution of the face is distinct, with his flattened features and high cheekbones characteristic of this emerging southern Cambodian style. This complex image is remarkable because it was sculpted near the beginning of the Cambodian stone-carving tradition. Although we know very little about these early Southeast Asian kingdoms, the sophistication of this sculpture would only have been possible with the support of elite patronage and the establishment of a major workshop. An artwork such as this one attests to the importance of Buddhism to members of these courts. The profusion of imagery across peninsular Southeast Asia rapidly led to the development of refined regional idioms based on ideas from India that were reinterpreted and given new artistic form. Buddhist images were also moving south from India to Sri Lanka and then east to kingdoms in Southeast Asia as a result of the far-reaching international sea trade.

Fig. 32. Detail of fig. 31

52

CHAPTE R 1

Fig. 31. Seated Buddha Expounding the Dharma. Sri Lanka, late Anuradhapura period (750-850), late 8th century. Copper alloy, 10 1/2 x 11 x4 1/2 in. (26.7 x7.9 x 11.4 cm). Purchase, Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, The Vincent Astor Foundation Gift, Acquisitions and 2008 Benefit Funds, and John Stewart Kennedy Fund, by exchange, 2009 (2009.60)

Merchants brought metal images with them for their own use and for protection. These sculptures must have had great appeal in the courts of Southeast Asia, where they served as prototypes for sculptural production. Texts and members of the monastic community also moved along these trade routes to reach these same cosmopolitan trading centers. During the period of King Ashoka, in the third century B.C., Buddhism had already reached the island nation of Sri Lanka and over time this nodal trading center at the tip of the Indian subcontinent played an important role in the diffusion of Buddhist ideas and imagery. This contact with India was continuous, as can be seen with a small eighth-century bronze from Sri Lanka that exhibits clear connections to the north Indian Gupta type (fig. 31). This Buddha is seated in a yogic posture with his left hand in his lap and his right hand held with the forefinger

Fig. 34. Borobadur Complex. Indonesia, Central Java, 8th century

and thumb together in a gesture of discourse or teaching, known as the vitarka mudra. Originally, this elegant bronze would have had semiprecious stones inlaid for the eyes, giving him a striking presence. The sculptor again draws on the Gupta-stylistic typology in terms of how the body is represented, including lakshana features such as the "snail-shell" curls of his hair that cover another lakshana, his ushnisha (an extra brain shown as a bump on the top of his head). Still, Sri Lankan taste is behind the softer treatment of the face, the uncovered right shoulder, and the taut rendition of the monastic robe. In India, a few images show the flame of knowledge, as seen here emerging from the top of his head, but in Sri Lanka, and later in peninsular Southeast Asia, this iconographic attribute became especially popular (see fig. 32). One of the largest and most important kingdoms involved in the maritime trade system linking the diverse island cultures of Southeast Asia was based in central Java, where major Mahayana Buddhist complexes were built during the eighth century. Again, we see an awareness of the Gupta Buddha typology as is readily apparent in a head from this region (fig. 33). This sublime sculpture, created from the porous andesite found in Java,

draws on Gupta forms, as is especially evident in the shape of the eyes and the sinuous line that defines his eyebrows, while his full cheeks and broad forehead are distinctly Javanese. The powerful empire of central Java sponsored the construction of massive Buddhist monuments, such as the eighth-century site of Borobudur (fig. 34). This immense, stepped structure gives us a sense of how a Mahayana monument differs from the stupas of the early Buddhist relic tradition. Built in terraces to replicate the heavens, this site has hundreds of Buddhas that face in four directions, while complex narrative reliefs that encircle the lower levels recount the contents of entire Buddhist texts. Together, this complex iconography is mandalic in its plan, and a clear attempt to provide a devotee with the means to accessing living Buddhas who reside in heavens. Thus , this Javanese head (fig. 33) probably does not show the historic Buddha Shakyamuni, but instead represents one of the living celestial Buddhas, such as Amitabha, the Buddha of the Western paradise (see figs . 38 and 42) . At the same moment when Mahayana Buddhism penetrated Southeast Asia, it was also moving overland across the vast deserts of Central Asia along the Silk Road

Fig. 33. Head of a Buddha. Indonesia, Central Java, 9th century. Andesite, 13% x 9 1 3/iG in. (34 x 25 cm) . Rogers Fund, 1982 (1982.220.3)

SH OW ING THE BUD D HA

55

to East Asia. After Gandhara's decline in the mid-sixth century, monastic centers in Afghanistan took on greater importance, and a new type of Buddha emerges that draws both on the north Indian Gupta-style and earlier naturalistic Classical imagery, as seen in this stucco head of the Buddha from the Afghan site ofHadda (see fig. 35). This head of the Buddha is one of the great masterpieces of the Afghan Buddhist tradition. The refined simplicity of this elegant face is the product of workshops that must have been active and well patronized for many generations, first in Gandhara and then, with the shift of patronage, in Afghanistan. Related to the idealized Gupta style are the sharp lines defining the eyebrows, while the mouth and red lips fit with the long-established naturalism of Gandhara. This head was not made from stone but rather from a fast-setting gypsum stucco : the ideal medium to repair sacred areas that were repeatedly damaged by the massive earthquakes endemic to this region. This technique involved building the sculpture over a rough core in a series of increasingly thin layers to achieve a smooth finish that was ultimately painted, as seen here. Similarly, unfired clay was used especially for the creation of monumental images, such as this massive Buddha at Bamiyan, dated on the basis of carbon-14 analysis to around the year 600 (fig. 36) (Heritage at Risk: ICOMOS World Report 2004/2005, pp. 27-32). This 175foot-tall image provides a sense of the wealth and power of these Buddhist communities along the Silk Road. First, the Buddha was cut out of the living rock, then layers of clay were adhered to the rough rock surface as the sculptors took advantage of numerous drilled holes. Each clay layer was finer than the last, and the final surface received a coat of paint. Unfortunately, the Taliban destroyed this Buddha with explosives in 2001. From Afghanistan, the Silk Road moved north around the high Himalayas before heading east across Central Asia. Traders sponsored numerous Buddhist complexes at oasis sites, such as Turfan, where a small, portable wooden image of the Buddha was carved sometime in the fifth or sixth century (see fig. 37) . This Central Asian image of the Buddha is part of a small wooden

Fig. 36. Monumental Buddha, Afghanistan, Bamiyan, ca. 600. Rock-cut with clay surface, polychrome, H. 175 ft. (53 m) . Destroyed in 2001.

Fig. 35. Head of Buddha. Afghanistan, probably Hadda, 5th-6 th century. Stucco with traces of paint, 71/2x 4% x4 1/2 in. (19 x 12.1 x 11.4 cm). Rogers Fund, 1930 (30.32.5)

SHOWING THE BUDDHA

57

styles belonging to both India and China. His hair and the treatment of his robes find close correspondence with the Northern Wei dynasty Maitreya discussed earlier (see fig. 26), while the radiate full-body halo is a motif that is seen in Afghanistan and Gandhara. A better way to understand the style of this Buddha is to think of it as properly Central Asian. Many stylistically related images were produced for the great cave complexes built at oasis sites across this vast high desert. While each Buddhist center had its own distinctive style, motifs like the full-body halo appear in the sculpture and paintings of isolated sites linked together by international trade.

Living Celestial Buddhas

Fig. 37. Buddha with Radiate Halo. China, Autonomous Region, Turfan area, 5th- 6th century. Juniper wood with traces of color and gold, 14 1/ 4 x 51/2 x 2% in. (36.2 x 14 x 6.7 cm). Fletcher Fund, 1929 (29.19)

personal shrine that probably had hinged front panels in its original construction. It is this kind of lightweight image that we know moved with merchants and pilgrims, as corroborated by similar hinged shrines found as far away as Japan. The oasis site of Turfan sits along the northern branch of the Silk Road, about two-thirds of the way to China. This Buddha is a perfect synthesis of

Texts, monks, and images made their way to eastern China along the Silk Road and via the maritime trade system to introduce new Buddhist ideology that in turn reshaped how the Buddha was represented, as apparent in this dramatic image produced using the dry-lacquer technique in the seventh century during the Tang dynasty (618 - 907) (fig. 38). This remarkable image was made with pieces of hemp cloth dipped in the processed sap of the lac tree, which were then placed over a clay core, in a process similar to papier-mache. This figure required seven or eight layers of slow-drying lacquer-saturated cloth, which can be clearly seen at breaks and along the edges of the image. Ultimately, the clay core was removed, and the surface was painted and gilded. This technique also allowed for the integration of crystal eyes to give the figure a lifelike veracity that became increasingly popular in later centuries. The dry-lacquer technology resulted in the creation of durable, extremely lightweight images, which could be freely modeled in three dimensions . While this is one of the few surviving examples from China, many more are extant in Japan, dating from the eighth century and later. A wide range of different kinds of materials characterized the Chinese sculptural tradition, the common element being durability. Creating an image generated tremendous merit for a patron, as long as the image remained in use-even into future incarnations. For this reason, creating images in metal, stone,

Fig. 38. Three-quarter view of the Buddha, probably Ami tab ha (Chinese: Amituofo). China, Tang dynasty (618-907), early 7th century. Hollow dry lacquer with traces of gilt and polychrome pigment and gilding, 38 x 27 x 221/ , in. (96.5 x 68.6 x 57.1 cm). Rogers Fund, 1919 (19.186)

58

CHAPTER 1

Fig. 39. Todaiji, Daibutsuden. Japan, Nara, originally built in 743 during the Nara Period (710-794); twice destroyed by fire, with the current structure dating to 1709. Houses a monumental bronze image of the celestial Buddha Vairochana (Japanese: Dainichi) .

or even dry lacquer was preferable to using perishable materials, such as clay. This Tang masterpiece breaks with past Chinese styles to present the true and correct likeness of the Buddha in a way that clearly traces back to India. The elegant formality of this figure is distinctly Chinese in execution, while his facial features echo aspects of the Gupta style, especially the incised line for his eyebrow, his introspective downcast eyes and broad forehead, and the abstracted planes that make up his face. He sits with his separately made (and now lost) hands in his lap in a gesture of meditation. Surviving gilding on his exposed upper torso speaks to the idea of radiant light of enlightenment. His outer robes are checkered, in reference to a story of the Buddha collecting scraps of cloth from the dead in the crematory grounds to make his robes. This detachment from material possession stands in contrast to his inner robe, which is embellished with a band of beautifully painted floral brocade that possibly hints at his residence in a heaven. Given the rise of Mahayana Buddhism, this Buddha is probably Amitabha, who sits in meditation and presides over the celestial Western paradise. When Buddhism spread to the island kingdom of Japan in the sixth century, it arrived with the Chinese

writing system of characters, texts, and the technology to create evocative imagery, as well as the architectural know-how to build temples capable of housing massive sculptures. In this light, spectacular representations of the Buddha must have played an especially important role because they would have readily crossed linguistic and cultural boundaries. By the eighth century, Mahayana Buddhism and Vajrayana ritual practices stood at the center of Japanese politics, and at this time the immense Todaiji temple was built (fig. 39) in conjunction with the creation of the new capital city of Nara on the main island of Japan (see map, pp. 10-11). The Todaiji temple was built to accommodate a massive bronze image of the celestial Buddha Vairochana, who sits in a heaven at the cosmic axis of the universe. This huge temple, situated at the center of the city of Nara, is a model of the Buddha Vairochana's celestial realm. Constructed in 743, this temple was originally much larger but burned on two different occasions before the current structure was built in 1709. The sheer cost and monumentality of both this building and the sculpture that it houses speak to the profound importance of these new Buddhist practices in early Japan. In many regions where Buddhism spread, it was primarily the courts and the educated elite who initially

Fig. 40. Taima Mandala. Japan, Kamakura period (1185-1333), 14th century. Hanging scroll; ink, color, and gold on silk, 36 1/s x 285/s in. (91.8 x 72.7 cm) . Rogers Fund, 1957 (57.156 .6)

60

CHAPTER I

followed the teachings. In Japan, it was not until the twelfth century that common people converted in numbers to Buddhism; this occurred in conjunction with a popular devotional movement called Pure Land Buddhism. This form of Mahayana Buddhism argued that sincerely saying or, better yet, chanting the name of the Buddha Amitabha (Japanese: Amida) would lead to rebirth in his celestial paradise, or pure land to the west. In this heaven, the reborn person would be able to hear the Buddhist teachings or dharma directly from this living Buddha. A fourteenthcenturyTaima mandala shows Amitabha's Western paradise in all its glory and gives us an idea of how devotees visualized this realm (fig. 40). This painting functions like a mandala in the sense that it diagrams Amitabha's Pure Land and provides a devotional structure and focus for the devotee. The framework for this painting first appeared in China during the Tang dynasty (618-907) before reaching Japan sometime in the eighth century during the Nara period (710-84). Aiding in this goal are small narrative scenes set in square registers around the edges of this painting that further map out how a devotee should reach Amitabha by following a story of a queen who wanted to be reborn in his paradise. The very presence of this narrative empowers this complex diagram, and it is the kind of thing a learned member of the monastic community might have explained to a select lay audience to provide greater access to this living Buddha's celestial realm. In the middle of this golden painting of the Western paradise, the Buddha Amitabha sits on an open lotus and preaches the dharma. The central message of this painting is Amitabha's teaching, hence his hands are in the wheel-turning mudra, or the dharmachakra mudra. Many figures surround and sit at the feet of the central Buddha, while the assembled gods with streaming garments fly above along with a host of celestial musicians. Bodhisattvas, who are easily identified by their prominent halos , appear on either side of Amitabha, and the many small figures sitting on lotuses in the lakes below this Buddha are those who have been reborn in this celestial paradise and are now listening to his words.

Fig. 41. D etail of fig . 42., showing interior of the Buddha

Many new artworks related to Pure Land Buddhism were created in conjunction with a major period of rebuilding necessary after a war in 1180 that left the most important temples of Nara in ashes and ushered in the Kamakura Shogunate. In an effort to create new imagery for the rebuilt temples, the earlier Chinese Tang practices of making images in bronze, dry lacquer, stone, and clay were largely replaced with the more rapid techniques in wood. A perfect example is the representation of the Buddha Amitabha (fig. 42). This Buddha sits in a posture of meditation with his hands in his lap and his fingers curled fn a distinctive open mudra that identifies Pure Land Amitabha images. The tranquil representation, although stylized and abstract in conception, still relates to the idealized Gupta-style image, which is apparent in the execution of the face (see fig. 28). Equally, the way in which his chest is portrayed as being full suggests the concept of yogic breath control important for meditation, while the linear treatment of his robes works further to emphasize his golden body. All of these characteristics help to make this figure of Amitabha approachable as a living Buddha who dwells in a distant celestial realm. With the despair and destruction of Buddhist temples during the war of 1180, many in Japan felt they had entered the final dharma period (Japanese: mappo) ; a time when conflict and corruption are rampant, and knowledge of the dharma is diminished so that

Fig. 42.. The Buddha Amitabha (Japanese: Amida). Japan, Kamakura period (1185-1333), ca. 12.50. Wood with gold leaf, 345/s in. x 2.8% x 2.2.% in. (87.9 x 73 x 57.8 cm) ; with pedestal: 6I x 39 x 39 in. (154.9 x 9 9.1 x 9 9.1 cm). Rogers Fund, 1919 (19 .140)

62

CHAP T ER 1

it is no longer possible to reach enlightenment. At this time, people converted to Buddhism in great numbers because the Buddha Amitabha was so easily accessed through his image, and the simple act of devotion offered a direct path to rebirth in his celestial paradise. In turn, this led to an immediate escape from the cycle of rebirth because it was then possible to hear the uncorrupted dharma from the lips of this living Buddha. The important Mahayana text of the Lotus Sutra tells us that such an enlightened living Buddha is uncreated, all-powerful, timeless, and mysterious (Rosenfield, Portraits of Chogen, 2011 , p. 98) . Simply chanting the name "Amitabha" offered all strata of society a direct path to his uncorrupted realm. This sculpture of Amitabha is constructed out of cypress wood, a material that had great appeal because it was fragrant, similar to Indian sandalwood, when freshly cut. In Japan, fine-grained cypress was available and became the preferred material for the creation of images. To address the problem of splitting, multiple separately carved blocks of wood were attached to create a single statue : a technique called yosegi-zakuri ("joined woodblock construction"). Looking into the interior of this Buddha from below, it is possible to see how it was assembled (see fig. 41). A master artist (see p. 101, fig. 76 and pp. 108-09, figs . 81-83) would design an image and then supervise groups of artisans who would simultaneously carve the many required wood panels and blocks needed. These sections were joined with glue, tenons, pegs, and iron clamps to create lightweight hollow images such as this one. This technique was fast, and it allowed artists to take advantage of the direction of the wood grain to create three-dimensional sculptures at any scale. With the growth of new Buddhist practices, including the Mahayana Pure Land school of Japan, it is essential to remember that the historic Buddha Shakyamuni was not forgotten. Since the joined wood-block sculptures from this period were hollow, they often contained consecratory deposits that included Buddhist texts (dharma relics), wood-block-printed images, small sculpted figures,

and even body relics of the historic Buddha Shakyamuni. This growing interest in the power of the historic Buddha Shakyamuni's relics also led to the creation of images conveying his entry into nirvana, such as this massive fourteenth-century example (fig. 43). Texts tell us that when Shakyamuni was eighty, he ate a bad meal, fell ill, laid down between two trees near the north Indian city ofKushinagara, and died. This painting shows the Buddha's idealized body presented almost like a standing devotional sculpture; however, here he lies with his head resting on the folds of his monastic robe. Learning of the Buddha's decline, his followers, gods, and even animals converged on Kushinagara to witness his death. Here, this assembly includes a host of monks and lay devotees, with wild and domestic animals in the foreground, while above, protective gods stand at the periphery; and in the upper left, his mother, Queen Maya, looks down from a cloud. Torn by grief, all of the figures are wildly gesturing as they mourn the Buddha's death. In fact, this is one of the few Buddhist narrative scenes where profound human emotion is expressed. The figures grieve because of their attachment to life, and consequently to the cycle of rebirth. However, there is one figure that stands calmly before the Buddha: his last convert (fig. 44), who is tranquil because he realizes that the Buddha has escaped the cycle of rebirth. Depictions of the death of the Buddha represent his entry into nirvana, drawing attention to the moment when the historic Buddha Shakyamuni leaves his enlightened body-the source of his relics . Remarkably, this painting is based on a narrative format established 1,200 years earlier in Gandhara.

South Asian Representations of the Celestial Buddhas and Their Relation to the Buddha Shakyamuni and His Relics Mahayana ideas and Vajrayana practices emerging between the eighth and thirteenth century led to new ways of depicting the historic Buddha Shakyamuni in north India, and a crowned Buddha from the great monastic center of

Fig. 43. Death of the Historical Buddha Shakyamuni (Nehan-zu) . Japan, Kamakura period (1185- 1333), 14th century. Hanging scroll; ink, color, and gold on silk, 77'/2 x741/4 in. (196 .9 x 188.6 cm) . Rogers Fund, 1912 (12.134.10) Fig. 44. Following spread: Detail of fig. 43, showing assembled lay and monastic followers, gods, and animals, who have come to witness the Buddha's death

64

CH A PT ER 1

SHOWING THE BUDDHA

65

Kurkihar, dated to the tenth or eleventh century, typifies this new mode (fig. 45). Here, the historic Buddha Shakyamuni sits on a lotus throne within a flaming mandorla (body halo). He touches the earth at the moment of his enlightenment (seep. 72 and fig. 50 ), and this event is further emphasized by the branches of the Bodhi tree at the top of this small bronze. Surprisingly, the Buddha is shown wearing a crown and elaborate jewelry, elements that are emphasized with inlaid silver and semiprecious stones that would have been placed in the now-empty sockets in his necklace and halo to give the image a dramatic effect. A few pieces of surviving lapis lazuli and rock crystal in his throne hint at this original impact. So how are we to understand this contradiction between the Buddha's standing as someone who has embraced the life of a renouncer and all of this elaborate jewelry? Fortunately, the Vajrayana text of the Yoga-tantra describes what we are seeing. The Buddha's enlightenment led to his having three conceptual bodies : The first is his physical body, which is the source of his relics ; his second body is the dharma, or teachings; and the third is a mind-made body. The Yoga-tantra tells us that at the moment of his enlightenment under the Bodhi tree (see fig. 3), in this mindmade body, he ascended to the highest heaven, where he taught the path to enlightenment to the assembled gods. In turn, the gods crowned him and gave him the name Vairochana. In this mind-made form, he sat in heaven at the cosmic axis, directly above the Bodhi tree, radiating glorious light. Out of this light he manifested Buddhas, who preside over the celestial realms in the four cardinal directions. Most important of these is Amitabha in the Western paradise (see fig. 42). Ultimately, he returned to his physical body under the Bodhi tree and touched the earth, thus the very act of realizing enlightenment as the historic Buddha Shakyamuni. In this way we can understand Shakyamuni's enlightenment as directly leading to the manifestation of the living celestial Buddhas. All of this is important because it allows for the key deities of the Mahayana and Vajrayana Buddhist traditions to be directly linked to the historic Buddha Shakyamuni's enlightenment and to his relics.

Fig. 46. Swayambhunath Stupa. Nepal, Kathmandu Valley. Founded in the Licchavi period, ca. 400-750 (or earlier)

In the Kathmandu Valley of Nepal, one of the most important relic monuments is the Swayambhunath stupa (fig. 46). With the rising importance of Mahayana and Vajrayana practices this stupa, which contained the Buddha Shakyamuni's relics, in a similar fashion came to be related to the Buddha Vairochana and the celestial Buddhas of the four directions. This stupa has been encased many times by pious Buddhists who have updated and reshaped its iconography, which is especially evident if compared to the early Sanchi stupa (see fig. 9). It is fair to equate the enlightened relic of the historic Buddha Shakyamuni at the core of this stupa with the Buddha's mind-made form Vairochana, who sits above in a heaven that is symbolized by the stacked umbrellas crowning the stupa. In turn, the eyes face out toward the four cosmic

Fig. 45. Crowned Buddha under the Bodhi Tree. India (Bihar), Pala period, Kurkihar style, 10th- 11th century. Bronze inlaid with silver, lap is lazuli, and rock crystal, 12% x ?1/s in. (32.1 x 18.1 cm). Gift of Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Foundation, 1993 (1993.311a, b)

SHOW I N G T HE BU D D H A

69

Fig. 47. Detail of fig. 48, showing naturalistic treatment of the Buddha's hands and feet

Buddhas residing in their directional celestial realms. Hence, a worshipper has both access to the physical body in the form of the relic, as well as in his manifestation as the Buddha Vairochana, and implicitly also to the four celestial Buddhas who preside over heavens in the cardinal directions. Moving over the Himalayas and into Tibet, it is important to remember that the Buddha remained the primary focus for the average person even if rulers and parts of the monastic community were focused on Vajrayana practices. Not surprisingly, we find representations of the Buddha that are stylistically related to those of north India, such as this example cast in the twelfth century (fig. 48). This Buddha, one of the most exceptional early brass sculptures from Tibet, is the fusion of the north Indian idiom and an emerging Tibetan typology. While traces of the much earlier Gupta format are still evident, at this stage the style has evolved and changed to a great extent. This sensitively rendered and

approachable figure is naturalistic when compared to north Indian figures, including the crowned Buddha discussed above (see fig. 45); it is especially evident in the fleshy treatment ofhis hands and feet (fig. 47). This representation has great power because it successfully expresses ideas of yogic control. His chest is full of breath and the calm expression on his face speaks effectively of inner strength and mental clarity. It is not coincidental that the form of this Buddha is linked to precedents set in north India, since this is the time period when there was a profound exchange of ideology and imagery in the centuries leading up to the disappearance of Buddhism in north India at the beginning of the thirteenth century. Here, the Buddha touches the earth (the bhumisparsha mudra), marking the moment of his enlightenment. However, he may not actually be representing the historic Buddha Shakyamuni but instead Akshobhya, the celestial Buddha, who presides over the eastern paradise (the vajra realm) and is also identified by the earth-touching iconography.

Fig. 48. Seated Buddha Reaching Enlightenment. Central Tibet, 12th century. Brass with colored pigments, 15 1/2 x 10 7/rG x 8% in. (39-4 x 26 .5 x 21.9 cm). Purchase, Lila Acheson Wallace, Oscar L. Tang, Anthony W. and Lulu C. Wang and Annette de la Renta Gifts, 2012 (2012-458)

70

CHAP T ER 1

The Revival of the Early Buddhist Relic Tradition: Theravada Buddhism in Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka By the eleventh century, Mahayana and Vajrayana ideology had swept across Asia. Still, the very nature of this great philosophical tradition meant that the monastic communities continued to debate the most effective path to reach enlightenment. It is during this time and within this framework that a new school of Buddhism emerged called Theravada Buddhism (way of the elders), which rejected Mahayana and Vajrayana practices and advocated a return to the early relic tradition with its emphasis on the Buddha Shakyamuni. While Theravada Buddhism cannot be equated with the first Buddhist schools that thrived before the fifth century, it seeks to connect with the original uncorrupted teachings of the Buddha. Theravada Buddhism took hold in Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia, where it is still practiced today (fig. 49). Not surprising, images of the Buddha Shakyamuni are at the center of this early Buddhist revival, and it is his enlightenment that is most often depicted. A good example is this fifteenth-century Thai example (fig. 50) of a seated Buddha. This representation of the Buddha is, in fact, not so very different in form from the earlier Tibetan example (see fig. 48). In both cases, sculptors are placing great emphasis on the Buddha's body with only the edges of his monastic robes visible. This emphasis is all about his perfect yogic control. Interestingly, the Thai Buddha rejects some of the realism found in the Tibetan image, as evidenced by, for instance, his hands, which in accordance with textual precedence lack imperfections like joints and instead take on an abstracted sinuous treatment. While all Buddha images adhere to earlier models and attempt to show a true and correct likeness, countless generations of artists produced works that gradually adapted to accommodate both emerging tastes and changing ideological conceptions. In both the Thai and Tibetan sculptures of the Buddha's enlightenment, all storytelling elements have been omitted so all that remains is his reaching down to touch

the earth with his right hand. This hand gesture, called the bhumisparsha mudra, encapsulates the entire enlightenment story. After countless past lives of refined actions, the historic Buddha sat at the cosmic axis of the universe, under the Bodhi tree (see fig. 3) and meditated for fortynine days . During these seven weeks, the god Mara attempted to thwart his enlightenment by sending his daughters to seduce him, but he was not tempted. Frustrated, Mara sent his army of demons to attack the Buddha. However, none of this story is shown, as it would distract from contemplating the perfect form of the Buddha's body and, by extension, the clarity of his enlightenment. Instead, we are shown the moment when the Buddha reaches down with his right hand to touch the earth to call "her" (earth) to witness all of his past actions and thus defeat Mara's army of demons (personifications of passion and attachment). It is at this moment that the Buddha fully realizes not only the absolute truth of enlightenment but also how to convey this to others. This moment of the Buddha's enlightenment is given further emphasis by the flames that rise from the top of his head.

'· .Nepal" ·,.

---~-·, _ :-~::c~\l;i)., '· ; B~gladesJ, . ..,.

~-1;

China

India

indian Ocean Fig. 49. Regional map showing countries where Theravada is practiced

Fig. 50. Seated Buddha. Thailand, 15th century, Sukhothai style. Bronze, 27 x 19 1/ 4 in. (68.6 x 48.9 cm). Purchase, The J. H . W. Thompson Foundation Gift and Gifts of friends of Jim Thompson, in his memory, 2002 (2002.131)

72

CH APTER I

.

'

\

•

,•

+ ....

•

f ~

-~ ,

'·

. I

~. "i,i ~

,j;,,//

.. 1

-

,'l,

;,

•

,

CHAPTER 2

Teachers, Bodhisattvas, and Tantric Deities

Traveling Monks and the Translations of the· Dharma Buddhism differs from some faiths in that it does not have a revealed text. The Buddha's teachings were initially preserved as an oral tradition that was passed down through generations of monks and their students for hundreds of years. During this process, it is believed that some of the subtlety of the dharma was lost, therefore making it much harder for each passing generation to reach enlightenment and to break free from the cycle of rebirth. When this oral tradition was written downthe earliest extant texts date to the first centuries B.c.already the precise meaning of these sources was debated. While other major world religions might view their founding texts as the actual word of God, this has never quite been the case for Buddhism. All of this invited debate within the monastic community, and learned monks wrote commentaries and many additional texts over the centuries in an attempt to clarify and to correct imperfect pre· sentations of the dharma. Early Buddhist writings also required translation once they left India, and the subtlety of meaning in any language requires the interpretation

and guidance of a teacher. Within the monastic community, the student-teacher relationship is the basis for ordination, which derives its legitimacy from an unbroken chain of transmission tracing back to the historic Buddha Shakyamuni's First Sermon at Sarnath, when he delivered the dharma to the original five disciples (see fig. 16).

Protecting the Dharma and Debating Its Meaning When Buddhism first spread from India along the Central Asian trade routes (see map, pp. 10-11), it moved with relics, images, and undoubtedly, with members of the monastic community. Over time, followers in China became increasingly concerned about their access to correct knowledge of the fundamental Buddhist tenets. This problem was not easily solved, since travel to India was difficult and dangerous, and even when texts reached China, the process of translation required the creation of new terminology to capture subtle Buddhist ideas. As a result, the translators who made this journey and possessed the intellectual ability to craft authoritative Chinese translations became famous . One of the first

Fig. 51. Detail of fig. 60, showing the monk Fenggan

75

monks to cross these linguistic boundaries and to produce lucid and accessible Chinese translations of Mahayana Buddhist texts was a Central Asian monk named Kumarajiva (344- 413), who traveled to the great Buddhist centers of Kashmir in northern India as a young man. Toward the end of his life, in 402, he was brought to the Chinese capital Chang'an, where he undertook translations. Kumarajiva's genius was that he framed Mahayana Buddhist ideas in ways that were readily understood; today, his translations remain part of the living East Asian tradition. Even more prolific than Kumarajiva was the monk Xuanzang (602- 664), who traveled from China to India in search of Buddhist texts in 627. During his epic eighteen-year trip, he visited the most important Buddhist centers in Central Asia, including Afghanistan and Gandhara (by then in ruins), before ultimately arriving at the great pilgrimage centers in north India (fig. 52). This fourteenth-century painting from Japan shows Xuanzang wearing a traveling robe and holding a text, accompanied by an acolyte from India standing to his right. This image ofXuanzang, who had already been dead for seven centuries when this painting was made, would have hung in a Buddhist sacred site to validate the authority ofits monastic lineage, as the image suggests a studentteacher exchange of knowledge tracing back to this great monk. This painting speaks to his authority and enduring importance as a transmitter of Buddhist knowledge to East Asia. He brought more than six hundred texts back to China and wrote a detailed account of his travels, which he presented to the first Tang emperor. His descriptions of the many kingdoms and regions include the geography and the people, as well as the great Buddhist sites, miraculous images, and the relics that he was able to see and touch. Xuanzang also wrote about the images he acquired in India; while these specific sculptures have presumably not survived, they would have been durable bronzes similar to the Gupta-style Buddha image of Shakyamuni that reshaped perceptions across Asia (see fig. 28). In East Asia, a category of mythic preservers of the dharma, called arhats (Chinese : luohans), came to be represented in painting and sculpture, such as this life-size

ceramic example from China (see fig. 53). The surface of this fired-stoneware sculpture has been glazed to give this arhat, with his piercing stare and red lips, a realistic appearance. The blue, green, and yellow splashed glaze of his robes is a technique typical of the Tang period (618908) called sancai, but it seems this figure was produced a bit later, about 1000, during the Liao dynasty (907-1125). An arhat is someone who has reached a level of enlightenment sufficient to break free from the cycle of rebirth and to enter nirvana, but whose knowledge falls short of actually being able to teach the dharma like a Buddha. Many of these figures are said to have lived in the time of Shakyamuni, and because of this direct transmission to have achieved a deep comprehension of the dharma. A mythic group of arhats is understood to have continued living in order to protect and venerate the Buddha Shakyamuni's relics. They will remain on earth until the future Buddha Maitreya is born, during which time they will gather the last relics , place them in a stupa, and then enter nirvana. Images of these ancient protectors of the dharma, like this one, only became important in China after Xuanzang found and translated a key Indian text that describes these "worthy ones." Sets of arhats were venerated in China, and later in Tibet, for protection from foreign invasion. Unlike the idealized representations of the Buddha, representations of the arhats show each as an aged individual with an implied personality (fig. 54). These mythic enlightened beings resonated well with the Chinese Daoist immortals who, like the arhats, reside in the remote wilderness. Often arhats live in caves, which here is suggested by the rocky base that the subject sits on. Arhats, with their deep understanding of the dharma, also appealed to the Confucian scholars. These academics would have appreciated this arhat's lined face that suggests age, wisdom, and intellectual authority, as emphasized by the Buddhist text he holds in the form of a scroll. In China, education and ability to pass the civil service exam led to social status and power, so it is not surprising that Buddhist imagery came to celebrate this important Confucian secular elite. Artists found innovative ways to give academics status within the Buddhist

Fig. 52. Portrait ofXuanzang (Japanese : Genjo) with Attendant. In the Style ofKasuga Motomitsu, active early nth century. Japan, Kamakura period (1185-1333), 14th century. Hanging scroll; ink and color on silk, 48% x 29 1/4 in. (123.8 x 74.3 cm) . H. 0. Havemeyer Collection, Gift of Horace Havemeyer, 1929 (29 .160.29)

T EACH ERS , BO DH ISAT TVAS, AN D TANTR IC DE IT I ES

77

Fig. 53. Arhat (Chinese: luohan). China, Liao dynasty (907-1125), ca. 1000. Stoneware with three-color glaze, 41'/4 x 36 x 33 in. (104 .8 x 91.4 x 83.2 cm). Frederick C. Hewitt Fund, 1921 (21.76) Fig. 54. Detail of fig. 53 78

C H A PTER 2

Fig. 55. Vimalakirti and the Doctrine ofNonduality. Wang Zhenpeng (active 1275-1330) . China, Yuan dynasty (1271-1368) , dated 1308. Hand scroll; ink on silk, 151'16 x 85 1o/r6 in. (39.2 x 218.3 cm). Purchase, The Dillon Fund Gift, 1980 (1980.276)

tradition. A particularly successful example is this ink painting, where the concept of nonduality is debated (fig. 55). The court artist Wang Zhenpeng (active ca. 12751330) made this hand scroll, which is viewed from right to left, during the Chinese Yuan dynasty (1271-1368). This is a rare preparatory ink-on-silk draft submitted to the future emperor Renzong (r. 1311-20) for approval before a final version was executed in color. Here the elderly Vimalakirti, a figure drawn from a north Indian textual narrative, is shown with a long beard, gauze headdress, and elegant feather fan typical of a Confucian scholar. In this wellknown story, one of the Buddha's lay disciples, Vimalakirti, had reached a deeper understanding of the dharma than any of the monks. People questioned this claim, so he entered a debate with the bodhisattva of wisdom, Manjushri, who appears to the left of the image as a bejeweled celestial figure instead of a devotional deity with extensive iconography (fig. 56). The two disputed the nondualist nature of emptiness, with Vimalakirti ultimately prevailing by refraining from speaking and instead only raising his hand in a silent gesture to indicate the law's ineffable nature (fig. 57). This artwork celebrates a lay practitioner who has reached a more perfect understanding than a bodhisattva. It is easy to understand how this would have appealed to Chinese intellectuals who were already keenly aware of the monk Kumarajiva's humorous translation of this story, which brings the Confucian concept of filial piety in line with Mahayana Buddhist theology.

Fig. 56 . Detail of fig. 55, showing Manjushri, the bodhisattva of wisdom

Meditating on Enlightenment: The Monk Bodhidharma and the Chan/Zen Buddhist School of China and Japan There are other quasi-mythic teachers credited with establishing new schools of Buddhist thought. A good example is Chan Buddhism (Japanese: Zen Buddhism), which is thought to have come to China during the sixth century with the legendary Indian monk Bodhidharma, who is seen here in a fourteenth-century Chinese hanging scroll (see fig. 58). Chan is the translation of the first syllable of the Indian Sanskrit word dhyana that means "meditation," which is the focus of this school as opposed to the study of texts or devotional practices. In this evocative ink-brush painting, the artist Li Yaofu (active ca. 1300) has captured something of Bodhidharma's personality and spiritual essence (see fig. 59). The expressive use of modulated lines emphasizes the interest prevalent during the Chinese Yuan dynasty of relating the brushwork of painting to the very act of writing. An inscription at the top of this hanging scroll by a Chinese monk named Yishan Yining (1247-1317), who traveled to Japan in 1299 to disseminate Zen Buddhism, tells us a great deal about the meaning of this elusively simple portrait of a Buddhist master. It speaks of Bodhidharma's meeting with emperor Wu (r. 464-549) of the Chinese Liang dynasty (502-57). Crossing rivers and deserts he came. Facing the emperor he confessed, "I don't know "; Unsuccessful, he moved on, His feet treading the water. [trans. MMA Dept. Archive]

Fig. 57. Detail of fig. 55, showing Vimalakirti, one of the Buddha's lay disciples TE AC H ER S , BO DHI SATT VA S, AN D T AN TRI C D EIT IE S

81

Fig. 58. Bodhidharma Crossing the Yangzi River on a Reed . Li Yaofu (active ca.1300). China, Yuan dynasty (1271- 1368), before 1317. Hanging scroll; ink on paper, 33% x 13 5/IG in. (85.7 x 33.8 cm). Edward Elliott Family Collection, Purchase, The Dillon Fund Gift, 1982 (1982.1.2) Fig. 59. Detail of fig. 58

When the emperor asked how much merit he had earned with his lavish endowments of monasteries, Bodhidharma replied that the Buddha's teachings were empty and that the donations had brought no merit at all. Offended, the emperor asked Bodhidharma who he thought he was to say such things and then received the reply "I don't know." Typical of Chan/ Zen Buddhism, this interaction challenges a student to consider the deeper meanings of their actions. The subject of emptiness is central to Chan/ Zen teaching methods. After this "unsuccessful" encounter, Bodhidharma traveled north and crossed the Yangtze River; this moment is shown and again mentioned in the last part of the inscription. When Chan/Zen Buddhism came to Japan at the end of the twelfth century during the aftermath of the wars of 1180, which had violently ushered in the Kamakura Shogunate, the monastic communities were particularly

receptive to new ideas. Recall that this is the same time period when Pure Land Buddhism, with its emphasis on being reborn in the celestial realm of the Buddha Amitabha, swept across Japan, inspiring common people to convert to Buddhism (see pp. 60-64; figs. 39-42). Zen Buddhism is very different than Pure Land Buddhism because it rejects devotion and instead stresses direct intuitive perception of true absolute reality through selfdiscipline and a code of uncompromising ethics. In particular, the Rinzai School of Zen Buddhism appealed to the ruling class and the samurai warriors because it argues that a balance of meditation and physical activity can lead to sudden enlightenment. Since the desire for enlightenment is ultimately a "desire," Zen art often confronts the viewer with contradictions or enigmas. By looking away, it is possible for absolute reality to come into focus, allowing for sudden enlightenment. A pair of scrolls made in the first half of the fifteenth century during the Japanese Muromachi period (1392-1573) (fig. 60) exemplifies this contradictory sentiment. To begin, it is remarkable to note that these Zen paintings make no obvious reference to Buddhist deities; rather, they are images that invite contemplation on metaphor as a personal path. The characters in these scrolls are Chinese Tang-period monks who appear in the scholar Luqiu Yin's preface to a body of poetry. Hoping to find enlightenment, Luqiu Yin travels to the icy cliffs at Tientai in eastern China, where he meets the elderly monk Fenggan. In this hanging scroll, our protagonist is not shown, and in fact, we are only presented with Fenggan's back as he looks out into the mist (fig. 51). Wrapped around the rock to the right of this monk is the concealed form of his pet tiger. This nearly invisible attribute speaks of this monk's unity with the natural environment. The artist Reisai (active 1430-50) further emphasizes this idea by painting the figure, rocks, and landscape in similar sparse brushstrokes. The old monk Fenggan tells Luqiu Yin to speak to his acolytes (fig. 61), anachronistically calling them the bodhisattvas Manjushri and Samantabhadra. This is part of the Zen enigma presented in these scrolls, as both of these figures are of such a low standing that they can hardly even be

Fig. 60. Pair of Hanging Scrolls with Hanshan and Shide (left), and Fenggan (right) . Reisai (active 1430-50). Japan, Muromachi period (1392-1573), first half of the 15th century. Hanging scroll; ink and color on paper, a (left): 37% x 13% in. (96.2 x 34.6 cm); b (right) : 37 15/i:Gx 13o/iG in. (96.3 x 34.5 cm). Mary Griggs Burke Collection, 2015 (2015.300-46a, b) Fig. 61. Detail of fig. 60, showing the monks Hanshan and Shi de

84

CHAPTER 2

,,

., ?;

J

t

Fig. 62. Gibbons in a Landscape. Sesson Shukei (ca. 1504-ca. 1589). Japan, Muromachi period (1392-1573), ca. 1570. Pair of six-panel screens; ink on paper, each screen 62 x 137 in. (157.5 x 348 cm). Purchase, Rogers Fund and The Vincent Astor Foundation, Mary Livingston Griggs and Mary Griggs Burke Foundation, and Florence and Herbert Irving Gifts, 1992 (1992.8.1, .2) Fig. 63. Detail of fig. 62, showing a gibbon attempting to grab the man

86

CHAPTER 2

Fig. 64. Poem on the Theme of a Monk's Life. Sesson Yubai (1290-1346). Japan, Nanbokucho period (1336-92), 14th century. Hanging scroll; ink on paper, 16 x 23 3/s in. (40.6 x 59-4 cm). Gift of Sylvan Barnet and William Burto, in honor ofMiyeko Murase, 2014 (2014.719.7)

called monks. The one facing forward and holding a broom is Shide, an orphan whom Fenggan took in as a monastery janitor; the other is the poet-monk Hanshan, who carries a bucket of leftover food salvaged from the temple kitchen. After Luqiu Yin makes a gesture of obeisance, as befits a pair ofbodhisattvas, the two laugh and tell him that Fenggan has a long tongue and is making fun. To take this a step further, they go on to ask ifhe did not recognize the old man as the future Buddha Maitreya. These hanging scrolls leave us to question the relevance of these important bodhisattvas because we are only shown old and disheveled monks gesturing toward the void to invite us to consider the concept of emptiness. As Zen Buddhist artworks were meant to challenge viewers, rather than serve as objects of devotion, surprising

88

CHAPTER 2

compositions often appear. An important branch of Zen painting is the ink style established by the monkartist Sesson Shukei (ca. 1504- ca. 1589) in the 1570s. He studied earlier Chinese painting styles and subject matter, which clearly inform this painting of a group of gibbons in a landscape that spans two six-panel folding screens (see fig. 62). These folding screens present a group of gibbons peering out from behind rocks and dangling from tree branches in a Buddhist artwork that borders on the humorous. One of the apes reaches down and attempts to grab the moon (see fig. 63) in a futile gesture that speaks to the impossibility of possessing absolute knowledge. These gibbons cling to dead tree branches, much as a deluded soul grasps at worldly concerns and, by extension, to the cycle of

rebirth. At the same time, Sesson Shukei recalls a Zen/ Chan work by the Chinese artist Mu Qi (active in China 1210 - after 1269), who also painted gibbons. Mu Qi probably chose this topic because the lonely cry of the gibbon was associated with the most remote wilderness. Similar to a wandering ascetic, the gibbon retreats to the solitude of the forest, where it is possible to live a life without distraction. Keep in mind that the Japanese educated elite, who were practicing Zen Buddhism, understood the many embedded literary references to nature and would have valued the way in which the ink brushwork was applied to the paper substrate of these screens. Zen paintings like these offered an intellectually evocative means of visually presenting the idea of transience. In Japan, Zen monks interacted with the feudal elites, and the ideology of those refined courts naturally had an impact on artistic production. Take, for example, a fourteenth-century metaphorical poem composed by the Zen monk Sesson Yubai (1290-1346) (fig. 64). Zen poetry is appreciated not only for the allegorical content but also for the calligraphy. Here, this Japanese monk-artist references more than twenty years of travel and study in China. His educated Japanese audience would have understood Sesson Yubai's calligraphic allusions to earlier scholars of the Chinese Yuan dynasty, as well as to important monks he met on his travels. The gesture preserved in these characters also reveals something about Sesson Yubai as a person. The text can be translated as follows :

My thatched hut is woven with disordered layers ofclouds. Already my footprints are washed away with the red dust. Ifyou ask, this monk has few plans for his life: Before my window,flowing waters;facing my pillow, books. [trans. Jonathan Chaves] While the passage is open to interpretation, Sesson Yubai's poetry was widely read, and his allusions would have been understood in light of the Zen school of sudden enlightenment.

Monastic Teachers and Enlightened Ascetics in the Himalayas Buddhism in India gradually declined and ultimately came to a dramatic end at the beginning of the thirteenth century. The reasons for its disappearance are complex, but the destruction of the great north Indian Buddhist centers in conjunction with the Islamic Ghurid conquest of north India (1192-1206) played a major role. During those final centuries, texts and imagery flowed north into the Himalayas to the thriving Buddhist monastic centers of Tibet. Monks traveled down to India to visit the great pilgrimage sites and to translate and bring back texts. This was also a time when many Indian monks moved to Tibet, and a key figure standing at the center of this great intellectual exchange is the monastic abbot Atisha (982-1054). He traveled through Nepal to Tibet in 1042, after the Tara appeared in his dreams (see fig. 93), urging him to help the people of Tibet purify their understanding of Mahayana Buddhism. This is the earliest known portrait of Atisha, which is an early-to-mid-twelfth-century Tibetan painting made a couple of generations after his death (see fig. 65). In this Tibetan painting on cloth, the north Indian monk Atisha sits with his right hand held in a gesture of teaching (vitarka mudra) . Complementing this gesture, he holds a long palm leaf manuscript in his left hand, emphasizing his position as a monk capable of interpreting and transmitting the deep meanings of the north Indian Buddhist tradition. His knowledge derives from his own teachers, who sit in the upper corners of this painting. Atisha wears a yellow hat that signifies he is a learned monk, which makes sense, because we know he was the abbot of the massive Vikramashila monastery, a famous eighthto-early-thirteenth-century Indian Vajrayana center along the Ganges River in the northeastern part of the continent. Given that he had full mastery of tantric ritual, it is interesting that his stated goal in coming to Tibet was to bring the common people true Mahayana teachings-the necessary foundation for more complex esoteric practices. Having a teacher is essential to Vajrayana Buddhist practice, as it is believed that texts are meaningless without proper interpretation, which fits well within the

TEACHERS , BO DHI SATTVAS , AND TANTR IC D EIT I ES

89

Fig. 66. Portrait of)nanatapa Attended by Lamas and Mahasiddhas. Eastern Tibet, Kham, Riwoche monastery, ca. 1350. Distemper on cloth, 27 x 2iI/2 in. (68.6 x 54 .6 cm) . Purchase, Friends of Asian Art Gifts, 1987 (1987.144)

Fig. 65. Portrait of the North Indian Monk Atisha. Tibet, early to mid-12th century. Distemper and gold on cloth, 19 1/2 x 13 1 o/rGin. (49.5 x 35.4 cm). Gift of Steven Kossak, The Kronos Collections, 1993 (1993.479)

TEAC HER S, BODHISAT T VAS, AND TA N TR IC D EIT IE S

91

larger Buddhist idea of transmission of knowledge and of ordination. Within the Tibetan Vajrayana tradition, many of the important lineages also trace back to mythic nonmonastic ascetic practitioners called mahasiddhas (great attainers), who were able to reach enlightenment. A good example of one of these figures is Jnanatapa, shown here in this mid-fourteenth-century painting (see fig. 66). The Mahasiddha Jnanatapa sits on the skin of a long-horned goat and stares out at us in an unsettling way with bright, wide-open eyes. He holds a reliquary and wears the simple garments of an ascetic. At the same time, his lavish golden jewelry, lotus throne, and halo speak to his quasi-deified status that befits someone who has reached enlightenment. Mahasiddhas are mythic ascetics who dared to walk down the risky tantric path of yoga and the recitation of mantras with the aim of visualizing and evoking powerful esoteric deities (see fig. 97) . Often their tantric practice involved transgressive acts that society found unacceptable, including animal sacrifice, drinking liquor, eating meat, and ritualized sex; in effect, they experimented with the mundane world to reach a supermundane state. If successful, their efforts could lead to a siddhi (a perfection, or attainment), such as the ability to fly or attract a lover, but if applied to Buddhism, a siddhi offered a means for realizing the true nature of reality and attaining enlightenment. In this portrait there are seven mahasiddhas below Jnanatapa, who gesture emphatically or dance; and one is even shown in sexual embrace with his consort. These ascetic "great achievers" become extremely important in Tibet, and in many instances, monastic lineages trace back to one of these mythic north Indian figures, as attested to by the succession of Tibetan monks shown wrapping around the top of this painting. Among them, at the top right, is the abbot Onpo Lama Rinpoche, who is labeled in a small inscription. In fact, he may have had this painting made, because he claimed legitimacy and authority by asserting that in a past life he was the Mahasiddha Jnanatapa. Monastic communities across Asia drew legitimacy by tracing their own understanding of the teachings back through student-teacher relationships,

Fig. 68. Detail of fig. 67, showing flask in Maitreya's left hand

ultimately to the one who has reached enlightenment, such as a mahasiddha or to the Buddha Shakyamuni (see pp. 34-35; fig. 16).

Fig. 67. The Bodhisattva and Future Buddha Maitreya. Pakistan, ancient region of Gandhara, ca. 3rd century. Schist, 31% x 111/2 x 6 in. (80.7 x 29.2 x 15.2 cm). Rogers Fund, 1913 (13.96.17)

T EA CH ERS, BODHI SATTVAS, AN D TAN TRI C D EITIE S

93

Early Bodhisattvas and the Path to Buddhahood Bodhisattvas are readily accessible to the devout, offering salvation and guidance, so it is not surprising that great numbers of images of these deities were created. The very term in Sanskrit is revealing, as each is a being (sattva) engaged with achieving enlightenment (bodhi) . The historic Buddha Shakyamuni was a bodhisattva prior to his enlightenment, and equally Maitreya is presently a bodhisattva, since he is still waiting in heaven for his final rebirth when he will reach enlightenment. Some of the first images of Maitreya were sculpted in Gandhara and displayed together with early representations of the Buddha in small shrines along the edges of sacred areas so that they faced central relic stupas. Take, for example, this Gandharan Maitreya from around the third century (see fig. 67). The bodhisattva Maitreya, with all of his potential for enlightenment, is a very different figure from Shakyamuni because Maitreya conceptually resides in heaven and thus is available through his image to the devout. With Maitreya, the concept is about potential, as he will reside in heaven until a time when the teachings ofShakyamuni have been forgotten, and it is only at that point that he will be reborn and realize enlightenment. As the next Buddha, he will go on to teach the dharma so that others can escape the cycle of rebirth. Since he resides in a heaven, Maitreya has a halo and is dressed like a god, wearing elaborate jewelry that here includes a necklace and torque, strings of amulets, armbands, earrings, and jewels in his hair (see fig. 4). Because he has already passed through countless incarnations, his princely appearance, with his prominent moustache, hints at his final incarnation when he will be reborn to a royal family. In this final life, he will renounce material attachments and retreat to the forest as an ascetic in search of enlightenment. His key iconographic identifier is the water flask of an ascetic, which he holds in his left hand (see fig. 68). Unlike the early Gandharan Buddha, who is discussed previously in this volume (see pp. 37-39; fig. 17), Maitreya's face is formal and has a crisp, hard appearance that rejects humanity, which is

intentional, since Maitreya should have a perfect body that is unmarred by human flaws and befitting a celestial deity. By the fifth century, Maitreya had become incredibly important, as the power of his image did not depend on the presence of relics; instead the image provided a ready means to access him in heaven. When Buddhism spread outside India to China, Korea, and Japan, representations of the future Buddha Maitreya were unsurprisingly favored and produced in great numbers. One such representation is this stylistically innovative altar from Luoyang, the capital of the Chinese Northern Wei dynasty (386-534) (fig. 69), which can be dated by inscription to 524. This ethereal figure of Maitreya, with his attenuated face, is very different from the Buddhist imagery produced in Central Asia or other parts of China (see figs. 25 and 26). The formal linear drapery that falls in waves to completely cover Maitreya's figure reflects an idealized Chinese taste that rejects the Indian focus on the body as a physical expression of transcendence. This sculpture goes a step further than the Gandharan bodhisattva Maitreya, as here he is presented after his enlightenment as a Buddha. He does not have jewelry but instead wears monastic robes , and if there were any doubt about his identity, there is an inscription that calls him the Buddha Maitreya. Encircling this figure is an almond-shaped flaming body halo inhabited by celestial flying musicians, which denotes his place in heaven and this is further emphasized by his lotus base. With its many secondary figures, this altar is a miniature version of a temple image group. Providing a sense for how a sculpture such as this one was worshipped, below two monks who clasp their hands together in veneration stand behind a cone-shaped incense burner. Flanking Maitreya are two standing bodhisattvas, and below, to either side of his feet, are two pensive bodhisattvas. During the sixth century in China, Mahayana Buddhist ideas became increasingly popular in conjunction with the availability of newly translated Indian Buddhist texts (see pp. 75-77), and it is around this same time that Buddhism began to make inroads to Korea and Japan.

Fig. 69 . The Future Buddha Maitreya {Mile) . China, Northern Wei dynasty (386-534) , dated 524. Gilt bronze, 30 1/4 x 16 x 93/4 in. (76 .8 x 40.6 x 24.8 cm). Rogers Fund, 1938 (38.158.1a- n )

94

CHAPTER 2

Fig. 70. Detail of fig. 71

Some of the earliest Buddhist images from the three Korean kingdoms ofBaekje, Silla, and Goguryeo take the form of pensive bodhisattvas sitting in contemplation with one leg crossed, such as this mid-seventh-century example that can be understood in relation to Maitreya (fig. 71). This small evocative gilt bronze was undoubtedly a personal devotional image. With its palpable energy, it characterizes an early Korean interest in the representation of a bodhisattva in the act of contemplating the nature of existence. Looking closely, the viewer is struck by the gentle, subtle expression of his face (fig. 70). His limbs do not have muscles or joints, and his form is androgynous : the treatment of his body fits well with conceptions of the perfection of an enlightened being. While this abstraction follows canonical textual precedents established in India, the interpretation of this

figure, including the linear treatment of his hair, is stylistically Korean. Various motifs attest to the transmission of this iconography across the Silk Road, such as the beaded gem in his crown with a crescent above that is associated with the Sassanian and Sogdian kingdoms of Central Asia and the falling-water pattern of the drapery running over the base that directly relates to Northern Wei sculpture at the Chinese site ofLongmen. His identity is somewhat ambiguous, as are those of the related pensive bodhisattvas known from Gandhara and China, including the ones attending the Northern Wei Buddha Maitreya (see fig. 69). During the early Buddhist period, a devotee could only take a bodhisattva vow in the presence of a living Buddha, like Shakyamuni for example, in effect to pursue a path to becoming a Buddha oneself. However, within Mahayana Buddhism, this vow was made available to everyone, and it has been

Fig. 71. Pensive Bodhisattva, Possibly the Bodhisattva Maitreya. Korea, Three Kingdoms period (57 B.C.-A.D . 676), mid-7th century. Gilt bronze, 8% x 4 x 4 1/4 in. (22.5 x 10.2 x 10.8 cm) . Purchase, W alter and Leonore Annenberg and The Annenberg Foundation Gift, 2003 (2003.222)

96

CH AP T ER 2

suggested that this pensive figure might represent someone far along this difficult path. In Japan, similar pensive bodhisattvas are identified as Maitreya, since, after all, he is also waiting to reach enlightenment. In any case, it is clear that devotees used these images to aid in their own quests.

Mahayana Bodhisattvas and the Embodiment of the Dharma Within the Mahayana tradition there are many bodhisattvas who have reached a state of enlightenment, but out of compassion they have renounced entering nirvana in order to help all sentient beings escape the cycle of rebirth. At a more concrete level, bodhisattvas will intervene in a time of danger, especially if a devotee calls out for their aid, as they are always available. Foremost in importance and popularity is Avalokiteshvara, the bodhisattva of compassion, whose images can be found throughout Asia, but some of the earliest representations, such as this sculpture (fig. 72), come from the Swat Valley in the Himalayan foothills . When the Chinese monk Xuanzang reached northern India on his quest to find authentic Buddhist texts (see pp. 75-77; fig. 52) , he must have encountered sculptures similar to this exquisite bronze seated Avalokiteshvara. He holds his hand to his cheek in the gesture of contemplation, similar to the pensive bodhisattva from Korea (see fig. 71), which is intriguing given the portability of this small bronze. Avalokiteshvara sits not in a yogic posture of meditation but rather in the leisurely way of a king or a god, while his lotus base suggests his residence is in a heavenly realm. At the same time, many aspects of Avalokiteshvara's iconography point to his status as an ascetic who renounces material attachment and has retreated to the wilderness. These include a hairstyle with long, matted locks; a simple cloth skirt around his hips; and an antelope skin draped over his left arm (fig. 73). He is easily recognized as Avalokiteshvara by the lotus in his left hand and, more importantly, by the small image of the celestial Buddha Amitabha in his headdress. At a moment when the Buddha Amitabha was lost in

Fig. 73. Detail of fig. 72.

Fig. 72.. Avalokiteshvara. Pakistan, Swat Valley, 7th century. Bronze inlaid with silver and copper, 8 3/4 x 5 3/ 4 x 4 1/s in. (2.2..2. x 14.6 x 10.5 cm). Harris Brisbane Dick and Fletcher Funds, 1974 (1974 .2.73)

T EAC H ERS, BO D H ISATTVA's. AND TANTR IC DE I TIES

99

deep meditation, a ray oflight shone out of his urna (the dot on his forehead understood to be an inward-looking eye), manifesting the bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara. For this reason, he is often shown as Amitabha's attendant who is available to the devout hoping to be reborn in his Western celestial realm. Across Asia, creating images of Avalokiteshvara became important for rulers aspiring to make this great savior bodhisattva available to their people and in so doing, to generate merit. This was especially true in Korea, where spectacular court paintings, such as this next example of Avalokiteshvara (Korean: Guan-eum) from the early fourteenth century, were produced during the Goryeo dynasty (918-1392) (fig. 74 and see fig. 5). Here, Avalokiteshvara is not shown as an ascetic but as a god wearing sumptuous textiles under a translucent gauze mantle. From his golden skin radiates the light of enlightenment, which is echoed in his halo and the sphere of light surrounding his body. The artist subtly endeavors to make Avalokiteshvara accessible by directing the bodhisattva's gaze to the devotees at his feet. This powerful Mahayana idea is taken a step further by showing him entering the space of his believers. In this Korean water-moon form, Avalokiteshvara comes down from his remote abode on top of the mythic mountain Potalaka to sit near his devotees at the edge of a vast lake. The young boy Sudhana, in the lower right corner, is the most important of his followers and the protagonist of an East Asian compilation of texts called the Avatamsaka sutra (Flower Garland sutra) that tells of his quest to find a spiritual teacher. In this account, he travels through many celestial realms, where he meets various bodhisattvas, including Maitreya and, as seen here, Avalokiteshvara. One way of understanding this painting is to imagine oneself as Sudhana and from this vantage point to participate in his divine vision of this great bodhisattva. The Mahayana bodhisattvas popular in East Asia serve to help the devout access celestial realms, but they also personify key Buddhist ideas or concepts. For instance, this fourteenth-century painting from the Korean Goryeo dynasty presents the bodhisattva

Kshitigarbha (Korean: Jijang) (see fig. 75), who vows to save all sentient beings from negative rebirths, such as being incarnated as an animal or a starving ghost, or in a hell. Kshitigarbha is easily identifiable because he takes the form of a monk, with close-cropped hair, monastic robes, and a staff. Still, his identity as a bodhisattva is readily evident: he holds a wish-fulfilling gem in his left hand, has a radiant halo, and stands on a lotus, as is typical of all celestial beings. His deified status is also suggested by his sensitively rendered monastic robes that are decorated with flowers and wave patterns in gold, along with his necklace and earrings. This jewelry likely reflects the tastes at this time of the Goryeo court. The fact that the bodhisattva Kshitigarbha is presented as a monk is interesting, since entering a monastery was a clear path for insuring a positive rebirth, and in turn, the idea of venerating a bodhisattva in the guise of a monk must have resonated with lay followers. In Japan, numerous representations of the bodhisattva Kshitigarbha (Japanese : Jiz6 Bosatsu) were created, including this stunning example made by the artist Kaikei (active 1183- 1223) in ca. 1202 (fig. 76). After the wars of 1180, many representations of the bodhisattva Kshitigarbha were created in an effort to save family members who had potentially been reborn in hells. In Japan, this bodhisattva also rescues stillborn or aborted children. Realistic images of Kshitigarbha were sculpted to heighten his humanity and accessibility. While Kshitigarbha was depicted in human form, details such as the cut gold-leaf patterns on his monastic robes impart a divine status to this idealized representation. The artist Kaikei, who made this image, was an ordained monk and intensely devoted to Pure Land Buddhism (see pp. 60-64). His choice of creating this image was not casual, because Kshitigarbha is one of the Buddha Amitabha's most important attendant bodhisattvas. Inside the head of this joined wood-block image are the names of three artisans who worked on the sculpture, and Kaikei's signature notably takes the form of a syllable that signifies the name of the Buddha Amitabha (Murase, Bridge ofDreams, 2000, pp. 70-73).

Fig. 74. The Water-Moon Form of the Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara (Korean: Guan-eum). Korea, Goryeo dynasty (918-1392), first half of the 14th century. Hanging scroll; ink and color on silk, 45 V16 x 21% in. (114.5 x 55.6 cm). Charles Stewart Smith Collection, Gift of Mrs. Charles Stewart Smith, Charles Stewart Smith Jr., and Howard Caswell Smith, in memory of Charles Stewart Smith, 1914 (14-76.6)

TEACHERS , BODHISATTVAS , AN D TANTR IC DEITIES

101

Fig. 75. The Bodhisattva Kshitigarbha (Korean: Jijang) . Korea, Goryeo dynasty (918-1392), first half of the 14th century. Hanging scroll; ink, color, and gold on silk, 33'/4x 14 1/ , in. (84.5 x 36.8 cm). H. 0. Havemeyer Collection, Gift of Horace Havemeyer, 1929 (29.160.32)

Fig. 76. The Bodhisattva Kshitigarbha (Japanese: Jiz6 Bosatsu) . Kaikei (active 1183-1223). Japan, Kamakura period (11851333), ca. 1202. Lacquered Japanese cypress, color, gold, cut gold leaf, and inlaid crystal eyes, 22 x 6% x 6% in. (55.9 x 17.1 x 17.1 cm) . Mary Griggs Burke Collection, Gift of the Mary and Jackson Burke Foundation, 2015 (2015.300.25oa, b)

Fig. 78. Manjushri, the Bodhisattva of Tran scendent W isdom. Nepal (Kathmandu Valley), Licchavi-Thakuri periods, 10th century. Copper alloy, 6 1/2 x 6 1/2 x 4 1/2 in. (16.5 x 16.5 x 11.4 cm). Gift of Mr. and Mrs. A. Richard Benedek, 1978 (1978.394 .1)

Evoking Powerful Bodhisattvas through Vajrayana Practice Vajrayana (vajra vehicle) Buddhism emerged m India sometime around the seventh century, although many of the ideas that underlie this tradition are much older. Vajrayana builds on a Mahayana foundation , offering a range of ritual and secret practices that provide potent ways of reaching enlightenment during this lifetime. Moving along the major trade routes (see map, pp. 10-11) , Vajrayana Buddhism rapidly spread across India, Southeast Asia, Nepal, Tibet, China, and Japan. This approach to Buddhism was especially popular with monarchs because it provided powerful means to protect their kingdoms from evil forces and in this way to bring prosperity. Visualizing the gods is crucial to Vajrayana practice ; therefore it is not surprising that dynastically sponsored

artworks of the highest quality were produced. Often these images were hidden from public view and would only have been seen in the context of evoking these powerful deities during rituals performed by monastic specialists. A group of texts written between roughly 600 and 1000, called tantras, introduce many powerful Vajrayana deities, and outline how they should be venerated. Hence, this tradition is often referred to as Tantric Buddhism, or, ow ing to its complexity, as Esoteric Buddhism. By design, Vajrayana Buddhism is difficult to grasp, but therein lies its mystery and power. In this light, Vajrayana images function like complex machines. For a ritual to be successful, it is imperative that every tiny detail be in place, but, as with a sophisticated mechanism, there was no expectation on the part of the patron to understand this complexity. The overwhelming intricacy

Fig. 77- Detail of fig. 78

TEACHERS , BODH ISATTVAS , AND TANTRIC DEITIES

105

Fig. 80. Detail of fig. 79

of Vajrayana imagery makes it impressive and aweinspiring, and it demands interpretation by a specialist. Frequently tantric deities are frightening, violent, and emotionally captivating. While these gods often embody our worst fears, if properly harnessed they serve as fierce protectors and offer direct pathways to enlightenment. It is important to remember that for the average person the mainstream Mahayana Buddhas and bodhisattvas are the focus of day-to-day devotional practices, but the layperson also understands that tantric deities are present and being properly evoked and venerated by monastic specialists. For this reason, we can consider the various peaceful bodhisattvas together with their sometimes ferocious Vajrayana counterparts. One of the most popular and important bodhisattvas to be understood in both Mahayana and Vajrayana contexts is Manjushri, who cuts through ignorance. A compassionate example of this bodhisattva of correct knowledge is a tenthcentury sculpture from the Kathmandu Valley of Nepal (see fig. 78). Manjushri appears here as a young boy, the very epitome of approachability, sitting on his lion throne like a god. Both his childlike body and pronged hairstyle

indicate his status as a youth accessible to his devotees (see fig. 77) . He wears a necklace embellished with tiger claws and holds a fruit in his right hand; characteristics linking this sculpture to imagery from north India. In his left hand, he holds the stalk of a lotus that probably originally supported a Buddhist text (see fig. 93) to mark his association with correct knowledge. In Nepal, Manjushri is especially important because it is believed that he cleaved the mountains surrounding the Kathmandu Valley, draining a huge lake and making it habitable. Mythically, a lotus settled to the bottom of this lake to create the Swayambhunath stupa, one of the most sacred Buddhist centers in the valley today (see fig. 46). Similar to most Mahayana bodhisattvas, Manjushri has a number of Vajrayana manifestations. Generally, esoteric images and the ritual activities surrounding the bodhisattvas were hidden from the lay public, even if the ultimate goal might be for their benefit. However, a few tantric deities were more broadly available, like Manjushri's ferocious emanation Achala, seen in an early sixteenth-century painting from Nepal (fig. 79 ). Achala, whose very name in Sanskrit means the "immovable one," appears here in a steadfast kneeling

Fig. 79. Achala with Consort Vishvavajri. Nepal, Kathmandu Valley, Malla period, 1522-50. Distemper on cotton, 34 1/s x 25% in. (86.7 x 65.7 cm). Purchase, Lila Acheson Wallace Gift, 2012 (2012-456)

TEACHERS. BODHISATTVAS, AND TANTRIC DEITIES

107

Fig. 82. Detail of fig. 81

posture. As a wrathful manifestation of the bodhisattva Manjushri, he brandishes a sword to cut through ignorance, and in the other hand he holds a noose to snare the deluded (fig. 80). He is boldly presented and enveloped in a flaming body halo, confronting the viewer in a way that encourages veneration. While secondary deities fill the margins of this painting, they receive little emphasis. Prominent are the main figures of Achala and his consort Vishvavajri, who he holds in sexual embrace. Because he is a powerful Vajrayana deity available to the public, we find him appearing in various contexts across Asia. Achala (Japanese: Fuda My66) is particularly important in Japan, as in this early thirteenth-century representation by the famous artist Kaikei (see fig. 81). Here, Achala confronts and demands attention with his furrowed brow and aggressive expression. The artist Kaikei and his workshop created this emotionally compelling masterpiece by manipulating the joined woodblock technique to achieve a level of realism that made this intimidating deity present for his devotees. Particularly effective are the crystal eyes, which were backpainted and then inserted in the eye sockets from the interior of the sculpture, as can be seen in the accompanying CAT scan (fig. 83). The lifelike veracity of this image

Fig. 83. CAT scan cross section showing how the painted crystal eye was set into the head.

Fig. 81. Achala (Japanese: Fuda My66) . Kaikei (active 1183- 1223). Japan, Kamakura period (1185- 1333), early 13th century. Lacquered cypress, color, gold, cut gold and inlaid crystal eyes, H . 21 in. (53.3 cm); H. to top of sword 21 1/2 in. (54.6 cm). Mary Griggs Burke Collection, 2015 (2015.300.252a, b)

TEACHERS , BODHISATTVA S, AND TANTRIC DEITIES

109

gives its subject a tangible presence in the world of the devotee as an indomitable proactive deity. Similar to the Nepalese Achala, he is credited with being steadfast and immovable. At the same time, he is a great yogic practitioner, as is suggested by his upright posture and crossed legs. The Japanese Vajrayana tradition traces back to the beginning of the ninth century, when the monks brought tantric teachings from China to establish the Shingon and Tendai schools of esoteric Buddhism. Vajrayana Buddhism first reached Southeast Asia in the sixth and seventh centuries by moving along the maritime trade routes. At this time, Buddhism was competing for royal patronage with the Shiva Hindu tradition that was being shaped by its own tantric tradition. One of the most renowned Vajrayana monastic centers oflearning was in the kingdom of Shrivijaya, which controlled the Strait of Malacca, a major trade artery between the Malay Peninsula and the island of Sumatra (see map, pp. 10-11). It was here that this multiarmed Avalokiteshvara was probably cast sometime in the eighth or early ninth century (fig. 84). The refined beauty and technical sophistication of this Avalokiteshvara sculpture-a true masterwork of the bronze casting tradition-invites an immediate emotional response from the viewer. The bodhisattva boldly makes eye contact and confronts his audience in a way that is strikingly different from many of the devotional images that show him meditating or looking down at his devotees (see fig. 74). Although he wears earrings, a necklace, and a jeweled crown, emphasis is given to his importance as an ascetic bodhisattva through his long, matted dreadlocks ; bare chest; and simple skirt. Avalokiteshvara retreats to the forest, and the Karandavyuha sutra goes so far as to tell us that the Hindu god Shiva is one of his manifestations. This conflation with an ascetic Hindu deity is important in this Southeast Asian context where many royal patrons venerated Shiva. Avalokiteshvara's four arms are conceptually an effective way to express his status as a powerful deity capable of doing many things at once. The bodhisattva's many arms also allowed the sculptor to associate multiple hand gestures as a sort of

Fig. 85. Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara. Ancient Shrivijaya, Southern Thailand or Sumatra, 8th- early 9th century. Copper alloy, 22 1/ 4 x 10 1/2 in. (56.6 x 26.7 cm). Rogers Fund, 1982 (1982.64)

Fig. 84. Detail of fig. 85

TEACHERS, BO DHI SATTVAS, AND T ANTR IC D EITIES

Ill

visual language. His two intact right hands are held in the upward gesture of teaching (vitarka mudra) and in the down-reaching gesture of granting boons (varada mudra) (see fig. 84). While all of these iconographic references can be understood by a devotee, his identity as Avalokiteshvara is immediately apparent because of the prominent figure of Amitabha in his hair (fig. 85). The abrasion and surface wear suggest that this sculpture must have had substances placed on the figure's face and chest in the course of devotional rituals, which speaks to esoteric practices that provided powerful new ways to evoke this compassionate bodhisattva. We can be certain that Vajrayana Buddhism was important, because these images are often the most expensive commissions from a given workshop. Take, for example, a remarkable representation of Avalokiteshvara produced for the Angkorian court in Cambodia during the tenth or early eleventh century (fig. 87). Here, Avalokiteshvara sits with one hand on his knee in the relaxed secular posture of a king. His facial features appear to have been modeled on those of an individual; his personal identity would be even more pronounced if the metal or glass inlays for his moustache, beard, and eye brows had survived (fig. 86). He looks like a ruler in all ways except for the small image of the Buddha Amitabha tucked into his elaborately arranged hair, which identifies this statue as Avalokiteshvara. For political and religious reasons, the Khmer kings of Cambodia assumed the identity of deities and ruled as god-kings (Sanskrit: devaraja). For the populace, this transformation of the Khmer king into Avalokiteshvara meant that he was able to provide divine protection and insure prosperity for his kingdom. Sculpted representations like this one, produced at the highest aesthetic level by elite workshops, were intrinsic to the Khmer royal cult and their aspiration to immediate salvation upon death. The associated temples are massive and impressive structures. Complexes were constructed at a scale to remind the public that hidden tantric rituals were being done for the benefit of all. Avalokiteshvara takes on the wrathful manifestation ofMahakala within the Vajrayana tradition to defend the

Fig. 86. Detail of fig. 87

Fig. 87. The Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara Seated in Royal Ease. Cambodia, Angkor period, late 10th- early nth century. Copper alloy, silver inlay, 22% x 18 x 12 in. (57.8 x 45.7 x 30.5 cm) . Purchase, The Annenberg Foundation Gift, 1992 (1992.336)

112

CHA PT ER 2

bodhisattva Vajrasattva, who sits in the upper left (fig. 89). Artists from Nepal probably painted this dynamic image for Tibetan patrons as part of a longstanding artistic exchange between these two important Buddhist communities separated by the high Himalayan range. The paintings of Tibet are called thangkas and are made with mineral and vegetable pigments on primed cotton cloth. This technique resulted in surprisingly flexible paintings that can be rolled up and stored when not on view. Since Tibet has a cold, dry climate, many of these thangkas survive with bright, vibrant colors, as can be seen here. Vajrapani is another important bodhisattva in the esoteric tradition, as portrayed in this beautiful seventhor eighth-century sculpture that was probably made for the great north Indian monastic complex of Nalanda (fig. 91). Together Avalokiteshvara, Manjushri, and Vajra-

Fig. 89. Detail of fig. 88, showing the bodhisattva Vajrasattva

pani were later understood in Tibet as the "prot• . . 51 the three families," manifesting respectively ' com: ~ . "" w1s . dom, " an d" power." ~ sron,

monastic community and to protect the dharma. His terrible image will often stand at the entrance of a temple, as this large painting from about 1500 probably did in Central Tibet (see fig. 88). Artists made every effort to show Mahakala (The Great Black One) as the ultimate expression of terror and fright; he is a manifestation of your worst nightmare come to act in your defense and to protect and preserve the Buddha's teachings. He tramples on a corpse as he wields a vajra-handled flaying knife and a blood-filled skull cup. At the same time, he stands within a halo of flames populated with crows and wild dogs that devour dead from the carnal grounds. Accompanying Mahakala is a retinue of madly dancing, aggressive subsidiary deities, each of which has specific iconography and meaning (fig. 90). Mahakala vows to protect the monastic community, and in fact generations of important teachers are shown above him in this painting (see fig. 7). Empowering this artwork is the ever-present blue figure of the

Fig. go. Detail of fig. 88, showing a member ofMahakala's retinue dancing and making offerings

Fig. 88. Mahakala, Protector of the Pavilion. Central Tibet, ca. 1500. Distemper on cloth, 64 x 53 in. (162.6 x 134.6 cm). Zimmerman Family Collection, Gift of the Zimmerman Family, 2012 (2012-444.4)

TE AC HER S, BO DH !SATTVAS , AN D T AN TRI C D EITI ES

IIS

Fig. 91. Vajrapani, the Thunderbolt-Bearing Bodhisattva. India. Bihar, probably Nalanda, 7th-early 8th century. Stone, 30% x 23 1o/i Gx 6 in. (78-4 x 60.5 x 15.2 cm). Gift of Florence and Herbert Irving, 2015 (2015.500-4-9)

Fig. 92. Detail of fig. 91, showing the vajra in Vajrapani's right hand

/

Fig. 93. Green (Khadiravani) Tara Dispensing Boons to Ecstatic Devotees: Folio from a Manuscript of the Ashtasahasrika Prajnaparamita (Perfection ofWisdom). India, West Bengal or Bangladesh, Pala period, early 12th century. Opaque watercolor on palm leaf, 2% x 16 1'16 in. (7 x 41.8 cm) . Purchase, Lila Acheson Wallace Gift, 2001 (2001.445i)

The essential elegant treatment of this bodhisattva's body, with one engaged hip framed against a simple halo with just enough jewelry to indicate his divine status, is characteristic of the post-Gupta period. It is significant that this bodhisattva emerges at the same moment and place as the androgynous international-style Gupta Buddha, discussed earlier (see fig. 28). Vajrayana Buddhism began to impact Asia by moving along the same trade routes as the international-style Buddha. This bodhisattva holds a double three-pronged vajra in his right hand (see fig. 92), and his name, Vajrapani, literally means "vajraholder." Texts describe the vajra as a diamond-like thunderbolt that expresses the sudden clarity ofenlightenment. Often one sees Vajrapani (or his more esoteric form: Vajrasattva) in the corners of other, larger compositions, as he is the one who "activates," or charges, the image with power (see fig. 89). The other key piece of iconography in this sculpture is the small angry figure in the lower right with an axe. This wrathful figure is the bodhisattva Vajrapani's personified weapon, who independently fights evil and rids the world of corruption. Female bodhisattvas, known as taras, exist as counterparts to the male bodhisattvas and take on a great number of manifestations, each with a specific devotional meaning. Green Tara is an especially important form of this goddess, as seen in this spectacular early twelfthcentury manuscript illustration from east India or Bangladesh (fig. 93) . Green Tara is a bodhisattva of compassion, who in this image stands within a crowd of her devotees. While no large paintings survive from north India, tiny,

incredibly detailed manuscript illustrations like this one hint at what must have been an important and now-lost artistic tradition. This scene is painted with opaque watercolors on a prepared section of palm leaf amid the text of a Prajnaparamita (Perfection of Wisdom) manuscript. This particular text was often commissioned by the devout because it was believed that the totality of the Mahayana doctrine was contained in its eight thousand verses. Tara functions to protect and bring auspiciousness to this text, and she is a devotional deity who assertively offers protection and aid to those who venerate her. In this version, she lowers her hand in the boon-giving varada mudra to drip nectar in the mouth of a hungry ghost-the starving yellow figure with a distended belly at her feet (fig. 94). All that is alive is associated with this goddess, hence the blooming foliage that swirls behind, emphasizing her role as a bringer of abundance. In fact, she personifies the very force (action) that causes these plants to be alive and equally the action of conceptualizing and realizing the content of this canonical text. In Vajrayana Buddhism, the goddess Tara often takes on wrathful manifestations as the active personification of various Buddhist concepts (see, for example, the Dakini goddesses that surround the primary diety in fig. 96).

Mandalas and the Great Tantric Deities Within Vajrayana Buddhism, a key subject of the tantric texts are deities, such as Chakrasamvara, Hevajra, and Vajrabhairava, who are frequently the focus of complex mandalas. Visualization was essential to evoking one of these major tantric deities, hence the creation of proper

Fig. 94. Detail of fig. 93, showing Tara dripping nectar off her fingers to feed the hungry ghost at her feet

n8

CHAPTER 2

G

0 G H

Fig. 95. Mandala diagram. A: primary deity; B: ring of protective deities; C-F: the color-coded palace with four uajra-shaped gateways that indicate the directional celestial realms (C: west and red; D: north and green; E: east and white; F: south and yellow); G: eight great cremation grounds with presiding mahasiddhas; H: monk performing consecratory ritual; I: related deities; and J: donors.

images. North Indian tantric texts describe in detail what the deities look like and what each element of their respective complex iconographies signifies. The goal of Vajrayana practice in turn is to align oneself with one of these deities. This is sometimes described in terms of mapping the microcosm of one's own body with the macrocosmic reality of the heavens, as personified by a given tantric deity. To accomplish this objective, it is essential to conceptualize the deity within its correct environment. Doing so could involve placing a sculpted representation within a complex temple that in essence re-creates the sacred dimension, complete with secondary images, but always with the main deity at its center. Alternatively, this environment can be diagrammed and painted in the form of a mandala, which allowed an artist

to show the many secondary deities and symbolic elements described in the tantric text that surround the primary deity. All of these features can be seen in this very early Chakrasamvara mandala from Nepal that was painted around 1100 (figs. 95 and 96) . While this mandala is seemingly complex, it in fact follows a very logical pattern, and one can think of this diagram as a small portable shrine. In the center is the primary tantric deity( fig. 9 5-A)-in this case it is Chakrasamvara, who appears within a series of circles and squares that speak to the four directions and all intermediate directions. In the lower left of the mandala is a monk who sits before a table with ritual implements and offerings (fig. 95-H). This monk is a tantric practitioner who evokes Chakrasamvara and can be understood as perpetually consecrating the mandala. Next, we encounter the many figures in the area outside th·e first circle who also have the function of actively evoking the deity Chakrasamvara. The key players in this part of the painting are the eight Great Mahasiddhas, who each sit under a tree within these crematory grounds (fig. 95-G). These carnal grounds are also filled with ascetics and their consorts, wild animals quarreling over remains of the dead, fires, and a variety of worldly deities . Like the practitioner who uses this mandala, the mahasiddhas are focused on making Chakrasamvara and all that he represents manifest. Having set the stage, let us approach the outer circle of this mandala as correct ritual dictates and consider the various deities and symbols in order. Moving clockwise around the outer circles of flames, vajras, and lotus petals, one moves in (and conceptually up) toward the central square palace structure with its four gateways (fig. 95-C through F). Each gate takes the form of a three-pronged vajra-the four gateways/ vajras are conceptually connected and cross under Chakrasamvara to form a point of perfect stability to mark the axis of the universe. Next we enter the uajra/ gateway into the square palace of the primary deity that is color coded to mark the four directional heavens. Set within this space are six fierce Dakini goddesses (fig. 95-B), who stand within abstracted angular lotus petals and encircle the central deity. These powerful

Fig. 96. Chakrasamvara Mandala. Nepal, Kathmandu Valley, Thakuri-early Malla periods, ca. 1100. Distemper on cloth, 26 1/2 x 19% in. (67-3 x 50.2 cm). Rogers Fund, 1995 (1995.233) Fig. 97. Following spread: Detail of fig. 96 120

CHA PTER 2

Fig. 98. View of the monumental face of Avalokiteshvara on one of the Bayon towers. Cambodia, Ankor period, late 12th-early 13th century

Dakini goddesses bring secret knowledge and protect the innermost sacred space of the mandala. Finally, we reach Chakrasamvara, who is in sexual embrace with his consort Vajravarahi (fig. 95-A). At this stage, if the deity has been properly evoked, he can destroy those defilements that stand in the way of reaching enlightenment or grant some other siddhi (attainment). Because of their extreme complexity, mandalas were created under the guidance of monks familiar with the specific content of the tantric texts, in this case the Chakrasamvara tantra. Once completed, these paintings were designed to be rolled up for easy transport. In this way a mandala functions like a portable temple dedicated to the central deity. Of course, to evoke a deity like Chakrasamvara required a practitioner who possessed the necessary deep knowledge and correct practice. Often the ritual practitioner acted on behalf of the patron of the mandala to achieve a specific goal. This might be an individual hoping to achieve enlightenment or ridding a kingdom of demons and evil forces to bring about prosperity. The goals of tantric ritual are frequently pragmatic; for example, Tibetan historic records describe how a monk "made big offerings to Chakrasamvara" when the

Vikramashila monastery was attacked. This led to the army being repelled after terrible lightning struck four times, killing their chief and many soldiers (Taranatha's History of Buddhism in India, trans . Lama Chimpa Alaka Chattopadhyaya, edited by Debiprasad Chattopadhyaya, Delhi, 2010, fol. 121A, p. 307). It is not hard to understand why kings would want to enjoy the favor of a powerful tantric deity like Chakrasamvara. The desire to have access to potent tantric deities swept across Asia, as is attested by the profusion of royally commissioned Vajrayana artworks. This Nepalese mandala (fig. 96) was created about the same time that Cambodian Khmer king Jayavarman VII (r. 1181-1220) built the Bayon, a monumental mandalic Buddhist templemountain complex in the city of Angkor. On the towers and gates he had nearly two hundred massive faces sculpted to look out in all directions and preside over his realm (fig. 98), which are likely representations of this king as Avalokiteshvara (see fig. 87). This god-king also commissioned tantric deities at the Bayon, such as this enormous representation of the wrathful deity Hevajra (fig. 99) (P. Sharrock, "Hevajra at Banteay Chamar," Journal of the Walters Art Museum, 64/65 [2006-7], pp. 19-20).

Fig. 99. Bust ofHevajra. Cambodia, Angkor period, late 12th-early 13th century. Stone, 52 x 29 in. (132.1 x 73.7 cm). Fletcher Fund, 1936 (36.96-4)

124

CH A PT ER 2

Fig. 100. Detail of fig. 101

The powerful presence of this immense, multiheaded image of Hevajra is immediately apparent. Only his upper body remains, but surviving bronzes from this period suggest he originally was dancing and had sixteen arms with a variety of attributes. Having an image that was iconographically correct was essential for Vajrayana ritual. The brilliance of Khmer sculpture relies on how the artist has emphasized the simple elegant volumes ofHevajra's form, focusing attention on the deity and his emotionally charged presence. A Khmer king, such as Jayavarman VII, might well have wanted to evoke Hevajra for the very practical objective of destroying his enemies or for a military victory in battle. In fact, we know that Jayavarman VII commissioned this image not long after defeating the Cham dynasty of Vietnam in 1178. For this ruler, the potency of his deified kingship became intrinsically tied to the creation of such images so that tantric ritual could be undertaken for the benefit of his people.

Across Asia, elaborate court-sponsored Vajrayana artworks were produced by dynastic workshops . One of the most refined of these depictions is a fifteenth-century embroidered image of Vajrabhairava, commissioned by the Chinese Ming dynasty emperor Chengzu (r. 140224), probably as a gift for a Tibetan monk named Ye shes, who visited the Ming court to conduct Vajrayana rituals in 1415-16 (fig. 101). Ye shes ultimately returned to Tibet to become the first abbot of the massive Sera monastery outside of Lhasa. The embroiderer of this extraordinary example employed fine silk floss to create this vibrant image of Vajrabhairava, a tantric deity who was important to Tibet, China, and Mongolia. Subtle changes in threads were used to create color gradations, while horsehair gives volume underneath and a certain three-dimensionality to the surface (fig. 100 ). The tremendous labor required to create this object speaks to the importance of the Chinese emperor

Fig. 101. Vajrabharrava. China, Ming dynasty (1368- 1644), early 15th century. Embroidery in silk, metallic threads, and horsehair on silk satin, si/2 x 30 in. (146.1 x 76.2 cm) . Purchase, Lila Acheson Wallace Gift, 1993 (1993.15)

126

CHAP T ER 2

Chengzu's gift to the monk who performed tantric rituals on his behalf. Vajrabhairava is a wrathful manifestation of the bodhisattva Manjushri (see fig. 78), with his nine faces and sixteen legs, and he holds an array of weapons and other attributes in his thirty-two arms, each of which carries specific meaning. Vajrabhairava, whose name in Sanskrit means "Indestructibly Frightening," is credited with defeating death. To put it another way, he is a deity who destroys that which binds one to the cycle of rebirth.

Buddhist Imagery and the Twenty-First Century Buddhism, with its flexible and inclusive approach, is today the fourth-largest religion. Its reach has continued to expand, and it is now a truly global tradition. Contemporary artists, like those in the past, continue to explore new ways of giving form to this ideology. Take, for example, this recent work by the Tibetan artist Tenzing Rigdol, who offers his own representation of the bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara: an artwork that resonates with global contemporary ideas, devotional artworks from the past, and his own personal outlook (fig. 102). Tenzing Rigdol's faceted figure of Avalokiteshvara stands within a radiant mandorla. He offers a complex and canonically correct image that is paradoxically without eyes or face, forcing the viewer to consider this work as his personal expression rather than as a devotional image (fig. 103). Still, the figure's eleven heads and gesture of veneration (anjali mudra) identify this specific manifestation of Avalokiteshvara as Shadakshari Lokeshvara. The fractured surface of this work juxtaposes woodblock-printed textual passages of popular Tibetan mantras (recitations) with a complex grid that makes direct reference to the hidden structure and underdrawing that is present within all Tibetan Buddhist paintings. Laid on top of this "structured dharma" are sections of the fragile final image in vibrant but unfixed pastel. This configuration of form suggests that the "finished" painting will be devotionally correct and effective. While flames threaten to consume Avalokiteshvara's manifest form, the beauty

Fig. 103. Detail of fig. 102

128

CHAPTER 2

Fig. 102. Pin Drop Silence : Eleven-Headed Avalokiteshvara. Tenzing Rigdol (b. 1982, Nepal), 2013. lnk, pencil, acrylic, and pastel on paper, 91% x 49Vs in. (232.7 x 124.8 cm). Gift of Andrew Cohen, in honor ofTenzing Rigdol and Fabio Rossi, 2013 (2013.627)

and preciousness of this artwork still subtly question the indefinable nature of transcendence. These charged layers of created meaning can be freely interpreted, as is the underlying goal of all Buddhist artworks, but now it is for a modern global audience.

Suggested Reading

Behrendt, Kurt A. The Art ofGandhara in The Metropolitan Museum ofArt. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2007. Brauen, Martin. The Mandala: Sacred Circle in Tibetan Buddhism. Translated by Martin Wilson. Boston: Shambhala Publications, 1998. Brown, Robert L. Carrying Buddhism: The Role ofMetal Icons in the Spread and Development ofBuddhism. J. Gonda Lecture. Amsterdam: Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, 2014. - - - . The DvaravatiWheels ofthe Law and the Indianization ofSouth East Asia. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1996. Buswell, Robert E., Jr., ed. Currents and Countercurrents: Korean Influence on the East Asian Buddhist Traditions. Honolulu: University ofHawai'i Press, 2005. Buswell, Robert E., Jr., and Donald S. Lopez Jr., eds. The Princeton Dictionary ofBuddhism. With the assistance ofJuhn Ahn et al. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2014. Clunas, Craig. Art in China . Oxford History of Art. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997. De Bary, William Theodore, ed. The Buddhist Tradition in India, China and Japan. With the collaboration of Yoshito S. Hakeda and Philip B. Yampolsky. With contributions by A. L. Basham, Leon Hurvitz, and Ryusaku Tsunoda. New York: Vintage, 1972.

130

DeCaroli, Robert. Image Problems: The Origin and Development ofthe Buddha 's Image in Early South Asia. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2015. Dehejia, Vidya. Discourse in Early Buddhist Art:Visual Narratives ofIndia. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1997. - - -. Indian Art. Art and Ideas. London: Phaidon Press, 1997. Dehejia, Vidya, ed. Unseen Presence: The Buddha and Sanchi. Mumbai: Marg Publications, 1996. Fisher, Robert E. Art of Tibet. World of Art. London: Thames and Hudson, 1997. Fraser-Lu, Sylvia, and Donald M. Stadtner, eds. Buddhist Art ofMyanmar. Exh. cat. New York: Asia Society, published in association with New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2015. Freer Gallery of Art. Paths to Perfection: Buddhist Art at the Freer / Sack/er. Washington, D.C.: Freer / Sackler, the Smithsonian's Museums of Asian Art; London: Giles, 2017Guy, John. Lost Kingdoms : Hindu-Buddhist Sculpture of Early Southeast Asia. Exh. cat. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2014 . Huntington, Susan L. The Art ofAncient India: Buddhist, Hindu,Jain. With contributions by John C. Huntington. New York: Weatherhill, 1985.

Jessup, Helen Ibbitson, and Thierry Zephir, eds. Sculpture ofAngkor and Ancient Cambodia: Millennium ofGlory. Exh. cat. Paris: Galeries Nationales du Grand Palais; Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art; Tokyo Metropolitan Art Museum; Osaka Municipal Museum of Art. New York: Thames and Hudson, 1997. Kang, Woo-bang. Korean Buddhist Sculpture: Art and Truth. Translated by Cho Yoonjung. Chicago : Art Media Resources, 2005. Kieschnick, John. The Impact ofBuddhism on Chinese Material Culture. Buddhisms. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2003. Kim, Jinah. Receptacle ofthe Sacred: Illustrated Manuscripts and the Buddhist Book Cult in South Asia. South Asia across the Disciplines. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013. Klimburg-Salter, Deborah E. The Silk Route and the Diamond Path: Esoteric Buddhist Art on the TransHimalayan Trade Routes. Exh. cat. Los Angeles: Frederick S. Wight Art Gallery, University of California, Los Angeles; New York: Asia Society Gallery; Washington, D.C.: National Museum of Natural History, National Museum of Man, Smithsonian Institution. Los Angeles: UCLA Art Council, 1982. Kossak, Steven M., and Jane Casey Singer. Sacred Visions : Early Paintings from Central Tibet. With an essay by Robert Bruce-Gardner. Exh. cat. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1998. Lancaster, Lewis R. "An Early Mahayana Sermon about the Body of the Buddha and the Making oflmages." Artibus Asiae 36, no. 4 (1974), pp. 287-91. Lee, Soyoung, and Denise Patry Leidy. Silla: Korea's Golden Kingdom. With contributions by Ham Soonseop et al. Exh. cat. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2013. Leidy, Denise Patry. The Art ofBuddhism: An Introduction to Its History and Meaning. Boston: Shambhala Publications, 2008.

Leidy, Denise Patry, and Donna Strahan. Wisdom Embodied: Chinese Buddhist and Daoist Sculpture in The Metropolitan Museum ofArt. With contributions by Lawrence Becker et al. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2010. Leoshko, Janice, ed. Bodhgaya: The Site ofEnlightenment. Bombay: Marg Publications, 1988. Linrothe, Rob. Ruthless Compassion: Wrathful Deities in Early Inda-Tibetan Esoteric Buddhist Art. Boston: Shambhala Publications, 1999. Luczanits, Christian. "The Many Faces of Buddha Vairocana." In The All-Knowing Buddha: A Secret Guide, edited by Jan van Alphen, pp. 12-23, 163-66. Exh. cat. New York: Rubin Museum of Art; Antwerp, Belgium: BAI, 2013. Mason, Penelope E. History ofJapanese Art, 2nd ed. Revised by Donald Dinwiddie. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 2004 . McCall um, Donald F. The Four Great Temples: Buddhist Archaeology, Architecture, and Icons ofSeventhCentury Japan. Honolulu: University ofHawai'i Press, 2009. Pal, Pratapaditya. The Arts ofNepa/. 2 vols. Handbuch der Orientalistik. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1974-78. Paludan, Ann. Chinese Sculpture: A Great Tradition. Chicago: Serindia Publications, 2006. Rosenfield, John M. Portraits ofChogen: The Transformation ofBuddhist Art in Early Medieval Japan. Japanese Visual Culture. Leiden: Brill, 2011. Schopen, Gregory. Bones, Stones, and Buddhist Monks: Collected Papers on the Archeology, Epigraphy, and Texts ofMonastic Buddhism in India. Studies in the Buddhist Traditions. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Institute for the Study ofBuddhist Traditions, published in association with Honolulu: University ofHawai'i Press, 1997. Sharf, Robert H., and Elizabeth Horton Sharf, eds. Living Images :Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context. Asian Religions and Cultures. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2001.

131

Shimada, Akira. Early Buddhist Architecture in Context: The Great Stupa at Amaravati. Brill's Indological Library. Leiden: Brill, 2013. Skilling, Peter, ed. Past Lives ofthe Buddha: Wat Si Chum- Art, Architecture, and Inscriptions. With contributions by Pattaratorn Chirapravati et al. Bangkok: River Books, 2008. Slusser, Mary Shepherd. Nepal Mandala: A Cultural Study ofthe Kathmandu Valley. 2 vols. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1982. Snellgrove, David L., ed. The Image ofthe Buddha. With contributions by Jean Boisselier et al. Paris: UNESCO; Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1978. Strong, John. The Experience ofBuddhism: Sources and Interpretations . 2nd ed. Religious Life in History. Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth Publishing Group, 2002. Sullivan, Michael. The Arts ofChina. With Shelagh Vainker. 6th rev. ed. Oakland: University of California Press, 2018. Washizuka, Hiromitsu, Park Youngbok, and Kang Woo-bang. Transmitting the Forms ofDivinity: Early Buddhist Artfrom Korea and Japan. Exh. cat. New York: Japan Society, 2003. Watson, William. The Arts ofChina to A.D . 900 . 3 vols. Yale University Press Pelican History of Art. New Haven, Conn. : Yale University Press, 1995-2007. Watt, James C. Y. et al. China: Dawn ofa Golden Age, 200-750 A .D. Exh. cat. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2004 .

Glossary

The many foreign names of deities, texts, and concepts can be a challenge in presenting Buddhist artworks from across Asia. This glossary of the common terms should help the reader. The ancient language of Sanskrit is used for specific names and terms, since many authoritative texts were composed in this Indian language ; Sanskrit is a phonetic language, therefore the reader can simply sound out even a very long term by pronouncing all of the letters. To this end, diacritical marks have been omitted in favor of a phonetic spelling. Abhaya mudra: The "approach without fear" gesture of the Buddha, where he holds his upraised right palm toward the viewer. Achala (Japanese: Fudo My66) : The "immovable" one is an esoteric wrathful manifestation of the bodhisattva Manjushri. He will typically hold a sword and a noose. Akshobhya: The celestial Buddha of the vajra family who presides over the eastern paradise. He will hold his hand in the bhumisparsha mudra. Amitabha (Japanese: Amida) : The celestial Buddha who presides over the western paradise; particularly important as the focal deity of the Mahayana Pure Land school of Buddhism. He will often sit in meditation with his hands in the dhyana mudra.

Arhat (Chinese: luohan): One who has reached a level of enlightenment sufficient to attain nirvana at death; particularly important to the Chinese and Tibetan traditions (seep. 77, fig. 53). Ashoka (r. 268-232 B.c.): A north Indian ruler who is understood to be the "ideal Buddhist king." He is credited with distributing the Buddha Shakyamuni's relics and establishing 84,000 stupas. Atisha (982-1054): A north Indian monk who brought Mahayana and Vajrayana teachings to Tibet. He is one of the great teachers within the Tibetan monastic lineages. Avalokiteshvara (Chinese : Guanyin; Korean: Guan-eum; Japanese : Kannan): The Mahayana bodhisattva of compassion and protection. He is an emanation of the Buddha Amitabha, who often appears in Avalokiteshvara's headdress. He will often hold a flower in his left hand, and he is sometimes dressed as an ascetic. Bhumisparsha mudra: The "earth-touching" hand gesture that indicates the moment the Buddha reached enlightenment (right hand draped over knee). Bodhi: "Awakening"; a term often translated as "enlightenment."

133

Bodhisattva: One who vows to pursue the path to becoming a Buddha. Prior to enlightenment, Shakyamuni was a bodhisattva, as is the future Buddha Maitreya. In Mahayana Buddhism, a devotee can take the bodhisattva vow; Mahayana bodhisattvas are deities, who have all but reached enlightenment. Bodhidharma: A quasi-mythic Indian monk who lived during the fifth or sixth century credited with bringing Chan Buddhism (Japanese: Zen Buddhism) to China. Bodhgaya: The place where the Buddha Shakyamuni reached enlightenment under the Bodhi Tree. One of the eight pilgrimage places associated with the Buddha. Buddha: "Enlightened one"; capable of teaching others the dharma. Shakyamuni is the historic Buddha, Maitreya is a future Buddha, and Dipankara is a Buddha from a past age. In the Mahayana and Vajrayana traditions, there are many Buddhas living in heavens; prominent are Amitabha and Vairochana. Chakrasamvara: One of the most popular major Vajrayana deities in the Himalayas and the focus of the Chakrasamvara-tantra text (seep. 120, fig. 96). Rituals to evoke this deity aim to produce siddhis (attainments), which can take the form of enlightenment. Chan Buddhism (Japanese: Zen Buddhism): Mahayana school of Buddhism important in East Asia. Meditation under the guidance of a teacher is emphasized rather than the study of texts. A popular branch of this tradition believes in sudden enlightenment. Dharma: "Path" or "way" in Buddhist contexts refers to the teachings as revealed by the Buddha Shakyamuni. Dharmachakra mudra: The "turning of the wheel" hand gesture that indicates the teaching of the dharma; interlocking forefinger and thumb with both hands . Dhyana mudra: The "meditation" hand gesture of the Buddha, where he places both hands in his lap.

Dipankara Buddha: A Buddha from a past age, who was important to the early Buddhist traditions. In a past life, the Buddha Shakyamuni vowed at Dipankara's feet to pursue the path to enlightenment. East Asia: This region includes China, Japan, Korea, and Mongolia. Gandhara: The ancient name for a rich agricultural basin in northwest Pakistan, where many Buddhist sites, text fragments , and sculptures survive. This ancient Buddhist center oflearning was an important trade hub along the Silk Road. Hevajra: One of the major Vajrayana deities and the focus of the Hevajra-tantra text (see pp. 124-26). The two syllables of his name can be broken into he (compassion, the male aspect) and vajra (wisdom, the female aspect). Rituals to evoke this deity aim to produce siddhis (attainments), which can take the form of enlightenment. Karma: An action, good or bad, that dictates one's future rebirth. Karma can extend over many lifetimes. Kumarajiva (344-413): A Central Asian monk, who produced popular and accessible Chinese translations of important Mahayana Buddhist texts. He founded a translation bureau in the capital ofChang'an. Kshitigarbha (Korean: Jijang; Japanese: Jiz6 Bosatsu): The East Asian Mahayana bodhisattva who rescues those reborn in hells and a protector of children. Dressed as a monk with robes and holding a staff. His jewelry, lotus base, and halo make his bodhisattva status clear. Lakshanas: "Marks" present on all Buddhas or one capable of reaching Buddhahood. There are thirty-two major and eighty minor lakshanas. Maha: A prefix that means "great." Mahakala: "Great Black One"; a Vajrayana wrathful emanation of the bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara, who protects the monastic community and the dharma. Mahasiddha: These quasi-mythic figures from north India reached enlightenment through Vajrayana tantric practices. They are important as founders of monastic lineages in Tibet.

Mahayana Buddhism: The "Greater Vehicle" is a major Buddhist school that became important across Asia after the fifth century, although some of its founding texts date to as early as the second century B.C. Imagery related to this school emphasizes living Buddhas residing in heavens and a diverse group of bodhisattvas. Maitreya (Chinese: Milefo; Korean: Mireuk; Japanese: Miroku) : The bodhisattva who is currently waiting in heaven for his final rebirth. Like Shakyamuni, he will also reach enlightenment and teach the dharma. Mandala (circle): A ritual diagram that maps the universe. Best known for its use in tantric Vajrayana ritual, where the focal deity will be placed at its center within a palace structure to aid a practitioner in correct visualization (seep. 120, fig. 9 5). Many Buddhist architectural monuments are threedimensional conceptions of mandalas. Manjushri (Chinese : Wenshu; Korean: Munsu; Japanese: Monju) : An important Mahayana bodhisattva of wisdom who often holds a sword to cut through ignorance; he will sometimes hold a Buddhist text as an identifying attribute. Mara: The personification of evil and desire that presides over the sensuous realm and traps beings in the cycle of rebirth. Nalanda: A major monastic center and Buddhist university near Bodhgaya, where the Buddha reached enlightenment. Famous for its libraries, it was here that the seventh-century·monk Xuanzang collected texts before returning to China. Nikaya Buddhism: Traditionally, the term refers to the early eighteen schools of Buddhism established before the rise of Mahayana Buddhism. In How to Read Buddhist Art, this tradition is referred to as "early Buddhism." Nirvana: "Extinction" or "to blow out" like a flame in the wind; at death, the Buddha reached nirvana and escaped the cycle of rebirth.

Prajnaparamita sutra: "Perfection of Wisdom" sutra is the quintessential Mahayana text that was generally understood to be the totality of this doctrine. Prana: "Breath," important for yogic control of one's body and later for tantric practice. Pure Land School ofBuddhism: Founded by the Japanese monk Honan (1133-1212) , this school suggests it is possible to be reborn in the Buddha Amitabha's celestial realm (pure land) through the sincere chanting of his name. Silk Road: An ancient trade route linking China, India, and the Mediterranean world. Silk and cotton textiles were exchanged for a range of goods that included gold, black pepper, wine, fish paste, luxury goods, and raw materials. Sangha: The monastic community. Samsara: The cycle of rebirth dictated by one's karma (actions). Sarnath: A north India site where the Buddha Shakyamuni preached the First Sermon in the Deer Park. He revealed the dharma to his first five followers, who went on to establish the Buddhist monastic community. One of the eight pilgrimage places associated with the Buddha. Shakyamuni: "Sage of the Shakya clan," a name given to the historic Buddha, who lived in north India during the sixth to fifth century B.C. South Asia: This region includes Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. Southeast Asia: This region can be broken into two major categories. Mainland Southeast Asia includes Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam; maritime Southeast Asia includes Indonesia (island ofJava), Malaysia, the Philippines, EastTimor, and Brunei. Stupa: A solid hemispherical structure typically crowned with umbrellas used to house relics of the Buddha. Commonly, this dome will be encased in a railing or sit on a square base.

135

Tantra: A Vajrayana ritual text that often describes how to venerate a major esoteric deity, such as Chakrasamvara or Hevajra. Sometimes Vajrayana Buddhism is called tantric Buddhism because of this association. Tara: A female bodhisattva. Theravada Buddhism: The "Way of the Elders," a Buddhist school that emerges during the eleventh century, which advocates a return to early Buddhist practices with their emphasis on Shakyamuni and his relics. Uma : A lakshana (mark) that takes the form of a dot on the Buddha's forehead, which is described as a hair spiral to the right and understood to be an inwardlooking eye. Ushnisha: A lakshana (mark) that takes the form of a bump on the Buddha's head covered by hair. This cranial protuberance is his extra brain, which is associated with enlightenment. Vairochana: The celestial Buddha at the cosmic center of the universe. Vajra : A lightning bolt associated with sudden enlightenment. It is a double-pronged attribute held by the bodhisattva Vajrapani, the deity Vajrasattva and many others. Vajras are also used by tantric practitioners in esoteric ritual. Vajrabhairava: A wrathful form of the bodhisattva Manjushri who is one of the major Vajrayana deities and the focus of the Shrimadmahavajrabharavatantra text. Rituals to evoke this deity aim to produce siddhis (attainments), which can take the form of enlightenment.

Vajrapani: "Holder of the Vajra," a protector of the Buddha and later an esoteric bodhisattva associated with the power of enlightenment. Vajrasattva: An esoteric bodhisattva, who is often depicted as the one empowering the image under veneration in artworks. Vajrayana: The "Thunderbolt Vehicle" ofBuddhism, also known as tantric or esoteric Buddhism. A tradition that advocates complex rituals involving the use of mandalas, repetition of mantras, and the visualization of tantric deities, such as Chakrasamvara or Hevajra. Invoking such powerful deities requires initiation by a teacher and offers the possibility of enlightenment in this lifetime. Varada mudra: The "boon-giving" gesture, where the open right hand is held down. Vitarka mudra: A variant of the teaching gesture (dharmachakra mudra), where the thumb and forefinger of the right hand are held together. Xuanzang (602-664): A Chinese monk who traveled to India in order to bring back Buddhist texts. He left an extensive account of his travels called the Great Tang Records on the Western Regions. Yakshi: An Indian female nature deity associated with agricultural abundance and action. Yoga: An Indian discipline that aims through control of the body to control the mind. Yogic meditation became an important feature of Buddhism and notably allowed the Buddha to attain enlightenment. Zen Buddhism: See Chan Buddhism.