Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism: Asia and Beyond 9811996768, 9789811996764

Table of contents :
Contents
Editors and Contributors
About the Editors
About the Contributors
Contributors
Part I: Introduction
Chapter 1: Introduction to Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism: Asia and Beyond
1.1 Pilgrimage Tourism
1.2 Pilgrimage and Communities
1.3 About This Volume
References
Part II: Communities and Contestation
Chapter 2: Sacred Spaces and the ‘Other’: Social Distance, Functional Distance, and Two Pilgrimage Sites in Asia
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Symbolic Distances and Religious Mobilities
2.2.1 Social Distance
2.2.2 Borders, Functional Distance, and Perceived Distance
2.3 Asian Examples
2.3.1 The Birthplace of Buddha: Lumbini, Nepal
2.3.2 The Kartarpur Corridor, Pakistan-India
2.4 Discussion and Conclusion
References
Chapter 3: Development of Tourism Governance for Religious Tourism: A New Form of Local Community in Najaf, Iraq
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Najaf, the Homeland of Shi’ite Islam
3.3 The Development of Religious Tourism in Najaf
3.4 Development of New Form of Locality in the Old City of Najaf
3.5 Tourism Governance for Religious Tourism in Najaf
3.6 Conclusion
References
Chapter 4: Tourism Visitors, Pilgrimage and Contested Spaces: Community, Heritage, Ecology and Perception
4.1 Introduction and Overview
4.1.1 Pagan Spaces in the Tourism Arena
4.1.2 Pagan Sacred Sites in a Secular World
4.2 Methods
4.3 Who Are the Modern-Day Pagans? Modern Paganism or Neo-Paganism
4.3.1 Paganism Today in Relation to Tourism and Sacred Places
4.3.2 Tourism and Pagan Sacred Spaces
4.3.3 Sacred Sites and Protected Landscapes
4.3.4 Whose Space Is Sacred?
4.3.5 Pagan Sacred Sites and Tourism
4.4 National Parks as Contested Spaces
4.4.1 A National Park Case-Study
4.4.2 Recognition, Perception, ‘Ownership’, and Resolution of Issues
4.4.3 Resolution of Problems
4.5 Conclusions
4.5.1 Lessons from the Peak District National Park Study
4.5.2 Key Findings and Their Transferability
References
Chapter 5: Monastic Hosts’ Sentiments Toward Hosting Buddhist Associations’ Group Pilgrims: The Case of Pu-Tuo
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Research Background: Group Pilgrims at Pu-Tuo-Shan
5.2.1 Pu-Tuo-Shan
5.2.2 Tourism Development of Pu-Tuo
5.2.3 Group Pilgrimage Experience
5.3 Methodology
5.4 Findings
5.5 Conclusion
References
Part III: Pilgrimage Shaping Communities
Chapter 6: Pilgrimage Tourism to Sacred Places of High Himalaya and Its Impact on Residents across Generations. The Case of Yamunotri Temple
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Study Area: Yamunotri Valley
6.2.1 Natural Environment, Man and Heritage
6.2.2 Tourism in Yamunotri Valley
6.3 Methods
6.4 Results and Discussion
6.4.1 Sample Description: A Brief Characteristic and Limitation of Data
6.4.2 Pilgrimage Tourism to Yamunotri Temple and Its Impact on Residents Across Two Generations
6.5 Conclusion and Future Research
References
Chapter 7: Impacts of Processional Pilgrimage on Host Communities: Insights from the Palkhi Pilgrimage in India
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Palkhi: The Procession, Route, and Places
7.3 The Host Communities
7.3.1 Pune
7.3.2 Saswad
7.3.3 Walha (Walhe) Village
7.4 Addressing the Impacts of Palkhi
7.5 Discussion: Linear Route and Tangential Impacts
7.5.1 The Impacts of Palkhi on Its Route
7.5.2 Differences in Impacts Across Settlements
7.5.3 Conceptualizing Palkhi as a Linear Pilgrimage with Tangential Impacts
7.6 Conclusion
References
Chapter 8: Pilgrimage Tourism in Palestine: The Backbone of the Palestinian Economy
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Literature Review
8.3 Palestine
8.3.1 Christian Pilgrimage to Palestine
8.4 Methodology
8.5 Findings
8.5.1 Socio-cultural and Economics Impacts of Pilgrimage
8.5.2 Recent Developments
8.5.3 The Political Implications for Tourism
8.6 Conclusions and Implications
References
Chapter 9: Pilgrimage Tourism, Accessibility and Local Communities in Western Countries. The Camino de Santiago de Compostela and the via Francigena for All
9.1 Introduction
9.2 European Union Strategies and Measures for Increasing Accessible Tourism and Pilgrimage/Cultural Routes
9.3 European Projects for Tourist Accessibility and the Role of Local Communities
9.4 The Camino de Santiago de Compostela in Spain and the via Francigena in Italy: Governance and Bottom-Up Experiences
9.4.1 Preconditions and Prospects for the Development of Accessible European Cultural Itineraries
9.4.1.1 “Santiago per tutti” (Santiago for All)
9.4.1.2 Via Francigena per tutti (Via Francigena for All)
9.5 Conclusions and Suggestions
References
Chapter 10: Hindu Pilgrimages (India) and Religious Functionaries
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Hindu Pilgrimages: Context and Continuity
10.3 Variety and Types of Religious Functionaries
10.3.1 Pandas (‘Pilgrim Guides and Fixers’)
10.3.2 Ghatiya (‘Panda at the Sacred Water Site’)
10.3.3 Pilgrimage (Tirtha-Yatra) Operators
10.4 A Study of the Kashi Pradakshina Darshan Yatra Samiti (KPDYS)
10.5 Contemporary Scenario
10.6 Concluding Remarks
References
Chapter 11: The Network of the Way of St. James in Poland – Genesis, Development As Well as Religious, Cultural and Socio-Economic Impact
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Materials & Methods
11.3 Results
11.4 Conclusions
References
Chapter 12: Sacred Architecture as a Resource for the Development of Religious Tourism in the Regions of Ukraine
12.1 Introduction
12.2 Methodology
12.3 Research Background and Context
12.4 Findings
12.4.1 Historical and Geographical Aspects of Pilgrimage
12.4.2 Structure of Religious Organizations of Ukraine and Regional Development of Pilgrimage
12.5 Conclusions
12.5.1 Perspectives for the Development of Pilgrimage
12.5.2 Proposed Measures to Support Pilgrimage
References
Chapter 13: Pilgrimage, Means of Transportation and Its Effects on Host Communities
13.1 Introduction
13.2 Research Background, Context and Methodology
13.2.1 Mobile Pilgrims, Routes, and Communities
13.2.2 Context and Methods
13.3 Social Change, Host Communities and Pilgrimage Mode of Mobility
13.3.1 Walking Pilgrimage
13.3.2 Railway and Walking Pilgrimage
13.3.3 Driving Pilgrimage
13.3.4 Revival of Walking Pilgrimage
13.4 Conclusions
References
Part IV: Conclusion
Chapter 14: Pilgrimage Tourism Afterword: Emergent Themes and Implications
14.1 Roundup
14.2 Emergent Themes
14.3 Implications
References

Citation preview

Perspectives on Asian Tourism Series Editors: Catheryn Khoo · Paolo Mura

Ricardo Nicolas Progano Joseph M. Cheer Xosé Manuel Santos   Editors

Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism Asia and Beyond

Perspectives on Asian Tourism Series Editors Catheryn Khoo, Torrens University Australia, Brisbane, QLD, Australia Paolo Mura, Zayed University, Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates

While a conspicuous body of knowledge about tourism in Asia is emerging, Western academic ontologies and epistemologies still represent the dominant voice within tourism circles. This series provides a platform to support Asian scholarly production and reveals the different aspects of Asian tourism and its intricate economic and socio-cultural trends. The books in this series are aimed to pave the way for a more integrated and multifaceted body of knowledge about Asian tourism. By doing so, they contribute to the idea that tourism, as both phenomenon and field of studies, should be more inclusive and disentangled from dominant (mainly Western) ways of knowing. More specifically, the series will fill gaps in knowledge with regard to: •  the ontological, epistemological, and methodological assumptions behind Asian tourism research; • specific segments of the Asian tourist population, such as Asian women, Asian backpackers, Asian young tourists, Asian gay tourists, etc; • specific types of tourism in Asia, such as film-induced tourism, adventure tourism, beauty tourism, religious tourism, etc; • Asian tourists’ experiences, patterns of behaviour, and constraints to travel; • Asian values that underpin operational, management, and marketing decisions in and/or on Asia (travel); • external factors that add to the complexities of Asian tourism studies.

Ricardo Nicolas Progano  •  Joseph M. Cheer Xosé Manuel Santos Editors

Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism Asia and Beyond

Editors Ricardo Nicolas Progano Center for Tourism Research Wakayama University Wakayama City, Wakayama, Japan

Joseph M. Cheer School of Social Sciences Western Sydney University Penrith, NSW, Australia

Xosé Manuel Santos Department of Geography University of Santiago de Compostela Santiago de Compostela, Spain

ISSN 2509-4203     ISSN 2509-4211 (electronic) Perspectives on Asian Tourism ISBN 978-981-19-9676-4    ISBN 978-981-19-9677-1 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9677-1 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Contents

Part I Introduction 1

Introduction to Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism: Asia and Beyond����������������������������������������������������������������������    3 Ricardo Nicolas Progano and Xosé Manuel Santos

Part II Communities and Contestation 2

Sacred Spaces and the ‘Other’: Social Distance, Functional Distance, and Two Pilgrimage Sites in Asia������������������������   17 Dallen J. Timothy and Daniel H. Olsen

3

Development of Tourism Governance for Religious Tourism: A New Form of Local Community in Najaf, Iraq��������������������������������   35 Shin Yasuda

4

Tourism Visitors, Pilgrimage and Contested Spaces: Community, Heritage, Ecology and Perception������������������������������������   49 Ian D. Rotherham

5

Monastic Hosts’ Sentiments Toward Hosting Buddhist Associations’ Group Pilgrims: The Case of Pu-Tuo ����������������������������   73 Cora Un In Wong

Part III Pilgrimage Shaping Communities 6

Pilgrimage Tourism to Sacred Places of High Himalaya and Its Impact on Residents across Generations. The Case of Yamunotri Temple��������������������������������������������������������������   89 Michal Apollo, Viacheslav Andreychouk, and Yana Wengel

7

Impacts of Processional Pilgrimage on Host Communities: Insights from the Palkhi Pilgrimage in India����������������������������������������  107 Kiran Shinde v

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Pilgrimage Tourism in Palestine: The Backbone of the Palestinian Economy ������������������������������������������  127 Rami K. Isaac

9

Pilgrimage Tourism, Accessibility and Local Communities in Western Countries. The Camino de Santiago de Compostela and the via Francigena for All ������������������������������������������  143 Anna Trono and Valentina Castronuovo

10 Hindu  Pilgrimages (India) and Religious Functionaries����������������������  163 Rana P. B. Singh and Pravin S. Rana 11 The  Network of the Way of St. James in Poland – Genesis, Development As Well as Religious, Cultural and Socio-Economic Impact����������������������������������������������������  179 Franciszek Mróz 12 Sacred  Architecture as a Resource for the Development of Religious Tourism in the Regions of Ukraine������������������������������������  195 Sergii Iaromenko and Sergii Nezdoyminov 13 Pilgrimage,  Means of Transportation and Its Effects on Host Communities������������������������������������������������������������������������������  211 Kaori Yanata Part IV Conclusion 14 P  ilgrimage Tourism Afterword: Emergent Themes and Implications��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  229 Joseph M. Cheer

Editors and Contributors

About the Editors Ricardo Nicolas Progano (PhD) is a lecturer at the Center for Tourism Research of Wakayama University, Japan. His research interests include religious tourism, heritage management and cross-cultural studies. He has carried out fieldwork on the recent tourism development of Japanese pilgrimage sites, such as Kumano Kodo and Koyasan. His research publications include: Progano, R. N., Kato, K., & Cheer, J. M. (2020). Visitor diversification in pilgrimage destinations: Comparing national and international visitors through means-end; and Progano, R.  N. (2021). The impact of COVID-19 on temple stays: A case study from Koyasan, Japan.  

Joseph M. Cheer is incoming professor of Sustainable Tourism and Heritage at the School of Social Sciences, Western Sydney University (2023). Prior to this, he was a professor of Sustainable Tourism at the Center for Tourism Research, Wakayama University, Japan. He has held academic positions at Monash University and Swinburne University of Technology, both in Australia. He is presently co-­editor-­ in-chief of Tourism Geographies, a leading journal in both tourism and geographies research. Joseph has published around 60 articles and book chapters and co-edited 10 books including Tourism, Resilience and Sustainability: Adapting to Social, Political and Economic Change (Routledge, 2017); Tourism Resilience and Adaptation to Environmental Change: Definitions and Frameworks (Routledge, 2017); Modern Day Slavery and Orphanage Tourism (CABI, 2019); Overtourism: Excesses, Discontents and Measures in Travel and Tourism (CABI, 2019); Recentering Tourism Geographies in the Asian Century (Routledge, 2021); Global Tourism and Covid-19: Implications for Theory and Practice (Routledge, 2021); Islandscapes and Tourism: An Anthology (In Press), among others.  

Xosé Manuel Santos is a full professor in Geography at the University of Santiago de Compostela in the Department of Geography. He specialised in tourist studies.  

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He has carried out work on the recent changes in rural areas and other Human Geographic aspects. He also dedicates his research time to developing tourist analysis referring to historic cities, cultural itineraries and pilgrimage routes. He has been the director of the Centre for Tourism Studies and Research (CETUR) at the University of Santiago de Compostela (2005–2014). His professional career abroad has seen him be the guest lecturer at universities in Ireland (University College Cork), Norway (University of Trondheim), UK (University of Edinburgh) and Canada (Memorial University of Newfoundland and UQAM-Montreal). Some academic publications: (1) Santos, X (2021). The multiple views on the values and identity of the Pilgrimage to Santiago. En D. Liutikas (Ed.), Pilgrims: Values and Identities. Cabi: Wallingford, pp. 83–93. (2) “Landscape and power: The debate around ugliness in Galicia (Spain”) (in collaboration with Piñeiro). Landscape Research 45 (7), pp. 841–853, 2020. (3) “Analisys of territorial development and management practices along the Way of Saint-James in Galicia (Spain) (in collaboration with Lopez). In Griffiths, M. and Wiltshier, P. (Eds.): Managing Religious Tourism. Cabi, Oxford, pp. 112–123, 2019.

About the Contributors Viacheslav  Andreychouk is a full professor and the head of the Geoecology Department at the Faculty of Geography and Regional Studies, University of Warsaw, Poland. His research is concentrated on holistic concepts of geography and geotourism. He has also been recognized as a speleologist, researcher and explorer of numerous caves.  

Michal Apollo is an assistant professor at the Institute of Earth Sciences, Faculty of Natural Sciences, University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland. Michal is an enthusiastic researcher, traveller, mountaineer, ultra-runner, diver, photographer, science populariser and NGO activist. His areas of expertise are tourism management, consumer behaviours well as environmental and socioeconomical issues.  

Valentina Castronuovo is a postdoctoral researcher at CNR – Institute for Research on Innovation and Services for Development, Italy, in the field of cultural heritage innovation; PhD in Tourism Geography. Her research topics are oriented towards the development and promotion of religious and cultural itineraries, the design of sustainable tourism routes, the systemic enhancement of diffuse cultural heritage and, more generally, cultural and tourist development of territories. Since 2014, she has been collaborating with the chair of Tourism Geography at the Department of Cultural Heritage of the University of Salento. She is the author of contributions and articles in journals, books, projects and research reports, published both internationally and nationally, including “Reorganisation of Businesses and Processes, and the Development of Policies to Safely Emerge from the Covid-19 Pandemic in Italy”,  

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in Nunes Silva, C. (eds) Local Government and the COVID-19 Pandemic: Local and Urban Governance, Springer Ed, (2022); “The Via Francigena del Sud: The Value of Pilgrimage Routes in the Development of Inland Areas. The State of the Art of Two Emblematic Cases”, in Revista Galega de Economía (2021); “Payment of Ecosystem Services (PES) for Cultural Heritage: contributions from the New Urban Agenda (NUA)”, in Nunes S.C., Trono A. (eds.), Local Governance and the New Urban Agenda, Springer Ed, (2020); and “Religious Routes as Driving Forces for Sustainable Local Development”, in Olsen D., Trono A. (eds), Religious Pilgrimage Routes and Trails, CABI Editor (2018). Sergii Iaromenko (b. 1983), PhD, Candidate of Geographical Sciences, is an assistant professor at the Department of Tourism and Hospitality Business, Odesa National Economic University, Odesa, Ukraine, having over 12 years of experience in teaching; holds a Master’s degree in Human Geography (2005) and PhD on Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Position of Ukraine in Border Area in the Baltic – Black Sea – Caspian Space (2011). He is an author of over 30 articles on tourism, including co-author in the article Wooden Sacral Architecture as an Object of Cultural Tourism in Ukraine (WoS, 2019), author of the handbook Tourism Resources of Ukraine (2021) and co-author of monographs: Assessment of Tourist and Recreational Potential of the Region (2016), State Regulation of Tourism Sphere of Ukraine in the Context of the Processes of European Integration (2019) and Conceptual Approaches to the Organization and Activity of Tourist Clusters” (2020). He was a grantee at the Lane Kirkland Programme (2021–2022) with the scientific project Socio-economic Conditions for Tourism Potential Development on Rural Areas in Poland: An Experience for Ukraine (University of Economics and Business in Poznan, Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznan, Poland), is a research fellow at the Institute of Rural and Agricultural Development, the internship of the programme supporting Ukrainian scientists co-funded by the Polish Academy of Sciences and the US National Academy of Sciences (2022), research title Cultural Heritage of Ukraine in Danger: Influence of Russian Invasion in 2022. He is a member of the Ukrainian Geographical Society.  

Rami K. Isaac Born in Palestine, Rami K. Isaac did his undergraduate studies in The Netherlands, graduate studies in the UK and PhD in Spatial Sciences from the University of Groningen, The Netherlands. He is currently a senior lecturer in tourism teaching at the undergraduate and postgraduate levels at the Academy for Tourism at the Breda University of Applied Sciences in The Netherlands. In addition, he is an assistant professor at the Faculty of Tourism and Hotel Management at Bethlehem University, Palestine. Currently, he is the vice-president of the Research Committee 50 on International Tourism, International Sociologist Association ISA (2018–2024). His research interests include tourism development and management, critical theory and political aspects of tourism. He published numerous articles, edited volumes and book chapters on tourism and political (in)stability, occupation, tourism and war, dark tourism, violence and transformational tourism.  

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Franciszek Mróz PhD, Pedagogical University of Krakow, Institute of Geography, Department of Tourism and Regional Studies in Krakow. He was socio-economic geographer born in 1975 in Przeworsk and an academic (assistant professor) at the Department of Tourism and Regional Research of the Institute of Geography at the Pedagogical University of Krakow. He is consultant in the Migration, Tourism and Pilgrimage Council of the Polish Episcopal Conference and instructor of Polish cultural and regional studies. His present research interests are concentrated on, for example, issues related to pilgrimages, religious and cultural tourism in Poland; origins and functioning of pilgrimage centres in Europe; and European cultural routes, especially Camino de Santiago – the Way of St. James. He is the author of more than 120 publications, 2 monographs and more than 80 popular science publications from this field, as well as an editor of 15 collaborative publications. Since 2008, he has been the co-organiser of annual international scientific conferences devoted to the history and functioning of the Way of St. James in Europe.  

Sergii Nezdoyminov (b. 1957), PhD, Candidate of Economic Sciences, is an associate professor at the Department of Tourism and Hospitality Business, Odesa National Economic University, Odesa, Ukraine; was a coordinator in the scientific group for the implementation of regional tourism management projects in Odesa region and some development programs of local authorities (the European Union Project Tourism as a Catalysator of Economic Development on Rural Areas, Odesa Regional Agency for Reconstruction and Development, 2016). He also has experience of teaching and training for more than 35 years. He is an author and co-author of more than 200 publications, including articles, monographs, handbooks and conference papers, including articles: Modern Development of the Infrastructure of the International Cruise Market (2022), Regional Measurement of the Hotel Sector Development of a Tourist Destination (On the Example of Odessa Region, Ukraine) (WoS, 2021), Measuring the Quality of the Tourism Product in the Tour Operator Business (Scopus, 2019), Tourism as a Factor for Regional Development: Methodological Aspect and Practical Experience (2009), Regional Measurement of Tourism and Hotel Business Development (2010), Agrarian Tourism as the type of Entrepreneurship (2011), State Regulation of Tourism Sphere of Ukraine in the Context of the Processes of European Integration (2019), Organization of the hotel business (2019), Conceptual Approaches to the Organization and Activity of Tourist Clusters” (2020), etc. He is a reviewer of the editorial boards in the scientific journal “Scientific Bulletin of the Odessa National Economic University”.  

Daniel H. Olsen is a professor in the Department of Geography at Brigham Young University in Provo, Utah, USA. His research interests revolve around pilgrimage, tourism, and spirituality. He has published over 70 articles and book chapters and is co-editor of Tourism, Religion and Spiritual Journeys (2006), Religious Pilgrimage Routes and Trails: Sustainable Development and Management (2018), Dark Tourism and Pilgrimage (2020), Religious Tourism and the Environment (2020) and The Routledge Handbook of Religious and Spiritual Tourism (2022).  

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Pravin S. Rana [b. 1978], BSc, MTM, Ph.D., is an assistant professor in Tourism Management, Faculty of Arts, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi, UP 221005, India. He has 20 years of experience in teaching. He holds a Master’s degree in Tourism Management (2000) and PhD in “Pilgrimage and Ecotourism in Varanasi Region” (University of Lucknow 2003) and published two dozens of papers in this area. He is a co-author of Banaras Region: A Spiritual and Cultural Guide (2002/2006, Indica Books, Varanasi, with RPB Singh) and Tourism Geography (2006, New Royal Book Co., Lucknow, with AK Singh) and author of Pilgrimage Tourism: A Study of Varanasi Region (2014, SRME, Sagar). He has contributed essays in research series and handbooks published by Routledge (London, 2020, 2021), CABI International (Oxfordshire UK, 2018, 2020) and Springer Nature (Cham & New  York, Singapore, 2020, 2021, 2022). During August 2005–July 2009, he had served as manager of the Children Programme at the World Literacy of Canada India Office and also delivered seminars in Norway, Canada, Singapore and Korea. He is a Life Member-25, Indian Tourism Congress; life member of INTACH; Fellow Gifu University, Japan; and active member of Forum UNESCO – University and Heritage International Network (FUUH), Spain.  

Ian  D.  Rotherham is emeritus professor at the Advanced Wellbeing Research Centre, Sheffield Hallam University, Sheffield, UK, and formerly professor of Environmental Geography and reader in Tourism and Environmental Change. He is the author of over 500 papers and many popular articles too. He has written, edited and contributed to over fifty books. An ecologist and landscape historian, Ian has worked on aspects of eco-cultural aspects of tourism and of countryside management. He is on the editorial board of the International Journal of Religious Tourism and Pilgrimage and has served on or chaired numerous national and international research networks and committees. He has wide-ranging research interests which embrace work on ancient woodlands and forests, to heaths and bogs, restoration ecology, urban ecology and novel ecosystems and invasive species. His work on tourism stems from considering the sense of place and connections between human land use and ecological systems, and then the regional economic aspects of ecotourism and cultural tourism. An interest in sense of place and “ownership” of historic landscapes has led to studies of spiritual pilgrimage in what are often contested spaces. Finally, this links to work and writing on countryside management and the resolution of conflicts between competing stakeholders.  

Kiran Shinde is the convener of the Planning Programme at La Trobe University, Australia. He combines the research training of an academic and the professional practice of a planner with extensive experience in many planning sectors across India and Australia. He has published more than 50 research articles on topics related to religious and cultural heritage and tourism, urban planning and destination management in high-ranking journals and books published by reputed publishers. He has published two books: Religious Tourism and the Environment (CABI, 2020) and Sacred Sites, Rituals, and Performances: New Perspectives for Religious Tourism Development (MDPI, 2021). He was commissioned by the World Tourism  

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Organization (UNWTO) to lead a project called “Buddhist Tourism in Asia: Towards Sustainable Development”, which considered Buddhist heritage and tourism in 16 countries. Through the UNWTO invitation, he also contributed to the Bethlehem Charter on Religious Tourism. He is a frequently invited keynote speaker and resource person at international conferences. He is on the editorial boards of the Tourism Geographies, Annals of Tourism Research, International Journal of Religious Tourism and Pilgrimage and Journal of Tourism and Hospitality Education. Rana  P.  B.  Singh (b. 1950), PhD, FJF, FAAI, was the professor of Cultural Landscapes & Heritage Studies) and head of the Department of Geography (2013–2015), Institute of Science, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi; and presently, he is the visiting professor, Centre of South Asian Studies, Gifu Women’s University, Japan. He is President of ACLA – Asian Cultural Landscape Association (Korea-India-Japan-Italy) 2018–2023; President (Asia): RWYC  – Reconnecting With Your Culture ( a charter of Euro. Comm. and member of UNESCO, centres in 35 countries); expert and voting member: ICOMOS International Scientific Committee “Places of Religions and Ritual” (PRERICO); contributing member: ICOMOS-IFLA International Scientific Committee “Cultural Landscapes”; and chief coordinator: ICOMOS National Science Committee “Cultural Landscapes”. He is researching in the fields of cultural landscapes, sacredscapes and pilgrimage studies, heritagescapes and settlement systems in north India over last five decades and also did field studies in Japan, Sweden, Italy, Republic of Korea and China PR.  On these themes, as a special invitee or visiting professor, he has delivered special lectures and seminars (total 79) at various institutions in different parts of the world (25 countries). His publications include 340 papers and 43 books and anthologies on these subjects, including Environmental Ethics (1993), The Spirit and Power of Place (1994), Banaras: Making of India’s Heritage City (2009), Sacred Geography of Goddesses in South Asia (2010) and Hindu Tradition of Pilgrimage: Sacred Space and System (2013). Together with Olimpia Niglio, his recent books from Springer Nature include Placemaking and Cultural Landscapes (2022) and Sacred Heritage and Pilgrimages in Cities (2023).  

Dallen J. Timothy is a professor of Community Resources and Development, and senior sustainability scientist at Arizona State University. He is also a senior research associate at the University of Johannesburg, South Africa; visiting professor at Hunan Normal University and Guangxi University; and guest professor in the Erasmus Mundus European Master in Tourism Management programme. He is the founding editor of the Journal of Heritage Tourism and serves on the editorial boards of 25 journals. He is commissioning editor of four book series with Routledge and Channel View Publications and has ongoing research projects in Africa, North America, Asia, Europe and the Middle East on topics related to heritage, borders and tourism, religious tourism and community empowerment.  

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Anna Trono a professor of Political and Economic Geography, is an experienced researcher in tourism, environmental problems and urban planning in EU countries. These skills and competencies have been acquired during the study visits as an academic visitor at the Geography Departments of the London School and Political Science and Glasgow University. She is a steering committee member of the International Geographical Union-Commission Geography of Governance and of the following European Cultural Routes Associations: Charles V Emperor and Via Francigena. In the last twenty years, she has focused her research on environmental heritage, cultural routes and cultural/religious tourism. She has published numerous essays and books on these themes, many of which are in connection with large-scale projects involving international universities and under the aegis of European Union research programmes. Her latest publications include the books: Olsen D.H., Trono A. (eds.), Religious Pilgrimage Routes and Trails, CABI Publisher. 2018; Silva, C.N. & Trono A. (eds.), Local Governance and the New Urban Agenda. Springer, 2020; Trono A., Arthur P., Servantie A., Sánchez García E. (eds.), A New World Emperor Charles V and the Beginnings of Globalization. Roma, Tab Publisher, 2021; Trono A. (ed.) Sustainable Tourism and Cultural Routes in the Ionian and Adriatic Regions. Roma, Tab Publisher, 2022; Trono A. Duda T. & Schmude J. (eds.) Over Tourism and “Tourism Over”: Recovery from COVID19 Tourism Crisis in Regions with Over and Under Tourism. World Scientific, September 2022.  

Yana  Wengel is an associate professor at the Hainan University  - Arizona State University Joint International Tourism College, China. Yana takes a human geography lens on social sustainability and international development. Her research interests include volunteer tourism, creative methodologies (like LEGO® Serious Play® and Ketso), mountaineering and nature-based tourism.  

Cora Un In Wong is an associate professor in the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences at the Macao Polytechnic University, Macao. Her research interests include pilgrimages and religious tourism, guided tours, post-colonialism, cultural tourism and heritage management. She has published journal articles in Annals of Tourism Research, Tourism Management, Journal of Sustainable Tourism, Tourism Geographies, Journal of Travel Research, Journal of Travel and Tourism Marketing, Tourism Management Perspectives, Tourism Recreation Research, Asia Pacific Journal of Tourism Research, Leisure Studies, Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change, Tourism, Culture and Communication, and Information Technology and Tourism.  

Kaori  Yanata is a visiting researcher of Urban Social and Cultural Studies at Yokohama City University, Yokohama, Japan. She is also a visiting fellow at the Center for Tourism Research, Wakayama University, Wakayama, Japan. She received a doctoral degree in tourism from Wakayama University, Japan. Her research focuses on spiritual experience, tourism impact on destinations and management of sacred sites, mainly Buddhist sites in Japan. Her latest article, “Tourism and the Transformation of Religious Hospitality: An Ethnography of Osettai along  

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the Choishi-Michi Pilgrimage Route, Japan”, was co-authored with Adam Doering in 2022. She is a member of the advisory board of the research project “The Art of the Pantheon: Learning from Visitors”, directed by Thomas Beaudoin. Shin Yasuda PhD in Area Studies, is an associate professor at the Department of Tourism Policy, Faculty of Regional Policy at the Takasaki City University of Economics, Takasaki City in Gunma Prefecture, Japan. He is an associate editor of the Journal of Islamic Tourism and editorial board of the International Journal of Religious Tourism and Pilgrimage. His research interests include Islamic tourism and religious tourism in Islamic countries and Japan, travel writings and history of Middle Eastern tourism, tourism policy in the Middle Eastern countries and Japan, theoretical studies in religious tourism, anthropology of tourism and sociology of tourism. He edited the book Religious Tourism in Asia: Tradition and Change Through Case Studies and Narratives (co-edited with Razaq Raj and Kevin Griffin) in 2018, and other articles and chapters in various international books and journals.  

Contributors Viacheslav Andreychouk  Faculty of Geography and Regional Studies, University of Warsaw, Warsaw, Poland Michal Apollo  Institute of Earth Sciences, Faculty of Natural Sciences, University of Silesia in Katowice, Katowice, Poland Valentina Castronuovo  CNR – IRISS (Institute for Research on Innovation and Services for Development), Naples, Italy Sergii Iaromenko, PhD  Department of Tourism and Hospitality Business, Odesa National Economic University, Odesa, Ukraine Rami  K.  Isaac, PhD  Research Group of Tourism Impacts on Society Breda University of Applied Sciences, Breda, The Netherlands Franciszek Mróz, PhD  Department of Tourism and Regional Studies, Institute of Geography, Pedagogical University of Krakow, Kraków, Poland Sergii  Nezdoyminov, PhD  Department of Tourism and Hospitality Business, Odesa National Economic University, Odesa, Ukraine Daniel  H. Olsen  Department of Geography, Brigham Young University, Provo, UT, USA Pravin S. Rana, PhD  Faculty of Arts, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi, India Ian  D.  Rotherham Advanced Wellbeing Research Centre, Sheffield Hallam University, Sheffield, UK

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Kiran  Shinde, PhD School of Humanities and Social Sciences, La Trobe University, Melbourne, VIC, Australia Rana P. B. Singh, PhD  (Formerly) Institute of Science, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi, India Dallen J. Timothy  School of Community Resources and Development, Arizona State University, Phoenix, AZ, USA Anna Trono  Department of Cultural Heritage, University of Salento, Lecce, Italy Yana  Wengel Hainan University  – Arizona State University Joint International Tourism College (HAITC), Hainan University, Haikou, Hainan, People’s Republic of China Cora  Un  In  Wong, PhD  Associate Professor, Faculty of Humanities & Social Sciences, Macao Polytechnic University, Macao, China Kaori Yanata, PhD  Urban Social and Cultural Studies, Yokohama City University, Yokohama, Japan Shin  Yasuda, PhD  Department of Tourism Policy, Faculty of Regional Policy, Takasaki City University of Economics, Takasaki, Japan

Part I

Introduction

Chapter 1

Introduction to Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism: Asia and Beyond Ricardo Nicolas Progano and Xosé Manuel Santos

Abstract  This chapter is aimed at introducing the topic of the present volume: the complex interrelationship between host communities and pilgrimage tourism. In our contemporary tourism industry, pilgrimage sites have been attracting a growing attention from both visitors and tourism developers, becoming vital destinations. In particular, the Asia Pacific region is estimated to have a large share of international visitors motivated by religion or spirituality. Despite its importance, the academic study of pilgrimage tourism is a relatievely recent phenomenon, with related publications growing since the 1990s, and 2009 marking a rapid increase. In this context, the study of host communities and pilgrimage tourism is considered to bring added nuances due to its particular characteristics such as the strong influence of religious institutions, the extensive geography of pilgrimage trails which covers a wide array of communities, and the delicate balance between economic development and the preservation of tradition. However, academic studies have largely centered on visitor-­related themes, including motivation and behavior. To address this research gap, this volume introduces a collection of chapters centered on communities and pilgrimage tourism in Asia and Europe, authored by academics with expertise on the area. Keywords  Pilgrimage tourism · Host communities · Tourism impacts · Tourism stakeholders

R. N. Progano (*) Center for Tourism Research, Wakayama University, Wakayama City, Wakayama, Japan e-mail: [email protected] X. M. Santos Department of Geography, University of Santiago de Compostela, Santiago de Compostela, Spain © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 R. N. Progano et al. (eds.), Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism, Perspectives on Asian Tourism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9677-1_1

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1.1 Pilgrimage Tourism Religiously motivated travel is considered one of the oldest types of travel (Rinschede, 1992) and still has an important role within contemporary tourism (Olsen & Timothy, 2006; Reader, 2007; Timothy, 2018). Until the middle of the nineteenth century, pilgrimages were performed mainly on foot, in combination with a mount or a ship; thus, limiting the number of pilgrims at any given site. Nowadays, due to advances during the twentieth century in health care, economic development, telecommunication technologies and transport systems have made easier the access to pilgrimage locations (Reader, 2007; Stausberg, 2011; Olsen & Timothy, 2022), allowing larger groups of visitors to access sacred sites. Seasonality, which is an important element in pilgrimage (Rinschede, 1992), is downplayed in contemporary tourism, allowing a constant flow of visitors throughout the year (Singh, 2002; Shinde, 2007). However, while it is understood that religious tourism is an important market in the travel industry, concrete data is spare. Griffin and Raj (2018) mention that reliable statistics on the size and value of this tourism sector are few, mainly because many destinations do not collect visitor data under a ‘religion’ or ‘pilgrimage’ category. The UNWTO (2011) estimates a worldwide total of 600 million domestic and international travelers related to religion and spirituality, and around half of them took place in Asia and the Pacific. Griffin and Raj (2018) mention that, during the 2017 International Conference on Religious Tourism that took place in Fatima (Portugal), the UNWTO Secretary-General mentioned that the organism estimates that between 300 to 330 million tourists visit sacred sites each year, with 600 million religious travels annually. While this tourism market is shown to be relevant both in the past and in the contemporary tourism industry, academia has only recently focused on the particular topic of religious tourism and pilgrimage. Scholar studies are relatively new as early tourism academics often mentioned religion but initially, there were few studies about the interrelationship between religion and tourism (Vukonic, 1996). According to Vukonic (2002), during the 1970s and 80 s, different authors such as Turner and Turner (1978), Cohen (1979), Graburn (1989) and Rinschede (1992) published research about the theoretical aspects of pilgrimage. Later, the 1990s proved to be an important decade for the scholarly research of religion and tourism, with the 1992 Special Issue of Annals of Tourism Research and Boris Vukonic’s Tourism and Religion book (1996) being founding works (Kim et al., 2020; Olsen & Timothy, 2022). The 1992 Special Issue of Annals of Tourism Research in particular produced a noticeable annual growth in the number of articles published on religious tourism. However, the number of citations received was comparatively low (Duran-Sanchez et al., 2018). Regardless, it can be considered an important year for research on this emerging topic. Since then, academic works on the subject continued to be published, with a noticeable increase since 2009 (Kim et al., 2020) that shows that the subject has been regarded as worthy of attention by the academic community. While most authors and countries of research are Western, particularly the United States, the number of publications produced in non-English countries has been increasing over the years (Collins-Kreiner, 2020) (Fig. 1.1).

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Fig. 1.1  Santiago de Compostela, Spain. (Source: Xosé Manuel Santos)

1.2 Pilgrimage and Communities The topic of the relationships between host communities and visitors to a given place has been a recurrent focus of much tourism studies research (Prentice et al., 1994; Pearce et al., 1996; Sharpley, 2014). There are well-known texts, such as that of Doxey (1975) who, in his Irridex Model, establishes different stages in these relations, ranging from an initial state of euphoria on the part of the residents to that of antagonism. Shortly afterward, Butler (1980) focuses on the relationships between locals and tourists, pointing out that initial enthusiasm, often derived from unrealistic expectations, can lead to disappointments and reservations about the benefits generated by this activity (Akis et al., 1996). Other theories such as social exchange have influenced work by Ap (1990, 1992) or Gursoy et al. (2002) are evidence of the concern to unravel and understand these relationships. These concerns have been reinforced in recent years as a result of the processes of overcrowding that affected well-known urban destinations such as Barcelona, leading to discussions about communities’ dependence on tourism and its pressure on the destination (Milano et al., 2019). This unsustainable mass tourism development led to the creation of citizen movements against a development model that was perceived as negative towards local well-being. The tourist gentrification processes and the effects of sharing economy platforms on rental prices are related issues that were discussed as well (Rodríguez-Pérez de Arenaza et al., 2019). This overtourism situation, however, came to an abrupt halt in 2020 due to the ongoing coronavirus crisis, which brought new changes in the relationship between tourism and local communities.

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The absence of visitors due to the COVID-19 pandemic affected many economic sectors but, at the same time, it allowed the recovery of urban spaces that were ‘hijacked’ by tourism. Another factor is the behavior of certain segments of travelers who ignored public health measures and were highly criticized by residents, making them responsible for contributing to the spread of the virus (McLaughlin, 2020). In any case, it remains to be seen how the coronavirus crisis, a certain trend towards de-­globalization or measures against climate change will affect tourism and relations between visitors and residents in the medium term. However, religiousmotivated travel is considered to potentially be one of the first markets to recover during the post-pandemic scenario, due to the importance of sacred sites and religious performance during times of crisis (Bentzen, 2020; Olsen & Timothy, 2022). In the field of religious tourism and pilgrimage, there are unique elements that introduce nuances to the relations between visitors and host communities, such as the refusal to recognize pilgrims as tourists. This can be found in early research. For example, Lasserre (1930) tried to differentiate tourists from pilgrims in Lourdes, even though the latter used tourist facilities and services. Years later, Dupront (1967) maintained this same argument in which contradictions are manifested because tourism and pilgrimage are different phenomena, but they also share elements in common. Another example is the guidebook written by Lopez y Lopez (1915) on the city of Santiago whose title in English would be “Santiago de Compostela. Pilgrim and Tourist Guide”. The complexity of the debate is reflected in numerous texts, such as those by Cohen (1992), Collins-Kreiner (2018), Terzidou et al. (2018) and Timothy and Olsen (2006), among many others. Mouga Poças Santos (2006) in her study on the Christian sanctuary of Fatima (Portugal) develops a detailed reflection on the tourism-pilgrimage relationship and confirms the proximity between the two phenomena, ratified by the Catholic Church itself, although without forgetting the spiritual dimension that should always be present. In the Muslim world, Bilim and Özer (2016) point out that tourism for some religious communities is not always an appropriate activity; moreover, they point out that many studies indicate that it is not the main priority either. However, Bilim and Özer (2016) also point to the changes that are taking place in favor of tourism. As a complement to these transformations, Stephenson (2014) analyses the hospitality tradition of Islam and proposes an alternative model to the Western one in which the different forms of accommodation are in line with that tradition. In short, what Stephenson (2014, p. 162) proposes is “to present forms of hospitality that are compatible to Islamic lifestyles rather than tourist-centric lifestyles and lifestyles of pure consumption”. This proposal to link tourism with cultural and religious tradition implies a greater connection between the tourist and the resident, contributing to tourism being much more than a simple commercial transaction of services. In the field of pilgrimages, cases such as the Camino de Santiago or the Kumano Kodo are exceptional because what is relevant is not so much the final destination but the itinerary itself. By their nature, these pilgrimage routes involve contact with local populations, who are often living in small rural villages located along trails. The contemporary pilgrimage to Compostela has based its revitalization on its traditional trails that run across the entire European continent and, naturally, different

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communities see many of the thousands of walkers. For example, Sarria, a small town of about 8000 inhabitants was, in 2019, the starting point for almost 100,000 pilgrims, 27% of the total, as well as a crossing point for many others: in the same year the French Way to Santiago, on whose route Sarria is located, registered some 190,000 pilgrims (Pilgrims Office, 2019). The relationships that pilgrims to Santiago establish with the local population vary greatly. Initially, the recovery of the Pilgrims’ Route to Santiago was seen in some areas of Spain, such as Galicia and Castilla y León, as an opportunity for the economic development of large rural areas that were affected by serious problems of abandonment (Santos, 2006). However, reality gradually tempered some of the hopes placed in this route. The opening of hostels at many points along the Camino did not prevent a growing concentration of services for pilgrims. Thus, in recent years we have witnessed a significant revitalization of some urban centers, while much of the territory crossed by pilgrims has become a transit area with little impact on the local population. In these transit areas, it is normal for the resident population to show indifference to the passage of pilgrims except for those specific points that have become a concrete reference for walkers, such as bars or places where the credential is stamped. On the contrary, in those places that act as hubs for pilgrim services, there is an intense relationship between locals and visitors. The multiplication of private hostels, the opening of catering businesses or other business initiatives designed primarily for pilgrims, such as foot clinics, backpack transfers or souvenir shops, have created a close link between pilgrims and the local population. This is especially important in small population centers that for the first time in a long while have seen a reversal of a crisis that had generated emigration and economic backwardness. However, economic aspects are not always important in measuring the degree of satisfaction in the relationship between pilgrims and local people. Joseph and Kavoori (2001) analyze the case of the Indian city of Pushkar where, despite the economic dependence generated by religious tourism, the cultural impacts have created concerns among many inhabitants, leading the local population to adopt ambivalent positions concerning tourism. Joseph and Kavoori (2001) refer to the use of mediated resistance in which people use a variety of strategies to maintain a balance between tourism and the preservation of their traditions. One such strategy is to hold the government responsible for how religion and cultural identity are promoted in international markets. Although Vukonic (2002) argues, while religious institutions may have downplayed the economic impacts of pilgrimage-related tourism, this is an aspect that should not be neglected; particularly since the community living in nearby sacred sites may rely on them. Still, the economic impact of pilgrimage tourism on communities located along the trails is ambiguous. After conducting fieldwork in a small community in Kumano Kodo, Japan, Progano (2018) noted that the economic impact on tourism is usually small and restricted to specific community segments with low capital and unlikely to generate additional jobs. It was also observed that, due to their location, communities along pilgrimage trails are often visited by visitors ‘on the move’ who stay little time in the community as they continue their way to their final destination. On the other hand, no negative economic impacts were

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mentioned by the locals, who seemed satisfied with the low effect of tourism. Knight (1996) observed a similar situation in Hongu village, Japan, as the community received uneven benefits from tourism. Lois-Gonzalez and Santos (2015) also noticed that visitors in Santiago de Compostela tend to diminish their spending along the pilgrimage trails to avoid cluttering themselves. Also, they spent little on accommodation due to the availability of cheap lodges and the mobile nature of pilgrimage. In their study on the Portuguese route of Santiago de Compostela, Fernandes et al. (2012) reached similar conclusions. Rizzello and Trono (2013), in their analysis of the Saint Niccola Shrine in Bari, Italy, established that the geographical location of the sacred site itself was an important factor for discussing economic impacts. On the other hand, rapid development and urbanization processes in religious sites may disrupt the community’s lifestyle and impact the conservation of their heritage, as visitor infrastructure is urgently required to accommodate larger groups and provide additional services (Henderson, 2011). The community’s natural environment may be negatively affected as well, impacting its associated religious meanings and performances. These environmental impacts may be caused by tourism stakeholders and visitors (Shackley, 2001; Shinde & Olsen, 2020). Major religious festivals may temporarily increase visitor impacts on the environment, but with the increased frequency of festivals and events along with the loss of seasonality due to advanced transportation systems the local environment may have less time to recover (Shinde & Olsen, 2020). Major religious festivals and pilgrimage groups may also generate large amounts of waste material that must be managed and disposed of by the community. Although not as studied, some papers specifically analyze the impacts of tourism development on the religious stakeholders of the community, such as clergy members of churches, temples and shrines. As sacred sites become tourism destinations and are flocked by visitors, religious workers find themselves performing new roles and activities that may be outside the traditional duties of religious figures. Also, the impacts of tourism development on the daily activities of the religious workers are to be explored. These stakeholders are of paramount importance in destinations, as they are often the owners and managers of sacred sites, and thus influence access, development and visitor behavior in the destination. The viewpoints of religious institutions may come in conflict with other stakeholders regarding tourism development, or even visitors regarding their behavior and expectations. For example, the Catholic Church has misgivings about developing a pilgrimage trail to Fisterra, past the traditional ending of the pilgrimage at Santiago de Compostela, while local stakeholders are eager to bring more visitors to peripheral locations (Blom et al., 2016). There are instances where different religious organizations group together and create associations to influence tourism in wider areas such as the Reijokai temple association in the Japanese pilgrimage of Shikoku Henro (Reader, 2005). They may also provide visitors with a diverse variety of goods and services, such as guiding (Andriotis, 2009; Delakorda-Kawashima, 2016). As Shackley (2001) mentions, despite their important role in the industry, tourism training, management and promotion are often outside the scope of religious learning because their institutional objectives differ from other public and private

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counterparts, seeking economic revenue but also aiming to fulfill their religious mission (Shackley, 2001; Olsen & Esplin, 2020). This often leaves religious institutions in ambiguous situations where they have to carefully balance their traditionally accepted viewpoints and rituals with tourism, an activity that brings benefits but may also deviate from tradition or negatively impacts their traditional supports. The perception of visitors by the religious stakeholders is also an area of interest. Wong et al. (2013), through their case study of the monastic community of the Chinese Buddhist site of Pu-tuo-shan, showed that the clergy views tourism as an opportunity to teach visitors about Buddhism, showing the influence of religious viewpoints when assessing tourism perceptions. Still, the clergy also recognized that tourists may disrupt their daily activities. The increased workload on the members of religious organizations has also been mentioned by previous studies, as religious figures now have to dedicate time to not only religious ceremonies and the community of believers, but also to an increasing number of visitors who have different expectations (Yanata & Sharpley, 2022). On the other hand, visitors may be critical if a religious institution is overly focused on generating profits through the commercialization of its sacred site, as this is perceived as negative for the location’s religious value and authenticity (Hung et al., 2016) (Fig. 1.2).

1.3 About This Volume In this context, the present volume aims to bring attention to a less-studied topic in religious tourism and pilgrimage: its complex and ever-changing relationship with members of local communities. Currently, academic studies have been focused on visitor motivation, perception and behavior (Kim et  al., 2020) and, while this research topic is worthy of scholarly study, the role of the community in religious tourism, as well as the impact the locals themselves receive from this development, are a key area to have a comprehensive understanding of this tourism phenomena, as well as an important factor for devising tourism policy. By presenting the studies included, the volume aims to expand the academic discussion on religious tourism and suggest venues for future research. Case studies from Asia and Europe, the two main geographic locations for religious tourism (UNWTO, 2011), are presented but readers will find the discussions and conclusions applicable to locations elsewhere, as they touch themes of general relevance. The present volume is comprised of 14 chapters written by academic scholars from a wide variety of backgrounds who have expertise in the study of pilgrimage and religious travel. In particular, this volume contains a diversity of voices particularly from non-English traditions. As such, the editors had made efforts to keep their voices for the readers. Chapters are organized in two parts, based on their general theme. Part 1, titled ‘Communities and Contestation’, groups chapters that discuss existing contestation processes among communities where pilgrimage tourism is developed. Contestation and competing discourses are regarded as important topics in academic literature, as sacred sites are often spaces where a diverse range of

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Fig. 1.2  Visitors at Koyasan, Japan. (Source: Ricardo Nicolas Progano)

narratives and communities coexist (Eade & Sallnow, 1991; Sepp, 2014). Issues regarding communities’ access to sacred sites, changes in the religious landscape, conflicting narratives and influence on religious institutions are discussed. In Chap. 2, Dallen J. Timothy and Daniel H. Olsen apply the social and functional distance framework to examine social dynamics in two Asian case studies, Lumbini (Nepal) and the Kartarpur Corridor (Pakistan-India). Implications for tourism and the pilgrimage practices of local communities are discussed as well. In Chap. 3, Shin Yasuda examines the tourism development of Najaf (Iraq), a site of great importance for Shi’ite Islam as it is the location of the Imam Ali Shrine. Here, the author focuses on the new forms of governance for local tourism that appeared due to tourism development. In Chap. 4, Ian Rotherham focuses on the contestation of pilgrimage space and usage through the case study of neo-pagan sacred sites located within English National Parks. Topics related to space ownership, utilization and interpretation of different stakeholders are discussed, bringing findings of interest for site management. In Chap. 5, Cora Un In Wong discusses the relationship between visitors and the monastic community of Pu-Tuo-Shan, a well-known Buddhist site in China that has been attracting different types of devotees and leisure visitors.

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Part 2, titled ‘Pilgrimage Shaping Communities’, groups chapters that examine the different changes that tourism brings to local communities, including the general population as well as stakeholders involved in pilgrimage and tourism, such as religious figures, policymakers and service providers. In Chap. 6, Michal Apollo, Viacheslav Andreychouk and Yana Wengel examine how a remote pilgrimage site in Garhwal Himalaya, the Yamunotri temple, became a pilgrimage destination developed for tourism since 1975. The increasing flows of visitors, both domestic and international, produced different socio-economic transformations in the mountain communities, particularly in jobs and demographics. In Chap. 7, Kiran Shinde presents the impacts that the communities received as they are visited by palkhi pilgrimage processions in Maharashtra state, India. In particular, the chapter considers how the community’s characteristics such as size and structure affect the impacts of the religious procession. In Chap. 8, Rami K. Isaac presents the socio-economic impacts of pilgrimage travel in Palestine and recent developments. In this context, the political dimensions and possibilities of tourism are analyzed through the context of contested Palestine-Israel relations. In Chap. 9, Anna Trono and Valentina Castronuovo explore the understudied topic of access for visitors with disabilities and pilgrimage travel through the case study Spanish and Italian sections of the Santiago de Compostela pilgrimage. The role of the communities is explored in how they can facilitate access for all travelers while obtaining positive impacts. In Chap. 10, Rana P. B. Singh and Pravin S. Rana present the vital role of Hindu religious workers in pilgrimage performance, who are specialized in a diverse range of associated ceremonies. Due to their importance, these religious workers not only help pilgrims to achieve their ritual needs but overall represent and preserve the local heritage. In Chap. 11, Franciszek Mróz presents a study on the development and socio-­economic impact of the pilgrimage networks of Saint James in Poland. In this context, the role of grassroots initiatives carried out by different religious and non-religious stakeholder groups is highlighted as a social expression of entrepreneurship associated with the Polish routes of Santiago. In Chap. 12, Sergii Iaromenko and Sergii Nezdoyminov examine the development of religious travel in Ukraine through an analysis of its wooden Christian churches, which play a key role in regional areas by expanding infrastructure and restoring local craftmanship aimed at pilgrims. Policy suggestions for further development are mentioned as well. In Chap. 13, Kaori Yanata analyzes how the change in visitor mobilities impacted host-guest relationships in the Buddhist temple complex of Koyasan (Japan) and its surrounding communities. It is considered that different types of mobilities, such as walking and automobiles, coexist and bring different impacts. Finally, Joseph M.  Cheer shares his final thoughts on the transformational effect of pilgrimage tourism in Chap. 14.

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Hung, K., Yang, X., Wassler, P., Wang, D., Lin, P., & Liu, Z. (2016). Contesting the commercialization and sanctity of religious tourism in the Shaolin Monastery, China. International Journal of Tourism Research, 19, 145–159. Joseph, C. A., & Kavoori, A. P. (2001). Mediated resistance: Tourism and the host community. Annals of Tourism Research, 28(4), 998–1009. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0160-­7383(01)00005-­6 Kim, B., Kim, S., & Brian, K. (2020). Religious tourism studies: Evolution, progress, and future prospects. Tourism Recreation Research, 45(2), 185–203. Knight, J. (1996). Competing hospitalities in Japanese rural tourism. Annals of Tourism Research, 23(1), 165–180. https://doi.org/10.1016/0160-­7383(95)00055-­0 Lasserre, P. (1930). Lourdes. Étude Géographice [Lourdes: Geographic study]. Revue Géographique des Pyrénées et du Sud-Ouest, 1(1), 5–40. https://doi.org/10.3406/rgpso.1930.3942 Lois-Gonzalez, R. C., & Santos, X. M. (2015). Tourists and pilgrims on their way to Santiago. Motives, Caminos and final destinations. Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change, 13(2), 149–164. https://doi.org/10.1080/14766825.2014.918985 López y López, R. (1915). Santiago de Compostela. Guía del peregrino y turista [Santiago de Compostela. Pilgrim and tourist guide]. El Eco Franciscano. McLaughlin, L. (2020). Japanese religious responses to COVID-19: A preliminary report. The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus, 18(9), 1–23. Milano, C., Novelli, M., & Cheer, J.  M. (2019). Overtourism and tourismphobia: A journey through four decades of tourism development, planning and local concerns. Tourism Planning & Development, 16(4), 353–357. Mouga Poças Santos, M.  G. (2006). Espiritualidade, turismo e território. [Spirituality, tourism and territory]. Estoril. Olsen, D. H., & Esplin, S. C. (2020). The role of religious leaders in religious heritage tourism development: The case of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints. Religions, 11, 256. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel11050256 Olsen, D.  H., & Timothy, D.  J. (2006). Tourism and religious journeys. In D.  J. Timothy & D. H. Olsen (Eds.), Tourism, religion and spiritual journeys (pp. 1–15). Routledge. Olsen, D. H., & Timothy, D. J. (2022). Investigating the intersections between religion, spirituality, and tourism. In D. H. Olsen & D. J. Timothy (Eds.), The Routledge handbook of religious and spiritual tourism (pp. 1–13). Routledge. Pearce, P. L., Moscardo, G., & Ross, G. F. (1996). Tourism community relationships. Pergamon. Pilgrims Office. (2019). Informe estadístico [Statistic report]. Pilgrims Office. http://oficinadelperegrino.com/wp-­content/uploads/2016/02/peregrinaciones2019.pdf Prentice, R.  C., Witt, S.  F., & Wydenbach, E.  G. (1994). The endearment behaviour of tourists through their interaction with the host community. Tourism Management, 15(2), 117–125. https://doi.org/10.1016/0261-­5177(94)90005-­1 Progano, R.  N. (2018). Residents’ perceptions of socio-economic impacts on pilgrimage trails: How does the community perceive pilgrimage tourism? Asian Journal of Tourism Research, 3(2), 148–178. Reader, I. (2005). Making pilgrimage: Meaning and practice in Shikoku. University of Hawai’i Press. Reader, I. (2007). Pilgrimage growth in the modern world: Meanings and implications. Religion, 37, 2010–2229. Rinschede, G. (1992). Forms of religious tourism. Annals of Tourism Research, 19, 51–67. Rizzello, K., & Trono, A. (2013). The pilgrimage to the San Nicola Shrine in Bari and its impacts. International Journal of Religious Tourism and Pilgrimage, 1(1), 24–40. Rodríguez-Pérez de Arenaza, D., Hierro, L. Á., & Patiño, D. (2019). Airbnb, sun-and-beach tourism and residential rental prices. The case of the coast of Andalusia (Spain). Current Issues in Tourism, 25, 1–18. https://doi.org/10.1080/13683500.2019.1705768 Santos, X. (2006). El Camino de Santiago: Turistas y Peregrinos hacia Compostela [The way to Santiago: Tourists and pilgrims towards Compostela]. Cuadernos de Turismo, 18, 135–150.

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Sepp, T. (2014). Pilgrimage and pilgrim hierarchies in vernacular discourse: Comparative notes from the Camino de Santiago and Glastonbury. Journal of Ethnology and Folkloristics, 8(1), 23–52. Shackley, M. (2001). Managing sacred sites. Continuum. Sharpley, R. (2014). Host perceptions of tourism: A review of the research. Tourism Management, 42, 37–49. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tourman.2013.10.007 Shinde, K. (2007). Pilgrimage and the environment: Challenges in a pilgrimage centre. Current Issues in Tourism, 10(4), 343–365. Shinde, K.  A., & Olsen, D.  H. (2020). The environmental impact of religious tourism. In K. A. Shinde & D. H. Olsen (Eds.), Religious tourism and the environment (pp. 1–22). CABI. Singh, S. (2002). Managing the impacts of tourist and pilgrim mobility in the Indian Himalayas. Revue de Géographie Alpine, 90(1), 25–36. Stausberg, M. (2011). Religion and tourism: Crossroads, destinations and encounters. Routledge. Stephenson, M.  L. (2014). Deciphering ‘Islamic hospitality’: Developments, challenges and opportunities. Tourism Management, 40, 155–164. Terzidou, M., Scarles, C., & Saunders, M. N. K. (2018). The complexities of religious tourism motivations: Sacred places, vows and visions. Annals of Tourism Research, 70, 54–65. https:// doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2018.02.011 Timothy, D. J. (2018). Making sense of heritage tourism: Research trends in a maturing field of study. Tourism Management Perspectives, 25, 177–180. Timothy, D. J., & Olsen, D. H. (2006). Tourism, religion and spiritual journeys. Routledge. Turner, V., & Turner, E. (1978). Image and pilgrimage in Christian culture: Anthropological perspectives. Columbia University Press. UNWTO. (2011). Religious tourism in Asia and the Pacific. UNWTO. Vukonic, B. (1996). Tourism and religion. Pergamon. Vukonic, B. (2002). Religion, tourism and economics: A convenient symbiosis. Tourism Recreation Research, 27(2), 59–64. Wong, C., McIntosh, A., & Ryan, C. (2013). Buddhism and tourism: Perceptions of the monastic community at Pu-tuo-Shan, China. Annals of Tourism Research, 40, 213–234. Yanata, K., & Sharpley, R. (2022). Coexistence between tourists and monks: Managing temple-­ stays tourism in Koyasan, Japan. In D. H. Olsen & D. J. Timothy (Eds.), The Routledge handbook of religious and spiritual tourism (pp. 398–410). Routledge.

Part II

Communities and Contestation

Chapter 2

Sacred Spaces and the ‘Other’: Social Distance, Functional Distance, and Two Pilgrimage Sites in Asia Dallen J. Timothy and Daniel H. Olsen Abstract  Modern pilgrimage has become more complex due to ever increasing numbers of people who engage in pilgrimage-like travel. Another complicating factor is that changing national boundaries has led to some religious sites being located in places whose surrounding populations no longer adhere to the religion that originally created them or which contemporarily venerate them. This has created a ‘social distance’ between residents, site owners, and those who visit these places for pilgrimage purposes. This chapter examines two unique cases in Asia where religious sites are located at significant social and functional distances from the original faith community that built them and are presently surrounded by a host community that does not belong to the faith tradition that the monuments represent. After discussing the role of social distance and state border-induced functional distance in the context of religious mobility and pilgrimage, two case study sites are presented: the birthplace of Buddha in Lumbini, Nepal, and the holy site of Gurdwara Darbar Sahib Kartarpur in Pakistan. The authors then examine the implications related to social distance and functional distance in these cases before concluding. Keywords  Social distance · Pilgrimage · Borders Lumbini, Nepal · Kartarpur corridor

2.1 Introduction Today, pilgrimage is a well-established tradition and religious ritual in most faiths. It is one of the world’s principal forms of tourism, which is gaining significance in many parts of Asia (Timothy & Olsen, 2006). Many sacred sites in Asia are D. J. Timothy (*) School of Community Resources and Development, Arizona State University, Phoenix, AZ, USA e-mail: [email protected] D. H. Olsen Department of Geography, Brigham Young University, Provo, UT, USA © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 R. N. Progano et al. (eds.), Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism, Perspectives on Asian Tourism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9677-1_2

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centuries old. However, through intervening years, local populations have shifted, cultures have evolved, and national boundaries have changed significantly. Migrations, invasions, and other population shifts have resulted in many sacrosanct sites being situated in places whose surrounding populations no longer adhere to the religion that originally created or contemporaneously venerate them. This has created a ‘social distance’ between residents, site owners, and pilgrims/religious tourists, which leads to questions regarding how sites of one faith that are surrounded by a different faith or cultural group are maintained, managed, and interpreted. Likewise, through time, national borders evolve through warfare and conquest or mutual agreement. Through ‘bordering’ processes, sacred sites that were once local and accessible may become foreign and inaccessible, or less accessible, locked behind the restricted boundaries of a foreign state. Border restrictions between malevolent neighbors sometimes make accessing sacred destinations difficult. Thus, both cultural (social) distance and functional (effective) distances may be obstacles to pilgrimage tourism. This chapter is about symbolic distances that are created by sociocultural and political contexts. It examines two unique cases in Asia where religious sites are located at significant social and functional distances from the original faith community that built them and are presently surrounded by host communities that do not belong to the faith which venerates these sites. After examining social distance and functional distance in the context of religious mobility and pilgrimage, two case study sites are presented: the birthplace of Buddha in Lumbini, Nepal, and the holy site of Gurdwara Darbar Sahib Kartarpur in Pakistan. The Nepal site exemplifies social distance, while the Pakistan example illustrates the characteristics of both functional and social distance. Both sites have salient implications for their host communities related to social and functional distance, which will be discussed in the conclusion.

2.2 Symbolic Distances and Religious Mobilities 2.2.1 Social Distance Social distance refers to “the grades and degrees of understanding and intimacy which characterize personal and social relations” (Park, 1923: 39) as applied to different individuals or ethnic, racial, cultural, and religious groups. The concept of social distance derived from measuring prejudice or the “instinctive and spontaneous disposition to maintain social distances” between dissimilar groups of people (Park, 1923: 343). Some have argued that class-based social distances are greater in cities because of population density and the close proximity of people of different classes (Bogardus, 1959; Wark & Galliher, 2007). Simmel (1950), however, argued that social distance decreases when groups understand and accept the differences between them, sometimes through proximal associations.

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Karakayali (2009) suggests four ways of understanding social distance. First, social distance as affective distance, where social distance is subjective: “those who are socially close to us are those we feel close to, and vice versa” (p. 540). Second, social distance is normative distance, where social distance is objective, involving “a set of collectively recognized norms about membership status in a group” which differentiate “us” from “them” (p. 541). Third, Karakayali suggests that the width of social distance may be “interactive distance” based on the frequency and length of time two groups interact with one another (p. 542). Finally, social distance may be “cultural and habitual distance”, determined by the degree to which cultures are similar or dissimilar (p. 542). Karakayali (2009) further suggests that at times, normatively close groups can sometimes be at great odds with each other, while normatively distant groups can get along well. In addition to intergroup prejudice and ethnocentrism, the construct of social distance has been used to study power relations, political polarization, social networks, consumer evaluations of products, and conflict resolution (e.g., Boguñá et al., 2004; Iyengar et al., 2012; Kim et al., 2008; Magee & Smith, 2013; Yuchtman-­ Yaar & Inbar, 1986). Social distance, however, has had limited use in tourism studies, including examining host-guest relationships, including how residents’ feelings toward tourists affect their support for tourism development and tourists’ pre- and post-trip views of destination cultures (e.g., Çelik, 2019; Chen et al., 2022; Thyne et al., 2018, 2022; Woosnam & Lee, 2011; Yankholmes & Timothy, 2016; Yilmaz & Tasci, 2015). According to these studies, contact between tourists and residents may decrease social distance, which leads some observers to view tourism as a potential vehicle for peace-making and reducing intergroup conflict (e.g., Çelik, 2019; Pratt & Liu, 2016). However, aside from one study examining the social distance between Hindus and Christians who visit Lumbini, the birthplace of Buddha (Nyaupane et al., 2015), social distance has not been widely discussed in the context of pilgrimage or religious tourism. This is surprising, considering the claims by social constructivists that religious sites are inherently contested or “empty signifiers devoid of ontological meaning”, being socially constructed and contested by disparate stakeholders and groups who emplace their own meanings, interpretations, management styles, and ownership claims upon them (Olsen, 2019: 30). In addition, some religious sites receive visitors of other faiths or nonbelievers who visit out of curiosity, a desire to learn, or to appreciate the cultural heritage on display. As such, the application of social distance to religious sites that receive visitors from various religious and secular backgrounds would be beneficial to understand group dynamics and the interactions between visitors of different faiths, which in turn could lead to better interpretive and management programs that might help reduce intergroup dissonance and reduce social distances. This may be of particular interest in pilgrimage destinations where resident religious groups are divided by a greater social distance, have a deeper sense of mistrust, and often contest sacred sites, as in the case of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem and other instances in Israel and Palestine where Israeli Jews, Palestinian Christians, and Muslims claim the same

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sacred spaces (Bowman, 2011; Olsen & Emmett, 2021; Timothy & Emmett, 2014; Yuchtman-Yaar & Inbar, 1986). As a result of geodemographic population shifts and changing borders, there are many examples of the faith heritage of one religion being surrounded by populations that adhere to different religions, which frequently causes dissonance between those whose faith owns or reveres a sacred site, those who visit, and those who live nearby (Nyaupane, 2009). Examples include Christian sites in Azerbaijan (Liutikas, 2018), Hindu and Buddhist shrines and temples in Indonesia (Timothy, 2000), and the Buddhist treasures of Gandhara in predominantly Muslim Pakistan and Afghanistan (Zhang, 2018).

2.2.2 Borders, Functional Distance, and Perceived Distance Besides social distance, other types of behavioral and symbolic distances may determine people’s spatial behaviors in relation to other people or travel activities. For some religious destinations in Asia, political boundaries create certain spatial behavioral distances that are manifested in people’s engagement or lack of engagement with pilgrimage sites. Two related types of border-induced spatial behavioral distances are ‘perceived distance’ and ‘functional distance’ (Caviedes, 1994; Timothy, 2001). Borders are lines up to which a state can exercise its sovereign authority. They mark the differences and ‘otherness’ between life in one place and life in another and act as physical membranes that circumscribe social, economic, political, historical, and ecological differences between states (Newman, 2006; van Houtum & van Naerssen, 2002). State boundaries also function to protect national socioeconomic interests, filter the flow of ideas and tangible goods between countries, regulate human mobility, and act as lines of security and defense. Although many borders serve as important tourist destinations if they are permeable or provide unique touristic opportunities, less permeable boundaries erect both physical and psychological barriers to travel and cross-border cooperation (Timothy, 2001; Timothy et al., 2016). Perceived distance in relation to state borders manifests when social systems, cultural norms (e.g., language and religion), currencies, politics, and levels of economic development contrast on opposite sides. Perceived distance bears some resemblance to social distance, for these cross-frontier socioeconomic differences can create perceptual or psychological symbolic distances and barriers that might keep people from crossing to avoid the neophobic or xenophobic discomfort of being somewhere extraordinary or having to deal with new and unusual situations (Canally & Timothy, 2007; Timothy, 2001). Borders, then, often create an ethos of ‘us versus them’ or ‘us versus the other’ (Paasi, 2021). For many travelers, however, these differences increase the appeal of visiting the other side (Spierings & van der Velde, 2013; Timothy, 1995; Timothy & Canally, 2008; Więckowski, 2010). Nonetheless, in this instance, people may avoid crossing a border because they fear having to deal with foreign languages and cultures, opposing political viewpoints,

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dissimilar driving laws, or different currencies and pricing systems. Even relatively open borders often induce perceived distances. Relatedly, functional distance, or effective distance, is of particular concern in this chapter. It refers to the more tangible barrier effects of national borders, such as physical obstructions, grueling crossing procedures, and strict visa and passport policies (Gelbman, 2008; Timothy, 2001). These types of borders indicate inharmonious relationships between neighbors or efforts to secure state boundaries against illegal entries (or departures) or smuggling. In many cases, the securityscapes (e.g., walls, barbed-wire fences, minefields, and guard towers) associated with state borders are inconducive to crossing and in many cases are meant to prevent crossing entirely. Reynolds and McNulty (1968: 27) illustrate functional distance thusly: “Two individuals may reside within a few feet of one another, yet, if their apartment entrances face onto opposite streets, the probability of their confronting one another may be low. Thus, while the physical or geographical distance separating them may be slight, the functional distance…may be great.” As is the nature of bilateral relationships, the fewer crossing points there are, the more rigorous passport and visa regulation tend to be, and the greater the extent to which the boundary represents a line of security or immobility, the greater the functional distance will be (Timothy, 2001). This can mean that border towns that are geographically adjacent are effectively more distant from one another than faraway localities within the same country (Burris & Branscombe, 2005; Smith, 1984). Thus, according to Burris and Branscombe’s and Smith’s gravitational models, border towns, such as Lahore, Pakistan, and Amritsar, India, (50 km apart) are functionally more distant from one another than Lahore and Karachi (1210 km) or Amritsar and Mumbai (1745  km). Caviedes (1994: 137) portrays this as “two populations living with their backs towards each other instead of extending their arms across the boundary line”. Through debordering processes, such as supranationalism and cross-border cooperation, the barrier effects of political boundaries have diminished considerably in many parts of the world, and there is evidence that this can lead to economic and social rewards. Cross-border collaboration and the development of transfrontier functional regions, such as in the European Union through its Interreg programs, have opened borders and effectively transitioned distant national spaces into functionally closer regions (Domaniewski & Studzińska, 2016; Stoffelen et al., 2017; Timothy & Saarinen, 2013). Small-scale cross-boundary efforts have found some success in enabling tourism growth between countries that share somewhat contentious bilateral relations. In Europe these are referred to as ‘small border traffic’ (SBT) zones. These are particularly popular between Russia (non-EU) and its EU neighbors and its non-EU but Schengen neighbor, Norway. Based on agreements between neighboring states and the EU, many border restrictions have been eased for Russians who live in the vicinity of the border and vice versa. These arrangements allow Russian borderlanders to cross into neighboring states for a set period of time, usually day trips or weekend getaways. In the case of Kirkenes, Norway, Russians can stay up to 2 weeks but must remain within 30 km of the border. Under

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the agreement, Norwegians are permitted to visit the Russian borderlands (up to 30 km) on short stays (Espiritu & Viken, 2012; Timothy et al., 2016). At the provocative Polish-Russian frontier, the Agreement on Local Border Traffic has loosened the frontier-crossing regime and enabled Russians from Kaliningrad to visit areas in northern Poland near the border for day trips and weekend jaunts. According to Domaniewski and Studzińska (2016); see also Studzińska and Domaniewski, 2016), this relaxing of the Polish/EU border with Russia has significantly reduced the social and functional distance between the two countries and provided positive tourism benefits to Polish cities near the border. There are many examples of important religious attractions and pilgrimage destinations very near national boundaries (Askew & Cohen, 2004; Buyskykh, 2019; Coplan, 2003; Metreveli, 2019), with the borders creating varying degrees of inaccessibility to pilgrims from the other side. As noted earlier, throughout history, national borders evolved as territory was gained or surrendered in conflict or when colonial powers drew arbitrary lines through cultural areas, so that following independence, the sacred places of one group were locked inside the state membranes of another group. Border superimposition or geographical shifts have meant that many religious heritage sites have been located outside of the religious cultural realm of the group to which they belong (Valtchinova, 2012). The following sections examine the characteristics of social distance and border-induced functional distance in two prominent pilgrimage destinations in South Asia.

2.3 Asian Examples 2.3.1 The Birthplace of Buddha: Lumbini, Nepal Siddhartha Gautama, later known as Buddha, was born in the vicinity of Lumbini, Nepal, sometime around 623 BC (Fig. 2.1). Not long before his death, Buddha proclaimed Lumbini the place of his birth and an important pilgrimage center—“a place that a pious person should visit and look upon with feelings of reverence” (quoted in Weise, 2013, p.  40). Pilgrims began visiting shortly after his death, including early dignitaries and noblemen. Monasteries and several stupas were built in the area in honor of Buddha between the third century BC and the fourteenth century AD. The site was abandoned between the fourteenth and nineteenth centuries as Lumbini’s association with Buddha waned in public memory, possibly owing to the resurgence of Hinduism and the ninth and twelfth-century Muslim incursions into the area. This, combined with flooding and other natural disasters (Nyaupane, 2009), left the site derelict and overgrown with vegetation until its rediscovery in 1896 by archaeologists (Weise, 2013). In 2013, archaeological work found evidence that a tree shrine from 550  BC and brick structures from around the same time marked the original spot where the ancient Maya Devi temple currently stands, making it the world’s oldest Buddhist shrine (Vergano, 2013). Thus, this sacred

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Fig. 2.1  The Location of Lumbini in Nepal. (Source: base map courtesy of d-­maps.com)

locale has been revered as a place of pilgrimage since at least the sixth century BC (UNESCO, 2021). The Maya Devi Temple, the archaeological remains of stupas and monasteries, the Ashoka Pillar, and a ‘Sacred Pond’ are the central features of the attraction today. The site’s 1978 master development plan aimed to protect the archaeological record and keep the area in a pristine condition with minimal infrastructure development. This action was meant to keep the site simple, sacred, and tranquil so that pilgrims could rest, pray, and meditate without the distractions of overdevelopment (Weise, 2013). The Ancient Monument Preservation Act of 1956 protects the spot, which is owned by the government of Nepal. Site management, including tourism, is carried out by the nonprofit Lumbini Development Trust (LDT), and the area was designated a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1997 (Lafortune-Bernard et al., 2020; UNESCO, 2021). Since the early 1900s, the Maya Devi Temple and its surrounding gardens and archaeological remains have become one of Asia’s most prominent pilgrimage destinations. The nearby city of Siddharthanagar (formerly Bhairahawa) has become the gateway to Lumbini. It adjoins the Indian border with a major crossing point and is home to an airport with domestic flights to and from Kathmandu. Bhairahawa’s airport underwent an expansion beginning in 2015 to increase its capacity into an international airport with flights planned from other countries in Asia. The new Gautam Buddha International Airport was expected to open mid-2020, but the COVID-19 pandemic pushed back its inauguration until May 2021 (Rising Nepal, 2020). Lumbini’s growing importance as a pilgrimage center and attraction for other tourists has spurred the expansion of highway development and international accommodations facilities in the area. The government of Nepal recognizes Lumbini’s vital importance as one of the country’s main centers of tourism, although

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efforts to develop tourism there have not been without major controversy, both in terms of concerns regarding the environmental impacts of tourism development and the desire by China to invest in developing the area (Bhandari, 2019; Lafortune-­ Bernard et al., 2020). In 2017, more than 1.55 million tourists, including pilgrims, visited Lumbini. Of this number, 1.25 million were domestic visitors and 301,240 were foreigners, including Indians (Kathmandu Post, 2019). In 2019, approximately 1.178 million Nepali tourists, 248,250 Indian tourists, and nearly 200,000 tourists from 107 other countries visited the pilgrimage site, with many foreigners coming from primarily Buddhist countries, such as Thailand (66,677), Sri Lanka (59,959), Myanmar (25,333), China (18,460), and Vietnam (7193) (Rising Nepal, 2020). Considerable efforts are under way to attract the 500 million Buddhists in Asia who might be interested in the Lumbini site (Lewer et al., 2019), as well as to increase domestic visitation, because Nepali visitors tend to stay longer and spend more than foreign tourists (Kathmandu Post, 2019). Buddhist pilgrimage and general Buddha-oriented heritage tourism are the economic mainstay of the area and are gaining importance in the economic development of the entire region (Lewer et al., 2019; Rai, 2020; Sharma, 2020). According to Nepal’s Central Bureau of Statistics (2020), Nepal is home to nearly 1.2 million Muslims, most of whom dwell in the in the Terai Region, which includes Lumbini. The immediate vicinity of the sacred site is populated by Muslims and Hindus. The vice chair of the Lumbini Development Trust (LDT) acknowledges that developing Lumbini as a Buddhist destination where the residents are Muslims and Hindus has created a complicated situation, especially regarding the organization’s belief that Lumbini belongs to all Buddhists from all corners of the globe (Seneviratne, 2019). For example, there has been some tension in the past as Muslim and Hindu villagers were forcibly removed to make way for the Lumbini Monastic Zone, its buffer area, and its commercial district. Seven villages, six Hindu temples, and four mosques were removed to enable the development of the Buddhist pilgrimage zone. Likewise, there has been some sense of alienation among the Muslim population, which has traditionally been indifferent towards Buddhist heritage (Nyaupane, 2007). This is in part because regional funding provided by the Nepali government and international NGOs has been invested in developing the Buddhist pilgrimage sites rather than enhancing Muslim culture (Durham University, 2021). The Hindu population, however, does not feel as alienated, as they feel somewhat more connected to the roots of the site (Bhandari, 2019). Despite these issues, the LDT aims to turn the area into a compassionate site of peace that will embrace all religions. Although the pilgrimage zone is managed by the LDT, the local inhabitants are the caretakers of the area surrounding the site and provide the hospitality for pilgrims and other guests. The local Muslim and Hindu villagers have agreed to resettlement efforts, and tensions have been eased as long as economic opportunities can be sustained. For both these groups, the heritage of Lumbini is more an economic resource than a spiritual anchor (Nyaupane, 2007). Although local Muslims were traditionally weavers and textile merchants, local residents are now heavily involved

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in selling souvenirs, handicrafts and refreshments, working in pilgrim hostels, guesthouses, and hotels, and showcasing their costumes, dances, and cuisine to visiting Buddhist pilgrims and other tourists. Likewise, several international Buddhist organizations and foreign governments have funded a local school to educate the impoverished Muslim and Hindu population and provide them with medical care and blankets during the winter months (Seneviratne, 2019). A study by Nyaupane et al. (2015) examined the social distance, or similarities and differences, between Hindus, Christians, and Buddhists visiting Lumbini, and Nyaupane’s (2009), and Rai’s (2020) discussions add understanding of the role of the surrounding Muslim population in the mix of stakeholders. The Nyaupane et al. (2015) study found that social distance was shortest between Buddhists and Hindu visitors, as well as between Christian and Buddhist visitors, whereas there was more social distance between Hindu and Christian visitors. The authors suggest that this was because Buddhism is often seen as a ‘neutral religion’ with commonalities with other faiths, so that the social distance between Buddhism and Hinduism and Buddhism and Christianity is measurably small. As such, sacred Lumbini allows visitors of many faiths to engage in more peaceful interaction, or at least increased tolerance of each other.

2.3.2 The Kartarpur Corridor, Pakistan-India Sikhism is a populous religion of India and a small religious minority in Pakistan. Today, approximately 40,000–50,000 Sikhs live in Pakistan, mostly in the Punjab region. India is home to some 21 million Sikhs, with the majority concentrated in Punjab state, although there is a sizable Sikh population scattered throughout the country. There is also a large Sikh diaspora in many parts of the world, whose members often return to India to participate in religious ceremonies and visit the Golden Temple in Amritsar (Jutla, 2016). Although Sikhism does not promote pilgrimage or religious travel as a dogmatic requirement, and the words of the ten gurus as written in the Guru Granth Sahib frequently and actively express disfavor for religiously-­ oriented travel (Jutla, 2006), many Sikhs do visit sacred sites as a means of showing devotion, seeking blessings, or giving thanks. Sikhism was founded in the late fifteenth century by Guru Nanak in the Punjab region as an alternative to the polytheistic beliefs and caste system of the Hindus. Following the death of Guru Nanak in 1539 and the subsequent gurus who followed, several sacred sites were established based on the lives of the gurus and their writings. The three most notable of these are the Gurdwara Janam Asthan (the birthplace of Guru Nanak), Gurdwara Darbar Sahib Kartarpur (the place of Guru Nanak’s death), and the Golden Temple of Amritsar, which was originally built in the sixteenth century as a physical representation of the condition of being in an absolute state of remembrance, reflection, meditation, and sinlessness (Jutla, 2016). Gurdwara Darbar Sahib Kartarpur is one of the holiest sites in Sikhism. The present gurdwara was built in 1925 in the village of Kartarpur where the founder of Sikhism,

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Guru Nanak, established a Sikh community and eventually died on September 22, 1539. At the time of India’s independence from the United Kingdom in 1947, the colony was partitioned roughly along religious lines, creating a largely Muslim Pakistan and a predominantly Hindu India. The Sikhs were caught in the middle, not only because they were a minority in both new countries but because the new border divided the Sikh homeland, Punjab, splitting the Sikh community between two sovereign states. This partition resulted in the displacement of millions of people between India and Pakistan, including many Sikhs who left Pakistan in 1947–1948 (Kaur, 2006). Because of the partition, the holiest sites associated with Guru Nanak remained in Pakistan, while Amritsar fell on the Indian side of the border. The Sikh holy sites in Pakistan today are generally managed and cared for by Sikh associations in the country. Since the 1947 partition, relations between India and Pakistan have deteriorated dramatically, primarily over the disputed area of Jammu and Kashmir, north of Punjab, with frequent armed conflict and general political discord. The entire India-­ Pakistan frontier is heavily fortified and militarized, resulting in an essentially closed border between the two acrimonious neighbors, with ordinary Indians and Pakistanis unable to cross the international boundary (Chhabra, 2018; Timothy, 2019). Although Sikhs of the global diaspora have been able to visit the holy sites in Pakistan, the 21 million Sikh citizens of India have been prohibited from visiting since the 1947 partition. While the Gurdwara Janam Asthan in Nankana Sahib, Pakistan, is located approximately 84  km from the Indian border, the Gurdwara Darbar Sahib Kartarpur is located only 4 km from the international boundary in the small village of Kartarpur. Although very near the Pakistan-India border, this locale has been inaccessible to the large Sikh population that lives only a few kilometers away in India. Despite its close physical proximity to India, the impermeability of the border means the functional distance between Kartarpur and its Indian neighbors is great, and according to the formula presented by Smith (1984), the functional distance educed by the border could effectively be thousands of kilometers distant given Indians’ inability to cross. Between 1947 and 2019, this restrictive frontier served as a barrier to Sikh pilgrimage. The Sikhs of India longed to visit the site, but the best they were permitted to do was stand on Border Security Forces viewing platforms on the Indian side of the borderline and gaze upon the sacred gurdwara through binoculars or telescopes. These overlooks themselves became a quasi-sacred space visited by millions of Sikhs from Punjab and other parts of India as they were the closest point one could physically get to the sacred gurdwara only a short distance away (Kamboh et al., 2018). Against the backdrop of small border traffic zones in Europe and other regions where contentious borders have opened for limited local tourism, after many negotiations and much petitioning on the part of Sikh leaders, an agreement was reached in 2018 between the two governments to open a visa-free pedestrian corridor between the Indian village of Dera Baba Nanak and the Pakistani village of Kartarpur, which would enable Indian Sikhs to access one of their most sacrosanct places on same-day return trips (Singh, 2020a) (Fig. 2.2). This effort promised to

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Fig. 2.2  Location of the Kartarpur Corridor on the India-Pakistan border. (Source: base map courtesy of d-­maps.com)

reduce the functional distance between the Indian Sikhs and Kartarpur and was seen by both sides as a goodwill gesture to reduce not only the functional distance between the Sikhs and their shrine, but also a means of narrowing the social distance between Sikhs and Muslims and Indians and Pakistanis. India saw the arrangement as an opportunity for building bridges to more peaceful relations and enabling its Sikh citizens to achieve their deepest desires to visit one of their holiest shrines and to demonstrate the benevolence of the state toward one of its key population cohorts (Kaur Chawla et al., 2020). Pakistan too viewed the project as a means of building cross-border relations, but mostly as a potential economic growth machine to increase prosperity in a poor rural and marginal part of the country (Zaheer et al., 2020). On November 9, 2019, the corridor was officially opened, finally paving the way for Sikh pilgrims to visit their long-forbidden gurdwara. While this event has been widely celebrated as a positive symbolic step for bilateral relations and increased access to Sikh holy places in Pakistan (Kaur Chawla et al., 2020), critics suggest that the corridor’s construction and promotion has been highly politicized and does not address issues of government control and lack of access to other Sikh sacred sites in Pakistan (Bainiwal, 2020), a shared concern with other religious minority groups in the country (Zhang, 2018).

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Between November 9, 2019, and March 8, 2020, some 59,318 Indian pilgrims visited the Kartarpur gurdwara. During the first month of its opening, 11,192 pilgrims crossed the border; that number grew to 23,383 in December 2020, with a daily average visitation of 508–754 (Singh, 2020c). While impressive in many respects, the volume of corridor users was much lower than expected, given the pent-up anticipation of more than 20 million Indian faithful living next door. The main constraint to greater success in this cross-border experiment was the fact that even though Indians can visit on day-trips without visas, passports and a pricey service fee are still obligatory—requirements that preclude many less affluent Indian Sikhs from visiting. A complicated application process is also cited as a major impediment to this new program (Singh, 2020c). Discussions are ongoing to figure out how to eliminate the passport requirement, which would likely translate into a much higher footfall of visitors to the Pakistani side of the border. Besides the issue of passports and the transit fee, the success of the new program was hampered by the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, which caused the border to close in March 2020. Pakistani officials attempted to re-open the corridor on June 29, 2020, but because the border remained closed by India, no pilgrims were allowed to cross. The corridor was subsequently closed again, but is expected to reopen once COVID restrictions are lifted on both sides (Singh, 2020b). Thus, the 2020–2021 pandemic once again rebordered an already tense situation that had been debordered only four months prior through the implementation of a small border pedestrian traffic zone. The pandemic closure effectively re-cultivated the functional distance of this border, which had only just started to erase a 72-year-delayed debordering process. As previously noted, there are many layers to the social distance between India’s Sikhs and Pakistan’s Muslims. In common with the situation in Lumbini, several key Sikh sacred shrines are in a predominantly Muslim society but are managed by a Pakistani Sikh organization, which has been part of the success of maintaining the properties and encouraging the opening of the cross-border corridor. Unfortunately, a political gridlock occurred in November 2020 shortly after the corridor’s opening during the pandemic lockdown, when the government of Pakistan transferred the management of the Kartarpur gurdwara from the Pakistan Sikh Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, a Sikh organization, to a non-Sikh government agency, the Evacuee Trust Property Board. This action was considered unacceptable by the Sikhs, and the Indian government has lashed out against Pakistan’s administration for doing this, considering it to be a violation of their bilateral agreement and a UN resolution on inter-faith understanding (Economic Times, 2020). It remains to be seen how this new dispute might affect cross-border pilgrimage after the COVID restrictions are lifted. In addition, it is unclear what socioeconomic benefits the resident residing around this sacred site receive. Because of the security measures that constrain the movement of Sikh pilgrims coming to the site from India, as well as nominal interest from Indian Sikhs in the local Sikh community (Yousaf, 2021), there is minimal contact between the local community and pilgrims. As such, it is too early to tell if this newly reopened pilgrimage trail will increase the economic and social prospects of Sikhs living around the site.

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2.4 Discussion and Conclusion As this chapter illustrates, symbolic distances are created when certain sociocultural and political conditions exist. Two empirical cases were presented to illustrate two types of distances that affect the relationships between religious tourists and the communities they visit: social distance and functional distance. In many pilgrimage settings, social distances have widened as visitation has expanded beyond the normative pilgrim-only visit to include non-pilgrim tourist arrivals. In some cases, mass tourism has replaced smaller-scale pilgrimage to what were once local, faith-­ inducing sacred sites. With the arrival of multi-faith visitors, or the growth of pilgrimage tourism in areas populated by peoples of different faiths, social distances have expanded considerably, leading to important implications for resident communities. Lumbini, Nepal, is one such case, which resembles a mix of Karakayali’s (2009) social distance types. Karakayali’s ‘affective distance’ and ‘cultural and habitual distance’ are clearest in the examples of the interaction between Buddhist and Hindu visitors, as well as Buddhist and Christian visitors, all of whom tend to share a common sense of peace-seeking. The social distance between the Muslim majority population around the sacred zone reflects a more ‘normative distance,’ in that while Muslims are somewhat ambivalent to the Buddhist heritage of the region since it is not ‘their heritage’, they are willing to protect the Buddhist heritage of the area for economic and social development purposes (Rai, 2020). The ‘interactive’ social distance between the local Muslim and Hindu populations has been established for hundreds of years, with the two communities living side by side in the Terai region and frequently intermingling and helping one another as needed. Thus, the social distance within Lumbini’s sacred space varies depending on the ethno-­ religious group (visitors and residents). These social distances have a strong bearing on the sense of connectivity with Buddhist pilgrims and other tourists, but the metaphorical distances at Lumbini have been successfully bridged to create a welcoming environment for tourists of all backgrounds. For destination inhabitants, tourism provides economic opportunities in tourism services and social benefits through improved education, medical care, and opportunities to share and protect their cultures. Buddhist tourism (and heritage tourism more generally) has empowered Lumbini’s Hindu and Muslim communities economically, socially, and politically as they strengthen their inter-community collaboration to ensure the success of tourism in their community. The Kartarpur Corridor across the India-Pakistan border is a recent effort to bridge the functional distance between Sikhs in India and one of their sacred places in Pakistan. Although it faced several challenges in its embryonic phase in late 2019 and early 2020, early evidence suggests that it was beginning to succeed until the border was closed due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Although they were not analyzed systematically in this chapter, travel websites, various social media platforms, and blogs are teeming with praise by Indian citizens for the bilateral efforts to open this border to allow Sikhs to worship at the gurdwara in Kartarpur. Anecdotal

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evidence from these sources seems to suggest that the functional distance between India and Pakistan is now much shorter and that the social distance between the Pakistanis and Indians in this place has narrowed through this debordering process. Communities on both sides of the border are benefitting from this diminishing social and functional distance. The Muslim Pakistanis help care for the area around Kartarpur and see the new corridor as an opportunity to improve their standard of living through religious tourism. Pakistani Sikhs see an opportunity at last to share their faith heritage with their co-believers from the Indian side of the border, and the local Indian Sikhs are thrilled with this new endeavor that allows them to venerate one of their holiest shrines in person. At the time of writing, the COVID-19 pandemic continues to impact pilgrimage and other forms of tourism. Many pilgrimage centers and religious heritage sites continue to be closed to worshippers and cultural visitors (Olsen & Timothy, 2020) and many borders remain sealed to cross-border travel of all kinds, including pilgrimage (Sherwood, 2020), thereby indicating a rebordering both in a metaphorical (social distance) and literal (functional distance) sense. Site closures and border blockades have forced pilgrims to seek online alternatives to religious travel (Olsen & Timothy, 2020), which can simultaneously widen and narrow social and functional distances as people remain apart but also are enabled to visit places virtually that might not have been possible before. The virtualization of pilgrimages and border closures because of the current pandemic, as well as the shrinking of social and functional distances through tourism, have important social and economic implications for the resident communities that host religious tourists.

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Chapter 3

Development of Tourism Governance for Religious Tourism: A New Form of Local Community in Najaf, Iraq Shin Yasuda

Abstract  This chapter examined a sense of local community and locality in the sacred places which was heavily embedded in the global flow of mobility, through the case study of the Old City of Najaf in Iraq. The development of a new form of local community and locality in the Old City of Najaf has emerged through the development of governance capabilities as the development of religious tourism, which included effective management strategies for the local community, enabled further participation and accountability in policy actions and initiatives, and created a public sphere for sharing information, knowledge, and social values inside the Old City. The revitalisation of sacred places in the Old City of Najaf was heavily dependent under the religious tourism economy, created and sustained by the Imam Ali Shrine and other public and private actors. Therefore, the development of a new form of local community and locality in the Old City of Najaf is reflected in the embodiment of governance capabilities through the interactions in the religious tourism economy in the Old City. Keywords  Iraq · Islam · Local governance · Locality · Religious tourism economy

3.1 Introduction The development of the international tourism market in contemporary society has radically transformed the traditional sense of local communities, which share a sense of place among its members through social norms, knowledge, practices, and values. Traditional tourism studies, especially the anthropology of tourism, emphasize the traditional ways of the ‘local community’ in anthropological contexts S. Yasuda (*) Department of Tourism Policy, Faculty of Regional Policy, Takasaki City University of Economics, Takasaki, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 R. N. Progano et al. (eds.), Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism, Perspectives on Asian Tourism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9677-1_3

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(Smith & Brent, 2001; Yamashita, 2003; McKay, 2006). However, the concept of the local community itself has been reconsidered in recent academic discussions (Appadurai, 1995, 1996; Urry & Larsen, 2011). Arjun Appadurai states that contemporary social interactions are not limited to the traditional sense of community; rather, they are the embodiment of ‘global flows’ through mobility (Appadurai, 1996). Global flows are conceptualized as the mobilities of people, objects, concepts, and resources that have radically transformed local communities as well as the social environment. This global flow of mobilities has reflexively constructed local communities in accordance with the transformation of their surrounding social environment. From this perspective, the local community is not described as having a static spatial and scalar characteristic; rather, it can be considered as a temporal, relational, and contextual situation embodied through reflective negotiation, communication, and interactions in a certain social environment (Edensor, 2001). Given this background, Appadurai (1995) indicates that locality is ‘constituted by a series of links between the sense of social immediacy, the technologies of interactivity and the relativity of contexts’ (p. 208) and ‘space and time are themselves socialized and localized through complex and deliberate practices of performance, representation and action’ (p. 210). As the development of the discussion on local community and locality, Tim Edensor theorized locality from the perspective of the performance approach and the concept of performativity in tourism studies, where locality is understood as the outcome of micro-level social interactions with other human beings and non-human objects (Edensor, 2001; Edensor & Millington, 2008). Hence, the local community in tourism is described as the embodiment of a sense of place, or local embeddedness, which is constructed through the stakeholders’ social interactions and commitment to that place (Appadurai, 1995, 1996; Edensor, 2001; Edensor & Millington, 2008). The recent development of religious tourism, most notably traditional pilgrimages, has reinforced the issues of local communities and locality in relation to sacred places (Olsen & Timothy, 2006; Collins-Kreiner, 2020). Some studies have focused on the transformation of the landscape and cultures for religious tourism destinations, which have intensified the contested nature of sacred places and raised questions about the place of local communities due to the increasing presence of external parties (Digance, 2003). These discussions epitomize the decline of traditional religiosity or locality based on institutionalized international or domestic religious authority and legitimacy, because of the decline in traditional religious commitments from local communities. Notwithstanding, contemporary religious places have gained popularity and acquired new forms of religious authenticity through the transformation of the religious commitment of local communities, as well as its visitors, because of religious tourism and religious commodification (Olsen, 2019; Gale et  al., 2016). In these studies, local community and locality are described as temporal, relational, and contextual situations embodied through reflective negotiation, communication, and interactions in the global sacred mobilities (Gale et al., 2016). Further, other studies have suggested considering revised forms of management and governance for pilgrimages (Shackley, 2001), which analyze emerging forms of competition and

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corporations in the religious tourism market to identify avenues for locality and community development based on the concept of ‘tourism governance’ (Cerutti & Piva, 2015; Wiltshier & Griffiths, 2016; Piva et al., 2019). Accordingly, this chapter focuses on the new forms of local communities in response to the development of religious tourism through a case study of the Old City of Najaf in Iraq. The characteristics of religious tourism in Najaf, its social impacts on the local community, and new emergent forms of locality based on religious tourism are considered. Using manuscripts and documents on the Old City of Najaf, this chapter presents an empirical case study of historical descriptions (Yin, 2009), which highlights the historical development of new forms of local communities for religious tourism in the Old City of Najaf. This chapter is based on a close reading of the Arabic public relations magazine of the Imam Ali Shrine, named al-Wilāya (Guardianship), and the newswire of the Imam Ali Shrine, named Shubaka Imām ‘Alī (Imam Ali Net), both of which serve as primary sources. Additionally, other publicly available information from the Imam Ali Shrine and related organizations are also examined. Moreover, various manuscripts, documents, and reports on religious tourism in Najaf by public and private organizations, such as the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), Najaf Governorate and Municipality, Najaf Chamber of Commerce (Ghurfa Tijāra Najaf al-Ashrāf), Najaf Investment Commission (al-Hī’ya al-Najaf li al-Istithmār), Najaf Charter (Mīthāq al-Najaf), and related NGOs are examined.

3.2 Najaf, the Homeland of Shi’ite Islam Shi’ite Islam and Sunni Islam are typically held to be the two main branches of Islam. As per historical records, Shi’ite Islam was born out of political strife around the question of succession, following the death of Prophet Muhammad. From the perspective of Shi’ite history, people recognized Ali ibn Abi Talib, the cousin and son-in-law of Prophet Muhammad, as the caliph (political-religious successor to Prophet Muhammad) and wanted Ali’s lineage to head the Muslim community. In fact, as Abu Bakr, Umar, and Uthman succeeded the caliph, differences in political opinion escalated and political conflict broke out between Ali’s supporters and other parties. As Ali was assassinated in 661 AD at Kufa, near Najaf (today a part of the Great Najaf City), his supporters gradually formed a certain religious branch to insist on Ali’s political and religious authenticity. Nowadays, although Shi’ite Muslims constitute most of the population in certain countries such as Iran, Iraq, and Bahrain, they only account for 10% of the global Muslim population. Najaf, or al-Najaf al-Ashrāf (Notable Najaf), is in central Iraq, near the Euphrates River. Historically, the city was established as the burial place of Ali. After Ali’s assassination at Kufa, his body was buried near the bank of the Euphrates River, which is now the site of the Imam Ali Shrine. Even today, Ali’s supporters continue to frequent the shrine to demonstrate and deepen their faith (Tabbaa et al., 2014).

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Nowadays, the Imam Ali Shrine has become one of the major destinations for Islamic religious tourism. In addition, the Wādī al-Salām Cemetery (Muqbira Wādī al-Salām), located in the northern part of the Old City near the Imam Ali Shrine, that various figures have intended to obtain the blessing (baraka) of Imam Ali by making their bodies near the shrine. It is regarded as the largest cemetery in the world and was listed as a tentative UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2011 (UNESCO, 2021). Moreover, various Shi’ite people inside and outside the country have visited significant religious places in the country, named ‘Atabāt including Najaf as well as Karbala, Kadhimiya and Samarra, to fulfill their religious needs (Tabbaa et  al., 2014) (Fig. 3.1). Although Najaf has religious significance as a sacred place for Shi’ite Muslims, it was historically governed by Sunni authorities, such as the Seljuk and Ottoman dynasties, since the medieval period and Shi’ite visitors were frequently hindered by the policies of these governments (Tabbaa et al., 2014). However, Najaf has continuously developed as a religious city for religious visitors and students since the sixteenth century, and since then, residents of the Old City of Najaf have engaged in religious services and commercial activities to aid its development (Riggs, 2017). Najaf’s local community and its economy were heavily dependent on these visitors, as well as on the burial business that various enterprises engaged in. Enterprises offered services to bury people who wanted to be buried near the shrine for their salvation, which came to be known as the ‘shrine economy’ (Riggs, 2017). In simpler words, Najaf’s economy was geared to cater to the needs of religious visitors. Consequently, many occupations in the city were intricately connected with shrine visits, such as accommodation proprietors, servants, and shrine attendants. In this social environment, Najaf’s economy was non-centralized, partially informal, and

Fig. 3.1  Imam Ali Shrine, photo by Amir Hesaminejad. (Source: Tasnin News Agency, 2016 (Wikimedia Commons))

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heavily reliant on various charitable donations as well as economic activities, which led to important social and political developments in religious scholars’ relations with donors, particularly with government officials and merchants. The Old City’s residents and its community were heavily dependent on Najaf’s shrine economy and its associated practices, including considerable donations from followers, such as almsgiving (zakāt), charitable endowments (waqf), voluntary charity (ṣadaqa), and other types of donations from outside the city. Furthermore, the local community was also strongly influenced by economic activities such as tourism, as well as landscapes in the city (Riggs, 2017), since the Imam Ali Shrine and the city had little land for religious endowments in comparison with other Shi’ite religious sites such as Qom and Mashhad in Iran (Chatelard, 2017; Riggs, 2017). In this social setting, the landscape of the Old City describes the deterioration of the sacred topography and skylines because of the evident transformation of traditional local communities during its history (Abid, 2016; Falah, 2018; Farhan et al., 2020). Sacred topography, in this context, became a contested arena among visitors, residents, governors, and religious figures. According to Paulo Pinto (2017), ‘religious authorities and institutions have tried to ground themselves in Najaf’s sacred topography and gain power and prestige by promoting certain religious narratives through the embellishment or creation of holy places’ (p. 64). However, as the informal sector like the shrine economy had been dominant in Old City, the governance of the Old City remained de-centralized. Najaf enjoyed diverse benefits from its shrine economy; however, the local community and its traditional local governance structure were destroyed in the twentieth century because of the transformation of the surrounding social environment due to the decline of its religious significance (Abid, 2016; Riggs, 2017; Falah, 2018). The Iranian Pahlavi Dynasty concentrated on the development of the cities of Qom and Mashhad in Iran through massive donations, detracting from donations and endowments to Najaf. Moreover, the rise of Arab nationalism, socialism, and communism in Middle Eastern countries in the twentieth century strongly influenced the local community of Najaf. Since Najaf became a contested political ground between the Shi’ite political parties and Saddam Hussein’s Ba’ath regime since the 1970s, the local community in Najaf experienced various political fallouts, which negatively influenced and destroyed the local economy and community practices. The Ba’ath regime not only hindered the development of the shrine economy in the city but also demolished the al-Amarah district, located in the western part of the Old City, which was one of the key areas for the shrine economy and local community activities, to suppress anti-Ba’ath political movements in the district in the 1980s (Falah, 2018). On the other hand, the Ba’ath regime intended to develop religious tourism in Najaf by organizing governmental programs to construct Saddam’s City for Visitors in the al-Amarah district. Indeed, the regime welcomed Iranian religious visitors to Najaf in the 1990s to boost its economy and manage the shrine economy under governmental control; however, the program was discontinued at the end of the 1990s because of international sanctions (Kana, 2011; Falah, 2018).

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3.3 The Development of Religious Tourism in Najaf Religious tourism in Najaf has developed dramatically since the collapse of Saddam Hussein’s Ba’ath regime in 2003, and various stakeholders from inside and outside the city are involved in boosting the socio-economic performance of the city, as the surrounding social environment of the Imam Ali Shrine and the Old City has changed completely (Tabbaa et al., 2014; Abid, 2016; Chatelard, 2017; Pinto, 2017; Falah, 2018; Farhan et al., 2020). Since the Imam Ali Shrine has remained a site of religious significance for Shi’ite Muslims, the city has become the main destination for religious visits (ziyāra) for Shi’ite Muslims around the world. Consequently, Najaf is now one of the most famous religious tourism destinations in the Middle East (Tabbaa et al., 2014), and its local economy has become heavily dependent on religious tourism (Riggs, 2017; Falah, 2018). Since 2003, more than four million international religious visitors (from Iran and other Middle Eastern countries, South Asian countries, Europe, and America) have visited every year, and the number of residents of Najaf has risen to more than one million people, including more than 15,000 Shi’ite religious scholars (‘ulamā) and religious students (Chatelard, 2017). The successful opening of the Najaf International Airport in September 2008 was a turning point for stakeholders looking to promote religious tourism in the country, as well as for the city of Najaf itself. Even though the number of religious visitors to Najaf had risen, investors had been reluctant to invest in Najaf prior to this event, because of uncertainty surrounding the development of religious tourism in the city. The successful investment in the Najaf International Airport by the Kuwaiti investment firm al-Aqeelah Holdings served to dissipate reluctant attitudes toward investing in Najaf (Chatelard, 2017). As a result, various foreign investors have focused on different investment projects in Najaf since 2008. Domestic stakeholders, such as the Najaf Investment Commission, the Najaf Chamber of Commerce, and local business figures have actively promoted favorable investment environments in the government and introduced new investment schemes (NIC, 2021). These efforts culminated in the revival of religious tourism in Najaf, and the development of religious tourism became a focal point for the residents and the tourism industry in the 2010s. Moreover, the social environment of donations and endowments to the Shi’ite shrines changed dramatically after the collapse of the Ba’ath regime (Hasan, 2019). The Ministry of Awqaf (Religious Affairs) has lost its central authority to control waqf properties in the country, and its administration has been divided according to religious communities: the Office of Shia Endowment (OSHE), the Office of Sunni Endowment (OSE), and the Office of Christian, Ezidian, and Sabean Mandaean Endowments have been formed (Hasan, 2019). With administrative duties divided among religious communities, the management of waqf properties for Shi’ite Muslims was dramatically eased, and Shi’ite waqf properties related to the Imam Ali Shrine and other Shi’ite shrines have dramatically developed inside and outside the country.

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Consequently, the shrine economy in Najaf has been revitalized as a ‘religious tourism economy’, and the cityscape of the Old City and the local community has undergone a dramatic transformation (Abid, 2016; Falah, 2018; al-Hinkawi & Alsaady, 2019). The local community in the Old City has focused on the development of tourism infrastructure (Chatelard, 2017; Falah, 2018; Farhan et al., 2020). Moreover, private companies have encouraged investment in tourism infrastructure, such as hotels and restaurants (Abid, 2016; Chatelard, 2017; Falah, 2018). With the development of religious tourism, the sacred topography of Najaf became a contested arena for stakeholders to express their preferences in the cityscape (Pinto, 2017). In fact, markers of local or discrete histories were erased in favor of aesthetic references to the desired or ‘correct’ historical narrative or to the civilizational context of the Shi’ite community that various groups have tried to impose on the shrines under their control. Since the transformation of the sacred topography of the Old City, the development of religious tourism in Najaf has also had negative impacts on local communities in the Old City, including increases in land prices, sprawling development, and decline in permanent residents (Abid, 2016; Chatelard, 2017; Falah, 2018; al-­ Hinkawi & Alsaady, 2019; Farhan et al., 2020). Residents of the Old City have left the city and sold their properties to tourism firms because of the impinging effects of tourism growth (Chatelard, 2017; Falah, 2018). As a result, the traditional local community and the historical landscape of the Old City has almost disappeared, although the preservation of historical heritage in the Old City area is encouraged to retain its historical and cultural heritage (PCHIIC, 2021). Some in the Old City have even established social associations and community activities to sustain traditions (Falah, 2018; PCHIIC, 2021). However, it does not appear to have become a movement to foster the preservation and growth of the local community. The Najaf Governorate Office and the City Municipal Office established the Najaf Reconstruction Commission to undertake city planning and apply administrative control to management development in the Old City after the end of the political turmoil in 2006 (Chatelard, 2017; al-Hinkawi & Alsaady, 2019). In 2006, the British planning firm Llewelyn Davies Yeang (LDY) and its Iraqi partner, Architectural Designer for Engineering Consultancy (ADEC), were hired to facilitate and oversee urban development in the city (Falah, 2018). Although the firms recommended the conservation of religious and historical properties and monuments in the Old City through the strict regulation of construction, these recommendations were not implemented (Falah, 2018). However, in 2011, the Iraqi Ministry of Municipalities and Public Works reconsidered the recommendations by LDY and ADEC and hired Dewan Architects + Engineers from the United Arab Emirates (UAE) to address problems in the Old City of Najaf (Dewan, 2015; Falah, 2018). After carrying out a survey, the firm released a master plan recommending rebuilding in a traditional style and conserving historical properties, while providing more spaces, facilities, and infrastructure to accommodate the boom in religious visitors. Although the administration introduced city planning and a master plan for the development of Najaf, the implementation of these plans was hindered due to the historically de-centralized nature of power and weak governance structure of the

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local community. Dewan’s founder and managing director Mohammad al-Assam cited the entangled ownership status of private properties in the Old City, coupled with the ignorance, limited knowledge, and inexperience of officials, as contributing factors to an ongoing pattern of destruction by local authorities (Chatelard, 2017). As a result, old buildings and brick courtyard houses were demolished to create space for hotels, commercial establishments, and religious centers, often exceeding the three floors permitted under municipal regulations.

3.4 Development of New Form of Locality in the Old City of Najaf City planners vehemently complained about the lack of a central structure and networks for the conservation and management of the Old City (Falah, 2018; PCHIIC, 2021). However, the development of religious tourism in Najaf, with its emphasis on commitment to the local shrine economy and sacred topography, created a new public sphere for stakeholders through economic investment strategies as well as religious donations. As the Imam Ali Shrine began to receive large donations and endowments from its tangible and intangible religious heritage such as religious buildings and rituals, the Shrine employed an investment strategy to extract profits from its properties that had been invested in (Anon, 2013). This strategy helped dissipate some of the financial issues faced by the Shrine and facilitated the development of further activities. In 2013, the Shrine established the Department of Investment (Qism al-Istithmār) to enhance its social activities as well as religious services by establishing related departments, branches, and companies (Anon, 2013; SIA, 2013). The Chief of the Department of Investment of the Imam Ali Shrine indicated in the magazine al-Wilāya that the shrine adopted investment strategies to bolster its financial portfolio and obtain the necessary resources for its administration (Anon, 2013). The department first invested in agricultural lands and widened its targets in various industries such as beverages, food, manufacturing, electricity, social infrastructure, restaurants, hotels, and tourism. The Chief of the Department of Investment emphasized that its growing investments in various industries stimulated the local economy and created employment, in addition to the improvement of services in the Shrine. Further, the Department of Investment of the Imam Ali Shrine has actively promoted large investments in both its waqf properties and non-waqf properties (Anon, 2013). These investments have vitalized their management and produced further profits from these properties. Moreover, the Shrine also invested in religious, cultural, welfare, and educational programs and events by creating infrastructure and establishing organizations to vitalize these social services. Currently, the Imam Ali Shrine owns more than twenty subordinate companies and organizations in various fields and has invested in other local firms. These private firms have reaped profits

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and received investment from the Shrine, which has also contributed to enhancing the economic benefits for the Shrine and strengthening its financial portfolio (Anon, 2013). Some of these subordinate companies have already sustained enough profits to develop their management without investment from the Imam Ali Shrine and have facilitated the development of the local economy based on religious tourism. As a result, the Department of Investment in the Organisation of His Highness Holy Ali (al-‘Ataba al-‘Alawīya al-Muqaddasa), the official custodian organization of the Imam Ali Shrine, became one of the significant investors in the local economy and the local community (Anon, 2013). Meanwhile, various private investors spent money on in the development of religious tourism in the city, and the Chamber of Commerce in Najaf and other private companies also took up active roles (NIC, 2021). As the Imam Ali Shrine has developed its investment strategies, it has also considered enhancing social services by developing a religious tourism economy. Various entities in the religious tourism economy have actively organized community events such as cleaning the Old City (SIA, 2019), educational programs for heritage conservation (PCHIIC, 2021), and social activities to support religious services inside and outside the Shrine (SIA, 2020). Residents of the Old City as well as the staff of the Shrine have been involved in encouraging these communal activities to enhance the governance capabilities of the local communities.

3.5 Tourism Governance for Religious Tourism in Najaf Through this process, investment management not only sustains the Shrine’s financial portfolio but also encourages governance of local communities under religious tourism and investment strategies through the enhancement of new social services and practices. In fact, stakeholders in the religious tourism economy have contributed to improving governance in the local community by facilitating social interactions among them through the new social services and practices, based on the trust and reliance of investments coming from religious authenticity, or the blessing of the Imam Ali Shrine. This new form of local community and locality can be analyzed through the concept of tourism governance in religious tourism (Cerutti & Piva, 2015; Wiltshier & Griffiths, 2016; Piva et al., 2019). As previous literature shows, tourism governance is used to describe network-based modes of management over resources, whose values are recognized and sometimes contested, and it ‘signifies an increased diversity of power in decision-making and a shift from hierarchies to more network-­ based processes of exchange and negotiation’ (Hultman & Hall, 2012, p. 550). It is ‘a system of formal and informal rules (values, customs, procedures, norms, laws, etc.) consolidated in institutions and policies that establish patterns and processes of interaction among stakeholders’ (de Bruyn & Alonso, 2012, p. 222). Indeed, governance promotes effective tourism management strategies and practices by building consensus on decision-making and co-management arrangements with

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stakeholders, by fostering transparency, efficiency, and accountability (Beritelli, 2011; Bichler, 2021). From this perspective, the concept of governance in religious tourism encompasses the shared values, rules, institutions, and processes through which public and private stakeholders seek to achieve common objectives and make decisions in the process of religious tourism development and promoted social services for the local community (Piva et al., 2019). In the case of Najaf, this sense of governance fosters a further commitment to the management of Imam Ali Shrine and enhances further benefits as well as social affiliation in the emerging local community. The revitalization of social service and events in the Old City of Najaf through the development of religious tourism indicates the enhancement of the emerging local community and locality embedded in the city’s social environment. In this sense, the development of the religious tourism economy has promoted governance capabilities in the Old City through the enhancement of social services and practices, which created a new locality and local community in the city.

3.6 Conclusion This chapter examined the new forms of governance for local communities in response to the development of religious tourism through a case study of the Old City of Najaf in Iraq. The social environment of Najaf radically changed in 2003 after the collapse of Saddam Hussein’s Ba’ath regime. The Old City of Najaf, where the revered Imam Ali Shrine is located, revitalized its economy through the development of its religious tourism market, which can be called the ‘religious tourism economy’. Local communities and foreign firms have been actively involved in developing the market following the inauguration of the Najaf International Airport in 2008 and the consequent increase in religious tourists. This case demonstrated that the sacred topography of Najaf became a contested arena for residents and visitors to the Imam Ali Shrine due to their active engagement in the development of the city and the Shrine. Various agents have encouraged donations and endowments to the Shrine, the Old City, and other places in the city to consolidate their own positions in the cityscape. Moreover, the increase in profits from the religious tourism economy has promoted competition and corporations among stakeholders, and their active commitments have had various impacts on the landscape of the city and the local community. Although administrations and city planners intended to govern their commitment to the religious tourism economy, most of these efforts have failed. On the other hand, the organization in charge of the Imam Ali Shrine and other related entities have encouraged the promotion of management strategies based on investment schemes in the religious tourism economy to foster a new form of governance capabilities for the local community. As religious tourism has developed in the city, economic investments have created strong social ties among stakeholders.

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Furthermore, the Imam Ali Shrine began to invest in various fields to foster the development of local businesses and social services. The Department of Investment of the Imam Ali Shrine has introduced an investment strategy to promote governance of local communities in the city by bolstering its religious tourism economy. As a result, various communal activities and social services held by public and private local institutions have flourished in the Old City of Najaf, which has enhanced the governance capabilities of local communities. This new form of governance for the religious tourism economy has provided effective management strategies for the local community, enabled further participation and accountability in policy actions and initiatives, and created a public sphere for sharing information, knowledge, and social values inside the Old City of Najaf, which lead to the new form of locality in the city. Therefore, the development of a new form of local community and locality in the Old City of Najaf is reflected in the embodiment of governance capabilities under the religious tourism economy, created and sustained by the Imam Ali Shrine and other public and private actors. The discussion in this chapter implicates that a sense of local community and locality in the sacred places is heavily embedded in the global flow of mobility, and it emerges through the development of governance capabilities through the development of religious tourism. In this sense, the development of religious tourism clarifies the degree of governance for the local community as well as the religious tourism market. Acknowledgments  This research was funded by Grants-in-Aid for Scientific Research of JSPS (Japan Society for the Promotion of Science), grant number 19H00564, 20H05824 and 21H03719.

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Piva, E., Cerutti, S., & Raj, R. (2019). Managing the sacred: A governance perspective for religious tourism destinations. In P. Wiltshier & M. Griffiths (Eds.), Managing religious tourism (pp. 10–21). CABI. Riggs, R. (2017). Najaf: A historical centre of power and economy (1500-1920). In S. Mervin, R. Gleave, & G. Chatelard (Eds.), Najaf: Portrait of a holy city (pp. 253–276). Ithaca Press. Shackley, M. (2001). Managing sacred sites: Service provision and visitor experience. Thomas Learning. SIA (Shubaka Imām ‘Alī). (2013, April 16). Qism al-Istithmār fī al-‘Ataba al-‘Alawīya al-­ Muqaddasa yu’aqqid Jalasa Tashāwarīya Taṭwīr Mashrū’ Mazra’a Fadak al-Zirā’a al-Istithmār (Investment Department in the Organisation of His Highness Holy Ali held Consultation Meeting for discussing the Development Project of Agricultural Investments in Fadak Agricultural Land). https://www.imamali.net/?id=316&sid=465 SIA (Shubaka Imām ‘Alī). (2019, January 27). Shu’aba al-Āliyāt al-Khadama fī al-‘Ataba al-‘Alawīya tanfidh Ḥamla li al-Tanẓīf Shawāri’ al-Madīna al-Qadīma bi al-ta’āwn Ma’a Fawj Ḥimāya al-Najaf (Machines in the Division of Services in the Organisation of His Highness Holy Ali carried out the campaign to clean the Streets in Old City of Najaf with Residents of Najaf). https://www.imamali.net/?id=316&sid=14980 SIA (Shubaka Imām ‘Alī). (2020, October 16). Al−‘Ataba al-‘Alawīya al-Muqaddasa ta’lin Najāḥ Khaṭṭa-hā al-Khāṣṣa Zā’irī Marqad Amīr al-Mu’minīn (‘A) fī Zikrī Wafā al-Nabī al-Akram (ṣ) (The Organisation of His Highness Holy Ali announced the Success of its Plan to serve Visitors to the Shrine for the Anniversary of Death of Notable Prophet). https://www.imamali. net/?id=316&sid=18537 Smith, V. L., & Brent, M. (Eds.). (2001). Hosts and guests revisited: Tourism issues of the 21st century. Cognizant Communication Corporation. Tabbaa, Y., Mervin, S., & Bonnier, E. (2014). Najaf, the gate of wisdom. History, heritage and significance of the holy city of the Shi‘a. UNESCO Publishing. Tasnin News Agency. (2016, September 20). Najaf city in 2016. https://www.tasnimnews.com/ar/ media/2016/9/20/1191504 UNESCO. (2021, February 19). Wadi Al-Salam Cemetery in Najaf – UNESCO World Heritage Centre. https://whc.unesco.org/en/tentativelists/5578/ Urry, J., & Larsen, J. (2011). The tourist gaze 3.0. SAGE. Wiltshier, P., & Griffiths, M. (2016). Management practices for the development of religious tourism sacred sites: Managing expectations through sacred and secular aims in site development; report, store and access. International Journal of Religious Tourism and Pilgrimage, 4(7), 1–8. https://doi.org/10.21427/D7KS3J Yamashita, S. (2003). Bali and beyond: Explorations in the anthropology of tourism. Berghahn Books. Yin, R. K. (2009). Case study research: Design and methods. SAGE.

Chapter 4

Tourism Visitors, Pilgrimage and Contested Spaces: Community, Heritage, Ecology and Perception Ian D. Rotherham

Abstract  Tourism and pilgrimage in the twenty-first century have evolved as major drivers of local, regional, and even national economies. Indeed, pilgrimage has long been an important social and economic facet of many communities. Nevertheless, need and desire for pilgrimage generates multi-layered issues of contested spaces and competing uses between different religious persuasions and secular communities. Such issues have occurred throughout the history of pilgrimage and tourism, triggering political and other conflicts. This chapter addresses specific issues of modern tourism, leisure, and pilgrimage with English case-studies and reference to stakeholder perceptions of pagans and non-pagans today. Perceptions and attitudes are significant forces raising difficult issues when mainstream, mass tourism and outdoor recreation impact on pagan sites and landscapes. When perceived sacred sites become landscapes for outdoor sporting activities, there are potential conflicts. In English National Parks, originally designated in the 1940s and 1950s, priorities were quiet recreation and conservation. However, increasing demand for outdoor active leisure and mass tourism, and regional economic benefits, means a change in basic assumptions. This generates issues of site and space ‘ownership’. Whilst traditional mainstream locations, e.g., medieval Christian churches, are recognised as places of quiet reverence, pagan landscape-­based religious sites are not. Additional conflict occurs in now recreational landscapes between secular spiritual visitors to ‘wild’ sites seeking nature-therapy through solitude, and mass tourism or active sports. With National Park management increasingly driven by potential economic impacts, decision-makers overlook these issues and less mainstream stakeholders like modern-day pagans and those seeking spiritual experiences in nature. For pilgrimage and wider tourism, the study triggers questions of whose religion, heritage, landscape, and benefit. Long-term action research in English National Parks and other protected areas suggests these are rarely addressed by mainstream conservation of nature and heritage, by tourism managers, or regional planners. I. D. Rotherham (*) Advanced Wellbeing Research Centre, Sheffield Hallam University, Sheffield, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 R. N. Progano et al. (eds.), Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism, Perspectives on Asian Tourism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9677-1_4

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The chapter reviews issues, long-term observations, and action research with stakeholders, with reference to detailed case-studies and stakeholder feedback to consider paradigms. Specific questions are (1) of ‘ownership’ of space and nature as sacred sites in National Parks and other protected areas in England; (2) of attitudes and connection to nature and landscape by pagan and non-pagan communities; (3) the degree to which connection to nature in English National Parks represents spiritual experience; and (4) how pagan stakeholders in English National Parks represent an invisible community. It is argued that mass tourism destinations, National Parks, and other protected areas creates contested spaces between multiple stakeholder groups with these spiritual landscapes overlooked by managers and decision-­ makers. The issues and findings are transferrable to other geographical and social settings. Keywords  Pilgrimage · Tourism · Paganism · Contested spaces · Perceptions · Stakeholders

4.1 Introduction and Overview 4.1.1 Pagan Spaces in the Tourism Arena This study is within a conceptual framework established by Rotherham (2019) (Fig. 4.1) to consider potential conflicts and stakeholder interactions affecting pagan sacred sites in protected landscapes. The case-study is the English Peak District National Park. The research addresses questions of archaeology, heritage, and sacredness in relation to growing pressures for recreation and tourism economies in protected landscapes. This is framed within paganism, shamanism, and spirituality in relation to nature and landscape. Tourism visitors to sites may trigger economic impacts and associated engagement of local communities. Yet sacred sites may experience contestation between actors and players including religious and non-religious residents and visitors. With increasingly secular societies this may cause tension. Nevertheless, for many visitors disconnected from any specific religion they still experience deeply spiritual interactions with significantly sacred places, buildings, and landscapes. For the UK, declines in formal Christian beliefs are in parallel with diversified cultural and ethnic society. There has been parallel re-emergence of nature-based spirituality and neo-paganism. Additionally, people embracing these beliefs have strong connections to sacred spaces and places. Recent controversies over archaeological heritage sites like Stonehenge (Wiltshire), or Stanton Moor Stone Circle (Peak District) (both in England), evidence the depth of feelings involved. Visiting a site may itself be contentious; so, a touristic visit might be a religious act for one person but sacrilege to another. Secular heritage or religious shrines may be spaces, locations, buildings, or landscapes, depending on viewer and perspective.

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Fig. 4.1  Pagan spaces in the tourism arena. (Source: author)

Rotherham (2019) addressed ‘pagan’ sacred sites and their roles as places for leisure and tourism visitors. Considering problems and associated potential for sacred site recreational visits, it is useful to locate ideas, paradigms, and concepts into effective frameworks. This may lead to provision of practitioner toolkits. With sacred sites potentially contested spaces, approaches to address conflicts and disputes relating to site ‘ownership’ and usage can transfer from analogous situations where landscapes, sites, or countryside are themselves ‘contested spaces’. For disputes over site access and recreational impacts, established tools include ‘Limits of Acceptable Change’ (Stankey, 1984), ‘Carrying Capacity’ (Manning, 2002), and ‘Management Plans’ (Clarke & Mount, 1998) or ‘Conservation Plans’ (Clark, 1999). These well-tested methods can be applied to specific challenges of pagan sites. Within leisure and recreation management there are concepts of ‘social carrying capacity’ (Graefe et  al., 1984), and of ‘Visitor Impact Management (VIM) (Graefe et al., 1990). This raises issues of the position of pagan visiting within the wider arena of mass tourism (Fig. 4.2) and thus of the place of such approaches in managing impacts.

4.1.2 Pagan Sacred Sites in a Secular World Increasingly in the developed Western world societies are increasingly secular and often non-religious (Rotherham, 2015a). However, whether this means we lack spirituality is a different question with Harvey (2000, 2004) and Blain and Wallis (2004a) considering these questions for varied religions and religious experiences (Anon, n.d.-c). In the UK, the diminished role of organized Christianity has

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Fig. 4.2  The place of pagan visiting within mass tourism. (Source: author)

paralleled growth in multiculturalism and search for other sources of spiritual enlightenment and fulfilment. These newly emergent spiritualties may include return to one-time paganism e.g., the Druidic movement but with no direct connection to its perceived origins. Influenced by the Romantics and work of antiquarians such as William Stukeley, modern druids emerged in nineteenth-century England (Piggott, 1985). The latter’s research connected ancient Druids and Druidic practices with locations like Avebury and Stonehenge in southern England. Sites like Stonehenge (Jenkins, 2006) and Stanton Moor (Peak National Park, England), there are now major conflicts related to their spiritual ‘ownership’. Religious sites like Christian churches and Islamic mosques are tourism and leisure visitor attractions, some with major economic and spiritual significance. Furthermore, iconic sites of ‘lost’ religions like ‘Druidic’ stone circles or Ancient Egyptian pyramids are huge attractants for tourism and leisure. Perception and identity of religious or iconic locations and artefacts raises big questions of ‘ownership’ and authenticity. Modern-day Druids view ancient stone circles as religious sites, but history shows their culture lacks direct connection to the ancient Druid culture. Archaeology confirms these sites were not Druidic but built by earlier cultures. For modern sacred sites is historic authenticity significant or necessary, or is sacredness in the eye of the beholder? To whom a site is sacred and indeed when, generate problems of conflicts, and spatial ownership. We might argue such issues are borne from practice over centuries when different religions and cultures, such as Christians, Jews, and Moslems in Jerusalem for example, seek to celebrate and validate the same locale but from competing perspectives. For tourism, these issues generate significant challenges (Stausberg, 2011; Tresidder, 1999).

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Following from sacred sites as contested spaces is the potential for religious tourism and sacred site visiting raising problems. Secular mass tourism and religious observance represent quite various aspects of life, although religious mass tourism can combine aspects of both. Mass tourism suggests consumption, triviality, and leisure. Pilgrimage on the other hand indicates sobriety, often with asceticism, and serious engagement with deep religious process. However, this is not clear-cut since religious tourism may involve feasting and touristic consumption. Yet for many stakeholders the approaches differ as do their impacts. The problems arising can then be addressed through approaches such as ‘limits of acceptable change’ and ‘conflict resolution’ (Rotherham, 2017) (Fig. 4.3). Self (2014) (Guardian Review) outlines the challenges of proposed visitor centre and tourism development at Stonehenge. Major transport infrastructural developments and controls over site access are contested by pagan groups. This mixes quasi-religious, and deeply spiritual views of ‘ownership’ of, and access to a sacred site, which may conflict with archaeological conservation and commercial tourism development too. Attitudes and perceptions of sites and landscapes influence visitors, with reality, myth, legend, and spirituality creating the nature and attractiveness of sacred sites. Deeply spiritual and psychological elements may draw visitors and even generate a fear of visiting (Rotherham, 2013). Jenkins (2006) raised pertinent issues about heritage and cultural ‘ownership’ by neo-ancients and Druids of sacred sites. Visitor numbers, religious and secular, can be large (e.g., 817,981  in 2004 for Stonehenge) mixing secular tourists with

Fig. 4.3  Placing the issues of pagan sacred sites in a wider framework and the resolution of conflicts. (Source: author)

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practising Druids, and others. With over 25 million day-visitors per year, large numbers of secular Western tourists visit Mount Fuji National Park (Japan) a major spiritual destination for the Japanese. The interactions are complex and Pungetti et al. (2012) provide in-depth discussion of connections between sacred sites, culture, recreational, and biocultural conservation issues. Those seeking spirituality can include participants in extreme sports e.g., mountaineering, mountain-biking, and caving. Similarly, as discussed by Tresidder (1999) and Aitchison et al. (2000), leisure and tourism often involve visits to attractive locations including cultural and natural sites and landscapes. These too may have strong elements of conscious, overt, or hidden spirituality. Woodward (2003) noted roles played by visits to sacred sites within wider context tourism. Since then, novel approaches to ‘green’ open spaces such as the ‘Forest Schools’ movement have emerged (Anon, n.d.-d), ‘forest bathing’, and biophilia (Arvay, 2018; Plevin, 2019), alongside growing interest in shamanistic nature connection (Taylor, 2016). More recently ideas of nature-­ prescribing for health and wellbeing, and the importance of quiet recreation and solitude for mental and physical health have grown (Firth, 2021).

4.2 Methods The location for the primary study was the Peak District National Park in England. This was chosen because it mixes elevated levels of visitor usage and outdoor sports (Anon, 2010) within a protected area that has extensive prehistoric and other tangible heritage. Furthermore, many of the prehistoric sacred sites are now venerated by modern-day pagans. Observations and scoping studies suggest that the contemporary spirituality in these landscapes is overlooked in site planning and management. The research approach was multi-methods studies with long-term action research and observation in the Peak District National Park (Fig. 4.4). Supported by discussions with expert stakeholders, site audits, and on-line and face-to-face questionnaires, case-studies of landscapes and sacred sites help inform analysis. Research ranged from examination of visitor behaviour and attitudes to information and signage at key locations, and surveys of attitudes to nature and spirituality. Feedback, observations, and other data were analysed and presented in earlier publications (e.g., Mayor, 2017; Rotherham & Mayor, 2019; Khan, 2020; Rotherham, 2015a, b, 2019). The case-studies were on Big Moor and Stanton Moor in the Peak District (Fig. 4.5a, b). These locations were selected for this review since they benefit from significant earlier investigations over a long time-period (e.g., Blain & Wallis, 2004b, c; Mayor, 2017; Sidaway, 1995, 2005).

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Fig. 4.4  Peak District location map. (Source: author)

Fig. 4.5 (a) Stanton Nine Ladies and pagan worshippers, Peak District (b) Barbrook 1 Bronze Age stone circle with an upright ortho-stat where visitors still leave offerings. (Source: author)

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Fig. 4.5 (continued)

4.3 Who Are the Modern-Day Pagans? Modern Paganism or Neo-Paganism 4.3.1 Paganism Today in Relation to Tourism and Sacred Places Modern paganism includes reconstructed religions like Celtic paganism, Germanic neo-paganism, Wicca, Druidism, Heathenry, and Discordianism (Blain & Wallis, 2004a; Hinnells, 1984; Blain & Wallis, 2007). Each differs in approach, adherence, and tradition, and some ‘revivals’ like Wicca and Neo-druidism for instance originated with nineteenth-century Romanticism. Some retain aspects of occultism or theosophy from that time which separate them from historical rural, ‘paganus’-type folk religions. These approaches are relevant to site-based tourism since most contemporary pagans consider nature to possess sacred, divine character. Some neo-­ pagan authors consider modern polytheism revivalist movements, historical approaches, and folk religion tradition (Bonewits, 2007; Jones & Pennick, 1997). Palaeo-paganism may be a retronym contrasting with ‘Neo-paganism’ to embrace ‘original polytheistic, nature-centred faiths’ like pre-Hellenistic Greek, pre-Imperial Roman religions, pre-Migration period Germanic paganism, and Celtic polytheism. Influenced by monotheistic, dualistic, or nontheistic worldviews, meso-paganism involves independent religious practices; examples being American, Australian, and other Austral-Asian Aboriginals, Viking Age Norse pagans, and New Age spiritual movements. Based around pre-Christian beliefs and nature-based

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spiritual movements, neo-paganism is most widespread. This contemporary movement revives nature-reverence or nature-living. Polytheism is religion or faith based on a plurality of divine beings, with aspects of underlying unity, and distinction between soft and hard polytheism. Many nature-based pagan faiths focus on concepts of nature divinity as a manifestation of the divine. This depth of spirituality challenges aspects of conservation management to raise issues for active recreational use of pagan sacred sites. In the twenty-first century, significant numbers of people are turning to nature-­ based spirituality (Khan, 2020). Moreover, this follows disconnect from nature associated with ecologically damaging human impacts of industrialised societies. Modern paganism demonstrates growing spiritual and religious movements in Western cultures dominated by anthropocentric attitudes. Khan’s research considered attitudes to nature and ecology through in-depth comparison of ideas of spirituality with 250 participant ‘Neo-Pagans’ and ‘Non-Pagans’. Those identifying as ‘Earth religion’ pagans had greater ecological concern and nature connectedness than non-pagans. The pagans exhibited seven major pathways to nature connection: (1) celebration of seasonal cycles, (2) acts of gratitude and offerings for nature, (3) ritual activity, (4) growing or foraging for food, (5) nature-inspired art, (6) ecological knowledge and maintained relationships with natural entities (Khan, 2020).

4.3.2 Tourism and Pagan Sacred Spaces Tourism to pagan sacred places involves two distinct components: (1) Secular visits unconnected with religious pilgrimage or related activities, and (2) Pagan religious visiting and associated activities. Religious use of locations, spaces or sites by modern pagan worshippers or pilgrims may impact on or damage archaeological and heritage values. A further complication is modern usage separated historically and culturally from original purposes, often distinct from authentic religious or other function. An example of complex site-related issues is the World Heritage Site at Stonehenge. The globally significant heritage site is a Neolithic (Late Stone Age) monument but adopted as sacred by modern-day Druids, claiming connections to Celtic Druidic observance. Yet the early druids had no connection to Stonehenge the place or monument, and modern-day Druids are disconnected from original Druids. The Romantic touristic aura of Stonehenge grew from nineteenth-century England to evolve strong associations with modern-day druidism, and Stonehenge is a major tourism attraction with 1,300,000 visitors annually. Even managing and interpreting Stonehenge has proved difficult and contentious, Blain and Wallis (2007) providing a contemporary overview of pagan perspectives.

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4.3.3 Sacred Sites and Protected Landscapes Discussions with actors and players in protected landscapes like National Parks suggest lack of awareness of sacred significance of landscapes to some people but not others. In the wider countryside, cultural and religious importance and their nature as contested spaces is under-appreciated by conservation managers. This is in a context of English countryside being strongly contested throughout history (Rotherham, 2014). Furthermore, within conservation management, there is limited discourse and understanding of eco-cultural character of conservation sites. This means ecologically driven management may compromise cultural integrity (Rotherham, 2013), and the latter may involve sacredness for some stakeholders. These issues occur globally for example with development and utilisation conflicts relating to traditional spaces for Aboriginal Australians (Ryan, 1998; Shackley, 1998), for Middle Eastern religious sites (Howden, 2005), and for modern British landscapes (Jenkins, 2006). In sensitive sacred landscapes, commercial exploitation, mineral extraction, and even heritage conservation, may impinge on perceived rights, values, and attachments. This is particularly so for marginalised, ‘pagan’ stakeholders (Self, 2014). With many Western societies growing less religious (especially Christianity), spiritual ‘sense of place’ grows more significant. This resonates with concepts of pagan sacred spaces but how does society value such intangible perspectives and beliefs? Furthermore, if we do not recognise values do we risk marginalising the rights of increasing numbers of people? How can we balance impacts of large numbers of active sports and tourism visitors in sacred landscapes? For instance, Peak District Bronze Age stone circles grow in significance to New Age Pagans and Druids but are increasingly damaged and eroded by recreation like mountain biking. How does this differ from activities unacceptable in Christian cathedrals or Muslim mosques; and if so, why? In such contested spaces, who decides and how are these matters examined within existing decision-making frameworks? With countryside visiting and recreational activities for example, sports like off-road cycling are increasingly the norm even on non-­ bridleways or areas of walking only ‘access’ land (Mayor, 2017). Usage may be increasingly intrusive for modern pagan stakeholders; recognition of prehistoric stone circles, cairns, and barrows as valid ‘sacred spaces’ challenging current practice. Would socially mainstream religions such as Islam or Christianity find such impacts acceptable in their sacred places? If not, then what is the difference and based on what criteria? For investigation and appreciation of culturally sacred sites there are other issues and dilemmas, and particularly for scientific study and destructive excavation of built structures and artefacts. These locations often involve ancient burial grounds, from which bones and other items are removed and processed as ‘finds’ and ‘artefacts’. Discovered, evaluated, catalogued and they are subjected to the touristic gaze. Ethical issues pertain to ‘native or original peoples’ around the world, but also apply to early Christian funereal sites and British pagan burials (Blain & Wallis,

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2007). In this context, how long is the acceptable time interval between burial and excavation? For modern-day pagans, contemporary archaeological digs on sacred sites may cause offense and distress (Wallis, 2003). Contestation also occurs between contemporary tourism, pagan spirituality of place, and nature conservation. Norberg-Shultz (1979) considered Exmoor National Park’s open moorlands in south-west England as resources for biodiversity but a ‘naturalised resource for the guided dreams of the urbanised population’ through which people touch nature. In this way, moorland may develop ‘sacred quality or spirit of place’ (Sharman, 2012), extending beyond mundane utilitarian farming and local occupation to generate an intangible atmosphere attracting visitors to the locale. The seeker pursues spiritual experiences with reverence differing markedly from outdoor active adventurists demanding thrills and contest with nature rather than harmony with it (Beard et al., 2003). Such interactions are complex since mountaineers for example are often attracted to the great outdoors to be close to extreme ‘nature’ as a quasi-spiritual experience. For other adventurers, activities trigger adrenalin rush as the primary objective beyond any spirituality (Anon, 2010; Gregory et  al., 2014), with nature to be endured or defeated. This objective is apparent in literature concerning mountain biking in the Peak District National Park (Mayor, 2017), in landscapes with abundant prehistoric sacred sites. Examination of mountain biking promotional literature contained nothing about reverence, respect, or sense of spirituality, with attitudes poles apart from the neo-pagans. These are landscapes and spaces contested. Sharman (2012) considered interactions between secular site conservation management, sacredness, sense of place, and spiritual meaning. Shackley (2003) stated that part of the late twentieth-century great diversification of quest for religious experience included not only ‘traditional’ sites sacred to monotheistic religions (Christianity, Judaism, and Islam) but also contemporary pilgrimage and ‘New Age’ sites. As leisure and tourism grow, religious and sacred site visiting also expands (Rotherham, 2007, 2015a) triggering potential conflicts between stakeholders, usage, conservation, and management. Pungetti et al. (2012) examine how conservation and management have focussed interest on interactions between nature and sacredness. Clearly attitudes and perceptions are deeply held and fundamental to determining approaches to National Park landscapes where sacred sites and active outdoor sports and adventure meet head-on. Khan (2020) examined attitudes to nature held by pagan and neo-pagan individuals and non-pagans. Overall, neo-pagans demonstrated enhanced connection to sacred spaces.

4.3.4 Whose Space Is Sacred? Considering stakeholder conflicts over tourism, recreation, and sacred sites in protected areas must ask questions of what is sacred and to whom. Blythe (1998) wrote of ‘Divine Landscapes: A Pilgrimage through Britain’s Sacred Places’ presenting

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tourism visits to Britain’s sacred places. Significantly, the sites chosen were exclusively Christian places, implying that these alone are ‘divine’ or ‘sacred’ and raising questions of where the pagan sacred spaces are. By contrast, Palmer and Palmer (1997) in ‘Sacred Britain’ took a wider-ranging tour of sacred landscapes and religious places including a tourism trail from Stonehenge to Glastonbury. Blain et al. (2004) provided overview of pagan research arguing it is necessary to consider past and present to understand the term ‘pagan’. A ‘pagan’ or ‘heathen’ is from the Old English hæðen which means ‘not Christian or Jewish’ and therefore ‘one of a race or nation which does not acknowledge the God of the Bible’. This further merges with Old Norse heiðinn ‘heathen’ or ‘pagan’ and is found in early European Germanic languages like Old Saxon ‘hedhin’, Old Frisian ‘hethen’, Dutch ‘heiden’, Old High German ‘heidan’, and German ‘Heiden’. These terms give ‘heathen’, simply meaning ‘the dweller on the heath, or one inhabiting uncultivated land’. Terminology evolution is informative with ‘pagan’ found in late-1300s Latin documents as ‘paganus’ or ‘pagan’, a ‘villager, rustic, civilian, or non-combatant’. It also means ‘of the country, or of a village’ from ‘pagus’ or ‘country people, a rural province, rural district’. Religious association was from ‘conservative’ rural communities still worshipping old-established non-Christian gods after widespread conversion to Christianity in Romanised settlements. The term may pre-date times when ‘paganus’ from Roman military jargon became applied to a ‘civilian’ or an ‘incompetent soldier’. Probably dating from about 1908, application to modern pantheists and other nature-worshippers came relatively late. Today pagan and heathen are considered close in meaning, though ‘pagan’ is applied to communities or societies which though they worship ‘false gods’ are considered cultured. Ancient Greeks and Romans were considered pagans but not heathens. Historically tribal peoples of central Africa were considered uncivilized ‘idolaters’ and heathens, as were Northern European tribes in Roman times. Assessing the importance and sensitivity of sacred sites issues arise of the degree of ‘civilisation’ for societies to be ‘heathen’ rather than ‘pagan’. From Judaeo-Christian perspectives Mohammedans, Buddhists, Hindus, and Taoists are pagans but not heathens. This approach influences the respect afforded to sacred sites and heritage and become pertinent to contested spaces. The concept of ‘paganism’ was applied by the early Christian Church as a term used by for others; the idea being important in Christian self-definition and assumed superiority. Pagans were considered inherently inferior. Until the early twentieth century, though the modern Druidic movement was emerging, individuals in countries like Britain did not consider themselves ‘pagans’. Nowadays the concept may embrace ‘Heathenry’ (Heathenism or Germanic neo-paganism), or neo-pagans more widely.

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4.3.5 Pagan Sacred Sites and Tourism Recreational access or economic development of pagan sacred sites in British protected landscapes is of interest when much formal religious tourism in occurs at Christian religious sites like cathedrals and romantic ruins of abbeys ICOMOS-UK (2000). Wider protected landscapes, especially National Parks, emphasize on nature and heritage conservation but with growing pressure to accept increasingly intensive recreational access. Adverse impacts of tourism visits to significant Christian heritage e.g., York Minster are carefully managed and strictly regulated, but those to important pagan landscapes are not. In most instances, modern-day pagans have no voice in relevant decision-making. This becomes complex when Christian sites are themselves juxtaposed with earlier pagan associations and locations. An example is an ancient yew tree (Taxus baccata) situated in the churchyard of a late Saxon and early Norman church (St Helen’s) in Churchtown, North Derbyshire. The tree most likely marks a pagan religious place a millennium older than the Christian church. Similarly, in Rudston village in the Yorkshire East Riding, the Rudston monolith (a granitic erratic boulder deposited by icesheets in the last glaciation and erected in the landscape as a monolith by early settlers) stands in the All-Saints parish church churchyard. This Christian church occupies a pre-Christian pagan site sacred to a long-lost culture. For early peoples and modern Aboriginal cultures, places, spaces, and landscapes were often sacred. This applies especially to British upland landscapes like the Peak District National Park, but this spiritual value is rarely recognised today. Absence of awareness exacerbates issues relating to landscape and resource ‘ownership’ to resonate with ideas and definitions of ‘pagan’. Furthermore, extending the discussion from tourism and leisure to encompass active outdoor recreation and sporting activities, widens the debate. Turning sacred sites into profane capitalist, tradable commodities is contentious and may be considered bad taste; reflecting to whose pagan, and who is pagan?

4.4 National Parks as Contested Spaces 4.4.1 A National Park Case-Study Ancient landscapes and sites like the Peak District National Park, present challenges in balancing recreation, tourism, archaeological conservation, nature conservation, and sacred or spiritual associations. As noted, modern-day spiritual or religious associations of specific sites lack connection to original establishment or functions. The Peak District National Park with 25,000,000 day-visitors per year represents a major economic hub for the region and the national economy. Nevertheless, due to government austerity, the responsible authority suffers major financial constraints and associated loss of experienced heritage and specialist

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archaeological officers and advisers on contested space issues in the landscape (Rotherham, 2013, 2015b). Increased demand for recreational and tourism spaces in National Parks coincides with growing recognition of the economic potential of countryside visiting and tourism (Beard et al., 2000; Rotherham, 2013, 2015b), and active outdoor sport and recreation (Anon, 2010; Butler & Comley, 2014). On the eastern fringe of the National Park, this was recognised by promotional branding of Sheffield as ‘The City of the Great Outdoors’ (Anon, 2010; Gregory et al., 2014). The report accompanying this serves to highlight benefits from outdoor activities in beautiful countryside. However, it totally misses the value of peace and quiet, serenity, tranquillity, and spirituality in sense of place. Nature-based activities and even quiet rambling are omitted from assessments focussed on mountain-biking, fell-running, rock-­ climbing, and other active pursuits. There was no recognition of possible adverse impacts on other users and activities.

4.4.2 Recognition, Perception, ‘Ownership’, and Resolution of Issues Potential tourism resources like nature and heritage are often under pressure and threatened with loss or destruction. These landscapes are themselves contested spaces with multiple stakeholder groups. From observation, inspection of site management plans, and discussions with key actors, stakeholder groups regarded by mainstream planners or decision-makers as ‘marginal’ are frequently overlooked during consultations. Omission generates questions about sustainability of long-­ term resource management when economically driven activities (e.g., outdoor sports) override passive, quiet experiential visiting in protected landscapes. Closely allied to nature-worship and spiritual connection to landscape, deeply nature-friendly, many neo-pagan beliefs and practices may mesh into nature conservation approaches. Indeed, if heritage such as sites and artefacts and are threatened then ensuring more inclusive recognition of ‘ownership’ and consultation of ‘stakeholders’ helps engender more effective site protection. Neo-pagan groups and stakeholders are overlooked and competing uses preventing access to and experience of sacred sites, may raise human rights issues. With neo-pagan and historical pagan nature-based practices, landscapes are sacred and major developments like large-­ scale quarrying destroy the entire religious cultural heritage. With a wider touristic approach neo-pagan visiting adds to increased value of associated cultural and heritage-based tourism. However, mainstream tourism may adversely impact on neo-pagan experiences and, some ‘New Age Visitors’ physically damage sites and artefacts. Conservation and sustainability are then about balancing difficult situations. Significantly, consideration of spiritual values attached to nature runs contrary to much objective scientific training and at least officially is set aside in conservation evaluation. However, when Derek Ratcliffe (chief scientist of

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the then British Nature Conservancy Council) established criteria for selecting protected sites, he added a catch-all ‘intrinsic value’ (Ratcliffe, 1977). This is as close as official protection designation gets to acknowledging spirituality. However, our cultural pagan descent imbues us for example with modern veneration of ancient symbolic trees. This is an important additional aspect of conservation or tourism development to safeguard sustainable resource management.

4.4.3 Resolution of Problems Countryside management, access management, tourism visitor management, and both nature and heritage conservation, all developed and validated approaches to resolve some of these problems. However, many organisations abandoned such methodologies as stakeholder analysis, limits of acceptable change, carrying capacity, and management or conservation planning (Rotherham, 2015b). Nevertheless, from site and artefact conservation and management to effective stakeholder engagement, there are toolkits that can transfer to address the issues. Indeed, accepted countryside management (Clarke & Mount, 1998) refined over time (Bishop & Phillips, 2004; Alexander, 2008, 2010), includes approaches transferable to tourism-user conflicts. Heritage landscapes and archaeological monuments have the parallel system of ‘conservation planning’ (Anon, 2012; Clark, 1999). There is a complication of neo-pagan groups largely ‘invisible’ to site managers, and visitor and active recreation disturbance impacts mostly ignored. For the Peak National Park case-study, work by Sidaway (1995) is pertinent. From undertaking detailed case-studies of recreational access on Peak District moorlands, he observed how theories of social conflict serve two particular purposes relating to this present study. These are: (1) understanding social change and reactions to it, and (2) processes of conflict resolution. Additionally, theories from management science concerned with organisational conflict and negotiation theory (the basis of pragmatic approaches to mediation and dispute resolution) apply. From the Peak District research, the approach was developed in the UK by Sidaway (1995, 2005). Stankey et al. (1984), Stankey and McCool (1984, 1991), and McCool (2013) present similar approaches for tourism problem resolution. These methodologies can be applied to help resolve user-group conflicts and issues of resource conservation related to countryside access and site visiting especially in protected areas. Outputs from ‘conflict resolution’ processes are informed by evaluation of ‘site carrying capacity’ and ‘limits of acceptable change’ (Fig.  4.4). These are implemented through an agreed ‘management plan’ (countryside recreational or conservation site) or a ‘conservation plan’ (heritage or archaeological site) (Rotherham, 2015b). A key concept in resolving stakeholder conflicts is the ‘Limits of Acceptable Change’ (Stankey, 1984) (Fig. 4.4). This provides a guidance framework for acceptable and appropriate resource usage in outdoor recreation and tourism settings like sacred landscapes. At a similar time, Shelby and Heberlein (1984, 1986) developed

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frameworks for ‘tourism carrying capacity’, defined by the World Tourism Organisation (Coccossis et al., 2002) as the maximum number of people that may visit a tourist destination at the same time, without causing destruction of the physical, economic, socio-cultural environment and unacceptable reduction in visitor satisfaction quality. Conceptualised by Chamberlain (1997), carrying capacity was applied to sustainable tourism by Middleton and Hawkins (1998). The latter defined it as the level of human activity an area can accommodate without deterioration, resident communities being adversely affected, or visitor experience quality declining. Importantly, the key trigger is the point when a site or landscape begins to experience adverse change associated from the number or nature of leisure or tourism visits. In attempting to manage visitor impacts, other tools include ‘Visitor Impact Management’ (VIM), an eight-step process assessing and managing visitor impacts. Based on social carrying capacity literature, Graefe et al. (1984) developed VIM to identify problem conditions (i.e., unacceptable visitor impacts), identify causes, assess when impacts are unacceptable, and trigger remedial management interventions (Graefe et al., 1990). Manning (2002) went further to identify limits beyond which additional disturbance is unacceptable. These approaches are applicable to pagan sacred sites and landscapes and issues of special contestation. Yet organisations no longer apply these toolkits and many lack in-house expertise to make them effective. Assessments of scale and impacts are significantly subjective and if neo-pagan views and sensitivities are overlooked then resolution is ineffective, and damage occurs.

4.5 Conclusions 4.5.1 Lessons from the Peak District National Park Study Discussions with stakeholders including site managers, examination of site reports and management plans, and long-term observational studies identified cases where pagan sites and neo-pagan interests were addressed. An example was a long-­running dispute over Stanton-in-the-Peak (SK24 63) (Figs. 4.5a, 4.6a, and 4.7a) where neo-­ pagan users of the site conflicted with a landowner wishing to extract quarry-stone. The National Park officers had to balance access and user issues with nature conservation, heritage and archaeological concerns, and minerals planning. This example was considered in detail by Blain and Wallis (2004a, b, c) and in National Park Reports (McGuire & Smith, 2007) and associated papers (Barnatt, 1997). The nationally significant controversial site led to an incredibly detailed, thorough, and enlightened conservation plan. Work to produce this included a comprehensive consultation process. For Stanton and its Nine Ladies Stone Circle (Figs. 4.5a, 4.6a, and 4.7a), the process of investigation and conservation included significant steps to reach out to the pagan community for this site under active threat

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Fig. 4.6 (a) Stanton Nine Ladies, Peak District to show modern inscriptions by visitors (b) Barbrook 2 Bronze Age stone circle showing close-up of the stone ring. (Source: author)

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Fig. 4.7 (a) Stanton Nine Ladies with visitors at the site, Peak District (b) Barbrook cairn close by the Bronze Age stone circle, Peak District. (Source: author)

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of destruction. The report and work behind exemplify good practice. Furthermore, it also triggered relevant initiatives within the National Park Authority (Blain & Wallis, 2004c) though the achievement of these for other sites was undermined by budgetary cuts and staff losses. Nevertheless, perhaps related to cuts in resources, it seems other sites received far less consideration of neo-pagan concerns. Archaeological conservation guidance may have been given but from a heritage perspective not a consideration of spiritual or religious issues. On the Eastern Moors estate (e.g., SK 27 75) for example, there are sites of major archaeological and heritage significance including large stone-­ circles and barrows, plus field systems and hut-circles. As far as can be determined, the neo-pagan nature of this landscape, which is increasingly used for active outdoor sports, has not been considered (Rotherham & Mayor, 2019). Nevertheless, observations on site confirm neo-pagan offerings (Figs. 4.5b, 4.6b, and 4.7b). The management plans and strategic overviews note both cultural and archaeological interest in these increasingly used protected landscapes. For example, ‘Well preserved archaeological remains of Bronze Age and Iron Age settlements and ritual monuments are common, located extensively across the Eastern Moors; these are a nationally important resource.’ (Anon, 2009, p.  3). And ‘There are many small prehistoric ritual monuments of a variety of types on the Eastern Moors, presumably built by the local farming population. These include stone circles, ring cairns and other stone settings, all found close to the settlements and prehistoric fields. A large number of round barrows and smaller funerary cairns are scattered more widely. There are also two small but rare funerary cairnfields on Gibbet Moor and Ravens Tor, which are very different in character to the many agricultural cairnfields.’ (Anon, 2009, pp. 3–4). The report then notes that, ‘The landscape provides an important ecological and a valued recreational resource for the surrounding populations. These resources need to remain strong and valid into the future.’ (Anon, 2009, p. 12). The policy states the need to ‘Protect and maintain cultural heritage resources’ noting that, ‘This is particularly important on the Eastern Moors where the cultural heritage resource is significant but not always immediately evident. Efforts should be made to ensure that the resource is considered and protected when any management decisions or new practices are being considered or carried out. Appropriate opportunities for education/interpretation should also be developed.’ (Anon, 2009, p. 17). The area is also covered by the Sheffield Moors Partnership (Anon, 2013) their vision noting, ‘The archaeological evidence is also incredibly rich, ranging from Bronze Age stone circles through to Second World War training areas that provide a fascinating record of the changes to the landscape and the people who have lived and worked in the area over thousands of years.’ However, the Peak National Park Authority (Croney, 2007 p. 2) previously stated under ‘Cultural Heritage Objectives’ that a phase 1 archaeological survey of the whole Estate was required with detailed Phase 2 surveys for specific features or clusters. This would generate management objectives for the estate’s archaeological resource but seems to have never been done. Additionally, the Sheffield Moors Masterplan 2013–2028 (Anon, 2013) noted

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the archaeological interests and significance of the area but without specifically religious or neo-pagan groups in an otherwise extensive stakeholder consultee list. Management of most of the Peak Park authority’s own land has been outreached to various nature conservation and access-orientated bodies which means that policies and capabilities of the National Park Authority are not necessarily reflected in contemporary management. The Eastern Moors Estate for example (including the Big Moor/Barbrook case-study) is now managed by the Eastern Moors Partnership (Anon, n.d.-a, n.d.-b). An audit of access information at key entrance points around the Eastern Moors estate (Mayor, 2017) found almost nothing on site sensitivity and vulnerability, or on codes of behaviour in relation to other users. Overall, archaeology and ‘cultural heritage’ across these areas are known and recognised, but their spiritual importance is overlooked. In connection with the recognition of archaeology, there are policy statements suggesting the resources will be protected, conserved, and maintained. However, there is no detail of how this might be done and importantly, how potential conflicts will be resolved. Stanton Moor demonstrates that this can be achieved, and the toolkits exist. The Eastern Moors examples, suggest that in practice, in most areas, sacred landscapes and sites are sacrificed to other management objectives and more influential stakeholders.

4.5.2 Key Findings and Their Transferability In short, the broad conflicts and contestation of spaces is established and known, and toolkits exist to effectively address many of the issues. However, for distinct reasons as illustrated by the case-studies, the sacredness of these protected landscapes is overlooked. The reasons for this oversight range from lack of awareness of site managers, to competition between stakeholders, and ‘invisibility’ of neo-pagans and others with spiritual connections to place in consultations, Whilst the findings relate specifically to the case-studies from the Peak District National Park in England, the implications are more widely applicable. Particularly in increasingly secular societies or those dominated by one of the major religions, so-called pagan spiritual or sacred spaces and places may easily be overlooked in debates and discussions on matters such as sustainability. In determining what uses and impacts may or may not be acceptable and tolerable in a sacred landscape or place, it is important to ask ‘sacred to whom?’ Who decides? Acknowledgments Anonymous referees and the editors are thanked for their helpful suggestions.

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Chapter 5

Monastic Hosts’ Sentiments Toward Hosting Buddhist Associations’ Group Pilgrims: The Case of Pu-Tuo Cora Un In Wong

Abstract Previous research has shown that one of the four Sacred Buddhist Mountains of China, namely Pu-Tuo-Shan, receives quite distinct types of visitors that the monastic host communities appreciate differently. The visitors to Pu-Tuo belong to different groups: leisure tourists, Shinshis/Buddhist believers; Xiankes (‘incense burners’), and lastly Jushis/Buddhist practitioners/pilgrims. This chapter deals with a particular type of visitor: educated urbanite Jushis who belong home to a local Buddhist Association that arranges for their adherents all-inclusive package pilgrimage tours to significant Buddhist destinations. Their contribution to the sense of purpose of their presence contributes to the monks dealing with them, and to the monasteries as a whole, is paid particular attention to in this article. It is based on thematic interviews of a group of such pilgrims participating in a 2018 tour to Pu-Tuo, as well as of resident local monastic members who interacted with them. The author participated in that tour; her past research on Pu-Tuo and her connection with its monastic community spurred her interest in this theme. Keywords  Buddhist pilgrims · Jushis · Monastic community · Pu-Tuo-Shan · Pilgrimage Tours, China

5.1 Introduction Pu-Tuo-Shan is one of the Four Sacred Buddhist Mountains of China that before Covid-19 attracted some eight million visitors each year (Personal communication with the Cultural Tourism Bureau, 2018). In an influential paper on pilgrimage, Turner (1973) states that there are two major interconnected types of activities in the C. Un In Wong (*) Associate Professor, Faculty of Humanities & Social Sciences, Macao Polytechnic University, Macao, China e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 R. N. Progano et al. (eds.), Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism, Perspectives on Asian Tourism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9677-1_5

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Chinese Buddhist pilgrimage: hsu yuan and huan yuan. Hsu yuan is soliciting the divinities the realization of a wish with the vow that, if it should come to be realized, one would come back to thank, worship and offer sacrifices. Huan yuan is worship and sacrifice as expressions of gratitude after the wish has come true (Turner, 1973, pp.  197–198). Turner’s report on Buddhist pilgrimage is informative but limited only to a particular type of pilgrimage visitor. The author’s experience in her research on Buddhist pilgrimage suggests that the matter is not that simple. Pu-Tuo’s visitors are classified by the local monks into four categories with different motivations: leisure/cultural tourists with no religious incentive who come out of cultural interest and for sightseeing; Shinshis (‘ordinary’ Buddhist believers who believe superficially, without worshipping or practicing Buddhism); Xiankes (earnest but shallow Buddhist worshipers mostly concerned with earning favors); and Jushis (well versed and devout Buddhist practitioners) (Wong, 2019). It is indeed mostly hsu yuan and huan yuan that make Pu-Tuo attractive mostly to Buddhist worshippers (Xiankes). There is though a small minority of religious visitors to Pu-Tuo, Jushis who are already on the Buddhist path to enlightenment, have no materialistic desires in mind, come in groups, shun tourism and attend lectures in addition to participating in Buddhism devotion and learning with the monks. They are called group pilgrims in this article. The Jushis are the only visitors that the monks consider real Buddhists as they do not simply believe, but they practice Buddhism and are, like the monks themselves, consciously on the path to enlightenment. As will be documented, their presence in Pu-Tuo is important to its monastic community as the latter strives to preserve the sanctity of its sacred sites that are today crowded with visitors of all kinds, whose behavior is not always religiously dignified (Wong et  al., 2013; Wong, 2019). Though as the monks stated, Buddhist monasteries are open to all visitors and all are welcome. There is a special Buddhist bonding driven by Buddhist philosophy between the monks and the pilgrims, which is scantly documented in the existing literature. The purpose of this chapter is to identify and characterize the contribution that the group pilgrims make to the life of the monks they interact with and the latter’s sentiments toward hosting them. It considers both the mindset of those particular visitors and one of those monks with whom they have a great deal of contact. The monks otherwise engage in only the most perfunctory exchanges with other kinds of visitors. There is among the Jushis, a particular group, that the monks can confidently identify at once as being distinctive and that they treat accordingly: visitors who belong to some local Buddhist associations home, where they have learned to be proficient in communal Buddhist worship in addition to their daily practice at home. They come as a group of like-minded people on a tour organized by their local home associations and stay in the monasteries they call at for a number of days. Those Jushis (pilgrims) participate in pujas (Buddhist masses), perform other communal or individual acts of devotion and attend lectures and discussion groups on Buddhism where scholars who are senior monks tutor them. The Jushis are the only visitors that the monks are eager to engage with. The monks can safely assume them to be respectful and well behaved, as well as knowledgeable believers who want to learn

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more about Buddhism. Most of the Jushis who visit Pu-Tuo come in tours organized by their local Buddhist Associations and live for days in a monastery. An independent visitor can participate in the same activities as the ones of the group pilgrims, by making arrangements directly with the Pu-Tuo Buddhist Association. Yet, membership in a Buddhist Association ascertains those visitors as serious Buddhists and is a signal to the monastic members that they are bona fide Jushis with internalized spiritual motives. The author has participated in a number of such tours conducted in a number of countries where Buddhism is a major religion. The latest one was to Pu-Tuo China in 2018. The purpose of this chapter is primarily to inquire about the significance that having the group pilgrims – the only visitors who interact with the monastic members in any significant way – has for the monasteries and the individual monks involved with their group. Because the mindset of those visitors is one of the important elements that make them special to the monks, specific attention is paid to uncovering both parties’ perspectives through interviews. Through repeated prior interactions with the Pu-Tuo monastic community, the author became well aware of the fact that the monastic members mostly view the presence of many visitors in their sacred home as something inevitable but inconsequential. At the same time, however, the author observed that those visiting members of Buddhist Associations contribute positively to the life of the monks. The chapter in essence reports this conjecture.

5.2 Research Background: Group Pilgrims at Pu-Tuo-Shan 5.2.1 Pu-Tuo-Shan Pu-Tuo-Shan (shan, mountain) is a small island off the East coast of the Zhejiang province of China with of area of only 12.5 km2. It is 8.6 km long and 3.5 km wide, with a coastline of 30 km. Pu-Tuo has long been renowned as a special place on earth endowed with efficacious powers granted by Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara (Guan Yin). The alleged occurrence of miracles and apparitions is well documented both in Pu-Tuo’s historical monograph and in the social media of today’s Pu-Tuo (Bao & Bai, 2008; Fang & Wang, 2005; Naquin & Yu, 1992). The last alleged apparition took place in 1997. This magical dimension and the alleged ability of acts of worship performed at Pu-Tuo to grant people’s wishes contribute to its popularity as a religious destination. As is the case elsewhere in the world, the religious sites of China attract not only believers but also, especially over the last few decades, an increasingly large number of leisure and cultural tourists (Ryan & Gu, 2009). In addition to being a significant Chinese Buddhism destination, Pu-Tuo derives its popularity among tourists from the fact that it is a compact island rich in cultural sites and easily accessible from a number of large cities. There are some thirty monasteries and nunneries on

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the island that are home to about a thousand monastic members, in addition to other religious buildings, in most cases situated at a walking distance of each other. The hilly landscape is pleasant to wander around, which makes the destination attractive to non-religious visitors. All the monasteries, nunneries and shrines of Pu-Tuo are managed by the Pu-Tuo Buddhist Association, which determines the general visitor management practices as well as the attribution of functions and roles to each monastery and nunnery. For instance, the three largest and most popular monasteries at Pu-Tuo, the Pu-Ji Monastery, the Fa-Yu Monastery and the Wei-Ji Monastery offer Buddhist pujas and lectures to which lay people can participate, and lodging in monastic cloisters while other monasteries and the nunneries do not. In addition, the Shuang Chuan Shrine is dedicated to hosting Buddhist workshops and intercultural exchange activities with other Buddhist Associations. The Fu Chan Shrine, site of the Pu-Tuo Buddhist Institute, is Pu-Tuo’s Buddhist Association’s training center for monks; it is not generally accessible to lay visitors.

5.2.2 Tourism Development of Pu-Tuo The Buddhist monastic sites of China are now promoted as historical and cultural attractions by the tourism authorities, both nationally and internationally (Ryan & Gu, 2009; Zhang et al., 2007; Zhao, 2009). The income sources that sustain monastic life today consist mostly of the visitors’ donations, admission charges, fees that are generated by performing special Buddhist pujas for laypeople, as well as the sales of Buddhist books, copies of Holy Scriptures and religious souvenirs. The large monasteries in Pu-Tuo allow laypeople to stay overnight, in principle to participate in morning pujas. Guests have to register at the guest hall of a monastery in order to attend the puja that is held every day at 3:30 a.m. the next day. This is the only way that laypeople can participate in the morning puja as it is held before dawn and at that time, the entrances to those monasteries’ grounds are locked. Participants pay a fee for the morning puja and one night’s accommodation in a room located in the guesthouse of the monastery. The breakfast that follows the puja is included. The monastic cloisters are also open for the special Buddhist pilgrimage tours, that have made an arrangement in advance with the monasteries, such as the one reported on here. The participants pay for the complete tour to their own local association that itself settles with the Pu-Tuo Buddhist Association after having negotiated a specific program and the details of the group visitation. Such arrangements are made with Buddhist Associations from all over the world. Only male monastic members contribute to the program of those pilgrimages as no nunnery is involved in the morning pujas and overnight-stay package. Male and female guests are treated alike.

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5.2.3 Group Pilgrimage Experience The author is herself a Buddhist practitioner and a member of the Buddhist Association that organized the tour discussed here, a 10-day Buddhist pilgrimage tour to Pu-Tuo organized by the Association. The participating 30 pilgrims were all urban middle to upper-middle-class Buddhists from Hong Kong, Macau, Guangzhou and Shenzhen, who belonged to the same Buddhist Association. Some have been practicing Buddhism for up to 40  years. The tour took place in December 2018. On-site, the participants spend time only at Buddhist sites; no touristic sites, such as beaches, are included. The program at the sites involved a daily amount of devotional deeds; including many prayers and meditation sessions, as well as lectures delivered by abbots or senior monks who also oversee their monasteries. These activities kept the pilgrims occupied for most of the day. The pilgrims were given special Holy Scriptures to guide their meditations and each praying section local Buddhist Institute, a VIP’s privilege. The pilgrims and monks take all their meals in the same refectory, but at separate tables. Complete silence is mandatory for all during the vegetarian meal. Visitors who are not members of a Buddhist Association visiting group, and have chosen to overnight in the guest rooms of the monasteries have the privilege to attend the morning puja and partake in the following breakfast; they sometimes do, in which case they share those activities with the group pilgrims. The latter have otherwise no contact with other visitors and proceed together with the program that has been designed for them, in the company of the other pilgrims of their group and monks.

5.3 Methodology This research is essentially ethnographic and includes a participants’ observation component in which the author was a part of the setting she was studying (Patton, 2002). It is framed within a qualitative constructivist paradigm. The author collected her data via participant observation and thematic interviews. The observational record served to crystalize the comments given by the interviewees while the main source of data for thematic analysis was the interviews. Due to prior personal contacts with the monastic community, the author did reunite with some past local acquaintances, monks who had helped with research previously done at Pu-Tuo. Six monks (nuns are not involved in those programs) and 15 pilgrims were invited to contribute to the thematic interviews (see Tables 5.2 and 5.3) when they were available. Each interview lasted on average for an hour. A few pre-designated guiding questions that framed the interviews are prepared in advance (see Table 5.1), which helped both the researcher and informants stay focused. The interview questions were not deductively derived from any particular model, nevertheless, the author’s prior understanding of the phenomena under Buddhism and pilgrimage-related studies may have influenced the author’s understanding of the topic (Ryan &

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Table 5.1  Guiding questions used for the thematic interviews For the pilgrims 1. What are you looking for by participating in this pilgrimage tour at Pu-Tuo? Could Pu-Tuo be your Center of the World? 2. What benefits do you expect from your pilgrimage? For the monks 1. What do you think of our pilgrimage tour to Pu-Tuo? 2. What interactions with pilgrims did you enjoy the most and why?

Table 5.2  List of the lay participants who contributed to this research Names of the pilgrims interviewed Bill Cheung Emil Frankie John Hannah Kate Katy Ka-Fai May Maggie Sam Teresa Tong Zoe

Years of learning Buddhism 36 20 5 17 33 2 28 11 4 37 40 2 22 18 21

Number of previous participation to a Buddhist pilgrimage About 7 times More than 10 times 5 times 6 ~ 7 times About 20 times None 3 times 5 times 2 times About 15 times More than 15 times 1 time More than 5 times 8 times About 10 times

Table 5.3  List of the Buddhist monks who contributed to this research Names of the interviewed monks Monk Fa Yuan Monk Jiang Lin Monk Pu Guan Monk Tong Guang Monk Xuan Yi

Years of learning and practicing Buddhism 33 26 40 30 13

Monk Yi Xing

38

Role or function performed at own monasteries Safekeeping a Buddhist archive Buddhist teacher Overseeing a large monastery Senior monk Responsible for hosting pilgrim groups Buddhist teacher

Bernard, 2003; Holliday, 2007). The author’s confidence in formulating her guiding questions stems mostly from her previous experience in interviewing Buddhist pilgrims and monks, in addition to her years of Buddhist training. Additional probing questions were asked during the interview for clarification or follow-up purposes.

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Thematic analysis was used as the assessment method of the collected information. The initial unit of analysis was the individual contribution of each informant, including quotes from the in-depth interviews (Coffey & Atkinson, 1996, p. 112). All categories and themes were inductively derived from the collected evidence. The analytical process followed the procedures of Marshall and Rossman (2006). The monks involved, the monastic authorities, the author’s local Buddhist Association and the lay informants were all informed that research was being conducted. All names attributed here to informants are pseudonyms.

5.4 Findings The list of the 15 group pilgrims who were interviewed is given in Table 5.2. As could have been expected from practicing Buddhists, most of them have a history of participation in pilgrimages. In contrast to what is documented in the literature on Judo-Christian pilgrimage, which suggests that believers undertake pilgrimage journey to their religious “Center of the World” because it is the only place where they can achieve real self-­ transcendence and privileged contact with the sacred (Eliade, 1954), it is not the case in Chinese Buddhism. Although Pu-Tuo is renowned for its blessing and efficacious power and is a designated Sacred Mountain, none of the 15 pilgrims considered Pu-Tuo to be their “Center of the World”, which is in line with general Buddhist doctrine. Zoe explained, “there is no a particular place on earth that is the Center of the World”. Cheung added: The notion of a Center of the World does not exist in Buddhism as nothing truly exists in an absolute sense. It is just a name. My apartment can also be my ‘Center’ where I strive for enlightenment because, in the spirit of Buddhism, anywhere can be the Center of the World as long as one’s mind; one’s discourse and one’s behavior are in line with Buddhism; then wherever you are, is at any time, already your Center of the World.

Maggie concurred and explained that she has been to different sacred Buddhist pilgrimage sites such as Emeishan, WuTaishan (both in China), as well as such sites in Tibet, India and Nepal, and she chuckled when saying that one could not have so many Centers of the World. Frankie, Bill and John echoed: “What is important is not where you are, but what you are”. Teresa concluded that a pilgrimage journey is simply an opportunity for Buddhist practitioners to put aside their daily responsibilities and routines for a while, and have more time to focus on taming their minds. It is her view that while a pilgrimage is not imperative, it is useful. Hannah and Sam explained further that pilgrimage are important because it gives time for Buddhists to return from “monkey mind” to “monk-like mind”. In other words, a Buddhist pilgrimage journey is seen by the lay informants as an opportunity that allows Buddhist practitioners to “focus” and “concentrate on” intensive Buddhist training in relative confinement, with the help of and in community with other believers and teachers.

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This is in contrast to the pilgrimage in non-Buddhist religions where the faithful tends to undertake their pilgrimage journeys to only one or a few pre-designated hallowed places (i.e. Mecca, Rome, the Holy Land, Santiago de Compostela). A Buddhist pilgrimage is neither mandatory nor even meritorious in itself. As it is the case that there is no Center of the World in Buddhism, it is understandable that Chinese Buddhist pilgrims do not confine their pilgrimage journeys to specific religious sites nor even to domestic ones. In fact, the Buddhist Association referred to here has organized pilgrimages to Sri Lanka, Nepal and Myanmar among others. According to Buddhism, nothing in the world truly exists in an absolute sense; the world is composed of millions of grains of sand. Tong shared: “whether life is meaningful depends on one’s mind, not on one’s external environment”. Kate and Emil added that their daily life is perfectly meaningful and that in fact, “there should not be any distinction between mundane and sacred life”. According to Buddha’s teaching, the most important place where one practices Buddhism is one’s everyday life because challenges occur there every second and minute (Karmapa, 2008). May concurred: What I, as a real Buddhist, should really do is to work at achieving enlightenment in my everyday life. If you can only find peace and meaning in a remote forest, then you have not fully enlightened, you do not yet have a proper Buddhist frame of mind.

The way these participants make sense of their pilgrimage journey is thus very different from the one described in the Western pilgrimage literature. Existing pilgrimage research often predicates that authenticity does not exist at one’s mundane home and that to undertake a pilgrimage is to allow a privileged contact with the sacred world that can only be achieved in a special hallowed place (Bremer, 2006; Eliade, 1954). Another feature of the comments made during the interviews is the participants’ insistence on the pilgrimage being part of a self-transcendence process. Not only did they describe their pilgrimage as an opportunity to pray and meditate but also conveyed that it also played a role in renewing and reinforcing one’s dedication to learning Buddhism. As Ka-Fai commented: “To me, a pilgrimage is a way of learning Buddhism and of maintaining my resolve to learn more.” What are exactly the participants looking for when joining a Buddhist pilgrimage tour such as the one to Pu-Tuo? There is a high level of consensus regarding how the participants make sense of their pilgrimage tour. It is possibly due to their immersion in Buddhist training in which their daily routine is changed and delimited with an emphasis on praying, meditating, reading and discussing scriptures as well as attending Buddhist lectures given by senior monks and abbots from the Pu-Tuo Buddhist Association. Katy’s quote is particularly illustrative: [My] work and life in Hong Kong leave me very little time to focus. Joining a pilgrimage is for me a way of getting for myself some time to focus on one thing, just to learn Buddhism, to pray at length, to have time to concentrate on meditation. That is why it is neither the voyage nor the physical authenticity of the site that matters; it is all in the process of learning: [it is] a chance to make myself become a better Buddhist.

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An analysis of Katy’s quote reveals the emptiness that is emphasized in the Buddhist worldview. Not only does a specialized sacred venue not exist in an absolute sense in the existing world, but also, transcendence as the end result of undertaking a pilgrimage as documented in the literature on Judeo-Christian pilgrimage (Bremer, 2006; Turner, 1973) does not fit well with the Buddhism faith. In this regard, transcendence may take place in a process of learning rather than as an outcome upon completion of a pilgrimage journey. ‘Communitas’ is all over the world regarded as an important component of a pilgrimage. Communal support is another benefit that appears as a common theme recognized by most informants. Teresa, May and Maggie said they felt good when they stay with people who have the same understanding of Buddhism and “speak the same language”. Cheung said: Here everything I do becomes something natural, just like breathing… it is natural to wake up early to attend puja, to pray, to meditate, go to sleep early and eat regularly, and it is the same for all (pilgrims). But my friends and family at home would not pray or read scriptures together with me. When I do it at home, it is as if I am not really with my family and I see things that concern only me.

John and Zoe shared the similar perspective that in a communal sphere one can have Buddhist discussions with one’s peers; learning goes much faster because one shares the same understanding of Buddhism with others; synergy could easily be felt. Tong said, “at home, I can also pray and meditate, but here, I can share my experience with ‘novel’ brothers and sisters and teachers who can give me feedback, or at least can tell me about their experiences. I think this is one of the advantages of participating in a pilgrimage tour with like-minded fellow Buddhists”. Regarding the data provided by monastic informants, the monks who did interact with the pilgrims were interviewed as shown in Table 5.3. One of the duties of the monks on site today is to safeguard the monasteries and monitor the behavior of the various types of visitors to their sacred land to avoid property damage and enforce a degree of dignity on the monasteries’ grounds. This task is assigned to junior and is widely regarded as drudgery by those who have to do it. For most of the monastic members, this is the sole occasion to have contact with lay visitors and it is not a rich or satisfying one (Wong, 2019). It is different for the senior monks who give lectures to the group pilgrims who dwell in monasteries during their stay, participate in devotions with those monks and attend the lectures they give. Such activities were the original purpose of the hospitality of the Buddhist monasteries before they turned into destinations for large numbers of cultural and sightseeing tourists. These senior monks who perform their teaching/preaching roles were the ones interviewed in this research. They testify that their tasks give them a sense of purpose and achievement and that teaching is the activity that gives them the highest level of satisfaction. Traditionally, it is a monastic duty for monks to guide laypeople along the path to enlightenment. It is encouraging to monks if lay people are eager to learn, a sentiment expressed by a number of monks. Such teaching also provides income to the monasteries, and, importantly, provides monks with

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the gratification of interacting with knowledgeable, interested students. Monk Fa Yuan explained: Unlike the tourists who just come to walk around inside the halls and on the grounds of the monasteries for a short while, to enjoy themselves, take photos, or like the Xiankes who come just to pray for their wishes, bring all their offerings and incense to burn, the group pilgrims, in contrast, care more for spiritual achievement. They stay a week or so in a monastery, participate in the pujas and partake in other devotions, attend our Buddhist lectures and shared sessions, and provide us with a chance to preach. This is something that is important and rewarding to me.

A chance to preach quickly appeared to be a common theme in the interviews, in particular the reasons why monastic members cherish this monastic activity in particular. Monk Jiang Lin concurred: “To have the opportunity to teach or chat and share the philosophy of Buddhism with someone who wants and can understand it … is something meaningful!” If one dedicates one’s life to studying Buddhism in a monastery, to become a Buddha oneself one day is the utmost wish any monk can have. Preaching Buddhism to others requires to have oneself a thorough understanding of the Buddhist worldview and thus, as suggested by Monk Yi Xing: “you only can teach what you understand fully … and your teaching is only meaningful if people’s mindset and deeds are changed because of your teaching, even if only gradually and slowly. That’s what a Buddhist practitioner should do, enlighten oneself and others and that’s how one can become a Buddha”. Monk Tong Guang clarified: Pu-Tuo was originally a place for people to come to practice Dharma (Buddhist practices), though today it is mostly visited by tourists and Xiankes. We are of course happy to also have focused visitors who pointedly come here to learn and practice Buddhism. We share our thoughts with them, and vice versa as we also learn from them; everyday life is a common practice. It is like a reunion of Buddhists from different parts of the country.

Monk Fa Yuan added: In Buddhism, there is no difference between visitors and we also do not differentiate… but at the same time, it is also true that not all religious visitors are willing and able to assimilate a high level of Buddhist understanding. For example, the majority of them to the contrary focus only on making wishes or paying back according to their vows. They mostly do not know that Buddhism does not aim at worshiping Buddha, but at becoming one. However, we all know that different sentient beings have different timetables for their Buddhist seeds to germinate. For some, those may germinate in this life, and for others, they will have to wait for a future reincarnation.

According to Monk Xuan Yi, monks can accumulate more credits for good deeds through preaching Buddhism, which is beneficial to them. Monk Pu Guan echoes and explains that this notion has long roots in the tradition of Buddhism. According to many Holy Scriptures, such as Jin Gong Jin and Yuan Xue Jin, it is very good for us if we have a chance to explain the Holy Scriptures’ content and its meaning to those who want to progress in Buddhism. It not only benefits the recipients but also contributes to our own self-transcendence and helps us achieve our own enlightenment.

If one believes that everything that is documented in a Buddhist holy scripture is the genuine philosophy that a Buddhist monk should adopt, then it becomes apparent

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and easy to understand why monastic members cherish the presence of other Buddhist practitioners at Pu-Tuo. In the current research, due to the fact that those Jushis who visit Pu-Tuo are the ones who are eager to learn more about Buddhism, their presence here provides a golden opportunity for the monks to have meaningful interactions. As suggested by the monks, preaching Buddhism to another sentient being is important to a Buddhist, and at the same time, it is a shortcut to accumulating merits in this lifetime. To others, teaching Buddhism is a way to make one become a Buddha. The Pu-Tuo monasteries’ overnight practice is primarily neither motivated by commercial gains nor intended for ordinary interactions between the monks and laypeople. It provides the monks with the satisfaction of earning merits through preaching and sharing Buddhist knowledge with proficient, receptive practitioners of the religion. The monastic hosts’ sentiments toward hosting Buddhist Associations’ group pilgrims are thus deeply rooted in the Buddhist worldview.

5.5 Conclusion The purpose of this chapter was to probe the symbiotic relationship between group pilgrims on what is best described as a devotion and study break to Pu-Tuo and the monks who act as their mentors when they are on-site, with a particular emphasis on the benefit that the latter derive from their interaction with the former. The main insights that the interviews reveal about the group of pilgrims is first that they do not consider Pu-Tuo to be the only hallowed place on earth. They go there because, as a major monastic center, it has the resources to provide them with the communita-­ experience that they are looking for. They are not looking for authenticity that they would be missing at home. They are not fleeing the ‘alienation’ of their daily life; they simply want to get the synergistic effect when they are with their own flocks while practicing Buddhist philosophy intensively. Buddhist pilgrims expect no mundane benefits from their pilgrimage; no interviewee ever mentioned anything resembling hsu yuan or huan yuan that are often viewed as a central goal to the Chinese Buddhism pilgrimage (Turner, 1973). A similar notion of hsu yuan or huan yuan indeed has as well been documented in other Judo-Christian sites, such as Lourdes and Fatima. The current research thus reports a different pilgrimage phenomenon as practiced by Buddhist pilgrims. They appreciate the communitas and that they enjoy staying with their fellow group pilgrims. The communitas set-up of their visit shields them from distraction by other kinds of visitors. It allows them a period of focus and single-mindedness that complements and supports their devotions at home and the communal but brief worshipping in their local Buddhist Association where the toil of everyday life does not afford them the intense concentration, meditation, and detachment they enjoy during a pilgrimage stay. The general imprint that the interviews of the monks left on the author are that the (few) monks who act as the mentors and tutors of the group pilgrims live, compared to the other monastic members, in an oasis of dignified hospitality, civility

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and scholarship that is bestowed upon them by the very existence of the group pilgrims’ pilgrimages. The monks interacting with those pilgrims find it very rewarding to be their guide, a role that they feel essential to have the opportunity to perform because it makes them whole as Buddhist monks. The ‘true pilgrims’ who come to Pu-Tuo to learn to constitute a very small proportion of the total number of visitors to Pu-Tuo. Their economic contribution to the monasteries, although not known, is likely modest, given their small numbers. They do not contribute to the atmosphere of the site because they are in effect invisible to the other visitors, sheltered as they are during their stay. From a commercial perspective, Buddhist pilgrims are insignificant, which is in contrast to the economic benefits generated by pilgrims of other religions (Eade, 1992; Kreiner & Kliot, 2000; Nolan & Nolan, 1992). Upon reflection, the continued ability of Pu-Tuo to offer a true pilgrimage experience despite the large number of visitors who do not qualify as pilgrims, even if they have a veneer of religiosity, is in effect the result of its collaboration with external Buddhist Associations that perform a critical screening function and recruit true motivated Jushis. For future research, the author herself would be interested to research the way other religious sites, belonging to any religion, that are today mostly occupied by visitors who are not pilgrims manage to still offer to the faithful the opportunity to participate in a true pilgrimage and, importantly, as done here for Pu-Tuo, consider the opportunities and benefits that this practice creates for the Buddhist monastic members, which is cherished by them according to Buddhism spirit.

References Bao, H., & Bai, H. (2008). The legend of Pu-Tuo-Shan. Tong-Ion Press. Bremer, T. S. (2006). Sacred spaces and tourist places. In D. J. Timothy & D. H. Olsen (Eds.), Tourism, religion and spiritual journeys (pp. 25–35). Routledge. Coffey, A., & Atkinson, P. (1996). Making sense of qualitative data. Sage. Eade, J. (1992). Pilgrimage and tourism at Lourdes, France. Annals of Tourism Research, 19(1), 18–32. Eliade, M. (1954). The myth of the eternal return. Princeton University Press. Fang, L. X., & Wang, D. X. (2005). The monograph of Pu-Tuo-Shan, China. Hai Chao Press. Holliday, A. (2007). Doing and writing qualitative research (2nd ed.). Sage. Karmapa, O. T. D. (2008). Heart advice of the Karmapa. Altruism Press. Kreiner, N. C., & Kliot, N. (2000). Pilgrimage tourism in the holy land: The behavioral characteristics of Christian pilgrims. GeoJournal, 50(1), 55–67. Marshall, C., & Rossman, G. (2006). Designing qualitative research (4th ed.). Sage. Naquin, S., & Yu, C. (1992). Pilgrimage in China. In S.  Naquin & C.  Yu (Eds.), Pilgrims and sacred sites in China (pp. 1–38). University of California Press. Nolan, M.  L., & Nolan, S. (1992). Religious sites as tourism attractions in Europe. Annals of Tourism Research, 19(1), 68–78. Patton, M. (2002). Qualitative research & evaluation methods. Sage. Ryan, G., & Bernard, H. (2003). Techniques to identify themes. Field Methods, 15(1), 85–109. Ryan, C., & Gu, H. (2009). Constructionism and culture in research: Understanding of the Fourth Buddhist Festival, Wutaishan, China. Tourism Management, 36(1), 1–12.

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Turner, V. (1973). The centre out there: pilgrim’s goal. History of Religions, 12(3), 191–230. Wong, C. U. I. (2019). Social interaction in visitor control at a Chinese Buddhist monastic site. Tourism Recreation Research, 44(1), 66–75. Wong, C. U. I., Ryan, C., & McIntosh, A. J. (2013). The monasteries of Pu-Tuo-Shan, China: Sites of secular or religious tourism? Journal of Travel and Tourism Marketing, 30(6), 577–594. Zhang, M., Huang, L., Wang, J., Liu, J., Jie, Y., & Lai, X. (2007). Religious tourism and cultural pilgrimage: A Chinese perspective. In R. Raj & N. Morpheth (Eds.), Religious tourism and pilgrimage management: International perspectives (pp. 98–112). CABI. Zhao, D. (2009, January 8–10). Transformation of the sacred: The commercialization, politicization and globalization of Buddhist heritage tourism in China today [Paper presentation]. International Conference on Heritage in Asia: Converging Forces and Conflicting Values, Singapore.

Part III

Pilgrimage Shaping Communities

Chapter 6

Pilgrimage Tourism to Sacred Places of High Himalaya and Its Impact on Residents across Generations. The Case of Yamunotri Temple Michal Apollo

, Viacheslav Andreychouk

, and Yana Wengel

Abstract  Pilgrimage to mountain regions is one of the oldest forms of tourism practiced since immemorial times. Pilgrims are driven by the idea of being closer to the ‘divinity’ or the God/s, but they impact all spheres of local communities’ lives at the pilgrimage site. Each year millions of pilgrims visit sacred sites such as summits, lakes, rivers and caves hidden in the high Himalayas. This chapter focuses on one of the remote and most regarded holy places in Garhwal Himalaya, Yamunotri Temple (3291  m), becoming a mass pilgrimage destination. In the last 35  years (1975–2010), the temple’s annual pilgrimage number has grown nearly tenfold, from 30,000 to 288,000 pilgrims. This research looked at the two generations of the Yamunotri River Valley residents, examining how their lives changed under growing pilgrimage tourism. By investigating 10.3% of the population (47.3% of households) of the upper Yamuna river valley – commonly called Yamunotri Valley – the data from one generation (parents) and the following generation (their children) has been collected via face-to-face interviews. The findings show the significant changes in employment structure (tourism: +14.9%; agriculture: −22.8%; other: +7.9%) and area of cultivated land (–34.1%). The chapter concludes that every contact with ‘the other’ (even if belonging to the same culture) alters the lives of local communities in many dimensions. M. Apollo (*) Institute of Earth Sciences, Faculty of Natural Sciences, University of Silesia in Katowice, Katowice, Poland e-mail: [email protected] V. Andreychouk Faculty of Geography and Regional Studies, University of Warsaw, Warsaw, Poland Y. Wengel Hainan University – Arizona State University Joint International Tourism College (HAITC), Hainan University, Haikou, Hainan, People’s Republic of China © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 R. N. Progano et al. (eds.), Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism, Perspectives on Asian Tourism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9677-1_6

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Keywords  Pilgrimage tourism · Religious tourism · Impact · Development · Chota Char Dham · Himalayas

6.1 Introduction Pilgrimage tourism is defined as visiting places of religious worship in order to fulfill devotional practices. It is a type of broader concept, religious tourism, which, apart from spiritual experiences, includes other motivational aspects of taking up journeys – religious and cognitive, cultural and other (Gawlik et al., 2022; Olsen, 2019; Sharpley & Sundaram, 2005). Pilgrimage is undoubtedly one of the oldest forms of movement of people who fall under the modern criteria of “tourism” (Badone & Roseman, 2004). At the same time, it is one of its most mass forms of tourism in terms of the number of people participating in pilgrimage tourism (Collins-Kreiner, 2010a). Virtually every religion in the world has a pilgrimage to the holiest (in a global sense, e.g. Jerusalem in Christianity or Mecca in Islam) or holy (in a regional or local sense – numerous scattered sanctuaries) places that are visited by believers driven by “written” (haj) or “unwritten” (internal need) calling (Badone & Roseman, 2004; Pazos, 2014). The number of pilgrims at various places of worship depends on the demographic situation in the nearby area (population density), political (administrative and religious prohibitions), environmental (diseases, epidemics) and natural conditions (natural disasters, restriction of access, damage to a place of worship) (Coleman & Eade, 2004; Dionigi & Eade, 2017; Norman & Cusack, 2015; Olsen & Timothy, 2021). Moreover, it has been growing both globally and in individual places of worship for several decades, and pilgrims increasingly become more a tourist-pilgrim motivated not only by religious factors (Cohen, 1992; Collins-Kreiner, 2010b; Digance, 2006; Mróz, 2021). According to various assessments (resulting mainly from the differences in defining pilgrimage tourism), between 300 and 600 million people set off on pilgrimage each year worldwide (Griffin & Raj, 2017). While pilgrimage to holy places developed for tourism (infrastructure, roads, traffic regulation), as is the case with anthropogenic sites (e.g., churches, basilicas, sanctuaries, graves), practically does not have a destructive effect on the site itself, in the case of objects without infrastructure, for example, inaccessible natural objects  – sacred mountains, caves, springs (Alley, 2002; Gardner, 2002; Shinde, 2007). Like any other type of tourism, pilgrimage tourism affects not only the natural environment of the target areas but, above all, the socio-cultural environment (Apollo, 2015; Karar, 2010; Sołjan & Liro, 2020; Apollo et al., 2020; Olsen, 2019; Olsen & Timothy, 2021; Progano, 2018; Singh, 2002, 2004). The degree of impact and the depth of induced changes can be diverse – from small quantitative to significantly qualitative changes, for example, famous festivals were adjusted for the convenience of tourists, which may have a destructive long-term effect on host communities’ culture (Shackley, 1999; Tanner & Mitchell, 2002). It is particularly evident in holy places located “away from civilization”, where modernity often carried by pilgrims impacts these places in an archaic and culturally inappropriate way (Kaur, 1985; Libeson & Muraleedharan, 2008; Pourtaheri et al., 2012).

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The pilgrimage tourism impacts in remote sacred places described above explain the current unfolding in many Himalayan regions. Himalayan pilgrimage tourism as a regional type of pilgrimage tourism is distinguished, among others, by: • the location of places of worship in the mountains, often at high altitudes and in inaccessible places such as Mount Kajlas in Tibet and Amarnath cave, Kedarnath, Yamunotri in India; • lack of or insufficient (inadequate to the load) development of tourism infrastructure or even general management; • mass tourism (tens of millions of pilgrims annually); − poorly regulated or not regulated at all nature of tourist traffic; • spontaneous and traumatic nature of tourism (e.g., frequent accidents, even fatal ones, the weakness and illnesses of pilgrims on the way), with no social or medical care; • often pilgrims lack the information about the pilgrimage, such as route, climate and other conditions related to the anticipated hardships of the road; • a large amount of environmental pollution generated by pilgrims (such as feces, rubbish, excrement) accumulates along the routes due to the lack of rubbish disposal infrastructure (Gupta, 2002; Kaur, 1982; Singh, 2004). The inaccessibility of many holy places and the resulting cultural distinctiveness and authenticity of the people living in their vicinity – on the one hand, and the mass and growing trend of pilgrimages to them – on the other, cause that local communities are subject to very significant, even enormous, cultural and economic pressure. Regarded as a ‘sacral space’ by Hindus Himalayan region increasingly became a pilgrim’s hotspot (Grotzbach, 1994). Especially in India, this phenomenon has become particularly significant in recent decades (Mishra, 2002). Over just a few dozen years, changes took place within the places of worship, and the change in life (mentality, economy, behavior) of the people in their vicinity is noticeable (Singh, 2006). Over the years, the nature of impacts changed and thus, differences in the impacts on different generations are expected. This chapter discusses the impacts of pilgrimage tourism on the community of two generations living around one of Hinduism’s most significant pilgrimage places – the Yamunotri temple.

6.2 Study Area: Yamunotri Valley 6.2.1 Natural Environment, Man and Heritage The Yamunotri Valley is the upper part of the Yamuna river valley (1376 km long) (Dhyani et al., 2013). It lies in the northwestern part of Uttarakhand state and physiographically falls within the Mussoorie band of the Garhwal Himalayas range. It stretches for 20  km between the Bali Pass (4884  m) and the Munsiari fault near Syana Chatti’s city (1794 m). The Yamunotri Valley covers 291.3 km2, and, apart from the winter season, only its highest parts are covered with snowfields and small glaciers. The largest of them – the Champasar glacier descending from the Kalindi Parbat peak slopes (5180 m above sea level) – is only 1.1 km long (area 0.54 km2).

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At its forehead, at an altitude of 4421 m above sea level, a small, periodically freezing Saptarishi Kund lake gives rise to the Yamuna River. The first human traces in the Garhwal area date back to the late Vedic period (1100–500 BC), when the area was inhabited by the Kole people belonging to the Adiwasi group (literally – first inhabitants). They were driven out (absorbed) by the Indo-Aryan Khas wandering from the northwest (Rawat, 2002; Bista, 2004). However, remote high-mountain valleys of Garhwal were settled only at the beginning of our era – mainly due to the expansion of the Indian Scythians. They gave rise to people, later referred to as Garhwali (Upreti, 1894; Bahadur, 2010). The overwhelming majority of them are followers of Hinduism and, apart from the immigrant population (mainly Tibetan), belong to three castes, i.e., Brahmins, Rajputs (Kshatriyas) and being related to the Kolo peoples  – Shilpkars (sudras) (Rawat, 2002). Inhabitants outside Hindi (most know at least the basics) speak the Indo-Aryan language of Garhwali, and in the Yamunotri Valley, precisely the Ranwalti dialect (Bahadur, 2010). According to Indian mythology, the Yamuna River – the second most sacred river of Hindu followers after the Ganges, was dedicated to the goddess Yamuna  – the daughter of the sun god Suraja (Bhattacharji, 1998; Dalal, 2010). The Yamuna springs have been popular with pilgrims since Vedic times, who have worshipped the river along its entire length (Negi, 1995; Burrow, 2013). A particularly sacred place is Yamunotri, known as the Mouth of Yamuna. This is where the “holy” waters meet: those flowing (250 m long cascade) from the Saptarishi Kund Lake and hot springs flowing from the depths of the earth (Haberman, 2006). Temples built in this place are notoriously damaged by snow avalanches (in winter) or floods (see Ziegler et  al., 2021). The current Yamunotri temple (3293  m above sea level), namely the Ma Jamuna Mandir (Skt. Mother of the Yamuna Temples), was erected in 1839 (Haberman, 2006). It was frequently destroyed by earthquakes, avalanches and floods and rebuilt mainly by priests (pujaris) who usually come from nearby towns (mainly Kharsali). Yamunotri Valley is inhabited by over 3000 people gathered in several villages (Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, 2011). Along the entire length of the Yamuna River, there are numerous religious worship places, such as temples, shrines and ghats – both those intended for ritual baths (ablution) and funerals. The culture of the Yamunotri Valley people is closely related to Indian culture (Anthwal et al., 2006).

6.2.2 Tourism in Yamunotri Valley Yamunotri valley and its surroundings are appealing for the development of tourism. For centuries, pilgrims had visited the holy river Yamuna, while among climbers, this place became popular only in the 1960s, when road infrastructure has improved. Since then, the number of visitors (mainly pilgrimages increased) (Table 6.1). The main tourist season in this area is abridged and is limited to only a few months. There may be intense snowfall until the end of April, high in the mountains, reaching up to half a meter a day. The post-monsoon season (as a trekking or

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Table 6.1  Number of tourists visiting Yamunotri Temple in the period 1975–2010 Year 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010

No of pilgrims 30,000 62,000 79,000 101,000 100,000 88,672 N.A. 287,688

Source: Directorate of Tourism (2012)

climbing season) is practically non-existent due to frequent storms. Furthermore, from November to March, the upper part of the Yamunotri Valley (from Janki Chatti) is also inaccessible due to climatic conditions (winter). To reach the Yamunotri temple, pilgrims have to travel to the Janki Chatti (2546  m) village, the central hub for the tourists and the starting point of the Yamunotri trek. Due to changing and dangerous road conditions (frequent road washing, breaks and landslides), sometimes the journey must be ended in the Hanuman Chatti settlement (2134 m above sea level), and the last 7 km to the village must be walked. The settlements of Hanuman Chatti, Phool Chatti, Janki Chatti provide basic tourist infrastructure, such as accommodation (approx. 5 USD per day) and restaurants which serve local cuisine (approx. 3 USD per meal). On the route Janki Chatti  – Yamunotri, there are many shops and small local restaurants. The temple’s vicinity offers pilgrims and other tourists a few restaurants, devotional shops and a limited number of accommodations in the form of hostels and small hermitages (ashrams). Trekking or pilgrimage (trek) in the Yamunotri Valley area does not require obtaining administrative permits. However, visitors are asked to pay a symbolic fee of 50 IRS (about 1 USD; Please note, the prices are at the time of writing as of 2020) when going to the Yamunotri temple, which is spent entirely on the trail’s renovation. The GSM telephony network is available in the lower part of Yamunotri Valley. Side valleys and mountain regions are beyond its reach.

6.3 Methods The primary research method used to examine respondents’ attitudes to mountain tourists (mainly pilgrims) was a diagnostic survey conducted in 2014. The interview questionnaire and survey were deemed the most appropriate research methodology in this mixed methods research (Nichols, 1991; Schaeffer & Maynard, 2007). In several cases, due to the participants’ willingness to communicate their attitudes to

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pilgrimage tourism, authors opted to use semi-structured and in-depth interviews to capture the depth of the participants’ responses (Fontana & Prokos, 2007). In most cases, face-to-face interviews with the help of a local interpreter were used (Forster, 1989). People preferring to answer the questions included in the questionnaire themselves (without contacting the researcher) received a questionnaire to complete. The questionnaire was translated into Hindi. Due to the high level of illiteracy in Himalayan society, standing at almost 30% (Apollo, 2017), the vast majority of respondents answered the interviewer’s questions. During the data collection process, the authors were always assisted by A. Uniyal, fluent in the local language and English. The questionnaire included questions about the social, natural and economic aspects of the impact of tourism on the environment, including: (1) an estimate of the current level in the development of mass tourism (number of tourists); (2) questions about the impact of tourism on local society; (3) opinions on the quality of the natural environment and (4) information on tourism in economic terms. At the end of the survey, a metric was placed which, in addition to basic information about the respondent (gender, year of birth, marital status), was used to collect data related to three generations of residents, i.e. the respondent (3rd generation), their parents (2nd generation) and grandparents (1st generation). Overall, a respondent representing the household was asked about the data on behalf of his/her parents and grandparents. The questions concerned the occupation, number of children, farm area, as well as the main crops and the type of farm animals. These data were used to present the characteristics of the study population. Individual generations were located in time by determining the respondent’s date of birth (averaged). The date of birth of parents and grandparents was estimated assuming 25 years per generation (see Table 6.3). The data were converted into percentages and presented graphically. The points of view of respondents on a specific topic were presented on one chart. According to three generations on one chart, a collective summary of residents’ responses facilitated the opportunity to determine a trend line that significantly facilitated the perception of relationships.

6.4 Results and Discussion 6.4.1 Sample Description: A Brief Characteristic and Limitation of Data The research was carried out in the town of Kharsali, located at an altitude of 2580 m and inhabited by 1068 people (229 households) in the seasonally inhabited area of the Yamunotri Temple (3293 m), and in 42 people (12 smaller farms) located on the route to Janki Chatti (2546 m) – the Yamunotri Temple (Table 6.2). Of the total 114

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Table 6.2  A brief overview of the study sample

Valley Yamunotri Valley

Last settlement accessible by car Villages Janki Chatti Kharsali Yamunotri + households on the path Total

Population (households) number 1068a (229)a 42b (12)b

Population (households) sample 102 (102) 12 (12)

1110 (241)

114 (114)

Percentage of the study population (households) [%] 9.5 (44.5) 28.6 (100)

10.3 (47.3)

Census of India (2011) b Census and number of farms prepared by the authors a

Table 6.3  Date of birth (average) and age of respondent (III generation) at the time of the survey, and an estimation of these values for respondent’s parents (II generation) and grandparents (I generation)

Date of birth of the respondent (average age of the respondent at the time of the survey)

Generation Respondent: 3rd generation Parents: 2nd generation Grandparents: 1st generation

Yamunotri Valley 1976a (36b/34c) ← 1950d → (approx. 63) ← 1925d → (approx. 88)

Date of birth of the respondent (based on average age of the respondent) The average age of the respondent at the time of conducting the research (2013) c The median age of the respondent at the time of conducting the research (2013) d Estimated value – for statistical purposes, an average of about 25 years per generation has been assumed a

b

respondents, men predominated – 75 people (66%), while there were 39 women, i.e. 34% of the survey population. Based on the assumptions (Table  6.3), the data was estimated and taken into account in further analysis. The average age of respondents was 36 years, and they were between 11 and 73 years old. However, the median age was 34, and the higher (Q1) and lower (Q3) quartile was 46 and 23, respectively. Thus, 23 years old is the median of the lower half of the dataset, and 46 is the median of the upper half of the dataset. Such a distribution allowed us to assume (with a relatively small margin of error) that the respondents in the predominant period were people between 23 and 46 years of age. Table 6.4 presents the characteristics of the studied population and its dynamics over three generations.

b

a

71 people (62.3% of the survey population) could answer 107 people (93.8% of the survey population) were able to answer c Study population aged 35 and over (54 people; 47.37%) d The entire survey population with children, i.e. 94 persons (82.4%) e 17 people (14.91% of the survey population) were able to answer f 83 people (72.80% of the survey population) have their own land g 14 people (12.28% of the survey population) could answer h 86 people (75% of the survey population) run agriculture i 6 people (5.26% of the survey population) could answer j 80 people (70.17% of the survey population) have animals

Percentage of people who have animals [%]

Farm area [a] The percentage of people engaged in cultivation [%]

Number of children Occupation [%]

1st generation (grandparents) 2.37a Tourism Accommodation 0 0 service Transport 0 Gastronomy 0 Accompanying 0 Agriculture 100 Other sectors 0 NDA Cereal NDA Legumes NDA Root crops NDA Vegetables NDA Others NDA Companion animals (pets) NDA Working animals NDA Livestock NDA

2nd generation (parents) 4.33b 1.75 0 0 50.00 50.00 97.37 0.88 53.94e 50g 71.43g 71.43g 0g 0g 0i 0i 100i

3rd generation (respondent) 3.84c (2.78)d 16.67 10.53 21.05 47.37 21.05 74.56 8.77 35.55f 43.02h 67.44h 74.42h 0h 0h 12.50j 22.50j 92.50j

Dynamics of changes [%] 1st to 2nd 2nd to 3rd +82.7 −11.32 +1.75 0 +14.92 +10.53 0 +21.05 +50.00 −2.63 +50.00 −28.95 −2.63 −22.81 +0.88 +7.89 – −34.1 – −6.89 – −3.99 – +2.99 – 0 – 0 – +12.50 – +22.50 – −7.50

Table 6.4  Characteristics of the study population of the Yamunotri Valley (Kharsali, Yamunotri and households on the route Janki Chatti – Yamunotri Temple) and its dynamics

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6.4.2 Pilgrimage Tourism to Yamunotri Temple and Its Impact on Residents Across Two Generations The data summarised in Table 6.4 has been correlated with the number of pilgrim tourists (Table 6.1) visiting the Yamunotri valley. Due to the incompleteness of the data (the respondents often did not remember the details of the land area, type of crops, or farmed animals), only the data of two generations was shown: the respondent and his parents. In three generations, the number of offspring first increased (from 2.37 to 4.33) and then decreased (to 3.84). On average, the respondents’ grandparents (1st generation) had two children, their parents (2nd generation) were between four and five (mean 4.3), and they (2nd generation) today have an average of three (Table 6.4). These sudden (often several dozen percent) processes of the increase (within one generation) of the number of children owned by the parents of respondents resulted, among others, from the reduction of mortality or the cessation of polyandry. The relatively low (2) number of children owned by grandparents usually differed from their actual value, which was much higher. Most of the respondents indicated the number of their grandparents’ children who lived for more than a few years. A study from another Indian high-altitude region, Ladakh, confirms high infant mortality rates (Wiley, 1994). While refining the question, the respondents talked about children who died in childbirth or soon. Thus, the actual number of children of the 1st generation was, most likely, on the same level as the 2nd generation, i.e. parents. The grandparents, taking into account that some offspring might not survive, decided to have more children. A significant increase in the number of offspring of the 2nd generation results from adopting patterns known to them from their parents (1st generation), i.e. it is necessary to have more children, because some of them may not survive. The respondents’ return (3rd generation) to the number of children their grandparents had (1st generation) shows that they adapt to the new reality very quickly – one generation -, i.e. better medical care and thus greater survival chances for children. Therefore, it is not surprising that the number of children of the respondents has decreased. Additionally, the tourism industry’s development (the number of tourists) is positively correlated with the decline in offspring (Fig. 6.1). Most likely, it is related to the improvement of the economic situation and occurs in many economies, even developed ones, and is called the demo-economic paradox (Birg, 2004). Gooch (2014) emphasizes that the increased influence of the “modern” lifestyles, new values, improved economic opportunities, and better healthcare in high Himalaya led to reduced family size, with two children per family becoming a norm. The number of children indicates that the population is aware of the environment’s limited resources and decides to have as many offspring as is necessary to extend the genealogical line. This process perfectly corresponds to the general trend recorded in the Himalayas last century (Apollo, 2017). It is assumed that in developing countries, the fertility rate between 2.5 and 3.3 is the level ensuring the replacement of generations (Espenshade et al., 2003).

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Fig. 6.1 Correlation between the number of tourists and the number of descendants (●)

The employment structure is also changing, and it also correlated with increasing numbers of pilgrims (Fig. 6.2). In the first generation, they all worked in agriculture. This value is decreasing. Within one generation (2nd to 3rd generation), there was a significant decrease of 23%. On the other hand, the dynamics of employment growth in the tourism industry are increasing. Within one generation (2nd to 3rd generation), there was an increase of 15%. In the third generation (respondent), most people (nearly 50% of the total number of people employed in the tourism industry) worked in gastronomy, following transport, accompanying service and accommodation. The low employment rate in the hotel industry results from the geography of the region. Most of the pilgrims come here for one day. The overwhelming majority lived in houses with a traditional layout for the region: a residential part in the upper room, animals in the lower one. Poorer families still share the residential part with the cowshed, although it is a sporadic arrangement. Three out of four respondents work in agriculture and livestock. However, a decrease in the average area of agriculture with the development of the tourism industry can be observed (Fig.  6.3). A significant part of the remaining group (16.5%) works in tourist traffic services, mainly gastronomy. The average size of a farm was slightly over 35 acres and was expressed in local units:

= 1 bigha 3= .15 nali 630 m 2 = 6.3 a = 1 nali 16 = muthi 200 m 2

The most frequently cultivated plants were root crops (mainly potatoes) and legumes (various peas and beans). Almost every second respondent with agricultural land

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Fig. 6.2 Correlation between the number of tourists and employment structure of Yamunotri population: (a) in total; and (b) according to the tourism sectors

also cultivated cereals, mainly barley, millet and maize. Over 70% of respondents own animals, and practically everyone runs a livestock economy (mainly cows, goats, sheep). Almost every fourth farm has service animals – horses and mules, which are used to transport crops from the fields, and in the season also to transport people and goods to the Yamunotri temple. Overall, the change of the crops’ structure of the cultivated plant species is not very noticeable (Fig. 6.4a). However, the domesticated livestock population has declined (Fig. 6.4b), and pets replaced working animals.

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Fig. 6.3 Correlation between the number of tourists and the area of cultivated land (●)

6.5 Conclusion and Future Research The chapter concludes that pilgrimage tourism in high mountain areas has become a mass phenomenon in recent decades – influencing all spheres of host communities’ residents’ lives. Two main changes across different generations are the change in occupation and demographics. Although the locals’ lives in Garhwal Himalaya depend on farming activities, this research revealed that host community residents adopted mass pilgrimage tourism and shifted their occupation from agriculture to tourism. The cultivated land and the population of livestock have decreased, while pets replaced some domestic service animals. One of the consequences of this development is that people residing in the Yamunotri temple area become increasingly dependent on the income from mountain tourists, most of whom are Hindu pilgrims. Sati (2015) points out that catering to pilgrimage tourists’ needs becomes the primary income source for many residents. Previously involved mainly in farming activities, local communities shifted to tourism, hospitality, guiding and tourists’ transportation services. Moreover, although tourism in the region brings positive economic benefits, it has significant negative socio-cultural and environmental impacts. Like in other developing countries, the socio-cultural impact of tourism on local communities remains high in India (Oppermann & Chon, 1997). Regarding the social-cultural impacts in Yamunotri valley, we see changing family structures and greater openness of residents to modern lifestyles. As such, the effects of the demo-economic paradox, which links favorable economic progress with the decline of fertility, are evident in Yamunotri valley. Furthermore, tourism activity improved healthcare and economic benefits allowed host communities to adopt modern lifestyles and values, leading to the reduced family size of two children per family. Hence, the process (pilgrimage) that generates such significant changes must be considered when planning sustainable development.

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Fig. 6.4 Correlation between the number of tourists and the structure of (a) agriculture plants and (b) the species of domesticated animals

Additionally, by investigating residents: • Awareness and knowledge of tourists concerning the culture and local customs were the most critical elements affecting the perception of tourists by the residents of the reception areas (Apollo et al., 2020; Jani, 2018; Progano, 2018; Reisinger & Turner, 2003; Upadhyay et al., 2011). We have noted an increase in the percentage of tourists who do not know the local culture and that almost all residents have great ease of adopting foreign patterns. In this respect, a lack of knowledge among tourists will create feelings of hostility among the local population (Apollo & Andreychouk, 2022). Unknowingly, tourists can irritate the local host communities by not following certain cultural principles (Apollo, 2015; Apollo & Andreychouk, 2022).

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• We have also identified negative feelings that are getting stronger (e.g. increasing costs of living). Therefore, it is imperative to know the views of the residents on tourism and the tourists themselves, since an overall negative attitude in a local community may hinder its development (Apollo, 2015; Jani, 2018; Lawson & Williams, 2001; Yun & Zhang, 2017; Apollo & Andreychouk, 2022). Moreover, this is extremely important because the contact between the high-mountain environment (the natural and local communities that have been isolated for many years) and mountaineering tourism (with all the globalization that it affects) is a multifaceted collision (Apollo, 2015; Jani, 2018; Apollo & Andreychouk, 2022). Overall, as the resident’s occupation adopts their ways of living to cater to the increasing demand for tourism services, future research in that aspect is needed. Future research can investigate the co-management of tourism by involving communities in planning and explore how Hindu pilgrimages in the Himalayas can be institutionalized and managed in a sustainable way.

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Mishra, R. (2002). Pilgrimage tourism in India. In S. P. Bansal, S. Khan, S. R. Chug, & C. Mohan (Eds.), Tourism in the new millennium—Challenges and opportunities (pp. 211–218). Abishek Publications. Mróz, F. (2021). The impact of COVID-19 on pilgrimages and religious tourism in Europe during the first six months of the pandemic. Journal of Religion and Health, 60, 625–645. https://doi. org/10.1007/s10943-­021-­01201-­0 Negi, J. (1995). Himalayan heritage. A socio-economic, cultural and tourism analysis. Gitanjali Publishing House. Nichols, P. (1991). Social survey methods: A fieldguide for development workers. Oxfam. Norman, A., & Cusack, C. (2015). Religion, pilgrimage, and tourism. Routledge. Olsen, D. H. (2019). Religion, spirituality, and pilgrimage in a globalising world. In Handbook of globalisation and tourism. Edward Elgar Publishing. Olsen, D. H., & Timothy, D. J. (2021). Investigating the intersections between religion, spiritualty, and tourism. In D. H. Olsen & D. J. Timothy (Eds.), The Routledge handbook of religious and spiritual tourism (pp. 1–13). Routledge. Oppermann, M., & Chon, K. S. (1997). Tourism in developing countries. International Thomson Business Press. Pazos, A. (2014). Redefining pilgrimage: New perspectives on historical and contemporary pilgrimages. Routledge. Pourtaheri, M., Rahmani, K., & Ahmadi, H. (2012). Impacts of religious and pilgrimage tourism in rural areas: The case of Iran. Journal of Geography and Geology, 4(3). https://doi.org/10.5539/ jgg.v4n3p122 Progano, R.  N. (2018). Residents’ perceptions of socio-economic impacts on pilgrimage trails: How does the community perceive pilgrimage tourism? Asian Journal of Tourism Research, 3(2), 148–178. Rawat, A. S. (2002). Garhwal Himalayas: A study in historical perspective. Indus Publishing. Reisinger, Y., & Turner, L. W. (2003). Cross-cultural behaviour in tourism: Concepts and analysis. Butterworth-Heinemann. Sati, V.  P. (2015). Pilgrimage tourism in mountain regions: Socio–economic and environmental implications in the Garhwal Himalaya. South Asian Journal of Tourism and Heritage, 8, 164–182. Schaeffer, N., & Maynard, D. (2007). The contemporary standardised survey interview for social research. In F.  Conrad & M.  Schober (Eds.), Envisioning the survey interview of the future (pp. 31–57). Wiley. Shackley, M. (1999). Managing the cultural impacts of religious tourism in the Himalayas, Tibet and Nepal. In M. Robinson & P. Boniface (Eds.), Tourism and cultural conflicts. CABI. Sharpley, R., & Sundaram, P. (2005). Tourism: A sacred journey? The case of ashram tourism, India. International Journal of Tourism Research, 7, 161–171. Shinde, K. (2007). Pilgrimage and the environment: Challenges in a pilgrimage centre. Current Issues in Tourism, 10(4), 343–365. https://doi.org/10.2167/cit259.0 Singh, S. (2002). Managing the impacts of tourist and pilgrim mobility in the Indian Himalayas. Revue de Géographie Alpine, 90(1), 25–34. Singh, S. (2004). Religion, heritage and travel: Case references from the Indian Himalayas. Current Issues in Tourism, 7(1), 44–65. https://doi.org/10.1080/13683500408667972 Singh, R. P. B. (2006). Pilgrimage in Hinduism: Historical context and modern perspectives. In D. J. Timothy & D. H. Olsen (Eds.), Tourism, religion, and spiritual journeys (pp. 220–236). Routledge. Sołjan, I., & Liro, J. (2020). The changing roman catholic pilgrimage centres in Europe in the context of contemporary socio-cultural changes. Social & Cultural Geography, 1-24, 376–399. https://doi.org/10.1080/14649365.2020.1739322 Tanner, R., & Mitchell, C. (2002). Religion and the environment. Palgrave. Upadhyay, A., Ojha, C. S. P., & Singh, V. P. (2011). The Yamuna river basin: Water resources and environment. Springer.

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Chapter 7

Impacts of Processional Pilgrimage on Host Communities: Insights from the Palkhi Pilgrimage in India Kiran Shinde

Abstract  This chapter presents a discussion on a processional pilgrimage called Palkhi, specifically examining how it intersects with the host communities on its route. Palkhi refers to a pilgrimage tradition in the western state of Maharashtra in India, where pilgrims enact the journeys of poet-saints from their native places to the place of the deity the saint worshipped by carrying the replicas (icons) of their feet in a procession. The most popular palkhi is the one devoted to a poet-saint called Dnyaneshwar which begins from the pilgrim-town of Alandi (where the saint had spent most of his life) and traverses 210  kilometers to reach the town of Pandharpur- a place dedicated to Vithoba (an avatar of Vishnu) whom the saint worshipped. Every year, in the months of July–August (Ashadh) hundreds and thousands of devotees participate in this Palkhi: the procession covers the journey in about 21 days making night halts at 14 places (these vary from 1 to 3 nights). This chapter examines the impacts of the Palkhi pilgrimage on host communities in these places by focusing on three types of settlements that are commonly found on the route: city, town, and village. To illustrate the differences and similarities in impacts, Pune, Saswad, and Walha were selected as places representative of each typology, respectively and a study was conducted in 2016. In this Palkhi, it was estimated that close to half a million pilgrims walked throughout the length of the route, stayed in more than 1000 tents, and were accompanied by more than 2000 trucks. It was found that environmental impacts differ across types of settlements owing to spatial layout, and administration. Since the Palkhi stays for only a maximum of two days in one place and is a fleeting movement of pilgrims, its economic benefits are almost negligible as compared to those experienced in a traditional economy of a pilgrimage center. However, the Palkhi could be considered as causing a powerful tangential effect on the villages as they take pride in being a stop on the pilgrimage and because of this contact, these settlements acquire a unique socio-cultural identity within the pilgrimage landscape. K. Shinde (*) School of Humanities and Social Sciences, La Trobe University, Melbourne, VIC, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 R. N. Progano et al. (eds.), Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism, Perspectives on Asian Tourism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9677-1_7

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Keywords  Palkhi · Maharashtra · Impacts · Pilgrimage · Religious tourism · Procession

7.1 Introduction The tradition of walking pilgrimages is common in many religious faiths and spiritual movements. Many studies discuss such traditions and report on the intense experiences of pilgrims walking on trails, routes, and paths leading to sacred places. A comprehensive review of this literature is presented by Olsen and Trono (2018) in a recent book titled “Religious pilgrimage routes and trails”. So, instead of repeating how pilgrimages provide meanings for pilgrims, this chapter focuses on the impact of walking pilgrimages (processional) on the host communities on a pilgrimage route. Some of the iconic pilgrimage trails such as the Santiago de Compostela (Kim et al., 2019; Rodríguez et al., 2018), Shikoku Henro in Japan (Reader, 2007; Wilkinson, 2018), Baekdu-daegan in ROK (Mason & Chung, 2018) have received scholarly attention. Except for a few studies such as those about Sabrimala (Libison & Murlidharan, 2008), Chaar-dham in the Himalayas (Pinkney, 2013; Sati, 2015), Braj in north India (Shinde, 2012), there seems to be a paucity of research on impacts of long-distance and long-duration pilgrimages practiced in India. In India, several studies have documented the impacts of pilgrimages (for a comprehensive review see Shinde, 2020a) and recognize its direct and indirect impacts in pilgrim-towns (Sati, 2015; Shinde, 2007, 2017; Singh, 2002). The direct impacts relate to the timing and duration of visitor influx and include crowding, traffic congestion, and strain on environmental services (water supply, drainage, solid waste management). Such impacts peak during festivals and auspicious days of religious practice. With improvements in transport and accessibility, high visitor volumes are regularly observed, and this leads to frequent recurrence of direct impacts induced by visitor demands – the need for tourism infrastructure (hotels, restaurants, transport) leads to land-use changes and urban growth in pilgrim-towns. Recently, state governments in India have begun to recognize these impacts on host communities as significant and are in the process of developing policies and projects with regarding management. However, the focus on pilgrim-towns seems to have eclipsed recognizing challenges for settlements that are part of longer pilgrimage routes. This chapter aims to offer insights on the impacts of long-distance pilgrimages on host communities based on the study of Palkhi – an iconic processional pilgrimage undertaken by thousands of pilgrims in the state of Maharashtra in western India where they walk for about 21  days in the month of July on a journey of approximately 210 kilometers between two sacred towns – Alandi and Pandharpur. The purpose of this chapter is to: 1. Investigate the social, economic, cultural, and environmental impacts of Palkhi on the places on its route.

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2. Identify and analyse the differences in the impacts across the spatial hierarchy of settlements: villages, towns, and cities; and 3. Using Palkhi as a case, develop and characterize a conceptual relationship between a linear pilgrimage journey and the places it intersects with. First, it is necessary to introduce Palkhi and how the term is used in this chapter. Palkhi is a word in Hindi and Marathi language translated as palanquin in English. However, this term is used to refer to a pilgrimage practice rooted in the tradition of devotional worship known as Bhakti that is prevalent in Maharashtra. This form of worship, dedicated to Vishnu and his various avatars (forms), flourished since the thirteenth century (Delury, 1960). Krishna, an avatar of Vishnu, and his legends and places, were popularized by poet-saints of the time (Feldhaus, 2003). A deity called Vithoba was venerated as a form of Krishna in the region that broadly corresponds to present-day Maharashtra (Delury, 1960; Feldhaus, 1986). Vithoba’s abode, Pandharpur near the Chandrabhaga River, became a center of pilgrimage as it was eulogized by “charismatic devotees who expressed their devotion eloquently in songs and known as sant-kavi (poet-saints)” (Stanley, 1992, 70). A key figure of the movement was Sant Dnyaneshwar, a poet-saint who (in 1290 AD) created one of the most influential works in devotional worship called Dnyaneshvari in Alandi, about 200  kilometers away from Pandharpur. Among many stories about Dnyaneshwar’s unwavering devotion to Vithoba, his pilgrimage to Pandharpur is most significant. So, followers of bhakti take a vow to reenact this journey every year (Feldhaus, 2003) where they carry the footprints (paduka) of the Dnyaneshwar in a palkhi (palanquin) as if he is walking towards Pandharpur: this practice of pilgrimage is called vari and those who vow to undertake this pilgrimage four times a year are called varkari (Mokashi, 1987; Stanley, 1992). Of these, traditionally, the vari in Ashadhi (the month of July) has been the most popular and attracts the largest congregation of followers (Mokashi, 1987). This Ashadhi vari has become synonymous with the term Palkhi because of the grand palanquin in which Dnyaneshwar’s paduka’s are taken in a ceremonial and celebratory procession. This chapter uses the term Palkhi to refer to this processional pilgrimage of Saint Dnyaneshwar. To understand the impacts of Palkhi, fieldwork was organized in two stages. First in January 2016 when three towns and two villages on the route of the Palkhi were visited to interview relevant stakeholders. Second, the author walked in the Palkhi of July 2016 to conduct interviews, participate in rituals, and observe daily occurrences in a field diary. Based on these, below is a discussion of the impacts such a massive pilgrimage has on host communities in three types of settlements: a city, a town, and a village.

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7.2  Palkhi: The Procession, Route, and Places This section presents Palkhi from an organizational perspective as a procession rather than its historical and socio-cultural features that are already discussed including poet-saints and hagiographies in vari (devotional) literature (Dhere, 2011); music and performances (Jones, 2016); devotional practices (Stanley, 1992); vibrancy (Mokashi, 1987), or transformational experiences and phenomenology (Karve, 1962). The Palkhi and its stops are well-known, but the discussion of the places is limited as they are treated as backdrops. The most comprehensive account of Palkhi is given by Mokashi in a book with the same title, Palkhi, based on his pilgrimage of 1961; then he estimated the numbers of pilgrims to be around 100,000 (Mokashi, 1987: 19). Although the route and format have not changed much, there are quantitative and qualitative changes observed in the Palkhi as more than 500,000 pilgrims undertake this pilgrimage nowadays (Shinde, 2020b). While pilgrims from rural areas continue to be the main contingent of the Palkhi, increasingly “urbanites” are becoming a sizable and visible constituency (Daukes, 2014; Jones, 2016). The Palkhi has a long history, but its current processional format is attributed to a nineteenth century devotee named Haibatravbaba Arphalkar. He imprinted Dnyaneshwar’s footprints in silver to be carried in the palanquin and organized the devotees into singing groups known as dindis which were to follow “a set order within the palkhi procession” (Mokashi, 1987: 20). He also established the hereditary system of management for the Palkhi around three main stakeholders. These include the descendants of Haibatravbaba Arphalkar as the hereditary owners of the Palkhi; the Chopdar who carries the chop – a silver mast that symbolizes the authority to lead and manage the procession; and the temple management at Alandi where the Palkhi (palanquin) and the Palkhi-rath (the chariot that carries the palanquin during the procession) are housed. The joy of walking in devotion is the ultimate purpose of this pilgrimage (Karve, 1962; Mokashi, 1987). During the procession, pilgrims walk in front and behind the chariot (refer to Fig. 7.1) in groups called dindis. A dindi represents a collective of varkaris that have traditionally been organized based on “caste grouping, village origin, or family” (Stanley, 1992, 73) and can have “twenty or thirty to several hundred members” (Mokashi, 1987, 20). A dindi provides for “the physical needs of their members all along the way…a disciplined daily regimen of bhajan singing, dancing, kirtans, and religious discourses that keep the members constantly engaged in the devotional purpose of the pilgrimage” (Mokashi, 1987, 20). As per the tradition, dindis are registered with the Chopdar; the basis for their registration is the commitment of the group to undertake vari and follow varkari traditions.1 Dindis provide both logistical and ritual support for pilgrims during the Palki procession

 Other groups also organize themselves on similar pattern as traditional dindis but they are not registered with the Palkhi and hence called non-registered dindis – they must walk behind all the registered dindis 1

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Fig. 7.1 The Palkhi procession with the Chariot. (Photograph by the author)

but are dismantled after the procession reaches Pandharpur (for more details refer to Shinde, 2018). The 2016 Palkhi had close to half a million participants, about 2000 trucks and around a thousand tents. There were 427 dindis of which 278 were registered (the largest had over 5000 varkaris). On its 21-day journey covering the 210-kilometers route, Palkhi halts for night at only 14 places (the stay ranges between 1 and 3 days) but stops three times during the day: for morning breakfast, lunch, and afternoon halts. At every halt, thousands of people seek darshan (the act of seeing and being seen by a sacred object) of Palkhi as seeing Palkhi means taking darshan of the saints (Stanley, 1992). The rituals and performances of pilgrims make the Palkhi a festive and celebratory procession for the villages and towns where it halts. The impacts are more direct and visible in the 14 settlements where the Palkhi makes a night-halt (Table 7.1). The impacts of the Palkhi in the pilgrim-towns of Alandi and Pandharpur have been discussed in detail elsewhere (MPCB, 2005; Shinde, 2020a; Wilbur Smith Associates, 2005). This chapter is focused on examining impacts on the settlements along the route. Three out of the 14 places have been selected for this study following a hierarchy based on their population sizes and administrative structures. These are: the metropolitan city of Pune (3.1 million population) where Palkhi stops on 3rd and 4th night; the town of Saswad (with a population of 31,821 and designated as Municipal Council City) where Palkhi stays for 5th and 6th night; and the village of Walhe (with just over a thousand houses) which serves as halt for the 8th night. Between them, these three represent many other towns through which the Palkhi traverses. The intersection of the Palkhi with host communities in these three

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Table 7.1  Population of towns where the Palkhi stops for night halt Day 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

Departure from – – Alandi – Pune – Saswad Jejuri Walhe – – Taradgaon Phaltan Barad Natepute Malshiras Velapur – – – – – Pandharpur

Night Halt Alandi Alandi Pune Pune Saswad Saswad Jejuri Walhe Lonand Lonand Taradgaon Phaltan Barad Natepute Malshiras Velapur Bhandishegaon Vakhari Pandharpur Pandharpur Pandharpur Pandharpur –

Population 2011 28,476 3,124,458 31,821 14,515 4747 18,723 7337 52,118 4387 17,930 21,985 17,082 5649 8029 98,923

Source: Table prepared by the author based on data from the Census of Maharashtra, 2011

settlements is discussed using data from interviews (30  in total) and participant observations during the fieldwork.2

7.3 The Host Communities The ceremonies and rituals in the Palkhi procession are vividly described in many accounts. While communal singing of bhajan-kirtan and abhangs (devotional poetry) are hallmark of the journey, these intensify at night-halts as more people come for darshan of the Palkhi and participate in devotional activities such as aarti  I also refer to specific dindis that I closely interacted with: A registered dindi named Shri Sant Mukundraj Swami Maharaj Dindi which hails from the town of Ambejogai (near Solapur) and had 300 members; 15 tents; 3 trucks (since this was positioned at number 50 behind the chariot in the Palkhi procession it is called Dindi no.50); and a non-registered Dindi that originates from a place called Shendurwada (in Aurangabad district) and has 28 members (they represented the 200 members from their village all are farmers). 2

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(lighting of lamp and singing prayers dedicated to the deity). Other cultural performances include bharud3 and ringan (Jones, 2016; Karve, 1962).4 The concentration of activities at night halts and the scale of the settlements may influence the impact of the Palkhi.

7.3.1 Pune In Pune, the Palkhi travels for about more than 20 kilometres on the main arterial roads and therefore these roads are closed for a few hours before and after the passage of Palkhi. Most institutions declare holiday for one and half day when the Palkhi is in the city to facilitate darshan for the devotees and deal with practical challenges of traffic congestion. In many places, temporary pandals are erected to welcome the Palkhi and for onlookers to take darshan of the Palkhi. A typical scenario on the streets is captured succinctly by Jones: Platforms sponsored by local temples and political organizations were already set up, many with bhel (puffed rice), bananas, milk, and water to give to the devotees. The crowd lining the street was building as pilgrims in white, some carrying saffron-colored flags, started to come in small groups, singing and playing small hand cymbals and barrel drums. Despite all the activity, there was a sense of calm or anticipation. Everyone was waiting for the pālkhīs (palanquins) of Sant Jnaneshwar …(2016: 115).

As the Palkhi makes its way through the streets, Jones notes how: Suddenly the streets were filled…with a highly organized procession, comprising hundreds of individual large troupes of pilgrims (called diņḍīs) … The pilgrims’ movements were synchronized to the beat of the drum, either through the tempo of their steps or by codified dance movements. There was barely room to stand on the tiny sidewalks that flanked the road (2016: 115).

After performing aarti at Dnyaneshar Paduka temple in the western part of the city, the Palkhi crosses the river and moves to eastern part where it rests at the Palkhi Vithoba temple. Throughout the night visitors and devotees come to the temple for darshan. After two nights stay, the Palkhi moves to its next stop Saswad 30 kilometers away.

 Bharud is the performance of a folk-drama in open fields where performers take on multiple roles and narrate stories to explain religious philosophies. Refer to Karve, 1962 and Mokashi, 1987. 4  The ringaṇ is a unique tradition where varkaris make a circle and follow the horses which circumambulate the palkhi in an open field. This performance takes place at seven stops on the journey where “the entire procession sees and hears itself” and where pilgrims “combine intense, virtuosic displays of musical and physical prowess with a more relaxed, carnival-like atmosphere” (Jones, 2016: 130). 3

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7.3.2 Saswad Saswad is a town (termed as Municipal Council City in census) with a population of 31,821 (2011). The Palkhi arrives in Saswad in the evening of the Ekadashi (the eleventh day of each of the two lunar phases, this day is considered auspicious by varkaris and they fast for the day) and stays for two nights. The Palkhi is received at the boundary of the town by elected representatives and government officials under the leadership of the Nagar-Adyaskh (the elected President of the town) because it is a matter of pride for the town (former President, 19/1/2016). In this reception, school children present traditional cultural performances. Then, the Palkhi is brought to its halting place which is known as palkhi-tal (see Fig. 7.2 for the route). At the palkhi-tal, a large tent is erected in the centre where the Palkhi is kept for darshan. Thousands of villagers come from “the panchkroshi – the cultural region that extends for about five miles from the town or the village) to pay homage to the saints who have arrived” (College Professor, 20/1/2016). Nearby, a temporary office is set up for management functions, and from here items such as blankets, utensils, cooking fuel, groceries, food, snacks, and other material that are donated by NGOs or charitable organizations are distributed to the varkaris. Many registered dindis are accommodated in and around the palkhi-tal (see Fig. 7.3) that has a water supply and community toilets (about 100 toilet seats and 10 movable toilets). Other dindis move to their respective halting places that are spread throughout the town.5 Many are hosted by the local community: about 200–300 households continue to follow the traditional system of hosting Palkhi (Former President, 19/1/2016). For instance, a retired schoolteacher explained that “for generations, his family has been hosting a dindis of about 200 people that includes many noted bhajan singers and kirtankars- so there is a devotional feel to the house during the vari” (Local Shopkeeper, 2/7/2016). The urban growth in the town has some influence on Palkhi. This is evident from the case of a family residing in an apartment building and still hosting two dindis (each comprising about 200 members) in the parking space as they feel that “as varkaris perform the bhajans in the evening, their devotion makes this place sacred and pure” (Schoolteacher, 2/7/2016). Many dindis put up their tents at the same spot that they would have been staying in every year. For example, Dindi no. 50 erects its tent at “the right side of the MSEB Guest House” but their meals are taken care of by sponsorship from members of their dindi (Head of the dindi, 2/7/2016) (Fig. 7.4). Residents are proud that their town is a prominent place on Palkhi’s route. In the words of a resident: “it is from Saswad that the actual Palkhi begins because in the first 3 stops one cannot clearly see and experience the dindis in the tents, therefore, one cannot understand the palkhi-sohla [the celebratory procession]; the real journey begins from Saswad” (local reporter, 3/7/2016). Another aspect substantiates  Generally, dindi pramukh (head of a dindi) visits all the places well in advance (about 3–4 months) where they would camp for the night-stay and to make logistical arrangements during the Palkhi.

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Fig. 7.2  The route of Palkhi through the town of Saswad. (Drawn by the author)

this claim. Till Saswad, the Palkhi has a large contingent of urban dwellers from Pune, and it is estimated that about 25–30% go back after the Palkhi leaves Saswad. The residents believe that people come to Saswad to say goodbye to the Palkhi (known as palkhi ghalwine in Marathi) respectfully for its onward journey. Mokashi had remarked that “The townspeople who had come out as far as the gate to see of off turned back. The palkhi set off” (1987, 101). Based on the motivations of people during the Palkhi, Mokashi identified three categories: “the fun-lovers, the vow-keepers, and the profit-seekers” (1987, 91). A colloquial phrase that reflects this distinction is popular in Saswad which goes as: “haushe, navshe, and gavshe”. The first group of people is interested in the spectacle, the second refers to religious followers and the third is interested in economic opportunities generated by Palkhi. An interviewee exclaimed that “at Saswad vari

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Fig. 7.3  Tents erected at the Palkhi-tal, Saswad. (Photograph by the author)

chi jatra hote meaning the vari [Palkhi] becomes a fair” (Schoolteacher, 2/7/2016). Figure 7.5 illustrates this. Palkhi has some income-generating opportunities. Around 150–200 temporary stalls are erected around the Palkhi-tal by vendors that come from outside of the town to serve pilgrims and visitors. Many dindis replenish their supplies, fruits, and vegetables in the town. Most residents are engaged in agricultural occupations and other local businesses so there is hardly any significant dependence on pilgrim traffic for income and thus “there is no real contribution of vari to the town’s economy” (Shopkeeper, 21/1/2016). The heavy influx of pilgrims and visitors has some significant environmental impacts. While traffic congestion is a problem, the most challenging is the issue of sanitation: “the mobile toilets are inadequate; large-scale open defecation leaves the town with a stink that stays for almost a week after the Palkhi has left” (Schoolteacher, 2/7/2016). This echoed what a professor had mentioned: “his college ground hosts four dindis but too much cleaning is required after the dindi leaves…open defecation is a big problem” (College Professor, 20/1/2016). Residents expressed concerns about the changing nature of Palkhi. For instance, a temple-priest was vocal about those “who are not true varkaris but come for livelihood and for taking food that is donated” (Temple-priest, 2/7/2016). This resonated with another host family – “a true varkari never leaves the dindi and stays on the route, it is the others – the free-floaters – who cause the problems” (Shopkeeper, 21/1/2016). An increasing concern was about “foul smell and stink coming from piles of rotten food material; this is because many people collect food donations from Pune and bring with them to Saswad but during the journey the food gets spoilt, and they have to dispose of it here” (College Professor, 20/1/2016). There

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Fig. 7.4  Typical scene of tents, Saswad. (Photography by the author)

was some lament expressed about Palkhi becoming a spectacle with the prominence of non-varkaris and non-devotional features: “some people consider the palkhi as a tour and a picnic…I have seen some devotees come with bodyguards; one came in a helicopter and many with cars…. vari has become polluted” (Local Reporter, 3/7/2016). This pollution is related to the disturbances in the religious-cultural milieu of the vari. Saswad has historical importance as a strategic town in Maratha history and has festivals that are dedicated to saints and village deities. Its cultural identity comes from association with Sopandev- the younger brother of Dnyaneshwar and a

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Fig. 7.5  Recreational offerings at the fair, Saswad. (Photo by the author)

popular poet-saint who had taken samadhi (meditative trance and embracing of death in consciousness) here. His samadhi is commemorated with a large temple and this temple relates to the Dnyaneshwar Palkhi via a ritual where the food offerings (naivedya) from the temple of Sopandev are taken to welcome to the Palkhi. Similarly, food offerings from Palkhi are brought to the temple and then the palkhi of Sopandev (comprising of about 70 dindis) leaves from Saswad to Pandharpur. However, it must be noted that although the identity of Saswad is Sopandev, less than 10% of the population follows varkari tradition (Temple-priest, 2/7/2016). As a town, Saswad experiences environmental impacts only temporarily and bounces back to its everyday routine once the cleaning is completed. The significant intersections lie within the cultural imagination of the town as an important stop for the Palkhi.

7.3.3 Walha (Walhe) Village With about a thousand houses (Census 2011), Walha is the second smallest village on Palkhi’s route. As per the tradition, around 200 villagers receive the Palkhi at the boundary of the village by performing the ritual of phhol-haar aarti (welcoming with the garland) and then carry the palanquin on shoulders to the Palkhi-tal, which is 3 kilometres to the south-east of the village (refer to Fig. 7.6 showing the route through the village). The gram-panchayat (local self-government of the village) makes the necessary arrangements: free food is organized at a local temple while open trenches are dug to serve as temporary pit-latrines for sanitation near Palkhi-tal. The anna-dan (food charity) is an important ritual for the village through which food and money are collected from the villagers. Villagers decorate their houses with rangoli (colored

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Fig. 7.6  The route of Palkhi in Walha village. (Drawn by the author)

patterns on the floor) in front of their houses and erect a gudi (a vertical flag) to welcome the Palkhi. For generations, many families including those from the Muslim community have been hosting varkaris. Many others offer food and provide space for the camping of dindis on their farmlands. A villager explained: “it is our duty and punya (blessing) to serve the varkaris; the expense to provide for a dindi of about 100 varkaris is generally not more than INR 500 ($10) for the host family as the main item of grains and pulses (dhanya) are already in the household so the cost is not much, but what they receive as a blessing from the walking saints is invaluable” (Member of Panchayat, 22/01/2016). Moreover, varkaris are willing to go wherever their hosts arrange for their stay. But “the registered dindis don’t move out of the file” (Villager, 22/01/2016) and this helps to maintain the order. Dindi no.50, for instance, camped at a place near the “right-hand side of the railway track” and did not go inside the village (Head of the dindi, 4/7/2016). Since varkaris rely on their own supplies and do not buy anything in the village, hardly any economic activity is generated. A temporary bazaar (mainly comprised of vendors from outside of the village) develops for serving visitors that come for darshan of the Palkhi. About 40% of the village households have embraced the varkari tradition and take their own dindis to Pandharpur (Temple-priest, 22/01/2016) but they follow routines that are typical of village life and worship various other deities in the

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village (there are seven temples dedicated to deities such as Vitthal-Rukmini, Datta; Sai Baba, Natha Maharaj, and others). For instance, a priest at the local temple said, “yesterday was kartiki ekadashi [the eleventh day after the full moon] but no one from the village came to offer prayers even though this is an auspicious day for varkaris for fasting” (Temple-priest, 22/01/2016). There are many festivals celebrated in the village. A local leader who heads the preparations for hosting the Palkhi in Walha reiterated that “there is no interference of Palkhi proceedings with routines in the villages except for throngs of people who come from nearby villages to seek darshan of the Palkhi” (Former Head of Panchayat, 22/1/2016). The Palkhi visits Walha but remains a separate and independent spatial unit that “keeps moving on wheels…as every day one village is constructed and destroyed and next day reconstructed” (Chopdar, Lead organizer of Palkhi, 21/7/2016). This echoes the sentiment shared by Mokashi in his reflexive question: “How can we call the place where we were staying ours anymore? It was all nothing but an illusion” (1987: 99). This is visible in Fig.  7.7. The former head of the village panchayat (interviewed on 22/01/2016) provides a more candid and practical reasoning: “Palkhi comes only for a day so no direct relation with the village.” However, he is quick to remind of the tremendous importance of this event for the village: “There is no identity to our village without the vari and the Palkhi…our village becomes sacred with the footsteps of the saints [varkaris].” The village derives its identity because it serves as a night-halt for the Palkhi.

Fig. 7.7  Typical scene near the village of Walha. (Photograph by the author)

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7.4 Addressing the Impacts of Palkhi The Palkhi is self-governed and managed by traditional stakeholders that have continued through a hereditary system. Chopdar is the lead organizer responsible for the management of the Palkhi. Although dindis march with the Palkhi, their participation is voluntary and independent of the Palkhi and so they must organize for their own travel and stops. At every Palkhi-tal, a temporary office is set up where all involved in the management of the camp meet and discuss the logistics of the pilgrimage, review incidents that happened en route, and plan for the next stage. The office also acts as a reception area for “local guests, including political leaders, the elites of the town or village, and others who have been serving and patronizing the Palkhi for many generations” (Shinde, 2018: 161) and thus, a place for building and reinforcing relationships between the Palkhi and the host community. Beyond Palkhi-tal, more concerted and coordinated efforts are required along the route and halts. Local self-government provides the temporary infrastructure to support the Palkhi at each stop: Gram-Panchayat for the village; Nagar-Parishad (Municipal Council) for the town; and Nagar-Palika (Municipal Corporation) in larger cities. This includes ensuring the availability of land to serve as Palkhi-tal, providing electricity, safe drinking water, augmenting sanitation facilities, and maintaining cleanliness. These authorities receive grants from the state government for additional expenses: INR 200,000 (US$ 4000) for places with night-halts and INR 100,000 (US$ 2000) for places with day-stops. Additional responsibilities are delegated to various state government departments including the Public Works Department (PWD), the State Transport (ST), the Health Division the Disaster Management Office, the Police Department, and any other deemed necessary. To coordinate such state-level action at the level of a settlement, it is necessary to bring in the intermediate tier of administration known as Tehsil and its presiding officer called Tehsildar. Tehsil is an administrative unit that covers several villages and therefore is better connected locally. Tehsildar is the “Nodal Officer” to coordinate administrative matters related to the smooth passage of the Palkhi.6 In 2016, the Tehsildar of Saswad had to ensure the supply of about 1200 water tankers and 500 mobile toilets to serve pilgrims while coordinating with the 500 plus police- personnel deployed to manage traffic (Saswad Tehsildar, 20/1/2016). Palkhi is an icon for Maharashtra and therefore the state government has taken significant steps including substantial grants to improve facilities for pilgrims and infrastructure in Pandharpur and Alandi. It has developed the route as Palkhi Maha-marg – a four-­ lane highway for easing traffic movement.

 Typically, the Tehsildars of all the tehsils on the route of the Palkhi invite the Vari committee (a committee comprising the Chopdar, and representatives of some of the older dindis) and government agencies about a fortnight before the Palkhi begins and prepares for all coordination tasks and activities during the Palkhi. 6

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7.5 Discussion: Linear Route and Tangential Impacts Returning to the main objectives of the chapter, the stopping of a moving pilgrimage in a stationary town or village generates many impacts.

7.5.1 The Impacts of Palkhi on Its Route With regards to the economic impacts of the Palkhi, there is some ambivalence. Most dindis are self-sufficient: they carry tents, grains, groceries, dry food, and all ingredients with them in the trucks. Many vendors travel with the Palkhi to provide for the routine needs of the varkaris and attract customers from visitors (see Fig.  7.8). So, in that sense, there is a negligible economy generated by pilgrims

Fig. 7.8  The moving economy of vendors. (Photograph by the author)

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themselves. The fairs provide economic opportunities: “the local administration auctions out fair stalls, where businesspeople and entrepreneurs sell all sorts of goods and recreational rides for the incoming pilgrims, locals, and out-of-town visitors” (Shinde, 2018: 162). The cultural influence of Palkhi on the settlements is considerable: “Whenever the palkhi enters a town, it adds its own color to the town. The normal appearance of the town gets hidden” (Mokashi, 1987: 214). The host communities receive the Palkhi with celebratory fervor. Many residents decorate their houses, host dindis, and organize bhajan-kirtans of varkaris in their house because they believe that their place is sanctified by the presence of the saints of the Palkhi. The extravaganza of religious and cultural performances (such as ringan) in villages provides lustrous identity to the host communities: “In some villages, the palkhi is the predominant, if not the only, festival that is celebrated publicly” (Shinde, 2018, 159). The generic impacts discussed here vary to some extent across types of settlements – city, town, and villages – based on their size, population, socio-cultural and religious milieu, and governance.

7.5.2 Differences in Impacts Across Settlements The intensity of the environmental impact varies across settlements. The Palkhi procession occupies a road space of about 6 kilometers. It is the (non) availability of such space in a settlement that causes congestion: more severe in a city but accommodated with little discomfort in a village. Similar is the situation with open defecations: the rural landscape of a village offers a wide field for absorption and villagers believe that it adds to the fertility of the soil in the farms. However, the same cannot be said in the case of towns where urban areas must endure most of the stink and unhygienic conditions it generates. In a city, Palkhi adds to everyday congestion. Pilgrims are accommodated in ashrams, dharamshalas (pilgrim-lodges), temples, schools, and every place that can be converted into temporary accommodation and where pilgrims can access sanitation facilities. Considerable solid waste is generated, but that is not insurmountable because the city administration has the capacity to deal with large-scale events regularly and routinely (such as the Ganesh festival, sports, and music events, among others). In a town, everything revolves around Palkhi as it brings the necessary annual pilgrimage to their doorstep, and residents can participate in religious practice and performances that connect them with the saints from all over Maharashtra. The opportunity of darshan of the Palkhi and the recreational fair reinforces the connection of people from the hinterland with the town in more direct ways and thus makes the Palkhi an inseparable part of the towns’ cultural fabric. However, due to meager resources, there are challenges related to sanitation, waste, and hygienic conditions in the town that are compromised for weeks after the Palkhi leaves. A village is completely transformed by the Palkhi. The village comes together as a host for the Palkhi: its collective decisions tie the community together internally and

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externally to the community of pilgrims. All villagers have the privilege to “offer a shoulder to carry the Palkhi into the village, there are no maan-karis  – meaning nobody has an exclusive right” (Former Head of Panchayat, 22/1/2016). The annual social and cultural exchange offered by Palkhi is significant for the villagers. Being on the route provides them with an identity that makes them stand apart from the rest of the villages- a matter of pride they boast of.

7.5.3 Conceptualizing Palkhi as a Linear Pilgrimage with Tangential Impacts For its significant cultural influence, Palkhi could be conceptualized as a linear pilgrimage that acts as a powerful tangent for the settlements on its route by binding them into a wider pilgrimage landscape. That residents want the Palkhi to stay in their settlements speaks about the attachment and belonging to the Palkhi. Shinde remarks: “the towns and villages where the Palkhi stops become not only sacred but also festive… The nature and scale of the palkhi-sohla make the events surrounding the Palkhi an important social and religious event” (2018, 159). It is important to note that there is no dependency of the Palkhi on the places that it passes through, it is the other way around. Many settlements do not have place-narratives or miracle stories like other sacred pilgrim-towns, and therefore hosting the Palkhi creates the place-identity for them even though that contact is temporally and spatially limited.

7.6 Conclusion This chapter aimed to unpack the interactions of a linear walking processional pilgrimage with the settlements on its route. The case of Palkhi presented here has its uniqueness but it also allows for some generalizations. Examining these interactions across three spatial units – a city, a town, a village – has revealed that such linear pilgrimages act as powerful tangents and lend a significant cultural identity to these settlements. The social, cultural, and spatial domain in these settlements connects with the Palkhi in diverse ways. The size, structure, and capacity of the settlements play a significant role in determining the environmental and economic impacts. This chapter made a first assessment of Palkhi in terms of socio-cultural, economic, and environmental impacts as the chapter set out to investigate. It would be prudent to examine impacts in a more comprehensive manner considering the changing composition of the Palkhi with changing demographics of participants (more urban and diverse constituencies), the government’s promotion of Palkhi as a tourism attraction, the increasing politicization, and potential use of technologies in the organization and management, rapid urbanization of settlements that makes less and less land available for camping of pilgrims, and so on. Addressing the negative

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environmental impacts of such massive processional pilgrimages on the host communities should be considered seriously at the policy level for better realization of the supreme bliss and joy the Palkhi offers.

References Daukes, J. (2014). Female voices in the Vārkarī sampradāya: Gender constructions in a bhakti tradition. SOAS, University of London. Delury, G. A. (1960). The cult of Vithoba. Deccan College. Dhere, R. C. (2011). The rise of a folk God: Vitthal of Pandharpur. Oxford University Press. Feldhaus, A. (1986). Maharashtra as a Holy Land: A sectarian tradition. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 49(3), 532–548. Feldhaus, A. (2003). Connected places: Region, pilgrimage, and geographical imagination in Maharashtra. Palgrave Macmillan. Jones, J. (2016). Pilgrimage and audience on the Maharashtrian Vārī. Yale Journal of Music & Religion, 2(2), 115–132. Karve, I. (1962). On the road: A Maharashtrian pilgrimage. The Journal of Asian Studies, 22(1), 13–29. Kim, H., Yilmaz, S., & Ahn, S. (2019). Motivational landscape and evolving identity of a route-­ based religious tourism space: A case of Camino de Santiago. Sustainability, 11(13), 3547. Libison, K.  B., & Murlidharan, K.  P. (2008). Economic benefits of pilgrimage tourism: A case study of Sabrimala pilgrimage with special reference to Pandalam rural locality in Kerala (India). South Asian Journal of Tourism and Heritage, 1(1), 57–64. Mason, D., & Chung, M.  H. (2018). The burgeoning of the Baekdu-daegan Trail into a new religious-­pilgrimage tourism asset of South Korea. Journal of Tourism and Leisure Research, 20(4), 425–441. Mokashi, D. B. (1987). Palkhi: An Indian pilgrimage. SUNY Press. MPCB. (2005). Environmental status report of Pandharpur (During Ashadhi Ekadashi). Board, M. P. C., Pune. Olsen, D. H., & Trono, A. (2018). Religious pilgrimage routes and trails: Sustainable development and management. CABI. Pinkney, A. M. (2013). Very present history in the land of the gods: Contemporary Māhātmya writing on Uttarākhaṇḍ. International Journal of Hindu Studies, 17(3), 229–260. Reader, I. (2007). Pilgrimage growth in the modern world: Meanings and implications. Religion, 37, 210–229. Rodríguez, X. A., Martínez-Roget, F., & González-Muriasa, P. (2018). Length of stay: Evidence from Santiago de Compostela. Annals of Tourism Research, 68, 9–19. Sati, V. P. (2015). Pilgrimage tourism in mountain regions: Socio–economic and environmental implications in the Garhwal Himalaya. South Asian Journal of Tourism and Heritage, 8(2), 164–182. Shinde, K. A. (2007). Pilgrimage and the environment: Challenges in a pilgrimage Centre. Current Issues in Tourism, 10(4), 343–365. Shinde, K. A. (2012). Shifting pilgrim trails and temple-towns in India: Problems and prospects. In T. Winter & P. Daley (Eds.), Routledge handbook on heritage in Asia (pp. 328–338). Routledge. Shinde, K. A. (2017). Planning for urbanization in religious tourism destinations: Insights from Shirdi, India. Planning Practice & Research, 32(2), 132–151. Shinde, K. A. (2018). Palkhi: A moving sacred town. In D. H. Olsen & A. Trono (Eds.), Religious pilgrimage routes and trails: Sustainable development and management (pp. 150–166). CABI.

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Shinde, K. A. (2020a). Managing the environment in religious tourism destinations: A conceptual model. In K.  A. Shinde & D.  H. Olsen (Eds.), Religious tourism and the environment (pp. 42–59). CABI. Shinde, K. A. (2020b). The spatial practice of religious tourism in India: A destinations perspective. Tourism Geographies, 24, 1–21. Singh, S. (2002). Managing the impacts of tourist and pilgrim mobility in the Indian Himalayas. Revue De Geographie Alpine, 90(1), 25–35. Stanley, J. M. (1992). The Great Maharashtrian pilgrimage: Pandharpur and Alandi. In A. Morinis (Ed.), Sacred journeys: The anthropology of pilgrimage (pp. 65–88). Greenwood Press. Wilbur Smith Associates. (2005). Action for environmental improvement of Alandi: Concept plan. Maharashtra Pollution Control Board. Wilkinson, G. (2018). The Shikoku pilgrimage: Popularity and the pilgrim’s transactions. In D. Olsen & A. Trono (Eds.), Religious pilgrimage routes and trails: Sustainable development and management (pp. 196–209). CABI.

Chapter 8

Pilgrimage Tourism in Palestine: The Backbone of the Palestinian Economy Rami K. Isaac

Abstract  In Palestine, tourism is the backbone of the national economy, and pilgrimage accounts for a significant part. However, the social-cultural and economic impacts of tourism and specifically pilgrimage tourism, are not sufficiently studied. This chapter sets out to fill this gap – to analyse the socio-cultural and economic impacts of pilgrimage tourism, also touching upon the political implications facing the pilgrimage tourism market. Its intention is to formulate a new tourism discourse about the country’s political, social, economic, and religious situation. To do this, in addition to the government tourism strategies, the chapter reviews the recent developments associated with the UNESCO world heritage sites and protection initiatives, whose intention included boosting the pilgrimage tourism sector. Keywords  Pilgrimage · Palestine · Political situation · Social impacts · Economic impacts · Cultural heritage · UNESCO

8.1 Introduction The industry of pilgrimage tourism has grown significantly (Olsen, 2019). Around the world, pilgrimage—whether traditional and religious or modern and secular—is inspiring personal regeneration, and long-standing shrines continue to draw people seeking spiritual fulfilment (Digance, 2003). Although there have been many fascinating conversations about the pilgrimage metaphor in the field of tourism, there have been very few on the journey itself (Attix, 2002; Cohen, 1979; Graburn, 1989; Vukonić, 1996). Local and federal governments acknowledge the contributions that pilgrims and pilgrimage make to the local economy. R. K. Isaac (*) Research Group of Tourism Impacts on Society, Breda University of Applied Sciences, Breda, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 R. N. Progano et al. (eds.), Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism, Perspectives on Asian Tourism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9677-1_8

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Although there are many indications that pilgrimage tourism has grown significantly over the past 30 years despite the lack of accurate statistics, it seems that the most growth has occurred in the last ten years. For instance, the number of international pilgrims traveling to conduct the Hajj in Saudi Arabia has climbed from 1.4 million in 2001 to 1.8 million in 2011, according to the Saudi Supreme Commission for Tourism and Antiquities (Kelly, 2012). According to the Religious Conference Management Association, between 1994 and 2006, the number of attendees at religious conferences rose from 4.4 million to 14.7 million (Kelly, 2012). It is acknowledged that the socio-cultural and economic effects of pilgrimage tourism, both positive and negative, cannot be overlooked or understated, even though the economic impact of this niche sector is unknown and speculative (Progano, 2018). In Palestine, pilgrimage plays a key role in the country’s tourism industry, which supports the entire economy. However, not enough research has been done on how tourism, and specifically pilgrimage tourism, affects social, cultural, and economic factors. In order to fill this gap, this chapter analyzes the sociocultural and economic effects of pilgrimage tourism while also discussing the political ramifications its market faces. The goal is to create a new tourism discourse about the political, social, economic, and religious circumstances of the nation. To do this, in addition to the government tourism strategies, the chapter reviews the recent developments that took place in association with the UNESCO world heritage sites and protection initiatives, whose intention included boosting the pilgrimage tourism sector.

8.2 Literature Review The majority of research that evaluated the effects of pilgrimage tourism concurs that the flow of pilgrims has a significant impact on sacred locations and communities (Collins-Kreiner et  al., 2006; Rinschede, 1992; Vukonić, 1996; Walpole & Goodwin, 2000). In order to better comprehend the interactions between pilgrimage tourists and the host community and the resulting effects, Shinde (2003) provides a model of the dynamics of pilgrimage tourism. As demonstrated, there is a direct impact on the host’s environment as a result of the pilgrimage’s direct contact with religious institutions, as well as a secondary impact on the local economy and society. The trips to the sacred site and the visitor’s interactions with the religious institutions have the most obvious effects of pilgrimage tourism. There aren’t many research on the host communities’ perceptions of the social and cultural effects of pilgrimage tourism, particularly when it comes to communities’ proximity to pilgrimage sites. It is clear that the growth of the tourism industry has a significant social influence on the host communities, and that how those communities perceive the effects of tourism is important for tourism management and planning (Ap, 1992). In the last few decades, academic research on locals’ attitudes and perspectives regarding tourism development and its effects has increased, to name a few (Allen et al., 1993; Andereck et al., 2005; Vargas-Sanchez et al., 2013; Gursoy et al., 2018; Stylidis, 2020). To the author’s knowledge, no study that specifically examines

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how pilgrimage affects Palestinian host communities has ever been published. The purpose of the study is to fill this information gap in the literature and to inform readers about how pilgrimage affects Palestinian local communities.

8.3 Palestine Since its borders, population, and political status have all changed over the past three millennia, Palestine is a difficult place to identify. The region, which is strategically connected to Asia, Africa, and the Mediterranean Sea, is situated in the southwest of the Asian continent and on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea (Isaac et al., 2016). The partition of Palestine into Israel, the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip in 1948, which followed the founding of the state of Israel, completely altered the structure and market orientation of tourism. After Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967, the tourism industry saw a sharp slump. There was the same number of Palestinian hotels between 1967 and 1994 (Isaac, 2019). The Israeli occupation has seldom ever given any investor in the Palestinian sector permission to construct hotels or convert existing buildings into hotels. Numerous actions were taken to promote and grow the tourism industry in Palestine, particularly in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, following the Oslo Peace Accord with Israel in 1993 and the creation of the Palestinian National Authority in 1994 (Isaac, 2019). The establishment of the Palestinian Ministry of Tourism (MOTA), which is in charge of recognizing the travel and tourism industry. According to Isaac et  al. (2016, 1) “tourism in Palestine has been receiving an increasingly important profile given its economic and religious significance, as well as the substantial role it can play in Israeli-Palestinian relations vis-à-vis representations of Palestinian statehood and identity”.

8.3.1 Christian Pilgrimage to Palestine As Isaac (2010, 21) states, ‘pilgrimage and hospitality have been defining features of the economy and society of the Holy Land and Palestine for 2000 years. Hotels and restaurants, olive-wood souvenir shops, tourist vendors, guides, cultural industries such as museums, and archaeological sites as well as tourism and pilgrimage support services, have all provided employment for the city’. In fact, Palestine is an important factor in luring and inspiring travelers who are interested in religions, histories, civilizations, and the environment. The three monotheistic world religions of Islam, Christianity, and Judaism regard Palestine as sacrosanct. The churches and monasteries of Jerusalem, including the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, are among the most significant Christian holy sites in the entire world (Shahin, 2007). Additionally, there are other towns, districts, and villages that are revered and draw tourists and pilgrims, including Hebron, Bethlehem, Jericho, and Nablus (Suleiman & Mohamed, 2011).

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An average itinerary for a pilgrim-tourist who spends 9–10 days in Palestine and Israel includes 4–5  days in Jerusalem (including visits to or overnight stays in Bethlehem, Jericho, and the Dead Sea) and 3–4 days in northern Israel, where the emphasis is on Nazareth, the Sea of Galilee, and other sites (Isaac & Ashworth, 2012). Due to the fact that every church has its own holy places, pilgrims visit different locations depending on the religion they follow. Christian travel to the Holy Land is not a common occurrence (Fleischer, 2000). There are differences between the Protestants and the Catholics in their needs and therefore in their behavior (Bowman, 1991). These dissimilarities are manifested in different tourist activities, motivations, and expectations. Jerusalem is the most popular tourist destination in Palestine, followed by Jesus’ birthplace Bethlehem and its neighboring locations like The Shepherds Field. Bethlehem and the surrounding fields were once a popular day trip from Jerusalem. However, as will be demonstrated in the following section, due to the continuing development of new attractions, such as cultural and heritage sites as “add-ons” to the most recognizable religious monuments, the number of overnight travelers in Bethlehem almost doubled. Although organized group tours are still the most prevalent way for Christians to visit the Holy Land today, Timothy and Ron (2019) note that independent travel is also on the increase and growing more and more widespread in Palestine.

8.4 Methodology Most of the information used in this study was obtained from secondary sources, including earlier research and publications (Ghauri & Gronhaug, 2010; Isaac, 2013; Isaac et  al., 2016). Additionally, informal discussions about the restoration of Bethlehem’s tourism industry following the COVID-19 outbreak were held with the marketing director of the Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities (MOTA) and a member of the Task Force Group. The research also involved gathering information about reports and developments pertaining to the economic and social effects of pilgrimage. Emails were used to obtain the data in June and July 2021. The casual interviews were conducted by TEAMS.

8.5 Findings 8.5.1 Socio-cultural and Economics Impacts of Pilgrimage In Palestine, the tourist industry is constantly expanding due to the existence of all the important factors that ensure economic success and wealth. The tourist sector has the ability to attract both domestic and international investment due to its

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diversity of religious and cultural practices as well as its abundance in the natural world and the environment (Invest in Palestine, 2016). Both Jericho, the oldest city on Earth, and the Dead Sea, with its wealth of minerals and potential for investors in the tourism industry due to its underdevelopment in terms of the availability of health spas and recreational amenities, are situated in Palestine. All around Palestine, there are amenities for recreation and tourism (Invest in Palestine, 2016). There are additional conference and commercial facilities available. In addition to its financial significance as a sector that may generate jobs and money, tourism is significant because it can give Palestinians a platform to share their vibrant culture and unique identity with the rest of the world (Invest in Palestine, 2016). Palestine lacks an external border as a result of Israeli occupation because Israel controls all points of entry and exit for all Palestinian cities and towns. Consequently, figures indicate that in 2017, the tourist sector’s projected direct tourism contribution to Palestine’s GDP was 2.8%. (Palestinian Investment Promotion Agency, 2019). The sector’s estimated contribution is roughly 305 US million dollars, and there are 7842 businesses in the tourist sector, which employ over 26,180 thousand people. Palestine’s annual sector production is worth 586,570 US dollars. As can be seen, tourism is crucial to the continued existence of the Palestinian economy. Tourism to Palestine increased by 31.4% from the previous year to 816,457 people in 2019, largely due to its religious, ecological, and historical assets (Khashram, 2020a). The economy benefits from tourism to the tune of more than US$1.5 billion. Two more indirect employment is generated in other industries for every direct job produced in the tourism industry. The sector’s foundation is inbound tourism, which is also the backbone of the East Jerusalem and Palestinian economies. All inbound travel companies have accumulated significant expertise in foreign markets, and if the crisis persists as predicted, the established ties that have been forged over the years will inevitably run into trouble. Over 450,000 people used inbound tour operators in East Jerusalem and the West Bank to travel to the Palestinian territories in 2019 (Khashram, 2020a). In 2019, 3.5 million tourists traveled to Palestine (East Jerusalem and the West Bank). Either on their own initiative or through incoming tourism offices, they arrived. According to a second estimate, the entire direct and indirect income from inbound tourism to Palestine in 2019 (excluding Israel) was around US$1 billion (Khashram, 2020b). More than 32,000 people are directly employed by Palestine’s tourist sector through positions in a number of tourism-related industries. More than 8800 people are employed by the tourist hotels in East Jerusalem and the rest of Palestine, supporting roughly 7500 Palestinian families. Given that there are 9955 rooms and 17,830 beds available in hotels and guesthouses, the total direct revenue from hotels in 2019—at an occupancy rate of 70% throughout the year—amounted to US$176 million (Khashram, 2020b). In East Jerusalem and the rest of the Palestinian territories (West Bank), there are more than 135 eateries that specialize in serving lunch and dinner to visitors (the vast majority of whom are pilgrims) (Khashram, 2020b). They provide employment for about 850 people, helping roughly 800 Palestinian families. There are 625 dining chairs overall in East Jerusalem and 6480 on the West Bank. With year-round occupancy of 60%, the total direct revenue in East

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Jerusalem in 2019 was US $2.2 million and in the West Bank it was US $5.1 million. There are 1250 brand-new tourist buses in use right now. They range in size from large to small and include models from 2016 to 2020, with a total value of US$280 million. Prior to the COVID-19 crisis, they were used on average for 140 days annually by 650 Palestinian guides, who brought in a combined US$21 million (Khashram, 2020b). In 2019, over a million tourists, including day visitors, visited the Palestinian Territories. The fifty new Palestinian tour companies bring in a variety of business for Palestinian providers of tourist services. Over 210 hotels and guesthouses, 650 tour operators, 250 gift shops, 1250 tourist buses, 650 handicraft factories, and 135 restaurants specifically designed for arriving tourists are present in Palestine (Khashram, 2020a). Currently, the cost of a visitor or pilgrim staying seven nights in the Holy Land is US $1043, which is split up as follows (in US dollars): Accommodations in hotels: 500 (48 percent) bus + tour: 150 (14%) purchasing: 145 (14%) food 100 (10%) (10%) 148 (14%) were unrelated (Khashram, 2020b). Incoming tourism peaked between 2018 and 2019, when Palestine received hundreds of millions of dollars, which in turn prompted all stakeholders to make large investments in this industry. Additional tourist buses were purchased, and new hotels were constructed in Bethlehem, Jericho, Nablus, and Ramallah, adding a total of 1500 hotel rooms, restaurants and sizable gift stores opened, not to mention ancillary companies developed to cater to the demands of the expanding tourist population. As a result of the significant income created in 2018 and 2019, more small, linked investments were made in various industries, including housing, agriculture, and trade (Khashram, 2020b). In 2019, 450,000 tourists traveled to Palestine with the help of Palestinian tour companies, spending a total of US$ 469,350,000. They primarily originated from Indonesia, the Philippines, Britain, the United States, and markets in Europe (particularly Poland, Romania, Germany, Italy, and France). Visitors from other parts of the world, such as China and Latin America, arrived in smaller numbers. The majority of their spending ($230 million) went to Palestine directly, with the remainder going to East Jerusalem and Israel (Khashram, 2020b). Table 8.1 clearly displays how many overnights stays there were in each Palestinian governorate until the year 2019. The largest overnight stays market in Palestine, as shown in Fig. 8.1, is made up of Palestinians who reside in Israel (the so-called Palestinian 48). The number of inbound tourists has steadily increased over the past three years, to Palestine according to MOTA (2020) (Fig. 8.2). The tourism business was continuing expanding during those years despite the Israeli occupation, particularly with respect to the discriminatory and uneven norms and restrictions agreed upon under the Oslo Accord and Paris Protocol on economic ties. Because it accounts for more than 40% of the country’s income, inbound tourism, and especially pilgrimage, is unquestionably one of the most significant sectors of the Palestinian economy. But because of the COVID-19 outbreak, international

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Table 8.1  The number of overnight stays in different Palestinian Governorates, for 2019 Governorate Bethlehem Hebron Jericho Jenin Nablus Qalqilya Ramallah Tubas Tukaram

2017 507087 3161 31281 6620 11092 86 36667 0 399

2018 641876 5067 46329 8217 12321 1 37157 18 13

2019 755730 10506 54830 5514 11200 0 42868 0 139

MOTA (2020)

Percentage of Inbound visitors number by top nationality during 2019 Palestinian /48

Others 24%

Spain 2%

Palestinian /48 45%

Russian Romania

France 1% Indonesia 2% Germany 2%

Poland Italy India China Spain

China 2% India 2% Italy 2%

USA

Germany Indonesia

Poland 3% Romania 4%

Russian 5%

USA 6%

France Others

Fig. 8.1  The number of overnight stays in Palestine by top nationality for 2019. (MOTA, 2020)

travel has all but stopped. Mid-July (2020), while many regions of the world were beginning to contemplate opening their borders to foreign tourists, Palestine was confronted with uncertainty due to a continued significant spike in new cases (Palestinian Investment Promotion Agency, 2019). Over 600 Palestinian families have now been without income for the past five months as a result of the COVID-19 outbreak. The losses incurred by souvenir shops and handicraft factories are also in the millions of dollars, as the average tourist spends a minimum of US$120 on a seven-day trip (Khashram, 2020b; Isaac & Abuaita, 2021).

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Number of inbound tourists to Palestine 2008-2019 4500000 3810391

4000000

Visitor Numbers

3500000 3000000 2298556 2280920

2500000

2560645 2661405

2527173 1907069

2000000 1500000

2766030

3049753

2167184

1430799 1373708

1000000 500000 0

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

Year

2014

2015

2016

2017

2018

2019

Fig. 8.2  Number of inbound tourists to Palestine. (MOTA, 2020)

8.5.2 Recent Developments A large portion of the growing number of tourists in Palestine are pilgrims who solely visit religious sites. Due to this, the public and private sectors in Palestine must seek to diversify their marketing methods and offer creative tourism solutions, including promoting, preserving, and conserving Palestinian cultural heritage and leveraging it as a tool for economic growth and development (Yatim-Salsa, 2018). Therefore, Palestine has reframed cultural heritage tourism as a crucial component of growth and views it as a ground-breaking strategy that raises money and helps to improve the living conditions of the populace by upgrading the region’s physical historical fabric, archaeological sites, and cultural landscape, revitalizing its historical centers, and promoting hiking trails for a pilgrimage like the Palestine Nativity Trail, which begins in Nazareth. (Yatim-Salsa, 2018). The Rehabilitation of Hisham’s Palace in Jericho, funded by the Japanese government, is one of the pioneering projects run by the Palestinian Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities to link cultural heritage with tourism. It is one of the many cultural heritage projects that have been implemented to boost development. This initiative is anticipated to increase tourists, create services, and bring in money. In addition to promoting tourism, Jerusalem is making efforts to protect its cultural heritage and character. The Flagellation Museum in Jerusalem was a groundbreaking project of the Custody of the Holy Land that emphasizes Palestinian cultural identity (Yatim-Salsa, 2018). Through the restoration of ancient sites and the development of cultural heritage as a major tourism product by catering to various market segments as well as a “add-on” to the pilgrimage market, Palestine has significantly contributed to the tourism industry. This was accomplished by putting into action the “The Regeneration of Historic Centers” project, which focused on 12 West Bank clusters. This intervention, which is funded by the Kingdom of Belgium through the Ministry of Local

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Government, promotes regeneration planning, practice, and policy development (Yatim-Salsa, 2018). The Bethlehem Governorate simultaneously carried out a number of programs to promote hiking trails for pilgrimage as well as for other market sectors and cutting-edge tourist amenities and services (Isaac, 2018b). The Rehabilitation of Star Street in Bethlehem, which was supported by the Russian government through the Bethlehem Municipality, is one of these well-liked initiatives. The goal of this project is to revitalize the street and make it a lively pathway that leads to the Church of the Nativity, which UNESCO designated as a World Heritage Site in June 2012. (UNESCO, 2012). The Italian government provided funding through the Palestinian Municipalities Support Program (PMSP), the Swedish government provided funding through Sida (Swedish Development Agency), and USAID provided funding through the Compete Project, which was carried out by the Centre for Cultural Heritage Protection (CCHP). This initiative intends to preserve the urban fabric and built-up heritage, rejuvenate the cultural, social, religious, economic, and tourism sectors, and offer inhabitants both temporary and long-term employment opportunities. The immediate demands of the Palestinian population serve as the foundation for rehabilitation for adaptive reuse (Yatim-Salsa, 2018). For the adaptive reuse of guest homes, several traditional structures in the West Bank’s Battir, Bethlehem, Sebastiya, Beit Sahour, and Tulkarem were renovated with funding from the Italian government’s Ministry of Local Government (Yatim-Salsa, 2018). Visitors and pilgrims had the opportunity to explore and take in the architecture thanks to the initiative.

8.5.3 The Political Implications for Tourism Many of the problems associated with Israel’s occupation and colonization are embodied in Palestine: the occupation and division of land and cities (Isaac, 2022; Isaac & Platenkmap, 2016), blockades, the Segregation Wall (Isaac, 2009), settlements, destruction of Palestinian historical and patrimonial buildings, eviction from homes (Isaac, 2019), “colonization from above,” rewriting and re-constructing of history, symbolic violence, humiliation using (Hanafi, 2009, Halper, 2008; Weizman, 2007). Less than half of the local Palestinian population engages in tourism in the Palestinian territory. 37.8% of all tourists visiting Palestine are local Palestinians (Isaac et al., 2016). The majority of journeys are day trips with few if any, activities and little requirement for lodging. At the local level, the underperformance of domestic tourism is primarily caused by the challenges Palestinian citizens face moving between cities and visiting many sites because some are in areas that Israel has fully occupied militarily, making it challenging for Palestinian tourism businesses to access them (Isaac, 2010). The Israeli government’s persistent violations of the Paris Protocol Agreement (Article X,4 cited in Isaac, 2018a), which include restrictions on the movement and access of Palestinian tour operators, buses, and guides, have increased the appeal of Israeli companies’ pilgrimage tour packages and increased the preference of foreign pilgrims for them (Isaac, 2010). Palestine’s

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occupied territories are home to numerous sites of great religious value, but they are also at risk from Israeli illegal settlement activity in the West Bank. Such illegal settlements impede growth in these locations by disrupting the lives of Palestinians (Isaac, 2022) and potential pilgrimage tourists (Isaac, 2018a, 2019). The fact that Israel frequently forbids tourists from entering makes it difficult for foreign nationals to travel to Palestine. The World Council of Churches gathering in Palestine is one illustration. The World Council of Churches (WCC) workers and partners were detained or deported after arriving at Ben Gurion Airport in Tel Aviv for a climate justice meeting, which WCC General Secretary Rev. Dr. Olav Fykse Tveit described as both unprecedented and terrible (World Council of Churches, 2016). These limitations clearly have an impact on tourism. Israel controls the flow of international tourists and the market for pilgrimages, including the issuance of visas, flights, lodging, and the assignment of Israeli tour guides (Isaac et al., 2016). Israel’s occupation, control of the borders, and system of regulating tourist access and exit are the key causes of the tourism industry’s underperformance (Isaac, 2010). This implicitly forbids Arab pilgrims from travelling to Palestine through various occupation policies. Preventing Palestinian tour guides from travelling in Israel with pilgrims who pose a challenge for them to accommodate by refusing to provide them permission to do so (Isaac, 2010). It is now simpler for pilgrims and tour groups to select an Israeli tour guide in both Israel and Palestine as a result (Isaac, 2018a). Additionally, the time spent on pilgrimage in Palestinian territories is restricted by Israeli agencies’ complete control over access, greatly reducing the potential economic gains from the pilgrimage sector. Palestine has been branded as a dangerous place to travel as a result of Israeli media portrayal, which has decreased the number of tourists (Isaac & Abu Eid, 2019). However, tourism may and should play a more significant political function than it does an economic one. A significant Palestinian presence on the world tourism map helps to promote a message of emancipation and makes the world community more aware of the situation in Palestine (Khashram, 2020a; Isaac, 2010). Contacting the indigenous Palestinians—the “living stones”—contributes to their reality and way of life. This can support the political message of the Palestinian people as they fight against Israeli aggression and occupation.

8.6 Conclusions and Implications The purpose of this chapter is to investigate the socio-cultural and economic implications of the pilgrimage tourism in Palestine, which is the backbone of the national economy. The current state of UNESCO world heritage sites and protection initiatives as “add-ons” to support the pilgrimage tourism sector are also examined in this chapter, along with the challenges the tourist sector is facing as a result of the Israeli occupation. By upgrading the physical historical fabric, archaeological sites, and cultural landscape, rehabilitating historic centres (Yatim-Salsa, 2018), and developing cultural heritage as a primary tourism product, Palestine has redefined cultural

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heritage tourism as an important component of development. This innovative approach generates income and helps to improve the living conditions of the population (Paltrade, 2018). Despite the above-mentioned political consequences for tourism and pilgrimage, there are tremendous opportunities in Palestine to expand pilgrimage tourism. The main goals for realizing the tourism sector’s export potential and increasing its export competitiveness are to expand the Palestinian economy by providing a broader quality service offering tailored to different types of tourism service consumers, such as pilgrims, and to target specific markets to attract greater numbers of visitors, such as the Palestinian diaspora, Muslim markets, business visitors, ecotourism, cultural tourism, solidarity tourism, and futurism (FIT) (Isaac, 2018a; Paltrade, 2018). For instance, Bethlehem’s Artas village (al-Ju‘ba, 2000). Beyond the traditional forms of pilgrimage, other tourism markets that are growing in Palestine, such as solidarity and alternative tourism (Isaac & Abu Eid, 2019), must be catered to in order to realize the economics of pilgrimage tourism, as has been highlighted above. Islamic pilgrimage is another form of tourism that exists and has the ability to boost tourist numbers while also increasing economic advantages to the local community. Islamic pilgrimage is another form of tourism (Paltrade, 2018) that exists and has the ability to boost tourist numbers while also increasing economic advantages to the local community (Isaac, 2018a). As a result of the “normalization” agreements reached between the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Israel, and other Arab governments, there will be a rise in Islamic (pilgrimage) tourism, notably to Jerusalem, which is Islam’s third holiest city. A larger Muslim populace will be able to visit this sacred location. The Palestinians living in Israel and the Palestinian diaspora would also be potential customers (Isaac, 2016; Khalilieh, 2016). Millions more people may have the opportunity to travel to Palestine for pilgrimage if Palestine has its own borders (Isaac, 2010). There has recently been an increase in goods and services created especially for the business and leisure segments of Muslim travelers worldwide. The Muslim tourist industry is expanding more quickly than the overall tourism industry, which had a growth of 3.8% in 2013 (Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, 2015). As Isaac states (2018a, 157) the ‘emotional importance of Palestine’ to the Islamic and Arab world is considered an advantage in attracting many visitors, allowing them to gain personal knowledge of Palestine, and visit the religious places of Palestine in addition to showing support for the Palestinian cause. Visiting Palestine is not a form of normalization with the jailor but empathy with the prisoner. By promoting Islamic and Christian sites and inviting new visitors, the Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities in Palestine may use the policy recommendations from this study to develop alternate types of pilgrimage tourism. A peaceful and based-­ on-­justice settlement between Israel and Palestine is essential for developing and promoting the travel and tourism sector and opening up regional markets. There are opportunities to combine traditional travel and pilgrimage experiences with cultural and historical pursuits to create one-of-a-kind, cutting-edge tourism packages (Isaac, 2010). Palestine must come up with a fresh plan of action to expand the Organization of Islamic Countries’ member states’ demand for Islamic pilgrimage

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(Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, 2017). As stated by Timothy and Ron (2019), pilgrimage tourism will continue to expand and change in order to accommodate changing markets, consumer preferences, and destination conditions. They also mentioned how strongly individuals, businesses, national governments, and service providers are committed to this religious and pilgrimage sector (Timothy & Ron, 2019, 156). Additionally, in today’s world, the distinction between politically safe and unsafe locations is less relevant, so many pilgrims and tourists are aware that they may encounter politically unsafe locations anywhere, not just in Palestine or the Middle East (Timothy & Ron, 2019). Promoting Palestine must go hand in hand with dismantling the restrictions imposed by the Israeli occupation. Such initiatives must involve networking with all the parties really engaged in supporting an independent Palestine with a thriving tourism sector acting as the engine of the nation’s economy. Additionally, Palestine requires the development of fresh counter-discourse (Isaac & Platenkamp, 2016) narratives that speak to local audiences and foster a fresh dialogue on the political, social, economic, and religious circumstances of the nation. The primary goal of this emerging counter-discourse is to give voice to the Palestinian lifeworld in order to combat the destructive mechanism of “obscuring the genuine situation of society” (Isaac & Platenkamp, 2016, 159). Palestinian Christian leaders released the Kairos Document in December 2009; it is a statement that describes the daily realities of life under military occupation in Palestine and appeals to Christian communities around the world to bear witness to these realities, to stand in solidarity, and to take action (Isaac, 2021). In 2010, a guideline was created to support justice tourism for pilgrimages to Palestine and Israel (Isaac, 2021; Kairos Palestine, 2014). Kairos has created movements in this area to support Palestinian rights and promote an end to Israel’s occupation and apartheid. According to Kassis (2012), Kairos Palestine’s invitation to “Come and See” is of the utmost significance (Isaac, 2021). Israel and Palestine receive a lot of visitors and pilgrims, but they do not see (Isaac & Platemkmap, 2016). Kairos places a strong emphasis on the power of “seeing,” since they are of the opinion that many people of goodwill can undergo transformation simply by having a thorough understanding of the world around them. The “Come and See” project is related to sharing experiences with friends and family, as Isaac (2021, 185) notes they back the opposition to the prevalent Israeli discourse as a component of a counter-­ discourse (Isaac & Platenkamp, 2016). As Elias Sanbar (2001, 87) (see also Isaac and Platenkamp (2018), a Palestinian historian and writer, articulates in his essay “Out of Place, Out of Time” “the strange exclusion of Palestinians from the unfolding of Palestinian history, particularly in the Western world and thought: The contemporary history of the Palestinians turns on a key date: 1948. That year, a country and its people disappeared from maps and dictionaries … The Palestinian people do not exist, said the new masters, and henceforth the Palestinians would be referred to by general, conveniently vague terms, as either “refugees” or in the case of a small minority that had managed to escape the generalized expulsion, “Israeli Arabs”. A long absence was beginning”. Pilgrimage tourism is not about history and religion, but tourism is the continuity of creating

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new discourses, definitions, and realities about a nation through embedding heritage and cultural production.

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Chapter 9

Pilgrimage Tourism, Accessibility and Local Communities in Western Countries. The Camino de Santiago de Compostela and the via Francigena for All Anna Trono and Valentina Castronuovo

Abstract  Western Pilgrimage Routes are renowned worldwide for their beauty, diversity and historical significance. Millions of people visit them every year but many others feel unwelcome due to physical barriers and inadequate services, which can prevent people with sensory or physical disabilities from accessing them. This limitation affects 60 million European citizens and over 300 million potential international tourists with specific needs (Eurostat, 2019). The aim of this paper is to show how Pilgrimage Routes can be an example of tourism for everyone, in particular for users with sensory disabilities (blind and vision-impaired). Given the overload of visual stimuli in today’s world, this objective may appear highly ambitious. Nevertheless, visual culture does not depend on the images themselves but the multi-level representation of the experience. The in-depth analysis will begin by looking at the European intervention framework, especially the strategies and measures by which the European Commission seeks to boost accessible tourism. Using a qualitative methodology, the study explores the objectives of certain initiatives (with their associated activities) that are helping to make Pilgrimage Routes real community experiences by improving tourist accessibility for the blind and vision-impaired. Starting from the experience of the Camino de Santiago de Compostela in Spain and the Via Francigena in Italy, the research will examine good practices in Europe in order to provide useful information for planning sustainable and resilient tourism for all.

A. Trono (*) Department of Cultural Heritage, University of Salento, Lecce, Italy e-mail: [email protected] V. Castronuovo CNR – IRISS (Institute for Research on Innovation and Services for Development), Naples, Italy © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 R. N. Progano et al. (eds.), Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism, Perspectives on Asian Tourism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9677-1_9

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Keywords  Disability · Pilgrimage routes · Camino de Santiago de Compostela · Via Francigena · Accessible tourism · EU policies

9.1 Introduction Pilgrimages to sacred places, for religious motives but also driven by the desire for a spiritual and cultural experience, are seeing a surprising resurgence, involving various social classes and age groups. Ancient religious routes are once again being traveled by a growing number of people who have little in common with the ancient pilgrims, from whom they differ in terms of mindset, habits and customs, needs and demand for services. In fact, these characteristics mean that the new pilgrim increasingly resembles the contemporary tourist, as highlighted by what is now an extensive body of research (Timothy & Olsen, 2006; Trono, 2014; Griffin & Raj, 2015; Trono & Olsen, 2018; Trono & Castronuovo, 2018). Indeed, while the contemporary pilgrim is still in search of something and is still characterized by commitment and ideals, very little remains of the extraordinary labors and tribulations, both material and spiritual, that for centuries were the lot of most pilgrims. The contemporary traveler wishes to fulfill emotional and intellectual goals in a quest for authenticity and spirituality, without having to forgo the forms of travel enjoyed by the modern tourist, including infrastructure, accommodation and services. These require careful organization, sometimes resembling the standardization typical of organized journeys. The broad overlap between the majority of religious journeys and regular tourism underlies the need to meet the needs of all travelers, including those with disabilities, who require specific structures, goods and services with regard to both transport and accommodation. The goal is to enable them to travel in safety and comfort, with reference to a global code of ethics which for the World Tourism Organization is an essential feature of responsible and sustainable tourism (World Tourism Organization, 2013, 2016). The “special needs” of the tourist thus include requirements associated not just with impaired mobility, but also with many other issues such as impaired sight and hearing, diet (coeliac disease and other chronic illnesses) and specific physical conditions (obesity, pregnancy and frailty associated with old age). According to the World Health Organization, such persons collectively account for 15% of the world population (about 1 billion people) (WHO & World Bank, 2011). In addition, according to the WHO’s World Disability Report (2011), by 2050 the over-60 s are expected to account for 20% of the world population, which will also have an effect on the prevalence of disabilities. These sectors of the population must be given the possibility of enjoying tourism experiences by guaranteeing “accessible tourism”, i.e. tourism that respects the fundamental rights of the individual, supports their growth and personal development and, as invoked by the UNWTO, is able to facilitate access to all tourism structures, products and services (Yau et al., 2004).

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In this sense, accessible tourism is thus a form of social responsibility (Davidson, 1992; Corvo, 2003; Trucco, 2003; Darcy & Dickson, 2009; Buhalis & Darcy, 2010; World Tourism Organization, 2013, 2016). However, it is also a way of increasing the competitiveness of the tourism sector (Souca, 2010; Zsarnoczky, 2017; Oduncuoğlu & Yücel, 2019), offering new economic opportunities to destinations and companies that seek to meet the specific needs of persons with disabilities, thereby becoming an active part of a responsible and sustainable tourism policy. Such practices can bring economic benefits to local populations (Darcy et al., 2020; Vila et al., 2015) and activate local, national and international policies that fund and promote projects to ensure tourism for all, expanding the basis of a sustainable Europe. However, in order to implement and promote accessible tourism, European Institutions, tourism operators, local government and social tourism associations and organizations all need to cooperate. An important role is played by local government, which must activate strategies and projects designed to meet the needs of persons with disabilities, and above all by local communities, who are now prompted to operate in accordance with a definitive paradigm shift, a change of perspective, based on the idea that culture, content and places must be available and accessible to all, facilitating a greater exchange of people, cultures and religions. Adopting a qualitative approach, the present study aims to highlight the ethical, social and economic character of accessible tourism, consolidating the right of persons with disabilities (of whatsoever nature) to undertake tourism journeys in complete safety. After brief descriptions of the strategies and measures adopted by the European Union in favor of accessible tourism, the study considers the activities and objectives of selected European initiatives that are helping to make tourism accessible for all, focusing on local contexts and strategies aimed at tourists and pilgrims, with reference to current projects and best practices. These include the tour packages for people with disabilities set up in the Basque Country as part of the Universal Tourism in the Basque Country (“Tourism4All”) project and the itineraries developed by the GATE project (Granting Accessible Tourism for Everyone) in the Alpine and pre-Alpine regions of Italy and Austria, which seek to make tourism more inclusive despite the environmental, physical and language obstacles. Lastly, special attention is dedicated to bottom-up experiences created for the Camino de Santiago de Compostela and the Italian section of the Via Francigena. These two exemplary cases of accessible tourism in Europe – created by the users themselves  – have drawn attention to the sustainability of the Itineraries of the Council of Europe and highlighted areas, particularly with regard to accessibility, in which the certification processes of the itineraries can be improved.

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9.2 European Union Strategies and Measures for Increasing Accessible Tourism and Pilgrimage/Cultural Routes Attention was drawn to sustainable tourism for the first time in 1948 in the “Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, of which Article 13 refers to the right to “freedom of movement” and Article 24 to “the right to rest and leisure”. This was reiterated years later in the UN’s “Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities”, adopted on 13 December 2006 at the United Nations Headquarters in New York, which came into force on 3 May 2008. Ratified in 2010 by the European Union, the Convention invited the 82 signatories to commit themselves to enact suitable measures to ensure that persons with disabilities had access to places used for sport, recreation and tourism. Prompted by these considerations, the EU has enacted numerous strategies and measures for the promotion of accessible tourism. One of the most interesting and significant results of the extensive cooperation between the UNWTO and disabled persons’ organizations (DPO), such as the Spanish ONCE Foundation for Cooperation and the Social Inclusion of the Disabled, is the creation of the European Network for Accessible Tourism (ENAT) in 2006. The network aims to improve access to tourist information, transport, infrastructure and services in general, and to make European tourism destinations, products and services available to all travelers, promoting accessible tourism throughout the world. However, it is the European Disability Strategy 2010–2020: A Renewed Commitment to a Barrier-Free Europe, approved in 2010 for the period 2010–2020, that most closely aligns with the UN’s Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. Such persons are now being urged to claim their full rights so that they may benefit fully from participating in society and the European economy (European Commission, 2010). The objective is thus to create an accessible Europe by means of initiatives that can have a concrete impact on the quality not just of structures and infrastructure, but also on the services provided. This assumes a commitment on the part of the tourism sector to improve hospitality for all, involving a cultural shift to be facilitated via the targeted training of operators in the sector. It is also necessary to raise awareness concerning the growing importance of the “special needs” market segment, with a consequent increase in competitiveness and business opportunities based on “accessible tourism”. The position of the European Commission is reflected in the EU’s post-2020 multiannual financial framework (MFF), based on fields of intervention oriented towards three key concepts: investment, sustainability and accessibility, as set out in the manuals on accessible tourism for all, and above all in the EU’s funding programs, including Structural Funds. The objective is to promote social inclusion; facilitate the management of accessible tourism; improve entrepreneurial capacity and the skills of personnel working in the sector; and facilitate the planning, implementation and commercialization of accessible tourist itineraries (Commissione Europea, 2015).

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9.3 European Projects for Tourist Accessibility and the Role of Local Communities In 2013 and 2015 the European Commission issued a call for proposals regarding the planning, implementation, promotion and commercialization of accessible tourist itineraries. Indeed, the growing demand for recreational and cultural services on the part of the disabled market segment necessitates the congruent preparation of tourism destinations that can provide the whole of society with a high-quality service. In total, 14 projects for accessible itineraries received funding under the initiative (Fig. 9.1). The projects granted funding under the scheme include Tourism4all, conceived as part of a pre-existing strategy drawn up by the Ministry of Tourism of the Basque Country called the Accessibility Programme. Although the suitability of the tourism system for the disabled was already being improved, there was still no specific model of reference for transport, cultural events and museums, and the products of nature-based and experiential tourism. Tourism4All was thus created with the goal of establishing new standards of use for all, and it led to the creation of five itineraries that were already envisaged by the ministerial strategy and a new itinerary in the area of Goierri, in the province of Guipúzcoa. The international analysis of best practices, the training provided to operators in the sector and the accessibility tests performed on all types of support for the full enjoyment of tourist resources thus enabled the creation of six proposals for accessible travel. Wide-ranging and varied, they are bolstered by the presence of a solid

Fig. 9.1  Projects for the design, implementation, promotion and marketing of accessible tourism itineraries – 2013 and 2015 – Internal market, industry, entrepreneurship and SMEs – European Commission. Source: http://ec.europa.eu/DocsRoom/documents/10422

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network of dedicated assistants and support companies. All persons, regardless of how able-bodied they are, can now visit six representative destinations in the Basque Country (Bilbao, San Sebastian, Vitoria, Zarautz, Goierri and Rioja Alavesa), located in a range of geographical contexts (beaches, towns, countryside and vineyards), with guarantees of quality, safety and comfort. To the projects financed by the European Commission may be added others linked to transnational and cross-border regional cooperation co-financed by the European Regional Development Fund. The many worthy of mention include the “N.O.  BARRIER” project,1 considered to exemplify best practices in terms of regional cooperation, which follows an innovative systemic approach and represents a case of excellence, “ITACA – Itinerari Turistici Accessibili e Aperti”2 and “GATE – Granting Accessible Tourism for Everyone”,3 which proposes accessible tourism itineraries in the High Tauern National Park. The N.O.  BARRIER project, financed as part of the Greece-Italy European Territorial Cooperation Programme 2007–2013 (Axis III Measure 3.3), is centered on tourism without barriers for all psycho-physical, sensory and cognitive disabilities. The project’s general objective is to strengthen competitiveness and regional cohesion between European countries in the Mediterranean area with a strong tourist sector, with a view to sustainable and inclusive development. It envisages measures to improve the connectivity and accessibility of markets in the various communities affected by the project via the transfer of know-how and the creation of structures in the most deprived areas (with low GDP), thereby also increasing their attractiveness to investors. The project identifies 13 tourist itineraries without barriers, important for the cultural and natural attractiveness of the places and the usability of structures and infrastructure, including those linked to social and health care, indispensable for persons who suffer from particular infirmities. The ITACA project (Itinerari Turistici ACcessibili e Aperti), financed as part of the “Interreg Italia Francia Marittimo” program, awards the cross-border accessible tourism hospitality brand to tourism structures in the Alto Tirreno area (the coastal provinces of Tuscany, Liguria, Sardinia, Corsica and the Côte d’Azur), covering hotels, restaurants, bathing establishments and tourist hot spots. Also envisaged is the creation of a web portal with an online map of the itineraries, a smartphone app for geolocating the structures bearing the brand and the creation of four new tourism itineraries in Italy and France. The GATE project (Granting Accessible Tourism for Everyone, Interreg V-A Italy-Austria 2014–2020) uses new technologies (mobile devices, augmented and virtual reality, beacons) as part of an “experiential” and accessible approach to visiting World Heritage sites in the Alps and pre-Alps. The project is composed of four pilot sites, shining examples of how inclusive tourism can be managed: Parco Rossi

 http://www.nobarrier-project.eu/en/  http://interreg-maritime.eu/web/itaca/-/notizia-xyz 3  https://gateproject.dolomitiunesco.info/ 1 2

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a Santorso (VI), the Alpago area (BL), the GEOPARC in the Bletterbach, South Tirol, and the “Kinderleicht Wandern” near Salzburg (Austria). In total there are 35 tourist itineraries suitable for wheelchairs and pushchairs. The pilot projects thus embrace a wide range of sites, showing the flexibility with which the tools of accessible tourism can be applied. Following a presentational, participatory and training-­ oriented approach, GATE promotes inclusive tourism among public bodies and private operators in the sector as a tool with which to strengthen the positioning of the localities in the program’s area of reference. Developed within a geological landscape with unique characteristics, the project aims to function as a “lighthouse” showing the way towards a truly sustainable and inclusive Europe. The GATE project shows that cultural routes for all can succeed by building a network of exchange and cooperation that involves the local community in a range of activities, including the goods and services it offers, new technologies and the training of personnel working in the sector. Accessible tourism is still perceived as offering low returns, in accordance with the stereotype that disabled persons have a low income, very often limited to their allowance or pension, and that it is thus not worth investing in accessible tourism, which, however, offers fruitful commercial opportunities and represents a significant niche market. Persons with disabilities highly appreciate products tailored to their needs and tend to become “brand evangelists”, their love translating into promotion (Souca, 2010). Potentially useful steps include the following: introduce and test an innovative marketing tool with tourism operators and others involved in the management of cultural and pilgrimage routes; guarantee the quality of the cultural routes open to persons with disabilities by means of a recognized certificate of quality, broadening the involvement of companies; and activate cooperation with the media in order to increase their visibility. Tourism for all is a universal social imperative, which requires the involvement not only of the voluntary sector but also of the public authorities and companies providing tourism services. Persons with disabilities or special needs are citizens like any other and constitute a growing segment of the demand for tourism services and a factor driving the diversification of destinations and products in tourism development strategies.

9.4 The Camino de Santiago de Compostela in Spain and the via Francigena in Italy: Governance and Bottom-Up Experiences 9.4.1 Preconditions and Prospects for the Development of Accessible European Cultural Itineraries Under Resolution CM/Res (2013) 67, passed at Meeting 1187bis held on 18 December 2013, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe revised the regulations governing the granting of certification with regard to the “Cultural

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Routes of the Council of Europe”. Annulling and replacing Resolution CM/Res (2010) 52 of 8 December 2010, the new resolution established a formal framework for the certification of itineraries based on their fulfillment of specific admissibility criteria concerning three areas of intervention: themes, priority fields of action and itinerary management. Certification can be granted to projects for cultural itineraries with a theme that is representative of European values and common to at least three countries of Europe. In addition, they need to fulfill a series of criteria regarding five priority fields of action: co-operation in research and development; enhancement of memory, history and European heritage; cultural and educational exchanges for young Europeans; contemporary cultural and artistic practice; and cultural tourism and sustainable cultural development. Although the last of these fields of action entails seeking “partnerships with public and private organizations active in the field of tourism in order to develop tourist products and tools targeting all potential publics” and despite the various updates to the system of certification of the cultural itineraries adopted by the Council of Europe over the years (1998, 2007, 2010, 2013), the CoE makes no recommendations concerning the routes’ accessibility. In this way, the intercultural, interregional and interreligious dialogue that the route is supposed to represent loses sight of its subtle but essential role as an instrument of integration, frequently becoming more often than not exclusive and discretionary. What the Council of Europe should support is the expansion of the itinerary’s communication capacities by means of all the methods and channels at its disposal. Such support could restore the itinerary’s role as a connector of strong relationships, oriented towards the understanding and cognitive development of all. This is the driving role that the host communities, in their various forms and via their various organizations – local authorities, businesses, collectives, etc. – should play, especially given the proven benefits and positive direct and indirect externalities deriving from the use of these itineraries. A recent analysis by the University of Santiago de Compostela and the regional agency Galicia Tourism of the Way of St. James4 examines the economic, demographic, social and environmental impact of walkers on the region of reference and in particular on remote areas and their communities, showing that each pilgrim has an economic impact that is 2.3 times greater than normal tourists. Preliminary analysis of pilgrims on the Camino de Santiago indicates that travelers with disabilities represent real social, cultural and economic wealth for host communities: local stakeholders and administrators have a real opportunity to segment the market based on criteria linked to the environment, access and activities (Burnett & Baker, 2001), effectively creating a competitive advantage for their destination.

 https://www.interregeurope.eu/greenpilgrimage/news/news-article/3616/economic-impactof-pilgrims-on-st-james-way/ 4

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Indeed, numerous European Itineraries are now adapting their routes, or parts of them, to welcome people affected by physical and/or mental disabilities (Cerutti et  al., 2020), with a positive influence on the development of host communities, prompting a return to sustainable practices in their everyday routines (Wong et al., 2013). These processes, although worthy of mention, are still today slow and/or incomplete, indirectly requiring the intervention of the private sector, in many cases nonprofit organizations, which promotes and implements diverse initiatives in line with the principle of accessibility. Below are some of the operations planned and/or carried out by the steering committees of the Pilgrim’s Way to Santiago de Compostela and the Via Francigena (Italian section) which, in accordance with their multiannual strategic plans, are implementing measures to ensure the accessibility of their routes. Each of these operations has its own distinctive characteristics depending mainly on the accredited historicity of its features. Their descriptive aspects provide the basis for a detailed study of the socio-cultural impacts of these “recommendations”: below we highlight some bottom-up experiences of non-profit organizations, which inevitably have become the object of regional subsidiarity. 9.4.1.1 “Santiago per tutti” (Santiago for All) Like all cultural itineraries certified by the Council of Europe, the Camino de Santiago is also consistently characterized by a certain “transversal” quality, not only from a regional point of view but also in legal, administrative and managerial terms. The “Ruta Jacobean” is a unique case, formed of numerous components that work together in various ways that enable the route to welcome an ever-growing number of pilgrims. Among the various routes towards Santiago is the Camino Francés, which crosses Aragón, Navarra, La Rioja, Castilla y Leon, Pais Vasco and Galicia, all regions that have contributed in various ways to the development of the Camino and its associated activities. The administrations involved differ sharply in terms of the conservation of the Camino’s structure and the planning of its development (Gaias, 2018). While for certain Comunidades Autonomas the fundamental objective is to conserve an open-air museum that respects the ancient medieval road, for others the focus of regulation is the creation of a modern tourism product, even if this means some loss of authenticity (Gaias, 2018). For these reasons, for many years there was a certain failure to adopt coordinated policies that might enable fruitful cooperation among the municipalities and specifically the institution of a unified approach. In 2011 however, the city of Jaca saw the birth of the “Observatorio Jacobeo”, from which sprang the “Asociación de Municipios del Camino de Santiago (AMCS)”, founded in Burgos on 10 November 2015, to which 105 municipalities along the itinerary of the “Ruta Jacobea” now belong. And it is also thanks to this organizational and cooperative impulse that today the Comunidades Autonomas are actively participating in the promotion of a Camino de Santiago that is dedicated to hospitality. This is clear from the strategic planning documents, such

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as the Plan Estratégico del Xacobeo 2021 (Galicia Regional Administration, 2020), which also supports the sustainability and survival of the values of the Camino via the physical improvement of its infrastructure in order to achieve excellence in hospitality and to further the main objectives of the New Urban Agenda 2030. Likewise, Strategic Axis n° 3 (Conservación y mantenimiento del Camino de Santiago) of the Plan Director del Camino de Santiago en Galicia 2015–2021 (Galicia Regional Administration, 2015) envisages numerous measures for the installation of signage along the Camino in accordance with the principle of accessibility and the creation of alternative itineraries for persons with physical disabilities. From the research carried out by Galicia Regional Administration in 2019, users above 65 years of age express less satisfaction with their experience of the Camino de Santiago than younger visitors. Indeed, key among the 30 weakness factors affecting the itinerary identified by the administration (Galicia Regional Administration, 2020) is the unevenness of accessibility. Among the goals of the Plan Estratégico del Xacobeo 2021, which envisages investment of more than 247 million Euros by 2022 (Galicia Regional Administration, 2020), is that of social integration, an essential attribute not only concerning religion but also for the total accessibility of the route. By means of inclusive and universal planning, which also makes use of the opportunities offered by new technologies, the Plan recognizes universality as a necessary component of the management of the Camino. And the ‘Santiago per tutti’ project fits precisely with the principles of inclusivity and universality. Founded on the initiative of Pietro Scidurlo of Free Wheels Onlus, who has been disabled since birth, the association decided to organize a journey by handbike along the Camino de Santiago in 2012 and 2013, from Saint Jean Pied de Port to Santiago de Compostela, finishing the route at Muxia and Finisterre (Fig. 9.2). This extraordinary formative experience, which also served to help him overcome personal and relational problems, inspired him to develop the idea of creating a guidebook that would provide all the necessary information for people with disabilities who want to experience the Camino de Santiago in a way that respects their needs (Scidurlo & Callegari, 2015). After establishing his self-financed team of volunteers, the project was officially presented on 28 March 2014 in Milan during the “Fa’ la cosa Giusta” exhibition. From April to August 2014, the team undertook the mapping and georeferencing of the route. A total of 496 accommodation structures were mapped, including albergues, pensiones and hostales, validated via direct interaction with the managers and visits to the accommodation to verify the accessibility of the buildings, with a particular focus on the presence of barriers and the usability of the toilets. In addition, the volunteers identified numerous structures providing food and essential goods and services, including bars, restaurants, drinking fountains, pharmacies, clinics, hospitals, physiotherapy centers, food shops, bakers, supermarkets, post offices, public toilets and town halls. Every structure is photographed and georeferenced so that it can be identified on the ground by GPS coordinates. After about a year’s work, the

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Fig. 9.2  Pietro Scidurlo on the Camino de Santiago de Compostela, 2013. Source: Free Wheels Onlus

guide entitled “Santiago per tutti. Senza barriere fino a Compostela” finally became available. To date, about 8000 copies have been sold.5 The book is aimed primarily at people with disabilities linked to motor skills, sight and hearing, as well as people subject to permanent reduction of their independence due to diseases or specific physical conditions such as coeliac disease, diabetes, reduced kidney function, and frailty linked to advanced age. Extending the meaning of the term “disabled”, the manual is also intended for people who are not able to carry any weight due to problems with their spinal column, the elderly and parents accompanying young children. The guide is available in paper form and contains information on three routes: one corresponding to the classic Camino (as described by the governing board of the Camino de Santiago); one on asphalted roads for those who travel by handbike or similar forms of transport; and a mixed one, including unmetalled roads, usable by those following the Camino in a self-propelled or electric wheelchair (Scidurlo & Callegari, 2015). Although the guide is available only in Italian, worthy of mention are the data on wheelchair-bound visitors in the period 2010–2019, which peaked in 2016, the year following its publication (Fig. 9.3). The average number of wheelchair-bound users in the 5 years following the publication of “Santiago per tutti” is double what it was in the preceding period (Fig. 9.4).

 The figure emerged during a skype interview with Pietro Scidurlo on 16 November 2020.

5

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Wheelchair-bound visitors 2010-2019 140 120

y = 22.879e0.1521x R² = 0.3836

100 80 60 40 20 0

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

2016

2017

2018

2019

Fig. 9.3  Number of wheelchair-bound visitors on the Camino de Santiago de Compostela. 2010–2019. Source: Our presentation of data provided by “Informe estadístico”, of the Oficina del Peregrino.

Average annual number of wheelchair-bound visitors 2010-2014 / 2015-2019 100 80.6

80 60

47.8

40 20 0 2010-2014

2015-2019

Fig. 9.4  Average annual number of wheelchair-bound visitors on the Camino de Santiago de Compostela. Periods 2010–2014 and 2015–2019. Source: Our presentation of data provided by “Informe estadístico”, of the Oficina del Peregrino

These figures do not prove the direct role of the product conceived and created by the Free Wheels nonprofit organization in increasing the total number of wheelchair-­bound visitors on the Camino de Santiago but they do provide an indication of the growing interest on the part of a certain category of users in complex cultural products. In line with what is being implemented by the local and national government, other bottom-up initiatives are linking up to build a Camino de Santiago that is accessible and inclusive. An example is the “Guía del Camino de Santiago Accesible para todas las personas”, a project developed by the State Representative Platform

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for Persons with Physical Disabilities (PREDIF) with the support of the ONCE Foundation and Vodafone Foundation of Spain. Based on cooperation with the Tourism Agency of Galicia and the General Directorate of Tourism of Castilla y León, the project envisages the creation of the TUR4all geoportal, which records the accessibility of all components of the range of tourism goods and services on offer in Spain. 9.4.1.2 Via Francigena per tutti (Via Francigena for All) Opening up an itinerary to people with specific needs requires a completely new and revolutionary approach, attentive to each specific component of the route (Comitato Europeo di coordinamento tecnico interregionale della Via Francigena, 2019, p. 17). The European Association of the Vie Francigene (AEVF) was set up on 7 April 2001 as a body officially authorized by the Council of Europe to liaise with European institutions and regional and local authorities in order to promote the values of walking routes and pilgrimages, starting from the sustainable development of the regions in accordance with an approach based on culture, identity and tourism. By late 2020, it had established a network of 193 local authorities and 70 non-profit organizations in England, France, Switzerland and Italy, as well as more than 400 private players in the hospitality, tourism and technical equipment sectors. Most of the public bodies – 142 municipalities, 3 provinces, 1 metropolitan city, 2 unions of municipalities and 10 regions – are associated with the Italian section of the route and have collectively declared their intention to “facilitate and safeguard the pilgrims’ journey, supporting and promoting, via the relevant regional offices, the creation of adequate infrastructure and services so as to ensure a better user experience of the routes, with a view to sustainable tourism” (AEVF, 2006, p. 2). In this way, the cultural value of the Via Francigena continues to grow, consolidating its status as a “common good”, whose recovery and safeguard appear to be closely linked to a culture of sustainability, the guiding principle of the development of all the itineraries of Europe. In the 2020–2022 Three-Year Plan (Documento di Pianificazione Triennale) of the European Association of the Via Francigena (EAVF, 2020), the increased attractiveness of the route is pursued via seven macro-strategies, one of which, called “Infrastructure”, is oriented towards greater usability and accessibility. The EAVF has identified nine key fields of intervention in support of the macro-­ strategies on the basis of their effectiveness, feasibility, rapidity of implementation, visibility and partner involvement (AEVF, 2020). Among these, “Communication of best practices and a model of governance and management of the route that is replicable and sustainable” envisages the involvement of specific stakeholders in order to identify best practices and potentially replicable pilot projects all along the Via Francigena. The economic advantages arising from accessible tourism make it possible to increase, improve and diversify the overall range of goods and services on offer (Cosentino & Borgato, 2016).

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As in Spain, the situation in Italy along the routes of the Via Francigena is characterized by intense administrative fragmentation (Carballeira Rivera & Siclari, 2019). Given the absolute need for cooperation between the various levels of government (Lucarno, 2012), the planning of strategies oriented to the development of cultural tourism represents an excellent testbed for the institutions involved, aimed at achieving effective participation and equal opportunities for all citizens. In Valle d’Aosta (Italy) the commitment shown by the C’era L’Acca Social Cooperative has yielded concrete results in terms of accessibility, helping mainly people with visual disabilities (Comitato Europeo di coordinamento tecnico interregionale della Via Francigena, 2019, p. 18; D’Angeli & Scidurlo, 2019). In 2016, in the Valle d’Aosta stretch of the Via Francigena between the monastery and castle of Quart, the “Via Francigena per tutti” project was launched, promoted by the Lions Clubs of the region and supported by the Agriculture and Tourism departments of the Valle d’Aosta regional administration and the Municipality of Quart. The project sought to improve the stretch by means of measures to increase accessibility for visually impaired persons, as well as those with reduced mobility and cognitive disabilities, making it easy and safe to follow. Along this 5-km stretch, a banquette was installed, functioning as a “guide”, together with tactile supports for orientation. The irrigation channel that runs along the route was made safe by covering it with grilles to prevent people from accidentally falling in. In addition, some paths were made safer and vertical signage was repositioned. In addition, the Municipality of Capannori, situated on the Via Francigena in Tuscany, has made its part of the route accessible to sightless persons by installing audio warnings of obstacles. Also installed along the route is a set of traffic lights with notices in braille and an audio signal for sightless persons, as well as warning signs and walking and cycle paths without steps so as to make them accessible to the disabled. These initiatives can certainly be replicated in other segments of the Via Francigena, which is still in need of much improvement in terms of accessibility. Fundamental to this purpose is the mapping of the territory through which the route runs. There is still no organic mapping of the European Via Francigena, but the preliminary steps are being taken. In collaboration with Tuscany Regional Administration and thanks to the Associazione Toscana Vie Francigene e Cammini, Free Wheels Onlus has carried out a census of the religious and municipal accommodation services in Tuscany in order to highlight critical points and suggest changes so that they can soon be accessible to all. “La via Francigena fruibile per i disabili” (The Via Francigena accessible to the disabled) is the challenge taken up by Adriano Bolognese of the “A.S.D. Mollare Mai” Association (Fig. 9.5), a handbike athlete. Together with the members of his association – including the visually and physically disabled, etc. – and in collaboration with Marco Bartalini of the Asd MTB Tricase Association, he has traveled, traced and georeferenced the Via Francigena del Sud from Brindisi to Lecce and Santa Maria di Leuca. In order to support integration and above all knowledge, the mapping of the itinerary shows the general level of accessibility, indicating the official route, the

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Fig. 9.5  Adriano Bolognese of the “A.S.D. Mollare Mai” Association on the Via Francigena del Sud – Brindisi, Lecce, Santa Maria di Leuca, 2020. Source: Associazione Mollare Mai

accessible variants and points of interest such as pharmacies, hospitals, places serving refreshments, drinking fountains (the few that remain) and bicycle repair shops (Fig. 9.6). The initiative, launched in the summer of 2020, was an appeal to the public administrations involved in the route for them to make it accessible and sustainable.

9.5 Conclusions and Suggestions The main aim of Resolution CM/Res (2013) 67 governing the granting of certification with regard to the “Cultural Routes of the Council of Europe” is to foster collective action in the cultural field as a tool to promote a culture of integration and hospitality in EU member states. However, despite this intention and the constant updates to the Resolution over the years, the theme of physical accessibility is still not mentioned among the criteria for obtaining certification. The fifth criterion makes reference to the need to develop partnerships between public and private organizations active in the field of tourism in order to generate tourism products and tools aimed at all potential markets. However, the “universal usability” of the routes is not explicitly mentioned as an essential feature for the creation of value within the regional contexts crossed by the routes. In order for the host communities to fully implement the guiding principles contained in the

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Fig. 9.6  Via Francigena del Sud – Brindisi, Lecce, Santa Maria di Leuca, main route and accessible variants. Source: Our presentation based on mapping provided by the “A.S.D. Mollare Mai” Association and Asd MTB Tricase

fundamental EU charters  – such as the Madrid Declaration, the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Special Needs, and the future Strategy for the Rights of Persons with Disabilities 2021–2030 – it is necessary for them to follow the guidelines contained in the various coordination agreements designed to build open social spaces, and this also applies to cultural routes. Following the implementation of complex initiatives such as those indicated in this chapter by subsidiary bodies, the national and interregional coordinators within the itineraries recognized by the Council of Europe should periodically indicate and assess the measures adopted to “de-isolate” disability. This will allow academics and scholars in the sector to perceive the extent of the phenomenon, study its impacts

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and suggest appropriate responses, which would be interesting for future scientific studies. In the meantime, it is possible to set out guidelines for corrective initiatives in response to the problems identified, oriented towards barrier-free growth of the pilgrim tourism market. In addition to the planning of infrastructure and transport, conditions that represent real barriers to entry for travelers with disabilities – even during the decision-­ making phase of the trip – a great deal of work will need to be done in order to ensure the implementation of the cultural approach to disability. This issue involves psychosocial, religious and political factors concerning the acceptance of inequalities that must necessarily be assimilated by the host communities. In this regard, it is important to provide continuous training and information to local communities on the inherent characteristics of barrier-free tourism. The accommodation system must also consider the potential negative economic impact on the disabled traveler: the additional costs associated with travel should be reduced, ideally to negligible levels. For this reason, the long-term provision of personal care equipment on-site, dedicated assistance services, accessible public transport (private transport means additional costs), appropriate pricing policies to encourage travelers and their companions, and tourist activities open to all, represent ways in which existing itineraries can be improved in terms of accessibility. In addition, although cultural routes differ greatly from each other, they share a common objective, which is to capitalize on the integration and solidarity of European heritage. This principle should underpin both the adoption of common quality standards, which are essential to guarantee the safety and usability of the itinerary and the design and implementation of the routes in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity between the levels of responsibility involved. Acknowledgments  We would like to thank: Luca Bruschi – European Association of Francigena Ways; Fabio Stomaci  – Municipality of Cannole (Lecce, Italy); Pietro Scidurlo  – Free Wheels Onlus; Adriano Bolognese – “A.S.D. Mollare Mai” Association; Marco Bartalini – MTB Tricase Association.

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Chapter 10

Hindu Pilgrimages (India) and Religious Functionaries Rana P. B. Singh and Pravin S. Rana

Abstract  The role of Hindu functionaries (‘religious workers’) is of vital importance in maintaining and continuity of traditions through caring, promoting, and sustaining the religious and pilgrimage rituals and associated festivities, which altogether promote pilgrimage and religious tourism. Such groups include a variety and distinctive types of functionaries, specialized in various activities involved in pilgrimages; they are broadly categorized into two groups, i.e., sacred site operators, and pilgrimage operators. At some pilgrimage places, like Varanasi and Gaya, the specialized functionaries deal with ancestral and post-creation rites. A case study of religious trust, specialized in arranging pilgrimage, reveals that faith is the essential part that has developed and continued in the family tradition for generations. Increasing consciousness to maintain Hindu identity, the pilgrimage is becoming more popular, resulting thereby strong acceptability and support to pilgrimage functionaries. Keywords  Hindu pilgrimage · Religious functionaries · Pandas · Ghatiyas · Pilgrimage tourism

10.1 Introduction Pilgrimage in Hinduism is one of the oldest and continuing traditions of soul healing and spiritual quest, which has a long tradition of organized travel. The pilgrimage places are widely scattered all over India and represent the variety and distinct traditions of regional and local taboos and ritual traditions regulated and maintained R. P. B. Singh (*) Institute of Science, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi, India e-mail: [email protected] P. S. Rana Faculty of Arts, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi, India © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 R. N. Progano et al. (eds.), Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism, Perspectives on Asian Tourism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9677-1_10

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by the functionaries. This chapter highlights role and working of pilgrimage functionaries in Hinduism. The methodologies followed include qualitative narrative based on interviews, participatory observations, and experiential expositions based on the past 30  years, and interpretation of the pilgrims’ registers and personal records kept by such pilgrimage functionaries. Both the authors also assisted religious functionaries occasionally at various levels, which helped to understand the inside perceptions, intricacies, and traditions. This chapter attempts to illustrate firstly the historical-cultural overview of Hindu pilgrimages in short, and secondly the role and status of religious functionaries, mostly based on interaction, interviews, and experiences, and illustrating a case study of trust in Varanasi, which is considered as one of the most popular holy-heritage places of Hinduism. And finally, some reflections are made regarding the contemporary situation and planning strategy where such functionaries will serve as an agent of change and a resource for enhancing pilgrimage tourism and associated activities.

10.2 Hindu Pilgrimages: Context and Continuity Experiencing the folktales, ancient stories, and power of place through acts of pilgrimage is the most common religious act in Hindu traditions, or more suitably Sanātana Dharma (‘the eternal moral duty’). In Sanātana Dharma pilgrimage is described as a sacramental process that both symbolizes the participation of the pilgrim in the spiritual realm and actively establishes a two-way reciprocal relationship between the pilgrim and the divine. These networks are regulated, maintained, and constantly activated by the religious functionaries involved therein since the ancient past. The liminal sphere of ‘faithscape’ that is so created encompasses sacred places, sacred time, sacred meanings, and sacred rituals thus, representing the wholeness of a psycho-geographical sphere (Singh, 2013, p.  50). The focal points for Hindu pilgrimage travel are called tīrtha-yātrā. The notion of “tīrtha” means a ‘ford’ or river-crossing and, by extension, these are places that allow passage between the mundane and spiritual realms (Bhardwaj & Lochtefeld, 2004). If touring is an outer journey in geographical space, then pilgrimage is the geographical expression of an inner journey. If touring is something oriented to pleasure-­ seeking (and/or the satisfaction of curiosity) then pilgrimage is something that combines spiritual and worldly aspirations in places where the immanent and the transcendent mesh (see, Singh & Haigh, 2015, p. 783). Today, most Hindu sacred places are dominated by transitory spaces that blend the religious and the mundane in complex, often contradictory, forms. Like other Oriental religions, in Hinduism faith is “central to the desires, vows, and acts associated with pilgrimage, and pilgrimage is a process whereby people attempt to understand the cosmos around them” (Singh, 2013, p. 9). These performances are assisted, guided, maintained, and continued by the variety of religious functionaries involved therein. The number of Hindu sacred places in India is “so large and the practice of pilgrimage so ubiquitous that the whole of India can be

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regarded as a vast sacred space organized into a system of pilgrimage centres, their hinterland” and associated functionaries (Bhardwaj, 1973, p. 7). From the perspective of geographical scale and coverage, Hindu pilgrimage places may be seen as pan-Indian, those attracting people from all parts of India and glorified in the classical Hindu scriptures; supra-regional, referring to the chief places of the main sects and mostly linked to founders of various shrines (e.g., Pandharpur); regional, connoting the site’s dominance in a particular culture or language group and perhaps narrated as symbolically representative of pan-Indian places; and local spots associated with ordinary sacred geography, attracting people from nearby villages or towns. There also exists multilevel places whose identity changes according to the sacrality of time and specificity of celebration and the imbued mythologies, where the religious functionaries play a significant role (Preston, 1980). The seven sacred cities (Saptapurīs) include Mathura, Dvarka, Ayodhya, Haridvar, Varanasi, Ujjain, and Kanchipuram. Similarly, the 12 most important Shiva (‘God of destruction – the destruction of evil’) Abodes are scattered all over India and are known as Jyotir lingas tīrthas (see, Singh, 2006, pp. 225–226). The four abodes of Vishnu (the ‘Preserver God’ to whom many Hindus pray, called ‘Chār Dhāms’) in the four corners of India are another group of popular pilgrimages (Fig. 10.1). These are examples of pan-Indian pilgrimage places. In pilgrimage studies using ‘text’ to comprehend the past and interpret ‘context’ is to see the contemporary situation receiving strong attention concerning image worship looks so simple; however, it possesses the complex, fluid, and contested nature of religiosity and cultural underpinnings. Travel for pilgrimage purposes is an important part of Hindu doctrine and around 250 million adherents travel throughout India and from abroad each year to participate in enormous festivals, pilgrimage circuits, ritual cleansings, and other such performances. According to the government report (GOI, 2020, p. 1), India claims 2321.98 million domestic and 17.91 million annual ‘foreign’ tourist visitors, many of them from the diasporas. Religious tourism records over half a share of the total domestic tourists in India. The numbers of people involved are vast; the Kuṁbha Melā festival at Prayagraj (Allahabad) in 1977 brought 13 million, in 2001 68 million, and in 2013 74 million visitors, and it was recorded that the recent one Kuṁbha Melā (Jan.-Feb. 2019) around 105 million visitors (see Singh & Rana, 2023). The tourism sector is India’s largest service industry, recording worth around 6% of GDP (almost 9% of total employment) and it is a major growth engine for the Indian economy (Mishra, Rout & Mohapatra, 2011). Out of the 23 pilgrimage sites around the world that record above half a million pilgrims annually at each place, among them in India itself there are nine such sites: Sabarimala (34 million), Tirupati-Tirumala (33 million), Amritsar (30 million), Shirdi (12 million), Allahabad (ten million; but every twelfth year celebrated as Kuṁbha Melā), Vrindavan (six million), Dvaraka (five million), Varanasi (1.5 million), and Amarnath Cave Temple in Jammu and Kashmir, India (650,000) (see, Singh & Haigh, 2015). Festivals (melās) at sacred sites in India are a spirited part of Hindu pilgrimage traditions. These melās attract an estimated 450 million a year from all over India, meaning that most of the religious movement for pilgrimage worldwide takes place

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Fig. 10.1  Important Hindu Places of Pilgrimages in India. (Source: Singh, RPB, 2013, p.  59, reprinted with permission)

in India (see Singh & Haigh, 2015, p. 783). The largest and the oldest of these festivals is the Kuṁbha Melā, a riverside festival that is held every 3 years and rotates between four different cities: Prayagraj (Allahabad), located at the confluence of the Gaṅgā and Yamunā Rivers (see, Dubey, 2001); Nasik on the Godāvarī River; Ujjain on the Shiprā River; and Haridvar on the Gaṅgā River. The Kuṁbha Melā is important in Hinduism because bathing in these rivers during this period is considered an endeavor of great merit—cleansing body, and receiving spiritual merits (see Singh, Rana & Olsen, 2022, p. 141). In 2019, Prayagraj Melā received an estimated 150 million pilgrims and tourists, including one million foreign visitors (Kashin, 2019).

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The recent most Kuṁbha Melā at Haridvar (in the state of Uttarakhand, North India), held from 1st to 27th April 2021, was planned to exceed the Prayagraj Kuṁbha Melā in terms of scale, pilgrim numbers, and needed infrastructure; however, due to drastic effect of corona pandemic, it recorded around only 3.5 million pilgrims, while estimate was to cross 150 million. In the contemporary situation, there is a rising trend in pilgrimage tourism in India, which may be related to an increased desire among Hindus to assert their identity. Partly, this is a reaction to the new militancy of Islam, perhaps due to increasing prosperity, but also, partly, it is a consequence of the sectarian politics of ‘Hindutva’, conservative Hindu nationalism, and the rivalry between secular parties, such as Congress, and ‘identity’ parties, such as the (high caste dominated) Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and (lower caste dominated) Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in North India, who promote a concept of Hindu cultural nationalism based on Hindu scriptures and glorious mythology of the past (Narayan, 2009).

10.3 Variety and Types of Religious Functionaries In contrast to the Christian tradition of liturgy, in Hinduism religious functionaries are mostly a complex web of congregations recording vast regional and sectarian variations, mostly defined in terms of their affiliation to the sect, specialized functions, historical continuity, and overall power-holding among the adherents. It is rightly argued that “the various historical strands which went into the making of Hinduism include a great diversity of beliefs, rituals, and institutions which, strictly speaking, are often not comparable to those found elsewhere” (King, 1989, p. 73). Any generalizations about Hinduism will fail in some sense due to the boundless variety of religious life that proceeds under the banner of Hinduism in India across different regions, castes, and periods (see Lipner, 2010). The religious functionaries involved in pilgrimage activities would broadly be classified into two general groups, viz. (i) Sacred site (Tirtha-Dhāma) operators, consisting of five functionaries, i.e., Pandas (Paṅdās) and Ghatiyas, Purohits, Vyasa, Pujari, and others (e.g., associates and assistants), and (ii) Pilgrimage (Tirtha-Yātrā) operators, consisting of four functionaries, i.e., Pilgrimage trust (Tīrtha-yātrā Samiti) and its manager, Pilgrimage priest, Pilgrimage attendants, and Shamans. It is important to note that, these categories work in a loose form, and in many cases, one supersedes the other, and there are cases that a functionary is involved in multifunctional activities as the condition prevails or is required by the pilgrims. Also, observed that there appear contrasts and variations in the activities taken care of by these functionaries according to the regional distinctiveness and the local religious traditions and taboos. The three prominent religious functionaries are discussed here.

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10.3.1 Pandas (‘Pilgrim Guides and Fixers’) Almost in all the Hindu pilgrimage sites in north India, Paṅḍā (the word originated from Sanskrit Paṇḍita, means ‘learned man’) is the most popular name for a class of hereditary religious functionary. A more formal designation and at the top of the hierarchy is the title tīrtha-purohita, a priest/ritual performer (purohita) at a pilgrimage place (tīrtha). Of course, Pandas are (as they claim) the specific site’s ‘local’ Brahmins (priestly caste), a Panda family’s native village generally lies at some distance away (Lochtefeld, 2010, p. 125). Of course, apparently, each Panda family had exclusive hereditary rights to serve pilgrim clients (yajmāns) from a particular area or region, referring to their serving hinterland; these rights were confirmed and protected by detailed genealogical records linked to the historical past (see, Jameson, 1976, pp. 101–102). During the period of the pilgrims’ stay, the Pandas would shelter, feed, and guide them (including facilitating any necessary or desired ritual activities); they would also provide any necessary help or support, such as to care for the sick or lending money. This is an example of the patron-client system developed in the ancient past and continued in the time getting superimposed by the changes and additive forms. Pandas functioned as assumed members of the pilgrim’s accepted family and were an essential support network in the days before good transportation and communication networks. In return for their services, pilgrims would contribute a token of substantial cash payment, and a more considerably pledge to be picked up at their homes later. The Pandas’ regular travel to redeem these pledges helped to cement bondage with their clients, but also made them far more cosmopolitan than one might expect from a ‘local’ pilgrimage priest (Lochtefeld, 2017, p. 1; Lochtefeld, 2011). This simple model was often more complex in real life, with higher and lower-status functionaries, referring to the caste identity. Many Pandas employed agents to bring pilgrims to them, and hired other Brahmins to perform the actual rituals on their behalf; this is common in north Indian pilgrimages places, like Haridvar, Prayagraj, Ayodhya, Varanasi, and Gaya. In south India, Pandas are mostly temple functionaries who primarily serve the temples. This also reflects the temple differences between North and South India— those in the latter tend to be much larger in area, and are often small cities (Saraswati, 1983). Improvements in transportation and communications networks during the last century have severely undercut pilgrims’ need for the Pandas’ support network, while at the same time sweeping social and religious changes have diminished demand for ritual services. It is noted that “The current Panda-client bond thus seems significantly weaker than the ideal—presuming that it ever existed in this ideal form—and several current trends have worked to weaken it further. One of these is diminishing faith in the mechanical efficacy of karmakaṅḍa—the ritual actions that are the Pandas’ stock in trade—stemming from the greater influence of scientific ideas” (Lochtefeld, 2010, p.  125). Over time impact of modern media, digital systems, YouTube, etc. also have a drastic effect on changing the traditional performances of Pandas.

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The role of Pandas serving as interlinking functionaries connecting the sacred place and the larger cultural region becomes significant during the special festival of a large congregation, like in the case of Kumbha Mela, which is held during 6- and 12-year cycle in Prayagraj. Here Pandas play a vital role to get the pilgrims and the ascetics and sadhus to meet for special discourses, which include faith healing, stories of religious texts (kathā), group chanting, meditation, and spiritual teachings. The Pandas have their camps marked with specific flags with symbols as identifying markers for their clients (Caplan, 1997). A study records that many of Haridvar’s Panda lineages belong to villages more than 80 kilometres away (Jameson, 1976, pp. 101–102), while Badrinath’s Pandas originate far away in South India. Given this model, one would expect to find Pandas at sacred places throughout India, but they are concentrated in sites in the greater Ganga plain, i.e., Mathura, Vrindavan, Kurukshetra, Haridvar, Naimisharanya (Nimsar), Prayagraj, Varanasi, Ayodhya, Gaya, Patna, Deoghar, and the Himalayan Chār Dhām (Yamunotri, Gangotri, Kedarnath, and Badrinath). In this group, the outliers include Pushkar, Puri, Ujjain, Nasik/Tryambakeshvar, and Rameshvaram— the only one of these in South India (Saraswati, 1983). The pilgrim traffic “coming from all over India to these sites in the Ganga heartland would have created a market large enough both to create the need for the Pandas’ services and to generate enough demand to be able to support them” (Lochtefeld, 2011, p.  243). The essentially “atomistic quality of each place’s Panda community—in the sense that it was unconnected with Pandas in other places—also means that the material circumstances and relative power of each community have been shaped by the circumstances in each of these places. Given the Panda communities’ local quality, many of the “overview” sources focus on Panda communities in particular places, and in some cases were done as an element in studies of those places” (Lochtefeld, 2017, p. 2). The Gayāwāls (Pandas) of Gaya is specialized in dealing with ancestral rituals and sacred performances, broadly categorized into two types, viz. (a) Tarpaṇa, the offering of sacred water to please and purify the deceased family spirit (manes), a type of preparatory or initiation rites, and (b) Piṇḍadāna, the offering of rice balls, a complex form of rituals performed consisting of several stages of rituals and performances to honour the ancestors, mostly performed in the groups (see Fig. 10.2). The tarpaṇa is offered to four groups of ancestors, viz. devas (divinities), rishis (seven ancient holy sages), Yama (Lord of Death) and his accountant Chitragupta, and pitri (immediate paternal ancestors – father, grandfather, great-grandfather, and other progenitors) (see, Singh 2011, p. 229). The special period for ancestral worship falls in the waning fortnight of the Hindu month of Ashvina, September– October when Gayāwāls get a good business to serve the customers. During this period of fortnight around two hundred thousand devout Hindus visit Gaya to perform this ritual. This is an example of religious tourism for a specific motive that attracts people from all parts of India. It is noted that changing travel patterns and easy accessibility have forced Pandas to modify their services by adopting the role of the guide and by offering guided tours to Hindu pilgrim tourists. They also collaborate with travel agencies or open travel agencies that combine priestly and tourist services. Moreover, to secure an

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Fig. 10.2  A group of Pandas performing Piṇḍadāna rituals for the ancestors in Vishnupad temple at Gaya. (Photo courtesy: Pravin. S. Rana)

extra income for subsistence, Pandas modify familiar mythological narratives and use various rhetorical devices trying to stimulate pilgrims to give donations (dān) out of which the Pandas get a good share. While the forces of global tourism have helped diminish the traditional exchange system between Pandas and pilgrims, it is argued that the commercial concerns as such do not represent a new development but resonate with the history of Hindu pilgrimage and the Pandas’ trade (Aukland, 2016b). Over time, in holy-heritage cities meeting, interacting and discourses, and taking part in the activities performed by Pandas is becoming popular among the domestic (especially religious) tourists. A recent study remarks that “money” is of course a crude coinage but is meant to cover the personal interests of these on-site mediators that derive an income from providing services to pilgrims and facilitating pilgrimage religiosity. Finally, movement refers to the travel patterns of pilgrims both to and in places of pilgrimage (e.g., Haridvar, Mathura-Vrindavan, and Varanasi). Thus, the interconnectedness of movement, money, and mediation alludes to travel patterns, the personal interests of Pandas and guides, and pilgrimage religiosity are tied together” (Aukland, 2016a, pp. 39–40). Taking into view the changing nature of religious activities, pilgrimages, modernization of facilities, and means of transportation, Pandas’ traditional occupation has not been as beneficial and sustainable as once it was. They are now encouraged to open shops for religious items, opening pilgrims’ rest houses, vegetarian restaurants, and sweet shops, and formation of organized groups or trusts for operating

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pilgrimages and facilitating pilgrims; they are now using means of social media too for the promotion of their business and increase of contacts, and taking side-jobs, or other part-time jobs they are now shifting to other profitable businesses.

10.3.2 Ghatiya (‘Panda at the Sacred Water Site’) The Panda (always a Brahmin) specialized in the religious performances along the sacred riverfront or sacred water pool is called ‘Ghatiya’. They help the pilgrims and devout Hindus to perform sacred bathing, and oblation, and ritually prepare to be clean and ready for the followed up religious activities. Like the other Pandas, they also maintain the patron-client relationship and provide ritual items (flowers, sacred basil leaves, sacred thread, holy grass, and sweets) and help the pilgrim with initiation and preparatory rituals. In holy cities along the Ganga River, they are popularly called ‘Gangaputras’ (‘son of the motherly river Ganga’). These Panda-­Brahmins form a special caste with local variants, consider lower in the hierarchy of the Brahmins. Many of them are also famous as wrestlers and are involved in maintaining traditional wrestling grounds close to the holy river. Many of the Ghatiyas like Chowbe at Mathura-Vrindavan, Gayawal at Gaya, and Prayagwal at Prayagraj, represent examples of professional wrestlers. These, “apart from showing the pilgrims around the various nearby sacred places of worship and instructing them what exactly to do at the various spots (i.e., what ablutions, what offerings, and what sort of ritualistic movements are to be made on each site), enter the pilgrims’ names into big ledgers which are kept at the temples, being listed in which adds to the prestige of an individual as well as to his descendants” (Bharati 1963, p.138). Many of these Ghatiyas, like their counterpart Pandas, arrange and assist with tonsure— ‘shaving rites’ (muṇḍana) which can be performed during pilgrimages (Fig. 10.3); boys between nine and 11 years old get their heads shaved as a mark of purification (Bharati, 1963, p. 139). In the case of Varanasi since the mid-1980s, a tradition of ‘oil lamp celebration’ (āratī) in the evening, along the bank of Ganga River started as a service to pilgrims and devout Hindus. This is organized by the local religious trust or a specific committee with the support and guidance of the Ghatiya-Panda, e.g., ‘Jai Ma Ganga Samiti’—a trust managed that looks after all the pilgrimage-associated related rituals at this site (Fig. 10.4). Among Hindus, worshipping the Ganga River after marriage is an important event when a flower (mostly marigold) garland is put across the Ganga River, under the guidance of Ghatiyas and with the assistance of the boatman (nāvika). These are attractive scenes for the tourists also, who several times show interest to participate in these ceremonies and pay a reasonable sum to the Ghatiya and the boatman.

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Fig. 10.3  A Ghatiya Panda after performing tonsure ritual blessing the client (grandfather and the baby). (Photo courtesy: Rana P.B. Singh)

Fig. 10.4  Three representatives of Pilgrimage functionaries, working together. L-R: Panda‘Tirtha Purohita’, Secretary Pilgrimage Trust (Sūchanā Mantrī), and a Pilgrimage scholar. (Photo courtesy: Pravin. S. Rana)

10.3.3 Pilgrimage (Tirtha-Yatra) Operators This group has a loose congregation of at least four types of religious functionaries, involved in assisting and operating the pilgrimage activities. The most common and predominant functionary is religious trust (Dharmārtha Nyāsa), which organizes pilgrimages and religious journeys on auspicious days based on traditional astrological conceptions, and an easy time for most people. In most cases, these are

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registered in the government records and are run by the nominated committee members. Almost all the monasteries are registered as religious trusts, however, a few of them are looking after the pilgrimages and such performances. In the holy-heritage city of Varanasi there recorded around 300 such trusts and monasteries; however, only five of them are actively involved in organizing and assisting pilgrimages in the holy city of Varanasi and the nearby sacred places. The city of Varanasi, one of the prominent Hindu pilgrimage places, is famous for its cosmic circuit, called the Panchakroshi Yatra route covering an 88.6 km circular path that defines the sacred territory (Singh, 2002). To organize special pilgrimage on this circulatory route, there are three such active religious groups, viz. the Vedanti Group, Viaikunthanath Shastri group, and Kashi Pradakshina Darshan Yatra Samiti (KPDYS); respectively, they are mostly involved in promoting pilgrims of distinct categories, i.e., respectively as ascetic (and Sadhu) pilgrims, pilgrims from Rajasthan (western India), and any devout Hindu pilgrims who have taken a vow to follow the ordained rules.

10.4 A Study of the Kashi Pradakshina Darshan Yatra Samiti (KPDYS) A famous saint of the Dashanami-Dandi monastic Hindu sect, Svami Shivananda (1930–2013), the chief disciple of a great saint Svami Karapatri Ji (1907–1980) of Varanasi, took the initiative to organize pilgrimages taking into view the ancient treatises and pilgrimage books (Tīrtha-Granthas) during the late 1960s, after the passage of time, many devout people started joining and providing voluntary services to this religious group. In most cases on all the alternate Saturday-Sundays, one among the fifty-four such pilgrimages have been organized by this group. These pilgrimages are associated with different forms of divinities (gods and goddesses; see Table 10.1), among these the most popular group refers to nine forms of feminine deity, i.e., nine Durga (the primordial goddess who destroys the evils and kills the demons) and nine Gauri (mother goddess of fertility), recording 29.3% of total pilgrims during 2016–2020. The second prominent group is associated with the ‘light-manifested form’ (Jyotirlinga) of Shiva, the ‘destroyer’ and ‘re-creator’ in the Hindu pantheon, recording 14.8% of total pilgrims (Table  10.1). During the last 5 years (2016–2020), the trust has managed to perform 95 such pilgrimages, recording an average of 19 such Yātrās every year (Table 10.2). In 2001 the KPDYS has been registered as a religious trust to manage pilgrimages in Varanasi and make required arrangements (Singh, 2002: 179). The main religious functionary of this organization is called ‘pilgrimage organizer’ or ‘information secretary’ (Yātrā Saṅchālaka or Sūchanā Mantrī). For the last 22 years, Mr. Uma Shankar Gupta (b. 7 July 1962) is serving in this position. He has never been trained formally for organizing and managing pilgrimages. His father, Kanahaiya Lal (1920–2010), was a follower of Svami Sivananda, under whose guidance he was

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Table 10.1  Seven prominent Tīrtha-Yātrā and frequency of pilgrims: by KPDYS (2016–2020) SN 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. –

Type of Tīrtha-Yātrās, divine association The 9-Durga and 9-Gauri (goddesses) The 12-Jyotirlinga (Shiva’s light-manifested forms) Antargrihi (inner sanctum of Shiva) Sapta Tīrtha-Yātrā (seven sites attached to seven sages) Char-Dham Tīrtha-Yātrā (four sacred abodes) The 12-Aditya Surya (the sun shrines) The 16-Vishnu (forms of Vishnu, the “preserver” Other Tīrtha-Yātrās TOTAL

Total pilgrims 754 360 218 180 156 134 112 520 2434

Source: Collated from the Pilgrims’ Registers, and information from the Sūchanā Mantrī of the KPDYS by the authors Table 10.2  Yearly frequency of Pilgrims as managed by KPDYS (2016–2020) Year 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Total

No. of Yātrās 21 19 19 18 18 95

No. of pilgrims 590 476 514 638 216 2434

Source: Collated from the Pilgrims’ Registers, and information from the Sūchanā Mantrī of the KPDYS by the authors

accompanying the group as a devout Hindu. On this line, young Uma Shankar followed the path encouraged by his father. With time further supported and blessed by Svami Sivananda, Uma Shanker get himself spiritually awakened and made up his mind to look after the organized pilgrimages under the aegis of the KPDYS in the capacity of Sūchanā Mantrī since 1999. In 2005, he started maintaining the Pilgrims’ Register to keep records of the pilgrims in the group (their names and addresses); of course, the register records are not systematic and lack coherence and continuity of data and lack some important pieces of information. For the entire year, they prepare a month-wise pilgrimage calendar. This calendar of pilgrimages contains name, date, place, and time of start, as tips for pilgrims (walk on foot or hire a vehicle, or boat). This is distributed through social media, and posters, that encourage people to get registered and join the pilgrimage. The calendar is posted on the walls of important temples, numbering around 300 in the city, and advertised in the local newspapers from time to time. This helps devout Hindus to contact him or other associates whose addresses and mobile numbers are given in the calendar. Recently the use of mobile phones, WhatsApp, and the internet are accepted as means of communication.

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For each pilgrimage, a piece of short information about its sacred sites and divine images as described in the ancient eulogy texts are provided to pilgrims and they are informed what items and offering materials to be carried on. This calendar and description of sacred sites are prepared by the Sūchanā Mantrī with the help of the knowledgeable Panda and a pilgrimage scholar (Fig. 10.4). Of course, the KPDYS is a self-help organized institution, where no separate fee is charged; however, the pilgrims must manage their carry-on food, ritual items (like flowers, raw rice, raw sugar, intense sticks, sweet balls, camphor, among others), there is no rule of formal way of paying a fee. The pilgrims offer a donation (dakshiṇā) to the Sūchanā Mantrī for his services, guidance, telling stories, eulogies, and place-based folk stories. This informal and voluntary payment for his services ranges between Rs 100 and Rs 150 (equal to US$ 1.45 and $ 2.15) per pilgrim of his family, however only around one-third of the pilgrims offer this sum. It is noted that at least 4–5 times special pilgrimage is organized for the pilgrims from South India, who substantially support their family through cash and kinds; this helps to improve their livelihood and economic condition to a substantive level. Of course, to support his family Uma Shankar (Sūchanā Mantrī) also keeps him involved in other religious activities on different festive occasions as a substitute. In most cases, voluntarily some Brahmin priests (Pandas) would also be part of the journey, thus assisting to perform elaborated rituals as ordained in the religious texts. Sometimes, pilgrims will provide cash and edible things as a reward for their services in the form of donations (dakshiṇā). This way this reciprocated system works quite well. There also appears some contestation between the KPDYS and orthodox Brahmin priests who interpret that KPDYS is not following strict rules as ordained in the pilgrimage texts. The voices of the Brahmin priests are not taken seriously by the common devout Hindus. With the increase of Hindu consciousness and sense of maintaining their identity, pilgrimage tourism has been increasing; resultantly the KPDYS becomes now quite popular. The pilgrimage-organizer is informally supported by such pilgrim-tourists, who mostly belong to middle-class rich Hindus.

10.5 Contemporary Scenario To beautify and improve the amenities and infrastructure at pilgrimage centres of all faiths, a national mission on ‘Pilgrimage Rejuvenation and Spiritual, Heritage Augmentation Drive’ (PRASHAD) has been announced in India’s Union Budget 2014–2015 and an amount of Rs. 1000 million (equal to US$ 15 million) has been allocated for this initiative. It aims at an “integrated development of pilgrimage destinations in a planned, prioritized and sustainable manner” to provide a complete religious tourism experience. Under PRASHAD the old historical-cultural pilgrimage routes and associated sites would also be developed through pilgrimage tourism as a strategy for heritage awakening, deeper experiences, and transferring religiosity into global humanism and spirituality” (Singh et al., 2020, p. 288). In this mission,

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the religious functionaries at pilgrimage places would also be given licenses and keep them involved in regulating and promoting the scheme. The pilgrimage and associated functionaries and their system of networking are defined under the typology of Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH). Through the department of religious tourism and culture, from time-to-time special training, spiritual discourses, and heritage-sacred walks would also be arranged under the purview of sustainable development for the future and preservation of ICH. Pandas are projected as brand ambassadors for pilgrimage tourism and are considered as the representative of the local culture, heritage, and religious traditions. Under the national mission of PRASHAD (‘Pilgrimage Rejuvenation and Spiritual, Heritage Augmentation Drive’) under the ministry of tourism, recently emphasis is laid to appoint and authorize Pandas through granting licenses for tour guiding and operation, especially for pilgrims. This will help to promote pilgrimage tourism more rationally. The government of Uttar Pradesh has already started this scheme under the PPP (Public-Private Partnership) frame, where Pandas will serve as a bridge between sacred and profane activities, which will lead to preserving the holy-­ heritage culture of the sacred sites. However, sometimes Pandas are caught to be indulged in promoting drug traffic trade and cheating, especially during peak seasons of festivities, as in the case of Gaya and Puskar (Thomases, 2019, p. 13). Pandas also serve as intermediaries promoting ‘host-guest interaction’, however, also known for notorious extortions at some places like Gaya, especially during the period of ancestral worship (waning fortnight of the Hindu month of Ashvina, September–October, e.g., the recent one fell during 21 September to 6 October 2021, and during 11 to 25 September 2022).

10.6 Concluding Remarks A recent study concludes that “as a religious response to modernization, Hindu involvement in congregational forms turns on the benefits of religious social networks and the influence of religious social networks. Religious congregations that are comprised of regular gatherings of the same people often serve as a powerful form of social support in the face of a sense of uncertainty, a sense of rootlessness, and lack of social ties, characteristics of people in societies undergoing modernization” (Stroope, 2011, p.  685). The role of religious functionaries, especially the Pandas and religious trusts like KPDYS, is quite noteworthy in this complex system of networks and inter-personal linkages. In the holy-heritage cities, such as the one studied here, i.e., Varanasi, for overall development, ICH (Intangible Cultural Heritage) will be given special consideration, keeping, and maintaining their cultural personality evolved in the past and illustrated with notable festivities, art, sculptures, performances, religious rituals, and chanting. This will help to sustain the religious functionaries concerning economic support and cultural upheaval.

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In the Government of India’s campaign ‘Guest is God’ (‘Atithi Devo Bhava’), Pandas will play a key role as an agent of change and promoting pilgrimage tourism. At some sacred places, like Varanasi, Pandas are part of heritage preservation the environmental cleansing together with the NGOs involved therein. These activities are an additional attraction for tourists. Pandas in a strong way approve their role in maintaining the famous proverb— ‘a tourist is half a pilgrim if a pilgrim is half a tourist’ (Turner & Turner, 1978, p. 20). A recent strategy of inclusive heritage development and promotion of ICH under the PRASHAD mission and Master Plan 2041, has mentioned the important role of Hindu functionaries in vitalising religious tourism. The description and information discussed in this chapter will help in promoting better understanding, activating training programmes, and activating social harmony. This will also help in formalizing the role and status of Hindu functionaries, and also making a strong bridge between private (e.g., religious trust) and public enterprises, and formal and informal systems involved in the tourist sector. It is argued that these strategies and measures can help to better alleviate the multifaced impact of religious tourism (pilgrimage) and thus contribute to developing resilient and sustainable tourism. A recent remark further supports this idea, i.e., “fostering cooperation between religious actors and government agencies is a step forward in retaining traditional form, content, and context of religious-cultural practices that form the basis for the religious tourism industry” (Shinde, 2018, p. 70).

References Aukland, K. (2016a). Tours, trade, and temples: Hindu pilgrimage in the age of global tourism. (Doctoral thesis, University of Bergen). Bergen Open Research Archive. https://bora.uib.no/ bora-­xmlui/handle/1956/15550. Aukland, K. (2016b, November). Krishna’s curse in the age of global tourism: Hindu pilgrimage priests and their trade. Modern Asian Studies, 50(6), 1932–1965. Bharati, A. (1963). Pilgrimage in the Indian tradition. History of Religions, 3((1) Summer), 135–167. Bhardwaj, S.  M. (1973). Hindu places of pilgrimage in India: A study in cultural geography. University of California Press. Bhardwaj, S.  M., & Lochtefeld, J.  G. (2004). In Tirtha. In S.  Mittal & G.  Thursby (Eds.), The Hindu world (pp. 478–501). Routledge. Caplan, A. (1997). The role of pilgrimage priests in perpetuating spatial organization within Hinduism. In R. Stoddard & A. Morinis (Eds.), Sacred places, sacred spaces: The geography of pilgrimage. Geoscience & man (pp. 209–333). Louisiana State University Press. Dubey, D. P. (2001). Prayāga: The site of Kumbha Melā. Aryan Books International. GOI. (2020). India, tourism statistics 2019. Ministry of Tourism, government of India, New Delhi. https://tourism.gov.in/sites/default/files/2020-­04/India%20Tourism%20Statistics%202019.pdf Jameson, A. S. (1976). Gangaguru: The public and private life of a Brahman community of North India. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). The University of Oxford. Kashin, V. (2019). At the Kumbh Mela in India. Asia and Africa Today, 7, 74–77. King, U. (1989). Some reflections on sociological approaches to the study of modern Hinduism. Numen, 36(1), 72–97.

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Lipner, J. (2010). Hindus: Their religious beliefs and practices (2nd ed.). Routledge. Lochtefeld, J. (2010). God’s gateway: Identity and meaning in a Hindu pilgrimage place. Oxford University Press. Lochtefeld, J. (2011). Pandas. In K. Jacobsen (Ed.), Brill’s Encyclopaedia of Hinduism: Society, religious specialists, religious traditions, philosophy (pp. 240–244). Brill. Lochtefeld, J. (2017). Pandas/Pilgrimage Priests. Oxford Bibliographies, 1–2. https://doi. org/10.1093/OBO/9780195399318-­0189 Mishra, P. K., Rout, H. B., & Mohapatra, S. S. (2011). Causality between tourism and economic growth: Empirical evidence from India. European Journal of Social Sciences, 18(4), 518–527. Narayan, B. (2009). Fascinating Hindutva. Sage. Preston, J. J. (1980). Sacred centres and symbolic networks in South Asia. Mankind Quarterly, 20(3–4), 259–293. Saraswati, B. N. (1983). Traditions of Tirthas in India. NK Bose Memorial Foundation. Shinde, K. (2018). Governance and Management of Religious Tourism in India. International Journal of Religious Tourism and Pilgrimage, 6 (1), Article 7, 58–71. Singh, R.  P. B. (2002). Towards the pilgrimage archetype: The Panchakroshi Yatra of Banaras (Pilgrimage and cosmology series 3). Indica Books. Singh, R.  P. B. (2004). Cultural landscapes and the lifeworld. Literary images of Banaras (Pilgrimage & cosmology series 6). Indica Books. Singh, R. P. B. (2006). Pilgrimage in Hinduism: Historical context and modern perspectives. In D. J. Timothy & D. H. Olsen (Eds.), Tourism, religion, and spiritual journeys (pp. 220–236). Routledge. Singh, R. P. B. (2011). Ritualscapes of Gaya, the City of ancestors. In R. P. B. Singh (Ed.), Holy places and pilgrimages: Essays on India (Planet earth & cultural understanding series, Pub. 8) (pp. 207–238). Shubhi Publications. Singh, R. P. B. (2013). Hindu tradition of pilgrimage: Sacred space and system. Dev Publishers & Distributors. Singh, R. P. B., & Haigh, M. J. (2015). Hindu pilgrimages: The contemporary scene. In S. D. Brunn (Ed.), The changing world religion map: Sacred places, identities, practices, and politics (pp. 783–801). Springer Nature. Singh, R. P. B., & Rana, P. S. (2023). Geography of Hindu pilgrimage places (Tīrthas) in India. In L. Lopez (Ed.), Geography of world pilgrimages: Cultural, social and territorial perspectives. Springer Nature International Publishing. [forthcoming]. Singh, R. P. B., Rana, P. S., & Kumar, S. (2020). Intangible dimensions of urban heritage: Learning from holy cities of India. In K. D. Silva (Ed.), The Routledge handbook on historic urban landscapes of the Asia-Pacific (pp. 275–293). Routledge. Singh, R. P. B., Rana, P. S., & Olsen, D. H. (2022). The environment as sacred space: Religious and spiritual tourism in Hinduism. In D. H. Olsen & D. J. Timothy (Eds.), Routledge handbook of religious and spiritual tourism (pp. 135–151). Routledge. Stroope, S. (2011). Hinduism in India and congregational forms: Influences of modernization and social networks. Religions, 2, 676–692. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel2040676 Thomases, D. (2019). Guest is god: Pilgrimage, tourism, and making of paradise in India. Oxford University Press. Turner, V., & Turner, E. (1978). Image and pilgrimage in Christian culture: Anthropological perspectives. Columbia University Press.

Chapter 11

The Network of the Way of St. James in Poland – Genesis, Development As Well as Religious, Cultural and Socio-Economic Impact Franciszek Mróz

Abstract  The development of Camino de Santiago, a pilgrimage route to Santiago de Compostela, has been one of the special phenomena of pilgrimages and religious tourism in Europe during the last two decades Margry (To be or not to be… a pilgrim. Spiritual pluralism along the Camino Finisterre and the urge for the end. In: Sánchez-Carretero C (ed) Heritage, pilgrimage and the Camino to Finisterre. Walking to the end to the world. Springer, pp 175–211, 2015; Mróz et al. Int J Relig Tour Pilgrimage 7(5):56–71, 2019). “The most beautiful road worldwide” or “the main street of Europe”, as the route is often called, has been rapidly developing also in Poland. Thirty-six sections of Camino de Santiago have been marked in Poland during the years 2005–2020, covering a total of 7100 km of the route Mróz (2019) (6900 km oznakowanych odcinków Camino de Santiago w Polsce – Sukcesy, niepowodzenia i wyzwania (6900 km of marked sections of the Camino de Santiago in Poland – Successes, failures and challenges). In: Roszak P, Mróz F, Rozynkowski W (eds) Camino Polaco. Teologia – Sztuka – Historia – Teraźniejszość [Camino Polaco. Theology – Art – History – Present]. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika, pp 267–299, 2019a); Mróz (Droga św. Jakuba w Polsce (The Way of St. James in Poland). Wydawnictwo Edytorial, 2019b)). The main objective of the research is to analyze the impact of the Polish sections of the Way of St. James on the socio-economic development and religious or cultural initiatives in host communities. The specific objective is to analyze factors, which have an influence on the success or failure of the functioning of the Way of St. James in local spatial arrangements. The impact of the Way of St. James and the relations between host communities and Camino de Santiago has been defined thanks to field research including obserF. Mróz (*) Department of Tourism and Regional Studies, Institute of Geography, Pedagogical University of Krakow, Kraków, Poland e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 R. N. Progano et al. (eds.), Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism, Perspectives on Asian Tourism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9677-1_11

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vations and interviews with all coordinators of the sections of the Way of St. James, and interviews with priests who work in parishes along the route, and with residents of areas near Camino de Santiago. During the period from 2006 to 2020, I c­ onducted research on twenty-two Polish sections of the Way of St. James and examined more than 4000 kilometers of Camino de Santiago in Poland (mostly by traveling on foot). The presented chapter is primarily of an empirical nature. When elaborating and interpreting results, the author has used dynamic-comparative, descriptive and analytical, as well as cartographic presentation methods. The conducted research proves that groups of enthusiasts of the Way of St. James, Camino pilgrims, members of the Brotherhoods of St. James and Associations of St. James, and priests made their contribution to the marking of the majority of Camino de Santiago sections. In most cases, this was a “grassroots” initiative and an expression of the social entrepreneurship of tens of people. Currently, more than eight hundred people in Poland are united in religious and social associations and organizations related to St. James and the Way of St. James, mainly in Brotherhoods of St. James, and Clubs of Friends of the Way of St. James. Each of these groups has a leader, whose attitude and projects have an influence on the regional development of St. James’s Route. The Way of St. James in Poland has become a space not only for pilgrimages and religious tourism but also for numerous initiatives that promote the route, the location and its region. In various localities on the Polish sections of the Way of St. James, there are organized numerous projects of religious, cultural, tourism, sports and scientific nature. The first albergue, or hostels for Camino pilgrims, have also been established, for example, due to the adaptation of parish church or municipality buildings for accommodation purposes. The development of the route of St. James in Poland also has an influence on initiatives of local businesses. Keywords  Camino de Santiago · Development · Host communities · Pilgrimages · Way of St. James · Tourism impacts · Religious

11.1 Introduction The development of Camino de Santiago, the pilgrimage route to the Shrine of St. James in Santiago de Compostela has been one of the interesting phenomena of pilgrimages, and religious tourism in Europe during the last three decades (Margry, 2015; Mróz et al., 2019; Mróz, 2020). “The most beautiful road worldwide” or “the main street in Europe”, as the route is often called, was coined the first European Cultural Route by the Council of Europe in 1987. In 1993 and 2015 (in Spain), and 1998 (in France) it was registered in the List of UNESCO World Heritage Sites as a cultural and natural heritage site (Moscarelli et al., 2020; Roszak, 2017). The Way of St. James is currently the best known Christian pilgrimage and cultural route worldwide, and until the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, it was frequented by residents of more than one hundred and eighty countries each year. At present, i.e.

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as of 01/03/2021, the network of the Way of St. James in Europe covers more than eighty thousand kilometers of the marked route (Mróz, 2020). An impressive development of Camino de Santiago during the last three decades and a growing number of those who wandered along this route until the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic (in 2019, Oficina del Peregrino de Santiago de Compostela noted a record number of 347,578 Camino pilgrims) marked the beginning of the process of »Caminonisation«, as Peter Margry called it, i.e. “the worldwide growth of sacred or spiritual footpaths is primarily stimulated by the success and appropriation of the »Camino« concept. This process encompasses a proliferation of spiritual paths, which stimulate people all over the world to depart on foot for a spiritual journey or a reflective quest for the meaning of life” (Margry, 2015, p. 186). This research covers thirty-six sections of the Way of St. James in Poland which, in total, form a network of the route of a length of more than 7100 km going to Santiago de Compostela. The main objective of the research was to analyze the impact of Polish sections of the Way of St. James on the socio-economic development and religious or cultural initiatives in local communities. The specific objective was to examine mutual relations between the development of Camino de Santiago and pilgrimages along this route and the host communities. The pursuing of the objectives formulated in this way required finding answers to the following research questions: 1. What factors have had an influence on the emergence and development of the Way of St. James in Poland? 2. How has the marking of a section of the Way of St. James in the geography of a region affected the development of initiatives, events, and religious, cultural and also socio-economic projects in local space arrangements? 3. What are the mutual relationships between the development of Camino de Santiago and pilgrimages along this route and the host communities? The presented study is mostly empirical. Considering the dynamics of the development of the network of the Way of St. James and Camino initiatives in Poland, it is an important research problem. The Polish network of routes leading to the Shrine of St. James in Santiago de Compostela currently (as of 01/03/2021) accounts for approx. 9% of the European network of the Way of St. James. The development of the Way of St. James and initiatives associated with the route noted in Poland during the last decade enables the author to conclude that Poland is one of the Camino leaders in Central and Eastern Europe (Mróz et al., 2019).

11.2 Materials & Methods The religious-cultural and socio-economic impact of the Way of St. James on the geographic space of Poland and the relations between host communities and Camino de Santiago were defined due to field research during which observations and interviews with all coordinators of the sections of the Way of St. James were conducted.

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Interviews were also conducted with presidents of all Brotherhoods of St. James, clubs of enthusiasts and friends of the Way of St. James in Poland, priests working in parishes along the route, and people who live along Camino de Santiago. Research on a total of twenty-four Polish sections of the Way of St. James was conducted from 2006 to 1 September 2021, with more than 4000 km of sections of Camino de Santiago in Poland analyzed (while going mainly on foot). Field research was conducted in all seven shrines of St. James and 50 parishes of St. James in Poland. Field research was conducted on sections of Camino de Santiago in Austria, the Czech Republic, France, Lithuania, Spain, Germany, Portugal, Slovakia, Switzerland, and Ukraine. When presenting research results, the author has mainly used descriptive-­ analytical and dynamic-comparative methods. For the elaboration of quantitative and qualitative data, cartographic presentation methods have been used. The author of the study has been involved in projects directed at delineating and marking the Małopolska Way of St. James since 2007 and is currently in the development of this way. Since 2008, he has co-organized annual international scientific conferences devoted to the problems of the history and functioning of the Way of St. James in Poland and Europe.

11.3 Results In 2003 the Western European Camino de Santiago network (“Via Regia” Ecumenical Pilgrimage Route) reached the border between Germany and Poland – to the Old Town Bridge connecting the German city of Görlitz and the Polish city of Zgorzelec. Since then, a group of Camino de Santiago enthusiasts in Poland and people, who have already gone on a pilgrimage to the tomb of St. James and have taken steps to delineate and mark the first Polish sections of the Way of St. James. In 2005, the first section of the route in Poland was marked and opened: the Lower Silesian Way of St. James going from Jakubów (a village in the administrative Lower Silesian Voivodeship, in south-western Poland) to Zgorzelec. In subsequent years, in many regions in Poland initiatives were taken to mark new sections of Camino de Santiago. Finally, this resulted in the delineation and marking of a total of thirty-six sections of the Way of St. James in Poland from 2005 to the 31st of December 2020, which form a network of a length of more than 7100 (Fig. 11.1). Camino de Santiago in Poland is the longest marked pilgrimage, cultural and theme route in Poland. The Polish Camino de Santiago network is a permanent and important element of the European network of the pilgrimage route to Compostela and is an important bridge between the Western-European and Eastern-European Camino de Santiago network. The network of the Way of St. James is connected to Russian (Via Baltica and the Pomeranian Way of St. James in the Kaliningrad Oblast), Lithuanian (Camino Lituano and Camino Polaco), the Ukrainian (Lviv Way of St. James Via Regia and the Subcarpathian Way of St. James Via Regia), the Slovakian (Beskid Way of St. James), the Czech (Beskid Way of St. James, the Kłodzko Way

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Fig. 11.1  The Way of St. James in Poland (01/03/2021). Source: F. Mróz, Ł. Mróz

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of St. James, the Racibórz Way of St. James and the Nysa Way of St. James), and also the German (e.g. Lower Silesian Way of St. James) sections of Camino de Santiago (Liutikas, 2020; Mróz, 2019a, b; Mróz & Bordun, 2016) (Fig.  11.1). Currently, new projects related to the delineation and marking of new sections of the Way of St. James are continued in many regions of Poland. The main factors which had an influence on the establishment of the first sections of the Way of St. James in Poland include the development of pilgrimages of Poles to the tomb of St. James in Santiago de Compostela, the renaissance of the cult of St. James in various Polish parishes of St. James, an entrepreneurial spirit among priests who work in churches along the route, and also the activities of members of Brotherhoods of St. James, clubs of enthusiasts of the Way of St. James. Camino pilgrims or people who went on a pilgrimage to the Shrine of St. James in Santiago de Compostela, priests, enthusiasts of the Way of St. James, and members of Brotherhoods of St. James and St. James’s Associations should be given the greatest credit when it comes to the design, delineation and marking of thirty-six Polish sections of the Way of St. James. The definite majority of efforts were “grassroots” initiatives and an expression of social entrepreneurship of many people (Mróz, 2017, 2019a, b). Local communities also joined efforts to mark and develop the Way of St. James. It was only at subsequent stages of the development of the Way of St. James in individual regions that local government authorities in Poland joined projects associated with the development of regional sections of Camino de Santiago (Mróz, 2017). The conducted field research comprising numerous interviews with priests working in parish churches along the Way of St. James in Poland proved that the re-­ development of St. James’s service and the emergence of interesting initiatives associated with the Way of St. James in local communities were mainly inspired by the enthusiasm and actions of Camino pilgrims, who went on pilgrimages to the tomb of St. James in the 1990s and the early 2000s. However, it should be emphasized that the service to St. James the Apostle has developed in Poland since the twelfth century, along with the growing importance of the Shrine of St. James in Santiago de Compostela, and also the growing pilgrimages to the tomb of the Apostle. Between the 11th and the 15th centuries, more than a hundred parishes of St. James the Apostle were established in Poland (more than 70% of the current number of parish churches have this patron) (Mróz, 2017, 2020). Even though in medieval Poland James was one of the most “popular” saints, his cult decreased during the period of renewal after the Council of Trent and in subsequent centuries and was replaced by the cult of Saint Mary, which is typical of Polish piousness. It should also be noted that sources confirming the pilgrimages of Poles to Santiago de Compostela are relatively late and date back to the second half of the fourteenth century. The first known Camino pilgrims from Poland were Jakub Cztan, Klemens of Mokrsko, Stanisław Vederkere of Wrocimowice, and Świętosław of Szubin in Wielkopolska. They were recorded by the chancellery of King Peter IV of Aragon in Barcelona with the date of the 15th of April 1379 (Marszałek, 2017; Mróz, 2020; Roszak, 2010; Tanco, 2011; Wiesiołowski, 2002; Wilamowski, 2015; Wyrwa, 2012). Considering written records and known archaeological discoveries of shells

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of St. James in Poland, A.  M. Wyrwa estimated that approximately thirty-one to thirty-two people came to the tomb of St. James in Santiago de Compostela from Poland. If we take into consideration the fact that they traveled with a retinue, the estimated number of pilgrims from Poland should be increased to approx. 180 people (Wyrwa, 2012). Camino pilgrims from Poland, who went on a pilgrimage to the tomb of St. James in Santiago de Compostela towards the end of the 20th or the early twenty-­ first century, began to formalize their activities by establishing clubs of friends of the Way of St. James, Brotherhoods of St. James, religious, religious-lay or lay associations and organizations of St James (Mróz, 2012). The first “Polish Camino de Santiago Club” was formed in 2001 and in 2004 the first Brotherhood of St. James in Poland was established in Jakubów. This gave an impulse to undertake more formal activities to promote and provide information about the Way of St. James and to give assistance to pilgrims, who are planning to go to Compostela. At the same time, the number of pilgrims from Poland, who received Compostela (a document confirming that they had been on a pilgrimage to the tomb of St. James having covered the last 100 km of Camino de Santiago on foot, on horseback or in a wheelchair, or 200 km by bike) dynamically grew from the early twenty-first century. In 2019 the Pilgrimage Office of the Archbishopric of Santiago de Compostela (Oficina del Peregrino de Santiago de Compostela) recorded 4874 Poles; for comparison, in 2004 there were 357 people from Poland (Oficina del Peregrino, n.d.). Since 2005, also the number of members of new brotherhoods and clubs of friends of the Way of St. James has grown rapidly. At the end of 2020, there were twelve brotherhoods of St. James in Poland (Jakubów, Kętrzyn, Lębork, Więcławice Stare, Szczyrk, Ośno Lubuskie, Przeworsk, Sanka, Toruń, Kotuszów, Brzesko, and Warsaw) and also several clubs of friends of the Way of St. James, which united approx. Eight hundred people in Poland. Numerous events associated with the “most beautiful way in the world” are initiated by members of these brotherhoods, associations and clubs of friends of Camino de Santiago, and also priests working in parishes or churches situated along the route. They also take care of individual sections of the Way of St. James. The Brotherhood of St. James in Poland is primarily religious, while the clubs of friends of the Way of St. James gathers pilgrims, supporters of the Camino de Santiago and people involved in various ways in reviving, organizing, informing and promoting the Way of St. James in Poland. Members of the Clubs of Friends of the Way of St. James in Poland, also care about the ecumenical nature of the pilgrimage route leading to Compostela – Camino de Santiago is a meeting place for people of many religions looking for the path of their spirituality. Based on the conducted research, it may also be concluded that each of these groups has a leader whose personality and ability to cooperate with an internal community and host communities were keys to the success of marking and then developing the Way of St. James in individual regions (Mróz, 2017). In various sections of the Way of St. James and many centers of the worship of St. James in Poland, such leaders are parish priests in churches along the Camino de Santiago. Thanks to the initiative of priests, relics of St. James the Apostle were brought to (or put on display in) many churches in Poland. Relics of the first martyr among the

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Apostles can be currently found, for example, in Brzesko, Jakubów, Krakow, Leśna, Lubichowo, Łańcuchów, Łeba, Małujowice, Modrze, Olsztym, Podegrodzie, Podkowa Leśna, Radziądz, Sączów, Strzelin, Strzelno, Szczyrk, Tolkmicko, Toruń, Tuchów, and Więcławice Stare (Mróz, 2017) (Fig. 11.2). The development of the service to St. James and pilgrimages along the Way of St. James was the main decisive factor for the determination by bishops, in accordance with canon 1230 of the Code of Canon Law, of the locations of seven shrines of St. James in Poland. These are shrines in Jakubów, Szczyrk, Lębork, Więcławice Stare, Małujowice, Brzesko and Torun (Figs. 11.2 and 11.3).

Fig. 11.2  Shells of St. James found in Poland, shrines of St. James and centers with relics of St. James the Greater in Poland (01/09/2021). Compiled by Franciszek Mróz and Łukasz Mróz (2021); shells according to research by Andrzej M. Wyrwa (2016)

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Fig. 11.3  Graph presenting the development of Camino de Santiago and “Camino” initiatives in Poland. Source: F. Mróz

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Thus, Poland is the only country in the world that can boast about the functioning of seven shrines of St. James. Due to the efforts of the Polish Bishops’ Conference, St. James’s Parliament and priests serving in parish churches of St. James in Poland, by authority of Pope Francis the Apostolic Penitentiary established fifty-three Station Churches of the Compostelan Holy Year on the 14th of December 2020 (Fig. 11.4). From the 31st of December 2020 to the 31st of December 2022, pilgrims gathered in these churches, in spiritual connection with the shrine of St. James in Santiago de Compostela will be able to receive plenary indulgence on ordinary conditions. It should also be emphasized that there are ninety-nine sacred sites of St. James the Apostle along the Polish sections of the Way of St. James: eighty-two parish churches, ten filial churches, two rector’s churches, the Greek Catholic Cathedral of St. Vincent and St. James in Wrocław, four chapels and oratory of St. James at the post-Cistercian monastery. The St. James’s Parliament coordinates the functioning and development of Polish sections of the Way of St. James. It is a congregation of members of the

Fig. 11.4  Station churches of the Compostelan Holy Year in Poland (01/03/2021). Source: F. Mróz

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Brotherhood of St. James, clubs of friends of the Way of St. James, non-­governmental organizations, scientific and research institutions, and informal groups. The main objective of the Parliament is to “tighten the cooperation of organizations, to determine mutually the directions and methods of acting for the benefit of pilgrims who set off on Polish Ways of St. James” (Parlament Jakubowy, n.d.). Seven parliamentary sessions were organized between 2016 and 2021. A range of initiatives associated with the development of the route of St. James in Poland are put forward by Associations of the “Friends of the Way of St. James in Poland”, a Polish organization whose purpose is to recreate new sections of the Way, mark and promote them, and to provide all information on Camino de Santiago and related events (Mróz, 2019a, b). The Policy Council (Chapter) for the Development of the Way of St. James has been established in three provinces (Kuyavia-Pomerania, Pomerania and Małopolska). It unites St. James’s brotherhoods and organizations, parish churches, local government authorities and non-governmental organizations. In 2016 the Office of the Marshal of the Kuyavian-Pomeranian Province joined the European Federation of the Way of St. James, which promotes Camino de Santiago as a European cultural route on behalf of the Council of Europe and has the authority to expand the European network of St. James’s Routes with sections in subsequent countries. This accession resulted in the official incorporation of Poland in the network of European Cultural Routes (Mróz, 2017). Mutual relations between the parties responsible for the development of Camino de Santiago and host communities resulted in an increasing number of events associated with the Way of St. James and the figure of St. James until the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. These included religious events (religious celebrations and services, indulgences, pilgrimages, and retreats), religious and cultural events (“Feasts of St. James”, “Days of St. James”, “Picnics of St. James”, “Festivals of St. James”, “Fairs of St. James”, concerts and contests of St. James’s songs, exhibitions of photographs with the theme of Camino de Santiago), tourist, sports and recreation events (rallies, runs along sections of Camino de Santiago), scientific and popular science events (sessions, symposiums, scientific conferences and coverages, lectures and presentations of Camino pilgrims). Initiatives to organize such events are increasingly put forward by local communities, e.g. teachers, instructors, students and Local Activity Groups. For more than 10 years, brotherhoods of St. James have organized weekend or Sunday group walks or pilgrimages along the Way of St. James known as “Family Pilgrimages along the Way of St. James”, “Sunday Pilgrimages along the Way of St. James”, “Cycling Weekend in Via Regia”, “Weekend in the Way of St. James”, “Sundays in Camino”, “Camino Pedestrian Tram”, “Sunday on the Way of St. James” or “Rally along the Route of St. James” in Poland. Trips on foot are most popular but it should be stressed that in Polish sections of Camino de Santiago you may meet Camino pilgrims running, cycling, horse-riding or even skiing (Skiing Pilgrimage along the Beskid Way of St. James) or kayaking (Kayak Pilgrimage along the Nysa Way of St. James) (Mróz, 2017, 2019a, b). Trips along local sections of the Way of St. James are organized by such

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associations, clubs, foundations, scouts, teachers, members of the Polish Tourist and Sightseeing Society, and members of the Polish Tatra Association (Mróz, 2017). Such initiatives are usually organized not for profit but are supported financially by local government authorities and sponsors. They are aimed at activating local communities to develop the Way of St. James through, for example, creating accommodation for Camino pilgrims, supervising the marking of the route and information facilities, etc. Tourist facilities in Polish sections of Camino de Santiago are gradually developed but the greatest deficits in this regard concern the functioning of cheap accommodation, especially albergue. However, it should be emphasized that due to the entrepreneurial spirit of host communities during the last decade in selected sections of the Way of St. James several shelters for Camino pilgrims were opened, e.g. in Lębork, Olsztyn, Pałecznica, Sączów, Sanka, Sejny, Sułoszowa, Szczaworyż, Toszek, Więcławice Stare, and in the building of the former Primary School No. 2 of the European Ways of St. James in Lubań. In several parish churches along Camino de Santiago in Poland, a shell network of pilgrim-­friendly houses was established. In these houses, Camino pilgrims are offered accommodation upon presentation of the Pilgrim’s Passport. With the projects supported by local governments of municipalities and the province, a little tourism infrastructure was established in many places, with tourist gazebos, shelters, benches, tables and stands for bicycles. Camino de Santiago is also known as the “way of life”, “the way of conversion and humility” and the route where “an old person dies and a new person is born.” The route is so impressively popular due to the individual nature of pilgrimages and the experience of meeting oneself and obtaining a deep insight into oneself. For this reason, the Camino de Santiago in Poland is used for the organization of various events and religious services, including those whose themes are associated with the theme of the route and the cult of St. James the Apostle, such as the Extreme Stations of the Cross, the Night Stations of the Cross, the Procession of the Magi, and the Star Pilgrimage. Retreats on the way were organized in Polish sections of the Way of St. James for young people preparing to take part in the World Youth Day in Madrid in 2011, in Rio de Janeiro in 2013, in Krakow in 2016 and Panama in 2019. Polish sections of the Way of St. James also saw the pilgrimages of young Catholics from many countries of the world, who came to Poland to the World Youth Day »Kraków 2016«.

11.4 Conclusions The conducted research shows that various religious, socio-economic, historical and cultural factors have had an influence on the origins and development of Camino de Santiago in Poland. The design, delineation and marking of the majority of Polish sections of the Way of St. James should be credited mainly to Camino pilgrims, groups of the enthusiasts of the Way of St. James, members of Brotherhoods of St. James, clubs of Camino and St. James’s associations as well as priests

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working in facilities along the route. This was mostly a ‘grassroots’ initiative and an expression of the social entrepreneurship of Camino pilgrims and Camino enthusiasts. It was only at subsequent stages of the development of the Way of St. James in individual regions that local government authorities, local activity groups, foundations and non-governmental organizations joined “Camino” projects (Mróz, 2017). During the years 2005–2010, more than 2000  km of the pilgrimage route to Santiago de Compostela were marked in Poland. In the subsequent decade, the number of projects associated with Camino de Santiago rapidly increased, and currently (as of the first of March 2021) the route network has a length of more than 7100 km. In 2016 the “St. James’s Parliament” was formed in Poland to coordinate at a central level all activities related to the functioning and development of Polish sections of the Way of St. James. Therefore, two periods may be distinguished in the short period of the development of the Camino de Santiago network. At first, there were spontaneous initiatives related to the marking and development of the route, in some instances with the financial support from local government authorities. During the second period (after 2016), institutional coordination was increasingly marked. With such coordination, certain projects are no longer implemented only locally, but also regionally or they even have supra-regional, national or (as is the case with scientific conferences) an international range. The further development of Camino de Santiago in Poland will depend on the entrepreneurial attitudes of host communities, priests working in parishes along the route, Camino pilgrims and enthusiasts of the Way of St. James, a friendly attitude of local government and church (of dioceses and parishes) authorities, and central coordination of activities by the St. James’s Parliament. The further development of the route and the creation of new sections of the Way of St. James in Poland require a public-private dialogue, and a coherent and sustainable marketing policy as well as management. New social entities, such as associations, local authorities, parishes, Local Activity Groups, Regional and Local Tourism Organisations, and local businessmen should be involved in the development of local and regional sections of the Way of St. James. If the group of stakeholders is expanded by local government units and various organizations as well as local businesses, this may create space for cooperation, not only in the sphere of tourism (cultural and religious tourism) but also in spatial management. The coordination, management and further development of the marked sections of the Way of St. James in Poland require constant control of the condition of route marking and notice boards, extension and construction of little infrastructure along the route, establishment (deepening) of the cooperation of route curators with priests to improve pastoral care in churches along the route, the establishment of cooperation with foreign brotherhoods and associations of friends of the Way of St. James, preparation of “transregional” and “transborder” events, and guides to connect selected places and sections of Camino de Santiago, and preparation of guide service on regional/local sections of the route. It is also very important to monitor tourism/pilgrimages along sections of the Way of St. James and to establish new Regional Route Programme Councils.

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Research carried out in many Polish sections of Camino de Santiago during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic caused by SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus (which saw more than one hundred and ten million infections in one hundred and ninety-­ two countries and territories worldwide – data as of the first of March 2021) shows that despite the pandemic these sections enjoy greater popularity than they did before the pandemic outbreak (Mróz, 2021). This is mainly due to the global pandemic that hundreds of Poles who were planning Camino in 2020 decided not to go to the Iberian Peninsula to the tomb of St. James in Santiago de Compostela, but instead chose local trips, being regional Polish sections of Camino de Santiago. It is a sort of addiction: “Caminoholism”, a permanent longing for setting off on another section of Camino de Santiago is also a guarantee of the route development in Poland. Funding  This research received no external funding. Conflicts of Interest  The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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Chapter 12

Sacred Architecture as a Resource for the Development of Religious Tourism in the Regions of Ukraine Sergii Iaromenko and Sergii Nezdoyminov

Abstract  The growing interest in religious activities and the lifting of restrictions after the fall of the USSR on the activities of religious communities contributed to the growth of the influence of churches on local communities. Religious communities take care of the social needs of the community, namely the support of youth, the organization of leisure time, and the preservation of cultural heritage. An important direction is the restoration of religious architecture, which is both the heritage of the local community or national property and the center of public life. A valuable cultural heritage is the wooden sacral architecture, spread mainly in rural areas in the west and north of Ukraine. The growth of military and political instability and the invasion of Russia also influenced the increase of the role of religious organizations in local communities. The most active are the organizations of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine, the Greek Catholic, and the Roman Catholic Church, which help local youth, socially vulnerable families, and military personnel. The last decade featured by increasing interest in pilgrimage, forming connections between religious and local communities in Ukraine. Keywords  Sacred architecture · Religious tourism · Orthodox Church · Religious community · Military pilgrimage

12.1 Introduction In the modern socio-cultural environment of Ukraine, an important phenomenon of democratic changes has been the development of religious tourism and pilgrimage. A burst of interest in religious tourism and the growth of religious influence on society occurred after the collapse of the Soviet Union (after 1991), when the S. Iaromenko (*) · S. Nezdoyminov Department of Tourism and Hospitality Business, Odesa National Economic University, Odesa, Ukraine e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 R. N. Progano et al. (eds.), Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism, Perspectives on Asian Tourism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9677-1_12

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operation of religious organizations was prohibited. The economic downturn, social problems caused negative processes in the society, and this challenge in modern Ukrainian society was related to the financial and moral support of the church to the population. There was a process of specialization of tour operators in religious and pilgrimage tours organizations as well as related services organized at monasteries, churches, and other religious institutions. In recent years, the number of tourists making pilgrimages to sacred places in Ukraine and abroad for religious-cognitive purposes has significantly increased. There has been a large-scale development of the institutional network of religious organizations, growth of public authority of churches, fostering religious community in social service, de-ideologization of the state policy towards the religious-church field, and the opportunity for citizens to freely use their constitutional rights for freedom of conscience and religion (Daniliyeva, 2012). Ukraine is a state of many nationalities, denominations, and religious movements. The coherence and purposefulness of the state-church and tourist policy of the state institutions of Ukraine have created the basis for the development of religious tourism in the country. In turn, tour companies are looking for new ways to meet the needs of religious tourists regarding quality of service, by making optimal use of the existing material and spiritual culture of sacred architecture. Research on tourist flow before the COVID-19 pandemic showed that “in 2018 the number of tourists in Ukraine increased more than one and a half time compared to 2016. Tour operators and travel agencies provided services to more than 4.557000 tourists. Ukraine had 10 positions in the Competitiveness Index in the field of travel and tourism; taking 78th place in 2018” (Lokhmatov, 2019, p. 2). The governments of Ukraine and local communities have been searching for new areas of pilgrimage and religious tourism aimed at the socio-economic development of the regions. Therefore, it is relevant to research the mutual influence of religious organizations and local communities through the restoration stages of the activities of religious organizations, the formation process of state-church relations in modern Ukraine. Other key factors include globalization processes, secularization, the return of a part of religious sites to modern Ukranian life, and a growth of influence of the church in rural areas with traditionally high authority of the state (especially in the western regions of Ukraine). Wooden sacred architecture has occupied a special place in the cultural heritage of Ukraine as well as in religious tourism. This resource is associated with pilgrimage, and it is also the subject of research on the history of architecture, religion, and social development of the regions. All ethnic groups during its existence have transformed the natural landscape as well as having also created anthropogenic objects in architectural forms with various functional purposes. Sacred architecture is an integral part of settlements and plays a significant role in public life, especially in rural areas. Historically, churches, monasteries and other religious buildings in Ukraine have played an important cultural, social, educational, and even political role. In Soviet times, with the prohibition of religious activities, most religious buildings were transformed into museums of atheism, facilities for production, trade, sports, and entertainment purposes, or were destroyed. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, there was an increase in the influence of religious communities

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and pilgrimages in public life. Religious organizations in Ukraine continue to play a key role in public life, dealing with issues related to community support and development of the pilgrimage movement (Tokman, 2017).

12.2 Methodology The analysis of tourism resources, including cultural-historical ones, has played a significant role in the design and development of religious tourist routes and pilgrimage centers, (Abdul Halim & Che Mat, 2010; Beltramo, 2017; Olsen & Korstanje, 2019; Progano, 2019; Saha & Khare, 2020; Sołjan & Liro, 2020). Register of cultural heritage objects has been used for grouping due to the geographical position, architectural styles and types of sacred sites based on grouping method (Iaromenko, 2016; Iaromenko et al., 2019). Their investigation is based on the works of research in the field of cultural heritage and religious tourism, methods of assessing the monuments of sacred architecture as tourism resources as well as the geography of tourist flows, economic and social sciences related to tourism (Slobodian, 1996; Shykernets, 2013; Hilpert, 2020; Sigala & Leslie, 2005; Kostaschuk & Kisil, 2016; Czuba, 2017). For further development of religious tourism, researchers collected data on the number of preserved wooden churches in Ukraine: more than 2.5 thousand, among which about 1000 buildings belonged to the period of the XV–XVIII centuries. There were about 500 other objects in the surrounding ethnic territories. Only 18.3% (469 objects) were registered and protected (Mankovska, 2010). The methods of regional analysis of tourism resources, methods of geolocation of religious tourism resources as well as methods of classification of sacred landscapes have been used in this chapter (Kharlan, 2009; Ilieș et al., 2016; Mishchenko, 2018). Tourism resources were classified into two types: natural and cultural origin, the method of regional analysis was to identify regions with different potential and number of objects of sacred architecture, using registers of cultural heritage of the Ministry of Culture of Ukraine and local denominations. The research, popularization, and support of the wooden sacred architecture of Ukraine have not only a cognitive nature, but also has influenced the socio-cultural development of the nation and tourism infrastructure for pilgrims and tourists. Infrastructure development can have a positive economic effect which increases the motivation of tourists and diversification of services, increasing the revenue of hospitality and recreational facilities and job creation in local communities (Progano et al., 2020). The modern scientific research concerning the development of religious tourism and pilgrimage has also a socio-geographical focus. This study in the field of recreation and tourism has significant achievements in the works of I. Kostaschuk. The investigation of the ethno-confessional area where the objects of sacred architecture are located, the definition of the processes of religious organizations development in Ukraine and the classification on a regional basis has given grounds for two directions  – the development of denominations of Christianity and other religions as well. The

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location of sacred architectural objects in a sacred space is understood as a geographical combination of different denominations on a particular territory and its influence on the population (Kostaschuk & Kisil, 2016).

12.3 Research Background and Context The simultaneous development of several religious communities has been a feature of pilgrimage in Ukraine. There has been a schism among Orthodox denominations since the 1990s, accompanied by conflicts regarding the communities and religious buildings between the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow and Kyiv Patriarchates (since 2019 – the Orthodox Church of Ukraine). Currently, the tension between representatives of the two Orthodox communities has been preserved as a manifestation of Ukrainian national identity. From a historical point of view, the Orthodox Church was the center of cultural life in Ukraine (Boreyko, 2014). Thus, the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy contributed to the active development of brethren schools, the establishment of collegiums, centers of book copying in the XVII century (Mykytas, 1994; Ohiyenko, 1993). Along with the liberation struggle, the Orthodox Church with its base in Kyiv was transformed into the center for the formation of a modern Ukrainian ethnic group (nation), a holistic picture of awareness of religious and cultural differences from neighbors as well as the development of the elite (Plokhy, 2015; Rynkowski, 2005). Pilgrimage and religious processes in Ukraine are much deeper and differ from neighboring countries (for example, Poland or Romania), where the religious structure of the population is more homogeneous. Several processes have been taking place simultaneously in Ukraine: a growing role of Western Christianity, and the continuing struggle between the Moscow Patriarchate and the Orthodox Church of Ukraine which leads to social, political, and religious conflicts as well as influences on local communities, especially in northern, western, and central regions. In the occupied regions of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Donetsk, and Luhansk regions there has been religious discrimination, especially among the communities of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of Kyiv Patriarchate (nowadays – the Orthodox Church of Ukraine), Jehovah’s Witnesses and Mormons with the predominant role of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of Moscow Patriarchate (Kostaschuk, 2019). It is also important to consider the level of religiosity of the Ukranian citizens. According to data from 2014 to 2019, 81% of residents of the western part of Ukraine, along with 52% and 53% of residents of the southern and eastern parts of the country respectively, recognized themselves as believers in 2019. A decrease in the level of religiosity in the western parts of Ukraine draws much attention, as it has dropped from 90% to the above-mentioned 81%, the lowest indicator registered. The level of religiosity in the central part of Ukraine reached its maximum of 82% in 2014, but later, it decreased and between 2017 and 2019 it stabilized at 70% of believers (Pynzenyk et al., 2019).

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For regional potential development of Orthodox pilgrimage and religious tourism, the preservation of religious objects of wooden sacred architecture by local communities is significant. The Ukrainian State Institute of Cultural Heritage has developed the “Classifiers of immovable objects of cultural heritage of Ukraine” (Vechersky, 2012). Scientists have classified objects by typology where the attribution of tangible sacred heritage to buildings with a functional purpose as a cultic has been clearly defined (Grodzinsky, 2005; Mishchenko, 2018). The implementation of modern methods of cultural heritage mapping is important for further use of cultural and religious heritage inventory, along with geographical reference and heritage preservation reports. It is important also for the needs of pilgrims and tour operators, for the formation of products in religious tourism, and development of mobile applications for the promotion of certain territories of the pilgrimage and tourist attractions. Thus, the use of cartographic methods is becoming a necessary condition for systematization and further use of maps with interactive information for the development of regional routes of religious tourism (Slipchenko & Mohytych, 2005; Ilieș et al., 2016).

12.4 Findings 12.4.1 Historical and Geographical Aspects of Pilgrimage Ukraine is a country where religious tourism has deep roots and millennial traditions, and pilgrimages are often created. The development of regional religious tourism is associated with visiting the holy places and religious centers of Ukraine and all over the world. This is acquaintance both with the prominent cultic objects of their religion as well as with other religious-cultic traditions of different regional communities. A combination of visits to religious objects with interesting and cognitive excursion programs broadens the horizons of the Ukrainian tourists and contributes to a deeper perception of the spiritual and historical heritage of the nations of different countries as well as to understanding the essence of their religion. The Ukranian traditional vernacular schools of sacred and domestic architecture were established in accordance with local conditions, historical and cultural ties, the presence of local building materials, housekeeping features, and esthetic ideas of social and ethnographic groups. Ukrainian wooden temple construction reached its peak in the eighteenth century when amazing nine domed churches over 40 meters high were built (Vlasenko, 2020). A considerable part of the wooden architecture has been lost due to the short life of its material – wood. A part of the buildings disappeared forever due to the lack of a foundation which made it impossible to restore it to its original condition. Therefore, for reconstruction purposes, often such buildings were sketched, photographed, or transferred to open-air museums. Architectural wooden buildings had different functional purposes: defensive, economic, industrial, sacred, administrative, and residential, among others. The most valuable and

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well-described were sacred ones (such as churches and cathedrals), and some of them were included in the UNESCO World Heritage List, such as the Wooden Tserkvas of the Carpathian Region in Poland and Ukraine As of 2020, it included 6 cultural heritage objects located in Ukraine which was about 0.65% of the total number of world heritage sites, including pilgrimage centers: Saint Sophia Cathedral and related monastic buildings, Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra; Residence of Bukovinian and Dalmatian Metropolitans; Wooden ‘tserkvas’ of the Carpathian Region in Poland and Ukraine (Ministry of Culture and Information Policy of Ukraine, 2020). The geography of pilgrimage regarding the wooden Orthodox churches is shown in Fig. 12.1. In terms of the number of objects, the largest concentration is inherent in the western regions of Ukraine: Lviv (31.9% of all objects), Ivano-Frankivsk (15.7%) regions as well as Polissia and Volynia (Rivne – 9.6%, Volynia – 9.3%) which are visited by religious tourists. At the same time, most regions, especially in the southern part of the country, have a small number of wooden sacred architectural objects. The spread of Christianity in Ukraine was accompanied by the construction of numerous religious buildings which later became attractive to religious tourists. Tours for religious purposes in the country are being carried out by travel agencies and the Pilgrimage Center of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church. The Pilgrimage Center of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church includes 63 pilgrimage services that offer pilgrimages in Ukraine and abroad. The religious tradition of the Ukrainian people and the available sacred resources contribute to the formation of a stable demand for

Fig. 12.1  Geography of concentration of wooden sacred objects of pilgrimage by regions of Ukraine. Note: Slipchenko & Mohytych, 2005; Iaromenko et al., 2019

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pilgrimage tours and the development of a market for religious tourism in Ukraine (Panchenko, 2019). Tourist trips for religious purposes in Ukraine can cover all regions of the country since there are holy places in each region that pilgrims want to visit. The most attractive places for religious tourism in Ukraine are Kyiv-Pechersk and Pochaivsk Lavras. Pochaivsk Lavra is a monastery complex constructed in honor of the Assumption of the Holy Mother of God in Pochaiv. This is a stauropegion monastery of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church within the Ternopil Eparchy, founded on a hill near the town of Novyi Pochaiv around 1240–1241 by hermits of Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra who fled to Volynia from the destruction of the Golden Horde. It is the largest Orthodox temple complex in Western Ukraine and the second after Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra. The shrine of the Lavra is the Foot of the Mother of God. Inside the Church of the Assumption of the Most Holy Mother of God is a holy well surrounded by iron bars and covered with an ark. There is the image of the Foot of the Holy Mother at the top of the ark. Under the image of the foot, inside the rock, there is a cave where water flows drop by drop into vessels and is distributed to pilgrims. The miraculous Pochaiv Icon of the Mother of God is in the Lavra where the relics of St. Job and Amphilochius of Pochaiv are lying as well (Iurchenko & Iurchenko, 2017).

12.4.2 Structure of Religious Organizations of Ukraine and Regional Development of Pilgrimage As of January 1, 2019, there were 36,739 regional religious organizations and communities, 531 monasteries, 204 religious educational establishments, 368 missions as well as 530 religious periodicals were published (RISU, 2020). The most powerful for the development of religious tourism and pilgrimage in Ukraine has been the activity of monasteries, the number of which varies by the regions from 5 (Kirovohrad and Sumy regions) to 70 in the Lviv region (Table 12.1). Indicators of domestic cultural tourism in 2019 showed that the most attractive regions were Kyiv City, Ivano-Frankivsk, Lviv, Odesa and Vinnytsia regions. The highest number of wooden sacred architectural objects was concentrated in the western regions of Ukraine. So, the largest tourist flows of domestic tourists in 2019 for religious and cultural tourism were hosted by Ivano-Frankivsk and Lviv regions, which were attractive for visiting and had high indicators of pilgrimage as well (State Statistics Service of Ukraine, 2020). Kostaschuk (2019) distinguished regions with a greater influence of religious communities and pilgrimages on local communities. Those were western, northern, and central regions of Ukraine. In the western regions, religious communities also had a major influence on public life for urban settlers. Regional government authorities and religious organizations of various denominations of Ukraine were involved in the conduct of international pilgrimage events. Thus, in Lviv from April 27 to May 1, 2018, the first regional meeting of TAIZÉ was held in Ukraine with the

No. 1 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21.

Name of regions 2 Vinnytsia Volynia Dnipropetrovsk Donetsk Zhytomyr Zakarpattia Zaporizhzhia Ivano-Frankivsk Kyiv Kirovohrad Luhansk Lviv Mykolaiv Odesa Poltava Rivne Sumy Ternopil Kharkiv Kherson Khmelnytskyi

TOTAL 3 2217 1667 1533 1856 1601 1977 1144 1438 1909 799 861 3272 793 1372 1183 1620 602 1832 1034 973 1974

2

4 1 3

3 5 6 1 3 1 1 4 2

Centers 4

Administrations 5 15 8 13 16 7 15 10 10 7 7 11 26 9 17 11 7 4 12 14 9 14

Number of religious organizations including Communities registered total active 6 7 2158 1937 1619 1494 1477 1477 1784 1553 1541 1541 1875 1710 1107 1027 1354 1162 1846 1846 782 635 832 794 3114 2910 773 728 1295 1276 1153 1153 1566 1542 591 591 1757 1757 992 819 950 949 1908 1607

Table 12.1  Network of religious organizations by regions of Ukraine as of 01 January 2019

19

5

1 301

52 4 136 36 4

95 34 68 9 15

173

151 47 179

non-registered 9 217 24

14 33 13

231

inactive 8 4 101

total 10 26 19 14 12 28 61 12 35 22 5 6 70 5 24 8 22 5 46 11 7 23 516 61 33 238

number of monks 11 209 219 151 385 310 484 153 141 133 35 64 794 21 455 80 501

Monasteries

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Name of regions Cherkasy Chernivtsi Chernihiv Kyiv City TOTAL

Note: RISU, 2020

No. 22. 23. 24. 25.

TOTAL 1434 1350 1006 1292 36,739

55 92

1

Centers

Administrations 10 12 8 27 299

Number of religious organizations including Communities registered total active 1405 1345 1301 1044 977 862 1005 960 35,162 32,719 118 69 5 1116

inactive

non-registered 60 139 46 40 1327

total 7 21 14 28 531

number of monks 229 398 196 988 6794

Monasteries

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support of the Roman Catholic Church in Ukraine and the local community. TAIZÉ is an international Christian ecumenical community from the French village of Taizé. Nowadays, the community includes more than a hundred monks of various nationalities, representing the Protestant and Catholic Churches. The Lviv meeting of TAIZÉ brought together several thousand young pilgrims from all over Europe, hundreds of volunteers, organizers, and Lviv residents, who hospitably opened the doors of their homes to pilgrims. During these days, general daily prayer meetings have continued the city’s cycle track as well as the workshops, seminars, meetings, discussions, workshops on culture, art, history, tours of temples, museums and theaters took place (TAIZÉ, 2018) The Pilgrimage center ‘Ukraine’ in Volynia Eparchy of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine, together with territorial communities and tour operators, have developed attractive routes of religious tourism for visiting wooden sacred objects in regional areas: –– to Pochaiv shrines: the Lavra  – the monastery of the Holy Spirit (the former Lavra monastery) – the monastery cemetery – the source of the Righteous Anna – the convent of the Epiphany of the Lord in Kremenets – the temple of the Prophet Elijah in Dubno Castle. –– to the shrines of Volodymyr-Volynskyi: Cathedral and Monastery of the Nativity of Christ – St. George’s Church – St. Basil’s Church – Assumption Cathedral – Zymne Monastery. –– to the shrines of Rivne Region: a monastery in Derman with five miraculous icons and a healing spring)  – a cathedral in Ostroh knowns for its myrrh-­ streaming icon – a monastery in Mezhyrich (a miraculous icon) – the Holy spring of St. Nicholas in Hilcha – monastery in Horodok (a miraculous icon, part of the tomb of the Holy Mother of God). –– to the shrines of Lviv Region: a healing spring of Zahlyna Settlement (Monastyrok Village) – Zhovkva – Lviv. A military pilgrimage to the miraculous icon of the Mother of God in Zarvanytsia, the Ternopil region has a noteworthy influence on the renewal of the pilgrimage movement in the regions of Ukraine. For example, since 2008 about 30,000 service members, law enforcement officers and members of their families, war veterans, combatants, and families of the dead and wounded have become its participants. It should be noted that the Ukrainian military pilgrimage with the support of the UGCC in Zarvanytsia takes place on the model of the International Military Pilgrimage in the French city Lourde where servicemembers of many countries pray for peace, healing of the wounded as well as deceased victims of military conflicts every year. The place of the appearance of the Mother of God in Zarvanytsia from the 13th century is a center of youth pilgrimage for cadets and lyceum students of military educational facilities of Ukraine (Information Resource of Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church, 2020). Therefore, for this purpose, it is necessary to solve the problem of dressing accommodation facilities, hostels for foot pilgrims and tourists in the territory of Zolotnikovsky territorial community.

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At the same time, it is important to point out the development of the optimal planning scheme for potential religious tourists, the development of appropriate infrastructure in the state for servicing of this sector of tourism and the search for additional investment as well (Nezdoyminov, 2016; Panchenko, 2019). To provide informational support for sacred wooden architecture and pilgrimage routes, Google, for instance, has launched a virtual tour of the unique wooden churches of the Carpathian region, inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List. In partnership with the Ministry of Culture of Ukraine, the company has digitized images of eight wooden churches and created a special website “Wooden Tserkvas of the Carpathian Region”, where users can learn more about each of the temples as well as get directions on Google Maps (Studio360, 2017). The attraction of foreign pilgrims to Ukraine is limited by the underdevelopment of pilgrimage infrastructure: in most cities and settlements where pilgrimage objects are located, there is no possibility to spend a night at a monastery or church and instead, pilgrims use secular accommodations. Several pilgrimage shrines are in villages where there is no catering and accommodation facilities and the existing ones do not meet the requirements of pilgrims. The cooperation of denominations with secular public organizations of Christian orientation is a customary practice of organizing pilgrimages. As non-profit social organizations, they look for partners among pilgrimage organizations of relevant denominations or tourism enterprises that have a license for tour operator activities. There is an intensification of the activity of local communities in the Lviv region towards religious tourism development. Thus, there are several unique tourist routes on the territory of the Bibrka community. Together they are called Mandry Sokilski. As a part of the ReHERIT project, they have been developed by the Charitable Foundation Heritage (Ukraine) and the team “Sokil Perezavantazhennia” in Bibrka. Among them, there are religious tours with visits to wooden churches of Bibrka District in the villages of Voloshchyna, Vilkhovets, Sukhodil, Lopushna (Tabaka, 2020). Tour operator “Vidvidai” (Lviv) has developed a bus ecumenical tour “15 temples and monasteries of Zakarpattia” with visits to masterpieces of sacred wooden architecture for Ukrainian and foreign pilgrims. Under the influence of the pilgrimage movement, religious organizations, and territorial communities of the Lviv Region create local projects aimed at overcoming negative phenomena in society. First, it is about the fight against alcoholism among the population. Another initiative of Lviv City Council and the Synodal Commission of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church on Children Affairs is intended to ensure the implementation of the program of guardianship of orphans “One Church – One Child”. In Dnipro city, the charity territorial organization “Caritas Ukraine” has opened the country’s first non-governmental Unified Center for Social Services, which will implement 12 separate projects for the provision of assistance to needy residents of the region and pilgrims (Tokman, 2017; Caritas Ukraine, 2020). Religious tourism has transformed into a vital component for the development of local communities of Ukraine, and the number of tourists making pilgrimages to spiritual shrines has increased significantly. Cathedrals, churches, religious museums, and spiritual centers have become tourist attractions, and the number of

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visitors is constantly growing. Every year, the number of tourists wishing to visit the spiritual and holy sites of Ukraine increases with significant growth of 10–15% annually (Lytvyn, 2014). Thus, the total amount of revenues to local budgets from the payment of tourist tax in 2020 amounted to UAH 130.628.24. Among the three leaders were Kyiv City (UAH 34.692.88), Odesa (UAH 15.177.87) and Lviv (UAH 11.786.51) regions that hosted pilgrims and they had locations of religious tourism (State Agency for Tourism Development of Ukraine, 2021). Thus, religious tourism in the context of international integration of tourism destinations, the development of regional domestic tourism markets is one of the most affordable and promising types of tourism in Ukraine. The availability of holy places, unique religious monuments, the protection of the preserved wooden churches of Ukraine by state and regional authorities make a great contribution to this.

12.5 Conclusions 12.5.1 Perspectives for the Development of Pilgrimage Nowadays, the importance of pilgrimage and religious tourism for the support of the spiritual-moral cornerstones of society and socio-economic development of local communities indicates the necessity for the formation of new tourist routes that acquaint tourists with the history, culture, and spiritual life of the inhabitants of the country. Pilgrimage routes affect the regional development of the infrastructure of the sites of wooden churches in Eastern Europe. The research, promotion, and support of the wooden sacred architecture as a place of pilgrimage has not only a cognitive nature but also influences on the socio-cultural and economic development of territorial communities allowing to form an appropriate infrastructure to serve pilgrims and tourists as well. The creation of infrastructure can have a positive economic effect that may contribute to hospitality units, provision of new jobs in local communities in the Prykarpattia region and Volyn, Bibrechchyna, in the villages of Voloshchyna, Vilkhovets, Sukhodil, Lopushna (Lviv region). From 2004, the cultural heritage protection mechanisms which have not been used for a long time have been restored in Ukraine. The contents of the State Register of Immovable Monuments of Ukraine have been published; the control measures have been taken in the field of cultural heritage protection as well as a significant step has been made in fulfilling the international commitments in the field of protection of wooden churches in cooperation with the UNESCO World Heritage Committee. Obviously, one of the priorities of public authorities and local communities is the introduction of the information resource on the network of wooden churches as regional locations of a pilgrimage around the world. The considered location geography of objects of wooden sacred architecture has shown that Ukraine has a significant potential for the development of religious tourism and pilgrimage routes. The concentration of these facilities in the Carpathian region and

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Volhynia has granted advantages to the organization of pilgrimages in these regions, as they can utilize the communities’ experiences to develop proper infrastructure and involve young people in the restoration of local crafts and production for pilgrims.

12.5.2 Proposed Measures to Support Pilgrimage At the same time, there is not enough modern transport infrastructure, while temples are closed for an extended period in most regional locations. This makes it difficult for pilgrims to access holy places. Therefore, it is necessary to draw the local communities’ attention to take systematic measures which enable them to promote pilgrimage and religious tourism routes, such as: –– Inventory and restoration of historical and cultural, sacred, and spiritual places and monuments that may attract pilgrims, and promote close interactions between local communities and visitors. –– The creation of modern infrastructure and services to support pilgrimage tourism, including military pilgrimage, such as roads, mobile applications, accommodation facilities for pilgrims, and tourist pictograms, among others. –– Training of qualified personnel (such as guides and tourist group leaders) with knowledge of history, culture, religion, traditions, customs, and rites as well as linguistic ability. –– Involvement of public institutions that represent services to pilgrims by state authorities and local governments. The full-scale military invasion of Russia into Ukraine on February 24, 2022, caused damage to at least 400 cultural heritage sites, including the destroyed of 9 objects of sacred architecture in Kyiv, Sumy, Donetsk, and Chernihiv regions. The most valuable for local communities were wooden churches built in the Nineteenth century. Another 58 facilities were damaged by more than 50% and most of these facilities are in the combat zone on the border with Russia and Belarus (Ministry Of Culture and Information Policy of Ukraine, 2022). Today, these cases of damage or complete destruction of cultural heritage are fixed, which were the centers of religious life and pilgrimage of local communities of Orthodox citizens of Ukraine. The Ministry of Culture and Information Policy of Ukraine plans to restore or reconstruct these objects as being of value to future generations and part of the culture and religious life of Ukraine. Military aggression also touches on the issue of historical contradictions in the religious sphere between Ukraine and Russia, so the issue of preserving religious communities and objects of sacred architecture is an important task of Ukraine’s national identity (Iaromenko, 2022).

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Chapter 13

Pilgrimage, Means of Transportation and Its Effects on Host Communities Kaori Yanata

Abstract  With modernization, the transportation used for pilgrimages has changed from walking to railways and automobiles. However, in recent decades, walking pilgrimages to enjoy heritage sites, spiritual landscapes and nature have become popular. These changes in the means of pilgrimage are likely to impact the host-­ guest relationship significantly. This chapter explores how the pilgrims’ modes of mobilities transform host communities along the pilgrimage routes by employing a mobility paradigm (Urry, J. (2007). Mobilities. Polity Press). The chapter draws on the case of the Esoteric Buddhism site, Koyasan and its pilgrimage routes in Wakayama, Japan. This chapter analyzes the transformation of the means of pilgrimage in Koyasan pilgrimage: (1) walking pilgrimage, (2) railway and walking pilgrimage, (3) driving pilgrimage and (4) revival of walking pilgrimage, in combination with historical data about the communities surrounding Koyasan. The results indicated that while the development of railway and driving pilgrimages has diluted the relationship between pilgrims and the communities, the revival of walking pilgrimages has reestablished the relationship. However, it was also pointed out that the revival of the walking pilgrimage is taking place in the international tourism market. The competition for pilgrims in pilgrimage communities around the world is intensifying. Keywords  Mobility paradigm · Pilgrimage transportation · Community transformation · Koyasan · Japan · Buddhist pilgrimage · Walking pilgrimage

K. Yanata (*) Urban Social and Cultural Studies, Yokohama City University, Yokohama, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 R. N. Progano et al. (eds.), Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism, Perspectives on Asian Tourism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9677-1_13

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13.1 Introduction Pilgrimage is one of the oldest forms of travel in human history. For centuries, people have been making long-distance pilgrimages on foot (Digance, 2006). Although such pilgrimages fell out of prominence with the rise of modernization, walking pilgrimage for the purpose of appreciating heritage, spiritual landscapes, and nature have emerged as an important part of contemporary leisure and tourism economies (Gusmán et al., 2017; Reader, 2007). Today’s walking pilgrimage has been shown to foster relationships between pilgrims and host communities along the pilgrimage routes and sacred sites (Guichard-Anguis, 2011; Kato & Progano, 2017; Parga-Dans, 2015). The support, care, and hospitality provided to pilgrims by the host community is one example of this relationship (Asakawa, 2008; Shinjo, 1982). However, the relationships between hosts and pilgrims have changed drastically throughout history, with the means of transportation playing a significant role in enabling these transformations (Asakawa, 2008; Nagata et al., 2003). How these changes in mobility affect the host-pilgrim relationship requires further attention. To address this gap, this chapter explores how the pilgrims’ modes of mobilities transform host communities along the pilgrimage routes. To better understand the shifting mobilities and the transforming nature of the host communities, this research employs a new mobility paradigm (Urry, 2007). To explore the themes of mobility, pilgrimage and social change, the chapter draws on the case of the Koyasan pilgrimage sites in Wakayama, Japan. Koyasan is an interesting and timely case as it has been a living sacred site for more than 1200 years, enabling the author to trace the mobility shift of pilgrims and the host community’s transformation.

13.2 Research Background, Context and Methodology 13.2.1 Mobile Pilgrims, Routes, and Communities Many religions have customs or obligations of pilgrimage (Collins-Kreiner, 2009; Reader, 2007). Although religious elements have been central to the journey in the “old” pilgrimage paradigm, the contemporary approaches show that the differences between pilgrimage and tourism are not clear (Collins-Kreiner, 2010; Olsen & Timothy, 2006). This is because individual experiences are ever-changing (Collins-­ Kreiner, 2010) and what is “sacred” is socially constructed. As a result, the meanings, and practices of pilgrimage change over time (Eade & Sallnow, 1991). To address the complexity between pilgrimage and tourism, recent research has reconsidered this relationship from the perspective of the “new mobility paradigm” (Bajc et al., 2007; Collins-Kreiner, 2009, 2010; Frey, 2004; González et al., 2016; Scriven, 2014). The mobility paradigm offers a conceptual framework for understanding how social relations involve the continuous and intermingled movement of people, objects, information, and images (Urry, 2007). Adopting this approach,

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Frey (2004) regards both pilgrimage and tourism as similar forms of human mobility. Moreover, regardless of the label, communities along pilgrimage routes have functioned as hosts to such human mobility (Asakawa, 2008; Nagata et al., 2003). The social sciences have defined communities as collectives of interrelated people within a particular geographic area (Chayko, 2002). However, the mobility paradigm regards communities are connections made by objects, people, information, and images that travel into and across different social spaces (Chayko, 2002; Scriven, 2014). Therefore, host communities along the pilgrimage routes are not static but are dynamically shaped by the interaction of pilgrims, travelers from different social spaces, and the information and images they bring. As the object of interaction by the host communities, one crucial factor is the means of transportation used by the pilgrims. For example, recent studies have started to analyze pilgrimage with respect to the “slow” transportation mode of walking (Frey, 2004; Guichard-Anguis, 2011; Kato & Progano, 2017; Lois-González & Santos, 2015; Margry, 2015; Scriven, 2014; Slavin, 2003). For people living in a modern, fast-paced life and advanced technologies, there is a need to experience “going the human speed” (Frey, 2004, p. 106). Consequently, there has been a growing movement around the world to (re)develop pilgrimage routes and use them as a resource for heritage and cultural tourism (Margry, 2015). In the well-studied pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela (also known as the Camino), pilgrims can obtain a pilgrimage certificate by completing more than 100 km on foot or horseback and 200 km by bike. The religious authorities of Santiago does not consider the use of automobiles as a pilgrimage (Slavin, 2003). The mode of travel is given priority over the motive for issuing the certificate (Frey, 2004). The mobility mode of walking allows pilgrims on the Camino to explore their connection to the body, self, and the world by focusing on the present and the rhythm of walking in a particular physical environment (Frey, 2004; Slavin, 2003). On the other hand, the growing presence of walking pilgrims has an influence on the host community as well. Firstly, pilgrimage routes are well maintained, and general tourist services are provided such as signage, accommodation, restaurants, and shops (Guichard-Anguis, 2011; Gusmán et al., 2017; Kato & Progano, 2017; Parga-Dans, 2015). These secondary pilgrimage industries help grow the economy of the host community and create employment though their scale is small (Fernandes et  al., 2012; Lois-González & Santos, 2015; Parga-Dans, 2015; Progano, 2018). Furthermore, local culture and heritage-related practices may be (re)evaluated and shared with the visitors (Guichard-Anguis, 2011; Kato & Progano, 2017; Progano, 2018). While the impact of walking pilgrims on host communities is now well-­ researched, walking pilgrimage is only one component of broader pilgrimage mobility. In the case of the Shikoku Henro pilgrimage, about 80% of the pilgrims use a transportation mode other than walking (Nagata et al., 2003). There are cultural differences in the selection of mode of pilgrimage (Olsen & Wilkinson, 2016). Given this situation, it seems necessary to study the impact of pilgrimage by other modes such as rail, bus, and car, on the host communities along the pilgrimage

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route. Previous studies like Ikeda (2015) discuss how the transportation mode of driving makes a pilgrimage destination a stopover in the Koyasan pilgrimage. Asakawa (2008) also describes that the rise and fall of lodging facilities on the Shikoku pilgrimage were largely influenced by the michi no haken (hegemony of the route) and the location of facilities placed along driving routes. However, such studies are relatively limited. Therefore, this chapter will explore how different modes of transportation shape host communities along the pilgrimage routes, taking a case study of the Koyasan pilgrimage in Wakayama, Japan.

13.2.2 Context and Methods Koyasan, the sacred site of the Koyasan Shingon (or Esoteric) school of Buddhism, is in the northeastern part of Wakayama Prefecture located at an altitude of approximately 800 meters above sea level. This is a predominantly Shingon Buddhist town consisting of the Kongobu-ji head temple, 117 sub-temples, a sacred temple complex for Buddhist study, and the founder’s mausoleum. The history of Koyasan started in 816, when Emperor Saga bestowed a monk, Kukai (774–835), posthumously known as Kobo-Daishi, with Koyasan as a place of Buddhist practice. In the early tenth century, people came to believe that Kobo-Daishi was still saving sentient beings from his mausoleum in Koyasan (Shinjo, 1982). By the Edo period (1603–1868), the belief in Kobo-Daishi permeated among the ordinary people and the number of pilgrims from distant places increased (Shinjo, 1982). Seven entrance gates to the Koyasan were established by 1693 (Murakami & Yamakage, 2001). In the Edo period, two main entrance gates were used, namely Daimonguchi and Fudozakaguchi. Pilgrimage routes to reach these gates were established and many post towns flourished along these routes. For example, the Choishimichi route and the Ozumichi route used to reach the Daimonguchi, and the Kyo-Osakamichi route and the Makiomichi route reach the Fudozakaguchi (See Fig. 13.1). Regarding Koyasan pilgrimage, pilgrimage styles, routes and the impacts of transportation have previously been discussed (Hirayama & Nishizawa, 2004; Ichinose, 1936; Ikeda, 2015; Murakami & Yamakage, 2001; Sato, 2019; Shinjo, 1982). There is also some research on the sacred space on Koyasan itself (Astley, 2015; Jimura, 2016; Ikeda, 2015). However, there has been insufficient research on how different modes of mobility affect host communities along the pilgrimage routes. Therefore, this chapter will address this gap by examining how the transformation of transportation has affected change for the host communities. Specifically, the means of Koyasan pilgrimage have shifted from (1) walking pilgrimage, (2) railway and walking pilgrimage, and (3) driving pilgrimage (Hirayama & Nishizawa, 2004; Ikeda, 2015). This chapter adds a more contemporary category: (4) the revival of walking pilgrimage. The revival of walking pilgrimage discussion will detail the changes in host communities resulting from overlapping and multiple modes of transportation that comprise modern-day pilgrimage. Insights of host communities

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Fig. 13.1  Koyasan pilgrimage routes in Wakayama prefecture. (Necessary information is added to the maps of the Wakayama Prefecture World Heritage Center with permission [https://www. sekaiisan-­wakayama.jp/en/koyasan/])

will be drawn from the municipal histories of Koya town, where Koyasan is located and its surrounding townships including Hashimoto city, Katsuragi town, Koyaguchi town and Kudoyama town. Further evidence is provided by the travelogues, newspaper articles, and government webpages.

13.3 Social Change, Host Communities and Pilgrimage Mode of Mobility 13.3.1 Walking Pilgrimage In the Edo period, the Daimonguchi and the Fudozakaguchi were two major entrance gates. However, the Fudozakaguchi became more popular of the two during the late nineteenth century (Sato, 2019) and the post towns along the Kyo-Osakamichi route and the Makiomichi route connected to the Fudozakaguuchi soon developed. The number of pilgrims to Koyasan was estimated to be 40,000, and the number of overnight stays at Koyasan was around 17,000 between January and June 1884 (Yamamoto, 1976). Records estimate that by 1887, two-thirds of the pilgrims chose the Fudozakaguchi entrance (Ichinose, 1936).

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The presence of walking pilgrims influenced the customs of hospitality. In early modern Japan, the host community’s interactions with walking pilgrims were enacted through the religious practice of hospitality called osettai. It was active support for pilgrims, and it was believed that supporters could gain religious merit from practicing it (Asakawa, 2008; Shinjo, 1982). Therefore, in Kudoyama village, for instance, people used to provide their private houses for free, and temples had wake halls and resting places for pilgrims (Kudoyama Town History Editorial Committee, 1965). Similarly, Kyoraji villagers along the Choishimichi route used to serve pilgrims rice balls and hot tea (Kyoraji Hachiman Shrine Reconstruction Committee, 1997). In this way, walking pilgrims were objects of osettai for the residents, and the residents themselves were able to gain religious merit and virtue from this reciprocal relationship. Walking pilgrims were also recognized as economic subjects that could improve the local industry and economy. For example, Kane village along the Kyo-­ Osakamichi route flourished as a post town for walking pilgrims. The mobility mode of walking established a need for designated lodgings, other inns, restaurants, teahouses, and booking offices for horses and palanquins. There were always about 30 palanquins lined up at the booking office until around 1915 (Kudoyama Town History Editorial Committee, 1965). The palanquin service offered wealthy pilgrims an alternative to walking the steep mountain trails to Koyasan. The high fee for this transportation service was seen as a good business opportunity for the villagers. However, the economic potential of the walking pilgrims caused conflict in the communities around the pilgrimage routes. For example, musen watashi, meaning no-charge boat service, across the Kinokawa river created some tension between communities. To reach Koyasan, walking pilgrims had to cross the Kinokawa river. Although the boat crossing services were generally provided for a fee, at least three no-charge crossings were made possible by donations from monks and villagers with the permission of Koyasan from the end of the seventeenth century to the late nineteenth century (Sato, 2019). For example, at Jison-in village located along the river, the initial motivations for offering this free boat service were for the donors to offer relief to pilgrims, and to spread the religious merit by having pilgrims visit the Jison-in temple. However, the boat service in the Jison-in village was losing out to neighboring villages in the competition for pilgrims. Therefore, Jison-in village hoped to maintain the route to Jison-in temple by letting pilgrims cross without charge, although in return they expected to receive income for donations, lodgings, and tea (Sato, 2019). In this way, the presence of walking pilgrims was an opportunity for the local community to accumulate religious merit. On the other hand, their presence also created conflict over pilgrimage routes, as they were a source of great economic benefit to the local community.

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13.3.2 Railway and Walking Pilgrimage The next major change in the pilgrimage to Koyasan was the opening of the railroad. The Kiwa Railway (now JR Wakayama line) between Gojo (Nara prefecture) and Wakayama opened in 1900. This transformed the subsequent pilgrimages. Pilgrims now took a train to the bottom of Koyasan and then climbed to the top (Hirayama & Nishizawa, 2004). Most of the pilgrims left the train at either Koyaguchi or Hashimoto stations and traveled along the Kyo-Osakamichi route or the Makiomichi route to Fudozakaguchi (Tayama, 1914; Tsuboya, 1911). New accommodation was opened near the train stations. Pilgrims who got off the train at the station often left their luggage there and made their pilgrimage in light clothing (Tayama, 1914). In addition, rickshaws and palanquins were waiting at these stations, and pilgrims could take them to the middle post towns or the entire way to Koyasan. These services were expensive and not extremely popular, but they alleviated the physical hardships of walking the pilgrimage for some wealthy visitors and provided additional job opportunities for the villagers (Hirayama & Nishizawa, 2004). The present-day Koya Line of Nankai Railway was opened in 1915 and offered transportation between Osaka and Hashimoto. This new transportation route once again altered the style of pilgrimage to Koyasan. The line was extended to Shiide station (now Koyashita station) in 1925 and Gokurakubashi station in 1929 (Hirayama & Nishizawa, 2004). In 1930, a new mode of mobility was introduced, a cable car, which connected from Gokurakubashi station to Koyasan station, which enabled pilgrims to travel between Osaka and Koyasan for about 2.5  hours (Hirayama & Nishizawa, 2004). In 1933, the number of pilgrims to Koyasan reached 498,000 visitors (Ikeda, 2015). The extension of the railroad affected the host communities along the pilgrimage routes, leading to the rapid growth and decline of the host communities. With the opening of the Kiwa Railway, the overall increase in the number of pilgrims also led to a greater increase in the number of pilgrims on the routes leading to Daimonguchi (Katsuragi Town Local History Editorial Committee, 1968). However, with the opening of the cable car, the pilgrimage routes leading to Daimonguchi were reduced to almost nothing (Katsuragi Town Local History Editorial Committee, 1968). One significant impact of this mobility mode shift was that the practice of osettai, like that practiced by the Kyoraji villagers, mentioned earlier, was discontinued (Kyoraji Hachiman Shrine Reconstruction Committee, 1997). This also meant they lost the religious merit they received through their hospitality. Between the opening of the railway in 1900 and the cable car in 1930, new lodging towns flourished. For example, Nagura village, where Koyaguchi station was built, was originally a farming village. However, as the number of pilgrims to the Koyasan increased, it eventually became a merchant village for pilgrims. A new road was opened, and tea stores and inns lined the roadside. However, when the Nankai Koya Railway was extended over the Kinokawa river, few pilgrims visited the village, and stores gradually closed (Koyaguchi Jinjyo Higher Elementary School, 1931).

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With the opening of the railroad, Shiide also prospered as a post town. The number of houses increased from 80 to 300 with a population of 2500 (Kudoyama Town History Editorial Committee, 1965). There were dozens of inns as well as more than 50 teahouses and restaurants. The souvenir shops displayed items related to Koyasan and the shops lined up a variety of walking sticks. There were even money exchangers (Kudoyama Town History Editorial Committee, 1965). With the opening of the railroad, Shiide rapidly developed, and on a larger scale than the neighboring post town, Kane. However, when the cable car took pilgrims directly to Koyasan, the streets quickly became deserted in both villages (Kudoyama Town History Editorial Committee, 1965). The establishment of the railroad brought economic prosperity to the host community due to the rapid increase in the number of pilgrims. However, the extension of the railroad and the opening of the cable car resulted in the sudden decline of the host community and the disconnection of the relationship between the pilgrims and the host community.

13.3.3 Driving Pilgrimage With the spread of automobiles after World War II, it was necessary to build a new road infrastructure for the Koyasan pilgrimage (Kudoyama Town History Editorial Committee, 1965). In 1960, the Koyasan Toll Road to Daimonguchi was opened. In 1987, the road was upgraded to a prefectural road and made free of charge (Ikeda, 2015). According to Kongobu-ji head temple, the number of visitors in 1960 was about 720,000, a 20% increase from the previous year (Kudoyama Town History Editorial Committee, 1965). The number of vehicles using the Koyasan Toll Road in the fiscal year 1961 reached 98,680 (Kudoyama Town History Editorial Committee, 1965). In 1965, a series of ceremonies were held to commemorate the 1150th anniversary of the founding of Koyasan. During this year, about 776,000 overnight visitors and about 524,000  day-trippers visited Koyasan, bringing the total number of visitors to 1.3 million (Wakayama Prefecture, 1965). This number is more than double those who pilgrimaged to Koyasan by rail. In addition, the Koya Ryujin Skyline, an expressway connecting Koyasan with southern Wakayama prefecture, was opened in 1980. This road became a national highway in 2003 and was opened to the public free of charge. This has connected Koyasan directly with Nanki-Shirahama, a famous sea and spa resort area. With the construction of roads and free access to Koyasan by car, two different trends emerged in the host communities along the Koyasan pilgrimage routes. In some areas at the base of Koyasan, there were signs of the revitalization of tourism resources. Even during the pilgrimage season and summer vacation season, most visitors simply pass through the Kudoyama town (Kudoyama Town History Editorial Committee, 2009). However, due to the convenience of tour buses and automobiles, the number of tour buses and cars visiting Jison-in temple and Zenmyosho-in

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temple (Sanada-an) began to increase (Kudoyama Town History Editorial Committee, 1965). On the other hand, the construction of two motor highways has made Koyasan an intermediate point between Osaka and the resort town of Nanki-Shirahama. As a result, Koyasan itself, with its lack of entertainment and leisure, was positioned as a stopover and became consumed quickly (Ikeda, 2015). In fact, after 1975, the number of day-trippers to Koyasan began to exceed the number of overnight visitors (Wakayama Prefecture, 1975). Before the Koya Ryujin Skyline was opened in 1980, Hashimoto city expected to be a tourist base to Koyasan and Nanki-Shirahama (Hashimoto City History Editorial Committee, 1974). However, Hashimoto city regards itself as tsukakotsu no machi, meaning the city of transit traffic from Osaka to Koyasan and Nanki-Shirahama (Hashimoto City, 1980, p.12). This indicates that it became difficult for areas like Hashimoto, which are located at the bottom of Koyasan, to be a base for Koyasan-related tourists. The use of automobiles to visit Koyasan contributed to the revitalization of some pilgrimage-tourist spots. However, the benefits of the Koyasan pilgrims for areas like Hashimoto were limited, with Koyasan itself now quickly being consumed as a passing point by bus tours. The driving pilgrimage was not as successful as expected, but it has partially rebuilt the relationship between pilgrims and host communities.

13.3.4 Revival of Walking Pilgrimage So far, the chapter has examined the historical evolution in which one mode of transportation appears to replace the other, but they were, and are, overlapping and coexisting. While driving pilgrimage estimated to account for 80–90% and railway pilgrimage remains at about 10–20% in 2013 (Koya town, 2013), walking pilgrimage has been steadily increasing since the end of the 1960s due to the increasing attention to the historical and cultural value of pilgrimage routes. According to Katsuragi town, a part of the Choishimichi route became popular as a hiking course in the late 1960s (Katsuragi Town Local History Editorial Committee, 1968). Aligning with this trend, the areas around Koyasan were successively designated as Koya Ryujin National Park (1967), Koyasan Choishimichi Tamagawakyo Prefectural Natural Park (1968), and a national historic site as Koyasan Choishi (1977). Following these early designations, Rekishi no Michi (Historical Roads) project was established by the Agency for Cultural Affairs in 1978. This project is a comprehensive survey, preservation and maintenance of pre-Edo period roads, canals, and the cultural heritage of such areas (Agency for Cultural Affairs, n.d.). In this project, Wakayama prefecture surveyed and repaired the Kumano Kodo and Koyasan pilgrimage routes, and established rest stops and signboards between 1978 and 2002. This series of developments led to the registration of these pilgrimage routes to the UNESCO World Heritage List in 2004 (See Fig.  13.2) (The Three Prefectures Council for the Promotion of the World Heritage List, 2005).

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Fig. 13.2  The map of “Sacred Sites and Pilgrimage Routes in the Kii Mountain Range”. (The map is cited from Wakayama Prefecture World Heritage Center with permission [https://www.sekaiisan-­ wakayama.jp/en/outline/index.html])

How did the growing interest in walking pilgrimage routes affect the host communities around Koyasan? Firstly, residents actively organized and participated in pilgrimage walking events. For example, the first officially organized hiking event along the Choishimichi route was introduced by the local young men’s organization in 1983 to promote the route within and outside of the prefecture. It becomes an annual event and attracts 300–400 participants every year (The Asahi Shimbun, 1997). Today, many different organizations are also trying to establish new walking events, not only the Choishimichi route but also other pilgrimage routes such as the Kyo-Osakamichi and Kurokomichi route (Hashimoto Ito Regional Tourism Council, 2020). Secondly, such walking events have become opportunities for host communities to revive the cultural heritage of hospitality related to the pilgrimage that was lost with the introduction of train transportation. For example, in 2020, a new Choishimichi route walking event was created. This event was planned not only to walk the pilgrimage route with a guide but also to revive the custom of osettai, in which Kyoraji villagers used to offer pilgrims hot tea, food and a place to sit and

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relax in return for gaining religious merit. This new walking event is deeply related to the rediscovery and revival of local culture (Yanata & Doering, 2022). However, there is increasing competition and uneven distribution of benefits amongst host communities. There are only two pilgrimage routes that have been registered as UNESCO World Heritage Sites: “Routes of Santiago de Compostela” located in both Spain and France, and the “Sacred Sites and Pilgrimage Routes in the Kii Mountain Range”. With this designation, Koyasan gained international recognition (Astley, 2015; Jimura, 2016) and the number of international visitors staying at temple lodgings had been steadily increasing before the COVID-19 pandemic, reaching 108,993 bed nights in 2019, 10 times the number in 2004 (Wakayama Prefecture, 2004–2019). With the attention turned to temple-stay tourism in Koyasan, the pilgrimage routes and their associated communities along the routes have not been able to attract international tourists. For example, most visitors to Jison-in temple, located at the starting point of the Choishimichi route, were domestic Japanese day trips, with a negligible number of foreign visitors in 2012 (Astley, 2015). This ‘spot influx’ of international visitors brought on by the World Heritage registration has fostered the loss of integrity of the Koyasan pilgrimage, as most visitors now seek the fastest way to reach Koyasan and, in the process, bypass the walking routes in the area (Astley, 2015). Host communities like those around the Choishimichi route are forced to negotiate a global heritage hegemony that privileges certain routes over others and inadvertently places local communities, even those within the same designated site, in competition with one another (Yasuda, 2010). On the one hand, the research and development of pilgrimage routes show a growing interest in walking along the routes, enabling increased participation of residents in walking pilgrimage routes and the revival of local culture related to pilgrimage. On the other hand, however, the global walking pilgrimage market has weakened bonds between pilgrims and host communities along the Koyasan pilgrimage. This is the emerging tension that exists today with respect to the Koyasan pilgrimage trails.

13.4 Conclusions The purpose of this study was to examine how different modes of pilgrimage mobilities impact host communities along the pilgrimage route. Using Koyasan pilgrimage as a case study and approaching communities as mobile entities, it was revealed that the host pilgrimage communities comprise a mix of new and old mobilities through which they are constantly changing, being included, or excluded as part of the pilgrimage. The mode of mobilities concerning pilgrimage has been shown to have a significant impact on the surrounding communities. Firstly, the chapter shows that the development of pilgrimage routes by trains and cars can weaken the connection between the pilgrims and the communities along the routes. This has the consequence of separating the communities from the sacred site, even the religious merits they once garnered from their religious hospitality

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(osettai). Ikeda (2015) shows how the mode of driving dissociates pilgrims from even the local community in Koyasan. While supporting Ikeda’s (2015) concerns, this study differentiates trains from cars from the perspective of flexibility. The research suggests that the driving pilgrimage partly revived the tourism resources at the base of Koyasan mountain and enabled host communities to be reincorporated within the Koyasan pilgrimage. People must follow the timetables and are enclosed in the limited spaces at the use of trains, while cars are free from such restrictions (Urry, 2007). The cars’ flexibility allows pilgrims to stop anywhere following their own individual interests, schedule, and speed. Considering this point, further research is needed to go beyond the discussion of the speed of travel and consider the impact of mobility flexibility on the host communities. In contrast to the pilgrimage by trains and cars, the resurgence of walking pilgrimage has been found to deepen the connection between pilgrims and the host communities along the routes. This in turn strengthens the connection between the communities and the sacred sites. When pilgrims and tourists are regarded as a form of human mobility (Frey, 2004), both pilgrims and tourists use the same means of transportation, services, and facilities (Olsen & Timothy, 2006). Therefore, the presence of modern walking pilgrims contributes to the (re)revitalization of the local economy, history, and culture, regardless of whether they follow traditional religious norms or not (Guichard-Anguis, 2011; Kato & Progano, 2017; Parga-Dans, 2015). The results of this study also support this. However, it should not be overlooked that the revival of walking pilgrimage can cause competition and friction among the host communities along the routes as they enter the international tourism market. Asakawa’s (2008) argument of the hegemony of the route and Sato’s (2019) argument of the struggle for the no-payment boat crossings offered early insights into how these conflicts play out. However, the current hegemony of the route is not only occurring between neighboring communities but also on a global scale because of the World Heritage status and the global mobility network. The hegemony of UNESCO listing and access to international airports are today the dominant characteristics deciding who benefits from an internationalized walking pilgrimage marketplace. Although World Heritage status can work as an attractive global brand (Jimura, 2016), Yasuda (2010) criticizes the registration of the World Heritage Site for privileging the Western gaze and its hegemonic power, masking local people’s voices. Koyasan pilgrimage routes have not been competitive enough in the international arena, and the division between Koyasan and the host communities is increasing. Furthermore, the slow mode of walking pilgrimage in the context of international tourism is only enabled by the paradoxical fast modes of mobility fostered by the global airline industry. Today’s mobile pilgrims require speed to achieve slowness. Given that the post-modern pilgrims seek the sacred within themselves while walking (Frey, 2004; Slavin, 2003), they can select any routes around the world if they are accessible and provide slowness. Therefore, the revived walking pilgrimage is made possible by a combination of the fast and slow mobilities and in this way is connected to global networks and international competition. However, the COVID-19 pandemic spreading around the world since December 2019 has severely

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restricted such global mobility. As a future challenge, it will be necessary to study how host communities along the pilgrimage routes (re)create connections with pilgrims and their sacred sites in the COVID-19 era and what new modes of mobility, perhaps technological, will enable this transformation.

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Part IV

Conclusion

Chapter 14

Pilgrimage Tourism Afterword: Emergent Themes and Implications Joseph M. Cheer

Abstract  The transformational effects of tourism on livelihoods, land use and lifestyles and the related inter-generational effects often signal irreversible shifts that put local-level communities at risk in the event of a tourism slowdown are under acknowledged concerns. The economic impetus to develop pilgrimage tourism resonates and this often takes place within sociopolitical milieu that can have overriding effects on the success or failure of this enterprise. The query as to whose voice predominates and underlines policy and planning regarding pilgrimage tourism remains pertinent. What is certain is that the push for pilgrimage travel will intensify as travellers seek to find more meaning in their travels. The questions about the extent to which host communities benefit from ensuing development is poised to become a bigger concern. Keywords  Host community · Tourism livelihoods · Tourism impacts · Pilgrimage tourism

14.1 Roundup Underlying the motivation for this volume was the sense that when it came to the research on pilgrimage tourism, and allied topics, the weight of attention on pilgrims/travelers, and their motivations, experiences and needs, far outstripped the focus on communities who make pilgrimage tourism possible. Evidently, much preoccupation in extant literature continues to be about the travelers and pilgrimage J. M. Cheer (*) School of Social Sciences, Western Sydney University, Penrith, NSW, Australia Center for Tourism Research, Wakayama University, Wakayama, Japan Faculty of Hospitality & Tourism Management, UCSI University, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Faculty of Culture & Society, AUT, Auckland, New Zealand e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 R. N. Progano et al. (eds.), Host Communities and Pilgrimage Tourism, Perspectives on Asian Tourism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9677-1_14

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destinations from the demand side of view – infrastructure, market potential and destination marketing, among others. This has been spurred on by the recognition that pilgrimage travelers are among the ‘new’ breed of travelers who stay longer, engage more deeply and sustainably with people and place, maintain a lower carbon footprint, and spend their money locally. Indeed, the COVID-19 crisis has given pilgrimage travel and other similar modes of travel, a new lease on life, as travelers seek to model more sustainable travel behaviors, engage in contexts that mitigate potential health hazards and optimize well-being, and seek to extract more meaning from travel in the interest of religious worship, self-development, enhanced well-being, and adventure, among a plethora of other drivers. Whether pilgrimage travel is approaching a golden era or not still remains to be seen. Notwithstanding, pilgrimage embodies many of the qualities that are idealized as tourism looks to build back better, to use a popularized slogan. As the chapters to this volume attest, pilgrimage tourism is more ubiquitous than one would ordinarily conceive, in both religious and secular/non-religious terms. A journey to Graceland for some is as valued as a visit to the Berlin Holocaust Memorial, or to the Taj Mahal, or Barcelona’s Basílica i Temple Expiatori de la Sagrada Família, albeit with vastly different underlying motivations and expected payoffs. For others, a pilgrimage has deeply religious motivations, such as participation in the Holy Hajj that can only be experienced through a visit to the Kaaba, the so-called “House of God”, in the sacred city of Mecca, Saudi Arabia. However, as in the case of the Holy Hajj, questions about sustainability and the impact on people and place have taken on greater importance. Prior to the onset of COVID-19 and the global travel slowdown that commenced early in 2020, pilgrimage travel like other forms of tourism was booming, with greater demand stimulating the rapid development of pilgrimages and the infrastructure to support this growing popularity. Accordingly, the growing commercialization and monetization of pilgrimage travel spaces, and the shifts towards its place in the experience economy, raises questions about the extent to which these developments were in harmony with the essence of pilgrimage travel. More importantly, concerns over the extent to which communities whose cultural property and spaces were the subject of rapid growth in demand had control over the transformations underway, has increasingly been spotlighted as their amenity and sense of place has come under pressure. The Holy City of Mecca is a case in point as sustainability concerns have now been foregrounded in the face of rapidly growing demand.

14.2 Emergent Themes The key contestations raised in this volume concern the communities that inhabit spaces in and around pilgrimage tourism places. Indeed, the more peripheral and remote a pilgrimage destination is, along with the scale and size of its manifestation, has a dominant influence over the transformations that take place (Cf. Apollo et al., and Shine in this volume). The transformational effects of tourism on livelihoods,

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land use and lifestyles in the present, and the related inter-generational effects often signal irreversible shifts that put local-level communities at risk in the event of a tourism slowdown are central to this volume. As is the case in tourism more broadly, communities that inhabit space in and around pilgrimage travel zones, and who develop an excessive reliance on tourism, stand most to lose through crisis that induces sharp declines in visitation. What is clear, is that if a taxonomy of pilgrimage traveler types were to emerge, it would most likely highlight that the underlying motivators of pilgrim travelers can vary considerably necessitating that communities and local stakeholders fashion different responses (Cf. Wong et al., in this volume). Pilgrimage travel is archetypically characterized by the lone pilgrim making deliberate, slow progression as part of the exercise of religious or secular personal development. Accordingly, the shadow they cast over the pilgrimage trail is a largely feint one, leaving places and their atmospheres relatively intact. Flipping the aforementioned situation and taking into account the impacts of group pilgrimage travel see a very different footprint emerging – one that is more substantial, widespread, and impactful in both positive and negative ways. With many pilgrimage travel destinations seeking to identify critical success factor for the sustainable development of tourism, the spotlight turns to the necessity to understand the broad continuum of motivations that help realize pilgrimage traveler experiences. Typically, there are myriad variables, including socio-economic, historical, and cultural factors, and usually driven from the bottom up (Cf. Mróz, and Iaromenko & Nezdoyminov in this volume). Moreover, whether the fine balance can be struck between bottom-up and top-down entreaties can often have a dominant influence on the nature, scope and size of pilgrimage travel that unfolds. Pilgrimage travel as business and economic driver, and pilgrimage travel as a bastion of social and cultural capital raising inevitably emerge as key contestations given their distinctive desired outcomes. The quality of host-guest relations as seen in tourism more broadly is especially relevant because it is the quality of their interaction that can be foundational in the outcomes that eventually emerge (Cf. Yanata in this volume). Whether immersion in the destination is sought by travelers and welcomed by community stakeholders is unclear and potentially arbitrary depending on the merits of each encounter. Or whether distance between host spaces and traveler incursions are required, is equally variable makes generalizing immensely difficult. This can reach a crisis point when host and pilgrimage traveler mobilities overlap and space and place become contested ground. Evidently, while some modes of pilgrimage travel are more productive in the relationships that they develop than others, the question of which encounters are most appropriate and can develop productive interactions will likely vary. While there is little doubt that the economic impetus to develop pilgrimage tourism resonates, this can often take place within a sociopolitical milieu that can have an overriding effect on the success or failure of this enterprise (Cf. Isaac in this volume). This is especially pertinent where political instability, religious contestation, contested histories and unresolved tensions abound. Where the contest for

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space and arguments about land use abuts the conduct of pilgrimage tourism, cross cutting priorities can often conflict and hinder pilgrimage tourism development (Cf. Rotherham in this volume). The query as to whose voice predominates and underlines policy and planning regarding pilgrimage tourism remains pertinent. Just who the communities as that must be heard is complex and rests on reconciling the many competing interests of the various communities with an interest in development (Yasuda Cf. in this volume). Moreover, how can pilgrimage tourism experiences removed from the people and places intimately associated with it, maintain their legitimacy (Cf. Timothy & Olsen in this volume). Notwithstanding, pilgrimage tourism continues to be largely driven by the religious worship of devotees (Cf. Singh & Rana in this volume) and those searching for related guidance, as well as those keen to take on spiritual elements through travel, although remaining largely secular in practice. More recently, the rise of accessible tourism, predicated on giving access to travelers who may be impeded in some way from engaging in travel has given rise to broader considerations about how those with physical impairments, for example, might be able to engage in situations where only able-bodied people were able to participate (Cf. Trono & Castronuovo in this volume). Accessible tourism as it is most referred to, acts on the tourism for all mantra, especially relevant and in line with central tenets of pilgrimage tourism.

14.3 Implications The links between tourism and pilgrimage are undeniable and as Ian Reader and Tony Walter consider, the functionalist nature, “analyzing pilgrimage in terms of existing social orders, as a process that reaffirms existing social order, welding communities together and creating or reiterating a sense of group consciousness” (Reader & Walter, 2016, p. 11). Pilgrimage as contemporary travel practice hastens Collins-Kreiner (2010, p. 452) to call for the “dedifferentiation of different mobilities such as pilgrimage, tourism and secular tourism”. Moreover, the growing preponderance for research into pilgrimage travel “has involved elimination of distinctions that were accepted in the past, and a growing inability to distinguish between different conceptualizations and research areas, which are now being integrated” (Collins-Kreiner, 2010, p.  451). The burring of the lines regarding what constitutes pilgrimage tourism and the inability to draw binaries between pilgrims and tourists (Collins-Kreiner, 2018) is evidenced by contributions to this volume. The research implications of this volume concur with Collins-Kreiner’s sentiments that there is shifting ground and where there were once solid bifurcations between notions of tourism versus pilgrims, those constraints have now dissipated considering the growing secular attention to what was once the exclusive province of religious devotees. Whether pilgrimage tourism can be mainstreamed or is destined to remain a niche tourism endeavor remains to be seen. What is certain though is that the push for pilgrimage travel will intensify as travelers seek to find more

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meaning in their travels. Associated with this is the sense that pilgrimage tourism has strong economic, social, and ecological sustainability credentials. Notwithstanding, the discernible shifts from religious to secular motivations, the heritages and underlying provenance for much pilgrimage travel remains steeped in a continuum with religious drivers on one end, and purely secular and consumptive reasons at the opposing end (Cheer et al., 2017). For communities of pilgrimage tourism destinations, the economic opportunities loom large and the potential to diversify their local economies remains a key determinant of their participation and support for it (Progano et al., 2021).

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