Horses and Humans: The Evolution of Human-Equine Relationships 9781841719900, 9781407330198

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Dedication
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
FOREWORD
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
Part I
LAST HORSES AND FIRST HUMANS IN NORTH AMERICA
HORSE HUNTING IN CENTRAL EUROPE AT THE END OF THE PLEISTOCENE
JUGGLING WITH INDICES: A REVIEW OF THE EVIDENCE AND INTERPRETATIONS REGARDING UPPER PALAEOLITHIC HORSE SKELETAL PART ABUNDANCE
HUMAN-HORSE RELATIONS USING PALEOLITHIC ART: PLEISTOCENE HORSES DRAWN FROM LIFE
Part II
EARLY HORSE DOMESTICATION: WEIGHING THE EVIDENCE
THE EQUID REMAINS FROM NEOLITHIC ÇATALHÖYÜK, CENTRAL ANATOLIA: A PRELIMINARY REPORT
THE HUMAN–HORSE RELATIONSHIP ON THE EUROPEAN–ASIAN BORDER IN THE NEOLITHIC AND EARLY IRON AGE
EARLY HORSEBACK RIDING AND WARFARE: THE IMPORTANCE OF THE MAGPIE AROUND THE NECK
“CIMMERIAN” BRIDLES: PROGRESS IN CAVALRY TECHNOLOGY?
HORSE CONTROL AND THE BIT
THE CHARIOT IN BRONZE AGE FUNERARY RITES OF THE EURASIAN STEPPES
THE EVOLUTION OF THE CHARIOT
Part III
LATE PREHISTORIC EXPLOITATION OF HORSES IN CENTRAL GERMANY AND NEIGHBORING AREAS: THE ARCHAEOZOOLOGICAL RECORD
THE NEOLITHIC HUMAN IMPACT ONWILD HORSES IN GERMANY AND SWITZERLAND: HORSE SIZE VARIABILITY AND THE CHRONO-ECOLOGICAL CONTEXT
THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CONTEXT FOR DOMESTIC HORSE ORIGINS IN SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE: A VIEW FROM LJULJACI IN THE CENTRAL BALKANS
PROBLEMS AND POSSIBILITIES IN RECONSTRUCTING SCANDINAVIAN SADDLES OF THE MIGRATION PERIOD
MYTHOLOGICAL TREATMENT OF THE HORSE IN INDO-EUROPEAN CULTURE
THE STATURE OF HORSES IN ARMENIAN BRONZE AND EARLY IRON AGE BURIALS
HORSE HUSBANDRY AMONG EARLY IRON AGE TRANS-URAL SOCIETIES
THE KHAN’S MULE: ATTITUDES TOWARD A FORGOTTEN ANIMAL
Part IV
IMAGING THE HORSE IN EARLY CHINA: FROM THE TABLE TO THE STABLE
IRON AGE HARNESS FITTINGS ALONG THE SILK ROUTE
WINDHORSES AND DHARMAWARRIORS: THE RELIGIOUS, HISTORICAL, AND CULTURAL RELEVANCE OF HORSE PROTECTION RITUALS IN MUSTANG, NEPAL
TIBETAN ‘HORSE BOOKS’ FROM THE HIGH HIMALAYAS
Part V
THE HORSE AS TECHNOLOGY – THE CITY ANIMAL AS CYBORG

Citation preview

BAR S1560 2006 OLSEN ET AL. (Eds)

Horses and Humans: The Evolution of Human-Equine Relationships Edited by

Sandra L. Olsen, Susan Grant, Alice M. Choyke and László Bartosiewicz

HORSES AND HUMANS

B A R Olsen 1560 cover.indd 1

BAR International Series 1560 2006 21/05/2014 11:17:32

Horses and Humans: The Evolution of Human-Equine Relationships Edited by

Sandra L. Olsen, Susan Grant, Alice M. Choyke and László Bartosiewicz

BAR International Series 1560 2006

ISBN 9781841719900 paperback ISBN 9781407330198 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841719900 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

Dedicated to the Memory of Our Mentor and Friend

Mary Aiken Littauer 1912-2005 And Our Friend and Benefactor

Ingrid Rea 1917-2003

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS It is with deepest sincerity that I wish to acknowledge the many people who have contributed in no small way to bringing this volume to fruition and, since there were so many who helped, I must apologize if I have inadvertently IDLOHG WR PHQWLRQ VRPHRQH , ¿UVW ZDQW WR DFNQRZOHGJH WKDW ZLWKRXW WKH HQWKXVLDVWLF SODQQLQJ IXQGUDLVLQJ DQG hospitality of Ingrid Rea, the symposium that generated this volume would never have happened. We are extremely JUDWHIXOIRUDOORIKHUKDUGZRUNDQGFRQ¿GHQFHLQWKHVXFFHVVRIRXUFRQIHUHQFH$YHU\VSHFLDOWKDQNVJRHVRXWWR Theresa Rohall, Director of Education, of the Powdermill Nature Preserve, for her untiring efforts in insuring that the symposium ran smoothly and that all the participants had a fully enjoyable and rewarding experience. Mrs. Sophie Mellon also helped tremendously in the organization of the conference, especially in making the Celebration of the Horse event happen. William and Ingrid Rea, Tom and Theresa Nimick and Friedrich and Ulla Teroerde all very JHQHURXVO\ ZHOFRPHG RXU LQWHUQDWLRQDO JURXS LQWR WKHLU KRPHV IRU ¿QH IRRG ZLQH DQG VWLPXODWLQJ FRQYHUVDWLRQ To Ron Rohall, for his assistance with the logistical needs of our participants and Nancy Vejlstrup for making our facilities so amenable, thank you. )RUFRQWULEXWLQJ¿QDQFLDOO\WRFRYHUWKHFRVWRIDLUIDUHVIRRGDQGORGJLQJIRURXUJXHVWVIURP5XVVLD$UPHQLDDQG Hungary, and support of the Celebration of the Horse event, we would like to thank the following people: Dr. K. Christopher Beard and Dr. Sandra Olsen Dr. and Mrs. John Frazier Mr. and Mrs. George Greer Mr. and Mrs. Henry P. Hoffstot Mrs. Mary Littauer Dr. and Mrs. Donald McGraw Mr. and Mrs. Armour Mellon Mr. and Mrs. Thomas H. Nimick Mr. and Mrs. John Ong Dr. and Mrs. Richard Raizman Mr. and Mrs. William H. Rea Mrs. Martha Lou Schove Mr. Nicholas Serenyi Donald and Sylvia Robinson Family Foundation Mr. and Mrs. Friedrich Teroerde Mr. and Mrs. Harry Thompson Mr. and Mrs. James Walton We would also like to express our gratitude to the symposium organizing committee for their enormous efforts and to the then director of Powdermill Nature Reserve, Dr. Joseph Merritt, for hosting the symposium. Committee Members: Ingrid Rea Sophie Mellon Theresa Rohall Tammy Colt Sandra Olsen Ruth Wetzel Jennifer Saxsen Ellen Maye Jessica Painter Naturally, I wish to thank my co-editors, Susan Grant, Alice Choyke, and László Bartosiewicz, for their many hours of labor in making this volume a cohesive, intelligible, and hopefully valuable tome for the readers. I particularly want to acknowledge the great efforts of Susan, who quietly and diligently ground away at all the typos, incorrect styles, and incomplete bibliographies to bring this volume into reasonable shape. Without her enormous contribution, this book would still be years away from publication. We all want to extend a special thanks to Wendy Logue, our publishing assistant at BAR, for her dedication and great efforts in producing such an attractive volume. I also want to express my gratitude to the many anonymous reviewers who dramatically improved the quality of the content of this volume through their critical observations. iii

To my husband, Dr. Chris Beard, I especially want to express my gratefulness for your support and patience throughout this long endeavor and for providing me with the inspiration and courage to see it through to the end. Finally, of course, I want to express my appreciation to all the authors and participants in the conference for their important FRQWULEXWLRQVDQGIRUWKHLUSDWLHQFHLQZDLWLQJIRUWKLVYROXPHWR¿QDOO\FRPHIRUWK7KHUHKDYHEHHQPDQ\GHOD\VLQWKH production of this book, some owing to the vast amount of editing required, but also many due to tragedies in my own life, including my struggle to overcome cancer and the sorrowful passing of my father, Mr. Charles Arndt, as well as my two dear friends, Mary Littauer and Ingrid Rea. As arduous as this experience has been, for so many reasons this volume will always have a very special place in my heart. It is my sincere hope that it will inspire young academics to initiate their own studies to uncover more about the history of the human-equine relationship. Sandra Olsen

iv

FOREWORD This volume constitutes the proceedings of the Horses and Humans Symposium, held in 2000 at the Carnegie Museum of Natural History Powdermill Nature Preserve, in Rector, Pennsylvania, USA, in honor of Mary Aiken Littauer. The fourday symposium brought together 35 academics from Eurasia and America from the disciplines of archaeology, art history, KLVWRU\SDOHRQWRORJ\ELRORJ\YHWHULQDU\PHGLFLQHDQLPDOKXVEDQGU\DQGRWKHU¿HOGVIRUSUHVHQWHGSDSHUVURXQGWDEOH discussions, demonstrations and much lively debate in the evenings. The culmination was a one-day public event at the St. Clair Showgrounds called the “Celebration of the Horse” that involved a wide range of equestrian performances by over 50 horses and riders for a public audience of over 500. In addition to the production of this volume, the symposium introduced many equine scholars to each other and initiated both collaboration and communication amongst this active community. On the subject of horses in history, there is probably no one who has contributed more or has served as a mentor to as PDQ\VFKRODUVDVRXUGHDUIULHQG0DU\$LNHQ/LWWDXHU+HUUHFHQWSDVVLQJKDVOHIWDYRLGLQWKH¿HOGRIHTXLQHKLVWRU\WKDW ZLOOQHYHUEHFRPSOHWHO\¿OOHG+RZHYHUEHFDXVHRI0DU\¶VXQÀDJJLQJHDJHUQHVVWRVKDUHKHUYDVWNQRZOHGJHZLVGRP NHHQLQVLJKWDQGPDJQL¿FHQWOLEUDU\ZLWKKHUFROOHDJXHVDURXQGWKHZRUOGWKURXJKWKHGHFDGHVVKHKDVOHIWDOHJDF\ that will continue to grow and thrive even in her absence. Those she has informed will pass on the knowledge they have gleaned from Mary to their students and so forth into the future. In addition to reading her immense number of seminal publications, many of the contributors of this volume have had the JUHDWSOHDVXUHRIGLVFXVVLQJFRQWURYHUVLDOWRSLFVUHODWLQJWRKRUVHVDQGKXPDQVLQ0DU\¶VVLWWLQJURRPRURYHUD¿QHPHDO ZLWKKHU+RZPDQ\VFKRODUVRIDUFKDHRORJ\KLVWRU\DUWKLVWRU\DQGRWKHU¿HOGVKDYHEHQH¿WHGIURPKHUFRQYHUVDWLRQV and published works is certainly immeasurable. Mary Aiken Graver was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, on February 11, 1912, but grew up in Manhattan. It was at a young age that she developed her close attachment to horses, via her own cow pony in Nevada, where she learned to ULGHGXULQJVXPPHUYDFDWLRQV0DU\¶VOLIHORQJLQWHUHVWVLQHTXLQHVLQKLVWRU\ZHUHVWLPXODWHGE\KHUORQJPDUULDJHWR 9ODGLPLU6/LWWDXHUDIRUPHURI¿FHULQ&]DU1LFKRODV,,¶VFDYDOU\DQGIDPRXVDXWKRURIHLJKWERRNVRQULGLQJDQGWUDLQLQJ of horses. She and Vladimir raised their son, Andrew, on their beautiful horse farm near Syosset, Long Island, where she resided from 1940 until the end of her life. Mary Littauer was an erudite scholar of the Old School, reading extensively in French, ancient Greek, German and Russian. Most of her knowledge was self-taught, which makes her published contributions all the more impressive. She began writing in 1968, the same year that she initiated her 34-year collaboration with Joost Crouwel, a renowned classical archaeologist from The Netherlands who is a leading authority on chariots. The results of their cooperation are at least 65 articles and two books. We hope that this volume will in some small way serve as an indication of the impact Mary Littauer has had on this subject and also the directions in which it can continue to grow in the future. Sandra L. Olsen

v

LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS Dr. David Anthony Department of Anthropology Hartwick College Oneonta, NY 13820 [email protected]

Dr. Angela von den Driesch Institut für Paläoanatomie und Geschichte der Tiermedizin Kaulbachstrasse 37 80539 München [email protected]

Dr. László Bartosiewicz Institute of Archaeological Sciences ELTE BTK H-1364 Budapest, P.O.B. 107 [email protected]

Christian George Dept. of Geological Sciences 1 University Station, C-1140 University of Texas at Austin Austin TX 78712-0254 [email protected]

Dr. Norbert Benecke Deutsches Archäologishes Institut Eurasien-Abteilung Postfach 330014 14191 Berlin Germany [email protected]

'U+DVNHO*UHHQ¿HOG University of Manitoba Department of Anthropology Fletcher Argue 435 Winnepeg, MB R3T 5V5 Canada [email protected]

Dorcas Brown Department of Anthropology Hartwick College Oneonta, NY 13820 [email protected]

Dr. R. Dale Guthrie Institute of Arctic Biology University of Alaska Fairbanks, Alaska 99775 [email protected]

Gail Brownrigg 1 Myrtle Cottage Okewoodhill Dorking, Surrey RH5 5PT U.K. [email protected]

Dr. Bryan K. Hanks Department of Anthropology University of Pittsburgh Pittsburgh, PA 15217 [email protected]

E.A. Cherlenok St. Petersburg State University St. Petersburg, Russia

Dr. Márton Gyöngyössy Institute of Archaeological Sciences ELTE BTK H-1364 Budapest, P.O.B. 107 [email protected]

Sienna R. Craig Ph.D. Candidate Dept. of Anthropology 260 McGraw Hall Cornell University Ithaca, NY 14853 607-273-0202 [email protected] www.siennacraig.com

Dr. C. Andrew Hemmings Texas Archeological Research Laboratory (TARL) University of Texas 1 University Station, R7500 Austin, TX 78712-1100 KHPPLQJV#JURYHXÀHGX

Dr. Ute Dietz Institut für Archäologische Wissenschaften, Abt. Vor- und Frühgeschichte “Prähistorische Bronzefunde” Grüneburgplatz 1, Fach 134 60323 Frankfurt a. M. [email protected]

Dr. Karlene Jones-Bley 2143 Kelton Avenue Los Angeles, CA 90025 [email protected] Dr. Trudy S. Kawami Director of Research Arthur M. Sackler Foundation vii

461 E. 57th St. New York, NY 10022 [email protected]

Germany [email protected]

Dr. Ludmila Koryakova Ural State University 51 Lenin av. Ekaterinburg 620083 Russia [email protected]

Dr. Clay McShane History Department Northeastern University 211 Meserve Hall 360 Huntington Ave. Boston, MA 02115 [email protected]

Dr. Pavel A. Kosintsev Institute of Plant and Animal Ecology ul. 8 Marta 202 Ekaterinburg 620219 Russia [email protected]

Dr. Sandra Olsen Section of Anthropology Carnegie Museum of Natural History 5800 Baum Blvd. Pittsburgh, PA 15206 [email protected]

Dr. Elena Kuzmina Academy of Science 20 Bersenevskaya Nab. Moscow 109072 Russia [email protected]

Dr. Alan K. Outram Department of Archaeology Laver Building, North Park Road University of Exeter Exeter EX4 4QE, U.K. [email protected]

Dr. Katheryn Linduff Department of Art History University of Pittsburgh 104 Frick Arts Building Pittsburgh, PA 15260 [email protected]

Dr. Nerissa Russell Department of Anthropology Cornell University Ithaca, NY 14853 [email protected]

Dr. Ninna Manaseryan Institute of Zoology Armenian National Academy of Sciences 7 P. Sevak [email protected] Yerevan 375014 Armenia [email protected]

Dr. Karlheinz Steppan Seminar für Ur- und Frühgeschichte der Universitat Basel Petersgraben 9-11 4051 Basel Switzerland [email protected] or [email protected]

Dr. Louise Martin Institute of Archaeology University College University of London 31-34 Gordon Sq. London WC1H OPY U.K. [email protected]

Dr. Joel A. Tarr Richard S. Caliguiri University Professor of History & Policy Department of History Carnegie Mellon University Pittsburgh, PA 15213 [email protected] Dr. S. David Webb Florida State Museum University of Florida Gainesville, FL 32611 ZHEE#ÀPQKXÀHGX

Dr. Petra H. Maurer Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften Marstallplatz 8 D-80539 München [email protected]

Dr. Dixie West Anthropology Department 620 Fraser Hall University of Kansas Lawrence, KS 66045 [email protected]

Dr. Ulrike Mayer-Kuester Kalliope Museum Service Haidbrook 64 22880 Wedel viii

CONTENTS Acknowledgments Foreword List of Contributors

iii v vii

Introduction Chapter 1: Introduction Sandra L. Olsen

1

Part I. Early Horse–Human Relationships Chapter 2:

Last Horses and First Humans in North America S. David Webb and C. Andrew Hemmings

11

Chapter 3:

Horse Hunting in Central Europe at the End of the Pleistocene Dixie West

25

Chapter 4:

Juggling with Indices: A Review of the Evidence and Interpretations Regarding Upper Palaeolithic Horse Skeletal Part Abundance Alan K. Outram

Chapter 5:

Human-Horse Relations Using Paleolithic Art: Pleistocene Horses Drawn From Life R. Dale Guthrie

49 61

Part II. Equid Domestication, Riding and Draft Chapter 6:

Early Horse Domestication: Weighing the Evidence Sandra L. Olsen

81

Chapter 7:

The Equid Remains from Neolithic Çatalhöyük, Central Anatolia: A Preliminary Report Louise Martin and Nerissa Russell

Chapter 8:

The Human-Horse Relationship on the European-Asian Border in the Neolithic and Early Iron Age 127 Pavel A. Kosintsev

Chapter 9:

Early Horseback Riding and Warfare: the Importance of the Magpie around the Neck David W. Anthony, Dorcas R. Brown and Christian George

137

Chapter 10:

“Cimmerian” Bridles: Progress in Cavalry Technology? Ute Luise Dietz

157

Chapter 11:

Horse Control and the Bit Gail Brownrigg

165

Chapter 12:

The Chariot in Bronze Age Funerary Rites of the Eurasian Steppes E. A. Cherlenok

173

Chapter 13:

The Evolution of the Chariot Karlene Jones-Bley

181

115

Part III. The Horse in Europe in Prehistoric and Recent Times Chapter 14:

Late Prehistoric Exploitation of Horses in Central Germany and Neighboring Areas – the Archaeozoological Record Norbert Benecke ix

195

Chapter 15:

Chapter 16:

The Neolithic Human Impact and Wild Horses in Germany and Switzerland: Horse Size Variability and the Chrono-Ecological Context Karlheinz Steppan

209

The Social and Economic Context for Domestic Horse Origins in Southeastern Europe: A View from Ljuljaci in the Central Balkans +DVNHO-*UHHQ¿HOG

221

Chapter 17:

Problems and Possibilities in Reconstructing Scandinavian Saddles of the Migration Period Ulrike Mayer-Kuester

245

Chapter 18:

Mythological Treatment of the Horse in Indo-European Culture Elena E. Kuzmina

263

Chapter 19:

The Stature of Horses in Armenian Bronze and Early Iron Age Burials Ninna H. Manaseryan

271

Chapter 20:

Horse Husbandry Among Early Iron Age Trans-Ural Societies Ludmila N. Koryakova and Bryan K. Hanks

275

&KDSWHU

7KH.KDQ¶V0XOH$WWLWXGHVWRZDUGD)RUJRWWHQ$QLPDO László Bartosiewicz and Márton Gyöngyössy



Part IV. The Horse in Asia in Prehistoric and Recent Times Chapter 22:

Imaging the Horse in Early China: From the Table to the Stable Katheryn M. Linduff

303

Chapter 23:

Iron Age Harness Fittings along the Silk Route Trudy S. Kawami

323

Chapter 24:

Windhorses and Dharma Warriors: The Religious, Historical, and Cultural Relevance of Horse Protection Rituals in Mustang, Nepal Sienna Craig

&KDSWHU

7LEHWDQµ+RUVH%RRNV¶IURPWKH+LJK+LPDOD\DV Petra Maurer and Angela von den Driesch

339



Part V. The Urban Horse Chapter 26:

The Horse as Technology – the City Animal as Cyborg Clay McShane and Joel A. Tarr

x

365

INTRODUCTION Sandra L. Olsen

The important part that horses have played in human history originated in the Pleistocene, when Paleolithic hunters spread into Europe and Asia and began exploiting them for PHDW7KH KRUVH¶V YDOXH WR VRFLHW\ KDV EHHQ WUDQVIRUPHG greatly through time, and continues to be crucial today LQPDQ\SDUWVRIWKHZRUOG7KLVYROXPHH[HPSOL¿HVWKH multitude of equine roles and the variety of relationships that horses and humans have shared through the millennia. The story opens with examples of Paleolithic horse hunters of Central Europe and the evidence for Paleoindians culling wild herds in North America. It then moves into the realm of domestication, that pivotal step in the horsehuman relationship that continues to be shrouded in mystery. When, where and how humans began to control horses and direct their breeding still elude archaeologists, although great strides have been made toward increasing our understanding of the process in recent years (Olsen 2006). Once horses were brought under human control, their roles expanded into innumerable areas. No other animal has had such a tremendous impact on geopolitics and no other beast has had so many occupations. As Desmond Morris says:

HOVHZKHUH7KH)DU(DVWLVUHSUHVHQWHGE\/LQGXII¶VZRUN LQ &KLQD .DZDPL¶V FKDSWHU RQ KRUVH ¿WWLQJV DQG WKH two papers on Tibet by Craig, and Maurer and von den Driesch. Like bookends, Webb and Hemmings begin the volume on the earliest exchange between horses and humans in North America, while McShane and Tarr conclude with the most recent interaction between the species in the United States. This introductory chapter provides a brief time-line, highlighting the pivotal innovations in prehistory and classical times that shifted the importance of the horse in human society in one way or another. The Contribution of Horses in the Diet 7KH¿UVWFRQWULEXWLRQKRUVHVPDGHWRKXPDQVRFLHW\WKDWRI IRRGPD\EHDGLI¿FXOWWRSLFIRUVRPHWRGLJHVWKRZHYHU in some cultures, serving horsemeat is still considered the highest compliment a host can bestow upon his guests. Paleolithic hunters included horses in their selection of prey animals, as well as such formidable beasts as mammoths, woolly rhinoceroses, bison and aurochs. Although reindeer meat was the primary staple in Europe during the late Pleistocene, horses provided a fairly common source of nutrition for Middle and Upper Paleolithic societies (Olsen 1996a; Rice and Paterson 1985, 1986; Boyle 1990).

,IWKHGRJLVPDQ¶VEHVWIULHQGWKHQWKHKRUVHFRXOGEH ZHOOGHVFULEHGDVPDQ¶VEHVWVODYH (Morris 1988:1).

7KH ZLGH DUUD\ RI HTXLSPHQW GHVLJQHG VSHFL¿FDOO\ IRU equine uses demonstrates the thorough penetration of these beasts into our society. Whether it be bridles, saddles, horseshoes, chariots, or carriages, an enormous proliferation of technology related to riding and draft has been spawned. This volume covers a wide range of topics that focus on the equine-human relationship through time and space.

:HEE DQG +HPPLQJ¶V FKDSWHU GLVFXVVHV WKH GLVWULEXWLRQ of the horse in North America and its overlap with Paleoindians. Outram, West, and Guthrie elucidate the relationship between European Paleolithic hunters and their equine prey based on detailed analyses of food refuse LQVLWHVDQGDUWLVWV¶GHSLFWLRQVRIKRUVHVLQDUWPRELOLHUDQG parietal art.

One locus that receives much attention is the heart of the ZLOGKRUVH¶VKDELWDWDQGWKHKRPHRIWKH¿UVWGRPHVWLFDWHV the Eurasian steppe. In this volume, prehistoric horses of Russia, Armenia and Kazakhstan are discussed by authors Anthony et al., Brownrigg, Cherlenok, Kosintsev, Koryakova and Hanks, Kuzmina, Manaseryan, and Olsen.

Horsemeat is extremely lean, which means that, for nutritional purposes, it is better to slaughter horses in the late autumn, when their bodies have stored the maximum amount of fat possible for the approaching winter. Consuming large quantities of lean meat leads to an excess of protein and a depletion of sources of energy, which can be quite deleterious for human health (Speth and Spielmann 1983). The least desirable time of year to slay horses and consume horsemeat would be early spring, after their bodies have burned off nearly all of their stored

European equids and their tackle are addressed by %DUWRVLHZLF] %HQHFNH *UHHQ¿HOG *XWKULH 0D\HU Kuester, Outram, Steppan, and West. The Near Eastern donkeys are covered by Martin and Russell, while JonesBley discusses the history of chariots from there and 1

HORSES AND HUMANS: THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN–EQUINE RELATIONSHIPS lipids. This simple fact would have altered the seasonality of horse hunting from the beginning and continues to impact slaughter of domestic livestock to the present. Horses are not the only species for which this applies, as all wild herbivores differentially store fat for the winter and burn it off during that period of months when fresh SDVWXUH LV XQDYDLODEOH DQG IRRG UHVRXUFHV DUH GLI¿FXOW WR obtain due to snow and ice cover. As a result, humans would have been inspired out of necessity to learn how to preserve and store autumn kills, rich in fat, for as long as possible. This would include smoking and drying strips of meat, as well as caching frozen cuts and carcasses. The earliest documented evidence for smoking or drying meat comes from the Magdalenian Period (c. 12,500 BP) at the Grotte des Eyzies, in southwest France (Olsen 1987). There, large quantities of reindeer bones showed thorough de-boning by means of cutting the muscles at the points of origin and insertion.

WUDLO OLQNLQJ WKH ÀRRGSODLQV RI WKH 6D{QH 5LYHU DQG WKH foothills of the Massif Central into a cul-de-sac in the cliff face of the Roche du Solutré (Olsen 1989). One of the most amazing aspects of this site is the continuity through the millennia in which that particular location continued to be exploited for one function, to slaughter bands of horses. No similar horse kill sites have been found elsewhere, so Solutré must have possessed just the right set of conditions to enable hunters to drive the horses against the cliff face where others waited in the rocks to dispatch the unsuspecting animals from above with spears. Once horses were domesticated, herders were assured of a more stable source of meat, and, at some point added PDUH¶VPLONWRWKHLUGLHW)HUPHQWHGPDUH¶VPLONNQRZQ as koumiss to modern-day Kazakhs, and airak to Mongols, is an important source of vitamins, particularly C, but also A, B, D, and E (Kosikowski 1982:43). Populations WKDWGHSHQGSULPDULO\RQPHDWEHQH¿WJUHDWO\IURPGDLU\ products because they yield the nutrients that plant resources would normally provide.

This practice allowed long strips to be pulled off in single pieces, which would facilitate hanging them on racks over ¿UHV RU IURP WKH URFNVKHOWHU FHLOLQJ 7KH SUDFWLFH ZDV probably even more ancient and archaeologists should certainly investigate cutmarks in Pleistocene faunal assemblages with this in mind.

Gaining Control of Horses The end of the Pleistocene brought the extinction of horses in the New World and the early Holocene experienced a rapid decline in the numbers and distribution of the wild European horse, or tarpan (Equus ferus), in Western and Central Europe. The full geographic distribution of tarpans from the mid-Holocene on is far from understood, but they may have retained small relict populations in isolated areas of steppe vegetation distributed sporadically across the northern part of Western and Central Europe, especially Denmark and northern Germany, and very restricted pockets of the Near East.

,WLVPRUHGLI¿FXOWWRGHWHUPLQHZKHQ3OHLVWRFHQHKXQWHUV ¿UVWEHJDQWRIUHH]HDQGFDFKHPHDWWRVXVWDLQWKHLUEDQG WKURXJKWKHZLQWHUEHFDXVHLWGHSHQGVLQSDUWRQ¿QGLQJ ancient storage pits full of animal bones from meat that was never retrieved for whatever reason. However, prehistoric deep-freezing would have been a relatively simple process with only two major requirements, keeping scavengers from invading and stealing the meat and being able to relocate the cache sometime after it was deposited. Given that a number of species of birds and squirrels cache food for months at a time, it would certainly have been within the range of activities that early humans could have adopted. Freezing horsemeat after the autumn slaughter continued to be an important practice into recent historic times for horse-herders on the Eurasian steppe, such as the Kazakhs (Shnirelman et al. 1996), and particularly for those farther north, like the Yakuts (Dmitriev and Ernst 1989).

Even though the distribution of wild horses shrank considerably, the wild tarpan, the ancestor of the domestic horse, maintained a more or less contiguous range of considerable length across the corridor known as the Eurasian steppes from the Carpathian Mountains to Kazakhstan (Olsen 2006a). The Przewalski horse, Equus przewalskii, occupied the eastern part of the steppes in Mongolia and northwestern China.

For the most part, Paleolithic horse hunting seems to have been a speculative business compared to reindeer KXQWLQJ2QO\LQDIHZUHJLRQVRI(XURSHGRZH¿QGIDXQDO assemblages dominated by horses, suggesting that they were primarily taken opportunistically. Reindeer, on the other hand, may have been ambushed more systematically as they forded streams along familiar migration routes. One exception to the rule for horses is the site of Solutré, in east-central France, just 10 km from the present city of Macon (Combier and Montet-White 2002). There, a 9 m deep palimpsest of horse remains accumulated from at least 35,000 years ago through the end of the Pleistocene, bears witness to a long-standing tradition of horse drives. As far as it is possible to determine, it appears that bands of horses were diverted from their normal seasonal migration

Apparently, the amelioration of the climate and subsequent replacement of much of the steppe habitats across Europe and Asia allowed other herbivores to compete with and SXVK RXW WKH KRUVH VR WKDW E\ WKH ¿IWK PLOOHQQLXP %& tarpans were rare outside the Eurasian steppes. Given that their numbers dwindled through time in the Holocene, it has been said that if horses were not domesticated, they probably would have gone extinct entirely (Budiansky 1997:20). That is almost certainly true outside the Eurasian steppes, but within that ideal habitat, it is probable that competition with domestic herds had a more deleterious impact on wild relatives than any climatic change. 2

SANDRA L. OLSEN: INTRODUCTION Various models for incipient horse domestication have been presented. It is commonly believed that the idea was an adaptation based on the introduction of other livestock into Russia from the south by about 6000 BC. The arrival of domestic sheep and cattle into the Eurasian steppe from the Near East predates the estimated time for the inception of horse domestication (circa 4000 BC) by hundreds of years, if not as much as two millennia (Matyushin 2003; Anthony, et al. this volume).

in the Near East. Bartosiewicz and Gyöngyössy provides insight into the use of mules (donkey-horse hybrids) in Hungary in historic times. Riding, Packing, and Draft For the human populations, horse domestication obviously provided greater dietary stability, but, in addition, the use of horses for riding and hauling packs and later pulling vehicles eventually overshadowed their value in meat production in many regions. As with the dates and locations of horse domestication, the timing and YHQXH IRU WKH ¿UVW HTXHVWULDQV KDV IDGHG LQWR REVFXULW\ In fact, the earliest secure archaeological evidence for horse bridles, antler disc cheekpieces found in Russian burials with horse skulls and skeletons, do not appear until about 2000-1800 BC (Anthony et al., this volume). However, the perforated antler tines from the Copper Age site of Dereivka, Ukraine, which date to around 4000 BC (Telegin 1986), are very similar to later Bronze Age ones that are considered bridles for riding and have a wide distribution (Britnell 1976). Since the antler artifacts from Dereivka precede the appearance of wheels by a thousand years, if they are indeed bridle cheekpieces, they would indicate that riding had begun by that early GDWH 8QGHU QRUPDO DUFKDHRORJLFDO FRQGLWLRQV WKH ¿UVW bridles would have left no artifactual evidence behind, since they were probably nothing more than long thongs twisted around the mandible at the bar, or diastema, with the two ends acting as the reins.

The origin of horse domestication is a hotly debated issue (Anthony 1996; Levine 1999, Olsen 2003, 2006, this volume) that will require considerably more research before all of the issues can be resolved. The biggest problem is that, unlike most other common domesticates (dogs, sheep, goats, cattle, and pigs), horses do not seem to develop notable size change or reliable morphological characters to earmark domestication until long after the process began. In addition, because at some stage riding was adopted, the mortality patterns of domestic herds were not typical of livestock raised solely for dietary purposes. Since stallions were usually preferred for mounts in hunting and battle, culling of young males may have been less common than for other livestock species. In this volume, Olsen and Anthony et al. discuss the current evidence for horse domestication, in some cases expressing somewhat different views on the subject. Gelding, as a means of controlling breeding and producing more tractable riding animals, has been documented at the Iron Age frozen tombs of Pazyryk, dating to about 400 BC (Rudenko 1970). There, all of the horse mummies were geldings. How much earlier castration was used on horses is something we are unlikely to ever know, however, because there are some differences in the skull and limb bone proportions of a gelded male, metric analysis of archaeological material could one day shed light on this question. Although the Scythians and Sarmatians preferred to ride gelded horses, because, as Strabo (Geography 7.4.8) commented, they were easier to manage (Hyland 2003:35), virtually all classical art and texts in the Near East, Greece, Rome, and Egypt indicate that entire stallions were widely considered the mount of choice for warfare and hunting.

There is more secure evidence for the development of PHWDOELWVEXWWKH\DSSHDU¿UVWLQWKH1HDU(DVWDQGZHUH employed on donkeys before horses. Clutton-Brock and Davis (1993) have observed turquoise staining and bitwear from a metal bit on the lower second premolars of donkeys from Tell Brak, in Syria, dating to 2300 BC. =HGHU KDVGH¿QLWLYHELWZHDUIURPDPHWDOELWRQ a horse tooth from Malyan, southern Iran, which dates to 2400-1800 BC. One of the earliest records of bit-wear on horse teeth, 1675 BC, comes, rather unexpectedly, from Buhen, Egypt (Clutton-Brock 1974). The chapter written by Anthony et al. discusses bridles, ELWVDQGELWZHDULQVRPHGHWDLOZKLOH%URZQULJJ¶VFKDSWHU GHPRQVWUDWHV WKH HI¿FDF\ RI H[SHULPHQWDO DUFKDHRORJ\ XVLQJUHSOLFD%URQ]H$JHFKHHNSLHFHVDQGEULGOHV'LHW]¶V FKDSWHUZKLFKGHVFULEHVDW\SHRI,URQ$JHEULGOHEHQH¿WV from her extensive equestrian experience, as well as her NQRZOHGJH RI PHWDOOXUJ\ .DZDPL¶V FKDSWHU GLVFXVVHV VWUDS ¿WWLQJV DQRWKHU SDUW RI WKH EULGOH WKDW SUHVHUYHV well.

The question of when asses were domesticated could have a bearing on horses, since it is possible that the idea could have been translated even more easily from one equid to another than from ruminants to horses. However, at this stage it is unclear which direction such information transfer might have gone, if, indeed it did at all. Horses are generally thought to have been domesticated by at least 4000 BC, whereas, the best evidence to date for donkeys is only about 2800 BC in Iran (Zeder 1986; Clutton-Brock 1992:65) and around 2400 BC in Egypt (Clutton-Brock 1992:65). To be frank, however, the origins of control of both equine species still evade the intensive efforts expended so far. Russell and Martin discuss archaeological examples of donkeys

For perhaps more than three millennia, depending upon when horseback riding began, riders employed nothing more than a bridle, without the security of either a saddle or stirrups. Before the dawn of the saddle, classical art depicted many examples of blankets being placed on the KRUVH¶VEDFNZLWKRXWHYHQDJLUWKVWUDS 3

HORSES AND HUMANS: THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN–EQUINE RELATIONSHIPS The oldest saddle on record is one found in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region of northwest China with an ,QGR(XURSHDQPDOHPXPP\FDOOHGµWKH&KHUFKHQPDQ¶ The burial is dated to between 1500-850 BC (Barber 1999; Mallory and Mair 2000), and most likely about 600 BC (Mallory and Mair 2000:302). The saddle has not been described or illustrated in detail in a Western publication, but it was reported to have been found resting on a white felt blanket above the bodies in the tomb. The man was wearing trousers, also suggesting that he was a rider.

There are some surprisingly detailed texts on the care and training of horses in classical times. During the Middle Kingdom of the Hittites (1450-1180 BC), the Hurrians were consolidated as the north Mesopotamian kingdom of Mitanni (Macqueen 1999). The Mitannian equine expert, Kikkuli, wrote treatises on the training of chariot horses for war and hunting in the Indo-European Hittite language. Both the Manual of Kikkuli and the Training Texts describe rigorous endurance exercises to be completed over a period of many days. Some of these workouts were so extreme as to be cruel and even detrimental to the health of the DQLPDO+\ODQG .LNNXOL¶VWUDLQLQJUHJLPHQZDVWR continue in practice through Assyrian times, as witnessed by lesser texts dating from 1300-1200 BC (Hyland 2003), however, these suggest that the later trainers had eased up considerably on the horses.

The earliest form of saddle was probably nothing more than a leather pad stuffed with grass or fur. Littauer (1981) refers to one from a 5th century BC (Iron Age) barrow at Tuekta, on the Ursul River, in the permafrost of the Altai 0RXQWDLQVRI6LEHULDWKDWDOVRFRQWDLQHGPXPPL¿HGKRUVH remains (Rudenko 1970).

7KH *UHHN DXWKRU ;HQRSKRQ¶V WUHDWLVH RQ KRUVHPDQVKLS dating to the 4th century BC, differed greatly from that of Kikkuli, because Xenophon took an uncharacteristically humane approach to training horses. He recognized that the most successful way to get full cooperation of the horse was to capitalize on natural equine movements. This more compassionate philosophy was echoed only much later by 17th century French equestrians Antoine de Pluvinel and De Saunier, who abandoned the painful Medieval curb bit and other cruel tactics, such as striking the horse between the ears (Dossenbach and Dossenbach 1985; Olsen E ;HQRSKRQ¶VH[WHQVLYHZRUNQRWRQO\GHWDLOVKRZ the cavalryman should select and train his horse, but also KRZWRPRXQWWKHKRUVHZLWKRXWVWLUUXSV ULGHLQGLI¿FXOW terrain, and use weapons on horseback (Marchant and Bowersock 1968). He also recommends that in battle the horse and rider wear protective gear as much as possible. It is important to remember, that, although the Greek horses were typically only pony-sized, they were usually ungelded stallions, ridden with nothing but a bridle and sometimes a cloth.

Saddles with wooden pieces did not appear until the 5th-4th centuries BC, where they have been found in the frozen tombs of Pazyryk and Shibe, Siberia (Rudenko 1970), and Berel, Kazakhstan (Samashev and Mylnikov 2004). The saddles from Pazyryk consisted of leather cushions stuffed with deer hair or sedges and covered in felt, with girth, breast, and crupper straps, and narrow wooden bows stabilizing small pillows at the front and back. Similar wooden frames for front and rear pillows were found in the +VLXQJQXJUDYHVRI1RLQ8ODGDWHGWRDERXWWKH¿UVWSDUW of our era (Maenchen-Helfen 1973:209). The Romans and the Sasanians had saddles with high horns (corniculae) in the front and rear to keep the rider securely in his seat (Hyland 1990; Clutton-Brock 1992, 1996; Speidel 1994; Nicolle 1990:16), but stirrups were still unknown. Based on the metal mountings found in graves in Hungary, the Volga, Moravia, and Kazakhstan, the Huns clearly had saddles with a wooden tree, a straight vertical bow in front and a larger inclined bow in the rear by the 4th-5th centuries AD (Maenchen-Helfen 1973:209). Hyland best summarizes the evolution of the saddle:

Once military leaders learned the tactical advantages of having large numbers of mounted soldiers, power was measured amongst the thundering hordes of Eurasia by the amount of territory that could be seized. Most of the famous empire-builders gained their control and reputation by organizing large well-trained and ruthless cavalries. Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, Charlemagne, and Genghis Khan are some of the more prominent leaders ZKRRZHGWKHLUVXFFHVVWRWKHLUHTXLQHÀHHWV

The progression was from saddlecloth to contoured pad, then to stuffed cushions, then to the reinforced IURQWDQGUHDUKRUQVRIWKH5RPDQVDGGOHDQG¿QDOO\ to a hard-treed saddle. (Hyland 2003:53-54).

0D\HU.XHVWHU¶V FKDSWHU LQ WKLV YROXPH GHVFULEHV WKH development of saddles from the Migration Period to Medieval times in Sweden, beginning about the 5th century AD. She reconstructs how some were designed based on the pieces that have survived.

The development of stirrups was an important achievement, because it made mounting easier and safer, as well as better bracing the rider for archery and the use of lances, sabers, swords, and other weapons from horseback. Stirrups also provided some relief to leg circulation by permitting the rider to lift up from the seated position and have his feet supported while riding. If the proto-stirrup was nothing more than a leather strap, as Littauer (1981) has suggested, WKHFKDQFHVRI¿QGLQJDQHDUO\RQHLQWKHDUFKDHRORJLFDO record is remote.

By the Iron Age, cavalries of mounted soldiers well armed with bronze and iron weaponry were engaging their neighbors on a frequent basis. It was probably the fulltime riding by cavalry that stimulated the development of saddles with wooden supports, like those found in the frozen tombs of Pazyryk and Berel and later the treed saddles. 4

SANDRA L. OLSEN: INTRODUCTION As important as stirrups were, they were not mandatory and one could still be a successful cavalryman and even use a saber, hurl a javelin, and shoot a Parthian shot over the rump of the horse without stirrups. Mounting was, of FRXUVHPRUHGLI¿FXOWZLWKRXWDWOHDVWDVLQJOHVWLUUXSRQ one side, but it was certainly possible. The rider could train his horse to kneel down, he could leap onto the horse by grabbing the mane, use his spear to hoist him, or, if he was elderly or of high status, he might have a servant assist him in mounting. Xenophon (Marchant and Bowersock 1968) discussed the proper manner in which one should mount a horse (before stirrups) in his treatise on horsemanship. Although it was permissible for a cavalryman to mount with the aid of a halter or by having the horse crouch down, Xenophon stressed that every man should know how to spring onto the horse, as it could save his life one day. The Romans also lacked stirrups, so the decurion Vegetius required the following of each of his FDYDOU\RI¿FHUV

on a vase dating to the 1st-2nd century AD from the Kulu Valley, on the border of Kashmir (Littauer 1981). Soft big-toe stirrups, such as the example from the 1st century AD at Sanci, in the Deccan of northwest India, are fairly commonly illustrated in that country (Zimmer 1955; Littauer 1981; des Noëttes 1931, pl. 261; White 1962). 7KH\ UHTXLUHG D EDUH IRRW RU D ÀH[LEOH VOLSSHU DQG PD\ have been abandoned because of the risk of dislocating the toe or disruption of circulation. Even the whole-foot leather loop stirrups exposed the rider to the danger of being dragged beside the horse if the rider fell off and failed to extricate his foot in time. ,W LV QRW FOHDU ZKR ¿UVW GHYHORSHG PHWDO VWLUUXSV EXW miniatures have been found in the Minusinsk region of Siberia that may date to the Syr or Uibat period (1st3rd centuries AD) (Maenchen-Helfen 1973). There is a possible depiction of metal stirrups on a pottery cavalry ¿JXUH IURP D &KLQHVH WRPE LQ &KDQJVKD +XQDQ GDWLQJ to AD 302. Actual metal-sheathed wooden stirrups were found in tombs in northeast China around the 4th century AD (Littauer 1981). Metal stirrups are also known from cemeteries belonging to the south Siberian and Altaic nomads of the 5th century AD (Bivar 1955; Littauer 1981). From the east, they spread to Hungary by the 6th-7th centuries AD, via the Avars (Littauer 1981; Nicolle 1990). The early metal stirrups had rounded bottoms, which would have worked well with soft-soled leather boots, like those depicted on Scythians, but not boots with lasts like those worn by Roman soldiers.

+H PXVW EH ¿W VR KH FDQ YDXOW LQWR WKH VDGGOH ZLWK his cuirass and with all his weapons, admired by everyone, ride strongly, use his lance keenly, shoot arrows expertly, and teach his men everything needed IRU¿JKWLQJRQKRUVHEDFN« (Speidel 1994:111).

There is considerable evidence for early experimentation with stirrups over a wide geographic range. It is clear that stirrup research and development spanned several centuries and that adoption of this radical new tackle was relatively slow, perhaps because cavalrymen were VRDGHSWDWULGLQJDQG¿JKWLQJZLWKRXWVWLUUXSV2QHRI the earliest indications of stirrups is portrayed on a gold torc from Kul Oba, in the Crimea, dating to between 450-350 BC (Grousset 1970; Clutton-Brock 1992). The stirrups appear to be loops or metal hooks connected by a chain.

By the 8th century, the Avars were using conventionalORRNLQJÀDWERWWRPHGPHWDOVWLUUXSV7KHUHLVQRHYLGHQFH that the Huns of the 5th century had stirrups (Nicolle 1990), despite the fact they are often credited with the spread of this useful tackle to the West. Centuries after the death of Attila, Germanic tribes continued to ride without stirrups, which they probably would have adopted from the excellent Hunnic horsemen, if they had possessed them (MaenchenHelfen 1973:206).

A depiction of a horse being hobbled on an amphora IURP WKH PDJQL¿FHQW NXUJDQ EXULDO WXPXOXV  RI Chertomlyk, Ukraine, dating to 300 BC, shows a leather strap hanging loosely from the saddle that was once thought to be a soft stirrup (Arendt 1934:206-208). The saddle is secured with a girth strap, and many have since interpreted the hanging strap as nothing more than the end of the girth (Ambroz 1973:81; Weinstein 1966:63; and Littauer 1981).

The conversion to riding with stirrups progressed relatively slowly in Europe until the Avars attacked the Byzantine Empire in AD 580. In response, Emperor Maurice Tiberius wrote the military manual Strategikon to stress the need for cavalry techniques, including the use of iron stirrups (Dennis 1984). The Lombards and other West Germanic tribes perhaps then disseminated stirrups across Europe.

A bas-relief from Bhaja, near Poona, India, dating to the 1st FHQWXU\ %& VKRZV D VWUDS RYHU WKH ULGHU¶V IRRW LQ D forward position (in front of girth) (Zimmer 1955, pl. 40; Littauer 1981). Another depiction of a soft whole-foot stirrup positioned forward of the girth strap was found at Mathura, India, and dates to about 50 BC. Interestingly, WKHULGHU¶VIRRWZDVEDUHDQGKHZDVVHDWHGRQRQO\DÀDW pad, rather than a saddle (Littauer 1981). A carved gem from Kushan, dating to AD 50, depicts a hook stirrup (Littauer 1981). A soft whole-foot stirrup was depicted

$VIRUGUDIWWKH¿UVWHYLGHQFHIRUHTXLGVEHLQJKLWFKHGWRD wheeled vehicle is the Battle Scene on the Standard of Ur (Clutton-Brock 1992), dating to 2600 BC. On the Standard, the scene shows a series of four-wheeled “battlewagons,” each used to transport two warriors, armed with battle-axes and lances. Two asses were harnessed to each wagon by collars and a central pole. Donkeys were used to pull both two- and four-disc-wheeled vehicles in the Near East by the middle 3rd millennium BC. In Grave II in the Early Dynastic 5

HORSES AND HUMANS: THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN–EQUINE RELATIONSHIPS tombs at the Sumerian city of Kish, four donkeys were harnessed to a four-wheeled carriage and Grave III yielded three such vehicles and a pair of donkeys (Piggott 1992).

Once horses were domesticated, they were revered even more. Horses, like cattle and sheep, were interred with humans in burial mounds dating as early as 5000-4500 %&DW6¶\H]]KHDQG.KYDO\QVNFHPHWHULHVLQWKHPLGGOH Volga region of Russia (Anthony et al., this volume). The remains buried with an individual in the Eurasian steppes could include only a skull, a skull and foot bones (head and hoof burials), or the whole horse. This tradition evolved through time to include, by around 2000 BC, whole horse-drawn two-wheeled vehicles, probably chariots, as well as the two horses pulling them (see Cherlenok and Anthony et al. in this volume).

While donkeys predominated in the Near East, horses were hitched to two-wheeled vehicles, most likely chariots, in Russia and Kazakhstan by about 2000 BC (Anthony, et al. and Cherlenok, this volume). The origin of the chariot is still very much debated, some believing that it began in the Near East, where advanced civilizations could certainly afford to have specialized wheelwrights and other craftsmen to build these rather expensive spoked-wheeled vehicles. Others (Anthony and Vinogradov 1995) would locate the inception of the chariot in the Eurasian steppes. Four of the authors in this volume, Anthony, Cherlenok, Kuzmina, and Jones-Bley, discuss the evidence and the importance of horse-drawn chariots in Eurasian steppe and Near Eastern societies.

There is considerable evidence, as Kuzmina points out, for the widespread association of the horse, and later the chariot, as well, with the Sky or Sun God. This connection between the horse and the most prominent gods was widespread and a persistent tradition that predominated in Indo-European cultures for millennia. Olsen (this volume) discusses the antiquity of the horse-sun connection, stretching back in time perhaps to the fourth millennium BC in northern Kazakhstan.

For most of the 20th century, there has been a lively discussion about the development of a suitable harness system for the horse. It was long argued that the earliest neck harnesses were poorly designed because they applied WRRPXFKSUHVVXUHDQGFXWRIIWKHKRUVH¶VDLUDQGFLUFXODWLRQ The origin of this misconception rests with the work of Lefebvre des Noëttes (1931), who, in 1910, attempted to reconstruct a Roman neck harness and experimented with it to determine the maximum load a single horse could pull using this system. His impression was that if the horse attempted to pull more than 500 kg (1100 lbs.), the collar ZRXOGSODFHVRPXFKSUHVVXUHRQWKHKRUVH¶VFDURWLGDUWHULHV and trachea that it could strangle the animal. Spruytte (1977) repeated the experiment, but adjusted the position of the straps somewhat and found that the horse could pull nearly twice that amount, about 975 kg (approximately one ton). If the horses were harnessed in tandem, as classical art has shown to have been done, and attached to carts or chariots (rather than wagons), then the argument that Roman neck harnesses were dangerous to the health of the horses is less convincing. Raepsaet (1997) pointed out that normally the horses were used to pull lightweight carts of less than half a ton, so the Roman neck harness was probably adequate in those cases. However, the Roman-styled harness could cause problems when heavy loads were pulled in wagons, so it was eventually replaced by the breast strap and later the horse collar.

Classical artists in the Near East, Egypt, Greece, and Rome indicated repeatedly that the horse and chariot were also closely linked to royalty, which is not surprising given that kings were supposed to have been divine themselves. There are countless scenes of kings hunting, in battle, and in ceremonial processions riding in horsedrawn chariots. The History of Equine Medicine Because horses and donkeys were highly valued possessions, equine veterinary medicine began relatively early, by at least the 2nd millennium BC in Mesopotamia. The Code of Hammurabi (reigned 1795-1750 BC) establishes the fees the owner of an ass or ox shall pay the veterinarian for a serious surgery (Law No. 224) if the animal is cured and how much the surgeon will reimburse the owner if the animal dies during surgery (Law No. 225). Just what was meant by “surgery” is certainly an intriguing mystery, but it must have been severe enough at times to have been life-threatening to the animal. The Indian Rg Veda texts, dating to approximately 1000 BC, also demonstrate that veterinary science had already begun. The most famous Indian veterinary of those ancient times was Salihotra and, out of respect, for centuries after his death veterinarians were called by his name (Sweeney 1996). Some of the earliest laws pertaining to veterinary care and codes of ethics were written during the Vedic period in India. By 250 BC, King Asuka passed edicts regarding the health care of DQLPDOV DQG HVWDEOLVKHG WKH ¿UVW YHWHULQDU\ KRVSLWDOV (Sweeney 1996). The chapters in this volume by Craig and Maurer and von den Driesch follow up on these early veterinary texts with records of later veterinary practices in Tibet.

Sacred Horses From the Upper Paleolithic on, horses have featured in the religious beliefs of cultures all over Eurasia. In France and Spain, horses, as well as other large herbivores, were carefully and thoughtfully depicted deep in caverns like Pech Merle, Niaux, Cosqueur, and the Grotte de Chauvet (see Guthrie, this volume). In the rockshelters of the Pyrenees and at the open-air site of Pincevent, near Paris, horse teeth and bones were respectfully placed next to hearths, indicating their important symbolism (Olsen 1996a). 6

SANDRA L. OLSEN: INTRODUCTION Veterinary medicine in Greek and Roman times focused primarily on the horse, largely because of its great military value. A Greek veterinarian was called a hippiatros, from hippos, the Greek word for horse. A Roman vet was referred to as an equarius medicus (horse doctor) (Sweeney 1996). Our modern word veterinarian is derived from the Latin veterinarius, a later term that was derived from a word for beasts of burden, such as oxen. The Hippiatrika is a treatise on horse diseases and their treatment dating to the 10th century AD, when veterinarians accompanied WKH FDYDOULHV ¿JKWLQJ LQ %\]DQWLXP :LONLQVRQ   ,W includes descriptions of four types of equine maladies derived from letters written by Apsyrtus in the 3rd century. At this time, great advances that are still recognized today took place in equine veterinary science.

Britnell, W.J. 1976 Antler Cheekpieces of the British Late Bronze Age. The Antiquaries Journal LVI:24-34. Budiansky, S. 1997 The Nature of Horses. Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London, U.K. Cluttton-Brock, J. 1974 The Buhen Horse. Journal of Archaeological Science 1:89-100. 1992 Horse Power: A History of the Horse and the Donkey in Human Societies. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA. 1996 Horses in History. In Horses Through Time, edited by Sandra L. Olsen, pp.83-102. Robert Rinehart Publishers, Boulder, CO. Clutton-Brock, J., S. Davis 1993 More Donkeys from Tell Brak. Iraq 55:209-221. Combier, J. A. Montet-White, editors 2002 Solutrè 1968-1998. Mèmoire de la Societè Prehistorique Francaise , No. XXX. Dennis, G.T. (editor and translator) 1984 Maurice’s Strategikon: Handbook of Byzantine Military Strategy. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, PA. Dossenbach, M. and H.D. Dossenbach 1985 The Noble Horse. Portland House, New York, NY. Dmitriev, N.G. and L.K. Ernst 1989 Animal Genetic Resources of the USSR. Animal Production and Health Paper. FAO, Rome. Grousset, R. 1970 The Empire of the Steppes: A History of Central Asia. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ. Hyland, A. 1990 Equus: The Horse in the Roman World. Batsford, London. 2003 The Horse in the Ancient World. Sutton Publishing Limited, Phoenix Mill, UK. Kosikowski, F. 1982 Cheese and Fermented Milk Foods. F. V. Kosikowski and Associates: Brooktondale, NY. Levine, M. 1999 Botai and the Origins of Horse Domestication. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 18:29-78. Littauer, M.A. 1981 Early Stirrups. Antiquity LV:99-105. Macqueen, J.G. 1999 The Hittites and Their Contemporaries in Asia Minor. Thames and Hudson, New York, NY. Maenchen-Helfen, O.J. 1973 The World of the Huns: Studies in their History and Culture. University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA. Mallory, J. and V. Mair 2000 The Tarim Mummies: Ancient China and the Mystery of the Earliest People from the West. Thames and Hudson, New York, NY. Marchant, E.C. and G.W. Bowersock (translators) 1968 Xenophon: Scripta Minora, Pseudo-Xenophon

Conclusions This volume is the culmination of a concerted effort on the part of many scholars in archaeology, art history, history, paleontology, and veterinary science to illuminate the long and complex record of the human-equine relationship. Although, the importance of the horse has long been recognized by classicists and historians, its roles in prehistoric societies have often been underestimated. One of the goals of this book is to demonstrate by means of examples, the evolution of the interaction between horses and humans from the beginning up to the present. With this central theme in mind, we hope the reader will gain a better understanding of the great impact horses have had on cultures around the world since ancient times. References Cited Ambroz, A.K. 1973 Stirrups and Saddles of the Early Middle Ages as an Indicator of Chronology (4th-8th century). Sovietskaya Arkheologiya 2:81-98. Anthony, D. 1996 Bridling Horse Power: The Domestication of the Horse. In Horses Through Time, edited by Sandra L. Olsen, pp. 57-82. Robert Rinehart Publishers, Boulder, CO. Anthony, D. and D. Vinogradov 1995 Birth of the Chariot. Archaeology 48:36-41. Arendt, W.W.   6XUO¶$SSDULWLRQGHO¶ÊWULHUFKH]OHV6F\WKHV,Q Eurasia Septentrionalis Antiqua:206-208. Barber, E. 1999 The Mummies of Ürümchi. W. W. Norton and Company, Inc., New York, NY. Bivar, A.D.H. 1955 The Stirrup and Its Origins. Oriental Art N. S. 1(2):3-7. Boyle, K.V. 1990 Upper Palaeolithic Faunas from South-west France: A Zoogeographic Perspective. BAR International Series 557, Oxford. 7

HORSES AND HUMANS: THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN–EQUINE RELATIONSHIPS Constitution of the Athenians. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA. Matyushin, G. 2003 Exploitation of the Steppes of Central Eurasia in the Mesolithic-Eneolithic. In Prehistoric Steppe Adaptation and the Horse, edited by M. Levine, C. Renfrew, and K. Boyle, pp. 367-393. McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, Cambridge, UK. Morris, D. 1988 Horsewatching: Why Does a Horse Whinny and Everything Else You Ever Wanted to Know. Crown Publishers, New York, NY. Nicolle, D. 1990 Attila and the Huns. Osprey Publishing, Oxford. Noëttes, L. des 1931 L’Attelage, le Cheval de Selle à Travers les Âges. Paris. Olsen, S.L. 1987 Magdalenian Reindeer Exploitation at the Grotte des Eyzies, Southwest France. Archaeozoologia, 1:171-182. 1989 Solutrè: A Theoretical Approach to the Reconstruction of Upper Paleoloithic Hunting Strategies. Journal of Human Evolution 18:25-327. 1996a Horse Hunters of the Ice Age. In Horses Through Time, edited by Sandra L. Olsen, pp. 35-56. Roberts Rinehart Publishers, Boulder, CO.  E ,QWKH:LQQHU¶V&LUFOH7KH+LVWRU\RI(TXHVWULDQ Sports. In Horses Through Time, edited by Sandra L. Olsen, pp. 103-128. Roberts Rinehart Publishers, Boulder, CO. 2003 The Exploitation of Horses at Botai, Kazakhstan. In Prehistoric Steppe Adaptation and the Horse, edited by M. Levine, C. Renfrew and K. Boyle, pp. 83-104. McDonald Institute Monographs, Cambridge, U.K. 2006 Early Horse Domestication on the Eurasian Steppe. In Documenting Domestication: New Genetic and Archaeological Paradigms, edited by B. Smith and M. Zeder, pp. 245-269. University of California, Berkeley, CA. Piggott, S. 1992 Wagon, Chariot and Carriage: Symbol and Status in the History of Transport. Thames and Hudson, London. Raepsaet, G. 1997 The Development of Farming Implements Between the Seine and the Rhine from the Second to the Twelfth Centuries. In Medieval Farming and Technology, edited by Genville Astill and John Langdon. Brill, Leiden. Rice, P.C. and A.L. Paterson 1985 Cave Art and Bones: Exploring the Interrelationships. American Anthropologist 87(1):94-100. 1986 Validating the Cave Art-Archeofaunal Relationship in Cantabrian Spain. American Anthropologist 88(3):658-67.

Rudenko S.I. 1970 Frozen Tombs of Siberia: The Pazyryk Burials of Iron Age Horsemen. University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA. Samashev, Z. and V. Mylnikov 2004 Woodworking of Ancient Cattle Breeders of Kazakh Altai: Materials of Complex Analysis of Wooden Objects From Barrow 11 of Berel Burial Ground. Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Kazakhstan and A. Kh. Margulan Institute of Achaeology, Kazakhstan. Shnirelman, V., S.L. Olsen and P. Rice 1996 Hooves Across the Steppes: The Kazak Life-style. In Horses Through Time, edited by Sandra L. Olsen, pp.129-152. Roberts Rinehart Publishers, Boulder, CO. Speidel, M.P. 1994 Riding for Caesar: The Roman Emperors’ Horse Guards. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA. Speth, J. and K. Spielmann 1983 Energy Source, Protein Metabolism, and HunterGather Subsistence Strategies. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 2(1):1-31. Spruytte, J. 1977 Etudes Expèrimentales sur l’Attelage. CrèpinLeblond et Cie, Paris. Sweeney, C. R. 1996 The Advancement of Equine Medicine. In Horses Through Time, edited by Sandra L. Olsen, pp. 175-190. Roberts Rinehart Publishers, Boulder, CO. Telegin, D.Y. 1986 Dereivka: A Settlement Cemetery of the Copper Age Horse Keepers on the Middle Dnieper. BAR International Series 287, Oxford. Weinstein, S. I. 1966 Some Problems in the History of Ancient Turkish Culture. 6RYLHWVND\D(WQRJUD¿\D3:61-81. Wilkinson, L. 1981 Glanders: Medicine and Veterinary Medicine in Common Pursuit of a Contagious Disease. Medical History 25:363-384. White, Jr., L. 1962 Medieval Technology and Social Change. Oxford University, Oxford. Zeder, M.A. 1986 The Equid Remains from Tal-e Malyan. In Equids of the Old World, Volume 1, edited by R. Meadow and H.-P. Uerpmann, pp. 367-412. Beihefte zum Tübinger Atlas des Vorderern Orients. University of Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany. 1991 Feeding Cities: Specialized Animal Economy in the Ancient Near East. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D. C. Zimmer H. 1955 The Art of Indian Asia, Its Mythology and Transformations. Bollingen Series 39, Princeton, N.J. 8

LAST HORSES AND FIRST HUMANS IN NORTH AMERICA S. David Webb and C. Andrew Hemmings

Introduction

North America, encountered various species of Equus, and possibly led to the extinction of horses in their homeland.

7KHYHU\¿UVWDVVRFLDWLRQRIKXPDQVDQGKRUVHVLVYLYLGO\ recorded on a muddy ashfall surface in East Africa just after the ash fell some 3.6 million years ago. This surface is known as the “Footprint Tuff” at Laetoli in the eastern rift valley of Kenya. Among many late Pliocene trackways discovered there by Mary Leakey are the juxtaposed footprints of Australopithecus and Hipparion (Reinders DQG 6RQGDDU   %XW KRZ GLG WKLV ¿UVW DVVRFLDWLRQ RI horses and humans come to fruition in East Africa?

Evolution of Horses in North America Earliest Equidae Nearly a century and a-half ago O.C. Marsh of Yale proposed the name “Eohippus´IRUWKH¿UVWUHSUHVHQWDWLYH of the family Equidae in North America. Unfortunately both that name and the concept of a North American origin bowed to the weight of paleontological evidence. The prior V\QRQ\P ZDV 5LFKDUG 2ZHQ¶V Hyracotherium named in 1840 from England, and we now know that the genus also ranged widely across Eurasia.

How did later associations that became far less casual take place on other continents? The answers to these questions range over several continents including North America. And these questions beg other answers concerning the origins and intercontinental distributions of horses, as well as for humans. Such answers have not always been known, but the cumulative efforts of innumerable paleontologists KDYHDPSOL¿HGWKH¿GHOLW\RIWKHIRVVLOUHFRUG7KXVWKH biogeographic trajectories of ancient land mammals, including horses and humans, have become increasingly clear.

During the latest Paleocene and early Eocene the genus Hyracotherium was one of many land mammals that extended their ranges between the Rocky Mountain Region and the London and Paris Basins. The North Atlantic Ocean was much narrower some 50 million years ago, and subtropical climates reached well into the present arctic. Thus paleogeography and paleoclimatology fostered easy communication along the De Geer Route across the North Atlantic, and this is corroborated by the close generic and VSHFL¿F UHVHPEODQFHV EHWZHHQ ODQG PDPPDO IDXQDV LQ Western Europe and western North America.

Horses originated in North America and humans came out of Africa. In their earliest encounter, noted above, the genus Hipparion dispersed widely across several continents, encountering that particular branch of hominids before it had left Africa.

By middle Eocene time this continuity began to break down and North America became isolated from other northern landmasses. In Europe the family Paleotheriidae diverged from the true Equidae, which persisted only in North America. Thereafter North America had hegemony over equid evolution.

We can restate the question of origins at the generic level, specifying the genera Homo and Equus. The answers about origins remain essentially the same: Homo out of Africa and Equus from North America. The major difference is that both of these later genera are “globetrotters”, and therefore their interactions could span four continents, including Europe and Asia in between Africa and North America.

A major trend in the dentition of the early Equidae consisted of enlarging and elaborating the premolars so that they became molariform. This trend proceeded from the last IRXUWK SUHPRODUVIRUZDUGWRWKHWKLUGDQG¿QDOO\WRWKH second premolars both in the upper and in the lower cheek teeth. The molarization trend in the premolars provides an easy means of identifying such early genera as Orohippus and Epihippus. By the latest Eocene the genus Mesohippus had a full set of six molariform teeth in each jaw quadrant, DVLQPRGHUQKRUVHV7KDWJHQXVZDVDOVRWKH¿UVWWRKDYH only three toes on each foot, earlier forms having had four toes on the front foot (Hulbert 1996).

In this chapter we discuss the role of North America in the complex, cosmopolitan history of horses and humans. This continent played two disparate parts in that history. 7KH¿UVWSDUWVSDQVPLOOLRQ\HDUVLQFOXGLQJPRVWRIWKH &HQR]RLF(UD:HEULHÀ\UHFRXQWWKHRULJLQDQGHYROXWLRQ of the horse family and its multiple dispersals to the Old World. The second part of this North American chapter spans only a few thousand years of the latest Pleistocene. During that brief but critical time Homo sapiens entered 11

HORSES AND HUMANS: THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN–EQUINE RELATIONSHIPS progressive browsing horses is the genus Anchitherium. Another genus, characterized by its long metapodials, is Kalobatippus. Just over 20 million years ago Anchitherium extended its range into Europe and northern Asia, but it did not reach the Indian subcontinent or Africa (Tleuberdina and Forsten 1999). Anchitherium persisted in Eurasia and continued to increase in size. In China the latest members of the group are distinguished as the genus Sinohippus. The Great Transformation In the middle Miocene North American horses suddenly (in a geologic sense) developed high-crowned teeth. At the same time they experienced a major GLYHUVL¿FDWLRQ ,Q KLV LQÀXHQWLDO ERRN on horses, George Simpson (1951) called this “The Great Transformation”. In many new phyletic lines of horses, the cheek teeth became taller than wide (hypsodont) and covered with cementum. These dental advances gave hypsodont horses the capacity to feed on a greater variety of forage including siliceous grasses.

FIGURE 1. PHYLOGENETIC TREE OF LATE CENOZOIC HORSE GENERA WITHIN THE HIPPARIONINI (ON THE RIGHT) AND EQUINI (ON THE LEFT). THIS ADAPTIVE RADIATION OF HYPSODONT HORSES FOLLOWS “THE GREAT TRANSFORMATION” IN THE MIDDLE MIOCENE. AFTER A LATE MIOCENE ACME OF DIVERSITY THE NUMBER OF GENERA DECLINES UNTIL ONLY EQUUS (IN THE BROAD SENSE) SURVIVES. TRIBES

Browsing Equidae

The hypsodont dentition was but one of a host of broadly related adaptations. The skull deepened and the mandibular musculature, especially the masseter complex in the cheek region, was greatly expanded. There were major size increases in most groups. And the locomotor system developed springing ligaments thus facilitating more powerful DQGPRUHHI¿FLHQWFXUVRULDOORFRPRWLRQ in open habitats.

These advances in masticatory and locomotor systems evidently provided the impetus for the greatest adaptive radiation in the history of horses. In middle and late Miocene time North America became host to more than a dozen genera, whereas it had previously supported only a few contemporaneous types. Evidently the opportunities for Equidae were vastly expanded once they acquired hypsodont dentitions. From the genus Parahippus descended a great diversity of horse genera. Figure 1 represents this adaptive radiation of hypsodont horses as it exploded into expanding savanna and grassland landscapes throughout the mid-continent of North America (Hulbert 1996).

Other progressive features characterized Miohippus of the latest Oligocene and early Miocene, including larger size, more elongate limbs and larger brain capacity. The whole cranium became longer and deeper, and for the ¿UVWWLPHWKHOHQJWKRIWKHIDFLDOUHJLRQH[FHHGHGWKDWRI the braincase. Nevertheless Miohippus cheek teeth were still not as tall as wide. Most authorities interpret such brachydont dentitions as diagnostic of browsing horses. Anchitherium, the First Emigrant In the early Miocene several branches of progressive browsing horses appeared. They were distinguished from Miohippus in their upper molars by the connection of the metaloph to the ectoloph. The largest of the early

One can easily distinguish the two major groups of these transformed horses, the subfamilies Hipparioninae and Equinae. Monodactyl feet characterize the latter, and the 12

S. DAVID WEBB AND C. ANDREW HEMMINGS: LAST HORSES AND FIRST HUMANS IN NORTH AMERICA former is diagnosed by the isolated protocones of their upper cheekteeth. And within each of these groups there are small, medium and large-sized branches. Two hipparionine genera, Nannippus and Pseudhipparion, and one equine, Calippus, experienced strong and persistent size reduction, contrary to the general rule among equids of size increase with time. Some very interesting distinctions in the dietary spectrum also helped these diverse late Miocene horses divide up the adaptive landscape.

continuously growing teeth. Both the incisors and the cheekteeth acquired the ability to extend their roots even after the crown had begun to wear. The total crown height of a P. simpsoni cheek tooth reached over 80 millimeters, exceeding even that of Equus caballus (Figure 2). This adaptation of ever-growing teeth (or hypselodonty) is familiar in many groups of rodents, e.g. beavers and voles, but is otherwise unknown in horses. The diminutive size of Pseudhipparion simpsoni may have been a precondition for its evolving a hypselodont dentition. Its diet, to judge from the carbon isotope signature in its enamel, consisted of a mixture of grasses and forbs.

Pseudhipparion is an enigmatic little hipparionine JHQXVWKDWH[HPSOL¿HVWKHGLYHUVLW\RIWKHODWHU0LRFHQH radiation of hypsodont horses. Within about ten million years, it developed from a moderately hypsodont species, P. curtivallis, to P. simpsoni, the only equid species with

On the other hand, the microwear on its teeth presented an even higher frequency of scratches than the next coarsest

FIGURE 2. THE UPPER CHEEK TEETH OF TWO HYPSODONT HORSES. IN PSEUDHIPPARION, THE DIMINUTIVE HIPPARIONINE, WITH ITS INCIPIENTLY EVER-GROWING TEETH, THE INNER ENAMEL (DARKLY SHADED) WEARS AWAY IN THE MIDDLE STAGES, WHEREAS THE INNER DENTINE (LIGHTLY SHADED) AND THE OUTER ENAMEL (ALSO DARKLY SHADED) CONTINUES TO GROW DOWNWARD FROM THE UNCLOSED ROOT AREA. IN

EQUUS, WHICH ATTAINS ABOUT THE SAME CROWN HEIGHT AS PSEUDHIPPARION, THE INNER ENAMEL FOSSETTES PERSIST WEBB AND HULBERT 1984).

ALMOST TO THE ROOTS AND THE LATTER BECOME CLOSED (MODIFIED AFTER

13

HORSES AND HUMANS: THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN–EQUINE RELATIONSHIPS feeder, Neohipparion eurystyle, which yielded a carbon LVRWRSH VLJQDWXUH UHÀHFWLQJ D GLHW RI WKH PRVW DEUDVLYH tropical grasses (MacFadden et al. 1999).

Thereafter, the genus Equus GLYHUVL¿HG LQWR D P\ULDG RI species and subgenera. In one respect these riches are embarrassing to paleontologists, for there is considerable ongoing disagreement among experts as to how to recognize and classify the wealth of natural variation in the genus. A simple, albeit provisional, position is to utilize Equus in an inclusive manner with diverse subgenera and VSHFLHV %\ WKLV DSSURDFK WKH ¿UVW ODWH 3OLRFHQH IRUP LV Equus simplicidens. To put it facetiously, after the middle Pliocene, all horses are Equus but some are more Equus than others.

Cormohipparion, the Second Emigrant The second known intercontinental dispersal of an equid occurred about 11 million years ago when the genus Cormohipparion extended its range across the Bering Land Bridge into the Old World. It experienced remarkable success in the Old World where it is usually recognized as the genus Hipparion. In Kazakhstan the second emigrant HTXLG IURP 1RUWK $PHULFD RFFXUUHG DORQJVLGH WKH ¿UVW emigrant equid, Anchitherium (Tleuberdina and Forsten 2001). The earliest of these hipparionine horses may have been mixed feeders that preferred forested environments, as suggested by Hayek et al. (1982) in their study of wear patterns. Hipparionine horses also reached the Indian subcontinent and Africa. They persisted in Africa until the middle Pleistocene, long after they had vanished in North America and Eurasia. That is where, as noted above, the ¿UVWHTXLGVLQWHUDFWHGZLWKYHU\HDUO\KRPLQLGV

Equus, the Third Emigrant The third great dispersal of equids from North America to Eurasia involved the late Pliocene spread of an early species of Equus. That species was undoubtedly similar to E. simplicidens, a group of horses very well represented at the Hagerman Horse Quarry in the Snake River Plain of Idaho. Such horses are distinguished by the sharp (VVKDSHG OLQJXDOHQDPHOLQÀHFWLRQEHWZHHQWKHPHWDFRQLG DQGPHWDVW\OLGRQWKHORZHUFKHHNWHHWK7KH¿UVWUHFRUGV of emigrant Equus are recognized as E. stenonis in southern Europe where they appeared about 2.6 million years ago (Azzaroli 1990, 1995; Alberdi et al. 1998; Agusti et al. 2001; and Eisenmann 1992).

Mio-Pliocene Diversity Declines Toward the end of the Miocene, and again more severely in the early Pliocene, the diversity of hypsodont Equidae in North America declined. During the mid-Miocene when savanna mosaics of forest and grasslands had prevailed in the mid-continent, North America supported the maximum numbers of horse genera. By the latest Miocene and early Pliocene, climates shifted toward more severe seasonal cycles, supporting less diverse plant formations as grassland, steppe and desert landscapes supplanted the more optimal savannas. Repeated decimations of equid genera ensued.

A similar arrival of Equus is very well dated in the Indian subcontinent. It appears just below the Gauss/Matuyama magnetic reversal (at 2.6 million years ago) in the middle of the long series of pre-Himalayan sediments in the Siwalik Hills of Pakistan (Opdyke et al. 1982). A few hundred thousand years later, but still in the late Pliocene, a similar species of Equus appeared in east Africa, for example at Shungura and somewhat later at Oubeidiyeh (Eisenmann 1994). Such horses gave rise to several groups of zebras within subsaharan Africa, and eventually displaced the hipparions.

By early Pliocene the numbers of hypsodont horse genera in North America had dropped to half of their earlier maximum. And these consisted only of very hypsodont forms, with unworn crown heights at least four-times the basal width or length. Equines came to dominate the faunas, at least in the western and midcontinental regions. The more humid Gulf Coastal Plain still retained a greater proportion of hipparionines and one such genus, Cormohipparion, survived there two or three million years longer than in the rest of the continent (Webb et al. 1995).

More Dispersals in the Early and Middle Pleistocene About 58 species names have been attributed to Pleistocene Equus in North America. Surely only about ten percent of these names are useful, but to develop a stable consensus as to which are valid senior synonyms remains a daunting WDVN%\WKHHDUO\3OHLVWRFHQHLWLVFRPPRQWR¿QGVHYHUDO species of Equus in almost any substantial fossil site in this continent. Typically they include at least one robust form, one pony-sized form with normal limb proportions, and another with more elongate limbs related to the asses.

By mid-Pliocene, some four million years ago all equines except advanced species of the genus Dinohippus and primitive representatives of Equus had become extinct in North America. Recent studies by Kelly (1998) and by 0DF)DGGHQDQG&DUUDQ]D KDYHFODUL¿HGWKHVXEWOH nature of the transition between these two genera in the middle and late Pliocene. Critical observations of cranial and dental features along with new range extensions in Mexico indicate that D. mexicanus coexisted sympatrically with E. simplicidens in the early Blancan (MacFadden and Carranza 2002).

The species Equus scotti is documented about 1.2 million years ago at Rock Creek, Texas. It represents the earliest ZHOOGH¿QHG FDEDOOLQH KRUVH LQ 1RUWK $PHULFD ,W LV GLVWLQJXLVKHGE\KDYLQJD8VKDSHGOLQJXDOÀH[LGEHWZHHQ the metaconid and metastylid of each lower cheek tooth. Probable descendants of such a caballine horse, including E. mosbachensis, appear in Europe by about one million years ago (Eisenman 1992). 14

S. DAVID WEBB AND C. ANDREW HEMMINGS: LAST HORSES AND FIRST HUMANS IN NORTH AMERICA

FIGURE 3. DISTRIBUTION OF THREE SPECIES OF EQUUS IN THE LATE PLEISTOCENE OF NORTH AMERICA. THESE RECORDS REPRESENT WELL-DOCUMENTED LOCALITIES WITH TEN OR MORE LAND MAMMAL SPECIES, THUS THEY ARE A SUBSET OF ALL KNOWN OCCURRENCES.

THERE ARE SEVERAL OTHER ABUNDANT SPECIES NOT INCLUDED IN THIS MAP (MODIFIED AFTER FAUNMAP WORKING GROUP 1994).

Asses (Asinus) and half asses (Hemionus) probably dispersed in the later half of the Pleistocene from North America to Asia. They are recognized by their longer SURSRUWLRQHG OLPEV DQG E\ VKDOORZ OLQJXDO ÀH[LGV DQG VKDOORZ HFWRÀH[LGV RQ WKHLU ORZHU PRODUV 7KH\ DUH represented in North America by Equus francisi in the middle Pleistocene. Similar forms, related to modern asses and hemiones, appear at about the same time in central Asia (Azzaroli 1998).

Group (1994) produced a detailed compilation of the distributions and dates of these horses. Figure 3 presents a small sample of the three most fully mapped species IURP)DXQPDS:RUNLQJ*URXS 7KLV¿JXUHYDVWO\ underestimates the ubiquity of late Pleistocene horses on this continent. It is not surprising that faunal lists from Paleoindian archaeological sites often record the presence of late Pleistocene horses; nearly 50 are now known (Hemmings 2004:84). Simple co-occurrence of horses along with human cultural material could easily occur by chance. This would be increasingly probable as Clovis cultures spread widely across the continent especially in the west. Simple

Interaction of Horses and Humans in North America Several species of Equus ranged widely across North America during the late Pleistocene. Faunmap Working 15

HORSES AND HUMANS: THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN–EQUINE RELATIONSHIPS horse and human associations do not constitute prima facie evidence of interaction.

Most of these sites occur in the southwest. In addition Colby, )LVKERQH&DYHDQG:DOO\¶V%HDFKOLHLQWKHZHVWHUQKDOIRI the continent, albeit not strictly in the southwest. Five of the eleven western sites occur in caves. This is somewhat unusual, as most western Paleoindian sites are open-air sites associated with aquatic deposition. The Florida sites are interesting because they extend eastward the geographic range in which Equus material has been recovered in conjunction with Paleoindian material. It is important to note that sites in which Equus occurs in a convincing human FRQWH[WUHSUHVHQWRQO\(DUO\3DOHRLQGLDQFXOWXUDODI¿OLDWLRQ Our survey does not place Equus in convincing association with Middle or Late Paleoindian cultural material.

Unequivocal evidence of interactions between Early Paleoindians and terminal Pleistocene Equus species are rare but not unknown in the late Pleistocene of North America. In this analysis we recognize three levels of increasingly elaborate associations, above the simple SUHVHQFHRIKRUVHVDQGKXPDQVWRJHWKHULQDVLWH7KH¿UVW substantive evidence of association involves horse blood residues on Paleoindian lithic tools. The second level involves cuts, other butchery marks, or burning, on horse elements. The third (and highest) level of association consists of formal tools made from horse bones. Each such association gains credibility if it is recovered from a well-dated context involving other evidence of human occupation. As shown in this brief review, substantial new evidence of such horse and human interactions has accumulated in late Pleistocene records from North America.

Subaerial Sites Midland, Texas produced Equus material in each of the three stratigraphic units (Wendorf et al. 1955). It seems unlikely that these bones are in primary deposits. The Midland point is now believed to be a variety of Folsom EDVLFDOO\ XQÀXWHG  VR WKH FKURQRORJLFDO UHODWLRQVKLS LI it could be demonstrated, would require that this Equus material be younger than its current end range in the latest Pleistocene. There is the unlikely possibility of course that we see here a post-Clovis horse holding out against extinction at this site. One bone from the basal cultural White Sand level is clearly truncated (Wendorf et al.   EXW LW LV QRW FOHDU WKDW WKLV PRGL¿FDWLRQ ZDV produced by human action.

Some two decades ago, Grayson (1984) reviewed the records of North American megafauna associated with dates of 12,000 radiocarbon years and younger. He listed 22 such sites that included Equus. Of these occurrences 10 had a Paleoindian archaeological context. Updating this OLVWZH¿QGVLWHVWKDWKDYHEquus present in a potentially meaningful cultural context beyond a simple presence (Table 1). In Florida two sites, Page-Ladson and Little River Rapids, are important for extending into eastern United States the records of terminal Pleistocene Equus occurrences in rough association with Paleoindian cultural remains. We discuss each of the 17 Equus/Paleoindian sites individually below. Site Blackwater Draw, NM %RQ¿UH6KHOWHU7; Burnet Cave, NM Colby, WY Fishbone Cave, NV Lewisville, TX Little River Rapids, FL Lubbock Lake, TX Mandalay, FL Midland, TX Murray Springs, AZ Page-Ladson, FL Sandia Cave, NM 6LPSVRQ¶V)ODW)/ Ventana Cave, AZ Waccasassa River #9 :DOO\¶V%HDFK$/%

Horse remains at Blackwater Draw were present only in the gray sand Clovis level. However, association with the Clovis material seems unlikely and there is no indication RIWKHERQHVKDYLQJEHHQPRGL¿HGLQDQ\IDVKLRQ7HHWK

Culture Clovis Clovis Clovis Clovis Unknown Clovis Clovis Clovis Clovis context issues Clovis Pre-Clovis? context issues Clovis Clovis Clovis Clovis nearby

0RGL¿FDWLRQ

Artifact

burned bones

2 possible awls

burned bones burned bones

possible awl

2 “daggers” cut bone

cut ilium ÀDNHGKDQGOH blood residue

Table 1. North American Sites Indicative of Horse and Human Interaction. 16

S. DAVID WEBB AND C. ANDREW HEMMINGS: LAST HORSES AND FIRST HUMANS IN NORTH AMERICA outnumber all other elements 60 to 9 (Hester 1970:172). This suggests a preservation bias that favored teeth in naturally accumulating sediments rather than human introduction to the site.

recovered from the culturally sterile Bone Bed 1. Some remains of Equus found in the pre-Folsom Bone Bed 2 are believed to have been reworked from Bone Bed 1 and are therefore unlikely to represent interaction between Early Paleoindians and Pleistocene horses (Dibble and Lorrain 1968:30). Despite this cautious interpretation by the RULJLQDOLQYHVWLJDWRUV%RQ¿UH6KHOWHULVVWLOOFLWHGDVJRRG evidence for horse utilization (Kooyman et al. 2001).

At Lubbock Lake extensive faunal lists for each of the four cultural levels include Equus mexicanus and E. francisi (Johnson 1987). The horse records occurred only in the basal Clovis levels dating to 11,100 radiocarbon years before present. Several teeth and skull fragments are complemented by about two dozen appendicular HOHPHQWV 1RQH RI WKHVH DUH UHSRUWHG WR EH PRGL¿HG E\ butchery or tool manufacture (Johnson 1987), although earlier Johnson (1977:67-70) considered some cut marks to represent skinning and butchering and some breakage to represent marrow recovery. At the very least, the Lubbock Lake horse record is important for being associated with a well-dated terminal Pleistocene Clovis context.

In Sandia Cave, New Mexico, Equus is represented predominately by teeth but also by undescribed limb elements (Hibben 1941). Both the Folsom and Sandia layers contained EquusERQHV,WLVGLI¿FXOWWRH[SODLQWKH presence of horse bones in a cliff-face cave with cultural materials other than by human transport. Unfortunately, the mixed associations raise doubts about the quality of the site stratigraphy. Pending fuller documentation, the meaning of the horse presence in Sandia Cave remains equivocal.

The Murray Springs mammoth kill site has an eastern extension. This extension is predominantly a Bison bone bed, but it also includes scattered remains of Equus (Hemmings 1969). The horse material is preserved differently from that of bison, and the remains are mostly isolated teeth. None of the elements bear evidence of human PRGL¿FDWLRQ7KHSUHVHQFHRIEquus at Murray Springs is evocative, but it must be accorded no more weight than a simple presence in the Clovis level.

Ventana Cave produces Equus remains in equivocal context in a situation reminiscent of Blackwater Draw. 163 Equus teeth were recovered from the basal deposition that lacked human artifacts (Haury 1970). This accumulation SUREDEO\RFFXUUHGDVWKHUHVXOWRIÀXYLDOLQZDVKSULRUWR occupation by Folsom-age hunters (Haury 1970:154). No Equus is associated with middle Paleoindian (Folsom) material with radiocarbon dates younger than 11,000 years. The single lanceolate point recovered most closely resembles a reworked, exhausted Clovis point (Haury ¿JE 

At Colby, in northern Wyoming, a single humerus of Equus conversidens was recovered directly below the butchered mammoth (Frison and Todd 1986). The proximal end may be gnawed, but there does not appear to be any cultural PRGL¿FDWLRQRIWKLVVSHFLPHQ7KHFORVHDVVRFLDWLRQZLWK &ORYLV FXOWXUDO PDWHULDO DQG RWKHU GH¿QLWHO\ EXWFKHUHG PHJDIDXQDOHIW)ULVRQ ³«OLWWOHGRXEWRIKXPDQ involvement.” At Colby the context makes it highly probably that the horse humerus arrived at this site through human intervention.

Burnet Cave in New Mexico produced over 100 Equus teeth in the Clovis level. It also yielded burned horse bones adjacent to a hearth in the lowest cultural stratum (Bouldarian and Cotter 1999:8; Howard 1935). In an earlier article in American Antiquity Schultz and Howard (1935:274) reported three bone awls from this level. They soon determined that two of the “awls” were natural horse splint bones, and one was a nasal fragment. Howard (1935:37) therefore promptly retracted his earlier assertion. He did not discuss how the distal ends of the fourth metapodials came to be missing on both specimens. These side splints may actually be tools after all. That hypothesis JDLQVVWUHQJWKIURPWKHIDFWWKDWWKH\DUHPRGL¿HGLQWKH same manner as the one discussed below from Fishbone Cave.

:DOO\¶V %HDFK LQ VRXWKZHVWHUQ $OEHUWD SURYLGHV VWURQJ HYLGHQFHRI3OHLVWRFHQHKRUVHXWLOL]DWLRQIURPDQXQVWUDWL¿HG open-air site, associated with bones and trackways of extinct megafauna including Equus conversidens. The HYLGHQFHFRQVLVWVRISRVLWLYHLGHQWL¿FDWLRQRIKRUVHEORRG UHVLGXHV RQ WZR XQVWUDWL¿HG &ORYLV SRLQWV .RR\PDQ et al. 2001:687). However, this report directly contradicts .RR\PDQ¶VHDUOLHUVWDWHPHQWWKDW³VRPHDUWLIDFWVKDGEHHQ tested for blood residues, but not surprisingly none were found” (Hall 1999:9). This apparent contradiction needs to be resolved in print. None of the Equus bones found nearby DSSHDU WR EH PRGL¿HG ,PSRUWDQWO\ KRZHYHU WKH\ DUH associated with dates consistent with the Clovis material found nearby (11,000 to 11,350: Kooyman et al. 2001).

Thus Burnet Cave provides a closed Clovis context containing numerous teeth and bones of Equus, burned bones near a hearth, and possibly several horse-bone WRROV 7KLV PD\ EH WKH ¿UVW UHSRUWHG DQG EHVW HYLGHQFH yet of interaction between Early Paleoindians and late Pleistocene Equus. At Fishbone Cave in Nevada, Early Paleoindians and extinct Equus seem to have coexisted. Dates of 10,900 +/300 and 11,200 +/-250 BP were obtained from the same piece of basketry in Level 4 (Orr 1974:55). An Equus splint bone awl, reported as a fourth left metapodial,

Cave Sites $W %RQ¿UH 6KHOWHU LQ 7H[DV RQO\ D IHZ KRUVH ERQHV were recovered (Dibble and Lorrain 1968). Most were 17

HORSES AND HUMANS: THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN–EQUINE RELATIONSHIPS was recovered immediately above the basketry in Level 3 (Orr 1956:8). Other burned and split long bones of Equus were recovered in levels 3 and 4 (Orr 1956:6). No diagnostic lithic artifacts have been reported from this site. The dates on organic artifacts, cited above, seem to indicate contemporaneity with Clovis. Both the burnt split bones and the potential tool strongly implicate Fishbone Cave as a site where humans and horses interacted. Questions regarding the stratigraphic integrity of the site may compromise this interpretation (Willig and Aikens 1988).

/RUUDLQ¿JF DQG:HQGRUIet al¿J 1) illustrate virtually the same patterns. The exceptions to this summary are the unique Sandia types 1 and 2 (Hibben 1941). In none of the 11 western sites discussed above has Equus material been found in situ within any post-Clovis stratigraphic context. This accords well; the youngest known dates are about 11,000 radiocarbon years for any of the more extensive paleontological records of Equus. Evidently the genus had become extinct before the appearance of Middle or Late Paleoindian cultures.

Burnet and Fishbone caves both yield fourth metapodials of Equus that are distally broken. The breakage represents SRVVLEOHPRGL¿FDWLRQDV³DZOV´7KHLVVXHRIZKHWKHUWKHVH DUHQDWXUDOEUHDNVRULQGLFDWHFXOWXUDOPRGL¿FDWLRQVKDVQRW been analyzed or discussed explicitly (Howard 1935; Orr 1956). It is still necessary to make an exact determination of whether these are metatarsals or metacarpals. Enough of each articular surface remains so that this should be easily accomplished. It is not possible, however, to make VXFKLGHQWL¿FDWLRQVIURPWKHXQVFDOHGSKRWRJUDSKVLQWKH literature (Howard 1935:37; Orr 1956:20 and Orr 1974:56). Additionally, these “tools” need to be examined for possible manufacturing evidence. We tentatively suggest that the Fishbone Cave specimen is a fourth metatarsal WKDW KDV LQGHHG EHHQ FXOWXUDOO\ PRGL¿HG ,W DSSHDUV WKDW WKHPRGL¿HGGLDSK\VLVWDSHUVWRRPXFKWRUHSUHVHQWVLPSO\ a break after deposition, for that would entail equally dramatic alteration across the remainder of the cortical bone surface to create this shape.

Florida Underwater Sites Dated Late Pleistocene Equus bones are reported from Page-Ladson (8JE591) and Little River Rapids (8JE603) (Dunbar et al. 1989; Webb et al. 1998). Both sites are in sections of the Lower Aucilla River, North Florida. PageLadson represents nearly the latest date for Equus in Florida at 12,330 +/-110 B. P (Dunbar et al. 1989:484). Little River Rapids produces Equus remains dated between 11,450 +/90 years B. P. and 11,770 +/-80 (Muniz 1997:48; Webb et al. 1998:127). These two Paleoindian sites contain the youngest horse material in Florida not attributable to direct human interaction. The most unequivocal evidence in North America for interaction between Early Paleoindian Clovis people and latest Pleistocene Equus comes from three river sites in Florida, namely the Ichetucknee, Waccasassa and Aucilla (in order of increasing certainty). A pelvis fragment with clear stone tool cut marks from the Simpson Collection of the Florida Museum of Natural History was recently UHFRJQL]HG+HPPLQJVDQG:HEE 7KH6LPSVRQ¶V Flat site also produced several ivory tool fragments from the surface collection (Dunbar 1991). Unfortunately, no controlled excavation has yet occurred at this site.

The 11 sites discussed thus far contained Equus material from the basal stratigraphic level or Early Paleoindian level. Only Midland and Sandia Cave had horse remains above the initial occupation level, and both of these sites are highly problematic. In neither case can it be determined that the bones were in their primary depositional location. When all 17 sites are considered in light of culturally diagnostic attributes, the majority are Clovis sites. These LQFOXGH %ODFNZDWHU 'UDZ %RQ¿UH 6KHOWHU %XUQHW &DYH Colby, Little River Rapids, Lubbock Lake, Mandalay, 0XUUD\ 6SULQJV ,FKHWXFNQHH 5LYHU 6LPSVRQ¶V )ODW  9HQWDQD&DYH:DFFDVDVVD5LYHU/RFDOLW\DQG:DOO\¶V Beach.

$ÀDNHGVRFNHWHGDZOKDQGOHPDGHIURPDEURNHQEquus tibia was found at Locality 9 in the Waccasassa River (UF16822). This tool is well described and illustrated by Dunbar and Webb (1996:343). Another view is shown here LQ)LJXUH7KLVLVWKH¿UVWUHSRUWHGIRUPDOEquus bone tool demonstrating human and horse interaction in North $PHULFD7KHPDQXIDFWXUHUUHPRYHGODSSHGÀDNHVWR WDSHUWKHEURNHQSUR[LPDOPLGVHFWLRQ6L[ÀDNHVWHUPLQDWH in stepped green bone fractures that appear to have occurred as part of the manufacturing process rather than through use-wear or subsequent erosion in the river. The interior trabecular bone has been entirely removed and the marrow cavity is gently tapered and highly polished. The VSHFL¿FLWHPLQVHUWHGLQWRWKLVFRPSRVLWHWRROLVXQNQRZQ but the greatest similarity is with socketed antler handles known later from Early Archaic sites in Florida (Dunbar et al. 1989).

The four remaining sites must be considered less GLDJQRVWLFDOO\ DV ÀXWHG RU ODQFHRODWH SRLQW VLWHV 7KHVH are Midland, Page-Ladson (likely Pre-Clovis), and the dubious Sandia Cave. Finally, only two sites are not associated with any diagnostic lithics: Fishbone Cave DQG:DFFDVDVVD5LYHU/RFDOLW\(DFKRIWKHÀXWHGDQG ODQFHRODWHSRLQWIRUPVLQFOXGHGDUHHQLJPDWLFDQGGRQRW¿W FRPIRUWDEO\LQH[LVWLQJW\SRORJLFDOFODVVL¿FDWLRQV'LEEOH and Lorrain 1968:35; Wendorf et al. 1955:44-45; Dunbar and Hemmings 2004; Haury 1970). Furthermore, each of the lanceolates that is not exactly diagnostic is believed to represent Clovis contemporaries or precursors. Dibble and

Two Equus metatarsal “daggers” were found in the Aucilla River at the Mandalay Clovis Site (UF 206853 18

S. DAVID WEBB AND C. ANDREW HEMMINGS: LAST HORSES AND FIRST HUMANS IN NORTH AMERICA

FIGURE 4. DISTAL HALF OF MATURE LEFT TIBIA OF MEDIUM-SIZED EQUUS, IN ANTERIOR VIEW. DUNBAR AND WEBB (1996) DESCRIBED THIS HEAVILY MODIFIED SPECIMEN FROM THE WACCASASSA RIVER AND INTERPRETED IT AS AN AWL HANDLE.

FIGURE 5. THIRD METATARSAL OF EQUUS MODIFIED BY GRINDING AND DRILLING, ANTERIOR AND POSTERIOR (INTERIOR) VIEWS. DISTAL END IS AT THE RIGHT. THE POINT OF THE “DAGGER” IS VERY DENSE COMPACT BONE FROM ANTERO-PROXIMAL PART OF THE METATARSAL. RECOVERED FROM MANDALAY CLOVIS SITE IN THE AUCILLA RIVER. THIS IS LONGER AND MORE COMPLETE THAN THE OTHERWISE SIMILAR SPECIMEN IN FIGURE 6. 19

HORSES AND HUMANS: THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN–EQUINE RELATIONSHIPS

FIGURE 6. THIRD METATARSAL OF EQUUS MODIFIED BY GRINDING AND DRILLING, ANTERIOR AND POSTERIOR (INTERIOR) VIEWS. DISTAL END IS AT THE RIGHT. SAME SITE AND MANUFACTURING METHODS AS THE SPECIMEN IN FIGURE 5. and UF 206854)1LQWKH¶VE\'LFN2KPHV7KH\DUH SUHVHQWHGKHUHLQ)LJXUHVDQG3RVLWLYHLGHQWL¿FDWLRQ was made when the items were donated to the Florida Museum of Natural History in 1999. Based on comparison with known alligator, bear, bison, llama, camel, horse, and human bones, it is clear these “daggers” could only be manufactured from Equus metatarsals. Diagnostic features include cortical bone thickness, length of straight diaphysis, and overall diaphysis topography. Other ungulate metapodials were the most similar to these bone tools. All bison elements are too short and thick. The camelids are the next closest match to the horse metatarsal but were ruled out because camels and llamas KDYH D FKDUDFWHULVWLF EL¿G JURRYH UXQQLQJ WKH OHQJWK RI the diaphysis that is not present on the artifacts. Detailed WRSRJUDSKLFIHDWXUHVRIWKHWRROV¿WSUHFLVHO\ZLWKEquus third metatarsals including the position of vascular foramina near the distal ends. Each of the “daggers” from Mandalay is a left metatarsal thus indicating the utilization of two individual horses.

grinding on limestone and concrete slabs in three hours. Only a greasy fresh bone could absorb the gritty grinding surface and produce the linear striations visible on both the prehistoric artifacts and the modern replica. Cortical bone, DIWHURQO\D\HDULQ)ORULGD¶VFOLPDWHEHFRPHVWRREULWWOH for tool production and splinters in predictable fashion during manufacture. Discussion: Human and Horse Associations Clovis is the only recognized cultural entity dated to 11,000 radiocarbon years or older in Florida. The repeated manufacture of a tool type made from an animal documented as extinct on a continent-wide basis by about 11,000 radiocarbon years ago leaves little room for debate regarding the contemporaneity of Florida Clovis people and Equus. The Equus metatarsal “daggers” are every bit as spectacular as the Murray Springs bone wrench likely made from Mammuthus. These bone tools are as well made and consistent in form as the more familiar stone tools. We assert they should be recognized as an integral part of the continent-wide Clovis technological adaptation.

A third similar specimen, said to be from the Aucilla River, was found loose on the river bottom. We have examined it in a private collection. This third “dagger” is slightly different in that two holes were drilled through the presumed hafting end. The manufacturing process seems QRWWRKDYHLQYROYHGÀDNHGVWRQHWRROVH[FHSWIRUDQDZO presumably used to drill the hole(s) at the last stage.

7KDW WKH ¿UVW VXFFHVVIXO FRORQL]HUV RI WKH 1HZ :RUOG would exhibit a horse-based subsistence activity similar to that of their Old World antecedents (be they Solutrean or Siberian) should be no surprise. Horses are a primary food source for much of the Middle and Upper Paleolithic in Europe and are an important subsistence item across the Russian Plains albeit in a reduced capacity through time (Olsen 1996; Soffer 1985).

These “daggers” were shaped, and the marrow cavity H[SRVHGHQWLUHO\WKURXJKJULQGLQJRQDÀDWDEUDVLYHVXUIDFH when the bone was fresh. A replica was made by hand

In Western Europe and across the Russian Plain Upper Paleolithic peoples utilized Pleistocene Equus in their diet, tool kit (rather minimally) and their art (rather extensively).

UF is the abbreviation for the Florida Museum of Natural History Vertebrate Paleontology Collection. 1.

20

S. DAVID WEBB AND C. ANDREW HEMMINGS: LAST HORSES AND FIRST HUMANS IN NORTH AMERICA All of the American sites discussed above contain only a single or a few individuals. The French site of Roche de Solutre is exceptional even by Old World standards with upwards of 100,000 individuals deposited over 20,000 years (Olsen, 1989, 1996).

interacting with horses in ways similar to those of their Paleolithic cousins across the Bering Land Bridge. Acknowledgments We would very much like to thank Ms. Sheri Alfaro for providing her illustrations of the metatarsals.

Soffer (1985) mentions only nine sites in the Russian Plains that contain evidence of hunted horses. In central Europe probable Equus kill sites are far rarer than those of Rangifer (von Koenigswald 2002). Thus the perceived paucity of data from North America is actually no worse than in large portions of the Old World.

References Cited Agusti, J., O. Oms and E. Remacha 2001 Long Plio-Pleistocene Terrestrial Record of Climate Change and Mammal Turnover in Southern Spain. Quaternary Research 56:411418. Alberdi, M.T., E. Ortiz-Juareguizar and J.L. Prado 1998 Quantitative Review of European Stenonoid Horses. Journal of Paleontology 72:371-387. Azzaroli, A. 1990 The Genus Equus in Europe. In European Neogene Mammal Chronology, edited by E.H. Lindsay, pp. 339-356. Plenum Press, New York, NY. 1995 A Synopsis of the Quaternary Species of Equus in North America. Bollettino della Società Paleontologia Italiana 34:205-221. 1998 The Genus Equus in North America: The Pleistocene Species. Paleontographica Italica 85:1-60. Bouldurian, A.T., and John L. Cotter 1999 Clovis Revisited. University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA. Dibble, D.S. and D. Lorrain 1968 %RQ¿UH6KHOWHU$6WUDWL¿HG%LVRQ.LOO6LWH9DO Verde County, Texas. Texas Memorial Museum, Miscellaneous Papers No.1. University of Texas, Austin, TX. Dunbar, James S. 1991 The Resource Orientation of Clovis and Suwanee Age Paleoindian Sites in Florida. In Clovis: Origins and Adaptations, edited by R. Bonnichsen and K.L.Turnmire, pp. 185-213. Center for the Study of the First Americans, Corvallis, OR. Dunbar, James S. and C. Andrew Hemmings 2004 Florida Paleoindian Points and Knives. In New Perspectives on the First Americans, edited by Bradley T. Lepper and Robson Bonnichsen, pp. 65-72. Texas A & M University Press, College Station, TX. Dunbar, James S. and S. David Webb 1996 Bone and Ivory Tools from Submerged Paleoindian Sites in Florida. In The Paleoindian and Early Archaic Southeast, edited by D. Anderson and K. Sassaman, pp. 331-353. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa, AL. Dunbar, J., S.D. Webb, and D. Cring   &XOWXUDOO\ DQG 1DWXUDOO\ 0RGL¿HG %RQHV IURP a Paleoindian Site in the Aucilla River, North

Paleolithic artistic renditions of Equus are more extensive than actual kill sites in Europe. Guthrie (2000) states that more than 1000 rock paintings exist. A good quantity of portable equine art also survives, decorating tools or FDUYHGDV¿JXULQHVIURPERQHRULYRU\)RUH[DPSOHYRQ .RHQLJVZDOG LOOXVWUDWHVDQHOHJDQWVPDOO¿JXUHRI a horse carved from bone, recovered from an Aurignacian context in Vogelherdes im Lonetal, and considers it one of the oldest sculptures in Europe. Clearly Pleistocene Equus/Homo interactions were more extensive in Eurasia than on the North American side of the Bering Land Bridge, as were most other humananimal interactions as well, largely because of the greater time depth of human occupation. There also appear to be qualitative transcontinental differences, particularly with regard to the iconography and expression of the sociocultural importance of horse to the Paleolithic peoples. Nevertheless New World evidence continues to increase showing clearly that Paleoindians interacted with latest Pleistocene Equus prior to its extinction. While this interaction probably did not directly cause the horse extinction it is no longer tenable to claim that humans played no role. How can one explain the heavier utilization and more intimate interaction that evidently distinguishes Eurasian Homo/Equus interactions from the relatively rare and often equivocal associations from the terminal Pleistocene RIWKH1HZ:RUOG"7KHGLIIHUHQFHVVHHPPDJQL¿HGZKHQ one considers how dominant and widespread are the purely paleontological records of Equus in North America. :H VXJJHVW WKDWWKHVH GLIIHUHQFHV UHÀHFW D VPDOOHU PRUH diffuse human population in the New World during that brief interval of their coexistence. Residence time for Homo sapiens is little more than a millennium before the extinction event. Thirdly, there appear to be site visibility biases regarding horse and human associations in the New World because of their small site size and surviving animal remains. Visibility is certainly a problem with respect to early cave art. These three explanations seem more likely than any major adaptive shift or fundamental discontinuity between Early Paleoindians in the New World and their Upper Paleolithic antecedents in the Old World. Increasingly the accumulated evidence shows that 3DOHRLQGLDQV LQ 1RUWK $PHULFD HQMR\HG WKH EHQH¿WV RI 21

HORSES AND HUMANS: THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN–EQUINE RELATIONSHIPS Florida. In %RQH 0RGL¿FDWLRQ, edited by R. Bonnichsen and M. Sorg, pp. 473-498. Center for the Study of the First Americans, Orono, Maine. Eisenmann, V. 1992 Origins, Dispersals, and Migrations of Equus (Mammalia, Perissodactyla). In Mammalian Migration and Dispersal Events in the European Quaternary, edited by W. von Koenigswald and L. Werdelin, pp 161-170. Cour Forschungsinstitut Senckenberg, Senckenberg. 1994 Equidae of the Albertine Rift Valley, Uganda. In Geology and Paleontology of the Albertine Rift Valley, Uganda-Zaire, Vol. II, B. Senut, M. Pickford, and D. Hadoto, pp. 289-307. CIFEG Occasional Publication, Orleans, France. FAUNMAP Working Group 1994 A Database Documenting Late Quaternary Distributions of Mammal Species in the United States ,OOLQRLV 6WDWH 0XVHXP 6FLHQWL¿F 3DSHUV ;;9YROV6SULQJ¿HOG,/ Frison, George 1991 The Clovis Cultural Complex: New Data from Caches of Flaked Stone and Worked Bone Artifacts. In Raw Material Economies Among Prehistoric Hunter-Gathers, edited by A. MonetWhite and Steve Holen, pp. 321-333. University of Kansas, Lawrence, KA. Frison, George and Lawrence Todd 1986 The Colby Mammoth Site: Taphonomy and Archaeology of a Clovis Kill in Northern Wyoming. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, NM. Grayson, D. 1984 Nineteenth-century Explanations of Pleistocene Extinctions: A Review and Analysis. In Quaternary Extinctions: A Prehistoric Revolution, edited by P. Martin and R. Klein, pp. 5-39. University of Arizona Press, Tucson, AZ. Guthrie, R.D. 2000 Paleolithic Art as a Resource in Artiodactyl Paleobiology. In Antelopes, Deer and Relatives, edited by E. S. Vrba and G. B. Schaller, pp. 96127. Yale University Press, New Haven, CT. Hall, Don Alan 1999 Alberta Scientists Track Mammoths Across Recently Exposed Landscape. Mammoth Trumpet Volume 14:4 October 1999:1-10. Haury, Emil W. 1970 The Stratigraphy and Archaeology of Ventana Cave. University of Arizona Press, Tucson, AZ. Hayek, L.C., R.L. Bernor, N. Solounias and P. Steigerwald 1982 Preliminary Studies of Hipparionine Horse Diet as Measured by Tooth Microwear. Annales Zoologici Fennici 28:187-200. Hemmings, C. Andrew 2004 The Organic Clovis: A Single Continent-Wide Cultural Adaptation. University of Florida, unpublished PhD dissertation, Department of Anthropology.

Hemmings, C. Andrew and S. David Webb 2001 Ivory and Bone Tools from Late Pleistocene Deposits in the Aucilla and Wacissa River, North-Central Florida. In Enduring Records: The Environmental and Cultural Heritage of Wetlands, edited by Barbara A. Purdy pp. 1-8. Oxbow Books, Oxford. Hemmings, E.T. 1969 Analysis of a Clovis Bison Kill Site and Processing Area, pp. 1-13, Paper presented at 34th Annual Meeting of the Society of American Archaeology, Milwaukee, WI. Hester, James. J. 1970 Blackwater Locality No. 1, Vol. 8. Fort Burgwin Research Center, Southern Methodist University, Ranchos de Taos. Hibben, Frank G. 1941 Evidences of Early Occupation in Sandia Cave, New Mexico, and Other Sites in the SandiaManzano Region. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 99, No. 23. Smithsonian Institution, Washington D. C. Howard, Edgar. B. 1935 Occurrence of Flints and Extinct Animals in Pluvial Deposits Near Clovis, New Mexico, Part 1, Introduction. Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia 87:299-304. Hulbert, R.C. 1996 The Ancestry of the Horse. In Horses Through Time, edited by S. L. Olsen, pp. 11-34. Carnegie Museum of Natural History and Roberts Rinehart Publishers, Boulder, Colorado. Johnson, E. 1977 Animal Food Resources of Paleoindians. The Museum Journal: Paleoindian Lifeways XVII:6577. 1987 Lubbock Lake. Texas A & M University Press, College Station, TX. Kelly, T.S. 1998 New Middle Miocene Equid Crania from California and Their Implications for the Phylogeny of the Equini. Natural History Museum of Los Angeles County, Contributions to Science 473:1-43. Kooyman, Brian, Margaret E. Newman, Christine Cluney, Murray Lobb, Shayne Tolman, Paul McNeil, and L.V. Hills   ,GHQWL¿FDWLRQ RI +RUVH ([SORLWDWLRQ E\ &ORYLV Hunters Based on Protein Analysis. American Antiquity 66(4):686-691. MacFadden, B.J. and O. Carranza 2002 Cranium of Dinohippus mexicanus (Mammalia: Equidae) from the Early Pliocene (Latest Hemphillian) of Central Mexico, and the Origin of Equus. Florida Museum of Natural History Bulletin 43:163-185. MacFadden, B.J, N. Solounias, and T.E. Cerling 1999 Ancient Diets, Ecology and Extinction of Five 22

S. DAVID WEBB AND C. ANDREW HEMMINGS: LAST HORSES AND FIRST HUMANS IN NORTH AMERICA Million Year-old Horses from Florida. Science 283:824-827. Muniz, Mark 1997 Preliminary Results of Excavations and Analysis of Little River Rapids: A Prehistoric Inundated Site in North Florida. Current Research in the Pleistocene 15:48-49. Olsen, S.L. 1989 Solutré: A Theoretical Approach to the Reconstruction of Upper Paleolithic Hunting Strategies. Journal of Human Evolution 18:295327. 1996 Horse Hunters of the Ice Age. In Horses Through Time, edited by S. L. Olsen, pp. 35-56. Carnegie Museum of Natural History and Roberts Rinehart Publishers, Boulder, Colorado. Opdyke, N.D., N.M. Johnson, G.D. Johnson, E.H. Lindsay and R.A.K. Tahirkeli 1982 Paleomagnetism of the Middle Siwalik Formations of Northern Pakistan and the Rotation of the Salt Range Decollement. Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology and Palaeoecology 37:1-16. Orr, Phillip C. 1956 Pleistocene Man in Fishbone Cave, Nevada. Bulletin No. 2. The Nevada State Museum, Carson City, NY. 1974 Notes on the Archaeology of the Winnemucca Caves, 1952-53. In Collected Papers on Aboriginal Basketry, edited by D. T. and D. Rendall, pp.47-59. The Nevada State Museum, Carson City, NY. Reinders, E. and P. Sondaar 1987 Hipparion. In Laetoli: A Pliocene site in Northern Tanzania, edited by M. D. Leakey and J.M. Harris, pp. 471-481. Clarendon Press, Oxford. Schultz, C. Bernard and Edgar B. Howard 1935 The Fauna of Burnet Cave, Guadalupe Mountains, New Mexico. Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, Vol. 87:273298. Simpson, G.G. 1951 Horses: The Story of the Horse Family in the

Modern World and through Sixty Million Years of History. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Soffer, O. 1985 The Upper Paleolithic of the Central Russian Plain. Academic Press, San Diego, CA. Tleuberdina, P. and A. Forsten 2001 Anchitherium (Mammalia, Equidae) from Kazakhstan, Central Asia. Geobios 34:449-456. Von Koenigswald, W. 2002 Lebendige Eiszeit: Klima und Tierwelt im Wandel. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt, Germany. Webb, S.D. and R.C. Hulbert, Jr. 1984 Systematics and Evolution of Pseudhipparion (Mammalia, Equidae) from the Late Neogene of the Gulf Coastal Plain and the Great Plains. In Vertebrates, Phylogeny and Philosophy, edited by K.M. Flanagan and J.A. Lillegraven, pp. 237272. University of Wyoming, Laramie, WY. Webb, S.D. and R.C. Hulbert, Jr. and W.D. Lambert 1995 Climatic Implications of Large-Herbivore Distributions in the Miocene of North America. In Paleoclimate and Evolution: With Emphasis on Human Origins, edited by E. S. Vrba, G. H. Denton, T. C., Partridge and L. H. Burckle, pp. 91-108. Yale University Press, New Haven, CT. Webb, S. David, C. Andrew Hemmings, and Mark P. Muniz 1998 New Radiocarbon Dates for Vero Tapir and Stoutlegged Llama from Florida. Current Research in the Pleistocene 15:127-128. Wendorf, Fred, Alex Krieger and Claude Albritton 1955 The Midland Discovery. University of Texas Press, Austin, TX. Willig, Judith A. and C. Melvin Aiken 1988 The Clovis-Archaic Interface in Far Western North America. In Early Human Occupation in Far Western North America: The Clovis-Archaic Interface, edited by Judith A. Willig, Melvin C. Aiken, and John L. Fagan, pp 1-40. Nevada State Museum Anthropological Papers Number 21, Carson City, Nevada.

23

HORSE HUNTING IN CENTRAL EUROPE AT THE END OF THE PLEISTOCENE Dixie West

Introduction

White 1990) an Epigravettian multi-component loess site, overlooking the Kamp Valley of the Danube Plain (Figure 1). Four cultural levels were recognized (from youngest, 1 to oldest, 4) beneath a deep loess cover. These levels were dated between 18,500 and 16,500 BP. This site has EHHQ LQWHUSUHWHG DV DQ (SLJUDYHWWLDQ UHLQGHHU KXQWHUV¶ autumn/winter camp (Montet-White 1990; Logan 1990a, 1990b). First, the frequencies of horse bones recovered from Grubgraben are compared with those recovered from contemporaneous Hungarian sites, such as Ságvár, an openDLUDXWXPQZLQWHUUHLQGHHUKXQWHUV¶FDPS9|U|V DQG Pilisszántó Rockshelters I and II (Dobosi and Vörös 1986, 1987), to see if patterns of horse element transport to camps are consistent across space and over time. The kinds and percentages of horse bones found at occupation sites are then compared with those recovered from Stránská skála IV (Czech Republic), a specialized horse hunting station, dated at 18,220+120 (GrN13945) and 17,740+90 BP (GrN1435) (Svoboda 1990, 1991). Analyzing horse bones from both residential camps and a killing site is essential if we are to begin to understand how ancient hunters dispatched, butchered, transported, consumed, and discarded their equid prey. Finally, horse bones from Epigravettian sites are compared/contrasted with equid remains from the Gravettian aged hunter- gatherer campsite at Dolní Vestonice II, Czech Republic. Dolní Vestonice II (DV II), Western Slope is a comprised of a series of Gravettian aged camps that extend through the Pavlov Hills between the present villages of Dolní Vestonice and Pavlov (Svoboda 1991). These camps were repeatedly occupied between 28,000 and 21,000 years ago. In 1985, bulldozers uncovered a series of human occupations — Dolní Vestonice II, Western Slope — at the western fringe of this Central European complex. The 1986/87 excavations revealed a series of hearths, storage pits, and cultural debris interpreted as an agglomeration of activity areas (Svoboda 1991). In 1989, further bulldozing activity uncovered a deposit of mammoth bones in an ancient pond basin located west and down slope from the camp complex. Dolní Vestonice represents a highly successful adaptation to the cold steppe climate of north central Europe during the Last Ice Age. The Dolní Vestonice study provides a link between an adaptation to the milder climatic conditions of the Würm Interpleniglacial (prior to 30,000 years ago) to the harsher phases of the Last Glacial Maximum (circa 18,000 years ago).

This study focuses on Central European late Pleistocene DFWLYLWLHV DQG DGDSWDELOLW\ DV UHÀHFWHG LQ SHUFHQWDJHV RI horse remains recovered from hunter/gatherer camps and kill sites. Relatively little is known about economic life ways of hunters inhabiting the Central European Plain at the end of the Pleistocene. An interpretation of the archaeological record for the Upper Paleolithic of Central Europe has been skewed by a dominance of a few extensively studied Gravettian aged (28,000-21,000 BP) sites — Dolní Vestonice, Willendorf, Predmostí, and Pavlov — sampling bias in regional studies, and erosion leading to stratigraphic hiatuses in key areas (Montet-White 1994). Until recently, it has commonly been accepted that the area was virtually abandoned by both prey species and humans at the beginning of the Epigravettian, after 21,000 BP, as glacial ice sheets encroached upon the area during the Second Pleniglacial (Hahn 1976; Kozlowski and Kozlowski 1979; Gamble 1983). However, recent archaeological and environmental studies suggest the “late glacial” environment of Paleolithic Central Europe was not a monolithic cold spell, but a complex of varied climatic phases (Haessaerts 1990; Gábori and Gábori 1957; Gábori-Csánk 1978; Montet-White and Kozlowski 1983). The environment of Central Europe was composed of “localized and shifting, relatively humid niches within a generally drier region” (Montet-White 1994:491). Discoveries and excavations of Epigravettian VLWHV KDYH FRQ¿UPHG WKDW DW OHDVW VRPH KXQWHUV RSWHG WR remain in Central Europe during the harshest phases of the Last Glacial Maximum (Montet-White 1986, 1990; Dobosi 1981, 1983, 1991a, 1991b; Kozlowski et al. 1992; Osole 1977; Oliva 1988; Svoboda 1990). The horse was a major food/hide source for both Gravettian and Epigravettian hunters — second only to the reindeer. A comparative model of Gravettian/Epigravettian strategies IRUKRUVHSURFXUHPHQW¿HOGEXWFKHU\WUDQVSRUWDQGFDPS processing is developed in this paper. Decisions in horse NLOOLQJ DQGRU FXOOLQJ LQLWLDO ¿HOG EXWFKHULQJ WUDQVSRUW strategies, and camp processing are analyzed by comparing age structures and anatomical frequencies of horse bones found in Epigravettian camps with frequencies of bones recovered from Stránská skála IV, a contemporaneous horse kill site. Age and anatomical frequencies of horse bones are described from Grubgraben, Austria, (Montet-

Underlying this study is the assumption that the behavior of wild horses associated with Paleolithic aged archaeological 25

HORSES AND HUMANS: THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN–EQUINE RELATIONSHIPS

FIGURE 1. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION OF THE CENTRAL EUROPEAN SITES IN THE STUDY SAMPLE. *=GRUBGRABEN; 1=STRÁNSKÁ SKÁLA IV; 2=SÁGVÁR; 3=PILISSZÁNTÓ ROCKSHELTER; 4=PILISMARÓT; 5=DOLNÍ VESTONICE.

sites resembles that of their present day descendants. Along these lines, behavior of extant equids provides analogs for behavior of Pleistocene counterparts useful in reconstructing mobility, breeding, and birthing patterns; ÀXFWXDWLRQV LQ ERG\ DQG FRDW FRQGLWLRQV GLJHVWLRQ DQG food preferences. Materials and Methods

broad categories of attributes were recorded for bone elements. These categories included criteria for: 1) taxon DQG HOHPHQW LGHQWL¿FDWLRQ   FXOWXUDO PRGL¿FDWLRQV types of breaks and placement of cutmarks, and 3) natural PRGL¿FDWLRQVGHJUHHVRIZHDWKHULQJDQGURRWOHWHWFKLQJ 7KH LGHQWL¿FDWLRQ RI IDXQDO HOHPHQWV DQG DVVRFLDWHG attributes followed the coding system developed by Todd (1987).

Horse bones from Grubgraben were analyzed in the Museum of Anthropology, University of Kansas; those from Stránská skála IV were analyzed in the Archaeological Institute, Prague. Horse bones from Dolní Vestonice II, Western Slope, were analyzed at the Dolní Vestonice Institute, Czech Republic. Anatomical frequencies of horse bones at Pilisszántó Rockshelters I and II and at Ságvár were derived from analyses by Vörös (1982) and Dobosi and Vörös (1986, 1987). Three

%RQHV ZHUH TXDQWL¿HG E\ FDOFXODWLQJ 1,63 QXPEHU RI LGHQWL¿HGVSHFLPHQV GH¿QHGE\*UD\VRQ DQG.OHLQ and Cruz-Uribe (1984) and MNI (minimum number of LQGLYLGXDOV GH¿QHGE\:KLWH :KHQHYHUSRVVLEOH criteria for aging was taken into account when calculating MNI values using tooth eruption sequences (St. Clair 1975) and epiphyseal union of bones (Lesbre 1897; Bruni and Zimmerl 1951; Tohara 1950). Additionally, MNE (minimum number of anatomical elements) was calculated 26

DIXIE WEST: HORSE HUNTING IN CENTRAL EUROPE AT THE END OF THE PLEISTOCENE from the most common part of each skeletal element; MNE represents the sum of left and right sides. “Skeletal element counts (MNE) provide the best approximation of transported elements....” (Stiner 1990:413).

to exhaust battling males; stallions protect a small number of females year round. Daily and annual activities of harems are extremely patterned. Generally, harem groups live in smaller home ranges to which they annually remain faithful (Tyler 1972; Berger 1986). Within these ranges, the group travels along ZHOOGH¿QHGGXQJOLQHGWUDLOV+DUHPVGRQRWPRYHORQJ distances each day or throughout the year as they are slowed by the young. When colts are small, the harem uses the same sleeping area each evening. Sleeping areas are easily recognizable from accumulations of dung. Horses return each day or so to predictable water sources. The dominant mare and her foal determine time and direction of movement; when the mare leads, all family members LQFOXGLQJ WKH VWDOOLRQ IROORZ LQ VLQJOH ¿OH 7\OHU  Berger 1986; Anthony 1991). When threatened, wild horses ÀHHLQVLQJOH¿OHZLWKIRDOVLQWKHPLGGOHDQGWKHVWDOOLRQ falling to the side of closest danger. If no young foals are present, the stallion takes the lead with mares following. If cornered, stallions will face and attack predators, kicking, biting, and stomping.

Horses and Their Hunters Both large and small sized horses coexisted in Western Europe during the Pleistocene (Prat 1976; Delpech 1983). These two horses are featured in parietal art. Large type animals with upright manes were portrayed at Niaux, Le Portel, Lascaux, and Trois Freres and the smaller pony at Lascaux (Leroi-Gourhan 1965, 1982; Sandars   9|U|V   FRQ¿UPHG WKDW WZR W\SHV RI KRUVHV were sympatric during the Epigravettian in Hungary. He designated the larger-sized animal as Type I and a smaller pony as Type II. Teeth of both types were also recovered from Grubgraben. During the Pleistocene, wild horses ranged from Southwest Europe across Central Europe to North and Central Asia (Mohr 1971). Over-hunting and encroachment into their sparse environment has threatened the extinction of the Asiatic horse in the wild. Few ethnographic examples provide models for prehistoric horse hunting and processing techniques. Nearly all historic equid capture involved the use of domesticated horses and modern hunting equipment. Historically, the Siberian Kalmucks, hunted the Przewalski by riding into a herd and killing them with lances (Mohr 1971). Nineteenth century Europeans, anxious to attain Asiatic horses for zoos, used relays of domesticated horses to tire Przewalskis until adults were within range to be shot. Orphaned colts were provided surrogate mothers from the domesticated herd for their trip back to captivity. Siberians captured wild horses by digging pits close to their waterholes (Elias 1873 in Mohr 1971), and modern Hadza kill zebra on foot 2¶&RQQHOO et al. 1990, 1992). It necessarily required a high degree of planning, organization, and courage to hunt these swift, alert, and dangerous animals.

%DFKHORUJURXSVVLJQL¿FDQWO\OHVVSUHGLFWDEOHWKDQKDUHP groups in both daily and annual behavior, use a larger core area and travel longer distances on any given day (Anthony 1991; Berger 1986). Young bachelor groups also vary in their core area selection, returning less than 20% of the time to a territory exploited the previous year (Berger 1986). Unhindered by young colts, bachelor groups are better able to outrun predators. Young stallions, showing QRDOWUXLVPIRUFROOHDJXHVÀHHGDQJHUUDWKHUWKDQ¿JKW Ancient hunters may have focused on harem groups, which would have been easier to locate due to their predictable behavior, shorter movements, and smaller home range (Anthony 1991). In ambush fashion, hunters could locate horse trails and wait for the dominant mare to approach followed by other members. The lead mare DQG KHU IRDO ZRXOG QHFHVVDULO\ EH WKH ¿UVW WZR DQLPDOV wounded. Alarmed by screams at the front of the herd, the stallion would rush to the defense and would be dispatched. Milling mares and foals could be wounded at this point. If an attack were launched from the rear, a subordinate mare and her offspring would be wounded ¿UVWEHIRUHWKHVWDOOLRQUXVKHGDWWDFNHUV+RUVHVRIERWK harem and bachelor herds could also be ambushed at waterholes where they regularly drank. Ambushes would necessarily require adequate vegetation or topographic relief to conceal hunters. If hunters drove the herd into a cul de sac, hunters were required to attack and kill the stallion before mares and colts were dispatched. If a harem group was attacked, one can expect that bones and teeth of immature colts and mature mares and stallion would be represented at the processing site. Horse bones fuse rapidly and at a known rate (Lesbre 1897; Bruni and Zimmerl 1951; Tohara 1950); tooth eruption sequences are also well known (St. Clair 1975). Therefore, it should be possible to determine if horse elements recovered

Meager ethnographic sources, when combined with information gleaned from the documented behavior of wild horses, provide data for reconstructing ancient horse hunting techniques. The ecology of late Pleistocene horses is derived from literature on the Przewalski horse (Mohr 1971), and modern feral horses in grassland/desert environments (Berger 1986; Tyler 1972; Duncan 1992). *URXS EHKDYLRU ODUJHO\ GH¿QHG KRZ 3OHLVWRFHQH KRUVHV could be hunted. Herd composition of wild horses is stable DQGQRUPDOO\FRQVLVWVRIVPDOOIDPLO\XQLWVRI¿YHRUVL[ mares, their colts and a despotic stallion. Because the dominant stallion is intolerant of another adult male as part of the mare/colt group, male offspring, 2 years old or older, are driven from their parental herd to live alone or form EDFKHORUJURXSVRIWKUHHWR¿IWHHQPDOHV$VWKH\JURZDQG gain strength, young stallions attempt to steal young mares from established family groups to form their own harems. Unlike ruminants, wild horses do not have a seasonal rut 27

HORSES AND HUMANS: THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN–EQUINE RELATIONSHIPS from a given archaeological site represent a slaughtered harem family.

have been dispatched from ambush along well-traveled trails or near waterholes. If one or several horses were killed, this would have provided between 500 kg to several thousand kg of usable meat and fat per killing episode. Fattened horses, killed during summer, would provide more usable foodstuffs than horses killed in late winter. Because stallions form harems and do not suffer the exhaustive rigors of the rut, both males and females would slowly lose condition as winter proceeded. Small-herds could also be dispatched by driving and/or corralling. Prerequisites for such strategies would include adequate local topography including ravines and dunes. Most productive hunting would have occurred during late summer/early fall as horses migrated toward wintering grounds in sheltered areas. During migrations, horses aggregate into larger bands numbering in the hundreds or thousands. Such large numbers could best be procured by drives. Again, topography would play a key role. Horses may have been similarly hunted during spring migrations to open steppe areas, but both mares and stallions would be in their poorest condition during this season. Harem herds predictable, altruistic, and slowed by youngsters, were the most easily hunted and would have been more actively sought by hunters. Bachelor groups, faster, unpredictable, and more hostile, probably were not actively sought, but would have been attacked if encountered.

Stallions in a bachelor herd are stronger, more vicious, and unpredictable on a daily and annual basis than the females of a harem. Hence, successfully stalking and killing a bachelor group was probably considerably more risky for prehistoric hunters. Males could be picked off singly in an ambush. Only one or two individuals could SUREDEO\EHNLOOHGLQWKLVZD\DVRWKHUPDOHVZRXOGÀHH UDWKHU WKDQ ¿JKW 7KH PRVW HIIHFWLYH ZD\ WR GLVSDWFK D bachelor herd would be a drive or corralling them in a cul de sac. Because all members of a bachelor group are adult males older than two years, the most recognizable feature of a bachelor kill is the presence of nearly or fully mature bones and teeth. Because only stallions have canines, a relatively large number of these teeth at a site would infer slaughter of a bachelor group. Horses exhibit little sexual dimorphism. To the best of my knowledge, males cannot be unambiguously distinguished from females by either measurements of bones or teeth. Therefore, a combination of age structure and presence/absence of sexually dimorphic canines, is the best method to determine the demographic group taken. During fall and winter, horses move to protected valleys, where shelter and browse is more plentiful (Spiess 1979; Anthony 1991). Because they do not defend territories, many small herds of horses come together on these migration routes (Dobie 1952). Thousands of summer fattened horses, aggregating during late summer/early fall migrations, could have been driven en mass if appropriate topographic relief was nearby. Well-executed seasonal drives would have provided large amounts of meat and H[FHOOHQW KLGHV ,Q FRQ¿QHG FRQGLWLRQV EURXJKW RQ E\ winter shortages of food, stallions relax vigilance of their harems (Anthony 1991). As a result, separate family groups are found in very close proximity to each other and may have been more easily encountered during colder months.

During the Last Glacial Maximum, cold and increasing aridity impacted plant communities and overall plant biomass. Wild horses probably adapted by increasing the sizes of their home ranges. On a given day, hunters would have had less chance of encountering a given herd. Horse Processing and Differential Transport Paleolithic hunters realized the trade-off between easy kills of small to medium sized ungulates, which per animal provide relatively little protein, and the more dangerous horse which was harder to kill but yielded “windfall” SUR¿WV LQ PHDW 6SLHVV   %HFDXVH RI LWV ODUJH VL]H the horse had to be extensively dismembered at the kill site before it could be transported to a camp. In an ideal situation, bones recovered from a kill and residential site should be proportional inverses (Binford 1981:218). Although body part representation of horses at campsites has been discussed, few archaeologists have proposed a rationale for ancient hunters who transported certain parts of the carcass from the kill to residential bases, but opted to leave other parts behind. Vörös (1982:50), calculating anatomical parts of equids recovered from the Epigravettian open air site at Ságvár, noted that over 81% of the recovered remains represented the head followed by elements of the lower, non-meat bearing region of the legs. He concluded that horses were partitioned elsewhere and bones of the head and feet were transported to the camp. He did not explain how such anatomical frequencies PLJKWUHÀHFWFRQVFLRXVSURFHVVLQJDQGWUDQVSRUWVWUDWHJLHV of ancient hunters. Dobosi and Vörös (1986, 1987) also recognized a high frequency of head elements of horse

Levine (1983), using measurements and eruption sequences of horse teeth from Solutré, proposed that hunters drove and killed large numbers of horses during each killing episode. Olsen (1989), analyzing number of bones and teeth, suggested the Solutrean horses were repeatedly diverted into a cul de sac and killed in late summer as they migrated in large bands. Equids at Solutré provide evidence that well organized and executed hunts of large bodied ungulates repeatedly occurred throughout the Upper Paleolithic (Olsen 1989). Stránská skála IV (Czech Republic), a focus of this study, represents a single killing episode where possibly a bachelor herd was driven into a dune. Ambushes of one or several individuals would leave little or no signature on the landscape. Understandably, these small events may never be detected in the archaeological record. In summary, during summer or winter small herds of bachelors or harems, averaging 5-12 individuals, could 28

DIXIE WEST: HORSE HUNTING IN CENTRAL EUROPE AT THE END OF THE PLEISTOCENE at Pilisszántó Rockshelters I and II. Analyzing horse remains from the Magdalenian site of Gonnersdorf, Poplin (1968) saw a somewhat different anatomical pattern. He noted a relative scarcity of head and meaty elements of the carcass, but a very high ratio of metapodials and phalanges. Poplin concluded that differential preservation, based on breakage and bone density values, might account for the frequencies of anatomical parts at the site. Spiess (1979), analyzing horse from Abri Pataud, did not address transport issues. Horse bones were highly fragmented and were in generally poor condition at this site. Olsen (1989), studying anatomical frequencies of bones from Solutré, SURSRVHGWKDWKRUVHFDUFDVVHVZHUH¿OOHWHGDQGWKHLUKHDY\ bones left at the kill site to cut transportation costs.

energy in the form of subcutaneous and visceral fat and marrow in medullary cavities of the bones. Hunters and other predators prefer fattened animals because fat is necessary to metabolize protein and to obtain caloric energy (Speth and Spielmann 1983). If fat is in short supply, large quantities of meat must be consumed to obtain the same amount of energy found in smaller amounts of fat. If fat is totally absent in the diet, very lean meat should be avoided as it takes a higher metabolism to digest purely lean meat and predators, including humans, can readily lose weight on a lean meat diet (Speth and Spielmann 1983; Speth 1983, 1987). During resource stress, acquisition of fat is more critical than acquisition of meat (Speth 1987). Winter and early spring are times of food stress and weight loss for ungulates (Speth 1987). In ungulates, fat LV ORVW LQ D ¿[HG VHTXHQFH )DW LV ¿UVW PRELOL]HG IURP WKH EDFN YLVFHUD DQG ¿QDOO\ WKH PDUURZ 6SHWK  1987). Marrow fat in the lower limbs and mandible is the last deposit to be depleted and in a starving animal may be the only remaining part of the carcass with fat worth eating (Speth 1983, 1987). As nutritional stresses varied seasonally, hunters may have reduced risks and gained the most return by: 1) selecting species that tend to maintain high fat levels during stress periods; 2) selecting individuals of a given species, because of age, sex, and reproductive status, that were less susceptible to fat depletion during a given season; 3) selecting for skeletal parts least prone to fat mobilization; or 4) a combination of two or more of the DERYH6SHWK 6XFKVHOHFWLRQPD\EHUHÀHFWHGLQ the types of horse bones that Paleolithic hunters opted to transport from kills to campsites.

Transport Decisions and Body Size Transport costs are often associated with animal size and distance from kill to place of consumption. White (1952, 1953, 1954) suggested that bones of large prey were frequently stripped of meat at a kill to reduce transport costs. Upper limb elements were more likely to be removed from a kill as they bore great amounts of edible meat and fat relative to total element weight. Perkins and Daly (1968) proposed a “schlepp effect” to account for the net EHQH¿WVDQGFRVWVLQYROYHGLQGHFLGLQJZKHWKHUWRFDUU\RU discard selected elements at a kill site. The most frequently used argument, the “schlepp effect,” for differential transport of horse bones from kill sites is illustrated by Olsen (1989). Studying the bones from Solutré, she (1989:269) stated, “Like bison, aurochs, and mammoth, horses may be frequently under-represented in occupation sites, in comparison to reindeer and other smaller game, because of a reluctance on the part of hunters to drag heavy bones of large game back to the base camp unnecessarily.” Such scenarios have been criticized by Binford (1984) and do not hold true for the Hadza 2¶&RQQHOO et al. 1988) where appendicular elements, along with the rest of the carcass, are frequently moved to campsites.

Transport Decisions and Marrow/Grease Resources Paleolithic hunters were probably well aware of the marrow quantities of different bones within a single prey carcass and strategically left behind lean carcass parts and associated bones that were poor in marrow and costly to break and transport. Conversely, hunters consistently transported those body parts that possessed stable sources of structural fat. These parts could be relatively complex and costly to process. Transport to camps and associated processing strategies optimized extraction for a maximum return in meat and fat. Binford (1978) developed a series of economic utility indices to rank the comparative value of sheep and caribou body parts. He tested this model of utility by documenting the kinds of body parts that Eskimos abandoned at kill sites. High ranked carcass parts were more likely to be transported from kills than lower ranked parts. Metcalfe and Jones (1988) showed that element rank was associated with not only meat values, but also the amount of marrow and grease attached to a bone. Those bones, which combined meat quantity with high marrow and grease content, were more likely to be transported to camp. Metcalfe and Jones (1988) also took into account the economic anatomy of different species and the potential for bone elements to survive in the archaeological record. Recently, Outram and Rowley-Conwy (1998) calculated

Although a scenario of differential transport of bones based on body size and distance to place of consumption is classic, often cited, and undoubtedly true, it is probably overly simplistic. Decisions by ancient hunters, as to which bones of large bodied ungulates to transport to camps, go well beyond merely leaving bones behind to lighten the load. Transport Decisions and Body Condition The condition of the animal based on sex, age, and season were important in deciding which body parts hunters transported. In northern latitudes, plant resources decrease in availability and nutrition value during winter and early spring. Holarctic herbivores have adapted to this seasonal shortage by consuming large quantities of forage during seasons of abundance and converting this forage to stored 29

HORSES AND HUMANS: THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN–EQUINE RELATIONSHIPS meat and marrow utility indices for domestic horses, which show differing economic values of equid carcass parts. These indices can be directly compared with equid skeletal element frequencies of horse bones from Late Pleistocene Central European sites.

represented these four animals. One of the four horses is a small, pony-like animal with small cheek teeth possessing a distinctive plicaballine cusp, which differs from that of the larger horse type. This small equid was also found at Ságvár (Vörös 1982). This pony is represented by right maxillary M1 and M2. The M1 is more worn than the M2, which is expected as the M1 erupts between nine and twelve months and the M2 erupts at 24 months. This individual represents a prime adult at the time of death.

Transport Decisions Masked by Attrition Differential representation of bone elements at a given site often may be biased by attritional processes, which selectively remove some bones from the assemblage. Such attritional processes may mask evidence of decisions by prehistoric hunters. Lyman (1984, 1994) criticized earlier approaches to body transport strategies by identifying bones, based on density values, that differentially survive in the archaeological record. Bones recovered from kills or residential areas are affected by attritional processes, which are, associated with bone density.

A large type horse is represented by a moderately worn right mandibular M3. This animal was a young adult as the M3 erupts between three and a half to four years. A second individual is represented by an extremely worn right maxillary M3. The M3 erupts between three and a half and four years and this individual was quite old when it died. A young animal is represented by a right, mandibular, third deciduous incisor. This tooth in the domestic horse erupts between six and ten months with the permanent third LQFLVRU HUXSWLQJ EHWZHHQ IRXU DQG D KDOI DQG ¿YH \HDUV (Willoughby 1974). This incisor showed little to moderate wear and indicates a relatively young individual, certainly less than two years old at the time of death. It is impossible to tell if this individual was a large or pony-type horse. 7KUHH SHUPDQHQW LQFLVRUV FDQQRW EH LGHQWL¿HG WR HLWKHU type of horse. Four teeth fragments were broken and could QRWEHDFFXUDWHO\LGHQWL¿HG

Grubgraben: Level 1 Anatomical Frequencies and MNI A total of 126 skeletal fragments, representing a minimum number of four horses were recovered from level 1 (Table 1). A large and smaller adult, a juvenile, and one pony ZHUHLGHQWL¿HG7KHERQHVRIWKHORZHUOHJIRRWDQGKHDG represent the horse most frequently. Bones associated with meat bearing regions of the carcass are much rarer.

Bodies

Heads

Two horses are represented by 70 bone fragments. Two fragments of ilia, two right femur shaft fragments 01(  DQGDOHIWIHPXUVKDIWIUDJPHQWZHUHLGHQWL¿HG these represent rump meat. Two tibia shaft fragments

Four horses are represented by 12 teeth and alveoli in level 1 at Grubgraben. Three mandibles and one cranium

7DEOH1XPEHURI,GHQWL¿HG6SHFLPHQVDQG0LQLPXP1XPEHURI(OHPHQWVRI+RUVHIURPWKH)RXU&XOWXUDO Levels at Grubgraben. Anatomical Part Head Skull Mandible Incisor Canine Premolar Premolar/Molar Molar Tooth Fragment Axial Skeleton Atlas Axis Cervical Thoracic

AL1 NISP

AL1 MNE

AL2 NISP

AL2 MNE

*2 4 4 4

1 4 4 -

*3 1 2 1 14

-

-

-

*indicates that teeth were present within the alveoli.

30

AL3 NISP

AL3 MNE

AL4 NISP

AL4 MNE

1 1 2 1 -

*2 *8 4 2 9 2 5 12

*1 2 4 2 9 2 5 -

8 *35 7 10 28

1 3 7 10 -

-

3 -

1 -

2 4 1

1 1 1

DIXIE WEST: HORSE HUNTING IN CENTRAL EUROPE AT THE END OF THE PLEISTOCENE Anatomical Part

AL1 NISP

AL1 MNE

AL2 NISP

AL2 MNE

AL3 NISP

AL3 MNE

AL4 NISP

AL4 MNE

Lumbar Caudal Unident. Vertebra Pelvis Rib Sternum

2 2 -

1 1 -

1 1 -

1 1 -

2 2 6 5 -

1 1 3 1 -

1 15 11 -

1 3 1 -

Forelimb Scapula Proximal Humerus Distal Humerus Humerus Shaft Proximal Radius/Ulna Distal Radius/Ulna Radius/Ulna Shaft Carpal Proximal Metacarpal Distal Metacarpal Metacarpal Shaft

1 1 2 -

1 1 2 -

1 1 1 2 2 -

1 1 1 1 1 -

14 6 3 3 14 2 1

2 2 2 1 1 2 1

18 3 8 7 10 4 9 1 1 2 2

4 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1

Hindlimb Proximal Femur Distal Femur Femur Shaft Patella Proximal Tibia Distal Tibia Tibia Shaft Tarsal Astragalus Calcaneus Proximal Metatarsal Distal Metatarsal Metatarsal Shaft

1 1 1 1 2 2 2 -

1 1 1 1 1 2 2 -

1 1 7 1

1 1 3 1

2 2 3 4 1 13 1

1 1 2 2 1 2 1

2 1 7 6 5 30 1 2 1 8

2 1 2 3 3 3 1 2 1 1

Feet and Unident. Phalanx I Phalanx II Phalanx III Unident. Phalanx Proximal Metapodial Distal Metapodial Access. Metapodial Sesamoid Long Bone Fragment

5 4 3 1 2 1 6 72

4 3 3 1 2 1 6 -

1 48

1 -

2 1 2 122

2 1 2 -

1 7 5 3 159

1 4 4 3 -

Total

126

89

262

31

431

HORSES AND HUMANS: THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN–EQUINE RELATIONSHIPS are also associated with the hindquarter. This suggests hind haunches, with bones included, were transported as butchered units to the camp. An un-sided shaft fragment of a radius/ulna represents a shoulder cut. The head of a right rib is assigned to horse and may be representative of an axial cut of meat.

Heads 7KUHHKRUVHV¶KHDGVDUHUHSUHVHQWHGE\WHHWKIUDJPHQWV in level 2. A young animal is represented by a right deciduous mandibular PM2. This tooth erupts within the ¿UVWWZRZHHNVRIELUWK7KHOLJKWDPRXQWRIZHDURQWKLV tooth suggests that this was a very young animal at the time of death. The slight wear indicates that it was certainly less than one year old when it died. Its youth attests to the fact WKDWLWZDVVHOHFWHGIURPDKDUHPJURXSVWLOODWLWVPRWKHU¶V side when it died.

Bones from non-meat bearing parts of the horse carcass are most highly represented, both as NISP and MNE at the site. A right hind-leg, represented by a right distal metatarsal and phalanges 1, 2, and 3 may be associated with the two shaft fragments of the right femur mentioned above. The distal end of a left metatarsal can be associated with the left femoral shaft fragment. A right foreleg, represented by the distal end of a right metacarpal and phalanges 1, 2, and 3 may be associated with the un-sided radius/ulna shaft fragment. All of the leg bones of this medium-sized animal (animal 1) have fused epiphyseal joints. In horses, the distal epiphysis of the metacarpal unites with the diaphysis between six and eighteen months. The proximal epiphyseal line of the proximal phalanx closes during WKH VL[WK WKURXJK ¿IWHHQWK PRQWKV DQG WKH HSLSK\VHV RI phalanx 1 unites prior to birth at the distal end and occurs during the sixth through twelfth months at the proximal end (Getty 1975). A second and larger animal is represented by a complete phalanx 2 and proximal end of a phalanx 3. This animal is larger than animal 1 and may possibly be a fully-grown mare or stallion.

A fully adult horse is represented by a worn, left maxillary PM2. The adult premolar erupts at two and a half years. A similarly worn, left mandibular M3 represents a second adult individual. This tooth erupts when the horse is between three and a half and four years old. It is unlikely that these two cheek teeth came from the same individual. The premolar should show more wear than the molar because it erupted at least one year before the M3. Both individuals represent large type animals. A broken permanent incisor may also have been from one of these LQGLYLGXDOV )RXUWHHQ EURNHQ DQG XQLGHQWL¿DEOH WRRWK fragments were found in level 2. Bodies The axial skeleton is represented by a fragment of a left pelvis and a sacrum. No ribs were recovered and RQO\  XQLGHQWL¿HG YHUWHEUD ZDV IRXQG )RUH OLPEV DUH represented by a left scapula, left and right humeri, and a left radius/ulna. Three haunches are represented by fragments of a left femur and one right and two left tibiae. Lower limb elements are quite rare in level 2. A single metatarsal, probably associated with one of the three tibiae was recovered. Only one phalanx was recovered DQG QR VHVDPRLGV ZHUH LGHQWL¿HG 8QOLNH OHYHO  PHDW\ parts of the haunch of at least three horse hindquarters are represented by tibiae.

%DVHGRQFRPSDULVRQRIPHDVXUHPHQWVRI¿UVWSKDODQJHV the postcranial bones recovered from Grubgraben compare favorably with those recovered from Gonnersdorf, Abri Pataud, and larger equids at Ságvár. Lengths of the measurable proximal phalanges from Grubgraben measure between 71 and 77 mm which falls well within the 68 to 82 mm range found at Gonnersdorf (Poplin 1968:158). Like the horses UHFRYHUHGDW$EUL3DWDXGWKH$XVWULDQKRUVHV³¿WDVL]H range of moderately sized modern farm horse...a medium sized chunky horse like E. przewalskii” (Spiess 1979:273). Modern Przewalskis weigh between 250 and 300 kg; a similarly sized animal would have provided 55% of live body weight in edible protein (Speth 1983). The three Przewalski sized horses would have provided between 412 to 495 kg of meat for inhabitants at the site. The pony-sized animal was probably somewhat smaller. A typical Welsh pony weighs around 250 kg. If the pony represented in cultural level 1 were comparable, the maximum meat available from this animal would equal 137 kg.

Grubgraben: Level 3 Anatomical Frequencies and MNI Four large type and one pony type horse are represented by 262 teeth and bone fragments (Table 1). Heads again dominate the assemblage. The axial skeleton is UHSUHVHQWHG IRU WKH ¿UVW WLPH E\ YHUWHEUDH DV ZHOO DV D rib. Meaty fore quarters are represented by humeri and radius/ulnae. Femora and tibiae represent haunches. Non-meaty parts of lower limbs are underrepresented. 7KHVH ¿YH LQGLYLGXDOV ZRXOG KDYH SRWHQWLDOO\ SURYLGHG from, at least, 687 kg to 825kg of usable meat for hunters at Grubgraben.

Grubgraben: Level 2 Anatomical Frequencies and MNI Three large type horses are represented by 89 teeth and bone fragments (Table 1). Axial elements are rare. A scapula, humerus, femur, and tibia represent meaty-fore and hind limbs; bones of the lower limbs are rare. The three horses from level 2 would have provided 412 to 495 kg of usable meat if all meat were transported.

Heads $W OHDVW ¿YH KRUVHV DUH UHSUHVHQWHG E\  WHHWK DQG alveoli in level 3. An adult pony is represented by a left 32

DIXIE WEST: HORSE HUNTING IN CENTRAL EUROPE AT THE END OF THE PLEISTOCENE mandibular P2 and M2. The P2 erupts at two and a half years and the M2 erupts at two years. This individual was at least two and a half years old when it died.

Bodies Both horse ribs and vertebrae are found in level 3 for the ¿UVW WLPH &HUYLFDO DQG OXPEDU YHUWHEUDH ZHUH LGHQWL¿HG along with rib fragments. A left and two right innominates were also recovered. The meaty-forelimb is represented by at least two left scapulae, a left and right humerus, and fragments of a left and right radius/ulna. The meaty hindlimb is represented by a left and right femur and tibiae. Lower non-meaty limb elements (four metapodials DQG WKUHH SKDODQJHV  DUH UHSUHVHQWHG EXW GR QRW ¿JXUH prominently in the assemblage. No sesamoids were recovered from this level.

A young, large type animal is represented by a very ZRUQ OHIW PDQGLEXODU 3 7KLV SUHPRODU HUXSWV WKH ¿UVW two weeks after birth and drops out as it is displaced by the permanent P3. This replacement takes place at approximately three years of age. The very worn state of this tooth suggests the animal was actually a young adult just under three years old at the time of death. A second young, large horse is represented by a moderately worn left maxillary P2 and mandibular left DQGULJKW3¶V7KHVHGHFLGXRXVSUHPRODUVHUXSWWKH¿UVW two weeks after birth and are displaced by the permanent P2 around two and a half years. The very moderate wear on these teeth indicates a colt that was well under two years old at time of death. Such a young individual would have been associated with a harem.

Grubgraben: Level 4 Anatomical Frequencies and MNI Three Przewalski types and two ponies are represented by 262 teeth and bone fragments in level 4 (Table 1). Heads and meat bearing parts of limbs are represented. Axial elements are rare. Hind haunches are well represented by pelves and tibiae. Meaty forelimbs are well represented by scapulae, humeri, and radius/ulnae. Metapodials are also present although phalanges are rare. The three horses and two ponies recovered from level 4 at Grubgraben would have provided at least 770 kg of usable meat.

The anterior section of a mandible, which bore left and right second and third incisors, represents a fully adult stallion. Both canines are also present in the jaw. Canines are sexually dimorphic. Canines, present in stallions, are extremely rare in mares (Getty 1975). This strongly suggests that this individual was a fully adult stallion. The incisors have suffered extensive post-depositional breakage and this adult cannot be aged accurately through wear of occlusal surfaces. Enough crown height does remain to suggest that it was not a senile animal but was in its prime at death. To the best of my knowledge, morphology of incisors and canines cannot be used to determine horse type.

Heads Five horses are represented in level 4 by 88 teeth and alveoli fragments. A two-year old large type horse is represented by a worn left mandibular deciduous P4, a recently erupted (slight wear) right maxillary M2 and an un-erupted left maxillary P3. The worn P4 represents an animal between two weeks old and under four years of age. The un-erupted P3 represents an animal under three years old. The mandibular M2, which had just erupted, came from an individual two years old at the time of death.

At least two prime adult large type horses are represented in level 3. A prime adult is represented by an extremely worn left maxillary P2 and a very extremely worn cheek tooth, which may be a right mandibular P4 or M1. The permanent P4 erupts at four years old. The M1 erupts between nine and twelve months, and the P2 erupts at two and a half years. These worn teeth suggest the animal was the oldest individual represented in level 3.

A second horse, under three years old, is represented by a maxillary left P3, which had not erupted at the time of death.

Another individual is represented by a left maxillary P4 or M1, which had just erupted. The M1 erupts between nine and twelve months and the P4 erupts at four years. This tooth cannot belong to the same individual listed above because the wear pattern is slight but extensive on the P4/M1 noted above. Here, I am taking into account the different wear that can be expected on teeth that have erupt one and a half years apart. However, either of the two sets of teeth just described may belong to the earlier described stallion.

An adult animal is represented by a permanent mandibular left P2, P3, P4, and M3. The same individual may be represented by a maxillary right P4. All teeth were somewhat worn indicating a prime adult. Two small ponies are represented by a left mandibular tooth row consisting of a P3, M1, M2, and M3. This same individual may be represented by a right mandibular M3. The presence of these teeth shows the animal was between three and a half and four years old at the time of death. A second pony is represented by a left mandibular M1 and a right mandibular M3. These teeth are repeats of teeth IRXQG LQ WKH ¿UVW SRQ\ 7KH SUHVHQFH RI DQ 0 LQ WKLV animal shows it was at least three and a-half to four years

)LYH FKHHN WHHWK DOWKRXJK LGHQWL¿HG FRXOG QRW EH assigned by wear stages to individual jaws, and the additional twelve teeth were so fragmented that they FRXOGQRWEHLGHQWL¿HG 33

HORSES AND HUMANS: THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN–EQUINE RELATIONSHIPS old when it died. Twenty-eight teeth fragments of horse FRXOGQRWEHVSHFL¿FDOO\LGHQWL¿HG

have been preferred because they are extremely meaty packages. Outram and Rowley-Conwy (1998:840, table 2), butchering extant horses, demonstrated that horse haunches provide comparatively large amounts of meat.

Bodies As in all other cultural levels at Grubgraben, bones of the axial skeleton are under represented in level 4. One thoracic and two cervical vertebrae were recovered. Lumbar are absent. One rib (MNE), assigned to horse, was recovered. A left and two right innominates, a right and left femur and one right and two left tibiae represent cuts from the hind haunch. The forequarter is also well represented by at least four scapulae (two left and right), two humeri (left and right), and two radius/ulnae (left and right). Nonmeaty lower limb bones are represented by one carpal, one metacarpal, one tarsal, and two metatarsals. Phalanges are rare, represented by a phalanx 1. Three sesamoids are represented.

1DWXUDODQG&XOWXUDO0RGL¿FDWLRQVRIWKH*UXEJUDEHQ Horses Horse bones from level 1 displayed the most extensive weathering (Table 2). No horse bones from level 1 were unweathered or showed limited amounts of weathering. Over 58% of the bones exhibited moderate to heavy weathering and approximately 37% had surfaces of bones so badly deteriorated that original surfaces could not be assessed. In level 2, signs of weathering decreased; 28% of the horse bones showed little to no surface weathering. Moderate to heavy weathering was found on approximately 35% of bones with less than 20% of the bones being so deteriorated that they could not be assigned to weathering stages. In level 3, 50% of the bones had little to no weathering and 18% showed moderate to heavy weathering. Approximately 18% of the bones possessed surface obstruction. Level 4 bones, like those from level 3, had low degrees of weathering. Approximately 48% of the bones showed little to no weathering. Twenty-eight percent showed moderate to heavy weathering and only 12% possessed surfaces, which could not be assigned to weathering stages.

Grubgraben Horses Taken as a whole, the horse remains from Grubgraben (18,500-16,500 BP) show that equids were consistently killed throughout even the harshest periods of the Last Glacial Maximum. The horse, digestively well adapted to the rigorous climate, remained in the Central European plain and provided hunters with a relatively large amount of meat although their numbers never equaled the importance of the reindeer in any single level. Nevertheless, the horse provided a substantial amount of meat to hunters skilled enough to encounter and kill this large, dangerous animal. Heads, represented by teeth were consistently returned to the camps at Grubgraben. On the other hand, ribs and vertebrae are absent or rare in all levels. In earlier levels (3 and 4), substantial parts of meaty limbs were transported to the site. In level 2, meaty limb bones were returned less frequently to the site, and by level 1, meaty axial and upper limb elements are rare to absent. Interestingly, the haunch is consistently represented by either pelves and/or upper limb bones. Chase (1986:54, 56), noting the high frequency of pelves recovered from Mousterian levels at Combe Grenal, suggested that horse haunches may

Rootlet etching was prevalent on surfaces of horse bones (Table 3). Bone surfaces were heavily obstructed in less deeply buried levels 1 and 2, but still showed high surface deterioration from roots. With increasing depth, root etching on bone surfaces decreased. In level 4, over 40% of the horse bones showed no evidence of root damage. Such heavy surface damage on less deeply buried bones at Grubgraben undoubtedly overprinted cultural activities. As burial depth of bones increased, surfaces became less obstructed. Horse bones in levels 3 and 4 displayed the least amount of surface obstruction, weathering, and rootlet damage. Consequently, bones from levels 3 and 4 provided

Table 2. Weathering stages of horse bones recovered from Grubgraben and Stránská skála IV (based on Behrensmeyer 1978). Stage AL1 % AL2 % AL3 % AL4 % SS % 1 4 7.1 21 14.8 28 15.1 1 0.2 2 12 21.4 51 35.9 61 32.8 17 4.1 3 3 4.6 9 16.1 18 12.7 21 11.3 152 36.5 4 26 40.0 12 21.4 10 7.0 20 10.7 28 6.7 5 12 18.5 8 14.3 17 11.9 33 17.7 192 46.2 6 6 1.4 7 24 36.9 11 19.6 25 17.6 23 12.4 20 4.8 Total

65

56

142

186

*Stages: 1=unweathered, 2=limited, 3=light, 4=moderate, 5=heavy, 6=severe, 7=surface obstructed.

34

416

DIXIE WEST: HORSE HUNTING IN CENTRAL EUROPE AT THE END OF THE PLEISTOCENE Table 3. Root etching stages on horse bones recovered from Grubgraben and Stránska skála IV (based on Todd 1987). Stage 1 2 3 4 5 6

AL1

Total

1 1 10 61

% 1.4

AL2

% 10.7 7.1 5.4 3.8 42.6 30.4

6 4 3 2 24 17

1.4 13.7 83.5

73

AL3 34 10 5 7 59 27

56

% 23.9 7.0 3.5 4.9 41.5 19.0

142

AL4 79 16 7 2 35 47

% 42.5 8.6 3.8 1.1 18.8 25.2

SS 4 4 20 5 288 89

186

% 1.0 1.0 4.9 1.2 70.2 21.7

410

*Stages: 1=0%, 2=1-24%, 3=25-49%, 4=50-74%, 5=75=100%, 6=surface obstructed. from this level. High breakage patterns on horse bones from levels 2, 3, and 4 suggests that bones were heavily PRGL¿HGLQSDUWLWLRQLQJFDUFDVVHVWRH[WUDFWWUDQVSRUWDEOH packages of meat and/or bones were fractured to extract marrow and grease at the camps. Absence of the ends of long bones suggests that bones were smashed to extract marrow or grease. Only one horse bone, the glenoid of a right scapula from level 4, bore a puncture reminiscent of carnivore gnawing.

FOHDUHUHYLGHQFHRIKXPDQPRGL¿FDWLRQV2QO\RQHKRUVH bone, the lateral side of the distal end of a left radius, was burned. This bone was recovered from level 4. Cut marks were relatively rare; no cut marks were observed on horse bones from level 1. Only two bones: a shaft fragment from DQ XQLGHQWL¿HG ORQJ ERQH DQG WKH SRVWHURODWHUDO VXUIDFH of the distal shaft of a right humerus bore cut marks in level 2. In level 3, a cut mark was observed on the anterior shaft fragment of a right femur. Six horse bones in level 4 bore cut marks. Five of these were shaft fragments of XQLGHQWL¿DEOH ORQJ ERQHV WKDW PD\ UHSUHVHQW ¿OOHWLQJ$ sixth cut mark was found on the posterior side of a shaft of a left tibia.

Comparative Data Both large and pony type horses were recovered from the Epigravettian open-air site, Ságvár, in Hungary (Vörös 1982). Vörös (1982) calculated that an enormous number of horse skulls, followed by autopodia, were carried to this campsite. Crania do indeed overwhelm the assemblage. A total of 185 teeth, representing 37 individuals were recovered (Table 4). Postcranial elements of horse are H[WUHPHO\UDUHZLWKRQO\LGHQWL¿DEOHHOHPHQWV%RQHV of the axial skeleton and meaty parts of limbs are very rare

Fortunately, extensive attrition does not heavily overprint cultural behavior associated with carcass partitioning and marrow extraction. A total of 41 bones (36.6%) in level 1, 46 bones (67.6%) in level 2, 117 bones (53.7%) in level 3, and 154 bones (44.9%) in level 4 bore spiral fractures. Green bone breakage is considerably less in level 1 because fewer meat and marrow bearing bones were recovered

7DEOH1XPEHURILGHQWL¿HGVSHFLPHQVDQGPLQLPXPQXPEHURIHOHPHQWVRIKRUVHUHFRYHUHGIURP6iJYiU Pilisszántó Rockshelters, and Stránská skála IV. Pilisszántó Rsh I NISP MNE

Ságvár* Anatomical Part Head Skull Mandible Incisor Canine Premolar Molar Tooth Fragment Axial Skeleton Atlas Axis Cervical Thoracic

NISP

MNE

Pilisszántó Rsh II NISP MNE

Stránská skála IV NISP

MNE

5 8 23 61 88 -

8 23 61 88 -

1 1 1 -

1 1 1 -

1 2 1 -

1 2 1 -

2 10 4 22 13

1 10 4 22 -

-

-

-

-

-

-

2 4 34 14

1 8 7

35

HORSES AND HUMANS: THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN–EQUINE RELATIONSHIPS

1 -

1 -

Pilisszántó Rsh I NISP MNE -

2 3 5 1

1 1 5 1

-

-

1 2 -

1 -2 -

29 3 11 1 27 17 2 1 6 17 3 1

23 2 5 1 14 13 1 1 6 15 3 1

Hind limb Proximal Femur Distal Femur Femur Shaft Patella Proximal Tibia Distal Tibia Tibia Shaft Tarsal Astragalus Calcaneus Metatarsal Proximal Metatarsal Distal Metatarsal Metatarsal Shaft

1 3 14 7 2 -

-1 3 14 7 1 -

-

-

1 -

1 -

5 6 2 3 13 12 10 10 16 5 8 1

3 3 2 2 9 10 10 15 5 7 1

Feet and Uniden Phalanx I Phalanx II Phalanx III Unident. Phalanx Proximal Metapodial Distal Metapodial Metapodial Shaft Access. Metapodial Sesamoid Bone Fragment

1 3 10 6 -

1 10 6 -

1 1 -

1 1 -

1 1 -

1 1 -

28 18 3 10 2 12 32

25 18 3 10 1 11 -

Ságvár* Anatomical Part Lumbar Caudal Unident. Vertebra Pelvis Rib Sternum Forelimb Scapula Proximal Humerus Distal Humerus Humerus Shaft Proximal Radius/Ulna Distal Radius/Ulna Radius/Ulna Shaft Carpal Metacarpal Proximal Metacarpal Distal Metacarpal Metacarpal Shaft

Total

NISP

MNE

244

4

-

Pilisszántó Rsh II NISP MNE -

-

1 2 28 50 -

1 2 11 5 -

Stránská skála IV NISP

MNE

500

+RUVHERQHVUHFRYHUHGIURPDQGH[FDYDWLRQ\HDUVDW6iJYiUDUHFRPELQHGIRUWKHSXUSRVHVRIWKLVWDEOH01(¶V remain consistent with those presented by Vörös (1982).

36

DIXIE WEST: HORSE HUNTING IN CENTRAL EUROPE AT THE END OF THE PLEISTOCENE (NISP=7) although bones of the lower non-meaty parts of limbs are high (NISP=46). High anatomical frequencies of heads and feet compare favorably with frequencies of horse bones recovered from level 1 at Grubgraben; however, they are somewhat distinct from frequencies of bones associated with meaty parts found in levels 3 and 4 at Grubgraben. At Grubgraben, several long bones, representing meaty parts of upper legs were found in all levels. At Ságvár, meaty limb elements were absent. A large number of horse heads were transported to Grubgraben and Ságvár.

Eleven horses from the site were fully adult individuals. One immature individual was represented by an epiphysis RI DQ XQLGHQWL¿HG YHUWHEUD SUR[LPDO HSLSK\VHV RI D OHIW humerus and distal epiphyses of left radius and femur. These long bone epiphyses fuse between three and three DQG D KDOI \HDUV 6XFK D GHPRJUDSKLF SUR¿OH VXJJHVWV that hunters at Stránská skála IV dispatched a bachelor herd of 12 prime aged stallions. Olsen (1989), noting an absence of deciduous teeth of horses at Solutré, suggested harem groups may have been taken and younger colts released. Such culling is supported at Stránská skála IV by an absence of sexually dimorphic canines. However, as mentioned below, teeth and jaw fragments are extremely rare at the site. Therefore, the most parsimonious scenario for horse hunting is trapping a single bachelor herd and attempting to kill as many as possible.

Compared with the open-air camps, horse bones were quite rare at Pilisszántó Rockshelters I and II (Table 4). Relatively few teeth (NISP=7), representing two individuals, were found at these sites. Postcranial bones are also rare. Axial elements are absent at both sites, and the meaty part of a foreleg is represented by a proximal radius/ulna from Pilisszántó Rockshelter II. Again, nonmeaty parts of the leg occur in large numbers. These include two distal metacarpals, a calcaneus, and phalanges 1 and 3 from Pilisszántó Rockshelter II. Phalanges 1 and 2 were recovered from Pilisszántó Rockshelter I. Anatomical frequency of horse bones from Pilisszántó Rockshelters I and II suggest that crania and lower limb bones were returned to Epigravettian residential bases in Hungary. Meat bearing elements of the axial skeleton and upper limbs were abandoned at the kill. This pattern is similar to that found at Grubgraben, level 1.

Heads The types and numbers of bones at Stránská skála IV show most bones of heavy horse carcasses were abandoned at the killing place (Table 4). Heads, represented by teeth and bone fragments, were rare at the kill site. Only two highly fragmented skull pieces were recovered and no mandibles were found. 49 isolated teeth represent the heads. This is a very small number of teeth for the twelve horses represented at the site. Levine (1983) showed that a horse might have as few as 16 teeth at birth and as many as 60 deciduous and permanent teeth as a juvenile. Prime adults bear between 36 and 40 teeth. If all skulls had been left at the site, at least 432 permanent teeth would be expected for this assemblage. Teeth can frequently overwhelm an assemblage. A large number of teeth recovered from Solutré led Soergel to suggest that horse heads were abandoned at the western European kill (Combier 1955). Olsen (1989), studying Solutrean horses also noted that teeth were very abundant, but their large numbers were comparable for the numbers of postcranial bones. She concluded that heads were left at that kill site. Todd and Rapson (1991) showed that the KLJKSUR¿OH FUDQLD RI ODUJH KHUELYRUHV PLJKW GHWHULRUDWH PRUHTXLFNO\WKDQORZSUR¿OHORQJERQHV+RZHYHUQDWXUDO attritional processes cannot account for the low frequency of teeth at Stránská skála IV. Horse teeth are large and H[WUHPHO\GHQVHHQDPHO¿OOHGHOHPHQWVWKH\VWDQGDPXFK better chance of surviving the archaeological record than many other skeletal elements of a horse. Certain carnivores, hyenas in particular, transport ungulate heads from death sites to their lairs (Brain 1981; Stiner 1990; Horwitz and Smith 1988). However, no evidence of carnivore gnawing was found on any postcranial bones from Stránská skála IV. A paucity of teeth, virtual absence of cranial and mandibular bone, and lack of carnivore activity strongly suggests that at least some of the horse heads were transported from the kill site by human hunters.

Anatomical Frequencies of Horse Bones at Camps Anatomical frequencies of horse bones recovered from Epigravettian residential sites in Central Europe suggest that axial elements-primarily scapulae, ribs, and vertebraewere rarely introduced into camps. Meaty parts of pelves and upper limb bones were sometimes carried to camps, but this option varied from site to site. Heads were consistently transported from kills to camps. Stránská skála IV Analyzing body part frequencies as well as breaks and cut marks on horse bones from a kill site is imperative in interpreting the sequence of decisions made by hunters as they partitioned, transported, consumed, and discarded equid remains. Unfortunately, Paleolithic horse kill sites in Europe are extremely rare. One such site, Stránská skála IV, dated between 18,220+120 (GrN13945) and 17,740+90 BP (GrN 14351) and is located in the outskirts of Brno, Czech Republic, has been interpreted as a specialized horse hunting station where under twenty horses were either driven upslope and over a limestone cliff or were backed against the rock wall (Svoboda 1990, 1991). Horse bones from this site are currently stored in the Archaeological Institute in Prague.

Bodies A total of 500 horse teeth and bone fragments, representing a minimum number of 12 horses, were analyzed in the Stránská skála assemblage (Table 4).

Axial elements are represented at the site with 23 scapula (12 left, 11 right) dominating the postcranial bones. Pelves 37

HORSES AND HUMANS: THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN–EQUINE RELATIONSHIPS are also well represented (NISP=28, MNE 11). Vertebrae and ribs are relatively rare. Cervical (NISP 34, MNE 10), thoracic (NISP=14, MNE=7), and lumbar (NISP=1, 01(   YHUWHEUDH ZHUH LGHQWL¿HG 7KLV IDU H[FHHGV WKH frequency of vertebrae found at camps, but it is still a very low number. Carcasses of 12 horses would possess 84 cervical, 216 thoracic, and 72 lumbar vertebrae. Ribs (NISP=50, MNE=5) are also very rare; 12 horse carcasses would have originally contained 432 ribs.

Breaks on the bones suggest a dismemberment, rather than marrow retrieval, strategy. Cut Marks and Surface Erosion %RQH VXUIDFHV ZHUH DQDO\]HG IRU FXWWLQJ DQG ¿OOHWLQJ marks. This was futile; bone surfaces were moderately to heavily weathered and destroyed by extensive rootlet etching. Of 411 horse bones analyzed for weathering from Stránská skála IV, 4.3% (N=18) fell within the category of light weathering (Stages 1 and 2), 36.9% (N=152) were moderately weathered. A total of 220 bones (53.5%) were heavily weathered (Stages 4 and 5), and 21 bones (5.1%) showed such extensive diagenetic destruction and/or archaeological damage that they could not be assigned a weathering stage. Rootlet etching was also extensive. Over 70% of the observed bones exhibited rootlet etching on 75 RI WKHLU VXUIDFHV 7DNLQJ WKLV VXUIDFH PRGL¿FDWLRQ LQWRDFFRXQWLWLVXQGHUVWDQGDEOHWKDWQRFXWWLQJRU¿OOHWLQJ marks were observed on the Stránská skála IV bones. The moderate to intense weathering coupled with a high intensity of rootlet etching overprinted any cut marks, which may have initially occurred on these bones.

Interestingly, upper limb bones--humeri (NISP=15, MNE=5) and femora (NISP=11, MNE=3)--are relatively rare at Stránská skála IV. The radius/ulna (NISP=46, MNE=14) and tibia (NISP=28, MNE=9) are somewhat better represented, but still do not match the NISP or MNE for scapulae or pelves. Although autopodia (carpals and tarsals) and metapodials occur in large numbers, they do not overwhelm the assemblage (Table 4). Third phalanges are rare. Anatomical frequencies of horse bones from Stránská skála IV, suggest that some of the heads were transported away from the kill. Ribs and vertebrae may have also been transported. However, a noted absence of these elements in campsites suggests that attritional processes related to bone density might have erased these elements in both archaeological contexts. Scapulae dominate the postcranial assemblage at the site. Pelves, femora, and humeri are less well represented suggesting shoulders and haunches were removed from the kill with bones intact. Distal tibiae, proximal and distal parts of radii and metapodials are common. Non-meaty lower limb bones are also well represented by phalanges and tarsals, but apparently, some lower limbs were removed from the kill site. A paucity of third phalanges recovered from the site may be related to the cancellous nature of the hoof and its tendency to readily disintegrate (Lyman 1994).

Season of Death The most reliable means of determining season of death in horses is to cut the teeth and examine bands of cementum which are biannually deposited (Olsen 1989). Limited time for study precluded such an examination. In the absence of other evidence, season of death was inferred from dermestid pupation chambers on a left calcaneus. A ¿HOGRIFKDPEHUVZDVIRXQGRQWKHDUWLFXODUVXUIDFHRIWKH sustentaculum and on the mid-shaft of the plantar surface. Dermestids are small beetles that feed between the dried skin and bone of dried carcasses (Martin and West 1994; West and Martin 1997). At the end of their larval cycles, dermestids seek out compact substrates, including bone, DQGERUHVPDOOÀDVNVKDSHGFKDPEHUVLQZKLFKWRSXSDWH Controlled by temperature and moisture, dermestid activity can occur only: 1) when dried skin covers parts of a carcass, and 2) during warm, dry months of the year. The dermestid life cycle usually requires 42-46 days. With lack of other evidence, presence of dermestid pupation chambers suggests that the Stránská skála IV horses died during the summer allowing for a complete dermestid pupation cycle. Beasley (Olsen 1989), analyzing cementum layers on horse teeth, determined that equids at Solutré were also killed during summer.

Breaks Of the 500 bones observed in the assemblage, 18.6% (N=93) displayed green bone or spiral fractures. Eighty of the bones were recognizable, and 13 were nondiagnostic shaft fragments. Green breaks were observed most frequently on metapodials (N=32) followed by the radius (N=14) and tibia (N=13). Proximal ends of meat bearing humeri and femora were rare to absent and only the femora-shaft exhibited green breaks. Scapulae, high frequency elements in this assemblage, displayed only WKUHH GH¿QLWLYH JUHHQ EUHDNV DW WKH QHFN 7DSKRQRPLF erosion probably destroyed the original breaks on this low-density area. Pelves showed one green break, but like WKHVFDSXODHURVLRQSUREDEO\SOD\HGDVLJQL¿FDQWUROHLQ disguising original breaks. The horse bones from Stránská skála IV suffered much less fragmentation than I would have expected; long bones bear marrow, a high calorie substance. Bones were either complete or only moderately fragmented. Few bones suffered the kinds of breaks, which would have allowed easy access to marrow cavities.

Patterns of Postcranial Processing and Transport Higher frequencies of horse limb bones were recovered from Stránská skála IV than were found at Grubgraben, Ságvár, and Pilisszántó Rockshelters I and II. This is best illustrated by dividing the minimum number of elements of recovered bones by the actual number of elements found in one horse (Table 5). Proportional frequencies show that bones representing meaty parts of the skeleton were 38

DIXIE WEST: HORSE HUNTING IN CENTRAL EUROPE AT THE END OF THE PLEISTOCENE Table 5. Minimum number of horse bones from Grubgraben (AL1-AL4), Stránská skála IV, and Ságvár divided by the number of like elements found in one horse. Bone Skull Mandible Cervical Thoracic Lumbar Innominate Rib Sacrum Scapula Humerus Radius/ Ulna Femur Tibia Carpal Metacarpal Tarsal Metatarsal Phalanx I Phalanx II Phalanx III Metapodial Access. Metapodial Sesamoid

AL1 AL2 AL3 AL4 SS IV Ságvár 1.00 2.00 3.00 3.00 2.00 37.00 1.50 .50 2.50 1.50 1.40 .14 .29 1.40 .06 .39 .17 .17 .50 .50 1.50 1.50 5.50 .03 .03 .03 .14 - 1.00 - 1.00 .50 1.00 2.00 11.50 .50 .50 1.00 1.00 2.50 .50

.50

1.00

1.00

7.00

.50

1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 .75 .75 -

.50 1.50 .50 .25 -

1.00 1.00 .14 .50 .50 .50 .25 -

1.00 1.50 .07 .50 .08 1.00 .25 -

1.50 4.50 .07 7.50 2.92 3.50 6.25 4.50 .75 2.50

.50 .36 .50 2.00 .50 .25 -

-

-

-

-

-

1.25

-

-

-

.50

.50

FIGURE 2. DISTAL SHAFTS OF RIGHT FEMORA OF AN ADULT SHETLAND PONY (TOP) AND ADULT WHITE-TAILED DEER, ODOCOILEUS VIRGINIANUS (BOTTOM). THE FEMORAL SHAFT OF THE SMALL HORSE HAS MUCH MORE CANCELLOUS TISSUE THAN THAT OF THE DEER.

size explains much of the variability in marrow wet weights among and within bovid species, but locomotor adaptations and marrow cavity structure are also important, especially in explaining the lower absolute marrow yields of...equid (zebra) long bones.” Blumenschine and Madrigal (1993) showed that the tibia and metatarsal followed by the femur and metacarpal, rank highest in marrow quantity in the horse, but that overall marrow content is extremely low in equids. The East African work has been supported by recent analyses of Outram and Rowley-Conwy (1998). This difference is shown in Table 6, where the weights of marrow of caribou, zebra, and domesticated horse are compared. The differences are striking.

frequently left at the kill and heads were carried away. Pupation chambers, coupled with articulating astragali, calcanei, and distal tibiae, indicate that at least some nonmeaty, articulated lower limb elements, with skin attached, were discarded as single units at the site. Limb bones at the kill site were not broken in a manner indicative of marrow removal. I originally proposed that if Epigravettian hunters were as stressed as might be expected during the Last Glacial Maximum, marrow bearing bones of horse, like those of reindeer, would have been extensively broken to retrieve marrow. Bones at Stránská skála IV show little evidence of breakage for marrow removal. Low breakage was also observed on horse limb bones from Solutré (Olsen 1989).

Although the horse weighs approximately twice as much as the caribou, the reindeer provides over 13 times as much marrow as the equid. Blumenschine and Madrigal (1993) showed that caloric yield from the twelve major long bones of an equid yielded a comparable number of FDORULHVWRWKDWRI7KRPSVRQ¶VJD]HOOHDQDQLPDOWLPHV smaller than the equid. Zebras have much lower marrow content than comparably sized bovids because of their densely cancellous marrow cavities. They (ibid.:573) noted, “...marrow cavities are a less important storage site for fat reserves in non-ruminant ungulates, and,

A pattern of low breakage may be explained by the structural nature of horse limb bones. Horses, unlike reindeer (as well as bovids in general), possess highly cortical/cancellous long bones with relatively small marrow cavities (Figure 2). Blumenschine and Madrigal (1993) studied variability in long bone marrow yields of East African ungulates. They (1993:555) noted that “Body 39

HORSES AND HUMANS: THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN–EQUINE RELATIONSHIPS at Stránská skála IV. Why did humans opt to leave the majority of postcranial bones at kill sites, yet transport large, cumbersome cranial elements to a camp? Speth (1983, 1987) proposed that heads should be considered a non-preferred food source to be ignored by hunters VHHNLQJIDW ‘wheel’

*k eles-, *k ek lóm

UHSULQW@ Caesar (H.J. Edwards, trans.) 1917 The Gallic War. Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, Cambridge. [1979 reprint]. Clarke, D.V., T.G. Cowie, and Andrew Foxon 1985 Symbols of Power at the Time of Stonehenge. National Museum of Antiquities of Scotland, Her 0DMHVW\¶V6WDWLRQHU\2I¿FH(GLQEXUJK Clayton, Peter 1994 Chronicle of the Pharaohs: The Reign-by-Reign Record of the Rulers and Dynasties of Ancient Egypt. Thames and Hudson, London. Clutton-Brock, Juliet 2001 Ritual Burials of a Dog and Six Domestic Donkeys. In Excavations at Tell Brak, Vol. 2: Nagar in the Third Millennium BC, edited by D. Oates, J. Oates, and H. McDonald, pp. 327-338. McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, Cambridge, and British School of Archaeology in Iraq, London. Dent, John 1985 Three Cart Burials from Wetwang, Yorkshire. Antiquity LIX(226):85-92. Desroches-Noblecourt, Cristiane 1963 Life and Death of a Pharaoh. New York Graphic Society, Boston, MA. Drews, Robert 1988 The Coming of the Greeks: Indo-European Conquests in the Aegean and the Near East. Princeton University Press, Princeton, MA. Dryomov, I.I. 2002 The Regional Differences of the Prestige Bronze 190

Age Burials (Peculiarities of the Pokrovsk Group). In Complex Societies of Central Eurasia from the 3rd to the 1st Millennium BC: Regional 6SHFL¿FV LQ WKH /LJKW RI *OREDO 0RGHOV edited by K. Jones-Bley and D.G. Zdanovich, pp. 296313. Chelyabinsk State University, Chelyabinsk, Russia, and Journal of Indo-European Studies Monograph Series, Institute for the Study of Man, Washington, D.C. Gamkrelidze, T.V. and V.V. Ivanov 1995 Indo-European and the Indo-Europeans, 2 vols. Johanna Nichols (trans.). Trends in Linguistics Studies and Monographs 80. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin. Gening, V.F.   0RJLO¶QLN 6LQWDVKWD L 3UREOHPD 5DQQLNK Indoiranskikh Pelemen. Sovetskaya Arkheologiya 4:53-73. Gening, V.F., G. Zdanovich, and V.V. Gening 1992 Sintashta: Archeological Sites of Aryan Tribes of the Ural-Kazakh Steppes.