Horse Breeds and Breeding in the Greco-Persian World : 1st and 2nd Millennium BC [1 ed.] 9781443863087, 9781443853637

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Horse Breeds and Breeding in the Greco-Persian World

Horse Breeds and Breeding in the Greco-Persian World: 1st and 2nd Millennium BC

By

Thomas Donaghy

Horse Breeds and Breeding in the Greco-Persian World: 1st and 2nd Millennium BC, by Thomas Donaghy This book first published 2014 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2014 by Thomas Donaghy All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-5363-1, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-5363-7

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Illustrations ................................................................................... viii Maps ............................................................................................................ x Acknowledgements ................................................................................... xii Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 Part I: Evolution, Domestication, and Spread Chapter One ................................................................................................. 8 Evolution of the Horse Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 12 Domestication Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 18 Early Horse-Riding Chapter Four .............................................................................................. 26 Development and Spread of Chariotry Chapter Five .............................................................................................. 36 Chariot Warfare Chapter Six ................................................................................................ 40 Greek Chariot Warfare Chapter Seven............................................................................................ 52 Horse-Riding during the Chariot Age Chapter Eight ............................................................................................. 56 Development of Cavalry Forces Chapter Nine.............................................................................................. 59 War Chariots during the Cavalry Age

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Table of Contents

Part II: Breeds—The Greek World Chapter Ten ............................................................................................... 72 The Troad Chapter Eleven .......................................................................................... 79 Mainland Greece Chapter Twelve ....................................................................................... 100 Thessaly Chapter Thirteen ...................................................................................... 107 Thrace and Macedon Chapter Fourteen ..................................................................................... 116 South Italy and Sicily (Magna Graecia) Chapter Fifteen ........................................................................................ 131 North Africa Part III: Breeds—The Eurasian Steppe and the Persian World Chapter Sixteen ....................................................................................... 136 Scythia and the Eurasian Steppe Chapter Seventeen ................................................................................... 142 The Heavenly Horses of Ferghana Chapter Eighteen ..................................................................................... 147 The Lands of the Persian Empire Chapter Nineteen ..................................................................................... 184 The Nisaean Horse Chapter Twenty ....................................................................................... 191 The Caspian Miniature Horse Chapter Twenty-One ............................................................................... 197 The Horse and Arabia

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Conclusion ............................................................................................... 206 Abbreviations .......................................................................................... 209 Bibliography ............................................................................................ 212 Index ........................................................................................................ 225

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Illustrations by Peter McCanney Fig 10.1 - Hellenistic era statue of a bridled horse discovered at Pergamon. Pergamon Museum. Berlin. Fig 11.1 - Greek horses from the Parthenon frieze (ca. 438 - 432 BC). Equestrian group from the west frieze. British Museum, London, West Frieze II, 2 - 3. Fig 12.1 - Coin of Larissa, Thessaly. Reverse of drachma (ca. 400 - 360 BC). Bridled stallion prancing right. Above and below ȁǹȇǿȈǹǿǹ (Larissa). British Museum, London. Fig 12.2 - Detail of Alexander and Bucephalas on the ‘Alexander Sarcophagus’ from the Royal Cemetary of Sidon (ca. 310 BC). Archaeological Museum, Department of Classical Antiquities, No. 68 (370), Istanbul. Fig 13.1 - Thracian Horse Rython. Silver rython (fifth – fourth century BC) from Basova Hill, Duvanli. Archological Museum, Plovdiv, Bulkgaria. Fig 13.2 - Detail of horse in Skudrian (Thracian?) procession. Eastern Stairway, Apadana Palace, Persepolis, Iran. Fifth century BC. Fig 13.3 - Coin of Philip II of Macedon (ca. 359 - 336 BC). Reverse of tetradrachm. Young Rider on a large muscular horse. To either side, ĭǿȁǿȆȆȅȊ = of Philip. Fig 14.1 - Coins of Tarentum depicting ‘Tarentine’ cavalrymen. Left: obverse of stater (ca. 333 – 331/0 BC). Right: obverse of didrachm (ca. 290 – 281 BC). Fig 14.2 - Bronze horse and rider from Armento, Basilicata, southern Italy (ca. 560 – 550 BC). British Museum, London.

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Fig 14.3 - Coin of Syracuse depicting a four horse chariot. Obverse of tetradrachm (ca. 510 – 490 BC). Fig 15.1 - Coin of Carthage. Reverse of a gold one-and-a-half stater (ca. 270 - 260 BC). Fig 16.1 - Scythian horse from the Chertomlyk Vase discovered in the Chertomlyk kurgan (Dnieper basin, Ukraine). Fourth century BC. The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg. Fig 18.1 - Assyrian horse and groom. Detail of an Assyrian relief from Nimrud (ca. 865 BC). British Museum, London, No. ANE124548. Fig 18.2 - Detail of horse in Armenian procession. Eastern stairway, Apadana Palace, Persepolis, Iran. Fifth century BC. Fig 18.3 - Detail of horse in Cappadocian procession. Eastern stairway, Apadana Palace, Persepolis, Iran. Fifth century BC. Fig 18.4 - Nisaean horse from Apadana. Detail of a procession depicting one of the king’s riding horses. Eastern stairway, Apadana Palace, Persepolis, Iran. Fifth century BC. Fig 18.5 - Rommelaere’s Longiligne type horse from the tomb of Rekhmire at Thebes. Eighteenth Dynasty, reigns of Thoutmosis III (1490 1436 BC) and Amenhotep II (1438 - 1412 BC). Fig 18.6 - Rommelaere’s Breviligne type horse from the tomb of Menna at Thebes. Eighteenth Dynasty, reign of Thoutmosis IV (1412 - 1403 BC). Fig 18.7 - Detail of horse in the Sogdianaean procession. Eastern Stairway, Apadana Palace, Persepolis, Iran. Fifth century BC. Fig 20.1 - Syrian (Caspian?) horse from Apadana. Detail of horses from Syrian procession. Eastern stairway, Apadana Palace, Persepolis, Iran. Fifth century BC.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This book developed out of my PhD thesis, “Horse Breeds and Breeding in the Greco-Persian World: 2nd and 1st Millennia BC”, completed at University College Dublin’s School of Classics in 2009. This book would not have been possible without the assistance of the Irish Research Council for the Humanities and Social Sciences (IRCHSS) whom I would like to thank for funding of the final two years of my PhD. I would especially like to thank my supervisor Dr. Philip de Souza for his careful mentoring and insightful assistance throughout my years researching this topic. I also wish to thank all the other members of staff and postgraduate students of the School of Classics during my time there for their kindness and constant willingness to help. Many thanks to Dr. Kelly Fitzgerald for her continued encouragement and to Peter McCanney for the excellent illustrations provided. Last, and certainly not least, the greatest thanks must to go to my family who always offer unconditional support for whatever I am doing.

INTRODUCTION

After creating the heavens and the earth, the birds of the air and the fishes of the sea, God found it good to bestow on man a supreme mark of his favour: he created the horse. In the magnificent sequence of creation the last phase, that of perfection, was reserved for this beautiful creature. The horse was swifter than anything on the face of the earth; he could outrun the deer, leap higher than the goat, endure longer than the wolf. Man, encompassed by the elements which conspired to destroy him, by beasts faster and stronger than himself, would have been a slave had not the horse made him king. In the Garden of Eden the horse was of no service to man, but the fall of man revealed to the horse his noble mission.1

The association between human and horse is one which has existed for tens of thousands of years. From as early as thirty-five to forty thousand years ago humans were hunting horses in large numbers for both food and hides and, not long after this, horses began to appear quite frequently in cave paintings or as figurines carved from bone and mammoth tusk. As the post-glacial climate warmed and forests overtook steppe-lands wild horses were gradually pushed eastwards and their habitat restricted to the Eurasian steppe. Budiansky suggests that, had it not been for their domestication, the remaining herds would have gradually disappeared and the horse would be extinct today.2 That this may indeed have come to pass is suggested by the fact that the last surviving herd of true wild horses, the Przewalskii horse of Mongolia, disappeared late in the last century. The last wild specimen of this breed was spotted in 1969.3 So it seems only fair that the horse, when it was saved from probable extinction through domestication, repaid the favour by contributing so much to the history of humankind. The domestication of the horse and the subsequent development of chariotry and cavalry greatly changed human lifestyle. Not only were horses available for food and hides they could also be used for transportation and warfare. 1

Eighteenth century French explanation of man’s partnership with the horse. [Chenevix-Trench, (1970), 7]. 2 Budiansky, (1997), 35. 3 Przewalski horses bred from captive specimens have since been successfully reintroduced into the wild.

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Introduction

It was for the peoples of the Eurasian Steppe that horses seem to have facilitated the most radical change. Possession of horses permitted these peoples to abandon their sedentary ways on the fringes of the great plains and to embrace a fully nomadic lifestyle. Throughout history such nomadic cultures regularly came into conflict with the settled cultures of non-steppe lands and the former played an important role in the development and evolution of the latter. From the steppes of the Far East the nomadic Hsiung-Nu proved a constant menace to the Chinese kingdoms throughout the second half of the first millennium BC while in Western Europe the nomadic Huns played a large role in the troubles faced by the Roman Empire during the fourth and fifth centuries AD. The largest land empire which the world has ever known was created in the late twelfth and early thirteenth century AD by the nomadic Mongols. When horses were introduced into the Americas by European explorers and conquistadors during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries AD they swiftly affected cultural lifestyles and within two centuries the Plains Indians of North America had embraced a fully nomadic lifestyle similar to that of their Eurasian counterparts. Horses also greatly influenced the history and development of sedentary civilisations. Indo-European peoples (possibly originating from the border-lands of the steppes), with their newly developed chariot technology, spread their culture through a wide swathe of the ancient world through a series of invasions and/or migrations. By the middle of the second millennium BC chariot-using Indo-European cultures had established themselves as Hittites in Asia Minor, Mitannians in Armenia, Kassites in Babylonia, and Aryans in northwest India to name but a few. Chariot forces were to play a vital role in the military might of many kingdoms in the eastern Mediterranean and Near East until they were supplanted by cavalry in the first millennium BC. Chariotry was to play an even greater role in China and India where it continued in military use down to the latter centuries of the first millennium BC. The development of cavalry forces continued the horse’s contribution to history and the rise of great empires, such as those of the Assyrians, Medes, and Persians, owed much to their ability to breed and raise large forces of cavalry. When Alexander the Great invaded the Persian Empire it was cavalry which played a vital role in his success. The great importance of cavalry continued throughout medieval times and well into the modern era. As late as the Second World War horses played a vital military role. Although by WWII they had mostly been replaced by mechanised forces many hundreds of thousands of horses were still used for transporting troops to the front and for the transport of provisions and heavy artillery.

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Although cavalry forces do not generally form part of modern armies (with the exception of some ceremonial units) they are still occasionally used. Most notable is their use by the Janjaweed militiamen in Darfur. Probably less well known is the fact that cavalry forces were recently in use in America’s war against the Taliban in Afghanistan. When a Special Forces Operational Detachment was air-dropped into Afghanistan in the fall of 2001 they were surprised to discover that the Northern Alliance force of their ally General Dostum consisted of a mounted unit of two thousand horsemen armed with modern small arms. Since the Taliban possessed relatively modern tanks and artillery the Americans used GPS, laser range finders, and digital satellite radios to destroy the Taliban’s bunkers and military hardware after which the Afghan horsemen would charge the enemy positions.4 Due to the vital role which the horse has played in human history there have been many publications over the years detailing the history of the association between human and horse. The majority of such works, however, concentrate mostly on the horse’s military contribution without making any real attempt to examine the origin of the horse itself. That is to say that, although much has been written on the construction and manufacture of chariots, the origin and development of cavalry equipment, and the tactics and manoeuvres used by chariots and cavalry in battle, there has been much less written concerning the origin and development of the various breeds of horse and how they spread across the ancient world. In order to address this imbalance this book takes as its topic an examination of the origins and development of the variously attested horse breeds of the Greco-Persian World of the second and first millennia BC. This particular time period has been selected for examination because it was during these two millennia that the vital role which the horse was to play in human history became fully apparent. The second millennium BC saw the development of the chariot and the subsequent creation of vast chariot forces which were to form an important part of the armed forces of numerous lands from Mycenaean Greece in the west as far as India and China in the east. The first millennium BC saw the gradual replacement of these chariots with cavalry forces which continued to play a vital role in military warfare right up until the beginnings of the twentieth century AD. This book will focus its examination upon the region of the GrecoPersian world because of the great interaction which these lands experienced during this period. For the purposes of this book the Greek World is taken to encompass those main regions of the ancient Mediterranean that were either settled by Greeks or had close contact with 4

DiMarco, (2008), 352 - 354.

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Introduction

(or influence from) Greek lands. The Persian World encompasses all those lands which were later to fall under the sway of the Persian Empire when it was at the height of its power (ca. 480 BC). The interaction between these two regions during the second and first millennia BC was constant and extensive. There was continual trade between the many nations of the eastern Mediterranean and the Near East throughout this period as well as cultural and military interaction. The Mycenaean Greeks had strong connections with both Egypt and western Anatolia and often were engaged in military actions against Hittite dependencies. There was close contact between the major powers of the Near East at this time - Hatti, Mitanni, Assyria, Babylon, and Egypt. From the mid-fifth century BC the Persian Empire was regularly engaged in military conflict with the Greek World while the late-fourth century BC witnessed the conquest of the Persian Empire by the Macedonian and Greek armies of Alexander the Great. Existing publications on the topic of ancient horses can be broadly divided into two main categories. The first category consists of works whose focus is to provide a general account of the history of the horse over a very large period of time - such as from its evolution, domestication, or from a particular time (e.g. Classical Greece or the Roman Republic) up until the present day. Due to the lengthy time span covered any examination of horses during the second and first millennia BC tends to form but a small portion of the whole with the greater part focusing on the period from late medieval times to the present. Examples of such publications include C. Chenevix-Trench, (1970), A History of Horsemanship, New York; A. Dent, (1974), The Horse Through Fifty Centuries of Civilisation, London; D. M. Goodall, (1977), A History of Horse Breeding, London; H. B. Barclay, (1980), The Role of the Horse in Man’s Culture, London; and J. CluttonBrock, (1992), Horse Power: A History of the Horse and Donkey in Human Societies, London. The second category of publications focus more closely on the horses of the ancient world and, therefore, tend to contain more detailed information regarding the period in question. While some of these works may indeed contain information and discussions in regard to ancient breeds, in the majority of cases the focus is more on an analysis of harnessing and tack (saddles / saddle-cloths, bits, bridles, harnessing equipment for chariot horses) and the role horses played in military matters (tactics, manoeuvres, cavalry armour and weaponry). Such works can also be divided into two main categories - those concerned with the ancient world in general and those in which specific regions or nations are examined. Examples of the former include A. Hyland, (2003), The Horse

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in the Ancient World, Surry; A. Cotterell, (2005), Chariot: The Astounding Rise and Fall of the World’s First War Machine, London; and P. Sidnell, (2006), Warhorse: Cavalry in Ancient Warfare, London. Examples of the latter include A. Hyland, (1990), Equus: The Horse in the Roman World, London; J. H. Crouwel, (1992), Chariots and other wheeled vehicles in Iron Age Greece, Amsterdam; R. E. Gaebel, (2002), Cavalry Operations in the Ancient Greek World, Norman, Oklahoma. Although the categories of publications mentioned above constitute the larger portion of works dealing with the history of the horse, there are a small number of publications covering the period dealt with by this book which do attempt to examine the origin and development of particular breeds. Works which include an analysis of ancient breeds include C. Rommelaere, (1991), Les Chevaux du Nouvel Empire Egyptien: Origines, Races, Harnachement, Bruxelles and P. G. Gonzaga, (2004), A History of the Horse Volume I: The Iberian Horse from Ice Age to Antiquity, London. The former contains an excellent analysis of Egyptian horse paintings from the New Kingdom Period which indicate that two separate breeds of horse may have entered Egypt during this period. The author attempts to identify and trace the origins of both these breeds. The latter consists of a detailed investigation into the possible origins and development of Iberian horses through an examination of paintings, sculptures, archaeological remains, and the movement of horses throughout the ancient world through trade, migration, and warfare. Such being the current state of this field of research, this book will examine humankind’s influence on the origin and development of the various breeds of ancient horse which are known from the Greco-Persian World of the second and first millennia BC. Such an examination will help provide a better understanding of the history of humankind’s association with the horse. Our understanding of the huge role which the horse played in human history can only be improved by our gaining an understanding of the equally huge role which humans played when they took horses from the wild and, through many hundreds of years of daily interaction, crossbreeding, and training, facilitated the development and spread of many different breeds throughout the ancient world. The examination of breeds will attempt, through an analysis of surviving archaeological, iconographical, and literary evidence, to determine what those described physical characteristics and given attributes of the various breeds may reveal about their possible geographical and racial origins. This book is divided into three main parts. Part One provides an historical overview of the origin and spread of the horse including an overview of its evolution, domestication, spread, and the origins and

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Introduction

development of horse riding and chariotry. Part Two entails a detailed overview of the main regions of the Greek World which were famed for producing high-quality horse breeds during the second and first millennia BC. For the purposes of this thesis the term ‘Greek World’ encompasses the main regions of the ancient Mediterranean world that were either settled by Greeks or else had close contacts with (or influence from) Greek lands. Drawing upon a wide range of source material (including archaeology, iconography, literary sources, geographical and agricultural surveys) this section aims to gather together information which explains why these particular regions were capable of breeding high-quality horses, the number of horses that each region was capable of breeding, and what the physical appearance of these breeds (as well as the particular attributes associated with them) can tell us about their possible origins. Part Three takes the same approach as Part Two but applies it to the horse-breeding lands of the Eurasian steppe and the Persian World. The analysis of the Eurasian Steppe covers those breeds used by nomadic horsemen from the plains of Eastern Europe right the way across to the plains of Mongolia. This was a region which, despite its enormous extent, possessed a relatively uniform culture as well as relatively uniform breeds of horse. For the purposes of this thesis the term ‘Persian World’ is used to encompass all those lands which were later to fall under the sway of the Persian Empire when it was at the height of its power (ca. 480 BC). The majority of the narrative, however, is based around ancient texts detailing the Assyrian rise to power in the early centuries of the first millennium BC (supplemented by a similar range of source material as used in Part Two). The section has been structured this way because it was the Assyrians who were the first to join under one rule the all the major horse-breeding lands of the Near East which lay between the eastern Mediterranean and the Zagros Mountains. It was the control of these core breeding-grounds upon which the basis of the Assyrian Empire’s military might depended as well as that of the subsequent Median and Persian Empires.

PART I: EVOLUTION, DOMESTICATION, AND SPREAD

CHAPTER ONE EVOLUTION OF THE HORSE1

The horse (Equus Caballus) is just one member of the larger family of equus that also includes the ass (Equus Asinus), the onager (Equus Hemionus), and the three species of zebra (Equus Zebra, Equus Burchelli, and Equus Grevyi). For the origins of the Equus genera one must go back to the Eocene Period (ca. 54 – 38 million years ago) in America.2 It was here that the first equids originated and, over the next fifty-four million years, evolved and spread across the world. The first equid to be found in the fossil record is aptly named Eohippus (Greek for ‘Dawn Horse’).3 Eohippus was a small, forest-dwelling animal which stood between 10 and 20 inches (25 and 50 cm) at the shoulder and weighed approximately 5.4 kg (12 lbs). It had a flexible, arched back (in contrast to the rigid spine of today’s horse), a short neck, snout, and legs, and a long tail. Unlike modern horses Eohippus was toed rather than hoofed. It had four toes on its front feet and three on its hind (with visible traces of two more). Each toe terminated in a small hoof-like nail. Its under-foot was protected by a dog-like pad. In the forest environment of Eocene North 1

This overview of horse evolution draws much from the following works: Hulbert, (1996), 11 - 34; MacFadden, (1988), 131 - 158; Edwards, (1987), 17 - 25; Clabby, (1976), 6 - 12. 2 The following geological periods cover the evolution of the horse. Eocene (ca. 54 - 38 million years ago), Oligocene (ca. 38 - 26 million years ago), Miocene (ca. 26 - 7 million years ago), Pliocene (ca. 7 - 3 million years ago), Pleistocene (ca. 3 million years ago - recent). [Clabby, (1976), 1]. 3 Eohippus is also commonly referred to as Hyracotherium due to a mistake made in the early identification of its fossil finds. When partial remains of a skull were discovered in Kent, England in the early 1800’s they were identified as belonging to a cony or hyrax and therefore the find was given the scientific name Hyracotherium. In 1867 a more complete skeleton was discovered in Eocene rock structures in the southern part of the United States and named Eohippus. It was not until 1932, however, that the connection between the two finds was made. [Edwards, (1987), 17 - 18].

Evolution of the Horse

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America Eohippus would have browsed on fruit and soft foliage and so its teeth were not adapted for rough grazing. They were low-crowned and consisted of three sets of incisors, one set of canines, four sets of premolars and three sets of ‘grinding’ molars. The modern horse, due to its grazing orientation, has six sets of ‘grinding’ molars. Having evolved in North America Eohippus soon spread across the existing land-bridges into Eurasia. At the end of the early Eocene continental drift led to the connection between North America and Europe being severed while that between North America and Asia was periodically cut off by shallow seas. Although Eohippus diversified into a number of different species in Europe only a few of them survived into the middle Oligocene (ca. 30 million years ago) when they finally died out. Those species in Asia died out shortly before their counterparts in Europe. In North America, however, the evolution of the horse continued apace. Within the Eocene the immediate descendants of Eohippus were Orohippus and Epihippus. Both equids retained the same foot structure as their predecessor and were of similar size. Their teeth, however, had developed further. Orohippus now had four sets of ‘grinding’ cheek teeth while Epihippus had five. The beginning of the Oligocene (38 – 26 million years ago) saw the appearance of the larger Mesohippus and Miohippus some specimens of which were up to 30 inches (75 cm) tall and weighed about 55 kg (121 lbs). Both species were three-toed on all limbs although most of their body-weight rested on the middle toe. Their feet still retained the same ‘dog-like’ pad behind the toes. Both equids also sported larger incisors and had the recognisably ‘horse-like’ six sets of ‘grinding’ molars. Although different species of Mesohippus and Miohippus coexisted at various times during the mid to late Oligocene it seems to have been from Miohippus that the later Miocene equids (ca. 26 - 7 million years ago) descended. There appears to have been two main lines of descent. 1. Three-toed browsers called Anchitheres. These retained the same dental and foot structure of Miohippus but grew to much larger sizes. Their body weights are estimated to have ranged between 200 to 400 kg (441 to 882 lbs). This branch was very successful spreading to all corners of North America and across the, by then re-established, land-bridges into Eurasia. They became extinct in both places, however, by the late Miocene / early Pliocene (ca. 9 - 7 million years ago). 2. A line of equids, which began to specialise in eating grasses. These equids developed teeth more suitable for chewing grass (small crests on their teeth enlarged and joined together into a series of ridges for grinding). They also began to develop into specialised runners. The fleshy pads

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Chapter One behind the toes were lost and during normal movement on hard ground their entire body-weight was supported by the middle toe. The side toes were only used on soft ground and at maximum speeds.

Parahippus arose from this second branch early in the Miocene and seems to have been a transitional form between browsers and grazers. It was larger than Miohippus and still three-toed but was beginning to develop springy ligaments under the foot. By about seventeen million years ago, however, Parahippus had greatly declined in numbers and another equid Merychippus began to take centre-stage. Merychippus was still three-toed but was fully spring-footed and stood on its tiptoes with most of its weight borne on the middle toe. The side toes now began to be of varying sizes (some were fully formed while others barely touched the ground) while the nail of the central toe began to develop into a hoof. By the end of the Miocene there were at least six distinct groups of equids existing in the Americas. The two main groups were the three-toed grazers called Hipparions and a line of equids in which the side toes gradually began to reduce in size and disappear. Hipparions dominated the fauna of North America for millions of years and also spread throughout Eurasia and into Africa. They seem to have been the first equids to penetrate the latter continent. They survived in Eurasia and Africa into the Pleistocene (3 million years ago - present) when they died out. Back in North America close ancestors of today’s horse were beginning to emerge (ca. 17 million years ago) from the line of equids in which the side toes began to disappear. While the earliest of these equines were all three-toed the side toes were eventually lost in some branches by the late Miocene. This condition of having one digit per foot (monodactyly) seems to have evolved only twice in equids - in Pliohippus and in the branch of equids that included Dinohippus and Equus. Due to dental similarities it was originally thought that Equus may have descended from Pliohippus, however, more recent analysis of the development of facial fossae has shown that Dinohippus is a more likely candidate. Dinohippus was the most common equid in North America in the late Pliocene. Equus finally developed in North America about four million years ago. It stood approximately 13.2 hands (54 inches) at the shoulder and possessed a recognisably ‘horse-like’ body with a rigid spine, long neck, legs, and nose. The earliest known specimens had zebra-like bodies with short, narrow, donkey-like skulls. Equus was soon to evolve into many new and varied species. During the first major glaciations of the late Pliocene (ca. 3 million years ago) certain equus species spread across the world and, up until a

Evolution of the Horse

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million years ago, were to be found in Africa, Asia, Europe, and North and South America. The Pleistocene (3 million years ago - present) saw a number of extinctions that killed off most of the large mammals in North and South America including all equids.4 It is not known why these extinctions took place. They may have been due to climate changes in the post-glacial period, over-hunting by humans (who had just then arrived in the Americas), sickness, or a combination of all three. Budiansky believes that equus would also have eventually died out in Eurasia had it not been for its domestication by humankind. As the climate warmed and forests overtook the open grasslands, the herds fled ever eastward, vanishing from the British Isles and from France and Spain … until all that remained were remnant herds in the still-open grassland steppes of Ukraine and Central Asia … But for domestication, the Eurasian wild horse would likely have shared the fate of its New World cousins. This rescue of the horse follows a pattern that has been repeated time and again in domestic species. The aurochs, the wild progenitor of the domestic cow, is gone: wild sheep and goats teeter on the brink of extinction throughout the world: the last remnant of the Asian wild horse, Przewalskii’s horse, survives only in captive and artificially managed populations rescued from oblivion at the end of the last century.5

By the time the ice caps had retreated some ten thousand years ago only eight species of equus had survived: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

4

Horses (Equus Caballus) in Europe and Asia. The onager (Equus Hemionius) in the Near East. The Tibetan wild ass (Equus Kiang) – now extinct. The African wild ass (Equus Asinus) in North Africa. The Mountain zebra (Equus Zebra) in South Africa. The Plains zebra / Burchell’s zebra (Equus Burchelli) in South Africa. Grevy’s zebra (Equus Grevyi) in Kenya / Ethiopia. The quagga (Equus Quagga) in South Africa – now extinct.

Horses were to become unknown in the Americas until their re-introduction by Europeans in the late fifteenth century A.D. 5 Budiansky, (1997), 35.

CHAPTER TWO DOMESTICATION

Of the eight species of equus in existence after the last ice age it was Equus Caballus that was to have the greatest impact on human history. In the post-glacial period it appears that a number of distinct breeds of Equus Caballus roamed a wide range of territory across northern Europe and Asia. Because of the wide variation in size and conformation of modern domestic horses, with small stocky ponies in northern Europe and slenderlimbed Arabian horses in the south, it has often been suggested that at the end of the Pleistocene there were several different species of wild equids that were domesticated.1

It is generally believed that Equus Caballus had developed into three distinct breeds by the post-glacial period. 1. The Takhi or Asiatic Wild Horse (Equus Caballus Przewalskii).2 The Przewalskii was the last truly wild horse in existence. Its range was generally located east of the 40th degree of longitude across the Russian and Mongolian steppes.3 It was last seen free in 1969 and died out in the wild sometime after this. It continued to be bred in captivity, however, and in the early 1990s was successfully reintroduced into the national parks of Mongolia. The Przewalskii is a pony-sized horse of about 13 hands with a large head, short and fleshy neck, and narrow legs. Its general body colour is a light bay with the lower part a smooth white. It has dark stripes on its chest, its mane and tail are black or dark brown (the mane is stiff and upright without a forelock), and the lower parts of its legs have dark stripes. There is also a dark dorsal stripe visible running from mane to tail. 1

Here the author uses ‘species’ to denote various ‘breeds’ of horse rather than an actual separate species like the ass or onager. [Clutton-Brock, (1981), 82]. 2 Named after the famous Russian geographer and explorer Nikolaj Michaljovitch Przewalskii who rediscovered this wild horse while travelling in Mongolia in 1879. 3 Hilzheimer, (1935), 136.

Domestication

13

2. The Tarpan (Equus Caballus Gmelini). The Tarpan ranged across northern Europe and the western steppe as far east as the 40th degree of longitude. It is not known for certain how far to the west its range extended.4 It existed in a wild state until the mid 1800s when it became extinct due to over-hunting. As their natural forest and steppe habitat was destroyed by the encroaching human population Tarpans came into increasing conflict with farmers and were often shot in order to prevent them eating crops and enticing away domesticated mares. The last true Tarpan died out in a Russian game preserve at Askania Nova in 1876. It has since been genetically recreated from domesticated descendants and this recreated breed is sometimes referred to as the Polish Primitive Horse. The Tarpan is mousy dun / light grey in colour with face and legs being darker than the body. Its mane and tail are flaxen but dark in the centre where the dorsal stripe passes through.5 It stands at about 13 – 13.2 hands and, like the Przewalskii, has a large head and thick neck. 3. A heavy ‘forest’ horse from northwest / west Europe (Equus Caballus Silvaticus) that perhaps was the ancestor of today’s ‘heavy’ breeds of horse.

Chenevix-Trench mentions a possible fourth breed, that of a white horse, inhabiting the northern tundra of Eurasia. It was contemporary with the mammoth (carcases have been found together in the same ice) and native hunters spoke of sightings as late as 1926.6 Possibly these were similar to the wild white horses Herodotus described as grazing in the region of the Hypanis river.7 Chenevix-Trench believes, however, that this breed of white horse, along with that of the European ‘forest’ horse, may have been a variety of the more familiar Przewalskii or Tarpan rather than separate breeds.8 Bokonyi suggests that Herodotus’ wild white horses were Tarpans in their winter coats. In the autumn, [the Tarpan] grew quantities of white downy hair and in winter its body was nearly grey, although the head, legs, mane and tail remained dark. In this way the animal’s colour shaded into the snowcovered landscape. Owing to this quality, the tarpan may be identified as the wild white horse portrayed by Herodotus (IV: 52) as living beside the 4

ibid 135 - 136. Originally the wild Tarpan would have had a stiff upright mane like the Przewalskii. This trait, however, does not often pass on to its genetically recreated descendants. 6 Chenevix-Trench, (1970), 8. 7 Hdt. 4.52. 8 Chenevix-Trench, (1970), 8. 5

14

Chapter Two marshes of the Hypanis (Bug) River.9

Although the oldest possible evidence for the domestication of the horse appears to be from the late fifth and early fourth millennia BC the association between human and horse stretches back much further. For many thousands of years previous to domestication herds of wild horses roaming across northern Europe and Asia served as a food source for primitive humans and were hunted in great numbers. At Solutre in France the bones of many thousands of horses, dating from a period beginning about thirty-five thousand years ago, were found in an area just a few hundred yards wide in the lee of a limestone ridge.10 This find likely results from hundreds, if not thousands, of years of humans hunting horses by driving them over the cliff and onto the rocks below. The finds of large deposits of horse bones at ancient sites also confirms that the horse played a role as a major source of food for early humans. As has already been mentioned, the possibility that horses could have become extinct, were it not for their domestication, is very real. While fossil finds and cave paintings tell us that the horse was a regular feature of Palaeolithic Western Europe later fossil records show a notable absence of horse remains in many regions. With the growth of forests in the postglacial period, along with increased predation by man, the horse was gradually driven eastwards towards the western steppes of Russia, the later range of the Tarpan, and further east towards Mongolia, home of the Przewalskii horse. Neither of these breeds managed to survive wild to today. If humans had not domesticated the horse it may have become as unfamiliar to us today as it was to the American Indians when Europeans arrived in the fifteenth century A.D. The wild horse had apparently become extinct throughout Western Europe by the post-glacial age with the possible exception of the extreme west where, increasingly, many scholars believe a substantial population of horses survived south of the Pyrenees in Iberia.11 Traditionally the horses of the Iberian Peninsula have been divided into two groups - Celtic ponies and Iberian horses. The Celtic group is generally located in the northern regions of Iberia corresponding roughly to those areas where Indo-European Celtic peoples settled during the second millennium BC. 9

Bokonyi, (1978), 19 - 20. The estimation of the numbers of horse range from ten thousand [Richardson, (1998), 2] to one hundred thousand [Chamberlin, (2006), 35]. 11 Hilzheimer, (1935); D’Andrade, (1954); Goodall, (1977); Uerpmann, (1990); Gonzaga, (2004); Royo et al, (2005). 10

Domestication

15

Today this group includes such breeds as the Garrano in Portugal and the Asturcon and Pottoka in Spain.12 Genetically this group displays closer links with Northern European ponies than with the more southern Iberian group and so indicates that a strong influence in their development came from the north. This is not to say that they evolved completely from horses introduced from outside Iberia. A more likely scenario is that a small number of foreign stallions were selectively bred, over many generations, with the pick of the native Iberian mares. “This male-mediated selection could have been led by dominant human populations migrating from Central Europe to the Iberian Peninsula”.13 The Iberian group, located in the south of the peninsula, today includes the two lines of Spanish purebred horse, the Andalusian and Carthusian, along with the Lusitano and the wild (or semi-feral) Sorraia of Portugal.14 The Sorraia was rediscovered by the Portuguese hippologist Dr. Ruy d’Andrade in 1920 while hunting in the Coruche area of Portugal. He came across a group of about thirty horses “more than half of them light dun, some of a mouse colour, many striped and with an absolutely wild and primitive look as if they were a zebra or hemione [wild ass] species”.15 Later, after exploring the Tagus valley region, the Alto Alentejo, and the Guadalquivir Valley, d’Andrade counted more than three hundred of these horses. Whether the Sorraia rediscovered by d’Andrade is a true surviving wild horse population representative of the original Iberian horses or simply a feral population is still debated. Cordiero, however, points out that during the Middle Ages the Sorraia was known as the ‘Zebro’ and that a number of references from the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries seem to depict the Zebro as a breed distinct from domestic horses. He also notes that Curiously, many places called ‘Zebro Valley’ still exist today in Portugal, between the rivers Tagus and Guadiana, always corresponding to wild and sparsely populated areas. In this same region, places known as ‘the Valley of the Mares or ‘the Valley of the Horses’ are also found, clearly establishing the difference between the wild horse, the Zebro, and the already domesticated Lusitano horse, which descended from him.16

12

Royo et al, (2005), 663. ibid 668. 14 ibid 663. 15 Cordeiro, (1989), 72. Cited from Gonzaga, (2004), 41. 16 Cordeiro, (1989), 65. Cited from Gonzaga, (2004), 46. 13

Chapter Two

16

The horse was the last of the five most common livestock to be domesticated. Sheep were first domesticated ca. nine thousand BC while goats, pigs and, cattle were first domesticated ca. seven thousand BC.17 It appears that it was not until around four thousand BC that the horse was domesticated. Until quite recently it was generally believed that the horse was first domesticated by the sedentary cattle-keeping peoples of the middle Dnieper region (to the north of the Black sea in modern day Ukraine). As early as the mid-eighth millennium BC the inhabitants of this region were keepers of cattle, pigs, and sheep. The immigrants from the lower Danube valley who introduced these animals into the region … had an even older tradition of herding. The first domesticated livestock animals, the sheep and the goat, had entered into full domestication as many as 9,000 years ago. Thus, the people who were destined to become the first horse herders were already well versed in the skills needed to handle animals.18

The late sixth and early fifth millennia BC saw the peoples of this forest-steppe region subsisting on a wide variety of game including wild boar, deer and aurochs. The rich soil of the region also supported fertile crops. With an increasing population and the clearance of forests, however, game became scarce and people were forced to look north for alternative sources. This region was inhabited by vast numbers of wild horses and, as a result, we see that “from 6,600 to 6,100 years ago, bones of boar, deer and aurochs become much scarcer. And in their place begin to appear vast numbers of bones of horses”.19 It was only a matter of time before man applied to the horse those methods that had already proven successful with sheep, goats, pigs, and cattle. At Dereivka on the Dnieper upwards of sixty percent of all animal bones found were identified as horse bones. Bokonyi believed that this figure could possibly suggest the beginnings of domestication. According to observations made in Neolithic sites in Hungry, the domestication of cattle had always been linked with large-scale hunts of the aurochs. But a complete skull, which surely originated from a domestic horse, was also found, and certain bones of the extremities too pointed to domestication.20 17

Edwards, (2002), 12. Budiansky, (1997), 37. 19 ibid 38 - 39. 20 Bokonyi, (1974), 82. 18

Domestication

17

Not all scholars, however, accept Dereivka as a definitive example of early horse domestication. Levine claims that an analysis of the bones shows that the remains are more suited to wild rather than domestic horses. The vast majority, if not the totality, of the horses from Dereivka were wild and, because of the relatively high proportion dying during their most productive years, the mortality distribution that they best fit is the stalking model or a mixture of the stalking and random individual or family group models … The fact that 9 out of 10 sexable tooth rows come from males might indicate that bachelor groups were hunted or that somewhat inexperienced stallions with family groups were relatively easy to kill. Studies of equid behaviour have shown that when a family group is attacked, the stallion will turn and fight to protect his mares and young.21

Another region which has recently come to the fore as a possible site of early horse domestication is that of the Botai culture which dates to between 3500 and 3000 BC. At the site of Botai itself (located east of the Ishim River in Northern Kazakhstan) horses accounted for 99.9% of 300,000 identified animal bones.22 Once again, however, it is not universally accepted that these were the bones of domesticated horses with Levine claiming that it cannot be determined either way whether they were the bones of wild or domestic horses.23 More recent excavations in the region, however, seem to have tilted the balance in favour of their being the latter. Excavations in 2006 uncovered evidence of a circular array of postholes in the nearby village of Krasnyi Yar, the soil within which contained ten times the level of phosphates as the soil without. Since high phosphate levels are often associated with animal manure researchers concluded that the circular array was the remains of a corral. That the animals corralled within were horses was inferred from the above mentioned discovery of the almost three hundred thousand horse bones. The presence of both skulls and backbones suggested that the horses were butchered on-site and thus were most likely domesticated rather than wild.24

21

Levine, (1999), 36 - 37. Anthony & Brown, (2000), 83. 23 Levine, (1999), 37 - 46. 24 For more on this recent discovery see Lovett, (2006). 22

CHAPTER THREE EARLY HORSE-RIDING

The debate over where, and more importantly when, it was that horses first began to be used for ‘military riding’ has been on-going for many decades and does not show any sign of being conclusively settled in the near future. ‘Military riding’ denotes the large-scale skilled riding of horses for the purposes of war or raiding. There are two main theories within this debate. The first is that attempts at horse riding occurred from the very beginnings of domestication and that within a short space of time (a century or two) large scale ‘military riding’ was established. This theory thus extends the origins of military riding back as far as the fifth or fourth millennium BC. The second theory is that, while instances of riding may very well have occurred with domestication, riding did not begin to become common until the second millennium BC and that it was not until the first millennium BC, with the development of cavalry forces, that large-scale riding began to be used for military purposes. Due to the large body of literature this debate had engendered over the years a detailed examination of all the arguments is not feasible within the bounds of this book and, therefore, the main points will have to suffice. The following account draws much upon Drews’ excellent overview of the subject.1 Marija Gimbutas was a strong supporter of the earlier date for ‘military riding’. In a series of publications from the 1960s up until her death in 1994 she put forward her theory that Indo-European languages and culture had arrived in Europe during a series of invasions by Proto-Indo-European horse warriors who swept westward from the steppe and southern Russia in a series of waves between ca. 5000 and 3000 BC.2 Her theory, which initially drew much criticism, seemed to have gained great support when Telegin’s excavations at Dereivka on the Dnieper (between 1960 and 1967) uncovered two finds which seemed to indicate that by ca. 4000 BC 1 2

Drews, (2004), 1 - 48. Gimbutas, (1991), 352.

Early Horse-Riding

19

Dereivkans were not only keeping domestic horses but also riding them. The first of these finds was the ritualistic burial of a horse’s head and forelegs (known as a ‘head and hoofs’ burial) discovered on the eastern edge of the settlement. Such burials were already known from the later Bronze and Iron Ages in both the steppe and Europe but this discovery apparently pushed those rituals back a further two thousand years. Associated with the burial, which was determined to be that of a stallion between seven and eight years old, were two antler-tine objects, at least one of which Telegin determined to be a cheek-piece. He thus felt that the burial held possible proof that horses were being ridden at this early stage.3 That the stallion had indeed been ridden seemed to have been put beyond doubt when Anthony, Telegin, and Brown later discovered what they interpreted to be clear signs of bit-wear on the stallion’s premolars.4 The inescapable conclusion was that by ca. 4000 BC horse-riding was already central to the steppe-dwellers’ way of life, predating the Near Eastern evidence by almost two thousand years.5

This theory collapsed, however, when carbon dating of a fragment of bone and one of the teeth undertaken at Oxford University in 1997 indicated that the burial should actually be dated to between 700 and 200 BC. The re-dating indicated that “the burial was evidently the work of ‘Scythians’, an Iron Age pit having been dug into Copper Age levels”.6 The second find at Dereivka which had seemed to point to the presence of riding was that of six perforated antler-tine objects scattered about the site which Telegin interpreted as cheek-pieces.7 Their identification as such, however, does not withstand close inspection. Antler-tines are known to have been used as cheek-pieces during the second millennium BC and over a hundred examples of them have been found to-date from Anatolia, the steppe, and central Europe. Each of these antler-tine cheekpieces possessed one large perforation through which the mouthpiece was inserted along with a number of smaller perforations through which various straps could be attached. A good number of these finds were also decorated with elaborate incisions. The Dereivka antler-tines, however, had only a single perforation and bore no decoration whatsoever. It would seem unlikely, therefore, that they were intended for the same use as the 3

Drews, (2004), 15. Anthony et al, (1991), 47. 5 Drews, (2004), 15. 6 ibid 7 Telegin, (1986), 82. 4

20

Chapter Three

later finds.8 Another factor pointing to their not being cheek-pieces is that Telegin’s six antler-tines formed but a small portion of the over two hundred pieces of worked red deer antler found on-site. The majority of these pieces seem to have been intended for use as various different tools such as awls, picks, borers, adzes, and even hammers and mattocks. Of Telegin’s six antler-tines three were found in various locations around the site and were associated with tool assemblages which make their identification as cheek-pieces unlikely. Two more, as we have already seen, were found nearby the ‘head and hoofs’ burial of the stallion. Since this burial has now been proven to belong to a much later date it must be supposed that these two finds either have no connection with the burial, thus making their identification as cheek pieces unlikely, or, if they were cheek-pieces, that they date to the later period.9 Telegin did not describe the context in which the sixth antler-tine was found. Despite the re-dating of the Dereivka ‘head and hoof’ burial Anthony and Brown still strongly believed that identification of tooth-wear patterns was the best method for determining whether a horse was bitted and thus ridden. They focused their examination on the wear pattern exhibited on the front (or mesial) corner of a horse’s second premolars (P2s) as this portion of the tooth can become worn when a horse grips the bit between its teeth in order to relieve pressure on its diastema (the gap between the canines and premolars). When the Dereivka burial was proven to be of a much later date they turned their attention to examining tooth wear on horses killed at Botai in northern Kazakhstan between 3500 and 3000 BC. After analysing wear on P2s from fifty-two domestic and twenty feral horses, and after having tested the wear produced by the use of various organic bits (hemp rope, horsehair rope, leather and bone) by riding four previously unbitten horses for one hundred and fifty hours each, they determined that if a P2 showed a mesial bevel of 3 mm or more it could only have been caused by a bit.10 Of the nineteen P2s they examined at Botai there were two bevels of 3 mm, one of 3.5 mm, one of 4 mm and one of 6 mm. From these results they concluded that “we are reasonably certain that some horses at Botai were bitted and ridden for hundreds of hours”.11

8

Drews, (2004), 15 - 16. ibid 16 - 18. 10 Anthony & Brown, (2000), 82 - 83. A mesial bevel of 3 mm means that the front corner of the tooth has been worn down 3 mm from the horizontal. 11 ibid 83. 9

Early Horse-Riding

21

Using such a system to determine whether horses have been ridden, however, is not that accurate. Levine disputes the validity of Anthony and Brown’s criteria by pointing out that bevelling is not only caused by bit wear. It can also occur due to normal dietary patterns as well as from abnormal occlusion (where the teeth of upper and lower jaws do not align perfectly) As far as we know, then, bevelling on the anterior part of the lower P2 masticulary surface could be caused by bit wear or abnormal occlusion. Either a domesticated horse or a wild one, which had been tamed, could be bitted. The absence of bit wear could indicate that a horse had not been ridden recently or regularly before its death, that it was ridden unbitted, that it was never ridden, or that it was bitted but did not chew its bit … Bit wear studies are useful, but they do not provide conclusive or direct evidence of the use of the horse for transport.12

Even if one were to accept that bevelling does indicate that a horse was bitted this still does not mean that it was definitely ridden. For, as Drews points out, such horses may have been bitted for use as pack animals or even as draft animals for pulling sledges or primitive carts.13 The unreliability of Anthony and Brown’s criteria for determining whether a horse was bitted becomes clearer when viewing the results obtained by Bendry in his recent study of this topic. For his study Bendry examined the wear exhibited on the teeth of sixty equids with known histories. His sixty subjects consisted of fourteen horses that had been ridden all their lives, eighteen various equids (horses, mules, and hinnies) that had been driven, and twenty-eight Przewalskii horses that had never been worked (and thus never been bitted).14 Of the fourteen ridden horses examined seven showed bevels of between 3 and 8.5 mm, two showed bevels of 2 mm or less while the remaining five showed no signs of bevelling at all.15 Using Anthony and Brown’s criteria this would mean that seven horses that had been ridden all their lives were apparently not bitted. Similar results were obtained for the eighteen driven equids.16 As for the never before bitted Przewalskii horses, while twenty-two showed either no bevels or bevels of less than 3 mm, six showed bevels ranging from 3 mm to 5 mm.17 Again using Anthony and Brown’s criteria this 12

Levine, (1999), 12. Drews, (2004), 20. 14 Bendry, (2007), table 1 pg 1038. 15 ibid table 2 pg 1039. 16 ibid table 2 pgs 1039 - 1040. 17 ibid table 3 pg 1041. 13

22

Chapter Three

would suggest that six of the Przewalskii horses had been bitted when they never had been. Rather than relying so heavily on the absence or lack of bevels on P2s as Anthony and Brown do, Bendry suggests that two other criteria should also be examined. His extra criteria include an examination of enamel and dentine exposure on the anterior face of the P2s and evidence for changes in the diastema such as the formation or loss of bone.18 Even with the addition of these two criteria, however, the results of tooth wear analysis still do not always correctly identify whether a horse has been worked with a bit or not. Another reason why it has been believed that horses were ridden right from the beginnings of their domestication is the general assumption that it is impossible to keep large numbers of horses as food animals unless their keepers are mounted. Azzaroli claims that before horses could be used as a food source humans had to learn to herd them and keep them under control. He claims that since horses tend, in natural conditions, to live in small herds of mares and foals led by a stallion and since, unlike cattle, sheep, and goats, they are too swift to be controlled by dogs, this could only be done by mounted riders. Only a herder mounted on a stallion could make use of their natural instinct to keep a herd together, and lead it around at will. Riding was a primary requirement for horse breeders.19

This general assumption seems to be held by many other scholars who favour a very early date for the origins of horse-riding.20 Such an assumption is not necessarily wrong as it is highly doubtful that horses could be successfully herded for any lengthy period of time without the aid of mounted riders. Drews points out that, when cattle herds had to be moved in nineteenth century America, skilled riders were needed for the job and, since cattle are not as swift as horses, the presence of mounted riders for controlling a herd of the latter would have been even more necessary.21 Indeed, Levine reports that, during the course of her research, whenever she asked a Kazakh or Mongol herdsman if it were possible to herd horses on foot she was confronted with amazement that

18

ibid 1036. Azzaroli, (1998), 158. 20 Gimbutas, (1970), 78; Anthony et al, (1986), 310; Telegin, (1986), 82; CluttonBrock, (1992), 12. 21 Drews, (2004), 22. 19

Early Horse-Riding

23

anybody would even consider attempting such a thing.22 Drews makes an excellent point, however, when he states that just because ancient people kept horses as food animals that does not mean that they herded them. And, if they did not herd them then it cannot be assumed that their keepers were mounted. He points out that Levine’s informants were old men who, in their youth, had to take herds of horses from their villages deep into the steppe, pasture them there and then return them unmolested by poachers or wild animals. If one considers that Villagers in the fourth or third millennium BC had nothing to fear from mounted poachers and did not need to take their horses anywhere, or move them about, they need not have ridden at all. The greatest difficulties for early horsekeepers would undoubtedly have been posed not by wolves or other predators but by wild horses: those wild stallions that still survived may from time to time have tried to drive off a domestic stallion and elope with his mares. Other than having occasionally to kill a persistent wild stallion, however, villagers would not have had to do very much to keep a family group of domestic horses. The assumption that such horses would have to be “herded” or “moved about” by herdsmen is puzzling, since steppe villagers should have been able to keep horses while allowing them to range freely, just as people in the Near East had been able to keep asses and cattle very well without the assistance of mounted herdsmen . . . By penning or tethering the foals, the villagers could have ensured that the mares stayed close by, and if the mares stayed so would have the stallion. During the winter especially the provision and promise of fodder would have kept the entire group within calling range, and feeding calls should immediately have brought both horses and cattle home. In short, the assumption that in the fourth millennium BC steppe dwellers could not have kept domesticated horses unless they were able to ride them is unfounded.23

Sekunda agrees that if mares and foals are kept controlled then mounted riders would not be needed for keeping herds of horses. Although there are no present-day parallels of horses being herded on foot he suggests that “the fact that reindeer are herded on foot by Samoyeds and other sub-Arctic peoples is perhaps relevant”.24 The final (and most important) argument Drews uses to oppose the theory of early ‘military riding’ is the fact that there is absolutely no surviving iconographical evidence to support it. Excavated finds have shown that the steppe dwellers of the late fifth, fourth, and third millennia 22

Levine, (1999), 10. Drews, (2004), 23. 24 Sekunda, (2006), 322. 23

24

Chapter Three

BC produced paintings, carvings, and figurines of both horses and humans, however, to-date there has not been a single find depicting a man mounted on a horse.25 The earliest known representations of a man mounted on an equid are those depicted on eleven Mesopotamian cylinder seals which date to the second half of the third millennium BC. Due to their poor state of preservation, however, it was not possible to determine definitively whether any of the seals depicted horses or whether all may have depicted asses or onagers.26 In 1991, however, a newly discovered sealing, which was in a much better state of preservation then the others, was published and seems to have settled the debate. It has generally been accepted as depicting a man riding on what is definitely a horse. The seal in question, which belonged to Abbakalla of Ur, a scribe to king Shu-Sin (2037 - 2027 BC), depicts a man riding what is clearly a horse - his mount possessed the short ears, long mane, and full tail that distinguish a horse.27 Over the following millennium representations of men mounted on horseback became more common throughout the Near East. These representations, however, mostly depict individual riders who appear unskilled and uncomfortable with their situation. This suggests that most riding at this stage was only small-scale and still in its infancy and that such representations are not indicative of the development of large-scale ‘military riding’. The closest any of these representations comes to military matters are those which perhaps depict messengers or scouts. The military aspect of the horse for the duration of the second millennium BC was its role as a chariot horse. Proper military riding was not to develop until the formation of cavalry forces during the following millennium. The above discussion has shown that the arguments used for pushing the origins of ‘military riding’ back as far as the fifth millennium BC are based on assumption rather than fact. It is assumed that the steppe peoples of the fifth and fourth millennia BC who kept horses as food animals needed to have been able to ride in order to do so. The possibility that their situation was different from those of later times, thus making such an assumption unnecessary, does not seem to be taken into account. The assumption of the necessity of ancient horse-keepers to be able to ride thus has a knock-on effect on the interpretation of the material evidence. Ambiguous antler-tine objects and the presence of bevelling on premolars are interpreted in such ways so as to lend support to an ‘established’ theory rather than as ‘proof’ of that theory. That is to say that, if it is 25

Drews, (2004), 31. ibid 27 ibid 32. 26

Early Horse-Riding

25

accepted that ‘military riding’ began as early as ca. 5000 BC, then the evidence used certainly provides added support. If, however, early horse riding is not accepted as a fact, then the evidence used is not solid enough by itself to make it a fact. The earliest accepted secure evidence for horse riding does not appear until almost the beginning of the second millennium BC and it appears in the Near East rather than on the steppe. Surely if horse riding did begin as early as ca. 5,000 BC it would not have taken over 2,000 years for the horse to spread to the Near East. For an earlier date to become accepted precise and unchallanged evidence needs to be found.

CHAPTER FOUR DEVELOPMENT AND SPREAD OF CHARIOTRY

In the Near East oxen were used as pack and draught animals from as early as the fifth millennium BC. They were the first animals to be used for such means, the reason being that they were slow and tractable and hence were relatively easy to train to work. From early times up until today, the primary means of directing oxen has been by voice and by use of the goad. For further control a nose-ring has been employed. Downs supposes that, once these methods had proved successful with oxen, they were subsequently adapted for use on onagers in the fourth millennium BC.1 It is important, however, to note that any representations of equids pulling carts in the Near East at this time are unlikely to be horses, as horses were not known in the region before the third millennium BC and did not become common there until the second millennium BC. Any depictions of equids harnessed to carts, therefore, are most likely representative of onagers and asses.2 From the Near East the idea of domesticated animals in harness spread to the surrounding lands. Oxen and onagers were still used and in places where the horse overlapped with the former it too was harnessed. Over time the superior qualities of the horse saw it replace the ox and the onager as the animal of choice. This was especially the case on the steppe. It was in those places where the horse and the onager co-existed that the former very soon replaced the latter. The explanation of the shift rests on the size of the animals. The larger horse, once it had been caught and trained, was no doubt stronger and more able than the onager, and we have seen that it was faster.3

1

Downs, (1961), 1198. This is especially true if they are depicted as being controlled by nose-rings. Horses are high-spirited creatures and would not have responded well to such a method of control. 3 Downs, (1961), 1199. 2

Development and Spread of Chariotry

27

Another factor, which would have made the horse the preferred choice, was the desiccation of the steppes. Although oxen were still the main animals used for heavy draught work, the steppes at this time were becoming drier and less fertile and, therefore, the faster, hardier horse, which needed less water than draught cattle, proved a better prospect. With the thick sod of the steppes proving impervious to the plough until the development of the steel ploughshare, a situation arose which would soon bring the horse to prominence in the affairs of humankind. Now that the inhabitants of the steppes had the use of horse-drawn carts, they found that they had a much greater mobility and soon their economy was based around tribes following large herds of sheep, goats, and horses across the steppes with their possessions piled on carts and pack animals.4 Over time this dependence on mobility led to many improvements in vehicle construction. Experimentation soon produced the light-bodied, two spoke-wheeled chariot, which was faster and more manoeuvrable than the heavy, solid-wheeled carts that had first been developed in the Near East. The wheels were, shall we say, the revolutionary element: the heat-bent spokes provided a sturdy wheel that weighed only a tenth as much as the disk wheels of the third millennium. With such a vehicle one could begin to exploit the horse as a draft animal: whereas an ox cart travelled only two miles in an hour, a team of chariot horses could cover ten.5

Experimentation in methods of control also led to the development of the bit which offered greater control. The peoples of the steppes now found themselves in possession of a superior military weapon – the chariot. This new vehicle (and in consequence the horses that pulled it) soon spread across the known world. Not everyone agrees that chariotry developed solely amongst the peoples of the steppe and spread from there to the Near East, especially considering that the steppe is “so deficient in the metals and woods necessary for chariot construction”.6 Littauer and Crouwel argue instead for a “local evolution of the light, spoked-wheeled, horse-drawn chariot in the Near East itself rather than it being introduced in a developed form from the steppes”.7 While the materials and skills necessary for chariot construction would have been available in the Near East it is unlikely that 4

A similar situation was to arise in North America with the re-introduction of the horse in the fifteenth century AD. There the plains Indians left their sedentary lifestyle for a nomadic way of life. 5 Drews, (1993), 104 - 105. 6 Keegan, (1993), 159. 7 Littauer & Crouwel, (1979), 68.

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chariots first evolved there as their development depended firstly on the presence of the horse (which did not become common in the near East until the second millennium BC when it was introduced by the peoples of the steppe), and secondly on the steppe peoples’ need for mobility. It would seem rather that a meeting of the two cultures would have been necessary for such a development to take place. This is exactly the view taken by Keegan. Whence came these charioteers? … [not] from the alluvial plains of the great rivers, since there the horse did not roam. The steppe - dry, treeless and offering good going in all directions - was unquestionably the main home of the wild horse but, though highly suitable for the passage of wheeled vehicles … it is so deficient in the metals and woods necessary for chariot construction that it too may be discounted as the place of origin. By a process of elimination, therefore, the proposition that chariots and charioteers first appeared in the borderlands between the steppe and the civilised river lands seems convincing.8

By the middle of the second millennium BC use of horse-drawn chariots had surpassed that of the heavy solid-wheeled carts of the Near East and the former were to be found in all lands from Greece in the West to the Indus Valley in the East. The most likely route for the introduction of the horse into the Near East was via the Caucasus. There are indications that this movement began as early as the beginning of the fourth millennium BC. Although finds are rare, early osteological evidence points to the presence of horses in Anatolia during the Copper Age (ca. 3,000 BC), however, they seem to have gradually disappeared until they were reintroduced again in the Middle Bronze Age. Azzaroli believes that the Copper Age horses were a breed introduced by a first wave of immigrants which “subsequently dwindled and was lost, maybe following the economic or political decline of these first horsemen”.9 Horses were then re-introduced by a second wave of immigrants in the middle Bronze Age. As evidence that the Copper Age horses were domesticated and not wild he quotes from personal correspondence with Sandor Bokonyi who had “observed in Copper Age cemeteries of Anatolia several burials of horses, including mares in foal, and [Bokonyi] rightly concludes that these were domestic animals”.10 Other scholars, however, believe that the early examples are indicative of wild horses that were subsequently hunted to extinction and 8

Keegan, (1993) 159. Azzaroli, (1985), 11. 10 ibid 9

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that the true domestic horse was only introduced in later centuries.11 It is likely that horses were present and known as far south as Mesopotamia (though only in limited numbers) as early as the late third millennium BC. A few domesticated horse remains dating to the Kaftara era (ca. 2100 - 1800 BC) have been discovered in Maylan in Fars Province (Southern Iran).12 An interesting find which dates to ca. 2500 BC is that of a bone carving of what appears to be a Przewalskii-type horse. Adamson believes that this bone carving indicated that the range of Przewalskii’s horse had spread into southern Mesopotamia at this time.13 Adamson theorises that there were two types of domesticated horse in Mesopotamia during the second millennium BC. The first was derived from a Tarpan-like horse and domesticated by Indo-Europeans who inhabited the southern steppes around the Caspian and Black seas. This type appeared in northern Mesopotamia as early as the late fourth millennium BC but was not fully domesticated there until the second millennium. The second was derived from a Przewalski-type horse which was probably introduced into southern Mesopotamia from the plains of southern Iran into which its wild range may have extended by that time.14 The southern Przewalski type appears to have been smaller than its northern Tarpan-derived equivalent and towards the end of the second millennium was gradually replaced by it. This was most likely due to the increasing necessity for large horses at this time. With the development of heavy war chariots carrying several armed men and the formation of trained cavalry units, the larger type of horse was selectively chosen for use in the Assyrian and Persian armies of the first millennium BC … In Mesopotamia and Iran the smaller type of horse became increasingly unimportant, eventually being used only for private purposes and for hunting.15

During the middle of the third millennium BC clay tablets from Mesopotamia make mention of horses under the name Anse Kur Ra (ass of the mountains). “The periphrasis shows not only the writers’ comparative unfamiliarity with horses but the source from which such knowledge as they had of them was derived”.16 The horse also appears under this name 11

Boessneck & Von den Driesch, (1976). Hyland, (2003), 11. 13 Adamson, (1984), 103. 14 ibid 105 - 106. 15 ibid 106. 16 Anderson, (1961), 2. 12

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in a Sumerian text called The Curse of Agade (ca. 2000 BC).17 By the middle of the second millennium BC, however, the horse had become fully established throughout these lands. Its introduction may have coincided with invasions by warrior peoples of the steppes (mainly IndoEuropean speakers) who, with their newly developed chariots, possessed a great military advantage over their enemies. By the middle of the second millennium BC chariot-using peoples had established themselves over a large area of the known world – Hittites in Asia Minor, Mitannians in Armenia, Kassites in Babylonia, and Aryans in northwest India. The arrival of the Kassites in Babylonia is likely referred to in a text dating to the reign of Samsu Iluna (ca. 1749 - 1711 BC) the son of Hammurabi which refers to large movements of people possessing great numbers of horses.18 We can partially trace the progression of the horse and chariot throughout the Near East by examining clay tablets from royal palaces throughout the region. By the eighteenth century BC, texts found at Chagar Bazar (Tell Shagher) in northeast Syria refer to harnessed teams of horses, grooms, and trainers. Texts of a similar date found at Mari (Tell Hariri) in Syria mention horses being imported into Mari and Assyria from western Syria and Anatolia.19 It appears that with their introduction from the steppes the horse and chariot soon firmly established themselves in western Syria / eastern Anatolia, a region which was soon to become an important breeding centre. From there, whether through trade, war or population movement, the horse and chariot spread in all directions - east to Assyria, west towards Troy and Greece, and south into Mesopotamia and Egypt. Horses seem to have been well established in Anatolia early in the second millennium BC. Horse burials dating to the nineteenth or eighteenth century BC have been uncovered in Cappadocia while a Hittite text of the eighteenth century mentions the use of chariots in war.20 A letter dating to the second half of the eighteenth century BC which was sent by Aplachandas, king of Karkhemish, to Zimri-Lim, king of Mari, reads as follows: I have no white horses for your chariot. I shall send for them and wherever they will be found I shall provide white horses for you. Now I send you bay horses from Khorsamna.21 17

Hyland, (2003), 9. Azzaroli, (1985), 27. 19 Moorey, (1986), 198. 20 Azzaroli, (1985), 27 - 28. 21 ibid 28. 18

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This ‘Khorsamna’ appears in Hittite texts from Hattusa where it is located in southeast Anatolia. Later Hittite texts translate the name as meaning ‘Mountain of Horses’.22 Tablets found at Boghazkoy (the Hittite capital city of Hattusas just north of Ankara in Turkey) dated to the late fifteenth century BC contain detailed texts relating to the training of chariot horses. The original of these texts is attributed to a man called Kikkuli who, along with his fellow trainers, travelled to Hattusas from Mitanni. It is the oldest known text on the training of horses.23 Other finds include the remains of thirteen horse skeletons recovered from two tombs at Osman Kayasi near Boghazkoy. The first dates from between the seventeenth and fifteenth centuries BC while the second dates from between the fifteenth and fourteenth centuries BC. The skeletons included some horses of a relatively small size as well as one from each tomb which reached 14 hands at the withers.24 Other Hittite texts refer to Cilicia in southern Asia Minor as a country noted for breeding horses. The Hittite king Mursili II (1330 - 1295 BC / 1321 - 1295 BC) had agreements in place with the king of Kizwadna (Cilicia) to supply one hundred ‘bridled’ horses and one thousand men in time of war, “and by ‘bridled’ they are meant to be trained horses for war”.25 For a long time it was thought that the horse only arrived in Egypt with the coming of the Hyksos early in the seventeenth century BC. The Hyksos have been portrayed as sweeping across Egypt in their horse drawn chariots the likes of which were completely unfamiliar to the Egyptians. By the end of the century they were in control of most of the country. When an Austrian archaeological team was excavating at Tell alDabaa (the Hyksos capital of Avaris in the north-eastern Nile Delta) they recovered two equine molars. They were found in levels dating from early in the Hyksos period (ca. 1640 BC) and so, if they are indeed horse teeth, would seem to confirm the Hyksos possession of horses in Egypt at this early stage.26 Other evidence, however, may suggest that the horse was not as unfamiliar to the Egyptians before the Hyksos arrival as has previously been thought. The partial skeleton of a nineteen-year-old male horse (one of the oldest horse remains to have been discovered in Egypt) was found by the Egypt Exploration Society in 1959 at the fortress of Buhen (near the 22

ibid 28. Goodall, (1977), 94. 24 Azzaroli, (1985), 28. 25 Goodall, (1977), 94. 26 Houlihan, (1996), 33. 23

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Chapter Four

second cataract of the Nile in the north of Nubia).27 This fortress was destroyed about 1675 BC and so would seem to pre-date the arrival of the Hyksos that far south. During the destruction a horse, which had been stabled within the fortress walls, was killed and buried under the rubble. If the dating of this find is correct then it would appear that the Egyptians were already in possession of horses before the arrival of the Hyksos. Cotterell certainly considers this as evidence which casts doubt on the theory that the horse was only introduced into Egypt at this time. [The Hyksos] are credited with having introduced the Egyptians to the chariot as well as the horse, even though the skeleton excavated at Buhen … makes their introduction of the horse unlikely. Credit could only be given to the Hyksos for both if it can be shown how they served in the Egyptian army as a foreign chariotry prior to the takeover of 1664 BC. Since there is no evidence for this military assistance at present, it must be assumed that the Hyksos’ contribution in new weaponry was the chariot, which they brought to Egypt with them.28

Not all scholars, however, agree that this is in fact the case. Although the skeleton was found in levels dating to 1675 BC the bones could not be radiocarbon dated and so some Egyptologists remain sceptical, suggesting that it may have been an intrusive burial from a later date.29 In the mid 1990’s, however, further possible evidence for early Egyptian possession of horses came to light. A horse skeleton was discovered in a cemetery at Tell al-Kibir in the Nile Delta and provisionally dated to ca. 1750 BC. At this period settlers from Asia were already present and, if the dating of the find is correct, they were also in possession of horses which could have been obtained by Egyptian traders before the coming of the Hyksos.30 Of a slightly later date (early fifteenth century BC) was a find uncovered during excavations carried out at Thebes in 1935 – 36. The find was that of a horse buried in its own coffin in the tomb of Sen-mut at Thebes.31 The skeleton was that of a whole horse and was about five to six years old. Due to the skull’s lack of canine teeth it is thought that it was either a mare or a gelding. The skeleton had been dated to the first third of the fifteenth century BC It seems likely that with the introduction of the horse into Egypt it 27

Approximately two-thirds of the skeleton was recovered by excavators. For a detailed account of the find see Clutton-Brock, (1974). 28 Cotterell, (2005), 90. 29 Houlihan, (1996), 33. 30 ibid 31 ibid 35. Sen-mut was Vizier of Hatshepsut of Egypt (1490 - 1469 BC).

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subsequently spread from there to the rest of North Africa. Horses were certainly present in North Africa in the second millennium BC. Saharan rock-drawings of horses and chariots suggest that they were well established by the thirteenth century, and Ramesses III, invading Libya in 1175 BC, brought back horses as loot.32

It cannot be claimed beyond doubt, however, that horses only reached North Africa via Egypt and the east. A western route from Iberia is also possible. Goodall claims that the physical similarity between the North African Berber (Barb) horse and the Sorraia from Iberia cannot be denied. [They both] have the pronounced and unmistakable convex face. In this horse … there is an entirely different structure of the skull, in particular of the face profile and the jaw-cheek profile. Whereas the Przevalsky and Tarpan descendants are shown to have a less or more concave face in possibly varying lengths, the Berber horse has this markedly convex face and almost primitive jaw-cheek profile.33

This similarity between the North African and Iberian horses can also be evidenced scientifically. Mitochondrial DNA research carried out on the breeds has confirmed that there is a close genetic relationship between the two.34 Whether the close relationship of these breeds is due to movement from Iberia to Africa or vice versa is the question. Gonzaga has suggested that there was a movement of horses into North Africa from as early as the Neolithic period. He states that while there is no evidence for horses in North Africa much earlier than the Hyksos arrival in Egypt this cannot be taken as proof that none were present. Archaeological evidence shows that the peoples of the Maghrib and the Sahara were subject to intense Iberian cultural influence and this influence likely included the trade of horses.35 He goes on to say that Much later, horses from Egypt and Libya joined that equine population and, from cross-breeding, the Berber or Barb horse was formed. All this explains the similarities between the Iberian and the Barb, no doubt strengthened during the Punic and Roman presences in Iberia.36

32

Chenevix-Trench, (1970), 20 - 21. Goodall, (1977), 106 - 107. 34 Royo et al, (2005), 667. 35 Gonzaga, (2004), 11. 36 ibid 33

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There has certainly been movement of horses between Africa and Iberia for thousands of years from at least as early as the Carthaginian presence in the latter. During the Second Punic War (219 - 202 BC) when Hasdrubal was governor in Iberia, he possessed a force of cavalry consisting of four hundred and fifty Libyphoenicians and eight hundred Numidians and Mauritanians from North Africa.37 Libyan horses were thus at this time sent into Spain and kept there permanently. As probably most of them were stallions, since the Numidians and Moors did not use geldings and kept their mares for breeding, the influence which these … horses exercised on the native breed within a short time must have been very great.38

Similarly, during the period of Carthaginian presence in Iberia, many native horses must have travelled the other direction to Africa. In later years the Romans too must have traded horses across both shores of the Mediterranean. And with the Muslim invasions of the Middle Ages many thousands of North African horses entered Iberia. Once the Muslims were secure in their mastery of Spain the horse trade would no doubt have flourished in both directions. At around the same time that the horse reached Egypt it also reached Troy in western Asia Minor (most likely through interaction with its Hittite neighbour to the east and through trade with Cilicia). Huge quantities of horse bones have been found in the later phases of Troy VI (1700 – 1250 BC), which indicate large numbers being used by that kingdom. Many times in the Iliad Homer mentions the “ȉȡȫȦȞ ș’ ੂʌʌȠį੺ȝȦȞ” (horse-taming Trojans).39 Such references, coupled with the bone evidence and Troy’s close proximity to such a major chariot power as the Hittites, would seem to suggest that the horse played a major role in this region. As they naturally relied on ‘horse power’, in the literal sense of the term, the demand for horses must have been enormous … in view of the bone finds, one must wonder whether Troy also served as a market in the horse trade, perhaps even as a breeding and training centre.40

Given the proximity of Greece and Troy it would seem probable that once the horse reached the Troad it would not have been long before it 37

Livy, 21.22. Ridgeway, (1905), 256. 39 Hom., Il. 3.127. 40 Latacz, (2004), 43. 38

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reached mainland Greece. Pottery from the Greek mainland began to appear in Troy as early as the time of the Mycenaean Shaft Graves (ca. 1600 - 1400 BC) and its presence increased greatly in the following generations. Although there are no recognisable Trojan wares attested from Greek Mycenaean sites it would be highly improbable that nothing was traded in return by the peoples of the Troad. Vermeule supposes that “the trade may have focused on silver, purple dye and dyed textiles, possibly the famous Trojan horses, and even grain from the broad fields of the north”.41 It should not be assumed, however, that this was the only route for the horse’s arrival into Greece. It is likely that horses also filtered into the peninsula from the north, via Macedon and Thrace, which opened onto the vast steppe lands north of the Danube. The best osteological evidence for the horse in early Greece comes from Lerna in the Argolid.42 Here was found a collection of bones dating from ca. 1400 - 1100 BC. The most important of them is a collection of fourteen bones that probably belong to a single horse, which stood about 14½ hands (or 145 cm). Other burials are also known from the Argolid. At Dendra (ancient Midea), a pair of horses were discovered buried together at the easternmost edge of Tumulus B. The horses, dating from sixteenth century BC are thought to have been representative of a pair of chariot horses.43 Both horses were males of about fifteen years of age and about 14 hands (140 cm) in height. Later another pair of horses of similar proportions was uncovered in Tumulus C.44 The height and appearance of the Lerna horse (as postulated from the remains) and the Dendra burials appear very similar to that of the Buhen horse in Egypt (ca. 150 cm), the Thebes horse (ca. 143 cm), and to the remains of the largest horses found in Maylan in Fars Province. This would seem to suggest that the spread of the horse across the Near East and Greece at this time was relatively swift and that there still existed a relatively uniform type across much of Greece and the Near East. From mainland Greece the horse spread to Crete shortly before or during the fifteenth century BC. One of the earliest finds is that of the skeleton of a single horse of approximately six years of age which was discovered in a tholos tomb at Archanes in central Crete in 1965. It was discovered in the main chamber of the tomb and dates to the LM III period (ca. 1400 – 1300 BC).45 41

Vermeule, (1972), 275. Crouwel, (1981), 33. 43 Protonariou - Deilaki, (1990), 94. 44 ibid 94 - 95. 45 Crouwel, (1981) , 34. 42

CHAPTER FIVE CHARIOT WARFARE

For most of the second millennium BC the chariot was the most important element of warfare in the kingdoms of the Near East. Each kingdom could field thousands of chariots in times of war. At the battle of Kadesh (early thirteenth century BC), the Hittite king Muwatallis could apparently field 2,500 chariots of his own alongside another 1,000 provided by his allies.1 A number of scholars believe that these kingdoms used the chariot in many different ways for war. Littauer suggests that the Hittites main weapon for chariot warfare was the javelin2. Many depictions of Hittite chariots (mostly portrayed in Egyptian representations) show them carrying three men. One of these is the charioteer while, of the other two, one carries a protective shield and the second holds a javelin or spear. Such a three man chariot can be seen in the Egyptian reliefs of the battle of Kadesh (early thirteenth century BC) at Abu Simbel. Littauer supposes that, in battle, the charioteer steered while the javelineer hurled his weapons against the enemy troops (using his free hand to steady himself). The third member of the chariot-team protected his two companions with the shield (while also using his free hand to steady himself).3 Yadin prefers the idea that the Hittite chariot warriors wielded thrusting lances (rather than javelins) with which they would harass enemy chariots and fallen troops4. This is also the position taken by Worley. Since he views the weapon as a thrusting spear he believes that “the Hittite crew was apparently meant to close with and assault the enemy”.5 In the case of the Egyptians, however, another use of the chariot is supposed. Littauer claims that, although the Egyptians also had javelins in their chariots, their main weapon was the bow. Depictions show Egyptian 1

Drews, (1993), 133. Littauer, (1972), 147. 3 ibid 4 Yadin, (1963), 109. 5 Worley, (1994), 7. 2

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chariots (which hold two men) advancing to battle. One of the men acted as charioteer and the other as archer. The latter carried a shield, which was transferred to the charioteer during battle. The charioteer would then have protected the archer while he used his bow and guided the chariot by means of the reins tied about his waist. The reins would also have provided a support for the archer to lean back against while firing.6 Schulman, however, believes that the Egyptians shot from foot. He imagines the chariot driving to a good vantage point where the archer would dismount and fire on foot, after which, he would remount and drive off to another position and repeat the process.7 Drews, on the other hand, argues convincingly that, during the Bronze Age, chariots were used in the same way by all of the major kingdoms in both the Near East and Greece (for the Greek situation see chapter six)8. He considers chariotry to have been the main element in Bronze Age warfare with them being used as mobile platforms for archers equipped with powerful composite bows. Throughout this area, when artists depict chariots on the attack, the chariot warrior is regularly shooting his bow from a car travelling at full speed. That is also how the war chariot was used elsewhere. Sanskrit scholars have known all along that the Aryan chariot-warriors of India were bowmen, and recently it has become clear that in China too the war chariot carried an archer.9

Sasson agrees that the chariot’s role was as a mobile archery platform and describes its function as being: to travel along the enemy’s front, its archer delivering a searching and harassing rain of missiles upon the enemy infantry, while being itself protected by its very mobility. Its secondary missions were to screen and protect the army on the march and, once the enemy infantry was broken, to pursue and harry it relentlessly so that it had no chance to reform.10

Drews imagines that the major battles of the time consisted of two opposing chariot armies with the infantry playing only a minor and supportive role (even though the latter often outnumbered chariots). Nefedkin also believes that such was the situation. 6

Littauer, (1972), 146 – 148. Drews, (1993), 115; cf. Schulman, (1980), 105 - 153. 8 Drews, (1993), 104 - 134. 9 ibid 119. 10 Sasson vol. 1, (1995), 295. 7

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Chariots dominated the battlefield during the second half of the second millennium BC, although the number of infantry far surpassed the number of chariots. But as in medieval Europe, the infantry played an auxiliary role, acting on broken terrain, during sieges, or in other situations where the use of animal teams was impractical.11

Drews goes on to explain how the Nuzi texts of Babylonia (ca. 1400 BC) give details of the standard equipment provided to Kassite chariot warriors. Along with a corselet, whip, helmet, and sword, each chariot warrior received a quiver of thirty to forty arrows. As for the Hittites and their thrusting lances, Drews argues that they also used the bow as their main weapon of choice. He points out that the main evidence for their use of the thrusting lance derives from Ramesses the Great’s reliefs of the Battle of Kadesh. In these reliefs the Egyptian chariots carry archers while the Hittite chariots do not. Nowhere in these reliefs, however, are the Hittites shown to be in action. They are either heading towards or retreating from battle and are never depicted as attacking. The reason Drews gives for this is that “in battle scenes the pharaoh’s artists were careful never to depict an Egyptian in danger … in Egyptian art only Egyptian troops take the offensive”.12 In the Karnak reliefs which show the victories of Ramesses’ father Seti I (1305 - 1290 BC), however, the Hittite chariots are depicted as being equipped with bow cases while the warriors carry quivers.13 Cotterell also believes that the Hittites used bows for chariot battle just as often as their neighbours did. The battle reliefs of Ramesses’ father … depict Hittite chariots equipped with bow cases, while in each chariot a Hittite soldier sports a quiver on his back. There is, then, no reason to imagine that the Hittites fought differently from chariot warriors elsewhere in the ancient world.14

Cotterell believes that the reason Hittite chariots were depicted as carrying spearmen during the battle of Kadesh was that they were concerned with protecting themselves from the Egyptian foot soldiers.15 Azzaroli similarly explains the differences in weapons at Kadesh by claiming that the Hittites had equipped themselves for close fighting 11

Nefedkin, (2001), 514. Drews, (1993), 121. 13 Drews, (1993), 122. 14 Cotterell, (2005), 13. 15 ibid 12

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whereas the Egyptians, with their bows, were planning on long range combat.16 Indeed, since Muwatallis had planned to ambush the Egyptian forces he would have expected to have his chariots in among the enemy before they could use their bows and, therefore, thrusting spears would have been a more suitable weapon for his chariot warriors to carry. If he had been planning a traditional battle it is likely he would have equipped his forces with bows as they had been in their battle against Seti I.

16

Azzaroli, (1985), 41.

CHAPTER SIX GREEK CHARIOT WARFARE

There is much controversy with regards the use of the war-chariot in Greece. Many scholars believe that the Greek chariot did not have a decisive military role to play. Rather, they view it as having being used simply as a sort of ‘taxi’ for conveying warriors to and from the battlefield.1 Once there the warrior would dismount and fight on foot while his charioteer would keep the chariot nearby in readiness for a swift getaway. This is the way in which Homer generally describes the use of chariots in the Iliad, however, there are also a number of instances where he seems to indicate that they played a more decisive military role. Nestor seems to give a clear picture of a Near Eastern type of chariot fighting, similar to that used by the Hittites at Kadesh, when he describes the way in which men of old fought. “But whatever man from his own chariot can come at a chariot of the foe, let him thrust with his spear, since it is far better so.”2 Earlier in the Iliad, when we hear Agamemnon ordering his men to prepare for battle, he seems to have such a method in mind. Let every man whet well his spear and keep his shield ready, and let him well give food to his swift-footed horses, and looking well to his chariot on every side let him meditate on war so that all day long we may contend in hateful battle.3

This passage would seem to indicate preparation for a possible chariot battle involving the use of thrusting spears. And later on we can perhaps deduce such a battle when Hector engages troops led by Nestor and Idomeneus. “With these was Hector engaged, and grim deeds he performed with the spear, and in horsemanship (ੂʌʌȠı઄Ȟૉ), and he was

1

Anderson, (1965); Littauer, (1972); Crouwel, (1992). Hom., Il. 4.306 - 307. 3 ibid. 2.382 - 385. 2

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destroying the battalions of young men”.4 Yet once again Homer confuses things, for while it would seem that Hector is fighting from his chariot, when the battle goes badly for the Achaeans Idomeneus tells Nestor to mount his chariot and flee to the ships.5 There are, however, at least two occasions where battle is joined by opposing chariot teams. On one occasion Nester gets into trouble when one of his horses is mortally wounded by an arrow and Hector is charging down upon him. Diomedes intervenes, takes Nestor into his own chariot and then attacks Hector and kills his charioteer.6 Later, in the same book, we see Diomedes again, from his chariot, slay another Trojan warrior mounted on his.7 The main argument scholars use for suggesting why there may have been a different use of the chariot in Greece is that of terrain. They claim that Greece With its rough, stony ground, steep gradients and many natural obstacles, was not really suited to bow-carrying chariots and even less to their deployment in sizeable numbers at speed.8

Gaebel, however, points out that the movement of chariots around Greece would not have been as difficult as the terrain may suggest. Now that clear evidence of Mycenaean roads has come to light, it is obvious that the Mycenaeans themselves addressed the problem. There is little doubt that their roads were built for wheeled vehicles. The slight gradient up and down hills and the broad curves that the roads exhibit are unnecessary for pack animals. As wide as 3.5 meters, these highways were supported in places by retaining walls up to 4 meters high and corbelled culverts and bridges, all in Cyclopean masonry. A network of them radiated out from Mycenae.9

It is not necessarily the case that these roads were built solely for the purpose of delivering chariot forces to battle, more likely they had the dual purpose facilitating trade (using wagons and carts) and increasing the speed of communication between palace centres (whether using foot or 4 ibid 11.501 - 503. Liddell and Scott translate ੂʌʌȠı઄Ȟૉas ‘the art of driving the war chariot’ or more generally as ‘driving or horsemanship’. 5 ibid 11.510 - 513. 6 ibid. 8.78 - 129. 7 ibid. 8.256 - 259. 8 Crouwel, (1992), 55. 9 Gaebel, (2002), 40.

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chariot messengers). The existence of these roads, however, does mean that large forces of chariots could be moved to battlefields when needed and it would be improbable to think that they were not, at times, used in this way. Jansen, who recently completed a study into Mycenaean road systems, believes that the roads were not built mainly for military purposes (i.e. for chariot transport) but rather for economic (trade), agricultural (access to croplands and pasturelands), and political (control and administration of territory) purposes.10 He does not accept a military purpose for the roads as he does not believe that Mycenaean chariots were used in warfare as they were in the Near East. Rather he feels that the chariot was a ‘prestige vehicle’ that was only used by the upper ranks of Mycenaean society.11 Jansen, however, does accept that any chariots which did exist at the time would have used the road system to move about although he does not feel that chariots would have travelled any quicker than other modes of transport (such as donkey or wagon). He claims that Chariots would not be capable of off-road travel except in rare circumstances. They would be restricted to the roads, and even here it is unlikely that they would have ever moved very rapidly. The winding courses of the highways would have slowed the vehicles down considerably. The purpose of the roads was to make travel in vehicles possible, not to make it rapid. This would presumably have made it possible for a chariot to be escorted by people on foot.12

Jansen seems to over-estimate the fragility of Mycenaean chariots when he suggests that they would have been incapable of travelling at a decent speed on Mycenaean roads. If these chariots were neither used in battle nor suitable for travelling (either on- or off-road) then what was the purpose of their existence? Mycenaean chariots were not as fragile as he seems to suggest and would have been capable of maintaining a decent speed along the roads without suffering any great damage. Indeed Egyptian chariots of the time were in no way sturdier or better built than Mycenaean chariots yet they were repeatedly used in battle throughout Egypt and the Near East (and nobody could rightly claim that desert plains of the Near East provided a surface uniformly smoother than Mycenaean roads). The simple fact of the matter is that Mycenaeans possessed both 10

Jansen, (2002), 113 - 126. ibid, 105 - 111. 12 ibid, 108. 11

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chariots and roads and it is highly likely, therefore, that their chariots were capable of using these roads to move about. As for Jansen’s belief that Mycenaean chariots were not used in battle, I believe that this chapter discusses enough evidence to indicate that such chariots were used in battle and, therefore, it seems very likely that military chariots used the roads to travel to battle. The use of these roads in moving chariot forces to battle may have been only part of the way in which the Mycenaeans overcame the natural obstacles of Greek terrain in order to make best use of their chariotry. In classical times large-scale battles generally took place in a limited number of locations due to their suitability for manoeuvres (Mantinea and Chaeronaea for example) and perhaps the situation was somewhat similar in earlier times. If so it would not be unbelievable that certain locations were repeatedly utilized for chariot battle and that on occasion other areas were made suitable. In later times we hear of ground being cleared for cavalry battles. In 510 BC, when Sparta invaded Attica, the Athenians, having had advance warning of the Spartans intent, are reputed to have laid waste to the plain of Phalerum in order to make it more suitable to the cavalry of their Thessalian allies.13 Anderson, however, believes that literary evidence for chariot use in Britain during later times supports the idea that the Homeric method accurately represents Greek chariot warfare.14 He compares the Homeric method with that used later by the British as related by Caesar in his commentary on the Gallic Wars. Their manner of fighting from chariots is as follows. First of all they drive in all directions and hurl missiles, and so by the mere terror that the teams inspire and by the noise of the wheels they generally throw ranks into confusion. When they have worked their way in between the troops of cavalry, they leap down from the chariots and fight on foot. Meanwhile the charioteers retire gradually from the combat, and dispose the chariots in such a fashion that, if the warriors are hard pressed by the host of the enemy, they may have a ready means of retirement to their own side.15

This description shows that the Homeric method of chariot warfare should not be totally disregarded and that it may well have been representative of a method used by some peoples at a later date. What is interesting here, however, is the second line of the above extract – “they drive in all directions and hurl missiles”. Here we have British chariots 13

Hdt., 5.63. Anderson, (1965), 349 - 352. 15 Caes., B Gall. 4.33 14

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being used as mobile firing platforms exactly as chariots were used in the Near East. That the chariot troops subsequently dismounted and fought on foot doesn’t take away from this point. Why Anderson chooses to ignore this instance of Near Eastern fighting style is a mystery. Diodorus Siculus (a contemporary of Caesar who may have based his account on that of the latter) also mentions the similarities between chariot use in Britain and Greece. Speaking of the British he says “they use chariots, for instance, in their wars, even as tradition tells us the old Greek heroes did in the Trojan War”.16 Greenhalgh disagrees with Anderson’s finding of parallels between Homeric and British chariot usage. He claims that the British of Caesar’s day could hardly be called a ‘chariot power’ as chariots made up only a very small part of their armed forces compared to cavalry. Another point was that, although both Homeric and British chariots had some similarity of usage (in that they both utilised javelins and conveyed warriors to battle) they were apparently different in form. The British trick of running out along the pole suggests that their chariots were open fronted ones unlike those described by Homer.17 As for Diodorus’ reference to the Trojan War Greenhalgh points out that the Homeric usage is not mentioned. Diodorus does not say that the British used their chariots in the same manner as the Greeks at Troy only that both peoples used chariots in their wars.18 Anderson also suggests that the Greeks of Cyrene used their chariots in the Homeric method by referring to a passage in Aeneas Tacticus (16.14) which he translates as follows The people of Cyrene and Barca “and certain other cities” used their twohorse chariots (ıȣȞȦȡ઀įȦȞ) as troop transports on long-distance relief expeditions, which the protection of their frontiers against the nomads must often have made necessary. Upon arriving on the battlefield the hoplites alighted afresh for instant action.19

Anderson further points out a passage in Xenophon’s Cyropaedia which he feels reinforces the idea that Cyrenaean chariots were used along Homeric lines. In discussing the origin of scythed chariots Xenophon, who attributed their invention to Cyrus the Great, says

16

Diod. Sic., 5.21.5. Greenhalgh, (1973), 14. 18 ibid 15. 19 Anderson, (1965), 352. 17

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The method of managing a chariot employed of old at Troy and that in vogue among the Cyrenaeans even unto this day he abolished; for in previous times people in Media and in Syria and in Arabia, and all the people in Asia used the chariot just as the Cyrenaeans now do.20

Anderson takes this passage as an indication that Xenophon was “misinformed about the use of chariots in Asia before Cyrus’ time” and that when he saw that the Persian charioteers of his day did not fight in the Homeric fashion he felt that a change in tactics must have been introduced somewhere along the line.21 Again Greenhalgh finds fault with Anderson’s thesis regarding Cyrenaean chariot usage. In regard to the passage in Aeneas Tacticus (16.14) he garners a different reading and claims that it is not chariots to which Aeneas is referring but to transport wagons. What Aeneas says is this: ‘it is said that the Cyrenaeans and Barcaeans … made their rescue expeditions over long wagon-roads (IJĮȢ ਖȝĮȟȘȜ੺IJȠȣȢ ੒įȠઃȢ) in four- and two-horse vehicles (ਥʌȚ ıȣȞȦȡ઀įȦȞ țı੿ ȗİȣȖ੼ȦȞ). And when they had reached the appointed place and the vehicles (IJ૵Ȟ ȗİȣȖ੼ȦȞ) had been parked in succession, the hoplites got out; and immediately forming up in battle-line they attacked the enemy with unimpaired strength. Hence, for those who have an abundance of vehicles (ȗİȣȖ૵Ȟ), there is a great advantage in their soldiers’ arriving both quickly and fresh to where they are needed; further, the wagons (Įੂ ĮȝĮȟĮȚ) would be a ready bulwark (਩ȡȣȝĮ) for the camp, and wounded or otherwise incapacitated soldiers could be conveyed in them back to the city.’ Aeneas surely is not thinking of war-chariots at all, but transport wagons”.22

Similarly Greenhalgh counters Anderson’s use of Xenophon by making a different interpretation of the passage in question. He claims that since we know that the Asiatic powers used their chariot forces in battle either as mobile firing platforms or, on occasion, as a shock force using thrusting spears it follows that Xenophon, in stating that all Asia once used their chariot forces in the same way as the Cyrenaeans of his day used them, is actually saying that the Cyrenaeans used their chariots in the Asiatic fashion and not in the manner described by Homer.23 It certainly cannot be ruled out that the Cyrenaeans used chariots in a similar fashion to the Asiatic powers for we have good accounts that the 20

Xen., Cyr. 6.1.27. Anderson, (1965), 352. 22 Greenhalgh, (1973), 16. 23 ibid 16 - 17. 21

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neighbouring Carthaginians were fighting in this fashion in the fourth century BC. Diodorus, in describing the war between Carthage and the invading Greeks of Agathocles, leaves us with little doubt that chariots were more than simple troop transports to the Carthaginians. We are told that in 308 BC they apparently fielded a huge force of two thousand chariots. Both the cavalry and the chariots were positioned in front of the infantry phalanx for the Carthaginians had “determined to strike with these first and test the temper of the Greeks”.24 That the chariots were an actual attacking force and not merely transports is further made clear when we are told that some of the chariots were allowed to pass through the Greek phalanx (the rest either being shot down or turned back onto their own lines by the stout Greek defence).25 This ‘passing through’ suggests that the Greek army had to open passages in its phalanx in order to avoid damage from those chariots it was unable to turn back. Anderson accepts that the Carthaginian chariots were used as more than just transports and even goes as far as to say that Carthage was apparently using them in the Asiatic manner “as one would expect”.26 It seems strange that he would accept such a usage by the Carthaginians and yet be determined that this usage did not extend to Cyrene. It seems almost impossible to settle definitively whether British and Cyrenaean chariot usage mirrored the Homeric style or the Asiatic style, especially when the relevant textual passages can be interpreted differently. What must be kept in mind, however, is that the periods with which these passages deal (fourth century BC Cyrene and first century BC Britain) were ones long after the heyday of chariot warfare in the midsecond millennium BC when most peoples had completely replaced their chariot forces with cavalry. Therefore these cases cannot be relied on too heavily to tell us about chariot warfare of Mycenaean times. In examining Mycenaean chariot usage evidence from Mycenaean times should be placed above evidence of chariot usage hundreds of years later in different lands. Drews completely opposes the theory that the Bronze Age Greek chariot was only used as a sort of ‘battle-taxi’.27 He believes that the chariot had to have been of significant military value in order to justify the expense incurred by the Mycenaean palaces in maintaining large numbers of them.

24

Diod. Sic., 20.10.5 - 6. ibid 20.12.1 - 2. 26 Anderson, (1965), 352. 27 Drews, (1993), 104 - 134. 25

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At Knossos (in Crete) he refers to the ‘chariot tablets’ of the fifteenth century BC which mention one hundred and fifty complete chariots which were distributed to various people and thirty-nine more that were kept in storage at the palace.28 Other tablets mention vast numbers of spare chariot parts (enough for approximately five hundred and fifty more chariots) also kept in storage at Knossos. As Drews says “it would seem that the field strength of Knossos’ chariotry must have been somewhere between five hundred and one thousand”.29 Similarly, on mainland Greece at the palace of Pylos in the Peloponnese, were found ‘wheel tablets’ which detailed the distribution of at least two hundred pairs of chariot wheels. Another text mentioned the purchase of wood for chariot axles. The tablets indicate that Pylos was also capable of fielding a few hundred chariots.30 Drews see this evidence as an indication that the chariot played a much more important role in Greek warfare then has previously been thought: The rulers of Pylos and Knossos devoted their resources to the maintenance of a chariotry of several hundred vehicles, keeping a large inventory of spare wheels, axles, and boxes and assigning a small bureaucracy to the supervision of the men, horses, and material. It is not reasonable to suppose that the rulers did all this merely to ensure that several hundred of their infantrymen could ride in comfort or dignity to the battlefield … The rulers must have believed that the chariotry they were so diligently maintaining would in a crisis provide the regime and its subjects with protection and security.31

Cotterell holds a similar view to Drews and believes that Knossos would not have expended huge amounts of money maintaining a force of two hundred or more chariots unless they played a significant military role. He believes that these chariots “must have been employed for warfare” and that they represented “an up-to-date striking force similar to Ramesses II’s Amun division”.32 Similarly he feels that, although there are no tablets listing complete chariots, the Pylos ‘wheel’ tablets indicate that a large chariot force was also maintained there, although its exact size cannot be determined.33 28

Drews, (1993), 108. ibid 108. Even if a large portion of these tablets were just listing spare parts, rather than components for complete chariots, Knossos must have been able to field a force of at least two hundred chariots. 30 Drews, (1993), 107. 31 ibid 118. 32 Cotterell, (2005), 126. 33 ibid 29

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In dealing with Homer’s depiction of Greek chariot use Cotterell suggests that by that time “the ancient Greeks had simply forgotten the original purpose of the chariot”.34 He points to the prominent role played by chariot archers in India’s great epic poems - the Ramayana and the Mahabharata as a more realistic depiction of how things truly were.35 The reason why these particular poems correctly remembered the true use of the chariot in warfare could simply be due to the fact that chariots continued in use in India well into the late fourth century BC. Alexander even encountered them in his battle with the Indian king Porus at the Hydaspes in 326 BC.36 Greenhalgh also points out the misconceptions inherent in Homer’s view of chariots and says how it is only in a few small references that “the true Bronze Age method is revealed” one of them being “Nestor’s famous exhortation to his men as chariot-borne lancers who will evidently fight at speed from massed chariots (Iliad, IV, 303 - 8)”.37 As evidence of this use he points out the fifteenth-century Vapheio gem which shows a chariot warrior preparing to hurl a javelin or spear while on the move.38 Drews believes that the chariot was used in exactly the same way in Greece as it was in the kingdoms of the Near East – as a mobile firing platform for archers using composite bows. He points to a number of pieces of evidence, which suggest that this was the case. Mycenaean chariot warriors wore heavy corselets into battle right from the very beginnings of the Late Bronze Age. This is evidenced both from scales found in the Shaft Graves at Mycenae and from the Knossos ‘chariot tablets’ which detail the distribution of knee-length corselets to chariot crews.39 Another type of corselet that may also have been used by Mycenaean charioteers is the so-called Dendra armour (fifteenth century BC) found at ancient Midea in the Peloponnese. This armour is conic- rather than bellshaped and consists of strips of bronze jointed together by metal plates. Drews views such a corselet as being specially designed for the protection of chariot warriors against enemy missiles. Greenhalgh also believes the purpose of such armour was to protect chariot warriors and that it could not have been used by any other type of soldier.

34

ibid 38. ibid 37. 36 Arr., An. 5.14.3. 37 Greenhalgh, (1980), 203. 38 ibid 39 Drews, (1993), 110 - 111. 35

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About the Dendra panoply’s use there can be little doubt. Its wearer must be carried. It is far too heavy and unwieldy for a foot soldier to walk far or to fight effectively in and yet it comes too low down for a horseman to sit in (even if the bronze age Greeks had horses capable of carrying the weight) … But stand some of our clumsy-looking Dendra warriors on moving chariots with levelled lances in the manner of Nestor’s reminiscence, and they become formidable as a cavalry charge of medieval knights or Parthian cataphracts.40

Peatfield, on the other hand, claims the armour could have been worn by a warrior engaged in personal combat and that practical experiment has shown this to be so. Although the armour did not prove especially cumbersome for one-on-one fighting he admits that its design made it difficult to rise from a prone position and that running in it would quickly tire the wearer. He suggests, therefore, that it may have acted as ‘tournament’ armour for one-on-one duelling similar to the poll-axe duels of the sixteenth century AD.41 Both suggested uses for the armour are plausible possibilities, however, neither can be definitively proven as the find is unique. Nothing similar has been found either in Greek archaeology or iconography and, unless this changes, the true purpose of the armour cannot be fully determined. Personally I favour Drews’ and Greenhalgh’s interpretation that it was used for chariot battle. While tournaments with one-on-one duels, similar to pole-axe duels of the sixteenth century AD, may indeed have been practiced by the warrior aristocracy of Mycenaean times we have no surviving evidence for them and cannot for certain say that they did take place. We do, however, have evidence for the Mycenaeans’ use of chariots and possible evidence that they were used in war in a similar fashion to those in the Near East. As such the use of the Dendra armour for chariot warriors seems preferable. We do know that in later times Chinese charioteers wore iron-plate armour although it does not appear to have been as unwieldy as the Dendra armour.42 Drews also mentions the ‘arrow tablets’ which were found at Knossos alongside the more famous ‘chariot tablets’. These recorded batches of arrow deposits – 6,010 in one case and 2,630 in another – “enough for each of two hundred chariot archers to receive forty”.43 Webster also draws this conclusion from the ‘arrow tablets’ comparing them to similar finds from Alalakh in Syria and claiming that the large 40

Greenhalgh, (1980), 204. Peatfield, (2008), 93. 42 Cotterell, (2005), 36. 43 Drews, (1993) 124. 41

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numbers listed would seem to indicate that “archers were by no means unimportant in the Mycenaean age, and they may have been second only to the chariotry as they clearly were at Ugarit and Alalakh”.44 He even suggests that other, apparently non-military, tablets from Knossos may have listed items with dual-usage. He believes that the goats and horns listed in some of the tablets may have been intended for the production of bows and bow strings.45 Webster further adds that the name Toxotas (archer) can be found in the Knossos tablets and also that a tablet from Pylos lists five bow makers. He also suggests that the great archers of Homer’s epics may be remembrances of Mycenaean archer heroes. “They are Herakles, Eurytos, Iphitos, Odysseus, Meriones, Teucer, Philoktetes, Pandaros, and Paris”.46 Drews presents a very good argument for supporting his theory regarding the use of the Greek chariot in war. He is not trying to prove that chariot warfare in Greece was on the same scale as that in the Near East only that it was of the same type. The huge resources which the Greek kingdoms dedicated to the maintenance of chariot forces (as evidenced by the Pylos and Knossos tablets) coupled with the other evidence he brings to his argument does seem to verify his theory. However, he is wrong to completely discard the Homeric evidence as simply a historical inaccuracy. It is quite probable that the Homeric accounts have some basis in fact. The accounts provided by Diodorus and Caesar on the use of the chariot by the Britains and that of Aeneas Tacticus on the Cyrenaeans shows that the method of chariot warfare as depicted in the Homeric texts cannot be totally disregarded and that variations of it may have been used by some peoples. Nefedkin offers a compromise picture, incorporating both Near Eastern and Homeric aspects, which I believe may be the closest representation of Mycenaean chariot warfare. For the period between the fifteenth and thirteenth centuries BC he suggests that in Greece As in the East, the main weapon of charioteers was likely the bow; one can conclude from an image on a gem from Vacherie (Laconia), that the spear was an auxiliary weapon. It appears that the tactics of Mycenaean chariotry at that time were identical to Eastern practice.47 44

Webster, (1958), 21. Composite bows consisted of layers of horn, bone and sinew set onto a wooden core. The wooden core provided strength while the layers of other material offered extra elasticity. Sinew was also used for bowstrings. 46 Webster, (1958), 104 - 105. 47 Nefedkin, (2001), 515. 45

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Nefedkin goes on to explain that it was with the introduction of a new lighter type of chariot in the thirteenth to twelfth centuries BC that the practice of chariots transporting warriors to and from battle developed (due to the light chariot not being suitable for the battle-charges). The older type of battle-chariot continued to be used alongside the newer transport-chariot until with the final fall of the palaces, chariotry also disappeared as a branch of the armed forces in Hellas … The chariot again became a status symbol for the leader or noble warrior; chariots were used for transport to the battlefield or on the battlefield, as Homer describes.48

48

Nefedkin, (2001), 515.

CHAPTER SEVEN HORSE-RIDING DURING THE CHARIOT AGE

Although chariotry dominated Near Eastern warfare during the second millennium BC and true cavalry (in terms of a force of men fighting from horseback in cohesion with one another) did not fully come into being until early in the following millennium, individual cases of horse-riding appear to have been relatively common during the chariot age. There are a number of important pieces of evidence, both literary and iconographical, which give credence to this. The earliest representation of a rider (mounted on what is definitely a horse) to have been found to-date is that on the cylinder seal of Abbakalla, scribe to king Shu-Sin of Ur (2037 - 2027 BC). It depicts a rider on an equid which has “the short ears, the long mane, and the full tail that distinguish a horse from an ass or an onager”.1 From as early as the late eighteenth dynasty (ca. 1417 - 1320 BC) one can find a number of sculptures and reliefs which point to the existence of mounted horsemen in Egypt. Many of these pieces have been documented by Schulman.2 Included among them is a fragment of a limestone relief of a horseman now in the Royal Scottish Museum at Edinburgh. The relief depicts an Egyptian rider seated well back on his horse’s loins in a position commonly referred to as the ‘donkey-seat’. This seat is so named because it mirrors a rider’s position on a donkey. Since a donkey’s withers are lower than its croup, and its head-carriage is also low, a rider sitting on its back may experience a sense of sliding forward. Taking a seat further back towards the croup, however, would have helped to lessen this sensation. Such a position seems to have been used with horses when they were first ridden but over time a more forward seat came into use as it became clear that taking a ‘donkey seat’ was both uncomfortable and unsuited to the horse’s anatomy.3 1

Drews, (2004), 32. Schulman, (1957), 263 - 271. 3 “A horse’s weight is borne mostly by the forehand. The impulsion comes from the hindquarters. The loin area, under which are the kidneys, and whose only bone 2

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In the relief the rider controls his mount with a goad and split reins. The split reins suggest that the rider was either a scout or messenger who was not expected to have to fight on horseback. If he were to release the reins in order to use weapons he would be unable to collect them again as they would have fallen below the horse’s head. When true cavalry developed a loop rein was used so that when let go it would simply rest on the horse’s neck and thus could easily be recovered. Another item documented by Schulman was a painted wooden statuette of a horse and rider which now resides in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. It depicts a rider, who appears to be considerably more comfortable aboard his mount, seated well forward with a ‘long leg’.4 Evidence for horse riding also survives among the few early remains of horse burials in Egypt. The skeleton of the Thebes horse, which dates from the first third of the fifteenth century BC, was buried with a saddle cloth still in place on its back.5 Worley claims that at the Battle of Kadesh (early thirteenth century BC) the Egyptian army had “at least one unit of mounted scouts or perhaps the first mounted archers in the Near East”.6 He points to the various Egyptian reliefs depicting the battle which clearly show horsemen, some of whom are equipped with bows, quivers, or both. One of the bowmen is accompanied by the inscription “the scout of the army of Pharaoh”.7 In turning to literature Homer provides us with some tantalising glimpses of early horse-riding during the Trojan War (ca. 1200 BC). The most important incident is that of Odysseus and Diomedes’ raid on the camp of the Thracian king, Rhesus, and the theft of his horses. After they had slain the king and his followers, Diomedes pondered whether to take the king’s chariot along with them. Athena advised them, however, to make a swift getaway and so they mounted on the backs of the horses and escaped back to the Achaean camp. So she spoke, and [Diomedes] heeded the voice of the goddess and swiftly mounted the horses; and Odysseus struck them with his bow and they sped is the spine, is the weakest part of the horse’s anatomy. Add to this the locomotor means of a variety of gaits and it can be appreciated that a central seat was far more efficient for cavalry, or for any rider”. [Hyland (2003), 51]. 4 A ‘long leg’ is when the rider grips the mount from the knee upwards and lets the lower leg hang loose. It is an indication of a rider who is comfortable and experienced on horseback as opposed to a ‘short leg’ where the rider has the knee bent and grips with the heel and ankle. 5 Clutton-Brock, (1974), 93 - 94. 6 Worley, (1994), 12. 7 ibid

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towards the swift ships of the Achaeans.8

In another example Homer uses a simile comparing Odysseus straddling a log to a man on horseback. “But Odysseus bestrode one plank, as though he were riding a horse (ț੼ȜȘșૅ ੪Ȣ ੆ʌʌȠȞ ਥȜĮ઄ȞȦȞ)”.9 Gaebel suggests that although such images of riding are quite rare in Homer they do point to the fact that it was no novelty and that Homer believed his heroes knew how to ride.10 While it seems likely that Homer would not have made such references if he did not believe the people of that time had some knowledge of horse-riding they do not definitely mean that riding was known in Mycenaean times. All we can truly extract from these statements is that horse-riding was known when Homer wrote and that he believed it was known in Mycenaean times. Another tale from the Trojan War concerns Achilles’ ambush of Prince Troilus of Troy while he was watering his horses outside the gates of the city. This tale is only preserved in summaries from late antiquity but scenes showing Troilus mounted on one of the horses were frequently depicted on vases from the sixth century BC.11 If he had been going out to battle, the horses would have been yoked to his chariot, but he would not go through the trouble of harnessing them for what he expected to be a minor and uneventful excursion. This is not evidence for the way in which heroes of the Bronze Age behaved, but at least shows that the poetic tradition did not look back to a time when nobody by any chance ever sat astride a horse.12

It would seem that these images from the Trojan War did look back to established practice in Mycenaean times for we have archaeological evidence as corroboration. Two figurines of mounted warriors were discovered at Mycenae the best preserved of which dates from the fourteenth century BC and shows a mounted rider wearing a conical helmet and clasping what is possibly a quiver or a sheathed sword. Worley uses this example to suggest that “although Agamemnon may have used a chariot at Troy, the mounted warrior had apparently made his appearance at Mycenae by 1300 BC”.13 8

Hom., Il. 10.512 - 514. Hom., Od. 5.370 - 371. 10 Gaebel, (2002), 55. 11 Woodford, (1993), 55 - 56. 12 Anderson, (1961), 10. 13 Worley, (1994), 9. 9

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It would appear from the amount of surviving evidence, of which the above examples form but a small portion, that individual instances of horse-riding were relatively common during the second millennium BC. The reliefs and sculptures from Egypt, along with Homeric references and Mycenaean figurines, suggest that the art of horse-riding was known and practiced well before the advent of ‘true’ cavalry forces in the following millennium.

CHAPTER EIGHT DEVELOPMENT OF CAVALRY FORCES

It was not until the ninth century BC that the first ‘true’ cavalry forces developed on a large scale. Cavalry, as a force, seems to have been introduced into Assyria by Tukulti Ninurta II (890 - 884 BC). Tukulti Ninurta campaigned in the lands of Urartu (modern Armenia) whose mountainous terrain was less suited to chariotry (although like Greece chariots were still used there) and more suitable to cavalry.1 It would seem that cavalry (or at least the idea of cavalry) was introduced into Assyria from Urartu. Although it has been considered that true cavalry units were first formed in Assyria, there is a strong probability that cavalry was already part of the armament of the powerful Urartean people whose territory was more suited to the ridden than to the driven horse … In the reign of Menua of Urartu (810 - 785 BC) considerable numbers of cavalry were already used … In one expedition he led 1,600 chariots, 9,174 cavalry and 2,704 archers.2

Although large numbers of cavalry were now in use in Assyria, chariots were not completely discarded. Great numbers of them were still used alongside the newer cavalry forces although their role was diminishing. As cavalry skills developed chariots were pushed more and more into the background of warfare and became used more for transporting kings and nobility than for battle. It would appear that Assyria learned much about horsemanship from campaigns against her neighbour Urartu. A relief from the reign of Ashurnasirpal II (883 - 859 BC) depicts Assyrians, still operating in chariots, combating an enemy already skilled on horseback. The enemy 1

The unsuitability of mountainous land for continuous use of the chariot can be seen in a letter from the archives of Mari where one Ila-Salim wrote to his lord seeking a new chariot as his own had “broke at its middle section due to my constant travelling from the flatlands to the mountains and back” [LM pg. 100]. 2 Hyland, (2003), 90.

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horsemen sit close behind their mounts’ withers and one rider is comfortable enough in his seat to twist around and shoot an arrow at a pursuing chariot - the so-called ‘Parthian Shot’.3 This juxtaposition of an Assyrian chariot archer and his more skilled mounted opponent would seem to strengthen the idea that skilled riding was practiced by horsemen to the north of Assyria before being introduced into that country. These northern horsemen were likely in turn to have been anticipated in this skill by the people of the steppe. Cavalry spread throughout the Near East during the ninth and eight centuries BC greatly aided by the conquests of the Assyrians whose kingdom, at its height, spread from the Zagros Mountains in the east, west to Cilicia and south as far as Babylonia and Egypt. In Greece the presence of chariots is attested through the Dark Ages down to at least the tenth century BC. Their presence at this time has been confirmed by the burials of paired horses with metal bits from Lefkandi in Euboea. One of these burials consisted of a group of four horses (two of which still had the iron mouthpieces of bits in their mouths) associated with the rich burial of a man and woman of the early tenth century BC.4 Although it was only in the ‘Orientalizing Period’ (from about 700 BC) that riders on horseback start to become common in Greek art, it seems more than likely that they were present to a limited extent in the late Mycenaean Period as is suggested by the previously mentioned mounted figurines dating to fourteenth century BC Mycenae. The appearance of horses as a common motif in the art of the Orientalizing Period likely arose due to this increased use of cavalry by the Greeks. By the midseventh century BC the Greeks had mastered horse riding and afterwards were regularly depicted as skilled horsemen quite comfortable on their mounts. Further indication of the increase in importance of horse-riding at this time is its introduction into the Olympic Games. Just at this time, in 648 BC … a race for ridden horses was first established at the Olympic Games. Two-horse chariots had been raced since remote antiquity, and the four-horse chariot, which appears on late Geometric vases, since 680 BC. These dates provide additional evidence for the comparative unimportance of riding in early times.5

3

Drews, (2004), 66. Crouwel, (1992), 53 - 54. 5 Anderson, (1961), 13. 4

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Although Greenhalgh accepts the presence of horse-riding in Greece at this time he does not believe that it heralded the beginnings of Greek cavalry forces. Instead he believes that Greek military use of horse-riding at this stage was as transport to and from battle for hoplite warriors. Many scholars who subscribe to the theory of the ‘chariot-taxi’ in Mycenaean Greece see this as evidence for a direct transfer of use from chariots to cavalry. They were not cavalrymen, but heavy-armed foot soldiers who used their horses for transport, and they were accompanied by mounted squires who kept their horses and spare javelins for them while they fought, and were no doubt responsible for looking after armour and other spoils won during the battle.6

Worley, on the other hand, feels that while this may have been one function of Archaic Greek cavalry it does not mean that the possibility of fighting from horseback has to be totally discarded. He points out a seventh century BC ivory fibula-plaque found in the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta depicting a tunic-clad rider armed with helmet, spear, and shield. The shield, rather than being a hoplon, appears to be a smaller buckler. He writes that a cavalryman armed in such a fashion would have been capable of engaging in mounted shock warfare against either cavalry or infantry (prior to the hoplite reform and the advent of the phalanx), or of dismounting and fighting on foot. Thus the fibula warrior could very well be considered an example of an early Greek dragoon.7 It is only later in the sixth century BC, however, that we first see true cavalry forces which fought wholly from horseback being depicted in Greek art. From then on we begin to find depictions of cavalry being used against infantry as the Greeks began to discover how effective cavalry could be when used in surprise attacks against the rear and flanks of a hoplite force or in the pursuit and harassment of a routed army.

6 7

Greenhalgh, (1973), 146. Worley, (1994), 25 - 26.

CHAPTER NINE WAR CHARIOTS DURING THE CAVALRY AGE

Although chariots had largely disappeared from warfare by the mid first millennium BC there were still a small number of regions where they continued in use for a number of centuries. According to Herodotus the native Libyans were still using them in his own lifetime (fifth century BC).1 Both Cyrene and Carthage seem to have retained the use of chariots at least down to the end of the fourth century BC. We are told that in 322 BC Thibron succeeded in persuading the people of Cyrene to donate half their chariots to his campaign in Africa and that in 308 BC Agathocles obtained the aid of Cyrenaean chariots in his war with Carthage.2 In the same year Carthage was able to put into the field a huge force of two thousand of her own chariots to oppose the invading army of Agathocles.3 Chariots continued in use even longer in some of the lands to the north of the Mediterranean. The Gauls seem to have used them down to the end of the third century BC. Livy mentions their use at the battle of Sentinum in 295 BC and Polybius records their presence at Telamon in 225 BC.4 As for the British, not only did Caesar encounter chariots there in 55 BC, they were apparently still in use well into the first century AD when they were encountered by the forces of Agricola.5 Probably the most interesting and famous use of chariots in war in later times, however, is that of the Persian scythed-chariot which, unlike those examples mentioned above, was not a case of chariot use surviving through time but rather a reintroduction of chariots into the armed forces to face a new threat. This new type of chariot, with its combination of motive power and lethal blades acted as a weapon of terror designed to spread panic through enemy forces and to induce rout in their ranks. Physically the scythed-chariot was much heavier and sturdier than the 1

Hdt., 4.189. Diod. Sic., 18.19.3 - 4; 20.41.1. 3 ibid 20.10.5 - 6. 4 Livy, 10.28. 8 - 11; Polyb., 2.28. 3 - 5. 5 Caes., B Gall. 4.33; Tac., Agr. 35.3. 2

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traditional war chariots of the second millennium BC which, although it decreased its speed and manoeuvrability, made it more resistant to damage and to being overturned. With the addition of its metal scythes it was capable of tearing through enemy infantry. Xenophon offers the following description of a scythed-chariot. [they were] constructed with strong wheels, so that they might not easily be broken, and with long axles; for anything broad is less likely to be overturned. The box for the driver [was] constructed out of strong timbers in the form of a turret; and this rose in height to the drivers’ elbows, so that they could manage the horses by reaching over the top of the box; and, besides, … the drivers [were covered] with mail, all except their eyes. On both sides of the wheels, moreover, [were] attached to the axles steel scythes about two cubits long and beneath the axles other scythes pointing down towards the ground; this was so arranged with the intention of hurling the chariots into the midst of the enemy.6

We can probably accept Xenophon’s description of scythed-chariots as quite accurate for he actually encountered such vehicles himself at the battle of Cunaxa in 401 BC.7 While other ancient authors who mention these chariots do not to provide much information regarding the form of the vehicle itself they do concur with Xenophon’s detailed description of the scythes attached to them.8 Xenophon’s description of scythed-chariots is found in his Cyropaedia where he attributes their creation to Cyrus the Great. He claims that Cyrus had felt that the old method of chariot warfare involved an uneconomical use of resources. Since the best men were mounted on chariots the chief men of the army were thus wasted in the role of skirmishers and contributed nothing to the actual victory. Not only were the best men mounted on chariots but they also needed trustworthy drivers at their sides which entailed a second best man to each chariot. Therefore, in a force of three hundred chariots, the efforts of six hundred of an army’s best men were wasted in Cyrus’ view. He decided, therefore, to create a new type of chariot which would play a greater role in the main battle as a shock force capable of routing enemy phalanxes.9 While we can accept Xenophon’s description of these chariots as quite accurate, having seen examples with his own eyes, we should be very cautious in accepting that they were inventions of Cyrus. In the strictest 6

Xen., Cyr. 6.1.29 - 30. Xen., An. 1.8.10; 1.8.18 - 20. 8 Livy, 37.41.6 - 8; Curt. 4.15.3 - 4. 9 Xen., Cyr. 6.1.27 - 28. 7

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sense the Cyropaedia is not a historical text but a historical romance dealing with the supposed early education of Cyrus. As such the accuracy of the information contained within it cannot be relied upon without additional outside support. Even in ancient times the unhistorical nature of the Cyropaedia was well known. The nature of the text was very clear to Cicero writing in the first century BC The great Cyrus was portrayed by Xenophon not in accord with historical truth, but as a model of just government, and the impressive dignity of his character is combined in that philosopher’s description of him with a matchless courtesy.10

In order to discover the true origins of these chariots, and the possible reason for their development, a detailed examination and comparison of both classical and oriental sources is needed. Nefedkin did exactly this in a recent article and arrived at what appears to be a satisfactory conclusion for the date of their invention.11 Due to the detail of his article only the main findings shall be reproduced here. After a brief survey of the sources Nefedkin determined that “the only probable origin of the scythed chariots is that they arose in Persia” and that they were designed “not only for a direct shock at the enemy but also for a psychological effect to frighten him”.12 These chariots, he goes on to explain, were certainly not developed to oppose the largely missilecarrying Asian cavalry of the mid first millennium BC for they could easily dispose of scythed-chariots by dispersing and showering them with projectiles from all sides. The chariots would have been much more suited to attacking a closely packed formation of heavy infantrymen especially if they were unprotected by missile-carrying light troops.13 Nefedkin believes that the scythed chariot was created specifically to oppose the powerful Greek hoplite phalanx of the fifth century BC. During the 5th century BC the permanent opponents of the Persians were the Greeks. They had at their disposal the firm heavy-armed infantry that was unsuccessfully charged by the Persian horsemen consisting mainly of mounted archers and javelin men, who were employing hit and run tactics (Hdt. 9.20 - 25, 49; Diod. 11.30.3; Polyaen. 7.14.3). At the same time, the Greeks made little use of troops with missiles who would be able to repulse the chariots. Therefore, their hoplites were vulnerable to charging chariots. 10

Cic., Q Fr. 1.1.23. Nefedkin, (2004), On the Origin of the Scythed Chariot. 12 ibid 371. 13 ibid 372. 11

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Chapter Nine But the main point is that the Hellenes understood the value of a close formation in a battle against individual warriors … The scythed chariots were designed to destroy this closeness.14

So, if the scythed-chariot was developed to combat the Greek hoplite phalanx of the fifth century BC, the next step is to determine if a specific timeframe for their creation can be pinpointed. They were certainly well established by 401 BC for they were employed at the battle of Cunaxa.15 This provides us with a definitive terminus ante quem. In order to determine a terminus post quem a little more investigation is needed. If we examine two sources from early in the fifth century BC (Herodotus and Aeschylus) who also mention the Persian armed forces we would expect to encounter references to scythed-chariots if they existed at that time. This, however, is not the case. Although Xenophon attributes a major role to scythed chariots in Cyrus’ battle against Croesus Herodotus makes no mention of them whatsoever in his own account of the battle.16 Nor does he mention them in his catalogue of the forces which Xerxes prepared for his invasion of Greece in 480 BC. While the Persian force did include Indian chariots it is nowhere indicated that these were anything other than a normal chariot force.17 Likewise Aeschylus, in his description of the Persian forces prepared for the Greek invasion, makes no mention of such chariots.18 Although chariots are mentioned scythes are not and Nefedkin believes Aeschylus has in mind un-scythed Lydian chariots rather than the new Persian type. It must be noted that the tragedian, speaking about fear inspired by the chariots, tells us nothing about the scythes, which were the most terrible weapon of the vehicles in the ancients’ eyes.19

Nefedkin considers this lack of reference to scythed-chariots in the sources as an indication that such vehicles were not yet in existence at the time of the Persian Wars and, therefore, the year 479 BC can be considered as a terminus post quem for their creation.20 The absence of references to scythed-chariots in some later sources such as Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War does not pose 14

ibid 373. Xen., An. 1.8.10; 1.8.18 - 20. 16 Xen., Cyr. 7.1.27 - 33; Hdt., 1.80. 17 Hdt., 7.40 & 7.84 - 87. 18 Aesch., Pers. 45 - 47. 19 Nefedkin, (2004), 374. 20 ibid 376. 15

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much of a problem to 479 BC being considered as a terminus post quem for their invention. Thucydides was writing a history of a war of Greeks against Greeks and as such there was no real scope for major battles involving Persian forces that could have used scythed-chariots. Nefedkin favours a date somewhere in the 460’s BC as a likely timeframe for their origin. After the Persian defeats at Plataea and Mycale in 479 BC there were no major confrontations between Greek and Persian forces for about a decade. Although the Greeks continued to oust Persian garrisons and to capture cities in the European Hellespont and in Thrace, Nefedkin claims that the Persians did not view these events as major threats to their power. It was only when the Greeks began to take cities on the Anatolian coast and defeated a Persian army at the battle of the Eurymedon river in Pamphylia (468 BC) that Xerxes began serious preparations to counter their encroachment into Persian territory. Xerxes, however, was murdered in 465 BC while preparations were still apace and his successor, Artaxerxes (465 - 424 BC), was soon distracted from Greek affairs by a revolt in Bactria (464 BC). His attention was soon directed back to the west, however, when an Egyptian revolt (ca. 460 BC), led by the Libyan Inarus, received aid from the Athenians. The Athenian assistance to him forced Artaxerxes to pay attention to Greece again. He began to assemble troops … New chariotry were probably gathered in the course of these long preparations, between 467 BC (Just. 2.15.17) and 458 BC (Diod. 11.74.1). Now it was the king himself who was occupied with the military preparations, but not the local satraps as before. He had both the authority and means for the introduction and spreading of the new weapon, viz. scythed chariots.21

Nefedkin makes a good argument for scythed-chariots having been invented at this time. If he is correct concerning the date of their invention then it is likely that they first saw service in suppressing the Egyptian revolt. It seems possible, therefore, that while they may have been created to counter Greek hoplite phalanxes (as Nefedkin believes to be the case) it may, more specifically, have been the Greek hoplite phalanxes used by the Egyptians at which they were aimed. Egypt, since Saite times, had relied heavily on large forces of Greek mercenary hoplites to form the core of her armies. Although Xenophon seems to have wrongly attributed the invention of scythed-chariots to Cyrus the Great, it is interesting to note that he portrays them opposing, and successfully overcoming, an Egyptian

21

ibid 377.

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phalanx in Croesus’ army.22 Perhaps Xenophon correctly identifies the true target of this new weapon (Egypt) but wrongly misdates their introduction. Nefedkin, however, due to the nature of the Cyropaedia, dismisses this reference as a fictionalised account based on Xenophon’s idea of tactics rather than on real events.23 He claims that, apart from one minor reference in Heliodorus’ novel there are no other accounts of scythed-chariots opposing Egyptian shield-bearers.24 He fails to mention that this may be because of Egypt’s reliance on mercenary hoplites. We would hardly expect to find references to scythed-chariots opposing Egyptian infantry if the core of their army was composed of Greek mercenary hoplites. Nefedkin goes on to say that “the sources show that the Achaemenid scythed quadrigae were used against the Greek and, later, the Macedonian phalanx”.25 While this is true for the fourth century onwards Nefedkin further fails to mention that apart from the Cyropaedia, there is no mention, in any of the fifth century sources, of scythed-chariots before the battle of Cunaxa in 401BC. All that can really be said is that scythedchariots were most suited for combating heavy infantry phalanxes and that, of all Persia’s opponents, it was Greece and Egypt (using Greek hoplites) who could field the best such forces. It is likely, therefore, that scythed-chariots were invented to oppose either the Greek states or Egypt and that they probably first saw service c. 460 BC suppressing the Egyptian revolt. One of the most interesting and confusing aspects with regards scythed-chariots is that they remained in use for almost half a millennia apparently without ever achieving any major success in battle which may have warranted their retention for such an extended period of time. In only a few cases can one find examples of scythed-chariots performing successfully in battle and of these examples the majority can be shown to be either from unreliable sources or else successes on a very minor scale. The earliest example of reported scythed-chariot success in battle is that in Xenophon’s Cyropaedia. During Cyrus’ battle against Croesus the Persian chariots are said to have caused much havoc in their pursuit of the Lydian left wing, the horses of which had been thrown into panic by the

22

Xen., Cyr. 7.1.30 - 31. Nefedkin, (2004), 373. 24 In this instance, however, the Egyptians, who were allied with the Persians against the Ethiopians, seem to have fallen victim to their own side’s scythedchariots during a general rout [Hel., Aeth. Bk. 9 pg. 234] 25 Nefedkin, (2004), 373. 23

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scent of the Persians’ camels.26 Later in the battle the chariots are reported to have charged the Egyptian phalanx causing much slaughter. The foot soldiers were unable to avoid the scythes due to their ranks being so closely packed that they were unable to move.27 However, since it has been shown that scythed chariots most likely did not come into being until almost a century after Cyrus’ time, this account should be seen more as a romantic tale of Cyrus conquest of Lydia rather than an actual example of successful scythed-chariot warfare. Another reported account of successful chariot action can be found in Curtius. In describing the battle of Gaugamela (331 BC) the author claims that the scythed-chariots, in a surprise charge, dealt great damage to Alexander’s troops and that “the Macedonians did not give ground gradually but in scattered flight had thrown their ranks into disorder”.28 This passage, however, seems more likely to be an exaggerated account of a small number of Macedonian troops that were routed by a surprise chariot charge rather than a major setback for the army as a whole. Curtius later goes on to describe a chariot charge against the Macedonian phalanx which would seem to suggest that this earlier charge was against troops which did not form part of the phalanx (perhaps they were skirmishers). Of the charge against the phalanx Curtius says Their line was like a rampart; they had made a continuous row of spears together, and on both sides stabbed the flanks of the horses, as these rushed recklessly upon them. They began to encircle the chariots also and to hurl those who fought in them to the ground.29

Only a few of the chariots successfully made their way through the phalanx, however, Curtius focuses on these few and inflates their success. Yet a few chariots-and-four made their way through to the rear, destroying those whom they met by a wretched death; for the severed limbs of men lay upon the ground, and since there was no pain while their wounds were still warm, maimed and weak though they were, some did not drop their weapons until they fell on their faces, dead from great loss of blood.30

Other accounts of Gaugamela make no mention of there being two chariot charges or of any Macedonians being routed. Only one charge is 26

Xen., Cyr. 7.1.27. ibid 7.1.30 - 31. 28 Curt. 4.15.3 - 4. 29 ibid 4.15.14 - 16. 30 ibid 4.15.17. 27

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mentioned, that against the Macedonian phalanx, and it is easily repelled.31 Appian relates one occasion where scythed-chariots apparently were successful and did contribute significantly to victory in battle. In 88 BC Mithridates scored a success with scythed-chariots against Rome’s ally Nicomedes of Bithynia. In this instance, however, it seems that success was more due to the Bithynians’ horror at the mutilation of some of their troops by the scythes rather than to the chariots having had a major tactical advantage. If the Bithynians had only stood their ground they would have likely been able to deal with the chariots. At the same time the scythe-bearing chariots were driven at great speed against the Bithynians, cutting some of them in two instantaneously, and tearing others to pieces. The army of Nicomedes was terrified at seeing men cut in halves and still breathing, or mangled in fragments, or hanging on the scythes. Overcome rather by the hideousness of the spectacle than by loss of the fight, fear disordered their ranks.32

Other than the odd occasion, such as the above examples, accounts of scythed-chariots contributing significantly to success in battle are few and far between. Although scythed-chariots could, at times, deal significant damage to enemy forces, for the most part they were overcome and do not seem to have dictated the outcome of battles. In the many cases where we see Greek, Macedonian, and Roman armies encountering such chariots many differing tactics were used to successfully negate their effectiveness. The following are a few of the better known examples from throughout the history of this vehicle’s use.

31

x

At the battle of Cunaxa in 401 BC the Greek forces panicked the Persian chariot horses by clashing their shields against their spears and raising a loud cry. The frightened horses then plunged through the lines of their own troops causing much havoc.33

x

At Gaugamela in 331 BC Alexander ordered the Macedonian phalanx to create gaps in their ranks through which the chariots were channelled. Many horses were then killed by javelin and spear casts to their flanks while others were attacked from behind when their momentum slowed.34

Arr., An. 3.13.5 - 6; Diod. Sic., 17.58.2 - 5. App., 12.3.18. 33 Xen., An. 1.8.18 - 20. 34 Diod. Sic., 17.58.2 - 5. 32

War Chariots during the Cavalry Age x

At the battle of Magnesia in 190 BC Livy tells us that that Eumenes (King of Pergamon and ally to the Romans) ordered archers, slingers, dart-throwers, and some cavalry to spread out as wide as possible and to shower missiles upon the chariots from all sides at once. This stratagem succeeded in disorientating the chariot horses to such an extent that the Roman cavalry easily drove them away from the field of battle.35

x

At the battle of Chaeroneia in 86 BC Sulla was able to rob the Pontic chariots of their power by launching a surprise charge against them before they were fully organised. By reducing the intervening distance between the two forces Sulla was able to prevent the chariots from having enough space to build up the necessary momentum to cause effective damage to his troops. The Roman infantry were thus easily able to deal with the slow moving chariotry and avoid their scythes.36

x

Later in 86 BC at the battle of Orchomenus Sulla employed another stratagem to combat the Pontic chariots. He ordered a large number of stakes to be planted in the ground and angled towards the enemy. He then hid the line of stakes from view with a screen of troops. When the chariots charged the Roman lines these troops were withdrawn behind the stakes and whatever chariots were not impaled upon them were driven off in panic by the shouts and missiles of the Roman infantry.37

67

Although it cannot be ascertained for definite when scythed-chariots were finally withdrawn from use in war it is likely that their end came sometime in the first century BC. The last reliable reference to their use comes from the account of Caesar’s battle at Zela in 47 BC where we are told that the chariots of Pharnaces were overcome by a hail of Roman missiles.38 The Historia Augusta does claim that the Roman Emperor Severus Alexander encountered eighteen hundred scythed-chariots in the service of the Sassanid king Ardashir (Artaxerxes) in 231 AD, however, it is very difficult to accept this reference as being reliable especially given the absence of any references to such chariots in the almost three hundred years following the battle of Zela.39 In addition to this there is much debate regarding the historical merits of the Historia Augusta as a whole which makes the acceptance of an individual piece of information very 35

Livy, 37.41.9 - 12. Plut., Sull. 18.2 - 3. 37 Frontin., Str. 2.3.17. 38 Caes., B Alex. 75. 39 Hist. Aug., Alex. Sev. 55. 36

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unreliable.40 Although the majority of accounts dealing with the use of scythedchariots in battle seem to suggest that they were easily overcome and rarely contributed significantly to the outcome of a battle, the devastating carnage which such a chariot could deal to its foes should never be underestimated. They were weapons designed to strike fear into enemy troops and it cannot be doubted that fear was indeed felt whenever they came into the fray. Lucretius provides us with a magnificent picture of the terrible injuries a scythed-chariot could deal to its victims. They tell how scythed chariots, reeking with indiscriminate slaughter, often shear off a limb so suddenly that it is seen to quiver on the ground when it falls shorn from the trunk, although the man’s mind and strength can feel no pain, from the swiftness of the blow, and at the same time because the mind is absorbed in the ardour of battle; with what is left of his body he pursues battle and blood, and does not observe that his left arm, it may be, with its shield has been carried off amidst the horses by the wheels and their ravening scythes, or another that his right arm has fallen while he climbs and presses on. Then another essays to rise with a leg lost, while the dying foot hard by on the ground twitches its toes. Even the head shorn off from the hot and living trunk retains on the ground the look of life and its open eyes, until it has rendered up all that is left of the spirit.41

Even if scythed-chariots never really succeeded in determining the outcome of a major battle there were doubtless many occasions, unreported by our surviving sources, where they successfully routed small bands of troops or caused havoc to retreating armies. Even in those battles where scythed-chariots were successfully overcome there must have been a high price to pay. Although Alexander’s phalanx successfully overcame the charge of the Persian chariots at Gaugamela in 331 BC they did not do so without cost. Although the majority of the chariots were brought down Diodorus goes on to tell us that Some of them, using the full force of their momentum and applying their steel blades actively, wrought death among the Macedonians in many and various forms.42

40

For a more detailed discussion of the merits and faults of the Historia Augusta seen the introductory essay by David Magie in the Loeb edition vol. I, xi - xxxii. 41 Lucr., 3.642 - 657. 42 Diod. Sic., 17.58.4.

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It is not, therefore, totally incomprehensible that scythed-chariots remained in service for such a long period of time. It must be a case that they contributed significantly, in their own way, during the course of the many battles in which they were employed and that the damage which they dealt to the foe outweighed the cost of their employment.

PART II: BREEDS—THE GREEK WORLD

CHAPTER TEN THE TROAD

The Trojans of Homer’s Iliad were famed in antiquity as excellent horse breeders and many tales were told about the famed horses of Troy (Hisarlik). Homer makes numerous references to the ‘horse-taming Trojans’ (ȉȡȫȦȞ ș’ ੂʌʌȠį੺ȝȦȞ)1 and to Troy ‘abounding in foals’ (૓ǿȜȚȠȞ İੁȢ İ੡ʌȦȜȠȞ).2 It is possible that these stock epithets may contain a historical kernel – a remembrance of a time when the lands around the Troad were famed for the breeding of horses. The Trojans receive the epithet ੂʌʌȠį੺ȝȠȚȠ eighteen times in the Iliad (and İ੡ʌȦȜȠȞ appears twice for Ilium). While this epithet may be used to describe the skills of individual persons such as Diomedes and Hector, as a people it is only ever applied to the Trojans.3 It seems unlikely that the Trojans were just randomly assigned this attribute. They must, at some time, have been known to the Greeks as breeders of fine horses. It is possible that they were horse-breeders only in Homer’s time and not before and, therefore, the epithet would be a reference to the eighth century and not the late Bronze Age. If one takes into account the evidence of horses being present in the Troad in the Late Bronze Age, however, it seems more likely that ੂʌʌȠį੺ȝȠȚȠ refers to the Trojans of that time. A Late Bronze Age setting for this epithet is strengthened by the archaeological record. Large numbers of horse bones were uncovered in the excavation of the city known as Troy VI (1800 - 1275 BC).4 Previous to this the horse appears to have been relatively unknown in the region. If the horse had been introduced into the Troad sometime during the life of Troy VI, it seems logical that, in such a fertile region, breeding would soon have been taken up in earnest. Indeed, the presence of these bones is 1

Hom., Il. 2.230, 3.127, 3.251, 4.80, 4.333, 4.352, 4.509, 6.461, 7.361, 8.71, 8.110, 8.516, 10.424, 11.568, 12.440, 17.230, 19.237, 20.180. 2 Hom., Il. 5.551, 16.576. Hom., Od. 2.18, 11.169, 14.71. 3 Diomedes - Hom., Il. 5.415, 8.194: Diomedes’ father Tydeus 23.472; Hector Hom., Il. 7.38, 16.717, 22.161, 24.804. 4 Latacz, (2004), 43; Wood, (2005), 190.

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enough to convince Page that “the founders of the last great fortress, our Trojans, were the first to introduce the horse into that region”.5 The most likely route for the horse’s introduction would have been via the Hittite Empire to the east which was a major chariot power during the Bronze Age. By the time of the reputed Trojan War the Trojans could have easily established themselves as famed breeders well known to the mainland Achaeans. Andrews certainly considers Homer’s epithets to be a historical remembrance of Trojan horse-breeding. [They] point to a real memory of Trojan supremacy in horse-breeding — on which perhaps the wealth of Troy genuinely depended. The medieval horse-fairs of England and France were attended by buyers from all over Europe; did Troy hold the same position in the bronze-age Near East?6

It certainly seems possible that the Trojan plain surrounding the legendary Scamander could have produced the high-quality fodder necessary for the rearing of large numbers of horses. Kolb believes that the suitability of this region for agriculture and stock-raising may have had a large part to play in the decision to settle there. Towards the south and the west of [Hisarlik] a partly swampy plain was suitable for stock-farming, and in general the Troad offered fertile agricultural soil and was rich in springs and rivers, among them the Skamander. Together with the cold northern winds providing fresh air during the summer heat, these conditions made the hill of Hisarlik a favourable site for settlement. The first settlers would have chosen this site not because of its proximity to the Dardanelles and its opportunities for seafaring, but for its suitability for agriculture, stock-farming and fishing. Fairly large amounts of cattle and horse bones, fish remains and cultivated plants have been found at Troy VI.7

The suitability of the Troad for agriculture can still be seen today from the fact that a double crop can be harvested yearly from the fertile grounds along her rivers and streams.8 Nowadays in the plain of the Scamander to the south of the site of Troy cotton, sunflower, maize, and wheat are grown. This region also possesses very good cattle land.9 5

Page, (1959), 252. Page’s italics. Andrews, (1965), 31. 7 Kolb, (2004), 599. 8 Hyland, (1988), 5. 9 Cook, (1973), 105. 6

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A probable location for the pasturing grounds of Troy’s royal horses may have been in the region of Mount Ida. In later years there were apparently large numbers of horses pastured there. Plutarch tells us that when Eumenes was preparing for battle against Antigonus (ca. 318 / 317 BC) he “fell in with the Royal herds of horse that were pasturing about Mount Ida” and that he “took as many horses as he wanted”.10 Gaebel considers it likely that the Persians too had some of their royal herds pastured there and that Alexander and his successors simply took them over.11 According to Rostovtzeff control of this region was a vital concern for the later Pergamene Kingdom. They secured it early in their history and never lost it. It was this region that supplied them with timber, pitch, and tar for their ships and buildings and for a profitable export trade in competition with Macedonia. It was here that the best horses for their army were bred.12

A good representative of a horse from this region is that of a Hellenistic era statue of a bridled horse found at Pergamon (Fig 10.1). The statue in question depicts a strong well-muscled horse with a strong back, muscled neck, and well set-on head. Its profile is slightly concave, and it has wide, flaring nostrils, and arched prominent eyes. The suitability of this region for the rearing of horses can be attested as late as the First World War when there was a large Ottoman stud located there.13 If there was a breeding industry located in the region of Mount Ida then it seems probable that these herds also acted as a source of cavalry for the Lydian Kingdom. The Greeks held the Lydians in great respect for the level of their horsemanship and they were reputed to have had one of the finest cavalry forces of their day. Nicholaus Damascenus claims that when Ardys became king of Lydia (latter half of seventh century BC) he held a review of his army and “found among his troops thirty thousand cavalry”.14 Shear recounts the efforts to which Alyattes (Croesus’ father) supposedly went in order to secure outside stock for the further improvement of Lydian horses.

10

Plut., Eum. 8.3. Gaebel, (2002), 209. 12 Rostovzeff, (1941), 556. 13 Wood, (2005), 190. 14 FHG III, pg. 382. 11

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Fig 10.1 – Hellenistic horse statue from Pergamon Alyattes … begrudged their horses to the people of Colophon and coveted their possession with an irresistible passion. He, therefore, contracted an alliance with the Colophonians and presently invited their horsemen to participate in a brilliant fair at Sardis, offering them a generous reward. The cavalry came to Sardis, but while the men attended the fair the horses were left in charge of grooms outside the walls. Alyattes had no difficulty in murdering his guests and seizing their horses for his own stables.15

Surviving images of Lydian horses from the sixth and fifth centuries BC depict a horse very similar to that of the Pergamon horse above. They depict well-muscled horses with strong backs, muscled necks, and well set-on heads which display concave profiles, flaring nostrils, and prominent eyes.16 Returning to the Trojan horses Homer tells us that King Erichthonios (Priam’s great-grandfather according to the mythological genealogy) reputedly possessed a large stud of very fine horses upon which the North 15 16

Shear, (1928), 215. The story is taken from Polyaenus, Strat. 7.2.2. Shear, (1928), figs. 1 & 3; Hill, (1942), 155-159.

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Wind begat twelve peerless fillies. His three thousand steeds pastured in the marshland, mares rejoicing in their tender foals. Of these as they grazed the North Wind became enamoured, and he likened himself to a dark-maned stallion and covered them; and they conceived and bore twelve fillies. These, when they bounded over the earth, the giver of grain, would run over the topmost ears of ripened corn and break them not and, when they bounded over the broad back of the sea, would run over the topmost breakers of the gray brine.17

Another Homeric tale speaks of the famed horses of King Tros, some of which Aeneas possessed and Diomedes sought to obtain. For they are of that stock which Zeus, whose voice resounds afar, gave to Tros as recompense for his son Ganymedes, because they were the best of all horses that are beneath the dawn and the sun. From this stock the lord of men Anchises stole, putting his mares to them while Laomedon knew nothing of it. And from these, six were born to him in his halls; four he kept himself and reared at the stall, and to Aeneas he gave the other two, devisers of rout.18

The story of Anchises’ putting his own mares to these famed horses is perhaps an indicator that the royal Trojan breed was highly sought after by others to improve their own stock. Homer describes these horses as being ijȠ૙ȞȚȟ (bay or brown coloured) so perhaps this colouring may be associated with a Trojan or eastern stock.19 In the Iliad the Achaean horses are all described as being ȟĮȞșંȢ which, although it is commonly translated as chestnut, Ridgeway more accurately translates as being a dun colour.20 Diomedes succeeded in capturing Aeneas’ horses and after the 17

Hom., Il. 20.221 - 229. ibid Il. 5.265 - 272. 19 Liddell & Scott say of ijȠ૙ȞȚȟ-as an appellation purple-red, purple or crimson, but for horses: red, dark red of a bay horse. In modern equine terminology bay “describes horses with black points and reddish-brown body color.” [Sponenberg, (2003), 15]. 20 Ridgeway, (1905), 110. Liddell & Scott say of ȟĮȞșંȢ- yellow, of various shades; of golden hair. So for horses bay or chestnut. Modern definition describes bay as reddish brown and says that chestnut horses “are some shade of red and have non-black points.” [Sponenberg, (2003), 16]. On the other hand dun horses (or Zebra dun as they may be called) are termed as having “black points … and bodies some shade of tan.” [Sponenberg, (2003), 36]. This tan colour can range from a peanut-butter shade to a golden yellow and would seen to more in keeping with Homer’s use of ȟĮȞșંȢ than either bay or chestnut. 18

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war he was to eventually settle in Apulia in Italy.21 During Roman times the Apulian was a famous breed of Italian horse so perhaps this legend may point to an infusion of eastern blood into the local Italian stock which improved them significantly. Such was the fame of the Trojan breed that a number of the major heroes of the Achaean side eagerly sought to obtain some. Aside from Diomedes and the horses of Tros we find that Achilles too had a Trojan horse as part of his chariot team. Achilles reputedly possessed two immortal horses Xanthus and Balius whom the Harpy Podarge bore to the West Wind. And yet in the side traces alongside these immortal steeds was set a mortal horse. And in the side traces he set the incomparable Pedasus that Achilles had led away when he took the city of Eetion; and he, being but mortal, kept pace with immortal steeds.22

Eetion was king of Thebe, a city in the Troad, and thus likely to have been a part of (or allied to) the Trojan lands (we hear that Priam’s bastard son Democoen kept a ‘stud of swift mares’ at Abydos to the North).23 That such a horse was thought to be the equal of immortal steeds speaks a lot about Greek opinion of the breed. A final legend concerning Troy’s horses which deserves telling is that dealing with Herakles’ sack of the city. Andrews holds an interesting position on this legend seeing in it an indication that perhaps the Trojan War was fought, not over Helen as the myth generally holds but, over possession of the Trojan horse herds.24 The myth relates the tale that Herakles had come to Troy during the reign of King Laomedon seeking to obtain some of his mares.25 Apollodorus says that the mares in question were the horses Zeus had given to Tros as payment for Ganymede.26 Herakles promised to slay a sea monster and rescue Laomedon’s daughter Hesione in return for the mares, however, the king reneged on his promise and refused to hand them over. As a consequence Herakles sacked Troy and seized his promised payment.27 He did not succeed in bringing the horses back to Greece, however, as, due to the machinations of Hera he 21

Verg., Aen. 11.243 - 247. Hom., Il. 16.152 - 154. 23 ibid 4.500. 24 Andrews, (1965), 28 - 37. 25 Hom., Il. 5.638 - 642. 26 Apollod., Bibl. 2.5.9. 27 Hom., Il. 5.648 - 651, Apollod., Bibl. 2.6.4., Diod. Sic., 4.32. 22

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was shipwrecked on the island of Cos from where eventually he returned empty-handed to Argos.28 Andrews views this myth as an indication that the Trojan horse herds were greatly sought after by the Greeks. Herakles in classical tradition was the mighty servant, and especially the tribute-collector, of Eurystheus of Mycenae … The Trojan horses were not included among the labours, since Herakles in fact failed to bring them home, and are replaced in the canon by those of Diomedes of Thrace; but he seems in the myth to have a prescriptive right to them, so we may perhaps suppose they were in fact demanded as tribute from Troy by an overlord at Mycenae.29

Using this interpretation of the Herakles myth Andrews then goes on to suggest that a similar motive may have held true for the later Trojan War. He suggests that “the capture of the Trojan horse-herds is the likeliest real object of the Trojan War”.30 While this is an interesting theory I doubt whether it can be fully accepted. If the Trojan War was a true event, and if the Trojans were the famed horse-breeders that the evidence suggests they were, then horses would certainly have been a major part of the booty secured by the Achaeans after the fall of the city. The desire for possession of these horses may even have played a part in the decision to go to war but, if they were the only (or the main) reason for the war then it seems unreasonable that Homer would not have said so. It cannot be argued that a war fought over a woman would have been more suitable to the Greek mind than that fought over an animal. Many of the myths about some of the most famous of Greek heroes deal with attempts to secure possession of famed animals - Herakles’ quests for the horses of Laomedon, the horses of Diomedes, the Erymanthian boar, the cattle of Geryon; and Bellerophon’s capture of Pegasus - to name but a few.

28

Hom., Il. 14.250 - 256, 15.24 - 30. Andrews, (1965), 30. 30 ibid 35. 29

CHAPTER ELEVEN MAINLAND GREECE

The ancient sources mention numerous breeds of horse from Greece proper with the most famous being the Arcadian, Argolic, Boeotian, Epeian (from Elis), Epidaurian, Messenian, and Pelian (from Pylos). Such names, however, rather than indicating separate breeds, seem to denote the various regions which were capable of rearing horses and, therefore, they may all be gathered under the general heading of the Greek Horse. In general the Greek landscape is not ideal for breeding large numbers of horses. It is largely mountainous although the mountains are interspaced by small and fertile river valleys and plains. High mountain pastures are poor in most of the southern peninsula [of the Balkans] because so many of the mountains are composed of very porous limestone through which the water from melting snows quickly percolates away. Good pastures for rearing horses were therefore largely confined to the plains, and were characterised by marsh meadows.1

It was during the summer when the water table was at its lowest that the importance of these marsh meadows for the pasturing of livestock became most evident. In the dryness at the height of the Greek summer, they retained enough wet pasture to support herds of cattle and horses. They could provide fodder long enough to get the herds through to the winter months when upland pastures became available to graze. It is quite likely that these marshy regions were greater in extent in antiquity than they are today. It was only about one hundred years ago that the marshes of Lake Copais in Boeotia were reclaimed for agricultural purposes. As well as limiting the number of regions capable of the mass production of horses, the rugged Greek terrain also inhibited the largescale use of cavalry.2 Although some southern Greek states did have 1

Gladitz, (1997), 116. The unsuitability of the terrain for cavalry was exacerbated by lack of horseshoes which meant that hooves would wear down more quickly than they would have in

2

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cavalries their role was usually that of scouts, skirmishers, and support to the main hoplite armies. No southern polis ever developed an army orientated more towards cavalry than infantry. The situation was different to the north (especially in Thessaly) where the land was more suited to cavalry use. All this meant that the horse was a luxury item for Greeks and one which was expensive to produce and maintain. As such horse-breeding was mostly the preserve of rich aristocrats. Their wealth gave them the means to raise horses and the raising of horses gave them prestige and status. The horse was definitely a luxury and status symbol. Several designations of the upper classes in the Greek city-states point in this direction hippobotai on Euboea and hippeis in Attica … Horses were not required for heavy work, which was carried out by oxen, donkeys and mules animals that require much less fodder. So the Greek horses were first and foremost mounts and race-horses.3

Horses could be successfully bred on a relatively large scale in only a small number of regions. These included Arcadia, Lakonia, Messenia, Elis, the Argolid, and Boeotia.

Arcadia The central plateau of the Peloponnese is an ideal breeding ground for horses as it is one of the few areas in the Peloponnese where the land is well watered and fertile. Strabo claimed that Arcadia had ample pastures for horses and that the Arcadian breed was ‘most excellent’.4 Hodkinson has closely examined the reasons for the fertility of this region.5 The valleys of Mantinike (the territory of the polis of Mantineia) form the eastern part of this plateau. They lie about 600 metres above sea level and are surrounded by mountain ranges which isolate them from other centres of population in the area. The altitude and enclosed setting result in annual temperatures as low as those in parts of Northern Greece and the plains receive just over 800mm rainfall per annum which is more than average for the eastern Peloponnese. The plains of Mantineia and Nestane also receive additional water via a less rugged setting. 3 Isager & Skydsgaard, (1992), 85 - 86. 4 Str., 8.8.1. 5 Hodkinson, (1981), 265 - 271.

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springs from the surrounding mountains. Given that the plains lie over impermeable rock and are surrounded by mountains, this water can only escape via a number of katavothras or ‘swallow holes’. These katavothras are usually sufficient for drainage throughout most of the year, however, during the wet season they may back-up and form temporary lakes. Pausanias mentions these lakes in his Description of Greece. After crossing into Mantinean country over Mount Artemisius you will come to a plain called the Untilled Plain, whose name well describes it, for the rain-water coming down into it from the mountains prevents the plain from being tilled; nothing indeed could prevent it from being a lake, were it not that the water disappears into a chasm in the earth.6

The result of all this water is that the plain possesses an abundance of pasturage throughout the year which is suitable for the rearing of large herds of animals. The potential of this region can be ascertained from an examination of the census figures of the region from 1961 and 1971. The 1961 and 1971 census figures both indicate that approximately 15,000 sheep and 3,000 goats were held in the area … In the case of cattle, modern farming itself does not exploit the grazing potential to its full extent (just 100 bovines in 1961 and only 41 in 1971). Ancient farmers, however, will have needed to keep draught oxen for working the heavy valley soils. Their modern counterparts have the use of tractors and horses (1,156 horses were kept in 1961; 715 in 1971).7

By Strabo’s time many cities in Arcadia had been destroyed by constant warfare and the inhabitants of many others had been removed to Megalopolis. Much of the land, therefore, was sparsely populated and so the countryside here could also have been given over to the pasturing of large herds of livestock including horses.8 Pausanias recalls various legends which serve as a reminder of the importance of horse breeding in Arcadian history. One such legend recounts Odysseus’ journey across Greece in search of his lost mares. They were eventually located in the land of Pheneus (north-east Arcadia) and there Odysseus founded a sanctuary to Artemis ‘Horse finder’ and dedicated an image of Horse-Poseidon. He did not remove his mares from the land of Pheneus, however, but decided to keep them there just as he

6

Paus., 8.7.1 - 2. Hodkinson, (1981), 270. 8 Ridgeway, (1905), 301. 7

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kept his cattle on the mainland opposite Ithaca.9 While this story may be purely mythological that does not mean that nothing of this kind ever occurred. It is unlikely that such a myth regarding Arcadia would have been related if what it told was completely out of the question. Given the attested reputation of Arcadia for breeding horses and its suitability for that purpose it does not seem out of the question that wealthy Greeks from less suitable regions would seek to pasture their herds there. The ownership of horses was a prestige symbol that all Greek aristocrats sought. Those who had the wealth but not the land would simply have pastured their horses elsewhere. Pausanias also recounts a story told by the people of Thelpusa (eastern Arcadia). When Demeter was searching for her daughter she was followed by Poseidon who lusted after her. To evade him she turned herself into a mare and grazed with the mares of Ogkos (in Arcadia). Poseidon in turn changed himself into a stallion and mated with Dementer. She later gave birth to a daughter and to a horse called Areion. This famed Arcadian horse was ridden by Herakles in his war against Elis and was later owned by Adrastos.10 Areion is described as golden yellow coloured (flavus).11

Argolid The Argolid was another region in Greece which seems to have been an important centre for horse breeding. Strabo tells us that Argolic horses were ‘most excellent’ while a common epithet used by many sources (from Homer to Pausanias) described Argos as ‘pasture-land of horses’ (ਡȡȖȠȢ ਥȢ ੂʌʌȠȕȠIJȠȞ).12 It seems unlikely that such an epithet would have continued in use for almost a thousand years if it did not have some grounding in historical fact. An examination of Argive pottery would appear to show that the horse was indeed an important element of Argive society. A very important motif on Argive pottery during the Late Geometric Period (ca. 800 - 700 BC) is that of the ‘horse-leader’. Foley details numerous examples of this motif which have been discovered in Argos, Tiryns, and other Argolic settlements.13 While she admits that this motif may be a case of the eighth 9

Paus., 8.14.4 - 6. ibid 8.25.5 - 10. 11 Stat., Theb. 6.501. Lewis & Short translate flavus - golden yellow, reddish yellow, flaxen-coloured and equate it to the Greek ȟĮȞșંȢ. 12 ‘Most excellent’ - Str., 8.8.1. ‘Pasture-land of horses’ - Hom., Il. 3.75, 3.258, 15.30; Hom., Od. 4.99, 4.562, 15.239; Theoc, Id. 24.123; Paus., 9.36.7. 13 Foley, (1988), The Argolid 800 - 600 BC: An Archaeological Survey. 10

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century Dorian aristocracy of Argos perpetuating the myth of “a time in the heroic past when Argos was a noted horse-breeding land”, she prefers the theory that the iconography of LG Argive pottery may support the suggestion that horse-breeding was the major occupation of the Argives and that many upper class people were closely connected with it.14

That this could possibly be the case is suggested by the distribution of the ‘horse-leader’ motif in areas outside the Argolid. It seems to have been a common motif in many of the other regions which were associated with horse-breeding at that time. The arts of the famous horse-breeding regions of Geometric Greece, Boeotia and Euboea under Attic influence, and Laconia under Argive sway, all adopted in some fashion the horse-taming theme.15

The most suitable location for horse-breeding in the Argolid would have been the central plain. The heart of the Argolid is the plain. At its edge are, and were, the chief towns. Here is the best land, which needs only water to bring it into abundance, and it was this part that made the Argolid important.16

The plain is triangular in shape, fourteen kilometres wide at the base and twenty-one kilometres long. It is hemmed in by mountains which are the source of the abundant supplies of water stored naturally under the plain. Today wells and powerful pumps are used to access this supply and to increase the fertility of the plain. To bring the land into full production, there is need for artificial irrigation on an extensive scale. At present this is achieved by means of wells, with powerful pumps that bring up a considerable flow from the underground resources. These pumps are driven by electric or internal combustion motors, and have replaced an older generation of machines, endless chains of buckets turned by animal power.17

14

ibid 58. Langdon, (1989), 186. 16 Tomlinson, (1972), 7. 17 ibid 10. 15

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The situation regarding possible irrigation methods in antiquity is less certain. Tomlinson believes that the ancient Argives also used a system of wells. He points to a passage in Strabo (8.6.8) which tells the tale of Danaos who, having fled Egypt, settled in Argos and was reputed to have invented the digging of wells. Although no archaeological remains of irrigation channels or wells have been found in the plain this does not rule out the possibility that they existed. Argos town possessed a maze of open water conduits and traces of artificial water-works have also been found at the Argive Heraion.18 Another Homeric epithet possibly provides us with evidence for the existence of these wells. Although the most traditional epithet applied to Argos (pasture-land of horses) was used elsewhere for other places (such as Troy) Homer used one epithet that was unique to Argos alone - ‘very thirsty’ (ʌȠȜȣį઀ȥȚȠȞ).19 A land which is described as being ‘very thirsty’ yet was famed for its horse pastures and corn production must have got its drink from somewhere - why not from a system of wells? Although the central plain was probably the largest horse-breeding area in the Argolid, there was one other area which held great fame - Epidauros - which lay to the east on the Saronic Gulf. When Strabo described the Argolid horses as being ‘most excellent’ he went on to say that so too were Epidaurian horses.20 Indeed Virgil called Epidauros ‘tamer of horses’ (domitrixque Epidaurus equorum).21 It seems likely that the Epidaurians would have bred their horses on the coastal plain of Iria which, along with the Bedheni valley formed part of the territory of Epidauros in antiquity. This area continued to be an important source of horses-breeding right down to the late Middle Ages. In the sixteenth century after Christ we hear of the importance to the Venetian Republic of local stratioti, light cavalry, whose horses were grazed in Venetian territory, of which the south coast of the Akte formed the greater part. Horses were grazed on the Iria plain, in pastures watered by the Bedheni River.22

18

ibid 10 - 11. Hom., Il. 4.171. 20 Str., 8.8.1. 21 Verg., G. 3.44. 22 Jameson et al, (1994), 288. 19

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Lakonia / Messenia The major horse-breeding lands in the southern Peloponnese were the marshy coastal plain of the Eurotas (in Lakonia) and the plains of Messenia. Just as Odysseus was reputed to have pastured his horses in Arkadia, Homer tells us that Telemachus did likewise in Lakonia. When he received a gift of horses from Menelaos of Sparta, he requested to leave them there as Ithaca was less suited for pasturage. .

But horses I will not take to Ithaca, but will leave them here for you to delight in, for you are lord of a wide plain, where there is lotus in abundance, and galingale and wheat and spelt, and broad-eared white barley. But in Ithaca there are no broad courses nor meadow land at all.23

If Homer was correct in believing that Sparta was suitable for horsebreeding it seems strange that, in later years, she made no use of cavalry forces in battle. By the fifth century BC Sparta had gained a reputation for the excellence of her hoplite troops and her distaste for apparently inferior troop types such as cavalry and archers. Indeed Thucydides tells us that it was only during the Peloponnesian War that the Spartans “contrary to their custom” established a force of four hundred cavalry.24 Why then did Sparta not use cavalry before this time? There is certainly evidence for Spartan usage of cavalry centuries before the Peloponnesian War. Pausanias, in his account of the first Messenian War (ca. 740 - 720 BC), mentions the use of cavalry by both the Messenians and the Spartans.25 And as we have already seen a Spartan ivory fibula-plaque from the seventh century BC depicts a mounted warrior, possibly a dragoon.26 According to Worley cavalry most likely disappeared when Sparta embarked upon her most egalitarian reforms (possibly during the Second Messenian War ca. 640 - 620 BC) which eliminated all obvious signs of individual wealth and instituted the compulsory training of all males as professional hoplites. Cavalry would have disappeared because “an elite, privileged, mounted force would have, in fact, shown that equality of hardship and service was a falsehood”.27 Although Sparta may have lacked a proper cavalry force between the late seventh and late fifth centuries BC this does not mean that 23

Hom., Od. 4.601 - 605. Thuc., 4.55.2. 25 Paus., 4.7.2 - 6. 26 Worley, (1994), 25 - 26. 27 ibid 26. 24

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equestrianism disappeared altogether. Although she maintained no cavalry Sparta remained heavily involved in the breeding of race horses. The best evidence for Sparta’s interest in horse racing comes from the famous victory stele of Damonon dedicated in the sanctuary of Athena on the Spartan acropolis. The stele lists Damonon’s many athletic and equestrian victories in local Lakonian festivals over a period of at least eleven years. In equestrian events Damonon achieved sixty-one victories (forty-three chariot races and eighteen horse races). His victories occurred both at local Spartan festivals and at games spread throughout Lakonian territory such as Tyrea near the Argive border, Helos in southern Lakonia, and Thouria in eastern Messenia.28 The exact dating of this stele is still uncertain with scholars divided on a date immediately preceding or following the Peloponnesian War.29 Even if the stele does date to after the Peloponnesian War (and, therefore, to after the re-establishment of Spartan cavalry forces) the apparent existence of such an extensive range of festivals with equestrian events suggests “the existence of a regular circuit of annual games”.30 Such a circuit of annual games could not have come into existence overnight, rather, they would have developed slowly over time and, therefore, must have been in existence well before the re-establishment of Spartan cavalry forces during the Peloponnesian War. The record of Spartan successes in the Olympic Games gives added weight to such a theory. Of the forty-five known winners of the four-horse chariot race between 648 and 344 BC one third were Spartan. Such success cannot be put down to simple luck. The Olympics were the greatest of all the Greek games and drew competitors from all over the Greek World. As such it would have taken immense dedication and effort on behalf of the Spartans in order to achieve such a high level of success. The fifteen victories were achieved by Eugoras (548, 544 and 540 BC), Damaratos (504 BC), Polypeithes (484 BC), Arkesilaos (448 and 444 BC), Polykles (440 BC), Lykinos (432 BC), Anaxandros (?) (428 BC), Leon (424 BC), Lichas (420 BC), Kyniska (396 and 392 BC) and, Xenarches (388 BC).31 Horses may originally have been bred in the plain of the Eurotas. As the plain is only forty square kilometres in size any increase in the human 28

Hodkinson, (2000), 305. ibid 306. 30 ibid 305. 31 Moretti, (1957), nos. 110, 113, 117, 157, 195, 305, 311, 315, 324, 327, 332, 339, 373, 381 and 386. A possible sixteenth victor is Diakorides in 456 BC who was either Spartan or Thessalian. [Moretti, (1957), no. 278]. 29

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population would have resulted in the rearing of livestock becoming more restricted. Neighbouring Messenia, however, with its well-watered and fertile plains on the windward side of the Taygetus range, was much more suited to horse-breeding than Lakonia. On top of the pressures it sustained from increasing population, the Eurotas plain only received about 20 inches (500mm) of rain per annum, which was only about half that received in Messenia. This held true to much later times where “Kalamata, on the site of ancient Pharae, gets an annual rainfall of 39 inches (980mm)”.32 Strabo speaks of ‘grassy Hire’ and ‘deep-meadowed Antheia’33 while Roebuck tells us that The districts on which the traditional reputation of Messenia for fertility and richness rests are the two plains between Taygetus and the western coastal range. The plains are divided into an upper and lower section by a line of low hills which extends from Ithome to the foothills of Taygetus.34

In Plato’s Alcibiades we hear Alcibiades extolling the richness of Lakonia and Messenia. Think of all the land that they have both in their own and in the Messenian country: not one of our estates could compete with theirs in extent and excellence nor again in ownership of slaves, and especially of those of the helot class, nor yet of horses, nor of all the flocks and herds that graze in Messene.35

That large numbers of quality horses were being bred in the Messenian plains is further attested in the third century B.C. when we hear that horses were being exported from Messenia to Egypt.36 It seems likely that Messenia was breeding at least a small number of horses as far back as Mycenaean times. Preserved in the archives of the Mycenaean palace at Pylos were a number of tablets dealing with that kingdom’s chariot forces. Those known as the ‘wheel tablets’ list at least two hundred pairs of chariot wheels while other tablets mention the purchase of wood for building chariot frames. Such tablets indicate that Pylos could perhaps field a chariot force of at least two hundred units and, as only a limited number of tablets survive, the real figure may have been much higher. Alongside these ‘wheel tablets’ are preserved others in 32

Semple, (1922), 25. Str., 8.4.1. 34 Roebuck, (1941), 2. 35 Pl., Alc. 122D. 36 Polyb., 5.37. 7 - 8; Plut., Cleom. 35. 33

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which large flocks of sheep and goats are regularly mentioned and also, on a lesser scale, herds of oxen. Although there are no actual lists of horse herds this does not imply the complete absence of horses otherwise why did Pylos keep such a large force of chariots? Chadwick believes that “there was perhaps a separate archive, so far undiscovered, in which the horses and chariot bodies were listed.”37 There does, however, survive a tablet which tells of a man who held various large parcels of land, one of them ‘on account of the horse’ (Ea 59.5); but we are left in total ignorance of the connexion between the horse and the holding, and we can only speculate that he was an official in charge of horse-breeding.38

Elis The broad plain of Elis which spreads north and south of the lower Peneios River is one of the best lowland pastures in the entire Peloponnese.39 During Sperling’s survey of Elis in 1939 this region provided pasturage for cattle and horses and also contained vineyards and grain fields. The Alpheios valley is also very fertile although it is quite narrow. What the survey found to be the most fertile parts of Elis were the numerous small valleys which pierce the southern hills and approach the coast. “More than any other districts, they encourage pastoral and agricultural activities, but always within narrow confines”.40 Elis was reputed to produce fine horses and in the late second century AD the Epeian horse (from Elis) was included in Oppian’s list of the best horses of his day.41 It was in this region that the mythical King Augeas was reputed to have kept his many flocks as told by Theocritus. Although Augeas was a mythological figure there is no reason why Theocritus’ description of the region is not accurate. He was not writing about a mythological land, Elis was a real land which would have been familiar to his audience. They would not have believed a tale about the fertility of Elis if it had been completely untrue. King Augeas’ fleecy flocks, good sir, feed not all of one pasture nor all upon one spot, but some of them be tended along Helisson, others beside 37

Chadwick, (1972), 116. ibid, 126. 39 Michell, (1963), 65. 40 Sperling, (1942), 78. 41 Opp., Cyn. 1.170 - 172. 38

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divine Alpheus’ sacred stream, others again by the fair vineyards of Buprasium, and yet others, look you, hereabout … But the herds, mark you, for all their exceeding number, find all of them their fodder sprouting ever around this great meer of river Menius; for your watery leas and fenny flats furnish honey-sweat grass in plenty, and that is it which swells the strength of the horned kine.42

That Elis had the ability to pasture large herds and flocks can be seen from the tale of Nestor’s raid in the Iliad. While boasting of his prowess as a youth Nestor claims that in a raid against the land of Elis Very great booty did we drive together out of the plain, fifty herds of cattle, as many flocks of sheep, as many droves of swine, as many roving herds of goats, and chestnut horses one hundred and fifty, all mares, and many of them had foals at the teat.43

Although this event has a mythological setting such raids between Greek poleis would most certainly have occurred and with both Elis and Messenia pasturing large numbers of livestock, cattle- and horse-rustling may have been quite common. A more historically reliable account of such a raid is preserved by Polybius. He tells us that in 218 BC Philip V of Macedon carried off a great booty of people and cattle from this region.44 And even into the twentieth century it was noted that “the little town of Gastouni near the mouth of the Peneus, only six miles from the ancient capital city of Elis, is the chief cattle market of the Peloponnese”.45 The ability of Elis to pasture large numbers of horses would have proved of great financial benefit when coupled with her control of the Olympic Games. The number of horses involved in the games and the money paid to the Eleans for their care would have been a substantial sum. Ashmole describes what was likely the situation in an Olympic year. Horses, as almost everyone knows, cannot be sea-sick; but they can feel very unwell on a long sea voyage, and may need weeks to regain their top form. The chariot-teams from many cities - sometimes as many as forty teams competed - and the spare horses, must have arrived at Olympia weeks before the games started. The Eleans had a monopoly of all the grazing-grounds, all the exercise-grounds, all the stabling and all the fodder. The prices they charged for these things would hardly have been 42

Theoc., Id. 25.7 - 17. Hom., Il. 11.677 - 681. 44 Polyb., 4.75. 45 Semple, (1922), 26. 43

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Boeotia South of Thessaly Boeotia possessed the best horse country in Greece and produced excellent cavalry. “The arable part of Boeotia is an elliptically shaped group of plains, about eighty kilometres east to west and forty kilometres north to south.”47 The plain is encircled by mountains and at its centre was a large, shallow, and swampy lake (Copais) surrounding which was to be found excellent alluvial soil.48 Homer mentions ‘grassy Haliartus’49 while Strabo tells us that “Helos and Helon and Heilesium were so called because they were situated near marshes”50 and that there were “marshes and lakes in the neighbourhood of Haliartus, from which the poet calls the place ‘grassy’.”51 Pausanias notes the inscription on the tomb of Hesiod, which can be found at Orchomenus. Ascra rich in corn was his native land, but when Hesiod died, the land of the horse-striking Minyans holds his bones, whose fame will reach very high in Greece when men are judged by the touchstone of artistry.52

‘Ascra rich in corn’ was located near the Boeotian city of Thespiae in the south-west while the ‘horse-striking Minyans’ held the land of Orchomenus in north-west beside lake Copais. Orchomenus must have possessed enough pasturage for quite a large number of livestock since we hear that the city granted pasture rights to Euboulus of Elaetia for a maximum of two hundred and twenty oxen and horses as well as a large number of sheep and goats.53 Of all the regions in mainland Greece Boeotia was second only to Thessaly in the numbers and quality of horses she could field. The Hellenica Oxyrhynchia, in detailing the military divisions of the Boeotian League, states that Boeotia was divided into eleven districts each of which supplied one thousand hoplites and one hundred cavalry in time of war. 46

Ashmole, (1972), 4. Buck, (1978), 1. 48 Lake Copais was reclaimed for agricultural land at the turn of the twentieth century. 49 Hom., Il. 2.503. 50 Str., 9.2.17. 51 ibid 9.2.18. 52 Paus., 9.38.4. 53 Burford, (1993), 72. 47

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This would give a total of eleven thousand hoplites and eleven hundred cavalry (a ratio of 10:1).54 However, in emergency situations Boeotia could push her numbers up even further. According to Diodorus she was able to field twelve thousand hoplites and two thousand cavalry in 396 BC (a ratio of 6:1).55 Some of the lands just to the north of Boeotia were also able to rear horses. Thucydides tells us that during the Peloponnesian War Boeotia, Locris, and Phocis all provided cavalry to the Spartan Alliance.56 The only ideal location in Locris for rearing horses would have been along the rich coastal plain of Opous by the sound of Euboea while in Phocis any activity would likely have been focused in the broad valley of the Cephissus River which flows southward into the Boeotian plain.57

Attica The only other place in Greece to have had a substantial connection with horses and cavalry was Attica. The situation there, however, was radically different to that of the regions mentioned above. Attica was never greatly famed as a breeder of horses except in a very few literary passages which only have the mythological age in mind. The chorus in Sophocles’ Oedipus at Colonus, say to Theseus “In this country of fine horses, stranger, you have come to the choicest rural dwellings”.58 In the Iliad the Athenian king, Menestheus, is referred to as a ‘Marshaller of horses’ (țȠıȝોıĮȚ ੆ʌʌȠȣȢ).59 These two cases, however, do not tell us much about the reality of the situation in Bronze Age Attica. We have no corroborating evidence from that time which would suggest to us that Attica was a land in which large numbers of horses were bred. It seems likely that what we have here are simply two cases where epithets were used to complete poetic metre rather than as historical remembrances. Historically Attica was not suited to horse-breeding due to its lack of suitable pasturage. It was only “when Athens acquired the lower Asopos plain from Boeotia and the rich island of Euboea could horses be raised”.60 54

Hell. Oxy., 16.3 - 4. Diod. Sic., 15.26.4. 56 Thuc., 2.9.3 - 4. 57 Michell, (1963), 64; Semple, (1922), 24. 58 Soph., OC. 668 - 669. 59 Hom., Il. 2.546 - 554. 60 Michell, (1963), 64. Athens gained control of part of the Lelantine plain in Euboea in 506 BC when she defeateded Chalcis. An Athenian Cleruchy of 4,000 tenant farmers was established there and soon the whole island was a dependant of 55

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Herodotus tells us that in 490 BC, when the Persians were on their way to attack Eretria, the Athenians “gave the Eretrians for their defenders the four thousand tenant farmers that held the land of the Chalcidian horsebreeders (IJ૵Ȟ ੂʌʌȠȕȠIJ੼ȦȞ ȋĮȜțȚį੼ȦȞ)”.61 Apparently this name was applied to the wealthy landed aristocracy of Chalcis and therefore would seem to indicate that these people bred (or at one time had bred) horses. We certainly know that Euboea was capable of maintaining large numbers of horses in the Archaic Period. Aristotle tells us that during the Lelantine War (the war between Chalcis and Eretria over possession of the Lelantine Plain), which took place at the end of the eight century BC, both sides raised and used horses.62 Worley reports the survival of a record of Eretrian military strength for this period on a pillar dedicated to Artemis Amarynthia. Eretria apparently possessed three thousand heavy infantry, six hundred cavalry and sixty chariots. This 5:1 ratio of infantry to cavalry is greater than the ratio Boeotia possessed of 10:1 (11,000 infantrymen to 1,100 cavalry) and so would indicate the suitability of Euboea for horse rearing.63 Later in the sixth century one of the earliest motifs utilised on Chalcis’ coins was that of a four horse chariot.64 Even with this additional land, however, the numbers being bred by Athens would still have been relatively low and restraints were probably in place in order to preserve valuable arable land. Burford points out that the Athenian hippeis (knights) owned horses but usually no more than one each as they were not specifically horse-breeders. Even a member of one of the rich aristocratic families such as Cimon (of the Philaid family) had to compete in three successive Olympic games with the same team of four horses (Herodotus 6.103.2-3). She states that “if he had been a serious horse breeder, he should have been able to enter other, younger horses too”.65 This is certainly a valid statement for, while great racehorses may have been in action for successive years, with the Olympic Games only being held every four years this would imply that the mares were utilized over a period of twelve years. Even such an extravagant showman as Alcibiades (of the Alcmeonid family) is unlikely to have bred large numbers of horses. Although he Athens [Hdt. 5.77]. Athens held control of all Boeotia (apart from Thebes) for ten years after her defeat of the Boeotians in the Battle of Oenophyta in 457 BC [Thuc., 1.108]. 61 Hdt., 6.100. 62 Arist., Pol. 4.3.2. 63 Worley, (1994), 27. 64 Jenkins, (1972), 50. 65 Burford, (1993), 74.

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entered seven chariot teams in the Olympic Games of 416 BC Burford considers it likely that he bought, rather than bred, them and that they were most likely pastured somewhere outside Attica.66 We certainly know that at least one of his teams was not Attic-bred for his son tells us that one set of horses was purchased from Argos.67 At the height of the Athenian Empire the polis could field a force of up to twelve hundred cavalry. This force was made up of one thousand Athenian hippeis alongside an additional force of two hundred hippotoxotai (mounted archers) who were most likely hired mercenaries.68 Such a large force of cavalry (similar in numbers to that possessed by the Boeotian League), however, seems to be more of a reflection on Athens’ increased revenue, which enabled the purchase of mounts, rather than as an indication of large-scale horse-breeding. Both before and after her empire, Athens’ cavalry force rarely exceeded three hundred. Indeed at the Battle of Tanagra (459 BC) against Sparta and her allies Athens’ cavalry was almost wholly provided by Thessalians who, in this case, abandoned them and sided with the Spartans.69 Over thirty years later during the early years of the Peloponnesian War Athens was still using outside forces to bolster her cavalry numbers. During a Boeotian raid on Attica we hear that the Athenian cavalry included a contingent of allied horsemen and once again they were Thessalian.70 At this point in time Athens, although she was at the height of her financial power, was involved in a war to the death with Sparta and the Peloponnesian League so one may view the presence of Thessalian horsemen in Athens’ ranks as a necessity of war rather than an indication that she was incapable of securing her own mounts. We do have surviving records, however, which show that her own ‘native’ cavalry was largely made up of mounts purchased from outside Attica. That Athens had to buy in outside mounts can be seen from the state institution of katastasis (establishment money) which apparently began about the middle of the fifth century BC.71 Katastasis was a state loan received by a cavalry trooper upon his formal enrolment into service. The money was used to purchase a mount and it had to be repaid upon the 66

ibid 73. Isoc., Bigis, 16.1. 68 Ar., Eq. 225 and Philchorus (FGrH 328 F39) give the number of Athenian Hippeis as one thousand. Andoc. Pace. 3.7; [Arist.] Ath. Pol. 24.3 and Thuc. 2.13.8 give the total cavalry forces, including mounted archers, as twelve hundred. 69 Thuc., 1.107.7. 70 ibid 2.22.2. 71 Worley, (1994), 70. 67

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trooper’s retirement.72 That many non-local horses were purchased with this loan can be discerned from an examination of brand marks. A 1971 excavation in the Athenian Agora brought to light a number of lead ‘cavalry tablets’ dated to the mid-fourth to the late-third century BC. These tablets list each trooper’s name, rank, his horse’s value, and the horse’s brand mark. We find such brands as the ‘ox-head’ (ȕȠȣț੼ijĮȜȠȢ) and ‘axe’ (ʌ੼ȜİțȣȢ) from Thessaly, the ‘caduceus’ (țȘȡ઄țİȚȠȞ) from Macedonia, and the ‘dolphin’ (įİȜij઀Ȟ) from Sicily.73 Since it was the state that was paying for the purchase of each trooper’s horses, regular cavalry inspections (dokimasia) were held in order to ensure that each horse was up to standard and was being adequately cared for.74 The cost of these cavalry horses ranged from two hundred to twelve hundred drachmae with the average coming in at about five hundred. Gaebel points out that by 400 BC the average daily wage in Athens was one drachma and so a decent horse would cost more than one year’s pay.75 In ancient Greece five hundred drachmae could go a long way in the purchase of other goods - a cow would set you back about fifty drachmae while slaves ranged from one hundred and forty for a donkey driver to three hundred and sixty for a Carian goldsmith.76 So if, at the height of her power, Athens had a cavalry force of one thousand (excluding the two hundred hippotoxotai) and each mount had to be purchased at an average of five hundred drachmae then the state’s initial outlay would have been a massive five hundred thousand drachmae. Added to this figure would be the constant cost of upkeep and so, it is not surprising that, both before and after her empire Athens’ cavalry force rarely exceeded three hundred. Hanson points out that for the amount of money spent in purchasing such a force a state could field a hoplite army of twenty thousand for a month or even outfit a fleet of one hundred triremes. Cavalry was thus a luxury most states - other than Syracuse, Boeotia, and Thessaly, which all enjoyed wide expanses of pastureland - could not afford. Most generals would reckon that a trireme or 60 suits of heavy bronze armour were far wiser outlays than the equivalent investment in a mere 12 horses.77 72

Kroll, (1977), 97 - 98. ibid 87 - 88. Overall almost sixty different Greek horse brands have been identified from inscriptions, vase paintings and literature. For more information on these brands see Braun, (1970), 256 - 264. 74 Spence, (1993), 11. 75 Gaebel, (2002), 20 - 21. 76 ibid 21. 77 Hanson, (2005), 225. 73

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Athens also provided another financial aid to her hippeis in the form of a sitoi (grain allowance). Xenophon claims that the Athenian state expended forty talents a year in order to maintain her cavalry.78 Worley accepts this as fairly accurate as it would allow each of the one thousand hippeis to receive four obols daily as a grain allowance for feeding his mount.79 Such a huge expenditure of money on horses (for both their purchase and feeding) shows the effort Athens had to go through in order to maintain her cavalry force.

Description of the Greek Horse Many depictions of Greek horses are to be found in vase paintings and sculpture. The best known images, however, are those from the Parthenon frieze dating to ca. 438 - 432 BC. These reliefs depict small horses of light stature with well-groomed coats (Fig 11.1). The head is well-formed with a flat (and at times slightly concave) profile, large flaring nostrils, and prominent eye ridges. The body is short, well-toned, and not overly muscled. The legs are well proportioned with well-developed tendons and joints.

Fig 11.1 – Greek horses as depicted on the Parthenon Frieze 78 79

Xen., Eq. mag. 1.19. Worley, (1994), 71.

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The horsemen in the frieze appear to be as tall (or taller) than their mounts whether they are standing beside them or mounted on them. In size the horses would appear to fall among the lower ranges of modern day pony classifications. Modern classifications for show ponies consist of three categories - small ponies are classed as falling between 12.2 hands (1.17 metres) or less, medium ponies between 12.2 hands and 13.2 hands (1.27 - 1.37 metres) and large ponies between 13.2 hands and 14.2 hands (1.37 - 1.47 metres). Anything over 14.2 hands is generally classed as a horse. These specifications, however, are very general and cannot be applied successfully to all breeds. As Chamberlin points out, if we were to rigidly apply these specifications then “the Icelandic horse, by that standard, is really a pony; and yet, defined by its weight-carrying abilities, bone structure, and overall weight, it is nothing short of a horse”.80 Ashmole finds it hard to believe that Greek horses of the Classical Period were as small in stature as their depictions on the Parthenon frieze suggest and tries to explain their small size as a result of space constraints encountered by the sculptors. The riding horses in the procession are shown as ponies. They may, it is true, have been small, but they can hardly have been quite as small in relation to their riders as this. The designer had to change the scale for two reasons: one, that then men should not be dwarfed by the size of their horses when they were dismounted: and second, that there should be room for the riders, when mounted, between the horses’ back and the top of the slab.81

Although Ashmole makes a good point the diminutive stature of the Parthenon horses should not be completely explained away as simple artistic necessity. It is highly possible that the Parthenon horses do represent the stature of a certain type of horse used by the Athenian cavalry. Good evidence of this comes from the island of Skyros where today there lives a rare breed of small pony, the Skyros, which displays a remarkable similarity to the Parthenon horses in every aspect including its size which generally falls between 100 - 115 cm or 10 - 11.2 hands at the withers. This ‘Skyros-type’ horse may have had a much wider geographic spread in earlier times. In Sidnos, south west of Thessalonike (ancient Macedonia), the remains of a stallion of over 18 years, height not exceeding 118 cm (12 hands), and dating to between the seventh and sixth 80 81

Chamberlin, (2006), 81. Ashmole, (1972), 128.

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century BC was discovered. The remains were determined as “belonging to a microsomatic type of autochthonous Greek horses, such as the Skyros pony”.82 In general, while a few specimens may have fallen into the ‘small’ category of pony classifications, the average size of the Greek horse seems to have ranged somewhere in the ‘medium’ to ‘large pony’ category. The bones found at Lerna (ca. 1400 - 1100 BC) were determined to be from a horse of about 1.45 metres (14.1 hands) at the withers while those discovered at Lefkandi, Euboea (tenth century BC) were of a horse ca. 1.1 - 1.4 metres (10.3 hands - 13.3 hands). And three centuries later we still find horses of similar size. Those found in the North Cemetery of Knossos (ca. 670 BC) ranged from 1.33 metres - 1.35 metres (13.05 hands - 13.1 hands).83 From representations in sculpture and on vases we can see that the typical Greek horse had fine, slender legs, a small and refined head, a shaggy mane, a small body, and a well set-on tail. It seems possible that this breed may have been the result of a cross between a ‘northern-type’ pony and a finer ‘eastern’ type. Anderson believes that this, in fact, was the case. He sees the Greek breed as being a cross between such a horse as Herodotus’ Sigynnae horse and something resembling a present day Arab from which it inherited its finer features.84 Herodotus describes the Sigynnae horse as “covered all over with shaggy hair five fingers’ breadth long … small and blunt-nosed”.85 It does appear that in Homeric times a ‘northern-type’ pony may have been the common stock of the Greeks. As has already been mentioned typical Greek horses are described by Homer as being ȟĮȞșંȢ - a dun colour. This is the colour of the Przewalskii horse of Mongolia (which being the last ‘true’ wild horse in existence is most likely to resemble the northern ponies of ancient times). In two passages this colour is applied generally to Achaean horses (Iliad 9.407 and 11.680). One of Achilles immortal steeds even had this colour as its name (Iliad 10.149). His other immortal horse is called ȕĮȜȚંȢ which tends to be translated as ‘dappled’.86 82

Antikas, (2008), 33 - 34. Spence, (1993), Table 9, 283. 84 Anderson, (1961), 15 - 16. 85 Hdt., 5.9. 86 Liddell & Scott translate ȕĮȜȚંȢas dappled or spotted citing Euripides who applies it to the colour of deer and lynxes [Eur. Hec. 90; Eur. Alc. 579]. Modern equine terminology defines dappling as follows: “Dappling is usually a network of dark and light areas in which the centres are lighter than the peripheries … The dappling phenomenon can occur on any color.” [Sponenberg, (2003), 33]. If 83

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Perhaps here we can infer a ‘dappled-dun’ colour. It would appear likely that in general all the Achaean horses were of this ‘dun’ colour as any mention of other colours in the Iliad refer to nonGreek horses. The ‘horses of Tros’ which Diomedes captured from Aeneas are described as being ijijȠ૙ȞȚȟ (bay or brown) and, considering their legendary association with Troy, perhaps this indicates an ‘eastern’ type.87 The horses of Rhesus of Thrace are ȜİȣțંȢ (white) which is a colour that seems to have been especially associated with the horses of this region.88 When we venture into the Classical Period, however, we find that the colour of Greek horses is much more varied. The Agora Cavalry Tablets mention numerous different colourings including ʌȣȡȡંȢ (chestnut)89, ȝ੼ȜĮȢ (black)90, ʌĮȡઆĮȢ (reddish-brown or bay)91, and ʌȠȚț઀ȜȠȢ (spotted).92 It would seem that by this time the original Greek horse had been cross-bred with many foreign breeds resulting in these various different colourings.93 dappling can occur on any colour and the majority of the Achaean horses are dun then Achilles’ horse was most probably a dappled-dun. 87 Hom., Il. 23.454. 88 Liddell & Scotts say that although ȜİȣțંȢis commonly translated as white this is a very indefinite term. ȜİȣțંȢ can be used to define a colour from the pure white of snow to the grey of dust. This is mirrored in modern terminology where a horse is officially classed as being grey even if it is completely white. Most ‘grey’ horses tend to be born dark and progressively grow whiter with age. 89 Liddell & Scott say of ʌȣȡȡંȢflame-coloured, yellowish-red, or tawny for a lion [Eur. HF. 361]. This would equate well with the modern usage of chestnut. 90 Liddell & Scott say Homer uses ȝ੼ȜĮȢfor all dark objects not necessarily just black ones. Today, however, most horse-breeders only use black as a classification for pure black horses which have no traces of any lighter colour. “Many observers consider black horses with even a few of these lighter hairs as a type of brown instead of truly black.” [Sponenberg, (2003), 16]. 91 Liddell & Scott say that ʌĮȡઆĮȢ (from ʌĮȡİ઀ĮȢ) was used to describe a reddishbrown snake sacred to Aesculapius. So for horses it could also denote reddishbrown or possibly a bay colour. 92 Liddell & Scott translate ʌȠȚț઀ȜȠȢ as many-coloured, spotted, mottled, pied, or dappled. Like Achilles’ horse ȕĮȜȚંȢ this probably indicates some sort of dappling though whether it means dun-, chestnut-, brown-, or bay-dappled is not indicated. 93 Simple cross-breeding can produce a plethora of colours which would account for the range evidenced in later classical times. While breeding two bay horses together will always produce a high percentage of resulting bay foals, black and chestnut foals are also occasional results. The same is also true of a bay/black cross. If we take the colour of the Homeric Achaean’s horses as dun and the Trojan horses as bay then cross-breeding the two would offer even more spectacular results. While a bay/dun cross always has a large percentage of resulting dun foals,

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Many opportunities for such cross-breeding would have been available to the Greeks. Thessalian cavalry horses were highly sought after by the southern Greek states and it seems unlikely that no cross-breeding would have occurred. During the Persian invasion, when Mardonius was wintering in Thessaly and Macedonia (480 - 479 BC), there would have been many chances for cross-breeding between Persian and Greek horses. The Persians had intended their stay in Greece to be permanent and so would have actively sought to improve their stock. The results of such crosses would have been available to Greek horse-breeders after the Persian withdrawal.

and bay is a common result, red dun, chestnut, black, and Grullo (grey from silver to slate) also occur occasionally. On rare occasions foals could be palomino, buckskin, or smoky-coloured. For full details of colours resulting from crossbreeding see Sponenberg, (2003), 183ff.

CHAPTER TWELVE THESSALY

The best horse-breeding region in the Greek penninsula that (which was reputed to produce one of the finest breeds of horse in ancient times) was Thessaly. Located north of Boeotia and south of Macedon, Thessaly is a region of alluvial plains and lacustrine basins encircled by mountains on three sides and the sea on the east. This region comprised the shelving coast of the Pegasae Gulf and the alluvial valley of the Sperchius River, whose broad flats along the sea, always soaked and always growing by annual accretions of silt further out into the Malic Gulf must have furnished excellent wet meadows.1

The fertile alluvial soil throughout the plains as well as the marshy lake-lands about the Lakes Nessonis and Boebeis (located on the east coast) provided ideal pasturage for the rearing of high-quality horses. Strabo calls Thessaly “a country most blessed”2 while in the Iliad Achilles praises “deep-soiled Phthia”.3 From the fifth century onwards coins from a number of Thessalian cities, such as Larissa, were engraved with depictions of horses (Fig 12.1). The coins depict large, powerful horses with well set-on heads, slightly concave profiles, thick muscled necks, powerful bodies and legs. Some individuals like Menon of Pharsalus (fourth century BC) were able to maintain hundreds of horses. We are told that he supplied the Athenians (who were campaigning in the region) with three hundred mounted troops from his own lands.4 We also hear that when Jason of Pherae became Tagus (military commander) of Thessaly (mid-fourth century BC) he could call upon a force of more than eight thousand horsemen from throughout the country.5 1

Semple, (1922), 23. Str., 9.5.2. 3 Hom., Il. 1.153 - 156. 4 Dem., Arist. 199. 5 Xen., Hell. 6.1.18 - 19. 2

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Fig 12.1 – Coin of Larissa

Many legends associated with Thessaly further indicate the importance of the horse in that land. According to Strabo Centaurs dwelt near Mount Pelion (the most famous of whom was Chiron the tutor of Achilles) but were later driven out by the Lapids under the command of Peirithous. “[Peirithous] took possession of Pelion, forcing out the Centaurs, a wild folk, who had seized it”.6 It is fitting that this myth should have originated here as Thessaly is most probably the main route through which horseriding would have entered Greece proper. The knowledge of horse-riding likely spread either from the steppe or Anatolia (or both) through Thrace and Macedon and finally into Thessaly. It is quite possible, as ChenevixTrench suggests, that the mythological centaur came into being as the result of “garbled travellers’ tales of Scythians riding on horses in the distant lands beyond the Danube”.7 Not only does this myth indicate the early introduction of horse-riding into Thessaly, it also names for us an early horse-breeding locality Magnesia in the foothills of Mount Pelion. Pindar relates this aspect of the myth and explains the origins of the Centaurs. Ixion, King of Thessaly, 6 7

Str., 9.5.19. Chenevix-Trench, (1970), 11.

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became enamoured of Hera and tried to lie with her. Zeus, however, tricked Ixion into lying with a cloud which he had shaped into the image of the goddess. This cloud later gave birth to Ixion’s child. She who reared him called him Kentauros. He mated with Magnesian mares in the foothills of Pelion, and from them issued a wondrous herd of offspring similar to both parents, with the mother’s features below, the father’s above.8

Another famous tale concerning a Thessalian horse is that of Bucephalas, the mount of Alexander the Great. The name Bucephalas is said to have derived either because the horse had been marked with the oxhead brand (ȕȠȣț੼ijĮȜȠȢ), or because he possessed a white star on his forehead in the shape of an ox-head.9 Bucephalas is generally depicted as a large and powerful horse with a heavy, well-muscled body and neck. His head is large with prominent eye ridges and nostrils and a slightly concave profile (Fig 12.2). His largeness may result from an influence of Persian bloodlines in his ancestry (perhaps dating to the Persian occupation of Macedonia and Thessaly during Xerxes’ invasion of Greece. Bucephalas’ owner reputedly offered the horse to Philip II of Macedon for the extraordinarily high price of thirteen talents (an indication of its high quality no doubt but perhaps a little extreme).10 None of the king’s men were able to ride the horse due to its intractability. Alexander, however, realised that the horse was merely spooked by its own shadow, and so, when he faced the horse towards the sun, he was able to mount without difficulty. His father subsequently purchased Bucephalas for him. The original owner (and perhaps breeder) of Bucephalas was Philoneicus who, according to Pliny, was reputed to hail from Pharsalus in the central Thessalian plains.11 Pharsalus seems to have been a region of particular excellence for breeding quality horses. Not only was it the reputed home of Bucephalas but also that of a famous broodmare who consistently bore foals resembling their sires. This mare was awarded the name dikaios (the Just) - a title which elsewhere was normally associated 8

Pind., Pyth. 2.44 - 48. Plin., HN. 8.154. 10 Plut., Alex. 6. Pliny claims the price was sixteen talents [Plin., HN. 8.154]. These high prices can be contrasted with the state loan which Athenian cavalry troopers received to purchase their mounts. The maximum amount the state provided to them was 1200 drachmas (or twelve mina) which only amounted to 1/5 of an Athenian talent [Kroll, (1977), 89]. 11 Plin., HN. 8.154. 9

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with statesmen or kings.12 Chamberlin has an interesting theory regarding the possible origins of Bucephalas’ lineage. He suggests that, even though Bucephalas’ immediate origin was in the plains of Thessaly, his lineage was probably either Akhal-Teke - bred in the Akhal valley, an oasis in the middle of the Karakun desert in central Asia, its horses renowned for being able to go for up to three days without water - or possibly from Ferghana.13

Although this statement may seem to be stretching the facts a bit, considering the lack of specific evidence for such an influence, it is not necessarily without merit. It is possible that ancestors of the Akhal-Teke horse were known to the nomadic Pazyryk people of the Altai Mountains and perhaps even by Scythians north of the Danube. If this were so then it would not be unthinkable that a number of these horses may have been imported into the Balkans. Justin reports that, on one occasion, Philip II imported twenty thousand Scythian mares into Macedon.14 Without proper evidence, however, Chamberlin’s theory cannot be anything more than conjecture. The Bucephalas story may also be an indication that Thessalian horses were used by Macedon both as cavalry horses and for cross-breeding with the native stock. Indeed, Alexander constantly sent back to Thessaly for remounts throughout his campaigns. Even when he was thousands of miles away and surrounded by the finest of Persian and Bactrian stock he still supplemented his forces with Thessalian mounts.15 The reputation of Thessalian horses was such that many states sought them for their cavalry forces. Athens regularly made use of Thessalian horsemen and many of the horses purchased using the state loan were Thessalian. As the myth of the Centaurs suggests, the fame of the Thessalian horse goes back a long way. According to Homer the best horses at Troy were the mares of the son of Pheres, those that Eumelus drove, swift as birds, like of coat, like of age, their backs as even as a levelling line could make. These had Apollo of the silver bow reared in Pereia, both of them mares, bringing with them the panic of war.16

12

Jeffery, (1976), 72. Chamberlin, (2006), 155 - 156. 14 Just., Epit. 9.2.16. 15 Hyland, (1988), 21. 16 Hom., Il. 2.763 - 767. 13

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Fig 12.2 – Alexander and Bucephalas There are many other pieces of evidence which indicate the close association of Thessaly with horses. The national sport of Thessaly was tauroathapisa (bull throwing) which consisted of a mounted horseman chasing a bull and wrestling it to the ground.17 Another indicator of the close association between Thessaly and horses is that the long chiton which charioteers wore in races and processions was said to have been an old manner of Thessalian dress.18 Thessalian horses seem to have been larger than their Greek counterparts. Arrian tells us that when the Macedonians were crossing the River Hydaspes the water came up to the chests of the infantrymen and just up to the horses’ heads.19 Hyland uses this to determine the heights of the horses. Macedonians were relatively tall for the times, and giving an approximate height of five foot nine for the average cavalryman (Roman cavalrymen 17

Worley, (1994), 29. Jeffery, (1976), 72. 19 Arr., Anab. 5.13.3. 18

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were originally required to be six foot - five foot ten in our measurement … ) … would mean that the horse was around 14.2 to 15 hands.20

Alexander, in sending back thousands of miles for Thessalian stock when he could have used local Persian stock, must have felt that the Thessalian was a superior breed to all others. This may well have been the case by the late fourth century BC, however, in the early fifth century BC the shoe was on the other foot and it was the Persian horse which held this reputation. During his Greek invasion of 490 BC Xerxes, having heard of the great reputation of Thessalian horses, wished to put them to the test. In Thessaly [Xerxes] made a race for his own horses, wherein he also tried the mettle of the Thessalian horse, having heard that it was the best in Hellas, and the Greek horses were far outpaced.21

This does not necessarily mean that the Thessalian horses were actually inferior in any way to the Persian horses. The attempt by the natives to capture Bucephalas for breeding purposes during Alexander’s Persian campaigns speaks differently. Xerxes’ horses may simply have been faster than the Thessalians they competed against. Another possible theory, however, is that the Persian horses were allowed to win. It would be a foolish Greek who sought to out-show Xerxes while his entire army was at hand to defend any insult. According to these passages the Thessalian horse appears to have retained its reputation as a high-quality breed for over one hundred and fifty years. One likely explanation for such continued success may have been constant cross-breeding with the best of outside stock. Large numbers of very fine horses would have been brought into Greece during the Persian wars and so would have been available for such purposes. Both Thessaly and Macedonia were used as wintering areas by Mardonius’ army, which included many thousands of Iranian cavalry … Thessaly and Macedonia would have enjoyed an input of new horse strains for a period long enough to leave foals behind from indigenous mares.22

It is almost certain that such cross-breeding would have taken place. Although the Persians were fated to only winter there for a few months, at the time they had expected to remain in Greece for good. They had intended a long-term conquest and, therefore, they would have settled 20

Hyland, (1988), 21. Hdt., 7.196. 22 Hyland, (2003), 121. 21

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down to the lucrative business of horse breeding straight away. This was not a one-way affair either. While many fine traits would have been bred into the Thessalian breed from Persian stock so too would returning Thessalian horses have contributed to the breeding programme in the Persian homeland.

CHAPTER THIRTEEN THRACE AND MACEDON

Thrace In ancient times Thrace too was famed for its large horses and could field a huge force of cavalry (up to fifteen thousand strong according to Strabo).1 Thrace’s most fertile region (and thus the centre of its horsebreeding industry) lay along its southern coast. The region from Lake Stentoris and the mouth of the Hebrus River in the east as far as the Axius River in the west was a succession of lakes, marshes, and alluvial lowlands, flooded at intervals by streams flowing from the Rhodope highlands to the north.2 The land around the Greek city of Abdera was especially fertile. Abdera was situated on the coastline of an alluvial plain, extending westwards to the river Nestos and onwards to the Orbelus mountain … northwards to Mount Rhodope, and eastwards to lake Bistonis.3

Pindar described this area as a “Thracian land of plentiful vines and bountiful fruits”.4 Such was its fertility that it could apparently provide enough food for thirty thousand starving Triballian invaders in 376/5 BC.5 The region surrounding Abdera was inhabited by the Bistonian Thracians (named after Lake Bistonis to the east) who, according to the ancient myths, were responsible for the breeding of many famous horses. A legendary king of this tribe was Diomedes who kept a stable of maneating horses that were the object of the eighth labour of Herakles. Herakles not only succeeded in capturing these horses but also fed to them their former master. They are described as being so strong and savage that 1

Str., 7. Frag. 47. Semple, (1922), 22. 3 Issac, (1986), 73. 4 Pind., Pae. 2.25. 5 Diod. Sic., 15.36.1 - 2. 2

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they had to be tied up with iron chains.6 Such was the reputed power and strength of Bistonian horses that the god Mars (Ares) chose one as his warhorse. Not more loftily does the Bistonian steed bear Mars when the fighting is done, exulting in the mighty weight, and swiftly flies by the river till he is all asteam and drives Strymon forward with his mighty blowing.7

Another set of famous Thracian horses were those belonging to the Thracian king Rhesus who fought at Troy. When the Greeks learnt of his arrival they immediately put into action a plan to capture his horses, for, according to Dolon “his are surely the fastest horses that I ever saw, and the greatest, whiter than snow, and in speed like the winds”.8 It would appear that white horses were much more common in Thrace than in Greece or Thessaly. In the chariot race in Sophocles’ Electra many different breeds took part. Of only two of them are we specifically told their colouring (the rest were probably the standard dun colour of the time) - chestnut horses from Aetolia and white Aenian horses.9 The Aenian horses are most likely to have been from Aenus a Greek city just east of the river Hebrus on the Thracian coast. Herodotus also makes mention of white horses which he claimed grazed around a large lake at the source of the river Hypanis in Scythia (north of Thrace).10 If he is correct, it is perhaps possible that it was from here that the white colouring was crossbred into the Thracian horse stock. Although they are not as common as in Thrace, we do find white horses in Persia, which were held to be sacred. In Xerxes’ procession of 480 BC the holy chariot of Zeus was drawn by eight white horses.11 White horses were also sacrificed to the Persian gods and in order to receive good fortune. During Xerxes’ march on Greece the Magi sacrificed two white horses to the River Strymon before crossing.12 Although it appears to have been a somewhat common colour not all Thracian horses were white. Athenaeus tells us that in the fourth century BC the daughter of King Cotys of Thrace received as part of her dowry two herds of chestnut horses.13 And in the Aeneid Virgil describes a 6

ibid 4.15.3. For more on the myth see Apollod., Bibl. 2.5.8. Stat., Silv. 1.1.18 - 21. 8 Hom., Il. 10.436 - 437. 9 Soph., El. 701 - 708. 10 It is possible, however, that these white horses may have just been Tarpans in their winter coats. 11 Hdt., 7.40. 12 ibid 7.113. 13 Ath., 4.131.C. 7

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Thracian horse which takes part in a festival in Sicily. “Him a Thracian horse bears, dappled with spots of white, showing white pasterns as it steps and a white, high-towering brow”.14 The reputedly large size of the Thracian horse as opposed to Greek horses of the time is of interest.15 It has already been mentioned that in Homeric times the horses of Greece were small and quite similar in size to the ponies of the Scythians and Sigynnae – why then were Thracian horses different? It is likely that to begin with they possessed a similar breed as the rest of the Greek world and that the later larger type was the result of outside influences. It is quite possible that the Thracians traded with the peoples of the Median plains who possessed large horses. The alliance between king Rhesus and Troy perhaps remembers a real connection between Thrace and Anatolia (dominated by the Hittite Empire - an important horse nation), which existed in the Bronze Age. Indeed in later times Thrace was to become part of the Persian Empire (albeit only for a short period) during which time native horses would most certainly have been improved through breeding with Persian stock. This trade would not have been a one-way affair and Thracian horses are likely to have been exported to Persian lands. Some depictions of Thracian horses, such as the horse rython (Fig 13.1), show powerfully built horses with large muscled necks, prominent brow ridges, and large ram-headed or convex facial profiles. The large convex profile may very well indicate some sort of cross-breeding with the famed Nisaean horses of the Median Plains (see chapter 19). Thracian horses probably equate to those depicted on the Apadana reliefs (fifth century BC) at Persepolis as Skudrian (Fig 13.2).16 The Skudrian on the Apadana relief appears to be a stocky, well-muscled horse of about 14 hands. It has strong, well-toned legs, a powerful haunch, and a thick neck with a prominent crest. Its head in profile appears quite flat. In general the Skudrian’s appearance is very similar to the Cappadocian and Armenian horses also depicted at Apadana.

14

Verg., Aen. 5.565 - 567. Hyland, (2003), 148. 16 Thrace does not appear in ancient Persian sources. However, it has been proposed that Thrace can be equated with the Persian region known as Skudra. [Rehm, (2010), 147]. 15

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Fig 13.1 – Thracian Horse-Rhyton.

Fig 13.2 – Skudrian (Thracian?) horse from Apadana

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Although Thracian horses are commonly described as being large and swift it would seem that they may have been somewhat lacking in beauty. Grattius Faliscus gives us a not too flattering picture of their appearance “What then, though their necks are ugly or though they have a thin spine curving along their back?”17 Such a description of large, swift, though ugly, horses would equate well with a breed which crossed the best attributes of the large, powerful Median horse with the smaller, swift and less aesthetically pleasing Scythian pony.

Macedon Macedon was known as a strong cavalry nation from the early fifth century BC. It possessed ample meadows in the broad alluvial plain of the Axius River (bordering Thrace) as well as high-quality summer pasturage in Paeonia to the north (the Paeonians were much famed among the Macedonians for their horsemanship).18 There doesn’t appear to be any one particular breed which could be claimed to be representative of the ‘Macedonian Horse’. The peoples of this region seem to have obtained horses from a wide geographical area and they do not appear to have been adverse to cross-breeding with multiple breeds. The ‘Skyros-type’ horse native to Greece was also present in Macedonia. The find of an eighteen year old stallion of this type at Sidnos, south-west of Thessalonike has already been mentioned.19 Justin tells us that Philip II had twenty thousand mares brought into the country from Scythia.20 If these numbers are correct then this surely represented a major effort on Philip’s part to improve his native stock. Even if the numbers are false the tale at least indicates that the importation of Scythian horses was something that was not out of the question. There must also have been a heavy influence from the Persian breeds stabled there both during the Persian occupation of Thrace (late sixth / early fifth centuries BC) and the Persian invasion of Greece in 480 BC. Shortly after the first occupation we begin to see the ‘caduceus’ brand appear on the coins of Alexander I (498 - 454 BC) of Macedon. This brand is “surely the mark of the finest Macedonian chargers.”21 These fine chargers were further improved in later years under Philip II (383 - 336 BC) who extended the borders of Macedon in all directions. 17

Faliscus, Cyn. 525 - 526. Semple, (1922), 22. 19 Antikas, (2008), 31 – 34. 20 Just., Epit. 9.2.16. 21 Kroll, (1977), 88. 18

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When he conquered Thrace its powerful cavalry (of up to fifteen thousand horses) was incorporated into his own forces and cross-breeding would have occurred. Philip also brought Thessaly under his rule and made great use of its stock. In the same burial ground in Sidnos where the ‘Skyrostype’ was found an adult mare of about sixteen years and measuring about 140 cm at the withers was discovered. The mare’s “somatometrics indicate a phenotype of the native Thessalian horse breed to which Bucephalas belonged”.22 Alexander the Great chose a Thessalian (Bucephalas) as his own personal mount and strengthened his Macedonian Cavalry with great numbers of Thessalian horses. Such cross-breeding among the horses of Persia, Thrace, Thessaly, and Macedon resulted in a very strong, largebodied, and powerful charger which was commonly depicted on the coins of Philip II (Fig 13.3).

Fig 13.3 – Coin of Philip II of Macedon

22

Antikas, (2008), 35.

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Venetic Before moving on there is another breed of horse famed in ancient times which must be mentioned, as it appears it may have been derived from the Thracian breed. This is the breed that was managed by the Veneti of north-east Italy. The Venetic horse was famed throughout the Greek world from an early stage. Alcman, whose works date from the first half of the seventh century BC, describes the Venetic horse as a “sturdy, thunderous-hoofed prize-winner”.23 Euripides hints at their fame in his Hippolytus (428 BC) when he has Phaedra exclaim “Mistress of the Salt Lake, Artemis, mistress of the coursing ground for horses, O that I might find myself on your plains taming Venetian colts!”24 Venetic horses were apparently highly sought after and were traded extensively. In the fourth century BC Dionysius I of Syracuse used the breed as a basis when founding his racing stables.25 The Veneti were ideally located for the breeding of horses. They had settled in the region of the upper Adriatic (the area surrounding modern Venice) early in the first millennium BC. This region was one of Extensive marshes … which in summer afforded wide stretches of wide meadows. There the flood season was protracted long after the winter rains, owing to the slow melting of the Alpine snows; and there in a region of marshes, lagoons, braided streams, meandering rivers and deltaic distributaries, lived the ancient Veneti, from remote times famous for their horses.26

Archaeological evidence suggests that the Veneti sprang from the same Indo-European stock as the Celts, Germans, and Slavs and that formerly their homeland had been in Thrace. From there they migrated westward to Italy and eastward to northern Asia Minor (where perhaps they can be connected with Homer’s Eneti - Iliad 2.852).27 If it is true that the origins of the Veneti were in Thrace then it would go a long way to explaining their high equestrian standards. Strabo tells us that the horses were “exceptional for speed rather than beauty”28 Aelian 23

Alcm., Parth. 45 - 51. Eur., Hipp. 228 - 231. 25 Anderson, (1961), 37. 26 Semple, (1922), 31. 27 Azzaroli, (1985), 135. 28 Str., 5.1.9. 24

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remarks that “their face is compact, short, and snub-nosed”29 Such descriptions suggest horses quite similar to those of the northern Sigynnae (and Scythian ponies) which were a great influence in the development of the Thracian Breed. The fact that never are they given the epitaph ‘large’, as opposed to the many references of large Thracian horses, can easily be explained by their no longer having breeding access to the larger horses of the Median plains. Over time these large Thracian horses would have reverted to a size closer to that of their Scythian ancestors.30 Recent archaeological finds seem to verify the ancient sources’ descriptions of this breed. In 1976 the skeletons of six horses were found in a cemetery on the outskirts of Padova. The cemetery dated from between the sixth and fifth centuries BC. Only two of these skeletons were fully examined but they closely resemble what is found in the literature. They stood 13 to 13.3 hands high at the withers and were similar to Bronze Age horses of central Europe and of northern Italy. The heads are somewhat heavy, the barrels long, the legs had massive joints and slender shafts. They represent a rather coarse breed.31

Strabo provides us with another indication of the Thracian origin of the Veneti. He tells us that the Veneti gave certain honours to Diomedes and yearly sacrificed white horses to him.32 This custom would seem to be a remembrance of the myth of the Thracian Diomedes whom Herakles fed to his own horses. The white colour of these sacrificial horses is again suggestive that they derived from Thrace which, as we have already seen, possessed larger numbers of white horses than was common in the surrounding lands at the time. The Venetic horse was sometimes known as the ‘wolf-breed’ (ȜȣțȠijંȡȠȣȢ) and the Veneti told a curious myth about its origins. The story went that a man, who was known for his readiness to give bail, one day came across some hunters who had captured a live wolf. He agreed to put up the wolf’s bail and to pay for whatever damage it had done. In gratitude for his release the wolf rounded up a herd of unbranded horses and drove them to the bondsman’s steading. The bondsman branded them with the symbol of a wolf and he and his descendants maintained the breed 29

Ael., NA. 16.24. In the late fifteenth century AD large horses brought to the Americas by the Spanish escaped into the wild and over time their descendants reverted to a smaller size (due to no longer being intensively bred to high standards) which were to form the present day Mustang horse of America. 31 Azzaroli, (1985), 137. 32 Str., 5.1.9. 30

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which became famed for its speed rather than its beauty. By Strabo’s time, however, the breeding of Venetic horses had reputedly died out.33

33

ibid 5.1.9.

CHAPTER FOURTEEN SOUTH ITALY AND SICILY (MAGNA GRAECIA)

Italy - Arrival of the Domestic Horse Although horses were at one time common throughout the whole of Italy, by the end of the Palaeolithic period they had almost completely disappeared from the peninsula, just as they had in the rest of Western Europe (with the possible exception of Iberia). Although a small number of horses may have survived in certain locations into the Neolithic the only record of such an occurrence comes from Monte Fellone in Puglia (Apulia) where remains were discovered in an early Neolithic settlement. While the precise dating of these remains is not certain they are thought to pre-date domestication in the peninsula.1 The domesticated horse most likely re-entered Italy via the Alps early in the second millennium BC. The earliest domestic horse remains were uncovered at Barche di Solferino (near Lake Garda) and date to the older phase of the Polada Culture (ca. 1800 - 1550 BC). The remains consisted of the damaged skull of a medium sized horse along with a few other fragments of bone.2 Once the horse had been re-introduced into Italy it most likely spread south through the peninsula and into Sicily where the earliest known remains date to ca. 1400 BC. The numbers involved in this spread may not have been too extensive, however, as known remains from this period are almost non-existent. The only Bronze Age remains from south of the Apennines are from a Middle Bronze Age settlement at Luni sul Mignone in northern Latium.3 A more systematic spread of the horse throughout the peninsula may have occurred between the twelfth and tenth centuries BC with the arrival of the urn-field peoples. During this period a uniformity of culture 1

Azzaroli, (1985), 129. ibid 3 ibid 131. 2

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developed throughout Italy. This uniformity was the result of a wide ranging development of travel, trade and social contacts. This may have been the occasion for the dispersal of the domestic horse in the Italian peninsula.4

Apulia / Daunia One region of Italy which was to become particularly famed for its horses was Apulia (Puglia) which, as we have already seen, is home to the earliest post-Palaeolithic horse remains in the peninsula. Apulia encompassed the region from the Gargano promontory south to Tarentum and the ‘heel’ of the ‘Italian boot’ (Sallentine peninsula). Apulia possessed excellent pastures for summer grazing on the Apennine slopes and winter rich pastures could be found in the lowlands between the Apennines and the Gargano promontory where many lakes supplied the necessary water to support their maintenance.5 The northern portion of Apulia, consisting of the immediate hinterland of the Gargano promontory, was known in antiquity as Daunia and had a long history of equestrianism. The Daunian culture seems to have been an immigrant one whose origins were in the east, and which stretched back at least as far as the Bronze Age. Clearly the Daunians were immigrants who brought a culture alien to Italy and which they kept for centuries, untouched by local influences. The peacock, a recurring ornamental motif, immediately connects Daunian art to the Near East. Figures from gravestones depict scenes from the war of Troy, but these scenes do not conform to the classical Greek tradition and appear ‘as if they are seen from the other side’, with the eyes of the Troians and their allies.6

There are certain early stories regarding the origins of the Daunians that also seem to point to their being an immigrant culture. Many authors relate that after the Trojan War Diomedes came to this region where he founded many cities and settled down as ruler.7 Azzaroli believes that the origins of the Daunians was similar to that of the Veneti of northern Italy in that they both came from Thrace and that it was from there that their 4

ibid White, (1970), 290. 6 Azzaroli, (1985), 140. 7 App., 7.5; Str., 6.3.9.; Verg., Aen. 11.243 - 247. 5

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great equestrian tradition derived.8 In the 1960s, with the discovery of Daunian cemeteries near Manfredonia, extensive information regarding the Daunians’ high level of equestrianism came to light. The cemeteries, which date to between the eight and sixth centuries BC, contained numerous gravestones depicting mounted warriors fighting with spears and hunting stags. Figures of the dead were commonly portrayed travelling to the afterlife on horseback with the Furies following in chariots. Such was the level of skill that we even see figures standing on the back of their horses - a feat which, if true, necessitates a very high level of horsemanship.9 In later years Apulia was to become a major breeder of horses and her plains were home to many thousands. Such were the numbers bred in this region that in 214 BC Hannibal was able to replenish much of his cavalry forces with plunder from Apulia and the Sallentine Peninsula. “From these places … were driven off as booty … herds of horses, about four thousand of which were distributed among the cavalry to be broken”.10

Tarentum The Greek city of Tarentum, which was located where southern Apulia joined the Sallentine Peninsula (Modern Calabria), was ideally situated to take advantage of the excellent horse-breeding lands surrounding it and so was able to maintain a large force of cavalry. Strabo tells us that at the height of their power (in the fourth century BC Taras was the most powerful of the Italiot Greek cities) the Tarentines were able to field a force of three thousand cavalry as well as one thousand ੂʌʌ੺ȡȤȠȣȢ (cavalry generals).11 Since one thousand cavalry generals seems a totally unrealistic figure in this instance ੂʌʌ੺ȡȤȠȣȢ must mean something else. Perhaps it denotes a different type of force, such as heavy cavalry as opposed to light, or perhaps they were some sort of elite cavalry force. Head claims that while most Tarentine cavalry were light skirmishers there also existed a small force of heavy cavalry and that the ੂʌʌ੺ȡȤȠȣȢ may well be representative of the latter.12 Fields suggests, however, that these forces may have consisted of Tarentum’s citizen cavalry.13 If this is the case then the other three thousand cavalry may have consisted of recruits from 8

Azzaroli, (1985), 142. ibid 141. 10 Livy, 24.20.16. 11 Str., 6.3.4. 12 Head, (1982), 10. 13 Fields, (2008), 9. 9

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Tarentum’s subjects and allies. Such was the quality of Tarentine horsemanship that they gave their name to a particular type of cavalry called ‘Tarentines’. Asclepiodotus, in his manual on Tactics (written in the first century BC), claimed that there were three different branches of cavalry.14 First was the heavy cavalry which fought at close quarters. Both the men and the horses of this branch were heavily armoured and they fought with heavy spears or lances and earned the name spear-bearing or lance-bearing cavalry. On some occasions they also carried protective shields and so were sometimes called the shield-bearing cavalry. The second branch was the lightly armoured long-range cavalry which utilised archery and hence was known as the archer cavalry or the Scythian cavalry (Scythians were known for their archery skills). The third branch was an intermediate variety known as skirmishers most of whom fought with javelins. Asclepiodotus states that of this intermediate variety some, who in a narrower sense are called the light cavalry, after hurling their javelins fight at close quarters, but when they merely hurl their javelins from a distance, they are called Tarentine cavalry.15

We regularly see these ‘Tarentine’ skirmishers depicted on the coinage of Tarentum from the fourth century BC. The coins depict lightly armed cavalrymen brandishing javelins. Their light armour consists of a shield and, on occasion, a helmet. At this time in the fourth century BC no other Greek cavalry used shields while mounted and Head suggests that it was the Tarentines who influenced the spread of shields to other Hellenistic cavalries.16 Such influence may have begun as early as the 330’s BC when Alexander of Epirus (the uncle of Alexander the Great) was invited to Italy by the Tarentines to aid them in their war against the Bruttians.17 Indeed only a few years later we hear of ‘Tarentines’ serving in the army of Antigonaus Monophthalmus in his campaign against Eumenes (317 BC). Diodorus tells us that Antigonus had with him “twenty-two hundred Tarentines who had come up with him from the sea, men selected for their skill in ambushing”.18 The phrase ‘come up with him from the sea’ may 14

Asclep., 1.3. ibid 16 Head, (1982), 115. 17 Just., Epit. 12.2. 18 Diod. Sic., 19.29.2. 15

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possibly suggest that this force had been shipped in from Tarentum itself (although this does not necessarily mean that all were Tarentine citizen cavalry - many may have been subjects or allies trained in the Tarentine manner). References to ‘Tarentines’ become more frequent from this time on and such troops appear in engagements throughout the Hellenistic world. By this stage, however, the term had probably come to denote any cavalry fighting in the Tarentine manner rather than actual forces from Tarentum. Another occasion where we can possibly glean some information regarding the numbers of horses bred by the Tarentines comes from Plutarch’s life of Pyrhus. In 280 BC when Tarentum became embroiled in a war against Rome they sought the aid of Pyrrhus, king of Epirus. In order to persuade him to come to Italy the Tarentine envoys claimed that they had amassed large forces from Lucania, Messapia, Samnium, and Tarentum itself, amounting to three hundred and fifty thousand foot and twenty thousand horse.19 This huge force, however, did not actually exist but was rather a ploy used by the Tarentines in order to gain Pyrrhus’ aid. We later find out that it was only after Pyrrhus’ victory over the Romans at Heracleia that the Lucanians and Samnians actually joined him.20 It is likely that Pyrrhus himself knew that this force never existed for, having accepted their invitation, he embarked for Italy with a force of twenty thousand foot and three thousand cavalry.21 The Epirote fleet, however, ran afoul of a storm en-route and, according to Plutarch, only two thousand foot and a few horse survived the crossing.22 Although we are told that only a few of his horses survived the crossing Pyrrhus apparently had three thousand with him for his first battle with the Romans.23 It seems, therefore, that he was easily able to secure horses upon his arrival at Tarentum which would indicate that a large supply was available there. This is confirmed by Plutarch who tells us that Pyrrhus was happy and proud when he defeated the Roman forces for he did so with only his own troops and those of the Tarentines.24 Tarentine cavalrymen were often portrayed on the coins of their native city (Fig 14.1). The horses on these coins are depicted as a fine breed with powerful rounded haunchs, high set tails, strong muscled necks, alert ears, and concave facial profiles. The horses of Tarentum are likely to have 19

Plut., Pyrrh. 13.6. ibid. 17.5. 21 ibid. 15.1. 22 ibid 15.5. 23 ibid 16.6. 24 ibid 17.5. 20

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been of a similar breed and appearance to those of neighboring lands such as Apulia and Sybaris.

Fig 14.1 – Coins of Tarentum depicting ‘Tarentine’ cavalrymen.

Sybaris Another city in southern Italy which seems to have been a major breeder of horses was Sybaris. The city, which was founded by Peloponnesian Greeks towards the end of the eight century BC, lay on the instep of the ‘Italian boot’ close to the Ionian Sea. The city was located in a large, fertile plain which was crossed by two substantial streams, the Crathis (modern Crati) and the Sybaris (modern Cascile).25 In antiquity the name Sybaris was inextricably linked with riches, luxury, and decadence. Diodorus states that the great wealth of the city was “because of the excellence of the land”.26 The excellence of the land enabled the Sybarites to raise very large numbers of horses. According to Timaeus the great mid-summer procession to the Shrine of the Nymphs outside the city included a cavalcade of five thousand horsemen.27 There is an interesting tale regarding the Sybarites teaching their horses to dance. According to Aelian Their horses had been trained to dance in time to the music of the pipe at their hour for banqueting. Accordingly the inhabitants of Croton knowing 25

Rutter, (1970), 168. Diod. Sic., 12.9.1 - 2. 27 FGrH, Timae 566 F50. 26

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Chapter Fourteen this (they were at war with Sybaris), had their trumpet with its piercing note that summons to arms silenced; they collected pipes and pipe-players, and when they were at close quarters and within a bowshot, the players struck up the dance-music. At the sound the horses of the people of Sybaris, imagining that they were in the midst of a wine party, shook off their riders and began to leap about and dance. And they not only threw their ranks into confusion but also ‘danced away’ the war.28

While such tales might sound fanciful they may well hold an element of truth. These ‘dancing’ horses may well have been performing the movement known as the levade or, in more common terms, the half-rear. Xenophon, in his treatise On Horsemanship describes how such a movement is performed. Now, if when [the horse] is planting his hind legs under him you pull him up with the bit, he bends the hind-legs on the hocks and raises the forepart of his body, so that anyone facing him can see the belly and the sheath. When he does that you must give him the bit that he may appear to the onlookers to be doing willingly the finest things that a horse can do.29

Such a movement demands a very high level of skill and today the levade falls outside of general dressage and is only preformed at the very best schools such as the Spanish School and the Cadre Noir.30 It is therefore even more impressive that the Sybariot horses were skilled ‘dancers’ especially when one considers the rider’s lack of both saddles and stirrups. So Aelian’s tale may not be as fanciful as one may initially think. While the Sybariot horses are unlikely to have ‘danced away’ the war as Aelian puts it, it could very well be that case that some disaffection in the ranks of the Sybariot cavalry handed the victory to Croton and that Aelian simply blamed what he saw as the Sybariot’s love of luxury (training their horses to dance) for their loss.31 Almost seventy years after Sybaris’ destruction a new Greek colony called Thurii was built on (or near) the original settlement. Given the suitability of the surrounding land for horse-breeding it seems likely that the new colonists would also have reared horses and developed a tradition of horsemanship.

28 Ael., NA. 16.23. A similar tale was told about the horses of Cardia in the Thracian Chersonesus [Ath., 12.520 c-e] 29 Xen., Eq. 11.3 - 4. 30 Edwards, (1987), 84. 31 Rutter, (1970), 170.

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Campania Another part of Italy which held a good reputation for its horsemanship, and for the large numbers of horses it bred, was Campania. Campania was a fertile region which attracted Greek settlement from an early stage - the city of Cumae was founded by Euboean Greeks (ca. 740 BC) and was the first Greek settlement on the Italian mainland. The Campanian plains were ideally suited to the breeding of horses and it is likely that this factor played a part in the decision to settle there. Hyland goes as far as to suggest that it was the prime requisite for the settlement. Breeders today seek land that offers good grazing and is well watered. Leaving the largely poor soil of mainland Greece the mounted aristocracy would seek to occupy better land as well as an area that offered suitable stretches for easy cavalry manoeuvres. Campania offered both, and in the process the Campanian cavalry absorbed much of Greek horsemanship, the benefits of which were felt right into the first two centuries AD when cavalry units were greatly increased.32

From very early in her history the city of Cumae was connected with horses and horsemanship. Iron horse-bits, which have been found in the earliest of Cumaean tombs and in the graves of the pre-Greek peoples of the area, indicate the early presence of horses, and it is likely that the fertile plains surrounding the city were home to many herds.33 The Cumaeans seem to have realised the benefits to be obtained from possession of this land and, right from the foundation of the city, they seem to have exerted control over a large area of Campania. Frederiksen claims that By the sixth century BC at least, Cumae had come to control a very large territory: as far as the river Clanius to the north, and the whole coastal area as far as the sites of later Puteoli and Naples; Cumae had also become powerful in cavalry and rich in corn. It is likely on various grounds that the Greeks controlled the whole territory from the very moment of foundation. The first cemeteries of the Greek town expanded widely beyond the town gates, and within a generation of the foundation tombs were being laid some two miles to the north of Cumae, suggesting no fear of trouble from that quarter. The first settlement on the site of Naples - undertaken by Cumae - goes back to at least ca. 675 BC, and at Dikaiarchia to the seventh century: presumably that area too was in her power. The same conclusion is suggested by the presence of horse-bits in the early graves of Cumae; the 32 33

Hyland, (1990), 171. Frederiksen, (1984), 74.

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breeding of horses requires a wide territory. The antecedents of Cumae’s later power in cavalry no doubt began at the foundation of the city.34

Dionysius of Halicarnassus tells us that the lands which Cumae possessed were the most fertile in all Campania and that a desire to control this territory led to an invasion in 524 BC by an Etruscan army of five hundred thousand foot soldiers and eighteen thousand horsemen.35 The Cumaean army which faced this invasion force consisted of four thousand five hundred foot soldiers and only six hundred horsemen yet they succeeded in winning the day. Dionysus tells us that “in this action the Cumaean horse fought brilliantly, and they were allowed to have been the chief cause of the victory”.36 While the reported size of the Etruscan forces is no doubt exaggerated, the story may record the memory of a real victory by Cumaean horsemen against a force which greatly outnumbered them. Although in the above example the Cumaean horse numbered only six hundred, the total number of steeds which could be raised from the plains of Campania would have been much larger. Livy tells us that, after their defeat at the Battle of Cannae in 216 BC, the Romans were anxious not to lose the loyalty of their Campanian allies because of the vast resources which they could muster. Reputedly Campania could muster a force of thirty thousand infantry and four thousand cavalry.37 As well as producing large numbers of horses Campania had a reputation for producing excellent horsemen. Campanian horsemen had a long history of mercenary service, especially in Sicily where the Greek city-states fought a succession of wars both amongst themselves and against the Carthaginian presence in the western portion of the island. The first reported appearance of Campanian mercenaries in Sicily occurred in 414 BC when eight hundred arrived to support the Athenian expedition against Syracuse. Although Thucydides does not mention them in his account of the expedition, Diodorus speaks of a group of eight hundred in Carthaginian service in 410 BC and he states that these were the same troops which the cities of Sicily had hired to help the Athenians four years previously.38 After the defeat of the Athenians these mercenaries passed into the pay of the Carthaginian forces on the island who supplied them with horses.39 Frederiksen points out that 34

ibid 69. Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 7.3.2. 36 ibid 7.4.3. 37 Livy, 23.5.14 - 15. 38 Diod. Sic., 13.44.1. 39 ibid 35

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These men were neither hoplites nor rowers, but a force of cavalry. This had been the need of Athens and her allies; just like Athens’ own reinforcements, the Campanians were expected to find their horses in Sicily itself. Nor were they a band of brigands who happened to be able to ride. This first group of Campanians served so well that in 406 BC Hamilco and Hannibal sent legates to Campania to acquire more; when, after the peace of 405 BC, they passed into the service of Syracuse, it emerges that they were another force of 1200 cavalry.40

A beautiful bronze horse a rider discovered at Armento in Basicilata (dating to ca. 560 – 550 BC) can perhaps be taken as representative of a cavalry horse of southern Italy at the time (Fig 14.2). Armento is located north of the ‘instep’ of the Italian Peninsula in the ancient region known as Lucania. This region was centrally located between Campania (to the west), Apulia (east), Sybaris (south-west), and Tarentum (south-east). Although the horse is highly stylized, with an abnormally long and slender body, Johns considers that [its] pose is a very natural one, and his head, with its large eyes, concave profile and small, dainty muzzle, is clearly intended to convey the idea of refinement and superior breeding.41

Fig 14.2 – Armento Horse and Rider 40 41

Frederiksen, (1968), 13. Johns, (2006), 92.

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Sicily Like Southern Italy Sicily was also a land well-suited to the breeding of horses. The oldest remains come from the south-east of the island and date to the end of the Castelluccio culture (ca. 1500 - 1400 BC).42 It is possible that the remains could have been those of wild horses which survived on the island. If that were so they would likely have been limited in number. With the spread of the urn-field culture throughout the Italian peninsula and into Sicily between the twelfth and tenth centuries BC, however, greater numbers of horses are likely to have reached the island through trade and the influx of new peoples. We know that a few centuries’ later Venetic horses from northern Italy were being traded with Sicily and that Dionysius I used some as the foundation of his racing stables.43 Although horses were bred throughout the island it was the southeastern plains that were home to the greatest populations. The territory of Gela, which commanded the fertile plain of the River Gelas, and that of Syracuse, which dominated the eastern portion of the island, constituted the two best breeding grounds. The horse seems to have played an important role in Syracusean life from an early stage and regularly appeared in its art and imagery. Beginning in the last decades of the sixth century, and continuing throughout the fifth century BC, Sicily produced a series of plastic vases in the form of animal figurines. The three most important find sites were in the south-west around Selinus, the north-east around Randozzo, and the south-east around Syracuse. Animals which were commonly represented included mules, cows, pigs, mice, and horses. The horse vases were most commonly found in the Syracusan region and rarely elsewhere.44 The first coins of Syracuse, which were minted early in the fifth century BC, also utilised imagery of horses. The coins were mostly silver tetradrachmae of which the obverse depicted a four-horse Helladic chariot, with driver, facing right (Fig 14.3).45 The horses on these coins appear to be of a similar type to the native horses of mainland Greece of that time (i.e the Skyros horse). Variations of this type were to be repeated on Syracusan tetradrachmae for the next two hundred years and later on the dekadrachmae.46 Syracuse also minted, at this early date, a number of 42

Azzaroli, (1985), 147. Anderson, (1961), 37. 44 van der Vin, (1982), 200. 45 Jenkins, (1972), 72. 46 van der Vin, (1982), 203. 43

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didrachmae the obverse of which depicted a knight holding the reins of two horses.47 Van der Vin notes that these coins were quite unique for the time. The type of chariot and also the knight, leading horses by the reins is a typically Syracusan invention for which no parallel can be found in other Greek coinage. Furthermore, it deserves special attention that the die engravers of no other city dared to take on such a complex rendering of a chariot with a male driver and drawn by four horses. The die-cutters usually limited themselves to a head, such as the head of Athena in Athens, an animal (Pegasus in Corinth, a cow in Acanthus, the bull of Sybaris, a rooster in Himera), some object (an ear of corn in Metapontum, a tripod in Kroton, a parsley leaf in Selinus), or a person (Poseidon in Poseidonia, Apollo in Kaulonia). But a detailed type adapted to a tondo composition as in Syracuse is to be found nowhere else at that time.48

Van der Vin sees these early coins, along with the plastic horse vases, as “reflections of the predilection of the Syracusan aristocracy for chariot races and horses” and he suggests that their appearance at the end of the sixth century BC may have arisen due to an important chariot racing victory.49 Syracuse’s earliest known equestrian victories at the Olympic Games are those of Hieron who won the single-horse race in 476 and 472 BC and the four-horse chariot race in 468 BC.50 The city of Gela also had a close connection with horses from an early date. In 508 BC Pantares of Gela became the first (as far as we know) in a long line of Sicilian victors in the four-horse chariot race at the Olympic Games.51 His two sons, Cleander and Hippocrates, who ruled Gela in succession from 505 to 491 BC, played a large part in establishing the city's later rise to power. Archaeological evidence suggests that the two brothers laid the groundwork for Hippocrates’ subsequent conquests in eastern Sicily by erecting fortifications on the northern rim of hills above Gela and by enlarging the army, with special stress on the cavalry. The plains of Gela were among the best horse-breeding regions of the island, and it is not a coincidence that the first coins of Gela, struck at the time, featured a naked cavalryman.52 47

ibid 204. ibid 49 ibid 205. 50 Moretti, (1957), nos. 221, 234, and 246. 51 Finley, (1968), 45. cf. Moretti, (1957), no. 151. 52 Finley, (1968), 48. 48

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Fig 14.3 – Coin of Syracuse depicting four horse chariot The fifth and fourth centuries BC saw numerous wars fought in Sicily Greek against Greek, Greek against Carthaginian, and Greek against Roman - and accounts of these wars constantly mention large forces of cavalry in action. The cavalry forces mentioned generally number in the thousands which would place Sicily's horse-breeding ability above that of all other Greek lands with the exception of Thessaly. In 491 BC Gelon became tyrant of Gela and began to build a large power-base for himself. He soon took over Syracuse, which he made his new seat, and from there extended his dominion to a large portion of eastern Sicily. In 481 BC, when mainland Greece was facing invasion by the forces of Xerxes he reportedly offered to supply the Greek army with two hundred ships, twenty thousand hoplites, two thousand archers, two thousand slingers and a force of two thousand cavalry.53 Finley believes that, with the exception of the ships, these numbers could possibly have been accurate.54 And it would seem that these two thousand horsemen formed only part of Sicily’s extensive cavalry force for when the Carthaginians were defeated at Himera in 406 BC the Sicilian cavalry was 53 54

Hdt., 7.158. Finley, (1968) 52.

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said to have numbered over five thousand.55 The extent and quality of Sicilian cavalry again proved its worth during the Athenian attempt to subdue the island between 415 and 413 BC. The Athenians suffered many setbacks and eventual defeat due to their lack of an efficient cavalry arm with which to counter the Syracusans and their allies. Either out of fear of the great seas between western Greece and southern Italy, or perhaps realizing the need to keep a cavalry patrol to guard the Attic countryside should the Spartans return in their absence, the Athenians had initially brought along only a single horse transport and 30 riders ... Athens was not likely to risk its entire fleet of horse-transport ships and almost a third of its vital mounted defence force on the open seas.56

Although the Athenians later brought over more horsemen and managed to secure both mounts and extra cavalry forces from their Sicilian allies they were unable to increase their cavalry number to such an extent that they could efficiently combat those of their opponents. Thucydides notes that the number of cavalry available to the Syracusans came to twelve hundred (of which two hundred came from Gela and twenty from Kamarina). The initial Athenian deficiency in this arm allowed the Syracusans to effectively harass their scouting and foraging parties and limit the Athenians to a very small area around their camp.57 Access to fresh supplies of horses was, therefore, continually available to the Syracusans, whereas the Athenians had to make do with those they had. “More than any other factor, it was their supplies of horses which brought about the downfall of the great Athenian expedition of 415 BC”.58 Shortly after the collapse of the Athenian expedition a new tyrant, Dionysius I, rose to power in Syracuse and continued the revival of Syracuse’s dominant position on the island and her access to large forces of cavalry from throughout Sicily. In 397 BC when he marshaled his forces against the Carthaginians at Motye they included levies from Gela, Acragus, Himera, and Selinus. The total number of cavalry said to have been marshaled there was three thousand.59 Seven years later when Dionysius attacked Rhegium in Italy he brought a force of one thousand cavalry with him.60 If he could take such a 55

Diod. Sic., 13.86.5. Hanson, (2005), 209. 57 Thuc., 7.4.6 - 7. 58 Frederiksen, (1968), 10 - 11. 59 Diod. Sic., 14.47.6 - 7. 60 ibid 14.100. 1 - 2. 56

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large force of cavalry with him on foreign campaigns it would seem to suggest that his total forces were at least twice that as he would not have wished to denude Sicily entirely of her mounted defence in case of a revival of Carthaginian hostilities. In 357 / 356 BC, when Dion landed in Sicily with a small force, Diodorus tells us that Dionysius II had access to one hundred thousand foot soldiers and ten thousand horsemen.61 This would seem to be quite a large increase in the numbers we generally hear about and would seem, in this case, to be an exaggeration. Diodorus, in this instance, seems to be more interested in telling a tale of how Dion, with his small force but noble spirit, managed to overcome the overwhelming military might of the hated tyrant and therefore exaggeration of Dionysius’ forces should be expected. Fifty years later in 307 BC, when the Acragantines and their allies were warring with Syracuse, we see a return to more normal cavalry numbers. The two sides between them had just over two thousand horse almost one thousand with the Acragantines and twelve hundred with the Syracusans.62 And in 212 BC, when the Romans captured Syracuse, the Sicilians joined forces to send a relieving army whose total cavalry amounted to five thousand horsemen.63

61

ibid 16.9.2. ibid 20.56.1 - 2. 63 App., 5.4. 62

CHAPTER FIFTEEN NORTH AFRICA

The lands surrounding the cities of Cyrene and Carthage were well known in antiquity both for their fertility and for the large numbers of quality horses they produced. Strabo, in his discussion of the Mediterranean coastline of Libya, was quite specific in pinpointing these two places as being especially blessed even though the rest of Libya was considered “extremely fertile”.1 He further claimed that Cyrene grew strong because the fertility of her territory allowed her to breed fine horses.2 Both these cities had been founded in regions which were highly suited to agriculture and animal husbandry even if one might not think so from first impressions. Cyrene was situated in one of the more desert parts of Africa, however, despite its location, Arrian tells us that its lands were well-watered, provided with excellent groves and grassy meadows, and productive of all sorts of fruits and animals.3 Semple explains why this particular part of the desert was well-watered and fertile. Farther east, on the Cyrenaican coast of Africa, the plateau of Barca (elevation 2,000 feet or 610 metres) was high enough to condense winter rains in this otherwise arid belt, and therefore to support good but ephemeral pastures for horses and cattle back to the margin of the desert. Springs issuing from the escarpment and base of the limestone highland irrigated fields and hay meadows. Hence the Greek colony of Cyrenaica enjoyed a great reputation for horse breeding in antiquity.4

The Cyrenaicans are many times mentioned in the ancient sources as possessing excellent horses. Pindar, writing in the fifth century BC, composed two odes (Pythian 4 and 5) on the Delphic chariot race of 462 1

Str., 2.5.33. ibid 17.3.21. 3 Arr., Ind. 43.13 - 14. 4 Semple, (1922), 37 - 38. 2

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BC won by Arkesilas IV “king of Kyrene with its fine horses”.5 He also related a prophesy Medea was reputed to have made for the people of Thera (who would later found Cyrene). “In place of short-finned dolphins they will take swift horses and instead of oars they will ply reins and chariots that run like a storm”.6 The Cyrenaeans won many chariot victories thanks to their excellent horses. The Olympic four-horse chariot race was won by Kratisthenes (464 BC), Arkesilaos IV (460 BC), Eubatas (364 BC), Theochrestos I (360 BC), and Theochrestos II (300 BC).7 Similarly we have seen that Cyrenaean horses were greatly sought after for military purposes. In 322 BC Thibron sought the aid of the Cyrenaean chariot forces in his African campaign as did Agathocles in 308 BC.8 In later centuries Cyrene became attached to the Ptolemaic kingdom of Egypt and Rostovtzeff believes that it would have been a very important source for Ptolemaic horse acquisition. “No doubt Cyrenaica, a famous horsebreeding country and a province of the Ptolemies, partially supplied Egypt with the horses she required”.9 Rostovtzeff also considers Carthage to have been another likely source of Ptolemaic horse acquisition for “Carthage, as is well known, was rich in horses”.10 Indeed a common motif on their coins was that of a horse (Fig 15.1). Carthaginian coins of the mid-third century BC depict large, powerful horses, perhaps as much as 16 hands in height. They have long and well-developed legs, rounded long backs, rounded barrels, muscled haunches, with well set-on tails. They have thickly muscled necks with well set-on heads that display pointed prominent eye ridges, flaring nostrils and alert ears. Diodorus provides us with a great picture of the countryside as seen by Agathocles in 308 BC when he was warring with Carthage. He tells us that the countryside around the city was: divided into gardens and plantations of every kind, since many streams of water were led in small channels and irrigated every part … part of the land was planted with vines, and part yielded olives and was also planted thickly with other varieties of fruit-bearing trees. On each side herds of cattle and flocks of sheep pastured on the plain, and the neighbouring meadows were filled with grazing horses.11 5

Pind., Pyth. 4.1. ibid 4.16 - 20. 7 Moretti, (1957), nos. 257, 268, 421, 428 and 508. 8 Diod. Sic., 18.19.3 - 4; 20.41.1. 9 Rostovtzeff, (1941), 396. 10 ibid 11 Diod. Sic., 20.8.2 - 4. 6

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Fig 15.1 – Coin of Carthage

That Carthage had easy access to large numbers of horses can be seen from the numbers they employed in war. A good example would be from 308 BC when Carthage reputedly put into the field a force of two thousand chariots to oppose the invading forces of Agathocles.12 If these chariots were hitched to teams of four horses, like Cyrenaean chariots were, this would mean Carthage had access to at least eight thousand chariot horses, not to mention reserves. Semple believes that the cattle and sheep seen by Agathocles’ forces were most likely located in the alluvial valley of the Bagradas River (modern Majerda) and that the horses would have been pastured in the nearby marshlands.13 Further inland, in the rain shadow of the Atlas Mountains, were more pastures filled with large herds of horses and cattle which belonged to the nomads of Numidia and Mauretania and which were a very important source of horses for Carthage and, in later centuries, for Rome.14 Numidian cavalry had a reputation for excellence and Livy, in discussing Hanno’s recruitment of them in 204 BC, stated that they were 12

ibid 20.10.5 - 6. Semple, (1922), 37. 14 ibid 27. 13

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“easily the foremost type of cavalry in Africa”.15 These skilled horsemen often caused great trouble for the Romans so much so that eventually they incorporated Numidian horses into their own forces. The Romans had good reason to fear Numidian cavalry. Careful never to get trapped in a melee where horses could not manoeuvre, its hit and run tactics minimized fatalities so that any return charge came in strength. Scipio used it very effectively against its former Paymaster [Hannibal], and thereafter it became a regular part of the Roman forces, the horses more than the Numidians themselves. Valued for their endurance they and their descendants were found in many Romanised areas. In Gaul in 125 BC, a Numidian cavalry force serving under the general, Fulvius Flaccus, saved the day for Rome in the fighting against the Saluvii, who were mounted on horses whose descendants we know as Camargue ponies. The ensuing occupation of the area around Arles resulted in infusions of Libyan / Numidian blood into the indigenous stock.16

The Numidians were not the only native tribe to have strong links with horses, their southern and western neighbours were also great breeders and skilled horsemen. Lucan referred to Gaetulian bare-backed cavalry, Massylian horsemen who rode without bridles, and many other cavalry tribes - Nasamones, Garamantes, and Mazax.17 Silius Italicus mentioned similar tribes accompanying Hannibal as cavalry in Spain and Italy.18 Given the fertility of their lands and their reputation as horsemen these native tribes must have been major breeders of horses. Indeed Strabo, speaking of the lands of the Garamantes and Gaetulians, claimed that horse breeding was carried out on such a scale that the number of colts produced yearly in this region amounted to one hundred thousand.19 Such a statement is no doubt exaggerated yet, nevertheless, the implication is clearly that the southern tribes possessed large numbers of horses. It is apparent therefore that the Numidae and Mauri were not the only tribal groupings to practice cavalry warfare; the Garamantes, Nasamones, Macae and Gaetuli also possessed large numbers of horses.20

15

Livy, 29.34.5 - 6. Hyland, (1990), 177. 17 Lucan, 4.677 - 683. 18 Sil., Pun. 2.56 - 64; 3.287 - 293. 19 Str., 17.3.19. 20 Mattingly, (1995) 40. 16

PART III: BREEDS—THE EURASIAN STEPPE AND THE PERSIAN WORLD

CHAPTER SIXTEEN SCYTHIA AND THE EURASIAN STEPPE

The lives of the ancient Scythians revolved around their vast herds, the most important of which were their horses. These nomadic peoples utilised the horse in almost all aspects of their lives - transport, pack-animals, mounts for war, hides for clothing, meat for food, and milk for cheese, butter, and Koumiss.1 That the Scythians were skilled horse-handlers can be seen from the famous Chertomlyk vase of the fourth century BC (sometimes called the Nicopol vase due to its being found near the modern Ukrainian city of that name). On it we see Scythians lassoing and breaking-in young horses and engaging in the everyday tasks of grooming, tacking up, and hobbling for pasture.2 Even in death Scythians remained close to their horses and were commonly buried with one, two or, if of noble lineage, sometimes tens of horses. Herodotus tells us that when a Scythian king died his grave-mound was guarded over by fifty horses (and servants) who had been strangled, stuffed, and impaled upon stakes so that they could serve their king in death.3 The main breed of horse used by the Scythians was that which today we call the Scythian pony. It seems to have been greatly influenced by the blood of the wild Przewalskii and, in appearance, was quite similar to the Mongolian horse of modern times. The horses on the Chertomlyk Vase are likely to be fairly accurate representations of such horses (Fig 16.1). They are portrayed as small and coarse, with short legs, a large head, and a shaggy mane. They represent “a horse whose hardihood, endurance, and other solid virtues contributed to the making of history”.4 The Chertomlyk horses also appear to be quite similar to those which Herodotus described as belonging to the Sigynnae. The latter were “covered all over with 1

Koumiss was a fermented mare’s milk which the Scythians held in very high regard. Herodotus tells us that the Scythians used to blind the slaves who made this drink so that they would be unable to steal the choicest parts. 2 Rolle, (1989), 103 - 105. 3 Hdt., 4.72. 4 Devereux, (1965), 177 - 178.

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shaggy hair five fingers’ breadth long, and [were] small and blunt-nosed”.5 Although Scythian horses may not have been the most beautiful of creatures they did have a reputation for endurance. Arrian tells us that, although they were ugly and not as speedy as some other breeds, they had excellent stamina. [they appear] at first sight not good for riding, but even if you have a very low opinion when you see them running beside a Thessalian or Sicilian or Peloponnesian horse, they have exceptional stamina. And then you may see that fast, large and proud horse giving up, but the thin and mangy one first passing it, then leaving it behind.6

Fig 16.1 – Scythian horse from the Chertomlyk Vase

Although this small and coarse pony appears to have been the most commonly used type throughout Scythia, there is evidence that a finer breed of animal existed, and was used, in small numbers alongside it. When Justin says that Philip II of Macedon imported twenty thousand horses from Scythia, he calls them ‘noble’ (nobilium equarum).7 Devereux believes this indicates that Scythia also had ‘non-noble’ horses (i.e. the Scythian pony) and therefore that these nobilium equarum belonged to a different breed entirely.8 He believes this finer breed to be the same as the 5

Hdt., 5.9. Arr., Cyn. 23.2 - 3. 7 Just., Epit. 9.2.16. 8 Devereux, (1965), 180. 6

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Kolaxaian horse mentioned in Alcman’s Partheneion.9 The context of the reference in the Partheneion is that of Alcman praising the beauty of the choir-singer Hagesichora and of those who are ‘second to her’ in beauty. Hagesichora’s beauty is pre-eminent and Agido is second only to her. Alcman does not tell us who wins third place in the beauty stakes but he does say that “the second in beauty after Agido will run like a Colaxaean horse against an Ibenian”.10 There is much dispute with regards to the correct interpretation of these two lines. Are the two horses in question racing against each other? Are they harnessed together as a team? Was one of them considered to be inferior to the other? For present purposes, however, such questions are irrelevant. What is relevant is that Alcman is using these horses as symbols of beautiful women and, therefore, they must have been considered by his audience to have been especially fine breeds. If this is true then the Kolaxaian horse cannot simply be the small and coarse pony which we see on the Chertomlyk vase and which Herodotus describes. It must either be a different breed entirely or else from a branch of Scythian ponies which were selectively bred to a higher standard than normal. The different breed theory is favoured by Devereux while Vitt prefers the idea of selective breeding.11 The best archaeological evidence for this ‘finer’ breed comes from the Pazyryk Kurgans of the Altai Mountains where the remains of a number of horses were found in an excellent state of preservation thanks to the permafrost in which they were buried.12 The first of the kurgans was excavated by M. P. Gryaznov in 1929 and four others by S. Rudenko between 1947 and 1949. Dendrochronology established that the five kurgans were built within the space of about fifty years. Although carbon dating undertaken in the 1960s dated the kurgans to the mid-fifth century BC recent tests indicate a date of ca. 300 BC.13 An earlier Kurgan was excavated at Arzhan (300 miles east of Pazyryk) between 1971 and 1974 in which a chieftain was buried along with his consort, fifteen attendants, and between one hundred and fifty and one hundred and sixty horses. Dendrochronology put the date of this kurgan two hundred and forty-one years before the final Pazyryk kurgan which, in accordance with the recent 9

Alcm., Parth. 40 - 60. ibid 58 - 59. The Ibenian has not been definitively identified as of yet but may be of either Celtic or Ionian origin [Devereux, (1965), 176]. 11 Devereux, (1965); Littauer, (1971b). 12 Pazyryk is the local name for a valley in the Altai Mountains of Russian Siberia south of the modern-day city of Novosibirisk. 13 Mallory et al., (2002), 210. 10

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re-dating of Pazyryk, would place it in the second half of the sixth century BC.14 Although the Altai Mountains are a long way from Pontic Scythia, the steppe culture of the time appears to have been quite uniform and the horses used across the vast region from Mongolia to Pannonia appear to have been of a similar breed. Strabo tells us that it was usual for the Pontic Scythians and Sarmations to castrate their riding horses.15 This was just the case in the kurgans where, as Rudenko says, “In the tombs of noble persons at Pazyryk all the horses were geldings; not a single stallion or mare was found”.16 The colouring of the Pazyryk horses was mostly brown or chestnut, with the best specimens sometimes displaying golden hues. Hyland believes this golden hue to be an indication that they may have been ancestors of one of Russia’s most famous horses today, the Akhal-Teke, which also at times produces a unique golden hue to its coat.17 Vitt analysed almost fifty remains from five kurgans and, from the results, was able to divide the remains into four size-based groups. The largest horses were always the finest (and also the only ones to exhibit the golden hue) while the smallest resembled the typical Scythian pony. Group I, which consisted of the finest horses, averaged 145cm or 14.1 hands (with the largest reaching 150cm or 14.3 hands). Group II averaged 140cm or 13.3 hands. Group III averaged 136cm or 13 hands 1½ inches. Group IV averaged 132cm or 13 hands (with the smallest being 128cm or 12 hands 2¼ inches).18 The high quality horses from Groups I and II resembled: the modern Arab and even more the Turcoman racer (= Ferghana horse = Akhal teke horse, etc.). They have fine expressive heads, with a narrow forehead and a concave profile; the head narrows towards the muzzle. Their necks are long and are carried high, on high withers. Their barrel is short and their legs are delicately shaped.19

14

Drews, (2004), 74 - 76. Str., 7.4.8. 16 Rudenko, (1970), 118. 17 Hyland, (1990), 23. The Akhal-Teke is bred around the oases of the Turkmenistan Desert centered in Ashkabad and is famed as a race-, endurance-, and sports-horse. 18 Littauer, (1971b), 293. 19 Devereux, (1965), 180. 15

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This description certainly appears to be that of a breed similar to today’s Akhal-Teke. Although they were very fine breeds Devereux still noted that they were “coarser and shaggier than modern Arabs”.20 The lesser horses of Groups III and IV seem to represent the typical Scythian pony - coarse and shaggy, with short legs and a short muzzle. This ‘lesser’ breed was by far the most common in the kurgans while the ‘fine’ breed were few in number. Rudenko explained the archaeological evidence which suggests that the two types of horse were treated differently by their owners. In all the barrows, except barrow 4, hair survived on the horse bodies which could not possibly be regarded as the winter coat. Of the nine horses buried in barrow 5 only one, the one which had the rich saddelry and head decoration with crest, was well groomed. This animal had probably been stalled during the winter and fed on concentrated feeds. All the other horses were to some degree emaciated, as they are during spring and early summer when they have been left outside to feed in the previous winter.21

Devereux believes that such evidence indicates that some of the kurgan horses were treated differently from others and suggests that the two types were separate breeds rather than two extremes of the one. It is best to recall that the two extreme types looked different, and were treated differently : stabled and grain fed vs. range fed, saddled vs. harnessed, gelded young vs. not gelded at all, or gelded too late for the gelding to modify the proportions of the skeleton. Ethno-zoologically this means that the two extremes were considered as being different in kind.22

Vitt on the other hand suggests that the two extremes, rather than being different breeds, were in fact derived from the same base stock and that each of his four groupings graded into one another. He suggests that the base stock horses were probably quite similar to those of Group III and it was from these that the other groups derived.23 Group IV would have derived downwards due to ranging in the poorest and coldest mountainous regions. Groups I and II would have derived upwards due to selective breeding, intensive feeding, and stabling (which 20

ibid Rudenko, (1970), 28. 22 Devereux, (1965), 181. 23 Today’s nearest good horse country is c. 150km away by the Katun and Ursul rivers. The horses there resemble those of the Pazyryk Group III [Littauer, (1971b), 293]. 21

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would ensure sleek coats). What would have effected the greatest change, however, would have been their early gelding since “early castration extends the period of growth of the length (although not of the thickness) of the leg”.24 The lesser specimens were perhaps gelded later in life and so would have maintained their normal size. While Vitt’s theory does have its merits the possibility that outside blood had some influence in the development of the Group I and II horses should not be entirely discounted. Surely any breeder who actively sought to improve his stock through selective breeding, early castration, intensive feeding, and stabling would not have been blind to the advantages of introducing outside blood. The history of horse-breeding has always been that of cross-breeding the best native stock with whatever quality foreign stock could be obtained (whether by trade or by war). Gaebel believes that the finer examples of Pazyryk horses consisted of imported stock, however, he does not think that they were used for upgrading the local breed. Rather he suggests that the imported horses were used as symbols of the aristocracy’s wealth and power. He goes on to suggest the reason why these ‘finer’ horses were cared for differently to the regular stock. [since] upgraded horses had more demanding feeding requirements there was little incentive to upgrade the ponies, which could survive the winters in the open. More settled agricultural peoples would be in a better position to improve the breed in this regard. Almost all modern breeds are artificial creations, tending to degenerate if they are able to survive in the feral state.25

While this is an interesting theory it is still very unlikely that no crossbreeding took place between the two breeds. Even if the aristocracy had banned such cross-breeding (which seems unlikely) surely some determined Scythian would have succeeded in getting his mares covered by this finer breed even if it meant going behind the backs of the aristocracy.

24 25

Littauer, (1971b), 294. Gaebel, (2002), 53.

CHAPTER SEVENTEEN THE HEAVENLY HORSES OF FERGHANA

The last two centuries of the first millennium BC saw the horses of Ferghana (which Devereux suggested were represented by the ‘fine’ breed in the Pazyryk burials) lay claim to a fame equal to that which had been enjoyed by the Persian Nisaean horse in previous centuries (see chapter nineteen). The horses of Ferghana were reputed to have been descended from warhorses left behind in Bactria by the Persians and by Alexander the Great. Today the famed Akhal-Teke breed of Turkmenistan is claimed by some to be a direct descendant. The fertile valleys of Ferghana are located about the upper Syr-Darya River (eastern Uzbekistan) in the region known in antiquity as Bactria. While it is uncertain whether Ferghana lay within the Persian satrapy of Bactria it is likely that it lay within the bounds of what had once been the Greek Kingdom of Bactria (which fell to nomadic invasions sometime between 141 and 128 BC). This was an extremely fertile region rich in lucerne (alfalfa) like the Median plains where Nisaean horses were bred. According to Tarn: We have to think, not of the Afghanistan of today, but of a second Babylonia; a land of irrigation canals, where the Oxus and each of its tributaries were utilised to the utmost for cultivation, where Merv was the centre of one vast garden, and where the Samarcand district, said to be the most fertile land in Central Asia, was such a rich complex of water-courses and husbandry that its river, from which most of the water was drawn off before it could reach the desert, was known to Greeks as Polytimetus, ‘the most precious’.1

The tale that the horses of this region descend from Persian and Macedonian mounts survived well into recent times. Until very recently some Afghans still claimed to trace their descent from Alexander’s Macedonians and that of their horses from the cavalry mounts belonging to his army. 1

Tarn, (1966), 102.

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From Golden Samarkand and Ferghana the Russians too claim that the golden-coated Akhal-Teke breed stems from horses imbued with blood of Nisaean and Thessalian chargers carried down the generations.2

These are not just recent tales but ones that have been told throughout the centuries. Marco Polo in his travels noted the existence of this belief in Badakhshan (Bactria). You should know that very good horses are bred here … there used to be horses in this country that were directly descended from Alexander’s horse Bucephalas out of mares that had conceived from him.3

Such was the fame of Ferghana horses that they were the object of numerous expeditions by the Chinese (living almost 3,000 miles away across many inhospitable lands) who sought to cross-breed them with their own native stock. The basic stock of early Chinese horses seems to have been a Przewalskii-type horse similar to those used by Mongolians today.4 During the second century BC China’s greatest opponents were the nomadic Hsiung-Nu of the northern plains (the precursors of the Huns). Although Chinese horses would have been similar to those used by the Hsiung-Nu, the Chinese found their cavalry forces to be inferior to that of the skilled horsemen of the steppes and, therefore, they constantly sought to improve the breed and to acquire larger mounts. In 146 BC the Chinese Imperial Secretary proposed a decree banning the export, from the imperial domain, of horses more than thirteen hands high whose teeth were not yet smooth. This implies that horses larger than the wild horse were still somewhat rare and were considered so valuable that they must not be permitted to be lost to the imperial domain until they had reached an advanced age.5

Wu-Ti’s Quest for the Heavenly Horses6 An excellent example of the way in which, by seeking out the best horses for breeding purposes and for the improvement of native stock, 2

Hyland, (1988), 22. MP, pgs. 76 - 77. 4 Azzaroli, (1985), 104. 5 Creel, (1965), 655. 6 For detailed accounts see Creel, (1965), ‘The Role of The Horse in Chinese History’ & Hirth, (1917), ‘The Story of Chang Ch’ien, China’s Pioneer in Western Asia’. 3

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humans made a tremendous impact on the spread of the horse across the ancient world is the story of Wu-Ti and the horses of Ferghana. The Chinese Emperor Wu-Ti (140 - 87 BC) sought to put an end to the devastation which the Hsiung-Nu were inflecting upon China. He heard of a tribe (the Yueh-Chih) who had been driven west out of their homeland by the Hsiung-Nu and were now seeking revenge. After calling for volunteers to seek out and make an alliance with the Yueh-Chih he appointed Chang Ch’ien as envoy who, along with one hundred men, set off into the west in 139 BC. Chang Ch’ien was unfortunate to fall into the hands of the Hsiung-Nu who held him prisoner for ten years before he managed to escape and continue his journey. When he finally reached the lands of the Yueh-Chih the people were settled and prospering in their new home and no longer held interest in avenging themselves upon their old enemies. Chang Ch’ien spent some time exploring these western lands before heading back to China. He arrived home in 126 BC (having spent a further year prisoner with his former captors). One of the lands which Chang Ch’ien had travelled through was that of Ferghana which possessed ‘heavenly blood-sweating horses’.7 Wu-Ti greatly desired to obtain some of these horses for his stud and soon sent out an embassy to purchase some. But the men of Fergana reflected that China was far away and that the road lay through uninhabited desert areas without food or water. The Chinese came in parties of only a few hundreds, but even so they ran out of food, and over half died on the way. How could a great army reach Fergana? And their finest horses were their treasure; they refused to part with any. The Chinese envoys, enraged, cursed them and left. The people of Fergana responded to these insults by murdering the Chinese.8

This served only to enrage Wu-Ti who, in 104 BC sent tens of thousands of soldiers to take by force that which he had been unable to purchase with gold. Many of these troops died on the journey and the few thousand who arrived were soundly defeated. It was two years before the survivors returned home to tell their tale. Unwilling to give up, Wu-Ti amassed an even larger army of 60,000 soldiers not including porters and personal attendants. So that they would 7 ‘Blood-sweating’ horses still exist in this region today. The effect is caused by a parasite which is picked up in drinking water (it is known to exist in the Gorgan and Ferghana Rivers). At a certain point in its life-cycle it breaks through the skin creating the appearance that the horse is sweating blood. Hendricks, (1995), 7. 8 Creel, (1965), 662.

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have adequate food for the journey, he sent with them 100,000 cattle, over 30,000 horses, and tens of thousands of donkeys, mules and camels. Only 30,000 soldiers survived the journey westwards. They were soon besieging the capital city of Ferghana. After forty days the people killed their king and agreed to surrender some of their horses. The Chinese army left for home with several tens of the heavenly horses and over 3,000 stallions and mares of lesser quality. Only 10,000 soldiers returned bringing with them twelve heavenly horses and one thousand ‘lesser’ horses. These few horses, however, were apparently enough to form the basis of an improved gene pool for future Chinese cavalry horses as can be seen from the larger, more powerfully built horses that are depicted in later times.9 A Chinese Hymn written circa 101 BC, perhaps even by the Emperor himself, tells of the arrival of these famed horses. The Heavenly Horses are coming, Coming from the Far West. They crossed the flowing sands, For the barbarians are conquered. The Heavenly Horses are coming, That issued from the waters of a pool. Two of them have tiger backs: They can transform themselves like spirits. The Heavenly Horses are coming Across the pastureless wilds A thousand leagues at a stretch Following the eastern road. The Heavenly Horses are coming; Jupiter is in the Dragon. Should they choose to soar aloft, Who could keep pace with them? The Heavenly Horses are coming; Open the gates while there is time. They will draw me up and carry me To the Holy Mountain of K’un-lun. The Heavenly Horses have come And the Dragon will follow in their Wake. I shall reach the gates of Heaven, I shall see the Palace of God.10

9

Azzaroli, (1985), 104. Translation from Waley, (1955), 96 - 97.

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Possible images of these Heavenly Horses survive in rock engravings from the valley of the Aravan River in Ferghana which date to the last centuries of the first millennium BC. The engravings show stallions and mares preparing to mate. Azzaroli sees in them: all the marks of the noble breeds: small heads, beautifully curved necks, well rounded barrels and croups, slender, finely modelled legs. These features are so marked in the drawings that one cannot escape the impression that, with this rite, the draughtsman did not only intend to multiply his stock but to direct his breed towards an idealized model.11

The size of these ‘Heavenly Horses’ can be determined from later Chinese official documents. One document from the first century AD stated that Ferghana horses were “all of 7 chi in height” (7 chi equals about 15.3½ hands) while a tenth century A.D. document stated that “official horses were still of the stock of Ferghana which was extremely large”.12

11 12

Azzaroli, (1985), 84. Hyland, (2003), 29.

CHAPTER EIGHTEEN THE LANDS OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE

Within the bounds of the Persian Empire there were many excellent horse-breeding lands which, throughout the first millennium BC, constantly produced top-class horses famed across the ancient world. The Persian Empire at its height (ca. 480 BC) stretched from Thrace and Egypt in the west as far as Bactria and the River Indus in the east. Although horses were bred in almost all parts of the empire, the region which held the greatest repute was that stretching from Syria, across western Anatolia, and into the plains of north-west Iran. This almost continuous stretch of fertile land contained many of the famed horse-breeding lands of the ancient Near East. These included Urartu (Armenia), which took in the region surrounding Lakes Van and Urmia, the Nisaean Plains of Media (home to the famed Nisaean charger of Persian times), Coelo-Syria (the Lebanon trough) located along the valley of the River Orontes, and Cilicia. Right from the outset of the mid-second millennium BC, when the horse and chariot came to be firmly established in the Near East, these regions were influential in the breeding of top-quality horses. Texts found at Chagar Bazar (Tell Shagher) in northwest Syria, dating to the eighteenth century BC, refer to harnessed teams of horses, grooms, and trainers.1 The so-called ‘Kikkuli text’, which gives a detailed account on how to train the chariot horse for war, is thought to have originated in Mitanni (Armenia).2 The possession of these breeding lands and the horses they produced became one of the main focuses of the constant campaigns between the various nations of the Near East. One of the first nations to incorporate the vast majority of these breeding grounds into its empire was Assyria.

1

Moorey, (1986), 198. Goodall, (1977), 94. The oldest surviving copy, however, is a Hittite clay tablet dating to the fifteenth century BC.

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Assyria Although, at the height of its power, the Assyrian empire stretched from Egypt, north to the Caspian, and south to Babylonia, the Assyrian homeland itself was quite small - no bigger than Palestine or Wales.3 The basis of Assyria’s military power was her chariotry and later her cavalry which was one of the first ‘true’ cavalry forces to develop. It was this cavalry which enabled Assyria to extend and hold her empire and, therefore, the possession of quality horses was to become extremely important to her. The lands of Nairi (situated to the south of Lake Van) consisted of a loose confederation of small states which were often exploited by early Assyrian kings as a region from which they could procure prisoners, horses, timber, and metals. The campaigns of Tiglath-Pileser I (1114 1076 BC) provide a good example of the numbers of horses seized on various campaigns. In one campaign alone he claims I led away great herds of horses, mules, grazing cattle (?), and the flocks of their pastures, in countless numbers … twelve hundred horses, and two thousand (head of) cattle I laid as tribute upon them.4

Such seizures of horses and the succeeding tribute levied from defeated states aided in the establishment of horse-breeding in the Assyrian homeland when Tiglath-Pileser pastured many of them there. Herds of horses, cattle, and asses, which I seized with the help of Assur, my lord, in the lands which I brought under my sway, I have gathered together as the spoil of my hand.5

A mid-ninth century BC relief from Nimrud depicts Assyrian grooms tending their horses (Fig 18.1) - a scene which much have become increasingly familiar as more were brought into the Assyrian homeland. The continuing frequency of Assyria’s raids on neighbouring lands in later years, however, would seem to indicate that not enough horses were being produced locally to fulfil the needs of her armed forces. Such breeding as was carried out was always going to be on a limited scale. The small size of her homeland and the large population contained within it necessitated that the majority of Assyria’s fertile land be devoted to the production of crops rather than to pasturage. 3

Saggs, (1984), 2. ARAB I, no. 236. 5 ibid no. 253. 4

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Fig 18.1 – Assyrian horse and groom

Saggs goes as far as to say that the primary strength of Assyria was based on this very ability to utilize her fertile lands for corn crops. In every region … there are small patches of corn land to be found, but there are two large areas in particular which are conspicuously productive. They have always been so. One is the Erbil plain, described as ‘probably the best wheat producing region of Iraq’, and the other is the plain of Mosul. West of the Tigris there is another major belt of good corn land in the Jaziiah south of the Jebel Sinjar.6

Urartu By the tenth century BC the small states of Nairi had unified into the powerful kingdom of Urartu (Armenia) which, over the next few hundred years, grew so powerful as to be able at times to challenge the might of Assyria.7 It is probable that Assyria herself unwittingly played a part in the formation of this new kingdom. Zimansky claims that the constant military excursions undertaken by the Assyrians into this region over the centuries undoubtedly placed a severe burden on the disunified populations in the 6

Saggs, (1984), 5. Urartu became known as Armenia ca. 600 BC after an Indo-European people that moved into the area.

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highlands around Lake Van … defensive alliances that formed to counter the Assyrian menace would have become more solidly integrated as its threat assumed greater intensity and a more permanent character.8

Saggs further adds that while the region of Urartu may have unified partially in response to the threat posed by Assyria it also learned how to administer such a unified territory from the very same aggressor. Assyria’s constant plundering of the Urartean region would have necessitated the presence of Assyrian administrators to control and record deliveries of timber, metals and horses to Assyria … [and] … these must have familiarized the people of Urartu with much of the culture and infrastructure of a major kingdom.9

At the height of its power Urartean influence spread from the Caspian Sea right across eastern Anatolia as far as Cilicia and Syria. This put Urartu in possession of many of the major horse-breeding grounds in the region and so set her up as a rival to Assyria. The heartland of Urartu was located in the lands surrounding Lakes Van and Urmia. The area between Lake Urmia and the Caspian Sea is one of the few in the region that receives abundant rainfall.10 Other parts of Urartu received their water from rivers and irrigation schemes. This was (and is) a fertile land that excels in both crop production and animal husbandry. The land of Armenia, then is situated largely on an extensive plateau, surrounded by high mountains, well watered by rivers which perpetuate its natural fertility … The severe Armenian winters are fortunately followed by hot summers which help the rapid growth of vegetation … There are excellent mountain pastures and extensive fertile valleys … yielding their abundant crops of wheat, barley, millet, rye, sesame and flax, as well as vines. The uplands encouraged the breeding of sheep, goats and cattle, and the region was famous for its fine horses.11

Sargon II of Assyria in an account of his eighth campaign against Urartu (714 BC) lists the many great works carried out by the Urartean king, Rusa I (734 – 714 BC) to further improve the productivity of his land. Sargon mentions Rusa digging ‘countless’ irrigation ditches, 8

Zimansky, (1985), 48. Saggs, (1984), 80. 10 Yamauchi, (1990), 20 - 21. 11 Chahin, (1987) 27 - 28. 9

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increasing the output of fruit and wine, planting forests, increasing the annual yield of barley and sowing grassy meadows.12 The uncultivated fields of his farmland he turned into meadows [ ] and the vegetation of spring, grass and pasture, did not cease winter (or) summer. He turned (his land) into folds for horses and herds of cattle.13

Ancient records from Assyria mention numerous campaigns against Urartu, her allies, and her dependencies and of large numbers of horses seized as booty. In one campaign Tukulti-Ninurta II (890 - 884 BC) seized a total of 2,720 horses from the lands of Shubari, Gilzana and Nairi.14 Tiglath-Pileser III (744 - 727 BC) mentions receiving tribute of horses “white, sorrel and Harshaean” from Iransu of Mannaea.15 Tadmor believes it is possible that the term Harshaean originated with horses belonging to the city of Harsaya in Mannaea. Mannaea was a district, located in the lands about Lake Urmia, which was frequently fought over by Urartu and Assyria. The Assyrian records note that this region was highly important for horse-breeding. They specifically mention the great city of Ushkaia which stood on Mount Mallau, just to the north-east of Lake Urmia, guarding the pass into the Zaranda district and overlooking the plain of Subi. Sargon II, campaigning there in the eighth year of his reign (714 BC), said that the people who dwelt about Ushkaia were without equal in all of Urartu in their knowledge of riding horses. For years they had been catching the young colts of (wild) horses, native to his [sic the Urartean king] wide land, and raising them for his royal army.16

In later years the lands of Urartu were to retain their ability to produce large numbers of top quality horses. In the sixth century BC, Ezekiel (27: 14) declared that the Phoenicians of Tyre, who were accustomed to having the best of everything, got their horses from Togormah. This Togormah, or Til-Garimmu, was “on the border of Tabal”, in south western Armenia.17

12

Fales, (1981), 265, lines 200 - 212. ibid 265, lines 209 - 210. 14 ARAB I, no. 414. 15 Tadmor, Stele I B, 18' - 19'. 16 ARAB II, no. 158. 17 Drews, (1988), 113. 13

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Togormah and Tabal were lands which would form part of the area which the Romans later called Cappadocia.18 These lands were extremely fertile with plentiful pasturage to support large herds of animals. Cappadocia comprised the high eastern portion of Anatolia … and included in its area the lofty massif of Mount Argaeus (13,000 feet or 4,000 meters) an old volcano, whose lower slopes and piedmont, covered with a rich soil of weathered trachyte, tufa, and lava, merge into the fertile fields and meadows of Caeserea. This region produced the immense number of horses, mules and sheep sent yearly as tribute to the Persian kings, and the famous Cappadocian race-horses of the Roman Circus.19

The tribute that Cappadocia yearly paid Persia (aside from silver tax) consisted of fifteen hundred horses, two thousand mules, and fifty thousand sheep.20 In appearance these Cappadocian horses appear quite similar to neighbouring Armenian horses as can be seen from the fifth century BC Apadana reliefs (Figs 18.2 & 18.3). Both breeds are depicted on the Apadana frieze as stocky, muscular horses of about 14 to 14.2 hands in height. They have strong, solid legs, powerful haunches, and thick necks with prominent crests. The only significant difference is that the Cappadocian has a relatively flat head in profile whereas the Armenian has a much more convex profile (perhaps due to influence from the Nisaean horse of Media). Strabo says that twenty thousand foals were yearly sent from Armenia as tribute to Persia.21 As late as Roman times the Armenians were still breeding large numbers of horses and possessed a formidable cavalry. In 53 BC, when Crassus was marching against Parthia, the king of Armenia reputedly offered to supply him with a force of sixteen thousand cavalry - six thousand horse (presumably light horsemen) and ten thousand mail-clad horse - if Crassus routed his invasion force via Armenia.22

18

Hyland, (2003), xvi. Semple, (1922), 20. 20 Str., 11.13.8. 21 ibid, 11.14.9. 22 Plut., Crass. 19.1 - 3. 19

The Lands of the Persian Empire

Fig 18.2 (Top) – Armenian horse Fig 18.3 (Bottom) – Cappadocian horse

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The continual movement of horses between Urartu and Assyria was not, however, a one-way affair. Throughout centuries of struggle lands were won and lost by both sides and at times it was Urartu that exploited Assyrian possessions. Argishi I (785 - 763 BC) claimed that, when he over-ran Dayaeni (an Assyrian-held territory), he succeeded in “taking 28,519 prisoners and carrying off 4,426 horses, 10,478 head of cattle and 73,770 goats as well as quantities of gold, silver, and bronze”.23

Media Another important horse-breeding region that the Assyrians exploited on a regular basis was that of Media to the east which was reputed to possess fine horses.24 In the eighth and seventh centuries BC the Medes, who were later to gain a great empire based upon their cavalry, were divided into many tribes without any national unity and so were easy targets for Assyrian raids. Between the Zagros Mountains and the salt deserts of central Iran there were many long and narrow plains which were well-suited to the breeding of horses.25 Media was also home to the Nysian Plain which, in later years, was to become famed as the homeland of that great Persian charger - the Nisaean horse. The best representation of such a horse is perhaps that of the king’s riding horse from Apadana (fifth century BC) which portrays a powerful, large-bodied, muscular, and stocky horse with a large ram-headed or convex facial profile (Fig 18.4). The Nysian Plain was located south-west of the Caspian Gates near Ecbatana (present day Hamadan). Strabo described the plain as low-lying, very fertile, and “productive of everything but the olive”.26 Hyland believes that “it is possible that the breeding grounds were in the Vale of Borigerd, about 90 miles from Ecbatana”.27 Coins of Ecbatana frequently pictured the forepart of a feeding horse.28 When Alexander the Great was campaigning in this region in the late fourth century BC, there was reputed to have been fifty thousand mares pastured there which, although a vast number, is dwarfed by the one hundred and fifty thousand reputed to have been pastured there during the height of Persian power.29 Such numbers are surely exaggerations 23

Chahin, (1987), 73. ARAB II, nos. 148, 159. 25 Drews, (2004), 76. 26 Str., 11.13.7. 27 Hyland, (2003), 30. 28 Shipley, (2000), 281. 29 Arr., Anab. 7.13.1. According to Diodorus the numbers were sixty thousand and 24

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especially when one considers that the maximum numbers reported to have been secured by Assyrian raids into this region rarely exceed five thousand. If the Persians had been maintaining a herd of one hundred and fifty thousand mares just a century before Alexander’s time then what happened to decrease this herd by two thirds of its total number? No evidence survives which can give us an explanation. The numbers seen by Alexander (if indeed he did see them) are more likely closer to a realistic figure. In discussing this area of Media Strabo says that a certain meadow was called ੊ʌʌંȕȠIJȠȢ (horse-pasturing) and that during Persian times it pastured fifty thousand mares.30

Fig 18.4 – Nisaean horse from Apadana

In one instance during the reign of Tiglath-Pileser III (744 - 727 BC) we hear that one of his generals, by the name of Assur-da’inanni, carried off five thousand horses from Media.31 Similarly, in the ninth year of his reign, Sargon II (713 BC) received tribute from forty-five Median chieftains and carried off 4,609 horses and mules.32 one hundred and sixty thousand respectively. [Diod. Sic., 17.110.6]. 30 Str., 11.13.7. 31 Tadmor, Summ 3, 13' - 15'. 32 ARAB II, no. 24.

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Another account of Tiglath-Pileser III despoiling Media survives on a stele from the ninth year of his reign. This account, however, is much more revealing as it gives specific details not only of how many horses were taken but also of the regions in which they were seized.33 In total the inscription lists in the region of twenty cities that provided tribute of horses to the conquering Assyrian king. The numbers provided are quite uniform and perhaps can be imagined to be similar to tribute paid by other horse-breeding regions. The smallest number of horses offered by an individual ruler was thirty-two by Shataqupi of Uparia. Only four other cities provided similar numbers indicating perhaps that such places where relatively ‘small’ cities.34 The largest tributes were levied from Bardada of Sibar who gave three hundred horses and Shatashpa of Shaparda who gave two hundred. Apart from these exceptions, the remaining cities each provided one hundred horses, a number which possibly could have been the standard tribute demanded by Assyria.35 The inscription lists a total of 1,165+ horses obtained as tribute but, since the inscription is fragmentary, it is likely the actual total was much higher. The uniformity of the numbers of horses taken from each city suggests that Tiglath-Pileser was imposing a standard tribute upon subject cities and, as such, Assyria could expect to obtain similar numbers on a yearly basis from these cities as long as they recognized her over-lordship. It was access to such an important breeding region as Media which enabled Assyria to maintain her military forces and to keep up resistance to Urartu, especially when that kingdom had a stranglehold on many of the best breeding grounds in western Anatolia. Their mastery of Media … permitted their armies to develop a new and lethal quality of speed. By the eight century BC, cavalry had become vital to the ability of Assyria to maintain her military supremacy.36

33

Tadmor, Stele II B, 25' - 44'. It is important to note that the numbers of horses only include those cities that submitted to Assyria and offered tribute. Those that held out were sacked and therefore much more of their stock would have been seized. 34 Amaku of Kittu provided thirty-three while the cites of Ginizanu, Sadbat, and Sisad jointly provided one hundred and twenty. 35 130+ were provided by Bit-Ishtar ‘and its district’. Perhaps this may indicate that Bit-Ishtar had over- lordship over a nearby ‘small’ city. 36 Holland, (2005), 5.

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Babylonia As the power and extent of Assyria’s empire increased so too did the number of regions from which she could acquire horses. Babylonia, to the south of the Assyrian homeland, was an extremely fertile region in antiquity not just in horses but also in other livestock and crops. Herodotus tells us that all the lands of the later Persian Empire were parcelled into divisions each of which, alongside paying tribute, had to supply food to the Persian king and his army during different portions of the year. Babylonia, we are told, fulfilled these needs for four months in every year.37 Strabo further informs us that the land produced barley in quantities that no other land did.38 As far back as the thirteenth century BC Babylonia was not only breeding horses, but breeding horses of such of such quality that they were highly sought after in distant lands. The Hittite king Hattusili III, in a letter to Kodashman Enlil II (king of Babylon 1263 - 1255 BC), wrote “in the country of my brother there are more horses even than there is straw”.39 In another letter he wrote Send me horses, young good sized stallions. The stallions your father sent me were good but have broken down, and old horses have no stamina. At Hatti there is severe frost and an old broken down horse does not live long. Therefore send me, brother, young stallions.40

This does not necessarily mean that the horses of the Hittites were generally inferior to Babylonian imports. Azzaroli points out that, just twenty years previous to this letter, the Hittites had proved the superiority of their stock at the battle of Kadesh and he views this letter as a case of one king pleading bad fortune in order to secure a gift of foreign horses for cross-breeding purposes.41 In his first campaign against Babylonia (and her Elamite allies) Sennacherib (704 - 681 BC) claimed that: I returned to Assyria with 208,000 captive people, a huge spoil, 7,200 horses and mules, 11,073 asses, 5,230 camels, 80,050 cattle, 800,100 ewes - This does not include the men, asses, camels, cattle and sheep which my

37

Hdt., 1.192. Str., 16.1.14. 39 LM pg. 143. 40 Azzaroli, (1985), 29. 41 ibid 38

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troops had carried off and parcelled out among themselves.42

During Persian times Tritantaechmes, the son of Artabazus and satrap of Babylonia, “besides war chargers … had in his stables eight hundred stallions, and sixteen thousand brood mares, each stallion serving twenty mares”.43 As satrap of such an important province it is probable that Tritantaechmes could a very large cavalry force. If Herodotus’ numbers are accurate and if this stud of sixteen thousand mares was used for breeding warhorses then it is possible that the number was in the thousands. If there was only a twenty-five percent return in any given year, four thousand foals would have been produced. And again if only twentyfive percent of these foals were suitable for war that means Tritantaechmes could have fielded one thousand new warhorses every year. Worley theorises that if every Persian satrap had similar numbers in their provincial studs than you were looking at the something in the region of sixteen thousand stallions and three hundred and twenty thousand broodmares available to the Persian Empire as breeding stock for military purposes.44 It seems highly doubtful, however, that this theory could hold any real basis in fact given the diversity of the various satrapies in size, wealth, geography, and fertility. We have already seen that both Herodotus and Strabo extolled Babylonia for being far richer and more productive than other satrapies so it is likely that the numbers of horses in this particular satrapy were greater than in many others, with the exceptions perhaps being those satrapies which incorporated the most famed breeding grounds - Armenia, Bactria, Cilicia, and Media. Babylonia would certainly have been capable of producing more horses than the less fertile satrapies incorporating Carmania and Gedosria. Sixteen thousand stallions and three hundred and twenty thousand broodmares as a total figure for Persian breeding stock may not be far wrong for such a vast extent of land. This figure, however, would likely include not only the satraps’ breeding stock but also that of other lesser studs scattered throughout the empire.

Syria Syria constituted another important region for Assyrian horse acquisition, especially those lands in the vicinity of Coelo-Syria along the river Orontes (the Lebanon trough). 42

ARAB II, no. 267. Hdt., 1.192. 44 Worley, (1994), 61. 43

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The trough, which forms a broad U-shaped valley of gentle gradient, is drained by the Leontes and Orontes rivers …The Orontes, the longer stream, takes a leisurely course northward through an almost level plain, and at intervals spreads out in broad shallow pools, bordered by marshes, which in ancient times created extensive meadows for horses and cattle.45

From as far back as the eighteenth century BC we have texts from Mari (Tell Hariri) which mention horses being exported to Assyria from western Syria. In one particular letter Ishhi-Adad, the king of Qatanum (Qatna on the river Orontes), writes to Ishme Dagan, the king of Ekallatum (near Ashur on the Tigris), expressing his disgust at a substandard payment for horses. You are a great king! You indicated to me your wish to procure two horses and I sent them to you. And now you have sent me 20 minas of tin! Have you not had your desire fulfilled by me without any discussion and in full measure? - and now you have sent me this scrap of tin! Had you sent me absolutely nothing, my heart would assuredly have been sick for the sake of the god my father. The price of these horses with us here in Qatanum is 600 (seqel) of silver, and you have sent me 20 minas of tin!46

Another letter which was written by Zimri-Lim to the Lady Adad-duri also indicates that Qatna was an important centre for the horse trade. Zimri-Lim writes “about the white horses that are from Qatna, of which you are always hearing: those horses are really fine!”47 The lands to the south of Coelo-Syria, while not being able to support the same level of horse breeding as was carried out along the Orontes, still managed to maintain large numbers for their chariot forces, and Egypt regularly took advantage of this while campaigning in the region. As early as the reign of Thutmose III (1490 - 1436 BC) there are accounts of large numbers being seized. In the twenty-third year of his reign Thutmose captured from Megiddo 2,041 mares, 191 foals, 6 stallions and 924 chariots.48 As Hyland points out this seizure would not have constituted the total number of horses pastured in Syria. Thutmose would not have wished to completely denude Syria of her horse stock as this would have destroyed a potentially lucrative source of yearly tribute.49 Again in later years we see other Egyptian Pharaohs exploiting this region. In his Asian 45

Semple, (1922), 19. Laessoe, (1963), 60. 47 Dalley, (1984), 161. 48 ARE II, no. 435. 49 Hyland, (2003), 24. 46

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campaign of 1440 BC Amenhotep II crossed the Orontes and advanced as far as Kadesh and the Plain of Sharon securing as booty eight hundred and twenty horses and seven hundred and thirty chariots.50 This region continued to be an important source for horse acquisition over the centuries and Shalmaneser III (858 - 824 BC) conducted many campaigns against the king of Damascus and his allies acquiring large numbers of horses in the process. In his sixth year he seized 1,900 cavalry and 3,900 chariots (if ‘chariot’ here indicates both the car and its team then this would mean a seizure of 7,800 chariot horses) and in his eighteenth year he took 470 cavalry and 1,121 chariots.51 Tiglath-Pileser III, in his campaign of 734 - 732 BC, finally brought an end to Damascus as a political and national entity and was thus able to bring much of the land formerly under its influence into his empire. Syria was divided into three provinces - Qarnini (Qarnaim), Haurina (Hauran), and Gal’aza (Gilead).52 These provinces were later to contribute yearly to the Assyrian horse levies.53 The regions further to the south of Damascus do not seem to have been able to breed horses on the same scale without outside help. Some of the early laws of Israel reputedly forbade the breeding of horses, or even their importation, due to the lack of suitable pasture lands.54 Whether or not such laws actually existed is uncertain, however, such statements would seem to suggest that it was appreciated that Israel was not naturally an ideal location for horse-breeding. Horse-breeding could only take place when the kingdom was extended under David and Solomon (about the tenth century BC) to incorporate the plains of Sharon, Esdraelon, and Coele-Syria, as well as the fertile valley between the Lebanon and AntiLebanon mountains.55 We are told that Solomon had “fourteen hundred chariots and twelve thousand horses”56 and that “horses were imported from Egypt and Coa”.57 In later years Syria supplied horses to the Persians, and Alexander, after his conquest of the Persian Empire, founded a Royal Macedonian Stud near the city of Apameia on the banks of the Orontes. This 50

ANET pg. 246. ARAB I, nos. 563, 575, 611. 52 Oded, (1970), 178 - 179. 53 Postgate, (1974), 14 - 15. 54 Deut., 17.16. 55 Semple, (1922), 18. 56 2 Chron., 1.14 ; 1 Kings, 10.26. 57 2 Chron., 1.15 - 17; 9.25 - 28. Coa is another name for part of the region which would later be known as Cilicia. 51

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foundation continued as the royal stud for the Seleucids and, according to Strabo, thirty thousand mares and three hundred stallions were pastured there.58

Cilicia Lowland Cilicia (Que / Kizwadna) which lies to the north-west of Syria was also a region in which many fine horses were bred. Located between Mount Amanus and the Taurus Mountains, “lowland Cilicia … was a broad, well-watered alluvial plain, abounding in marsh meadows”.59 Like the marsh meadows of the Orontes this area was well suited for horse-breeding and there are numerous references to Assyrian seizure of Cilician horses. In the mid-second millennium BC the Hittite king Mursili II (1330 1295 BC/1321 - 1295 BC) had agreements in place with the king of Kizwadna to supply horses in times of war.60 Shalmaneser III (858 - 824 BC), who campaigned many times in this land, claims to have carried off much spoil.61 Although his inscriptions do not specifically mention horses as being part of the booty seized it would seem unlikely that they did not form at least some part of it. Tiglath-Pileser III (744 - 727 BC) did mention the seizure of Cilician horses. When Uassurme of Tabal (an Assyrian vassal in northern Cilicia) withheld tribute he was deprived of his throne and replaced by a commoner. The yearly tribute imposed upon this new king included 2,000 horses.62 Sargon II (721 - 705 BC), recorded the seizure of thirty chariots from “Kiakki of the city of Shinuhtu” when he had withheld his tribute. Sargon goes on to record that he gave the Cilician city of Shinuhtu “to Matti of the land of Tunni and added horses and mules to his former tribute.”63 This would seem to suggest either that the land of Tunni (Mt. Tunni in the Taurus Mountains) could only raise horses and mules after it had obtained this new Cilician land or that the addition of these lands allowed it to provide a much larger tribute of horses than it had previously been capable of. Cilicia retained its reputation as a breeder of horses long after the fall of the Assyrian Empire. Herodotus, when enumerating the tribute paid to the Persians by the various provinces of their empire, claimed that of the 58

Str., 16.2.10. Semple, (1922), 18. 60 Goodall, (1977), 94. 61 ARAB I, nos. 577, 582, 583. 62 Tadmor, Summ. 7, 14' - 15'. 63 ARAB II, no. 55. 59

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five hundred talents that the Cilicians paid, one hundred and forty of them went towards maintaining the horsemen who were the “guard of Cilicia”.64 He seems to imply that this cavalry was raised locally. The Cilicians, alongside their monetary contribution, had also to provide three hundred and sixty white horses yearly to their Persian overlords.65

Egypt and Kush Egypt was another region which supplied horses for Assyria’s warmachine. Tiglath-Pileser III (744 - 727 BC) claims to have taken some as booty after his victories over Mediterranean coastal cities of Kaspuna (alMina) and Tyre.66 Sargon II reports that Silkanni / Osorkon IV of Egypt (730 - 715 BC) sent him as a gift “twelve large horses of Egypt, the like of which did not exist in … [his] country” while Sennacherib (704 - 681 BC) claims to have captured many Egyptian and Nubian charioteers in his campaigns against the Judean king and his allies.67 There are also records stating that after Tiglath-Pileser III conquered Gaza he set up an Assyrian trading station which received gold, silver, garments, and ‘large horses’ from Egypt.68 If we take the above references to Egyptian horses alongside the possibility that the breed which the Assyrians called Kusaean derived from Nubia, then the evidence would seem to suggest that this part of North Africa constituted an important horse-breeding land. The horse first arrived in Egypt in the mid-second millennium BC and was quickly incorporated into the armed forces. Throughout the second millennium BC Pharaohs regularly supplemented their herds through the seizure of large numbers of horses during campaigns. Houlihan claims that the acquisition of horses was one of the priorities of the Egyptian army when on foreign campaign.69 We have already seen that, in the twentythird year of his reign, Thutmose III returned to Egypt from Megiddo with 2,041 mares, 191 foals, 6 stallions and 924 chariots.70 Hyland sees the preponderance of mares seized as an indication that Thutmose sought to establish his own breeding studs in Egypt.71 With such large numbers being seized it would not have been long before studs spread throughout 64

Hdt., 3.90. ibid 3.90. 66 Tadmor, 176. 67 Heidorn, (1997), 107. 68 Tadmor, Summ. 4. 69 Houlihan, (1996), 36. 70 ARE II, no. 435. 71 Hyland, (2003), 24. 65

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Egypt and very soon horses would have become a familiar sight to the populace. It is around this time that depictions of horses become common and the likeness to life which they display would suggest that the artists were quite familiar with their subjects. That breeding studs were successfully established can be seen from later accounts detailing the export of horses (such as those mentioned above during Assyrian times). Such exports were certainly well established by the time of Solomon (second half of the tenth century BC). Passages in Biblical texts (1 Kings 10: 28f. / 2 Chronicles 1: 16f.) mention such trade. And the exportation of Solomon’s horses was from Egypt. For a company of the king’s traders (customarily) took currency for exchange, and went up and exported from Egypt, (at the rate of) a chariot for 600 pieces of silver, and a horse for 150. And so with all the kings of the Hittites and the kings of Aram: by means of them (the merchants) they (the kings) exported.72

Another instance of Israel utilizing Egyptian horses occurred during Zedekiah’s revolt from the rule of Babylon (589 - 587 BC). We are told that “the prince rebelled against him [the king of Babylon] and sent messengers to Egypt, asking for horses and men in plenty”.73 The large numbers of Nubian (KUR ku-sa-a-a) horses mentioned in the Assyrian texts would seem to indicate that this land also took quickly to the breeding of horses. That Nubian horses were recognized as a breed separate to those of Egypt is apparent in the fact that they were named after Nubia (which the Assyrians knew of as Kusa) and not after Egypt (which they knew of as Musru). The importance of Nubia as a breeding ground for horses can perhaps be seen from the images from the tomb of Huy who was Viceroy there during the reign of Tut’ankhamun (1345 1335 BC). Here we see horses being transported to Nubia on Egyptian ships (perhaps for cross-breeding purposes) while other images show the Viceroy taking stock of his land’s produce which includes horses. One of the titles that Huy claimed as Viceroy was ‘Commander of Chariotry’ while his son, Pesiur, was entitled ‘Overseer of Horses’.74 The suitability of Nubia for breeding vast numbers of quality horses can clearly be seen from accounts of later times. During Medieval times this region became home to the famed Dongola horse which still flourishes 72

Arnold, (1905), 104. Ezek., 17.15. 74 Bibby, (2000), 109. 73

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there today.75 The Dongola horse appears very similar to the Nubian horses being received by Huy. Both breeds are small, with flat foreheads, flat (or slightly concave) head profiles, arched necks, short bodies, rounded hindquarters, and well set-on tails. They possess characteristics of the Breviligne type horse of Egypt (see below). Early Islamic writings from about the year 1000 AD speak of huge numbers of horses present in the region. The Tarikh al-Fattash says that the region south of Timbuktu was formerly inhabited by seven princes who each possessed 12,000 horses while the Diwan claims that Sultan Dunama b. Hume (first half of twelfth century AD) possessed 100,000 horses.76 While these numbers may well be exaggerated such claims do point to the reputation this region possessed on account of its horses. If such breeding was possible in those times then it seems likely that the case could very well have been similar in the first millennium BC. Although horses are not mentioned we can see the apparent suitability of Nubia for animal husbandry when the Egyptian Pharaoh Sneferu (ca. 2613 - 2589 BC) claimed to have captured two hundred thousand cattle there during one expedition.77 Kushite horses seem to have become increasingly available to the outside world with the beginning of the twenty-fifth (Nubian) Dynasty of Egypt. The Nubian king Piankhi (Piye) invaded and took over much of Egypt (ca. 728 BC) which he and his successors ruled until they were driven out first by the Assyrians and finally by Psammetichus I (ca. 656 BC). Piankhi and his successors were the first kings of Nubia (and Egypt for that matter) to be buried with their horses and stories were told in particular regarding Piankhi’s love of these animals. After he had defeated Namlot, the king of Hermopolis, we are told that His majesty proceeded to the stable of the horses and the quarters of the foals. When he saw that they had suffered hunger, he said: “I swear, as Re loves me, and as my nostrils are rejuvenated with life, it is more grevious in my heart that my horses have suffered hunger, than any evil deed thou hast done, in the prosecution of thy desire”.78

When Piankhi died he was buried with four richly caparisoned horses in the Royal cemetery at el Kurru in Upper Nubia. Other nearby graves from later Kushite history also contained similar burials. The el Kurru burial grounds lie very close to the fertile Dongola region. It seems likely 75

Hyland, (2003), 82. Fisher, (1972), 368. 77 Adams, (1984), 42. 78 ARE IV, no. 850. 76

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that it was from these rich breeding grounds that many of Piankhi’s horses came. Morkot believes “undoubtedly” that Nubia was in control of this region by the reign of Piankhi’s father Kashta.79 Assyria would have had even greater access to Egyptian and Nubian stock once Egypt had been incorporated into her empire. Esarhaddon conquered Lower Egypt in 671 BC, however, the country only lay under Assyrian sway for about seventeen years. About 656 BC Psammetichus I united Egypt and drove out the Assyrians. Elat suggests that the Kusaean horses mentioned in the Assyrian ‘Horse Reports’, which came from all over the Assyrian Empire, were unlikely to have arrived there before Esarhaddon’s conquest of Egypt. The horses, belonging perhaps to the Royal Egyptian stables, may have subsequently been taken as booty by the Assyrians and called Nubian after the dynasty then ruling Egypt.80

Elat is wrong to make such an assumption. It is quite probable that the Kusaean horses mentioned in these reports were available to Assyria before her conquest of Egypt. Even if she had no trading contact with Egypt Assyria could have obtained these horses through other countries which did. We have already seen that Israel was importing Egyptian horses in the tenth century BC and it is quite probable that Kusaean horses from Nubia also passed along the trade route through the Delta. Rommelaere believes that not one, but two, breeds of domesticated horse were introduced into Egypt at the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty and that the two breeds can be distinguished in Egyptian art predating the Amarna period.81 She compiled a chronological table of artistic representations of the two breeds which clearly showed that during the period which extends from the end of the reign of Thoutmosis III down to the beginning of that of Amenhotep II, a new type of horse had appeared in Egypt, characterised by a more rounded form.82

Rommelaere gives the name Longiligne to the first and Breviligne to the second of these two types.

79

Morkot, (2000), 162. Elat, (1978), 24. 81 Rommelaere, (1991), 34. 82 ibid 38. 80

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The paintings from which Rommelaere devised her theory all date to early in the New Kingdom Period. This period began ca. 1550 BC when the Theban princes overcame the last of the Hyksos rulers and reestablished Egyptian control of the country. The Pharaohs of this new dynasty (the eighteenth) soon consolidated their power and pushed the political and military frontiers of Egypt north to the River Euphrates and south to the fourth cataract of the Nile. The Eighteenth Dynasty also saw the revival and development of Egyptian artistic conventions which had lapsed during the Hyksos occupation. The best representations of the pictorial style of this period can be seen in the wall-paintings of the private tombs.83 Some of the best and most memorable of these tomb paintings are those of animals which the artists have depicted with great naturalism and life-like qualities. Mekhitarian states that the Egyptian artist was “unrivalled as an animalier” and that his “keen observation” and “consummate skill” enabled him to render “with discreet fidelity” whatever animals he chose to depict.84 Peck also speaks of the great naturalism with which the Egyptian painters depicted animal life and he attributes their realism to the close association in which ancient man and animal lived. Of all the categories of drawing that have come down to us those which depict the animal life of ancient Egypt offer the greatest variety and show the most incisive observation. In this century the specialized artist who styles himself ‘animal painter’ has all but disappeared. In the nineteenth century it was still possible for a painter such as Toulouse-Lautrec to experience a close association with animals important to the economy of his time; his drawings of horses, for instance, are among the most evocative ever done … For modern man, however, removed from a close association with animals, the depictions of birds and beasts created by the ancient Egyptian artist are even more impressive. Every variety of wild and domesticated animal is represented, many of them preparatory studies for the decoration of tomb walls, others simply the result of a momentary fancy on the part of the individual draughtsman.85

With this being the case it should follow that any major changes in the depictions of horses could very well be indicative of a change in breed as Rommelaere theorises. Mekhitarian, certainly, was taken by the great naturalism of the horses depicted on the tomb paintings and focused on one in particular from the tomb of Thanuny at Thebes (No. 74). 83

Mekhitarian, (1978), 39 - 40. ibid 42. 85 Peck, (1978), 51. 84

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Mekhitarian views this image as being Surely the masterpiece of all Egyptian art, on a par with the horses of the Parthenon frieze which it preceded by a millennium. Pricking its ears, whinnying, the mettlesome animal is chafing with impatience to be yoked to the chariot and to gallop into the fray. Here the masterly drawing brings out to perfection the dilated nostrils, panting mouth, flashing eye and quivering withers; the whole body, even the curves of mane and breast, is vibrant with tempestuous life.86

The breed of horse which Rommelaere named Longiligne (lanky / rangy) and which is best represented from the tombs of Amounedjeh, Rekhmire, and Menkheperraseneb has a bulky, narrow, and elongated head with a rounded forehead and a slightly convex face which gives its profile a hooked appearance (Fig 18.5). Its ears are long and placed close together with its wavy mane lying flat against a straight neck. It has a long back ending with an inclining croup, a narrow chest, thin / skinny thighs, and slender legs.87 Rommelaere believes that the mid-fifteenth century BC skeletons discovered at Thebes and Buhen are likely representatives of the Longiligne type.88 She compares this type to the modern day Akhal Teke and also the Dongola pony.89 She sees in it a number of similarities with the Przewalskii horse and believes that the latter may have been a source from which the Longiligne derived. It is interesting to note that certain exterior morphological characteristics (mane, hair, coat colour) of the Przewalskii horse are found on the Egyptian artistic representations which figure the Longiligne horse. That is, the face is relatively elongated, the coat brown with red highlights, the points are light, the region around the mouth is a sable colour and the tail is not entirely covered with long hair but you find the upper portion, that close to the croup full of short bristling hairs.90

86

Mekhitarian, (1978), 96. Rommelaere, (1991), 34 - 35. 88 ibid 39 - 40. 89 ibid 44 - 45. 90 Rommelaere, (1991), 35. 87

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Fig 18.5 – Rommelaere’s Longiligne type horse

The Breviligne (stocky / compact) type, the best representations of which appear on the tombs of Amenmose, Horemheb, Menna, and Ouserhat, had a smaller head with a large, short and flat forehead, and a straight, sometimes concave, face (Fig 18.6). The arch of the eyebrows are prominent which gives the Breviligne a very expressive look. Its ears are short, fine, and straight while its mane is crew cut. It has a short back with a large, rounded croup, a high-set tail, an ample chest, and strong limbs.91 In appearance it somewhat resembles the modern day Arab and Plateau Persian and Rommelaere views it as having been derived from the Tarpan.92 Rommelaere states that [the Tarpan, which is described by Bokonyi as] ‘an animal of small size but robust constitution, with a short head, large and flat forehead, flattened nose and small pointed ears’, corresponds precisely with the form of the Breviligne in the later Egyptian representations.93 91

ibid ibid 42 - 44. 93 ibid 38. 92

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The Breviligne, however, shows marked changes from the Tarpan indicating that even at this early stage selective breeding was being carried out in order to accentuate favoured traits. It is possible that this selective breeding incorporated influences from another horse that appears to have been influential at the time - the Caspian Miniature horse (see chapter twenty). The Breviligne horses display a great variety of coat colours white, black, chestnut, bay, and piebald and in appearance are less delicate than their wild ancestors.94

Fig 18.6 – Rommelaere’s Breviligne type horse

Not only does it seem that there were two types of domesticated horse introduced into Egypt during the eighteenth dynasty, it also seems that they entered at different times and that the second, the Breviligne, soon supplanted the Longiligne as the horse of choice. Why was this? The change in type coincided with a change in regime (from Thoutmosis III to Amenhotep II), which can often entail an artistic change of style, yet such was the difference between the two types noticed by Rommelaere that she believes it must indicate the introduction of a new type rather than a change in style.95 She feels that the Arab-like Breviligne came to prominence because it was a more haughty, proud, and photogenic horse than the Longiligne and that these qualities made it popular with the 94 95

ibid ibid 53.

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Egyptians.96 It seems unlikely that this would have been the sole reason for such a change. While the Breviligne may well have been more ‘photogenic’ it must have had other, more practical advantages, whether speed, stamina, or strength, from which it earned its favour. It is likely that the situation was similar to that which occurred in Mesopotamia where the small southern type (possibly derived from the Przewalskii) was gradually replaced by the larger and more robust northern type (possibly derived from the Tarpan) which was more suited to pulling heavy chariots and, with the development of cavalry forces, as a mount. It is also possible, as Bibby points out, that supplies of Longiligne horses may have dried up for some reason and so the Egyptians were forced to look elsewhere for their imports.97 Imports would have played an important role in Egyptian horse breeding at this early stage when they were still only building up their own home-grown stock.

Assyrian Provincial Horse Levies Although numerous records survive of Assyria securing large numbers of horses as spoils of war, at the height of her empire the majority of her stock would have been raised through a system of levies from subject territories. Once a land had been conquered and an initial booty had been seized it would have become a province within the empire complete with its own governor. It would have been the task of the governor to provide a yearly supply of horses for the central government and this he would have achieved either by taxing the horse stock of the provincials or by breeding horses himself on an Assyrian run provincial stud farm. A series of twenty seven letters known as the ‘Horse Reports’, thought to date from sometime during the reign of Esarhaddon (680 - 669 BC), were discovered among the Kouyunjik archive in Nineveh. The letters detail the numbers of horses (and mules) collected for the central government in the first three months of a single year. Levied horses were drawn from all over the empire, from places such as Arpad, Damascus, and Mansuate in the west and Lahiru, (Mat)Zamua, and Parsua (Persia) in the east.98 Postgate believes that such a collection formed part of the yearly military preparations of the Assyrian army. They include large amounts of draught horses, which must have been used 96

ibid 61. Bibby, (2000), 30. 98 Postgate, (1974), 15. 97

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almost exclusively for wars. The date of the deliveries ranges from the first to the third month; campaigns were begun in the fourth month … The deliveries were so timed to allow the assembly at Nineveh of animals needed for a summer campaign.99

The letters refer to two classes of horses levied - sa niri (of the yoke) and pethallu (cavalry). We are told that the sa niri horses consisted of two different breeds - the Kusaean (KUR ku-sa-a-a) and the Mesaean (KUR me-sa-a-a).100 The location after which the Kusaean derived its name is not known for certain but Postgate believes it may have been derived from the land the Assyrians knew of as Kusu (Nubia). Naturally this would not imply that all horses of this kind (some of which come from east of Assyria) were bred in Nubia, any more than today Arabian horses come from Arabia. All that is necessary is that the type of horse was, rightly or wrongly, associated with that country.101

As regards the Mesaean breed Postgate believes that its likeliest origin would have been the region called Mesu which lay to the east of Assyria in modern day Iran. As evidence for this theory he uses the fact that none of the letters (apart from number 25 whose translation is uncertain) mention Mesaean horses being levied in the lands to the west of Assyria.102 Dalley agrees with his general positioning further adding that “we may suppose that Mesu is on the borders of Urartu among the Manneans where, as we have seen, the best cavalry horses and riders were to be found.”103 Hyland goes further and locates Mesu in the valley of the river Jaghati which flows into the south of Lake Urmia.104 The lists of sa niri horses also included a small number of sibti horses. Sibti possibly indicated a levy of horses for a particular purpose. Postgate thinks that the term may indicate horses acquired not for war but for stud purposes.105 Whatever use they were put to they do not seem to have designated a separate breed. They are usually referred to as either KUR.MES 99

ibid 18. In cuneiform writing the form KUR preceeds almost all proper names for expanses of territory and is generally translated as ‘land’ [Zimansky, (1985), 93]. Therefore the terms KUR ku-sa-a-a and KUR me-sa-a-a respectively can be translated as ‘the land of Kusu’ and ‘the land of Mesu’. 101 Postgate, (1974), 11. 102 ibid 12. 103 Dalley, (1985), 43. 104 Hyland, (2003), 97. 105 Postgate, (1974), 12. 100

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si-ib-te sa KUR ku-sa-a-a or [si]-ib-te ku-sa-a-a and so would appear to have been selected from both the Kusaean and Mesaean breeds. The total number of sa niri horses levied in the three months came to 1,840+. This number consisted of 929+ Kusaean, 85+ Mesaean and 27+ sibti (both Kusaean and Mesaean). The remaining 799+ horses could not be allocated to a particular breed due to the damaged nature of some of the letters. The greater number of Kusaean horses reported against Mesaean is likely to be due more to the fragmentary nature of the texts than that the Mesaean was deemed an inferior breed. The pethallu (cavalry) horses occur in less numbers than the sa niri and their breeds (if they were different) are not indicated. As far as I am able to tell the riding horses on the Assyrian reliefs do not differ much from those used as draught animals, except in their trappings. One would expect the larger and stronger animals to be used by the cavalry, but we have here no indication of whether they constituted a special race, as most of the draught horses seem to have.106

Although the pethallu horses occur in less numbers than the sa niri (787+ as opposed to 1,840+) if we take into account that the latter would have been yoked to two-horse chariots then we arrive at a figure of 920+ chariots to 787+ cavalry. This gives us a good indication of the increasing importance of cavalry at the expense of chariots which had been the dominant military force in the Near East during the second millennium BC. The total number of horses levied in the three months of that year came to 2,627. Many more tablets relating horse levies no doubt existed but have subsequently been lost. The true number of horse levies available per year would certainly have been higher yet, nevertheless, levy numbers were still being supplemented with stock seized during campaigns. Constant warfare inevitably led to large numbers of horses being lost and so we find many references to continual campaigns where many thousands were seized. The Nineveh ‘Horse Reports’ are not the only such lists to survive. Another set which has been preserved are the ‘Horse Lists’ from the Fort of Shalmaneser in Nimrud.107 One of these tablets is clearly dated to 716 BC and is entitled “Muster of horses [(and mules?)].”108 No two tablets, however, are exactly the same. Some list numbers of horse, others list the 106

ibid 13. CTN III, nos. 85 & 98 - 118. 108 ibid no. 109. 107

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names of equestrian officers, while other, more intact, tablets list both. Since the lists are fragmentary total numbers of horses mustered cannot be determined for definite, however, in some tablets the numbers seem complimentary to the levies of the Nineveh ‘Horse Reports’ - no. 98 lists 2,205 horses (and 177 mules). Other tablets list horses in even greater numbers - no. 103 lists 3,377 horses and 100 mules. Both tablets 98 and 103 describe the horses as being KUR.MES indicating that they were of the Mesaean breed. This would seem to remedy the apparently small number of Mesaean horses represented in the Nineveh ‘Horse Reports’. Although both sets of tablets (Nineveh and Nimrud) seem to be similar in that they provide evidence for musters of horses, Dalley believes that the situations for which they were undertaken were different. No. 109 of the Nimrud tablets can clearly be dated to the 13th month of the year (early spring in our calendar) and so this muster takes place a few months prior to the beginning of the campaigning season which was the setting for the Nineveh tablets. Dalley takes this to indicate that the Nimrud tablets represent annual stock taking exercises carried out by the central administration rather than the actual mustering of forces for a military campaign as in the case for the Nineveh tablets.109

Decline of Assyria Just as Assyrian aggression in the lands of Nairi may have had a hand in the formation of the Urartean state, Assyrian aggression may also have had a similar effect in Media. Years of raids and enforced tribute may have contributed to the Median tribes unifying as a nation. Brown has taken it as axiomatic that the Assyrian intrusion into central and western Iran and the emergence of the Median state are causally connected phenomena and not merely coincidental.110

By the 670’s BC Assyrian tribute in this region had begun to dry up and so a key horse-breeding region was lost. With increasing unity among the tribes and possession of thousands of high quality horses the Medes were soon in a position to challenge the power of Assyria. The Medes first consolidated their power in the Zagros Mountains before expanding south towards Persia. According to Herodotus the Median King Phraortes subdued the Persians sometime in the latter half of 109 110

Dalley, (1985), 21. Brown, (1986), 109.

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the seventh century BC.111 By 626 BC the Medes were in a position to seriously threaten the life of the Assyrian Empire when they besieged the city of Nineveh. They were unsuccessful in capturing the city, however, due to the arrival of an army of Scythians which inflicted such a major defeat upon the Median army that their power was broken for a number of years. According to Herodotus these Scythians had entered the Near East in pursuit of the Cimmerians, whose entire nation they had driven from the steppe. In this pursuit the Scythians lost their quarry and, taking a different route via the west shore of the Caspian, entered Media where they ran into the Medians and prevented their capture of Nineveh. The Scythians then became masters of the Near East for twenty-eight years.112 The history of these two nations of nomadic horsemen in the Near East, however, is a much longer and more complicated one than that suggested by Herodotus’ account. The Cimmerians (Gimirrai in Assyrian) first appeared late in the eight century BC, almost a century-and-a-half earlier than the date suggested by Herodotus, while the Scythians (Iskuzai in Assyrian) do not appear until early in the seventh century (and so they would seem not to have been ‘pursuing’ the Cimmerians). The sources also indicate that the Scythians were menacing parts of the Near East for at least eighty years which is almost three times the duration which Herodotus gives to their rule. Even the origin of these two peoples is fiercely debated. Traditionally many scholars agreed with Herodotus that both peoples originated from the steppes to the north of the Black Sea. Phillips considers this to have been their homeland and explains Herodotus’ tale of how the Scythians lost their quarry by taking a different route. He suggests that the Cimmerians most likely entered the Near East via the pass of Dorial in the centre of the Caucasus which would have brought them into eastern Asia Minor. The Scythians, on the other hand, may have crossed the Caucasus via the Caspian route and hence into the lands of Mannea.113 Azzaroli also places the origins of the Cimmerians and Scythians in the Steppes. The Cimmerians, he claims, were settled there between the eight and seventh centuries BC and their chieftains had Iranian names.114 Azzaroli accounts for such names by claiming that the Cimmerians were a later wave of migratory peoples who had developed out of the Indo-European and IndoIranian groups which had already given origin to the Hittites, Kassites, 111

Hdt., 1.102. ibid 1.103 - 106. 113 Phillips, (1972), 129. 114 Azzaroli, (1985), 67. 112

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Iranians, and others of the previous millennium.115 As for the Scythians, Azzaroli suggests that they originated from the timber grave peoples who lived to the north of the Cimmerians in central Russia.116 More recently, however, a different interpretation of the origins of these two peoples has been gaining ground. For more than forty years a number of Assyriologists have been convinced that both these peoples originated in south-eastern Anatolia and north-western Iran.117 Most recently Drews has emphatically agreed with this theory and developed a very powerful argument in its favour. That is where the cuneiform documents locate them, and what personal names are attached to them seem to make sense as deriving from an Iranian language. So far as the Kimmerians are concerned, the Assyrian kings made little distinction between them and the traditional Assyrian enemies in Media and Mannea, which lands lay to the east and northeast: in Esarhaddon’s time the names Kimmerians, Manneans and Medians were virtually synonymous. It is thus likely that some of the men who are called Kimmerians in our sources had their home in the Iranian plateaus to the east and north of what in modern times has been called Luristan. The advent of good riding was apparently just as consequential for north western Iran as it was for the Eurasian steppe. While the innovation may have encouraged or forced the inhabitants of the Pontic-Caspian, Kazakhstan and Siberian steppe to abandon their settlements and become fully nomadic, the new riding skills enabled the inhabitants of north western Iran to raid the civilized lands to the west.118

If it is true that both the Cimmerians and Scythians had their origins in eastern Anatolia and north-western Iran then how does one explain Herodotus’ statement that they came from the northern steppes and the abundance of literary Greek evidence which names the nomadic people living to the north of the Danube in Classical times as Scythians? Drews points out that ‘Skythian’ was a name only the Greeks used and that it is as misleading as the term ‘Indians’ when applied to Native Americans. The people who inhabited the steppe north of the Danube called themselves Skolotoi. The Greeks called them Scythians because they resembled those peoples who “had ridden out of Iran to terrorize western Asia”.119 Both the Scythians and the Skolotoi were skilled horsemen and archers and both 115

ibid ibid 68. 117 Cozzoli, (1968); Lanfranchi, (1990); Salvini, (1984). 118 Drews, (2004), 119. 119 ibid 122. 116

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wore pants and conical hats. By the seventh century BC, however, these features were common across the entire Eurasian steppe. When the Cimmerians first began their devastating raids into neighbouring lands they would have early come up against the powerful Urartian state. The Cimmerians, however, were expert horsemen and the combination of their excellent horsemanship and the stamina and strength of their horses was to prove too much for the Urartean forces. The Urarteans, under their king Rusa I (734 – 714 BC) suffered a major defeat. The Assyrian Crown Prince Sennacherib, in a letter to his father Sargon II reported that: The troops of the Urartean king have been utterly defeated on his expedition against the Cimmerians; eleven of his governors have been eliminated [with] their troops; his commander-in-chief and two of his governors [have been taken prisoners].120

It is possible that the Assyrian king Sargon was also killed in battle against the Cimmerians. A badly mutilated tablet from the time refers to an Assyrian king who was killed in battle against an opponent named Espai. Although it is only conjecture that Espai was a Cimmerian Drews points out that if it was Kimmerian horsemen who defeated and killed Sargon the effect on Kimmerian morale and ambition would have been enormous: until 705 BC never had an Assyrian king been killed in battle.121

Assyrian records report that Esarhaddon (680 – 669 BC) defeated and killed the Cimmerian Teushpa and his forces near Hubushna (Cilicia / Tabal) ca. 679 / 678 BC.122 After this defeat they withdrew further west into Asia Minor where they over-ran the kingdoms of Phrygia and Lydia and the Greek cities along the Aegean coast. The Scythians, despite Herodotus’ account, do not make an appearance in the Near East immediately after the Cimmerians. The first mention of them in Assyrian sources is not until early in the seventh century BC. The sources portray the Scythians as inhabiting the country of Mannea around Lake Urmia (in later Achaemenid times this region of north-west Iran was generally deemed to be part of Media). Esarhaddon reported at this time that he defeated the Mannaean people who were allied with the armies of 120

Parpola, no. 31. Drews, (2004), 111. 122 ARAB II, nos. 516, 530, 546. 121

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Ishpakai the Scythian.123 The Scythians, however, were not greatly weakened by this defeat and for a long period of time this region of northeast Iran acted as an important power base for them. The suitability of this region for the Scythians can easily be explained – access to pastures and horses. The Urartean kings, while they held this region, kept in it enormous herds of horses and cattle. Mounted nomads who wish to found empires have always needed this kind of territory to raise and feed up horses for their cavalry, including remounts on which their power depended. Attila the Hun had such a base in Hungary for his attacks on the Roman Empire; so in the Far East had the eastern Turkish peoples and the Mongols in northern Mongolia.124

It has already been mentioned that by the 670s BC Assyrian tribute from Media had begun to dry up. While part of the reason was probably due to the beginnings of the formation of the Median state it seems that the Scythian presence in the region also played a substantial role. Two tablets addressed to the god Shamash question the safety of officials sent to gather tribute in Media. The first tablet, in which the crucial toponym is unfortunately damaged, asks whether those men who are “entering Me[dia] … to collect a tr[ibute] of horses”, would escape unharmed from “the troops of the Skythi[ans]” … The second tablet, in better condition, asks whether “the troops of the Skythians” will attack the delegation that went “to the district of Media” … in order to collect horses, and is now returning to Assyria.125

The two tablets date from the reigns of Esarhaddon (680 - 669 BC) and Ashurbanipal (668 - 631 / 627 BC) respectively and indicate that the Scythians must have played a role in Assyria losing out on her tribute from a large and important region in the mid-seventh century BC. Based in these fertile horse-breeding grounds the Scythians steadily became more powerful. Under their king Madyes they came to dominate much of the Near East for a number of years. They crossed Urartu (the kingdom disappears from the historical record about this time) and campaigned in Asia Minor where they finally put an end to the Cimmerians about 635 BC.126 123

ibid nos. 517, 533. Phillips, (1972), 132. 125 Drews, (2004), 113. 126 Phillips, (1957), 275. 124

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When the Medes besieged Nineveh in 626 BC the Scythians were at that time allied to the Assyrians and with their aid the siege was lifted. Assyrian power, however, was now on the wane and the Scythians were soon to take advantage of this.127 They over-ran her provinces in Syria and Palestine stopping only at the border of Egypt.128 When Madyes died (ca. 615 BC) the Scythians were defeated and their dominance was broken by Cyaxeres the Mede. According to Herodotus when the Scythians were collecting tribute from Media Cyaxeres hosted a feast for them. When they were overly drunk the Median king had the greater number of them killed and thus the Medes regained their power in the region.129 Earlier in his History, however, Herodotus had claimed that a band of Scythians had been employed by Cyaxeres to teach young Medians how to ride and shoot.130 Drews views this tale as an indication that at one time there was collaboration between the Medes and the Scythians, however, the later tale may indicate that the relationship turned sour and Cyaxeres had to forcibly subject them to his rule.131 Perhaps the slaying of the Scythians at the feast is a garbled reference to a purge of Scythian leaders by the Median king? With the rise of Median power at the end of the seventh century BC the Scythians disappear from the records of the Near East. Drews suggests that they were simply absorbed into the Median state. By the end of the seventh century BC the horsemanship and tactics of the raiders had been incorporated into organized warfare, and the raiders themselves had been gathered into a formal state, the kingdom of Media … by 600 BC thousands (and possibly tens of thousands) of expert horsemen … had been integrated into an army alongside infantry archers and spearmen, and all were coordinated by a chain of command. Kimmerians and Skythians had become Medes.132

127

The decline of Assyria was not just due to the rise of Media. Assyria had worn itself out through constant campaigning and very likely had over-extended in conquering Egypt in the middle of the century. The provinces of Syria and Palestine were beginning to show signs of imminent trouble and Babylonia was once again striving for independence. 128 Phillips, (1957), 275. According to Herodotus, Pharaoh Psammetichus met with the invaders and persuaded them with gifts and prayers to advance no further. [Hdt., 1. 105]. 129 Hdt., 1.106. 130 ibid 1.73. 131 Drews, (2004), 126. 132 ibid 123.

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The role that both the Scythians and Cimmerians played in the history of the Near East cannot be underestimated. Not only did they aid in bringing about the fall of kingdoms such as Urartu and Assyria they also introduced large stocks of quality horses into the fertile horse-breeding grounds of the region which would have had a great impact on existing stock. Furthermore they bequeathed an inheritance of skilled horsemanship to the peoples they came into contact with. This was especially true of the Medes who, with the fall of Assyria and the incorporation of the Scythians into their forces, were to become a major Near Eastern power on the basis of the strength of their cavalry. This basis of power was to be inherited by the successive empires of Persia, Macedon, Seleucia, and Parthia. With the subjugation of the Scythians into their ranks the Medes were once again besieging the Assyrian capital, this time in alliance with a resurgent Babylon. The fall of Nineveh heralded the collapse of the Assyrian Empire after which its territories were carved up by the victors. The path now lay open for the Medes (including their Persian subjects) to expand westwards through the Assyrian homeland, Urartu, and up to the River Halys in Asia Minor which became the border between the Median Kingdom and the Kingdom of Lydia. Babylonia was to inherit the southern portion of the Assyrian empire from Mesopotamia to Egypt. The Persian Empire, which was eventually to extend from Egypt and Thrace in the west as far as Bactria and the River Indus in the east, was the successor to the Median Kingdom. Cyrus II (559 - 530 BC), the Achaemenid king of Persia, overthrew the Medes in 550 BC after a long and drawn-out war. Once Media was under Persian control Cyrus found himself to be in possession of some of the most fertile horse-breeding regions in the known world along with an abundant supply of excellent horse stock. Horses from Cilicia, Syria, Nairi (Lake Van), Mannaea (Lake Urmia), and the famed Nysian plain of Media were available for incorporation into the Persian cavalry. By the time of his death in 530 BC Cyrus had subdued and incorporated into his empire Lydia (including Ionia and the islands), Babylonia, Parthia, Sogdia, Bactria, and parts of India. His son and successor Cambyses (530 - 522 BC) further added Egypt, Libya, Cyrene, and Cyprus. Tuplin suggests that the possession of such horses were crucial to the development of the Persian Empire: Cavalry must have been the real strength of the army of Cyrus the Elder because it alone allowed coverage of the great distances of the Iranian plateau. The implication might seem to be that Cyrus’ remarkable career of imperial conquest was predicted upon this aspect of his military

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Circa 516 BC, when Darius led a Persian expedition into Scythia, a conquest of Thrace was also begun and a Persian presence in that land was to endure until its last garrisons were driven out by the Athenian-led Delian League in the first quarter of the fifth century BC. It would be highly unlikely if, during this period of occupation, there was no crossbreeding between Asian and European horses. By the time of the Persian withdrawal many horses of Thracian blood would similarly have been introduced into Persian stud farms. The Persian invasion of Greece in 480 / 479 BC would also have made Thessalian and Greek horses available for breeding purposes. Both Thessaly and Macedonia were used as wintering areas by Mardonius’ army, which included many thousands of Iranian cavalry … Thessaly and Macedonia would have enjoyed an input of new horse strains for a period long enough to leave foals behind from indigenous mares.134

As well as leaving Persian horses behind in Greece many Persian mares would have no doubt carried the foals of Thessalian and Macedonian stallions back with them to be born in Persian studs.

Bactria and Sogdiana Cyrus’ empire also acquired further horse-breeding lands to the east with the most important acquisitions being Bactria and Sogdiana. Bactria, in the region of modern day Afghanistan, regularly provided mounted contingents for the Persian armed forces. One of the earliest literary references to Bactrian horses dates to early in the fifth century B.C. when Herodotus included them among Persian cavalry forces.135 Like Babylonia and Egypt, agricultural productivity in Bactria depended greatly upon irrigation systems which used the waters of the Oxus (Amu Darya) basin. The region was rich in lucerne (alfalfa) the extremely nutritious legume which was also found in Media and which helped that region become famous for breeding large, quality horses. We have to think, not of the Afghanistan of today, but of a second Babylonia; a land of irrigation canals, where the Oxus and each of its 133

Tuplin, (2010), 102. Hyland, (2003), 121. 135 Hdt., 7.86. 134

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tributaries were utilised to the utmost for cultivation, where Merv was the centre of one vast garden, and where the Samarcand district, said to be the most fertile land in Central Asia, was such a rich complex of water-courses and husbandry that its river, from which most of the water was drawn off before it could reach the desert, was known to Greeks as Polytimetus, ‘the most precious’.136

The neighbouring Sogdianaeans were also major horse breeders in their own right and possessed a formidable and skilled cavalry. Of all Alexander’s conquests it was that of Sogdiana which proved to be the most troublesome. A major revolt broke out there from 329 - 327 BC involving not only Sogdianaeans but also Bactrians, Scythians, and Massagetaeans. Bloedow believes that the revolt of Sogdiana came about as a direct result of a specific action undertaken by Alexander upon his arrival there in 329 BC. An event took place while Alexander passed through Sogdiana which appears thus far to have gone essentially unnoticed, but which must have been of the greatest importance in its implications. Arrian specifically notes … that while passing through Sogdiana Alexander ‘brought his cavalry units up to strength with fresh horses taken from the neighbouring country’ (III 30.6). Very soon thereafter Arrian explains that a party of Macedonians, while foraging for supplies, were attacked by native Sogdianaeans’.137

If it is indeed true that the seizure of these horses instigated a major revolt it can only have happened because the native peoples viewed their horses as being of exceptional quality and of extreme importance to their way of life and Alexander’s possession of them as very disadvantageous. In regard to the type of horses involved it would seem likely that they were a high-quality breed. The Persians made great use of Bactrian / Sogdianaean horses in their armed forces and the blood of this stock has been identified as having possibly been influential in the nobler breed possessed by the Pazyryk of the Altai Mountains. Judging from representations at Apadana (Fig 18.7), they seem quite similar to the Skudrian, Cappadocian, and Armenian horses in appearance and to the Skudrian in size (ca. 14 hands). In later centuries the quality of the horses 136

Tarn, (1966), 102. Bloedow, (1991), 26 - 27. Arrian tells us that the horses were seized in order to bring Alexander’s cavalry numbers back up to strength after the losses which they had incurred in the crossing of the Caucasus and the march to and from the river Oxus [Arr., Anab. 3.30.6].

137

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of this region was well known to the Chinese who spared no expense in their quest to obtain these ‘Heavenly Horses’.

Fig 18.7 – Sogdianaean horse from Apadana

As for the value which the Sogdianaeans placed upon their horses Bloedow is firm in his belief that such quality horses could only have been successfully bred if the Sogdianaeans held them in high regard. The probability that such horses existed in antiquity, then, allows one to posit that the breeding of horses and horsemanship was a priority among the inhabitants and also a long tradition.138

He also adds that the numbers of horses which were bred, and their successful use in war, further points to their value to the people of this region. Even after Alexander’s seizure of many of them the Sogdianaeans, along with some Bactrians, were easily able to muster seven thousand in a short space of time.139 That Bactria could potentially field a huge cavalry force is noted by more than one ancient source. In Aeschylus’ Persians 138 139

ibid 28. Curt., 7.6.13 - 14; Bloedow, (1991), 28.

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Artabes the Bactrian is described as the leader of ‘thirty thousand dark horse’ and Curtius postulates a total Bactrian cavalry potential of precisely thirty thousand horses.140 Examples of the success of the Sogdianaean cavalry in battle can be seen on many occasions during the revolt such as their defeat of the Macedonians near Buchara in the Polytimetus Valley and their attack on a garrison near Bactra.141 Due to their exceptional quality, numbers, and use in battle Bloedow suggests [that these] outstanding horses constituted the core of the military power of the Sogdianaeans and the Scythians (and probably of the Bactrians too), and therefore the very core of the guarantee of their freedom and independence. For a conquering foreigner to acquire the same power, and this at the same time by seizing their own outstanding horses - this was not only a case of adding insult to injury, but also of threatening their very freedom and independence.142

If this were indeed the case then it is understandable that Alexander’s seizure of significant numbers of Sogdianaean horses may have, in itself, been enough to spark off a major revolt. This does not necessarily mean, however, that he was wrong to do so. If Alexander had not brought his cavalry up to strength after the losses it had suffered he would likely not have been capable of imposing his rule over this region. While his seizure of horses may have instigated the revolt Alexander’s possession of them enabled him to crush it and consolidate his power in the region. Bloedow suggests that a modern parallel to these events would have been if the Americans invaded the USSR, conquered part of it and helped themselves to as much of the top Soviet military equipment they wished, and then used this to conquer the remainder of the country and employed it to maintain the occupation thereof.143

140

Aesch., Pers.318; Curt., 7.4.30. See also Tuplin, (2010), 148. Arr., Anab. 4.5.2. - 6.2; 4.16.4 - 17.2. 142 Bloedow, (1991), 29. 143 ibid 30. 141

CHAPTER NINETEEN THE NISAEAN HORSE

The largest and most famous of Persian horses was the Nisaean of north-west Iran. Herodotus tells us that these horses were so-called “because there is in Media a wide plain of that name where great horses are bred”.1 The reason that this particular region produced such exceptional horses appears relatively easy to explain. Although other regions possessed an abundance of grassy, fertile pastures they lacked one key ingredient possessed by the Nysian plain – Medic clover. This herb, today known as alfalfa or lucerne, contains chalk necessitating chalky soils (which the Nysian plain possessed) for its growth. This addition of chalk to the horse’s diet would have greatly aided bone growth and so produced a larger animal.2 Hyland details the advantages this herb gave the Nisaean horses. [Alfalfa is] a highly nutritious legume fodder and hay. The protein level of other hays, even those of premium quality, struggle to reach 7 to 10 per cent, with poor hays much less. Alfalfa can almost double the level to nearer 20 per cent. The nutritional aspect is significant. Over considerable time superior growth was established, the animals reaching their genetic potential so long as nutrition remained excellent and selective matings were used.3

In Herodotus’ lifetime (fifth century BC) it would appear that Nisaean horses were relatively few in number and were always associated with the upper echelons of Persian aristocracy.4 Strabo tells us that the Persian kings used Nisaean horses “because they were the best and the largest”.5 It is likely, therefore, that in the fifth century BC the term Nisaean referred 1

Hdt., 7.40. Goodall, (1977), 114. 3 Hyland, (2003), 30. 4 Both Azzaroli and Hyland agree Nisaeans were rare and reserved for the aristocracy [Azzaroli, (1985), 177; Hyland, (1990), 15]. 5 Str., 11.13.7. 2

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exclusively to a limited stock bred in a specific location in Media and that horses bred outside this specific locality were not viewed as the same breed. Herodotus provides us with good indications of the scarcity of this breed and the esteem in which it was held. In describing the forces of Xerxes’ army, which invaded Greece in 480 BC, he tells us that, after the first half of the main army, there came one thousand horsemen, “chosen out of all Persians”, followed by one thousand spearmen (also Persian). Next came “ten horses of the breed called Nisaean, equipped with all splendour”, followed by the “sacred chariot of Zeus, drawn by eight white horses”, which preceded Xerxes chariot, drawn by Nisaean horses. Xerxes’ chariot was followed by another one thousand spearmen and one thousand horsemen, then ten thousand footmen and ten thousand horsemen (all these troops were Persian). The second half of the main army brought up the rear.6 Here we have twelve thousand select Persian horsemen on unnamed breeds of horse. It would seem likely that if the riders were selected from the best Persian horsemen available then similarly their mounts would have been selected from the best breeds available. Most likely they came from many of the famed breeding regions – Cilicia, Coelo-Syria, Armenia, and Media. None of these cavalry horses, however, are likely to have been Nisaean even if some were of Median breed. The fact that Herodotus distinguishes Xerxes’ chariot horses by naming their breed would seem to indicate that he intended his reader to appreciate their difference to the regular Persian horses and so their association with the Persian upper ranks. If the regular Persian horse were of the same breed then the excellence of Xerxes’ horses would have been stressed by describing them as the select best of the breed in physique and beauty rather than simply stating that they were Nisaean. The only other specific reference in Herodotus to a Nisaean mount is that of Masistius, the commander of the Persian cavalry in Greece in 479 BC.7 It is possible that the eight white horses that pulled the chariot of Zeus were also Nisaean since we know of no other breed at that time which was held in more regard. The added importance of Zeus’ horses was that not only were they Nisaean but they were also white. White horses, due to their rarity, were held sacred by the Persians.8 When one of his sacred 6

Hdt., 7.40. ibid 9.20. 8 Many ‘white’ horses are not true whites but are born grey (sometimes black) and as they mature their coat lightens to white. These horses are officially termed ‘grey’ and have black skin. True white horses are born white and have pink skin. 7

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white horses drowned crossing the river Gyndes Cyrus was reportedly so enraged that he halted his army (which was on its way to attack Babylon) in order to punish the river by dividing it into three hundred and sixty separate channels.9 Later, when Xerxes’ army was crossing the Strymon River in Thrace the Magi sacrificed white horses to obtain a safe crossing.10 Dio Chrysostom seems to confirm the breeds of Zeus’ white horses since he specifically tells us that the team of horses which the Magi maintained for Zeus were of the Nisaean breed.11 We are also told that the general of the Persian forces in Greece in 479 BC, Mardonius, rode a white horse.12 Since his underling, Masistius, possessed a Nisaean horse perhaps Mardonius’ was both white and Nisaean. Whenever the Persian king travelled he was accompanied by horses from the royal stable, which were quartered near his tent. According to Quintus Curtius these numbered four hundred.13 The Persian prince, Cyrus, for whom the Greek ten thousand fought, also had his own private stud numbering two hundred.14 It seems probable that these select royal studs would have consisted of Nisaean horses. While Nisaean horses were apparently limited in number in the fifth century BC some ancient authors seem to seem to suggest that the situation changed in later centuries. According to Diodorus Siculus, when Alexander was passing through this region in the 320s BC, there were sixty thousand horses grazing in the plains.15 It is important to note, however, that Diodorus nowhere states explicitly that these horses were of the Nisaean breed. While it is possible that by this time (late first century BC) huge demand for the famed Nisaean horse led to a dramatic increase in its breeding programme another, more likely, theory is that increased cross-breeding of quality horses led to a number of breeds attaining a level of excellence equal to (or almost equal to) that of the Nisaean and hence Greeks became lax in distinguishing between them. Strabo (who also wrote late first century BC / early first century AD) tells us that twenty thousand foals were yearly sent as tribute from Armenia to Persia and it is likely that this trade in horse-flesh also went

Such horses are rare. [Hedge, (1999), 294]. 9 Hdt., 1.189. 10 ibid 7.113. 11 Dio. Chrys., Or. 36.41. 12 Hdt., 9.63. 13 Curt., 3.3.21. 14 Xen., Cyr. 8.3.16. 15 Diod. Sic., 17.110.6.

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the other way.16 Even if there was not an official policy of Persian and Median horses being exported to Armenia it is highly likely that many non-state breeders would have made imports to improve their native stock. Median breeds (though probably not Nisaean unless on a very limited scale) would have been exported to Armenia and, if by this time Greeks were confusing Nisaean horses with a wider range of breeds, it would be understandable that matters could become murky. Strabo claims that Nisaean horses were now also being bred in Armenia and that this new location was proving to be “not even inferior to Media” in producing this excellent breed.17 Indeed, such was the quality of the various breeds produced in both Armenia and Media that ancient authors were no longer certain which was the original home of the Nisaean breed.18 This seems more a case of various breeds being ‘bred-up’ in order to compete with Nisaean horses rather than Nisaean horses replacing other breeds, which had served their lands quite adequately for many centuries. While many modern scholars seem to accept that Strabo’s statements indicate a huge increase in Nisaean numbers this is unlikely to have been the case.19 Apart from accounts of tens of thousands of horses (not actually specified as being Nisaean) grazing in the plains nowhere are Nisaean horses ever indicated to be a widely bread commodity. They are only ever mentioned in limited numbers and associated with luxury and prestige. Tuplin certainly believes this to have been the case: The normal associations of Nisaeans in Greek literature are with luxury and privilege: they are the possession of kings, often expensively caparisoned, and beneficiaries of royal favor or the object of sacrifice to the gods, not the state-of-the-art tool of groups of hundreds or thousands of fighting men.20

Polybius, writing in the mid-second century BC (and so only about one hundred and fifty years before Strabo) mentions games held at Daphnae by Antiochus VI, who ruled the Seleucid Empire between 175 – 163 BC. In enumerating the forces that took part he lists 9,260 horses divided under various headings – ‘companion cavalry’, ‘cataphract’, and ‘picked horse’ for example. The breed of only one group of horses is mentioned and they consist of 1,000 Nisaean horses. As the breed of only these horses is 16

Str., 11.14.9 ibid 18 ibid 11.13.7. 19 Hyland, (1988), 9; Gonzaga, (2004), 56 - 57; Curtis & Tallis, (2012), 23. 20 Tuplin, (2010), 142. 17

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mentioned it would suggest that, as late as the mid-second century BC, Nisaean horses were still limited in number and very highly thought of. The sculpted reliefs on the Apadana Palace in Persepolis (fifth century BC) provide us with the best opportunity to study the probable physical appearance of the Nisaean horse. The reliefs depict scenes of twenty-three delegations of subject nations rendering tribute to the Great King. A number of delegations include horses and, since scholars are fairly certain in their identifications of the subject peoples, the identification of the various breeds of horse is also relatively certain. Identification is helped by the fact that there seems to have been an effort made by the sculptures to make a distinction between not only the subject peoples but also their horses.21 The king’s riding horses, pictured on the eastern stairway (Fig 18.4), are the most likely representatives of the Nisaean breed as they are closely associated with the person of the king and are closest in appearance to the literary descriptions of such horses. The images portray a powerful, largebodied, muscular and stocky horse with a large ram-headed or Roman (convex) face. Chenevix-Trench believes that its Roman nose and coarse appearance suggest a possible infusion of Przewalskii blood.22 Apart from its large size it is the Nisaean’s head that is its most striking feature. Firouz suggests that the massiveness of the head is due to a peculiar bone formation of the parietal, interparietal, frontal and nasal bones which are so highly developed that the head “swells” from the occipital crest to the nostrils in a bow of bone development, and the enlarged superior maxillary bones press up around both sides of the nasal bones extending the width of the lower facial area. The effect of this massive frontal development of the face in the Nisaean is to set the ears far back on the head, further emphasising the impression of power and intelligence in this unique animal.23

The Nisaean horses are of considerable height when compared to their handlers, perhaps reaching 15 hands (150cm) or more at the withers. Such 21

In 1972 a free-standing statue of Darius I, probably made in Egypt around 490 BC and later moved to Persia, was discovered at Susa. Along the two long sides of the base were twenty four cartouche fortresses each of which contained a picture of a subject people of the Persians with their identification engraved below in hieroglyphs. This subject list acts almost as a reference guide for the Apadana reliefs. For an in-depth examination of the identification of the Apadana subject peoples see Walser, (1966). 22 Chenevix-Trench, (1970), 19. 23 Firouz, (1970), 68.

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a height for Persian horses in this period can perhaps be confirmed in the osteological record. Azzaroli tells us that “Bokonyi (private information) observed remains of horses of strong build, standing up to 16 hands high, in a site in north-eastern Iran dating from the Achaemenian period”.24 One ancient description of Nisaean horses which does not seem to correlate with the Apadana reliefs is preserved in Oppian. He describes Nisaean horses as being “in beauty the most excellent of all horses … small of head but shaggy maned glorying in the yellow locks on either side of his head”.25 Perhaps Oppian is speaking of a different breed to the Nisaean. He was writing in the latter half of the second century AD at a time long after the Nisaean had achieved the height of its fame. He describes the Nisaean as being ‘small of head’ so perhaps he was confusing it with one of the ‘lighter’ breeds of Oriental horse. In examining the Apadana reliefs, Afshar and Lerner compiled a detailed chart of the measurements of the various tribute horses portrayed. Their results strengthen the place of the Nisaean as being the largest breed of its time.26 It is important to note here that the measurements taken are the sizes of the relief sculptures and not the sizes of actual horses. The closest rival of the Nisaean in size is the Cappadocian (Fig 18.3) yet still the difference between them is pronounced. The Nisaean horse is 16.92 % longer from breast to tail (76cm to 65cm), 4.95 % taller at the withers (55.1cm to 52.5cm) and its head is 12 % longer (28cm to 25cm). Strabo, as has already been mentioned, claimed that Nisaean horses were also bred in Armenia. If this were true we would expect them to be quite similar to the king’s riding horses. This, however, is not the case. In the reliefs Armenian horses (Fig 18.2) appear even smaller than even the Cappadocian horses. This would seem to be more evidence for claiming that Nisaean horses remained limited in number at this time. Four centuries before Strabo Xenophon (who having been a horseman would have been better placed to distinguish between breeds) stated that Armenian horses were smaller but more spirited than the Persian.27 The king’s riding horses are 24.59 % longer than the Armenian (76cm to 61cm), 5.96 % taller (55.1cm to 52cm) and 24.44 % longer in the head (28cm to 22.5cm). Although these measurements represent relief sculptures and not actual horses they should not be discarded as useless for determining actual sizes. There was definitely a determined effort by the artists to differentiate 24

Azzaroli, (1985), 177. Opp., Cyn. 1.311 - 315. 26 Afshar & Lerner, (1979), 45. 27 Xen., An. 4.5.36. 25

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between the various subject nations through depictions of their national dress and the particular tribute they brought. It seems unlikely, therefore, that a similar ethos did not go into their depictions of horse breeds. If the measurements used are representative of actual ratios between breeds, and if the Nisaean horses did reach heights of 15 hands, then we could postulate average heights of 14.15 hands for Cappadocian horses and 14.1 hands for Armenian horses.

CHAPTER TWENTY THE CASPIAN MINIATURE HORSE

In April 1965, along the shore of the Caspian Sea in northern Iran, a breed of miniature horse was discovered by Louise Firouz. This breed, subsequently named the Caspian pony, stands from 105 to 120 centimetres at the withers (10.2 to 12 hands).1 Although it is usually referred to as a pony, and although its height falls into this category by modern specifications, the Caspian is in fact a miniature horse in perfect proportions.2 A survey was carried out from July 1965 to August 1968 to determine the numbers of the breed and the extent of its range. On the basis of this survey it was estimated that there were approximately fifty small horses with definite “Caspian” characteristics along the entire littoral of the Caspian Sea, with the major concentration being about 30 in a 3,400 square km. triangle between Amol, Babol and Kiakola.3

Apart from the rare Caspian the majority of horses in this region were either of the stocky Mongolian pony type or the tall Turkoman type which averages about 15 hands at the withers. As such Firouz concluded that it was “virtually impossible for any of the remaining Caspians to be considered completely pure”.4 In appearance the Caspian closely resembles a smaller version of the present day Arab horse and possesses some of that breed’s unique features. Firouz describes the Caspian as follows. It has a short head, massively developed forehead, small ears and large protruding eyes. There is a pronounced development of the parietal bones and of the frontal bone from the occipt to the beginning of the nasal bones, 1

Firouz, (1969), 53. Dalton, (1999), 4. 3 Firouz, (1972), 2. 4 ibid 2

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which gives the appearance of the ears being set well back on the head. Some of the ponies also exhibit a marked development of the superior maxillary bones, giving the nose an ‘up-raised’ look. The back is short, the tail set on high, and the bone is fine but strong and dense. The hoofs are small, tough, and more oval than is normal for a horse. The coat is fine and short, thickening in winter, but becoming only slightly longer than in summer. There is no ‘feathering’ of the legs.5

The Caspian may very well be representative of an ancient breed for there survive a number of Near Eastern artefacts dating across thousands of years which seem to depict such animal. Littauer lists a number of artifacts which she believes may contain depictions of miniature horses.6 An Old Babylonian relief mould from the Isin-Larsa Period (ca. 2025 1763 BC) depicts a boy astride a small horse with a small head and ears, and slender limbs. This equid and others on similar plaques from this period seem definitely smaller and lighter than the Przewalski horse, whose height of 1.30m or more places him just under or already within the “large pony” class of the modern horse-show ring.7

Another Old Babylonian piece (ca. 2000 - 1600 BC), this time a terracotta fragment, depicts an early representation of a chariot being pulled by an extremely small equid which could possibly be a small Caspian-type horse.8 From Assyrian times there is an orthostat dating to the reign of Tiglath-Pileser III (ca. 744 - 727 BC) which clearly shows two distinct sizes of horse. The scene depicts a typical two-horse Assyrian chariot of the time followed by a youth riding a smaller animal. The latter is clearly a finely proportioned miniature horse rather than a pony.9 Later examples can be seen from the Achaemenid period and include the trilingual seal of Darius which depicts a pair of small horses pulling the king’s chariot during a lion hunt. The lion, which is shown rearing up on its hind legs, towers over the tiny horses. Goodall suggests that these horses probably belonged to a native strain which survives as the Caspian today.10 A famous golden model of a cart and horses uncovered as part of the Oxus Treasure (fifth - fourth century BC) presents finely crafted representations 5

Firouz, (1969), 53. Littauer, (1971a), 24 - 30. 7 ibid 24. 8 ibid 9 ibid 26. 10 Goodall, (1977), 116. 6

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of small, fine-limbed horses which also closely resembled the Caspian pony.11 The latest images of these horses come from the early Sassanid period. One relief dating to 260 AD from Naqsh-I-Rustam depicts the Sassanid king Shapur mounted on a tiny horse riding in triumph over the Roman Emperor Valerian who is similarly mounted. The feet of both men almost touch the ground.12 After this representations of the miniature horse apparently disappear and it would seem that use of this breed began to diminish. One late reference to this breed can perhaps be glimpsed in the writings of Timotheus of Gaza (sixth century AD) who claimed there were two breeds of horse in Media - the Nisaean and another smaller breed. The Medes are of moderate size, with small ears, and heads unlike a horse’s; they are courageous, but tire easily in the heat through difficulty in breathing. The Nisaean horses are noticed for their great size and feet that shake the earth.13

It would appear, therefore, that a small breed of horse, whether it was the Caspian or not, existed in the Near East from at least 2000 BC down to the early centuries AD and possibly after. It has only been in the last forty years since the ‘discovery’ of the Caspian pony, however, that many of the depictions mentioned above came to be accepted as miniature horses rather than ponies or hemiones. Just as these depictions may have formerly been misidentified so too may have many bone finds. The slenderness index of [the Caspian’s] metacarpal (one of the most commonly used criteria for determining equid species) has been found to fall within that of the hemiones. Hence it seems possible that some remains of harness animals of the late 3rd or early 2nd millennium BC hitherto dismissed as those of onager may actually have belonged to a true, if very small, Equus Caballus.14

These miniature horses seem to have been quite widespread throughout the kingdoms of the Near East which would indicate that they were much sought after. Miniature horses even seem to have been present as far west as Lydia. Azzaroli mentions that horses of a small size were uncovered from two tombs at Osman Kayasi near Boghazkoy (Hattusas) dating to the

11

Dalton, (1999), 4. ibid, 4. 13 Anderson, (1961), 27. 14 Littauer, (1971a), 24. 12

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mid-second millennium BC.15 The Syrian delegation on the Persepolis Apadana reliefs (fifth century BC) is depicted with small chariot horses quite similar to Caspians (Fig 20.1). Using the measurements taken by Afshar and Lerner these miniature horses, whose relief height is 36.5cm, would have measured about 10 hands at the withers. This size equates well with the modern Caspian breed. Firouz, who for many years lived close to Persepolis describes these horses not only as being similar to the Caspian but also to today’s Arab horse. They are fine boned, with elegant little heads and a pleasing alertness and expression of gaiety in their eyes. Their heads have the same unusual development of the Nisaean from the occipital crest to the end of the frontal bone, but this development does not proceed through the length of the nasal bones as it does in the Nisaean. The over-all effect of the swelling of the interparietal, parietal and frontal bones is to give the ponies a very distinct “dish” face. This bone formation is true today of the desert Arab; referred to as the “jibbah”, it is one of the first points of excellence to be looked for. The pony was probably fairly widespread in ancient days, possibly a domestic version of the indigenous horse of Iran.16

Determining the extent of any influence which this miniature horse may have had on the development of ancient Near Eastern breeds is difficult and any conclusions, as such, can only be highly speculative. Adamson, referring to a bone carving of ca. 2500 BC, suggests that by the mid-third millennium BC Przewalskii-type horses were ranging as far south as Elam (southern Iran) where they were utilised for traction and from there they spread into southern Mesopotamia.17 About the same time as this type was introduced and being used in the south a Tarpan-like horse was present in Urartu and northern Mesopotamia. This horse had been introduced by Indo-Europeans and was in wide use from early in the second millennium BC. Gradually over the centuries this northern type, due to its great size (which was probably a result of its access to some of the best pasture grounds in the Near East), replaced the southern type as the horse of choice.

15

Azzaroli, (1985), 28. Firouz, (1970), 69. 17 Adamson, (1984), 103 - 106. 16

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Fig 20.1 – Syrian (Caspian?) horse from Apadana

A similar situation seems to have held sway in Egypt where Rommelaere claims there were two different types of horse one apparently succeeding the other. Rommelaere terms the first Longiligne and considers it to have been derived from a Przewalskii-type horse. The second which replaced the Longiligne she terms Breviligne and suggests it may have been derived from a Tarpan-like horse. So we have a possible situation where Przewalskii-type horses from Iran were introduced into southern Mesopotamia and from there further west into Egypt. In later centuries a Tarpan-like horse, which had been introduced into Urartu and northern Mesopotamia, due to its greater size and strength, gradually replaced the former as the preferred type. This preferred type, however, although it displays characteristics which indicate that it derived from Tarpan-like horse, also displays certain characteristics such as a concave face, arched neck, high-set tail and fine limbs which suggests that somewhere along the line it received an infusion of outside blood. This infusion likely came from an ancestor of today’s Caspian miniature horse.

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It has already been shown, from the many depictions mentioned above, that such a miniature horse was present in the Near East from early in the second millennium BC and that it was much a more refined and elegant creature than the Tarpan. Once the latter had been introduced into the Near East it is very likely that some sort of cross-breeding would have occurred between the two breeds. The Caspian’s ‘Arab’ features soon became common in many ancient breeds. The Assyrian reliefs of Ashurbanipal (ca. 668 - 631 / 627 BC) hunting on horseback commonly depict horses with concave faces, flared nostrils, arched necks, short and muscular bodies, and a high-set tail.18 The Breviligne horse of Egypt also displayed definite ‘Arab’ features. Rommelaere described it as having a small head with a large, short and flat (sometimes concave) face, a short back, rounded croup, high-set tail, ample chest, and strong limbs.19 Although the Tarpan-Caspian cross appears to have become quite common in the Near East various depictions show that the pure Caspian type continued to be used down into Achaemenid times and beyond (although it was apparently limited to drawing hunting chariots and for ceremonial uses). Depictions of this miniature horse disappear after the early Sassanid period and sometime over the centuries both its range and numbers decreased dramatically until its rediscovery in 1965 around the shores of the Caspian Sea.

18 19

Hyland, (1988), 8. Rommelaere, (1991), 35.

CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE THE HORSE AND ARABIA

Throughout this book there have been a number of references made to ‘Arab’ horses or to horses which display ‘Arabian-type’ characteristics. It must be pointed out, however, that these references should not be taken to suggest that today’s Arabian horse breed already existed in the first millennium BC. There existed only breeds which displayed characteristics that in later times would become associated with the Arabian when it came into being. The most recognisable characteristics of the Arabian occur in the head. Edwards offers the following description: The head is unmistakable and unforgettable. It is short and of great refinement, the face being pronouncedly concave or dished. The nostrils are exceptionally large and so are the eyes, which are widely spaced and lower than in other breeds. The ears are small, fine, and sometimes curve inwards. A feature of the head is the jibbah, the shield-shaped bulge between the eyes which extends from the ears to the nasal bone.1

As for the rest of its characteristics: The Arab back is short and slightly concave, the loin is strong, and the croup is long and level … The root of the tail is set noticeably high on the croup. In movement, it is carried arched and well up … Arab limbs are hard and clean, but without excessive bone measurement under the knee of the forelimbs. The tendons are clearly defined and the feet are near perfect in shape and size.2

This horse, with which we are familiar today, and which is considered by many to be one of the best and most beautiful breeds in the world, did not come into existence as a fixed type until well into the Middle Ages. It seems that in the first millennium BC the Arabian Peninsula did not in fact 1 2

Edwards, (2002), 40. ibid 41.

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breed any horses or, if it did, they were too few in number to warrant mention. We can say for certain that at one time in the distant past there were horses in Arabia for in 1983 their fossilized remains (which the Palaeontology Department of the British Museum dated to the Late Miocene period ca. six - eight million years ago) were uncovered in Abu Dhabi in the east of the peninsula. Hyland says that the tantalising, possibly unanswerable questions arising from this find, is, did these prehistoric specimens have any evolutionary impact on the horses of the ancient world?.3

The most probable answer to this question is no. It seems unlikely that these horses survived in Arabia for long enough to influence the various breeds which entered the Near East from the third millennium BC onwards. The lack of later finds coupled with the horse’s absence from later pictorial and literary evidence seems to indicate that this fossilized breed did not give rise to descendants which were still in existence in the first millennium BC. Although at her height the Assyrian Empire drew tribute of horses from almost all the lands she came into contact with, she is never portrayed as drawing any from Arabia. In the many representations of Assyrian battles with Arabians the latter are constantly portrayed as riding camels and not horses. In later centuries, during the time of the Persian Empire, the same seems to hold true. Herodotus, in describing the various cavalry forces in Xerxes army for the invasion of Greece, states clearly that “the Arabians had the same equipment as the men of their infantry, and all of them rode on camels no less swift than horses”.4 Strabo, writing in the first century AD, provides good evidence of the lack of horses in Arabia proper. He divides Arabia into two regions. The northern region contained the desert lands stretching from Babylon in the east to Petra (Jordan) in the west and those lands to their north stretching towards Coele-Syria and Judaea. The main Arabian tribes in this region were the Agraeans, the Chaulotaeans and the Nabataeans.5 When discussing the Nabataeans, whose lands were centred around Petra, Strabo tells us that they were “well supplied with pasturage” and that there was a plain “which is well supplied with trees and water and is full of all kinds

3

Hyland, (2003), 32. Hdt., 7.86. 5 Str., 16.4.2. 4

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of domestic animals - mules among others”.6 Since the Nabataeans possessed mules, which are the offspring of donkeys and horses, it seems probable that they also possessed some horses. The Nabataeans had extensive trading links with Palestine and so it seems likely that such mules and horses as they possessed were obtained by trade since Palestine was a central point in the trading route between Egypt and the Near East along which numerous horses travelled.7 That any horses which the Nabataeans possessed were not natively bred (and therefore must have been imported) seems to be confirmed in a later passage where Strabo claims that in regard to horses the country was “not bearing, barren”.8 Since he had already told us that Nabataea possessed good pasturage and mules this should be taken to indicate that the country was productively barren, in that it did not breed horses, and not that it was completely devoid of them. Hyland believes that Strabo was wrong to claim that Nabataea bred no horses and that a much more reliable source is Josephus, who claimed that Aretas III of Nabataea (87 - 63 BC) had the use of ten thousand cavalry in his war against Antiochus XII.9 Josephus, however, did not indicate from where these horses originated and he certainly does not state that they were bred by the Nabataeans. The period between 110 - 70 BC saw a great rise in the power of the Nabataeans when constant Seleucid warfare, internally and with both Ptolemies and Parthians, drew the Nabataeans farther north, until they finally took Damascus. Syrian and even Egyptian territory became, about 100 BC, ‘prey to the previously unwarlike race of Arabs’, and this movement north and east continued.10

Given their rise in power and the expansion of their territory it is not inconceivable that the Nabataeans could raise a large cavalry force from their newly subjected territories or even greatly increase their purchase of mounts with their new wealth. Although in this particular instance cavalry are mentioned on other occasions it would seem that camels were still greatly in use. Josephus tells us that when Nabataea was attacked by 6

ibid 16.4.18. ibid 16.4.18 - 19 tells us that the Arabian tribes passed their goods in succession from tribe to tribe with the ultimate destination being Palestine and Mesopotamia. Since the lands of the Nabataeans bordered on Palestine they would have been the final negotiators for this destination. 8 ibid 16.4.26. 9 Hyland, (1990), 76; Joseph., BJ. 1.101. 10 Sullivan, (1990), 73. 7

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Alexander Jannaeus of Judea, Aretas III’s predecessor Obedas I (90 - 87 BC) laid a trap for his foe near Gaulane (near today’s Golan Heights). There “Alexander fell into the trap and lost his entire army, which was cooped into a deep ravine and crushed under a multitude of camels”.11 The southern region of Arabia below the lands of the Nabataeans, Chaulataeans and Agraeans stretched south to the sea. Strabo called this region Arabia Ǽ੝įĮ઀ȝȦȞ (fortunate, blessed). While the very northern portion of this region could be farmed (most likely the parts bordering on Mesopotamia and Nabataea) the majority of the remainder was sandy and barren and occupied only by tent-dwellers and camel-herds.12 Strabo gives no indication that this land was suited in any way to the breeding of horses. He goes on to inform us that in the extreme south of the peninsula farming could take place due to summer rains, however, he specifically states that, while here there was an abundance of some domestic animals, no horses or mules were bred.13 Evidence of this lack of horses in southern Arabia can possibly be discerned from the book Periplus of the Erythraean Sea by an unknown author of the first century AD. In this book the author provides us with a brief account of the settlements surrounding the present day Red Sea including a list of their imports and exports. On only two occasions with regard to the Arabian side are horses mentioned - we are told that they were imported by both Mouza and Kane two towns in the south-western corner of the Arabian Peninsula.14 The list of imported goods falls into two categories the first containing general imports and the second containing goods specifically imported for the kings and chiefs of the towns. The horse imports fall into the latter category which would suggest that they were luxury items which were either unavailable or limited in number in Arabia itself. Immediately after discussing the lands on both sides of today’s Red (Erythra) Sea (16.4.1 - 16.4.19) Strabo tells a confusing tale about horses being driven onto an island in that sea.15 Agatharchides, a fellow-citizen of Ctesias reports from a certain Boxus, of Persian descent, that when a herd of horses had been driven out of the 11

Joseph., BJ. 1.90. Str., 16.4.2. 13 ibid 14 Periplus., 24 & 28. 15 For ancients authors the name Red Sea denoted the present-day sea of that name as well as the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean although some authors, such as Herodotus [2.11 & 2.158], also referred to the present-day Red Sea as the Arabian Gulf. 12

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country by a passion-frenzied lioness as far as the sea and from there the herd had crossed over to a certain island, a certain Persian, Erythras by name, built a raft and was the first man to cross to the island; and that when he saw that it was beautifully adapted to habitation, he drove the herd back to Persis, sent forth colonists to that island and the others and to the coast, and caused the sea to be named after himself.16

Hyland believes that this story concerns horses driven out of Arabia and that, as such, it seems confused when Strabo’s earlier statements regarding horses in that country are taken into consideration. Nevertheless she goes on to claim that “obviously there was a semi-historical legend of horses in Arabia at one time”.17 Hyland is wrong to make such an assumption as the story should be taken for what it actually is - a typical Greek ‘naming’ tale. Such tales are common in Greek writings and should not be relied on for definitive historical information especially if that information is clearly contradicted elsewhere by the same author. What makes the contents of the Erythras myth even more doubtful is the fact that it is but one of many different stories concerning the origin of the name of the Red Sea. Agatharchides, who was Strabo’s source for the Erythras myth, also mentions three other possible origins for the name. The first was that the sea obtained its name from the fact that the mountains on the western side of the Arabian Gulf shine like burning coals, when they are struck by the brilliant and fiery rays of the sun; and that the sand dunes, which extend for many stades along the coast on the eastern side, are bright red.18

A second theory was that the sun cast blood-coloured rays onto the straits so that to observers the sea appeared blood-red in colour.19 The third theory mentioned was that when the Argive hero Perseus was in Aithiopia the sea was named after one of his sons - Erythras.20 Even if one were determined to suggest that the tale of horses escaping to an offshore island in the Erythras myth was true, it could still not be suggested that these horses came from Arabia. Although Strabo places his telling of this story immediately after his discussion of the peoples on either side of today’s Red Sea (16.4.1 - 16.4.19) the story actually takes place in the Persian Gulf. Earlier, when Strabo had been discussing this 16

Str., 16.4.20. Hyland, (1990), 25. 18 Agathar., 1.2. 19 ibid 1.3. 20 ibid 1.4. 17

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gulf he related the story told by Nearchus and Orthagoras that the island of Ogyris, which lay in the sea off Carmania (Iran) was reputed to contain the grave of Erythras who was king of that region and after whom the sea was named.21 And although the location of Strabo’s tale about Erythras and the horses may be unclear there is no doubt that Agatharchides (from whom Strabo obtained his version of the tale) located it in the Persian Gulf. Agatharchides tells us that [Erythras] lived not far from the sea and across from some islands that were uninhabited, not now but in the time of the Median empire … In winter he made his home in Pasargadae; and in spring he moved to his private estate for various practical reasons and in the desire to add some pleasure to his life by a change of this sort. Lions attacked a large herd of mares belonging to him and killed some of them. Some, however, escaped. Terrified with fear at the sight, they rushed to the sea. As there happened to be a strong offshore breeze, they leapt excitedly into the surf and at first swam along the shore; but as their fear did not abate, they turned and with difficulty reached the shore of an offshore island safely.22

This account seems to make it clear that the sea in question was the Persian Gulf and that the horses escaped from Persia and not Arabia. Erythras’ summer estate must have been somewhere to the south of Pasagardae near the coast. Burstein suggests that the island mentioned in the tale may have been Qeshm which lies on the northern side of the Straits of Hormuz.23 Oppian, writing in the century after Strabo, is also considered by some to have made a possible reference to Arabian horses. In his list of the best breeds of horse in his day Oppian mentions the Erembian.24 Later on, when discussing animals which were hunted in his day, he mentions the Erembian lion of Arabia Felix.25 Hyland feels that this is even clearer evidence than that provided by Strabo that there were some horses in Arabia.26 While these two passages would seem to suggest that the Erembian horse must have been Arabian this does not mean that it came from the Arabian Peninsula. To obtain a clearer picture other references to the Erembi must be examined.

21

Str., 16.3.5. Agathar., 1.5. 23 ibid pp 44 n.3. 24 Opp., Cyn. 1.172. 25 ibid 3.29 - 34. 26 Hyland, (1990), 25. 22

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The earliest reference to this people comes from Homer when Menelaos, relating the tale of his wanderings after the fall of Troy, says “over Cyprus and Phoenicia I wandered, and Egypt, and I came to the Ethiopians and the Sidonians and the Erembri, and to Libya”.27 Setting aside the question of whether the Sidonians mentioned had anything to do with Sidon in Phoenicia, Menelaos’ route passes from Phoenicia into Egypt, south to Ethiopia and the Erembi and then west to Libya - which seems to suggest that the Erembi were located in Africa. Once again Strabo shines a light on this puzzle. In commenting on the above passage of Homer he says that “those men are most likely correct who believe that Homer meant the Arabians”, however, he follows this statement by clarifying that most scholars also derived the name Erembian from eran embainein (to go to the earth) a name which later peoples changed to ‘Troglodytes’ for the sake of greater clearness. Now these Troglodytes are that tribe of Arabians who live on the side of the Arabian Gulf next to Egypt and Ethiopia.28

This location of the Erembian horse in Africa though is not cast-iron as, much later in his work, Strabo claims that historians still were uncertain whether the name indicated the Troglodytes or the Arabians.29 However, when one considers the lack of bone finds coupled with the dearth of inscriptional and pictographical evidence of horses in Arabia and Strabo’s clear statements that horses were not bred in that peninsula, an African origin for the Erembian horse must be preferred to an Arabian one. Before concluding this section some recent finds from Saudi Arabia need to be briefly discussed. In August 2011 online news sites began to report on astonishing archaeological finds from the site of Al-Magar in south-west Saudi Arabia. The site is alleged to date back almost 9,000 years to a time when this region of the Arabian Peninsula was undergoing a wet epoch after the end of the last Ice Age and a wide variety of flora and fauna flourished there.30 Numerous artifacts have been excavated including morter and pestles, grain grinders, pots, and stone carvings of various animals.31 The most interesting find was that of a partial sculpture of what appears to be some sort or equid. It is this find that has created so 27

Hom., Od. 4.83 - 85. Str., 1.2.34. My italics. 29 ibid 16.4.27. 30 Harrigan, (2012), 5. 31 ibid, 2. 28

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much controversy. Harrigan explains why: Eighty-six centimeters (34”) long, 18 centimeters (7”) thick and weighing more than 135 kilograms (300lbs), the carving has a rounded head, arched neck, muzzle, nostrils, shoulder, withers and overall proportions that clearly resemble an equid – a horse, an ass, an onager or some hybrid. But what makes it so very curious are its two distinctive tooled markings – one in relief from the shoulder down towards the fore-foot, and the other carefully, even delicately, incised around the muzzle. The question fairly leaps out: Were the people who inhabited al-Magar putting early forms of bridles on such animals? If so, they were doing it millennia before experts believe it was done elsewhere.32

The possibility that this find represents a horse, and one that may have been bridled and thus domesticated 9,000 years ago, has led to many in Saudi Arabia re-stating their vision of Arabia being pre-eminent in the history of horse breeding. When King Abdullah visited the site to view the finds he urged publication of the results “that proved that the Arabian Peninsula had precedence in taking care of horses”.33 It seems doubtful that this find actually points to horse domestication occurring in Arabia almost 5,000 years earlier than the evidence suggests it did in Botai. It has already been shown that up until the end of the first millennia BC there is simply no evidence or indication whatsoever that horses were bred, or even present, in Arabia and that it was not until the early centuries AD they began to appear there in any number. The animal represented by the partial sculpture cannot even definitively be identified and a horse. While it most likely does represent an equid it is more likely to be an ass or an onager than a horse. Sandra Olsen told Harrigan that “it is imperative to distinguish between wild asses and hemiones [onagers] versus horses”.34 David Anthony agrees with Olsen, telling Harrigan that in order to state conclusively that the find represents a horse “there need to be finds of definite Equus ferus caballus bones in good stratified context dated by radiocarbon”.35 As for the markings on the sculpture, which some people have suggested depicts a bridle, they could just as easily be representative of natural aspects of the animal itself such as musculature or coat markings.36 The dating of the site was based on a radiocarbon analysis of trace 32

ibid, 4. Abdul Ghafour, (2011). 34 Harrigan, (2012), 7. 35 ibid, 5. 36 ibid, 9. 33

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organic material found alongside some of the artifacts. The date range was determined to lie between 6590 and 7250 BC.37 It must be noted, however, that this dating was not tested on the stone artifact in question and, therefore, we cannot say for certain that the equid carving belongs to the same time period. It could very well be a much later object which was interjected into an earlier site. We have already seen this occur at Derevika where a ‘head and hoofs’ burial of ca. 700 – 200 BC had been dug into a site dating to ca. 4,000 BC (see chapter 3). For the time being the AlMagar ‘horse’ remains an intriguing find but not one that can be taken to indicate the presence of either horses or horse riding in Arabia ca. 9,000 years ago.

37

ibid, 2 - 4.

CONCLUSION

Even though a large amount of literature has been published concerning the history of the horse in the ancient world very little of it focuses its attention on the history of breed development. The majority of publications take the approach of discussing how the ancient horse contributed to human history through its role as transport facilitator and military machine. As a result such works tend to concentrate mainly on topics such as the origin and development of chariot and cavalry equipment and on changes in the military tactics used by chariot and cavalry forces over time. The aim of this book has been to shift the focus away from such topics and to concentrate more on the role that humans played in taking horses from the wild and, through their domestication and use as military machines, how humankind helped the spread of the many diverse breeds attested as existing across the ancient world. This direction was taken because it was felt that our understanding of the huge role which the horse played in the history of humankind could only be improved by our gaining an understanding of the equally huge role which humans played in the history of the horse when they made it a partner in human history. This book took as its topic an examination of the Greco-Persian World of the second and first millennia BC. This time period was selected for examination as it was during these two millennia that the vital role which the horse was to play in human history first became fully apparent. The second millennium BC saw the development of the chariot and the subsequent creation of vast chariot forces which were to form an important part of the armed forces of numerous lands, from Mycenaean Greece in the west to India and China in the far east, while the following millennium saw the gradual replacement of chariots with cavalry forces which continued to play a vital role in military warfare right up until the beginnings of the twentieth century AD. The region of the Greco-Persian World was chosen because of the great interaction between these lands during this period. The interaction between these two spheres during the second and first millennia BC was constant and extensive. There was a continual trade between the many nations of the eastern Mediterranean and the Near East throughout this period as well as cultural and military interaction. The Mycenaean Greeks

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had strong connections with both Egypt and western Anatolia and were often engaged in military action against Hittite dependencies. There was also much contact between the major powers of the Near East - Hatti, Mitanni, Assyria, Babylon, and Egypt. From the mid-fifth century BC the Persian Empire, which incorporated the majority of the Near Eastern lands covered by this book, was regularly engaged in warfare with the Greek World while the mid-fourth century BC witnessed the conquest of the Persian Empire by the Macedonian and Greek armies of Alexander the Great. This book has examined humankind’s influence on the history of the horse by an examination of the physical characteristics and particular attributes which the sources ascribe to the various horse breeds of the ancient world. Through an examination of the large-scale movement of ancient horses via trade and war, a clearer picture has been drawn of the possible geographical and racial origins of each breed and how much of an influence human actions have had on their origins and development. The examination of the origins and development of the various breeds of horse attested as having existed in the Greco-Persian World of the second and first millennia BC has revealed that throughout this period horsemen understood the value of cross-breeding horses for the purposes of introducing or improving particular traits, and that they were willing to go to great lengths in order to secure outside bloodlines for such purposes. Numerous examples cited throughout have shown that right from the very beginnings of the horse’s introduction into the Near East, early in the second millennium BC, the desire to improve horses through crossbreeding was present. Clay tablets dating to the eighteenth century BC indicate that there existed at that time a system whereby horses were regularly imported into Mari and Assyria from western Syria and Anatolia, while other tablets of the time indicate that many Near Eastern monarchs regularly sought and exchanged gifts of prized horses. From early in the first millennium BC we hear that the Kingdom of Israel was making good use of its strategic positioning along an important trade route to monopolize trade in Egyptian horses. A number of passages in the Old Testament indicate that Israel regularly imported horses from Egypt which were subsequently re-sold to various nations throughout Anatolia and the Near East. There also exist a number of tales concerning the forcible taking of horses for cross-breeding when those horses’ owners were unwilling to make a deal. Homer tells us that Aeneas’ chariot horses had been given to him by his father Anchises from stock he had procured by secretly breeding his mares to stallions belonging to the Trojan king Laomedon.

208

Conclusion

Polyaenus tells another tale concerning the Lydian king Alyattes who reputedly made a false alliance with the city of Colophon just so that he could lure its horseman into a trap, murder the men, and seize their mounts as his own. A more historically reliable tale is that of the Chinese Emperor WuTi’s quest to secure some of the Heavenly Horses of Ferghana. His desire for them was so great that he sent an embassy across almost three thousand miles of inhospitable land to purchase a few for cross-breeding with his native Chinese stock. When the people of Ferghana refused to part with any of their prized possessions Wu-Ti engaged in a highly expensive campaign against them over a number of years. This campaign cost the lives of tens of thousands of Chinese soldiers as well as the lives of tens of thousands of non-combatants and pack animals for the net return of just twelve Heavenly Horses. The great effort and expense to which ancient horsemen went in order to secure the best outside bloodlines for cross-breeding with their own horses played a huge role in the development and spread of the many horse breeds attested throughout the ancient sources. This constant crossbreeding coupled with continual movement of large bodies of horses via trade and war saw those horse breeds swiftly spread throughout all parts of the ancient world. It was because of the effort and expense which humankind put into the development and spread of the numerous horse breeds that horses were soon in a position where they could play a role that would hugely influence the course of human history.

ABBREVIATIONS

1 Chron. / 2 Chron. 1 Kings Ael. NA Aesch. Pers. Agathar. Alcm. Parth. Andoc. Pace ANET Apollod. Bibl. App. Ar. Eq. ARAB ARE [Arist.] Ath. Pol. Arist. Pol. Arr. Anab. Arr. Cyn. Arr. Ind. Asclep. Ath. Caes. B Gall. Cic. Q Fr. CTN III

The First and Second Books of the Chronicles The First Book of Kings Aelian, De natura animalium (On Animals) Aeschylus, Persians Agatharchides of Cnidus, On the Erythraean Sea Alcman, The Partheneion Andocides, De Pace (On the Peace with Sparta) Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament by J. B. Pritchard, (ed.), 1950. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca (The Library) Appian, Roman History Aristophanes, Equites (Knights) Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia (2 vols), by D.D. Luckenbill, 1968. Ancient Records of Egypt (5 vols.), by J. H. Breasted, 2001. Aristotle, ǹșȘȞĮȓȦȞ ʌȠȜȚIJİȓĮ (Athenian Constitution) ———— Politica Arrian, Anabasis Arrian, Cynegetica (On Hunting) Arrian, Indica Asclepiodotus, Tactics Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae (The Learned Banquet) Caesar, Bellum Gallicum (The Gallic Wars) Cicero, Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem (Letters to his Brother Quintus) Cuneiform Texts from Nimrud III: The Tablets from Fort Shalmaneser, by S. Dalley & J. N. Postgate, 1984.

210

Curt. Dem. Arist. Deut. Dio. Chrys. Or. Diod. Sic. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. Eur. Alc. Eur. Hec. Eur. HF Eur. Hipp. Ezek. Faliscus, Cyn. FGrH FHG Frontin. Str. Hdt. Hel. Aeth. Hell. Oxy. Hist. Aug. Alex. Sev. Hom. Il. Hom. Od. Isoc. Bigis Joseph. BJ Just. Epit. Livy LM Lucan Lucr. MP Opp. Cyn.

Abbreviations

Curtius Rufus, Historiarum Alexandri (History of Alexander) Demosthenes, Against Aristocrates Deuteronomy Dio Chrysostom, Orationes (Discourses) Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheke (The Library of History) Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Antiquitates Romanae (Roman Antiquities) Euripides, Alcestis ———— Hecuba ———— Hercules furans ———— Hippolytus The Book of the Prophet Ezekiel Grattius Faliscus, Cynegetica (On Hunting) Die Fragmente Der Griechischen Historiker, by F. Jacoby, 1963. Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, by K. Muller, 1849. Frontinus, Strategemata (Stratagems) Herodotus, Historiae Helidorus, Aethiopica (An Ethiopian Romance) Hellenica Oxyrhynchia Historia Augusta, Alexander Severus Homer, The Iliad ———— The Odyssey Isocrates, De Bigis (Team of Horses) Josephus, Bellum Judaicum (The Jewish War) Justin, Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus Livy, Ab urbe condita (History of Rome) Letters from Mesopotamia, tr. A. L. Oppenheim, 1967. Lucan, De Bello Civili (The Civil War) Lucretius, De rerum natura (On the Nature of Things) Marco Polo, The Travels Oppian, Cynegetica (On Hunting)

Horse Breeds and Breeding in the Greco-Persian World

Parpola Paus. Periplus Pind. Pae. Pind. Pyth. Pl. Alc. Plin. HN Plut. Alex. Plut. Cleom. Plut. Crass. Plut. Eum. Plut. Pyrrh. Plut. Sull. Polyaenus, Strat. Polyb. Soph. El. Soph. OC Stat. Silv. Stat. Theb. Str. Tac. Agr. Tadmor Theoc. Id. Thuc. Verg. Aen. Verg. G Xen. An. Xen. Cyr. Xen. Eq. Xen. Eq. mag. Xen. Hell.

211

The Correspondance of Sargon II Part I: Letters from Assyria and the West, by S. Parpola (ed.), 1987. Pausanias, Description of Greece The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (by an unknown author) Pindar, Paens ———— Pythian Odes Plato, Alcibiades Pliny, Naturalis historia (Natural History) Plutarch, Alexander ———— Cleomenes ———— Crassus ———— Eumenes ———— Pyrrhus ———— Sulla Polyaenus, Strategemata (Stratagems of war) Polybius, Historiae Sophocles, Electra ———— Oedipus Coloneus Statius, Silvae ———— Thebaid Strabo, Geographia Tacitus, Agricola The Inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III, King of Assyria, by H. Tadmor, 1994. Theocritus, Idylls Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War Virgil, Aeneid ———— Georgics Xenophon, Anabasis ———— Cyropaedia ———— De equitandi ratione ———— De equitum magisto ———— Hellenica

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources (Unless otherwise stated all Greek and Latin primary sources are taken from the Loeb Classical Library). Aelian, De natura animalium (On Animals) (3 vols.), tr. A. F. Scholfield, London, 1958 - 1959. Aeschylus, Persians, tr. H. W. Smyth, London, 1922. Agatharchides of Cnidus, On the Erythraean Sea, tr. S. M. Burstein, The Hakluyt Society, London, 1989. Alcman, The Partheneion, text & commentary by D. L. Page, Oxford University Press, 1951. Ancient Near Eastern texts Relating to the Old Testament, by J. B. Pritchard, (ed.), Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1950. Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia (2 vols), by D.D. Luckenbill, Chicago University Press, Chicago, 1968. Ancient Records of Egypt (5 vols.), by J. H. Breasted, Chicago University Press, Chicago, 2001. Andocides, De Pace (On the Peace with Sparta), In Minor Attic Orators vol. 1, tr. K. J. Maidment, London, 1941. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca (The Library) (2 vols.), tr. J. G. Frazer, London, 1921. Appian, Roman History (4 vols.), tr. H. White, London, 1912 - 1913. Aristophanes, Equites (Knights), tr. J. Henderson, London, 1998. Aristotle, ǹșȞĮ઀ȦȞ ʌȠȜȚIJİ઀Į (Athenian Constitution), tr. H. Rackham, London, 1935. —. Politica, tr. H. Rackham, London, 1932. Arrian, Anabasis, tr. P. A. Brunt, London, 1976 - 1983. —. Cynegetica, In Xenophon and Arrian on Hunting, with text and commentary by A. A. Phillips & M. M. Willcock, Aris and Phillips, 1999. —. Indica, tr. P. A. Brunt, London, 1983. Asclepiodotus, Tactics, tr. The Illinois Greek Club, London, 1928. Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae (The Learned Banquet) (7 vols.), tr. C. B. Gulick, London, 1927 - 1941.

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Caesar, Bellum Gallicum (The Gallic Wars), tr. H. J. Edwards, London, 1917. Cicero, Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem (Letters to his Brother Quintus), tr. W. G. William, London, 1953. Cuneifrom Texts from Nimrud III: The Tablets from Fort Shalmaneser, by S. Dalley & J. N. Postgate, British School of Archaeology in Iraq, Oxford, 1984. Curtius Rufus, Historiarum Alexandri (History of Alexander) (2 vols.), tr. J. C. Rolfe, London, 1946. Demosthenes, Against Aristocrates, tr. J. H. Vince, London, 1935. Deuteronomy, by A. Phillips, The Cambridge Bible Commentary Series, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1973. Die Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker, by F. Jacoby, Brill, Leiden, 1963. Dio Chrysostom, Orationes (Discourses) (5 vols.), tr. J. W. Cohoon et al, London, 1932 - 1951. Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheke (The Library Of History) (12 vols.), tr. C. H. Oldfather et al, London, 1933 - 1967. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Antiquitates Romanae (Roman Antiquities) (7 vols.), tr. E. Cary, London, 1937 - 1947. Euripides, Alcestis, tr. D. Kovacs, London, 1994. —. Hecuba, tr. D. Kovacs, London, 1995. —. Hercules furans (Madness of Hercules), tr. A. S. Way, London, 1912. —. Hippolytus, tr. D. Kovacs, London, 1995. Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, by K. Muller, Instituti Regii Franciae Typography, Paris, 1849. Frontinus, Strategemata (Stratagems), tr. C. E. Bennett, London, 1925. Grattius Faliscus, Cynegetica (On Hunting), In Minor Latin Poets vol. 1, tr. J. W. Duff & A. M. Duff, London, 1934. Heliodorus, Aethiopica (An Ethiopian Romance), tr. M. Hadas, Greenwood Press, Connecticut, 1957. Hellenica Oxyrhynchia, tr. P. R. McKechnie & S. J. Kern, Aris & Phillips, London, 1988. Herodotus, Historiae (4 vols.), tr. A. D. Godley, London, 1920 - 1925. Historia Augusta, Alexander Severus, tr. D. Magie, London, 1924. Homer, The Iliad (2 vols.), tr. A.T. Murray (1924 - 1925), revised by W. F. Wyatt, London, 1999. —. The Odyssey (2 vols.), tr. A. T. Murray (1919), revised by G. E. Dimock, London, 1995. Isocrates, De Bigis (Team Of Horses), tr. L. R. V. Hook, London, 1945.

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Josephus, Bellum Judaicum (The Jewish War) (3 vols.), tr. H. ST. J. Thackeray, London, 1927 - 1928. Justin, Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus, tr. J. C. Yardley, Oxford University Press, Atlanta, 1994. Letters from Mesopotamia, tr. A. L. Oppenheim, London, 1967. Livy, Ab urbe condita (History of Rome) (15 vols.), tr. B. O. Foster et al, London, 1919 - 1959. Lucan, De Bello Civili (The Civil War), tr. J. D. Duff, London, 1928. Lucretius, De rerum natura (On the Nature of Things), tr. W. H. D. Rouse, London, 1924. Marco Polo, The Travels, tr. R. Latham, Penguin, London, 1958. Oppian, Cynegetica (On Hunting), tr. A. W. Mair, London, 1928. Pausanias, Description Of Greece (5 vols.), tr. W. H. S. Jones et al, London, 1918 - 1935. Plato, Alcibiades, tr. W. R. M. Lamb, London, 1927. Pindar, Odes & Paens (2 vols.), tr. W. H. Race, London, 1997. Pliny, Naturalis historia (Natural History) (10 vols.), tr. H. Rackham et al, London, 1938 - 1963. Plutarch, Alexander, tr. B. Perrin, London, 1919. —. Clemoenes, tr. B. Perrin, London, 1921. —. Crassus, tr. B. Perrin, London, 1916. —. Eumenes, tr. B. Perrin, London, 1919. —. Pyrrhus, tr. B. Perrin, London, 1920. —. Sulla, tr. B. Perrin, London, 1916. Polyaenus, Strategemata (Stratagems of war) (2 vols.), tr. P. Krentz & E. L. Wheeler, Chicago University Press, Chicago, 1994. Polybius, Historiae (6 vols.), tr. W. R. Paton, London, 1922 - 1927. Sophocles, Electra, tr. H. Lloyd-Jones, London, 1994 —. Electra, tr. J. H. Kells, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1973. —. Oedipus Coloneus, tr. H. Lloyd-Jones, London, 1994. Statius, Silvae, tr. J. H. Mozley, London, 1928. —. Thebaid, tr. J. H. Mozley, London, 1928. Strabo, Geographia (8 vols.), tr. H. L. Jones, London, 1917 - 1932. Tacitus, Agricola, tr. M. Hutton, London, 1914. The Book of the Prophet Ezekiel, by K. W. Carley, The Cambridge Bible Commentary Series, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1974. The Correspondance of Sargon II Part I: Letters from Assyria and the West, by S. Parpola (ed.), Helsiniki University Press, Helsinki, 1987. The First and Second Books of the Chronicles, by R. J. Coggins, The

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Cambridge Bible Commentary Series, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1976. The First Book of Kings, by J. Robinson, The Cambridge Bible Commentary Series, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1972. The Inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III, King of Assyria, by H. Tadmor, Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, Jerusalem, 1994. Theocritus, Idylls, in ‘The Greek Bucolic Poets’, tr. J. M. Edmonds, London, 1996. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (by an Unknown author), tr. G. W. B. Huntingford, The Hakluyt Society, London, 1980. Text and Translation of Chapter 123 of Ssi-Ma Ts’ien’s Shi-ki, The Story of Chang K’ien, China’s Pioneer in Western Asia, by F. Hirth, Journal of the American Oriental Society 37 (1917), 89 - 152. Thucydides, History of The Peloponnesian War (4 vols.), tr. C. F. Smith, London, 1919 - 1923. Virgil, Aeneid, tr. H. R. Fairclough, London, 1916 - 1918. —. Georgics, tr. H. R. Fairclough, London, 1916. Xenophon, Anabasis, tr. C. L. Brownson, London, 1922. —. Cyropaedia (2 vols.), tr. W. Miller, London, 1914. —. Hellenica (2 vols.), tr. C. L. Brownson, London, 1918 - 1921. —. On Horsemanship, tr. M. H. Morgan, J. A. Allen & Co. Ltd., London, 1962. —. De equitandi ratione (On Horsemanship), In Scripta Minora, tr. E. C. Marchant, London, 1925. —. De equitum magisto (The Cavalry Commander), In Scripta Minora, tr. E. C. Marchant, London, 1925.

Secondary Sources Abdul Ghafour, P. K., (2011), ‘Rare artifacts excavated in Kingdom’s Al-Maqar area’, Arab News 23 August 2011, http://www.arabnews.com/node/388589 Adams, W. Y., (1984), ‘The First Colonial Empire: Egypt in Nubia, 3200 - 1200 BC’, Comparative Studies in Society and History 26 No. 1, 36 71. Adamson, P. B., (1984), ‘Domestication of the Horse in the Ancient Middle East’, Veterinary History 3 (new series) no. 3, 101 - 109. Afshar, A. & Lerner, J., (1979), ‘The horses of the ancient Persian Empire at Persepolis’, Antiquity 53, 44 - 47. Anderson, J. K., (1961), Ancient Greek Horsemanship, London.

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INDEX HORSE BREEDS AND TYPES (ANCIENT AND MODERN) Achaean............................ 76, 97, 98 Aenian ........................................108 Akhal-Teke........ 103, 139, 140, 142, 143, 167 Andalusian .................................. 15 Apulian ........................................ 77 Arabian .......... 12, 97, 139, 140, 168, 169, 171, 191, 194, 196, 197, 202 Arcadian ........................... 79, 80, 82 Argolic ........................................ 79 Armenian... 109, 152, 153, 181, 189, 190 Assyrian ............... 29, 148, 149, 160 Asturcon ...................................... 15 Babylonian .........................157, 158 Bactrian .............. 103, 180, 181, 183 Barb ............................................. 33 Berber.......................................... 33 Bistonian ....................................108 Boeotian ...................................... 79 Breviligne .164, 165, 168 - 170, 195, 196 Campanian .................................123 Cappadocian ...... 109, 152, 153, 181, 189, 190 Carthaginian ...............................132 Carthusian ................................... 15 Caspian ..................... 169, 191 - 196 Celtic ....................................14, 138 Chinese ............................... 143, 145 Cilician .......................................161 Cumaean ....................................124 Cyrenaean...................................132 Dongola ...................... 163, 164, 167 Egyptian ... 5, 32, 162, 163, 165, 207 Epeian ....................................79, 88 Epidaurian ..............................79, 84

Erembian ........................... 202, 203 Ferghana .... 103, 139, 142, 143, 144, 146, 208 Garrano ........................................ 15 Greek ...... 79, 80, 95 - 99, 105, 109, 180 Ibenian ....................................... 138 Iberian ......................... 5, 14, 15, 33 Icelandic ...................................... 96 Iranian ............................... 105, 180 Italian........................................... 77 Kolaxaian .................................. 138 Kusaean ..............162, 165, 171, 172 Libyan ................................. 34, 134 Longiligne ........ 165, 167 - 170, 195 Lusitano ....................................... 15 Lydian ................................... 74, 75 Macedonian.................111, 142, 180 Median........................111, 185, 187 Mesaean............................ 171 - 173 Messenian .............................. 79, 87 Mongolian ......................... 136, 191 Mustang ..................................... 114 Nisaean ...... 109, 142, 143, 147, 152, 154, 155, 184 - 190, 193, 194 Nubian .............................. 163 - 165 Numidian ............................. 34, 134 Pazyryk...............139, 141, 142, 181 Pelian ........................................... 79 Peloponnesian............................ 137 Pergamon............................... 74, 75 Persian103, 105, 106, 109, 111, 142, 158, 180, 184, 185, 189 Plateau Persian .......................... 168 Polish Primitive Horse ................. 13 Pottoka......................................... 15 Przewalskii .... 1, 11 - 14, 21, 22, 33, 97, 136, 143, 167, 170, 194, 195

Index

226 Scythian....103, 109, 111, 114, 136 140, 183 Sicilian .......................................137 Sigynnae ............... 97, 109, 114, 136 Skudrian ..................... 109, 110, 181 Skyros ............ 96, 97, 111, 112, 126 Sogdianaean ..................... 181 - 183 Sorraia ....................................15, 33 Spanish ........................................ 15 Spartan ........................................ 85 Sybariot ......................................122

Syrian ................................ 194, 195 Takhi ........................................... 12 Tarpan ..... 13, 14, 29, 33, 108, 168 170, 194, 195, 196 Thessalian ........ 102 - 106, 112, 137, 143, 180 Thracian.... 108 - 111, 113, 114, 180 Trojan ....................... 35, 73, 75 - 78 Turkoman .......................... 139, 191 Venetic ..................... 113 - 115, 126 Zebro ........................................... 15

HORSE RELATED TERMS Bitting .................. 4, 19, 20 - 22, 57, 123 Brands Axe ................................................. 94 Caduceus ................................. 94, 111 Dolphin ........................................... 94 Ox-head .................................. 94, 102 Wolf .............................................. 114 Breeding......... 4 - 6, 30, 31, 33, 34, 72 - 74, 79 - 88, 91, 93, 98 -103, 105 - 107, 109, 111 - 115, 118, 122 - 128, 131, 132, 134, 138, 140, 141, 143, 147, 148, 150 152, 154, 156 - 165, 169, 170, 173, 177, 179, 180, 182, 185, 186, 196, 200, 204, 207, 208 Bridle......................... 4, 31, 74, 134, 204 Burial........ 19, 20, 28, 30, 32, 35, 53, 57, 112, 136, 138, 140, 142, 164, 205 Castration .................................. 139, 141 Cavalry ........ 1 - 5, 18, 24, 29, 34, 43, 44, 46, 49, 52, 53, 55, 56 - 59, 61, 67, 74, 75, 79, 80, 84 - 86, 90 - 96, 98, 99, 102, 103, 105, 107, 111, 112, 118 - 125, 127 - 130, 134, 142, 143, 145, 148, 152, 154, 156, 158, 160, 162, 170 - 172, 177, 179 - 183, 185, 187, 198, 199, 206 Chariot...... 1 - 6, 24, 26 - 69, 73, 77, 86 89, 92, 93, 104, 108, 118, 126 -

128, 131 - 133, 147, 148, 159 163, 167, 170, 172, 185, 192, 194, 196, 206, 207 Cheek-piece ................................... 19, 20 Colours Bay .................. 12, 30, 76, 98, 99, 169 Black ............. 12, 76, 98, 99, 169, 185 Brown.................. 12, 76, 98, 139, 167 Chestnut ....... 76, 89, 98, 99, 108, 139, 169 Dappled ............................. 97, 98, 109 Dun ........... 13, 15, 76, 97, 98, 99, 108 Flaxen........................................ 13, 82 Golden....................... 76, 82, 139, 143 Grey ............................ 13, 98, 99, 185 Grullo .............................................. 99 Red ........................ 76, 82, 98, 99, 167 Sorrel............................................. 151 Spotted ...................................... 97, 98 Striped ............................................. 15 Tan .................................................. 76 White.... 12, 13, 30, 98, 108, 109, 114, 151, 159, 162, 169, 185, 186 Yellow......................... 76, 82, 98, 189 Domestication...... 1, 4, 5, 11 - 18, 21, 22, 23, 36, 28, 29, 116, 165, 166, 169, 204, 206 Endurance Horse ............................... 139 Evolution ............................... 2, 4, 5, 8, 9 Feral Horse ............................ 15, 20, 141

Horse Breeds and Breeding in the Greco-Persian World Foal .......... 22, 23, 28, 72, 76, 89, 98, 99, 102, 105, 152, 158, 159, 162, 164, 180, 186 Fodder ................. 23, 73, 79, 80, 89, 184 Gelding .................. 32, 34, 139, 140, 141 Harness. 4, 26, 30, 54, 138, 140, 147, 193 Horse Racing ....... 86, 113, 126, 127, 138 Hunting of ......... 1, 11, 13, 14, 17, 28, 29 Hunting with ....... 29, 118, 192, 196, 202 Mare ..... 13, 15, 17, 22, 23, 28, 32, 34, 76, 77, 81, 82, 89, 92, 102, 103, 105, 111, 112, 139, 141, 143, 145, 146, 154, 155, 158, 159, 161, 162, 180, 202, 207 Military Riding .................. 18, 23, 24, 25 Names of horses Areion ............................................. 82 Balius .............................................. 77 Bucephalas ... 102, 103, 104, 105, 112,

227

143 Dikaios .......................................... 103 Pedasus............................................ 77 Pegasus.................................... 78, 127 Xanthus ........................................... 77 Racehorse ........................ 80, 86, 92, 152 Saddle .................................... 4, 122, 140 Saddle-cloth..................................... 4, 53 Sports Horse ...................................... 139 Stabling ......................... 32, 89, 140, 141 Stallion ..... 15, 17, 19, 20, 22, 23, 34, 76, 82, 96, 111, 139, 145, 146, 157 159, 161, 162, 180, 207 Stirrups .............................................. 122 Stud ....... 74, 75, 77, 144, 158, 160 - 163, 170, 171, 180, 186 Warhorse ........................... 108, 142, 158 Wild Horse ...... 1, 11 - 17, 21, 23, 28, 29, 97, 126, 136, 143, 151, 169, 204