Homa Variations: The Study of Ritual Change across the Longue Durée (Oxford Ritual Studies) [1 ed.] 9780199351589, 0199351589

Table of contents :
Cover
Series
Homa Variations
Copyright
Dedication
Contents
Preface
Acknowledgments
Contributors
Introduction
Symbolic and Comparative Studies
The Ritual Interplay of Fire and Water in Hindu and Buddhist Tantras
Buddhist Permutations and Symbolism of Fire
The Structure of Japanese Buddhist Homa
Textual Studies
The Vedic Homa and the Standardization of Hindu Pūjā
Oblation, Non-conception, and Body: Systems of Psychosomatic Fire Oblation in Esoteric Buddhism in Medieval South Asia
The Three Types of Fire Sacrifice According to Kāṇha’s Śrīcakrasaṃvara-homavidhi
Fire Rituals by the Queen of Siddhas: The Aparimitāyur-homa-vidhi-nāma in the Tengyur
Homa Rituals in the Indian Kālacakra-tantra Tradition
Ritual Subjects: Homa in Chinese Translations and Manuals from the Sixth through Eighth Centuries
Descriptive Studies
Newar Buddhist Homa Ritual Traditions
The Navarātra Homa: Liver, Enchantment, and Engendering the Divine Śaktis
Fire on the Mountain: The Shugendō Saitō Goma
Agnihotra Rituals in Nepal
Index

Citation preview

Hom a Va r i ations

OXFORD RITUAL STUDIES Series Editors Ronald Grimes, Ritual Studies International Ute Hüsken, University of Oslo Barry Stephenson, Memorial University THE PROBLEM OF RITUAL EFFICACY Edited by William S. Sax, Johannes Quack, and Jan Weinhold

THE DYSFUNCTION OF RITUAL IN EARLY CONFUCIANISM Michael David Kaulana Ing

PERFORMING THE REFORMATION Public Ritual in the City of Luther Barry Stephenson

A DIFFERENT MEDICINE Postcolonial Healing in the Native American Church Joseph D. Calabrese

RITUAL, MEDIA, AND CONFLICT Edited by Ronald L. Grimes, Ute Hüsken, Udo Simon, and Eric Venbrux KNOWING BODY, MOVING MIND Ritualizing and Learning at Two Buddhist Centers Patricia Q. Campbell SUBVERSIVE SPIRITUALITIES How Rituals Enact the World Frédérique Apffel-Marglin NEGOTIATING RITES Edited by Ute Hüsken and Frank Neubert THE DANCING DEAD Ritual and Religion among the Kapsiki/Higi of North Cameroon and Northeastern Nigeria Walter E. A. van Beek LOOKING FOR MARY MAGDALENE Alternative Pilgrimage and Ritual Creativity at Catholic Shrines in France Anna Fedele

NARRATIVES OF SORROW AND DIGNITY Japanese Women, Pregnancy Loss, and Modern Rituals of Grieving Bardwell L. Smith MAKING THINGS BETTER A Workbook on Ritual, Cultural Values, and Environmental Behavior A. David Napier AYAHUASCA SHAMANISM IN THE AMAZON AND BEYOND Edited by Beatriz Caiuby Labate and Clancy Cavnar HOMA VARIATIONS The Study of Ritual Change across the Longue Durée Edited by Richard K. Payne and Michael Witzel

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Homa Variations The Study of R itual Cha nge across the Longue Dur ée Edited by Richard K. Payne and Michael Witzel

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1 Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries. Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America

© Oxford University Press 2016 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above. You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer. Cataloging-in-Publication Data is on file at the Library of Congress. ISBN 978–0–19–935158–9

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper

To my daughter, Alise Spinella, who accompanied me on our journey of discovery to Japan — Richard K. Payne

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Contents Preface   ix Acknowledgments   xi Contributors   xiii Introduction   1 Richard K. Payne Symbolic and Compar ative Studies The Ritual Interplay of Fire and Water in Hindu and Buddhist Tantras   47 Holly Grether Buddhist Permutations and Symbolism of Fire   67 Tadeusz Skorupski The Structure of Japanese Buddhist Homa   126 Musashi Tachikawa Textual Studies The Vedic Homa and the Standardization of Hindu Pūjā   143 Timothy Lubin Oblation, Non-conception, and Body: Systems of Psychosomatic Fire Oblation in Esoteric Buddhism in Medieval South Asia   167 Tsunehiko Sugiki The Three Types of Fire Sacrifice According to Kāṇha’s Śrīcakrasaṃvara-homavidhi   214 David B. Gray Fire Rituals by the Queen of Siddhas: The Aparimitāyur-homa-vidhi-nāma in the Tengyur   225 Georgios T. Halkias vii

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Homa Rituals in the Indian Kālacakra-tantra Tradition   246 Vesna A. Wallace Ritual Subjects: Homa in Chinese Translations and Manuals from the Sixth through Eighth Centuries   266 Charles D. Orzech Descriptive Studies Newar Buddhist Homa Ritual Traditions   291 Todd Lewis and Naresh Bajrachrya The Navarātra Homa: Liver, Enchantment, and Engendering the Divine Śaktis   314 Nawaraj Chaulagain Fire on the Mountain: The Shugendō Saitō Goma   337 Richard K. Payne Agnihotra Rituals in Nepal   371 Michael Witzel Index  407

Preface

i In October 2010 a conference entitled “Homa Variations: From Vedic to Hindu and Buddhist” was held at Harvard University. For three days, a dozen scholars presented their work as it relates to the homa ritual. Over the course of that time, about two dozen others were in attendance as well. One of the high points of the conference was the performance of a Newari homa by Naresh Bajracharya, one of the conference participants. Following the conference, additional papers were solicited to provide greater depth to this collection.

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Acknowledgments

i Generous support for the conference was provided by Bukkyō Dendō Kyōkai (BDK), who have also provided support for the production of this collection, including copyediting by Marianne Dresser. Particular thanks go to Rev. Dr. Toshihide Numata, Chairman of Bukkyō Dendō Kyōkai, for his continuing support of this and other projects of the Institute of Buddhist Studies, Rev. Brian Nagata of the Moraga office of BDK America, and to Rev. Naoyuki Ogi of the Tokyo office of BDK for their support and encouragement. My thanks also go to Michael Witzel for organizing the activities. Michael first expressed interest in my work at the 2005 meeting of the International Association of the History of Religions in Tokyo. I knew his name from my own teacher, Frits Staal, who had spoken of him with high regard. Over the course of this project he has been supportive and has validated the importance of studying the homa. Thanks also go to Harvard University’s Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, now renamed the Department of South Asian Studies, which provided both the venue for the conference meetings and more importantly the student assistants, who worked on the website that allowed for preconference communications with participants, prepared a bound copy of the abstracts for the participants’ use, and provided the requisite logistic support during the conference itself. The Department also assisted with making arrangements for travel and lodging, and for refreshments during the course of the conference. I am humbled by the interest the scholarly community has shown in this project. For myself, it fulfills one part of the research plan that I conceived while writing my dissertation. Inspired by Lawrence Durrell’s Alexandria Quartet, I imagined a three-dimensional xi

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Acknowledgments

approach to the study of the homa. The first was my own dissertation, published as The Tantric Ritual of Japan, that located the homa along the axis of the four Shingon training rituals. The second, still underway after all this time, is an examination of the variety of homas found in the Shingon ritual corpus. The third axis, as represented here, is the homa found across a variety of religio-cultural settings. Having long ago been faced by the fact that this third dimension would be far beyond my own limited abilities, I am grateful that others have assisted in its realization. R.K.P.

Contributors

i Naresh Man Bajracharya is the founding Chair of the Central Department of Buddhist Studies at Tribhuvan University and was the first Nepali appointed as Professor of Buddhist Studies. In addition to completing his PhD in Buddhist Studies at Delhi University in 1998, Bajracharya is also a tantric lineage holder and one of the leading priests in the Newar Buddhist sangha of Kathmandu. Author of many articles and books on Newar Buddhism, he was a Fulbright Scholar in Residence at Virginia Commonwealth University in 2009‒10. Professor Bajracharya over the last decade has played a pioneering role in introducing the discipline of Buddhist Studies to Nepal and in revitalizing the spiritual traditions of Newar Buddhism across the Kathmandu Valley. He is currently engaged in organizing the construction of a Vajrayana Monastery in Lumbini. In late 2014, he was appointed Vice Chancellor of Lumbini Buddhist University in Lumbini. Nawaraj Chaulagain is Assistant Professor in religious studies at Illinois Wesleyan University, Bloomington, Illinois, where he teaches courses such as Religions of the World, Hindu Religious Traditions, Asian Religious Practice, Islam from Mecca to Malcolm X, and Peace & War in the Modern World. His research interests include Hindu kingship rituals, yoga and meditation, and comparative religions and literature in South Asia. He is particularly interested in the questions of how religions and politics intersect and interact, and how they influence the ways people construct their religious worldviews. David B. Gray is an Associate Professor of Religious Studies at Santa Clara University. His research explores the development of tantric Buddhist traditions in South Asia, and xiii

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their dissemination in Tibet and East Asia, with a focus on the Yoginītantras, a genre of Buddhist tantric literature that focused on female deities and yogic practices involving the subtle body. He is the author of both The Cakrasamvara Tantra: A Study and Annotated Translation (2007) and The Cakrasamvara Tantra: Editions of the Sanskrit and Tibetan Texts (2012). Holly Grether currently serves as an Assistant Teaching Professor at Montana State University. Her teaching interests include Buddhism, gender and religion, and theories of sacrifice. She received a PhD in Religious Studies from University of California, Santa Barbara, with specializations in South Asia and History of Religions. Under the tutelage of David Gordon White, her dissertation traced historical origins of various elements of homa sacrifices in South and Central Asia. Other research interests include religions of the Silk Road, Hindu and Buddhist tantra, religion and law, and ritual studies. Georgios T. Halkias obtained a DPhil in Oriental Studies at the University of Oxford and is currently an Assistant Professor at the Centre of Buddhist Studies, the University of Hong Kong. He specializes in Tibetan and trans-Himalayan Buddhism and history and has held research posts and fellowships in the United Kingdom (Warburg, SOAS, and Oxford), Germany (Ruhr University), and Japan (Otani-ha Foundation). His publications include Luminous Bliss: A Religious History of Pure Land Literature in Tibet. With an Annotated Translation and Critical Analysis of the Orgyen-ling Golden Short Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra (University of Hawai’i Press) and several articles on Tibetan and Central Asian Buddhism, Himalayan history, and interdisciplinary studies of religion. Todd Lewis is the Murray Distinguished Professor of Arts and Humanities in the Religious Studies Department at the College of the Holy Cross. His primary research since 1979 has been on Newar Buddhism in the Kathmandu Valley, Nepal. He is the author of many articles on this tradition, co-author of World Religions Today (5th ed., 2014), and editor of the new course book Buddhists: Understanding Buddhism Through the Lives of Practitioners (2014). His most recent translation, Sugata Saurabha: A Poem on the Life of the Buddha by Chittadhar Hridaya of Nepal, received awards from the Khyentse Foundation and the Numata Foundation as the best book in Buddhist Studies published in 2011. Timothy Lubin is Professor of Religion at Washington and Lee University. He has degrees from Columbia and Harvard, and earlier taught at Harvard and at the University of Virginia. He publishes on a wide range of topics in Sanskrit religious and legal literatures and epigraphy, teaching courses on Asian traditions, the comparative study of religion, and the Sanskrit language. His research deals with Indic legal traditions and Brahmanical Hindu ritual codes, the connections between them, and their reception in modern India. He co-edited Hinduism and Law: An Introduction (2010) and is at work on a study of Brahmanical authority in the history of South and Southeast Asia.

Contributors

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Charles D.  Orzech is Reader in Religion, Conflict and Transition in the School of Critical Studies at the University of Glasgow and Professor Emeritus of Religious Studies at the University of North Carolina Greensboro. He teaches a variety of courses, from introductory Buddhism and Chinese religion to seminars on theories of myth and on semiotics and religious images. He currently convenes the MLitt core course on Contemporary Perspectives on Religion and Theology at the University of Glasgow. His research has focused on the translation and transformation of late Mahāyāna Buddhism in eighth- through thirteenth-century China. He is the author of Politics and Transcendent Wisdom: The Scripture for Humane Kings in the Creation of Chinese Buddhism (1998) and more recently was the general editor of Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia (2011). He is currently writing a monograph on vision and liturgy in Chinese Esoteric Buddhism. Richard K. Payne is Yehan Numata Professor of Japanese Buddhist Studies at the Institute of Buddhist Studies, Graduate Theological Union, Berkeley, where his teaching focuses on methodology in the study of Buddhism, Buddhist psychology, and tantric Buddhism. As a member of the GTU’s Core Doctoral Faculty, he directs dissertations in Buddhist studies and related topics. He edited Tantric Buddhism in East Asia (2005), and the Japan section of Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia (2011). Currently he also is the Editor in Chief of the Buddhism section of the Oxford Bibliographies, and Co-Editor in Chief of the Oxford Encyclopedia of Buddhism. He initiated and is Chair of the Editorial Committee for the Pure Land Buddhist Studies series, University of Hawai’i Press, and is Chair of the Editorial Committee for Pacific World: Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies. His research on the homa continues, as does his work on a survey of tantric Buddhism. Tadeusz Skorupski is Emeritus Reader in Buddhist Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. Academic interests and research include Buddhist philosophy and doctrine, literature, iconography, rituals, and history. His publications include the comprehensive study of the Sarvardurgatispariśodhana Tantra (1983), a key yoga tantra. He was editor of The Buddhist Forum, and his recent publications include The Six Perfections (2002) and Kriyāsaṃgraha: Compendium of Buddhist Rituals, an Abridged Version (2002). Tsunehiko Sugiki is Professor in the Department of Global and Regional Studies, Faculty of Liberal Arts, Kaichi International University (since April 2015). He holds a PhD in Religious Studies from the University of Tokyo (October 2000). He was formerly Specially Appointed Researcher in Graduate School of Humanities and Sociology in the University of Tokyo (January 2003‒February 2007), Assistant Professor, Associate Professor, and so on in Waseda Institute for Advanced Study in Waseda University (March 2007‒March 2011), and Lecturer and Professor in Nihonbashi Gakkan University (April 2011‒March 2015). His specialization is Philology of Indian Buddhism (Buddhist Tantrism in particular) and Religious Studies.

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Musashi Tachikawa is Professor Emeritus of the National Museum of Ethnology (1992–2004) and taught at Aichi Gakuin University (2004–2011). He earned his PhD in Sanskrit and Indian studies from Harvard (1975), and a DLitt from Nagoya (1985). He has authored many studies of homa, ritual, esoteric iconography, and Buddhist thought. These include Pūjā and Saṃskāra (with Shoun Hino and Lalita Deodhar, 2006), Indian Fire Ritual (with Shrikant Bahulkar and Mdhavai Kolhatkar, 2001), Essays in Buddhist Theology (2012), Buddhist Fire Ritual in Japan (with Madhavi Bhasker Kolhatkar, 2013), and several other works. Vesna A. Wallace is a Professor of Religious Studies in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of California in Santa Barbara. Her two areas of specialization are Indian Buddhism, particularly Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna traditions, and Mongolian Buddhism. She has authored and translated four books related to Indian Buddhism, three of which pertain to the Kālacakra tantric tradition in India and edited a book on Mongolian Buddhism. She has published numerous articles on Indian and Mongolian Buddhism. Michael Witzel is the Wales Professor of Sanskrit, Harvard University. He studied at the University of Tübingen, Erlangen-Nürnberg (Germany), and Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu, receiving his PhD in 1972 at Erlangen. He has taught at Tübingen (1972), Leiden (1978‒1986), and Harvard since 1986. He was the director of the Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project and the Nepal Research Center at Kathmandu (1972‒1978). He has held six visiting positions at Paris, Kyoto, and Tokyo. He is the editor of the Harvard Oriental Series (since 1993), HOS Opera Minora (since 1995), and the Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies (since 1995). He specializes in Vedic, Old Iranian, and Nepalese studies, Indian/Iranian prehistory and substrate studies, old and medieval Indian and Nepalese history and manuscriptology, as well as in ritual studies and comparative mythology. His most recent publications include: Das Alte Indien (2003, 2nd ed. 2010), The Origins of the World’s Mythologies (2012), and two volumes of Der Rig-Veda: I–II, and III‒V (2007, 2013).

Hom a Va r i ations

Introduction Richard K. Payne

i This collection of essays is intended to place the study of the homa—a votive ritual employing fire, which is found throughout the tantric world—within a framework that is both cross-cultural and historically longitudinal. This placement thus expands the study of ritual change across two axes—temporal and cultural. The temporal dimension that we seek to establish for the study of ritual change is the longue durée. For the most part, work on ritual change has had a relatively narrow temporal dimension, which severely limits the possibility of drawing conclusions regarding patterns or types of change that may be regular or consistent. Changes noted over narrow historical spans are subject to being produced by idiosyncrasies of their particular situation.1 Second, the essays included make it possible to examine the effects of translocating rituals from one religious culture to another. Thus, the changes that this collection as a whole seeks to examine are ones that extend over time and across the boundaries between religious cultures. This collection addresses two audiences that appear to be largely disjunct from one another—scholars of ritual studies and scholars of Asian religions. For scholars of ritual studies we will first briefly introduce the homa, the ritual that provides the unifying theme for this collection. For scholars of Asian religions, we will then introduce the key theoretical issue of ritual change that informs the construction of this collection as a whole. INTRODUCING THE HOMA Since research on the homa is important for both ritual studies and the study of Asian religions, it is a nexus of interaction for these two fields of study. It is important for ritual studies because this one ritual, despite particular sectarian inflections, has a history of 1

Introduction 2i

more than two millennia, and the Indo-Iranian and Vedic rituals that form an important part of the source material for its development, extends that history to as much as four millennia. Over the course of its history, the homa has spread out from the Indian subcontinent into several different religious cultures, and in addition to South Asia, it is also found in Central Asia, East Asia, Southeast Asia, as well as now in Europe and the Americas. It is, therefore, one of very few instances of a ritual that can be studied over the longue durée, having undergone repeated ritual change and cultural adaptation while at the same time retaining an extensive and detailed textual record, and a clearly identifiable continuity of ritual practice.2 The homa employs a fire into which offerings are made. Although sometimes spoken of—rather loosely—as a sacrificial ritual, since the offerings are destroyed in the fire, it is more appropriate to consider it a votive ritual. That is, the offerings are being conveyed to the deities in expectation of a quid pro quo. One of the unifying factors for homas in almost all traditions is that the fire is identified as Agni, the Vedic fire god. Agni is central to Vedic fire rituals and those that derive from them because by consuming the offerings, Agni makes them pure and only then conveys them to the gods. Additional sets of offerings to other deities may be added into a ritual performance of the homa, but Agni is almost invariably the first deity evoked.3 Other similarities uniting the homa as performed across the range of traditions in which it is practiced include the kinds of offerings made, the altars upon which the ritual is performed, and the implements employed in the performance of the ritual. The offerings frequently include both material and symbolic offerings, such as clarified butter or oil, grains and beans of various kinds, lights, incense, water for washing the deities’ feet, music, and so on—the specific combination of offerings and the specific kinds of offerings varying according to ritual culture. Such variations at times further reflect material culture as well, such as in the kinds of substitutions made for the substances offered.4 There are also consistent similarities in the shapes of the altar hearths employed for the performance of homas having different purposes. While several traditions homologize the altar with a mandala, for the performance of a homa the altar is the hearth that contains the fire, and such hearths usually take one of a limited number of shapes. The shapes of hearths include circles, demilunes, stars, and so on, and specific shapes are employed for different ritual ends. Likewise, the implements employed in the performance of a homa are similar across various ritual cultures. A widely shared instance of the implements employed are the ladle and a spoon used to make offerings. Although the sizes and shapes of these implements also vary across ritual cultures, the use of those two paired implements is also consistent and is one of the ritual details significant for demonstrating continuity from Vedic through to tantric ritual practice. By comparison, implements are also important for the study of the history of the Zoroastrian fire ritual, the yasna. Michael Stausberg has noted that there are limitations on what one can conclude regarding the antiquity of the yasna on the basis of

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archaeological evidence, specifically mortars and pestles found in both performance of the yasna and in ancient sites such as Persepolis. Although the existence of mortars and pestles dating from the fifth century b.c.e. indicate the possibility that the yasna was performed that early, “the fact that similar or even identical implements have been used in a ritual context does not in itself constitute a valid proof for the hypothesis that it was ‘the Yasna’ that has been performed with the help of these vessels.”5 In the case of the spoon and ladle used in the homa, however, the implements are not isolated from other ritual elements. In other words, the implements form part of a network of interrelated ritual elements, including other ritual implements, the shapes of altars, and the kinds of offerings made. Other specific ritual elements found in performances of the homa also point to the historical continuity with Vedic ritual culture. One telling instance is the ritual construction and destruction of the altar as found for example in the Japanese esoteric Buddhist tradition of Shingon. A defining characteristic of Vedic ritual culture is that ritual spaces are temporary constructions, usually interpreted as a consequence of the nomadic character of Vedic society. This is a clear difference from the fixed ritual sites of temples in Brahmanic and Hindu religious cultures. As temporary constructions, Vedic ritual action includes the construction and destruction of the ritual enclosures.6 Today in the Shingon tradition of Japanese esoteric Buddhism, the same actions—ritualized as symbolic ones—remain part of homa performance. As the final of the four rituals in the training sequence (shidō kegyō 四度加行) of a Shingon priest, the sequence of homa performances starts with the ritual construction of the altar and ends after several days of practice with its ritual destruction as well—it is dissolved into the five elements of the cosmos.7 Thus, although for probably centuries Shingon ritual practice has been done inside temple buildings at permanent altars, we find an almost vestigial remnant of the outdoor, temporary ritual enclosures of Vedic ritual practice. Other kinds of continuities and adaptations took place across the history of the homa. Adaptations are found in the religious cultures of China and Japan where interactions between the practices of the homa and other ritual practices were created. For example, Christine Mollier has discussed the development in China of a homa devoted to the seven stars of the Great Dipper.8 Similarly, in medieval Japan a Shintō version of the homa and other rituals based on tantric Buddhist prototypes were also developed. As indicated by this brief description, the homa has been transmitted across the boundaries between several religious cultures, as well as having retained elements that point to a continuity of history extending over millennia. With roots in the rituals of Indo-Iranian and Vedic religious practices, and branches extending across the entire tantric world, it has been adapted to a variety of different purposes and cultural settings. In addition, it is a very well documented ritual, including canonic descriptions, manuals for performance, polemical discussions, and the like. This makes it one of the best possible rituals for studying ritual change over a long period of time and across religious cultures.9 Before moving on to the issues involved in the study of ritual change per se, it

Introduction 4i

will be useful to consider the category of ritual and how it has been distinguished from other related phenomena, such as ceremonial and festival. Examining how categories are formed reveals either explicit or implicit theoretical commitments.

RITUAL, CEREMONIAL, FESTIVAL As described in the essays that comprise this collection, the homa can be performed in a variety of different settings. In one case, for example, it is found as one element within a much larger complex of religious activities, such as the Navarātra described by Nawaraj Chaulagain in his chapter. In other cases, the homa is performed as a stand-alone ritual, such as in the Shugendō saitō goma discussed by Richard Payne. Such wide-ranging differences in the context of a homa performance may raise for some readers categorial concerns—what are we talking about when we say that the homa is a ritual, or that it is an element of a larger ceremonial sequence, or that it is performed as part of a festival? In contrast to some other approaches, we assert that it is not in fact possible to draw clear distinctions between these kinds of activities. While the categories are inherently fuzzy, the reflections of some earlier scholars helps us to discern a conceptual landscape within which to negotiate our path between homa as stand-alone ritual and as element in ceremonies or as part of a festival.10 Raymond Firth, for example, makes the distinction between ritual and ceremonial on the basis of conceptions of ritual efficacy. In his now classic studies of the Tikopia, Firth defines ritual as “a formal set of procedures of a symbolic kind, involving a code for social communication, and believed to possess a special efficacy in affecting technical and social conditions of the performers or other participants.”11 Ceremonial is in his view a subset of ritual, but the emphasis is more upon symbolic acknowledgement and demonstration of a social situation than upon the efficacy of the procedures in modifying that situation. Whereas other ritual procedures are believed to have a validity of their own, ceremonial procedures, while formal in character, are not believed in themselves to sustain the situation or effect a change in it.12 Elsewhere he notes that such a “compressed distinction is not wholly satisfactory … [as] in practice they may merge into or alternate with one another.”13 Our purpose here, however, is not to develop a definitive way of distinguishing between the ritual and ceremonial, but rather the opposite—to emphasize the complexity of the overlapping categories of ritual, ceremonial, and festival.14 Attempts to formulate classificatory systems, typologies, or taxonomies for such forms of human behavior as ritual, ceremonial, and festival are necessarily stipulative, rather than corresponding to either an objective distinction, or to a conceptual structure that can be reliably applied universally. The utility

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of such category systems depends upon and is limited to the objects of study. William Sax expresses a similar concern with the category of ritual as such. He describes it as the problem of reifying ritual so that scholars and others “mistake an analytic category for a natural kind.”15 One of the characteristics that many scholars call attention to when identifying rituals is that rituals are performed repeatedly. In addition to being (at least potentially16) repeatable, rituals are contained performances intended to effect some end.17 We take these three characteristics—repeatability, marked limits in space and time, and teleological intent—as a kind of minimalist set of indicators of how we are using the term “ritual” here. Many scholars have offered more expansive definitions or characterizations. For example, a partial list of characteristics is given by Bruce Lincoln, drawing on Catherine Bell’s work. “Bell identifies formality, tradition, invariance, rule-governance, and sacral symbolism as some of the marks by which ritual is regularly distinguished, and to these we might add repetition, solemnity, and countless factors that vary with cultural context.”18 Similarly, although not offered explicitly as a definition, Sheldon Pollock lists “formalized, conventionalized, ceremonial, and symbolic behavior” as the characteristics of ritual.19 As Lincoln suggests in the quotation above, such a list is not closed, and while the individual items on such a list may constitute elements of a family resemblance, the more strands one attempts to bind together to form a polythetic definition, the more diffuse that definition becomes and the less heuristic value it has. It is for this reason that we prefer a more minimalist approach, which serves the same ends of inclusivity at least as well. Further, there appears to be no general consensus about the various categories or terminology that may be used in describing other related categories of activity, such as festival, ceremonial, and so on—and perhaps that is just as well. However, what such lack indicates is twofold. First, the categories are reflections of social practices, and second are themselves the product of other social practices. As a consequence, they are formed by existing preconceptions as well as by the fluidities of the objects of study. As social constructs the categories not only do not have, but cannot have clear boundaries. As intellectually satisfying as definitional clarity may be, it is always at best a limited accomplishment, one constrained by some delimited field of inquiry for which such clarity is possible. Beyond that field the categories formed to describe it lose their sharp edges, with marginal cases and increasingly fuzzy boundaries20 emerging. Thus, for example, we find some versions of the homa as examined in this collection to be part of the ceremonies marking a festival. While we can distinguish between them terminologically in this fashion, all three—ritual, ceremony, festival—are mutually implicative. Each category informs the significance of the others, and to these three several others might be added as well.21 Rather than claiming that any specific form or function identifies ritual as a discrete category, or taking refuge in stipulating it as a scholarly category, Catherine Bell’s emphasis on ritualizing points up the fuzzy boundaries and ambiguities of the

Introduction 6i

category. She argues that “ritualization is a way of acting that specifically establishes a privileged contrast, differentiating itself as more important or powerful. Such privileged distinctions may be drawn in a variety of culturally specific ways that render the ritualized acts dominant in status.”22 With this purposely minimalist indication of how we are using the term “ritual,” we can now consider the central theoretical issue for this collection, ritual change. STUDYING THE DYNAMICS OF RITUAL CHANGE: THE LONGUE DURéE The theoretical movement away from functionalist explanations, which emphasized stability and the return to the norm, has opened consideration of change and disruption as the normal state of affairs. As Pamela J. Stewart and Andrew Strathern put it, “studies of ritual practices today take into account not only variation but also creativity and innovation. This is in line with a general shift towards the study of change as distinct from continuity.”23 Many of the studies of ritual change that have appeared following this movement away from functionalist presumptions of stability and homeostasis have examined a particular ritual as it changes over a relatively short period of time. This has involved rethinking the status of ritual as historical, rather than as part of an eternal, unchanging religious reality. John D. Kelly and Martha Kaplan have suggested that “Nowhere more than in the study of ritual has the turn to history raised fundamental questions for anthropology.”24 While ritual is frequently now discussed as process, practice, or performance, this needs to be qualified by a conception of any particular ritual as a historical entity. The Historicality of Ritual The study of ritual has changed dramatically over the period extending from the last quarter of the twentieth century to the present. The effects of those changes are still, however, being integrated into broader areas of study, such as religious studies. Reflective and critical studies have shown that in the nineteenth century ritual was one of the dichotomizing concepts around which the formation of conceptions of modernity, that is, the distinction between us and them, was crystallized. The tendency to define ritual as unchanging allowed it to be consigned if not to the dustbins of history, then to a childish stage of cognitive development. This evaluation reflects the self-image of Enlightenment modernism, boldly throwing off the shackles of tradition, freeing the individual from outdated and stultifying social impediments. The Image of Ritual as Unchanging and Meaningless A common conception of ritual in contemporary Western popular religious culture has been—and apparently continues to be despite changes in the academic community—that

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ritual comprises a set of rigidly codified actions performed without reflection or intentional involvement. In this view ritual is performed simply out of rote memorization and continues to be performed despite being meaningless. No doubt the idea that rituals are unchanging—performed by rote—has several sources. One important source, however, is the common equation of tradition and authority. As Monica Wilson noted, “Ritual is commonly validated partly by its supposed antiquity … real or supposed.”25 This strategy for claiming authority is no doubt one of the reasons that ritual has been seen as unchanging—in order to be meaningful, valid, or effective, ritual needed to be socially understood as partaking in a continuity of action going back beyond current memory. In such matters, however, current memory seems to be very short, such that “within a short space of time new forms are accepted as ‘traditional’ in ritual.”26 In addition to this common strategy employed within religious traditions, however, theoretical and methodological commitments of academic studies of ritual also contributed to the image of ritual as unchanging. For almost a century, for example, anthropology was defined as methodologically distinct from history, choosing to focus on the “anthropological present.” Although not necessarily intended to do so, such “snapshots” generally reinforced the image of the “primitive Other” as existing in a timeless, that is, unchanging social reality.27 This imagery both reinforced and was reinforced by the theologically informed rhetoric of distinction made in the early development of religious studies between Christianity as vital and changing, in contrast with other religions portrayed as ossified, outdated, stultifying impediments to social and material progress, ready to be supplanted by the “Good News.”28 More broadly, these images, presumptions, and rhetorics were part of the modernist justification for colonialism and imperialism. The twin benefits of the steam engine and the Gospel were to be brought to all the world’s people. Christiane Brosius and Ute Hüsken have pointed out that this popular image of ritual as meaningless29 is also of the rhetoric of “high modernity.” Citing the founding work of figures such as William Robertson Smith (1846–1894), James George Frazer (1854‒1941), Arnold van Gennep (1873‒1951), and Émile Durkheim (1858–1917), they point out that the term “ritual” was imbued with stereotyping connotations referring to the odd, obsolete, primitive, timeless and thus unchanging, opposed to the notions of modern, civilised and progressive. Rituals were tied to religion, and according to a secular worldview, deemed an inappropriate form of action in a civilised, “enlightened” society.30 This rhetoric of high modernity equating progress with secularization31 has itself come into question, for example, by Eric Wolfe32 and more recently by Robert Bellah.33 Similarly, focus on the anthropological present has increasingly given way to a recognition that because of colonialism putatively “traditional” societies available for anthropological study were actually themselves undergoing significant changes created by the

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stresses resulting from the very colonial status that made research possible.34 Such reflections contributed to what Philippe Buc has described as the “crossbreeding of history and anthropology—an encounter that began before World War II and picked up speed in 1970s.”35 Kelly and Kaplan note that in addition to the image of ritual as static, the anthropological images of ritual have always existed in complex relations with a reservoir of images of ritual in Western culture more generally, relations of displacement, usurpation, inversion, subversion, incorporation, and transformation, of images authored by missionaries, travelers, conquerors, and others, such as juggernaut, suttee, yogic asceticism, vedic mystery, human sacrifice, cannibalism, head-hunting, firewalking, charlatan priests, and natives dancing in firelight.36 Particularly in the last quarter of the twentieth century, the field of religious studies has been expanded by scholars whose background training lay in fields other than theology, and as a consequence such tropes as “the timeless East,” “eternal truths,” and “the Asian mind” have been questioned.37 Despite these and other critiques, such preconceptions of ritual comprise a deeply embedded cultural residue, a residue formed out of the theological debates dating at least back to the period of the Protestant Reformation. As found in contemporary American popular religious culture, they evidence the triumph of broadly Protestant understandings of the nature of ritual. Commonly, usage of the very term “ritual” in that religious culture carries a dismissive tone or pejorative connotation.38 Consonant with the challenges to the rhetoric of high modernity that presumed secularization as an inevitable historical process, increasingly frequent challenges to this stereotypical image of ritual as unchanging and meaningless are now also to be found in the academic study of religion, including religious studies per se, and also the social scientific studies of religion such as history, anthropology, and archeology. According to Brosius and Hüsken, this stereotypic image of ritual as outmoded religiosity and inadequate science began to change in the late 1970s. The concept of ritual was applied to secular and political dimensions of society, and from there began to be applied more widely.39 Running throughout these new valorizations of ritual as a social process, “ritualizing” as Catherine Bell40 called it, much of the emphasis has been on ritual as historically located, although perhaps not explicitly theorized as such. In other words, ritual is treated as something that occurs at a particular time and place for a particular reason. In Buddhist studies, despite the long-standing imagery of the tradition as the archetypal expression of enlightened spontaneity, even Chan and Zen have recently come under examination as ritual traditions.41 For many Western converts to Buddhism, the representation of the tradition as rational, humanistic, in accord with science, and opposed to ritualism has become a modern dogma.42 That representation, however, has been overdetermined by apparent congruence of the “rhetoric of immediacy” of the

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Chan and Zen tradition43 and the neo-Romantic religious conceptions of immediate perception and spontaneous realization. Concomitant with this has been attention to embodiment as an important theme.44 Hopefully this latter will facilitate an intellectual awareness that Buddhist meditation, despite claims of exceptionalism, is located on a spectrum of yogic practices, themselves highly ritualized, and deriving from Indic sources—and not a unique marker of Buddhist identity. The issues related to such a revisioning of yogic practice require an awareness of ritual as a historical entity, which is what is meant here by its “historicality.”45 Although the claim that ritual is historical may on the face of it seem unproblematic, many studies of ritual have tended to examine ritual as a particular instance, sometimes in the idiom of the “ethnographic present,” and at other times from a short-term perspective, that is histoire événementielle. Such short-term perspectives, however, tend to obscure the historicality of any particular ritual as a social phenomenon. Many social phenomena have been studied historically, such as, to take some arbitrary examples, the book, democracy, fashion, and domesticated plants. There is, therefore, no inherent reason that rituals should not also be considered as historical entities. The historicality of ritual is demonstrated in this collection. Examining a variety of different instances of the homa over a period of more than two and a half millennia shows a variety of changes in the ritual’s performance. As suggested earlier, in the course of that history, the homa has been adapted into several different religious cultures, being transformed in identifiable ways. The homa retains an identity that makes it recognizably the “same” ritual, despite having been transmitted across both temporal expanses and cultural boundaries. Ritual Change/Ritual Invariance Despite the resistance of popular religious culture, the preconceptions embedded in ordinary language about ritual, and the theological foundations of religious studies, that rituals change is no longer a radical observation. Bruce Lincoln has suggested that a shift in intellectual climate—from one regarding ritual as static to one that regards ritual as a historical entity subject to change like any other historical entity—took place around 1980.46 Similarly, Michael Stausberg asserts that “the discovery that rituals are mechanism[s]‌of world making in their own right and hence merit an independent inquiry was one of the starting points for the recent take-off of ‘ritual studies’ since the 1970s.”47 Since that time, a substantial body of scholarship has been created examining not only ritual per se but also ritual change. On the other hand, the idea that ritual is invariant, that is, stable or unchanging—sometimes to the degree of being synonymous with pathology—also remains strong. Some scholars working in the area of cognitive theories of ritual continue to theorize while holding an a priori conception that ritual is invariant, and that ritual practitioners hold concomitant attitudes. For example, Robert N.  McCauley

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summarizes work by Pascal Boyer and Pierre Liénard suggesting that cultural construction of certain evolved dispositions of the human mind is responsible for everything about religious rituals from the fact that they must be carried out just right each and every time, to the fact that at each step they require concentration on particular components of the action at hand, to their focus on a comparatively small set of recurrent themes. Those themes have to do with such things as managing problems of contamination, hence the focus on cleaning and washing, and creating and maintaining order and boundaries.48 Boyer and Liénard in turn point to Roy Rappaport as the source of this list of characteristics.49 According to Boyer and Liénard, Rappaport had “enjoined” anthropologists to explain “the ‘obvious’ (i.e., obvious to all anthropologists) aspects of ritual—those frequent features that a decent model should explain.”50 They summarize these aspects under six rubrics. First, “no obvious empirical goals: ‘meaningless’ acts” within which they distinguish between the meaninglessness of specific acts within the ritual and the purpose for which a ritual is performed. Second, compulsion, which they describe in terms of a feeling that one “must perform a specific ritual, that it would be dangerous, unsafe, or improper not to do it.” Third, literalism and rigidity, which indicates that despite variation between ritual performances, “people strive to achieve a performance that matches their representation of past performances, and that they attach great emotional weight to any deviation from that remembered pattern.” Fourth, “repetition, reiteration, redundancy,” that is, doing the same action several times, the exact number of repetitions and the exactness of the repetition being important. Fifth, “order and boundaries,” which both distinguishes ritual from “the relatively unpredictable patterns of nonritual environments,” and distinguishes the ritual space from “the other, unmarked space.” And, sixth, a set of “specific concerns” in exemplification of which they identify as common themes: “pollution and cleansing, protection against invisible dangers, and the creation of a special space and time.”51 Liénard and Boyer develop this characterization of ritual in order to identify the cognitive processes formative of ritual practices. They point to Freud’s “tantalizing observation that obsessive neurosis should be seen as a private cult and religion as a collective form of neurotic obsession.”52 While Freud’s conception of “ritual as pathology” has been thoroughly critiqued to the point that it is no longer a viable explanation,53 Liénard and Boyer do explore the similarities between such behaviors as children’s rituals, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and life-stage-relevant intrusive thoughts that, although “clearly different” manifest “a common set of cognitive processes.”54 That there are consistent similarities between rituals and that such similarities may result from cognitive processes shared by ritual practitioners and others does not, however, establish

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that rituals are invariant. It may simply indicate that the ideology of rituals frequently includes claims to invariance. Such ideological claims, however, are not descriptive. One explanation of ritual change is that actors always intend invariance, but must adapt to particular situations. They intend to adhere to an invariant model, and when changes are made, the intent is always to revert to that model—the changes being understood to be temporary and undesirable. This may certainly be the case with some rituals, but it is hardly universal. Several instances of intentional and systematic changes to rituals and ritual systems are known. The example of changes to Christian ritual in the course of the Reformation is quite clear and quite dramatic. That period is very well-studied and such studies reveal that wide-ranging sectarian differences in the performance of the “same” rituals developed in the course of a century or so. In some instances, very radical transformations of ritual practices took place in even shorter periods of time.55 Perhaps the most radical instance of ritual change is ritual failure, events that a theory of ritual based on a strong understanding of invariance would find difficult to incorporate. Ritual Failure As suggested, there is increasing acceptance of the idea that rituals do in fact change, and study of the ways in which ritual changes take place. Ritual change, however, also implies continuity. Distinct from ritual change with its implication of continuity is the idea of ritual failure. As a concept, ritual failure has entered the scholarly lexicon relatively recently and has been employed in two distinct ways. In one usage, the phrase is used to identify those ritual performances that fail to meet their intended goals. An example of this usage is Michael D. K. Ing’s discussion of a famous instance of ritual failure that befell no lesser of a ritual expert than Confucius himself.56 According to the “Tangong Shang” chapter of the Liji, Confucius attempts to perform the rites for a joint burial of his parents, including the construction of burial mounds (rather than grave burials). Shortly after completing the rites, heavy rains fell and the burial mounds collapsed. Ing suggests that the treatment of this event in the Liji reveals two conflicting interpretations of the events—was the failure preventable, and due to Confucius himself having somehow not performed the rites properly, or was the failure unpreventable, the result of circumstances outside Confucius’s control? Ing’s own suggestion is that the two interpretations cannot be resolved. He says that the passage “can be read as asserting a kind of descriptive ambiguity such that it reveals the uncertain and even risky nature of ritual performance. Both kinds of failures exist, yet the actors in the passage, the authors of the passage, and readers of the text often cannot distinguish the agencies involved in the failure.”57 Robert N. McCauley and E. Thomas Lawson suggest that individual ritual failures can accumulate to the point of crisis, that is to a ritual system as such “crashing.” They go on to suggest that it “is easy enough to see how the crash of such a ritual system may well lead to the group’s extinction” as a religious organization.58 Whether this actually then

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follows or not is dependent upon a variety of other factors related to such issues as frequency of performance (scaled low to high), sensory pageantry (scaled low to high), and ritual form (bivalent as either special agent or special patient/instrument).59 This suggests one of the ways that ritual failure in the first usage, the failure of a ritual to accomplish its goals, leads to ritual failure in the second usage, the cessation of ritual practices. As with many novel concepts, ritual failure used in this second way has led to considerations indicating that it requires additional nuance. Having moved from the image of rituals as “timeless and unchanging,” to the ideas that rituals change, the reality of the cessation of ritual practices per se, has in turn generated a conception of ritual transformation as a range of changes and cessations, “rather than as a binary indicator of failure or success.”60 Timothy Insoll goes on to conclude that “ritual failure has to be conceived of almost on a sliding scale of effect, from personal failure, the ritual did not bring the desired results, through kin group, community, society, and so on. The key point being that ritual failure must be considered complex and multi-scalar.”61 Studies of ritual change,62 and perhaps even more so ritual failure,63 provide a substantive basis not only for refuting the idea that ritual is static and invariant but also the idea that ritual is empty of cognitive significance. As Vasiliki G. Koutrafouri and Jeff Sanders note in their archeological study of ritual failure, “Rituals form fundamentally resilient systems: therefore ritual represents a particularly emotive and powerful phenomenon.”64 Similarly, Insoll emphasizes that “considering ritual failure poses a challenge to ahistorical and static constructs of ritual practices and religious beliefs, and instead permits ritual agency and a more dynamic perspective to be adopted.”65 Theoretical Consequences of Changing Rituals: Varieties of Ritual Change Functionalism, or more fully structural functionalism, has been a dominant metatheoretical orientation in the social sciences for over a century. Its main explanatory device was to interpret social actions, including rituals, in terms of their contribution to maintaining social cohesion and social stability. Although functionalism increasingly faded in sociology and anthropology from the mid-twentieth century, it seems to have continued to play an implicit function in ritual studies up to around the end of the century. In part this seems to have been due to what Bruce Lincoln has called the “common understandings of ritual that stress tradition, fidelity, and timeless repetition.”66 As already noted, Lincoln suggests that beginning in the 1980s, researchers have increasingly “turned their attention to the question of change and discontinuity in ritual.”67 Despite this metatheoretical shift, religious rhetorics have long employed a self-representation of providing access to a timeless and unchanging transcendent reality, and in doing so often presented an image of the rituals that enabled such access to the timeless as themselves stable and unchanging. In this case we see the claim that rituals are invariant to be part of an ideological system. This has been perhaps one of the mitigating factors contributing, along with the popular conceptions identified by Lincoln, to the lag time between

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the decline of functionalism and the rise of studies of ritual change. Conversely, this image of unchanging stability has also informed an “anti-ritual prejudice” that explains ritual as a kind of mindless repetition of meaningless actions.68 Although no longer an unqualified authority, Freud’s continuing influence on popular religious culture also contributes to the understanding that ritual is an inefficacious repetition of symbolic actions as part of an obsessive dysfunction. As we saw above, his ideas are specifically identified as part of the background informing some studies of ritual in cognitive science of religion. Studies of ritual change have begun to identify some of the ways in which such change takes place. It seems premature to attempt a taxonomy of change, but three patterns of change are by mixing of disparate ritual elements, by invention of new rituals, and by the routinization of visionary experience. Ritual Change by Mixing One kind of change that has been studied results from the mixing together of ritual elements from differing ritual traditions. Monica Wilson examined the changes in wedding rituals in southern Africa, where over a period of a century and a half traditional practices of the Nguni people were confronted by Christian missionaries backed by colonial powers. Seeking to discern “any general principles of change in ritual,” she concludes her study by suggesting three processes of ritual change.69 In the first, rites “were taken over complete, almost without modification.” 70 The second process involves a selective adoption of ritual elements—“some of the conventions of western marriage were taken over piecemeal, and details copied.”71 And in the third process, while elements were borrowed, they were also transformed. These three are descriptive categories, and Wilson finally concludes by highlighting the determinative role of the ways in which social relations are conceived and the important role of the imagination. “A poet’s associations always lie within the frame of his experience as a member of a particular society within a given culture, but inside that frame his imagination roves; the symbols used in rituals are poetic and dramatic forms accepted by a community, through time.”72 Susan Sered has also examined ritual change resulting from the mixing of different ritual elements from different ritual traditions and has offered a taxonomy based upon the agent responsible:  individuals, professionals, or institutions.73 She comments that the tendency to view ritual as unchanging is not supported by the childbirth rituals that she studied. “The ritual fluidity, multiplicity, and creativity observed in these studies suggests that conventional scholarly understandings of ritual are far too static, too likely to emphasize repetition rather than change, and too quick to assume that everyone in a particular culture group engages in more or less the same ritual acts.”74 While her categorization based on agency is made problematic by the absence of any criteria for what constitutes a ritual,75 of more interest to our present goal of establishing the longitudinal study of ritual is differentiation of “distinct arenas of ritual

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configuration”: reservoirs, menus, and packages. “Reservoirs” designates a societal ritual system, “menus” designates “the clusters of rituals associated with particular streams, modalities, traditions, subgroups, and so on,” while “packages” designates the ritual complex employed by an individual.76 This terminology points to different scopes of study when considering longitudinal change. In their study of ritual changes in Papua New Guinea, Stewart and Strathern describe similar dynamics. They examine the restorative ritual known as rindi kiniya, which was employed to “repair all kinds of problems, from those within the human body to those in the whole cosmos.”77 Significant social and political changes to Duna society began with colonial influences starting in the 1930s, and then incorporation into the nation-state of Papua New Guinea in 1975. Christian missionaries of many different kinds, supported by colonial and governmental powers, brought about a sharp disruption to Duna religious practices. Steward and Strathern point out, however, that this is not simply a matter of displacing one religion with another. “The Christian God has been slotted in as the ultimate power in the world, to whom prayers have to be directed for world making and remaking, yet certain of the traditional notions are very much blended and intertwined with Christian ones.”78 Ritual Change by Invention Given the emphasis on ritual invariance and continuity from some founding event in the past, this category has received very little attention. Indeed, as Catherine Bell noted, “the tendency to think of ritual as essentially unchanging has gone hand in hand with the equally common assumption that effective rituals cannot be invented.”79 The type of ritual change intended under the rubric of invention may perhaps be best exemplified by the Last Supper because of its very familiarity. While the Last Supper is frequently thought of as the origin story (etiological myth) for the Eucharist, it may also be read as recording the invention of a ritual. In conversation with Catherine Albanese several years ago she described an experimental performance of what I now think of as a womanist Eucharist. As I recall her description now, this was performed by a Catholic priest for a select group of women and was only performed once—and only intended to be performed once. While many attempts to define ritual point to repetition, Albanese’s reflections suggest that rituals can be rituals without in fact being repeated, simply on the basis of having been scripted and formalized. In addition to repetition as a defining characteristic of ritual being made problematic by ritual invention, so also is the criterion of public or communal action. Although under the enduring influence of Freud private ritual is still not uncommonly considered pathological, private invented ritual has also been noted as potentially beneficial.80 Bell gives several additional examples of ritual invention.81 One of the things that makes examination of this category difficult is the fuzziness of the category of ritual, as indicated by Bell’s notion of ritualization. If we consider

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again the instance of the Last Supper, we see a meal being ritualized, in this case by divine injunction. The meal remains the foundational metaphor, but as the consequence of a long history of ritualization has almost disappeared under the weight of ritualized symbolism. Part of this process has been to reify the ritual as a distinctly different form of activity from daily life, and thereby to demarcate it as something without a history as such, though with a founding moment. As opposing extremes on a continuum of ritual change, the idea of ritual invention complements the idea of ritual failure. As the most radical kind of ritual change, invention highlights the importance of social construction in our understanding of rituals.82 Several of the studies that have followed on the now classic The Invention of Tradition emphasize the limits of invention. 83 The invention of ritual is not an unconstrained process and as such points up the importance of the difference between arbitrary behaviors and social conventions. The former carries a connotation of being totally unmotivated by any precedent and capable of being created entirely anew. The use of this understanding of arbitrary in some intellectual circles today would seem to originate in Saussure’s usages regarding the relation between a signifier and a signified. For example, it is arbitrary which side of the square cap a graduate’s tassle is worn on. It could just as well be the right as the left. But local custom determines appropriate practice. In some cases, undergraduates will wear it on the right side, while graduates wear it on the left, while in other cases, the tassle is switched from one side to the other upon receipt of the diploma. Thus, rather than being entirely unmotivated by any history, such practices—despite the possibility of being changed without loss of the link in meaning between signifier and signified—do have a social history and are motivated by that history, that is, by social convention. In the case of ritual invention, it is methodologically important to clarify that there is effectively no instance that is fully arbitrary. Returning to our example, we note that in contrast to understanding the Last Supper as an instance of invention, and in line with the general argument of his book, Bernhard Lang argues that “Jesus does not seem to have ‘invented’ the ritual handling and consumption of a token piece of bread and the drinking of wine; arguably, what he did was transform a well-known and often practiced form of sacrifice celebrated at the Jerusalem Temple in his period.”84 There will always be a social or historical context that provides conventional elements or interpretations. The distinction between “designed” (Lang’s term) and invented evidences the importance for anyone describing a ritual case as one of invention clearly to delineate between the new invention as ritual and the social and cultural conventions and symbols that inform the newly invented ritual. Equally important will be the clear explication of the criteria by which invention is determined. For one study, a theological or doctrinal distinction may be taken as a marker of invention, while in other contexts of inquiry structural or symbolic innovations may be used to delineate invention.85

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Ritual Change by Routinization of Visionary Experiences One of the suggestions regarding the origin of some kinds of rituals, such as sādhanas practiced individually, is that someone who has a visionary experience attempts to transmit a method for attaining the same experience to another person. This routinization of visionary experiences allows for the creation of new rituals, though no doubt drawing extensively on ritual elements available in the religious milieu. Geoffrey Samuel has noted that by now it is something of a cliché to suggest “that much of the writing of the Mahāyāna sūtras reflects visionary and meditative practices.”86 There is good reason that it has become a cliché, since the claim regarding the routinization of visionary experiences is found as early as the Yogācārabhūmi, a Buddhist text that dates from the early or middle of the second century.87 In his study of this work Paul Demiéville describes visionary experiences of various monks, including the visionary ordination of a Kashmiri teacher named Dharmadatta (or Dharma). Entering samādhi Dharmadatta was able to travel to Tuṣita heaven, where he was ordained by Maitreya, the future Buddha. Dharmadatta then transmitted this ordination to a Chinese disciple.88 Extending the idea of the importance of visionary experiences by comparing several Buddhist texts with the Bhagavadgītā, Stephan Beyer proposed a “wave of visionary theism sweeping over the whole of northern India, influencing Hindu contemplatives as well as the [Buddhist] yoga masters of Kashmir.”89 The structure that Beyer proposes is that following on visionary experiences, systems of practice—“visualization and magical creation”90—were instituted so as to enable practitioners to purposely re-experience the visionary realities, such as Tuṣita. Both the visionary experiences and the ritualized practices (sādhana, etc.) intended to enable others to access those same visionary experiences are, however, known to us from texts, such as the descriptions in the Bhagavadgītā that Beyer highlights. Among such texts, Beyer includes the Pure Land sūtras, the visionary characteristics of which have been discussed by Jan Nattier91 and Paul Harrison. Harrison has suggested a slightly different interpretation, one that points to the use of visual imagery not descriptively as referencing an originary visionary experience, but rather as a form of transformative exercise. Specifically Harrison discusses the jeweled trees of Sukhāvatī, which are described as being comprised of various precious substances, in all of the possible combinations of substances and tree parts (roots, trunk, branches, leaves, and so on).92 The importance of texts and the necessity of complementing texts with observation will be the focus of the next section. These three types of change—mixing, invention, routinization—are examples of the kinds of consistent patterns that might become the basis of more wide-ranging studies of ritual change. As mentioned above, our concern here is with change over long periods of time, the longue durée. Studies seeking to examine longitudinal changes, that is, identifying and explaining changes to rituals that take place over extended time periods, require a combination of methods.

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HOW TO CROSS THE LONGUE DURéE: TEXTS + ETHNOGR APHY For the historical study of ritual, that is over the longue durée, it is necessary to have recourse to texts. Philippe Buc has claimed, however, that dependence solely upon texts is methodologically problematic “because we do not have access to ritual practices, but only to texts depicting them (a given that renders impossible from the very start the use of certain kinds of anthropological models).”93 This is, however, one of the things that makes the homa especially valuable for the longitudinal study of ritual change.94 First, there is an extensive ritual literature specifically on the homa—including not only descriptions but also prescriptions, that is, ritual manuals. This literature continues for well-over a millennium and a half, is found throughout the tantric world, and in several of the languages of that world. And, second, this literary record is complemented by several living religious traditions in which the homa continues to be performed. These traditions are found in quite different religious cultures and are available for observation as a publicly performed ritual. It seems entirely plausible that were a ninth-century Śaivite tantrika to somehow observe a homa performed in the Shingon temple in Sacramento, California, on a New Year’s morning in the twenty-first century he would recognize it as a variant of the ritual with which he was already intimately familiar. Catherine Bell has noted that the need for context in understanding texts, including ritual ones, is now commonly accepted—“a text should not be approached in isolation or abstraction from the historical milieu in which it was written.”95 She goes on, however, to raise additional important questions about the relation between textualization and ritualization, which are left unanswered even by a focus on a text’s context. These constitute a more underlying set of questions. What is the significance or functional effect of writing ritual down, both vis-à-vis ritual and as a written text? How does writing a text or depicting ritual in a text act upon the social relations involved in textual and ritual activities? Ultimately, how are the media of communication creating a situation rather than simply reflecting it; how are they restructuring social interactions rather than merely expressing them?96 Understanding the textual record of the homa over several centuries is a necessary step toward answering Bell’s questions—whether these questions are directed toward the contemporary academic describing a ritual observed, or toward someone working in a traditional milieu in which a ritual manual or canonic source prescribing a ritual performance was created. While many different kinds of textual records may be of use, probably the most extensive body of textual material directly related to ritualized practices is to be found in ritual manuals and prescriptive scriptural texts along with their commentaries. The detailed information regarding ritual performance found in such texts is examined in several of the essays in this collection.

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Ritual manuals and prescriptive scriptures are, of course, not without difficulties as resources for the study of ritual. Regarding the materials related to the shift from Vedic to Brahmanic ritual, Timothy Lubin notes that the prescriptive texts “are anonymous works of uncertain provenance and date, probably composite in origin, and inadequately edited in their standard published forms.”97 Another issue, noted by Geoffrey Samuel in his discussion of the textual sources dating from the origin of tantra, is that “the relationship between text and practice in the material is often oblique.”98 Both ritual manuals and prescriptive scriptures share the problem that their authors assume a great deal of knowledge that the contemporary reader may not have as part of their own cultural experience or religious training. At a very basic level, for example, it is not uncommon for ritual manuals to simply identify ritual elements, such as mantra and mudrā, by a name, rather than describing in full or (literally) spelling out. The author of the ritual manual assumes that the practitioner is already trained and knows how to perform the necessary mudrā, or knows how to recite the mantra as required at some particular point in the ritual. In some cases, a mantra may not even be identified as a mantra, but simply by its name, such as “astra.”99 Prescriptive scriptural sources may be even more obscure, taking for granted either what was common knowledge at the time, but which is no longer commonly known, or in other cases polemic debates unknown to the reader in the present. The Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi sūtra, for example, has a chapter discussing different kinds of homa fires.100 Why? What is this about? Presumably it has to do with other votive practices employing fires that were contemporaneous to the cult of the text itself. But what practices?, whose practices?101 Similarly obscure is the description of an “internal homa” that closes this chapter of the Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi sūtra: Next, internal homa extinguishes karma and [re]birth. Understanding one’s own manas (mind), one dissociates oneself from form, sound, and so on. The eyes, ears, nose, tongue, and body, as well as verbal and mental action, All arises entirely from the mind and depend upon the mind-king. The eyes and so on, born of differentiation, as well as the objective realms of form and so on, Obstacles to wisdom unborn, the Wind-parched Fire is able to extinguish. It burns away false differentiation and accomplishes the pure bodhi-mind. This is called internal homa, and it has been taught for bodhisattvas.102 Is this a prescription for visualizing oneself performing a homa ritual? What is the “wind-parched fire?” Is it pointing to contemplation of the mind itself as an alternative to ritual performance?103 An additional difficulty is that in such instances any commentaries may be of limited utility or reliability. The author of the commentary may be

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separated from the author/s of the scripture by both time and culture. Continuing with our example, there are two major commentaries on the Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi sutra, one by the eighth-century Indian monk Buddhaguhya (commentary dates from 760), and the other by the Chinese monk Yi Xing (683–727). A commentator such as Buddhaguhya working a century or more after the compilation of the tantra in India may still be familiar with the tradition of practice constellated in the Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi, but has perhaps already lost touch with the polemic context (or, alternatively may know it so well as to assume it does not require explanation). Similarly, although Yi Xing’s commentary is no doubt rooted in his work with Śubhakarasiṃha in translating the text into Chinese and is historically closer to the probable origin of the sutra in the mid-seventh century, his own religious culture is distinct from that of the text’s author(s). Despite these kinds of difficulties, the textual record provides us with the most important source we have for studying the dynamics of ritual change, including adaptations across religious cultures, over a wide historical horizon.104 The methodologies of textual studies are well established and can be brought to bear for the study of ritual over the longue durée. What is necessary, however, is that the kinds of questions asked of the texts shift from the still common focus on doctrinal matters to matters of ritual and practice. Changing the questions being asked will also entail a change in the kinds of textual materials examined, as well as a change in the background knowledge for research of this kind. Answering questions about ritual and practice will require a shift in the knowledge base a researcher brings to the study from the not uncommon emphasis on familiarity with doctrine to pragmatic considerations of ritual as an embodied performance taking place in a specific social setting at a particular time, that is, ethnography. One of the characteristics of ritual frequently commented on is specifically the fact that a ritual performance involves a wide range of sensory modalities and is therefore more than “a text.” Discussing the role of ritual in moral formation, David Solomon et al. emphasize that “rituals as repeated, stylized bodily movements and/or statements bring together symbols, emotions, and moral commitments.”105 Discussing the ritual cycle of the Maring living in the Central Highlands of New Guinea, Rappaport similarly emphasizes that to participate in a ritual is not an action symbolic of something else, such as a commitment to ally with a group in its next war, “participation indicates membership. It does not simply symbolize it.”106 The study of the homa could also be furthered through additional methodologies, such as archaeology, art history, and epigraphy. Although not included here, we can hope that this collection will stimulate scholars in those areas to attend to the homa specifically and ritual more generally. Each of these can contribute to the historical understanding of tantric ritual. Archaeology and epigraphy have been recognized as important sources by many scholars in the years since 1991, when Gregory Schopen published “Archaeology and Protestant Presuppositions in the Study of Indian Buddhism.”107 In an important contribution to the historical study

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of Buddhist tantra, Ronald Davidson has put these sources to good use in his Indian Esoteric Buddhism.108 Unfortunately, some scholars have unnecessarily bifurcated the study of Buddhism between a putatively “real” Buddhism reflected in archaeology and epigraphy in opposition to a supposedly artificial or contrived representation created from texts. However, particularly in tropical areas not conducive to the preservation of written texts because of mold and insects, the archaeological record can be the crucial piece in establishing alternatives to the “authorized” histories constructed for sectarian and political ends. Andrea Acri’s studies, together with those of Jeffrey Sundberg,109 P. D. Sharrock, and Arlo Griffiths,110 draw heavily on archaeological information and have demonstrated its importance in uncovering the otherwise obscured history of tantric Buddhism in Southeast Asia. Art history also provides an additional resource for understanding the history of Buddhism in ways outside the textual, ritual, archaeological, or epigraphic.

ORGANIZATION AND CONTENTS OF THIS COLLECTION The essays of this collection are purposely not arranged according to any of the three systematics that are effectively normative for the study of religious traditions, whether in Asia or not. These three—chronological, geo-political, and sectarian—have become effectively naturalized as the proper categories for the study of religions. However, change is not chronologically uniform and developmental, religions engaged with power structures that were different from those familiar to us today (nation-states), and participants in traditions sometimes actively sought out other traditions for purposes of adaptation, appropriation, or rebuttal. For these reasons, the reader will not find the essays arranged in a chronological sequence, such as classic, medieval, and modern. Chronological divisions are usually more representative of political and military events, and constitute a presumptive framework into which the history of religious cultures is forced. More important, when considering the processes of ritual change, there is no reason to assume that there is a single, progressive history that can be used to structure a developmental sequence. Too often chronological periodization of this kind implicitly carries with it the sense of progressive development, that is, that later is somehow better. Nor are the essays grouped by geo-political categories—India, Nepal, Tibet, China, Japan. Such categories themselves often reflect contemporary power structures—both political and academic—rather than the connections between religious practices that concern us here. Geographical groupings frequently serve to minimize continuity across geo-political boundaries, emphasizing instead new developments supposedly more authentically responsive to the host culture. Lastly, the commonly deployed divisions of sectarian affiliation,111 such as Hindu and Buddhist, no matter how carefully nuanced within such divisions (whether Vedic, Brahmanic,

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Hindu, or Theravāda, Mahāyāna, Vajrayāna, for example), facilitate the kind of divisive specialization common to contemporary academia.112 Use of sectarian affiliation has frequently resulted in a kind of hermetic treatment, one in which changes in a tradition are understood solely in terms of its own preceding history, ignoring outside influences as part of the context of change.113 Such specialization promotes hermetic understandings of traditions, for example, only looking to earlier Buddhist sources for later Buddhist developments or representing Hinduism by the Bhagavadgītā. In the study of ritual per se and practice more generally, the kind of clear divisions commonly institutionalized in academia all too often inhibit the recognition of patterns that transcend those divisions. One of the ways in which this collection seeks to stimulate the study of ritual change across the longue durée is to creatively juxtapose essays and the ritual traditions that they focus on in such as fashion as to make it possible to consider continuities within and between them—continuities that would otherwise be obscured by the more familiar rubrics. Thus, rather than employing any of the three familiar rubrics, the essays are arranged here in a fashion reminiscent of the steppingstones in some gardens in Japan. Instead of a regular, smooth progress that would allow viewers of the garden to move through the garden without conscious attention to where they are stepping or where they are standing, the unevenly placed stepping stones of Japanese gardens demand that the visitor attend to each footstep, to look where they are going, to see where they are in the garden and thus to see the garden rather than simply walking through it. The intentionally unfamiliar juxtapositions of the following essays will, hopefully, promote inquiry that does not assume a unilinear progressive development, nor an essential coherence based on contemporary nation-states, nor reinforce the tendency toward self-referential conceptions of religious traditions. The studies that follow were not crafted to accord with any preconceived categorization, but rather to elicit the best contemporary scholarship on a single ritual—the homa. Consequently, the essays cannot be neatly systematized, as each reflects the variety of theoretical concerns and methodological approaches of the author of each contribution. The groupings—Symbolic and Comparative Studies, Textual Studies, and Descriptive Studies—reflect key meta-methodological commonalities between the essays, rather than an imposed systematization. Symbolic and Comparative Studies The first set of essays approach the study of the homa by means of the symbolism of the ritual. Methodologically, these essays also share a comparative approach to the study of ritual. A concern with symbolism and the use of comparison are also found in other essays within the collection, suggesting the enduring importance of these approaches, but here they form the primary impetus of the three studies.

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Grether Holly Grether’s essay opens our collection with a broad perspective, ranging across the ritual traditions of the entire Indo-Iranian religious complex, while also drawing on Central and East Asia materials as well. Citing Michel Strickmann’s rhetorical question regarding the lack of inquiry regarding the homa in East Asia, Grether briefly surveys the range across which the homa is found. The direction that she wants to move the inquiry, however, is toward a more thorough investigation of the Zoroastrian connection with early medieval developments in India—as against a one-dimensional narrative that only runs from the Vedas to tantra. Her study draws on material from the Zoroastrian ritual tradition, particularly the yasna, and thus provides an important new perspective on Hindu and Buddhist versions of the homa. In terms of the role of textual sources for the study of ritual dynamics, Grether’s essay points up the important potential of the Avesta as an additional resource for studies of ritual across the longue durée. Grether takes the symbolism of fire and water as a basis for examining these ritual practices in a comparative mode. In her analysis, fire and water form a semiotic pair, found so widely throughout these ritual traditions that the pairing of one with the other constitutes a “ritual rule.”114 Central to the general theme of ritual change across the longue durée, she concludes (citing Michael Witzel’s essay “Meaningful Ritual”) that “while the basic structures of the agnihotra are shared, tantric traditions add several ritual frames. Tantric ritual structure, thus, cannot be a mere survival of old Vedic forms, but rather represents a special development. … While tantric rites contain more ritual sequences, the basic structure remains the same.”115 This points to a consistent pattern of what might be called semantic change. Semantic change, such as the deities to whom offerings are made, is much easier to effect and takes place more quickly than does syntactic change, the organizational structure and underlying ritual metaphor that shapes a ritual performance. The rituals that Grether examines are symmetrical in their structure, another characteristic found throughout tantric ritual. Grether also highlights the Avestan symbolism in which the fire itself is considered an instantiation of the deity evoked, in this case Ahura Mazda. This ritual identification of the fire and the deity is also found throughout the range of homa rituals, and when identification of the practitioner with the fire and deity is added, the distinctively tantric aspect of ritual practice is manifest. Some of the themes found in Grether’s study introduce topics also addressed by other essays in this collection. Interiorization of ritual actions is one of the themes that runs throughout this collection. Interiorization refers to the process by which a ritual that is performed manually as a set of physical actions comes to be internalized as a mentally performed ritual. Similarly, the role of sexual symbolism is also introduced—in this essay in terms of fire as masculine and water as feminine. Grether also discusses the pivotal role of initiation in establishing equivalencies between the homa and other rituals.

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Skorupski Tadeusz Skorupski’s contribution to this collection gives us the symbolic associations and religious valences of fire in India from the earliest recorded period through the development of the tantric traditions. These are the meanings that inform the ritual practices of the Vedic, Brahmanic, and tantric fire offerings. Skorupski’s review reveals the multivalency of fire, which can represent seemingly everything—from birth and death, to digestion and sex, to breath and speech, and that ultimately it is the gate to immortality. In this milieu it is hardly surprising that Buddhist practitioners should have developed a version of the homa for their own use, a theme also discussed by Halkias in this volume. One of the themes that emerges through these details is the basis for the internalization of ritual, which is often taken to be the hallmark of the shift from Brahmanic to tantric ritual. The internalization examined by Skorupski does not take the form of a meditative visualization of the formerly external ritual process itself. In other words, these are not simply a visualized repetition of the external ritual actions. Instead, the ritual is homologized in various ways with psycho-physiological processes. This is also found in Sugiki’s essay, where he employs the term “psycho-somatic” to refer to the internalized version of the homa that employs the esoteric physiology of winds, channels, and drops. The process of internalization employs a variety of metaphoric associations—offerings are breath, for example—rather than literally mentally visualizing the physical ritual activities. The internalization of ritual appears as the product of several different strains of creative re-envisioning of the ritual process. The example of the Kauṣitakī Upaniṣad’s concern with the unending character of the breath as oblation suggests the hope that by knowing that the true nature of the breath is oblation one attains the ritual status necessary for rebirth in the realm of the gods. Tachikawa Musashi Tachikawa expands the scope of our study to Japan. He takes a classic Eliadean distinction between sacred and profane as an oppositional pairing and then matches that pair with other similar oppositional pairs, such as individual and social, pure and impure, and the presumably disjunct goals of release from rebirth, or liberation from bondage to saṃsāra (mokṣa), and power and pleasure in this world (bhoga). He diagrams the flow of ritual action between the two realms of sacred and profane, and in doing so creates the image of a wave-like pattern of interaction between the two. Tachikawa adds complexity to this basic image by suggesting that movement between some of the various oppositions can take place within the realm created by the relation between the terms of another opposition. He suggests, for example, that movement from the state of impurity to that of purity can take place within the realm of the sacred, as for instance in the transformation of a deceased person from corpse to spirit (impure to pure) within the sacred confines of a funeral ceremony.

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In the case of Japanese rituals, Tachikawa suggests that the Mahāyāna equation of nirvāṇa and saṃsāra has created overlapping categories in the ritual system. He then looks more closely at the actions involved in a Japanese homa (J. goma 護摩), noting that there is a fundamental division between preparatory rites and offerings as such. An overall concern of the essay is to demonstrate the way in which individual, subjective experiences are synthesized into collective ones. This is an important theme for considering the role and efficacy of many public and political rituals, such as those examined by Chaulagain in the next section. Textual Studies The second set of essays have texts per se as their central focus. As discussed earlier, the use of textual sources in many cases requires that scholars ask new questions of already familiar texts. In the previous section, Grether introduces the Avesta into our consideration of the sources relevant to the historical study of the homa, and in this section textual sources from the Vedic, Puranic, and Buddhist traditions are added. Lubin Timothy Lubin’s study, “The Vedic Homa and the Standardization of Hindu Pūjā” looks at the period of transition from the Vedic to Brahmanic eras, when the classic fire offerings required the establishment of three fires. These three fires are found in all of the solemn rites: the householder (gārhapatya) fire, located on the western side of the ritual enclosure, the southern (dakṣiṇāgni) fire, which functions to ward off evil influences, and the offering (āhavaniya) fire, on the eastern side of the ritual enclosure. The presence of these three serve to distinguish the solemn (śrauta) rites from the simpler, or one might say streamlined, rituals that only require one fire. Lubin renders these latter, that is the gṛhya rites as the “homely” rites. Also known as the domestic rites, these take place in the home rather than in a separate ritual enclosure and employ only the “household fire.” This is not the cooking fire in the kitchen, but rather a special ritual fire, maintained in a household chapel. Also important in contrasting the solemn rites from the homely rites is the reduction of the number of ritual officiants needed. The solemn rites can be seen as forming a range of increasing complexity, from the simple, one-day-long offering of soma,116 the agniṣṭoma, up to the twelve-day-long ritual called “the piling up of Agni” (agnicayana)—each requiring a corresponding increase in the number of officiants. In contrast, only one officiant is needed for the domestic rites, with the householder himself serving as the ritual sponsor (yajamāna). The transition from solemn to domestic rites is important in the historical transformation of Brahmanic ritual, and as Lubin explains, required a new rationale to legitimize these simpler ritual forms. This ritual record evidences a changing socioeconomic

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situation, which Lubin sees as involving a shift from a model of authority based on leadership within a nomadic band to one based on leadership in an established household. Sugiki Tsunehiko Sugiki gives us a detailed study of sexual symbolism in early Buddhist tantras, that is, from about the ninth to thirteenth centuries. The internalization of ritual action is of particular importance in this discussion, and as indicated earlier there are differing conceptions of what internalization means. Sugiki specifically notes the threefold typology offered by Abhayākaragupta—mental, internal, and supreme.117 Although elsewhere in this volume authors discuss the different kinds of homa ritual, such as, the fourfold categorization of pacification, prosperity, bewitchment, and subjugation, Sugiki notes that the internal forms do not follow this kind of categorization—thus indicating that while the external fire ritual can be categorized according to external goals, internalized fire rituals seek other kinds of accomplishments, such as the power of gnosis to “burn up” delusions. Through careful textual analysis, he has arranged these texts in a progressive sequence. Understood in this fashion, Sugiki’s ordering demonstrates the progress from sexual yoga as practiced physically to its symbolic internalization as what he calls a “psychosomatic” process, that is, subtle body yoga. Subtle body yoga requires learning control over the symbolic physiology of subtle winds (prāṇa), that circulate through the three channels (nadis), which themselves pass through lotus-shaped centers (cakras). This subtle, or esoteric physiology serves to distinguish different sorts of internalization. Psychosomatic internalization differs both from a visualized performance of the homa per se and from a symbolic equation of meditation as a fire that purifies one’s emotional and cognitive obscurations (kleśa). While the latter understanding of the goal of practice is at play in the works Sugiki examines, the purification is understood in a more literal sense as the fire reaching up into the head and activating the “great bliss” cakra (mahāsukhacakra). Gray David Gray continues the examination of textual sources for understanding the homa by turning to an important homa ritual manual (vidhi) attributed to one of the Buddhist mahāsiddhas, Kāṇha (also known as Kṛṣṇācārya). This manual is itself part of the Cakarasaṃvara tantra cycle of textual materials. Internalization of the homa forms an important part of the ritual practice described by Kāṇha, as also found in the contributions by Skorupski and Sugiki in this volume. Also introduced here is a detail that itself provides a key to tracing the dynamics of change for the homa. That is the issue of the categories of rites. In this case, we learn that there are three categories, while as reflected in other essays in this volume there are also sets of four and five categories. While across the tantric tradition these often overlap,

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there may be other, more divergent systems of organizing tantric rituals yet to be identified. Finally, we note that Kāṇha also makes one of the assertions found repeatedly throughout the tantric traditions, that is, that without homa there can be no success. Halkias Georgios Halkias examines another homa ritual manual (vidhi), this one related to an otherwise little known buddha, Aparimitāyus. Like the more familiar and similarly named Amitāyus, one of the buddhas important to the Pure Land tradition, Aparimitāyus can provide the benefit of longevity. Although little known today, Aparimitāyus was a very popular buddha at various times in Buddhist history because of the desire for longevity, and he is found in both Tibetan and Chinese traditions.118 As with Skorupski, Halkias gives us some insight into the way in which Brahmanic homas were rejected by early Buddhism, but then adapted back into the tradition later. This was not the rejection of ritual per se, as some modernizing interpreters would have it. Instead, it is a rejection of the performance of ritual as a means by which monks would earn their livelihood, that is, a means other than mendicancy, and one associated with the taking of animal life. The logics of the symbolism of external and internal again play a role in this process, with the interpretation of the internal dimension as a kind of meditation. This association between external ritual performance and internal meditations provided a rationale making the performance of ritual acceptable within a Buddhist context. While many of the same terms for various kinds of rituals recur throughout the literature, the number of kinds of rituals varies between different textual traditions. Here, for example, in contrast to the three kinds of homas as found in Gray’s study of Kāṇha’s ritual manual, we now find a set of four different kinds of homas identified in relation to Aparimitāyus. Authorship of this manual is attributed to the Queen of Siddhas, an epithet given to several different legendary figures. Wallace Vesna Wallace’s study looks at the homa in relation to the Kalācakra cycle, a tantra widely accepted as the culmination of tantric Buddhist development in India, and held to be the most important tantra by the Gelug tradition, that headed by the Dalai Lama. This is a close study of the ritual requirements and practices for the homa in the Kalācakra tradition, providing the kind of detail—such as implements, offerings, color symbolism, and the five functions that the rite can fulfill—that is essential for comparisons that lead to knowledge of the dynamics of ritual change and adaptation. Important to the study of the Kalācara tradition is the commentary by Vimalaprabhā. Wallace indicates that Vimalaprabhā makes the same distinction between internal and external noted by Halkias. Internal and external are distinguished by the goals that the two kinds of homas can attain—internal homas facilitate attainment of the “supreme indestructible gnosis” (paramākṣara-jñāna-siddhi), while external homas are of use in more mundane attainments, such as purification and merit-making. It is worth noting

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in this regard that, as with Sugiki’s comments, “internal” here is not understood as a purely “mental” process. In other words, while the Cartesian dualism of mind and matter may seem “natural” to many of us today, we should not presume that it is universal nor allow it to predetermine our interpretation of these practices. The internal practices discussed by Wallace refer to esoteric physiology, such as the winds, channels, and cakras as discussed by Sugiki, rather than to a mental or psychological dimension of human existence. Orzech Charles Orzech’s contribution to this collection, “Ritual Subjects: Homa in Chinese Translations and Manuals from the Sixth through Eighth Centuries,” vividly demonstrates the importance of the textual record for understanding history—not just the religious history of China but also of India. The developmental sequence that he traces over the course of three centuries is not just about Chinese developments, but serve as reflections of developments in Indian tantric Buddhism over that same historical arc. These Chinese language texts are extensions of the medieval Indian ritual world into East Asia. Orzech notes an important distinction between the use of the homa in China and in Japan. In Japan it came to be part of the publicly available technology of tantric Buddhism, while in China it remained the preserve of monastic and imperial elites. In present-day Japan, for example, it is possible for members of the general public to have homas performed for a variety of different purposes, performances that they attend in a fashion similar to the sponsor (yajamāna) of Vedic rites. Orzech notes an important transitional point in the development of the tantric Buddhist homa. That is in the shift from the use of fire in image consecration, where the image is the focus of the rite and the object in which the deities are made present, to the fire itself being the focus of ritual action, and itself the object in which the deities are made present. Equally important is the development of the interior or visualized ritual performance in relation to the exterior homa, performed physically. This aspect of later homa instructions leads Orzech to consider the ways in which ritual practice formed the social persona. Contrary to the rhetoric of the isolated individual, an image dating from Upanishadic texts, Orzech points out that ritual is a highly public matter and the self being formed is a public one as well. At the same time, the creation of an interior ritual space is the creation of an interiorized sense of self as both ritual agent and ritual object. Descriptive Studies As indicated already, all of the studies in this collection employ a textual basis of some kind. This last set, however, shift the methodological emphasis to a more descriptive mode, while still drawing on textual sources.

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Lewis and Bajracharya Although long marginal to the mainstream of study of South Asian religions, the Newar Buddhist tradition forms an important area of inquiry, and this essay focuses on the homa ritual of that tradition. With a hereditary priesthood, Newar Buddhism—not unlike Japanese and some forms of Buddhism found in China—diverges from the common expectation of monastic celibacy. Nepal, also the location for Chaulagain’s study in this section, is marked by a relatively strong tradition of coexistence of Buddhist and Hindu forms of religion. Lewis and Bajracharya provide historical background on the development of Buddhism in Nepal, including relations with the now predominant Hindu religious culture. The primary form of Buddhism in Nepal is the Vajrayāna, and this is reflected in the stupas and monasteries, statues and images created by the community, as well as being the basis of the ritual culture. The important textual bases for the Newar tradition’s homa practices include the Kālacakra and the Cakrasaṃvara tantras, discussed by Wallace and Gray, respectively, in this collection. The Newar tradition includes a wide range of different homas, which the authors discuss in order to demonstrate “the flexibility and depth of Newar Buddhist homa ritualism.” Within the Newar Buddhist society, homas are mandatory at the times of death and mourning, and also at the end of other cycles of ritual performances. Other kinds of rituals within the religious culture, such as life cycle rituals and construction rituals, may optionally include the homa as part of their performance. The authors provide a very detailed presentation of a standard Newar Buddhist homa ritual. This examination shows the way in which standard units of ritual activity, what the authors call “praxis units,” are organized to create a specific ritual performance. They proceed after this detailed description to discuss several different specific rituals and their applications, including not only the construction rites already mentioned but also consecrations. Chaulagain Also working in the Nepalese context, Nawaraj Chaulagain examines one of the most important political rituals for the Hindu royalty, the Navarātra. This is a nine-day ceremony which, contrary to common expectation of Hindu practice, involves the sacrifice of animals and the burning of their livers as part of the homa offerings. Although originally performed for the benefit of the king, the ceremony continues into the present as a national festival. This ritual is devoted to the terrifying goddess Kālī, who is homologized with Devi Mahāmaya, the Great Goddess of Illusion, as well as with the “Ultimate Śakti”—the feminine divine force that is foundational to all being. Textually, the ritual draws upon the Devi Mahātmya for part of the recitations included in its performance. Unlike the rituals in which deities are evoked into a ritual space, in this case the goddess is

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“awakened” in the center of a yantra with eight points, each of which is occupied by one of eight goddesses. During the course of the nine days of the Navarātra, several different homa rituals are performed. One involves the consecration of weapons, a ritual in this case closely modeled on Vedic forms of ritual offerings. Another is performed on the eighth and ninth nights, which are identified with Durgā, and considered the dark nights. On these nights the practitioner performs an esoteric homa involving the burning of the liver of a sacrificial animal—a black goat with a black tongue. Chaulagain also explores the significance of the symbolic means by which connections or equivalences (bandhu or nidāna) are established between ritual elements. Particularly important for the homa is ritual identification between the sacrificer, sacrifice, and the deity receiving the sacrifice. This is effectively identical with ritual identification in Shingon Buddhist homa as discussed by Payne in this collection. In the Shingon version of ritual identification the mouth of the altar hearth is identified with the mouth of both the deity evoked and the practitioner, the fire is both the digestive fire of the deity and the wisdom fire of the practitioner’s own gnosis, and the offerings made are the practitioner’s own obscurations (kleśa), which are transformed by the fire and purified as offerings to the deity. Chaulagain closes his study with an comparative examination of the symbolism of the liver across many different religious traditions, and a consideration of the magical basis also common across traditions. His final discussion looks at the relation of the Navarātra rituals with the broader Indic category of Śakta tantra. Payne The quasi-shamanic tradition of Shugendō is widely known for the practice of austerities conducted in the mountains of Japan. Historically, Shugendō has drawn on esoteric Buddhism, both Tendai and Shingon, for symbolism and practices. These borrowings from Esoteric Buddhism became very strong during the Tokugawa era (1603–1868), when the shogunate required all Shugendō practitioners to become directly affiliated with either the Tendai or Shingon institutions. Since the establishment of freedom of religion in the Japanese constitution of Japan (1947), however, these affiliations have weakened and the connection of Esoteric Buddhist symbolism and practice with Shugendō has weakened as well. Very striking is the outdoor performance of the homa, known as the Shugendō saitō goma. As with Gray and Halkias in this collection, the textual basis for this study is a ritual manual, in this case augmented by personal observation of several instances of the ritual in the early 1980s. While traditionally part of the system of mountain retreats, Shugendō practitioners also frequently perform their saitō goma as a stand-alone ritual in public venues.

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Drawing on Zürcher’s proposed typology of appropriation, originally developed for explicating the relations between Daoism and Buddhism in China, Payne suggests extending that with a syntactic analysis of rituals. In examining the Shugendō saitō goma, Payne specifically proposes a two-dimensional comparison so as to understand the dynamics of ritual appropriation more clearly. One axis would be the comparison of the saitō goma with another, more basic Shugendō ritual, that known as the Fudō hō, which provides the structural framework for the more complex saitō goma. The other axis would be a comparison of the Shugendō homa with that found in the esoteric Buddhist traditions of Japan, such as the Shingon homa. Witzel The final essay is Michael Witzel’s “Agnihotra Rituals in Nepal.” As a fire ritual performed very regularly as part of Brahmanic Vedic culture, the agnihotra constitutes a key element in the symbolic and ritual milieu in which the homa developed, and in relation to which it continues to be performed today. As discussed above by Chaulagain and by Lewis and Bajracharya, the two kinds of rituals—homas and agnihotras—coexist in the same ritual universe of present-day Nepal. Witzel gives a wide-ranging survey of the complexities of the agnihotra in Nepal. His research ranges over the history of the movement of the ritual into Nepal, detailed comparisons of its performance in two separate sites of long-term performance (agniśālā), symbolic significances, and social considerations regarding the status of the agnihotri. Rather than the uniformity of practice that might be expected, given that four of the five different groups of Brahmins in the area all follow the Mādhyandina recension of the White Yajurveda, Witzel’s research in the Kathmandu Valley reveals a variety of differences in the ritual’s performance. In the valley there are four agnihotra rituals maintained. Two of these are modern revivals, while the other two date back centuries and are the focus of Witzel’s inquiry. He gives a close comparison of these two, discussing similarities and difference between the agnihotra performed at Patan and at Paśupatināth. The Patan Agnihotra is well attested in a series of manuscripts going back to 1433 CE. They show increasing localization (“Newarization”) of the ritual and a development from a royal ritual to a local version that involves the citizens of Patan and surroundings. The Paśupatināth Agnihotra is entirely based on oral tradition though a printed text has been available for more than 150 years. As regional practices, aspects of Vedic religion no longer extant elsewhere are found as part of the agnihotra in Nepal. For example, the figure of Mitrāvaruṇa is revered during the ritual, a figure that combines the two deities, Mitra and Varuṇa, into one. Elsewhere only Varuṇa has survived into post-Vedic religious culture and, although once the king of the gods, remains in the diminished position of lord of the ocean. Another important local development is a dual summoning of the deity. In one step, the summons is “by meditation and infusion into the fire of the conventional (samaya), mentally created god.” The second is by evocation (avāhana), and then the two are joined

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together. Witzel points out that there is a convergence here between Vedic and tantric— “Apparently it is only at this one location in Indian culture that the Vedic agnihotra ritual has undergone a development to a typical tantric ritual, a real and quite special local development.” CONCLUSION Several significant themes run through these essays, though not necessarily evident in all of them. These include the interiorization of ritual. Although the psychologized character of contemporary society may lead us to presume that this means performing the ritual as a mental visualization, Indic religious culture gives greater emphasis to an embodied basis for such interiorization.119 This usually involves a psycho-physical symbolism, and in some cases includes equations between ritual actions and breathing, digestion, and sexual intercourse. Another theme, this one of value for tracing historical relations between different lineages of ritual practice are the categories of ritual functions, whether three, four, or five. These functional categories—protection, conquest, and so on—are directly coterminous with such matters as shapes of hearth, the colors used in the ritual, such as the practitioner’s garb, the time of day the ritual is to be performed, the direction that the ritual is to be oriented, the kind of wood to be used in building the fire, the selection of offerings to be made, and so on. The homa has several different kinds of broader applications to which it is put in different ritual cultures. Important are, for example, the consecration of images, use in building rites, and in some traditions as the final ritual in a larger ceremonial complex. In addition to the set functions and applications, practice of the homa is often taken to be conducive to liberation or awakening. Frequently, the symbolism involved includes the destruction of the practitioner’s attachments or obscurations by their identification with the offerings being made into the fire. Just as Agni consumes the offerings and purifies them so that they are acceptable to the deities, so the fire consumes and transforms the fetters binding the practitioner. Methodologically, what emerged from listening to the presentations, and then reading and re-reading the written versions, is a set of three admittedly overlapping meta-methodological categories—symbolism and comparison, textually based studies, and descriptive studies. These divisions are only rough ones, in that textual concerns are common to most of the essays, just as both description and comparison are widely employed, along with attention to symbolism. Taken cumulatively, these studies provide a wide-ranging overview of the homa across more than three millennia. Such rituals, which have extensive textual bases, histories of performance lasting across millennia, and traditions of performance active in the present, provide an important resource for understanding how rituals develop and change—within a particular tradition, as well as across the boundaries of religious traditions and, more broadly, across religious cultures.

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Notes 1. Discerning such idiosyncrasies from longer term patterns is consistent with Rappaport’s distinction between canonic and indexical. See Roy A. Rappaport, Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 54. 2. To the best of my knowledge, the only other work that considers similar temporal and cultural scope in its study of a ritual is found in Michael Stausberg, ed., Zoroastrian Rituals in Context (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2004). 3. Even in an adaptation of the homa made by Yogi Chen in which the main deity is Jesus, the first of the two sets of offerings being made are for Agni. See “A Ritual of Fire Sacrifice to the Five Saints of Christianity,” A Systematized Collection of Chenian Booklets, Nos. 1—100, no. 122, http://www.yogichen.org/cw/cw40/bk122.html. 4. In Japan, e.g., sesame oil (goma abura 胡麻油) is substituted for ghee. Until the modern era, Japan did not have a dairy culture that could have provided ghee. Despite its potential availability now, however, practitioners continue to use sesame oil. 5. Michael Stausberg, “Contextualizing the Contexts: On the Study of Zoroastrian Rituals,” in Michael Stausberg, ed., Zoroastrian Rituals in Context (Leiden: Brill Academic Publishing, 2004), p. 24. 6. For a dramatic instance of this, see Frits Staal, Agni: The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar, 2 vols. (Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities Press, 1983), vol. 1, p. 694, pl. 110. 7. For a detailed description of this rite, see Richard K. Payne, “From Vedic India to Buddhist Japan:  Continuities and Discontinuities in Esoteric Ritual,” in Charles Orzech, Henrik Sørensen, and Richard K. Payne, eds., Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia (Leiden and New York: Brill, 2011), pp. 1048–1051. 8. Christine Mollier, Buddhism and Taoism Face to Face: Scripture, Ritual and Iconographic Exchange in Medieval China (Honolulu:  University of Hawai’i Press, 2008), p.  145. See also Richard K. Payne, “The Homa of the Northern Dipper,” in David Gray and Ryan Overbey, eds., Tantric Traditions on the Move (New York: Oxford University Press, in press). 9. The only comparable ritual in terms of both duration and variety of cultural locations would seem to be the initiatory practice known as abhiṣeka. See, e.g., Ronald M.  Davidson, “The Place of Abhiṣeka Visualization in the Yogalehrbuch and Related Texts,” in Eli Franco and Monika Zin, eds., From Turfan to Ajanta: Festschrift for Dieter Schlingloff on the Occasion of his Eightieth Birthday, 2 vols., numbered continuously (Bhairahawa, Nepal: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2010), pp. 183–196. 10. For additional background on the scholarly distinctions, see Jack Santino, “The Carnivalesque and the Ritualesque,” Journal of American Folklore 124/491 (2011): 61–73. 11. Raymond Firth, Tikopia Ritual and Belief (Boston: Beacon Press, 1967), p. 12. 12. Firth, Tikopia Ritual and Belief, p. 13. 13. Firth, Tikopia Ritual and Belief, p. 73. 14. Cf. Edgar Bierende, Sven Bretfeld, and Klaus Oschema, eds., Riten, Gesten, Zeremonien:  Gesellschaftliche Symbolik in Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2008). 15. William Sax, “Ritual and the Problem of Efficacy,” in William S. Sax, Johannes Quack, and Jan Weinhold, eds., The Problem of Ritual Efficacy (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 4.

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16. See the section “Ritual Change by Invention.” 17. We are here purposely avoiding suggestions about how to understand or define the ends sought, whether practical, social, spiritual or any other characterization. Nor are we suggesting any determination about the epistemologically most appropriate perspective from which to evaluate or describe those ends, broadly either emic or etic. And further, we are making no determinations regarding the best way to judge the efficacy of ritual in the accomplishment of those ends. In order to avoid prematurely foreclosing directions of inquiry, we are here bracketing off those questions, while at the same time wanting to acknowledge their relevance and importance for the general project of ritual studies. 18. Bruce Lincoln, “On Ritual, Change, and Marked Categories,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 68/3 (September 2000), 504, citing Catherine Bell, Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 138–169. 19. Sheldon Pollock, “From Discourse of Ritual to Discourse of Power in Sanskrit Literature,” Journal of Ritual Studies 4/2 (Summer 1990): 316. 20. As suggestive as “fuzzy” is metaphorically, it is also a technical concept from contemporary logic and is being used here with the latter in mind. 21. Christiane Brosius, Axel Michaels, and Paula Schrode, “Ritualforschung heute—ein Überblick,” in Christiane Brosius, Axel Michaels, and Paula Schrode, eds., Ritual und Ritualdynamik (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2013), p. 10. See also Jan A. M. Snoek, “Defining ‘Rituals’,” in Jens Kreinath, Jan Snoek, and Michael Stausberg, eds., Theorizing Rituals: Issues, Topics, Approaches, Concepts (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2006), pp. 8–10. 22. Catherine Bell, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 90. 23. Pamela J. Stewart and Andrew Strathern, Ritual: Key Concepts in Religion (London and New York: Bloomsbury, 2014), p. 5. 24. John D. Kelly and Martha Kaplan, “History, Structure, and Ritual,” Annual Review of Anthropology 19 (1990): 120. 25. Monica Wilson, “The Wedding Cakes: A Study of Ritual Change,” in J. S. La Fontaine, ed., The Interpretation of Ritual: Essays in Honour of A. I. Richards (London: Tavistock, 1972), p. 188. 26. Wilson, “The Wedding Cakes,” p. 197. 27. See Eric R. Wolf, Europe and the People without History (1982; reprint, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2010). 28. As a field of academic specialization, religious studies developed out of both comparative theology and the education of Christian missionaries. As a consequence, though often simply taken for granted and therefore not made explicit, themes of Christian triumphalism informed the field, and to a large extent continue to give structure by defining the issues addressed in religious studies. Donald Wiebe, The Politics of Religious Studies: The Continuing Conflict with Theology in the Academy (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999). 29. This should not to be confused with Frits Staal’s theoretical argument regarding the meaninglessness of ritual, which is a different thing entirely. 30. Christiane Brosius and Ute Hüsken, “Change and Stability of Rituals: An Introduction,” in Christiane Brosius and Ute Hüsken, Ritual Matters: Dynamic Dimensions in Practice (New Delhi and Abingdon: Routledge India, 2010), pp. 2–3. One might also, of course, mention Freud in this regard as well, who, although not in the line of religious studies scholars with whom

Introduction 34 i Brosius and Hüsken are concerned, was perhaps more influential in the formation of popular conceptions of ritual as a meaningless and compulsive reenactment symbolic of some other traumatic experience that could not be integrated into conscious awareness. 31. On the complexities of the issues related to secularization, see Hans Blumenberg, The Legitimacy of the Modern Age, translated by Robert M.  Wallace (Cambridge, MA:  MIT Press, 1983). 32. Wolf, Europe and the People without History. 33. Robert N.  Bellah, Religion in Human Evolution:  From the Paleolithic to the Axial Age (Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Press, 2011). 34. Wilson, “The Wedding Cakes,” pp.  187–188. Additionally, we may note that Wilson sees Audrey Richards work Bemba Marriage and Modern Economic Conditions (Livingstone: Rhodes-Livingstone Institute, 1940), as “a pioneering study of change in kinship and ritual” (p. 187). A thorough study of the effects of colonization on conceptions of religion and ritual is to be found in David Chidester, Savage Systems: Colonialism and Comparative Religion in Southern Africa (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1996). 35. Philippe Buc, The Dangers of Ritual: Between Early Medieval Texts and Social Scientific Theory (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), p. 1. 36. Kelly and Kaplan, “History, Structure, and Ritual,” p. 121. 37. The struggle to define religious studies as a social science separate from theology is a long-standing one. Indeed some scholars have recently declared it to be futile on the grounds that the field of religious studies is necessarily grounded in theology. 38. The contrast with the academic study of ritual in French research is instructive in this regard. French religious culture, with its Catholic, and specifically counter-Reformation heritage has generally had a more positive approach to ritual—apparently reflective of a more positive understanding of the sacraments. 39. Brosius and Hüsken, Ritual Matters, p. 3. For myself, David I. Kertzer’s Ritual, Politics and Power (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989), which examined political and social power relations from the perspective of ritual performance, was pivotal in reorienting the concept of ritual from a set of activities within the larger category of religion to a separate, though overlapping, category. 40. Bell, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice, pp. 88–93. 41. See Bernard Faure, ed., Chan Buddhism in Ritual Context (London and New York: Routledge, 2003), and Steven Heine and Dale S. Wright, eds., Zen Ritual: Studies of Zen Buddhist Theory in Practice (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2008). 42. For a valuable discussion of the way in which similarities between traditional Zen discourse on sudden awakening and Western Romanticism overdetermined this image of Zen, see Dale S. Wright, “Introduction: Rethinking Ritual Practice in Zen Buddhism,” in Heine and Wright, eds., Zen Ritual, 5. 43. Bernard Faure, The Rhetoric of Immediacy: A Cultural Critique of Chan/Zen Buddhism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994). 44. Patricia Q. Campbell, Knowing Body, Moving Mind: Ritualizing and Learning in Two Buddhist Centers (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2011). 45. Although sometimes used synonymously, by historicality I am not referring here to the problems identified by the term “historicity,” which in religious studies often seem to have to

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do with questions of factual historical existence, apparently largely motivated by theological concerns regarding the historical existence of Jesus. 46. Lincoln, “On Ritual, Change, and Marked Categories,” p. 487. 47. Stausberg, “Contextualizing the Contexts,” pp. 52–53. 48. Robert N.  McCauley, “The Importance of Being ‘Ernest’,” in Edward Slingerland and Mark Collard, eds., Creating Consilience:  Integrating the Sciences and the Humanities (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), p. 267. 49. It is worthy of note, however, that Liénard and Boyer reference some of Rappaport’s older works and do not cite his 1999 publication, Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity (Cambridge:  Cambridge University Press, 1999), in which he qualifies “invariant,” using the phrase “relatively invariant,” pp. 30, and 35. 50. Pierre Liénard and Pascal Boyer, “Whence Collective Rituals? A  Cultural Selection Model of Ritualized Behavior,” American Anthropologist 108/4 (2006): 816. The authors develop the same ideas more fully in Pascal Boyer and Pierre Liénard, “Why Ritualized Behavior? Precaution Systems and Action Parsing in Developmental, Pathological and Cultural Rituals,” Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29/6 (2006): 1–56. 51. Liénard and Boyer, “Whence Collective Rituals?” pp. 816–817. 52. Liénard and Boyer, “Whence Collective Rituals?” p. 819. 53. The literature on Freud and ritual, as well as Freudian theories of ritual is extensive. For an overview, see Bell, Ritual:  Perspectives and Dimensions, pp.  12–16. Rather than an expression of an unconscious motivation, ritualization is often employed purposely. Bell notes several instances in which “invariant practice is meant to evoke disciplined control for purposes of self-cultivation” (p. 151). 54. Liénard and Boyer, “Whence Collective Rituals?” p. 819. Although originally given as a parenthetical, the qualification “clearly different” is emphasized here to clarify the difference between (a) Liénard and Boyer’s treatment of the relation between ritual and the three examples they consider (children’s rituals, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and life-stage-relevant intrusive thoughts) as a fruitful analogy, and (b) Freud’s treatment of the two, which is easily understood as an explanatory identity. 55. One of the limiting factors for Reformation era studies of ritual change, however, is that to a large extent they assume that it is changes in theology, broadly defined, that lead to changes in ritual. While noting that recent theoretical orientations have changed the field, Miri Rubin notes, e.g., that “discussions of the eucharist have usually taken place within studies of theology and canon law, in worlds of ecclesiastical history” (Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991], p. 4). 56. Michael David Kaulana Ing, “The Ancients Did Not Fix Their Graves: Failure in Early Confucian Ritual,” Philosophy East and West 62/2 (April 2012): 223–245. 57. Ing, “The Ancients Did Not Fix Their Graves,” p. 235. 58. Robert N.  McCauley and E. Thomas Lawson, Bringing Ritual to Mind:  Psychological Foundations of Cultural Forms (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 200. 59. McCauley and Lawson, Bringing Ritual to Mind, p. 207. 60. Timothy Insoll, “Introductory Thoughts, on the Theme of ‘Ritual Failure. Archaeological Perspectives’,” Introduction to Vasiliki G.  Koutrafouri and Jeff Sanders, eds., Ritual Failure: Archaeological Persepectives (Leiden: Sidestone Press, 2013) p. 13.

Introduction 36 i 61. Insoll, “Introductory Thoughts,” p. 14. 62. For example, Jens Kreinath, Constance Hartung, and Annette Deschner, eds., The Dynamics of Changing Rituals: The Transformation of Religious Rituals within Their Social and Cultural Context, Toronto Studies in Religion, vol. 29 (New York: Peter Lang, 2004). 63. For example, Ute Hüsken, ed., When Rituals Go Wrong: Mistakes, Failure, and the Dynamics of Ritual, (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2007). See also Vasiliki G. Koutrafouri and Jeff Sanders, eds., Ritual Failure: Archaeological Perspectives (Leiden: Sidestone Press, 2013). 64. Koutrafouri and Sanders, Ritual Failure, p. 8. 65. Insoll, “Introductory Thoughts,” p. 12. 66. Lincoln, “On Ritual, Change, and Marked Categories,” p. 487. 67. Lincoln, “On Ritual, Change, and Marked Categories.” 68. On the basis of existing scholarship, we have pointed to the images of modern versus traditional that played a role in the expansion of colonialism in the nineteenth century. Speculatively, given the similarity of interpretation and the synchronicity of events, one wonders in this regard whether the mindless repetition of meaningless actions imposed on the working class by the rise of industrialization was not in the background of those members of the social elites who maintained and promoted the view of ritual as just such a practice? 69. Wilson, “The Wedding Cakes,” p. 188. 70. Wilson, “The Wedding Cakes,” p. 193. 71. Wilson, “The Wedding Cakes,” p. 194. 72. Wilson, “The Wedding Cakes,” p. 200. 73. Susan Sered, “Taxonomies of Ritual Mixing,” History of Religions 47/2‒3 (November 2007/February 2008): 221–238. 74. Sered, “Taxonomies of Ritual Mixing,” p. 222. 75. How, e.g., is bringing lollipops to the hospital at the time of childbirth (p. 226) a ritual? More ambiguously, is a cancer patient taking up the practice of Tai Chi (p. 226) engaging in a healing ritual or in an exercise regimen? An extended reflection on the problems consequent upon over-extending the category of ritual is to be found in Philippe Buc’s The Dangers of Ritual, see, for a summary, ­chapter 7: Epilogue, pp. 248–261. 76. Sered, “Taxonomies of Ritual Mixing,” p. 225. 77. Pamela J. Stewart and Andrew Strathern, Remaking the World: Myth, Mining, and Ritual Change among the Duna of Papua New Guinea (Washington, DC, and London: Smithsonian Institution Press, 2002), p. ix. 78. Stewart and Strathern, Remaking the World, p. xi. The authors draw a parallel between the changes wrought on Duna religious world by the introduction of mining and the Taussig’s report on the situation of miners in Bolivia (pp. 187–188). See Michael T. Taussig, The Devil and Commodity Fetishism in South America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980). 79. Bell, Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions, p. 223. 80. Nissan Rubin, Carmella Shmilovitz, and Meira Weiss, “From Fat to Thin: Informal Rites Affirming Identity Change,” Symbolic Interaction 16/1 (Spring 1993): 1–17. 81. Bell, Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions, pp. 224–225. 82. See Thomas Spear, “Neo-Traditionalism and the Limits of Invention in British Colonial Africa,” Journal of African History 44/1 (2003): 3–27. DOI: 10.1017/S0021853702008320. 83. Another important area of reflection on discussing or disclosing the invented nature of traditions is the ethical consequences, the issues of authenticity and authority, and legal

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status. See, e.g., Jocelyin Linnekin, “Cultural Invention and the Dilemma of Authority,” American Anthropologist, n.s., 93/2 (June 1991):  446–449; Greg Johnson, “Ancestors Before Us: Manifestations of Tradition in a Hawaiian Dispute,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 71/2 (June 2003): 327–346. 84. Bernhard Lang, Sacred Games: A History of Christian Worship (New Haven, CT, and London: Yale University Press, 1997), p. 215. 85. Richard K.  Payne, “The Tantric Transformation of Pūjā:  Interpretation and Structure in the Study of Ritual,” in Dick van der Meij, ed., India and Beyond:  Aspects of Literature, Meaning, Ritual and Thought, Essays in Honour of Frits Staal (London and New York: Keegan Paul International, 1997), pp. 384–404. 86. Geoffrey Samuel, “The Writing of The Origins of Yoga and Tantra,” International Journal of Hindu Studies 15/3 (2011): 308. 87. There are three translations, T. 606 dated 284, T. 607 dated between 148–170, T. 608 dated 185. These suggest that the work was composed in the early or middle of the second century. 88. Paul Demiéville, “La Yogācārabhūmi de Saṅtarakṣa,” Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient 44/2 (1951): 379. 89. Stephan Beyer, “Notes on the Vision Quest in Early Mahāyāna,” in Lewis Lancaster, ed., Prajñāpāramitā and Related Systems: Studies in Honor of Edward Conze, (Berkeley: The Group in Buddhist Studies, and the Center for South & Southeast Asian Studies at the University of California, Berkeley, and The Institute of Buddhist Studies, 1977), p. 337. 90. Beyer, “Notes on the Vision Quest,” p. 331. 91. Jan Nattier, “The Indian Roots of Pure Land Buddhism: Insights from the Oldest Chinese Versions of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha,” Pacific World:  Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies, 3rd ser., 5 (2003): 179–201. 92. Paul Harrison, “Mediums and Messages:  Reflections on the Production of Mahāyāna Sūtras,” Eastern Buddhist 35/1‒2 (2003): 121. 93. Buc, The Dangers of Ritual, p. 248. 94. The epistemological issues involved in the use of different types of sources, and the differing theoretical orientations involved is discussed in detail by Michael Stausberg, “Contextualizing the Contexts.” These issues are heightened for the study of Zoroastrian ritual, since unlike the homa, the yasna is not a public performance. 95. Bell, “Ritualization of Texts,” p. 367. 96. Bell, “Ritualization of Texts,” p. 369. 97. Timothy Lubin, “The Vedic Homa and the Standardization of Hindu Pūjā,” in this volume. 98. Samuel, “The Writing,” p. 309. 99. See, e.g., Richard K. Payne, “Ritual Studies in the Longue Durée: Comparing Shingon and Śaiva Siddhānta Homas,” Pacific World: Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies, 3rd ser., 13 (2011): 223–262. 100. In Rolf Giebel’s translation from the Chinese, “Chapter XXVII: The Mundane and Supramundane Homa Rituals.” (The Chinese and Tibetan versions differ in their chapter divisions.) Rolf W. Giebel, trans., The Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi Sutra (Berkeley, CA: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2005). See also Stephen Hodge, trans., The MahāVairocana-Abhisaṃodhi Tantra with Buddhaguhya’s Commentary (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003).

Introduction 38 i 101. In his The Enlightenment of Vairocana (Delhi:  Motilal Banarsidass, 1992), ­chapter  14 “Study of the Homa chapter” (pp. 189–208), Alex Wayman studied this section in detail and was able to expand on its significance. He was able to do so, however, only with extensive examination not only of Buddhaguhya’s commentary, but several ancillary texts as well. Despite the thorough-going nature of his research, many of the explanations he gives remain speculative, some more highly so than others. Perhaps the most important question—Why does the text include this lengthy set of different fires?—remains unaddressed. Such difficulties are, of course, not unusual for scholarly work and seem to increase with distance in time and culture. What is relevant here, though, is that the understanding of the texts that record the history of rituals goes far beyond translation per se. In a sense, this is nothing more than the truism that “context matters.” However, there are theoretical issues involved in determining what the appropriate context actually is. Without such a theoretical basis the conceptual danger is that similarities and associations alone are not explanatory, especially when they are linked in an extended sequence. See, e.g., Wayman’s learned discussion of kṣayāgni, the “Transient Fire” (pp. 196–197), which links together transiency with “being lean” through the Tibetan rendering in the Amarakoṣa, and then further with the lean character of lightning, which in turn leads to a possible association between Agni Pāvaka and Agni Mātariśvan, and the latter’s possible association with metallurgy, and therefore with Hephaestus. One has the feeling here that by knowing so much more, we in fact wind up knowing less. 102. Giebel, trans., Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi Sutra, pp. 194–195. (This pagination is for the 2009 pdf version. In printing of 2005, p. 217.) 103. This approach follows the line of argumentation Samuel raises in relation to the description of the maṇḍala of the Suvarṇaprabhāsasūta, which he is “pretty sure … reflects some kind of practice in which the four Buddhas were visualized and invoked, but precisely how and in what way remains obscure.” Samuel, “The Writing,” p. 308. 104. The art historical and archaeological records may also provide information, however, frequently the interpretation of such evidence itself requires recourse to the textual. 105. David Solomon, Ping-Cheung Lo, Ruiping Fan, and H. Tristram Engelhardt, Jr., “Chapter  1:  Ritual as a Cardinal Category of Moral Reality:  An Introduction,” in David Solomon, Ping-Cheung Lo, and Ruiping Fan, eds., Ritual and the Moral Life: Reclaiming the Tradition (Dordrecht: Springer, 2012), p. 2. 106. Rappaport, Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity, p. 76. 107. Gregory Schopen, “Archaeology and Protestant Presuppositions in the Study of Indian Buddhism,” History of Religions 31/1 (August 1991): 1–23. 108. Ronald M.  Davidson, Indian Esoteric Buddhism:  A  Social History of the Tantric Movement (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003). 109. Jeffrey Sundberg, in collaboration with Rolf Giebel, “The Life of the Tang Court Monk Vajrabodhi as Chronicled by LüXiang (呂向): South Indian and Śrī Laṅkān Antecedents to the Arrival of the Buddhist Vajrayāna in Eighth-Century Java and China,” Pacific World: Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies, 3rd ser., 13 (Fall 2011): 129–222; Jeffrey Roger Sundberg, “A Buddhist Mantra Recovered from the Ratu Baka Plateau; A Preliminary Study of its Implications for Sailendra-Era Java,” Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 159/1 (2003): 163–188. 110. Arlo Griffiths, “Written Traces of the Buddhist Past: Mantras and Dhāraṇīs in Indonesian Inscriptions,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 77/1 (2014): 137–194.

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111. I am using the term “sectarian” here not to denote the category of heretical separatism that it usually refers to in Christian usage, which has long tended to give primacy to church institutions and doctrinal orthodoxy in its own historiography. Rather, it is here used in accord with Axel Michaels’s usage, which is closer to “lineage” than to “church,” and therefore more appropriate to the Indian context. Michaels notes that “in the Indian context, the word sect does not denote a split or excluded community, but rather an organized tradition, usually established by a founder, with ascetic practices. In India, there are various words for sect: pantha (“way”), saṃpradāya (“tradition”), saṅga (“community”), or samāj (“society”). Thus, Indian sects do not focus on heresy, since the lack of a center or a compulsory authority makes that impossible—instead, the focus is on adherents and followers. Therefore, if the term sect is derived from the Latin sequi (“accompany, follow, pursue”) instead of the Latin secare (“cut, separate”), it is acceptable.” Axel Michaels, Hinduism: Past and Present, translated by Barbara Harshav (Princeton, NJ, and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2004), p. 319. Similar points have also been made by both Mark Juergensmeyer and Frits Staal regarding the use of “religion” in relation to India. 112. It also produces such distorting generalizations as the conception of “Hinduism” as a unitary religion, when traditionally adherents considered themselves followers of Viṣnu, or Śīva, or Śakti—distinct traditions in their own right, not simply parts of a single, more comprehensive whole. Much the same effect is found in terms of “Buddhism” as well. See Brian K. Pennington, Was Hinduism Invented?: Britons, Indians, and the Colonial Construction of Religion (Oxford and New  York:  Oxford University Press, 2007); Peter Gottschalk, Religion, Science, and Empire:  Classifying Hinduism and Islam in British India (Oxford and New  York:  Oxford University Press, 2013); Tomoko Masuzawa, The Invention of World Religions: Or, How European Universalism was Preserved in the Language of Pluralism (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2005); Urs App, The Birth of Orientalism (Philadelphia and Oxford: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010). 113. Richard K.  Payne, “Buddhism or Buddhisms:  Rhetorical Consequences of Geo-Political Categories,” OUP blog, 13 August 2012 . 114. Grether’s usage here correlates with Timothy Lubin’s discussion in “Vratá Divine and Human in the Early Veda,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 121/4 (October–December 2001): 565–579. 115. Holly Grether, “The Ritual Interplay of Fire and Water in Hindu and Buddhist Tantras,” in this volume. 116. Soma is the ritual drink offered into the fires for the gods. Arguments attempting to establish its nature have differed, creating scholarly debate for several decades. One theory, argued for by Gordon Wasson, is that it is extracted from the fly agaric mushroom (amanita muscaria), a mushroom with a bright red cap and white spots, familiar to some readers as the dancing mushrooms in Walt Disney’s Fantasia. Despite the appeal of this theory, particularly to those researchers such as myself who grew up with both Fantasia and the late 1960s drug culture, it is generally no longer considered a viable theory as to the identity of the Vedic soma. 117. Tsunehiko Sugiki, “Oblation, Non-conception, and Body:  Systems of Psychosomatic Fire Oblation in Esoteric Buddhism in Medieval South Asia,” in this volume. See also Tadeusz

Introduction 40 i Skorupski, “The Jyotirmañjarī of Abhayākaragupta,” in Tadeusz Skorupski, ed., The Buddhist Forum VI (Tring, UK: Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2001), pp. 183–221. Available online at http://www.shin-ibs.edu/academics/_forum/v6.php. 118. See Jonathan Silk, “The Most Important Buddhist Scripture? The Aparimitāyurjñāna and Medieval Buddhism,” paper presented August 27, 1999, International Association of Buddhist Studies, XIIth Conference, Université de Lausanne. Idem., “A Sūtra for Long Life,” in Donald Lopez, Jr., ed., Buddhist Scriptures (New York: Penguin, 2004), pp. 423–429. Also Richard K. Payne, “Aparimitāyus: ‘Tantra’ and ‘Pure Land’ in Medieval Indian Buddhism?” Pacific World: Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies, 3rd ser., 9 (2007): 273–308. 119. Gavin Flood, The Tantric Body:  The Secret Tradition of Hindu Religion (London and New  York:  I. B.  Tauris, 2006); Geoffrey Samuel, “The Subtle Body in India and Beyond,” in Geoffrey Samuel and Jay Johnston, eds., Religion and the Subtle Body in Asia and the West: Between Mind and Body (Abingdon, UK, and New York: Routledge, 2013).

REFERENCES App, Urs. The Birth of Orientalism. Philadelphia and Oxford:  University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010. Bell, Catherine. Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice. New  York and Oxford:  Oxford University Press, 1992. Bellah, Robert N. Religion in Human Evolution:  From the Paleolithic to the Axial Age. Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Press, 2011. Beyer, Stephan. “Notes on the Vision Quest in Early Mahāyāna.” In Lewis Lancaster, ed. Prajñāpāramitā and Related Systems:  Studies in Honor of Edward Conze, pp. 329–340. Berkeley:  The Group in Buddhist Studies, and the Center for South & Southeast Asian Studies at the University of California, Berkeley, and The Institute of Buddhist Studies, 1977. Bierende, Edgar, Sven Bretfeld, and Klaus Oschema, eds. Riten, Gesten, Zeremonien: Gesellschaftliche Symbolik in Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit. Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2008. Blumenberg, Hans. The Legitimacy of the Modern Age. Robert M. Wallace, trans. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1983. Boyer, Pascal and Pierre Liénard. “Why Ritualized Behavior? Precaution Systems and Action Parsing in Developmental, Pathological and Cultural Rituals.” Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29/6 (2006): 1–56. Brosius, Christiane, Axel Michaels, and Paula Schrode. “Ritualforschung heute—ein Überblick.” In Christiane Brosius, Axel Michaels, and Paula Schrode, eds., Ritual und Ritualdynamik, pp. 9–24. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2013. Brosius, Christiane and Ute Hüsken. “Change and Stability of Rituals: An Introduction.” In Christiane Brosius and Üte Hüsken, Ritual Matters: Dynamic Dimensions in Practice, pp. 1–25. New Delhi and Abingdon: Routledge India, 2010. Buc, Philippe. The Dangers of Ritual: Between Early Medieval Texts and Social Scientific Theory. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001. Campbell, Patricia Q. Knowing Body, Moving Mind: Ritualizing and Learning in Two Buddhist Centers. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2011.

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Chen, Yogi. “A Ritual of Fire Sacrifice to the Five Saints of Christianity.” In Yutang Lin, ed., A Systematized Collection of Chenian Booklets, Nos. 101–149, no. 122, http://www.yogichen.org/ cw/cw40/bk122.html. Chidester, David. Savage Systems:  Colonialism and Comparative Religion in Southern Africa. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1996. Davidson, Ronald M. “The Place of Abhiṣeka Visualization in the Yogalehrbuch and Related Texts.” In Eli Franco and Monika Zin, eds., From Turfan to Ajanta:  Festschrift for Dieter Schlingloff on the Occasion of his Eightieth Birthday, 2 vols., numbered continuously, pp. 183–196. Bhairahawa, Nepal: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2010. Davidson, Ronald M. Indian Esoteric Buddhism:  A  Social History of the Tantric Movement. New York: Columbia University Press, 2003. Demiéville, Paul. “La Yogācārabhūmi de Saṅtarakṣa.” Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient 44/2 (1951): 339–436. Faure, Bernard, ed. Chan Buddhism in Ritual Context. London and New York: Routledge, 2003. Faure, Bernard. The Rhetoric of Immediacy:  A  Cultural Critique of Chan/Zen Buddhism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994. Firth, Raymond. Tikopia Ritual and Belief. Boston: Beacon Press, 1967. Flood, Gavin. The Tantric Body:  The Secret Tradition of Hindu Religion. London and New York: I. B. Tauris, 2006. Giebel, Rolf W., trans. The Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi Sutra. Berkeley, CA:  Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2005. (Note that the pagination of the 2005 print version and the 2009 pdf available online differ.) Gottschalk, Peter. Religion, Science, and Empire:  Classifying Hinduism and Islam in British India. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2013. Grether, Holly. “The Ritual Interplay of Fire and Water in Hindu and Buddhist Tantras.” In this volume. Griffiths, Arlo. “Written Traces of the Buddhist Past:  Mantras and Dhāraṇīs in Indonesian Inscriptions.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 77/1 (2014): 137–194. Harrison, Paul. “Mediums and Messages: Reflections on the Production of Mahāyāna Sūtras.” Eastern Buddhist 35/1‒2 (2003): 115–151. Hodge, Stephen, trans. The Mahā-Vairocana-Abhisaṃodhi Tantra with Buddhaguhya’s Commentary. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003. Hüsken, Ute. When Rituals Go Wrong: Mistakes, Failure, and the Dynamics of Ritual. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2007. Ing, Michael David Kaulana. “The Ancients Did Not Fix Their Graves:  Failure in Early Confucian Ritual.” Philosophy East and West 62/2 (April 2012): 223–245. Insoll, Timothy. “Introductory Thoughts, on the Theme of ‘Ritual Failure. Archaeological Perspectives’.” In Vasiliki G. Koutrafouri and Jeff Sanders, eds., Ritual Failure: Archaeological Persepectives, pp. 11–22. Leiden: Sidestone Press, 2013. Johnson, Greg. “Ancestors Before Us:  Manifestations of Tradition in a Hawaiian Dispute.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 71/2 (June 2003): 327–346. Kelly, John D. and Martha Kaplan. “History, Structure, and Ritual.” Annual Review of Anthropology 19 (1990): 119–150. Kertzer, David I. Ritual, Politics and Power. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989.

Introduction 42 i Kreinath, Jens, Constance Hartung, and Annette Deschner, eds., The Dynamics of Changing Rituals: The Transformation of Religious Rituals within Their Social and Cultural Context. New York: Peter Lang, 2004. Lang, Bernhard. Sacred Games:  A  History of Christian Worship. New Haven, CT, and London: Yale University Press, 1997. Liénard, Pierre and Pascal Boyer. “Whence Collective Rituals? A Cultural Selection Model of Ritualized Behavior.” American Anthropologist 108/4 (2006): 814–827. Lincoln, Bruce. “On Ritual, Change, and Marked Categories.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 68/3 (September 2000): 487–510. Linnekin, Jocelyin. “Cultural Invention and the Dilemma of Authority.” American Anthropologist, n.s., 93/2 (June 1991): 446–449. Lubin, Timothy. “Vratá Divine and Human in the Early Veda.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 121/4 (October–December 2001): 565–579. Lubin, Timothy. “The Vedic Homa and the Standardization of Hindu Pūjā,” in this volume. Masuzawa, Tomoko. The Invention of World Religions:  Or, How European Universalism was Preserved in the Language of Pluralism. Chicago and London:  University of Chicago Press, 2005. McCauley, Robert N. “The Importance of Being ‘Ernest’.” In Edward Slingerland and Mark Collard, eds., Creating Consilience: Integrating the Sciences and the Humanities, pp. 266–281. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. McCauley, Robert N. and E. Thomas Lawson. Bringing Ritual to Mind:  Psychological Foundations of Cultural Forms. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Michaels, Axel. Hinduism: Past and Present. Translated by Barbara Harshav. Princeton, NJ, and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2004. Mollier, Christine. Buddhism and Taoism Face to Face:  Scripture, Ritual and Iconographic Exchange in Medieval China. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2008. Nattier, Jan. “The Indian Roots of Pure Land Buddhism:  Insights from the Oldest Chinese Versions of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha.” Pacific World: Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies, 3rd ser., 5 (2003): 179–201. Payne, Richard K. “Buddhism or Buddhisms:  Rhetorical Consequences of Geo-Political Categories,” OUP blog, 13 August 2012 . Payne, Richard K. “From Vedic India to Buddhist Japan: Continuities and Discontinuities in Esoteric Ritual.” In Charles Orzech, Henrik Sørensen, and Richard K. Payne, eds., Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia, pp. 1040–1054. Leiden and New York: Brill, 2011. Payne, Richard K. “Ritual Studies in the Longue Durée:  Comparing Shingon and Śaiva Siddhānta Homas.” Pacific World:  Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies, 3rd ser., 13 (2011): 223–262. Payne, Richard K. “Aparimitāyus: ‘Tantra’ and ‘Pure Land’ in Medieval Indian Buddhism?” Pacific World: Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies, 3rd ser., 9 (2007): 273–308. Payne, Richard K. “The Homa of the Northern Dipper.” In David Gray and Ryan Overbey, eds., Tantric Traditions on the Move. New York: Oxford University Press, in press. Pennington, Brian K. Was Hinduism Invented?: Britons, Indians, and the Colonial Construction of Religion. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.

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Pollock, Sheldon. “From Discourse of Ritual to Discourse of Power in Sanskrit Literature.” Journal of Ritual Studies 4/2 (Summer 1990): 315–345. Rappaport, Roy A. Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Richards, Audrey. Bemba Marriage and Modern Economic Conditions. Livingstone, Northern Rhodesia: Rhodes-Livingstone Institute, 1940. Rubin, Miri. Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991. Rubin, Nissan, Carmella Shmilovitz, and Meira Weiss. “From Fat to Thin:  Informal Rites Affirming Identity Change.” Symbolic Interaction 16/1 (Spring 1993): 1–17. Samuel, Geoffrey. “The Writing of The Origins of Yoga and Tantra.” International Journal of Hindu Studies 15/3 (2011): 305–312. Samuel, Geoffrey “The Subtle Body in India and Beyond.” In Geoffrey Samuel and Jay Johnston, eds. Religion and the Subtle Body in Asia and the West: Between Mind and Body, pp. 33–47. Abingdon, UK, and New York: Routledge, 2013. Santino, Jack. “The Carnivalesque and the Ritualesque.” Journal of American Folklore 124/491 (2011): 61–73. Sax, William. “Ritual and the Problem of Efficacy.” In William S. Sax, Johannes Quack, and Jan Weinhold, eds., The Problem of Ritual Efficacy, pp. 3–16. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2010. Schopen, Gregory. “Archaeology and Protestant Presuppositions in the Study of Indian Buddhism.” History of Religions 31/1 (August 1991): 1–23. Sered, Susan. “Taxonomies of Ritual Mixing.” History of Religions 47/2‒3 (November 2007/ February 2008): 221–238. Silk, Jonathan. “The Most Important Buddhist Scripture? The Aparimitāyurjñāna and Medieval Buddhism.” Paper presented August 27, 1999, International Association of Buddhist Studies, XIIth Conference, Université de Lausanne. Silk, Jonathan. “A Sūtra for Long Life.” In Donald Lopez, Jr., ed., Buddhist Scriptures, pp. 423–429. New York: Penguin, 2004. Skorupski, Tadeusz. “The Jyotirmañjarī of Abhayākaragupta.” The Buddhist Forum VI. Tring, UK: Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2001: 183–221. Available online at http://www.shin-ibs. edu/academics/_forum/v6.php. Snoek, Jan A.  M. “Defining ‘Rituals’.” In Jens Kreinath, Jan Snoek, and Michael Stausberg, eds. Theorizing Rituals:  Issues, Topics, Approaches, Concepts, pp. 3–14. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2006. Solomon, David, Ping-Cheung Lo, Ruiping Fan, and H. Tristram Engelhardt, Jr. “Chapter 1: Ritual as a Cardinal Category of Moral Reality: An Introduction.” In David Solomon, Ping-Cheung Lo, and Ruiping Fan, eds., Ritual and the Moral Life: Reclaiming the Tradition, pp. 1–14. Dordrecht: Springer, 2012. Spear, Thomas. “Neo-Traditionalism and the Limits of Invention in British Colonial Africa,” Journal of African History 44/1 (2003): 3–27. DOI: 10.1017/S0021853702008320. Staal, Frits, ed. Agni: The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar, 2 vols. Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities Press, 1983.

Introduction 44 i Stausberg, Michael. “Contextualizing the Contexts: On the Study of Zoroastrian Rituals.” In Michael Stausberg, ed., Zoroastrian Rituals in Context, pp. 10–17. Leiden:  Brill Academic Publishing, 2004. Stewart, Pamela J., and Andrew Strathern. Ritual:  Key Concepts in Religion. London and New York: Bloomsbury, 2014. Stewart, Pamela J., and Andrew Strathern. Remaking the World:  Myth, Mining, and Ritual Change among the Duna of Papua New Guinea. Washington, DC, and London: Smithsonian Institution Press, 2002. Sugiki, Tsunehiko. “Oblation, Non-conception, and Body:  Systems of Psychosomatic Fire Oblation in Esoteric Buddhism in Medieval South Asia.” In this volume. Sundberg, Jeffrey, in collaboration with Rolf Giebel. “The Life of the Tang Court Monk Vajrabodhi as Chronicled by Lü Xiang (呂向): South Indian and Śrī Laṅkān Antecedents to the Arrival of the Buddhist Vajrayāna in Eighth-Century Java and China.” Pacific World: Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies, 3rd ser., 13 (Fall 2011): 129–222 Sundberg, Jeffrey Roger. “A Buddhist Mantra Recovered from the Ratu Baka Plateau; A Preliminary Study of its Implications for Sailendra-Era Java.” Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Landen Volkenkunde 159/1 (2003): 163–188. Taussig, Michael T. The Devil and Commodity Fetishism in South America. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980. Wayman, Alex. The Enlightenment of Vairocana. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1992. Wiebe, Donald. The Politics of Religious Studies: The Continuing Conflict with Theology in the Academy. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999. Wilson, Monica. “The Wedding Cakes: A Study of Ritual Change.” In J. S. La Fontaine, ed. The Interpretation of Ritual: Essays in Honour of A. I. Richards. London: Tavistock, 1972. Wolf, Eric R. Europe and the People without History. 1982; reprint, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2010. Wright, Dale S. “Introduction: Rethinking Ritual Practice in Zen Buddhism.” In Heine, Steven and Dale S. Wright, eds. Zen Ritual: Studies of Zen Buddhist Theory in Practice. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2008.

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The Ritual Interplay of Fire and Water in Hindu and Buddhist Tantras Holly Grether

i Shortly before his untimely death in 1994, Sinologist Michel Strickmann turned his attention to the study of homa fire sacrifices, specifically in the East Asian context. Strickmann questioned why, given the surplus of material and opportunities for direct observation, Western scholars have neglected a comparative study of homa for so long. He makes the case that the basic structural homogeneity of homa transcends sectarian, geographical, and cultural boundaries, and thus it clearly calls for a comparative study in its own right.1 I agree wholeheartedly with this assessment and would further argue that due to their widespread and persistent nature, homa rites provide a valuable organizing principle for a wide variety of comparative studies. The present comparison, therefore, is not intended to be all-inclusive, as there exists an indefinite number of possibilities for works that investigate shared ritual practices from within both general and specialized categories.2 It is intended, rather, to illuminate the pervasiveness of ritual structures over time and space and then to investigate the ways in which Hindu and Buddhist tantric rituals internalize these structures. Here, emphasis will be placed on the ritual interplay of fire and water. Homa sacrifices represent perhaps the most ancient and widespread of Asian ritual practices. In various forms, homa rituals continue to be performed in diverse countries including India, Tibet, Iran, Mongolia, Bali, and Japan by practitioners belonging to Buddhist, Hindu, Jain, Zoroastrian, Shintō, and other religious groups. For millennia, the structure and basic rules of homa sacrifices, particularly the rules governing the interplay of fire and water, have remained remarkably constant in these various contexts. This study uses homa rites as a starting point for investigating how shared ritual technologies, 47

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particularly the ritual use of fire and water, have been appropriated within a tantric ritual universe.3 Instead of limiting the discussion to a particular tantric school, this project will attempt to speak of an overarching tantric ritual universe—that is, shared structures and meanings found in both Hindu and Buddhist tantric sources. I  argue that in a tantric ritual universe, individual rites, ceremonies, and ritual rules are often practiced for the explicit purpose of transforming the self. The interplay of fire and water represents a primary means of both visualizing and effecting this transformation. Thus, though the ritual structure and rules of tantric fire sacrifice are quite ancient (being found in the most ancient Vedic and Avestan accounts), the purpose and goal of practice is entirely tantric.

FIRE AND WATER The ritual use of fire and water typically follows certain rules—rules that characterize not only homa and other paradigmatic tantric rites (such as initiations and internalized rites) but also multiple rituals found across Asian traditions. For example, most Asian fire rites have a symmetrical frame structure, with water sequences framing the central fire offering. This basic structure characterizes early Vedic and Avestan sacrifices as well as medieval and contemporary fire rituals across Asia. Fire and water represent contrasting functions in the ritual arena. Water is plural, feminine, and multilocal. Fire, in contrast, is singular, masculine, and tends to be limited to one location—the center of the rite.4 Ritual rules that govern the interplay of fire and water include the following: water both precedes and follows fire; water flows downward while fire flames upward; water exists on a horizontal plane and functions as the container, while fire exists on a vertical plane and is contained. Building on William Darrow’s analysis of the Zoroastrian yasna sacrifice, I argue that this ritual interplay helps illuminate the unity and meaning of ritual within a tantric ritual universe.5 First, a few examples should be given to demonstrate the structural homogeneity that broadly characterizes Asian rituals. In the Vedic context, most fire rites, both simple and elaborate, follow a similar pattern. Stephanie W. Jamison and Michael Witzel point out that both burnt offerings (haviryajña) and soma sacrifices (somayajña) are located at the exact center of a “bilaterally symmetrical structure” that allows the rites to be expanded by inserting new sequences into the structure.6 Frits Staal notes that this bilateral structure is also found in the elaborate Vedic agniṣṭoma and summarizes as follows: In the Agniṣṭoma the final bath (avabhṛtha) at the end corresponds to the consecration at the beginning, and the concluding offering (udayanīyeṣṭi) similarly corresponds to the introductory offering, the departure (udavasāna) to the entrance (adhyavasāna), the dissolution (sakhyavisarjana) to the alliance (tānūnaptra), and



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so forth. In all these cases, a large number of rites and rituals intervene between these initial and final rites. However, if we look at smaller units, we often find the same structure, and the intervening portion is correspondingly clarified.7 The pattern allows for the ritual to “be extended indefinitely” with “indefinitely increasing complexity.”8 Vedic domestic rites, such as the daily agnihotra, follow a similar symmetrical pattern: the rite both begins and ends with water sequences. In his comparison of Vedic and tantric agnihotra rituals, Witzel points to this common frame structure.9 He argues that while the basic structures of the agnihotra are shared, tantric traditions add several ritual frames. Tantric ritual structure, thus, cannot be a mere survival of old Vedic forms, but rather represents a special development: “an amalgamation which involved various strands of traditions both ancient and medieval, and both local and supraregional.”10 While tantric rites contain more ritual sequences, the basic structure remains the same. Avestan fire rites also reveal a symmetrical structure, with water sequences framing the central fire offering. In the daily yasna liturgy (a rite that likely predates the Avesta itself, ca. 1500 b.c.e.), ritual purifications with water are required as a preliminary to the rite. The liturgy has a symmetrical structure or, in the words of Almut Hintze, a “concentric compositional structure.”11 At the exact center of the yasna liturgy, the heavenly fire is invited to merge with the ritual fire, addressed as Ahura Mazda’s most beautiful shape.12 And “from that moment of the ritual onwards, the worshippers believe themselves to be in the presence of Ahura Mazda, who has become visible to them in the form of the ritual fire before which they stand.”13 Darrow points out that while fire stands at the center of the liturgy, ritual water surrounds fire and frames the central offering. The officiating priest is first required to perform a number of preliminary purifications with water in order to remove physical and spiritual impurities. These preliminary water purifications, similar to both Vedic and tantric rites, are accompanied by mantra recitation.14 The final act of the rite consists of pouring the hōm libation15 into the community well, thus infusing the water to be consumed by faithful Zoroastrians. During the pouring of the hōm libation, the priests offer three recitations to Ardvīsūr, the spirit being who presides over water. Through this act it is hoped that “sins will be atoned for, and that meritorious deeds will increase.”16 Tantric homa rites share a similar structural frame. First, in external homa sacrifices, fire offerings tend to be located at the center of a bilaterally symmetrical structure. In both Buddhist and Hindu tantras, the central offering also tends to be framed by ritual sequences utilizing water. Consecration/initiation rituals (dīkṣā or abhiṣeka) and internal purification rites (such as ātmaśuddhi and bhūtaśuddhi) follow the same basic pattern of external fire sacrifices. As Yael Bentor points out, the external structure and form supplies “a continuing frame of reference for the internal ritual.”17 Thus, external rites

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such as homa sacrifices provide the structural frame for the symbolic use of fire and water in internalized rites. Although the basic ritual rules that govern the interplay of fire and water remain relatively constant, tantric rites utilize specific and unique substances, mantras, and interpretations. For example, tantric meanings—particularly those regarding the balance of male and female forces—are applied to the interplay between fire and water. Within the tantric ritual universe, Witzel identifies the male element, fire, as the active one—it flames upward and is represented by a triangle. Water, the female element represented by a downward triangle, in contrast, is passive and fluid. Although fire is not united with water in either Vedic or tantric agnihotras, water is sprinkled around the ritual fire; it surrounds Agni everywhere. Agni (the male element) is envisioned as “burning in the womb of the female Goddess Earth, represented by pit dug or fire altars. What is poured into [the] fire altar is ghee, symbol of semen; from [the] yoni shaped offering ladle.”18 Witzel argues that this productive union of Agni and śakti, symbolized by pouring ghee into the firepit, constitutes perhaps “the deepest meaning” for the tantric agnihotra.19 This is the sexualization of ritual, identified by Sylvain Lévi as the source of real and symbolic tantric sex.20 Other specifically tantric meanings, found in both Hindu and Buddhist tantras, are applied to the interplay of fire and water. For example, the move toward symbolic internalization of ritual fire and water reflects an emphasis on the rite’s power to effect a transformation of self. External forms of homa continue to be widely practiced, but even external fire and water are often understood to function internally. Fire, the central focus in many tantric rituals, primarily tends to have a destructive function: destroying false views and karmic propensities, including the past sins of either the practitioner or the initiate. Thus, the destructive force of heat tends to be directed toward the self rather than projected outward toward enemies, as in Vedic conceptions.21 Water also predominates in tantric rituals, and in fact may be more prevalent. For example, water is typically required in consecration and initiation rites (dīkṣā or abhiṣeka), whereas fire is only used sometimes.22 Here, as in earlier conceptions, water serves to purify and empower the ritual elements, including the participants. In the tantric ritual universe, water symbolism also comes to be employed to describe the function of seed mantras. These seed mantras, imposed on the ritual maṇḍala and on the sādhaka’s body, exemplify the deities themselves, and thus aid in transforming the mind and body of the sādhaka. The process is often explained in both Buddhist and Hindu tantras as the downward flow of nectar (amṛta), or as a “flood” or “stream” pouring down onto the head of the initiate. In the move toward internalization in tantric systems, we find both continuity and change with earlier Avestan and Vedic ritual structures. Just as in these earlier contexts, tantric rituals employ the primary elements fire and water to facilitate the opening of a mesocosmic channel, linking the macrocosmic and microcosmic realm. However, several scholars have noted that the emphasis on self-purification and self-deification



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distinguish the tantric path from previous Vedic conceptions.23 The emphasis placed on self-purification subsequently alters the ways in which fire and water are understood to function in tantric ritual practice. In both Buddhist and Hindu tantric contexts, the ritual use of fire and water is understood to effect, or produce, personal transformation via the destruction of impure elements and the (re)construction of a new “self ”—a pure, illuminated “self.”

FIRE AND WATER IN BUDDHIST TANTR AS As with most Asian rites, the central fire offering in Buddhist homa sacrifices represents the culmination of the rite, with water sequences framing this event. Unlike earlier Vedic forms, the climactic point of Buddhist fire rites, such as homa, consists of the practitioner identifying directly, and merging with, the divinity installed in the ritual fire. Giovanni Verardi derives a description of this moment in the Buddhist context from the Mahāvairocana-sūtra (ca. fifth century). He writes: The Bodhisattvas of the stele are actually evoked and induced to perform the actions that are proper to their descending function. The ritual is centered upon the visualization by the officiant of the Bodhisattva to whom it is addressed and to whom the officiant proceeds to identify or otherwise unite. These stele are capable of expressing the unity of the interior mind made of fire, evoked divinity and officiant, of which we are told by texts such as the Mahāvairocana Sūtra.24 This merging is also explained in Richard Payne’s translation of a ritual manual for the performance of homa to Mañjuśri, where the officiant invites Mañjuśrī to leave his original location in the cosmic maṇḍala and be present in the ritual arena. He writes that, at this point, “the fire is identical with the dharmakāya fire of wisdom … the fire is nothing other than the wisdom within the practitioner’s body.”25 Therefore, the practitioner not only invites the bodhisattva in the form of fire but also self-identifies with the fire, the essence of which is wisdom. In the Buddhist context, ritual fire primarily tends to serve a destructive function, both on external and internal levels. Just as the external fire burns and destroys physical substances, the internal fire burns away past sins, incorrect ways of thinking, and ontological constructs that obstruct clarity. Fire, conceived of as wisdom itself, not only has a destructive function but also an empowering one. Internalized fire is understood to be the wisdom that both destroys personal impurities/obstacles and illuminates the heart/ mind of the adept. In a talk sponsored by the Harvard Buddhist Studies Forum, Bishop Ekan Ikeguchi (a Shingon master) spoke about the goma (homa) fire ritual. He explained that during the goma practitioners imagine that they are burning the “wisdom of fire

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within their hearts in order to eliminate the confusion…. I try to invite the Buddha and make myself a Buddha by lighting the fire in my dark inside and separating the wisdom from the confusion completely.”26 Confused states of consciousness are thus destroyed by the same (symbolic) fire that illuminates wisdom. The luminous quality of ritual fire accounts for the transformative function of Buddhist rites. Ritual primarily functions to mediate luminous powers between the enlightened beings (such as buddhas and bodhisattvas) and the ritual practitioner. For example, Glenn Wallis characterizes “the conceptual world operating” in the Mañjuśrīmulakalpa as being founded on the belief that “enlightened beings are actively engaged in the world on behalf of devotees.”27 Ritual fire represents the means by which the power of these radiant beings is made manifest. Light imagery is commonly employed to describe tathāgatas, bodhisattvas, and other enlightened beings in Buddhist tantras. For example, the luminous quality of Śākyamuni is described in the opening scene of the Mañjuśrīmūlakalpa, ­chapter 8. When he smiles, he emits “brilliant, colorful, and cosmically cataclysmic rays of light from his mouth.”28 In the Vajrabhairava tantras, Mañjuśrī is similarly described as a solar disc, arisen from the syllable DHIḤ, from  which “lights emanate and invite the tathāgatas, bodhisattvas, wisdom-goddesses and wrathful ones who reside in the ten directions…. The light which blazes from this illuminates fully for a hundred thousand leagues around.”29 Iconographical portrayals of this luminous atmosphere include enlightened beings surrounded with a glowing aureole, a halo, and/or with flames rising from their shoulders.30 According to the Mahāvairocana-tantra, wisdom is transmitted from these radiant beings via rays of light: “Then those rays of light gathered together from the sky and flowed down onto the crown of Vajrapāṇi’s head.”31 The rays of light represent the connecting link between the shining beings and the sādhaka. In the Kālacakra initiation, deities of the maṇḍala are dissolved into the sādhaka’s action faculties, a transaction conceived of as follows: “Light rays from them draw in the male and female Wrathful Deities of the mandala in the manner of a second butter lamp separating off from the first.”32 Within the ritual arena, then, a symbolic identification with the fire connects one to the luminous realm of enlightened beings. Water sequences often frame the central identification with fire in both internal and external rites. Ritual water is poured or sprinkled both before and after the officiant directly visualizes and identifies with the ritual fire/attendant divinity. The many categories of external homa, as described in various Buddhist tantras, begin with sprinkling the hearth with water and culminate with the mantrin, who has visualized Agni shining forth in a specific form, sprinkling more water. For example, in the pacifying (śānti) homa, the body image of Agni, dressed in white robes, has the “color of conch, jasmine or moon” and “emits white tongues of fire and is Awareness in nature.” After



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thus visualizing Agni, the mantrin should “sprinkle [around] Agni in a circular manner, with water consecrated with the Mantra of the Noble Acala.”33 In the enriching (puṣti) homa, Agni is to be visualized as arising from the shining light, gold in color, with yellow robes, and emitting “blazing tongues of fire.” The mantrin should then “cleanse him with sprinkled water, wash his face and offer him the oblation.”34 And in the subduing (vaṣya) homa, after imagining the “RA letter which radiates out a blazing garland of fire changing into the body-image of Agni, dressed in red robes, radiating red light from blazing tongues,” the mantrin purifies him “with sprinkled water.”35 The external homas, like the internal rites, are understood to destroy sins and other obstacles. The Kriyāsaṃgraha prescribes that for the enriching homa, after summoning the knowledge-fire ( jñānāgni) and sprinkling water, one “recites the mantra for Vajrayaṣa for turning into ashes of all sins (papa), evil spirits (vighna), and māras, one throws five mustard seeds (sarṣapa).” Then, at the conclusion of the rite, the practitioner “sprinkles water (prokṣaṇa) on Agni’s body, offers him the water for the face (argha) on the head, the water for the feet (pādya) on the feet, and the water for sipping (ācamana) in the mouth, while reciting the relevant mantras.”36 Therefore, the function of external fire to destroy personal obstacles is explicit in Buddhist sources. It is also clear that water sequences both precede and follow the burning rites. This process is further mirrored in external homa ceremonies performed at the time of cremation. Within the ceremony, fire offerings are again followed by consecration with water. The ritual performer invites Agni to merge with the ritual fire (“Oh fire-god radiant with the flames of splendour, I invite you to take residence inside these flames”) and to summon other enlightened beings (“Dispersing once again the rays of light from their hearts, I summon the five Buddha families and execute the consecration”).37 This is followed by offering water that “fills their bodies and overflows on the top.”38 The overall structure, of course, follows the same pattern. The corpse, first ritually cleansed with water, is incinerated in the crematory fire. The rite concludes by depositing the ashes into water. If the ashes come from a “pure person,” they are to be thrown into large bodies of water, and when “living beings drink this water, their obscurities become purified.”39 Internal forms of Buddhist homa reveal a similar purpose and function. However, instead of burning physical offerings (or an actual corpse), the internal homa is understood to burn away karma and personal obstructions. The Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi describes this as follows: There are two kinds of homa, namely, internal and external: One obtains liberation from karma and [re]birth, and there is also the arising of sprouts and seeds [of awakening]. Because it is able to burn away karma, it is called “internal homa.”40

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And in the Jyotirmañjarī of Abhayākaragupta, internal (or mental) homa is considered the supreme (anuttara) homa “because the highest mind is the source of mental formations, because it constitutes the absolute essence in the outer homa, and because the mind has the essential character of stainless clear light.”41 Buddhist initiation or self-purification rituals appropriate the structure of homa rites and, like internal homa, are aimed at the destruction of karma and the subsequent transformation of self. The symbolic and literal pairing of fire and water is understood to function internally as it does externally. In other words, fire serves to destroy defilements and illuminate wisdom within the initiate, while water aids in the process of reconstructing a new, more enlightened being. Discussing the Kālacakra-tantra, Jeffrey Hopkins offers a good overview of the importance of tantric initiation rites (abhiṣeka) in the Buddhist context: Initiation means to cleanse and purify defilements; to authorize students to hear about and cultivate the tantric paths and to achieve special feats; to empower the attainment of beneficial qualities; to set potencies for attaining levels of the path and the fruits of those paths; to sprinkle water; to pour potencies and cast seeds into the mental continuum of the initiate; to convey a new style of behavior and its attendant releases from distorted states; and to cause initiates to be endowed with a blissful mind.42 The central meaning attributed to initiation consists of transforming the mind from a distorted state to an enlightened one (bodhicitta). Transformation (on both micro- and macrocosmic levels), described by Hopkins as purification, is effected via the use of fire and water in both internal and external rituals. Within the consecration (abhiṣeka) ceremony, the outer and inner ritual frames incorporate similar rules pertaining to fire and water, with water sequences framing the central fire offering. Again, ritual fire and water serve as mediums to purify the initiate of defilements and sins. Just as an external fire burns the offerings, the internal fire is visualized as burning afflictions (kleśas). Water is then sprinkled over the consecrated one in order to cleanse and empower his inner potencies.43 Initiation ceremonies similarly have both outer and inner ritual frames, with water sequences framing the central fire offering in both. For example, Kālacakra systems list water initiation as the first of fifteen initiations and speech (often identified with water) as the last. Within each of the fifteen initiations, the sprinkling of water follows the mental absorption with wisdom, described in terms of light or fire. Light is the medium through which the practitioner unites with wisdom: “Light is emitted from the hūṃ at their hearts, which draws in Wisdom Beings.”44 Then offerings of perfume, flowers, incense, and so on are followed by a water initiation, where the initiate’s body parts are sprinkled with water. Specifically, the following is prescribed:



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“With the water touch the five places—crown protrusion, right and left shoulders, upper arms, thighs, and hips—and having sprinkled a little, [have the student] drink a little and also wash, conferring initiation.”45 A comparable description of Buddhist initiation, from the Sarvadurgati‑ pariśodhana-tantra, also begins with an external homa sacrifice and ends with a water initiation: Then the wise one himself performs with resolution the protective rite for his pupils … he offers the homa sacrifice using firewood which has been smeared with clarified butter, sesame seeds and clarified butter mixed together, clarified butter and burnt offerings, and rice prepared with curds. In the first place this is done in order to nullify evil influences, and furthermore because of his concern [for them]. Next he should perform the pacifying homa rite or the one for nullifying sins…. Next, he should sprinkle their heads with water blessed with the recitations of the Wrathful ones … touching them on the heads he should recite the mantra applicable to all the rites.46 Regarding the recitation of mantras belonging to the wrathful deities, Wallis argues that by mastering these wrathful beings (through recitation of their seed mantras), the sādhaka is able to transform their fierce energy into powers that serve his own aims. These mantras then serve to “destroy, purify, and convert energy of various forms of embodiment, including mental, supernatural, and physical.”47 A specific example can be found in certain abhicāra rites described in the Vajrabhairava tantras, where one identifies himself with the wrathful, terrible deities, such as Vajrabhairava, “blazing like the fire of the age of destruction.” The practitioner visualizes himself as being the great Vajrabhairava, thus “able to devour the three worlds.”48 Wrathful beings are not appeased or combated but are instead appropriated for the sādhaka’s own goals. In these meditations, water follows fire and most often is understood to have a pacifying function.49 Again, just as water sequences frame external fire offerings, water imagery typically both precedes and follows the burning of defilements/illumination of wisdom in internal rites. For example, in a relatively modern manual for self-initiation of Vajrabhairava, the center of the initiation consists of the practitioner merging with the light of Mañjuśrī: Then think that all the faults of sentient beings, and particularly all faults of ignorance, are eliminated like the sun shining into a dark corner. Think that you achieve a special light of wisdom like that of [Mañjuśrī]. Light is emanated outward, purifying the vessel and essence and placing sentient beings in a state of [Mañjuśrī]…. Then visualize a brilliant orange DHIḤ on the base of the tongue with its head facing your throat. In one breath, recite DHIḤ one hundred times.

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Much light is emanated from this letter DHIḤ, filling your own body entirely, and think that you have achieved a special power of memory not to forget the words and meanings of the teachings.50 When reciting the mantras, one imagines an infinite light coming from the seed syllable and “filling the entire inside of your body [thus] eliminating the downfalls and obstacles accumulated from beginningless lives, as well as pacifying all sickness and evil spirits.”51 Thus, the center of the internal process resembles external sacrifice in that the practitioner identifies him- or herself (merges his or her consciousness) with the light (fire) of wisdom. Following this fusion, water imagery is employed to describe the process of transformation. Specifically, with obstacles eliminated by the fire of wisdom, one is transformed and regenerated via the influx of mantras, conceived of as a stream of nectar (amṛta). It is prescribed that one should “think that a stream of nectar flows from the letter HUṂ surrounded by the hundred syllables at the heart of the respective lord of the family, and think that all downfalls are purified.”52 In tantric meditations, this process of transforming the self again occurs via identification with a deity followed by water imagery. First, the meditator “purifies himself of all past sins,” and, after becoming “inseparably united with Buddhahood,” he visualizes that he is initiated into a new divine state by “goddesses holding flasks filled with the nectar of the five knowledges, which fills his entire body … and these mantras make his body, his speech, and his mind into an unshakeable diamond.”53 Thus, the infusion of knowledge follows the destruction of distorted mental dispositions and constructs. In summary, the Buddhist tantras prescribe similar rules that govern the use of fire and water in both internal and external rites, and in both smaller ritual frames as well as in the overarching ceremonial structure. These rules, though very common across Asia, have come to be interpreted with language and imagery specific to the Buddhist tantric ritual universe. Ritual has transformative power—a power that functions by associating oneself, ritually, with the luminous wisdom embodied by the various buddhas and bodhisattvas. Fire destroys impurities and incorrect mental formulations, thus illuminating wisdom in one’s mind/heart. The element water fertilizes potencies and leads to the generation of enlightened mind (bodhicitta). FIRE AND WATER IN HINDU TANTR AS The category tantra includes “a complex array of ritual, theoretical, and narrative strategies that are specific to their various religious, cultural, sociopolitical, geographical, and historical contexts.”54 However, some common denominators, what David White refers



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to as the “there” of tantra, still exist. For example, we find some common conceptions of ritual across Hindu and Buddhist tantras. In Hindu tantras, as in Buddhist tantras, the internal rituals mirror the structure of the external homa rites, and all are governed by similar rules. Both tantric systems prescribe numerous initiation and purification rituals intended to transform the self. Ritual fire and water again function as the primary agents of transformation. Although both Hindu and Buddhist tantric sacrifices share a symmetrical structure similar to that of Vedic rites, tantric forms of sacrifice particularly emphasize the identification of the practitioner with the fire. Witzel points out that in the Hindu context, while both Vedic and tantric forms of agnihotra serve as a “mesocosm to connect the microcosmic aspect of man with the macrocosmic one of the deities,”55 the latter version of the rite is unique in that the central act “consists of a secret, mental identification of the priest with the fire in front of him, and with Viṣṇu who is the Fire and the Sun.”56 In this context, the rays of the sun, identified with the ritual fire, come to be “understood as conduits, rather than harnesses” for connecting the luminous person with the macrocosm and, by extension, with “all that exists—including one another.”57 The ritual pattern, including the identification with the deity, is basically the same in the various forms of external homa sacrifices prescribed in Hindu tantras. First, the rite begins with an invitation. According to Cal G. Diehl’s account, the practitioner first draws lines for the sthanḍila, or sacrificial ground, with a bundle of darbha (kuśa) grass (a tall grass used for purification in several ceremonies), while reciting mantras. Then, Brahmā, Viṣnu, and various other celestial beings are invoked.58 The fire altar is prepared by sprinkling ceremonial (arghya)59 water. In the process, each direction is acknowledged and worshiped while the deities are invoked.60 The tantric priest then identifies bodily with the deity (present in the form of the ritual fire). Jan Gonda describes this moment as follows: Fire is procured in accordance with the prescripts, worshipped with the mulamantra and “united” with the fire of the mulādhāra, i.e., the lowermost power centre (cakra) and with that of the bindu on the forehead. Thus the worshipper enacts his unification with the fire in which now Agni’s spirit (caitanya) is introduced…. After that the worshipper must unite the arteries of his (yogic) body (nāḍi) with those of Siva-of-the-temple and of Siva-of-the-fire, creating a sort of luminous circuit between these and proceed to perform the fire sacrifice (homa), consisting of oblations of ghee, and accompanied by offerings of fried rice grain, sugar-cane, flowers, etc.61 After merging with the deity, there is a “luminous circuit” opened between Śiva-of-the-fire and the internal body of the performer. As in the Buddhist homa

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sacrifices, the ritual fire is associated with the central divinity and exemplifies wisdom. Diehl describes this association as follows: “[The fire] is now considered to be “Siva-fire” and after some fire has been thrown to the south west as the portion of Rākşasas, it is invoked to be present and considered to be the form of intelligence (caitanyarupamāka).”62 The pouring of liquid ghee follows this symbolic unification with fire. Internalized rites follow the same basic structure of external homa, and again the primary focus is on transforming the self. Richard Davis details the internal processes involved in initiation and purification rituals practiced by Śaiva Siddhāntas (a branch of Hindu tantrism once practiced across India but now primarily concentrated in the south). Davis situates individual rites within a larger ritual universe, arguing for structural consistency among the various rituals. For example, he claims that the ātmaśuddhi (lit., “purification of self ”) rite can also be seen as a shorter or abbreviated ritual sequence that accomplishes the same goal (via similar means) as the more elaborate initiation ceremonies. We find analogous rules governing the interplay between fire and water in both the purification rituals and initiation ceremonies. First, in the initiation (dīkṣā) rites, though an external fire is often still used it is understood to function on an internal level. Initiation in general “annihilates fetters like a blazing fire” and ritual fire specifically destroys the binding fetters63 like a “sacrificial fire burns offerings.”64 For example, in the “sprinkling” initiation (the niṣeṣadīkṣā), the guru ritually removes the fetters of the initiate from his body and transfers it into the womb of Vagīśvarī (the goddess of speech), installed in the sacrificial fire, where they are incinerated. Similarly, in the “cessation” initiation (nirvānadīkṣā) the removal of fetters is accomplished via transference. Fetters and impurities, which constitute the initiate’s body, are transferred onto a cord (paśasūtra) that is fastened from the initiate’s topknot to his toe. After the process of transference, the cord is incinerated in the sacrificial fire. The external fire in these initiation rites thus explicitly functions to destroy internal impurities and bonds. Davis also describes how the internalized (imagined) fire functions in the same manner. In the self-purification ritual (ātmaśuddhi), the practitioner is to imagine an internalized fire that burns bodily and mental impurities:  “With the fire arising from his right big toe, and with the ASTRA mantra, he burns the impurities of the elements located in the body, which is the product of karman.” The result of imagined fire, going upward from the toes, is that “all impurities that normally distinguish the worshipper’s body from that of Śiva have now been ritually extirpated.”65 Mantras replace the impure constituents after they are incinerated. Śaiva Siddhānta authors enjoin that following the removal of bodily constituents, a divine body modeled on the Śaiva cosmology is constructed out of mantras. As in the Buddhist rites, water imagery is employed to describe the process: Imagining it completely emptied of all that has the form of a fetter, the worshiper should bathe his entire body, inside and out, with streams of nectar flowing from



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the upside-down lotus at the top of his crown, penetrating the openings of every capillary, using MŪLĀ ending in VAUṢAT.66 Thus, even when internalized, ritual fire moves upward while liquid flows downward—fire destroys, water revivifies. The Vīṇāśikha-tantra offers another description of ātmaśuddhi in the Śaiva tantric context. Here, the self-purification rite is described as burning up the “sinful body,” which is then “revived by [the] water of life.” Specifically, one should meditate “upon the bīja of the Fire of Destruction, which resembles the Apocalyptical Fire,” and he should then burn his own body [in meditation] and cause it to overflow with Water-of-Life [variṇāplāvayet]. Having burnt his mortal body so that it as it were is left as a heap of ashes, he should then meditate on a “body of wisdom” [vidyādehaṃ] which is [constituted] by showers of Water-of-Life [amṛtadhārabhir]; and on the Supreme Syllable Oṃ, directed downwards, [with Amṛta] streaming on one’s head.67 As in external rites, internalized fire functions to purify via destruction while water functions to regenerate life. Gavin Flood discusses the self-purification (here called bhūtaśuddhi) rite in the Pancarātra (Vaiṣṇava-tantra) context as a parallel process. Bhūtaśuddhi,68 performed both as an independent daily rite (nityakarman) and as a preliminary to other ritual ceremonies, closely resembles self-purification in the Śaiva tantra systems. According to the Jayākhya Saṃhitā (JS),69 ritual sequences of bhūtaśuddhi consist of mentally visualizing the burning up of the six outer coverings (saḍkośikas)70 and replacing these with a “mantra body” or “body of light,” which correlates with the subtle body, referred to as the “City of Eight.”71 The process is again understood to function via the internalization of ritual fire and water. The practitioner visualizes fire, starting at the big toe, arising up through the body and burning the various constituents that keep the practitioner in a state of bondage. The fire burns the saḍkośikas like “grass in a sacrificial fire.” “Starting with the seed syllable [the praṇava] and ending with the name expressing the fire of desire itself, [the practitioner] should visualize the body, blazing from the feet. After that, O Twice-Born, the fire is calmed and [the body] resembles a pile of ashes.” 72 After this internal fire consumes the saḍkośika, mantras are imposed (nyāsa) upon the body of the practitioner to reconstruct a divine body that is in harmony with the Pancarātra hierarchical system. The imposition of mantras upon the body are described in terms of flowing water and nectar—or as a mass of streams flowing forth: Meditating upon his reduction to ashes, [he should use the mantra] tyaṃ preceded by the syllable Oṃ and ending with namaḥ. Then he floods the ashes to

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the directions with the water, sprinkled with his own mantra, arising from his meditation and having the appearance of milk73 … the nectar of the twice-born, continuously meditated upon, is made to fall as a mass of streams from its elevated position, flowing out from the fourth state.74 After the flood of mantras reconstruct the worshiper, he has a luminous quality, similar to that of the deity at the center of his ritual universe. The practitioner “should visualize [himself as] Lord Nārāyaṇa … shining with vibrant rays.”75 Again, the interplay of fire and water is central to the meaning of the rite. Therefore, though tradition-specific terminology is employed in various tantric systems, we find that there are certain common denominators regarding fire sacrifice. Both Buddhist and Hindu tantric schools continue to practice external homa fire sacrifices, demonstrating consistency with ancient ritual structures, but they internalize the meanings of these rites, primarily emphasizing their transformative power. In both Hindu and Buddhist tantras, external and internal rites function to destroy or burn up the obstacles keeping one in a bound or deluded state. Then both systems describe the downward flowing of the nectar, or the “waters of life,” upon one’s head, resulting in a type of rebirth or generation of a new “self.” CONCLUSION Homa sacrifices represent perhaps the most long-lived and pervasive practice in Asia. However, ritual structures are characterized by both continuity and change. While the ritual rules governing the interplay of fire and water have remained remarkably constant in rites such as homa for millennia, these rules have been interpreted in theologically specific ways. During the medieval period, elements (such as meanings, nomenclature, substances, etc.) emerged that appropriated ancient ritual structures in a manner specific to tantra. This essay has focused on the ritual pairing of fire and water as a symbol and means of self-transformation. The tantric emphasis on self-purification and self-transformation significantly altered the ways in which ritual fire and water were understood to function. In a tantric context, divinities or deities are invited into the ritual fire where they become present. The ritual participant, via the emanating luminous rays, symbolically identifies and unites with the ritual fire, which exemplifies the central divinity (usually conceived of as identical to wisdom itself). This unification opens a mesocosmic circuit that enables direct contact with the luminous—a contact that results in the destruction of fetters, the bonds that have kept the participant in a deluded state. After these binding fetters are incinerated, literal or symbolic water sequences aid in the reconstruction of self—a self that now resembles the deity located at the center of one’s ritual universe. Water is sprinkled or poured upon the initiate in order to fill them, or overfill them, with



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purifying and regenerative qualities. Thus, in a tantric ritual universe, fire and water are instrumental in effecting the overarching tantric goal—the transformation of self. Pervasive shared ritual technologies, such as those that characterize homa fire sacrifices, offer a valuable pool of data from which to investigate historical continuity and change. This study has used the ritual structure of homa fire sacrifices as a starting point to discover how these ritual rules remain constant yet acquire varying meanings over time. Given how widespread and foundational in Asian practice homa fire sacrifices are, much work certainly remains to be done. Notes 1. Michel Strickmann, “Homa in East Asia,” in Frits Staal, ed., Agni: The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar (Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities Press, 1983), pp. 418–455. 2. Yael Bentor, for example, draws upon categories in Tibetan texts to explicate the various functions of internalized fire: as part of the perfection process, with a consort, as a food ritual, mental fire offerings, and fire offerings of the great enlightened wisdom. The rites discussed in this essay most logically fit within this last category of internalized rites. Yael Bentor, “Interiorized Fire Rituals in India and in Tibet,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 120/4 (October–December 2000): 594–613. 3. I borrow this concept from Richard Davis’s study of a Śaiva Siddhānta ritual universe, in his Ritual in an Oscillating Universe: Worshiping Śiva in Medieval India (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991). 4. The obvious exception here is found in the elaborate śrauta Vedic rites in which the traditional three fires are utilized; thus, fire is found in three locations while water has multiple locations. However, fire still represents the central element and is surrounded by water. 5. William Darrow, “Keeping the Waters Dry:  The Semiotics of Fire and Water in the Zoroastrian Yasna,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 56/3 (Autumn 1988): 417–442. 6. Stephanie W.  Jamison and Michael Witzel, Vedic Hinduism (Cambridge:  Sanskrit Department, Cambridge University, 1992), http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~witzel/ vedica.pdf. The authors are also careful to note the striking parallels between early Vedic and Avestan literature. 7. Here, he refers us also to the work of Henri Hubert and Marcel Mauss. Frits Staal, Agni: The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar (Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities Press, 1983), p. 128. 8. Staal, Agni: The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar, p. 129. 9. Michael Witzel, “Meaningful Ritual,” in J. C. Hessterman, Albert W. Van den Hoek, Dirk H. A. Kolff, and M. S. Oort, eds., Ritual, State, and History in South Asia: Essays in Honour of J. C. Heesterman (Leiden: Brill, 1992), p. 781. Witzel offers a helpful chart to illustrate his point. 10. Witzel, “Meaningful Ritual,” p. 785. 11. Almut Hintze, “On the Ritual Significance of the Yasna Haptanhaiti,” in Michael Stausberg, ed., Zoroastrian Rituals in Context (Leiden: Brill, 2004), p. 293. 12. Yasna 36.6. Hintze also points out that this moment is also located in the center of the Yasna Haptanhaiti text (recited in full during the rite). 13. Hintze, “On the Ritual Significance of the Yasna Haptanhaiti,” p. 294.

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14. Recitation of mantras, incorporated into all Zoroastrian rites, generally is interpreted to have a purificatory function, and in this way does not seem to differ radically from Vedic or tantric conceptions. M. P. Kotwal also points out that, like water, mantras frame independent ritual sequences. See M. P. Kotwal and James W. Boyd, A Persian Offering the Yasna: A Zoroastrian High Liturgy (Paris: Association Pour L’Avancement de Études Iraniennes, 1991). 15. The hōm libation consists of “the essence of the hōm and pomegranate [twigs], infused with consecrated water (zōhr) and milk, and filtered through a sieve” (Kotwal and Boyd, A Persian Offering the Yasna, p. 17). 16. Kotwal and Boyd, A Persian Offering the Yasna, p. 129. 17. Bentor, “Interiorized Fire Rituals,” p. 609. 18. Witzel, “Meaningful Ritual,” p. 785. 19. Witzel, “Meaningful Ritual,” p. 785. 20. On this point, see David White, Kiss of the Yogini:  “Tantric Sex” in its South Asian Contexts (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), p. 8. 21. Vedic healing rites, particularly those found in the Atharva Veda, are directed toward the self to the extent that the practitioner hopes to destroy takman or some other disease that afflicts the body. However, this differs significantly from the internalization of fire in a tantric context. 22. In the Buddhist Kriyāsaṃgraha, for example, consecration rites utilize only water (though light symbolism could be interpreted as replacing the internal fire), whereas the use of internal fire is explicit in most Hindu tantric sources. 23. See, for example, S. Gupta and T. Goudriaan, Hindu Tantrism (Leiden and Koln:  E. J. Brill, 1979); Wade Wheelock, “The Mantra in Vedic and Tantric Ritual,” in Havey P. Alper, ed., Understanding Mantras (New York: State University of New York Press, 1989), pp. 96–123; Witzel, “Meaningful Ritual”; and David White, ed., Tantra in Practice (Princeton, NJ, and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2000). 24. Giovanni Verardi, “Homa” and Other Fire Rituals in Gandhāra (Naples:  Istituto Universitario Orientale, 1994), p. 18. 25. Richard K. Payne, “Ritual Manual for the Protective Fire Offering Devoted to Mañjuśrī,” in David G. White, ed., Tantra in Practice (Princeton, NJ, and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2000), p. 493. 26. Beth Potier, “Wisdom Shines Through:  Buddhist Bishop Tells the Tale of Ancient Fire Rite,” Harvard University Gazette, October 4, 2001, http://news.harvard.edu/ gazette/2001/10.04/28-goma.html. 27. Glenn Wallis, Mediating Power of the Buddhas:  Ritual in the Mañjuśrimūlakalpa (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2002), p. 25. 28. Wallis, Mediating Power of the Buddhas, p. 25. 29. Bulcsu Siklos, trans., The Vajrabhairava Tantras, Buddhica Britanica Series Conintua 10 (Tring, UK: Institute of Buddhist Studies, 1996), p. 38. 30. Aurel Stein once suggested that the portrayal of flames rising from the shoulders is likely Iranian in origin. See Aurel Stein, Serindia: Detailed Report of Explorations in Central Asia and Westernmost China Carried out and Described under the Orders of H.M. Indian Government (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1921), p. 874. 31. MVT VII.53. All MVT translations from Steven Hodge, The Mahā-VairocanaAbhisaṃbhodi Tantra: With Buddhaguhya’s Commentary (London: Routledge, 2003), p. 431.



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32. Jeffrey Hopkins, The Kālachakra Tantra:  Rite of Initiation for the Stage of Generation (London:  Wisdom Publications, 1985), p.  325. David White argues that this language of the luminous appears to have emerged from Kashmir in the early Mahāyāna period. See David White, Sinister Yogis (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), esp. c­ hapter 3. 33. MVT I.25 (Hodge, The Mahā-Vairocana-Abhisaṃbhodi Tantra, p. 400). 34. MVT II.12 (Hodge, The Mahā-Vairocana-Abhisaṃbhodi Tantra, p. 405). 35. MVT III.7 (Hodge, The Mahā-Vairocana-Abhisaṃbhodi Tantra, p. 407). Interestingly, in the abhicāra homa prescribed here, the body image of Agni is imagined as “smoky, black in color,” with radiance that is “smoky like blue rain clouds.” However, here, there is no requirement to sprinkle him with water; it is only prescribed that the mantrin should offer him “perfumes and so forth” (p. 411). For a comparable description of the four homa rites, see Tadeusz Skorupski, “Funeral Rites for Rebirth in the Sukhavati Abode,” in Tadeusz Skorupski, ed., The Buddhist Forum VI (Tring, UK:  Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2001), pp. 137–181; The Sarvadurgatipariśodhana Tantra:  Elimination of All Evil Destinies; Sanskrit and Tibetan Texts with Introduction, English Translation and Notes (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1983), pp. 68–73; and, with some variances, Kriyāsaṃgraha:  Compendium of Buddhist Rituals (Tring, UK: Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2002), pp. 22, 37, 53. 36. Skorupski, Kriyāsaṃgraha, p. 124. 37. Skorupski, “Funeral Rites for Rebirth in the Sukhāvati Abode,” p. 158. 38. Skorupski, “Funeral Rites for Rebirth in the Sukhāvati Abode,” p. 158. 39. Skorupski, “Funeral Rites for Rebirth in the Sukhāvati Abode,” p. 170. 40. Rolf Giebel, The Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi Sutra (Berkeley, CA:  Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2005), p. 152. 41. Tadeusz Skorupski, “Jyotirmañjari of Abhayakaragupta,” The Buddhist Forum: Volume VI. Tring (UK: The Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2001), 183-222. 42. Hopkins, The Kālachakra Tantra, p. 67. 43. The symbolism and structure of tantric consecrations apparently draw on preexisting royal consecrations. For discussions of the relationship between royal and tantric consecration, see White, Kiss of the Yogīnī, p.  134; Ronald Davidson, Indian Esoteric Buddhism:  A  Social History of the Tantric Movement (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), p. 122; Hopkins, Kālachakra Tantra, p. 66. 44. See, e.g., Hopkins, The Kālachakra Tantra, pp. 282, 293, 300, 320. 45. Hopkins, The Kālachakra Tantra, pp. 285, 296, 303, 323. 46. Skorupski, The Sarvadurgatipariśodhana Tantra, p. 76. 47. Wallis, Mediating Power of the Buddhas, p. 37. 48. Siklos, The Vajrabhairava Tantras, pp. 37–38. 49. In the descriptions of the six magical rites of tantra (ṣaṭkarmāṇi), the Mantramahodadhi (MM) correlates the element water with appeasement. Fire is associated with subjugation and liquidation, earth with immobilization, ether with enmity, and wind with eradication; in MM 25.23cd–26ab; Gudrun Bühnemann, “Six Rites of Magic,” in David Gordon White, ed., Tantra in Practice (Princeton, NJ, and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2000), pp. 447–462. And the Pariśiṣtas, which contain several elements that overlap with Buddhist tantras, similarly depict water as “a means of purification by which the evil effects which may be connected with certain actions are removed or appeasement is realized.” Specifically, “after having pronounced the word vaṣat

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he (the priest) touches water; water is a means of appeasing and medicine (against evil influences) appeasing and medicine thus are produced at the end in the sacrifice”; B. R. Modak, The Ancillary Literature of the Atharva Veda (New Delhi: Rashtriya Veda Vidya Pratishthan, 1993), p. 73. 50. Tulku, Sharpa and Guard, Richard, trans., Self Initiation of Vajrabhairava:  Compiled by Kyabje Phabongkha Rinpoche (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1991), p. 24. Translation is of a ritual text composed by Kyabje Phabongkha Rinpoche (1878–1941). 51. Sharpa and Guard, Self Initiation of Vajrabhairava. 52. Sharpa and Guard, Self Initiation of Vajrabhairava, pp. 25–26. 53. Sharpa and Guard, Self Initiation of Vajrabhairava, p. 131. 54. White, Tantra in Practice, p. 5. 55. Witzel, “Meaningful Ritual,” p. 808. 56. Witzel, “Meaningful Ritual,” p. 802. 57. White, Sinister Yogis, pp. 122–123. Here White specifically discusses “the rise of the luminous person (puruṣa), self (ātman), or lifebody ( jīva) of the dying or departing individual” and the “science of entering another body.” However, I believe his points apply also to the shift in understanding we see between Vedic and tantric speculations on the role of ritual fire. White himself argues that “Indic metaphysics of rays came to be applied to the diverse yet interconnected fields of aesthetics, epistemology, climatology.” 58. Diehl, Instrument and Purpose, p. 124. 59. Lit., “fit to be honored.” 60. Jan Gonda, Visnuism and Sivaism: A Comparison (London: University of London Press, 1970), p. 84. 61. Gonda, Visnuism and Sivaism, p. 84. 62. Diehl, Instrument and Purpose, p. 125. 63. For a discussion of the three main fetters, mala, karman, and māyā, and the necessity of their removal for liberation, see Davis, Ritual in an Oscillating Universe, p. 86. 64. Davis, Ritual in an Oscillating Universe, p. 92. 65. Davis, Ritual in an Oscillating Universe, p. 58. 66. Davis, Ritual in an Oscillating Universe, p. 59. 67. VŚT 72–73. All Vīṇāśikhatantra translations are by Teun Goudriaan, The Vīṇāśikhatantra: A Śaiva Tantra of the Left Current (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1985). Sanskrit terms in parentheses were added. 68. Bhūta carries the double meaning of “element” and “demon.” Therefore, bhūtaśuddhi can be translated either as “purification of elements” or “purification from demons.” 69. Gavin Flood describes the Jayākhya Saṃhitā as “The Tantric tradition’s most elaborated source for the purification of the body and its ritual identification with the cosmos” (“The Purification of the Body,” in White, ed., Tantra in Practice, p. 507). 70. The six coverings include śakti (energy), māyā (illusion), prasūti (“setting in motion”), prakŗti (matter), brahmāṇḍa (cosmic egg), and jīvadeha (“the body of the soul”). Flood describes them as “coverings” or “sheaths” that “surround both the purity of the soul and vast levels or regions of the hierarchical cosmos … described in ­chapter  6 of the Lakṣmī Tantra” (“The Purification of the Body,” p. 511). 71. The subtle body is referred to as the “City of Eight” (puryaṣṭaka) “because it comprises the five subtle elements along with the intellect (buddhi), ego (ahaṃkāra), and the mind (manas) of Sāṃkhya cosmology” (Flood, “The Purification of the Body,” p. 511).



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72. Jayākhya Saṃhitā ( JS) 10.74b–75. All JS translations are by Flood, “The Purification of the Body.” 73. JS 10.76–77. 74. JS 10.79b–80a. 75. JS 10.81b–82.

REFERENCES Bentor, Yael. “Interiorized Fire Rituals in India and in Tibet.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 120/4 (October–December 2000): 594–613. Bühnemann, Gudrun. “Six Rites of Magic.” In David Gordon White, ed., Tantra in Practice, pp. 447–462. Princeton, NJ, and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2000. Darrow, William. “Keeping the Waters Dry: The Semiotics of Fire and Water in the Zoroastrian Yasna.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 56/3 (Autumn 1988): 417–442. Davidson, Ronald. Indian Esoteric Buddhism:  A  Social History of the Tantric Movement. New York: Columbia University Press, 2002. Davis, Richard. Ritual in an Oscillating Universe: Worshiping Śiva in Medieval India. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991. Diehl, Cal Gustav. Instrument and Purpose:  Studies on Rites and Rituals in South India. Lund: Hakan Ohlssons Boktryckeri, 1956. Flood, Gavin. “The Purification of the Body.” In David G. White, ed., Tantra in Practice, pp. 509–520. Princeton, NJ, and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2000. Giebel, Rolf. The Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi Sutra. Berkeley, CA:  Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2005. Gonda, Jan. Visnuism and Sivaism: A Comparison. London:  University of London Press, 1970. Goudriaan, Teun. The Vīṇāśikhatantra:  A  Śaiva Tantra of the Left Current. Delhi:  Motilal Banarsidass, 1985. Gupta, S., and T. Goudriaan. Hindu Tantrism. Leiden and Koln: E. J. Brill, 1979. Hintze, Almut. “On the Ritual Significance of the Yasna Haptanhaiti.” In Michael Stausberg, ed., Zoroastrian Rituals in Context, pp. 291–316. Leiden: Brill, 2004. Hodge, Steven. The Mahā-Vairocana-Abhisaṃbhodi Tantra: With Buddhaguhya’s Commentary. London: Routledge, 2003. Hopkins, Jeffrey. The Kālachakra Tantra:  Rite of Initiation for the Stage of Generation. London: Wisdom Publications, 1985. Jamison, Stephanie W., and Michael Witzel, Vedic Hinduism. Cambridge: Sanskrit Department, Cambridge University, 1992. Kotwal, M. P., and James W. Boyd. A Persian Offering the Yasna: A Zoroastrian High Liturgy. Paris: Association Pour L’Avancement de Études Iraniennes, 1991. Modak, B. R. The Ancillary Literature of the Atharva Veda. New Delhi: Rashtriya Veda Vidya Pratishthan, 1993. Payne, Richard K. “Ritual Manual for the Protective Fire Offering Devoted to Mañjuśrī.” In David G. White, ed., Tantra in Practice, pp. 489–508. Princeton, NJ, and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2000.

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Potier, Beth. “Wisdom Shines Through:  Buddhist Bishop Tells the Tale of Ancient Fire Rite.” Harvard University Gazette, October 4, 2001. http://news.harvard.edu/ gazette/2001/10.04/28-goma.html. Siklos, Bulcsu, trans. The Vajrabhairava Tantras. Buddhica Britanica Series Conintua 10. Tring, UK: Institute of Buddhist Studies, 1996. Skorupski, Tadeusz. “Funeral Rites for Rebirth in the Sukhavati Abode.” In Tadeusz Skorupski, ed. The Buddhist Forum VI, pp. 137–181. Tring, UK: Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2001. Skorupski, Tadeusz. Kriyāsaṃgraha: Compendium of Buddhist Rituals. Tring, UK: Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2002. Skorupski, Tadeusz. The Sarvadurgatipariśodhana Tantra:  Elimination of All Evil Destinies; Sanskrit and Tibetan Texts with Introduction, English Translation and Notes. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1983. Staal, Frits. Agni: The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar. Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities Press, 1983. Stein, Aurel. Serindia: Detailed Report of Explorations in Central Asia and Westernmost China Carried out and Described under the Orders of H.M. Indian Government. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1921. Strickmann, Michel. “Homa in East Asia.” In Frits Staal, ed. Agni: The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar, pp. 418–455. Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities Press, 1983. Tulku, Sharpa and Guard, Richard trans. Self Initiation of Vajrabhairava: Compiled by Kyabje Phabongkha Rinpoche. Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1991. Verardi, Giovanni. “Homa” and Other Fire Rituals in Gandhāra. Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale, 1994. Wallis, Glenn. Mediating Power of the Buddhas: Ritual in the Mañjuśrimūlakalpa. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2002. Wheelock, Wade. “The Mantra in Vedic and Tantric Ritual.” In Havey P.  Alper, ed., Understanding Mantras, pp. 96–123. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989. White, David. Kiss of the Yogini: “Tantric Sex” in its South Asian Contexts. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003. White, David. Sinister Yogis. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009. White, David, ed. Tantra in Practice. Princeton, NJ, and Oxford:  Princeton University Press, 2000. Witzel, Michael. “Meaningful Ritual.” In J. C. Heesterman, Albert W. Van den Hoek, Dirk H. A. Kolff, and M. S. Oort, eds. Ritual, State, and History in South Asia: Essays in Honour of J. C. Heesterman, pp. 774–827. Leiden: Brill, 1992.

Buddhist Permutations and Symbolism of Fire Tadeusz Skorupski

i This essay offers an unpretentious survey of the conceptual and yogic permutations of fire and is based on a selection of Vedic and Buddhist sources. Part One provides an overview of the Vedic perceptions of fire and fire sacrifices, and is intended to serve as a background scenario to the Buddhist interpretations of fire. Part Two ascertains the Buddhist reinterpretation of the Vedic fires and sacrifices, and sketches the Buddhist assimilation of the god Agni and homa rituals. Part Three explores the Buddhist expositions of the fire element (tejodhātu) and wisdom fire ( jñāna-agni). These two categories of fire are not discussed in isolation, but their respective expositions are integrated into the relevant doctrines and practices. The fire element is treated as part of the Abhidharma cosmology, and as part of the mundane path (laukika-mārga), while wisdom fire is treated as part of the supramundane path (lokottara-mārga). PART ONE FIRE AND FIRE SACRIFICES IN BR AHMANIC SOURCES As a natural phenomenon, and as the god Agni, fire occupies a prominent position in the Vedic hymns and cognate sources. In all such sources, the expositions of natural fire and the god Agni do not form a body of coherent and systematic teachings, but represent a diverse variety of opinions and speculations. Due to this complex variety, the ensuing presentation gathers together only a selection of the most prominent opinions and

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theories of fire, which are pertinent to the understanding of the subsequent reinterpretation and treatment of fire in Buddhist sources. The Origin and Character of Fire In the Vedic hymns, the god Agni is only second to Indra and is invoked in some 200 of the 1,028 hymns of the Ṛgveda. As a personification of fire, Agni is inherently linked with the fire element and is attributed a number of figurative and anthropomorphic forms. The origin of natural fire, or the god Agni, is not limited to one single source or agency, but is identified with a number of natural phenomena, or is attributed to some of the Vedic gods. According to various myths and speculations, Agni’s progenitors are Dyaus (Sky) and Pṛthivī (Earth), or Tvaṣṭṛ (Creator) and Āpas (Waters), or he is the “son of the Waters” alone (Apāṃ-napāt). He is also born from the atmospheric lightning and the sun, or from the woods and plants. Then again, he is born in the sky and descends as lightning, or he is the sun and fire. Finally, fire is simply produced by rubbing together two friction sticks (araṇī).1 Agni is said to represent or to be all the gods, because it is in and through Agni that sacrificial offerings are presented to all the gods.2 Agni is also identified with the supreme Brahman and the Vedic sacrifice.3 It is said in the Śatapatha-Brāhmaṇa that Agni has eight forms: he is Rudra, Sarva, Paśupati, Ugra, Aśani, Bhava, Mahān Deva, and Īśana.4 In the tantras he also has eight different forms, five of which are Vahni, Anala, Pāvaka, Hutāśa, and Vaiśvānara.5 As Vaiśvānara (Common-to-all-men, Universal, or Omnipresent), Agni is identified with the fire that abides in all men and digests food.6 Agni is said to be eternal and omnipresent, old and yet forever youthful, fertile, and life-giving. He is called the “shining thunder which is in heaven” and is also invoked as the sage “who has the voice of the wind, the neighing of the cloud, and who takes the celestial waters for his clothing.” 7 Having sketched the diverse origins and broad characteristics of fire in its natural and personified forms, we now proceed to explore some of its specific guises, properties, and functions. Essentially, the Vedic sources do not make clear distinctions between the natural and personified forms of fire and other phenomena. In effect, all phenomena, and celestial bodies such as the sun and the moon, are mostly treated as deities. Thus, in this paper, the fire is predominantly cast in its personified forms in the majority of its configurations. The God Agni as Priest and Sage When he blazes in the sacrificial fires, the god Agni primarily functions as the sacerdotal intermediary between the Vedic gods and men. He officiates at every sacrifice and



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conveys offerings to the gods, or he brings the gods down to earth to partake in the prepared oblations. In the Ṛgveda he is called the high priest (purohita) of the gods.8 In some passages the sun is also compared to a brilliant fire, kindled and honored with offerings, and is called, as Agni, the priest of the gods.9 Agni is also attributed several other priestly titles,10 and as the domestic fire he is said to be the householder (gṛhapati).11 As the householder’s fire, Agni is also referred to as the friend in the homes of men, or again as father, brother, or son, and as the master of the house. He is the immortal who abides among the mortals in human habitations.12 Agni is also the role model for the earthly priests who perform sacrifices, and as he is ascribed several priestly titles, in effect he epitomizes all the functions of Brahmanic priests. In the sacrificial context, three forms of Agni are distinguished in the Yajurveda: the eater of raw flesh, the eater of corpses, and the sacrificial priest.13 Along with his priestly status, Agni’s second major attribute is the possession of knowledge and wisdom. He is described as knowing (or known by) all beings ( jātavedas), as omniscient (viśvavid), and as being endowed with all wisdom and sciences. The Vedic sages admit that Agni is superior in wisdom to all pious men, and that as such he is the most pious among all sages (ṛṣi).14 As the high priest, Agni does not make mistakes, but if he does he knows how to correct them, because he is wise and all-knowing.15 In one Vedic hymn we read: “Let Agni complete the worship. Let him fix rites and seasons. When we most ignorant neglect the statutes of you, O deities with whom is knowledge, wise Agni shall correct our faults and failings, skilled to assign to each god his fitting seasons.”16 In another Vedic hymn it is said that Agni, through his wisdom, gave existence to all men.17 It seems that Agni’s wisdom largely stems from his cosmic omnipresence, and from his acquaintance with the intricate mechanism of the Vedic sacrifices. Since he conveys the sacrifices to all the gods, dwells within and with all men, and pervades all things, he sees and knows them all. Similarly, as the high priest he presides over and knows the innate dynamics of Vedic rituals. Some other aspects of Agni’s wisdom will emerge in subsequent sections. Doctrine of the Five Fires The doctrine of the five fires (pañcāgni-vidyā)18 essentially expounds the origin of human beings from the gods and immortality. In the Upaniṣads, these five fires are described as five consecutive oblations (āhuti), which generate five specific results. The fruit of the first oblation is offered in the second oblation. Then the fruit of the second oblation is offered in the third oblation, and so on. These five oblations are performed within the tripartite structure of the Vedic cosmos: the first in the world of the gods, the second in the intermediate region, and the remaining three on the earth. Their descriptions are poetic and yet realistic, and are indicative of the cosmos-oriented speculations of the Vedic sages, and indeed of their visionary and perspicacious minds. In the Chāndogya and Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣads the five fires as oblations are depicted in the following manner.

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Fire (agni) is the yonder world: the sun (āditya) is its firewood, the sunrays its smoke, the day its flame (arcis), the moon (candramas) its embers, and the constellations (nakṣatra) its sparks (visphuliṅga). In this fire the gods offer faith (śraddhā),19 and from this oblation arises King Soma. (1) Fire is the rain-cloud (parjanya): the wind is its firewood, the thundercloud (abhra) its smoke, the lightning (vidyut) its flame, the thunder (aśani) its embers, and the hailstones its sparks. In this fire the gods offer King Soma, and from this oblation springs rain. (2) Fire is the earth (pṛthivī): the year is its firewood, space (ākāśa) its smoke, the night its flame, the four quarters its embers, and the intermediate quarters its sparks. In this fire the gods offer the libation of rain, and from this oblation springs food (anna). (3) Fire is a man (puruṣa): speech is his firewood, breath his smoke, the tongue his flame, the sight his embers, and the hearing his sparks. In this fire the gods offer food, and from this oblation issues the seminal fluid (retas). (4) Fire is a woman (yoṣā): the genitals are her firewood, the solicitation her smoke, the vagina her flame, the inner activity her embers, and pleasure her sparks. In this fire the gods offer the seminal fluid, and from this oblation issues an embryo (garbha, or a man, puruṣa).20 (5) In the above named Upaniṣads the five fires are correlated with the theory of the two paths, which lead to two distinct destinations: one irreversible path leading to immortality and union with Brahman, and one circular path leading to repeated rebirths. According to the Chāndogya, after the completion of the fifth oblation as described above, the embryo remains inside the womb for nine or ten months, and then it is born. Once born, a man lives his allotted duration of life, and after becoming a departed spirit (preta), he is carried back to the same fire from which he emerged and arose.21 In the Bṛhadāraṇyaka, we find an insightful elaboration. When a man dies he is committed to the funeral fire. His fire is the fire itself: the firewood is the firewood, the smoke is the smoke, the flame is the flame, the embers are the embers, and the sparks are the sparks. In this fire the gods offer a man, and from this oblation arises a man of luminous hue (bhāsvara-varṇa).22 Next is described the post-mortem journey of those who follow the irreversible path or the path of the gods. Those who know the above five fires, and those in the forest who venerate faith as truth (satya), pass into the funeral flame (arcis). Then, in succession they progress into the day, the waxing moon, the six months during which the sun moves toward the north, the world of the gods, the sun, and into the region of lightning (vaidyuta). A person consisting of mind comes to that region, and then leads them to the worlds of Brahman (brahmaloka). They dwell in those worlds for long periods, and essentially for them there is no return (āvṛtti).23 The circular path, or the path of the fathers, is followed by those who win the worlds by means of sacrifices (yajña), offerings (dāna), and austerities (tapas). When they die they pass into the cremation smoke, and then in succession they progress into the night,



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the waning moon, the six months during which the sun moves toward the south, the world of the fathers (pitṛloka), and the moon. On reaching the moon they become food and the gods feed on them. When this feeding period concludes for them, they diffuse into space, and then pass into the wind, next into the rain, and finally into the earth. Upon reaching the earth they become food.24 Next they are sacrificed once more as food in the fire of man (puruṣāgni), and then they are born in the fire of woman (yoṣāgni). Rising up in the worlds, they circulate again in the same way.25 Finally, it is emphatically stated that when a man duly knows the five fires, he is not stained by evil (pāpman). Indeed, once he knows such matters, he becomes pure and cleansed, and obtains an auspicious world (puṇya-loka).26 According to the Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad, the moon is the gateway to the celestial worlds (svargaloka). This text asserts that after death all departed people proceed to the moon. Then the moon questions them about their identity. Those who give wrong answers diffuse into rain, shower down to earth, and are born in conformity with their deeds and knowledge. Those who give the correct answer advance to the world of Agni, and then passing through several other worlds, they arrive in the world of Brahman. When Brahman asks: “Who are you?” One should reply: “I am the seasons (ṛtu) and I am the offspring of the seasons. I was born from the womb of space as the seminal fluid for the wife, as the radiance (tejas) of the year, as the self (ātman) of every being. You are the self of every being. I am what you are.” Brahman asks: “Who am I?” One should reply: “The truth/real (satyam).” Brahman asks: “What is the truth/real?” One replies: “Sat is whatever is different from the gods and the breaths, and tyam denotes the gods and the breaths. All this is encapsulated in the word satyam, all this is the totality of this world. You are this entire world.”27 Thus, it is the knowledge of one’s origin and nature, and of one’s identity with Brahman that is the prerequisite for reaching the final destination. In conclusion to this section three significant points can be noted. First, when combined with the path of the gods, the doctrine of the five fires depicts how human beings are born from the gods, and how they return to the world of the gods through the path of fire or light. In the first instance, the five fires as oblations emulate the cosmic process leading to the birth of human beings from the gods. In the second instance, there is a reverse process of returning to the gods and immortality. This process starts with the entry into the funeral flame, then progresses through the different levels of the cosmos, and finally terminates in the highest world. This return path is largely demarcated as different forms of fire. Thus, it is the fire as light that serves as the link between the gods and men, and as the return path to the world of the gods. The second path is circular and devoid of fire or light. It starts with the entry into the funeral smoke and concludes with rebirth here on earth. Second, in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka and Chāndogya, the two paths start in the funeral pyre and have distinctly different appearances. The path of the gods consists of light, and the path of rebirth is smoky, dark, and rainy. In the Kauṣītaki, the two paths seem to be partly the same and partly different. The path between the funeral pyre and the moon is the same for all the departed. As already discussed, all departed go to the moon, and

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then depending on their answers, some enter the path of the gods, and others are showered back to this earth. Thus, the separation into two paths takes place on the moon. Third, the possession of knowledge about the five fires, and about one’s origin and identity with Brahman is a mandatory requirement for entry onto the path of light, and for the attainment of union with Brahman. It may also be added that in the Upaniṣads the possession of knowledge as a condition for the attainment of union with Brahman is frequently reiterated. The Three Sacrificial Fires The three sacrificial fires (tetrāgni) essentially serve as the hearths for the performance of sacrifices, and for making offerings to the gods through the medium of the god Agni. Their names are:  oblational fire (āhavanīya), southern fire (dakṣiṇāgni or anvāhārya-pacana), and householder’s fire (gārhapatya). Of these three fires, the oblational fire is square and positioned toward the east of the householder’s fire. It is used as the principal fire in the majority of Śrauta sacrifices. The southern fire is shaped like a half-moon or semi-circle and is positioned toward the south. It serves to make offerings to the fathers and is also used for placating and averting evil spirits. The householder’s fire is circular in shape and is positioned toward the west. It serves to make offerings twice a day, at sunrise and at sunset. Out of the three fires, the texts recommend that the householder’s fire should be kindled at all times, and that this fire should be used to ignite the other two fires whenever required.28 Although the above three fires are built on this earth, their ritual significance and function are not confined to this earth, but are endowed with cosmic significance and correspondence in the wider universe. Since their interpretations are complex and lengthy, we only indicate their correspondences to the three Vedic worlds. According to the relevant sources, the oblational fire is the sky or the world of the gods, the southern fire is the intermediate region or the world of the fathers, and the householder’s fire is this world, the world of men.29 Thus, the sacrifices performed in these three fires are conceived as cosmic events and transactions between the world of the gods and the world of men. Some other configurations and correspondences are discussed in the relevant passages of the next and latter sections. Fire and Brahman Broadly speaking, in the Upaniṣads the term “Brahman” denotes the impersonal and immortal principle, and the first cause of the universe. Brahman is the ultimate reality, which is separate from and yet immanent in the living world. As the ultimate reality, it is also called ātman, and it is asserted to be identical with the deathless essence of the human being, also called ātman (the self). The supreme Brahman is imperceptible and formless, and yet since it created this world and suffused itself into it, it is assumed to



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embrace the totality of phenomena as parts of itself. In the Upaniṣads a number of prominent phenomena are said to be Brahman or different parts of its cosmic body. Brahman is said to be the self, the mind, the vital breaths, and many other things, but at the same time it is maintained that ultimately there is only one Brahman. Generally speaking, the identification of Brahman with fire and light is rather prominent in the Upaniṣads. Out of all such identifications, we present here three representative configurations. In the Chāndogya we find a group of six specific phenomena: Sky, Sun, Wind, Space, Water, and Earth, which in some sources are considered to be forms of fire or light. However, in this group at least one of them, the sun, is definitely a category of fire. In the first instance these six phenomena are styled as specific forms of the universal ātman and are individually identified by six different householders as their ultimate ātman.30 Next, it is explained that individually these six forms do not represent the whole or totality of the universal ātman, but only different parts of its body. Thus, the sky is the head, the sun is the eye, the wind is the breath, the space is the body, the water is the bladder, and the earth is the feet. The text then goes on to say that the sacrificial platform (vedi) is the chest, the sacrificial grass is the bodily hair, the householder’s fire is the heart, the southern fire is the mind, and the oblational fire is the mouth.31 While in the Chāndogya, the sun and the three sacrificial fires are identified with the bodily parts of the universal ātman, the Kaṭha and Muṇḍaka Upaniṣads32 project a variant correlation between Brahman and the different forms of fire. These two texts postulate that the sun, moon, stars, lightning, and earthly fire do not shine of their own accord. It is only when Brahman shines that everything else shines after it, and the entire world radiates with its light (bhās). In the Muṇḍaka Upaniṣad, it is explicitly stated that Brahman is the light ( jyotis) of lights, and that this is what the visionaries of the Self perceive. In the Maitrī Upaniṣad, Brahman is said to be the luminous form (bhāsvara-rūpa) which blazes in the sun, the bright light ( jyotis) in the smokeless fire (agni), and the fire in the stomach which digests the food. The unity of these three forms of fire is confirmed by the following citation: “The one who is in the fire (agni), the one who is in the heart, and the one who is in the sun (āditya), he is one. He who knows this goes to the oneness of the One.”33 It is fairly apparent from the above three configurations that Brahman is identified with practically all forms of fire and light. Since Brahman is also identified with other cosmic phenomena, its identification with fire and light is not exclusive, but as already mentioned it is markedly prominent. Fire, Death, and Immortality In relation to death and immortality, the fire is attributed three major capacities: death, embodiment or bestowment of immortality, and immortality itself. In the Vedic context, the term “death” denotes a bondage, understood as repeated deaths of the body.

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In relation to this bondage of repeated death, the term “immortality” denotes a lasting freedom from death. The self as such is immortal, but while it is tied up with the body, it is mortal, since it experiences the dying process as a separation from the body. In this context, as death, the fire in the capacity of the life breath exits or abandons the body. As death, the fire has no power over the immortal self. However, as an embodiment of immortality, the fire bestows or enables the mortal self to gain the condition or realm of immortality as freedom from death. As for the fire as immortality, the actual condition of the immortal self or the realm of immortality is often depicted as radiant and luminous forms of fire. The Vedic thinkers agree that the body is mortal and the self is immortal. They also agree that death has to be overcome by winning immortality as freedom from death. However, they have different opinions about the post-mortem process, and about the specific configurations of death and immortality. We begin with some of the opinions on the process after the self separates from the body at the moment of death. We are concerned here with the post-mortem journey in the case of those who do not return to this earth, but advance to their final goal. In addition to the path of the gods described above in the section on the five fires, we present here four representative opinions. The first opinion maintains that when the self rises from the body, it reaches the supreme light ( jyotis) and emerges in its proper form (svarūpa). This form is said to be the supreme person (puruṣa), who roams about and enjoys himself, without remembering the body.34 According to the second opinion, when a man dies, his speech dissolves into the fire, his breath into the wind, his sight into the sun, his mind into the moon, his hearing into the quarters, his self into space, and his body into the earth.35 The third opinion also maintains that when a person departs from this world, his vital functions dissolve into their respective counterparts in the cosmos. However, this opinion further maintains that being composed of these cosmic counterparts, a person chooses to become one of them as a deity and remains at peace.36 Finally, the fourth opinion postulates that at the moment of dying the self fades away, and the vital breaths gather around it. Taking into itself these particles of light, the self descends into the heart. Then the tip of the heart lights up, and with this light (pradyota) the self departs through the eye or the head. Being free from desires, the self is Brahman and goes to Brahman. Thus, a mortal becomes immortal and attains Brahman in this world. The body lies dead, but the bodiless and immortal life breath is Brahman; it is light (tejas).37 Although ultimately the final goal of the Upaniṣadic sages is to reach the final union with Brahman, it is evident from the above opinions that the specific pattern of the post-mortem journey and the final destination are described in variant ways. However, setting aside their differences, these four opinions have one common characteristic: the use of light imagery to epitomize the post-mortem journey and state. Whether the self



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and the vital breaths dissolve into their cosmic counterparts, or whether they dissolve into one single entity, both the process of their dissolution and their final state are described as forms of light. Next we briefly glance at some images of fire as death in personified and impersonal forms. In one laconic passage, death as the god Mṛtyu is explicitly identified with the god Agni, and the entire world is said to be his food.38 In another account, Mṛtyu first generates for himself two bodies: one threefold body consisting of fire, sun, and wind, and one body in the form of speech. Then with these two bodies he creates the entire world and begins to eat everything he created.39 Then again in one account in which ātman creates a man and endows him with the vital functions, Agni becomes speech, and Mṛtyu becomes the apāna breath and enters the body at the navel.40 Death is also said to be the earth,41 the householder’s fire,42 and a form of weariness that captures and attenuates the vital functions.43 Next we inspect a number of selected accounts, which depict the boundaries and polarities between death and immortality, the ways of gaining the immortal state, and the actual character of immortality. In some accounts, the boundary between death and immortality is demarcated in the form of two sacrificial fires, one built on the earth and one built in the world above. In one account we learn that the mystic significance of the sacrificial fire is speech because it is built with the speech of the three Vedas. As the three Vedas, the speech is threefold and so is the sacrificial fire built with that Vedic triad. The body of the fire is also threefold, and it is with this threefold body that the threefold immortality is gained. Next, we learn that this speech is the yonder sun, and this fire Agni is death. All things on this side of the sun are held by death. When one builds the sacrificial fire on this side of the sun, one builds it as the fire held by death, and one surrenders oneself to death. On the other hand, when one builds it in the world above, one overcomes repeated death, because when the fire is built with knowledge it is built in the world above. As the three Vedas, the triple speech is the sun’s orb, the sun’s light, and the man in the sun. The immortal element, the shining light, corresponds to the lotus leaf deposited on the sacrificial fire. It is on that immortal element that one builds for oneself the body consisting of the three Vedas, and one becomes immortal.44 In one account, death and immortality are contrasted as darkness and light. In this particular account, the patron of a soma sacrifice is instructed to recite the following three Vedic lines as a supplication for immortality: “From the unreal (asat) lead me to the real (sat). From darkness (tamas) lead me to light ( jyotis). From death lead me to immortality.” Next it is explained that the unreal is death and the real is immortality, and that darkness is death and light is immortality.45 Next we recount the famous story in which the god Mṛtyu himself teaches Naciketas how to escape death. Being granted three wishes, as his second wish Naciketas requests Mṛtyu to reveal the fire that leads to the celestial world, in which people have no fear of death and partake of immortality (amṛtatva). In response Mṛtyu states that this kind of fire abides hidden in the heart’s cavity. Next, he explains that the fire is the beginning

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of the world, and then describes it as a fire made of bricks. The full details of this fire are not given; it is only indicated that Mṛtyu specifies the type of bricks, their number and arrangement, and then names that fire after Naciketas. Although the innate character of this fire is not fully disclosed, it is certain that Mṛtyu explained it as a sacrificial fire. This is evident from the concluding statement, which says that by kindling a triple Naciketas fire, and performing the triple work,46 one crosses over birth and death. Knowing Brahman as the god to be venerated, and realizing him, one gains everlasting peace.47 Thus, although in this account the Naciketas fire serves as an escape from death, it is not explicitly stated whether it has the character of immortality. Apart from the Naciketas story, there are other stories and statements about the capacity of the sacrificial fire to bestow immortality. For instance, it is said in the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa that when the benefactor constructs the sacrificial fire, he overcomes repeated death. This is the case, because when one constructs the sacrificial fire, one becomes the god Agni who is the immortal element.48 Another passage in the same text says that the fire is the immortal element of the sacrifice, because it has the nature of the sun. In the context of the body, it is the life breath that is the body’s immortal element, because it has the nature of fire.49 In yet another section of the same text, a story is told of how the gods gained immortality through the performance of the fire sacrifice. Initially, the essence of immortality escapes from the gods. On becoming mortals, the gods set out in search of immortality. They perform a series of austerities and discover the immortal soma. Next, they press the soma and offer it in the fire, and thereby bestow immortality on Agni. Since Agni as the sacrificial fire is the body of all the gods, once the gods bestowed immortality on Agni, they also bestowed it on themselves. Then it is further explained that if one seeks after immortality, one should emulate the above sacrifice of the gods. When one offers the soma in the fire, one bestows immortality on Agni and on oneself, because the sacrificial fire is one’s divine body, while one’s actual body is merely one’s human body.50 In the Śvetāśvatara Upaniṣad, there are two verses which disclose the mystic or yogic property of fire. These verses succinctly state that mist, sun, wind, lightning, or moon are the preliminary appearances that produce the full emergence of Brahman in yogic practice. Once the earth, water, fire, wind, and space arise in conjunction, and once the quality of yoga emerges and has the nature of these five elements, there is no sickness, no old age, and no death for one who has obtained the body made of the fire of yoga (yogāgni).51 In one account we learn how the five vital functions became freed from death, and then became cosmic phenomena. Initially it is stated that the vital breath as a deity is called Ayāsya, because it is the essence of the limbs. Next it is said that the same deity is also called Dur, because death keeps away from it. Then it is further elaborated that this deity drove out the evil death from the other deities and carried them beyond the reach of death. Once freed from death, speech becomes fire, the breath (breathing) becomes the wind, the sight becomes the sun, the hearing becomes the quarters, and the mind becomes the moon.52



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Now we come to the account in which the sun is identified as the final destination and abode of immortality. This account begins with Prajāpati producing matter and life breath for the purpose of creating many beings. The life breath is identified with the sun, and matter with the moon. Next, the sun’s properties are explained. When the sun rises and illuminates all quarters of the world, it collects all vital breaths into its rays. In fact when the sun rises, it emerges as Vaiśvānara Agni having the form of life breath and fire. Then the text quotes a Vedic verse, which encapsulates the nature of the sun: “The one having all forms, the golden one, the all-knowing one, the final goal, the only light, the heat-giver, the thousand-rayed one, the hundredfold orbiter. Thus rises the sun (sūrya), the life breath of the created beings.” Next are outlined the two paths, which are variations of the two paths described in the section on the five fires. Prajāpati (as the year) follows two pathways: the southern and the northern. The people who perform sacrifices and meritorious deeds, win only the lunar world, and then return to the earth. This is the path of the fathers, and it is matter. By contrast, those who seek the Self through austerities, chastity, faith, and knowledge, follow the northern path and win the sun (āditya). This is the resting-place of the life breaths: it is immortality, freedom from fear, and the final goal. From there they do not return: it is their final resting place (nirodha).53 Finally, in one account we learn that Death is immortal. According to this account, the sun’s shining orb is the Ṛg-verses, the glowing light is the Sāman-tunes, and the man in the sun’s orb is the sacrificial fire as the Yajur-formulas. These are the three worlds, the triple (Vedic) lore that shines. The man in the sun’s orb is Death (Mṛtyu), and the glowing light is the immortal element, however, Death does not die, because he is within the immortal. Then the following verse is quoted and explained: “Immortality is within Death, it is founded on Death, Death puts on the radiant one.” Immortality is within death because it is beneath death, and it is founded on death because the immortal shines being established on the man in the sun. Death puts on the radiant one, namely the sun, because death is enveloped by the sun on all sides. Death’s self is inside the radiant one, because the body of that man is inside the sun’s orb.54 The above presented opinions and stories about fire as death and immortality reflect the various pathways of the Vedic speculations, but they cannot be readily molded together into a coherent and conclusive exposition or theory of death and immortality. However, it is evident that fire in its different hues is prominently employed to epitomize the innate dynamics of death and immortality, the two great mysteries of mankind. The Character and Scope of Vedic Sacrifices The terms yajña (translated as sacrifice) and karma (translated as deeds, works, or ritual activities) denote the whole gamut of Vedic rituals, which function as transactions between the gods and men. The majority of such rituals share one common feature, namely the use of fire to make offerings to the gods. In its simplest configuration the fire is kindled and venerated with offerings and Vedic hymns.55 Conceptually the sacrifice

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is perceived as an apparatus or power, which efficiently maintains the cosmic harmony, vitality, and prosperity, and it is also expressive of the reciprocal interactions between the higher and lower levels of existence. Men duly perform their ritual duties, namely the sacrifices, while the gods play their respective role by channeling prosperity down to this earth. However, although the sacrifice is conceived as a kind of transaction, the actual rewards or results of the sacrifice are not bestowed by the gods, but are derived from the innate power and efficacy of the sacrifice itself. Like the Vedas, the sacrifice is asserted to exist from eternity, and the creation of the world is also seen as a result of the sacrifice performed by the supreme being.56 The efficacy of the sacrifice is largely attributed to the faultless execution of the ritual components, which as a whole constitute the kernel of the sacrifice’s mechanism. Although the gods are invoked and gratified with offerings, they do not discharge the sacrificial benefits, but function as instruments or channels through which the sacrificial effects are conveyed. The sacrifice is superior to the gods, and possesses a kind of mystical potency, which invariably produces its expected results.57 According to the Śrauta texts, the sacrifices basically require the three sacrificial fires that are described above. The ordinary householders maintain the householder’s fire, in which they perform the ritual duties on behalf of their households. As already mentioned, they are obliged to perform the fire offerings (agnihotra)58 twice a day, at sunrise and at sunset. These daily fire offerings are presented to the gods and with them to all beings. More prosperous people maintain a set of all three fires, and a number of priests to carry out the rituals as prescribed in the texts, or for particular intentions and purposes. The tangible differences between the sacrificial rituals are largely seen as the matter of ritual elaborations and the quantity of offerings.59 The sacrificial offerings normally include agricultural products, such as milk, butter, barley, rice, and cakes (bali). The texts also prescribe animal sacrifices,60 and the Brāhmaṇas specify a list of five sacrificial victims: man, horse, ox, sheep, and goat. Wild animals, fish, birds, and pigs, are excluded. The animals are suffocated or strangled, and are then ritually dissected into specified portions and presented in the fire as offerings.61 The purpose of the offerings to the gods is to feed them and to gain favors. The benefits of the sacrifices accrue to the patron or benefactor (yajamāna) and not to the performing priests. In the Ṛgveda the benefactor who supplies the offerings is promised the mundane wealth and prosperity in return for the sacrifice and the gifts to the priests. The gods are said to be pleased with the poor people who give small amounts of offerings, but they are annoyed with the rich people who are stingy. It is said that “the theory of the sacrifice and its result as an exchange of gifts, of strength for strength, is the fundamental fact of the whole Vedic religion.”62 It is also said that the essential part of sacrifices is abandonment (tyāga). The sacrificial oblations are presented as offerings and serve as symbolic substitutes for the benefactor who, as it were, abandons and offers himself.63 The abandoned offerings are transformed by the sacrifice into the nourishment for the gods. Agni, as fire, is the mouth of the gods, and the offerings dispensed into the fire



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ascend to the celestial sphere and are absorbed through a kind of inhaling. The remainder of the offerings is consumed by the benefactor and the priests. The Śatapatha-Brāhmaṇa distinguishes two kinds of gods: gods who are truly gods, and human gods who are learned brāhmaṇas versed in the sacred texts. The sacrifice offered to them is also twofold: sacrificial oblations offered to the true gods, and gifts or fees (dakṣiṇā) offered to the human gods. When these two kinds of gods are gratified, they convey the benefactor to the celestial world. The same text specifies four major categories of gifts: gold, cows, garments, and horses.64 The Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa also sets forth the classical grouping of sacrifices into five great sacrificial sessions (mahāsattra): 1. Sacrifice to beings (bhūta-yajña): every day one offers sacrificial cakes (bali). 2. Sacrifice to humans (manuṣya-):  every day one gives alms, including a cup of water. 3. Sacrifice to the fathers (pitṛ-): every day one offers libations, including a cup of water. 4. Sacrifice to the gods (deva-): every day one makes offerings, including firewood. 5. Sacrifice to Brahman (brahma-yajña): one recites the Vedas.65 Thus, as a whole, these five sacrifices discharge offerings and gratify all categories of beings in all three Vedic worlds. In conclusion, three conceptual features of the Vedic sacrifices should be noted here, as they had some impact on Buddhist ideas. First, the sacrifice is a ritualistic transaction that is endowed with an inherent efficacy. The basic idea is that the ritual activity itself produces the result or repayment, without the intervention of the gods or the priests. Second, the sacrificial offerings are treated as gifts or acts of abandonment. Third, the reward derived from the sacrifices accrues to the benefactor who is the donor of the sacrificial offerings, but not to the priests. These three prominent features of the Vedic sacrifices had an influence on the formulation of the Buddhist theory of generosity as a substitute of Vedic sacrifices, as discussed in Part Two. Internal Fire Sacrifice Over the course of time, the Vedic sacrifices have been progressively reinterpreted and transposed into new visions of religious thought and practice. As such, they are not discarded as totally ineffective, but at the same time their conceptual and functional configurations are modified in two major ways. First, as such the Vedic sacrifices and the practice of good works largely retain their status, but their overall efficacy is attenuated and diminished, and the superiority of knowledge is emphasized as the primary expedient of gaining the ultimate liberation or union with Brahman. Second, the Vedic

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sacrifices originally performed as external rituals are ingeniously reformulated into internal fire oblations performed within the body. The efficacy and superiority of knowledge over that of ritual activities is clearly evident in the theory of the two paths described above in the sections on the five fires, and on fire, death, and immortality. In addition, we indicate here a few of the many Upaniṣadic statements, which emphasize the superiority of knowledge. It is said in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka that the world of men is gained only through a son, but not through other works. The world of the fathers is gained through the ritual activities, and the world of the gods is gained through knowledge. The world of the gods is the best, and it is for this reason that knowledge is praised.66 Then again it is said in the same Upaniṣad67 that when a man does not know the imperishable (akṣara), and performs sacrifices and austerities in this world for thousands of years, his works come to an end. When such a man departs from this world without knowing the imperishable, he is to be pitied. By contrast, the man who leaves this world after gaining the knowledge of the imperishable, he is a brāhmaṇa. In the Muṇḍaka Upaniṣad, it is said that those who know Brahman distinguish two types of knowledge (vidyā): the lower and the higher. The lower knowledge includes the four Vedas, ritual science, grammar, etymology, and astrology. The higher knowledge is that through which one realizes the imperishable.68 The same Upaniṣad also states that the sacred knowledge, or the knowledge of Brahman (brahma-vidyā), is the foundation of all knowledge (sarvajñāna).69 The internal fire sacrifice is considered to be a recast of the Vedic fire sacrifice (agnihotra) as briefly described above and is designated by two principal Sanskrit names:  āntara-agnihotra and prāṇāgnihotra. The term āntara-agnihotra is normally translated as the internal fire sacrifice, while prāṇāgnihotra is translated as the fire sacrifice to the breaths, or as the sacrifice in the fires which are the breaths.70 Essentially, the internal sacrifice consists of a ritualized partaking of food, and offering it as oblations to the vital breaths within the body. In the paragraphs that now follow, we first sketch the cosmography of the body and its correspondence to the outer cosmos, and then we ascertain several accounts of the internal fire sacrifice. We already know that the term ātman denotes the deathless essence of the human being, and that it is identical with the ultimate ātman or Brahman. However, in the Upaniṣads this term is also employed with reference to the body as a living or breathing entity. This living self consists of the deathless self and the physical body. The deathless self is hidden within the heart’s cavity and is endowed with certain powers through which it functions and animates the body. These powers are called breaths or vital breaths (prāṇa) and are also referred to as deities (devatā). There are five such breaths which circulate within the body.71 The term prāṇa has two meanings: it is one of the five breaths, and it denotes the life breath. As one of the five breaths, it is frequently translated as breathing out or as the in-breath. As the life breath, it denotes the totality of the five breaths and is identical with the self and with the cosmic self, the sun.72 Apart from the above five breaths, there is another group of five powers, which are jointly



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called the vital functions (karma) and are also referred to as deities or vital breaths. They are: speech, sight, hearing, breath, and mind (thinking).73 The self is also said to consist of speech, mind, and breath.74 Then again it is further identified with the five great elements, namely earth, wind, space, water, and light.75 Finally, according to one account, the self is made of the mind, the vital breaths are its body (śarīra), light (bhā) is its appearance, truth is its determination, and space is its essence (ātman). It contains all actions, all desires, all smells, and all tastes. This self within the heart is smaller than a grain of rice or barley, and yet it is larger than the earth, larger than the sky, larger than all the worlds put together. It is Brahman.76 The five vital breaths are said to be fires, and in one account their identification as fires is depicted in the following way. When a person is asleep, everything converges within the mind, the supreme deity. In this condition, a person does not perceive or hear anything, but the fires of the vital breaths (prāṇāgni) keep awake within the body. The householder’s fire is the apāna breath, the southern fire is the vyāna breath, and the oblational fire is the prāṇa breath. The samāna breath balances the two oblations (āhuti), namely breathing in and breathing out; they are explained later on. The mind is the benefactor (yajamāna), and the fruit of the sacrifice is the udāna breath, which day-by-day leads the benefactor to Brahman.77 Next, we identify some of the correlations between the living self and the outer cosmos. In addition to the correlations already given in the sections on the five and three fires, and in the section on fire, death, and immortality, there are three representative opinions. The first opinion correlates the five vital breaths to the five vital functions and to the phenomena in the outer cosmos. According to this opinion, the five vital breaths are located in the heart, and they are called the five openings for the gods (devasuṣaya). The heart’s eastern opening is the prāṇa breath, it is sight, and the sun. Its southern opening is the vyāna breath, it is hearing, and the moon. Its western opening is the apāna breath, it is speech, and the fire. Its northern opening is the samāna breath, it is the mind, and the rain. Its upper opening is the udāna breath, it is the wind, and space. Finally, these five openings are also called the five men of Brahman, and the five doorkeepers of the celestial world (svargaloka).78 Apart from the correlations given in the above paragraph, in some sources the five vital functions are related to the outer phenomena in the following ways: speech is the fire, breath is the wind, sight is the sun, hearing is the quarters, and mind is the moon.79 In one account, the character and correlation of the self as speech, mind, and breath are explained in the following way. The mind includes all mental activities such as desire, determination, doubt, faith, shame, intellection, and fear. Speech includes all categories of sound, and the breath includes the five vital breaths. In relation to the three worlds, speech is this world, mind is the intermediate world, and breath is the upper world. They are also the three Vedas: speech is the Ṛgveda, mind is the Yajurveda, and breath is the Sāmaveda. Then again, speech is the gods, mind is the fathers, and breath is the humans.

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Once more, whatever is known is the form of speech, for speech is the knower. Whatever is to be known is the form of mind, because the mind is to be known. Whatever is unknown is the form of breath, because the breath is unknown. Finally, the earth is the body of speech, and the fire is its luminous form. The sky is the body of the mind, and the sun is its luminous form. The water is the body of the breath, and the moon is its luminous form.80 As the sacrificial offerings discharged into fire largely consist of food articles, and form the essential component of fire sacrifices, it seems pertinent to glance at some of the Upaniṣadic opinions on food. We recapitulate here three such opinions, which reflect some of the pivotal Upaniṣadic perceptions of food as the kernel of the body and the vital breaths. These opinions also contribute to the understanding of the internal fire sacrifice as a ritual feeding of the vital breaths as deities. According to the first opinion, when solid food, water, and fire are absorbed, each of them becomes refined into three grades. In the case of food, the coarsest becomes faeces, the medium becomes flesh, and the finest becomes the mind. In the case of water, the coarsest becomes urine, the medium becomes blood, and the finest becomes breath. In the case of fire, the coarsest becomes bones, the medium becomes marrow, and the finest becomes speech. Thus, the mind consists of food, the breath of water, and the speech of fire.81 The second opinion postulates that food is the highest form of ātman, because the life breath consists of food. If one does not eat, one is unable to think, see, hear, or feel, and one forfeits one’s vital breaths. When one eats, one’s vital breaths prosper and one can think, see, hear, and so forth. The sun takes food by way of its rays and generates heat. When supplied with food the vital breaths digest it, and the fire also blazes with food. This world is said to have been fashioned by Brahman with an appetite for food. Thus, one should venerate food as the self.82 According to the third opinion, all creatures that live on the earth are born from food, live on food, and in the end they pass into food. Food is the eldest of beings (bhūta), and hence it is called the panacea of everything. Those who venerate Brahman as food, obtain all kinds of food. Creatures come into being from food, and they grow by food; food is eaten and it eats beings.83 Having sketched the innate composition of the living self and its homologies with the outer cosmos, we now ascertain several accounts of the internal fire sacrifice. These accounts are arranged more or less in a chronological sequence, which broadly reflects the progressive evolution of this sacrifice. The first account depicts the cosmic sacrifice performed by the fire and the sun. Normally, this sacrifice is not classed as an internal sacrifice, but we include it here, because it has some conceptual affinities to the sacrifice consisting of breathing in and breathing out, and to the fire sacrifice explained in the Maitrī Upaniṣad. According to some sources, the sun is the cause of evil committed during the day, and the fire is the cause of evil done during the night. For the sake of being able to sustain creatures, the



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sun and the fire make a pact to offer themselves to each other. Thus, when the sun offers itself to the fire at sunset, all evil done in the day is eliminated by the fire during the night, and when the fire offers itself to the sun at sunrise, all evil done at night is erased by the sun during the day. Similarly, when one offers the evening oblation to the fire, during the night the fire drives away one’s evil done during the day, and when one offers the morning oblation to the sun, during the day the sun drives away one’s evil done during the night.84 The seminal formulation of the internal sacrifice is encapsulated in a short passage of the Bṛhadāraṇyaka. Here it is stated that the sun rises from the life breath and sets into it, and that the deities declared this phenomenon as the Law (Dharma). Next, it is recommended that a man should undertake one single observance. He should breathe in and breathe out while wishing: “May evil death never seize me.” He should persevere in this observance to the end, and thus win the union with that deity, namely the breath.85 Next, we recount the five fire oblations, which are offered to gratify the five vital breaths, and their cosmic counterparts. It is said in the Chāndogya that when one takes food, the first morsels should be offered in sacrifice (homīya). The first oblation (āhuti) is offered to the prāṇa breath with the words: “to the in-breath svāhā.” Once this breath is satisfied, the sight, the sun, and the sky are satisfied. Next, one offers oblations to the remaining breaths while reciting their invocations. The second oblation is offered to the vyāna breath, and once this breath is satisfied, the hearing, the moon, and the quarters are satisfied. The third oblation is offered to the apāna breath, and when this breath is satisfied, the speech, the fire, and the earth are satisfied. The fourth oblation is offered to the samāna breath, and when this breath is satisfied, the mind, the rain, and the lightning are satisfied. The fifth oblation is offered to the udāna breath, and when this breath is satisfied, the skin, the wind, and space are satisfied. Finally, it is said that when the five breaths and their counterparts are satisfied, one also gains a sense of satisfaction, possesses children, cattle, food, splendor, and eminence in sacred knowledge (brahma-varcas).86 Then, in another passage it is said that when one is not knowledgeable, and performs the daily fire sacrifice, one’s performance is similar to the removal of the live embers and throwing the offerings onto the ashes. However, when one knows these things, and one offers the daily fire sacrifice, one’s sacrifice is offered in all the worlds, all the beings, and all the selves. When one has knowledge and offers the fire sacrifice, one’s wickedness becomes burned like stalks of grass cast into fire.87 The Kauṣītakī Upaniṣad elaborates on the observance of breathing in and breathing out as briefly described in the Bṛhadāṛaṇyaka. This text says that when one speaks one cannot breathe, and when one breathes one cannot speak. When one speaks one offers breath in speech, and when one breathes one offers speech in breath. These two functions are said to be the two endless and deathless oblations (āhuti), which are offered without interruption, whether one is awake or asleep. All other oblations are said to have an end, because they consist of ritual activities.88

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Finally, we recount the internal fire sacrifice as described in the Maitrī Upaniṣad. This account opens with a statement that, knowing the life breath and the sun as one’s self, one meditates and sacrifices within the self. One cleanses the impurity of one’s mind with an appropriate mantra and supplicates the purifying power of Fire and Sun to cleanse one’s food. Next one recites salutations to the five vital breaths, offers food oblations, and then partakes of the food. Having sacrificed to ātman, one meditates on it as breath and fire, and as being All. Finally one recites the following verses: “As breath and fire, the supreme ātman has entered in with the five winds (vāyu). Being content himself, may he content all, the all-enjoyer. You are All, you are Vaiśvānara (Agni). Everything that is born, is supported by you. May all oblations enter into you. The creatures live where you are, the all-immortal.” Finally, it is said that when one eats in conformity with the above exposition, one does not come into the condition of food. One does not become food, and hence one is not reborn.89 The crystalized exposition of the internal fire sacrifice is given in the Prāṇāgnihotra Upaniṣad, but we content ourselves with the above accounts, as they are adequate to understand the basic notion of this sacrifice. Except for the sacrifice of breathing in and breathing out, the internal fire sacrifice essentially consists of a ritualized manner of eating food, understood as the process of feeding and gratifying the vital breaths. Since bodily and mental vitality is maintained by nourishment, the offerings of food in oneself strengthen and gratify the vital breaths, and by extension their cosmic counterparts as well. The internal sacrifice does contain a meditative element, which focuses on the significance of the vital breaths as the self, but it is not exclusively an internally meditative process. However, as a whole it is a considerable advancement on the externally performed fire sacrifices. Conclusion (Part One) At the end of this exploration of fire in Brahmanic sources, the principal features of fire can be encapsulated in its cosmic, mystical, and ritual configurations. In terms of its cosmic configuration, the fire constitutes the natural energy which pervades, invigorates, and maintains the life and vitality of the entire cosmos. As the sun, the fire is the largest resource of energy, diffusing itself into all beings and phenomena. As we have seen, among many of its configurations, the fire is identified as the life breaths. It is also identified with death, but in this capacity, it destroys only the body and all other material things. As death and life breath, the fire is the immortal force, which maintains the vitality, purity, and continuity of the entire cosmos. In its mystical configuration, the fire is identified with the supreme Brahman, and with the deathless self of human beings. It is the luminous and formless hue of the fire that is the perceptible appearance of Brahman and the self. Although Brahman is ultimately imperceptible and formless, its cosmic and mystical appearance is identified with light or luminosity. The fire is also endowed with yogic properties, in the sense



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that the mind emerges as light, or perhaps as luminous knowledge in the yogic visions of Brahman. Finally, in terms of its ritual capacity, the centrality of fire in Vedic sacrifices is abundantly evident in its identity and function as the god Agni. As the sacrificial priest, Agni embodies all the gods and serves as the expedient of immortality. In effect, Agni constitutes the vitality and efficacy of the Vedic sacrifices. PART TWO BUDDHIST REINTERPRETATION AND ASSIMILATION OF VEDIC FIRE AND SACRIFICES When the Buddha won the supreme enlightenment under the bodhi tree, he gained an intuitive insight into the true nature of all beings and phenomena, and discovered a new destiny for mankind. His mystic realization of the true nature of existence, no doubt, provided sound foundations for the formulation of his teachings. However, it took a fair amount of time before the Buddhist teachings were crystallized and adapted to the religious and cultural milieu of ancient India. Initially, the Buddha rejects the Vedic values, in particular, the kernel of the Vedic religion: the self and the fire sacrifices. His rejection of bloody sacrifices is firm and uncompromising, but of course a mere rejection is not adequate to counteract opponents or to attract followers. The Buddha was aware that he had to mold and adapt his teachings to the ethical, philosophical, and social configurations of his time. To this extent he revaluates the existing philosophies and practices, and formulates a body of Buddhist teachings and values in conformity with his enlightened vision of existence and human destiny. The Buddha’s critique, reformulation, and assimilation of the Vedic values are evident in the ways in which he and subsequently his followers recast and assimilate the constructive aspects of the Vedic fires and sacrifices. The second part of this essay consists of three sections: Buddhist reinterpretation of Vedic fires and sacrifices, Buddhist similes of fire, and Buddhist assimilation of the god Agni and homa rituals. Buddhist Reinterpretation of Vedic Fires and Sacrifices The Buddha’s critique of Vedic sacrifices is largely articulated on ethical grounds. He rejects all bloody sacrifices as being cruel and unethical, and undermines them as being ineffective and fruitless. Similarly, in terms of their reinterpretation, he reformulates and redirects their ethical values into the practice of generosity. In a number of his discourses the Buddha condemns all sacrifices in which cows, goats, sheep, and other animals are slaughtered. He argues that the horse and other bloody sacrifices are rooted in cruelty and bring little results. He further points out that the sacrifices that involve butchery are not frequented by his monks or by the sages

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who follow the path of emancipation.90 He also condemns the performance of different kinds of homa as wrong expedients of earning livelihood.91 Furthermore, he attacks and criticizes the conduct and motivations of the Brahmins who perform sacrifices. The Brahmins praise and perform sacrifices to the gods, but essentially they yearn for sensual pleasures and depend upon material gains. They are addicted to sacrifices, but ultimately the performance of sacrifices does not enable them to succeed in overcoming birth and old age.92 The Buddha also criticizes the Brahmins for their decadence and failure to live in conformity with the Brahmanic legacy (dhamma) of the ancient Brahmins. In one of his discourses he tells an assembly of Brahmins that the ancient Brahmins lived in self-restraint and were ascetics. They had no cattle, no gold, and no wealth. They had study as their grain and wealth, guarded the holy life as their treasure, and praised morality, austerity, and nonviolence. They performed sacrifices consisting of rice, barley, and oil, but they did not kill the cows. However, eventually things have changed. The Brahmins saw the wealth and prosperity of the king, his cows and women, and they coveted his riches. They composed hymns and induced the king to sacrifice his wealth. The king consented, sponsored sacrifices, and bestowed wealth on the Brahmins. Once they received wealth, the Brahmins became overcome by greed and craved for more. This time, they induced the king to sacrifice his cows. The king complied and had thousands of cows killed in sacrifices. When the cows were slaughtered, the gods and forefathers protested against their slaughter as being against the Law (adhamma). The Buddha concludes his discourse by stating that the slaughter of innocent animals is unlawful and that those who perform bloody sacrifices deviate from the true Dhamma.93 Although the Buddha rejects all bloody sacrifices, he affirms the sacrifices at which no animals or any other living beings are killed. For instance, he praises the bloodless oblations, which are offered for the welfare of the clansmen (pitṛyajña).94 In one of his discourses, he explains that when a sacrifice is performed and animals are slaughtered, and when the participants have wrong views and wrong intentions, then that sacrifice brings no great fruit or profit. On the other hand, a sacrifice at which no animals are slaughtered, and the participants have right views and right intentions, that sacrifice is of great fruit and profit.95 Then again, in some discourses the Buddha says that in his previous existences he was a royal priest (purohita) and performed sacrifices. However, he always performed or advised the king to sponsor bloodless sacrifices that brought wealth and prosperity.96 As already indicated above, the Buddha’s reinterpretation of the Vedic sacrifices largely consists in recasting their ethical ideology into the practice of generosity. The Buddha employs the term “sacrifice” (yajña), but he imbues it with Buddhist values, and essentially interprets it as the practice of generosity (dāna). In one of his discourses, he tells his listeners that one should give offerings (havya) to the person who is tamed by truth, possesses knowledge, and emulates the true mendicant life. The Brahmin who seeks merit (puñña) should sacrifice to such a person. One should sacrifice to those who



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abandon sensual pleasures and live homeless lives, and to those who are liberated from sense-pleasures (vītarāga). The Buddha also presents himself as the supreme field of merit (puññakkheta). Being free from sensual pleasures, knowing the end of birth and death, and being possessed of wisdom, the Tathāgata is worthy of the sacrificial cake (pūraḷāsa) and is the field for the one who is looking for merit. In fact, he is the supreme field of merit and the worthy recipient of the sacrifice of the entire world.97 The Buddhist reinterpretation of the Vedic sacrifices into the practice of generosity is formulated along the following line of argumentation. Like the Vedic sacrifices, the practice of generosity involves three things: the benefactor or donor, the gift or offerings, and the recipient of the gift. Instead of sponsoring the Vedic sacrifices, the Brahmins and other people are now solicited to acquire their merit through donations to the saṅgha and mendicants. The acquisition of merit as repayment for donations is automatic, and it accrues to their donors in the same way as the benefits derived from the sacrifices accrue to their sponsors. The volume of merit is calculated to be proportionate to the volume and value of donations, and to the status of their recipients. The Vedic gods who were venerated with oblations, and the Brahmins who received cows and other gifts, are now replaced by the Saṅgha and mendicants as the more worthy recipients of alms and gifts, because of their impeccable conduct and spiritual qualities. The Buddha never prevents his followers from giving to non-Buddhist mendicants, but he does grade the Saṅgha and himself as being more worthy recipients and also as reciprocating more merit.98 In addition to his reinterpretation of the Vedic sacrifices into the practice of generosity, the Buddha also transmutes them into the Buddhist way of life. In one of his discourses, he lists in ascending order a series of more fruitful and profitable sacrifices than the Vedic sacrifices. He begins with the practice of generosity. Regular donations to virtuous mendicants constitute a more fruitful sacrifice. The reason is that the Buddha’s disciples and those on the path to liberation do not attend bloody sacrifices, but only the sacrifices at which gifts are given. If anyone provides shelter for the Saṅgha, that constitutes a more profitable sacrifice. Then again, if anyone with a pure mind takes refuge in the Buddha, the Dhamma, and the Saṅgha, that constitutes a higher sacrifice than the previous sacrifices. Next, if anyone sincerely undertakes to observe the five precepts, he performs an even greater sacrifice. Then the Buddha continues to explain the consecutive stages of Buddhist practices that eventually culminate in the sacrifice that consists in the attainment of arhatship and deliverance. He concludes his discourse by stating that this is a sacrifice that is simpler, less troublesome, more fruitful and profitable than all other sacrifices. In fact, there is no other sacrifice that is greater or more perfect.99 The Buddha’s reinterpretation of the three Vedic fires is given in one of his discourses in which he explains a set of seven fires: three fires to be abandoned, three fires to be respected, and one fire to be made use of. The fires of greed, hatred, and delusion are to be abandoned. The Buddha explains that when one’s mind is inflamed and obsessed by these three fires, one embarks on the

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course of wrong conduct in body, speech, and mind. As a consequence of these three evil ways of conduct, after death one is reborn in evil destinies. Next the Buddha praises the three fires that should be venerated and respected: the fire worthy of oblations, the fire of the householder, and the fire worthy of gifts.100 The fire worthy of oblations denotes one’s parents whom one should respect and look after, because they are the progenitors of one’s life. The householder’s fire stands for the householder’s wife, children, and servants. The fire worthy of gifts denotes the mendicants who refrain from indolence and tame their minds, and who are thus worthy of respect and offerings. The seventh fire is the ordinary wood-fire, which is kindled, tended, and extinguished from time to time, whenever it is required.101 The Pāli names of the three fires that should be venerated are essentially the same as the Sanskrit names of the three Vedic fires described in Part One. However, here their English renderings are modified in order to reflect their Buddhist reinterpretations. Buddhaghosa says that the Brahmins perform fire sacrifices, because they believe that they bring great fruit. But if offerings are sacrificed to gain great fruit, then surely the Saṅgha should be sacrificed to, because indeed the things sacrificed to the Saṅgha do bring great fruit.102 Finally, the higher reward from respecting holy people than from performing fire sacrifices is neatly asserted in one verse of the Dhammapada: “A man may tend the sacred fire [aggi] in the forest for one hundred years. Yet if he honors a perfected person just for one moment, that honor is indeed better than the fire-sacrifice [huta] for one hundred years.”103 It is evident from the above discussion of the Buddhist reinterpretation of Vedic fires and sacrifices that the Buddha invested much effort and ingenuity to eliminate the slaughter of animals and to inspire superior ways of ethical and religious conduct that are highly beneficial to those who embrace them. He also redirected the charitable deeds to a better cause, namely to the Saṅgha and mendicants as epitomes of perfect conduct and religious life. Buddhist Similes of Fire The Buddhist similes or metaphors of fire are not limited to the reinterpretation of the three Vedic fires, but they also include specifically Buddhist images. Generally speaking, the Buddhist imageries of fire largely emulate the natural qualities of fire to depict the positive or negative propensities and qualities of human character and conduct. In this section is recounted a modest selection of metaphoric configurations of fire, which aptly reflect the Buddhist ethical and intellectual values. The adverse and detrimental force of fire is employed to epitomize the three principal vices: greed, hatred, and delusion. In his third sermon, generally known as “The Fire Sermon,” the Buddha says that the sense faculties and their respective objects are inflamed with the fires of greed, hatred, and delusion. In addition, the Buddha also mentions other fires, such as the fire of birth, decay and death, sorrow and grief, and lamentation and



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despair.104 In one text, the above three fires are explained in the following ways: the fire of greed burns those inflamed with greed, the fire of hatred burns the malevolent people who take life, and the fire of delusion burns those who are confused and untrained in the noble Dhamma. The people ignorant of these three fires suffer in the three evil destinies. By contrast, those who apply themselves to the teachings of the Buddha, they quench the fire of greed through awareness of the foul things, extinguish the fire of hatred through goodwill, and eliminate the fire of delusion through the penetrating insight into the truths. It is through knowledge that they eliminate rebirths and reach the state of non-becoming.105 It is said in the Milindapañha that one should realize the supreme bliss of nirvāṇa, in which the blazing heat of the threefold fire (tividhaggi) has been completely extinguished. One should regard the three fires as a furnace, and nirvāṇa as fireless space (niraggikokāsa).106 Then again the Dhammapada says that there is no fire equal to greed, no evil quality equal to hatred, and no suffering equal to the five aggregates.107 In the Pāli and other sources, the above three fires are predominantly referred to as the three roots of evil (akuśalamūla),108 and in some sources they are also referred to as the three poisons (triviṣa). Some Buddhist scholars say that these three fires are metaphoric reinterpretations of the three Vedic fires, but they do not indicate any canonical sources that make explicit connections between these two sets of fire. Since the three Vedic fires are recast in a positive way, it seems rather odd that they should be interpreted in two incongruous ways. In the Milindapañha, we find a fivefold comparison between the natural qualities of fire and the ascetic life of a yogi. Just as fire burns grass and other things, in the same way the zestful yogi should burn his defilements with the fire of wisdom (ñāṇaggi). Just as fire has no pity or mercy, in the same way the yogi should have no compassion for all moral defilements. Just as fire destroys cold, in the same way the yogi should set ablaze the fire of energy (viriya-santāpa-aggi) and burn all defilements. Just as fire gives heat without partiality and repugnance, in the same way the yogi should abide in his mind, remaining free from partiality and repugnance. Finally, just as fire dispels darkness and generates light, in the same way the yogi should dispel the darkness of ignorance and make appear the light of wisdom (ñāṇāloka).109 In the Paṭisambhidāmagga, we find a different set of five fires: fire of virtuous conduct, fire of good qualities, fire of understanding, fire of merit, and fire of true ideas. These five fires, respectively, counteract the following fires: fire of bad conduct, fire of adverse qualities, fire of non-understanding, fire of demerit, and fire of untrue ideas.110 Some other metaphors of fire and its doctrinal configurations are discussed in Part Three. Buddhist Assimilation of the God Agni and Homa Rituals In the Pāli canon, the Buddha deprives the Vedic gods of their immortality by subjecting them to the law of karma, which means that they are engulfed in the bondage of birth and death like all other beings.111 Since he is free from karma and rebirth, the Buddha

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asserts his superiority over all the gods, but he recognizes their superiority over human and other beings. He does not prohibit his followers to interact and respect the indigenous gods in return for mundane favors, although he warns them that the gods are of no help in gaining the state of liberation. In general, the Buddha’s encounter and interaction with the Vedic gods are good-natured and positive. The gods are present at all the major events of his life, mainly as witnesses of his great deeds performed for the sake of all beings. They are present at his birth, request him to set in motion the wheel of the Dharma,112 and gather to witness his final demise.113 It is said in some texts that when the Buddha preached his first sermon, it was heard as high as the Brahmā abode.114 It is also said that whenever the Buddha taught, the sound of the Dharma penetrated as high as the Brahmā gods, and that at the time of his enlightenment, the gods transmitted the news as high as the abodes of the Śuddhāvāsikas.115 Among all the gods it is Māra, the lord of death, who is the only adversary of the Buddha at different stages of his life. There are some occasions when the Buddha criticizes or even intimidates the gods. One such example is the Buddha’s visit to the Brahmā Baka, whom he tells that he is steep in ignorance and rebukes him for holding the wrong view of permanency.116 However, apart from Māra and some confrontational encounters, the Vedic gods are well-disposed toward the Buddha and prominently figure in his life and discourses. This situation, of course, enhances the Buddha’s status and authority, and demonstrates to all strata of the Indian society that their gods approve of the Buddha. The various groups of gods recorded in the Pāli canon include the Vedic gods, such as Indra, Brahmā, the four guardians of the world, and the Thirty-three gods.117 In the Abhidharma works, these groups of gods are adapted and integrated into the structure of the three worlds (traidhātuka). The four guardians and the Thirty-three gods are included among the six groups of the Kāmadevas in the Kāmadhātu, and the higher gods, such as the different groups of Brahmās, are included in the Rūpadhātu.118 In the wheel of life (bhavacakra), all the gods are classed together as one category of beings and are included in the happy destiny of the gods. Although the Vedic gods are present in the canonical discourses and are integrated into the Abhidharma cosmos, the god Agni is conspicuously missing in the canonical and Abhidharma sources. As such, he is not included in any of the known lists of the Vedic gods. As discussed above, the Buddha reinterprets the Vedic fires and sacrifices, but he says practically nothing about the god Agni. He does not condemn Agni as a god, but he as it were completely disregards him. There are references in the Pāli canon to fire homa, to building a fire hearth and tending the fire, and also to fire worshippers ( jaṭila),119 but it is not clear whether they refer to the god Agni. However, four Vedic epithets of the god Agni are mentioned but not explained in the Pāli sources: Pāvaka, Kaṇhavattani, Jātaveda, and Hutāsana.120 In some Jātakas there are stories about a deity called Aggibhagavā (the lord of the fire), who is also referred to as Aggideva and Jātaveda. The worship of this deity was rewarded with a rebirth in the brahma world. It is said that



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on the day a son was born, a birth fire ( jātaggi) was kindled, and when the son reached adulthood and decided to renounce his household life, this fire was carried to the forest and homage was paid to Aggibhagavā.121 Thus, apart from the passing references to his epithets and to Aggibhagavā, we found no explicit references to the god Agni in the Pāli sources. It took centuries before the god Agni and homa rites tangibly emerge in the Buddhist tantras. In this category of texts, the Vedic pantheon, including Agni, is fully incorporated into the tantric pantheon. The various groups of the Vedic gods are classed as mundane deities (laukika) and are assigned the function of attendant and protective deities. In the tantras, the god Agni performs two major functions: he serves as one of the ten guardians of the world (lokapāla), and he consumes the oblations offered in homa rituals. Among the tantras, perhaps the Mañjūśrīmūlakalpa is the first text that describes the god Agni and a fire rite. In this work, Agni is referred to as the king of the gods and is described in conjunction with fire oblations.122 In the Mahā-Vairocana-Abhisaṃbodhi, the Buddha explains and sanctions a whole range of fires and homa rites. In this work, he tells Vajrapāṇi that in one of his previous existences, he taught the ethical instructions contained in the heretical scriptures, such as the abstention from killing creatures, apart from doing so as offerings (bali) to the gods. He also taught about the Vedic Agni in order to reduce the volume of animal slaughter among the heretics. He further explains that as a Bodhisattva, he instructed the great Brahmā about the genealogy of forty-four Vedic fires. Out of them the first one was Abhimānin Agni who arose in the Brahmaloka at the start of the first aeon. Next there followed his descendants, starting with the mundane fire called Pāvaka. The names of the remaining descendents include Vaiśvānara, Maruta, Sūrya, Yojika, Agni, Brahmā, Yama, and Jaṭhara. Upon becoming enlightened, the Buddha taught twelve kinds of fire, so that the transcendental homa could be performed. The first fire is the fire of wisdom and it is called Mahendra. He bestows fine features, enrichment and strength, and perfects wisdom. The names and functions of the remaining fires are not fully articulated. Some names such as Mṛda, Kṣaya, Manoja, and Mohana appear to be inventions, and some names such as Jaṭhara are clearly Vedic.123 As one of the ten guardians, Agni is positioned in the south-eastern quarter. Allowing for some variations, his basic iconography is largely the same in all maṇḍalas. He is seated on a goat, wears the sacred thread (yajñopavīta), and his hair is matted or in flames. He has two or four hands, in which he holds a water pot, a rosary, a club, and one or both of the two sacrificial ladles. The color of his body is normally red, but it can also be white or yellow.124 In peaceful homa rites, the iconic forms of Agni are benign, and in fierce homas they are wrathful. In his simplest form, he sits on a goat or an antelope and holds a rosary and a water pot. In some forms he has three faces and four hands. With one hand he makes the gesture of fearlessness, and in the remaining three hands he holds a rosary, a water pot, and a club. In some homa rites he is represented with his consort.125

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In the four principal homa rites of pacification, prosperity, subjugation, and destruction, the fire god is normally called Agni. However, in a number of homa rites that are performed on special occasions, Agni is given different names. In one homa rite that aims to generate in beings the mental dispositions of kindness and happiness, and to bring prosperity and freedom from diseases, he is called Mahendra. This is the same god whom the Buddha lists as the fire of wisdom and the source of prosperity. In one peaceful rite, he is called Vahni and is said to epitomize the knowledge of suchness (tathatā). In one homa that aims to make people happy, he is called Kāma Agni. Then in a rite for increasing wealth, he is called Lohita Agni. In a homa aiming to delight the deities, he is called Amṛta Agni. On the occasion of knotting the hands of the deities prior to their instalment inside a newly built monastery, he is called Yojaka Agni and is respected with the ceremony performed on the occasion of marriage. Finally, in one fierce homa, he is called Marutānala, and in one funeral homa, he is called Sāvaka and is accompanied by his consort.126 This completes our discussion of the assimilation, iconic forms, and different names of the god Agni. Since the incipient tantric compositions, which predate the emergence of the mature tantra texts, have not been fully explored, it is impossible to sketch here the progressive stages of the assimilation of homa rites into Buddhism. However, generally speaking, it is really in the tantras and their commentaries that we find full descriptions of homa rites,127 although the tantras do not shed any concrete information on the historical or textual origins of homa rites. As we have seen above, in the Mahā-Vairocana-Abhisaṃbodhi, the Buddha is credited with the approval and assimilation of the god Agni and homa rites. However, the Buddha’s statement in this tantra merely serves as a doctrinal justification for the assimilation of homa rites, but it is not a tangibly historical datum. In the paragraphs that now follow, we mainly discuss the names and designs of the homa hearths. First, we compare the homa hearths with the Vedic fires. Second, we compare the designs of the four homa hearths with the shapes of the four mythical continents. Third, we recount Abhayākaragupta’s survey of the homa rites and the designs of their hearths. Finally, we sketch the performance of the transcendent or internal homa. As textual or other evidence is not readily available, it is difficult to establish whether the Buddhist homa hearths derive from or have direct connections with the three Vedic fires. However, we are able to indicate the resemblances between their shapes. As we have seen in Part One, the three Vedic fires have different shapes and epitomize or correspond to the three Vedic worlds. The oblational fire is square and denotes the world of the gods. The southern fire is semicircular and denotes the world of the fathers, and the householder’s fire is round and denotes this world. In terms of directions, they are respectively positioned to the east, south, and west. According to Abhayākaragupta, the Indian tantric master of around the eleventh century, out of the four principal homa hearths, the peaceful hearth is round in shape, white in color, and positioned to the east of the maṇḍala. The enriching hearth is square in shape, yellow in color, and positioned to the south. The subduing hearth is shaped



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like a half-moon, red in color, and positioned toward the west. Finally, the fierce hearth is triangular in shape, dark blue or black in color, and positioned to the north of the maṇḍala.128 In some sources the directional positions of the hearths are different. For instance according to the Saṃpuṭa-tantra, the peaceful hearth is to the east, the fierce hearth to the south, the subduing hearth to the west, and the enriching hearth to the north.129 When we compare the shapes, the round hearth of the peaceful homa corresponds to the shape of the householder’s fire, the square hearth of the enriching homa corresponds to the oblational fire, and the semicircular hearth of the subduing homa corresponds to the southern fire. The triangular hearth of the fierce homa has no correspondence. However, since the southern fire serves to feed the fathers and to avert evil spirits, perhaps in Buddhism it is divided into the subduing, or pacifying and fierce homa hearths. The directions of the homa hearths do not match the directions of their corresponding Vedic fires. In terms of shapes, the four homa hearths and the four mythical continents of the Buddhist cosmos have the following resemblances. The eastern continent Pūrvavideha is shaped like a half moon and corresponds to the semicircular hearth of the subduing homa. The western continent Aparagodānīya is shaped like a full moon and corresponds to the round hearth of the peaceful homa. The southern continent Jambudvīpa is shaped like a chariot with three sides and corresponds to the triangular hearth of the fierce homa. Finally, the northern continent Uttarakuru is square and corresponds to the square hearth of the enriching homa.130 In terms of the directional positions, they do not match the correspondences between the shapes of the hearths and the continents. Similarly, the colors of the four continents do not correspond to the colors of the homa hearths. Although there are similarities in shapes between the homa hearths and the four continents, we have no tangible evidence to assert that they are related to each other, like the three Vedic fires are related to the three Vedic worlds. According to Abhayākaragupta,131 when one takes into consideration the various categories of living beings, then the number of homa hearths is countless. When one takes into account the classification into the five Buddha families, then there are five different hearths. Then again when one classifies the homa rites according to their different activities (karma), there are four different hearths as described above. Abhayākaragupta further says that all such classifications have been explained by the Buddha himself. Then he goes on to say that in a certain tantra named Vajrakrodha-samāpattiguhya, it is stated that there are one hundred and ten different homa hearths in relation to different activities. Thus, the hearth for the peaceful rite is round, square for the enriching rite, triangular for the fierce rite, like a hook for the summoning rite, and like a vajra for the subduing rite. In order to attract wealth and rich harvest, the hearth should be shaped like a jewel, and in order to acquire an ability to change bodily forms, it should be designed like a liṅga. When one wishes to become invisible, the hearth should be designed like a bow with an arrow, and when one wishes to dominate over other people,

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it should be shaped like a sword. In order to remove sins, the hearth should be designed like a circle with an arch. When one wishes to impassion one’s vidyā, the hearth should be shaped like the mudrā of one’s Buddha family. In order to gain an ability to fly in the sky, the hearth should resemble the vault of heaven. When one endeavors to enhance one’s learning, the hearth should be designed like a blazing flame. In order to perform the evocation of the great maṇḍala, the hearth should be designed like a wheel. Finally, the all-encompassing hearth (sarvakarma) should be square. Abhayākaragupta does not give more descriptions of homa hearths from that text, but his selection is an adequate indication to realize the wide-ranging variations in the designs of the homa hearths. Abhayākaragupta also briefly explains the designs of homa hearths in several other tantric texts. In the Susiddhikara and several other tantras,132 the all-encompassing hearth is square, one cubit big and half a cubit deep. In the Subāhuparipṛcchā and two other tantras,133 the same hearth is described as having the shape of a lotus (padma). It is round, one cubit large and half a cubit deep. One lotus rests at the center and is surrounded by eight lotuses. Its border is designed like lotus leaves. On the outside, it is encircled by a lotus garland, and the inner border is formed by a garland of vajras. On the lotuses positioned toward the cardinal directions there are the emblems of the four Buddha Families: vajra, jewel, lotus, and crossed vajra. On the lotuses facing the intermediate directions, there are a pair of eyes, a three-pronged vajra, a padma, and an utpala. On the lotus resting in the center, there is a wheel with eight spokes. In the Kālacakra, the hearth for the pacifying rite is round and one cubit large. For the enriching rite, it is square and two cubits large. For the fierce rite (abhicāra), it is shaped like a bow and is half a cubit big. For the rite of summoning (ākṛṣṭi), it is triangular and twenty fingers big. For the rite of despising (vidveṣa), it is shaped like a pentagon (pañcakoṇa). For the rite of confusing (mohana), it has six sides (ṣaṭkona) and is sixty fingers large. For the rite of subduing, it has seven sides (saptakoṇa) and is forty fingers big. For the rite of destroying (stambhana), it is octagonal (aṣṭakona) and sixty fingers big. Finally, the hearth for the all-encompassing rite is round. In the Buddhakapāla, the hearth for the peaceful rite is square and one span big. For the enriching rite, it is round and three spans big. For the subduing rite, it is triangular and eight fingers big. Finally, the hearth for the fierce rite is shaped like a half moon and is one cubit big. Thus, in addition to the four principal or standard homa hearths, there is a fair range of other homa hearths. The reasons for having such a variety of homa hearths are not fully articulated in the consulted sources. Similarly, we find no explanations of the symbolism and significance of the homa hearths in terms of their shapes and colors. The exposition of the transcendent homa that now follows, basically consists of a paraphrased résumé of Vīryavajra’s commentary on the sixth chapter of the Saṃpuṭa-tantra. In the third section of chapter six, the Buddha gives a fairly esoteric and terse exposition of the cakras located within the body, libations (yajñā), homa, recitations, meditation,



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and several other things. The résumé covers the bodily maṇḍala, libations and homa. Vīryavajra’s commentary is succinct and presumes much knowledge on the part of the reader. Body maṇḍala. This section explains the power cakras that abide in the body in the form of channels or veins (nāḍī). The yogi is the support generated from the blissful samādhi, and it is through the veins that is displayed the dexterity of the bodily cakras. Heruka and other deities denote the sixty-two deities abiding in the bodily cakra. Lalanā is on the left of the head cakra, and Rasanā is on its right. Avadhūtī is in the middle. This is the pledge (samaya) cakra consisting of thirty-two veins (ṇādī). The head cakra is one unit, but in terms of the veins, it is reckoned to be three cakras. The bodhicitta is explained as being thirty-two (veins). Others explain that the body, speech, and mind cakras abide in twenty-four bodily locations. The feet are the wind circle, the navel the fire, the stomach the water, the heart the earth, and the head is the space circle. Such are the bodily cakras. Next a fuller explanation is given. The soles of the feet have the shape of a bow, and so the feet form a bow and the wind circle. The navel is triangular and the fire circle. The stomach is round and the water circle. The heart is square and the earth circle. The spine stands for Mount Meru. On this occasion the thirty-two veins form the body maṇḍala. Lalanā is on the left and denotes the vowels. Rasanā is on the right and generates brightness. Avadhūtī is in the middle, and epitomises a ‘hermaphrodite’ (paṇḍaka). On her left and right sides there are the four meditative absorptions (bhāvanā) and the four cardinal directions. They are the abiding location of the thirty-two veins. Inside the head there is the famous brain (knowledge), and it epitomises the moon circle. Inside the veins there is the life-wind in the form of a drop (bindu). The bodhicitta is clear or bright, and the blood fluid is unclear. The bodhicitta is naturally clear, because it denotes the brightness of knowledge. Caṇḍālī is the wind repository of the hot space. She diffuses from the bodily pores and melts the bodhicitta at the crown of the head. Through doing this, day and night, at the time of breathing in and out, the ambrosia moon trickles, and through this the maṇḍala becomes perfected. Why is this called maṇḍala? Since Caṇḍālī’s heat reaches the drop (bindu) of the bodhicitta positioned inside the thirty-two veins, and since the essence is obtained, it is called the maṇḍala. Oblation or sacrifice (yajña). This time the body abides in the manner of embracing all sorts of outer and inner things. Outwardly, there are the five objects of sense desire (kāmaguṇa). Inwardly, there abide the five ambrosias as the articles that perfect the body. Outwardly, the body performs the worship by generating the samādhi of the four joys together with Vajriṇī and others. Inwardly, the bodily liquid of the five ambrosias generates the bodily bliss. This outer and inner essence is called the vajrin of the bodhicitta. As for the so-called gross and subtle body, the gross body denotes the matter and other objects of the five senses. The subtle body stands for the five ambrosias that generate the bodily and mental bliss. The objects of the worship are the living beings having

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the nature of the Buddhas. Since the minds of living beings are naturally luminous, they perform the worship by generating the four joys. The immense bliss that arises from the five objects and the five ambrosias denotes the Buddha arising from this very attainment, or from the maṇḍala. The immense bliss denotes the first absorption (dhyāna). After adhering to the dhyāna bliss, the insight (vipaśyanā) extensively seals things with emptiness, and it is at this moment that the state of Buddhahood is attained. Internal homa. The term inner implies the semen and other things. Inwardly, there are the five ambrosias, the five aggregates (skandha), and the eighteen elements (dhātu). Outwardly, there are the six sense objects, along with the realisation of wisdom as having the nature of emptiness. Blazing with this wisdom fire, one performs the transcendent homa: one burns the homa articles in the fire of luminosity (prabhāsvara). Such is the transcendent homa. Secret exposition. The five aggregates have the nature of the superior deities. One generates the aggregates into the nature of deities, and one arranges them inside the four cakras positioned at the navel, the heart, the throat, and in the head. One transforms one’s hands into the two homa ladles, and the food articles into the nature of ambrosia. It is with this kind of articles that one performs the act of worship and gratification. Secret homa. This homa follows the path of passions, and it is the worship consisting of the union with the ḍākinī. The bodies of Wisdom and Means are purified with the fourfold rite of worship and attainment (sevāsādhana), and the vajra and the padma are duly consecrated (adhiṣṭhāna). It is with the ladle of the bodhicitta that one performs the homa of the blissful samādhi. The homa of the path of liberation. In this homa the head’s skull is the vessel for the homa articles: the five ambrosias. Inside the heart, on the right side of the dharmacakra is Rasanā epitomising the first homa ladle, and on the left side is Lalanā epitomising the second homa ladle. At the navel there is the fire circle as the hearth. Inside the head, one generates the pure self-arising fire by means of the karma wind. It is in this way that one performs this homa. After that one perform a series of recitations.1 Conclusion (Part Two) As we have seen, in the early sources the bloody sacrifices are rejected, but eventually the positive values of the Vedic sacrifices are reinterpreted into the practice of generosity and superior ways of religious life. The god Agni as the priest of the Vedic sacrifices is completely obliterated, but the three Vedic fires are reinterpreted in positive and constructive ways. The homa rites are rejected, and we find no evidence in the early Buddhist sources of any attempts at their reinterpretation. Then there elapsed a considerable period of time before the god Agni and homa rites became fully assimilated Vīryavajra. Ratnamālā, 73a-76a.

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into the tantric pantheon and rituals. Just as the Vedic sacrifices were transformed into internal sacrifices, the Buddhist homa rites were eventually converted into internal or meditative homas. As such, the homa rituals occupy a prominent position in the tantras as the expedients and means of pacifying adverse forces, and of accomplishing beneficial tasks, such as bringing prosperity or accumulating merit. At the present time, the homa rites continue to be practiced by all the religious orders of Tibetan Buddhism and by several Japanese orders such as Shingon and Tendai. PART THREE FIRE IN THE MUNDANE AND TR ANSCENDENT PATHS The third and final part is divided into three integrated sections. Section one outlines the formulation and scope of the mundane and transcendent paths. Section two deals with the innate permutations of the mundane path. More specifically, it assesses the inherent capacities of the fire and the other three elements of matter, establishes the body‒mind relationship, and ascertains the yoga methods of gaining mastery over the properties of the primary elements. In this section the discussion covers all four primary elements, because they coexist inseparably and constitute four distinct properties of matter. Section three ascertains the luminous configurations of the transcendent path. The dominant focus of this section is on the subtle permutations of consciousness, which is epitomized by luminosity or subtle energies. On the whole, sections two and three are not particularly concerned with meditation techniques, but largely focus on the inner dynamics and specific concerns of the mundane and transcendent paths. Formulation and Scope of the Mundane and Transcendent Paths The Buddha’s mystical experience on the night of his enlightenment is not recorded in Buddhist sources in the form of a single and fixed account, but it is divulged in a number of variant versions.134 We shall briefly discuss three selected versions below in order to determine the content of the Buddha’s meditative stages that culminated in his enlightenment. However, before doing this, it is constructive to sketch the formulation and character of the mundane and transcendent paths. Although these two paths were formulated after the Buddha’s enlightenment, logically they come first, because they demarcate the boundary between the mundane and transcendent components of his progress to enlightenment. As he sat under the bodhi tree, Siddhārtha was no more than a human being, but at the same time he was a highly prodigious and accomplished yogi. He was versed in meditation techniques of ancient India and also fully acquainted with philosophical speculations current in his time. He did not seem to profess any specific body of doctrines, but

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at the same time for six years he was overwhelmed with a persistent quest for the truth about human nature and destiny. It seems that on that night, in the first phase of his mystical musing, Siddhārtha followed the same meditative route as other accomplished yogis of his time, that is to say he penetrated into the four absorptions (dhyāna). According to some accounts, he also penetrated the four formless attainments (samāpatti). Then, in the second phase, he experienced a kind of unique insight, which is described in variant ways, but it is agreed that essentially this unique insight consisted in the attainment of enlightenment and freedom from karma. Thus, it is in this second phase that Siddhārtha penetrated into the mystery of phenomena and became a Buddha. At some later period, the Abhidharma masters separated or divided Siddhārtha’s meditative stages into two distinct but interlinked phases, which they, respectively, called mundane path (laukika-mārga) and transcendent path (lokottara-mārga).135 Putting aside minor details, in the mundane path they included the four absorptions and the four formless attainments, and the five kinds of direct knowledge (abhijñā), which respectively constitute the ancient yoga practices and their fruits. In Buddhist sources these ancient practices are treated as crucial and viable meditative techniques, but at the same time they are downgraded and classed as a mundane path. They are graded in this way, because this path is within the capacity and reach of non-Buddhist yogis (pṛthagjana),136 but mainly because it brings only provisional or mundane benefits and does not culminate in the state of true liberation or enlightenment. Thus, essentially, the highest reward of this path is the attainment of the five kinds of direct knowledge that are discussed in section two. On the other hand, in the transcendent path, the Buddhist masters included the Buddha’s unique insight. In the Abhidharma sources this path is subdivided into two phases also called paths, namely the path of vision (darśana-mārga) and the path of meditative cultivation (bhāvanā-mārga). While the path of vision penetrates into the four noble truths and eliminates gross defilements, the path of meditative cultivation is linked with the noble eightfold path, removes the remainder of defilements, and culminates in the attainment of nirvāṇa or enlightenment. The transcendent path is so called, because it abandons all mundane concerns and entanglements, and because it secures emancipation from the bonds of saṃsāra. The mundane and transcendent paths are also known by other names, such as impure (sāsrava) and pure (anāsrava) paths, or calmness (śamatha) and insight (vipaśyanā). Now we can ascertain the three selected versions of the Buddha’s enlightenment, and identify its mundane and transcendent components. Enlightenment as Acquisition of Three Knowledges In the Pāli Vinaya and in a number of suttas, the Buddha’s enlightenment is described as acquisition of three kinds of knowledge (tevijjā). According to this version, the Buddha



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penetrated into the four absorptions, and then in the fourth absorption, he gained three kinds of knowledge. In the first watch of the night, he gained the knowledge of his past lives. In the second watch, he gained the knowledge of the arising and passing away of other beings in conformity with their good and bad deeds. In the third watch, he directed his mind to the acquisition of the knowledge that destroys the influxes or depravities (āsrava-kṣaya-jñāna).137 In the first instance, he gained insight into the four noble truths and then realized the destruction of the influxes. Finally, he uttered: “Birth is extinguished for me, the mendicant life has been lived, done is what was to be done, there is no more becoming here.”138 Since in the accounts presented below the first two kinds of knowledge are the same as in the above version, we ascertain only the character of the third knowledge, which is described differently or in modified forms. In the Jātakanidāna, the third knowledge is laconically described as the realization of dependent origination in a direct and reverse order.139 Out of the two versions recorded in the Mahāvastu, the first version says that in the third watch of the night, the Bodhisattva gained the supreme and perfect enlightenment by means of wisdom associated with a single mental moment (ekacitta). In this account, there is no mention of the four truths or the destruction of the influxes.140 According to the second version, during the third watch of the night, the Bodhisattva became enlightened in a single mental moment, perceived the four truths and gained the destruction of the influxes. After that, he understood the twelve links of dependent origination in a direct and reverse order, and grasped that all mental formations are impermanent and painful, that all phenomena are without a self, and that nirvāṇa is peaceful and constitutes the dissolution of phenomena and the end of craving.141 According to the Lalitavistra, during the third watch the Bodhisattva directed his luminous mind to the elimination of suffering and its source, and to the knowledge that destroys the influxes. In the first instance, he understood the twelve links of dependent origination in a direct and reverse order. Then he realized somewhat concurrently the four noble truths and the destruction of the influxes. This account concludes by stating that during the third watch, the Bodhisattva became perfectly enlightened with wisdom associated with one mental moment and acquired the three kinds of knowledge (traividyā).142 The Saṅghabhedavastu confuses the watches of the night, as it refers to the first watch and then to three middle watches. Putting aside this sequential confusion, it is clear that according to this text, the Bodhisattva gained four kinds of knowledge. First, he gained the knowledge of magical powers. Second, he gained the knowledge of reading the minds of other beings. Third, he gained the knowledge of the arising and passing away of other beings in conformity with their deeds. At the end of this musing he became aware that living beings circulate in saṃsāra due to the force of the three influxes. Fourth, he directed his mind to the knowledge that destroys the influxes:  he perceived the four truths and gained the knowledge that destroyed his influxes. Finally, this text says that

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having become enlightened, the Lord accomplished the fire element, but regrettably it provides no further explanation.143 Allowing for some modifications, the above sources broadly agree that the Buddha gained the three kinds of knowledge. In fact in some of his discourses, the Buddha openly claimed that he had mastery of the three kinds of knowledge.144 These three kinds of knowledge are included among the Buddha’s ten powers145 and are also classed as the three qualities of the adepts beyond training (aśaikṣa).146 Most of the above texts say that in the third watch, the Buddha realized the four noble truths and gained the destruction of the influxes. However, when it comes to identify the essence of his enlightenment, the canonical and later texts unanimously agree that it consisted in the knowledge of the destruction of the influxes (āsravakṣaya-jñāna). This knowledge is paired with a second knowledge called the knowledge of non-arising (anutpādajñāna). Some texts clearly indicate that these two kinds of knowledge are conjectured and formulated on the basis of the Buddha’s utterance at the end of the third watch of the night. The knowledge of the destruction of the influxes is said to epitomize the expression “done is what was to be done,” and the second knowledge epitomizes the expression “there is no more becoming here.”147 Thus, the essence of the Buddha’s enlightenment fundamentally consisted in the realization of the destruction of karma and freedom from future rebirths. In terms of the paths, the first two kinds of knowledge are largely identical with the two kinds of direct knowledge called the divine eye and the divine ear, which appertain to the group of the five kinds of direct knowledge that are shared with the non-Buddhist yogis, and thus they appertain to the mundane path. On the other hand, the third knowledge, the destruction of the influxes, epitomizes the transcendent path, as it constituted the Buddha’s unique and exclusive insight. In Buddhist sources, this knowledge is added to the five kinds of direct knowledge as the sixth, but it is firmly asserted that this knowledge is accessible only to the Buddha and his accomplished disciples. What is the actual difference between the abhijñās of non-Buddhist yogis and the Buddha’s three vidyās? Although the majority of Buddhist traditions admit that non-Buddhist yogis can gain the mundane abhijñās, they make a firm distinction between the qualities of non-Buddhist and Buddhist abhijñās. Some sources show the difference by differentiating between three terms:  abhijñā, vidyā, and bala (domination). The non-Buddhist yogis can gain the abhijñās of their previous lives and of the divine eye, but the range and quality of their abhijñās are limited. They have visions of a restricted number of their previous lives and of other beings, but they do not acquire their knowledge (vidyā). In other words, they see those things, but do not understand their karmic causes and conditions. In the case of the Buddha’s disciples, they possess both the abhijñās and their vidyās. In addition to possessing the abhijñās, which are stronger than those of non-Buddhist yogis, they also possess their vidyās, because they understand their karmic causes and conditions. Finally, the Buddha possesses abhijñās,



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vidyās, and balas. His abhijñās are unlimited in range, his vidyās are perfect, and his bala or domination over his abhijñās is unwavering.148 Putting aside the Buddhist contentions, it seems fairly clear that the difference between the abhijñās of non-Buddhist yogis and the abhijñās, vidyās, and balas of the Buddhist adepts essentially entails the degree or intensity of control and knowledge.149 To put it differently, the Buddha’s experience or vision in the course of the abhijñās was essentially the same as that of other yogis of his time, but he was the first one to conjecture their true character and significance. Enlightenment through the Nine Progressive Dwellings According to the second version,150 the Buddha became enlightened through the penetration into the nine progressive dwellings (anupūrva-vihara), namely the four absorptions, the four formless attainments, and the cessation of perception and sensation (nirodha-samāpatti). In the light of this account the Buddha did not penetrate into the nine progressive dwellings in one single session, but at consecutive intervals. First, he penetrated into the first absorption, and then having assessed disadvantages of the first absorption and advantages of the second absorption, at some later time, he penetrated into the second absorption. He progressed in the same manner through the next six dwellings. Finally, upon entering and abiding in the cessation of perception and sensation, he saw with wisdom and his influxes became completely destroyed. In this account the Buddha does not mention the four truths, and he concludes his discourse, stating that he did not claim to be fully enlightened until he penetrated those nine progressive dwellings in a forward and reverse order. As he does not specify where and when it all happened, the precise place and time of this enlightenment remain unspecified.151 In this version, the four absorptions and the four formless attainments constitute the components of the mundane path, and the cessation of perception and sensation constitutes the transcendent path, as this cessation is said to be accessible only to the Buddha and his accomplished disciples. Thus, this account also combines the ancient yoga practices with a specifically Buddhist factor, the cessation of perception and sensation. Enlightenment through Combining Two Paths The third version of the Buddha’s enlightenment is the product of the Vaibhāṣikas, a branch of the Sarvāstivāda school, and largely corresponds to their Abhidharma formulation of the mundane and transcendent paths. According to this version, the Buddha gained enlightenment by following two consecutive paths, first the mundane path and then the transcendent path. Initially, he penetrated the four absorptions and the first three formless attainments. Through doing this he eliminated the defilements of the Kāmadhātu, of the four absorptions, and of the first three formless attainments. However, the residual defilements of the fourth formless attainment or the pinnacle

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of existence (bhavāgra) still persisted within him. According to Buddhist sources, the yogis of ancient India had no method or capacity to free themselves from the pinnacle of existence by way of their meditative techniques as explained later. However, in the case of Siddhārtha some extraordinary experience took place. Having reached the pinnacle of existence, he relied on the fourth absorption and generated the path of vision. Then he entered the cessation of perception and sensation. Then once more relying on the fourth absorption, he abandoned the defilements of the pinnacle of existence by means of the meditative cultivation. Finally, he gained the knowledge of the destruction of the influxes, and became a perfectly enlightened Buddha. During the path of vision, in the course of sixteen mental events (cittakṣaṇa), he gained the realization (abhisamaya) of the four noble truths. Then at the time of becoming detached (vairāgya) from the defilements of the pinnacle of existence, he executed eighteen mental moments: nine moments of the uninterrupted path (ānantarya-mārga) and nine moments of the liberation path (vimukti-mārga). Altogether he executed thirty-four mental moments, during which he realized the four noble truths, and gained the detachment and liberation from all defilements and ignorance.152 It is evident from this account that except for the defilements of the pinnacle of existence, the mundane path is capable of eliminating the defilements inherent in all the lower levels of the threefold existence. Thus, although this path is considered by Buddhist masters to have a limited range of efficacy, it is evident that ultimately it is essential as the foundation for the practice of the transcendent path, and for the attainment of enlightenment, because the practice and efficacy of the transcendent path require the proficiency in the practice of the four absorptions and also because enlightenment is gained in the fourth absorption. It is clear that the mundane path has the capacity to eliminate defilements, and that in terms of the five kinds of direct knowledge, it provides naked visions of phenomena. However, it does not seem to divulge cognitive insights into their nature. It is the transcendent path that sheds cognitive perceptions and insights into phenomena in conformity with Buddhist doctrines. Thus, it is the transcendent path that differentiates Buddhism from other yogic traditions of ancient India. When one glances at the above three versions of the Buddha’s enlightenment, one can see a combination of yogic practices of ancient India and specifically Buddhist elements. In the first two accounts, the ancient yogic practices are the same, but the depictions of the Buddha’s enlightenment are not, and this shows Buddhist attempts to unravel and formulate the nature of his mystic experience under the bodhi tree. In the third version, devised centuries after the Buddha’s enlightenment, the phases of his enlightenment are depicted in terms of matured Abhidharma doctrines. The mundane path receives its due recognition, but otherwise it is somewhat overshadowed by the transcendent path that is formulated in the light of Buddhist doctrines. Having sketched the respective scopes of the mundane and transcendental paths, and their function in the Buddha’s enlightenment, we now proceed to treat these two paths separately.



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The Innate Permutations of the Mundane Path Prior to providing an exposition of the mundane path, it is instructive to ascertain the properties of the bodily and mental components of a human being, and to establish their relationship as this will disclose the yogic potentialities and dynamics embedded in the body‒mind complex. Composition of a Human Being In Buddhist sources the composition and function of a human being is primarily analyzed in terms of the five aggregates (skandha), the twelve bases (āyatana), and the eighteen elements (dhātu). In addition to this threefold analysis, the Buddhist sources also maintain that a human being consists of six elements (dhātu): earth, water, fire, wind, space, and consciousness.153 Broadly speaking in this configuration, the first five elements constitute the primary components of the physical body, and the element of consciousness constitutes the immaterial element, the mind. Thus, basically a human being consists of body and mind. According to the Pāli sources, the first four elements, jointly called primary elements (mahābhūta), constitute the four basic constituents or domains (dhātu) of all material phenomena (rūpa). Although they are treated as four seemingly different elements, essentially they always coexist together and are never dissociated from each other. None of them can exist independently or in isolation from the other three. They are inseparable, but they do not mingle and do not abide inside or outside each other, and yet they are said to have no independent status. They are coordinate and constitute four distinct energies or properties of matter. Furthermore, the same sources say that there is no variation in their quantitative volumes, but they enter into the composition of all material phenomena in equal proportions. The diversity of material things is not attributed to different quantities of the four elements, but to their respective capabilities or intensities. Thus the quantity of each element is always the same, but its intensity fluctuates in different material phenomena. For instance, the amount of water in a conflagration is the same as in wood or soil. In hard objects such as rocks or iron it is the earth element that prevails, and in seas and lakes it is the water element that prevails over the other elements.154 Each of the four elements has its particular nature or characteristic, and its specific activity or function. The proper nature of the earth element is solidity or hardness, and its function is to act as the support of all material phenomena. The nature of water is moisture or fluidity, and its function is cohesion in the sense of binding material phenomena together. The nature of fire is heat and its function is ripening by way of heating and maturing (aging) material phenomena. The nature of the wind element is motion or mobility, and its function is expansion by way of dilating and displacing material phenomena. In terms of their mutual relationship, the four elements support each other through the performance of their respective functions, namely support, cohesion, maintenance, and expansion.155

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In addition to the four elements that jointly constitute the primary matter, Buddhist sources also establish a number of secondary categories of matter that derive from the primary matter. While the Theravāda sources distinguish twenty-four categories of derived matter,156 the Sarvāstivāda adepts identify only eleven categories.157 Putting aside their differences, the derived matter essentially consists of the five sense faculties, and their five external objects. The eye and the remaining four sense faculties constitute the category of sensitive or subtle matter, and serve as the supports of the five kinds of sense consciousness. When they are in conjunction with the sense consciousness, they can see, hear, smell, taste, and touch. Similarly the external matter as objects of the five sense faculties is also classified into five categories, namely shape, sound, fragrance, flavor, and tangibility; they are seen, heard, smelt, tasted, and touched.158 Although Buddhist sources refer to the smallest unit of matter as atom or monad, they do not recognize the existence of individual atoms in isolation, but postulate that the smallest unit of matter forms a molecule. According to the Vaibhāṣikas, the basic molecule of matter includes eight things: the four primary elements and four elements of the derived matter, namely color, smell, taste, and tangibility.159 According to some masters, the basic property of molecular matter is breakage, because it is susceptible to mutability, deterioration, and transformation. Some other masters maintain that the primary quality of matter is not breakage, but impenetrability or resistance. Material objects are mutual obstacles in the sense that one object prevents another object from occupying the same space.160 Space as the fifth element is not the same in character as the four material elements discussed above, but it is treated in conjunction with matter, because space and material objects coexist. The Vaibhāṣikas make a distinction between the space element (ākāśadhātu) and space (ākāśa). The space element is defined as cavity or empty space in the body and in material objects. The cavities in the body, such as the ones inside the mouth and the stomach, are classed as internal cavities, and the cavities inside outer objects as external cavities. They further clarify that the term “cavity” should be understood as light and darkness, because light or darkness is perceived inside cavities. In the Vaibhāṣika system space is classed as an unconditioned phenomenon and is defined as non-obstruction and spatial expanse within which material things exist and move. As such space is unimpeded by material things that freely rest and move within it.161 Finally, according to the Vaibhāṣikas, the element of consciousness denotes the impure consciousness, which includes the five types of sense consciousness and mind-consciousness. This complex of consciousness is said to be impure when it does not form an integral part of the path, but when it is integrated into the path it is pure and sustains the process of liberation.162 Taken together the six elements support the flux of human existence from the moment of conception to the moment of death.163 The material elements sustain the bodily vitality, and the element of consciousness directs the course of bodily and mental activities.



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The span of life is determined by the quality and force of karma accumulated in the past life or lives. Having described the basic qualities and functions of the six elements that make up a human being, we now proceed to establish the interrelation and dynamics of the body‒ mind complex. Interrelation and Dynamics of the Body‒Mind Complex Broadly speaking the basic interrelation between body and mind is that of appropriation. According to the Abhidharmakośa, it is the element or aggregate of consciousness that appropriates the matter included in the aggregate of matter. More specifically, the mind and its concomitants (citta-caitta) appropriate the sensitive matter, namely the five sense organs. They also appropriate the external matter, be it form, odor, or flavor, when the external things are present as objects. The term ‘appropriate’ means that both material and mental objects are seized or grasped by the mind and its concomitants as their supports and objects. On the other hand, the five kinds of sense consciousness and mind-consciousness are not appropriated by the body or the material objects.164 Thus, it is the mind that takes control of the sensitive matter embedded in the physical body, and then intercepts and interacts with the surrounding world that appears in the form of objects. In terms of ethical qualities, in the Theravāda sources, the primary matter is defined as undetermined, which means it is pure and not involved in the karma production. However, the compounded or derived matter is said to be mundane, defiled, favorable to defilements, and subject to decay.165 According to the Vaibhāṣikas, the five material sense faculties are ethically undetermined, but the bodily and verbal actions are ethically good or bad, depending whether they are instigated by good or bad states of consciousness.166 The majority of Buddhist sources maintain that the natural state of consciousness is luminous (prakṛtiprabhāsvara), but it is defiled due to its entanglement in mundane activities. When it is associated either with the three wholesome roots or the three unwholesome roots, its ethical quality is respectively classified as good and bad. These two kinds of consciousness are productive of karma, which leads to rebirth and generates a new body. Jointly they are called mundane consciousness, because they are impure and lead to further rebirths. By contrast the transcendent consciousness is pure when it is linked with the eightfold path, and thus it is free from karma and does not search for further bodily rebirths.167 In relation to the three spheres of existence, the body‒mind complex is differentiated into three levels. In the kāmadhātu, the body is gross and it is defiled with sensual pleasures. In the rūpadhātu, the bodies of living beings are made up of subtle or refined matter, and in the ārūpyadhātu, they are said to be immaterial or bodiless. In the kāmadhātu, the consciousness is constrained by the gross body, and it is distracted and overwhelmed by sensual pleasures. In the rūpadhātu, it is highly agile and concentrated, and it is pure

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and free from the sensual pleasures of the kāmadhātu. This is the sphere of the four absorptions in which the consciousness is steadfast (āniñjya) and focused on one single object. In the formless sphere, the ārūpyadhātu, the consciousness is even more agile and free from the confinement and material resistance. Essentially the basic character of consciousness is the same in every living being, but its comprehension, agility, and efficiency are different in different bodies and different levels of existence. While the gross body of the kāmadhātu cannot move to the two higher sphere, the consciousness of this sphere can ascend and acquire the refined states of the two higher levels, provided it gains the proficiency in entering the four absorptions and the four formless attainments.168 How do matter and consciousness relate in terms of causality? According to the Abhidharmakośa, the four great elements are their own causes as coextensive and reciprocal causes. They are also the generative causes of the derived categories of matter. In addition, they also support, sustain, maintain, and influence the transformation of secondary matter, namely the body and material phenomena.169 The Theravāda sources maintain that matter like nirvāṇa has no causal capacity (ahetuka),170 but it is produced by other causes as discussed below. Although matter has no causal capacity, the same sources maintain that the four primary elements constitute conditions by way of co-arising and supporting the derived matter.171 In terms of causality, the Pāli sources say that material phenomena originate in four ways, namely from karma, consciousness, temperature, and nutriment. As the expositions of these four kinds of origination are rather complex, we sketch here only their basic character. The karma in the form of good and bad volitions produces conditioned material phenomena. It generates material phenomena when the consciousness arises at the moment of conception, during the course of existence, and up to the moment of death. It seems that strictly speaking, the consciousness does not produce matter, but it does set up or prompts certain material phenomena, and it is the condition for their arising or movement. Temperature (utu) denotes the fire element, and it originates the nutritional matter in the body, and it is a condition for the occurrence and destruction of material phenomena. Nutriment is physical nutriment, and it is the nutritional condition for the body. Simply stated it is food that is consumed and digested.172 It does not need to be fully explained here, but only briefly stated that all physical and mental processes of the body‒mind complex evolve in conformity with the law of karma and the law of dependent origination. The law of karma determines the retribution of ethically qualified actions and also the places of rebirth in specific destinies. The law of dependent origination controls the co-arising and conditionality of all phenomena. Ethically qualified actions of individual beings assure their rebirths in specific places and planes in this world, and the combined actions of living beings produce the receptacle world. Finally, let us glance at the positive and negative aspects of the relationship between the physical body and the immaterial consciousness. Essentially, the material



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aggregate as the body serves as the physical support and vehicle of consciousness and the other three immaterial aggregates. It provides them with the sensitive matter, namely the five sense faculties, through which they experience, and interact with the empirical world. Thus, the body sustains the stream of consciousness and provides it with all material provisions it needs to exist and function. This is the positive or constructive aspect of their relationship. In terms of negative propensities, the body confines the consciousness and restricts its spatial agility and movement. As discussed above, the sensitive matter is not ethically qualified as good or bad, but it is conducive to defilements. As the consciousness is unable to operate independently in the world, it seeks and takes possession of the body. While united with the body, it directs the bodily activities, cognizes, and interacts with the external phenomena, and through doing this it becomes defiled and produces karma. Once the body dies, the consciousness acquires the next body in conformity with the accumulated karma. This process continues existence after existence and constitutes the basic character of mundane existence. This is the negative aspect of their relationship. According to Buddhism mundane entanglements of consciousness generate a sea of suffering that must be eliminated. In order to eliminate suffering, the consciousness must abandon the body and discontinue to search for further rebirths. This can be achieved only through the purification of consciousness in the course of the mundane and transcendent paths.

Mundane Path in the Śrāvakabhūmi In the Abhidharma sources, the mundane path is frequently incorporated into the so-called gradual path. Initially, one observes morality, trains in meditation, and studies Buddhist doctrines. Upon reaching a high level of proficiency in moral purity, meditation, and understanding, one as it were leaps into the transcendent path that leads to emancipation. The mundane path proper as described below can be also practiced as an alternative way of purification during the path of meditative cultivation. One of the best expositions of the mundane path as such is given in the Śrāvakabhūmi, which is included in the Yogācārabhūmi, a monumental treatise appertaining to the Yogācāra school. The Śrāvakabhūmi itself is a voluminous text, but here we only provide a summary of the chapter dealing specifically with the mundane path. It cannot be explained here but only indicated that prior to practicing the mundane path as described below, one needs to gain adequate skills in meditation that enables one to penetrate into the absorptions.173 According to the Śrāvakabhūmi, the mundane path consists of the progressive detachment from sensual pleasures through the perception of their crudity or coarseness, and through the perception of serenity or tranquility of the absorptions. This pattern of detachment from defilements begins with the detachment from the sensual pleasures

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of the Kāmadhātu and then progresses plane by plane up to the detachment from the plane of nothingness (akiṃcanyāyatana), which is the third plane of the Ārūpyadhātu. According to Buddhist perceptions, upon reaching the fourth plane of the Ārūpyadhātu, which is the pinnacle of existence (bhavāgra), the yogis cannot detach themselves from this plane by ascending to a higher plane, because there is no higher plane, and consequently they get as it were stuck. In order to become detached from this plane, two alternative methods are available, one non-Buddhist and one Buddhist. The Śrāvakabhūmi refers to these two methods as two attainments without mental operation (acittika). More specifically, the non-Buddhist method is called the attainment of non-perception (asaṃjñā-samāpatti), and the Buddhist method is called the attainment of the cessation of perception and sensation (saṃjñāvedita-nirodha-samāpatti). The mundane path culminates with the acquisition of the five kinds of intuitive knowledge (abhijñā) through the reliance on the absorptions. Wishing to gain the detachment from sensual pleasures, the yogi strives to gain it by means of seven consecutive mental attentions or reflections (manaskāra). 1. In the first instant he endeavors to perceive the coarse character of sensual pleasures and the tranquility of the first absorption. 2. Next, he rises above the level of ordinary study and reflection, and gains the conviction or certitude (adhimokṣa) about the coarseness of sensual pleasures, and about the tranquility of the first absorption. 3. After that, he stimulates the path progressing toward the separation from defilements (kleśa). 4. As he discards defilements of the Kāmadhātu, he takes delight in their severance and abandonment. 5. Next, he turns his attention to pleasant objects, and as he realizes that he is still attached to them, he strives to bring about their complete elimination. 6. He continues to investigate and strive to separate from defilements of the Kāmadhātu, until he gains the first absorption, which acts as an effective antidote to defilements. 7. Finally, he fully gains the first absorption as the fruition of his efforts.174 The remaining three absorptions and the four formless attainments are gained by a similar set of reflections on the coarseness of the lower planes and the tranquility of the higher planes.175 As already stated above, the detachment from the pinnacle of existence (bhavāgra), the fourth and final plane of the Ārūpyadhātu, is attempted in two different but seemingly similar ways. The non-Buddhist adepts enter the attainment of non-perception and the Buddhist enter the attainment of the cessation of perception and sensation, which according to some sources the Buddha discovered on the night of his enlightenment. In the case of the attainment of non-perception, the non-Buddhist yogis are said to turn away only from perception (saṃjñā-vimukha). They consider perception as illness and turn away from all perceptions.176 In the case of the cessation of perception and sensation, the Buddhist adepts aspire to abide in the state of supreme serenity, and upon reaching the plane of neither perception nor non-perception, they exert and press their minds upwards from this plane. As their minds are pressed upwards, they do not find any objects, and cease to function. Essentially, in this attainment all mental objects are eliminated.177



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The five kinds of direct knowledge (abhijñā)178 are gained by relying on the absorptions; the Abhidharmakośa says by relying on the fourth absorption. First one learns all about these five kinds of knowledge and then one cultivates twelve perceptions (saṃjñā) in order to generate and bring them to maturation.179 Through the practice of the perceptions of lightness and softness, one becomes convinced that one’s body is light and soft like silk. The perception of the space element induces the conviction that one’s body is light and soft, and that any matter and material objects are like empty spaces. The perception of the mind‒body fusion is the one through which the mind is fused into the body or the body into the mind. This perception further reinforces one’s conviction of lightness and softness of one’s body. The perception of determination induces the conviction that remote objects are near, subtle things are coarse, course things are subtle, earth is water, or water is earth. The effective practice of the above five perceptions leads to the acquisition of a number of magical powers (ṛddhi), such as multiplication, penetration through walls and mountains, submerging into the ground as if into water, walking on water, flying into the sky, and stroking the sun and the moon. One also wields the power over the four primary elements. These magical feats are largely performed through the perception of determination supported by the other four perceptions.180 The practice of the perception consisting in recalling one’s former deeds eventually concludes in the ability to view one’s previous lives. During the practice of the perception of sound, first one focuses on grasping the characteristics of different sounds, and then one directs one’s mental focus and attention toward specific sounds, and eventually one gains the divine ear and can hear human or divine sounds. During the practice of the perception of light, first one focuses on grasping the characteristic mark of light. Then upon grasping it from the perspective of different beings, one focuses on that characteristic mark by differentiating between the performance of good and bad actions. The cultivation of this perception yields the knowledge of the arising and passing away of other beings. One perceives with the divine eye how after their deaths, those beings are reborn in good or bad destinies. The perception of changes in material bodies induced by defilements consists in observing and ascertaining the physical conditions of living beings, such as verbal and facial expressions stemming from desire, hatred, stupidity, and other defilements. The cultivation of this perception induces the ability to read the minds of other beings.181 The cultivation of the eight liberations, the eight bases of mastery, and the ten totalities, enables one to generate noble magical powers (ārya-ṛddhi), such as transformations of things, freedom from impurities, and deep knowledge of the Buddhist teachings.182 Finally, drawing on some other sources, we briefly describe the yogic skills and qualities that are acquired through the practice of the ten totalities. The term “totality” translates the Pāli term kasina and the Sanskrit term kṛtsna. It is a particular form of meditation through which one gains a total control over the meditated objects and their

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qualities. There are ten kasinas altogether that enable one to gain control over the four primary elements, the four basic colors, light, and space. The earth kasina is the basis for acquiring such powers as multiplying one’s body, standing on space or water by generating earth. The water kasina is the basis for being able to dive in and out of the earth, to cause rains, and to shake the earth. The fire kasina enables one to induce smoking and flaming,183 and to shower clusters of sparks. One can counteract fire with fire, and burn what one wants to burn. One can also cause light to see objects with the divine eye, and at the time of passing into nibbāna one can cremate one’s body by means of the fire element.184 The air kasina enables one to move with the speed of the wind, and to cause stormy winds. The light kasina serves as the basis for creating luminous forms, dispelling darkness, and causing light to see material objects with the divine eye. The color kasiṇas generate the power to create black, yellow, red, and white forms. Finally the space kasina enables one to sit inside the earth and rocks by creating holes inside them, and to pass through walls and solid objects.185 The above sketch of the mundane path is fairly condensed, but hopefully it is adequate to realize that its goal is the detachment from the coarseness and defilements of all planes of mundane existence, and the acquisition of the five kinds of direct knowledge. These five kinds of knowledge are largely a category of mental powers, which exert control over physical phenomena, mainly through the mastery over the primary elements. As discussed above, the physical body constrains the mind’s agility and movement, but at the same time it is pervaded by the primary elements and their qualities. Once the mind is purified and gains control over the primary elements, it is capable of not only having a full command of the body but also of manipulating external phenomena through the five kinds of direct knowledge. Although the mundane path is not credited with the potentiality of gaining the state of liberation or nirvāṇa, it is fairly evident that it has the capacity to purify the mind, to free it from the resistance of the gross matter, and to develop psychic powers that hold sway over the forces of nature. The Transcendent Path In the Abhidharma sources, the transcendent path is largely concerned with the process of purification of the mind through the realization of the four noble truths. Its ultimate goal is the attainment of nirvāṇa, which in concrete terms means the termination of recurrent rebirths in physical bodies.186 Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna adepts agree that the mind must be purified, but essentially they focus on the mind’s innate state and its potentiality to mature and develop buddha qualities in the form of buddha mind and body. To phrase it differently, while the adepts of early Buddhism aim to cease existing in phenomenal existence, the Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna adepts strive to become Buddhas, in order to benefit all beings in this very world. We do not provide here full expositions of the Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna paths, but mainly focus on their treatment of the mind’s nature, and on their ultimate goals.



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In one of his canonical discourses the Buddha said: “Monks, the mind is luminosity (prabhāsvara), but it is defiled by adventitious defilements. Monks, the mind is luminosity, and it is freed from adventitious defilements.”187 This statement of the Buddha did not have much impact on the Abhidharma masters, but in the Mahāyāna sources, it forms the conceptual framework for Mahāyāya interpretations of the mind. Briefly stated the Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna theories of the mind are rooted in the assumption that the mind is naturally luminous. Let us see some examples of how Mahāyāna texts interpret the mind’s luminosity. In the Pañcaviṃśati, it is said: This mind (citta) is no-mind (acitta), because its natural character is luminosity. What is the condition of the mind’s luminosity (prabhāsvaratā)? When the mind is neither associated with nor dissociated from greed, hatred, delusion, defilements (anuśaya), and false views (dṛṣṭi), then this constitutes its luminosity. Does the mind exist as no-mind? In the state of no-mind (acittatā), the states of existence (astitā) or non-existence (nāstitā) can be neither found nor asserted. … What is this state of no-mind? The state of no-mind, which is immutable (avikāra) and undifferentiated (avikalpa), constitutes the ultimate reality (dharmatā) of all phenomena. Such is the state of no-mind. Just as the mind is immutable and undifferentiated, in the same way the five aggregates, the twelve bases, the eighteen elements, the dependent origination, the six perfections, the thirty-seven limbs of enlightenment (bodhipakṣika), the attributes of the Buddha (buddhadharma), and the supreme and perfect enlightenment are immutable and undifferentiated.188 In this passage, the mind’s luminosity denotes the mind in the state of no-mind, in the sense that it is immutable and devoid of discursive differentiations, and this constitutes the ultimate reality of all phenomena, including the Buddha attributes and enlightenment. In the Bhadrapāla-sūtra, the mind is metaphorically compared to the wind element and the sunrays. This text says that although formless and imperceptible, the wind element exists and manifests itself when it shakes trees or blows cold or warm air. It carries pleasant and unpleasant fragrances, but as such it remains stainless and formless. Similarly, although it is formless, the element of consciousness (vijñānadhātu) accomplishes all forms and penetrates all things. Due to its power there arise sensations and volitions, and through them the realm of phenomena (dharmadhātu) classified as wholesome and unwholesome. However, as such consciousness is pure, and although it penetrates all things, it is not clad in them. While it operates through the sense faculties and the five aggregates, it is perceived as defiled, but as such it remains unaffected by bad karma, just as the stainless sunrays remain undefiled by any impurity.189 This sūtra postulates that consciousness generates the realm of phenomena, and that when it is entangled and operates through the defiled aggregates, it is perceived as being defiled. However, as such it is not polluted by defilements, but remains stainless like the wind or the sunrays.

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The Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra explicitly equates the buddha-nature (tathāgagarbha) with the store consciousness. It says that the buddha-nature is luminous and pure, and that it is endowed with the thirty-two major marks (lakṣaṇa). It is however disguised in the body of all beings, like a gem wrapped in a dirty piece of cloth. It is enveloped by the aggregates and stained with the impurities of greed, hatred, delusion, and false imagination.190 It holds within itself the cause (hetu) of wholesome and unwholesome things, and it produces all forms of existence ( janmagati). Since it is covered with the latent permutations (vāsanā), it is identified with the store consciousness and its retinue of the seven vijñānas.191 It is clear from the above three quotations that in its natural and undefiled condition, the mind is stainless and luminous, and that it encapsulates the potentiality of gaining enlightenment and buddha attributes. According to the Yoga Tantra, Śākyāmuni Buddha as Siddhārtha attained the supreme enlightenment through the visualization of his mind as a lunar disc (candra), and through a set of five mystical realizations (abhisaṃbodhi).192 Commenting on Siddhārtha’s enlightenment, Indrabhūti provides the following interpretation of the mind as a lunar disc. Being luminous by nature, this mind is similar to the moon’s disc. The lunar disc epitomizes the knowledge ( jñāna) that is luminous by nature. Just as the waxing moon gradually emerges in its fullness, in the same way the mind-jewel (cittaratna), being naturally luminous, also fully emerges in its perfected state. Just as the moon becomes fully visible, once it is freed from accidental obscurities, in the same way the mind-jewel, being pure by nature (prakṛti-pariśuddha), once separated from the stains of defilements (kleśa), it appears as perfected buddha-qualities (guṇa).193 In the tantras the lunar disc essentially denotes a category of mystical light or luminosity. It is from this light that the yogis summon perfected Buddha appearances with which they identify themselves, in order to acquire their buddha-qualities and attributes. Thus viewed together, the above texts do not regard the mind’s luminosity as merely a metaphor, but they firmly consider it to be its innate condition and equate it with buddha-nature and qualities. In addition to affirming the mind’s luminosity, Mahāyāna masters formulated the concept of bodhicitta (enlightenment-mind), which forms the theoretical framework for Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna paths or practices that culminate in the realization of enlightenment. Fundamentally, the bodhicitta is the seed of buddhahood, the medium or the actual path during the ten bodhisattva stages, and the final product, namely buddhahood. The bodhicitta is said to incorporate a pair of complementary components, which are called emptiness and compassion, or wisdom and means. The components of emptiness and wisdom denote the perfection of wisdom, and the components of compassion and means encapsulate the other five perfections. The texts also speak of the bodhisattva’s path as an accumulation of merit and knowledge. In this configuration the accumulation



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of merit consists in the practice of the first five perfections, and the accumulation of knowledge focuses on maturing the perfection of wisdom. The two components of bodhicitta seem to broadly reflect the cognitive and latent aspects of consciousness. Ultimately, the efflorescence of emptiness, wisdom, or knowledge denotes the attainment of enlightenment or dharmakāya; the cognitive process. On the other hand, the practice of compassion, means, and meritorious deeds culminates in the accumulation of a physical buddha-body (rūpakāya); the latent process. Thus, while the defiled consciousness erroneously apprehends the nature of existence and produces karma, which in turn produces mundane bodies, the bodhicitta abides in wisdom and compassion, and strives to mature them in the form of omniscience and buddha-attributes. It is thus the transcendent merit and knowledge that supplant the workings of mundane karma and ignorance. In the tantras, the bodhicitta is largely interpreted as a mystic experience, which consists in the union or blending (saṃyoga) of wisdom and means, which are identified with a number of specifically tantric pairs such as vajra and bell, or male and female. In some tantric configurations, the bodhicitta is identified with the innate forces circulating within the body in the form of psychic channels (nāḍī) and psychic plexuses (cakra). In some tantras these psychic channels and plexuses are said to constitute the so-called indestructible body (vajradeha), which in some tantras it consists of six components: earth, water, fire, wind, pure consciousness, and emptiness.194 Some tantras explicitly affirm the yogic potentialities of the all-pervasive presence of the primary elements in all beings. Wind is said to have the nature of life breath, fire the nature of life ( jīvita), water the nature of immortality, and earth the nature of spatial expanse. The deity within them is consciousness as the supreme lord, who becomes transformed into knowledge in the form of five deities; it abides in the five aggregates as the five kinds of knowledge and as the five cosmic Buddhas.195 Thus, essentially, the tantras emphasize the yogic experience of bodhicitta abiding within the body, although ultimately the character of bodhicitta is described as the inexpressible reality. It has no beginning and no end, it is neither existent nor nonexistent, non-substantial like emptiness and space. Since there is the non-substantiality and sameness of all phenomena, the bodhicitta is unborn, devoid of existence, nondual, vajra, luminosity, enlightenment, and Vajrasattva.196 Like Nāgārjuna, the tantras assert that there is no difference between saṃsāra and nirvāṇa, because both of them are neither produced nor annihilated. Similarly, the nature of the world is identical with the nature of the Tathāgata, because both of them are devoid of any essence. It is said in the Hevajra: Such as is saṃsāra, such is nirvāṇa. There is no nirvāṇa other than saṃsāra. Saṃsāra consists in the five aggregates, in the sense faculties, in hatred, delusion and the rest. However, all these phenomena are essentially nirvāṇa, and it is only from delusion (moha) that they appear as saṃsāra. The wise man continues in

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saṃsāra, but this saṃsāra is recognised as nirvāṇa, because he has brought this about by the process of purification. This nirvāṇa, being the bodhicitta, is both absolute and relative in form.197 Anaṅgavajra says that the tantra adepts consider saṃsāra as a condition of the mind veiled by the darkness arising from false ideations and stained with attachment and other impurities. However, once it is liberated from false ideations and impurities, the same mind becomes excellent, and thus nirvāṇa constitutes another condition of the mind when it is bright and luminous.198 Thus, saṃsāra and nirvāṇa are not two different or separate entities, but represent two aspects of the mind. When defiled the mind stands for saṃsāra and when purified it stands for nirvāṇa. In conclusion some observations may be offered. First, in contrast to the path of early Buddhism, the Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna paths do not abandon saṃsāra (the body). The bodhisattva strives to gain a perfect buddha body in order to teach the dharma in this world. The tantra adepts treat the body as a repository of mystic power and experience. Second, in Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna, the focus is on activating and developing the innate potentialities of the mind. The bodhisattva as it were transforms the bodhicitta into buddha bodies (dharmakāya and rūpakāya), and the tantric adepts convert it into mystic experiences within the body and transmute it into the five cosmic Buddhas. Finally, it is not so evident in Mahāyāna, but it is fairly obvious that in the tantras, the mystic potentialities and experiences within the body are stimulated through the activation of the innate energies abiding in the body‒mind complex supported by the primary elements.

CONCLUSION Viewed as a whole, this essay offers a broad survey of fire as a natural phenomenon, as a deity, and a mystical energy. Part One sketches the cosmic, ritual, and mystic character of fire as described in the Vedic and Upaniṣadic sources. As a cosmic force, fire pervades and maintains all phenomena. It is identified with the sun and different forms of light, and with the fire that digests food and maintains the body. In terms of its ritual character, fire as the god Agni acts as a sacrificial priest and conveys human offerings to the gods. In its mystical character, fire is identified with Brahman, the ultimate reality, and with the deathless ātman abiding in human hearts. Although Brahman is formless and invisible, its cosmic and yogic manifestations appear in the form of fire, light, and luminosity. Fire also denotes death and immortality. Part Two shows how Buddhism reinterprets the Vedic sacrifices, and how the god Agni and homa rites are assimilated into the Buddhist pantheon and tantric rituals.



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Initially, the Buddha rejects Vedic rituals, but gradually their positive aspects are recast into the Buddhist practice of generosity, and the Buddhist way of striving for the highest sacrifice, namely the state of arhatship. For several centuries the god Agni and homa rites have no place in Buddhism, but with the emergence of esoteric Buddhism, they are adjusted and incorporated into tantric rituals. Part Three attempts to ascertain the function of the fire element and the other primary elements as part of the Buddhist paths to enlightenment. In the mundane path, the control over the primary elements and their qualities generates a variety of yogic powers, which are encapsulated in the five kinds of direct knowledge. This path does not culminate in enlightenment, but still the acquisition of purity and qualities embedded in the primary phenomena are surely the pinnacle of human attainment and perfection in this world. In the transcendent path, the focus is on the luminosity of consciousness, and on the pristine energies abiding within the body. The bodhicitta abides in the body in the form of luminous consciousness supported by the primary elements. The luminosity of consciousness basically denotes its innate state free from discursive thoughts and mundane entanglements. Broadly speaking, in Buddhist sources, particularly in the tantras, the attributes of the Vedic fire, such as being luminosity, knowledge, and Brahman, are largely reflected in Buddhist interpretations of consciousness as being luminosity, bodhicitta, nirvāṇa, supreme deity, and five cosmic Buddhas. Finally, Buddhism offers a vast repository of teachings on how to gain wisdom and enlightenment, but it seems that in order to acquire them, one has to delve not into books, but into the innate energies and qualities embedded within the body‒mind complex. Notes 1. Arthur Berriedale Keith, The Religion and Philosophy of the Veda and Upanishads, Harvard Oriental Series 31–32 (Cambridge, MAassachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1925), p.  155; Louis Renou and Jean Filliozat, L’Inde classique:  Manuel des études indiennes, 2 vols. (Paris: Adrien Maisonneuve, 1985), §647. 2. Śatapatha, I.6.2.8–11; III.1.3.1. 3. Śatapatha, III.2.2.9. 4. Śatapatha, VI.1.3.10–19. 5. Renou and Filliozat, L’Inde classique, §1016. 6. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, V.9.1. 7. Abel Bergaigne, Vedic Religion, translated by V. G.  Paranjpe, 4 vols. (Delhi:  Motilal Banarsidass, 1978), vol. 1, p. 14. 8. Ṛgveda, III.2.8. 9. Bergaigne, Vedic Religion, vol. 1, pp. 107, 116. 10. Such as hotṛ, potṛ, praśāstṛ, neṣṭṛ, and adhvaryu. Bergaigne, Vedic Religion, vol. 1, p. 38. 11. Bergaigne, Vedic Religion, vol. 1, p. 38. 12. Keith, Religion and Philosophy, p. 158. 13. Keith, Religion and Philosophy, pp. 159–160.

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14. Bergaigne, Vedic Religion, vol. 1, p. 40; Renou and Filliozat, L’Inde classique, §647. 15. Keith, Religion and Philosophy, p. 160. 16. Ṛgveda, X.2.3–5. 17. Ṛgveda, I.96.2. 18. For an integrated discussion of the five fires and related fire theories in the Upaniṣads, see Eric Frauwallner, History of Indian Philosophy, vol. 1 (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1973), 45–55. For a textual study of the doctrine of the five fires, see Hendrik Wilhelm Bodewitz, Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa I, 1–65: Translation and Commentary, with a Study of Agnihotra and Prāṇāgnihotra (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1973), pp. 110–123, 249–253. 19. In one source the gods offer the immortal waters (amṛta-āpas), which is considered to be a more original reading than śraddhā, although both of them denote immortality. Bodewitz, Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa, pp. 111, 113. 20. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, VI.2.9–13; Chāndogya, V.4.1–V.8.2. 21. Chāndogya, V.9.1–2. 22. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, VI.2.13–14. 23. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, VI.2.14–15. A similar passage in the Chāndogya, V.10.2, briefly states that a nonhuman person leads them to Brahman and concludes by saying that this is the path leading to the gods (devayāna). 24. In the Chāndogya, V.10.3–6, a similar passage diverges at this point and says that when they reach the earth, they spring up as rice and barley, plants and trees. When someone consumes them as food and emits as semen, from him they come into being again. 25. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, VI.2.16. 26. Chāndogya, V.10.10. 27. Kauṣītaki, chapter one. 28. Renou and Filliozat, L’Inde classique, §703. For drawings of the three fires, see Patrick Olivelle, Upaniṣads (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), p. xliii. 29. Śatapatha, VII.1.1.13; VII.1.1.35–37; VII.3.1.1, 10; Chāndogya, IV.11.1–IV.13.2; Maitrī, V.34. 30. Chāndogya, V.12.1–V.17.2. 31. Chāndogya, V.18.1–2. 32. Kaṭha, V.15; Muṇḍaka, II.2.10. 33. Maitrī, VI.17. 34. Chāndogya, VIII.12.1–5. 35. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, III.2.13. 36. Śatapatha, X.3.3.8. 37. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, IV.4.1–2, 6–7. 38. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, III.2.10. 39. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, I.2.1–7. 40. Aitareya Upaniṣad, I.1.2–2.4. 41. Aitareya Upaniṣad, I.1.2. 42. Śatapatha, II.3.2.2. 43. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, I.5.21. 44. Śatapatha, X.5.1.1–5. For a conceptually similar account, see Śatapatha, II.3.3.7–9, and Hendrik Wilhelm Bodewitz, The Daily Evening and Morning Offering (Agnihotra) According to the Brāhmaṇas (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976), pp. 155–156.



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45. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, I.3.28. 46. Sacrifice, study of the scriptures, and alms-giving. 47. Kaṭha, I.12–19. For a learned discussion of the Naciketas fire, see Hendrik Wilhelm Bodewitz, “Yama’s Second Boon in the Kaṭha Upaniṣad,” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Sudasiens 29 (1985): 5–26. 48. Śatapatha, X.1.4.14. 49. Śatapatha, X.2.6.17–19. 50. Śatapatha, IX.5.1.1–11 51. Śvetāśvatara, II.11–12. 52. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, I.3.8–16. 53. Praśna Upaniṣad, I.4–10. 54. Śatapatha, X.5.2.1–4. 55. Keith, Religion and Philosophy, p. 252. 56. Surendranath Dasgupta, A History of Indian Philosophy, vol. 1 (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1975), pp. 21–22; Śatapatha, IX.4.4.15. 57. Dasgupta, History of Indian Philosophy, 20; Silvain Lévi, La Doctrine du sacrifice dans les Brāhmaṇas (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1898), 77. 58. For an excellent study of the agnihotra, see Hendrik Wilhelm Bodewitz, The Daily Evening and Morning Offering (Agnihotra) According to the Brāhmaṇas (1976; reprint, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2003). 59. Keith, Religion and Philosophy, p. 287. 60. An elaborate, and highly ritualized, animal sacrifice is detailed in Śatapatha, III.6.4.1–III.8.3.36. 61. Keith, Religion and Philosophy, pp. 278–279; Renou and Filliozat, L’Inde classique, §700; Śatapatha, III.8.1.15. 62. Keith, Religion and Philosophy, p. 259. 63. Madeleine Biardeau and Charles Malamoud, Le Sacrifice dans l’Inde ancienne (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1976), pp. 19, 22. It is said in the Śatapatha, IX.5.2.16, that the benefactor is the body of the sacrifice, and the officiating priests are the limbs. 64. Śatapatha, IV.3.4.4–7. 65. Śatapatha, XI.5.6.1–3; Manusmṛti, III.67–71; Lévi, La Doctrine du sacrifice, p. 78; Renou and Filliozat, L’Inde classique, §731. 66. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, I.5.16. 67. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, III.8.10. 68. Muṇḍaka, I.1.4–5. 69. Muṇḍaka, I.1.1. 70. Bodewitz, Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa, p. 220. 71. Prāṇa, apāna, vyāna, udāna, samāna. The precise meaning of these terms is not always clear in all contexts, and in Western publications they are not consistently translated in the same way. According to Olivelle, Upaniṣads, p. l, these terms appear to have the following meanings: prāṇa is breathing out, apāna is breathing in, vyāna is the breath that traverses, udāna is the breath that moves up, and samāna is the breath that equalizes or links. 72. Bodewitz, Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa, pp. 220, 218, 278. 73. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, I.5.21; Aitareya Upaniṣad, II.4.1–6.

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74. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, I.5.1–3. 75. Aitareya Upaniṣad, III.3. 76. Chāndogya, III.14.2–3. 77. Praśna Upaniṣad, IV.2–4. 78. Chāndogya, III.13. 79. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, I.3.8–16; Aitareya Āraṇyaka, II.4.1–6. 80. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, I.5.3–13. 81. Chāndogya, VI.5.1–4. 82. Maitrī, VI.11–12. 83. Taittirīya, II.2.1. 84. Bodewitz, Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa, pp.  38, 235; Daily Evening and Morning Offering, pp. 41, 145. 85. Bṛhadāraṇyaka, I.5.23. 86. Chāndogya, V.19.1–V.23.2. 87. Chāndogya, V.24.1–2. 88. Kauṣītakī, 2.5. 89. Maitrī, VI.9. 90. Aṅguttara, II.42–43; Saṃyutta, I.76. 91. In the Brahmajāla, the Buddha lists the following nine kinds of homa:  fire oblation (aggi-homa), ladle oblation (dabbi-homa), husk oblation (thusa-homa), husk-powder oblation (kaṇa-homa), rice-grain oblation (taṇḍula-homa), ghee oblation (sappi-homa), sesame-oil oblation (tela-homa), mouth oblation (mukha-homa), blood oblation (lohita-homa). Dīgha, I.9. 92. Suttanipāta, verses 1043–1048. 93. Suttanipāta, verses 285–314. 94. Aṅguttara, II.42–43. 95. Dīgha, II.352–354. 96. Dīgha, I.134–135; Majjhima, I.82. 97. Suttanipāta, verses 461–467, 486. 98. In the Majjhima, III.254–255, the Buddha lists fourteen offerings (dakṣiṇā) that are graded in relation to the ethical qualities of their recipients. The list includes the Buddha, solitary Buddha, the eight grades of holy persons (arhat, candidate for arhatship, anāgamin, and so forth; ten in all), a person detached from sense-pleasures, an ordinary person of good moral habit, an ordinary person of weak moral habit, and an animal. The grades of merit start with a gift to an animal. The offering given to an animal yields a hundredfold reward. The offering given to a person detached from the sense-pleasures brings a thousandfold reward, and the offering given to the candidate for the fruit of stream-entry is incalculable and immeasurable. In the case of the remaining individuals, including arhats and the Buddha, the volume of merit is simply impossible to calculate. 99. Dīgha, I.134–146. 100. Their Pāli names are:  āhunneyaggi, gahapataggi, dakkhiṇeyyaggi. Their Vedic equivalents are: āhavanīya, gārhapatya, and dakṣiṇāgni. 101. Aṅguttara, IV.41–46. For a good translation of this discourse and explanatory notes, see Richard Gombrich, “Recovering the Buddha’s Message,” in Tadeusz Skorupski, ed., The Buddhist Forum I (London: SOAS, University of London, 1990), 16–20.



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102. Visuddhimagga, VII.94–95, 97. 103. Dhammapada, 107. 104. Vinaya, I.23–35; Saṃyutta, IV.19. 105. Itivuttaka, 181–82. 106. Milindapañha, 324. 107. Dhammapada, 220. 108. E.g., Dīgha, III.214; Majjhima, I.47; Dhammasaṅgani, 982; Siddhi, 328. 109. Milindapañha, 384. 110. Paṭisambhidāmagga, I.475. 111. Majjhima, II.130. 112. Saṃyutta, V.185–186; Aṅguttara, II.21; Majjhima, I.168–169. 113. Dīgha, II.139–140, 157. 114. Saṃyutta, I.421–423. 115. Lalitavistara, 357. 116. Majjhima, I.326–331. 117. Dīgha, I.216; II.253–261; III.194, 204; Majjhima, III.100–103; Aṅguttara, I.132. 118. Full descriptions of the threefold world are given in the Abhidharmakośa, chapter III, and the Abhidhammasaṅgaha, chapter V. 119. E.g., Dīgha, I.9, 101; II.339. 120. Saṃyutta, I.69, 168; Aṅguttara, IV.97; Suttanipāta, 462; Dhammapada, 71, 140; Visuddhimagga, V.5–8. 121. Gunapala Piyasena Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, 2 vols. (London: Luzac & Company Ltd, 1960), vol. 1, p. 13. 122. Mañjūśrīmūlakalpa, 104, 123. 123. Mahā-Vairocana-Abhisaṃbodhi, 381–386. 124. For descriptions of three forms of Agni, see Niṣpannayogāvali, 61, 73, 88. In the Durgatipariśodhana, 51–53, the ten lokapālas have their own maṇḍala presided over by Vajrapāni. In the Purāṇas, the god Agni is included in the group of eight guardians of the world (lokapāla): Kubera (N), Yama (S), Indra (E), Varuṇa (W), Soma (NE), Vāyu (NW), Agni (SE), Sūrya (SW). Occasionally Sūrya is replaced by Nirṛti, Soma by Pṛthivī or Áśāna (= Śiva). Renou and Filliozat, L’Inde classique, §1012. 125. For full descriptions of Agni’s iconic forms in some homa rites, see Jyotirmañjarī, 210; Kriyāsaṃgraha, 29, 37, 40, 53, 72; Mañjurmūlakalpa, 118. 126. Kriyāsaṃgraha, 29, 37, 40, 53, 72, 150–151; Jyotirmañjarī, 210; Byang-gter Homa, 366. 127. The Japanese scholars trace the incipient descriptions or prototypes of homa rites to the Mahāmāyūrīvidyārājñī, and several other texts included among the dhāraṇī-sūtras. However, they find the mature expositions of homa rites only in the tantras, namely in the Susiddhikara and Mahāvairocana-Abhisaṃbodhi. For more information, see Michael Strickmann, “Homa in East Asia,” in Frits Staal, ed., Agni:  The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar (Berkeley, CA:  Asian Humanities, 1983), vol. 2, pp. 418–455. His paper is based on the research published by Japanese scholars and largely discusses the Indian sources in their Chinese translations. 128. Jyotirmañjarī, 188–189. 129. Jyotirmañjarī, 190.

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130. The shapes and directions of the four continents are based on the Abhidharmakośa, III, kārikās 53–55 and the commentaries. 131. Vajrāvalī, 480–484. 132. Abhayākaragupta gives their titles:  Vajramālābhidhāna, Vairocanābhisambodhi, Trisamaya-vyūharāja, Samantābhiṣekajanana, Vajrapāṇigarbhasambhava, Vajrābhyudaya. 133. Padmasambhava and Supratiṣṭha. 134. In addition to different accounts attributed to the Buddha himself, all the major Buddhist traditions have their own specific interpretations of the Buddha’s enlightenment. For summaries of the Buddha’s enlightenment according to the Vaibhāṣikas, Sautrāntikas, Mahāyāna, Yoga and Anuttara Yoga Tantras, see Mkhas grub rje, Rgyud sde spyi’ i rnam par gzhag pa rgyas par brjod, translated by Ferdinand Lessing and Alex Wayman, Introduction to Buddhist Tantric Systems (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1978), ­chapter 1. 135. The present sketch of these two paths provides only their basic schemes, but not full details as this will be done in the next two sections. 136. In Buddhist sources, the term pṛthagjana, normally translated as ‘ordinary person’, is mostly used to denote non-Buddhist believers and yoga practitioners. According to the Kośa, the pṛthagjana is the person who has not obtained the Buddhist path. The pṛthagjanas are also referred to as not-noble (anārya) or as outsiders (bāhyaka). The Kośa distinguishes two kinds of pṛthagjana: insider (ābhyantaraka) who is a Buddhist (bauddha) and in possession of the wholesome roots (kuśalamūla), and outsider (bāhyaka) who has severed the wholesome roots. Within the Buddhist tradition, the term pṛthagjana is also applied to the trainees (śaikṣa) prior to their entry into the path of vision, which eliminates the status of pṛthagjanatva and transforms them into noble persons (ārya). In other words, the transition from the mundane path to the transcendent path terminates the status of pṛthajana. Abhidharmakośa, II.119, 193; VI.173. 137. Normally there are three influxes (āsrava): sensual pleasures (kāma), becoming (bhava), and ignorance (avidyā). Some texts add views (dṛṣṭi) as a fourth influx. 138. Vinaya, III.4–6; Majjhima, I.22–23, 247–249; Aṅguttara, IV.177–179. 139. Jātakanidāna, 75–76. 140. Mahāvastu, I.131–133. 141. Mahāvastu, II.283–285. 142. Lalitavistara, 343–350. 143. Saṅghabhedavastu, 116–119. 144. For instance in Majjhima, I.482. 145. Aṅguttara, V.32–36; Yaśomitra, 641–642; MPP-Śāstra, III.1505–1566. 146. Abhidharmakośa, VII.108; MPP-Śāstra, III.1506–1509. 147. Nettippakaraṇa, §81–83; Abhidharmakośa, VI.282, 298. 148. MPP-Śāstra, III.1555–1559, IV.1815–1816; Abhidharmakośa, VII.98–112. 149. MPP-Śāstra, IV.1815–1816. 150. In the Majjhima, III.25–29, the Buddha describes Śāriputra’s enlightenment in an almost identical way. This version also occurs toward the end of the Ariyapariyesana, which is considered to be one of the oldest accounts of the Buddha’s life. Majjhima, I.174–175. 151. Aṅguttara, IV.438. 152. Abhidharmakośa, II.204–207, VI.230; Yaśomitra, 162; MPP-Śāstra, I.434–435; II.1035 n. 1.



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153. Majjhima, III.31, 62, 239, 240; Aṅguttara, I.176; Abhidharmakośa, I.49–51, 66. 154. Y. Karunadasa, Buddhist Analysis of Matter (Singapore:  Buddhist Research Society, 1989), 22, 23, 26. 155. Abhidhammasaṅgaha, VI, §3; Karunadasa, Buddhist Analysis of Matter, 14, 16–20, 24, 113; Y. Karunadasa, Y. The Theravāda Abhidhamma. Hong Kong: Centre of Buddhist Studies, 2010, 164–165; Abhidharmakośa, I.21–22, II.145–146, 230. 156. Visuddhimagga, XIV.36; Karunadasa, Buddhist Analysis of Matter, 31–41. 157. Abhidharmakośa, I.14, 63–64. 158. Abhidharmakośa, I.14, 18, 63–64; II.313–15; Abhidhammasaṅgaha, VI, §2–4; Karunadasa, Buddhist Analysis of Matter, 31–66. 159. Abhidharmakośa, I.25, II.144–145, 148. For the Theravāda treatment of the basic unit of matter, see Karunadasa, Buddhist Analysis of Matter, ­chapter 8. 160. Abhidharmakośa, I.24; Karunadasa, Buddhist Analysis of Matter, 12–14. 161. Abhidharmakośa, I.8, 49, 50, 51. For the Theravāda treatment of space, see Karunadasa, Buddhist Analysis of Matter, 16, 91–98. 162. Abhidharmakośa, I.30, 50–51, 58. 163. Abhidharmakośa, I.50. 164. Abhidharmakośa, I.14, 62–63, Siddhi, 193. 165. Dhammasaṅgaṇi, 583, 595; Karunadasa, Buddhist Analysis of Matter, 167–168. 166. Abhidharmakośa, I.53–54. 167. For full Abhidharma expositions of the ethical qualities of consciousness, see Abhidhammasaṅgaha, ­chapter  1; Visuddhimagga, XIV.81–110; Abhidharmakośa, I.16, 19, 30, 31–36, 58, 94, II.315–316, 319. 168. For a full exposition of the qualities of consciousness in the three spheres of existence, see Abhidhammasaṅgaha, ­chapter 1. 169. Abhidharmakośa, II.313–315. 170. Dhammasaṅgaṇi, 584, 1424; Karunadasa, Buddhist Analysis of Matter, 96. 171. Karunadasa, Buddhist Analysis of Matter, 31. 172. For full expositions of the fourfold origination of material phenomena, see Abhidhammasaṅgaha, VI, §9–§15; Visuddhimagga, XX.27–42. 173. The above summary of the mundane path, and its exposition that now follows, are based on Florin Deleanu’s edition and translation of the Śrāvakabhūmi’s chapter on the laukikamārga, as listed in the bibliography. Volume 1 contains a trilingual (Sanskrit, Tibetan, Chinese) edition, and volume 2 contains an English translation and a vast number of rich and erudite annotations. 174. Śrāvakabhūmi, I.318–326, II.446–453. 175. Śrāvakabhūmi, I.328–342, II.452–460. 176. According to the Abhidharmakośa, the asaṃjñā-samāpatti is practiced by non-Buddhists in the fourth dhyāna in order to attain deliverance (mokṣa), but it is falsely imagined as a state of true deliverance. As such this attainment is wholesome and produces as its retribution a rebirth among the unconscious gods in the Bṛhatphala plane. The Buddhists consider this attainment as impure (sāsrava) and a calamity. Abhidharmakośa, II.200–204. 177. Śrāvakabhūmi, I.342–344, II.460–461. According to the Abhidharmakośa, the nirodhasamāpatti is similar to the asaṃjñāsamāpatti, but it is different in terms of tranquility. It appertains to the pinnacle of existence (bhavāgra), that is it is penetrated by departing from the plane of neither perception nor non-perception. It is wholesome (kuśala) but not

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undetermined or stained. Its retribution occurs in the next or later existences. However, it can also have an undetermined retribution, because the person practicing it may gain the state of nirvāṇa in this very life. The non-Buddhists cannot produce this attainment, because they fear annihilation (uccheda), and because this attainment is gained only by the force of the noble path. Abhidharmakośa, II.203–204. 178. 1.  knowledge of magical power (ṛddhiviṣayajñāna), 2.  knowledge of divine ear (divyaśrotrajñāna), 3.  knowledge of reading the minds of other beings (paracittajñāna), 4. knowledge of recalling one’s previous existences (pūrvanivāsānusmṛtijñāna), 5. knowledge of divine eye (divyacakṣus). 179. The twelve perceptions are:  1.  lightness (laghu), 2.  softness (mṛdu), 3.  space (ākāśa), 4.  body-mind fusion (kāyacittasamādhāna), 5.  determination (adhimukti), 6.  recollection of one’s formerly experienced deeds (pūrvānubhūta-caryānukrama-anusmṛti), 7.  sound (śabda), 8.  characteristics of light (avabhāsarūpanimitta), 9.  changes in material bodies induced by defilements (kleśakṛtarūpavikāra), 10. eight liberations (vimokṣa), 11. eight bases of mastery (abhibhvāyatana), and 12. ten totalities (kṛtsnāyatana-saṃjñā). 180. Śrāvakabhūmi, I.345–348, II.462–463. 181. Śrāvakabhūmi, I.349–351, II.463–464. 182. Śrāvakabhūmi, I.351–352, II.464–465. 183. The Buddha displayed his command of the water and fire elements when he performed the miracle at Śrāvastī. Divyāvadāna, ­chapter 12. 184. According to the Parinibbāna-sutta, the Buddha’s funeral pyre ignited of itself. Dīgha, II.164. 185. Visuddhimagga, ­chapters 4 and 5; Śāstra III.1287–1289. 186. The Sarvāstivāda path is sketched in the previous section; for its full exposition, see Abhidharmakośa, ­chapter 6. For an exposition of the transcendent path in the Theravāda, see Visuddhimagga, ­chapter 22. 187. Aṅguttara, I, 10. 188. Pañcaviṃśati, 121–122. For insightful comments on this passage, see Haribhadra, Abhisa mayālaṃkārāloka, U. Wogihara, ed. Tokyo: Toyo Bunko, 1932-1935, 37–40. 189. Bhadrapāla, 169.5.4–170.4.2. 190. Laṅkāvatāra, 77–78. 191. Laṅkāvatāra, 220–224. 192. STT-Saṃgraha, 7–8. 193. Indrabhūti, Jñānasiddhi, 82. 194. Jamgon Kongtrul, The Treasury of Knowledge:  Systems of Buddhist Tantra, translated by Kalu Rinpoche Translation Group (Ithaca, NY:  Snow Lion Publications, 2005), pp. 36, 172. 195. Saṃvarodaya, 79–83; Shashi Bhushan Dasgupta, An Introduction to Tantric Buddhism (Berkeley and London: Shambhala, 1974), ­chapter 5. 196. Anaṅgavajra, Prajñopāyaviniścayasiddhi. In Two Vajrayāna Works, edited by Benoytosh Bhattacharyya, Gaekwad’s Oriental Series 44 (Baroda:  Oriental Institute, 1929), chapters II.29 and IV.17. For a set of definitions of bodhicitta, see ­chapter 2 of Guhyasamāja. See also Indrabhūti’s Jñānasiddhi. In Two Vajrayāna Works, edited by Benoytosh Bhattacharyya, Gaekwad’s Oriental Series 44 (Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1929), in particular pp. 82–84, where he quotes a number of sources.



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197. Hevajra, II.iv.32–35. 198. Anaṅgavajra, Prajñopāyaviniścayasiddhi, chapter IV.22–23; Lal Mani Joshi, Studies in the Buddhistic Culture of India (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1967), pp. 276‒278.

REFERENCES Abhidhammasaṅgaha. Bhikkhu Bodhi, General Editor. A Comprehensive Manual of Abhidhamma: The Abhidhammattha Saṅgaha of Anuruddha. Kandy: Buddhist Publication Society, 2007. Abhidharmakośa. Translated by Louis de La Vallée Poussin. L’Abhidharmakośa de Vasubandhu. 6 vols. Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1923–1931. Anaṅgavajra. Prajñopāyaviniścayasiddhi. In Two Vajrayāna Works. Edited by Benoytosh Bhattacharyya. Gaekwad’s Oriental Series 44. Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1929. Bergaigne, Abel. Vedic Religion. Translated by V. G.  Paranjpe. 4 vols. Delhi:  Motilal Banarsidass, 1978. Bhadrapāla. Bhadrapālaśreṣṭiparipṛcchā-sūtra. Tibetan Triptitaka, Peking Edition. Volume 24. Biardeau, Madeleine, and Charles Malamoud. Le Sacrifice dans l’Inde ancienne. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1976. Bodewitz, Hendrik Wilhelm. The Daily Evening and Morning Offering (Agnihotra) According to the Brāhmaṇas. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976. Reprinted in 2003. Bodewitz, Hendrik Wilhelm. Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa I, 1–65: Translation and Commentary, with a Study of Agnihotra and Prāṇāgnihotra. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1973. Bodewitz, Hendrik Wilhelm. “Yama’s Second Boon in the Kaṭha Upaniṣad.” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Sudasiens 29 (1985): 5–26. Byang-gter Homa. Tadeusz Skorupski. “The Cremation Ceremony According to the Byang-Gter Tradition.” Kailash 9/4 (1982): 361–376. Dasgupta, Shashi Bhushan. An Introduction to Tantric Buddhism. Berkeley and London: Shambhala, 1974. Dasgupta, Surendranath. A History of Indian Philosophy. Vol. 1. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1975. Divyāvadāna. Edited by E. B. Cowell and R. A. Neil. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1886. Dumont, P. E. L’Agnihotra: Description de l’agnihotra dans le rituel védique. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1939. Durgatipariśodhana. Edited and translated by Tadeusz Skorupski. The Sarvadurgatipariśodhana. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1983. Frauwallner, Eric. History of Indian Philosophy. Vol. 1. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1973. Gombrich, Richard. “Recovering the Buddha’s Message.” In Tadeusz Skorupski, ed., The Buddhist Forum I, pp. 5–20. London: SOAS, University of London, 1990. Guhyasamāja Tantra. Edited by Benoytosh Bhattacharya. Gaekwad’s Oriental Series 53. Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1931. Haribhadra, Abhisamayālaṃkārāloka. Edited by U. Wogihara. Tokyo: Toyo Bunko, 1932–1935, Hevajra Tantra. Edited and translated by D. L.  Snellgrove. The Hevajra Tantra. 2 vols. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1959. Hume, Robert Ernest. The Thirteen Principal Upanishads. London: Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press, 1934.

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Indrabhūti. Jñānasiddhi: In Two Vajrayāna Works. Edited by Benoytosh Bhattacharyya. Gaekwad’s Oriental Series 44. Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1929. Itivuttaka. Translated by F. L.  Woodward. The Minor Anthologies of the Pali Canon. London: Geoffrey Cumberlege, Oxford University Press, 1948. Jātakanidāna. (= Nidānakathā). Jātaka together with its Commentary. Vol. 1. Edited by Viggo Fausböll. London: Trubner, 1877. Joshi, Lal Mani. Studies in the Buddhistic Culture of India. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1967. Jyotirmañjarī. Translated by Tadeusz Skorupski. “Jyotirmañjarī of Abhayākaragupta.” In Tadeusz Skorupski, ed., The Buddhist Forum VI, pp. 183–221. Tring: Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2001. Karunadasa, Y. Buddhist Analysis of Matter. Singapore: Buddhist Research Society, 1989. Karunadasa, Y. The Theravāda Abhidhamma. Hong Kong: Centre of Buddhist Studies, 2010. Keith, Arthur Berriedale. The Religion and Philosophy of the Veda and Upanishads. Harvard Oriental Series 31–32. Cambridge, MA:  Harvard University Press, 1925. Reprinted in Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1976. Kongtrul, Jamgon. The Treasury of Knowledge: Systems of Buddhist Tantra. Translated by Kalu Rinpoche Translation Group. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion Publications, 2005. Kriyāsaṃgraha. Abridged version by Tadeusz Skorupski. Kriyāsaṃgraha:  Compendium of Buddhist Rituals. Tring: Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2002. Lalitavistara. Edited by Salomon Lefmann. Lalita Vistara: Leben und Lehre des Śākya-Buddha. Halle an der Saale: Verlag der Buchhandlung des Waisenhauses, 1902. Lang, Karen. “Meditation as a Tool For Deconstructing the Phenomenal World.” In Tadeusz Skorupski and Ulrich Pagel, eds., The Buddhist Forum III, pp. 143–159. London:  SOAS, University of London, 1994. Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra. Edited by Bunyu Nanjo. Kyoto: Otani University Press, 1923. Lévi, Silvain. La Doctrine du sacrifice dans les Brāhmaṇas. Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1898. Mahā-Vairocana-Abhisaṃbodhi. Translated by Stephen Hodge. The Mahā-VairocanaAbhisaṃbodhi Tantra. London: Routledge-Curzon, 2003. Mahāvastu. Edited by Émile Senart. 3 vols. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1882–1897. Malalasekera, Gunapala Piyasena. Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names. 2 vols. London: Luzac & Company Ltd, 1960. Mañjūśrīmūlakalpa. Partial translation by Ariane Macdonald. Le Maṇḍala du Mañjuśrīmūlakalpa. Paris: Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1962. Milindapañha. Edited by Victor Trenckner. The Milindapañho. London:  Royal Asiatic Society, 1928. Mkhas grub rje. Rgyud sde spyi’ i rnam par gzhag pa rgyas par brjod. Translated by Ferdinand Lessing and Alex Wayman. Introduction to Buddhist Tantric Systems. Delhi:  Motilal Banarsidass, 1978. MPP-Śāstra. Translated by Etienne Lamotte. Le Traité de la Grande Vertu de Sagesse de Nāgārjuna (Mahāprajñāpāramitāśāstra). Vols. 1‒5. Louvain: Institut Orientaliste, 1944–1980. Nettipppakaraṇa. Translated by Bhikkhu Ñāṇamoli. The Guide (Netti-ppakaraṇa) According to Kaccāna Thera. London: Pali Text Society, 1977. Niṣpannayogāvali. Edited by Benoytosh Bhattacharya. Gaekwad’s Oriental Series 109. Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1972.



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Olivelle, Patrick. Upaniṣads. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. Pañcaviṃśati. Edited by Nalinaksha Dutt. Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā. London: Luzac & Co., 1934. Paṭisambhidāmagga. Translated by Bhikkhu Ñāṇamoli. Oxford: Pali Text Society, 1991. Radhakrishnan, Servepalli. The Principal Upaniṣads. London:  George Allen and Unwin, 1974. Renou, Louis, and Jean Filliozat. L’Inde classique:  Manuel des études indiennes. 2 vols. Paris: Adrien Maisonneuve, 1985. Saṃvarodaya. Edited and translated by Shinichi Tsuda. The Saṃvarodaya Tantra:  Selected Chapters. Tokyo: Hokuseido Press, 1974. Saṅghabhedavastu. Edited by Raniero Gnoli. Part I.  The Gilgit Manuscript of the Saṅghabhedavastu. Rome: IsMEO, 1977. Śatapatha. Translated by Julius Eggeling. The Śatapatha-Brāhmaṇa. 5 vols. Sacred Books of the East, vols. 12, 26, 41, 43, 44. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1882–1900. Reprinted in Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1988. Siddhi, Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi. Translated and annotated by Louis de La Vallée Poussin. La Siddhi de Hiuan-tsang. Vols. 1‒2. Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1928–1929. Skorupski, Tadeusz. “Tibetan Homa Rites According to the gTer ma Tradition.” The Tibet Journal 20/4 (1995): 2–46. Śrāvakabhūmi. Edited and translated by Florin Deleanu. The Chapter on the Mundane Path (Laukikamārga) in the Śrāvakabhūmi. 2 vols. Tokyo:  International Institute for Buddhist Studies, 2006. Staal, Frits, ed. Agni:  The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar. 2 vols. Berkeley, CA:  Asian Humanities, 1983. Strickmann, Michael. “Homa in East Asia.” In Frits Staal, ed., Agni: The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar, vol. 2, pp. 418–455. Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities, 1983. STT-Saṃgraha. Sarvatathāgatatattvasaṃgraha Nāma Mahāyāna Sūtra:  A  Critical Edition Based on a Sanskrit Manuscript and Chinese and Tibetan Translations. Edited by Isshi Yamada. New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan, 1981. Vajrāvalī. Edited by Masahide Mori. Vajrāvalī of Abhayākaragupta:  Edition of Sanskrit and Tibetan Versions. 2 vols. Tring: Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2009. Vinaya. Edited by Hermann Oldenberg. The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ:  One of the Principal Buddhist Holy Scriptures in the Pāli Language. Vol. 3. London: Williams and Norgate, 1881. Visuddhimagga. Translated by Bhikkhu Ñānamoli. The Path of Purification (Visuddhimagga) by Buddhaghosa. Kandy: Buddhist Publication Society, 1979. Vīryavajra. Ratnamālā:  Saṃpuṭa-tantrarāja-ṭīkā. In The Tibetan Tripitaka. Pekin Edition. Volume 55, 1a-121b. Tokyo: Tibetan Tripitaka Research Institute, 1957. Yaśomitra. Sphuṭārthā: Abhidharmakośavyākhyā by Yaśomitra. Edited by Unrai Wogihara. 2 vols. Tokyo: Publishing Association of Abhidharmakośavyākhyā, 1932–1936.

The Structure of Japanese Buddhist Homa Musashi Tachikawa

i The Sacred and the Profane The understanding of religion I continue to find most useful is that it is a form of purposeful action performed with consciousness of the distinction between the sacred and the profane. The distinction between sacred and profane will be familiar to most readers as that of the late Professor Mircea Eliade.1 Although this fundamental idea has been critiqued by various authors in the years since Eliade’s productive life, I continue to find it heuristically useful for analyzing the ritual process. Against the background of this fundamental distinction between sacred and profane, religious activity may be broadly divided into two kinds, according to the intended goal. One is that which takes as its goal the spiritual well-being of the individual; the second is that which has the purpose of enabling the group or society to operate smoothly.2 Examples of the latter include the Vedic homa, as well as various festivals, funeral rites, and so on. While religious activity intended to benefit the individual is frequently performed by those individuals themselves, it is not limited to activities performed alone. Group religious activity is supported by the group, as in the case of Vedic homas, but it is common for individual religious activity to also be included. For example, the acts performed by saints for their own spiritual salvation become the kernel for a festival held as a group religious activity of the followers or devotees of such saints. Japanese Buddhist homa is another example in which the two types of religious activities—those intended to benefit an individual and those undertaken for the benefit of a social group—are synthesized. Individual and group religious activities are relatively clearly divided in both Buddhism and Hinduism. Religious activity centered on an individual’s efforts to 126



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escape from transmigration in the world of ignorance (Skt. saṃsāra) and which aims at the attainment of spiritual beatitude (Skt. niḥśreyasa) is accomplished by those who have renounced household life. Originally, Buddhist practice was done by groups of such renunciants, and acts for extinguishing afflicting passions and attaining nirvāṇa were only possible for monks who had abandoned both their own family life and the social life of their community. Hinduism provided different laws (dharma) for those who had families and maintained positions within the society and nation, as opposed to those who renounced household life (Skt. saṃnyāsin).3 Marriage and criminal and commercial laws were not necessary for those who renounced worldly life in order to endeavor in individual religious activity. Especially in India, a distinction was drawn between those who sought emancipation (Skt. mokṣa) from the world of transmigration and those who sought such worldly benefits (Skt. bhoga) as honor, power, wealth, or magical powers (Skt. siddhi).4 With regard to individual religious action, the sacred is represented by what is lofty and pure: Buddha, god, enlightenment, salvation, and so on. With regard to group religious activity, it indicates what is set apart from ordinary life, including not only deities and saints but also corpses, spirits of the dead, holy days, sacred sites, and so on. In terms of individual religious activity, the profane, variously identified as unenlightened human existence, ignorance, mental defilements, and so on, is what is to be negated through religious cultivation. In terms of group religious activity, the profane is everyday life: living persons, ordinary daily activities, ordinary houses, and so on. Thus, the meaning of sacred and profane differs depending on the category of religious activity. Buddhist homa has aspects of both individual religious activity and group religious activity, and accordingly the concepts of sacred and profane possess double meanings in regard to it. Tibetan Buddhist funerals often employ a homa rite, in which the corpse is regarded as the offering material for the fire god Agni and for the Buddha. Here, the corpse is not merely something that is impure or polluted; by means of the transformative function of the homa fire, it becomes something sacred. Individual Religious Activity and Group Religious Activity The difference between individual religious activity and group religious activity may be illustrated in fi ­ gures 1, 2, and 3. The illustrations and much of the material in this section are taken from my previous discussion of this analysis in relation to Indian ritual practices.5 Figure 1 shows three configurations of three rectangles. The rectangle placed above represents the realm of the sacred; the two below symbolize the realm of the profane. Before homa begins, the practitioner of Japanese homa purifies his body and mind, as well as the utensils to be used in the ritual, so that he can participate in the ritual. This

The Sacred and the Profane in individual religious activity (a)

(b)

(c) pure the Sacred pure

the Profane impure

impure

Figure 1

The Unity of the Sacred and the Profane the Sacred pure

the Profane impure

Figure 2

The Sacred and the Profane in group religious activity action unaccomplished (a)

(b)

action accomplished (c)

(d) the Sacred

the Profane

Figure 3



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signifies that the homa is to be performed in the realm of the sacred. Thus, in this way, when the profane begins to move toward the sacred (1a), the sacred has yet to manifest itself to the profane in an apprehensible way, and there is only a mediating connection directed from the profane to the sacred (1a). In Buddhist homa, the practitioner meditates upon the central deity of the homa. He adopts an attitude of what might be considered to be a kind of bhakti (devotion)6 toward the deity, though in the tantric context such meditation leads to ritual unification (a visualized identity of the deity evoked in the ritual and the practitioner), which is distinct from the kind of dualism common to most devotional attitudes. At the moment there is a manifestation of the sacred, a mediating connection directed from the sacred to the profane appears (1b). After the sacred has become manifest, there simultaneously exists a mediating connection directed as before from the profane to the sacred and also another from the sacred to the profane. Hence, as seen in ­figure 1c, from the moment after reaching stage b, two vectors possessing different directions are present. That is, even after the performance of the homa ritual, the effect of the negation of mental defilements remains in the mind of the practitioner. In 1a and 1c, the upward arrow is slanted; this indicates that the mediating connection includes temporal succession. In 1b and 1c, the downward arrow is vertical; this expresses the temporal immediacy of the connection. However, in Buddhism, particularly Mahāyāna Buddhism, it is more accurate for the rectangles indicating the sacred and the profane to overlap, as in ­figure 2, to express the sacredness that is immanent in the profane. By this notion of the immanence of the sacred in the profane, I refer to the philosophical teachings of Nāgārjuna, in which the cycle of birth and death (Skt. saṃsāra) is said to be identical with the state of release from the illusion of independent existence (Skt. nirvāṇa).7 On the other hand, in religious practices in which group rituals provide the mediating connection, the profane, which is a state without tension or impurity, needs no purification or consecration rituals.8 These are ordinary states in which there are no occasions for tension, such as death, marriage, or festivals (­figure 3a). However, once an event such as a relative’s death occurs, the ordinary state of the profane is transformed into a sacred state, and tension arises. In other words, the sacred state has become impure through the extraordinary event of death. Indeed, in individual religious activities such as yoga and bhakti (devotion), the sacred is associated with the pure and the profane with the impure, but in the case of a group religious activity, such as a funeral, the impure (i.e., death) is contained within in the realm of the sacred. By this we understand that the sacred has the power to give rise to awe (­figure 3b), in the sense identified by Rudolf Otto.9 Once a number of days have passed after death, the impure state that has arisen is purified through the power of the rituals (3b). Here, the direction of the vector from the impure to the pure becomes unnecessary and disappears. The vector that has ceased to possess direction becomes a directionless quantity; in terms of religious cultivation, it is powerless and must vanish. Hence, the medium that has lost the direction from the

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impure to the pure cannot sustain itself. In this way, in place of a sacred state that had harbored the tension between the impure and the pure, the ordinary profane state arises again (3a). This condition continues until another event, such as a life crisis, requiring ritual resolution occurs, or until a specified day set aside to mark a life-process transition or a calendric rite. In this form of religious activity, those who actively participate in a rite do so according to the customs of the group to which they belong; their own daily life (the individual’s realm of the profane) is neither reflected on nor negated. Here the movement from the profane to the sacred does not occur through the negation of the subjective self, as we might describe individual practice in a Buddhist context, but arises through an outside event in which sacred time, place, and event are specified. In this case, the vector is directed only within the sacred (e.g., from the impure to another direction of the sacred, that is, the pure) and not from the profane to the sacred. In the realm of sacred group religious activity some action is accomplished. The action may be an offering made to a deity, or the celebration of someone’s birth, or the announcement of a newly married couple. In every case, the direction from an unaccomplished action to an accomplished action is seen. The important point of group religious activity is that some kind of purposeful action is carried out in the realm of the sacred, an action that reestablishes an appropriate balance for the group following the events. In Tibet the funeral of a dead monk is often referred to as a “homa.”10 Similarly, Richard H.  Davis has described the funerary use of homa rituals for cremating a deceased adherent found in the medieval Śaiva-siddhānta school.11 This implies that in such cases, funerals, specifically those in which the corpse is ritually cremated, and homa have a common structure, despite the fact that a funeral and homa are usually different kinds of rituals. Funerals aim to mark the passage of the dead to the other world after the deceased’s body or soul has been purified or consecrated. On the other hand, the purpose of Vedic homa is to give offerings to the fire god Agni, and similarly in Buddhist homas offerings are made to a variety of different chief deities (honzon 本尊), usually including Agni (Katen 火天). In the case of the Vedic homa, a kind of group religious activity, the direction from the impure to the pure in the realm of the sacred is not so clearly seen as it is in the case of a funeral. These two forms of religious activity—individual and group—are the original forms of the structure of religion, and almost all religions possess them together as two aspects. How these two forms coexist differs according to the specific religion. The two are held in balance in tantric forms of religion, both Buddhist and Hindu. In tantrism, the first form—individual subjective cultivation—is in many cases combined with group religious activity, as seen in the homa ritual. At the same time, from the second form of religion that involves the religious activities of a group—ancient initiation ceremonies, sexual rituals, blood and bone rituals, shamanism, and so on—elements of individual religious practice are absorbed into the organized doctrinal system and have in some cases come to be regarded as internalized rituals.12 For example, individual religious practice for obtaining spiritual beatitude is combined with Vedic homas, which are



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so-called group activities. From this point of view, we will examine the structure of the Japanese homa ritual.13

Internalization of Homa The Vedic homa ritual, a kind of collective religious activity, was incorporated into the system of Buddhist tantrism and interpreted in such a way that it was given an element of individual activity. As seen in Buddhist homas, integrating the meaning of individual religious activity into collective religious activity can be called the internalization or spiritualization of ritual. Internal or spiritual reinterpretations of ritual are not the sole province of Buddhism, of course. We find a similar process at work in the Hindu scripture, the Bhagavadgītā, the present form of which was formed in the second century c.e. In this text, Vedic rituals, which had been spiritualized, now form a part of bhakti worship for Viṣṇu in his manifestation as Kṛṣṇa. In contrast to ritual sacrifice, the Gītā offers a concept of sacrifice embracing all actions done in fulfillment of one’s svadharma (one’s own personal set of duties) and without attachment to their fruits.14 The Vairocana-sūtra (T. 848), a Buddhist tantric scripture, likely composed in the seventh century, refers to about forty kinds of homa rites.15 At that time various kinds of homas were already being performed among Indian Buddhist tantrists. The Vairocana-sūtra tells us that among Buddhists homas were performed in order to attain secular goals, such as the cure of illness or the acquisition of longevity. However, from a spiritual perspective, the main purpose of the Buddhist homa ritual is to obtain spiritual beatitude. As described in the Vairocana-sūtra, there are two kinds of Buddhist homas: outer homa (bāhyahoma), in which actual offerings are burned in a ritual fire; and inner homa (antarhoma), in which the practitioner’s mental defilements are burned or destroyed by his or her own mental or inner fire. The sutra says: Obstacles to wisdom unborn, the Wind-parched Fire is able to extinguish. It burns away false differentiation and accomplishes the pure bodhi-mind. This is called internal homa, and it has been taught for bodhisattvas.16 In the early ninth century, Kūkai introduced Buddhist homa from China into Japan, and since then it has been performed in Japanese temples of the Shingon and Tendai sects. Homas are also performed in the Shugen school, which has the element of mountain religions.17 Homas were introduced into Tibet and Tibetan Buddhists continue to perform homas in various regions such as North India and Nepal. Newar Buddhists in the

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Kathmandu Valley often perform homas according to texts written in Sanskrit and Newari.18 The type of homa found in Japan seems to have kept elements of the oldest homa rites. Homa texts were introduced to Japan in the early ninth century, and while these homa texts have changed over the centuries, the basic structure of the Japanese homa ritual seems not to have changed much. It could be supposed that Japanese tantric priests who perform homas have continued to closely adhere to models found in the ancient homa tradition. Homa and Pūjā Homa and pūjā (offering service) are originally different rituals. Homa is the ritual of throwing offering materials into fire, which is understood to be an incarnate form of the fire god Agni, who then takes the offerings to deities residing in heaven. Pūjā is the action of venerating a deity or deities, and since making an offering to the deity is indispensable in the pūjā rite, it can be considered a form of votive offering. The offering need not be material: even the mind of the devotee may be given as an offering in pūjā. The most elaborate form of Hindu pūjā is called the “Pūjā in Sixteen Steps” (ṣodaśopacāra-pūjā).19 In the following description, the numbers of the sixteen steps of the ritual are given in parentheses. The first step of the offering service is to (1) evoke (āvāhana) the deity to whom offerings are to be made, and (2)  offer the deity a seat (āsana). The deity is then offered various items such as three kinds of waters: (3) to wash the feet of the deity (pādya), (4) scented water (arghya), and (5) water for rinsing the mouth (ācamanīya). Then (6) the image of the deity is bathed (snāna); this is the most complex part of the ritual, involving nine different steps. The bathing is performed using the five ambrosias (pañcāmṛta): milk, curds, ghee, honey, and sugar; then fragrant water, yellow and red powders, flowers, and light are offered; finally, the image is consecrated (abhiṣeka) with water. Next, (7, 8) the deity is given two garments (vastra and upavastra), (9)  fragrant materials (gandha), (10) flowers (puṣpa), (11) incense (dhūpa), (12) a lamp (dīpa) and fragrance (gandha), and (13) treated to food (naivedya). The image of the deity is then (14) circumambulated (pardakṣiṇā), (15) saluted (namaskāra), and (16) again offered flowers together with a mantra (mantrapuṣpa). At this final step of the rite the deity is seen off (visarjana). Offering services similar to the “Pūjā in Sixteen Steps” were introduced into Japan and continue to be performed there to the present day. Bathing of deity’s image (snāna) is the most important of the sixteen steps of this pūjā. Judging from the contents of Japanese homa texts, we know that the Japanese homa ritual has been performed in the same ritual framework as that of pūjā. In Vedic homa rituals, no statues or images are used, while in pūjā rituals images are almost always employed. Similarly, Japanese homas are usually performed in front of a statue of Acalanātha Vidyarāja (Fudō Myōō 不動明王), and images of deities such as Agni (Katen 火天), Trailokyavijaya (Gōzanze 降三世), and Vairocana (Dainichi 大日)



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play essential roles in Japanese homa rituals. The main reason for this seems to be that Buddhist homas have incorporated the tradition of sādhana (visualization) into its own system. In the sādhana practice that aims at the union of the practitioner with the deity that has been evoked and has become manifest in front of him, the visualized image of the deity must be quite vivid and clear. Preliminary Ritual of Homa Generally speaking, the Japanese homa ritual may be divided into two parts: preliminary and main. The first step of the preliminary stage is to consecrate the priest or practitioner, the ritual paraphernalia, and the place of the ritual. As mentioned above, before entering the homa hall, the practitioner washes his hands, rinses his mouth, and changes clothes, in this way purifying his mind and body. The practitioner then proceeds to the homa hall, identifying himself with Vajrasattva Bodhisattva (Kongōsatta bosatsu 金剛薩埵菩薩) and imagining himself walking on lotus flowers. Having entered the hall, he takes a seat in front of the altar. Japanese homa is usually performed by only one priest, although in some cases other priests may attend the main officiating priest. Consecration of the Mind and Body of the Practitioner As soon as the practitioner has seated himself, he mentally produces a white moon disc in his mind. Next he imagines an eight-petaled lotus on the disc, and the letter Hūṃ in Siddham script resting on the lotus. Then the letter is seen to transform itself into a vajra, which symbolizes the primordial energy of activities in Buddhist tantrism. Sending forth light in every direction, the vajra purifies the three secrets, that is, three kinds of activities of the practitioner:  bodily (kāya), verbal (vāk), and mental (citta) activities. Before this sanctification of the three secrets is done, the activities of one’s body, speech, and mind are considered to be rather impure or profane. Through the light of the vajra, they are consecrated and obtain a high degree of purity. Although the perfect purity of the three secrets has not yet been obtained at this stage, the process of consecration is a typical form of individual religious activity enacted to purify previously impure activities. According to exoteric, or non-tantric, Buddhism, bodily, verbal, and mental activities are impure and profane, obstacles in the way of obtaining ultimate beatitude (nirvāṇa, nehan 涅槃). They are therefore to be negated in order to attain enlightenment. In Buddhist tantrism, however, the three kinds of activities are considered to be inherently pure and sacred. Priests who participate in Vedic homa are supposed to purify themselves by washing their bodies, rinsing their mouths, and so on. But the purification rite to negate mental

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defilements or activities of the priest performing the ritual is not found in these rituals. In the Indian system, human activities were not considered to be something negative. Purification of the Practitioner by Means of Water In Vedic homas, the priests, offering materials, and ritual utensils are consecrated by holy water called praṇītā. In the case of the Japanese Acala Homa also, the priest uses water that has been consecrated by a mantra to purify himself and the offering materials. While sprinkling the sacred water upon himself and the offering materials, the priest meditates on the letter Vaṃ and addresses Vairocana as follows: I shall wash away various kinds of useless speech By pouring the water of compassion symbolized by the letter Vaṃ of Vairocana On the earth of bodhicitta (the mind that aspires for enlightenment) of all people and myself. Here we see a kind of individual religious action that attempts to move from the world of confusion to enlightenment. Purification of the Fire Altar Next the fire altar is consecrated. In Japanese Buddhist temples a metal basin or bowl is used as the fire altar. Reciting a mantra, the priest rubs the rosary held in his left hand with the vajra in the right hand, and by this action the fire altar is empowered. Declaration of Performance and Purpose The priest declares his intention to perform homa. Such an announcement is made in Vedic homas as well as in Hindu pūjās. Sacred Water After the declaration of performance of the ritual, the priest offers the sacred water called aka (閼伽), deriving from the Sanskrit word arghya or argha. As described above, in Hindu pūjā there are three kinds of water: (1) the water for washing the feet of the evoked deity (pādya), (2) the sacred water (arghya) to be placed in front of the image of the deity, and (3) the water for rinsing the mouth of the deity (ācamanīya). The three types of water are offered in this order. In the Japanese Acala Homa rite, however, the aka (i.e., arghya) water is used to wash the feet of the deity.20 Here we should recall that there are only two (not three) arghya water pots in the Japanese homa altar. The three types of water seem not to have been



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clearly distinguished in Japanese homa. Purification of the feet of the deity by means of water is done as follows: taking up one of the two arghya water pots, the priest holds the pot in his right hand and the lid in his left hand. Then he meditates as described in the following verse and lets several drops of water fall onto the wooden altar. Just as a drop of water, becoming an ocean, Flowing into all the lands of buddhas, Washes the pure feet of buddhas and holy ones, Practitioners should wash away the dirt and sin of All kinds of mental defilements, And the three kinds of activities of them, that is, Bodily, verbal, and mental activities, should be purified.21 Offering of Five Offering Materials The practitioner then offers perfumed powder (gandha), flowers, incense, cooked rice (naivedya), and a lamp. The offerings are made twice; the second time the offering is done symbolically. Visualization of Deities Eulogy of Deities Visualization of the deities appearing in the homa begins in the form of a eulogy of the deities. First the practitioner makes the vajrāñjali (kongō gasshō 金剛合掌) mudrā and recites the “Hymn (mantra) in Praise of Four Wisdoms of Tathāgatas” (Akṣobhya, Ashuku 阿閦; Ratnasambhava, Hōshō 寳生; Amitābha, Amida 阿弥陀; Amoghasiddhi, Fukūjōju 不空成就). Vairocana’s name was already mentioned in the rite of the priest’s self-purification. The above-mentioned four Tathāgatas and Vairocana form the central part of the Vajradhātu Maṇḍala (Kongōkai Mandara 金剛界曼荼羅). Next the practitioner recites a short mantra in praise of Acala, the central deity of the homa. After reciting the mantras, the practitioner claps once. Permeation of the Offerings The practitioner visualizes the offerings such as flowers, incense, and the like as permeating the buddha lands. Here the result of the universal offering is observed. Then various mantras of a number of deities are recited.

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Union with the Central Deity The practitioner then makes the gesture (mudrā) of Amitābha meditation and meditates as follows: I myself, becoming the central deity, sit on a full-moon disc. Surrounded by a number of deities, I become not different from the central deity.22 Empowerment of the Central Deity While making the sword gesture, the practitioner empowers the central deity by reciting the large mantra: (Jp.) noumaku samanda bazara dansenda makaroshada sowataya un tarata kan man; (Skt.) namaḥ samantavajrāṇāṃ caṇḍamahāroṣaṇa sphotaya hūṃ traṭ hāṃ māṃ (Salutation to all Vajra Family deities. Caṇḍamahāroṣaṇa. Shine. hūṃ traṭ  hāṃ māṃ).23 Meditation on Deities (Sādhana) The practitioner takes up the rosary and recites a mantra: (Jp.) on bazaragukiya jaha sanmaei un; (Skt.) oṃ vajraguhya-jāpa-samaye hūṃ (Oṃ, at the time of the recitation of the secret of vajra). Through the letters of the mantra, he has a kind of interrelationship with the deity. A series of letters come out from the mouth of the deity, and having entered the top of the head of the practitioner, reach the heart of the practitioner. The letters are found in a circle clockwise. On the other hand, the mantra letters, which have come out of the mouth of the practitioner, enter the navel of the deity and are arranged in a circle counterclockwise on the moon disc of the deity’s mind.24 Such arrangements of mantra letters are common in sādhana texts of Indian and Tibetan Buddhist Tantrism.25 Empowering of the Goddess Locanā Next the goddess Locanā, who is believed to have the power of the divine eye, is empowered. Especially the eyes and eyebrows and the buddha-eye of the practitioner



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are consecrated, in a kind of imposition of the deity or deities on various kinds of parts of the body (nyāsa). Now that the sacred energy around the practitioner has been filled up, the practitioner prepares himself to meditate on the deities appearing in the homa. Recitations of the Mantras of the Deities After the empowerment of the goddess Locanā, the mantras of various deities are recited. Meanwhile, the practitioner keeps count on the beads of the rosary (Skt. mālā; Jp. ojuzu) that he holds in both hands. This completes the preliminary ritual of Acala Homa. The Main Ritual of Homa Now the fire offering, which is the main event, as it were, of Japanese homa, begins. This is done in the following five parts: 1. Offerings to the fire god Agni, 2. Offerings to Trailokyavijaya, 3. Offerings to the main deity, Acala, 4. Offerings to the thirty-seven deities belonging to the Vajradhātu Maṇḍala, 5. Offerings to the guardians of the ten directions. The scope of this chapter, however, does not allow for a complete description of the main ritual.26 Conclusion The Japanese Buddhist homa is a ritual in which individual religious activity and group religious activity are synthesized. Not only in Japanese Buddhist homas but also in Buddhist homas as practiced in other countries the meaning of individual religious activity is integrated into collective religious activity through the internalization or spiritualization of the ritual. The Japanese homa ritual is comprised of two parts: the preliminary ritual and the main ritual. We have seen that the former takes the form of pūjā. Indeed, we can say that the entire Japanese homa ritual is performed within the framework of pūjā. The last part of the preliminary ritual of Japanese homa has a strong element of visualization (sādhana), which is essentially different from pūjā. In tantrism, however, pūjā and sādhana are often performed together, and in the Japanese Buddhist homa sādhana is performed in the form of pūjā.

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Notes 1. See, e.g., Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane:  The Nature of Religion (Orlando, FL: Harcourt, 1959). 2. I  employ here the long-standing anthropological theory known as “functionalism.” Although originally offered as a comprehensive explanatory theory, I  find it inadequate and therefore complement it with a focus on individual well-being. 3. See Gavin Flood, An Introduction to Hinduism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 13, where the author traces the character of this distinction in Hindu society back to Louis Dumont. 4. Flood, An Introduction to Hinduism, p. 155. 5. Musashi Tachikawa, “Preface,” in Musashi Tachikawa, Shoun Hino, and Lalita Deodhar, Pūjā and Saṃskāra (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 2001), pp. v–ix. 6. Given the centrality of bhakti as a concept for so much of Indian religion, while it is seemingly a simple idea—“devotion to a personal deity”—in fact bhakti is a complex and highly nuanced religious category. For a discussion of the development of the idea, see Karen Penchilis Prentiss, The Embodiment of Bhakti (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). 7. See, e.g., Jay L.  Garfield, The Fundamental Wisdom of the Middle Way:  Nāgārjuna’s Mūlamadhyamakakārikā (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 101. 8. For example, in the case of the New Moon and Full Moon Sacrifice rites priests are unconsecrated or profane (laukika) before they actually participate in the ritual, and they must be consecrated before they can participate in the ritual. In other words, they must to have the qualification of being Vedic (vaidika). The ritual paraphernalia is also consecrated so that it can be employed in the homa rite. The consecration is usually accomplished by means of a mantra or sacred water (praṇītā). As for the sacred water used in the New Moon and Full Moon Sacrifice rites, see Musashi Tachikawa, Shrikant Bahulkar, and Madhavi Kolhatkar, Indian Fire Ritual (Delhi: Motial Banarsidass, 2001), p. 67. 9. Following on Friedrich D.  Schleiermacher’s emphasis on the centrality of experience, Rudolf Otto coins the phrase mysterium tremendum to describe the ambivalent character of religious awe as both fear-inducing and awe-inspiring. See Rudolf Otto, The Idea of the Holy, 2nd ed. (London: Oxford University Press, 1950), p. 13. 10. According to Michael Witzel, a funeral is often considered an offering ritual to the Buddha among the Newar Buddhists in the Kathmandu Valley. 11. Richard H. Davis, “Cremation and Liberation: The Revision of a Hindu Ritual,” History of Religions 28/1 (August 1988): 37–53. 12. See Geoffrey Samuel, The Origins of Yoga and Tantra: Indic Religions to the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge:  Cambridge University Press, 2008), p.  255. For a study specifically of internal practices in the nondualist tradition of Śaivism from Kaśmir, see Lilian Silburn, Kuṇḍalinī: The Energy of the Depths (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988). 13. The material up to this point in the chapter was based upon the Preface by Musashi Tachikawa, Shoun Hino, and Lalita Deodhar, Pūjā and Saṅskāra (Delhi: Motial Banarsidass, 2001), pp. v–ix. 14. R. N.  Dandekar, “Moksha:  The Fourth End of Man,” in Sources of Indian Tradition, vol. 1, From the Beginning to 1800, 2nd ed., edited by Ainslie T. Embree (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), p. 279.



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15. Rolf W. Giebel, trans., The Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi Sutra (Berkeley, CA: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2005), pp. 213–217. 16. Giebel, The Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi Sutra, p. 217. 17. In the Shugen school, the fire is constructed outdoors and is known as saitō-goma (柴燈護摩). Its role in Shugen is discussed by Carmen Blacker in The Catalpa Bow: A Study in Shamanistic Practices in Japan (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1975), passim. See also, Payne, “Fire on the Mountain,” in this volume. 18. See the chapter by Todd Lewis and Naresh Bajracarya, “Newar Buddhist Homa Ritual Traditions,” in this volume. 19. As for the structure of the “Pūjā in Sixteen Steps,” see Tachikawa, Hino, and Deodhar, Pūjā and Saṅskāra, p. 8. 20. Raiei Ueno, Hudōgoma Shiki (Kyoto: Chishakuin Temple, 1963), p. 54. 21. Ueno, Hudōgoma Shiki, p. 54. Excerpt translated by Musashi Tachikawa. 22. Ueno, Hudōgoma Shiki, p. 69. Excerpt translated by Musashi Tachikawa. 23. For all the mantras used in the Japanese homa, see Richard K. Payne, The Tantric Ritual of Japan. Feeding the Gods: The Shingon Fire Ritual (Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture and Aditya Prakashan, 1991), pp. 322–331. 24. Ueno, Hudōgoma Shiki, p. 75. Excerpt translated by Musashi Tachikawa. 25. Cf. Benoytosh Bhattacharya, Sādhanamālā, vol. 1 (Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1968), pp. 103, 118. 26. For the order of the rites of the Japanese homa, I have followed Ueno, Hudōgoma Shiki, which describes the homa of the Chisan Shingon school.

REFERENCES Bhattacharya, Benoytosh. Sādhanamālā. Vol. 1. Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1968. Blacker, Carmen. The Catalpa Bow: A Study in Shamanistic Practices in Japan. London: George Allen and Unwin, 1975. Dandekar, R. N. “Moksha: The Fourth End of Man.” In Ainslie T. Embree, ed. Sources of Indian Tradition, vol. 1, From the Beginning to 1800, 2nd ed., pp. 274‒341. New York: Columbia University Press, 1988. Davis, Richard H. “Cremation and Liberation:  The Revision of a Hindu Ritual.” History of Religions 28/1 (August 1988): 37–53. Eliade, Mircea. The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion. Trans. Willard R. Trask. Orlando, FL: Harcourt, 1959. Flood, Gavin. An Introduction to Hinduism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Garfield, Jay L. The Fundamental Wisdom of the Middle Way:  Nāgārjuna’s Mūlamadhyamakakārikā. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995. Giebel, Rolf W., trans. The Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi Sutra. Berkeley, CA:  Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2005. Otto, Rudolf. The Idea of the Holy. 2nd ed. London: Oxford University Press, 1950. Payne, Richard K. The Tantric Ritual of Japan. Feeding the Gods:  The Shingon Fire Ritual. Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture and Aditya Prakashan, 1991.

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Prentiss, Karen Penchilis. The Embodiment of Bhakti. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999. Samuel, Geoffrey. The Origins of Yoga and Tantra:  Indic Religions to the Thirteenth Century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008. Silburn, Lilian. Kuṇḍalinī: The Energy of the Depths. Trans. Jacques Gontier. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988. Tachikawa, Musashi, Shrikant Bahulkar, and Madhavi Kolhatkar. Indian Fire Ritual. Delhi: Motial Banarsidass, 2001. Tachikawa, Musashi, Shoun Hino, and Lalita Deodhar. Pūjā and Saṃskāra. Delhi:  Motilal Banarsidass, 2001. Ueno, Raiei. Hudōgoma Shiki. Kyoto: Chishakuin Kyoto Temple, 1963.

Textual Studies i

The Vedic Homa and the Standardization of Hindu Pūjā Timothy Lubin

i INTRODUCTION The homa, the ritual offering of food in a fire, has had a prolific career in Asia over the course of more than three millennia.1 In various forms, rites of this type have become a part of most of the religions that arose in India as well as their extensions and offspring from Samarqand to Japan. All of these homas ultimately descend from those of the Vedic religion, but at no point has the homa been stable. Like fire itself, it has flickered with many flames, glowing under the ashes in one place while flaring up in another, spreading, marking, and transmuting what it touches. Within the Vedic tradition, Agni played diverse roles:  “Flesh-eater” in the funeral, “Offering-bearer” when yoked for sacrifice, then rewarded as “He Who Has Offered Well,” praised as “Everyman’s” because he is active in every hearth and in every heart. The rules for Vedic fire offerings have come down to us in two parallel systems. A few of the later exegetical passages (brāhmaṇa) in the Vedas refer to “cooked food” (pāka)2 offerings contrasted with the multiple-fire ritual otherwise being prescribed.3 Later Smārta tradition (the Brahmanical tradition that adheres to the “secondary” revelation, smṛti) characterizes the full priestly cult as based on the “revealed” (śruti) sacred texts of the Vedas (hence “śrauta”), in contradistinction to the “homely” (gṛhya) or “worldly” (laukika, or even “popular” in the sense of “conventional”). The fire offering was the most distinctive feature of the Vedas, so when the Brahmin priesthood sought to put its stamp on a wider range of religious practices, they used the homa rite as a template. An early result of this policy is the Gṛhyasūtra corpus, which systematizes a wide variety of non-śrauta ceremonies in imitation of the śrauta 143

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cult as it is canonized in the Śrautasūtras. These codes are presented as extensions of the śrauta codes and refer back to them on many occasions. The models for this systematization partly mimic the sorts of classification and ritual formatting rules (e.g., ūha, tantra/āvāpa, prakṛti/vikṛti) that had been developed for the multiple-fire rites, but other innovations are introduced as well. Speaking of Buddhist and Jain appropriations of Hindu rituals a thousand years later, Phyllis Granoff describes the phenomenon as “ritual eclecticism”: The group of insiders explicitly acknowledges that others have rituals, and then enjoins or permits the practice of those rituals along with the rituals specific to the group itself. To be more concrete, in what I am calling “ritual eclecticism,” the Jain or Buddhist explicitly acknowledges the existence of a non-Jain or non-Buddhist ritual, and then tells Jains or Buddhists that they can perform the non-Jain, non-Buddhist version with the same success as the Jain or Buddhist ritual.4 The difference here is that the Vedic priests do not openly acknowledge any such otherness so far as the religious group is concerned. However, a substantial difference is signaled and overcome: many of the rites prescribed in the Gṛhyasūtras lacked features that could readily be correlated with features of the śrauta system; some could be seen as falling short of the status of ritual acts (karmāṇi), constituting mere “auspicious ceremonies” (maṅgalāni) such as those airily dismissed by Aśoka as utterly pointless.5 Descriptive studies of the gṛhya liturgy are legion, but few people have sought to reconstruct the internal development of this aspect of the Brahmanical tradition, except in the broadest terms, over the longue durée. There are a few recent exceptions, however. Shingo Einoo has shown that the early history of pūjā-type Hindu worship—devotional worship involving offerings to the deity—can be traced in Vedic domestic ritual codes, where many probably very early Sanskrit models of image worship were structured around a homa, the offering of the honey-drink (madhuparka), or both.6 Some of my own work has traced the consolidation of gṛhya liturgy as a reorientation of the Brahmin priestly profession that increasingly relied on rites de passage and disciplinary regimens (vratas) as public markers of an idealized social model.7 A recent dissertation by Granoff’s student Marko Geslani does something similar for Vedic appeasement rites (śānti), showing how these provided a framework for many pūjā offering rites, largely under the influence of Atharva-Veda specialists.8 This article aims to clarify another aspect of this history:  the Vedicization of pūjā-type offerings though assimilation to the gṛhya homa. Merely stating the topic in these terms reveals that, like many others, I regard such offerings as an innovation in the Vedic religion, and indeed a borrowing from a substrate or neighboring culture with which the Vedic priesthood and its traditional clientele were in contact—a culture the identity of which will likely remain forever uncertain.9 What is clear is that nothing quite like pūjā can be found in the oldest strata of the Vedic



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literature, and as it begins to creep in the authors of the codes are at pains to assign to it a Vedic character, by various means, and to connect the deities thus honored with those already familiar to the Vedic pantheon. At no point is there direct acknowledgment that either the deity or the ceremony is non-Vedic, but an indirect acknowledgment of this may be perceived here and there. In any case, the primary means of assimilating new religious elements, whether found outside the tradition or innovated from within, was by superimposing Vedic ritual structures (such as that of the homa, madhuparka, vrata, or śānti) over them, while inserting into them Vedic (or Vedic-style) mantras, the DNA of Vedic ritual. These adaptations served dual purposes: to appropriate borrowed ritual forms so that they would not seem alien from the Brahmanical point of view and to ensure a role for the expert services of the Brahmin priesthood in religious milieux in which they had previously been absent. My examples here focus on the role of the homa and its mantras in such appropriations.

RITUAL SYNTAX AND RITUAL CHANGE The scenario suggested above presupposes that a historical progression can be discerned or reconstructed, at least in its broad outlines, from an examination of liturgical texts and the ritual practices that they model. This is no simple matter, and it calls for a reflection on method. First, we must admit that the object of study is an assortment of rituals per se and the particular texts that prescribed them. The texts themselves pose daunting problems as sources of knowledge, as they are anonymous works of uncertain provenance and date, probably composite in origin, and inadequately edited in their standard published forms. The scope of this essay does not permit dealing with these problems, beyond accepting heuristically that they were produced by Brahmin experts in Vedic ritual sometime in the long period beginning with the reign of the Mauryas and ending roughly with the Gupta period. We should further note that these are prescriptive, normative works and actual practice may never have conformed precisely or consistently during this period. It is likely that at least the communities to which these texts belonged made an effort to follow the models, and the descriptions of these models may indeed have been intended to standardize patterns of practice already in use in some circles at the time of the texts’ composition. As regards the rites depicted in these texts, they employ the same sort of segmented, multilayered structure as the śrauta Vedic rites. Complex rites are built up from a vast repertory of individual ritual units, each consisting of a simple action or gesture or a stipulated verbal formula (mantra), or a coordination of both. Caroline Humphrey and James Laidlaw, in The Archetypal Actions of Ritual, following Jane Monnig Atkinson,10 distinguished between “liturgy-centered” and “performance-centered” ritual. Rites of the latter type tend to be less scripted, relying on “a repertoire of ritual actions available to performers acting independently in the ritual arena.”11 Like bardic song, such rites are formulaic but not fixed; this is “inspirational

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ritual” that is deemed successful to the same extent as the charismatic authority of the particular performer is felt to be established or confirmed (as in the case of a shaman). Vedic ritual, including the rites to be examined here, belongs much more to the other end of the spectrum. Such rites are identified in terms of their conformity to an explicit, textual model. They are judged effective ex opere operato, and the only elements left to the discretion of the individual performer are by definition those marked as inessential or para-ritual. The ritualist’s qualifications are purely formal or official, rather than personal or numinous. Humphrey and Laidlaw note that it is precisely their greater “ritualization” that distinguishes the actions of liturgical ritual. It is this determinacy of form that that makes it easier to track changes in liturgy. We owe to Frits Staal the observation that Vedic ritual is composed of basic and secondary elements combined in patterns that he calls “syntax” (by analogy with linguistic structure). This syntax includes patterns such as transformation, recursiveness, and embedding.12 This syntax is “generative” in the sense that smaller ritual units may be combined in different ways to produce more complex and varying extended rituals. However, unlike language (in Staal’s view), ritual has no “meaning” (or “function,” “aim,” “goal”), despite the myriad ways in which the words and actions appear significant on their face, and despite, too, the many meanings and purposes attributed to it by Vedic exegetes past and present. Carl Seaquist has gone to great lengths to rescue this much maligned aspect of Staal’s theory. Admitting that Staal has not made his case as well as he might have done, Seaquist explains that Staal takes “meaning” only in the sense of lexical meaning or reference and expands Staal’s dictum thus: “‘Meaningless’ means ‘having no aim or goal (besides itself).’”13 Actually, Staal’s theory makes a much bolder claim. He hypothesizes that ritual syntax is the origin of language itself and predates linguistic meaning: it is structure for structure’s sake. As evidence, he points to (seemingly) arbitrary actions and nonsense utterances—the stobhas and bījas of śrauta and tantric ritual, respectively—that are deployed so meticulously and systematically. He concedes that some mantras consist of intelligible Sanskrit phrases, but in his view these “mantras-couched-in-language” are “not used for the expression of meaning”; they are “vestigial,” like legs used as fins, “remnants of something that preceded language.”14 On the other hand, like anything else, rituals can have any meaning imposed on them as a secondary matter, as happens prolifically in the Vedic brāhmaṇa exegeses, which Staal says (in an echo of Max Müller’s “theological twaddle”) “can often be shown to be failures” in interpretation.15 Staal’s linguistic analogy is not inappropriate, however. The meaninglessness thesis got off on the wrong foot by insisting on a comparison between the structure of a single fully codified liturgy-based ritual (the śrauta Vedic system) and natural language. Humphrey and Laidlaw get to the heart of the matter when then emphasize the tendency for ritualized action (especially in liturgy-centered ritual) to be “stipulated” to a high degree. Ritual actions (including ritual utterances) are stipulated too in much the same way that the language of a poem or the sounds produced in a (non-improvisational)



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musical composition are stipulated. (Humphrey and Laidlaw’s performance-centered ritual is more like jazz.) The asymmetry of Staal’s comparison lies in the fact that while speakers use the syntactical patterns of language to produce new meaningful expressions, the agnicayana rite and Vedic mantras are the same every time they are performed.16 If a new performance deviates from the model in any impermissible way, it will be deemed either a failed performance or no performance at all.17 Vedic ritual, in fact, provides ritual remedies for such lapses: a general reparative rite called “the purifier” (pavitra) and individual expiatory measures called prāyaścittis. The examples discussed below show Vedic expert ritualists saying new things with Vedic ritual syntax, including new “vocabulary” that may adopt “loan words” and even ritual “calques” from another system. This is not the place to enter a lengthy discussion on what Staal meant by the “meaninglessness” of Vedic ritual, something that even his defenders agree he did not explain adequately. The claim was motivated in part by his observation that contemporary Vaidikas affirm that understanding what the mantras or acts mean (or refer to) is irrelevant to the correctness, or efficacy, of a performance—the performers may indeed be ignorant of anything except correct pronunciation and correct ritual activity. Staal was also building on the Mīmāṃsā doctrine, which asserted the self-validating authority of the Vedas and viewed the ritual as an end in itself (even asserting that the gods named as recipients of offerings had no existence beyond their being named in the performance). The Mīmāṃsakas themselves attribute to the ancient sage Kautsa the claim that “Vedic mantras are meaningless” (anarthakā mantrāḥ; for a larger discussion, see Mīmāṃsā-Sūtra 1.2.31–39).18 Finally, his claim presupposes his hypothesis that language itself is a development from an older proto-ritual syntax connected with other patterned forms of behavior such as birdsong; in this case, referential, linguistic meaning could be seen as a novel outgrowth of linguistic syntax.19 However, it is indisputable that the ritual words and actions are in the vast majority of cases not perfectly arbitrary but are assigned their places on the basis of lexical meaning (if not of the whole of the mantra, at least of some word in it) and the mimetic or dramatic value of ritual acts. Even if we grant that Vedic ritual performances were not intended to advance propositions or to facilitate communication (even with divinities, who are verbally addressed), and that the semantics may be irrelevant in any given performance of a fixed ritual, we would still wish to acknowledge the “illocutionary force” of such performances:  they were and are performed for intended purposes, including but not limited to the aim of successfully accomplishing the ritual itself.20 In most cases, the illocutionary force of the ritual act is discernably connected with its locutionary form; for example, the illocutionary act of purifying an implement for use in worship is reflected in the sprinkling of water (used commonly in cleansing) and the recitation of a mantra invoking the water to cleanse. This connection should be acknowledged even if a particular performer in a particular case may be ignorant of part or all of these semantic aspects of the act,

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and even if he recognizes them as irrelevant to the putative efficacy or perlocutionary forces (real or imagined) of the ritual act. In any case, the illocutionary considerations drive the innovations in the gṛhya Vedic domain. The formulators of the rites discussed later explicitly acknowledge intentions underlying such acts and the way such intentions determine the appropriateness of a given act or the use of a given mantra or implement. Moreover, the syntax itself implies meaning. Particular Vedic rituals are identifiable—“individuated,” to use Israel Scheffler’s terms21—by the main offerings and their mantras, which are embedded as the “insertion” (āvāpa) into a common template (tantra). The repertoire of possible variations was canonically fixed in certain authoritative works, and in this sense not like “natural language,” yet despite this the syntax remains linguistically productive over time through canonical extensions and transfers between Brahmanical traditions. So it comes about that in Śaiva tantras a “liberating initiation” (nirvāṇa dīkṣā) gets inserted into the middle of the Vedic funeral. Richard Davis points out here that embedding is not simply the meaningless structuring device that Staal makes of it. The embedded initiation becomes the dominant rite of cremation and reduces the Vedic portions to a subordinate role. In other words, it shifts the entire focus of the ritual, and in so doing brings cremation into accord with the Saiva notion of death as the last door to liberation.22 It will be clear from the following discussion that in the later phases of the gṛhya system, embedding—and a more complex process that I call “interleaving”23—are employed creatively to integrate pūjā-type rites into a palpably Vedic framework. In order to lay bare the interleaving process involved here, I begin with a brief sketch of the gṛhya homa, focusing on the Baudhāyana format. This will be followed by some observations on Vedic modes of offering without placing the oblation in fire. I suggest that the latter rites provide a precedent for later pūjā-style rites integrated into the system. THE BASIC FORMAT OF THE HOMA General rules found in several gṛhya ritual manuals (Gṛhyasūtras) specify several ways in which a homa employing a cooked offering (pākayajña) can be distinguished from a śrauta offering. The Vārāha opens with a definition of the pākayajñas: they are offered in the domestic fire;24 they follow the model of the śrauta new-and-full-moon service,25 omitting the fore-offerings and after-offerings, the “offerings to the wives of the gods,” and the “kindling-verse offerings” (sāmidhenī). On the other hand, Jaimini 1.1 suggests that they may optionally follow a format of their own (darśapūrṇamāsatantrāḥ svatantrā vā). The mantras accompanying the actual oblations conclude with the exclamation svāhā (Vārāha-Gṛhyasūtra [VGS] 1.2–5). At most, one priest is to be employed, the brahman,



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while the householder himself performs the function of the hotṛ.26 (The daily evening and morning offerings dispense even with the brahman priest.) The Mānava-Gṛhyasūtra makes some general observations about the general features of and occasions for Vedic domestic ceremonies: In the case of groups [of rites (?)] a simple grass strew, 27 the fire, the āgāras, ājyabhāgas, āhutis, and the sviṣṭakṛt [are the common elements].28 In the annual [and] fortnightly rites, [and] in the worship preceding harnessing, circling [the field], sowing, and harvesting, the furrow-worship, the threshing-floor worship, the sacrificial tether worship, and the draft ox worship, he worships the deities Agni, Indra, Soma, Sītā, Savitṛ, the twin Aśvins, Anumatī, Revatī, Rākā, Pūṣan, and Rudra. He worships Varuṇa in rites at rivers, pools, wells, and tanks; [he worships] Soma in rites involving plants and trees; [he worships] Agni in [all] rites whose deity is not prescribed.29 This list begins by enumerating distinctive features of Vedic fire offerings that should be present in gṛhya. In listing the occasions for such performances, it begins with the major rituals of the śrauta calendar but then turns to ceremonies closely connected with agricultural and pastoral life. The list of deities to be honored similarly begins with the śrauta divine triumvirate—Agni (the fire), Indra (the hero), and Soma (the drink of divine power)—but most of the remaining deities named are mainly more involved with day-to-day concerns (farming and other productive enterprises, illness and healing, wealth and blessings). While Agni is designated as the default recipient of offerings, Varuṇa and Soma take pride of place in rites associated with water bodies and plants, what we would probably today call folk practices. Domestic rites of these types are sprinkled throughout the domestic ritual codes; while some of these seem to include a fire offering, many others do not (or may do so only optionally). Several of the Gṛhyasūtras outline a standard format for all rites of the one-fire homa type, generally speaking a reduced version of the iṣṭi service in the multiple-fire śrauta system. Generally, it is described within the context of the first sacrament, whether of marriage or the initiation into Veda study. The Hiraṇyakeśin designates it an “offering made with a ladle” (darvihoma, 1.2.18), a name otherwise applied to a simplified śrauta offering such as the twice-daily agnihotra.30 While the structure of the homa can vary in detail, that of the Baudhāyana-Gṛhyasūtra (BGS) is typical. It comprises a sequence of preparatory acts, the offerings proper, and a set of concluding acts. The preparatory acts include:  marking out the place of worship (devayajanollekhana); bringing forward the fire (agnipraṇayana), installing it, and venerating it (agnyupasthāna); cooking a pot of milk-rice (sthālīpāka-śrapaṇa); sweeping together the embers (samūhana); bringing forward the pot of holy water (praṇītāpraṇayana); and further preparations of the fire (strewing grass around it,

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enclosing it with sticks, sprinkling it) and of the vessels and offering materials (washing and sprinkling the vessels, taking out portions of grain or clarified butter). The series of offerings broadly follows the śrauta sequence, but omitting the fore- and after-offerings (prayājas and anuyājas) and recitation of the kindling verses (sāmidhenīs). The gṛhya homa may optionally retain the ghee libations (āghārau), and the two ghee portions for Agni and Soma (ājyabhāgau), poured in the northeast and southeast parts of the fire. Just before the main offering, Baudhāyana inserts a set of offerings called “Agni’s mouth” (agnimukha; BGS 1.3.33–39), by which Agni and other divine powers are conciliated; other traditions (e.g., Mānava) call these the āhutis. The mantras prescribed vary depending on the branch of the Veda to which the sūtra belongs. At this point, the main offering is inserted, followed by a long series of mantras and offerings called “victory” ( jaya), “aiming” (abhyātāna), and “bearing rule” (rāṣṭrabhṛt) (Taittirīya-Saṃhitā [TS] 3.4.4, 5, and 7, totaling forty-three svāhās), closing with the offering to Agni “who accomplishes the offering well” (sviṣṭakṛt).31 Finally, the grass “purifier” is thrown on the fire, which is fed and venerated again; the vessels are wiped clean, and the priest is offered an honorarium (in the varadāna rite). Although much simpler than its śrauta counterpart, it is basic to the gṛhya system that the homa is equally efficacious. FIRELESS RITES IN THE DOMESTIC SPHERE The challenge of the late Vedic tradition was not simply to show that the one-fire ritual could be as effective as a multiple-fire service, but to show how practices that required no fire at all were connected to the Veda in any way. There is no complete agreement as to what properly belongs to the sphere of gṛhya (domestic) ceremony. In the main, the rites of the gṛhya sphere comprise those performed by an individual on his own behalf, with the assistance of a single Brahmin priest or no priest at all. There are fire-worship rites that partly parallel the more elaborate śrauta performances but which may be accomplished by the householder himself, with perhaps one priest to assist him; there are the so-called life-cycle rites (the saṃskāras); there are other consecrations and blessings of domestic objects or persons in certain circumstances (such as going on a journey); there are other offerings to chthonic deities and spirits that are not placed in the fire; and, of course, there is more besides, which makes the “gṛhya” or, later, “smārta,” a virtual catch-all category. In fact, unlike the codes of the śrauta system, the gṛhya canon was very slow to close, and there was a tendency to integrate new rites into it over the course of several centuries, particularly through the accretion of supplements (pariśiṣṭas) to the known sūtras, or, in the unique case of the Vaikhānasa school, through the later redaction of the Gṛhyasūtra as a whole. In later stages of the elaboration of the gṛhya system (especially in pariśiṣṭas), a broader range of performances, including image worship of Rudra, Viṣṇu, and Gaṇeśa and votive acts, get rubricated, drawing for precedents on older fireless ritual acts that had an indisputably Vedic pedigree.



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RITES OF ATTENDANCE ON A DEITY: UPASTHĀNA Here and there we find mention of rites of attendance on a deity (upasthāna) in a sacred locale. For example, Vārāha-Gṛhyasūtra 15 describes the upasthāna of Rudra residing in a shrine (caitya), in a tree, at a crossroads, on a cremation ground, or in a pot. The main activity in this instance is recitation ( japa). The very opening of the Āśvalāyana, in distinguishing the pākayajñas from the śrauta (vaitānika) ritual, cites three lines from the Ṛg-Veda that are made to serve as warrants for three types of simple offering: that “offered [in fire]” (huta), that “proffered [as bali]” (prahuta), and that “offered in a Brahmin [as food]” (brahmaṇi huta). It then goes on to prove that mantras signifying an offering can be as good as (and thus can be substituted for) the offering itself. The formula namaḥ plus the recipient’s name in the dative case marks the accomplishment of such offerings: Furthermore, they quote the Ṛg-Veda: “The mortal who, with a fuel-stick, with an oblation, with knowledge (véda), worships the fire, who makes good sacrifices with homage …” (ṚV 8.19.5). … And “who makes good sacrifices with homage” means: even with the expression of homage alone (namaskāreṇa vai khalv api). The gods are not beyond the expression of homage (namaskāram ati). Homage is worship (yajña). Thus says a brāhmaṇa.32 This rare example of Brāhmaṇa-style exegesis in a Gṛhyasūtra explicitly justifies on principle the validity of worship that relies mainly on recitation and gestures of obeisance. Fireless Food Offerings: Baliharaṇa The Vedic tradition also had from the beginning a form of food offering that did not necessarily require a fire. Offerings of scattered food could occur on their own or they might accompany a homa performance. Āśvalāyana-Gṛhyasūtra 1.12 prescribes the offering of morsels of food (piṇḍa) at a shrine (caitya) “prior to the sviṣṭakṛt” and thus within the larger context of a homa. The fire offering itself is described there as “fire worship at a shrine” (caityayajña). There are also older precedents for fireless offerings. The beginnings of Rudra and Viṣṇu-Nārāyaṇa’s rise to importance in the domestic sphere can be discerned on the periphery of the śrauta cult. Rudra earlier appeared mainly in the Atharva-Veda as a fearsome heavenly archer apt to visit disease upon people and their herds, but when he is identified with Agni he comes to be seen (e.g., in the Śvetāśvatara-Upaniṣad)33 as the divinity venerated in the agnicayana ritual, an elaborate śrauta performance in which a giant fire altar in the shape of a bird is constructed of bricks. The Śatarudriya litany recited in the agnicayana is also prescribed for use in the traiyambaka rite,34 which propitiates Rudra as Deva Tryambaka, with his sister(s?) Ambikā; it is intended to win protection for the

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worshiper, health for the herds, and prosperity for the household. A cake for Rudra is deposited on a mole heap, after which remnants of it (also for Rudra) are placed on a leaf at a crossroads. After the wife of the rite’s sponsor circles a fire kindled from a coal from the “southern fire,” offering cakes are hung from a tree in baskets. A related rite to be performed at a crossroads serves as an exorcism for one who has been possessed by a vināyaka, a type of mischievous spirit (later reconceived as the benevolent Gaṇeśa, Śiva-Rudra’s “son” and leader of his hosts) (Mānava-Gṛhyasūtra 2.14; cf. Yājñavalkya-Dharmaśāstra 1.270 ff.). Ambikā is invoked here too, as well as several other deities associated with Rudra. These and similar rites provide a precedent for offerings in which no fire is used.35 Any food offering that includes a portion of a fire-oblation (havis) may be treated as bali.36 The Baudhāyana prescribes two types of bali. BGS 2.8–9 presents the general type, while another baliharaṇa described in BGS 1.11 is really a type of funerary rite, the viṣṇubali.37 In this case, the rule promises that the bali, fed to the sponsor’s wife, will result in the birth of a male child;38 the next praśna begins by describing the birth sacrament for a male newborn.39 Bali rites are sometimes, though not always, combined with homas. They were performed for a wide variety of divinities, ghosts, and spirits associated with particular locales. The offerings are verbally completed on uttering the word “namaḥ.” For all these reasons, the bali provided a model for the elaboration of a “Vedic” pūjā ritual. The Spit-Ox Offering A special form of bali was the “spit-ox offering” (śūlagava or īśānabali)40 dedicated to Rudra, the most prominent of the Vedic deities otherwise omitted from the śrauta offerings. Rudra, a celestial archer associated with the mountains and storms, belonged more to the Atharvan sphere, defined by the text of the Atharva-Veda, than that of the Ṛg-Veda, in which he appears infrequently. Vedic Rudra was especially associated with household affairs and the well-being of people and herds, but he was not a recipient of offerings in the śrauta cult. The central ritual acts are the ritual slaughter of a cow (or optionally a ram or goat), the offering of the blood, the omentum, and other pieces of meat sprinkled with clarified butter (ghee) and roasted on skewers, followed by the sprinkling of the herd with the remaining ghee and dishwater from cleaning the bowl. We may wonder whether the subsuming of it within the homa framework was done precisely to make the rite conform to the Vedic fire-ritual model. The Mānava identifies the śūlagava as the gṛhya equivalent of the śrauta animal offering (paśuyajña): He who is going to worship (yaj-) with an animal tends the fire that is tended in pākayajñas. The [service] dedicated to Rudra in the autumn is the śūlagava. Out of sight of the settlement, in the northeasterly direction, the post is cut at night in



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the midst of cattle. Having filled eight cups of blood prior to the sviṣṭakṛt-rite, he should offer them in the directions and intermediate directions while reciting the eight anuvākas that begin “namas te rudra manyave” (“Homage to your wrath, Rudra…,” i.e., the Śatarudriya litany). He should not bring uncooked [meat] to the village. The rest he should bury in the ground, as well as the hide. Some say that animals are offered in a pākayajña without using a post.41 The most startling option proposed by Baudhāyana, though, is mentioned in the last breath, after the option of sacrificing a ram or a goat: “Or else they cook a pot of rice and milk (sthālīpāka) for Īśāna; thereby, he does all those things which are to be done with a cow.”42 It is probably not possible to say how ancient this prescription is, but the fact that it has been accepted as belonging to the Gṛhyasūtra proper and not relegated at least to the Paribhāṣā- or Pariśiṣṭa-Sūtra suggests that it may be a relatively early “vegetarian” option prefiguring the substitution by certain Maharasthrian Mādhvas of animal forms shaped from dough (piṣṭapaśu) or pots of ghee (ājyapaśu) for the animal victims in śrauta rituals in recent centuries (a practice going back at least 600 years) and the Kerala innovation of using rice folded into banana leaves for the same purpose.43 Such a radical substitution is not condoned in śrauta ritual texts, even later ones such as the Trikāṇḍamaṇḍana of Bhāskara Miśra (eleventh or twelfth centuries), with its long chapter on substitutions (pratinidhi), which does however condone the replacement of certain missing parts of the animal by ladles of ghee (2.68, and 2.58–73 in general). The Vedicization of Image Worship The organizing impulse was extended in the later phases of the gṛhya corpus, where a fully developed rubric for image-based worship was introduced; the Baudhāyana-GṛhyaŚeṣasūtra (BGŚS) and the Vaikhānasa-Gṛhyasūtra are the major examples of this. But while the Vaikhānasa liturgy was thoroughly and consistently Vaiṣṇavized, the BGŚS is characteristically Smārta in that it prescribes rites for both Rudra and Viṣṇu, the major male deities of later Hinduism, as well as for the goddesses Durgā, Upaśruti, Śrī, and Sarasvatī; for Ravi (the sun); for Vināyaka (3.3–6, 8–10), and for Dhūrta (Skanda, 4.2). Eventually the Smārtas settled on a group of five deities as the focus of attention: Rudra/Śiva, Viṣṇu, Sūrya, Gaṇeśa/Vināyaka, and Devī/Śakti,44 sometimes augmented by Skanda; the BGŚS records an early stage in the development of this tradition. BGŚS 2.13–15 and 2.16–19 are fully parallel expositions of the installation, worship, and bathing of images of Viṣṇu and Rudra, respectively.45 In many sections, the wording is so parallel that only the names of the deities and the mantras to be recited differ. This pattern can be easily observed in table 1, which shows how a parallel sequence of rites and mantras proper to each of the two deities has been superimposed over a common template based on the gṛhya homa ritual.

TABLE 1. OUTLINE OF MANTRAS (AND RITUAL ACTS) VIṢṆU AND RUDRA IMAGES Visnu

Rudra puṇyāhaṃ svasty ṛddhim [blessing]

āpo hi ṣṭhā mayobhuvaḥ … TS 4.1.5.1.b–d = ṚV 10.9.1–3 + hiraṇyavarṇāh śucayaḥ pāvakāḥ … TS 5.6.1.1.a–d + pavamānaḥ suvarjanaḥ … TB 1.4.8.1 (anuvāka) + Vyāḥrtis [sprinkling the image with water consecrated by these mantras] namas te rudra manyave … TS 4.5.1.1 idaṃ viṣṇur vi cakrame … TS 1.2.13.1.e [tossing flowers, etc., at the feet of the image] [tossing flowers, etc., at the feet of the image] rakṣohaṇaṃ vājinam … TS 1.2.14.6.g [tying on thread] ava te heḍaḥ … TS 1.5.11.3.i + ud uttamam … TS 1.5.11.3.k [leaving image overnight in water] ut tiṣṭha brahmaṇas pate … TĀ 4.2.1 = ṚV 1.40.1 [setting up image] Gāyatrī stanza [taking cow’s urine] gandhadvārām … TĀ 10.1.10 [taking cowdung] ā pyāyasva … TS 1.4.32.1 [taking milk] dadhikrāvṇaḥ … TS 1.5.11.4.b = ṚV 4.39.6 [taking curd] śukram asi jyotir asi … TS 1.1.10.3.o [taking ghee] devasya tvā … TS 7.1.11.1.a [taking kuśa-water]a ā vo rājānam … TS 1.3.14.1.b–i [bathing image]b

namas te astu dhanvane … (the Śatarudriya litany) TS 4.5.1.1 [bathing the image]

aśvatthe vo niṣadanam … TS 4.2.6.2.e–u [ukṣaṇa with decoction of barks] hiraṇyavarṇāḥ … TS 5.6.1.4a [ukṣaṇa with water from pot with jewels and precious metals] tejo ’si … TS 1.1.10.3.l [giving the image eyes with a golden stylus] Here, the homa rite is Performed from the Marking out of the Place of Worship to the agnimukha. Main Offerings Follow: viṣṇor nu kam … TS 1.2.13.3.i yā ta iṣuḥ śivatamā … TS 4.5.1.1.b [ājyāhutis paro mātrayā … TB 2.8.3.2 before touching parts of the image, and while [cutting off portions for main offerings] touching the whole image afterward] Puruṣasūkta TĀ 3.12 drāpe … TS 4.5.10.1 (anuvāka) + [ājyāhutis; touching the whole image] sahasrāṇi … TS 4.5.11.1 (anuvāka) idaṃ viṣṇur vi cakrame … TS 1.2.13.1.e sarvo vai rudraḥ … TĀ 10.16 [touching the feet of the image] [touching the feet of the image] viṣṇor nu kam … TS 1.2.13.3.i kad rudrāya … TĀ 10.17 = ṚV 1.43 [touching the navel of the image] [touching the navel of the image] ato devā avantu naḥ … ṚV 1.22.16 namo hiraṇyabāhave … TĀ 10.18 [touching the head of the image] [touching the head of the image] ud u tyaṃ jātavedasam … TS 1.2.8.g

TABLE 1. (CONTINUED) Visnu Śākunasūkta (ṚV 2.42) [entering the shrine (devālaya)] ato devā avantu naḥ … ṚV 1.22.16 [erecting the image]

Rudra Pañcabrahmamantras + sadyo jātaḥ … (TĀ 10 — 5 anuvākas) [entering the shrine (devālaya)] Rudra (Śatarudriya) hymn [erecting the image]

oṃ bhūr puruṣam āvāhayāmi … [invoking the deity (āvāhana)]; oṃ [offering a seat (kūrcāsana)] imā āpaḥ śivāḥ śivatamā … pratigṛhyatāṃ pratigṛhṇātu bhagavān mahāviṣṇur/mahādevo viṣṇave/rudrāya namaḥ [offering water for pādya, ācamana, arghya] idaṃ viṣṇur vi cakrame … [garland]

namo ’stu nīlagrīvāya … [garland]

pratigṛhyatāṃ pratigṛhṇātu bhagavān mahāviṣṇur/mahādevo viṣṇave/rudrāya namaḥ [various offerings] bhavāya [flowers, with water] pavitraṃ te vitatam TĀ 1.11.1 [offering of milk-rice] To Vasudeva, Saṅkarṣaṇa, Pradyumna, Aniruddha, Śānti, Śrī, Sarasvatī, Puṣṭi, Viṣṇu, svāhā [homas]

To Bhava, Śarva, Īśāna, Paśupati, Rudra, Ugra, Bhīma, Mahat Deva, svāhā [kṛsara ājyamiśrahoma] To the Patnīs of these, svaha [guḍodanahoma] To the Sutas of these, svāhā [haridrodanahoma] viṣṇor nu kam … TS 1.2.13.3.i tryambakaṃ yajāmahe TS 1.8.6.2 = ṚV 7.59.12 tad asya priyam … TB 2.4.6.2 mā no mahāntam … TS 4.5.10.2 = ṚV 1.114.7 pra tad viṣṇuḥ … TB 2.4.3.4 mā nas toke … TS 3.4.11.2 = ṚV 1.114.8 paro mātrayā … TB 2.8.3.2 ārāt te goghne … TS 5.4.10.3 vi cakrame … TB 2.4.3.5 vikirida vilohita … TS 4.5.10.5 trir devaḥ … TB 2.4.3.5 sahasrāṇi sahasraśaḥ … TS 4.5.11.1 (anuvāka) 12 names of Viṣṇu: To X, svāhā 12 names of Śiva: To X, svāhā [Here, the homa Paradigm is Concluded, from Sviṣṭakṛd-āhuti to Varadāna. A bali Follows:] tvām ekam ādyaṃ puruṣaṃ purātanaṃ nārāyaṇam / rudra ṃ śiva ṃ viśvasṛjaṃ yajāmahe | tvam eva yajño vihito vidheyas tvam ātmanātman pratigṛhṇīṣva havyam || [balis from all the fire-offerings (havis)] bhūr bhuvaḥ suvar oṃ [remains of havis placed on a leaf] viśvabhuje namaḥ sarvabhuje nama ātmane namaḥ paramātmane namaḥ [3x/4x circumambulation of the image and fire] ṚV = Ṛg-Veda-Saṃhitā, TĀ = Taittirīya-Āraṇyaka, TB = Taittirīya-Brāhmaṇa, TS = Taittirīya-Saṃhitā a  This set of recitations is prescribed in very similar terms in Matsya-Purāṇa 267.5–6 (as Harting notes) as well as Agni-Purāṇa 175.25cd–26; cf. also Liṅga-Purāṇa 1.15.18–21. b  Oddly, this stanza invokes Agni as Rudra, and not Viṣṇu.

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This parallel presentation achieves four things: (1) it sets the two deities on a par; (2) it identifies them both as forms of brahman; (3) it establishes a common, ostensibly Vedic format for the worship in image form, drawing on an already well-recognized repertory of mantras applied in many rituals to accompany particular types of action; and (4) it coordinates the Vedic and Purāṇic traditions by mapping the pūjā ceremonies onto a standard gṛhya homa; the homa, itself embedded in an image ceremony, frames the main pūjā service. The distinct sets of mantras prescribed for use with each deity constitute in effect a liturgy of Vedic passages proper to each god. The mantras selected for this purpose are appropriate mainly because they mention the deity concerned, but it may be noted that in the śrauta cult they may be associated with non-fire offerings that are ancillary to the main event. Thus, “Over this Viṣṇu strode; thrice did he set down his foot; [All] is gathered in its dust” (idaṃ viṣṇur vi cakrame …) is recited in the Soma sacrifice to sanctify an offering laid on the track beside one of the ritual carts. Rudra in the Atharva-Veda has no connection with the śrauta tradition; the Yajur-Veda treats him as a form of Agni, the fire deity. While elsewhere in the fire rituals Agni receives various specified shares in the fire offerings, oblations to Rudra are conveyed without fire. The Śatarudriya litany (TS 4.5.1–11) prescribed here by Baudhāyana is elsewhere used in a śrauta context to consecrate offerings poured with a leaf on a brick in the northwest portion of the altar constructed during the agnicayana ritual. The traditional exegesis emphasizes the notion that Rudra is in a spot appropriate to him: “He offers standing facing north; this is the quarter of Rudra; verily he propitiates him in his own quarter” (TS 5.4.3.3).46 This systematic parallelism in Baudhāyana’s pratiṣṭhā rite is reinforced by BGŚS 2.22, which discusses in plain terms the common structure of the ritual process: Now at the performance of pūjā of the two great gods, the offering of a seat, of water for washing the feet, of scented water (arghya), and of water for ācamana, everywhere takes place with (the recital of) the two (verses), “trīṇi padā vi cakrame,” etc. (“[Viṣṇu the protector] took three steps … ,” Taittirīya-Brāhmaṇa [TB] 2.4.6.1), [or] “tryambakaṃ yajāmahe,” etc. (“I worship Tryambaka … ,” TS 1.8.6.i), in accordance with the characterizing word.47 And [the pūjā] of these two [gods] is performed because it is the Dharma of the three high classes, because it is ordained in all cases, and because there is no prohibition [against it] that is generally known and accepted. Thus spoke Baudhāyana.48 The last part is interesting: it establishes, in Baudhāyana’s name, the injunction to perform the pūjā of Viṣṇu and Rudra on the grounds (1) that it is part of the Dharma, the pious observances, of Āryas; (2) that it is formally prescribed in the rules (vacana); and (3) that no prohibition of it is widely accepted. This rather overdetermined justification suggests,



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in fact, that there were well-known objections to it, and that there was some question as to whether there was warrant for the pūjā of these gods in Vedic practice or texts. THE DHŪRTABALI BGŚS 4.2 prescribes that a bali offering be made to Dhūrta, a minor deity better known as Skanda, who in the late Vedic context was thought to bring (and thus to be capable of averting) illness, especially in children. It is said to follow the paradigms of both the āhuta and the baliharaṇa (BGS 3.7 and 3.9) because it includes an offering of food before an image (understanding this act as the bali) as well as oblations in the fire, which are inserted into the middle of the rite prior to the bathing of the image. By the choice of mantra, moreover, the ritual bathing of the image is homologized with the Vedic bath undergone by a sacrificer at the conclusion of the ritual, the avabhṛtha. In structure, the various upacāras of a Puraṇic pūjā service are interleaved with the major elements of the standard gṛhya homa (see table 2). TABLE 2. INTERLEAVING OF “VEDIC” AND “PURĀNIC” RITUAL ELEMENTS IN THE DHŪRTABALI RITE “Vedic” devayajanollekhana (marking the place of worship, including sthaṇḍila)

“Purāṇic” erection of a leafy branch and an image of Dhūrtasvāmin on the sthaṇḍila (sacrificial ground), intertwined in a sacred thread: ‘The sacred thread is the best purifier…’ BGS 2.5

homa up to agniparidhāna and agnipariṣecana, with disciples touching from behind anointing pieces of wood and putting it on fire with ṚV 1.94.1–3, 14; and 6.16.11= TS 2.5.8.1 (bec.it mentions Angiras, a name identified with Dhūrta here, 57:13) āghārau agnimukha dancing thrice around the fire, invoking Dhūrta, with a Purāṇic mantra; image seated on kuśa grass; presenting arghya-water mixed with flowers, fruit, barley corns in a cup covered with a golden lid; snāpana (bathing the image with Vedic mantras for avabhṛtha, the performer’s bath at the end of the ritual) (continued)

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TABLE 2. (CONTINUED) “Purāṇic”

“Vedic” sυiṣṭakṛt

scent, flowers, incense, lamp, fruit, water namaskāra, with promise to offer rice if prayer is answereda carrying image thrice counterclockwise round the fire, dancing: Purāṇic mantra jaya-āhutis through υaradāna avabhṛtha (with image on head prasāda of perfumes and garlands, puts on the cord, sharing of water and food (but not offered to women or children) ācamana (purificatory sipping of water) υisarjana (dismissal of deity from image) a

This sort of vow is called in Marathi navas, a term derived from namas in Sanskrit.

CONCLUSION These examples from the latest stratum of the Baudhāyana gṛhya canon exhibit the priestly authors’ ongoing fluency in the syntax of Vedic ritual, as well as the plasticity of that syntax in adapting to a diversifying ritual “discourse.” These adaptations and rephrasings of the gṛhya Vedic ritual syntax only make sense if we take its meaningfulness into account. Even Staal once conceded that his “meaninglessness of ritual” hypothesis applied best to the śrauta Vedic ritual.49 The peculiarity of ritual action and ritual speech that Staal called “meaningless” has been better explained as a potential but by no means the intrinsic tendency for the significance of individual ritual elements, or even of whole rites, to fade into the background, even to be forgotten, when the performance becomes an end in itself, as it can be for some ritualists. This is an extreme case of the putative efficacy of a rite ex opere operato—its illocutionary force—to crowd out all other significance. But this clearly was not the case for the priestly authors of the ritual codes. They knew what they meant by the ritual words and acts, and they knew how to deploy the syntax to “say” and do new things. This is how the extended Baudhāyana domestic canon came to integrate Purāṇic rites and ritual terminology into the Vedic framework by assimilating the food offerings to the well-known Vedic bali, by culling from the old mantra collections those stanzas that pertained to Rudra and Viṣṇu for use in the pūjā ritual, and by inserting the pūjā-type acts of ritual service (upacāra) into a standard fire sacrifice. In the



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case of the dhūrtabali, the divine image was located in front of the ritual fire so that they could be circumambulated together. By these means, and through the analogous use of elements of the Vedic appeasement (śānti) rituals as demonstrated by Geslani, the large class of ritual texts falling within the penumbra of the Vedic literature established patterns of claiming and demonstrating the legitimacy of Brahmanical orthopraxy that were adopted by the Smārtas seeking to establish the image worship of the Smārta Hindu deities on a Vedic basis (as is the case with BGŚS), as well as, especially later, by early sectarian movements like the Pāśupatas,50 Pāñcarātras, and Vaikhānasas.51 The latter groups, oriented exclusively to Rudra-Śiva or to Viṣṇu-Nārāyaṇa, would use the same principles to demonstrate Vedic warrant for—or at least harmony with—Purāṇic or Āgamic theology.52 In the Smārta case, this amounted to a sort of tacit ritual eclecticism, one that never acknowledged the “otherness” of the rites being thus appropriated. The sectarian movements tended to be more open in their efforts to demonstrate the compatibility of Vedic and Purāṇic or Āgamic practices. If this would seem to subordinate the image cult to the fire cult, this was only the thin end of the wedge. While initially (as here) the elements of image pūjā were inserted into the framing structure of a homa, eventually the frame–insertion relationship would be reversed, and the homa would become an optional and clearly circumscribed element in Hindu pūjā services. Notes 1. The examples discussed here were presented earlier in papers at the 2006 meeting of the American Academy of Religion and at the 4th International Vedic Workshop, Austin, Texas, 2007. I gratefully acknowledge the support of a Fulbright-Hays FRA fellowship and a National Endowment for the Humanities sabbatical fellowship. An early draft was prepared while in residence at the Institut français de Pondichéry. 2. There is a thread of exegesis that takes pākayajña to mean “simple worship,” as if it contained the word pā ḱ a, “simple” (etymology contested) as its first element, rather than pāká, “cooked food” (< pac-, pacati, “cook”). Thus, brāhmaṇa passages in the Kāṭhaka-Saṃhitā (KS) 36.9:76.13, the Taittirīya-Saṃhitā (TS) 1.7.1, and the Mādhyandina Śatapatha-Brāhmaṇa (ŚBM), 1.7.4.19, 1.8.1.18, and 43–44, represent a pākayajñá as a “household sacrifice” (gṛhamedha, KS) lacking the fore-offerings and after-offerings of a full śrauta yajña (KS, TS), and identifying it with the iḍā offering, which is called the “weakest part” (taniṣṭha) of the sacrifice (ŚBM 1.8.1.18). Even more explicit is the Vārāha-Gṛhyasūtra (1.2–4): hrasvatvāt pākayajñaḥ | hrasvaṃ hi pāka ityācakṣate | darśapūrṇamāsaprakṛtiḥ pākayajñavidhir aprayājo ‘nanuyājo ‘sāmidhenīkaḥ | “[It is called] ‘pāka worship’ because of its brevity. For what is brief is known as ‘pāka.’ The rule for simple worship follows the paradigm for the new- and full-moon rites, omitting the preliminary offerings, closing offerings, and kindling recitation.” Gobhila-Gṛhyasūtra (1.9.8–9) may imply the meaning “simple worship” when it defines the pākayajña as worship performed by the patron acting as his own hotṛ priest and employing just a single brahman priest. Brian K. Smith, “The

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Unity of Ritual: The Place of the Domestic Sacrifice in Vedic Ritualism,” Indo-Iranian Journal 28 (1986): 79–96, endorses the notion that the original meaning of pāka in this compound was “simple,” but this is unlikely. 3. Taittirīya-Saṃhitā 1.7.1, 6.2.5.4 (without parallel in the older Kāṭhaka, Kapiṣṭhala, and Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitās); Aitareya-Brāhmaṇa 3.40.2; Śatapatha-Brāhmaṇa 1.4.2.10, 1.8.1.6, 2.3.1.21. 4. Phyllis Granoff, “Other People’s Rituals:  Ritual Eclecticism in Early Medieval Indian Religious,” Journal of Indian Philosophy 28/4 (2000): 401. 5. Rock Edict 9: asti jano uccāvacaṃ maṃgalaṃ karote ābādhesu vā āvāhavīvāhesu vā putralābhesu vā pravāsaṃmhi vā etamhi ca aññamhi ca jano uccāvacaṃ maṃgalaṃ karote. etta tu mahiḍāyo bahukaṃ ca bahuvidhaṃ ca chuddaṃ ca niratthaṃ ca maṃgalaṃ karote. ta kattavyam eva tu maṃgalaṃ. appaphalaṃ tu kho etārisaṃ maṃgalaṃ. (Girnar version) “It happens that people perform various ceremonies in the case of sicknesses, in marrying and giving in marriage, at the birth of a son, or when setting out on a journey. On these and other occasions, people perform various ceremonies. But in these, women perform numerous, diverse, vulgar, and pointless ceremonies. Now, ceremonies should certainly be performed, but ceremonies like these bear little fruit.” 6. Shingo Einoo, “The Formation of the Pūjā Ceremony,” Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik 20 (Festschrift für Paul Thieme) (1996): 73–87. 7. In, e.g., Timothy Lubin, “The Transmission, Patronage, and Prestige of Brahmanical Piety from the Mauryas to the Guptas,” in Federico Squarcini, ed., Boundaries, Dynamics and Construction of Traditions in South Asia (Florence: Firenze University Press, 2005), pp. 77–103. 8. Marko Geslani, “The Ritual Culture of Appeasement: Śānti Rites in Post-Vedic Sources” (PhD dissertation, Yale University, 2011), especially c­ hapter 4. 9. Even the term pūjā itself is likely to be a loanword, perhaps from Dravidian (pace Paul Thieme, “Indische Wörter und Sitten. I.  pūjā,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 93 [1939]:  105–124, who derives it from a hypothetical ur-form *pṛñcā < √pṛñc); Manfred Mayrhofer, Kurzgefaßtes etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindischen [A Concise Etymological Sanskrit Dictionary], vol. 2 (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1963), pp. 320–321, remains agnostic on the matter. 10. Caroline Humphrey and James Laidlaw, The Archetypal Actions of Ritual (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994); Jane Monnig Atkinson, The Art and Politics of Wana Shamanship (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). 11. Atkinson, The Art and Politics of Wana Shamanship, p. 15. 12. In The Science of Ritual (Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1982), Frits Staal pursued the linguistic analogy further, speaking of a “science of ritual.” Others have since carried forward the project of treating ritual structures as a sort of syntax; a number of recent studies in this vein were presented in Heidelberg in 2008 and are collected in Axel Michaels and Anand Mishra, eds., Ritual Dynamics and the Science of Ritual: vol. 1, Grammars and Morphologies of Ritual Practices in Asia (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2010), which includes a retrospective view by Staal himself. 13. Carl A. Seaquist, “Ritual Syntax” (PhD dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 2004), p. 61. Pages 53–118 of Seaquist’s dissertation are given over to examining and restating Staal’s views. Richard K.  Payne, “Ritual Syntax and Cognitive Science,” Pacific World, 3rd ser., 6 (2004): 195–227, offers a similar defense of Staal’s approach.



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14. Frits Staal, “Mantras and Bird Songs,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 105/3 (1985): 550. 15. Staal, The Science of Ritual, p.  33; and writing at more length on the insufficiency of brāhmaṇa exegesis in Rules Without Meaning:  Ritual, Mantra and the Human Sciences (New York: Peter Lang, 1990), pp. 117–122. 16. Staal addresses the difference between ritual and linguistic syntax by observing that the stipulated ordering of ritual elements “determines the order of embeddings and causes the generative capacity of the ritual system to be restricted in a manner the generative capacity of a natural language is not”; “Ritual Syntax,” in Sanskrit and Indian Studies, ed. M. Nagatomi et al. (Dordrecht: Reidel, 1979), p. 133; for the larger argument, see pp. 131–137. 17. This raises the question of what the nominalist philosopher Israel Scheffler, building on the work of Nelson Goodman, called the “wrong-note” problem: the way a single deviation calls into doubt the authenticity of a performance that is “individuated” strictly by a fixed “score”; Carl A. Seaquist, “Ritual Individuation and Ritual Change,” Method and Theory in the Study of Religion 21 (2009): 357–358. 18. J. Frits Staal, Word Order in Sanskrit and Universal Grammar (Wiesbaden:  Springer, 1967), pp. 24–46, 45–47. 19. Staal, “Ritual Syntax”; he later summed up his argument on this point thus: “syntax in language has a ritual origin, and language developed from syntactic structures to which meanings were added subsequently. The physical structures of ritual and the sound structures of mantras are therefore older than language” (“Mantras and Bird Songs,” pp. 549 ff.). 20. This is to appeal to Stanley Jeyaraja Tambiah’s adaptation of the speech-act theory proposed by John Austin and developed by John Searle and Maurice Bloch, in “A Performative Approach to Ritual,” Proceedings of the British Academy 65 (1979): 113–169. 21. Israel Scheffler, “Ritual and Reference,” Synthese 46/3 (1981): 421–437, “Ritual Change,” Revue Internationale de Philosophie 47 (1993):  151–160; Seaquist, “Ritual Individuation and Ritual Change.” 22. Richard Davis, “Cremation and Liberation:  A  Śaiva Siddhānta Revision,” History of Religions 28 (1988): 48. 23. Staal (“Ritual Syntax,” p. 131), citing a letter from Jan Heesterman, acknowledged that an embedded rite may be interrupted by segments of the rite in which it is embedded. An extended form of this is “interleaving.” 24. The Khādira states that “any offering made in a single fire is called ‘pākayajña’” (pākayajña ity ākhyā yaḥ kaś caikāgnau, 1.1.20). This single ritual fire is generally said to be the same as the one used in the wedding ceremony performed for the incipient householder, though the Baudhāyana prescribes that the fire used in the future ritualist’s initiation into Veda study should become his ritual fire. It is designated by various names in different sources (gṛhya, āvasathya), but it is to be distinguished from the ordinary kitchen fire (the laukika, “secular,” or pacana, “cooking,” fire). To convert the rite into an act of sorcery, the offering may instead be made in the śālāgni, or in the southern fire in the case of one who has laid the śrauta fires (Vārāha-Gṛhyasūtra 1.6). Baudhāyana-Gṛhyasūtra quotes an ostensibly general view that the use of iron ladles serves the same purpose. 25. Thus, too, Kāṭhaka-Gṛhyasūtra 13.7: darśapūrṇamāsaprakṛtayaḥ pākayajñāḥ. 26. tatrartvig brahmā sāyaṃprātarhomavarjam | svayaṃ hautram (Khādira-Gṛhyasūtra 1.1.21–22).

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27. See Mānava-Gṛhyasūtra 1.10.2 and 2.2.5. 28. These four ritual elements are explained in the homa outline included later in this section. 29. saṃgheṣv ekavad barhir agnir āghārājyabhāgājyāhutayaḥ sviṣṭakṛc ca | agnir indraḥ somaḥ sītā savitā sarasvaty aśvinānumatī revatī rākā pū ṣā rudra ity etair āyojanaparyayanapravapa napralavanasītāyajñakhalayajñatantīyajñānaḍud-yajñeṣv etā devatā iti yajati sāṃvatsareṣu ca parvasu | nadyudadhikūpataḍāgeṣu varuṇ aṃ yajaty oṣadhivanaspatiṣu somam anādiṣṭadevateṣv agnim | (Mānava-Gṛhyasūtra 2.10.6–8). 30. HGS 1.1.18–1.3.13; for the śrauta rites, see Āpastamba-Śrautasūtra 24.3.2. 31. See Āśvalāyana-Gṛhyasūtra 1.10.23; Śatapatha-Brāhmaṇa (Mādhyandina) 14.9.4.24. 32. athāpy ṛ ca udāharanti | yáḥ samídhā yá ā´ hutī yó védena [dadāśa márto agnáye | yó námasā svadhvaráḥ] iti | … yo namasā svadhvara iti namaskāreṇ a vai khalv api na vai devā namaskāram ati yajño vai nama iti hi brāhmaṇ  am bhavati | (Āśvalāyana-Gṛhyasūtra 1.2–4). 33. This is the interpretation of Thomas Oberlies, “Die Śvetāśvatara-Upaniṣad: Eine Studie ihrer Gotteslehre (Studien zu den ‘mittleren’ Upaniṣads I),” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Südasiens 32 (1988): 35–62. 34. Mantras:  Taittirīya-Saṃhitā 1.8.66; brāhmaṇa:  Taittirīya-Brāhmaṇa 1.6.10; Śatapatha-Brāhmaṇa (Mādhyandina) 2.6.2.4–17; rules: Baudhāyana-Śrautasūtra 12.3; 5.16–17 35. A rite for Īśāna, with his consort Mīḍhuṣī and son Jayanta, is described at Āpastamba-Gṛhya­ sūtra 19.13 ff., to receive offerings along with Kṣetrapati; also, Pāraskara-Gṛhyasūtra 3.8–9. 36. haviṣāṃ balim upaharati, Baudhāyana-Gṛhya-Śeṣasūtra 2.13.36 and 2.16.39. 37. This, the last section in the first chapter (praśna 1), may be a later addition. On the nārāyaṇabali, see Hertha Krick, “Nārāyaṇabali und Opfertod,” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Südasiens 21 (1977): 71–142. 38. pumān asyai jāyata iti vijñāyate, Baudhāyana-Gṛhyasūtra 1.11.14. 39. The viṣṇubali is listed among childhood saṃskāras in Baudhāyana-Gṛhyasūtra 4.6.1 and in Baudhāyana-Gṛhya-Śeṣasūtra 1.9.1 (in which it is stated that Savitṛ is the deity honored). 40. It is also described in the śrauta literature at Śāṅkhāyana-Śrautasūtra 4.17. See Willem Caland, Śāṅkhāyana-Śrautasūtra (1953; reprint, Nagpur: Motilal Banarsidass, 1980), p. 99. 41. paśunā yakṣyamāṇaḥ pākayajñopacārāgnim upacarati | raudraḥ śaradi śūlagavaḥ | prāgudīcyāṃ diśi grāmasyāsakāśe niśi gavāṃ madhye taṣṭo yūpaḥ | prāk sviṣṭakṛto ’ṣṭhau śoṇitapuṭān pūrayitvā namas te rudra manyava iti prabhṛtibhir aṣṭabhir anuvākair dikṣv antardikṣu copaharet | nāśṛtaṃ grāmam āharet | śeṣaṃ bhūmau nikhaned api carma | ayūpān eke pākayajñapaśūn āhuḥ | (Mānava-Gṛhyasūtra 2.4.1–2.5.6). 42. īśānāya sthālīpākaṃ vā śrapayanti | tasmād etat sarvaṃ karoti yad gavā kāryam | (Baudhāyana-Gṛhyasūtra 2.7.27). 43. Frederick M.  Smith, The Vedic Sacrifice in Transition:  A  Translation and Study of the Trikāṇḍamaṇḍana of Bhāskara Miśra (Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1987), pp. 73–75. 44. Gudrun Bühnemann, Pūjā:  A  Study in Smārta Ritual (Vienna:  De Nobili Research Library, 1988), p. 49. 45. For the relationship between the various strata of the Baudhāyana gṛhya canon, Willem Caland’s Über das rituelle Sūtra des Baudhāyana (Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1903) remains the



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authority. Pieter Harting made a study of the installation rites discussed here in Selections from the Baudhāyana-Gṛhyapariśiṣṭasūtra (Amersfoort: J. Valkhoff & Co, 1922). 46. All translations from the Taittirīya-Saṃhitā are from Arthur B. Keith, The Veda of the Black Yajus School Entitled Taittiriya Sanhita (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914). 47. Harting’s note: “Therefore the first verse for Viṣṇu, the second one for Śiva.” 48. athāto mahādevayoḥ pū jākaraṇ e sarvatra trīṇi padā vi cakrame tryambakaṃ yajāmaha ity etābhyāṃ yathāliṅgam āsanaṃ pādyam arghyam ācamanīyaṃ cety etayoś ca traivarṇikadharmatvāt sarvatra vacanāl lokaprasiddhaprāptapratiṣedhābhāvāt kriyata iti ha smāha baudhāyana[ḥ] | (Harting, Selections from the Baudhāyana-Gṛhyapariśiṣṭasūtra, pp. 14–15, 41; I have standardized the citation here). 49. Staal writes, “As for rites, it is especially rites of the śrauta ritual that seem to be devoid of meaning or functions. Rites of the gṛhya or ‘domestic’ ritual, on the other hand, seem often quite meaningful and functional” (“Mantras and Bird Songs,” p. 553). He does not explain why this should be the case, given the similarities between the two systems, simply noting that gṛhya rites are more attuned to practical concerns. 50. The Atharvaśiras and the Nīlarudra represent examples of Vedic liturgies for Rudra as supreme deity (Timothy Lubin, “The Nīlarudropaniṣad and the Paippalādasaṃhitā: A Critical Edition and Translation of the Upaniṣad and Nārāyaṇa’s Dīpikā,” in Arlo Griffiths and Annette Schmiedchen, eds., The Atharvaveda and its Paippalāda Śākhā:  Historical and Philological Papers on a Vedic Tradition [Aachen:  Shaker Verlag, 2007], pp. 81–139; and Atharvaśiras:  Historical Study, Critical Edition, and Translation [Leiden:  Brill, forthcoming]). 51. Ute Hüsken, Viṣṇu’s Children:  Prenatal Life-Cycle Rituals in South India (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2009), is a monographic study of the Vedic childhood sacraments as codified by the Vaikhānasas. She notes the special significance of the gṛhya Vedic niṣeka ritual in this tradition. 52. Gérard Colas, “On the Baudhāyanagṛhyapariśiṣṭasūtra and the Vaiṣṇavāgama,” in P-S. Filliozat, S. P.  Narang, and C. P.  Bhatta, eds., Pandit N.  R. Bhatt Felicitation Volume (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1994), pp. 511–525, identifies connections between Vaiṣṇava Tantric liturgy and the prescriptions found in the BGŚS.

REFERENCES Atkinson, Jane Monnig. The Art and Politics of Wana Shamanship. Berkeley:  University of California Press, 1989. Bloomfield, Maurice. “Das Gṛhyasaṃgrahapariçishṭa des Gobhilaputra.” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 35 (1881): 533–587. Bühnemann, Gudrun. Pūjā:  A  Study in Smārta Ritual. Vienna:  De Nobili Research Library, 1988. Caland, Willem. Śāṅkhāyana-Śrautasūtra. 1953. Reprinted English translation and notes. Edited with introduction by Lokesh Chandra. Nagpur: Motilal Banarsidass, 1980. Caland, Willem. Über das rituelle Sūtra des Baudhāyana. Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, 12:1. Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1903.

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Colas, Gérard. “On the Baudhāyanagṛhyapariśiṣṭasūtra and the Vaiṣṇavāgama.” In P.-S. Filliozat, S. P. Narang, and C. P. Bhatta, eds., Pandit N. R. Bhatt Felicitation Volume, pp. 511–525. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1994. Davis, Richard H. “Cremation and Liberation: A Śaiva Siddhānta Revision.” History of Religions 28 (1988): 37–53. Einoo, Shingo. “Changes in Hindu Ritual, with a Focus on the Morning Service.” In Yasuhiko Nagano and Yasuke Ikari, eds., From Vedic Altar to Village Shrine, Senri Ethnological Studies 36, pp. 197–237. Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology, 1993. Einoo, Shingo. “The Formation of Hindu Ritual.” In Shingo Einoo and Jun Takashima, eds., From Material to Deity: Indian Rituals of Consecration, Japanese Studies on South Asia 4, pp. 7–49. New Delhi: Manohar, 2005. Einoo, Shingo. “The Formation of the Pūjā Ceremony.” Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik 20 (Festschrift für Paul Thieme) (1996): 73–87. Einoo, Shingo. “From Kāmas to Siddhis—Tendencies in the Development of Ritual towards Tantrism.” In Shingo Einoo, ed., Genesis and Development of Tantrism, pp. 17–40. Tokyo: Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo, 2009. Geslani, Marko. “The Ritual Culture of Appeasement: Śānti Rites in Post-Vedic Sources.” PhD dissertation, Yale University, 2011. Gonda, Jan. “The Baudhāyana-Gṛhya-Paribhāṣā-Sūtra.” In Beiträge zur Indienforschung: Ernst Waldschmidt zum 80. Geburstag gewidmet, pp. 169–190. Berlin:  Museum für Indische Kunst, 1977. Gonda, Jan. The Ritual Sūtras: A History of Indian Literature, vol. 1, no. 2. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1977. Granoff, Phyllis. “Images and Their Ritual Use in Medieval India:  Hesitations and Contradictions.” In Phyllis Granoff and Koichi Shinohara, eds., Images in Asian Religion: Texts and Contexts, pp. 19–55. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2004. Granoff, Phyllis. “Other People’s Rituals:  Ritual Eclecticism in Early Medieval Indian Religious.” Journal of Indian Philosophy 28/4 (2000): 399–424. Granoff, Phyllis. “Reading between the Lines: Colliding Attitudes towards Image Worship in Indian Religious Texts.” In Gérard Colas and Gilles Tarabout, eds., Rites hindous, transfers et transformations [Hindu Rites, Transfers, and Transformations] (= Puruṣārtha 25: 389–421). Paris: Éditions de l’École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, 2006. Harting, Pieter Nicolaas Ubbo. Selections from the Baudhāyana-Gṛhyapariśiṣṭasūtra. Amersfoort: J. Valkhoff & Co, 1922. Humphrey, Caroline, and James Laidlaw. The Archetypal Actions of Ritual. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994. Hüsken, Ute. Viṣṇu’s Children:  Prenatal Life-Cycle Rituals in South India. Ethno-Indology. Heidelberg Studies in South Asian Rituals 9. Translated from the German by Will Sweetman. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2009. Keith, Arthur B. The Veda of the Black Yajus School Entitled Taittiriya Sanhita. Harvard Oriental Series, vols. 18–19. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914. Krick, Hertha. “Nārāyaṇabali und Opfertod.” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Südasiens 21 (1977): 71–142. Lubin, Timothy. Atharvaśiras:  Historical Study, Critical Edition, and Translation. Gonda Indological Studies. Leiden: Brill, forthcoming



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Lubin, Timothy. “The Nīlarudropaniṣad and the Paippalādasaṃhitā:  A  Critical Edition and Translation of the Upaniṣad and Nārāyaṇa’s Dīpikā.” In Arlo Griffiths and Annette Schmiedchen, eds., The Atharvaveda and its Paippalāda Śākhā: Historical and Philological Papers on a Vedic Tradition, Geisteskultur Indiens, Texte und Studien 11 (= Studia Indologica Universitatis Halensis), pp. 81–139. Aachen: Shaker Verlag, 2007. Lubin, Timothy. “The Transmission, Patronage, and Prestige of Brahmanical Piety from the Mauryas to the Guptas.” In Federico Squarcini, ed., Boundaries, Dynamics and Construction of Traditions in South Asia, Kykéion studi e testi I, Scienze delle religioni 3, pp. 77–103. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2005. Mayrhofer, Manfred. Kurzgefaßtes etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindischen [A Concise Etymological Sanskrit Dictionary], Vol. 2. Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1963. Michaels, Axel, and Anand Mishra, eds. Ritual Dynamics and the Science of Ritual. Vol.  1, Grammars and Morphologies of Ritual Practices in Asia. Science of Ritual Series. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2010. Oberlies, Thomas. “Die Śvetāśvatara-Upaniṣad: Eine Studie ihrer Gotteslehre (Studien zu den ‘mittleren’ Upaniṣads I).” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Südasiens 32 (1988): 35–62. Payne, Richard K. “Ritual Syntax and Cognitive Science.” Pacific World, 3rd ser., 6 (2004): 195–227. Raghu, Vira. “Gonāmika:  One of the Newly Discovered Pariśiṣṭas of the Maitrāyaṇīyas.” Journal of Vedic Studies (Lahore) 1 (1934): 6–12. Rolland, Pierre. Compléments au rituel domestique védique:  Le Vārāhagṛhyapuruṣa. Aix-en-Provence: Université Aix-Marseille I, 1971. Rolland, Pierre. “Deux pariśiṣṭa de l’école Vārāha.” Journal asiatique 257 (1969): 265–272. Rolland, Pierre. “Un fragment médical ‘védique’:  La Premier khaṇḍa du Vārāhapariśiṣṭa Bhūtotpatti.” Münchner Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 30 (1972): 129–138. Sastri, Shama R., ed. Bodhāyanagṛhyasūtram (The Bodhāyana Gṛihyasutra). 1920. Oriental Library Publications, Sanskrit Series, 32/55. Reprinted Mysore:  University of Mysore, Government Branch Press, 1983. Scheffler, Israel. “Ritual and Reference.” Synthese 46/3 (1981): 421–437. Scheffler, Israel. “Ritual Change.” Revue Internationale de Philosophie 47 (1993): 151–160. Seaquist, Carl A. “Ritual Individuation and Ritual Change.” Method and Theory in the Study of Religion 21 (2009): 340–360. Seaquist, Carl A. “Ritual Syntax.” PhD dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 2004. Smith, Brian K. “The Unity of Ritual: The Place of the Domestic Sacrifice in Vedic Ritualism.” Indo-Iranian Journal 28 (1986): 79–96. Smith, Frederick M. The Vedic Sacrifice in Transition:  A  Translation and Study of the Trikāṇḍamaṇḍana of Bhāskara Miśra. Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1987. Staal, J.  Frits. “Mantras and Bird Songs.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 105/3 (1985): 549–558. Staal, J. Frits. “The Meaninglessness of Ritual.” Numen 26/1 (1979): 2–22. Staal, J.  Frits. “Ritual Syntax.” In M. Nagatomi et  al., eds., Sanskrit and Indian Studies, pp. 119‒142. Dordrecht: Reidel, 1979. Staal, J. Frits. Rules Without Meaning: Ritual, Mantra and the Human Sciences. New York: Peter Lang, 1990.

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Staal, J. Frits. The Science of Ritual. Professor P. D. Gune Memorial Lectures. Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1982. Staal, J. Frits. Word Order in Sanskrit and Universal Grammar. Wiesbaden: Springer, 1967. Tambiah, Stanley Jeyaraja. “A Performative Approach to Ritual.” Proceedings of the British Academy 65 (1979): 113–169. Reprinted in Culture, Thought, and Social Action. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1985, pp. 123–166. Thieme, Paul. “Indische Wörter und Sitten. I. pūjā.” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 93 (1939): 105–124. Weber, Albrecht, ed. Die Taittirīya-Saṃhitā. Indische Studien 11–12. Leipzig:  Brockhaus, 1871–1872.

Oblation, Non-conception, and Body Systems of Psychosomatic Fir e Oblation in Esoter ic Buddhism in Medieval South Asia

Tsunehiko Sugiki

i INTRODUCTION Brahmanism developed various forms of external fire oblation rituals from the beginning of its history.1 Meanwhile, some traditions in Brahmanism (especially the Upaniṣadic tradition) attempted to internalize fire oblation rituals and developed various theories on the internal practice of fire oblation.2 The same attempt can be seen in Buddhist esoteric traditions. The Mahāvairocana-sūtra (ca. seventh century) is the oldest Buddhist scripture that systematically teaches inner forms of fire oblation. Several esoteric scriptures (i.e., tantras) compiled after the Mahāvairocana-sūtra expound a variety of different kinds of Buddhist systems of inner fire oblation. For example, in his Jyotirmañjarī, Abhayākaragupta (eleventh to twelfth centuries) presents a typology of Buddhist systems of inner fire oblation: (1) mental fire oblation (yid kyi sbyin sreg), (2) internal fire oblation (nang gi sbyin sreg, adhyātmahoma), and (3) supreme fire oblation (bla na med pa’ i sbyin sreg). He further divides internal fire oblation into: (2)-1 internal fire oblation by use of external matters (phyi rol gyi rdzas kyis nang gi sbyin sreg, bāhyavastunādhyātmahoma), and (2)-2 internal fire oblation with no dependence on external matter (phyi rol gyi rdzas la ma ltos pa’ i nang gi sbyin sreg).3 This typology is not perfect. There are other Buddhist systems of inner fire oblation that do not fall into either category, or that are mixtures of these types. (However, this typology is useful to a certain extent if we take it as a list of elements of practice that constitute actual types of inner fire oblation rather than as a list of actual types of inner fire oblation.) 167

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This essay analyzes structures of Buddhist systems of “psychosomatic fire oblation” developed between ninth and thirteenth centuries in South Asia, and through this analysis draws a comprehensive picture of them. Systems of psychosomatic fire oblation can also be found in Śaivism and Vaiṣṇavism,4 and constitute an important component throughout South Asian traditions of fire oblation. “Psychosomatic fire-oblation” is not a native term. Many of the Buddhist scriptures that teach this type of fire oblation call it “internal fire oblation” (adhyātmahoma, nang gi sbyin sreg, or the like). However, there are other scriptures that do not use the term “internal fire oblation.” Moreover, there are many works that use the term “internal fire oblation” to indicate other types of fire oblation. Hence, I have coined the term “psychosomatic fire oblation” in order to avoid confusion. By “psychosomatic” I mean “of subtle-body yoga,” or “of a circle of channels.” Psychosomatic fire oblation, that is, yogic fire oblation based on the subtle body, roughly corresponds to Abhayākaragupta’s category of internal fire oblation with no dependence on external matters, and it also contains elements of meditation that constitute Abhayāyakaragupta’s third category, supreme fire oblation, as well as elements that are not considered in his typology.5 Buddhist systems of psychosomatic fire oblation in South Asia have not been fully studied. Yael Bentor conducted a relatively comprehensive study of forms of inner fire oblation (including psychosomatic fire oblation) in India and in Tibet. While this study is no doubt a great contribution and was really helpful for me to research forms of inner fire oblation, there are some problems, especially in her analysis of Buddhist versions of inner fire oblation in South Asia. Some important materials are omitted and her interpretations appear to depend more on the views of the Indian scholar-monk Abhayākaragupta (which were summarized in the second paragraph of this introduction) and some Tibetan scholar-monks (who were probably affected by Abhayākaragupta’s views) than on the texts of Buddhist tantras and related works composed in South Asia.6 Bentor is correct in describing some later scholarly views, but I would like to attach the same importance to the tantra texts and related works in South Asia. THREE ELEMENTS THAT COMPRISE STRUCTURES OF PSYCHOSOMATIC FIRE OBLATION SYSTEMS Three elements form the structure of psychosomatic fire oblation practices in esoteric Buddhism: the practice of oblation, nonconceptual meditation, and subtle-body yoga. We will consider these elements before examining the instructions on psychosomatic fire oblation given in Buddhist scriptures. Oblation Practice: Internalization of a Standard Ritual Form of Fire Oblation A standard ritual form of fire oblation, often called “external fire oblation” (bāhyahoma), is divided into four kinds (or more) according to its function: the pacifying (śānti) rite,



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the prospering (puṣṭi) rite, the bewitching (vaśya or the like) rite, and the subjugating (abhicāra or the like) rite. Psychosomatic fire oblation does not have these ritual categories. Nevertheless, the standard ritual form of fire oblation served as a model for the practice of psychosomatic fire oblation. A practitioner uses external ritual items such as a hearth (kuṇḍa), a fire (agni or the like), and big and small ritual ladles (pātrī and sruva, etc.), firewood (samidh or samidha), fuel (indhana), and various offered articles in the standard ritual form of fire oblation. In psychosomatic fire oblation all of these items are internalized, that is, equated with components of the practitioner’s body and mind. The idea that fire oblation is performed to gratify deities is also incorporated into the practice of psychosomatic fire oblation, with a modification from the yogic viewpoint. The Subāhuparipṛcchā (ca. sixth century) offers a concise explanation of this basic mechanism: “Deities become satisfied through the fire oblation. They bring fruits as hoped.”7 As described in the Subāhuparipṛcchā, the mechanism of gift-giving is premised upon a widely accepted idea underlying many ritual systems, that practitioners and deities are distinguished from each other in terms of their ritual roles. To some degree preserving this ritual idea, the idea that the practitioner and the deities are ultimately undivided is emphasized in the system of psychosomatic fire oblation. From this viewpoint, oblations to deities are simultaneously oblations to the practitioner. The Fire of Gnosis: Nonconceptual Meditation Just as a fire burns fuel (wood) into ashes, so gnosis ( jñāna) destroys sins, defilements, and all worldly concerns. In this analogy, fire has often been regarded as a symbol of gnosis in both Buddhist and non-Buddhist traditions since the ancient age.8 Conversely, some ancient Brahmanical (Upaniṣadic) scriptures put forward the idea that knowledge of ultimate reality formed the essential part of fire oblation rituals in general. The earliest case of this is found in the Chāndogyopaniṣad, according to which knowledge of the universal Self (vaiśvānarātman) makes an oblation universal and that burns up all bad things in the practitioners of the rite.9 The idea that knowledge of ultimate reality constitutes the heart of fire oblation practice became prevalent and was combined with the idea of the fire metaphor of gnosis. The Buddhist Mahāvairocana-sūtra teaches a contemplation of nonconceptual reality as a superior form of fire oblation practice, calling it “the internal fire oblation” (nang gi sbyin sreg). In this practice, gnosis is called “nonconceptualizing wisdom” (’phro ba med pa’ i shes rab) or “mental fire” (yid kyi me). Fire in this practice does not mean an actual material fire but refers to one’s mind in a meditative state. Through this contemplative fire oblation, concepts produced from and dependent on the mind, such as sensory objects and the process of their perception, are counteracted and disintegrated by the mind in a meditative state.10 A similar teaching appears in many Buddhist scriptures composed after the Mahāvairocana-sūtra,11 in which metaphoric fire is called “the fire of gnosis” ( jñānānala, jñānāgni, ye shes me) or the like.

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The Subtle Body, or the Circle of Channels The Sāṃkhya religio-philosophical tradition in Brahmanism is probably the oldest tradition that uses the term “subtle body” (sūkṣmaśarīra) to indicate the collective body of one’s mental and physical functions (such as speaking, holding, hearing, touching, thinking, etc.). It can be defined as the functional or spiritual body. One’s subtle body works within the gross (physical) body (sthūlaśarīra), and together they constitute an individual being. The subtle body plays a vital role in both the ordinary activities of one’s life and in one’s spiritual training. Tantric traditions (both Buddhist and non-Buddhist) incorporated this idea of the subtle body and developed tantric forms of it. Much importance was given to the “channels” (also translated as veins or arteries, nāḍī), and theories of the subtle body centered around these channels were developed.12 There are said to be seventy-two thousand channels in one’s body. Channels are bodily pathways through which various substances, such as “winds” (prāṇa, etc.) and other body substances carried by the winds move, or they are the movements of these substances per se. One’s mental and physical activities are closely connected with movements of body substances in (or as) channels. Thus, meditation on channels and the movement of body substances through them is an important practice. As is well known, the Hevajra-tantra (ca. eighth century) is the first Buddhist scripture to systematically expound the subtle-body system centered on channels. In Buddhism the term “circle of channels” (nāḍīcakra) is more general than the term “subtle body.” There are three principle channels: avadhūtī, lalanā, and rasanā. Avadhūtī is the supreme channel, running along the vertical centerline of one’s body from the head to the abdomen. The lalanā and rasanā run on the left and right sides of the avadhūtī, respectively. These three channels run through lotus-shaped cakras (wheels or circles), each with a different number of petals. Cakras are areas in the body where many channels gather together. There are different theories regarding the cakras found in Buddhism. Theories closely related to the psychosomatic fire oblation are the four-cakra theory and the six-cakra theory, especially the former. The four cakras are the “great bliss cakra” (mahāsukhacakra) in the head, the “enjoyment cakra” (saṃbhogacakra) in the throat, the “Dharma cakra” (dharmacakra) in the heart, and the “creation cakra” (nirmāṇacakra) in the navel area. The six cakras are these four together with the “fire cakra” (vahnicakra) below the creation cakra, and the “wind cakra” (vāyucakra) below the fire cakra.13 Winds, body fluids, and other bodily substances move in the cakras through channels. Particular types of body fluids are called “awakening mind” (bodhicitta), “immortal nectar” (amṛta), “soma” (soma or somapāṇa), “semen” (retas), and so forth. These are fluid essences symbolizing enlightenment, inner alchemical essences, and/or inner sources of superhuman power. When a practitioner performs yoga based on his subtle body or circle of channels, he ignites a yogic subtle fire or inner heat in his body through breath



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control and concentration. The yogic subtle fire or inner heat is called either Caṇḍālī or the name of the highest goddess in each scriptural tradition. The yogic subtle fire moves through the channels and cakras and heats them, and they then secrete the body fluids mentioned above, such as “awakening mind,” and so on. Composers of Buddhist tantras applied this technique of subtle-body yoga to various kinds of practices in different ways and developed varieties of yogic practices based on the subtle body. A well-known (and the oldest) example is the yoga of perfection process (utpanna-/niṣpanna- krama) connected with the fourfold bliss (caturānanda) theory taught in the Hevajra-tantra. Through this yoga a practitioner attains nondual reality in the form of bliss, called “innate bliss” (sahajānanda) or “great pleasure” (mahāsukha).14 Other examples are some versions of the yoga of creation process (utpattikrama), the psychosomatic bali offering, and so forth. Psychosomatic fire oblation is also an example of an application of subtle-body yoga. Sexual Intercourse and Its Internalization Early Buddhist tantras, such as the Guhyasamāja-tantra and others, teach many practices employing sexual substances, including the physical practice of sexual yoga. Particular versions of psychosomatic fire oblation are also carried out as a physical practice of sexual yoga between a male practitioner and his female partner(s). In these versions, his bodily substances and penis are respectively equated with clarified butter (ghee) and a ladle to offer it, and his female partner’s vagina is regarded as a hearth or sacrificial ground. The idea that sexual intercourse has the significance of fire oblation appears in ancient Brahmanism. The Bṛhadāraṇyakopaniṣad teaches: [The essence] of man is semen. Prajāpati (i.e., the Creator) then thought to himself: “Now, why don’t I prepare a base for that semen?” So he created woman and, after creating her, had intercourse with her. A man, therefore, should have intercourse with a woman. Prajāpati stretched out from himself the elongated stone for pressing Soma (i.e., the penis to ejaculate semen) and impregnated her with it. Her vulva is the sacrificial ground; her pubic hair is the sacred grass; her labia majora are the Soma-press; and her labia minora are the fire blazing at the center. A man who engages in sexual intercourse with this knowledge obtains as great a world as a man who performs a Soma sacrifice, and he appropriates to himself the merits of the women with whom he has sex.15 Having children to continue one’s family line is an obligation (dharma) of adult males of the twice-born class in Brahmanism. In order to have children, he must marry an appropriate woman and have intercourse with her. The passage in the Bṛhadāraṇyakopaniṣad explains sexual intercourse as an obligation derived from

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the creative deed of the Creator, having the same significance as a soma sacrifice (a Brahmanical fire oblation ritual). In contrast, Buddhist versions of sexual psychosomatic fire oblation are not intended for twice-born males to fulfill Brahmanical dharma. They are instead intended for male Buddhist tāntrikas to make oblation to deities through nonconceptual meditation, as discussed later. However, the Brahmanical idea that righteous copulation has the significance of fire oblation appears to have assisted the development of the idea of the physical practice of sexual yoga as a practice of Buddhist fire oblation. Sometime shortly after the eighth century, composers of later Buddhist tantras preserved this practice to a certain extent by internalizing sexual practices. This was an attempt to resolve the contradiction between monastic vows of celibacy and engaging in sexual practices, which occurred as tantric traditions originating outside monasteries were incorporated into monastic Buddhism. The same attempt can be said of some versions of psychosomatic fire oblation in which the physical practice of sexual yoga is not a necessary component. Generally such internalized sexual practices equate female partners with channels, a particular cakra (or cakras), and/or the yogic subtle fire in the male practitioner’s body. Alternatively, in some versions of psychosomatic fire oblation the metaphor of the penis as an offering ladle and the female partner’s vagina as a hearth are identified, respectively, with a particular channel and cakra in the male practitioner’s body. MATERIALS Except for works that give only brief or obscure explanations, which therefore make it difficult to know details of the practice or to judge with certainty whether they really explain this type of fire oblation, available textual sources suggest that Buddhist systems of psychosomatic fire oblation appeared around or after the ninth century. The next discussion examines the structures of Buddhist systems of psychosomatic fire oblation, using mainly the following six works that provide the most detailed descriptions: 1. The Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra (the Hevajra scriptural cycle).16 2. The Vajramālā-tantra (the Guhyasamāja scriptural cycle). 3. The Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra (the Hevajra-Cakrasaṃvara scriptural cycle).17 4. The Vajraḍāka-tantra (the Cakrasaṃvara scriptural cycle). 5. The Ḍākārṇava-tantra (the Cakrasaṃvara scriptural cycle). 6. Jayasena’s Ḍākārṇavahomavidhi (the Cakrasaṃvara scriptural cycle). Because many of the instructions on psychosomatic fire oblation given in minor Buddhist works are identical with, or similar to, the instructions given in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra and the Vajraḍāka-tantra, and especially those given in the



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former text, the instructions in these works can be considered to be the most popular in South Asian Buddhism.18 We first investigate the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra (1) and the Vajramālā-tantra (2), then the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra (3) and the Vajraḍāka-tantra (4), and finally the Ḍākārṇava-tantra (5) and the Ḍākārṇavahomavidhi (6). This order is followed for the following reasons: • Instructions on the psychosomatic fire oblation in the six works can be grouped into two in terms of the differing ways of performance: texts 1 and 2 show the first way of performance, and texts 3, 4, 5, and 6 show the second. It is also possible to group them into three in terms of the differing manner of internalization of ritual items: 1 and 2 show the first, 3 and 4 the second, and 5 and 6 the third. • The instruction in text 2 is very likely to be a redaction of the instruction in text 1. Text 6 is an extensive manual of fire oblation based on the instruction on fire oblation in text 5. • It is difficult to determine whether the instruction in text 2 or those in numbers 3, 4, and 5 were composed earlier,19 but we can say that the former instruction reflects the older idea of sexual practices (i.e., as a physical practice of sexual yoga) and the latter instructions reflect the newer idea (i.e., as an internalized or symbolized form of sexual practice). Additionally, text 5 is later than 3 and 4, because it mentions the names of both those texts.20 THE MAHĀMUDR ĀTILAK A AND THE VAJR AMĀLĀ Instructions The Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra (­chapter  11) and the Vajramālā-tantra (­chapter  60) explain the psychosomatic fire oblation as follows. 1. Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra Now, listen to the next [instruction].21 I will explain the fire oblation that (1) removes sins. The sound (nāda) is in the navel area. The secret lotus (guhyapaṅkaja) is in the end of the sound.22 Having caused the self-dependent wind (svatantrapavana) of the reed (i.e., channel) to move in a circle in that [navel area], and through excellent fusion of the two forces (dvīndriya),23 he ignites (2) a fire (tejas) and reflects on [it]. The cakra in the top filled with clarified butter (ājyapūrṇacakrāgra; i.e., the great bliss cakra in the head) is taught to be a bowl [for clarified butter] (sthālikā). And also, the letter HA is explained to be a big ritual ladle (srukka).24 The vajra (i.e., penis) is taught to be a small ritual ladle (sruvā) in this [system]. The bhaga (i.e., vagina) is known as a hearth (kuṇḍa), and the five sense faculties (pañcendriya) as rice (vrīhi). The [five] aggregates (skandha) are firewood (samidha). The awakening mind (bodhimānasa) is the best-quality clarified butter (ājya).

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From the new moon day up to the full moon day he should perform [this sexual practice] and send [the awakening mind into the vagina-hearth]. (3)He should never spill the drop-only (bindumātra, i.e., the awakening mind) outside of the hearth by means of the small ritual ladle. (4)One should please with oblation those such as the buddhas, bodhisattvas, gods, dānavas, rākṣasas, and the eight great world-protectors. An offering to Vajrasattva is taught to be an oblation with a full ladle (pūrṇāhuti). The oblation should be made carefully with mantras, which are hūṃ and phaṭ placed on the moonstone (i.e., the practitioner visualizes the letters HŪṂ and PHAṬ on the tip of his vajra).25 (5)Ḍākinīs and many Mothers in this [place of performance or system] are appeased through this. (6)They grant a great accomplishment (mahāsiddhi, such as supernatural powers), which is desirable and hoped in mind. Thus has been explained this fire oblation, which (7)realizes all [accomplishments]. Thus is the eleventh chapter on the internal fire oblation (TTP: “the fire oblation in the real”) in the glorious Mahāmudrātilaka. 2. Vajramālā-tantra Now, listen to the next [instruction].26 I will explain the eminent internal fire oblation, in accordance with which he should constantly perform the marvelous fire oblation by means of substances moving inside which are fluid (i.e., the awakening mind); by means of fuel (bud shing), which are the five aggregates (phung po lnga) born out of the subliminal impressions of [past] discrimination (rnam rtog bag chags sa bon); and by means of (1) the fire of great yogic gnosis (rnal ’byor ye shes chen po’ i me). The sound (sgra tsam) is in the navel area. The external of the sound is a secret lotus (gsang pad ma).27 In that [navel area], by the fire ignited with the self-dependent wind (rang rgyud rlung) [and through] the fusion of the two forces (dbang po gnyis),28 the light shines brightly. The secret lotus in the top filled with clarified butter (rtse mar gang gsang pad ma; i.e., the great bliss cakra in the head) is proclaimed to be a bowl [for clarified butter] (snod) in this [system]. The letter HAṂ is explained to be a big ritual ladle (dgang gzar). The vajra (rdo rje, i.e., the penis) is taught to be a small ritual ladle (blugs gzar). The bhaga (bha ga; i.e., the vagina) is known as a hearth (thab khung), and the five sense faculties (dbang po lnga) as an offered article (bsreg rdzas). The [five] aggregates are firewood (yam shing). Clarified butter (mar) is explained to be the awakening mind (byang chub sems). From the new moon day up to the full moon day he should perform [this sexual practice] and send [the awakening mind to his penis-ladle inserted into the vagina-hearth]. The hearth is explained to be drop-only (thig le tsam, i.e., the awakening mind). The small (2) ritual ladle never spills out. (3)One should be pleased through the incessant fire oblation to the buddhas, Moharati and so on, bodhisattvas such as Rūpavajra and so on, and the ten krodharājas (“ furious kings”). An offering to Vajrasattva is taught to be an oblation with a full ladle (dgang blugs). The oblation should be made according to prescription



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with mantras having hūṃ and phaṭ (i.e., the practitioner visualizes the letters HŪṂ and PHAṬ on the tip of his vajra).29 (4)If those residing in the body are appeased through this, [there will be] the supreme samaya (dam tshig),30 having been granted an accomplishment (dngos grub) as he hopes in mind. This fire oblation is explained to be the highest. (5)[It] brings all accomplishments as fruits. The sixtieth chapter on the internal fire oblation in the glorious Vajramālābhisamayamahāyoga-tantra. Psychosomatic fire oblation is called “internal fire oblation” (adhyātmahoma, according to the Sanskrit manuscript) or “fire oblation in the real” (don dam pa’ i sbyin sreg; *paramārthahoma, according to the Tibetan translation) in the last paragraph of the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra. It is called “internal (nang gi bdag nyid) fire oblation” in the second and last paragraphs of the Vajramālā-tantra. We will now examine the passages just translated, using other chapters of both tantras that give related information as supporting materials. (The italicized words or sentences with subscripts in the translation above are referred to in the following examination as “line 1,” “line 2,” etc.) Internal Forms of Ritual Items Internal forms of ritual items are described in the second paragraph in the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra and the first and second paragraphs in the Vajramālā-tantra (summarized in table 1). A small ritual ladle and a hearth are the vajra (i.e., the penis) and the bhaga (i.e., the vagina), respectively: the psychosomatic fire oblation is carried out as a physical practice of sexual yoga between a male practitioner and his female partner(s) in these two tantras. The duration of time appropriate for this practice is from the new moon day up to the full moon day (i.e., “the white half of a month,” considered the auspicious half of a month). It is probable that this practice is performed in some sort of tantric festival where male and female tāntrikas (tantric practitioners) gather during the auspicious part of a month; it is also probable that a practitioner performs it privately with his female partner during that time. The texts give only brief explanations of some of the steps constituting the entire process of this practice. However, it is possible to reconstruct the outline of the entire process as follows. Having visualized the letters HŪṂ and PHAṬ on the tip of his penis (i.e., a small ritual ladle), a male practitioner has sex with his female partner(s). Through the union of their genital organs the practitioner controls the movements of the winds in his body and ignites the yogic subtle fire. The yogic subtle fire blazes upward, burning up concepts such as “the five sense faculties” (i.e., rice or offered articles) and “the five aggregates” (i.e., firewood and fuel) that the practitioner conceives. Then the yogic subtle fire heats the great bliss cakra in his head (i.e., a bowl for clarified butter). The great bliss cakra has the letter HAṂ (i.e., a large ritual ladle) at its center. When heated by the yogic subtle fire,

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TABLE 1. THE MAHĀMUDRĀTILAKA AND THE VAJRAMĀLĀ SYSTEMS Items of fire oblation Mahāmudrātilakatantra Vajramālātantra Bowl for clarified butter Cakra in the topa Secret lotus in the topa Big ritual ladle

HA-letterb

HAṂ-letterb

Small ritual ladle

Vajra (Penis)c

Hearth

Bhaga (Vagina)c

[1]‌Rice/Offered article

Five sense faculties

[2]‌ Firewood

Five aggregates

[3]‌Clarified butter

Awakening mind

[4]‌ Fuel

—

Five aggregates

The cakra or secret lotus in the top means the great bliss cakra in the head. The letter HAṂ is at the center of the great bliss cakra in the head. The letter HAṂ consists of “HA” and “Ṃ (anusvāra).” The HA-part of the letter HAṂ is identified with a big ritual ladle in the Mahāmudrātilakatantra. c The pair of opposite words vajra and bhaga is important in esoteric Buddhism. These two words have many meanings. The primary meaning of these two words is penis and vagina, respectively. It is most likely that their meanings in the teachings translated above are also the penis of a practitioner and the vagina of his female partner(s) because prescriptions on ejaculation are given (: line 4 in the Mahāmudrātilakatantra and line 2 in the Vajramālātantra). Gambhīravajra’s Guhyārthaprakāśa also interprets the vajra and bhaga as the penis and vagina. a

b

the bindu (“drop”) of the candra-bindu part (i.e., the Ṃ part) of the HAṂ letter is refined into the body fluid “awakening mind” (i.e., clarified butter), and it flows out of the great bliss cakra through the HA part of the letter HAṂ (i.e., a large ritual ladle). The awakening mind flows downward in his body. He offers the awakening mind to the vagina of his female partner(s) (i.e., hearth) through his penis (i.e., the small ritual ladle). The Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra and the Vajramālā-tantra offer different views regarding whether the practitioner ejaculates the “awakening mind” into his partner’s vagina in the last step of the sexual yoga. The Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra seems to teach that the practitioner should ejaculate into the vagina without fail (line 3). On the other hand, the Vajramālā-tantra rejects ejaculation (line 2). The latter opinion accords with the general opinion in Buddhist traditions of sexual yoga. The intention of the latter tantra is probably that sexual intercourse while keeping the awakening mind in the penis is the righteous practice of oblation.31 As shown in table 1, things that are offered are grouped into three in the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra (1, 2, 3) and into four in the Vajramālātantra (1, 2, 3, 4). From this classification we can interpret that psychosomatic fire oblation has two aspects: as a practice of oblation and as a nonconceptual meditation. (3) The awakening mind (i.e., inner clarified butter) is offered to the female partner’s body hearth and, through that hearth, to recipient deities. (1) How to offer the “five sense faculties” (i.e., inner rice, or inner offered articles excluding clarified butter) is not explained in the texts, but



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it can be inferred that the practitioner’s concept “five sense faculties” is burned up by his yogic subtle fire and is offered through that fire to recipient deities.32 These are practices of oblation. The concepts “five sense faculties” and “five aggregates” (i.e., inner firewood and fuel) (1, 2, 4) that the practitioner conceives are burned up and disintegrated by the yogic fire. This is therefore a practice of nonconceptual meditation. The concepts “five sense faculties” and “five aggregates” are Buddhist frameworks of the elements that constitute an individual self. This suggests that the practitioner renounces his erroneous attachment to the concepts that frame his own self by means of nonconceptual meditation on the yogic subtle fire. The yogic subtle fire is named “the fire of great yogic gnosis” (a variant name of “the fire of gnosis”) in the Vajramālā-tantra (line 1), while it is merely called “fire” in the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra (line 2). The term “the fire of great yogic gnosis” is probably intended to emphasize its function of disintegrating concepts.

Recipients of Oblation Recipients in the Mahāmudrātilaka The Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra mentions deities (or holy human beings) who receive, or are pleased with, inner oblations in lines 4 and 5. Buddhas, bodhisattvas, gods, dānavas, rākṣasas, the eight world-protectors, and Vajrasattva are spiritual leaders, followers, or protectors of Buddhism, respectively. They reside in various places of the universe.33 “Ḍākinīs and mothers in this” are probably both human and spiritual female participants at the place of performance, especially the female partner (or partners) of the practitioner, who receives the “awakening mind” from the practitioner through sexual yoga. Indeed, these deities or holy human beings are outside the body of the practitioner. However, for the practitioner, they are undivided from himself both epistemologically and ontologically. The key deity is Vajrasattva. Chapter 10 of the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra, which gives general information about practices of internal oblation, reads: [The external] ceremony of installation, maṇḍala, and fire oblation; he should never perform this. He should always make oblation to himself by means of [bodily substances such as] feces, adamantine water, jewel, and so on because what exists in this [universe] are evidently representations of the mind, which is the mind-vajra. This All (i.e., the universe) is of good reflection, a manifestation of the mind-vajra. Its form … (text unreadable; TTP has “Its manifested form [as object] is not the mind [itself]”) and is of the characteristic of emptiness, and since emptiness is not also perceived as object, All is like the sky. Even a man who thus knows the purity should respect … (text corrupted; TTP reads “channels and so on, too”). Thus All consists of the mind. There is nothing besides the mind. He is himself Lord Vajrasattva. He should wander in the form of the mind. Besides the mind, there is no being that is the highest in the form of a deity.34

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Since all beings are none other than the practitioner’s mind, that is, the mind-vajra (which is, however, ultimately empty), what the practitioner should do is practice oblation as oblation to himself as Vajrasattva, using his own bodily substances. This explains well the logic of psychosomatic fire oblation. Vajrasattva is the tantric lord or the ideal type of tantric practitioner, on the one hand, and is the practitioner himself, on the other. Since the practitioner knows the truth of the mind-vajra, all outer recipient deities (or holy human beings) are, for him, within himself. The practitioner’s self-oblation has universal effect because his mind is of a universal nature. What, then, is the relationship between the realization of that inclusive mind and nonconceptual meditation (i.e., renunciation of erroneous attachment to concepts that frame one’s individual being)? The text does not clearly explain this relationship. However, it can be inferred that the former meditative state of mind is attained helped by the latter meditation because the latter meditation by means of the yogic subtle fire starts before the inner oblation which is done in the former meditative state. I argue that the recipient ḍākinīs and mothers were female partner(s) of the practitioner. It may also be posited that the same ḍākinīs and mothers are channels in the practitioner’s body for the following reasons:  The Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra has an idea that channels are internal forms of ḍākinīs (it gives detailed explanation of the circle of channels in ­chapter 4: channels running through the six cakras).35 The passage in c­ hapter 10 translated above proclaims, “Even a man who thus knows the purity should respect channels and so on.”36 Fruits that can be attained through the practice of psychosomatic fire oblation are mentioned in lines 1, 6, and 7.  Lines 5 and 6 relate that accomplishments (such as supernatural powers and superhuman experiences) are given to the practitioner by the ḍākinīs and mothers in return for his service to them. It is possible to interpret this as follows:  Externally, the ḍākinīs and mothers as female participants of this practice give accomplishments to the practitioner by their superhuman power. Internally, accomplishments are the results of the practitioner’s self-empowerment: the ḍākinīs and mothers as channels in his body become increasingly active through this practice, which results in the development of his inner spiritual powers.37 Recipients in the Vajramālā The Vajramālā-tantra explains the idea that the practitioner and the recipient deities are inseparable, using the idea of the body maṇḍala.38 The Vajramālā-tantra mentions buddhas, Moharati and so on, bodhisattvas such as Rūpavajra and so on, the ten furious kings, and Vajrasattva as deities who receive inner oblations (line 3)  and describes them as “those residing in the body” (line 4). We can identify these recipient deities with the deities constituting a body maṇḍala (lus kyi dkyil ’ khor) expounded in ­chapter 45 of the same tantra.39 The structure of this body maṇḍala is formed by the traditional Buddhist frameworks of an individual being:  (1)  the five



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aggregates (phung po, *skandha), (2) the five material causes (*dhātu), (3) the twelve bases of experience (skye mched, *āyatana), (4) channels (rtsa, *nāḍī), (5) gnosis (ye shes, *jñāna), and (6) other elements of the body (lus kyi chos rnams, *kāyadharma, dhātu, or the like). These frameworks correspond to the five buddhas (1), the five vidyā-goddesses (i.e., Moharati and four others) (2), twelve bodhisattvas (i.e., Rūpavajrā and eleven others) (3), Maitreya Bodhisattva (4), Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva (5), and the ten furious kings (6), respectively. Chapter 64 of the same tantra also illustrates a body maṇḍala (sku yi dkyil ’ khor) that has almost the same structure as the body maṇḍala in ­chapter 45.40 In ­chapter 64, all the vidyā goddesses, bodhisattvas, and the ten furious kings constituting the body maṇḍala are titled Bhagavat or Tathāgata, and the body maṇḍala is defined as a collective body of perfect buddhas (rdzogs pa’ i sangs rgyas) and as the body of Vajrasattva.41 The body maṇḍala described in these two chapters can be summarized as shown in table 2. (The Sanksrit names of the deities were restored by consulting the Guhyasamāja-tantra, Candrakīrti’s Pradīpodyotana, some other texts of the Guhyasamāja tradition that have parallel or similar passages, and Abhayākaragupta’s Vajrāvalī and Niṣpannayogāvalī.) The five aggregates, the five material causes (forming the form aggregates), the six sense faculties (in the twelve bases of experience), channels (interpretable as “sinews” in this

TABLE 2. THE BODY MAṆḌALA IN THE VAJRAMĀLĀTANTRA Chapter 45 Chapter 64 The Fi v e Aggr egates: The Fi v e Buddh as

Form

Jinajik

Kāyavajra

Perception

Ratnadhṛk

Ākāśavajra

Conception

Ārolik

Vāgvajra

Formation

Prajñādhṛk

Karmavajra

Cognition

Vajradhṛk

Cittavajra

The Fi v e M ater i a l Causes: The Fi v e V idyā-Goddesses

Earth

Moharati

Bhagavatī Locanā

Water

Dveśarati

Bhagavatī Māmakī

Fire

Rāgarati

Bhagavatī Pāṇḍaravāsinī

Wind

Vajrarati

Bhagavatī Tārā

Space

Vajradhātvīśvarīa

—

The T w elv e Bases of Ex per ience: T w elv e Bodhisatt vas

Form

Rūpavajrāb

—

Sound

Śabdavajrā

—

c

(continued)

TABLE 2. (CONTINUED) Smell

Gandhavajrād

—

Taste

Rasavajrāe

—

Tangible object

Sparśavajrā

(Dharma)g

Dharmadhātvīśvarī

—

Eye

Kṣitigarbha

Kṣitigarbha Tathāgata

Ear

Vajrapāṇi

Vajrapāṇi Tathāgata

Nose

Khagarbha

Gaganagañja Tathāgata

Tongue

Lokeśvara

Lokeśvara Tathāgata

Body

Sarvanivaraṇaviṣkambhin

Sarvanivaraṇaviṣkambhin Tathāgata

Mind

Samantabhadra

Mañjughoṣa Tathāgata

Channels/Sinews

Maitreya

Maitreya Tathāgata

Gnosis

Mañjuśrī

—

Joints

—

Samantabhadra Tathāgata

f

—

Other Elements of the Body: The Ten Fur ious K i ngs

Right shoulder

—

Yamāntaka Tathāgata

Left shoulder

—

Aparājita Tathāgata

Mouth

—

Hayagrīva Tathāgata

Private parts

—

Amṛtakuṇḍalin Tathāgata

Right arm

—

Acala Tathāgata

Left arm

—

Ṭakkirāja Tathāgata

Right knee

—

Nīladaṇḍa Tathāgata

Left knee

—

Mahābala Tathāgata

Top of the head

—

Uṣṇīṣacakravartin Tathāgata

Sole of the foot

—

Sumbharāja Tathāgata

TTP (both Tohoku and Otani) reads rdo rje dbyings dbang phyug (: masculine vajradhātvīśvara). TTP reads gzugs kyi rdo rje (: masculine rūpavajra). c TTP reads sgra yi rdo rje (: masculine śabdavajra). d TTP reads dri yi rdo rje (: masculine gandhavajra). e TTP reads ro yi rdo rje (: masculine rasavajra). f TTP reads reg bya’i rdo rje (: masculine sparśavajra). g The text gives the name of its deity, but the object represented by this deity is not mentioned. Hence I supplemented. a

b



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context), gnosis, joints, and the other elements of the body are frameworks of an individual human being; the five material causes and the six sense objects (in the twelve bases of experience) are frameworks of the outer world; and all these frameworks of existence constitute the body maṇḍala, which is Vajrasattva, that is, the practitioner himself. Thus, the body maṇḍala is a concept to explain the practitioner as a universal being that includes outer existences within. We can infer that the practitioner becomes aware of his own existence as a body maṇḍala through the nonconceptual meditation (i.e., renunciation of erroneous attachment to concepts framing one’s individual being) discussed above. The fruits that can be attained through this practice are mentioned in lines 4 and  5.  Line 4 explains that these fruits are given to the practitioner by the recipient deities in return for his service to them. As previously mentioned, the recipient deities are indivisible from the practitioner, and we can therefore interpret this give-and-take relationship as the practitioner’s self-empowerment. THE SAm  PUTODBHAVA AND THE VAJR AD  ĀK A Instructions The Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra (­chapter 6.3) and the Vajraḍāka-tantra (­chapter 44) explain psychosomatic fire oblation as follows: 3. Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra Fire oblation42 is performed in (1)the fire of wisdom (prajñāgni), which is shining greatly, by use of offered articles (havis) that are both internal, such as the semen and other [bodily substances] (śukrādya), and external, such as the form and other [sense objects] (rūpādi). [This practice] is proclaimed to be yogic oblation especially to those in the forms of deities, (2) i.e., the six bases of experience (ṣaḍāyātana), the material causes (dhātu), and the aggregates (skandha), and also to ḍākinīs because they are made oblation to through that [practice]. The skull bone in the head (śiraḥkapāla)—this is explained as a bowl for offered articles (havirbhājana). [The channel named] rasanā is known as a small ritual ladle (sruva). A large ritual ladle (pātrī) and [its] mouth (vaktra) are taught as the embodiment of [the channel named] lalanā and the cakra in the heart (hṛccakra). And a hearth (kuṇḍa) is the circle in the navel area (nābhimaṇḍala). The fire of Brahman (brahmāgni) is fanned with the wind of action (karmamāruta) and resides at the trikaṭi (i.e., the abdominal point where the three channels join together). Mantra is explained to be sound (nāda). Recitation ( japa) should be cycling (āvartana). Visualization (bhāvanā) is manifestation (pratibhāsa) through nondual identification with the maṇḍala. This [practice] is based on the innate (sahaja) and is of the nature of the Jinas’ maṇḍala. (3) The mind-king (cittarāja) is a teacher (ācārya) because of [its] function as a superintendent of the maṇḍala. All [practices] such as this sort should be understood in this very [body] as [above] explained.

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4. Vajraḍāka-tantra [The supreme goddess]43 is fanned with the wind of action (karmamāruta) as (1)the fire of gnosis ( jñānāgni) whose fuels (indhana) are the [ five] aggregates and other [mental constructs] (skandhādi). She is blazing on this circle in the navel area (nābhimaṇḍala). [She is] the fire of Brahman (brahmāgni) standing at the trikaṭi (i.e., the abdominal (2) point where the three channels join together). A large ritual ladle (pātrī) is [the channel named] lalanā. A small ritual ladle and [its] mouth (sruvānana) is declared to be [the channel named] rasanā. A bejeweled vajra attached to [the lower end of] the handle [of the ladle] (daṇḍadharatnavajra) is, that is to say, one’s kuliśa (i.e., penis). A bowl for the offered article (havirbhājana) is the skull bone (kapāla), and all offered articles should be offered.44 This process is performed. [Thus] explained to you. O, goddess! This is indeed the supreme [form of] fire oblation. When performed in this way, (3)one attains firm meditation, and it does not diminish. This method is proclaimed to be common to all tantras. No particular name is given to the psychosomatic fire oblation in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra. It is called “the supreme” (niruttara) form of “the internal fire oblation” (adhyātmahoma) in the Vajraḍāka-tantra.45 Supporting materials in this section are Abhayākaragupta’s Āmnāyamañjarī, a commentary on the Saṃpuṭodbhavatantra, and his Jyotirmañjarī (along with Naoji Okuyama’s study of them),46 and other chapters of both tantras that give related information.47 The type of inner fire oblation that Abhayākaragupta calls “internal fire oblation with no dependence on external matters” refers to the psychosomatic fire oblation in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra. Internal Forms of Ritual Items Internal forms of ritual items in these two tantras can be summarized as shown in table  3. The offered article in the skull bone (i.e., the great bliss cakra in the head) is the body fluid, which Abhayākaragupta calls “the awakening mind.” The body fluid represents both bodily substances (semen and so on, internal offered articles) and external objects (the five sense objects, external offered articles) in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra.48 Concepts (such as the five aggregates, etc.) are equated with fuel for the fire in the Vajraḍāka-tantra. These concepts are burned up and disintegrated by the yogic subtle fire, which is called “the fire of gnosis” (line 1) and “the fire of Brahman” (line 2). On the other hand, the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra does not mention fuel, nor does it clearly mention the meditative disintegration of the five aggregates and other concepts except for the sense objects. However, the yogic subtle fire is called “the fire of wisdom” (line 1). This appears to suggest that in this practice of fire oblation the practitioner renounces his erroneous attachment not only to the sense objects but also to the five aggregates (and other concepts). This interpretation is supported by Abhayākaragupta’s comment that the function of the fire of wisdom in this practice is “to dispel whole darkness of discrimination completely.”49

TABLE 3. THE SAṂPUṬODBHAVA AND THE VAJRAḌĀKA SYSTEMS Saṃpuṭodbhavatantra Vajraḍākatantra Items of fire oblation Offered article — Internal article: — External article:

Offered article Body substances (Semen, etc.) Five objects of sense

Bowl for offered article Fuel Small ritual ladle: Its mouth: Big ritual ladle: Its mouth:

Offered articlea — —

Skull bone in the head Mental constructs (Five aggregates, etc.)

— Rasanāb —b

Rasanā Lalanāc

Cakra in the heartc

—

Bejeweled vajra of the handle of ladle

—d

Penis

Hearth

Circle in the navel area

(Circle in the navel area)e

Mantra

Soundf

—

Recitation

Revolving g

—

Visualization

Manifestationh

—

Teacher

Mind-king

—

The Vajraḍākatantra mentions offered articles in the skull bone in the head, but it does not detail them. According to Abhayākaragupta, the Rasanā channel is the handle part of a small ritual ladle and its mouth part is the lotus in the throat (i.e., the enjoyment cakra) in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra. c According to Abhayākaragupta, the Lalanā channel is the handle part of a big ritual ladle and its mouth part is the cakra in the heart (i.e., the Dharma cakra) in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra. d According to Abhayākaragupta, a bejeweled vajra is attached to the lower ends of both Rasanā and Lalanā. However, unlike the Vajraḍāka-tantra, he relates that the bejeweled vajra, along with a hearth, is situated in the navel area. e The Vajraḍāka-tantra does not explain clearly which bodily area is the hearth. We can construe the circle in the navel area as the hearth because it is the only area in the body that produces fire in this practice. However, it is not always necessary to interpret that the place of ignition of fire in the body is an inner hearth: the place of ignition of fire is the navel area in the body of a male practitioner, while an inner hearth is the vagina of a female partner in the texts of the first group as we observed in the previous section of this essay; and the place of ignition is the soles of the feet of a practitioner, while inner hearths are bodily areas above the foot-soles in the Ḍākārṇava system of psychosomatic fire oblation (as will be investigated in the next subsection of this essay). Hence, I wrote “Circle in the navel area” with round brackets in the table. f According to Abhayākaragupta, it is the sound of the blazing of this yogic subtle fire. g According to Abhayākaragupta, it means to repeat this practice of blazing yogic subtle fire. h According to Abhayākaragupta, it means manifestation of the body maṇḍala. a

b

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Unlike in the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra and Vajramālā-tantra, a small ritual ladle and a hearth are not respectively equated with the genital organs of a male practitioner and his female partner(s) in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra or Vajraḍāka-tantra. As shown in table 3, a small ritual ladle, a large ritual ladle, and a hearth are identified with the rasanā channel, the lalanā channel, and the circle in the navel area where these two channels join together (i.e., the creation cakra), respectively. All these channels and the navel cakra exist in the practitioner’s body. The physical practice of sexual yoga is not an indispensable component of the practices of psychosomatic fire oblation in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra or Vajraḍāka-tantra,50 although there may be cases in which a practitioner performs sexual yoga as a practice that supports controlling the movements of the winds to ignite the yogic subtle fire in his body, as Abhayākaragupta suggests.51 However, the physical practice of sexual yoga does not serve as a framework for the practice of psychosomatic fire oblation in these two tantras. We can draw an outline of the practice as follows: A practitioner controls the movements of the wind of action in his body and ignites the yogic subtle fire on the circle in his navel area (i.e., the creation cakra). The yogic subtle fire, which Abhayākaragupta calls “Caṇḍālī,” blazes upward. In the Vajraḍāka-tantra the yogic subtle fire, “the fire of gnosis,” burns up and disintegrates all concepts such as the five aggregates and so on, of which the practitioner conceives. The yogic subtle fire heats up the skullbone in the head (i.e., the great bliss cakra). When heated, the skullbone in the head produces the body fluid, which Abhayākaragupta calls “the awakening mind.” In the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra, the body fluid symbolizes both internal body substances and external objects (“the five sense objects”). Then the body fluid flows downward in the practitioner’s body. According to Abhayākaragupta, the body fluid flows downward through the central channel, avadhūtī, passing through the throat cakra (i.e., the enjoyment cakra) and the heart cakra (i.e., the Dharma cakra), which are the mouth of an inner small ritual ladle (i.e., the mouth of the rasanā channel) and the mouth of an inner large ritual ladle (i.e., the mouth of the lalanā channel), respectively. Finally the body fluid flows into the creation cakra (i.e., the inner hearth). Recipients of Oblation Recipients in the Saṃpuṭodbhava The recipients of inner oblations are the deities that represent the six bases of experience, the material causes, and the aggregates and ḍākinīs in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra (line 2). They constitute a body maṇḍala; Abhayākaragupta comments that they are inner deities and that the ḍākinīs are channels.52 The names of these deities are given in ­chapter 5.2.53 Table 4 shows the body maṇḍala. It has almost the same structure as the body maṇḍala in the Vajramālā-tantra (table 2).54 The body maṇḍala is superintended, or represented, by the mind (i.e., the mind-king) of the practitioner (line 3). Abhayākaragupta comments that the mind (i.e., the mind-king) means the nondual mind, which he calls “the awakening mind-vajra”



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TABLE 4. THE BODY MAṆḌALA IN THE SAṂPUṬODBHAVA-TANTRA FI V E AG GR EG AT E S: T H E FI V E BU DDH A S

Form

Vairocana

Perception

Vajrasūrya

Conception

Padmanarteśvara

Formation

Vajrarāj

Cognition

Vajrasattva All the Aggregates: Heruka

SI X BA SE S OF E X PER I E NCE: BODH ISAT T VA S A N D H ERU K A

Eye

Mohavajra

Ear

Dveṣavajra

Nose

Īrṣyāvajra

Mouth

Rāgavajra

Touch

Mātsaryavajra

All the Bases of Experience (Mind): Heruka, Who is Parameśvara FI V E M AT ER I A L CAUSE S: FI V E V I DYĀ- G ODDE SSE S

Earth

Pātanī

Water

Māraṇī

Fire

Ākarṣaṇī

Wind

Narteśvarī

Space

Padmajālinī All the Material Causes: Heruka, Who is Parameśvara CH A N N E L S:  Ḍ Ā K I N ĪS

(byang chub sems rdo rje).55 It is probably of the same kind as the mind-vajra in the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra, in which the practitioner and outer deities are indivisible. This meditative state of the body maṇḍala is probably experienced with the help of nonconceptual meditation on the fire of wisdom. Fruits of the practice of psychosomatic fire oblation are not mentioned in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra. According to Abhayākaragupta, its fruit is the perfection of “supreme bliss.” He explains the “internal fire oblation with no dependence on external matters” (i.e., the psychosomatic fire oblation in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra) as “a means for perfection of the supreme bliss” (mchog tu dga’ ba phun sum tshogs pa’ i rgyu) in his Jyotirmañjarī.56 He seems to have done so based on the following facts: the subtle-body yoga, in the form of the yoga of perfection process, serves as a means for attaining nondual reality in the form of bliss; the subtle-body yoga constitutes the basis of the “internal fire oblation with no dependence on external matters”; and the sequence of practice of this fire oblation is similar to that of the yoga of perfection process, although the psychosomatic fire oblation and the yoga of perfection process are taught separately in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra and should not be completely equated.

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Recipients in the Vajraḍāka The Vajraḍāka-tantra does not mention recipient deities. Indeed, we find in ­chapter 1 an explanation of a maṇḍala of deities whose structure is quite similar to the body maṇḍala in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra shown in table 4.57 In ­chapter 14, the Vajraḍāka-tantra teaches that ḍākinīs are channels and that the body maṇḍala is the circle of channels.58 But these deities and ḍākinīs are not described as the recipients of the oblations in the practice of psychosomatic fire oblation. Nevertheless, the lack of description of recipient deities is not a shortcoming of this teaching but simply marks the nature of the psychosomatic fire oblation in the Vajraḍāka-tantra. First, in its instruction on the psychosomatic fire oblation, the Vajraḍāka-tantra does not mention any concept, such as the body maṇḍala or the like, that frames a practitioner’s existence to include outer existences within it. Second, the yogic subtle fire is defined as the fire of gnosis that burns up concepts such as the five aggregates and so forth (line 1). Third, a fruit of this fire oblation practice is the attainment of firm meditation that does not diminish (line 3). From these we can interpret that the psychosomatic fire oblation in the Vajraḍāka-tantra is a yogic practice to attain the meditative state of nonconceptual reality, rather than being a practice of oblation. The body fluid meditated in this fire oblation can be interpreted to be an inner source of experience of nonconceptual reality, rather than an inner article to offer deities. I argue that integration of a practice of oblation and nonconceptual meditation into subtle-body yoga constitutes the structure of psychosomatic fire oblation in the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra, the Vajramālā-tantra, and the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra. On the other hand, with regard to the practices of oblation and nonconceptual meditation, the Vajraḍāka-tantra emphasizes the latter, and the former practice is not manifest. The psychosomatic fire oblation in the Vajraḍāka-tantra appears to be close to the meditation of perfection process, the highest meditation whose purpose is not to make oblations but to attain ultimate reality. This may be why psychosomatic fire oblation is taught to be the “supreme” form of internal fire oblation in the Vajraḍāka-tantra. THE D  ĀK ĀRNAVA SYSTEM 5. The Ḍākārṇava-tantra The Ḍākārṇava-tantra explains psychosomatic fire oblation in ­chapter 24. No particular name is given to this practice. The instruction is as follows:59 What is related to all tantras is explained since [it is] being taught a little. A hearth manifested in the navel area is round (1). A square [hearth] is in the heart (2). A triangular hearth is in the private part (3). A hexagonal [hearth] is at the urethral orifice (4). A heptagonal [hearth] is in the throat (5). An octagonal [hearth] is in the head (6). An enneagonal [hearth] is between the eyebrows (7). A pentagonal [hearth] is in the tuft of the head (8). A decagonal [hearth] is in the forehead (9). [These hearths are] rooted in [the areas] where winds come.



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TABLE 5. THE ḌĀKĀRṆAVA SYSTEM Hearth

Round hearth

Navel area

(Pacifying)

Square hearth

Heart

(Prospering)

Triangular hearth

Penis

(Bewitching)

Hexagonal hearth

Urethral orifice

(Subjugating)

Heptagonal hearth

Throat

(Expelling)

Octagonal hearth

Head

(Estranging)

Enneagonal hearth

Between the brows

(Paralyzing)

Pentagonal hearth

Tuft of the head

(Killing)

Decagonal hearth

Forehead

(All-effective)

Offered articles

Body substances

Big ritual ladle

Lalanā

Small ritual ladle

Rasanā

Bowl for clarified butter

Avadhūtī

One should make oblation of all the body substances (dhātu) by carriage of wind. At the time of performance in this very way, the wise [use] little external [matter]. Lalanā and rasanā are the two [ritual ladles], i.e., a large ritual ladle (sruci) and a small ritual ladle (sruva) respectively. Avadhūtī is a bowl for clarified butter (ājyasthālī). (1)[Each] hearth is each interval of her. (2)He should perform the all-effective fire oblation (sārvakarmikahoma) in this moment. He should make oblation of all offered articles to that without hesitation. Internal forms of ritual items can be summarized as shown in table 5. All items of fire oblation are internalized in the body of a male practitioner; the physical practice of sexual yoga is not an indispensable process in the psychosomatic fire oblation of the Ḍākārṇava-tantra. The two tantras investigated earlier (namely, the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra and the Vajraḍāka-tantra) and the Ḍākārṇava-tantra have in common the idea that the left and right channels, the lalanā and rasanā, are the internal forms of a large ritual ladle and a small ritual ladle, respectively. The same can be said of the body substances, which are defined as inner offered articles in these scriptures. However, the Ḍākārṇava-tantra identifies a bowl for clarified butter with the central channel avadhūtī, while all the other tantras we have examined here equate it with the great

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bliss cakra in the head. However, the former identification and the latter identification do not contradict each other, for avadhūtī originates in the great bliss cakra in the head, and is that through which the body fluid in the great bliss cakra is offered to the inner hearth. All the other tantras we have examined mention only one inner hearth; the Ḍākārṇava-tantra, however, elaborates nine inner hearths (second paragraph). These nine hearths each have a different shape. They are located along the vertical centerline of the body in order and are linked together by the central channel, the avadhūtī (line 1),60 as shown in table 5. In other passages in c­ hapter 24, the Ḍākārṇava-tantra expounds the features of nine external hearths used in the external fire oblation ritual. The first eight external hearths have different ritual functions:  pacifying (śānti), prospering (puṣṭi), bewitching (vaśya), subjugating (abhicāra), expelling (uccāṭana), estranging (vidveṣa), paralyzing (stambhana), and killing (māraṇa), respectively. The ninth hearth is effective for all eight of these functions (sarvakarma). The nine internal hearths have the same shapes as the nine external hearths. We can therefore say that the nine internal hearths are interiorized forms of the nine external ones, and, for this reason, it is very likely that the different ritual functions ascribed to the nine external hearths are implicitly ascribed to the nine internal ones. The text says that this practice is “all-effective,” that is, effective for all kinds of actions (line 2). It is very likely that the psychosomatic practice of fire oblation is said to be all-effective because the practitioner visualizes in his body all of the nine hearths that comprise eight different functions.61 The explanation on psychosomatic fire oblation given in the Ḍākārṇava-tantra lacks detailed information on the sequence of practice. Padmavajra’s Vohitā, a commentary on this tantra, gives only a brief comment and is not useful.62 Details of the sequence can be found in Jayasena’s Ḍākārṇavahomavidhi, a manual of both external and internal fire oblations in the Ḍākārṇava system. Jayasena calls psychosomatic fire oblation “the internal fire oblation” (nang gi sbyin sreg) and defines it as “the yoga of Caṇḍālī” (gtun mo’ i rnal ‘ byor, i.e., “the yoga of inner subtle fire”).63 Jayasena’s instruction on the internal fire oblation is next. 6. Jayasena’s Ḍākārṇavahomavidhi Now I will explain the internal fire oblation.64 A practitioner, who applies himself most diligently to the internal, sits on a soft and wide seat. Having aroused compassion for all sentient beings, he transforms himself through meditation into Saṃvara, who is accompanied by Vārāhī of one face and two arms, in an instant. There is a disk of wind produced from [the letter] YAṂ on the soles of the feet and a disk of fire from [the letter] RAṂ on that [disk of wind]. Subsequently, a hearth manifested in the navel area is round (1). A square [hearth] is in the heart (2). [A



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triangular hearth is in the private part (3)]. A hexagonal [hearth] is at the urethral orifice (4). A heptagonal [hearth] is in the throat (5). An octagonal [hearth] is in the head (6). An enneagonal [hearth] is between the eyebrows (7). A pentagonal [hearth] is in the tuft of the head (8). [A decagonal hearth is in the forehead (9)].65 Having meditated that all have the appearance of a channel-hearth in this way, he contemplates that [the letters] HŪṂ of blue color and VAṂ of red color66 are put together at the centers of all [those hearths]. He illuminates well [the body areas] between the tuft of the head and the penis, which are linked together by the avadhūtī channel and which are accompanied by the right and left channels (i.e., rasanā and lalanā). Then he ignites a fire with the wind [blowing] on the soles of the feet through the yoga of controlling upward and downward [movements of the] wind. He refines the awakening minds of all channels in the body, draws [them] into the right and left channels, and makes [them be] absorbed into [the letter] HAṂ at the top of the avadhūtī through those two channels. Subsequently, by means of those flowing down through the avadhūtī, [that is to say,] by means of oblation with a full ladle of the awakening minds to the flaming hearths, he fills all [those hearths with the awakening minds]. Contemplating that [the awakening minds] also spread into all channels in the body, he performs without interruption the yoga of collecting [the awakening minds] again. He will achieve all aims. This is what is supreme among all. Having been taught by the master who had had the instruction, [it] was not concealed by me. Thus is the section of the internal fire oblation. The yogic sequence of the internal fire oblation expounded in these passages can be summarized as follows: (1) transformation of the practitioner through meditation into the highest deity Saṃvara, in whose body the internal fire oblation is practiced (second paragraph); (2) visualization of an inner place of ignition (a fire disk and a wind disk on the soles of his feet), nine inner hearths, an inner bowl (i.e., the avadhūtī), and inner ritual ladles (i.e., the lalanā and rasanā) (third paragraph); (3) ignition of the yogic subtle fire (fourth paragraph); and (4) production of the body fluids called “the awakening mind” and oblation of them to the inner hearths (fifth paragraph). The first and second steps are preparatory meditations. The third step is the starting of the fire oblation. The fourth step is the performance of oblation. All the awakening minds are produced from channels throughout the body, are gathered to the letter HAṂ in the great bliss cakra in the head, and are offered to the inner hearths through the avadhūtī from the great bliss cakra. Through this practice, it is said, the practitioner achieves all aims. This appears to reflect the words in the Ḍākārṇava-tantra that this fire oblation practice is all-effective (line 2 in the passages of the Ḍākārṇava-tantra translated earlier). In the opening verses of his Ḍākārṇavahomavidhi, Jayasena declares that fire oblation is a means for delighting deities who appear in the Ḍākārṇava-tantra:

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“I will explain the fire oblation (i.e., both the external fire oblation and the internal fire oblation), which is a means for delighting deities of the glorious Ḍākārṇava and which is an oral instruction by many masters from this tantra.”67 How, then, are the recipient deities and the practitioner related? This is not clear. Jayasena does not use the idea of a body maṇḍala for framing the practitioner’s own being as inclusive of recipient deities. (Probably he followed the Ḍākārṇava-tantra, which does not mention a body maṇḍala in its teaching of psychosomatic fire oblation.) He does not mention the idea of the mind that includes outer deities within it (like the mind-vajra in the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra). The practitioner transforms himself through meditation into the highest deity Saṃvara in the first step of this practice. Saṃvara may have the same function as Vajrasattva of the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra. If so, the practitioner in the form of Saṃvara is inclusive of outer deities. No matter what the actual relationship between recipient deities and the practitioner might be, it can be safely stated that the practice of oblation is an important element of the psychosomatic fire oblation in Jayasena’s manual, and what is emphasized as the purpose of this practice is that oblation to the deities brings achievement of all aims. On the other hand, the element of nonconceptual meditation is not articulated in this manual. CONCLUSION In Buddhism, the Hevajra-tantra is the first scripture that systematized psychosomatic yoga, that is, the yoga based on one’s subtle body (i.e., one’s circle of channels). In tantras composed after the Hevajra-tantra, the technique of subtle-body yoga was applied to various kinds of practices in different ways. Psychosomatic fire oblation is an example of these applications of subtle-body yoga. This essay examined instructions on psychosomatic fire oblation given in (1) the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra, (2) the Vajramālā-tantra, (3) the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra, (4) the Vajraḍāka-tantra, (5) the Ḍākārṇava-tantra, and (6) Jayasena’s Ḍākārṇavahomavidhi. Figure 1 shows a conclusion drawn from this examination. The elements that comprise structures of practices of psychosomatic fire oblation in these six works are the practice of oblation, nonconceptual meditation, and subtle-body yoga. Subtle-body yoga is the basis. Through subtle-body yoga the practitioner carries out both a practice of oblation and nonconceptual meditation, or specifically either one of these two. The six works have different views on how to practice subtle-body yoga (i.e., the manner of performance of the ritual), how to interpret components of the subtle body (i.e., the manner of internalization of ritual items), and how to organize the practice of oblation along with nonconceptual meditation on that basis. Ways of Performance Systems of psychosomatic fire oblation in the six works outlined can be grouped into two, in terms of the differing ways of performance.



Oblation, Non-conception, and Body Work (1) : [A][B] Oblation and Non-conception

Work (2) : [B]

Hearth = Partner’s vagina.

j 191 Psychosomatic fire-oblation carried out as a physical practice of sexual yoga.

Work (3) : [E] One hearth. Subtle-body yoga

Non-conception

Work (4) : [C]

(No description)

Work (5)

More internal form of psychosomatic fire-oblation.

Nine hearths. Oblation

Work (6) : [D]

Fruits of practice: [A] Removal of sins. [B] Siddhis. [C] Firm meditation. [D] Achievement of all aims. [E] Perfection of “supreme bliss” according to Abhayākaragupta.

Figure 1.  Psychosomatic fire oblations in six works

The fire oblation in works 1 and 2 are carried out as a physical practice of sexual yoga. A practitioner must perform it from the new moon day up to the full moon day, that is, the auspicious half of a month (suggesting that it is an auspicious practice). The sexual fire oblation explained in works 1 and 2 is probably carried out at some sort of tantric festival held during this auspicious term where male and female tāntrikas gather, or it is practiced privately between a male practitioner and his female partner during this time. On the other hand, the physical practice of sexual yoga is not an indispensable process in works 3, 4, 5, and 6. There may be cases in which a practitioner performs sexual yoga as a practice that supports controlling the movements of the winds to ignite the yogic subtle fire; however, this is not a framework of the practice of psychosomatic fire oblation. The appropriate time and place for such practice is not prescribed in these works. Like the Guhyasamāja-tantra, early Buddhist tantras teach many sexual practices, including the physical practice of sexual yoga. Composers of later Buddhist tantras sometime shortly after the eighth century attempted to reshape some of the sexual practices into more internal forms that do not require the practice of sexual yoga. If instructions on psychosomatic fire oblation in works 1 and 2 are chronologically older than those in works 3 to 6, it is very likely that the change in the manner of performance from the former to the latter works is related to the attempt of the composers of later tantras to internalize the sexual practices. However, we do not have enough evidence to prove that the instructions in works 1 and 2 were really composed earlier

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than those in the other works. We can therefore describe the history of psychosomatic fire oblation as follows:  this practice took two forms, that is, psychosomatic fire oblation carried out as a physical practice of sexual yoga, which is related to the early tantric tradition of sexual yoga; and the more internal form of psychosomatic fire oblation, which is likely the result of certain composers of later tantras to internalize sexual practices. Ways of Internalization of Ritual Items In the external fire oblation ritual clarified butter (ghee) is offered to a ritual fire in a hearth by means of ritual ladles. These ritual items are internalized in different ways in the six works and can be grouped into three types. According to works 1 and 2, in which psychosomatic fire oblation is carried out as a physical practice of sexual yoga, a male practitioner offers his “clarified butter in a bowl” (i.e., the body fluids produced in the great bliss cakra in his head) to his female partner’s “hearth” (i.e., the vagina) by means of a “large ritual ladle” (the letter HA or HAṂ in the great bliss cakra) and “small ritual ladle” (penis). Ejaculation is done in work 1, while it is prohibited in work 2; that is to say, the seminal fluid is not released from the penis inserted into the partner’s vagina. All ritual items are internalized in the body of a male practitioner in works 3 and 4, in which the physical practice of sexual yoga is not a framework of the entire process of the psychosomatic fire oblation. A practitioner offers his “clarified butter in a bowl” (body fluids produced in the great bliss cakra in his head) through the avadhūtī channel to his internalized “hearth” (the creation cakra in the navel area) by means of the “small ritual ladle” (the rasanā channel [with the enjoyment cakra in his throat according to Abhayākaragupta]) and the “large ritual ladle” (the lalanā channel [with the Dharma cakra in his heart according to Abhayākaragupta]). As in these works, all ritual items are also internalized in the body of a practitioner in works 5 and 6, in which sexual yoga is not a necessary practice. A bowl for clarified butter and clarified butter are the avadhūtī channel (at the top of which the great bliss cakra is located) and body fluids (which flow through the avadhūtī from the great bliss cakra), respectively. The two ritual ladles are the lalanā and the rasanā channels. The body fluids are produced in all channels throughout the body and are gathered to the letter HAṂ located at the center of the great bliss cakra through the lalanā and rasanā. There are nine inner hearths, internalized forms of the nine hearths for eight functions used in the external fire oblation ritual. These nine inner hearths are located along the vertical centerline of the body and are linked together by the avadhūtī channel. A practitioner offers his “clarified butter in a bowl” (body fluids that flow through avadhūtī from the great bliss cakra) to the “nine hearths” (the nine inner hearths) by use of the “large ritual ladle” (lalanā) and “small ritual ladle” (rasanā).



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A Practice of Oblation, Nonconceptual Meditation, and Subtle-body Yoga There are two principal elements of practice that constitute systems of psychosomatic fire oblation: the practice of oblation and nonconceptual meditation. From this viewpoint we can group the systems in the six works into three: In works 1, 2, and 3, the integration of a practice of oblation along with a nonconceptual meditation into subtle-body yoga constitutes the structure of the practice of psychosomatic fire oblation. In work 4 the practice of oblation is not specifically mentioned, and nonconceptual meditation is emphasized. The position of work 5 is not clear because of its lack of description. In work 6 the practice of oblation is emphasized, while nonconceptual meditation is not mentioned specifically. Fruits mentioned in the six works are both mundane and supermundane: in work 1, the removal of sins; in works 1 and 2, the attainment of accomplishments (siddhi, i.e., supernatural power or superhuman experience); in 4, the attainment of firm meditation that never diminishes; in 6, the achievement of all aims such as pacifying, prospering, and so on. Works 3 and 5 do not mention fruits. According to Abhayākaragupta, a fruit of the practice in work 3 is perfection of “supreme bliss,” which indicates some level of experience of nondual reality in the form of bliss. The practice of oblation can be explained as follows: Offering oblations to deities who reside in various places in the universe can be considered the core element of the external ritual form of fire oblation. The fire god Agni consumes external offered articles and transmits them to deities residing in heavens. Oblation to deities takes the form of oblation to the practitioner himself (i.e., self-oblation) in systems of psychosomatic fire oblation. This does not mean that deities residing in various places in the universe cease to be the recipients of these oblations. Recipient deities are ultimately contained within a practitioner: they are idealized as being within the practitioner’s meditational expansion or meditative absorption. Concepts used in the six works that frame one’s existence in this way are the mind-vajra (or the mind-king), the body maṇḍala (or the circle of channels), and/or Vajrasattva (or his other form, Saṃvara). The yogic subtle fire, which is the inner Agni, consumes internally offered articles and transmits them to the practitioner, who contains the recipient deities within himself. The practice of nonconceptual meditation can be explained as follows: Various concepts, such as “the five aggregates,” of which a practitioner conceives are the firewood and fuel. The yogic subtle fire, which is the inner Agni, burns up and disintegrates this fuel. A practitioner renounces his erroneous attachment to concepts by means of meditation on the yogic subtle fire. The yogic subtle fire is called “the fire of gnosis” (or the like) in this aspect of psychosomatic fire oblation because of its function of disintegrating concepts. It can be inferred that one’s inclusive self described earlier is realized with the help of nonconceptual meditation on the yogic subtle fire in works 1, 2, and 3, in which the practices of oblation and nonconceptual meditation are combined.

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Acknowledgments I am responsible for any mistakes found in this essay. However, I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to Mr. Joseph M. Logan for having assisted me with the English. My research was partially supported by the Ministry of Education, Science, Sports and Culture, Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (C), 20520047 and 24520055. Abbreviations ac Reading of a Sanskrit ms. before correction conj Conjecture corr Correction CTP Taishō Chinese Tripiṭaka (Chinese translation) em Emendation NAK National Archives in Kathmandu Pc Reading of a Sanskrit ms. after correction Sanskrit ed. Sanskrit text critically edited Sanskrit ms. Sanskrit manuscript SB Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin TTP Tibetan Tripiṭaka (Tibetan translation) TTP: Otani Tibetan Tripiṭaka, Otani University catalogue TTP: Tohoku Tibetan Tripiṭaka, Tohoku University catalogue †Sanskrit word† Corrupted reading of Sanskrit word. *Sanskrit word Sanskrit word reconstructed from Tibetan

APPENDIX SOURCE TEXTS

1. The Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra (Chapter 11, Sanskrit ms. SB Hs or 8711, 20a5-21a2) athānyaṃ śṛṇu vakṣyāmi homaṃ kilbiṣanāśanam /1 nābhisthāne sthitaṃ nādaṃ nādānte guhyapaṅkajam //2 tatra svatantrapavanaṃ parivartya nalasya ca /3 dvīndriyeṇa varasaṃyogāt tejaḥ kṛtvānupaśyate //4 yad ājyapūrṇacakrāgraṃ tad eva sthālikā smṛtā /5 hakārasrukka-r apy uktaṃ sruvā vajram ihocyate //6 bhagaḥ kuṇḍam iti khyātaṃ vrīhipañcendriyāṇi ca / skandhā bhavanti samidhāś cājyāgraṃ bodhimānasam //7 amāvāsyātaḥ pūrṇimāntaṃ yāvat kṛtvā visarjayet /



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kuṇḍād bahir bindumātraṃ sruvayā na kṣipet kvacit //8 buddhāṃś ca bodhisattvāṃś ca devadānavarākṣasān /9 aṣṭamahālokapālān āhutyā tān pratarpayet //10 vajrasattvasya yā pūjā pūrṇāhutīti sā smṛtā / hūṃ-phaṭ-cāndrayutair mantrair deyāhutir vivecanāt //11 atas tuṣyanti ḍākinyas tathātra bahumātaraḥ /12 prayacchanti mahāsiddhiṃ kāminīṃ manasi sthitām /13 ity etat kathitaṃ homaṃ sarvāsāṃ paripūrakam //14 iti śrīmahāmudrātilake ’dhyātmahomavidhipaṭala ekādaśamaḥ //15 Notes

1 athānyaṃ, corr.; athānya Sanskrit ms. 2 nādaṃ nādānte, em. nādo nme, Sanskrit ms (ac). nādanyadonme (uncertain) Skt. ms (pc). tshul for nādaṃ and tshul gyis mtha’ na for nādānte TTP. tshul for nādaṃ and tshul gyis mtha’ mar for nādānte GAP. (The abbreviation GAP here and below means a reading in Gambhīravajra’s Guhyārthaprakāśa, a commentary on this scripture, TTP: Tohoku 1200, 137a3–138a7, Otani 2330, 150a2–151b1.) 3 svatantra-, corr.; svātantra Sanskrit ms.: parivartya nalasya ca, em.; paravarttyaḥ nalasya ca Sanskrit ms. bskor ba byas nas ngal so ste TTP. kun tu bskor te mi bskor GAP. 4 dvīndriyeṇa vara-, Sanskrti ms (pc).; dvīndriyeva ṇara Sanskrit ms (ac).: tejaḥ kṛtvānupaśyate, em.; tejaḥ kṛtvā’nupāsyate Sanskrit ms. rlung gis me ni sbar ba’o TTP. 5 -pūrṇa-, em.; pūrvva Sanskrit ms. yod pa TTP. gnas pa GAP.: sthālikā, corr.; sthalikā Sanskrit ms. 6 hakārasrukka-r apy uktaṃ, Sanskrit ms.; ha ni blugs gzar zhes su bshad TTP. ha ni rnam par dgang gzar bstan GAP.: sruvā, corr.; śruvā Sanskrt ms. dgang gzar TTP. blugs gzar GAP. 7 skandhā, em.; skandā Sanskrit ms. phung po TTP.: cājyāgraṃ, em.; cājyagram Sanskrit ms. mar du bsreg TTP. 8 bahir, corr.; bahi Sanskrit ms.:  sruvayā, em.; śrutayā Sanskrit ms. dgang gzar TTP. blugs gzar nas GAP. 9 -rākṣasān, corr.; rākṣasāna Sanskrit ms. 10 āhutyā, corr.; āhūtyā Sanskrit ms. 11 cāndra-, Sanskrit ms.; rnam pa TTP.  rnam pa (or no word for cāndra) GAP.: -hutir, corr.; huti, Sanskrit ms. 12 tathātra bahumātaraḥ, Sanskrit ms.; gzhan yang rnal ’byor ma mo mnyes TTP. gzhan yang rnal ’byor ma mo GAP. 13 sthitām, em.; sthitā Sanskrit ms. 14 sarvāsāṃ, corr.; sarvvāsā Sanskrit ms. 15 ’dhyātma, Sanskrit ms.; don dam pa TTP.

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2. The Vajramālā-tantra (Chapter 60, TTP: Tohoku 445, 265b5–266a4, Otani 82, 226b5–227a4) / de nas gzhan yang bshad kyis nyon // nang gi bdag nyid sbyin sreg mchog / / nang du rgyu ba’i ’byung ba rnams // gang gis thim par gyur pa dang //1 / rnam rtog bag chags sa bon ni // phung po lnga yi bud shing dang / / rnal ’byor ye shes chen po’i mes // rtag tu sbyin sreg rmad byung bya // / lte dbus gnas pa’i sgra tsam ni // sgra tsam phyi rol gsang pa dma / / de la rang rgyud rlung gis ni // yongs su bskul ba’i me yis ni // / dbang po gnyis ni yang dag sbyor // gzi brjid gsal bar rab tu ’bar / / gang rtse mar gang gsang pa dma // de la ’di ni snod du brjod //2 / haṃ ni dgang gzar zhes byar gsungs // rdo rje blugs gzar du ni brjod /3 / bha ga thab khung zhes ni bshad // dbang po lnga yi bsreg rdzas dang //4 / phung po yam shing du ni gyur // mar ni byang chub sems su bshad / / gnam stong nas brtsams nya yi bar // ji srid byed pa gshegs su gsol // / me thab thig le tsam du gsungs // blugs gzar nam yang mi ’pho ba /5 / sangs rgyas gti mug dga’ la sogs // gzugs rdo rje sogs rgyal sras rnams // / khro bo’i rgyal po bcu la ni // rtag tu sbyin sreg gis tshim bya / / rdo rje sems dpa’i mchod pa gang // de yang dgang blugs su ni brjod // / hūṃ phaṭ yang dag ldan sngags kyis // cho ga bzhin du bsreg blugs dbul / / de yis lus gnas mnyes ’gyur na // lha yi dam tshig bla na med //6 / yid la ji ltar ’dod pa rnams // de ltar dngos grub stsal nas ni /7 / sbyin bsreg ’di ni mchog tu gsungs // dngos grub kun gyi ’bras bu stsol // rnal ’byor chen po’i rgyud dpal rdo rje phreng ba mngon par rtogs pa las nang gi bdag nyid kyi sbyin bsreg gi le’u ste drug cu ba’o //8 Notes

1 ’byung ba, Tohoku; dbyung ba Otani. 2 rtse, Tohoku; tshe Otani. 3 dgang gzar, em.; blugs gzar Tohoku and Otani. (Tibetan translaters often confuse dgang gzar, “large ritual ladle,” and blugs gzar, “small ritual ladle.” I emended according to the context and the Sanskrit ms. of the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra.) .: blugs gzar, em. dgang gzar Tohoku and Otani. 4 lnga yi, Tohoku; lnga’i Otani. 5 mi ’pho ba, Tohoku; mi ’bo ba Otani. 6 de yis, Tohoku; da yis Otani. 7 dngos grub, Otani; dngo grub Tohoku. 8 drug cu ba’o, Tohoku; drug cu tham pa’o Otani.



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3 The Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra (Chapter 10, Sanskrit ms. SB Hs or 8711, 17a2–b1) pratiṣṭhāmaṇḍalaṃ homaṃ naitat kuryāt kadācana / viḍvajrodakaratnādyair ātmānaṃ pūjayet sadā // yasmād atra sthitaṃ sākṣāc cittavajramanomayam / suvicāram idaṃ sarvaṃ cittavajravikurvitam // … (five letters blurred) … tadrūpaṃ (TTP: de yi gzugs grub sems ma yin) śūnyatālakṣaṇaṃ yadā /1 śūnyatāpi nirālambā tasmāt sarvaṃ nabhopamam //2 evaṃ viśuddhyabhijño ’pi †dṛśadīnyadya† pūjayet (TTP: rtsa sogs la yang mchod pa bya) /3 tasmāc cittamayaṃ sarvaṃ cittād anyan na vidyate // svayaṃ prabhur vajrasattvaś cittarūpeṇa paryaṭet /4 cittād ṛte nāsti bhāvaṃ devatākāram uttamam //5 Notes

1 tadrūpaṃ, conj.; tadrū (one letter blurred) ṃ Sanskrit ms. 2 nirālambā, em.; nirālambāt saṃ (or “t saṃ” may be canceled) Sanskrit ms. 3 viśuddhyabhijño, em.; viśuddhyābhijño Sanskrit ms. 4 paryaṭet, Sanskrit ms (pc).; parryabhṛt, Sanskrit ms (ac). 5 bhāvaṃ, em.; cānaṃ Sanskrit ms. dngos TTP. 4. The Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra (Chapter 6.3, Sanskrit ms., Cowell and Eggeling, “Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit Manuscripts,” no. 37, 64a5–b4 (= L); Matsunami, A Catalogue of the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Tokyo University Library, no. 427, 55a4–b2 (= T))* abhyantaraiḥ śukrādyais tu bāhyai rūpādibhis tathā /1 havibhiḥ kriyate homaḥ prajñāgnau tu mahojjvale //2 ṣaḍāyatanadhātūnāṃ skandhādīnāṃ viśeṣataḥ /3 devatārūpiṇāṃ teṣāṃ ḍākinīnāṃ tathaiva ca //4 yogapūjā samākhyātā tena te pūjitā yataḥ /5 śiraḥkapālam etat tu havirbhājanam ucyate //6 sruvaṃ tu rasanā khyātā hṛccakralalanātmikā /7 pātrīti vaktram uddiṣṭaṃ kuṇḍaṃ ca nābhimaṇḍalam //8 karmamārutanirdhūto brahmāgnis trikaṭisthitaḥ /9 nādaṃ tu mantram ity uktaṃ japam āvartanaṃ bhavet //10 bhāvanā pratibhāsas tu maṇḍalādvayayogataḥ /11 sahajārūḍham etat tu jinānāṃ maṇḍalātmakam //12 ācāryaś cittarājas tu maṇḍalādhyakṣarūpataḥ /13 sarvam atraiva mantavyam evamādi yathoditam //14

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Notes

* The instruction of the internal fire oblation in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra has already been examined by Okuyama, “Abhayākaragupta no Goma Shūhō [The Pratice of Homa of Abhayākaragupta],” pp. 105–106. However, this does not contain a full Sanskrit text of this instruction. Hence, I present a draft edition of the text here. 1 bāhyai rūpādibhis, T; pādibhis L. 2 tu, T; L omits. 3 -dhātūnāṃ, L.; dhātunāṃ T.: skandhādīnāṃ, L.; skandhādināṃ T. 4 -rūpiṇāṃ, T.; rūpīṇāṃ L.: ḍākinīnāṃ, em.; ḍākināṃ L. dākinīnāṃ T. 5 yoga-, L.; yogaṃ T.:  samākhyātā, em.; mahākhyātās L.  samākhyāto T.:  te, T; L omits. 6 śiraḥ-, T.; śiraṃ L.: -kapālam L.; kapāram T.: etat, T; evaṃ L.: -bhājanam, L.; bhājana (one unreadable letter) m T. 7 sruvaṃ, corr.; śruvaṃ LT.: -nātmikā, T; nātmakaḥ L. 8 vaktram uddiṣṭaṃ, L; ca samuddiṣṭaṃ T.: kuṇḍaṃ ca nābhi-, em.; kuṇḍasenābhi L. kuṇḍa ca nābhi T. 9 -nirdhūto, T.; nirddhūtā L.:  brahmāgnis trikaṭisthitaḥ, corr.; brahmāgnitrikaṭisthitā L. vahnistrīkatisaṃsthitaḥ T. 10 mantram ity, L.; mantra ityu ity T. 11 pratibhāsas, em.; pratibhāstus L. pratibhāsan T. 12 etat, em.; etaṃ LT.: maṇḍalātmakam, L.; maṇḍalādikaṃ T. 13 ācāryaś, L.; ācāryya T. 14 sarvam atraiva, em.; sarvamantraiva L.T. 5. The Vajraḍāka-tantra (Chapter 44, Sanskrit ed., Sugiki, “The Homa System of the Vajraḍākatantra,” p. 44.19–22) skandhādīndhanajñānāgnikarmamārutanirdhūtā /1 jvalantīha nābhimaṇḍale brahmāgnis trikaṭisthitaḥ // lalanā pātrī samuddiṣṭaṃ rasanā śruvā[= sruvā]nanam / daṇḍadharatnavajras tu svakuliśeti[= svakuliśa iti] yāvat // havi[= havir]bhājanakapālake / hotavyaḥ sarvadravyāṇāṃ krama eṣo[= eṣa] vidhīyate / kathitaṃ tvayā[= tava] devi homo hy eṣa niruttaraḥ // evaṃ kṛte dṛḍhaṃ yāti samādhiṃ na ca hīyate /2 sāmānyaḥ sarvatantreṣu vidhir eṣa prakīrtitaḥ //



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Notes

1 -jñānāgnikarma-, corr.; jñānāgni(→ gniḥ) karma Sanskrit ed. I correct my previous edition here because the compound is gramatically possible, as all Sanksrit manuscripts read. 2 samādhiṃ, corr.; samādhis Sanskrit ed. I  correct my previous edition here because the reading of the Tokyo University manuscript (samādhiṃ) is possible and better. 6. The Ḍākārṇava-tantra (Chapter 24, Sanskrit ms. NAK A138/9, 22a12–b1 (= O), D40/6, 45a10–b1 (= A), A142/2, 49a1–a3 (= B)) kiṃcic ca vakṣyamāṇatvāt kathyate sarvatantrakam /1 vartulaṃ nābhijaṃ kuṇḍaṃ hṛdaye tu caturasram //2 guhye trikoṇajaṃ kuṇḍaṃ maṇirandhre ṣaṭkoṇakam /3 kaṇṭhe saptakoṇaṃ ca aṣṭakoṇaṃ tu mastake //4 navakoṇaṃ bhrūmadhye ca uṣṇīṣe pañcakoṇakam / daśakoṇaṃ lalāṭe ca vāyodbhaveṣu mūlakam //5 havis tu sarvadhātūnāṃ juhuyed vāyuvāhanāt /6 bāhyaṃ tenaiva kāle tu karmaṇy alpeṣu buddhimān //7 lalanā ca rasanā ca srucisruvo dvayaṃ tathā /8 ājyasthāly avadhūtī tu kuṇḍaṃ *tasyāntarāntarau[= tasyā antarāntarau] //9 sārvakarmikahomaṃ tu iha kāle tu kārayet /10 tatra sarvadravyāṇi ca homayed aviśaṅkitaḥ //11 Notes

1 kiṃcic ca vakṣyamāṇatvāt, corr.; kiñcid vakṣyamānatvā tu O.  kiñcid vaktamānatvā tu A. kiṃcic ca vakṣyamānatvā B.: -tantrakam, OA; tantrake B. 2 kuṇḍaṃ, em.; kuṇḍa OAB. 3 guhye, OB; guhya A.: kuṇḍaṃ, B; kuṇḍa OA. 4 kaṇṭhe, B; kaṇṭha OA.: ca, OA; tu B. 5 lalāṭe, AB; lalāṭa O.: vāyodbhaveṣu, OA; vāyobhaveṣu B.: mūlakam, B; mūlakām O. mūlakā A. 6 sarvadhātūnāṃ, em; sarvvadhātunāṃ OA. garbhaśatrūṇāṃ B.: juhuyed, OA; vāhuyed B. 7 kāle, A; kale (uncertain because it is a bit blurred) O. kālan B.: karmaṇy, OA; karmaṃny B.: alpeṣu, OB; aleṣu A.: buddhimān, OB; ddhimān A. 8 srucisruvo, OA; bhrūvibhrūvā B. 9 ājya-, OA; ārya B.: -sthāly ava-, em.; sthalī ca OB. sthalī va A.: tu, OA; ca B.

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10 sārvakarmika-, corr.; sarvvakarmmika OA. sarvvakamika B.: -homaṃ tu, OA; ho maṃtra B.: iha kāle tu kārayet, O; ihākāle tu kārayet A. mantram iha kāleva tu B. 11 ca, OA; B omits.: homayed, OA; homaye B.: aviśaṅkitaḥ, O (pc) A; aṅkiṅkitaḥ O (ac). havisaṃkitaḥ B. 7. Jayasena’s Ḍākārṇavahomavidhi (TTP: Tohoku 1522, 76b6–77a4, Otani 2236, 94a5–b4) da ni nang gi sbyin sreg bshad par bya ste / nang la mchog tu gzhol ba’i sgrub pa pos ’jam zhing yangs pa’i stan la ’dug ste / sems can thams cad la brtse ba sngon du song bas skad cig gis shal gcig phyag gnyis pa’i phag mo dang bcas pa bde mchog tu dmigs la / rkang pa’i mthil du yaṃ las byung ba’i rlung gi dkyil ’khor dang / de’i steng du raṃ las me’i dkyil ’khor ro // de nas — / zlum po lte bar skyes pa’i thab // snying ga ru ni gru bzhi pa / / nor bu’i bu gar zur drug pa // mgrin pa ru ni bdun pa ste // / zur brgyad pa ni mgo la’o / zur dgu pa ni smin dbus su / / gtsug tor du ni zur lnga pa’o // de ltar thams cad kyang rtsa thab kyi dbyibs can du bsgoms te / thams cad kyi dbus su hūṃ baṃ sngo ba dang dmar ba’i mdog can kha sbyor bsams te / gtsug tor nas rdo rje nor bu’i bar du rtsa dbu mas sbrel ba g’yas g’yon gyi rtsa dang bcas pa legs par gsal bar byas te / de nas steng ’og gi rlung dgag pa’i sbyor bas rkang mthil gyi rlung gis me sbar te / lus kyi rtsa thams cad kyi byang chub kyi sems bzhu nas /1 rtsa g’yas pa dang g’yon par drangs la / de gnyis nas dbus ma’i rtse mo’i haṃ la bstims te / de nas bdu ma nas babs pas ’bar bzhin pa’i thab rnams su byang chub kyi sems kyi dgang blugs phul bas thams cad gang bar gyur te / lus kyi rtsa thams cad du yang ’phros par bsam zhing yang bsdu ba’i sbyor ba goms pa rgyun mi ’chad par byas nas / dgos pa thams cad ’grub par ’gyur te / ’di ni thams cad las khyad par du gyur pa man ngag dang bcas pa bla mas gsungs pa las bdag gis dpe mkhyud ma byas pa ste /2 ’di ni nang gi sbyin sreg gi rab tu byed pa’o //. Notes

1 byang chub kyi sems, Tohoku; byang chub kyis sems, Otani. 2 bla mas gsungs pa las bdag gis dpe mkhyud ma byas pa, Tohoku; bla mas gsungs pa la bdag gi dpe mkhyud pa byas pa, Otani. 8. Jayasena’s Ḍākārṇavahomavidhi (TTP: Tohoku 1522, 68a2, Otani 2236, 84b8–85a1) / dpal ldan mkha’ ’gro rgya mtsho yi // lha rnams mnyes par byed pa’i thabs / / rgyud ’di nas ni phal che ba’i // bla ma’i man ngag sbyin sreg bshad //



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Notes 1. For a modern example of Vedic fire oblation ritual in Pune, see Musashi Tachikawa, Shrikant Bahulkar, and Madhavi Kolhatkar, Indian Fire Ritual (Delhi:  Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 2001). 2. For some inner forms of fire oblation practice in Brahmanism and its offshoots in the ancient and medieval ages, see H. W.  Bodewitz, Jaiminīyabrāhmaṇa I, 1–65:  Translation and Commentary with a Study Agnihotra and Prāṇāgnihotra (Leiden:  E. J.  Brill, 1973); and Patrick Olivelle, Saṃnyāsa Upaniṣads:  Hindu Scriptures on Asceticism and Renunciation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992). 3. Abhayākaragupta’s Jyotirmañjarī, TTP: Tohoku 3142, 161a3–b3, Otani 3963, 198b1–b6. Base studies of the Jyotirmañjarī were conducted by Naoji Okuyama, who published a Sanskrit edition of the Jyotirmañjarī based on an incomplete Sanskrit manuscript, “Jyotirmañjarī no Kenkyū (I),” Bunka [Culture] 47/1–2 (1983): 29–46, and “Jyotirmañjarī no Kenkyū (II),” Indogaku Shūkyōgaku Kai Ronshū 13 (1986): 1–18. In his other papers, Okuyama argued Abhayākaragupta’s view on fire oblation practices. Tadeusz Skorupski published a translation of the entire text of the Jyotirmañjarī using Okuyama’s edition and Tibetan translations: “Jyotirmañjarī: Abhayākaragupta’s Commentary on Homa Rites,” Mikkyō Bunka Kenkyūjo Kiyō [Bulletin of the Research Institute of Esoteric Buddhist Culture] 8 (1994): 206–236. The Sanskrit text of section II (1) of the Jyotirmañjarī (i.e., the internal fire oblation by use of external matters) can be restored from Jagaddarpaṇa’s Ācāryakriyāsamuccaya. A draft edition of the Sanskrit text is presented in Tsunehiko Sugiki, “The Consumption of Food as a Practice of Fire-Oblation in Esoteric Buddhism in Medieval South Asia,” International Journal of South Asian Studies 3 (2010): 74 n. 30. In this “The Consumption of Food” paper, I examined the type of inner fire oblation that I call “fire oblation of food,” which roughly corresponds to Abhayākaragupta, section II (1), and which also contains elements of Abhayākaragupta, section III. 4. For a Śaiva Śrīkula example, see Katsuaki Ida, “Tantorarāja ni okeru Homa Girei,” Shakai Kankyō Kenkyū 8 (2003):  13–23. For a Vaiṣṇava Pāñcarātra example, see Hiromichi Hikita, Hindū Tantorizumu no Kenkyū (Tokyo: Sankibō Butsu Shorin, 1997), pp. 193–195. 5. Elements that are not considered in Abhayākaragupta’s typology are the physical practice of sexual yoga and elements of meditation related to it. For these, see section four (THE MAHĀMUDRĀTILAKA AND THE VAJRAMĀLĀ) of this essay. 6. Yael Bentor, “Interiorized Fire Rituals in India and in Tibet,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 120/4 (October–December 2000):  594–613. Bentor develops a new typology of Buddhist systems of inner fire oblation, arguing for a type of inner fire oblation that was not considered in Abhayākaragupta’s typology. However, with regard to other types of inner fire oblation, Bentor’s typology is almost same as that of Abhayākaragupta. Bentor’s typology is as follows:  I.  “Fire offerings based on the inner heat and the subtle body as part of the Perfection Process,” which corresponds to Abhayākaragupta’s (2)-2; II. “Fire offerings of great bliss performed together with a consort, as in the third initiation,” which is omitted in Abhayākaragupta’s typology; III. “Food ritual, in which food is offered to the deities residing at one’s heart,” which corresponds to Abhayākaraguta’s (2)-1; IV. “Mental fire offerings,” which corresponds to Abhayākaragupta’s (1); and V. “Fire offerings of the Great Enlightened Wisdom which destroy ignorance, burn the kleśas, and consume dichotomies,” which corresponds to Abhayākaragupta’s (3)  (Bentor, “Interiorized Fire Rituals in India and in Tibet,”

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p. 596). Psychosomatic fire oblation roughly corresponds to Bentor’s I and II, and it also contains elements that constitute Bentor’s V. As Abhayākaragupta’s typology, Bentor’s typology appears to be a list of elements of practice that constitute actual types of inner fire oblation rather than as a list of actual types of inner fire oblation. Problems in Bentor’s study (pp. 596–601) can be summarized as follows: First, I use as the main materials in my essay the following texts: (1) the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra, (2) the Vajramālā-tantra, (3) the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra, (4) the Vajraḍāka-tantra, (5) the Ḍākārṇavatantra, and (6) Jayasena’s Ḍākārṇavahomavidhi. The fundamental reason for Bentor’s study being insufficient is that she used only Tibetan translations of texts 1 and 4. Second, important elements that form structures of Buddhist systems of psychosomatic fire oblation are the practice of oblation, nonconceptual meditation, and subtle-body yoga, as I discuss in this essay. Bentor did not clarify these structures, as she did not develop a category of inner fire oblation that I call “psychosomatic fire oblation,” which is a major type of inner fire oblation both in Buddhism and non-Buddhist traditions in South Asia, as mentioned earlier. Finally, Bentor regarded types I and II of her typology as being similar to, or having nearly the same significance as, the third initiation and the yoga of perfection process (utpanna-/ niṣpanna-krama), respectively. While these two types are indeed similar in the respects that type II and the third initiation are forms of sexual yoga and that type I and the yoga of perfection process are forms of subtle-body yoga (as is also examined in this essay), we must also carefully consider the significance of their being taught as different practices in the tantras. 7. Subāhuparipṛcchā, CT 895, 733b1–b2, 以呼摩故本尊歡喜 即便施與如意樂果. (This passage appears only in its Chinese translation. It can not be found in its Tibetan translation. However, one passage found in Tohoku 805, 138b5-b6, and in Otani 428, 200a2-a3, may be a different reading of this passage.) Similar passages can be found in scriptures compiled after the Subāhuparipṛcchā. For example, the Māyājāla-tantra, TTP: Tohoku 465, 129b7–130a1, Otani 102, 97b3. Text: sbyin sreg gis ni lha rnams tshim / tshim par gyur nas dngos grub ster / (The deities become satisfied through [the performance of] the fire oblation. Having been gratified, [these deities] bring accomplishment[s]‌). The same passage appears in the Vajrahṛdayālaṃkāra-tantra (TTP: Tohoku 449, 46b4, Otani 86, 308b8), which was composed later than the Māyājāla-tantra. 8. For the fire of gnosis in the practice of inner fire oblation, see also Bentor, “Interiorized Fire Rituals in India and in Tibet,” pp. 605–606; Sugiki, “The Consumption of Food as a Practice of Fire-oblation,” pp. 56–57. 9. The Chāndogyopaniṣad, Sanskrit ed. 5.24.2–24.4. See also Patrick Olivelle, The Early Upaniṣads: Annotated Text and Translation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 245 (translation); Sugiki, “The Consumption of Food as a Practice of Fire-oblation,” p. 56. 10. The Mahāvairocana-sūtra, TTP: Tohoku 494, 228b2–b4, Otani 126, 193a7–b1. See also Stephen Hodge, The Mahā-Vairocana-Abhisaṃbodhi Tantra with Buddhaguhya’s Commentary (New York: Routledge Curzon, 2003), pp. 389–390 (translation); Sugiki, “The Consumption of Food as a Practice of Fire-oblation,” p.  57. The Mahāvairocana-sūtra teaches two kinds of internal fire oblation:  a fire oblation practiced in the form of the meditation mentioned earlier, and an external ritual form of fire oblation that a practitioner performs while considering internally the identity of the nature of three constituents of fire oblation (i.e., fire, practitioner, and offered article) in terms of emptiness (TTP: Tohoku 494, 228a2–a3; see also Hodge, The Mahā-Vairocana-Abhisaṃbodhi Tantra, p. 386 [translation]). From the viewpoint of the second



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kind of internal fire oblation, a truly external form of fire oblation means an external ritual form of fire oblation that a practitioner performs without considering the identity of the nature of the three constituents. 11. Jñānapāda’s Mukhāgama, TTP:  Tohoku 1854, 27b7, Otani 2717, 32b2 (ye shes me ’bar ba yis phung po ni / sreg pa gang yin de ni bla med bshad //. For this, see also Naoji Okuyama, “Indo Mikkyō Hōma Girei,” in Musashi Tachikawa and Motohiro Yoritomi, eds., Indo Mikkyō (Tokyo:  Shunjū Sha, 1999), p.  191 n.  19. (Probably Okuyama is the first scholar who pointed out the existence of this passage in the Mukhāgama.) The following three works give a similar explanation: Kṛṣṇa’s Hevajrahomavidhi, TTP: Tohoku 1256, 277a3–a4, Otani 2385, 338b4; Saroruhavajra’s Homavidhi, TTP: Tohoku 1223, 23a6, Otani 2352, 27b2; and Abhayākaragupta’s Jyotirmañjarī, TTP: Tohoku 3142, 161b3, Otani 3963, 198b5–b6. For some other works that hold the idea of the fire of gnosis that burns up the conceptual categories, see Tsunehiko Sugiki, “The Homa System of the Vajraḍākatantra: A Critical Edition and a Preliminary Analysis of its Homa System,” Tantric Studies 1 (2008): 134. These works often call fire oblation of this type “the supreme [form of] (niruttara, bla med) fire oblation.” 12. The earliest teachings on channels can be found in old Upaniṣad scriptures such as the Bṛhadāraṇyakopaniṣad and Chāndogyopaniṣad, compiled around the fifth century b.c.e. Bṛhadāraṇyakopaniṣad, Sanskrit ed. 4.2.3 and 4.3.20; Chāndogyopaniṣad, Sanskrit ed. 8.6.1–6. See also Olivelle, The Early Upaniṣads, pp.  109, 115, 279 (translations). The channels are also called Hitā in these two Upaniṣad texts, and the number of channels totals 101 according to the Chāndogyopaniṣad. Some sort of divine body fluid flows in the channels. One of the channels goes upward from the heart to the top of the head, and one’s soul (or inner god) moves to the top of the head through that channel. 13. The theory of six cakras mentioned here appears in the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra and in the Vajramālā-tantra, two of the main source materials of this essay. (See also n. 34.) It differs from theories of the six cakras found in the Kālacakra and Jñānodaya systems. 14. The Hevajratantra, Sanskrit ed. I.8.30–36, etc. The first of the four types of bliss is simply “bliss” (ānanda), the second is “highest bliss” (paramānanda), the third is “renunciation bliss” (viramānanda), and the fourth is “innate bliss” (sahajānanda). 15. The Bṛhadāraṇyakopaniṣad, Sanskrit ed. 6.4.1–3. Translation of the passages is from Olivelle, The Early Upaniṣads, p. 155. (Interpolations and glosses are supplemented by me.) See also the Bṛhadāraṇyakopaniṣad, Sanskrit ed. 6.2.13; the Chāndogyopaniṣad, Sanskrit ed. 5.8.1–2; Olivelle, Saṃnyāsa Upaniṣads, p. 28. After this instruction, the Bṛhadāraṇyakopaniṣad gives an instruction on the way of retrieving one’s discharged semen, which also appears to have assisted the development of theories on the tantric Buddhist practice of guhyābhiṣeka (“secret consecration,” the initiation rite in which a teacher transmits his semen to his disciple’s mouth with his thumb and ring finger). The Bṛhadāraṇyakopaniṣad (Sanskrit ed. 6.4.4–5; Olivelle, The Early Upaniṣads, p. 155) teaches as follows: When a man has discharged semen, whether in sleep or while awake, he should take the semen with his thumb and ring finger and rub it between his breasts or brows. By this he can retrieve his virility inherent in the semen. In a personal conversation, Einoo Shingo suggested that the passages given in the Bṛhadāraṇyakopaniṣad can be read as instructions on the garbhādhāna, or impregnation, rite. 16. The supreme (bla med) fire oblation in Kṛṣṇapādaś Cakrasaṃvarahomavidhi (TTP: Tohoku 1447, 293a4–b1, Otani 2165, 363b3–365a3) (Cakrasaṃvara scriptural cycle) may

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fall into the group of the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra and the Vajramālā-tantra because internal symbols in Kṛṣṇapāda’s work are quite similar to those in the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra and Vajramālā-tantra (see also Bentor, “Interiorized Fire Rituals in India and in Tibet,” p. 600). There is also a possibility that Kṛṣṇapāda’s supreme fire oblation is not a version of psychosomatic fire oblation because his work does not clearly mention the subtle-body system, the base element constituting psychosomatic fire oblation. 17. The psychosomatic fire oblation taught in Kṛṣṇācārya’s Vasantatilakā (Sanskrit ed. 8.20c–24) and the Herukādyavajravārāhīyogarājottamottamaparamarahasya (Sanskrit ms. in Kiyotaka Goshima and Keiya Noguchi, A Succinct Catalogue of the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Possession of the Faculty of Letters [Kyoto: Kyoto University, 1983], p. 133, 18a5–b3; both from the Cakrasaṃvara scriptural cycle) are the same as that taught in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra. “The internal fire oblation with no recourse to external matter” (phyi rol gyi rdzas la ma ltos pa’ i nang gi sbyin sreg) in Abhayākaragupta’s Jyotirmañjarī (cross-traditional) should be related to the psychosomatic fire oblation in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra because Abhayākaraguta states in his Jyotirmañjarī that he explained details of this type of fire oblation in his Āmnāyamañjarī, a commentary on the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra. The internal (adhyātma) fire oblation in Umāpatideva’s Vajravārāhīsādhana (Cakrasaṃvara scriptural cycle) may also be able to be related to the psychosomatic fire oblation in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra (Umāpatideva’s Vajravārāhīsādhana, Sanskrit ed. 51); see also Elizabeth English, The Vajrayogini:  Her Visualization, Rituals, and Forms (Somerville, MA:  Wisdom Publications, 2002), p.  221. The instruction given in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra (with Abhayākaragupta’s comment on it) was examined by Naoji Okuyama, “Abhayākaragupta no Goma Shūhō [The Practice of Homa of Abhayākaragupta],” Indogaku Bukkyōgaku Kenkyū [Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies] 32/2 (1984): 105–106. As for outlines of all chapters in the Saṃpuṭodbhavatantra, see Tadeusz Skorupski, “The Saṃpuṭa-tantra Sanskrit and Tibetan Versions of Chapter One,” in Tadeuz Skorupski, ed., The Buddhist Forum IV. Seminar Papers 1994–1996 (London: School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1996), pp. 151–244. 18. See n. 17. 19. One passage in text 2 is quoted in Tantric Nāgārjuna’s Pañcakrama (Nāgārjuna’s Pañcakrama, Sanskrit ed. 1.16.). The Pañcakrama was composed at an early stage of the history of the Ārya school of the Guhyasamāja tradition (i.e., ninth century) and does not quote any passages from works 3, 4, and 5.  This suggests the possibility that work 2 was composed earlier than works 3, 4, and 5, but this does not prove with certainty that work 2 is really earlier. First, the passage quoted in the Pañcakrama does not appear in the instruction on psychosomatic fire oblation. Second, there is also the possibility that the chapter that gives the instruction on psychosomatic fire oblation was not contained in the older version of work 2 used by Tantric Nāgārjuna. Alaṃkakalaśa’s (or Alaṃkadeva’s) Gambhīrārthadīpikā, a commentary on work 2 deals only with c­ hapters 1–44 of the extant version of that text and gives no mention of ­chapter 60, in which the instruction on psychosomatic fire oblation under examination here appears. 20. The names of scriptures mentioned in the Ḍākārṇava-tantra are Guhyasamāja, Saṃvarottara, Saṃvara, Vajraḍāka, Herukābhyudaya, Tattvasaṃgraha, Vajrabhairava, Saṃpuṭa, and Laghusaṃvara. For details, see Tsunehiko Sugiki, Sanbara Kei Mikkyō no Shosō [Aspects



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of Saṃvara Esoteric Buddhism:  Practitioner, Holy Site, Body, Time, and Death and Life] (Tokyo: Tōshindō, 2007), pp. 17, 20. 21. See Appendix, Source Text no. 1. Sanskrit or Tibetan texts of the translations of the works mentioned are found in the Appendix. 22. What the terms “sound,” “navel area,” and “secret lotus” indicate is not clear, although it is doubtless that they represent some areas, or explain what is happening, in the body of the practitioner. Probably they explain what is happening around the cakra in the navel area of the male practitioner. In his Guhyārthaprakāśa (TTP: Tohoku 1200, 137a3–138a7, Otani 2330, 150a2–151b1), a commentary on the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra, Gambhīravajra mentions some masters’ interpretations of these words: according to Mahāguhyavajra, the “navel area” means the heart of a secret lotus (gsang ba’ i pa dma’ i snying po), and according to Ḍombīpa it is the center of the lotus with sixty-four petals (’ dab ma drug cu rtsa bzhi’ i lte ba’ i gnas, probably indicating the creation cakra in the navel area); according to Gambhīravajra’s teacher, the “secret lotus” means the petals of channels to be touched (reg bya’ i rtsa’ i ‘ dab ma, probably indicating a cakra somewhere in the body); and the “sound” is the sound of the awakening mind (byang chub sems kyi sgra) according to Vīrabhūti (bī ra bhū ti [TTP: Tohoku] and bhi ra pu ti [TTP: Otani]). Based on these masters’ words, Gambhīravajra relates that the “sound” is momentary sound (blo bur ba’ i sgra) and that “sound is located at the center of the ‘secret lotus.’” What Gambhīravajra wants to say here remains unclear. 23. In Tanric Buddhism the phrase “fusion of the two forces” signifies the union of two opposite principles, such as union of wisdom and means, of female and male genital organs, the gathering of winds blowing in the left and right channels in a practitioner’s body, and so on. 24. The letter HA means the “HA” part of the letter HAṂ that is visualized in the great bliss cakra in the head of a male practitioner. 25. As for the letters HŪṂ and PHAṬ placed on the moonstone, see the instruction on the third initiation (prajñājñānābhiṣeka, “consecration of the gnosis of the wisdom female”) in the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra, Sanskrit ms. SB Hs or 8711, 5a1; prāṇāyāmasamānatvāt suratenārcanaṃ punaḥ / “hūṃphaṭmantraṃ maṇimukhe nyastvā” vajraṃ pracālayet // [Note] maṇimukhe] em; maṇimukhye padyate tadā jñā, Sanskrit ms (ac). maṇimukhye, Sanskrit ms (pc). The same interpretation can be applied to the “mantra of hūṃ and phaṭ letters” in the teaching of psychosomatic fire oblation in the Vajramālā-tantra; see ­chapter  2, ’byung rngub pa ni ro gcig cing / rab tu dga’ bas mchod par bya / hūṃ phaṭ sngags kyi nor bu’ i sgor / bkod de rdo rje rang bskyod bya // (TTP: Tohoku 445, 213a2, Otani 82, 172b3). On the other hand, Gambhīravajra comments that the practitioner visualizes the letter HŪṂ in the middle of his penis and the letter PHAṬ in the middle of his female partner’s vagina. His comment suggests that maṇi indicates the penis and mukha signifies the vagina. 26. See Appendix, Source Text no. 2. 27. What “sound” and “secret lotus” indicate in this context is not clear. Chapter 7 of the Vajramālā-tantra expounds the nature and features of the “sound” (nā da or sgra) and an inner lotus where the sound resides. The “sound” is the letter AṂ (or A). The lotus is the creation cakra in the shape of a lotus with sixty-four petals, which is situated in the navel area of the practitioner. The letter AṂ (or A) is located at the center of the creation cakra, and the yogic subtle fire blazes up from the letter AṂ (or A); TTP: Tohoku 445, 218b3–b7, Otani 82, 178a2–a7. See also Alaṃkakalaśa’s comments on this chapter, TTP: Tohoku 1795, 65b2–b6, Otani 2660, 77a1–a6.

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These explanations on the sound and inner lotus in ­chapter 7 may be applicable to the “sound” and “secret lotus” in ­chapter 60. 28. As for the meaning of the phrase “fusion of the two forces,” see n. 23. 29. See n. 24. 30. The word samaya (dam tshig), or “vow,” is a technical term in Tantric Buddhism that has many meanings. In this context, it appears to mean some sort of heavenly or superhuman experience. 31. According to Gambhīravajra, the sentence in the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra in question (line 3) is intended to teach that the practitioner ejaculates into the vagina, to prohibit ejaculation to places outside the vagina (TTP: Tohoku 1200, 137b6-b7, Otani 2330, 150b8- 151a1: ho ma khung gi phyi rol (kuṇḍād bahir) ni gsang ba’ i pa dma’ i phyi rol lo // blugs gzar nas (sruvayā) ni gsang ba’ i rdo rje’ i rin po che nas / de la don ni ’ di yin te / byang chub sems kyi mar dgang blugs dbul ba’ i dus su / yo ni phyi rol du gtang bar mi bya’o (na kṣipet) // [Since gsang ba’ i pa dma’ i phyi rol in the first sentence and the yo ni phyi rol in the last sentence are equivalent terms, the latter (yo ni phyi rol) should be read as “outside of the vagina,” not as “the vagina, which is outside.”). Gambhīravajra’s reading appears to be the most natural reading of the sentence. However, at the same time, Gambhīravajra mentions an interpretation of this sentence by Ḍombīpa, according to whom this sentence explains non-ejaculation. Ḍombīpa says that both the words “hearth” (kuṇḍa) and “small ritual ladle” (sruvā) in this sentence signify the penis of the practitioner (TTP: Tohoku 1200, 137b7- 138a1, Otani 2330, 151a1-a2). 32. The five sense faculties are inner instruments for sensory enjoyment. This is probably why the five sense faculties are identified not with firewood and fuel but with articles that bring sensory enjoyment (i.e., rice or offered articles). 33. I believe that this is the most natural understanding of the passage. However, it must be noted that there were practitioners who internalized these recipient deities, as Gambhīravajra suggests. Gambhīravajra comments that masters taught the sacred meanings of these recipient deities (excluding ḍākinīs and mothers) as follows: buddhas are the mind and mental functions; bodhisattvas are the five aggregates; gods and dānavas are the (four or five) material causes; rākṣasas are (twelve) bases of experience; and the eight world-protectors are the eight faces. However, no such teaching can be found in the Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra. Regarding Vajrasattva, Gambhīravajra introduces the words of the master Jñānapūti, who says that Vajrasattva means Mahāsukharāja, probably Heruka, the highest deity in this scripture. 34. See Appendix, Source Text no. 3. 35. The Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra (­chapter 4), Sanskrit ms. Hs or 8711, 6a5–9a2. 36. Gambhīravajra also explains that the ḍākinīs are channels and the mothers are outer channels (phyi’ i rtsa) in this context. (However, I have no idea about what the outer channels mean.) 37. Gambhīravajra comments that the acquisition of accomplishments means “to increase channels and so on” (rtsa la sogs pa rgyas pa). 38. The body maṇḍala is a concept that I would like to define as explaining “the innate purity and power of an initiated practitioner.” It explains that deities are present as a framework (such as the five aggregates, the five or six sense faculties, channels, and so forth) that constitutes one’s own being; it says that one’s own being is a maṇḍala consisting of deities. Although the body maṇḍala is innate to each person, it becomes really significant when one is taught its contents and significance in practice through the initiation to become a master (guru or ācārya). For



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details of Cakrasaṃvara systems of body maṇḍala, see Tsunehiko Sugiki, “Five Types of Internal Maṇḍala Described in the Cakrasaṃvara Buddhist Literature:  Somatic Representations of One’s Innate Sacredness,” Tōyō Bunka Kenkyūjo Kiyō [Memoirs of the Institute of Oriental Culture] 144 (2003): 157–231. 39. The Vajramālā-tantra, TTP: Tohoku 445, 250a3–b1, Otani 82, 210b1–b7. 40. The Vajramālā-tantra, TTP:  Tohoku 445, 270a1–b5, Otani 82, 230b8–231b5. This instruction in ­chapter  64 is quoted in Candrakīrti’s Pradīpodyotana commentary on the Guhyasamāja-tantra (Sanskrit ed., pp. 27–28) and in Nāgabodhi’s Samājasādhanavyavasthāna (Sanskrit ed., pp. 123–128). 41. The Vajramālā-tantra, TTP: Tohoku 445, 270b4, Otani 82, 231b2–b3; lus ni ’ di nyid kun la ’ dir / de bzhin gshegs pa thams cad bzhugs // sku yi dkyil ’ khor zhes brjod pa / rdo rje sems dpa’ nyid kyi sku / rdo rje sems dpa’ i dbye ba yis / rdzogs pa’ i sangs rgyas ma lus ’ di //. 42. See Appendix, Source Text no. 4. 43. See Appendix, Source Text no. 5. 44. I read “hotavyaḥ sarvadravyāṇāṃ” freely in grammar. 45. The last paragraph and the chapter name of the Vajraḍāka-tantra (­chapter  44), Sanskrit ed.; Sugiki, “The Homa System of the Vajraḍākatantra,” p. 142, l. 17; vetāḍasādhanā“ dhyātmahoma”-vidhipaṭalaś catuścatvāriṃśattamaḥ. 46. Abhayākaragupta’s Āmnāyamañjarī, TTP:  Tohoku 1198, 213a2–b6, Otani 2328, 234b3–235a8. Abhayākaragupta’s Jyotirmañjarī, TTP:  Tohoku 3142, 161b2–b3, Otani 3963, 198b4–b6. Okuyama, “Abhayākaragupta no Goma Shūhō [The Practice of Homa of Abhayākaragupta],” pp. 105–106. 47. Bhavabhadra’s Vajraḍākavivṛti, a commentary on the Vajraḍāka-tantra, gives only a brief comment on ­chapter  44 and is not useful. The Vajraḍākavivṛti, TTP:  Tohoku 1415, 185b6, Otani 2131, 211a4. The entire comment on this instruction is: “[The passages] beginning with ‘internal fire oblation’ are easy to understand” (nang gi sbyin sreg ces bya ba la sogs pa ni go sla’o). 48. The Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra’s definition of the five sense objects as externally offered articles does not mean that a practitioner uses external objects actively in this fire oblation practice. Both internal and external articles (i.e., bodily substances and the five sense objects) are described as offered articles in the skullbone in the head (i.e., body fluid in the great bliss cakra). However, why are external objects (i.e., the five sense objects) represented in the form of body fluid? Abhayākaragupta explains: There is no distinction between inner and outer in the real (don dam pa). They are undivided and are both of the nature of the awakening mind. Hence, a practitioner must perform the inner oblation of the awakening mind, which represents both the inner and outer (Abhayākaragupta’s Āmnāyamañjarī, TTP: Tohoku 1198, 213a3–a4, Otani 2328, 234b4–b6). 49. Abhayākaragupta’s Āmnāyamañjarī, TTP: Tohoku 1198, 213a3, Otani 2328, 234b4; rnam par rtogs pa’ i rab rib ma lus pa sel bar byed pa’ i phyir…. 50. As shown in table 3, a bejeweled vajra attached to the lower ends of the handles of ritual ladles is identified with the penis of the practitioner in the Vajraḍāka-tantra. This is not to explain a process of the physical practice of sexual yoga. In ­chapter 48, the Vajraḍāka-tantra explains how to make the large and small ritual ladles that are used in the external fire oblation ritual. According to this chapter, a bejeweled vajra is attached to the lower end of the handle of a ritual ladle (Sanskrit ed.; Sugiki, “The Homa System of the Vajraḍākatantra,” pp. 48, 85–91). In

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the psychosomatic fire oblation the ritual ladles are the two inner channels, i.e., the lalanā and rasanā, and the lower ends of these two channels are located around the genitals of a practitioner. This is the reason the penis is regarded as a bejeweled vajra attached to the lower ends of the handles of the ritual ladles and indicates nothing more than that. 51. Abhayākaragupta’s Āmnāyamañjarī, TTP: Tohoku 1198, 213a7–b1, Otani 2328, 235a1–a2; las ni yid mnyam par bzhag pa ’am “dbang po gnyis kyi bya ba”’o / des bskul ba’ i rlung ste / des sbar ba’o //. The phrase dbang po gnyis kyi bya ba (“the action of the two forces”) may mean the union of the genital organs of a male practitioner and his female partner. 52. Abhayākaragupta’s Āmnāyamañjarī, TTP: Tohoku 1198, 213a5–a6, Otani 2328, 234b6–b7. 53. The Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra, ­chapter 5.2, Sanskrit ms.; E. B. Cowell and J. B. Eggeling, “Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Possession of the Royal Asiatic Society, London (Hodgson Collection),” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1876):  37, 51b1–b5; Seiren Matsunami, A Catalogue of the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Tokyo University Library (Tokyo: University of Tokyo, 1965), p. 427, 44b5–45a3. 54. The prototype idea of a maṇḍala consisting of deities representing the five aggregates, the bases of experience, and the material causes first appeared in the Guhyasamāja-tantra. The idea of the body maṇḍala consisting of channels (i.e., the circle of channels) was first systematically taught in the Hevajra-tantra. Both of these ideas prevailed and were later combined. As a result, many similar schema of the body maṇḍala appeared. The body maṇḍala shown in table 4, or those similar, is a widely taught version, especially in texts belonging to the Cakrasaṃvara literature, and the body maṇḍala shown in table 2, or those similar, is a version found especially in later texts belonging to Guhyasamāja literature. 55. Abhayākaragupta’s Āmnāyamañjarī, TTP: Tohoku 1198, 213b6, Otani 2328, 235a8. 56. Abhayākaragupta’s Jyotirmañjarī, TTP: Tohoku 3142, 161b2, Otani 3963, 198b4. It is not clear what he means by “supreme bliss” (mchog tu dga’ ba). He may mean “highest bliss,” the second of the four types of bliss according to the four-bliss doctrine, because mchog tu dga’ ba is often a translation of Sanskrit paramānanda, “highest bliss.” Or he may mean innate bliss (or great pleasure), the fourth and highest of the four bliss states, because mchog tu dga’ ba is also often a translation of a Sanskrit phrase that indicates the supreme level of bliss. Abhayākaragupta’s Āmnāyamañjarī is not useful in this examination, as it does not explain clearly what the term “supreme bliss” in the Jyotirmañjarī means. 57. The Vajraḍāka-tantra, ­chapter  1, Sanskrit ed.; Tsunehiko Sugiki, “A Critical Study of the Vajraḍākamahātantrarāja (I)—Chapters  1 and 42,” Chisan Gakuhō [ Journal of Chisan Studies] 51 (2002):  81–115, 1.16–22. There are slight differences between the maṇḍala in the Vajraḍāka-tantra (VḌ) and that in the Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra. Vajraḍāka (who is the supreme deity in VḌ) represents all the aggregates and all the bases of experience in VḌ. Mahāmāyā (who is the supreme goddess in VḌ) represents the space material cause and, at the same time, all the material causes in VḌ. 58. The Vajraḍāka-tantra, ­chapter 14, Sanskrit ed., Tsunehiko Sugiki, “A Critical Study of the Vajraḍākamahātantrarāja (II)—Sacred Districts and Practices Concerned,” Chisan Gakuhō [ Journal of Chisan Studies] 52 (2003):  53–106. The idea that ḍākinīs are channels appears in many chapters of this scripture, but ­chapter 14 can be taken as representative because it has the most systematic explanation. 59. See Appendix, Source Text no. 6.



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60. This does not mean that the Ḍākārṇava-tantra has the nine-cakra theory. The cakra theory found in the Ḍākārṇava-tantra is the four-cakra theory, and its structure is the same as the four-cakra theory taught in many scriptures belonging to the Yoginī-tantra tradition. In short, in this Ḍākārṇava system, four hearths are visualized on the four cakras and the other five hearths are visualized at other points on the vertical centerline of the body. 61. In the external ritual form of fire oblation, a practitioner (i.e., a tantric priest) makes one of the nine hearths according to the aim of his ritual performance (e.g., a practitioner makes a round hearth on the ground in the ritual place when performing the pacifying rite). From this one might expect that the practitioner visualizes a particular hearth in his body according to the specific aim of the practice of psychosomatic fire oblation (e.g., a practitioner visualizes a round hearth in his navel area when he is performing the pacifying rite). However, this is unlikely, and no available textual sources support this interpretation. Jayasena’s Ḍākārṇavahomavidhi, which is examined next, clearly teaches that a practitioner visualizes all nine hearths in his body. 62. Padmavajra’s Vohitā, TTP: Tohoku 1419, 185b7, Otani 2136, 219b4–b5. It comments on the instruction of the psychosomatic fire oblation as follows: da ni sbyin sreg gi thab rnams gsungs pa / zhi ba zhes bya ba la sogs pa ste / de ltar phyi dang nang gi bdag nyid thams cad rtogs pa sla’o //. 63. Jayasena’s Ḍākārṇavahomavidhi, TTP: Tohoku 1522, 68a3, Otani 2236, 85a1–a2. 64. See Appendix, Source Text no. 7. 65. This passage explaining inner hearths is likely to be from the passage in the Ḍākārṇava-tantra previously examined in this subsection of this essay. The available texts of Jayasena’s Ḍākārṇavahomavidhi (TTP: both Tohoku and Otani) omit the sentences “a triangular hearth is in the private part” and “a decagonal hearth is in the forehead.” I provided them as supplementary from the passage in the Ḍākārṇava-tantra, although there is also a possibility that these sentences were omitted in the original Sanskrit text of Jayasena’s work. 66. Both texts (TTP: Tohoku and Otani) read baṃ, but the original may be aṃ (the letter AṂ). In esoteric Buddhism the fusion of the letters HŪṂ (blue color, male) and AṂ (red color, female) signifies the union of male and female, which represents the real. If this fusion occurs in all the inner hearths, they all represent the real, which makes this fire oblation practice more excellent. The letter VAṂ, however, generally symbolizes male. It may be that the letter VAṂ colored in red symbolizes female in this context. 67. See Appendix, Source Text no. 8.

REFERENCES Primary Sources Āmnāyamañjarī. *Śrīsaṃpuṭatantrarājaṭīkāmnāyamañjarī (dPal yang dag par sbyor ba’ i rgyud kyi rgyal po’ i rgya cher’grel pa Man ngag gi snye ma) of *Abhayākaragupta (’Jigs med ’byung gnas sbas pa). TTP: Tohoku no. 1198, Otani no. 2328. Gambhīrārthadīpikā. *Śrīvajramālāmahāyogatantraṭīkā gambhīrārthadīpikā (rNal’byor chen po’ i rgyud dpal rdo rje phreng ba’ i rgya cher’grel pa Zab mo’ i don gyi’grel pa) of *Alaṃkakalaśa (A laṃ ka ka la śa), alias *Alaṃkadeva (A laṃ ka de ba). TTP: Tohoku no. 1795, Otani no. 2660.

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Guhyasamāja-tantra. Sanskrit ed.: Yukei Matsunaga. The Guhyasamājatantra: A New Critical Edition. Osaka: Tōhō Shuppan, 1978. Guhyārthaprakāśa. *Śrīguhyārthaprakāśamahādbhuta (dPal zab mo’ i don gsal ba rmad du byung ba) of *Gambhīravajra (Zab pa’i rdo rje). TTP: Tohoku no. 1200, Otani no. 2330. Cakrasaṃvarahomavidhi of Kṛṣṇapāda. *Śrīcakrasaṃvarahomavidhi (dPal bde mchog ’ khor lo’ i sbyin sreg gi cho ga) of *Kṛṣṇapāda (Nag po shabs). TTP: Tohoku no. 1447, Otani no. 2165. Chāndogyopaniṣad. Sanskrit ed.:  Patrick Olivelle. The Early Upaniṣads:  Annotated Text and Translation, pp. 166–287. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998. Jyotirmañjarī:  Jyotirmañjarī homopāyikā of Abhayākaragupta. Sanskrit ed.:  Naoji Okuyama. “Jyotirmañjarī no Kenkyū (I).” Bunka [Culture] 47/1‒2 (1983):  29–46; “Jyotirmañjarī no Kenkyū (II).” “Indogaku Shūkyōgaku Kai Ronshū 13 (1986):  1–18; TTP:  Tohoku no.  3142, Otani no. 3963. Ḍākārṇava-tantra. Ḍākārṇavamahāyoginī-tantra. Sanskrit mss.:  NAK Reel nos. A138/9, D40/6, and A142/2 (National Archives in Kathmandu). Ḍākārṇavahomavidhi. *Śrīḍākārṇavatantrahomavidhiratnasūryakānta (dPal mkha’ ’gro rgya mtsho’ i rgyud kyi sbyin sreg gi cho ga rin po che me shel mkhas pa) of *Jayasena (Dza ya se na). TTP: Tohoku no. 1522, Otani no. 2236. Niṣpannayogāvalī. Niṣpannayogāvalī of Abhayākaragupta. Sanskrit ed.:  Yong-Hyun Lee. The Niṣpannayogāvalī by Abhayākaragupta: A New Critical Edition of the Sanskrit Text. Revised ed. Seoul: Baegun Press, 2004. Pañcakrama. Pañcakrama of Nāgārjuna. Sanskrit ed.: Katsumi Mimaki and Tōru Tomabechi. Pañcakrama:  Sanskrit and Tibetan Texts Critically Edited with Verse Index and Facsimile Edition of the Sanskrit Manuscripts. Tokyo:  Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies for UNESCO, 1994. Pradīpodyotana. Pradīpodyotanaṭīkā of Candrakīrti. Sanskrit ed.:  Chintaharan Chakravarti. Guhyasamājatantrapradīpodyotanaṭīkāṣaṭkoṭivyākhyā. Patna:  Kashi Prasad Jayaswal Research Institute, 1984. Bṛhadāraṇyakopaniṣad. Sanskrit ed.: Patrick Olivelle. The Early Upaniṣads: Annotated Text and Translation, pp. 29–165. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998. Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra. Sanskrit ms.: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin no. Hs or 8711; TTP: Tohoku no. 420, Otani no. 12. Mahāvairocana-sūtra. *Mahāvairocanābhisaṃbodhivikurvitādhiṣṭhānavaipulyasūtrendrarāja nāma dharmaparyāya (rNam par snang mdzad chen po mngon par rdzogs par byang chub pa rnam par sprul pa byin gyis rlob pa shin tu rgyas pa mdo sde’ i dbang po’ i rgyal po zhes bya ba’ i chos kyi rnam grangs). TTP: Tohoku no. 494, Otani no. 126. Māyājāla-tantra. *Māyājālamahātantrarāja (rGyud kyi rgyal po chen po sgyu ’phrul dra ba). TTP: Tohoku no. 465, Otani no. 102. Mukhāgama. *Mukhāgama (Zhal gyi lung) of *Buddhajñānapāda (Sangs rgyas ye shes shabs). TTP: Tohoku no. 1854, Otani no. 2717. Vajraḍāka-tantra. Vajraḍākamahāyoginītantrarāja. Sanskrit mss.:  Śāstrī catalogue no.  72 (Asiatic Society of Bengal), Matsunami catalogue no.  343 (University of Tokyo). Sanskrit ed.: Tsunehiko Sugiki. “A Critical Study of the Vajraḍākamahātantrarāja (I)—Chapters 1 and 42.” Chisan Gakuhō [ Journal of Chisan Studies] 51 (2002):  81–115; “A Critical Study of the Vajraḍākamahātantrarāja (II)—Sacred Districts and Practices Concerned.” Chisan Gakuhō [ Journal of Chisan Studies] 52 (2003):  53–106; and “The Homa System of the



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Vajraḍākatantra: A Critical Edition and a Preliminary Analysis of its Homa System.” Tantric Studies 1 (2008): 131–154. Vajraḍākavivṛti. *Śrīvajraḍākanāmamahātantrarājasya vivṛti (rGyud kyi rgyal po chen po dpal rdo rje mkha’ ’gro zhes bya ba’ i rnam par bshad pa) of *Bhavabhadra (Bha ba bha dra). TTP: Tohoku no. 1415, Otani no. 2131. Vajramālā-tantra. *Vajramālābhisamaya-(or Vajramālābhidhāna-)mahāyogatantrasarvatantra hṛdayarahasyavibhaṅga (rNal ’byor chen po’ i rgyud -dpal rdo rje phreng ba mngon par rtogs pa- or -dpal rdo rje phreng ba mngon par brjod pa- rgyud thams cad kyi snying po gsang ba rnam par phye ba). TTP: Tohoku no. 445, Otani no. 82. Vajrahṛdayālaṃkāra-tantra. *Vajrahṛdayālaṃkāratantra (rDo rje snying po rgyan gyi rgyud). TTP: Tohoku no. 449, Otani no. 86. Vajrāvalī. Vajrāvalī of Abhayākaragupta. Sanskrit ed.:  Masahide Mori. Vajrāvalī of Abhayākaragupta: Edition of Sanskrit and Tibetan Versions. Vols. 1 and 2. Tring: The Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2009. Vasantatilakā. Vasantatilakā of Kṛṣṇācārya. Sanskrit ed.: Samdhong Rinpoche and Vrajvallabh Dwivedi. Vasantatilakā by Caryāvratī Śrī Kṛṣṇācārya with Commentary: Rahasyadīpikā by Vanaratna. Sarnath: Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, 1990. Vohitā. *Śrīḍākārṇavatantraṭīkā Vohitā (dPal mkha’ ’gro rgya mtsho rnal ’byor ma’ i rgyud kyi rgyal po chen po’ i ’grel pa gRu gzings) of *Padmavajra (Pa dma rdo rje). TTP: Tohoku no. 1419, Otani no. 2136. Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra. Saṃpuṭodbhavatantra. Sanskrit mss.: Cowell and Eggeling catalogue no. 37 (London University), and Matsunami catalogue no. 427 (University of Tokyo). Samājasādhanavyavasthāna. The Samājasādhanavyavasthāna of Nāgabodhi. Sanskrit ed. (fragments):  Kimiaki Tanaka, “Nāgabodhi no Samājasādhanavyavasthāna ni tsuite: Vajrācāryanayottama kara Kaishū Sareta Skt Genbun wo Chūshin ni,” Tōyō Bunka Kenkyūjo Kiyō (Memoirs of the Institute of Oriental Culture) 148 (2005): 111–133. Subāhuparipṛcchā. *Subāhuparipṛcchā-sūtra (蘇婆呼童子請經, ’Phags pa dpung bzang gis zhus pa zhes bya ba’ i rgyud). CTP: Taisho no. 895. TTP: Tohoku no. 805, Otani no. 428. Herukādyavajravārāhīyogarājottamottamaparamarahasya. Sanskrit ms.:  Kiyotaka Goshima and Keiya Noguchi. A Succinct Catalogue of the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Possession of the Faculty of Letters, no. E 133. Kyoto: Kyoto University, 1983. Hevajra-tantra. Sanskrit ed.: Ram Shankar Tripathi and Thakur Sain Negi. Hevajratantram with Muktāvalīpañjikā of Mahāpaṇḍitācārya Ratnākaraśānti. Sarnath: Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, 2001. Hevajrahomavidhi. *Śrīhevajrahomavidhi (dPal dgyes pa rdo rje’ i sbyin sreg gi cho ga) of *Kṛṣṇa (Nag po). TTP: Tohoku no. 1256, Otani no. 2385. Homavidhi. *Homavidhi (sByin sreg gi cho ga) of *Saroruhavajra (mTsho skyes rdo rje). TTP: Tohoku no. 1223, Otani no. 2352. Modern Sources Bentor, Yael. “Interiorized Fire Rituals in India and in Tibet.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 120/4 (October–December 2000): 594–613. Bodewitz, H.  W. Jaiminīyabrāhmaṇa I, 1–65:  Translation and Commentary with a Study Agnihotra and Prāṇāgnihotra. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1973.

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Chakravarti, Chintaharan. Guhyasamājatantrapradīpodyotanaṭīkāṣaṭkoṭivyākhyā. Patna: Kashi Prasad Jayaswal Research Institute, 1984. Cowell, E. B., and J. B. Eggeling. “Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Possession of the Royal Asiatic Society, London (Hodgson Collection).” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1876): 5–50. English, Elizabeth. The Vajrayogini:  Her Visualization, Rituals, and Forms. Somerville, MA: Wisdom Publications, 2002. Goshima, Kiyotaka, and Keiya Noguchi. A Succinct Catalogue of the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Possession of the Faculty of Letters. Kyoto: Kyoto University, 1983. Hikita, Hiromichi. Hindū Tantorizumu no Kenkyū. Tokyo: Sankibō Butsu Shorin, 1997. Hodge, Stephen. The Mahā-Vairocana-Abhisaṃbodhi Tantra with Buddhaguhya’s Commentary. New York: Routledge Curzon, 2003. Ida, Katsuaki. “Tantorarāja ni okeru Homa Girei.” Shakai Kankyō Kenkyū 8 (2003): 13–23. Lee, Yong-Hyun. The Niṣpannayogāvalī by Abhayākaragupta:  A  New Critical Edition of the Sanskrit Text. Revised ed. Seoul: Baegun Press, 2004. Matsunaga, Yukei. The Guhyasamājatantra:  A  New Critical Edition. Osaka:  Tōhō Shuppan, 1978. Matsunami, Seiren. A Catalogue of the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Tokyo University Library. Tokyo: University of Tokyo, 1965. Mimaki, Katsumi, and Tōru Tomabechi. Pañcakrama: Sanskrit and Tibetan Texts Critically Edited with Verse Index and Facsimile Edition of the Sanskrit Manuscripts. Bibliotheca Codicum Asiaticorum 8. Tokyo: Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies for UNESCO, 1994. Mori, Masahide. Vajrāvalī of Abhayākaragupta: Edition of Sanskrit and Tibetan Versions. Vols. 1 and 2. Buddhica Britannica no. XI. Tring, UK: Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2009. Okuyama, Naoji. “Abhayākaragupta no Goma Shūhō” [The Practice of Homa of Abhayākaragupta]. Indogaku Bukkyōgaku Kenkyū [ Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies] 32/2 (1984): 104–106. Okuyama, Naoji. “Indo Mikkyō Hōma Girei.” In Musashi Tachikawa and Motohiro Yoritomi, eds., Indo Mikkyō, pp. 175–193. Tokyo: Shunjū Sha, 1999. Okuyama, Naoji. “Jyotirmañjarī no Kenkyū (I).” Bunka [Culture] 47/1–2 (1983): 29–46. Okuyama, Naoji. “Jyotirmañjarī no Kenkyū (II).” Indogaku Shūkyōgaku Kai Ronshū 13 (1986): 1–18. Olivelle, Patrick. The Early Upaniṣads:  Annotated Text and Translation. New  York:  Oxford University Press, 1998. Olivelle, Patrick. Saṃnyāsa Upaniṣads:  Hindu Scriptures on Asceticism and Renunciation. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. Rinpoche, Samdhong, and Vrajvallabh Dwivedi. Vasantatilakā by Caryāvratī Śrī Kṛṣṇācārya with Commentary:  Rahasyadīpikā by Vanaratna. Sarnath:  Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, 1990. Śāstrī, Haraprasad. Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Government Collection under the Care of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 1. Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1917. Skorupski, Tadeusz. “Jyotirmañjarī: Abhayākaragupta’s Commentary on Homa Rites.” Mikkyō Bunka Kenkyūjo Kiyō [Bulletin of the Research Institute of Esoteric Buddhist Culture] 8 (1994): 206–236.



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Skorupski, Tadeusz. “The Saṃpuṭa-tantra Sanskrit and Tibetan Versions of Chapter One.” In Tadeuz Skorupski, ed., The Buddhist Forum IV, Seminar Papers 1994–1996, pp. 151–244. London: School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1996. Sugiki, Tsunehiko. “The Consumption of Food as a Practice of Fire-oblation in Esoteric Buddhism in Medieval South Asia.” International Journal of South Asian Studies 3 (2010): 53–79. Sugiki, Tsunehiko. “A Critical Study of the Vajraḍākamahātantrarāja (I)—Chapters 1 and 42.” Chisan Gakuhō [ Journal of Chisan Studies] 51 (2002): 81–115. Sugiki, Tsunehiko. “A Critical Study of the Vajraḍākamahātantrarāja (II)—Sacred Districts and Practices Concerned.” Chisan Gakuhō [ Journal of Chisan Studies] 52 (2003): 53–106. Sugiki, Tsunehiko. “Five Types of Internal Maṇḍala Described in the Cakrasaṃvara Buddhist Literature: Somatic Representations of One’s Innate Sacredness.” Tōyō Bunka Kenkyūjo Kiyō [The Memoirs of the Institute of Oriental Culture] 144 (2003): 157–231. Sugiki, Tsunehiko. “The Homa System of the Vajraḍākatantra:  A  Critical Edition and a Preliminary Analysis of its Homa System.” Tantric Studies 1 (2008): 131–154. Sugiki, Tsunehiko. Sanbara Kei Mikkyō no Shosō [Aspects of Saṃvara Esoteric Buddhism: Practitioner, Holy Site, Body, Time, and Death and Life]. Tokyo: Tōshindō, 2007. Tachikawa, Musashi, Shrikant Bahulkar, and Madhavi Kolhatkar. Indian Fire Ritual. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 2001. Tanaka, Kimiaki. Indo ni okeru Mandara no Seiritsu to Hatten [Genesis and Development of the Maṇḍala in India]. Tokyo: Shunjū Sha, 2010. Tanaka, Kimiaki. “Nāgabodhi no Samājasādhanavyavasthāna ni tsuite: Vajrācāryanayottama kara Kaishū Sareta Skt Genbun wo Chūshin ni.” Tōyō Bunka Kenkyūjo Kiyō [The Memoirs of the Institute of Oriental Culture] 148 (2005): 111–133. Tripathi, Ram Shankar, and Thakur Sain Negi. Hevajratantram with Muktāvalīpañjikā of Mahāpaṇḍitācārya Ratnākaraśānti. Sarnath:  Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, 2001.

The Three Types of Fire Sacrifice According to Kāṇha’s Śrīcakrasaṃvara-homavidhi David B. Gray

i The Tibetan exegetical traditions on the Cakrasaṃvara-tantra and related literature that developed by the end of the period of the second transmission of Buddhist teachings (phyi dar), as exemplified by authors such as Tsongkhapa Blo-bzang-grags-pa (1357–1419 c.e.) and Jo-nang Tāranātha (1575–1634 c.e.),1 placed great emphasis on works attributed to three great Indian Mahāsiddhas. These three figures, the lo dril nag gsum, were Lūi-pa, Ghaṇṭa-pa, and Kāṇha-pa. Lūi-pa is the reputed author of the Cakrasaṃvarābhisamaya, an extremely influential sādhana that is the subject of a dozen commentaries preserved in the Tibetan Tanjur.2 Ghaṇṭa-pa, also known as Vajraghaṇṭa-pa, is the reputed author of an influential presentation of advanced “perfection stage” (niṣpannakrama) yogic practice entitled the Śrīcakrasaṃvarapañcakrama (To. 1433). A number of influential ritual manuals are also attributed to him.3 Kāṇha, who is also known as Kṛṣṇācārya, appears to have been the most prolific author, judging by the number of works attributed to him. The question of whether or not these works were actually composed by Mahāsiddha Kāṇha is outside the scope of this essay, and probably unanswerable. At the very least, he was a popular figure for the attribution of exegetical works in the Cakrasaṃvara tradition. His most important works with respect to the Cakrasaṃvara exegetical traditions include his Ālicatuṣṭaya, a four-stage presentation of advanced yogic practice, as well as his auto-commentary on this work, the Ālicatuṣṭayavibhaṅga.4 He is also the reputed author of several other works on completion stage practice, including the Guhyatattvaprakāśa (To. 1450) and the Vasantatilakā, a work that relies heavily on material presented in the Cakrasaṃvara 214



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“explanatory tantras” (vyākhyātantra) such as the Saṃpuṭa-tantra.5 Major commentaries on two related tantras, the Hevajra and Vajrapañjara tantras, are likewise attributed to him.6 Like Ghaṇṭa-pa, a number of minor ritual manuals are attributed to Kāṇha-pa.7 The subject of this essay is one of these ritual manuals, a text called the “Rite of Cakrasaṃvara Fire Sacrifice,” Śrī-cakrasaṃvarahomavidhi, which is interestingly preserved twice in the Derge edition of the Tibetan Tanjur.8 This text is a short work, just under six folios in length in Tibetan translation. It is also a relatively straightforward elucidation of the homa rite, presenting the rite, according to the author, as it occurs in the Yoginī tantras, and in accordance with the tradition’s oral instructions (upadeśa). His descriptions of homa rituals read, in fact, as exegesis of the presentations found in the various Cakrasaṃvara-related tantras, such as the Vajraḍāka.9 As such, it is likely of only minor interest to the field of Buddhist studies overall, although undoubtedly of greater interest to scholars specializing in the study of Buddhist homa rituals. At this point, I can only speculate on the date of Kāṇha’s corpus. Leaving aside the problematic question of the dating of the Mahāsiddhas, the works attributed to Kāṇha could certainly not have been composed prior to the tenth century. David Snellgrove hypothesized that the Hevajra-tantra was composed by the late eighth century and that Kāṇha lived during the early ninth century.10 However, there does not appear to be any convincing evidence that the Hevajra-tantra was composed this early; Ronald Davidson argues, correctly I believe, that the Hevajra dates no earlier than the late ninth century.11 Kāṇha’s commentary is thus unlikely to have been written prior to the early tenth century. And while the Cakrasaṃvara-tantra was composed, I believe, sometime during the ninth century,12 the sophistication of the works attributed to Kāṇha, and their reliance on the vyākhyā tantras that were almost certainly composed later, lead me to strongly suspect that they were also composed no earlier than the tenth century. We might also note that this text was evidently translated into Tibetan at a late date; its translators are listed as the Tibetan monk Rig-pa gZhon-nu and the Indian paṇḍita Dharmaśrībhadra. I have not found any information about the former figure, but if this Dharmaśrībhadra is the same person who translated with Bu-ston Rin-chen-grub (1290–1364 c.e.), this would mean that the text was not likely translated prior to the late thirteenth century. While Kāṇha’s homavidhi has numerous interesting features, the opening of the text is particularly fascinating. The author of this text, who I will call Kāṇha in accordance with the traditional attribution, opens with a short but fascinating analysis of the varieties of homa. The text begins with a short description of the deity Saṃvara, green in color with three eyes, four faces, a three-eyed red-colored consort, with two hands holding a vajra and bell. It then moves on to a short statement on the necessity of homa practice: I will explain the process of fire sacrifice (homa, sbyin sreg) [found] in the Yoginī tantras, with the Cakrasaṃvara foremost, in order to benefit sentient beings. When the maṇḍalas are established, [the deities] should be satisfied with fire

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sacrifice. If the mantras are not repeated there will be no success; if fire sacrifice is not performed, there will be no fruit. One should undertake the rites of fire sacrifice in order to achieve all ritual procedures. Without the rites of fire sacrifice, success (siddhi, dngos grub) will not arise. Hence, the mantrin should energetically undertake the rites of fire sacrifice.13 (/ thog mar bde mchog ‘khor lo yi / / rnal ‘byor ma yi rgyud las ni / / sems can rnams la phan gdags phyir / / sbyin sreg rim pa bdag gis bshad / / dkyil ‘khor dag ni sgrub dus su / / sbyin sreg gis ni tshim par bya14 / / gsang sngags ma bzlas mi ‘grub la / / sbyin sreg ma byas ‘bras mi ‘byung15 / / las rnams thams cad rab bsgrub phyir / / sbyin sreg las rnams brtsam par bya/ / sbyin sreg las rnams med pa las / / dngos grub ‘byung bar mi ‘gyur ro / / de bas ‘dir ni sngags pa yis / / brtson pas sbyin sreg las rnams bya /) (A 293a.2–4, B 112a.3–5) Kāṇha then proceeds to an analysis of the homa rite, asserting that there are two ways to classify them into three types, the “highest,” “inner,” and “outer” varieties, as well as into the various categories of magical aims, such as pacifying, to which the rite can be applied. This classification schema is, of course, not unique to this work but is drawn from older canonical sources, as Tsunehiko Sugiki demonstrates in his contribution to this volume, “Oblation, Non-conception, and Body: Systems of Psychosomatic Fire Oblation in Esoteric Buddhism in Medieval South Asia.” While derivative, Kāṇha’s system nonetheless represents an interesting esoteric Buddhist reflection on the varieties of homa ritual practice. Kāṇha begins with a description of the “highest” type, which appears to be a contemplative exercise metaphorically imagined as a fire sacrifice. He describes it as follows: Fire sacrifices are considered to be threefold, the highest, inner, and outer [varieties]. Others consider fire sacrifices to be fourfold, [the rites of] pacification and so forth. First I will explain the highest [fire sacrifice]. The nonconceptual mind should make the oblation of the firewood that is the five aggregates of form, etc., namely everything arising in the mind, in the midst of the solitary flame on the hearth of verbal signs.16 The elements of form, etc. are known as the firewood, the lotus is the hearth, and the vajra the ladle. By always making oblations of seed (sa bon), the highest state will be achieved. Through the highest spiritual union (bla med rjes su sbyor ba), the aggregates and so forth are cast away and burned, and the flame of gnosis should arise, and, through that, the external is burnt, which is selflessness. [Buddhaśrī] jñānapāda17 stated that the outer procedure of the rite of fire sacrifice is the mind and that which arises in the mind. Burning the firewood of aggregates and so forth, the blazing gnosis, is said to be the highest. The outer fire sacrifice is whatever is thought by the mind; burning the firewood of the aggregates in the fire of gnosis is the highest.



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(/ bla med nang dang phyi yi ste / / sbyin sreg dag ni gsum du ‘dod / / gzhan dag zhi ba la sogs pa18 / / sbyin sreg dag ni bzhi ru ‘dod / / de la bla na med pa dang por brjod par bya ste /19 rnam rtog med pa’i sems nyid ni / / thab khung sgra20 yi mtshan ma dag / rnam dben me yi dbus su ni / / gzugs la sogs pa’i phung po lnga / / sems las byung ba ma lus pa’i / / yam shing dag gi sreg blugs bya / / gzugs la sogs pa’i ‘byung ba rnams/ /yam shing du ni rab grags yin/ /padma thab khung yin par bshad / / rdo rje blugs gzar yin par grags / / rtag tu sa bon sreg blugs kyis / / bla med gnas ni thob par ‘gyur / / bla med rjes su sbyor ba yis / / phung po la sogs bud shing bsreg21 / / ye shes me ni skyes gyur pas22 / / phyi rol bsregs23 pa bdag med yin / / dzñā na bā da pas bshad pa / / sbying sreg cho ga phyi rim pa/ /sems dang sems byung24 dag yin te / / phung po la sogs bud shing bsreg25 / / ye shes ‘bar ba bla med ‘dod / / sems kyis ji26 tsam bsam27 pa dag / phyi rol sbyin sreg yin par ‘dod / / ye shes me la phung po yi / / yam shing sreg28 pa bla med yin /) (A 293a.4–b.1, B 112a.5–b.2) The author of this text was aware of Buddhaśrījñāna’s writings on this subject, as indicated by the reference. In particular, Kāṇha here closely paraphrases a passage in Buddhaśrījñāna’s Mukhāgama: The inner rite of fire sacrifice is ultimately mental activity. Endowed with the firewood of the aggregates and so forth, the burning of the aggregates by the blazing fire of wisdom is said to the highest. (/ nang gi bdag nyid kyis ni sbyin sreg las / / mthar thug par yang sems kyi bya ba ste / / phung po la sogs bud shing kun dang ldan / / ye shes me ‘bar ba yis phung po ni / / bsregs pa gang yin de ni bla med bshad /) (D 27b.7) Apparently, Buddhist speculation regarding the varieties of fire sacrifice dates back at least to the eighth century, and Buddhaśrījñāna’s writing on this subject likely influenced ninth- and tenth-century works such as the Vajramālā, Vajraḍāka, and Mahāmudrātilaka tantras, which are apparently the sources for the threefold classificatory system here summarized by Kāṇha.29 Regarding the classes of homa as presented by Kāṇha, the so-called “highest” fire sacrifice appears to be a contemplative exercise, albeit one that is not necessarily performed separately from the outer ritual itself. It may very well be precisely the external performance endowed with a deeper understanding of its significance, which may be why the author refers to the outer ritual as mental activity. In other words, the outer-inner distinction is ultimately discarded in the “fire of gnosis” that the practitioner attempts to generate in the performance of the rite. While the text evokes the very ancient association between homa and sexual intercourse, it does not do so in a particularly clear fashion, making it difficult to determine

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exactly what is intended here. Given the highly abstract and internalized nature of this practice, I am strongly inclined to see this as a reference to an internalized visualization and not an external sexual ritual or yogic practice.30 The author then moves on to a shorter description of the “inner fire sacrifice.” The text continues: Next, the inner [fire sacrifice] should be stated. In order to clear away and pacify the afflictions and augment concentration, one should occupy one’s mind with union with one’s deity. Make oblations as one desires, in order to liberate oneself from arising karma and to extend one’s life. The fire sacrifices are four in accordance with the four ages.31 They should be known as the pacifying, enriching, controlling, and destroying [fire sacrifices]. The pacifying [rite] is for destroying sin, and the enriching takes possession of merit. The controlling is for engendering passion, and killing is for exhausting conceptions. (/ de nas yang nang gi brjod par bya ste / nyon mongs sel32 ba zhi byed yin33 / / ting nge ‘dzin ni rgyas byed phyir / / rang gi lha yi sbyor bas bdag / ji lta bar ni sems kyis bya / / skye ba’i las las rnam grol zhing / / tshe ni yang dag ‘phel ba’i34 phyir / / ci ‘dod sreg blugs las bya ba / / nang gi sbyin sreg dag tu bshad / / ji ltar dus bzhi’i rim pa yis / / sbyin sreg bzhi yang rab tu bshad / / zhi ba dang ni rgyas pa dang / / dbang dang mngon spyod shes par bya / / sdig pa ‘jig phyir zhi ba ste / / bsod nams yongs ‘dzin rgyas pa yin / / chags pa bsgom phyir dbang ‘gyur te / / rtog pa zad35 phyir gsod pa yin /) (A 293b.1–3, B 112b.2–4) While the text is not very specific here, it seems to imply an inner practice of deity yoga (devatāyoga) conducted in conjunction with the outer practice of the ritual. The four types of ritual mentioned—pacifying (śāntika), enriching (pauṣṭika), controlling (vaśya), and destroying (abhicāraka)—are not specific to the “inner fire sacrifice” but are rather broad categories of Indian sorcery.36 Although there are various enumerations of the varieties of magical procedure, six is the most common number, the well-known ṣaṭkarmāṇi. Kāṇha here appears to follow one of his source texts, the Vajraḍāka-tantra, which begins one of its chapters on homa by describing variations of the homa rite corresponding to these four magical applications, although it later details other applications, such as summoning and expelling.37 We might note, however, that Kāṇha’s explanations of the rites here are definitely internalized, with the destroying rite intended for the exhaustion of the conceptions, for example. While this might be nothing more than an apologetic, the interpretation definitely accords with the “inner fire sacrifice” being described at this point of the work. After dedicating a bit more than one folio side describing the highest and inner forms of fire sacrifice, the remainder of the text focuses on the performance of the external rite. Kāṇha begins this segment of the work as follows:



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Next, the outer [fire sacrifice] should be stated. The various masters should explain the rite of fire sacrifice as it is stated in each tantra. Here [it is described as] taught in the Yoginī tantras. I will state just a bit of the Cakrasaṃvara oral instructions. With respect to that, the hearth, [while its types] are infinite classified with respect to sentient beings, there are five classified with respect to the social classes38 and four classified with respect to the [types of] ritual action. The hearths are explained in the following manner. For pacification, it is round and white. For enriching, it is yellow and square.39 For controlling, it is red and triangular. For destroying, it is half-moon [shaped]. (/ de nas yang phyi’i bshad par40 bya ste / rgyud so so las41 slob dpon tha dad pas sbyin sreg gi cho ga ji bzhin42 bshad par bya /43 ‘di ni rnal ‘byor ma’i rgyud las bstan44 te / bdag gis ‘khor lo sdom pa’i man ngag cung zad tsam brjod par bya’o / / de la thab khung ni / sems can dbye bas mtha’ yas te / / rigs kyi dbye bas lnga ru ‘gyur / / las kyi dbye bas bzhi ru ‘gyur / / thab khung rnams ni de ltar bshad / / zhi ba ni zlum la dkar / / rgyas la dbang chen ser po ste45 / / dbang la dmar po gru gsum pa / / mngon spyod zla ba phyed pa yin /) (A 293b.3–5, B 112b.4–6) Following this, the text continues with a lengthy presentation of the homa ritual as performed with each of the four ritual applications, each of which not only has its own hearth shape but also dominant colors, times for performance, types of firewood and offerings, and so forth, as even a casual reader of this sort of ritual literature would expect. Given the fact that the majority of the text is dedicated to the description of the “outer” rites, I believe that it would be a mistake to take Kāṇha’s threefold classification of homa rituals as completely distinct types. His statement that the outer ritual is simply mental activity implies that there is no essential distinction between visualized and physically enacted performances of the rite. Moreover, his text seems to suggest the complementarity of the “inner” and “outer” rites. Robert Sharf has cast doubt on the likelihood that tantric practitioners actually engaged in internal visualization in conjunction with ritual performance, despite the fact that some Shingon ritual manuals prescribe exactly this;46 yet Kāṇha’s homavidhi seems to imply the simultaneous enactment of internal contemplations and the external ritual. His two higher types of homa, the “highest” and “inner” forms, both appear to depend on the external rite on which they are modeled. The “inner” rite appears to be simply a visualization performed in conjunction with the rite. His “highest” contemplation, on the other hand, appears to be a metaphorical extension of the rite, a “sacrifice” of the elements of one’s self into the “fire” of gnosis. This contemplation is thus a homa-themed variant of the well-known Tibetan gcod contemplation.47 No doubt numerous variants of this practice were circulating in Indo-Himalayan Buddhist communities during the early centuries of the second millennium c.e.

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Unless I am misreading the introductory section of this text, this work fits nicely with the general development of Buddhism in North India and the Himalayan regions in the tenth through twelfth centuries. Given the prestige of Kāṇha’s works in Tibet, I suspect that this homavidhi likely served as a model for at least some later Tibetan works in this genre. This work, in other words, is a product of the mature Indian esoteric Buddhist tradition, based as it is on classic works such as Buddhaśrījñāna’s Mukhāgama as well as the vyākhyā tantra that were influenced by his scholarship. A diachronic study of Indian Buddhist ritual literature such as this text is definitely a desideratum for the field of Buddhist studies. ABBREVIATIONS A Kāṇha, Śrīcakrasaṃvarahomavidhi, To. 1447. B Kāṇha, Śrīcakrasaṃvarahomavidhi, To. 1537.

Notes 1. Regarding this, see David B. Gray, “Tsongkhapa on Tantric Exegetical Authority and Methodology,” Pacific World 3/11 (2009):  95–117. See also David Templeman, Tāranātha’s Life of Kṛṣṇācārya/Kāṇha (Dharamsala:  Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1989), pp. x–xi. 2. For a Sanskrit edition of this text, see Munenobu Sakurai, “Cakrasaṃvarābhisamaya no genten kenkyū,” Chizan Gakuho 47 (1998): 1–32. 3. These include his Śrīcakrasaṃvaramaṇḍalavidhitattvāvatāra (To. 1430), Śrīcakrasamvaraśekaprakriya-upadeśa (To. 1431), Śrīcakrasamvarasādhana (To. 1432), and Sahajasaṃvarasādhana (To. 1436). 4. These works are preserved in the Tibetan canon at To. 1451 and 1452. Regarding them, see Tsunehiko Sugiki, “Kṛṣṇācārya’s Four Stage Meditational Process,” Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies 94/2 (1999): 880–883. 5. This work is preserved in the Tibetan canon at To. 1448. The Sanskrit and Tibetan texts are found in Samdhong Rinpoche and Vrajvallabh Dwivedi, eds., Vasantatilakā of Caryāvratī Śrīkṛṣṇācārya (Sarnath, Varanasi: Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, 1990). 6. These are the Yogaratnamālā-nāma-hevajrapañjikā (To. 1183)  and the Āryaḍākinīvajrapañjara-mahātantrarājakalpa-nāma-mukhabandha (To. 1195). The Sanskrit text of the former is edited in David Snellgrove, The Hevajra Tantra:  A  Critical Study (London: Oxford University Press, 1959), vol. 2, pp. 103–159. 7. These include a maṇḍalavidhi, the Bhagavacchrīcakrasaṃvaramaṇḍalavidhi (To. 1446), and a sādhana, the Śrīcakrasamvarasādhana (To. 1445). 8. This is interesting because the two texts, preserved at To. 1447 and To. 1537, are almost identical, the same translation of the same text. This may represent one of the minor anomalies that are quite common in the history of Tibetan canonical collections.



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9. See especially the Vajraḍāka-nāma-mahātantrarāja (To. 370), ­chapter 48. 10. See Snellgrove, The Hevajra Tantra, vol. 1, pp. 13–14, esp. n. 4. 11. See Ronald M. Davidson, “Reframing Sahaja: Genre, Representation, Ritual and Lineage,” Journal of Indian Philosophy 30 (2002): 77–78 n. 69. 12. The dating of this work is a very interesting and complex problem. I originally estimated that the Cakrasaṃvara-tantra was composed in the late eighth or early ninth centuries, on the basis of a mention of the text in one of Vilāsavajra’s commentaries (which date to the late eighth century), and my estimate that the earliest commentator, Jayabhadra, was active in the mid-ninth century (see Gray, The Cakrasamvara Tantra, pp. 11–14). However, Alexis Sanderson, in “The Śaiva Age: The Rise and Dominance of Śaivism During the Early Medieval Period,” in Shingo Einoo, ed., Genesis and Development of Tantrism (Tokyo: Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo, 2009), pp. 158–164, demonstrates that Jayabhadra’s dates are quite uncertain and that he may have been active as late as the early tenth century. I thus now assign the text to the ninth century, as it seems likely that it was composed at some point during that century, although there is a small chance that it might have been by composed as early as the late eighth century or as late as the early tenth century, as I discuss in my edition of this text. See David Gray, The Cakrasamvara Tantra: Editions of the Sanskrit and Tibetan Texts (New York: AIBS/Columbia University Press, 2012), pp. 6–8. 13. Although this passage evokes the opening sections of chapters in the tantras, it does not appear to be a quotation. It certainly is not a quotation from the Cakrasaṃvara (bde mchog ‘ khor lo), the only text mentioned by name. The text is quite close to, but not a direct quotation of, passages found in the homa chapters of the Saṃputa-tantra (kalpa 7, section 4), and the Māyājāla-tantra (­chapter  9). See especially the Saṃputa-tantra, fol. 136b, and the Māyājāla-tantra, fol. 129b–130a. 14. bya: B; byas: A. 15. ‘ byung: A; ‘ byin: B. 16. Note that I follow here text A’s (To. 1147) reading, sgra yi mtshan ma dag, rather than B’s (To. 1537) reading, dgra yi mtshan ma dag. The former reading, which I have translated, seems more likely in this context. We would expect the latter, “name of the enemy,” in the context only of destructive rites. 17. Both texts here read ye she bā da pas, but they should be corrected to ye she pā da pas, since they are clearly a reference to Buddhaśrījñānapāda’s writing on this subject. Many thanks to Prof. Sugiki for pointing this out to me. 18. pa: B; la: A. 19. /: B; / /: A. 20. sgra: A; dgra: B. 21. bsreg: B; bsregs: A. 22. gyur pas: A; ‘gyur bas: B. 23. bsregs: B; bsreg: A. 24. byung: B; ‘ byung: A. 25. bsreg: B; bsregs: A. 26. ji: A; ci: B. 27. bsam: B; bsams: A. 28. sreg: A; bsreg: B.

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29. For information about this, see Tsunehiko Sugiki’s essay, “Oblation, Non-conception, and Body: Systems of Psychosomatic Fire Oblation in Esoteric Buddhism in Medieval South Asia,” in this volume. 30. The eroticization and internalization of the fire sacrifice, transposing the rite onto the act of sexual union and/or transforming it into an internalized visualization was, of course, a development of the late Vedic period, which appears again in tantric literature over a millennium later. Regarding this, see Yael Bentor, “Interiorized Fire Offerings of Breathing, Inner Heat and the Subtle Body,” Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the 7th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Graz 1995 (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1997), pp. 51–58. 31. The Tibetan here, dus bzhi, is ambiguous and might be translated here as the four seasons or four ages (yuga). I believe that the latter is most likely the intended meaning, since these four ritual applications accord nicely with the hierarchy of the ages, with the śāntika rite corresponding to the kṛtayuga, and the abhicāraka corresponding to the kaliyuga. 32. sel: A; ser: B. 33. yin: A; cing: B. 34. ba’ i: A; pa’ i: B. 35. zad: B; bzad: A. 36. Regarding this, see Hans-Georg Türstig, “The Indian Sorcery Called Abhicāra,” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Südasiens und Archive für Indische Philosophie 29 (1985): 69–117; Teun Goudriaan, Māyā Divine and Human (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1978). 37. See the Vajraḍāka, 103b–104a. 38. This text, rigs kyi dbye bas, is almost certainly a reference to the homa rituals designed to subjugate members of the five social classes:  brāhmaṇa, kṣatriya, vaiṣya, śūdra, and outcastes, described in ­chapter  40 of the Cakrasaṃvara-tantra. Regarding this, see Gray, The Cakrasamvara Tantra, pp. 327–328. 39. The Tibetan here, dbang chen ser po, almost certainly refers to the square, golden foundation of the cosmos in Buddhist cosmology, the kañcanamaṇḍala. This seems to be a variant of the description sa gzhi ser po found in the Vajraḍāka. See the Vajraḍāka, 103b.6. 40. par: B; pa: A. 41. las: A; la: B. 42. bzhin: B; skad: A. 43. bshad par bya /: A; bshad pa las: B. 44. las bstan: A; la brten: B. 45. dbang chen ser po ste: B; ser po dbang chen te: A. 46. See Robert H. Sharf, “Visualization and Mandala in Shingon Buddhism,” in Robert H. Sharf and Elizabeth Horton Sharf, eds., Living Images: Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001), pp. 153–154. The question of whether tantric practitioners were and are actually able to simultaneously perform external rituals and internal visualizations is beyond the scope of this essay. While this sort of “multitasking” is by no means easy, I see no reason to believe that dedicated practitioners would be able to master these skills in this fashion. 47. Regarding this practice, see David Stott, “Offering the Body: The Practice of gCod in Tibetan Buddhism,” Religion 19/3 (1989):  221–226; Jérôme Edou, Machig Labdrön and the Foundations of Chöd (Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion Publications, 1996), pp. 39–77.



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REFERENCES Source Texts Buddhaśrījñānapāda. Mukhāgama, zhal gyi lung. To. 1854, D rgyud ‘grel, vol. di, 17b–28b. Kāṇha. Śrīcakrasaṃvarahomavidhi. To. 1447, D rgyud ‘grel, vol. wa, 292b–298b, and To. 1537, D rgyud ‘grel, vol. za, 112a–117b. Māyājāla-mahātantrarāja, rgyud kyi rgyal po chen po sgyu ‘phrul dra ba. To. 466, D rgyud ‘bum, vol. ja, 94b–134a. Sampuṭa-nāma-mahātantra, yang dag par sbyor ba shes bya ba’ i rgyud chen po. To. 381, D rgyud ‘bum, vol. ga, 73b–158b. Vajraḍāka-nāma-mahātantrarāja. To. 370, D rgyud-’bum, vol. kha, 1b–125a. Secondary Sources Bentor, Yael. “Interiorized Fire Offerings of Breathing, Inner Heat and the Subtle Body.” In Ernst Steinkellner, ed. Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the 7th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Graz 1995, pp. 51–58. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1997. Davidson, Ronald M. “Reframing Sahaja: Genre, Representation, Ritual and Lineage.” Journal of Indian Philosophy 30 (2002): 45–83. Edou, Jérôme. Machig Labdrön and the Foundations of Chöd. Ithaca, NY:  Snow Lion Publications, 1996. Goudriaan, Teun. Māyā Divine and Human. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1978. Gray, David B. The Cakrasamvara Tantra:  A  Study and Annotated Translation. New York: American Institute of Buddhist Studies, Columbia University Press, 2007. Gray, David B. The Cakrasamvara Tantra:  Editions of the Sanskrit and Tibetan Texts. New York: American Institute of Buddhist Studies, Columbia University Press, 2012. Gray, David B. “Tsongkhapa on Tantric Exegetical Authority and Methodology.” Pacific World 3rd ser., 11 (2009): 95–117. Rinpoche, Samdhong, and Vrajvallabh Dwivedi, eds. Vasantatilakā of Caryāvratī Śrīkṛṣṇācārya with Commentary:  Rahasyadīpikā by Vanaratna. Rare Buddhist Text Series 7.  Sarnath, Varanasi: Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, 1990. Sakurai, Munenobu. “Cakrasaṃvarābhisamaya no genten kenkyū.” Chizan Gakuho 47 (1998): 1–32. Sanderson, Alexis. “The Śaiva Age: The Rise and Dominance of Śaivism during the Early Medieval Period.” In Shingo Einoo, ed. Genesis and Development of Tantrism, pp. 41–349. Tokyo: Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo, 2009. Sharf, Robert H. “Visualization and Mandala in Shingon Buddhism.” In Robert H. Sharf and Elizabeth Horton Sharf, eds. Living Images: Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context, pp. 151–198. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001. Snellgrove, David L. The Hevajra Tantra: A Critical Study. 2 vols. London: Oxford University Press, 1959. Stott, David. “Offering the Body: The Practice of gCod in Tibetan Buddhism.” Religion 19/3 (1989): 221–226.

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Sugiki, Tsunehiko. “Kṛṣṇācārya’s Four Stage Meditational Process.” Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies 94/2 (1999): 880–883. Templeman, David. Tāranātha’s Life of Kṛṣṇācārya/Kāṇha. Dharamsala:  Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1989. Türstig, Hans-Georg. “The Indian Sorcery Called Abhicāra.” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Südasiens und Archive für Indische Philosophie 29 (1985): 69–117.

You there, the most joyful one, May you come close to us for the sake of the request. O fire of the Wise Lord, May you come close to us with the joy of the most joyful one, With the veneration of the most venerating one, for the greatest of the appeals. Yasna 36.2 This universe, which is the same for all, has not been made by any god or man, but it always has been, is, and will be an ever-living fire, kindling itself by regular measures and going out by regular measures. Herakleitos’ fragment It is so clear that it takes long to see. You must know that the fire which you are seeking Is the fire in your own lantern, And that your rice has been cooked from the beginning. Zen mondō

Fire Rituals by the Queen of Siddhas: The Aparimitāyur-homa-vidhi-nāma in the Tengyur Georgios T. Halkias

i Fire, in its creative and destructive potency and in its luminous immediacy, has inspired a variety of ritual activities across religious settings and mythological contexts. We may briefly recall the lame god Hephaistos (Grk. Ἥφαιστος; Lat. Vulcan), master of weaponry, metallurgy and volcanoes worshipped by the Greeks and Romans, and Hestia (Grk. Ἑστία; Lat. Vesta), the virgin goddess of the hearth bestowing blessings on the altars of the faithful. Across the Black Sea, a national hero with a “flaming beard,” “hair of fire,” and “eyes of sun,” the sun-god and king Vahagn watches after the welfare of Armenians,1 and in the Far East the Shinto Hi-No-Kagu-tsuchi-no-kami (radiant father) or Homusubi-no-kami (fire-growth) is worshipped as a fire-god by the Japanese.2 In one of the most important of all Iranian ceremonies, devotees supplicate the “wise lord” and “world-creator” Ahura Mazdā to descend from the sky as heavenly fire and merge with the ritual hearth.3 Alhough nowadays worshipers of the medium of fire are commonly identified with Zoroastrianism, the official religion of Persia that lasted nearly a millennium, the religious hypostatization of fire may predate the teachings of the prophet Zoroaster.4 Magical customs of firewalking are noted in many parts of the world, while cases of self-immolating śramaṇas (Buddhists) have been memorialized by the Greeks.5 In ancient Greek esoteric traditions death by fire was “a standard way of attaining heroic status;” especially by lightning that was seen as the purest form of death.6 In Vedic lore, the Universal Fire (Agni Vaiśvānara) is the “king of all worship” and “guardian of the cosmic law.”7 While the prevalance of fire rituals in Indian religions is well-attested, canonical texts of Early Buddhism rejected such rites, except in cremation ceremonies performed for the 225

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purpose of purifying the negative karma of the recently departed and avoiding physical and ritual pollution.8 However, the Buddha’s injunctions against the use of Vedic rituals may not have prevented some Buddhists from performing the rites of homa (from the Skt. root √ hu-, meaning “to sacrifice” especially to pour butter into the fire).9 Over time, homa formed an integral part of Buddhist ritual ceremonies in Tibet, Nepal and Japan, vindicating Strickmann’s observation of “a near-obsessive inclusiveness” in tantric Buddhism.10 Indian tantric Buddhists and their Tibetan successors readily adopted fire rituals as efficacious means to accomplish “lower activities” (smad las), or worldly goals like prosperity, protection, or power, and “higher activities” (stod las) or soteriological aspirations like liberation from saṃsāra. By and large, homa may take several hours, days, or weeks to perform at considerable expense incurred by the donors,11 and may be conducted in conjunction with other tantric rituals such as sādhānas, initiations, consecrations, and tantric feasts (tshogs mchod).12 The transmission of homa texts and rites from India to Tibet was part and parcel of the soteriological mission of Indian Vajrayāna (rdo rje theg pa), and nowadays Tibetan Buddhist literature (and Bön) features a large repertoire of fire-ritual manuals that vary in length, complexity and function. Tibetan homa is linked to a variety of Mahayana Buddhas such as, Amitāyus, Akṣobhya, Vajrasattva; celestial bodhisattvas like Vajrapāṇi, Mañjuśrī, Avalokiteśvara; Vajrayāna deities like Chakrasaṃvara, Hevajra, Vajrayoginī, Vajrabhairava, Vajrakīla; dharma protectors such as Mahākāla, Palden Lhamo; wealth deities like Dzambhala; tantric masters like Padmasambhava; “worldly gods” (’ jig rten pa’ i lha), and other non-human beings such as garuḍas and nāgas. In the following study we will examine the Aparimitāyur-homa-vidhi-nāma (ApH), a tantric manual in Tibetan translation preserved in the Tengyur (“Translated Treatises”)13 that links the Indian Mahayana lore and popular worship of Aparimitāyus with homa rituals. Presumably it was written by and for ritual specialists as a handbook containing abridged technical instructions on the intricacies of the “four rites” (las bzhi, Skt. catuṣkarman) found in Hindu and Buddhist tantras, namely: 1. “pacification” (zhi ba, Skt. śānti) of negative forces, obstacles, illnesses, malevolent intentions, obscurations, enemies, and black magic; 2. “enrichment” (rgyas pa, Skt. puṣṭi) of one’s lifespan, strength, wealth, merit, wisdom, splendor, prosperity, happiness, and so forth; 3. “subjugation” (dbang, Skt. vaśa) or control of a situation or the manipulation of important people like kings, queens, or ministers, and even gods, nāgas, and spirits; and 4. “sorcery” (mngon spyod) by “wrathful means” (drag po, Skt. abhicāra) for the purpose of summoning, separating, binding, suppressing, averting, killing, expelling, driving someone insane, and even causing natural disasters such as lightning, hail, and so on. Originally there were “six activities” or rites (Skt. śaṭkarmāṇi) mentioned in the Indian tantras. 14 In Vajrayāna Buddhism the two activities of “conjuring forth” (Skt. vaśya, vaśīkaraṇa) and “causing harm” (Skt. māraṇa) were absorbed into the latter two activities of subjugation and wrath. Among the four kinds of homa activities, the rites of pacifying and enriching are more frequently performed by ritual specialists. Homa



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rituals of pacification (zhi ba’ i sbyin sreg) are utilized during consecrations, before constructing a new house or going on a journey, and also at the end of meditation retreats in order to compensate for any excess or omission during the practice. In a general sense, they are carried out to eliminate obstacles, calamities, and everything that is considered inauspicious and an impediment to the attainment of liberation. They are sometimes performed on the last day of consecrations in order to purify mistakes that may have occurred during their performance.15 THE LINEAGES OF APARIMITĀYUS IN TIBET In Tibetan Buddhism, Aparimitāyus (Tshe dang ye shes dpag tu med pa) is equated with the Buddha Amitāyus (Tshe dpag med), who is also known as Amitābha (’Od dpag med)—the Buddha who presides over his pure land Sukhāvatī. Although there are some issues concerning the origins of Aparimitāyus16 there is no question as to his importance in the development of Indo-Sino-Tibetan trends of “Pure Land Buddhism” in Central Asia.17 Two Kangyur and eight Tengyur texts are dedicated to this deity. The former include the Immeasurable Life and Wisdom Sutra (or The Sutra of Aparimitāyus), extant in nearly one thousand Tibetan and several hundred Chinese copies, and the Dhāraṇī of the Essence of Aparimitāyus, translated for the first time in Chinese (T. 370) between 502–557 c.e., and again in the first half of the ninth century (T. 936) by a Tibetan monk from Dunhuang, and by a monk from Nālandā in the second half of the tenth century (T. 937).18 Aparimitāyus texts in the Tengyur served as canonical precursors to a later systematization of life-extending rituals attributed to Aparimitāyus-Amitāyus conflated, by the eleventh century (if not earlier), into a single deity .19 From the Tengyur colophons we can reconstruct two seemingly independent lines of transmission of this deity to Tibet. One lineage is traceable to the Bengali Buddhist scholar Jetāri sometime between the end of the tenth and early eleventh century.20 Out of thirty texts attributed to Ācārya Jetāri in the Tengyur, three are dedicated to Aparimitāyus inspiring what came to be known as Jetāri’s system of long-life practices (dze ta ri’ i lugs).21 The second Aparimitāyus lineage is credited to a twelfth-century figure by the name Jñānaḍākinī Siddharājñī. Siddharājñī is associated with the Indian pandita Valacandra who figures in the Tibetan translation of one Aparimitāyus text (ApH) in the Tengyur corpus and who features, rather curiously in Réchungpa’s (Ras chung pa, 1082/4–1161) biography and in relation to his meeting with the wisdom-ḍākinī in India. The Colophon of the Aparimitāyur-homa-vidhi-nāma The colophons in the Derge, Narthang and Cone editions provide similar information on the ApH’s author and Indo-Tibetan team of translators. They also include a Mahayana

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aspiration that all transmigrating beings may come to behold Buddha Amitāyus, either in this life or soon after death: This fire-ritual cycle came to fruition as composed by the ḍākinī Siddharājñī (Grub pa’i rgyal mo). By virtue of this, may all transmigrating beings encounter Amitāyus. This [text] was translated by the Indian scholar Valacandra and the translator Glan dar ma tshul khrims.22 The formulaic wish to behold Amitāyus, common to a number of Mahayana works, is the only explicit “Pure Land” Buddhist theme in our text, save of a passing allusion to the “horse-neck” deity Hayagrīva (folio 2, line 2) that is, by some counts, the spiritual son of Buddha Amitābha.23 A certain “ḍākinī” (mkha’ ’gro ma; lit., “sky-goer”) known as the “Queen of Siddhas” (Grub pa’i rgyal mo; Skt. Siddharājñī) is mentioned as the author of our text.24 Traditionally, Amitāyus’ longevity rites have been associated with two female adepts known as the “Queen of Siddhas”:  the ninth-century princess of the ancient kingdom of Zahor Mandāravā and one of Padmasambhava’s main consorts;25 and the twelfth-century female adept from Uḍḍiyāna encountered by Réchungpa in India and mentioned in his biography.26 We don’t seem to have any biographical information on Siddharājñī, and her story fits neatly with a legendary description of Mandāravā’s alleged accomplishment of the deities Hayagrīva and Amitāyus and the origins of related longevity practices to Tibet. According to the “New” (gsar ma) Tibetan Tantric Schools, the lineage of Amitāyus long-life rituals was brought to Tibet by Réchungpa, the heart disciple of Tibet’s most famous yogi Milarépa (Mi la ras pa), after his encounter with Jñānaḍākinī Siddharājñī. It is said that he was struck by leprosy and went to India in search of a cure. There Réchungpa met the master Valacandra who advised him to go to the “City of Joy” where he received a prophesy that he had only seven months left to live. Distressed by the news, he pleaded with Valacandra for a cure. The Indian master send him to a place called the “Maṇḍala of the Golden Woodland Meadow” (shing spang gser gyi maṇḍal) to meet a ḍākinī, the “Queen Mother of Siddhas,” who had attained the siddhi of immeasurable life by the grace of Buddha Amitāyus. During their encounter she inquired how long he desired to live, to which Réchungpa replied, “until I feel it’s all right to die.” Hence, she extended his life for forty-four years and taught him the longevity practice of Amitāyus. Réchungpa passed on the ḍākinī’s teachings to his heart teacher Milarépa along with the practice of the wrathful deity Hayagrīva (Rta mgrin) for dispelling obstacles. The transmission of this cycle of teachings came down to the illustrious physician and scholar Gampopa Sonam Rinchen (Sgam po pa sod nams rin chen, 1079–1153) and to all the lineage holders of the Dakpo Kagyü lineage.27 From there, it was passed on to the Drukpa lineage by Gyelwa Götsangpa (Rgyal ba god tshang pa, 1189–1258) and onward to the school of the Gélukpa through Tsongkhapa (Tsong kha pa, 1357–1419).28



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Padma Karpo (Padma dkar po, 1527–1592) provides a brief account of the Tibetan “translator” (lo tsa ba) of the ApH, Lenchung Darma Tsültrim (Glan chung dar ma tshul khrims) from the Glan clan (gdung rus). This active translator of more than a dozen texts, also known as Lugyépa (Klu brgyad pa), is mentioned in the Kangyur and Tengyur and in the biographies of Réchungpa.29 There is not much in the Tibetan sources concerning Darma Tsültrim’s collaboration with the Indian scholar Valacandra other than what is available in Réchungpa’s biographies and only in relation to Réchungpa. In a variant narrative by Ζönnupel (Gzon nu dpal, 1392–1481), the well-known author of the Blue Annals (Deb ther sngon po), it is said that Guru Valacandra granted Réchungpa the mantra of a form of Vajrapāṇi (gtum po khyung sam can) that cured his leprosy.30 Although Ζönnupel mentions that Réchungpa received long-life practices from the Queen of Siddhas, this alternative version concerning his cure seems plausible as it accords with four tantric texts dedicated to Vajrapāṇi in the Tengyur translated by him and Darma Tsültrim.31 A Summary of the homa of Aparimitāyus According to the ApH (folio 1, line 2)  and other sources, supreme among the four rites is the “sorcery of fierce means” (drag po mngon spyod). This infamous fire sacrifice, the abhicāra-homa, is performed when all other subjugation rites have failed and a terrible conflict or threat caused by malignant forces threatens the Buddhist institutions and teachings, and the well-being of the community. According to the Mahāvairocana-abhisambodhi-tantra, one should perform the fierce rites to subdue menacing foes. For Bhavyakīrti, the tenth-century scholar and abbot of Vikramaśīla -- a renowned Buddhist center of learning during the Pāla dynasty -- fierce homa rituals can be employed for the purpose of subduing a rival kingdom.32 Under acute circumstances the ritual specialist may resort to the fierce homa to exterminate an opponent, as illustrated in the following passage of the Tibetan version of the Śri-vajramahābhairava-tantra: The mantrin who desires to kill should, in union with the Buffalo-headed One (i.e., the deity Vajrabhairava), naked, with dishevelled hair and facing south, draw the sixteen-section wheel of Vajramahabhairava (Vajrabhairava) on a shroud in venom, blood, salt, black mustard, nimbi (Azadirachta indica) and Datura juice using a pen made from a raven feather or from a human bone. When he has placed it in between two fires along with the name of the victim of the rite, he surrounds it with ten syllables and writes eight HŪṂs. In the corners of the syllable PHAṬ is to be written. Anointing himself with warm butter he places this magical device within two crania. When he has placed it above three hearths, he should kindle a fire with cremation wood. Then he tramples it with his left foot and recites the ten syllable mantra. By this means the victim will doubtlessly die instantly.33

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The ApH does not elaborate on this controversial type of sorcery that is rarely discussed openly. It offers instead an overview of the shapes, colors, and direction of sacred “fire pits” (thab khung, Skt. homa-kuṇḍa) to be constructed according to the type of fire rites performed (lines 2–4): for pacification activities (zhi ba) a white hearth of “circular shape” (zlum po), one cubit across and a cubit deep, facing to the east; for enrichment (rgyas pa), a “square” (gru-bzhi) yellow hearth, two cubits across and one cubit deep, facing to the north; for subjugating (dbang), a red hearth, bow-shaped, “semicircular” (zla gam) facing west; and for destructive sorcery (mngon spyod), a “triangular” (zur gsum) black hearth, twenty finger-widths, facing south. The designs of the four fire hearths correspond to the shapes, colors, and directions of the four continents of Mt. Meru and to the four elements with the pacifying circle representing water, the square the element earth, the semicircle air, and the triangle the element of fire.34 Offerings, Utterances and Signs An examination of the ApH shows that homa is a ritual genre of considerable sophistication that entails the organization of several “physical,” “cognitive” and “non-cognitive” phenomena that includes reading and following the instructions of the tantric manual, uttering prayers and mantras, invoking and visualizing Buddhist deities, casting liquid and solid substances and observing and interpreting the signs of the consuming flames. From the perspective of the officiating adept, the performance requires psychophysical coordination and an exercise in high correlative thinking that links the literary with the ritual traditions. 35 According to the ApH (lines 4–5), the officiating priest visualizes the “fire god” (me lha) in the red syllable raṃ and utilizes instruments comprising a “wand” (dbyu gu), a “round water vessel” (ril ba spyi blugs), and a “rosary” (bgrang ’phreng) for counting left to right. While absorbed in (non-dual) wisdom and crowned with the ornaments of the Buddha family he holds on to the silken braided string of Brahma, and offers “bathing water” (zhabs bsil) and “drinking water” (mchod yon). The signs for the development of the ritual (folio 2, line 1) can be ascertained from the “color” (kha dog), “sound” (sgra), “appearance” (dbyibs), and “smell” (dri) of the burning wood. In the “waxing of the moon” (zla ba rgyas ba), if there is no smoke, illnesses and negative actions are exhausted without exception. There will be an increase in joy with objects such as conch shells, drums, and string instruments. The use of “sandalwood” (tsan dan), “camphor” (ga pur), and “aloe” (a ka ru) will induce virtue, long life, and auspiciousness. The “eight auspicious substances” (bkra shis rdzas brgyad, Skt. ashtamangala-dravya),36 a victory banner, a parasol, and so forth,37 are all signs of merit for practitioners, while the propitiation of Hayagrīva offers protection (line 2). The “fire-offering substances” (bsreg rdzas), “butter” (mar) and “firewood” (yam shing) are used to fuel the sacred flames. One may cast “sesame seeds” (til), “grains and



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curd” (zho ’bras), “lentils or peas” (sran ma), “wheat” (gro), dūrvā and kuśa grass stalks. After that one recites this mantra: oṃ agna ye svāhā / oṃ bodhi bṛikṣā ya svāhā / oṃ sarba pā paṃ da ha na badzrā ye svāhā / oṃ sarba saṃ pa de svāhā / oṃ badzra puṣṭa ye svāhā / oṃ badzra bi dza ye svāhā / oṃ ma hā be ga ye svāhā / oṃ ma hā ba la ye svāhā / oṃ badzra ghasma ri ye svāhā // oṃ badzra ā yu ṣe ye svāhā / oṃ a (line 5) pra ti ha da badzra ye svāhā. The fire god is entreated and supplicated with the casting of offerings visualized in the center of the maṇḍala and dissolved in wisdom. The priest presents drinking water and bathing water for the feet (line 6). Venerating the mouth of the fire with “liquid” (khu ba), he offers firewood, kuśa grass to the radiance of the fire and recites the mantra: ā u puṣṭi ku ru oṃ. For the purpose of extending life, the officiant makes libations of “curdled milk” (sho), “grain meal” (zan), and drinking water offered to the gods (folio 3, line 1). With five nectars38 mixed with other substances, the accomplished master joins with the “small finger” (mthe’u chung) of his left hand the small finger of his disciple’s right hand. Oblations are made following the circumambulation of the hearth three times. The remaining “substances of accomplishment” (dngos grub rdzas) should be given to the disciples (line 2). Then follows the recitation of the mantra oṃ badzra ā yu ṣe amṛita siddhi hūṃ! For the peaceful homa combine the syllables svā-hā, for the enriching oṃ-la, for the subjugating la-ho, and for the destructive ma-rā-ya-phaṭ. Having venerated and propitiated the deities of the maṇḍala (line 3), request them to depart (from the site). Bestow them with offerings. The fire will fulfill all desires as the firewood burns with radiance (line 4). With the casting of butter, there will be increase in wealth; with the offering of sesame seeds, the cleansing of nonvirtuous actions will ensue; with the casting of yogurt and porridge, an enhancing of one’s ability for “reasoning” (rigs pa); with barley, one’s diligence and effort will increase; with rice, one’s power will grow; (line 5) with the oblation of grains and fruit, one’s fortune will multiply; with the casting of wheat and lentils, all illnesses and impurities will be cleared away; with dūrvā grass, there will be long life without sickness; with kuśa grass, there will be protection against obstacles;39 with milk and honey, there will come “attainment” (dngos grub, Skt. siddhi); and with the casting of firewood, auspiciousness will increase (line 6). Furthermore, the ways of good fortune will come to the sponsor of the ritual. The perfection of two provisions, “skilful means” (thabs, Skt. upāya) and “wisdom” (shes rab, Skt. prajñā), comes about with the use of the “ladle” (gzar bu) and satiation through the casting of nectar and butter.40 This is what is to be done with the sacrifices made by others. Usually the Buddhist hearth is a temporary construction on a makeshift platform either near the vicinity of a practitioner’s retreat or in a secluded place. Occasionally we find a permanent structure for fire ceremonies in the courtyard of some monasteries, as in Thiksey (Khrig rtse) monastery east of Leh in Ladakh A  stepped wall,

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which bears the color that corresponds to the type of homa rite being performed, is commonly erected in front of the throne of the ritual master to protect him from the flames. As for the ritual articles, there are those for worship (mchod rdzas) and the substances for burning (bsreg rdzas). According to a description furnished by Robert Beer, to the left of the master’s throne there is a brocade-covered altar upon which are placed “four purifying waters,” “three waterbowls,” and “three conch-shell receptacles.” On another altar the ritual implements of the homa specialist are situated, such as the inner offerings, the action vase, kuśa grass sprinkler, a bowl of consecrated rice and so forth. 41 On a large table to the right of the throne are arranged the offering substances. Several accomplished attendants usually assist the ritual master with the elaborate procedures of the ritual, such as tending to the fire, presenting the offerings, handling the ritual ladles, playing the ritual music, and reciting prayers. Throughout the performance of the homa ritual, the master holds the vajra and bell on his right and left hands respectively. The following description is furnished in the Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi-sūtra: To the right of the teacher’s position there are the paraphernalia for homa, while the trainees reside to his left, squatting with heightened respect. He himself spreads auspicious grass (kuśa) on the ground and sits at ease. Alternatively (when it is not possible to dig a hearth, he paints one) with pigments, bright red and most imposingly beautiful— Anything that is painted will be effective: this is the simplified homa site. Around (the hearth) he spreads auspicious grass with the ends overlapping one another toward the right (i.e., clockwise), all wide and thick, and he sprinkles it all with perfumed water. Contemplating the honored one Agni out of pity for all, he should take a full ladle and make oblations to him with it, and at the same time the well-abiding (ācārya) should utter this mantra: Namaḥ samantabuddhānāṃ, agnaye svāhā. (Homage to all Buddhas! For Agni, svāhā!)42 Based on the instructions laid out in our text (folio 4, line 1), the hearth should be constructed at a solitary place and the ritual substances properly arranged. For the performance of peaceful homa, the offering of white sandalwood is appropriate. For the enriching homa, one should use wood from plants or trees bearing fruit and grain. For subjugation rites, red sandalwood should be used, and thorny wood for wrathful activities (line 2). In an open space together with eight different petals of a lotus flower to the left and right of the ritual master, the fire-offering substances are sequentially arranged to his right (line 3) and the offering vases to his left. The ritual master begins the generation phase of “deity-yoga” (lha’ i rnal ’byor, Skt. devata-yoga) along with the recitation of mantras for overcoming hindrances, followed by the visualization of Hayagrīva inside the ritual vase. The Brahmin (bram ze) (line 4) throws butterfat to the fire, causing the flames to rise, and requests the promotion of



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his activities. He does so by offering first to the fire deities of this world; second, by satisfying the deities of the extensive maṇḍala; and third, by offering his appreciation to the fire deity. Following this, the “wisdom deities” (ye shes pa, Skt. jñāna-sattva) are asked to depart, and the “pledge deities” (dam tshig, Skt. samaya-sattva) dissolve. The text ends by admonishing that the remains of the fire yoga should be dispersed in the waters of a river and the homa will yield its fruit. A BUDDHIST REJECTION AND REAPPROPRIATION OF FIRE RITUALS In the Brahmajāla-sutta (Dīgha-nikāya I, 9), the Buddha repudiated and condemned homa sacrifices performed by Brahmins. Along with other money-making professions such as divination, the Buddha openly devalued and rejected a variety of homa rituals that employ fire (aggi-homa), ladles (dabbi-homa), mouth oblations (mukha-homa), husks (thusa-homa), grains (kaṇa-homa), rice (taṇḍula-homa), ghee (sappi-homa), oil (tela-homa), and blood (lohita-homa). It is unclear to what extent admonitions against Brahmanical rituals were followed by Buddhists at different places and times and before the compilation of the Pāli scriptures. Over time it appears that the Buddha’s admonitions were discarded by Indian Buddhists who promptly adopted homa in their ritual repertoire without any reference to the negative prescriptions of the Brahmajāla-sutta or any attempt to rationalize a progressively complex and fatuous ritualism that came to characterize the Buddhist tantras.43 Brahmanical Rituals in a Buddhist Text As we have seen the ApH is attributed to the Buddhist deity Aparimitāyus while its contents reflect a summary for the execution of Brahmanical rituals (cho ga, Skt. vidhi) with no apparent relation to Buddhist doctrines per se. Unambiguous references to the Brahmins and to the Vedic gods Agni and Brahma in the ApH suggests that fire rites were initially performed by Brahmin officiants at the behest of Buddhist patrons. Professional Buddhists in India, monastics and tantrikas, were competing not only for patronage but also for ritual competence and religious prestige, and they would have readily performed homa on behalf of interested donors, especially if the latter belonged to the powerful and wealthy strata of Indian society. The scarcity of readily available Brahmins in Tibet could easily justify the performance of ApH rituals by Tibetan Buddhist specialists, lay or ordained. And this scarcity, juxtaposed with an increased demand for new ritual technologies imported from the land of Buddhism, accounts for the popularity fire offerings enjoyed in Tibet and the culturally Tibetan regions of the Himalayas. It is therefore not surprising that homa, by some counts, is considered one of the three most significant rituals that every Vajrayāna Buddhist master in Tibet should be able to perform.44

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As with other ritual exchanges between skilled experts and clients, the setting of Tibetan votive offerings is framed according to the requirements and expectations of the participants. At the most fundamental level of Mahayana practice, homa may be sponsored for the purpose of accumulating merit (bsod nams, Skt. puṇya) for oneself and others in hope of a better life, rebirth in superior realms, and even liberation from saṃsāra through the cleansing of negative karma. At the relative level of truth (kun rdzob bden pa, Skt. samvṛtisatya), homa features complex outer performances (phyi) related to vocal utterances, ceremonial use of colors, forms and physical activities (las) like “hand-gestures” (phyag rgya, Skt. mudrā), libations, and the casting of various medicinal and nourishing substances into the “mouth of fire.” In a socially constructed nexus of cognitive, emotive and abstract correspondences seemingly discreet verbal and mental activities and experiences (visual, olfactory, auditory) are ceremonially granted unity through a stylized external presentation and manipulation of surrounding objects with distinct properties linked (directly or indirectly) to the form and meaning of the ritual.45 It would appear that several kinds of “outer sacrifices” or “external homas” were practiced by medieval Buddhists challenging untenable dichotomies posited between a “Buddhism of doctrines” on the one hand, and “esoteric forms and trends” on the other.46 Furthermore, presupposing a dominant religious function to rituals in general and homa in particular can be misleading. Fire is clearly associated with culturally reinforced concepts such as “transformation,” “luminosity,” “purification,” “food,” “consumption,” “heat,” and “danger.”47 From the perspective of religious reform, fire ceremonies have been denounced as “spiritually useless” at the time of the Buddha and in some Hindu schools they were transfigured into “inner sacrifices” (internal fire rituals) that require neither an audience nor an external performance. 48 For the Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi-sūtra:  There are two kinds of homa, namely, internal and external: One obtains liberation from karma and (re)birth, and there is also the arising of sprouts and seeds (of awakening). Because it is able to burn away karma, it is called ‘internal homa.’ For external use there are three positions (i.e., practitioner, hearth, and deity), and these three positions dwell within (each of) the three. Accomplishing the path of the three actions [śāntika, pauṣṭika, and ābhicāruka] is the excellent mundane homa.49 The continuity and transformation of these media as inner rites (nang) is analogically presented in food to be consumed by digestive heat and the unexcelled (bla na med pa) offering of the blazing of enlightened wisdom that burns away all cognitive-cum-emotive imperfections. At the ultimate level of interpretation (don dam bden pa, Skt. paramārthasatya), all visible/external and invisible/internal gestures are understood as reflections on the nonsubstantial, fleeting, and dependently arisen nature of these rites. A superimposed Mahayana perspective that runs through Buddhist homa rituals— whether external, formalized, and interpretable, or internal, nonverbal, and symbolic—is



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the legitimation of the rite as the “skill-in-means” (thabs, Skt. upāya) of an esoteric variety that centers on incorporating and reenacting interpretations of the fire-god Agni (Lat. ignis) under the spiritual tutelage of Buddhist deities. In a meta-narrative reading, actions, rituals details, symbolic signs, and mental processes mirror each other in microcosmicmacrocosmic relationality and in accordance with the law of “co-dependent arising” (rten cing ’brel bar’byung ba). The inner performative logic of homa presupposes literal and metaphorical points of reference and correspondences between actions, expectations, and events played out in real time, but coming into effect in the timeless realization of emptiness beyond the inter-play of ritual and interpretation . Hence, the recognition of the emptiness or “co-dependent arising” of “agent, ritual (agency), and other (recipient)” during the performance constitutes an interpretive constant that unifies the following disparate elements: (1) the preparatory training, motivation, and spiritual qualities of the officiating priest (i.e., the outer, inner, and secret qualifications of the ritual expert to perform external, internal and non-dual offerings); (2) a ritualized sequence of actions strictly relying on the specificity of constructing the fire altar and choosing the right place, time, instruments, and offering substances (as prescribed in the homa texts, oral instructions, and commentarial literature); and (3) the kratophanies of the invoked/supplicated Buddhist deity-forms. Arguably, these are some salient elements for a Buddhist theorization of homa understood in its own particular ritual terms and narrative contents. Wylie Transcription of the Text The following Tibetan version of the Tshe dpag tu med pa’ i sbyin sreg gis cho ga (Aparimitāyur-homa-vidhi-nāma ) is based on the Gser gyi lag bris ma edition (vol. 46, ff. 346r–348r). (Folio 1, line 1) rgya gar skad du a pa ri mi tā yu ho ma viddhi nā ma / bod skad du / tshe dpag tu med pa’i sbyin sreg gis cho ga zhes bya ba / mgon po tshe dpag tu med pa la phyag ’tshal lo / / sbyin sreg (line 2) ma byas ’bras mi ’byin / / sbyin sreg gis ni las rnams ’grub / / las kyi mchog rab sbyin sreg go / zhi ba dang ni rgyas pa dang / / dbang dang po mngon spyod do / / zhi ba thab khung zlum po nyid / / rgyas pa gru bzhi (line 3) zla gam dbang / / mngon spyod zur gsum nyid du bya / / khru gang khru do khru gang ba / / sor mo nyi shu kha dog nag / dkar ser dmar ba nyid du bya / / mtshod rdzas yam shing dur ba sogs / / bsreg rdzas g.yas (line 4) g. yon rim pa bzhin / / shar du zhi ba byang du rgyas / / dbang la nub dang drag po lho / / ram las me lha kha dog dmar / / dbyug gu ril ba sbyi blugs dang / / bgrang ’phreng g.yon dang g.yas su bsam / / ral (line 5) pa cod pan gsus khyim che / / tsangs pa skud ’chang la ye shes bstim / / rigs bdag rnams kyis dbu brgyan nas / / mchod yon zhabs bsil la sogs dbul / / dgang lugs dbul la mtshan ma (folio 2, line 1)  / shing / brtags / / kha dog sgra dang dbyibs dang dri / / zla ba rgyas pa du ba med/ /

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nad med sdig pa ma lus zad / / dung dang rdzas rnga pi wang dang / / bde ba ma lus ’phel bar byed / / tsan dan (line 2) ga pur a ka ru / / dge tshe ring dpal gyi gnas / / bkra shis rdzas brgyad rgyal mtshan gdugs / / sgrub pa po rnams dge ba’i rtags / / ngan pa de las bzlog pa’o / / rta mgrin rgyal pos bsrung ba bya / / (line 3) de nas bsreg rdzas rims kyis dbul / / mar dang yam shing til dang zho / / ’bras so nas dang sran ma dang / / gro dang du rva ku sha dang // oṃ agna ye svāhā / oṃ bodhi bṛikṣā ya svāhā / oṃ sarba pā paṃ da ha na badzrā ye svāhā / oṃ sarba saṃ pa de svāhā / oṃ badzra puṣṭa ye svāhā / oṃ badzra bi dza ye svāhā / oṃ ma hā be ga ye svāhā / oṃ ma hā ba la ye svāhā / oṃ badzra ghasma ri ye svāhā // oṃ badzra ā yu ṣe ye svāhā / oṃ a (line 5) pra ti ha da badzra ye svāhā / me lha bstod cing gsol bag gdab / / de nas me lha’i thugs ka ru / / dkyil ’khor bskyed cing ye shes bstim / / mchod yon zhabs bsil la sogs dbul / / khu ba la sogs (line 6) zhal du mchod / / yam shing ku sha ’od la ’bul / / sho zan ’thor ’thung phyag du dbul / / khyad par dur ba brgya rtsa ni / / tshe ’phel ched du dbul bar bya / / ā yu puṣṭi ku ru oṃ / / ’o ma sbrang rtsi ka ra dang (folio 3, line 1) bdud rtsi lnga dang sbyar ba’i rdzas / / slob dpon g.yon gyi mthe’u chung gis // slob ma’i g.yas kyi mthe’u chung bzung / / lan gsum bskor bas lha la dbul / / dngos grub rdzas kyi lhag ma de / / (line 2) slob ma rnams la sbyin par bya / / oṃ badzra ā yu ṣi amṛita siddhi hūṃ / / zhi ba svāhā dang sbyar ba / rgyas pa / oṁ la dbang la ha drag po ma rā ya phaṭ sbyar / / dkyil ’khor lha la mchod cing bstod // (line 3) ye shes gsheg su gsol ba dang / / dam tshig bdag la sdu bar bya / / dkyil ’khor lha ni mchod ster ro / / me yis ’dod pa’i don grub byed / / yam shing gzi brjid ster bar byed / / mar (line 4)  gyis ’byor pa ’phel ba yin / / til gyis sdig pa ’dag pa dang / / zho zan gyis ni rigs pa ’phel / / nas kyis brtson ’grus ’phel bar ’gyur / / ’bras kyis nus pa ’phel byad pa / / so bas (line 5) ’bru ’phel las yi no // gro dang sran mas nad kun sel / / dur bas tshe ring nad med do / / ku shas bar chad srung bar byed / / ’o ma sbrang rtsis dngos grub ster / / dpal ’phel ba ni bud shing ngo / / (line 6) sbyin bdag bkra shis thabs yin / / tshogs gnyis rdzogs pa mchod pa’i rdzas / / thabs dang shes rab gzar bu ste / / bdud rtsi mar gyis tshim byed pa / / mchod pa gzhan gyis ci zhig bya / / thog mar (folio 4, line 1) dben pa’i gnas nyid du / / thab dang mchod rdzas bshams pa ni / / zhi ba tsan dan dkar po’o / / rgyas pa ’bras bu can gyis shing / / dbang la tsan dan dmar po dang / / drag po tsher (line 2) ma can la bya / / rgya phyed spangs dang ldan pa dang / / sna tshogs padma ’dab brgyad la / / slob dpon bdag nyid ’dug pa dang // g.yas g.yon padma ’dab brgyad la / / g.yas su bsreg rdzas rim gyis bzhag / (line 3) g.yon du bum pa mchod rdzas bsham / / lha’i rnal ’byor bskyed pa dang / / sngags kyi bzlas pas rab tu tshim / / bum par rta mchog bskyed par bya / / sngags bzlas bar chad bsrung bar bya / / de bas bram (line 4) ze rgyun zhag me / / bslang la spar bar bya ba dang / / dang po ’jig rten me lha mchod / / gnyis pa dkyil ’khor rgyas pa tshim pa dang / / gsum pa me lha gtang rag dbul / / de nas ye shes gshegs dang (line 5) dam tshig bsdus / / me rnal thal ba chu bor dor // sbyin bsreg las kyi ’bras ’byin ’di / / mkha’ ’gro grub pa’i rgyal mos brtsams / / dge ba’di yis ’gro ba kun / / tshe dpag med



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[line 6] pa rnyed ’gyur shog / rgya gar gyi mkhan po va la tsandha bla ma dang / lo tsa ba glan dar ma tshul khrims kyis bskyar ba o // Notes 1. Agop Jack Hacikyan, The Heritage of Armenian Literature: From the Oral Tradition to the Golden Age (Detroit: Wayne State University Press), vol. 1, pp. 66–67.I 2. Hajime Nakamura, A Comparative History of Ideas (Delhi:  Motilal Banarsidass, 1992), p. 30. 3. Almut Hintze, A Zoroastrian Liturgy, the Worship in Seven Chapters (Yasna 35–41), Iranica 12 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 2007), p. 1. 4. For the discovery of fire altars in the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex at the beginning of the second millennium b.c.e., see Elena E.  Kuz’mina, The Origin of the Indo-Iranians, translated by S. Pitina and P. Prudovsky (Brill: Leiden, 2007), pp. 267–270. 5. For Greek reports on early Buddhist ascetics in NW India who upheld the practice of ritual auto-cremation on specific occasions during the later part of the fourth century bce see Georgios T. Halkias “The Self-immolation of Kalanos and other Luminous Encounters among Greeks and Indian Buddhists in the Hellenistic world.” Journal of the Oxford Centre of Buddhist Studies 8 (2015):163–186. 6. Heroic acts of self-sacrifice by fire featured in Orphic mysteries and in the earliest traditions surrounding Herakles’ fiery death on Mt. Oeta and Empedokles’ plunge into the active volcanic crater of Etna. See Peter Kingsley, Ancient Philosophy, Mystery and Magic. Empedocles and Pythagorean Tradition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 258. 7. Propitiated by the officiating Brahmin priest, Agni carries the offerings from the earth to the heavenly realms and serves as the mouth or medium from which the Vedic deities may partake of the sacrificial offerings; see Nakamura, A Comparative History of Ideas, p. 89. 8. Generally speaking, cremation ceremonies are classified as homa of the pacifying variety (zhi ba’ i sbyin sreg); see Martin Brauen, “Death Customs in Ladakh,” Kailash 9/4 (1982): 322. According to the Sarvadurgatipariśodhana-tantra (321.7–322.42): [I]‌f the body of the deceased is available, then the Tantric officiant will cremate the corpse in a homa sacrifice seven days after death has occurred. Before the cremation the corpse is cleansed with consecrated water and milk, purified with incense and perfume, wrapped in a clean cloth, and decorated with flowers. The Tantric yogin then writes the syllables of the mandala’s mantra on a card and touches the card at various points on the body while reciting the mantra. Placing the corpse in the center of the hearth, the yogin performs the homa rite. He envisages Agni, the consumer of the fire offerings, and Vajrapāṇi in wrathful form…. They serve as the divine recipient and the agent for transforming the deceased person’s karmic condition. See Zeff Bjerken, “On Mandalas, Monarchs, and Mortuary Magic:  Siting the Sarvadurgatipariśodhana Tantra in Tibet,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 73/3 (2005): 828. 9. Reliefs in Gandhāra depicting Siddhārtha’s marriage to Yaśodhara portray the popular and normative use of homa at least on the occasion of sacramental ceremonies, such as

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weddings among Buddhists; see Giovanni Verardi, Homa and Other Fire Rituals in Gandhara (Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale, 1994), pp. 4–5. 10. See Michael Strickmann, “Homa in East Asia,” in Frits Staal, ed., Agni:  The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1983), p. 425; Tadeusz Skorupski, “Jyotirmañjarī of Abhayākaragupta,” in Tadeusz Skorupski, ed., The Buddhist Forum VI (Tring, UK: Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2001), p. 184. 11. Tāranātha in his History of Buddhism in India (Delhi:  Motilal Banarsidass, 1990) p. 278, reports that Buddhajñānapāda, the Vajrācārya of Vikramaśīla and foremost disciple of Haribhadra, persuaded king Dharmapāla to perform the great homa so that his dynasty endures passed beyond the rule of his grandson (tsha bo). Dharmapāla sponsored the performance of the homa for many years and offered “articles worth nine lakh and two thousand *tolā-s of silver.” He also writes that Vimuktasena propitiated Ajitanātha for ten years without any signs of success. When he asked ācārya Candrakīrti what is to be done he advised him “to perform a homa for removing the obscurations caused by sin. After offering twelve lakhs of homa-s, he received a vision (of Ajitanātha) in the kuṇḍa;” p. 212. This was also the case with Vararuci who made ārya Avalokiteśvara appear before him and obtained the siddhi-s having performed a fire offering costing four lakhs of gold; p. 112. 12. For example, homa rituals are performed to induce rainfall and to enhance the potency of Tibetan medicine (sman sgrub); see Frances Garrett, “The Alchemy of Accomplishing Medicine (sman sgrub): Situating the Yuthok Heart Essence (G.yu thog snying thig) in History and Literature,” Journal of Indian Philosophy 37 (2009): 208. 13. The Tengyur and the Kangyur (“the Words of the Buddha”), almost 5,000 scriptures in all, form the Tibetan Buddhist canon. Nearly identical copies of the Tibetan translation of ApH, the Tshe dpag tu med pa’ i sbyin sreg gi cho ga, are located in the Derge (no. 2144, ff. 219r–220r), Narthang (vol. 46, ff. 249v–251r), Cone (vol. 49, ff. 224r–225r), and Ganden Tengyurs (vol. 46, ff. 346r–348r). 14. Robert Beer, The Encyclopedia of Tibetan Symbols and Motifs (Chicago: Serindia, 2004), p. 335. For a discussion of the six activities in Hindu tantras as described in a sixteenth-century Sanskrit text, the Mantramahodadhi (Great Ocean of Mantras), see Gudrun Bühnemann, “The Six Rites of Magic,” in David White, ed., Tantra in Practice (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press 2000), pp. 447–462. 15. Yael Bentor, Consecration of Images & Stupas in Indo-Tibetan Tantric Buddhism (Leiden: Brill, 1996), p. 330. 16. Payne assigns Buddha Aparimitāyus to the Indian proto–Pure Land milieu, and dates the earliest known Aparimitāyus text to about the fifth century; see Richard K.  Payne, “Aparimitāyus: ‘Tantra’ and ‘Pure Land’ in Late Medieval Indian Buddhism?” Pacific World 3/9 (2007): 276–280. 17. In the Tibetan Kangyur and Tengyur, there are 18 texts, including the short and long Sukhāvatīvyūha sutras, attributed to the Pure Land deity known by the names:  Amitābha, Amitāyus, and Aparamitāyus. The popularity of the Ārya-aparimitāyur-jñāna-nām a-mahāyāna-sūtra (Tshe dang ye shes dpag tu med pa zhes bya ba theg pa chen po’ i mdo) in Tibet, China and Central Asia during the time of the Tibetan Empire fits well within Gregory Schopen discussion of the “cult of the book”; see Schopen, “The Phrase ‘sa pṛthivīpradeśaś caityabhūto bhavet’ in the Vajracchedikā:  Notes on the Cult of the Book in Mahāyāna,” Indo-Iranian Journal 17/3–4 (1975): 147–181. The dedication of the Immeasurable Life and Wisdom Sutra to



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the Tibetan emperor Khri Gtsug lde brtsan testifies to the Tibetan prominence of this Pure Land text that was reproduced in conspicuously large numbers across the Tarim basin. While Tibetan translations occupy nearly 950 scrolls, it exists also in Tangut and Central Asian translations. For an introduction and English translation of the Immeasurable Life and Wisdom Sutra, see Georgios T. Halkias, Luminous Bliss: A Religious History of Pure Land Literature in Tibet (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2013), pp. 68–70. 18. Richard K. Payne, “The Cult of Ārya Aparimitāyus: Proto–Pure Land Buddhism in the Context of Indian Mahāyāna,” The Pure Land 13/14 (1997): 24. For a study and translation of the Ārya-aparimitāyur-jñāna-hṛdaya-nāma-dhāraṇī, see Halkias, “Aspiring for Sukhāvatī in Indo-Tibetan Buddhism:  Entering the dhāraṇī and buddhakṣetra of Buddha Aparimitāyus,” Journal of Buddhist Studies 11 (2013): 77–110. For a later Tibetan work dealing with Amitāyus homa rituals, see the Tshe dpag med lha dgu’ i rgyas pa’ i sbyin sreg cho ga, Collected Works (vol. 5, pp. 387–403) of Kun mkhyen rig pa ’dzin pa chen po Chos kyi grags pa (1595– 1659). 19. See Halkias, Luminous Bliss:  A  Religious History of Pure Land Literature in Tibet, pp. 141–145. 20. Also Jitāri, or Guhyajitāri (Dgra las rnam rgyal or Dgra las rgyal ba gsang ba) appears to have been a native of Bengal and teacher of Atiśa; see Sarat Chandra Das, Indian Pandits in the Land of Snow (Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, 1983), pp. 40, 50. For a list of his works surviving in Sanskrit and Tibetan, see Siglinde Dietz, Die Buddhistische Briefliteratur Indiens (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz 1984), pp. 47–49. 21. Two works with the title Ārya-Aparimitāyur-jñāna-sādhana-nāma are ascribed to Jetāri and Siddharājñī (“Queen of Siddhas”) but in fact they are two different texts that bear the same title in the Derge and Narthang Tengyurs.The Aparimitāyus texts attributed to Jetāri are: (1) Aparimitāyuḥ-stotra (Tshe dpag med la bstod pa; D 2698, Rgyud, nu 66b3–67a3); (2) Aparimitāyurjñana-vidhi-nāma (Tshe dang ye shes dpag tu med pa’ i cho ga; D 2700, Rgyud, nu 67b4–69a4); and (3)  Ārya-Aparimitāyur-jñāna-sādhana (’Phags pa tshe dang ye shes dpag tu med pa’ i sgrub thabs; D 2699; Rgyud, nu 67a3–67b4). Jetāri’s influence can be discerned in later collections that include: the Nine-deity Maṇḍala of Amitāyus according to the System Transmitted by Ācārya Jetāri (Tshe dpag med lha dgu slob dpon dze ta ri’ i lugs kyi dkyil ’ khor) in the Rgyud sde kun btus (vol. 2, pp. 113–210); the Ritual Text of Abhiṣeka of Long Life (Tshe chog bdud rtsi’ i chu gter) in Tāranātha’s Collected Works (vol. 12, pp. 793–832); the Contemplation of Amitāyus According to Jetāri Tradition (Tshe dpag me dze tā ri’ i lugs kyi bsgom bzlas tshe dpal ye shes kun ’grub) in Kun dga’ blo gros’ Collected Works (vol. 4, pp. 107–112); and a ritual text for the abhiṣeka of long-life according to Jetāri (Chi bslu’ i zur ’ debs) in the Collected Works of Ngag dbang bstan ’dzin ’phrin las, pp. 749–758. 22. Tibetan text: sbyin bsreg las kyi ’bras ’byin ’di / / mkha’ ’gro grub pa’i rgyal mos b[r]‌tsams / / dge ba ’di yis ’gro ba kun / / tshe dpag med pa rnyed ’gyur shog / / rgya gar gyi mkhan po wa la tsaṇḍa bla ma dang / lo tsā ba glan dar ma tshul khrims. 23. Hayagrīva is a Hindu and a Buddhist deity and the two deities claim distinct origins and iconography. In one of his forms in Buddhism, he appears as an emanation of Buddha Amitābha in wrathful form, red color, and a horse’s head over his principle face; see Benoytosh Bhattacharyya, The Indian Buddhist Iconography: mainly based on the Sādhanamālā and cognate tāntric texts of rituals (Calcutta:  Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, 1987) pp. 146–147. For a link between the two deities, see the reply to questions raised by Sdings po che mchog sprul rin po che concerning the empowerment of Amitāyus in union with Hayagrīva according to

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the Ras chung snyan brgyud, a transmission received by Ras chung from Ma gcig grub pa’i rgyal mo; Tshe rta’ i dbang bskur rgyas ’bring bya lugs sdings che sprul sku rin po che’ i dri lan (kha yo), located in the Collected Works of Kun gzigs chos kyi snang ba, vol. 2, pp. 419–424. There is a Hayagrīva-sādhana in the Tengyur attributed to Ma gcig grub pa’i rgyal mo; see n.25. 24. The following five Tengyur texts are attributed to Jñānaḍākinī Siddharājñī and the last two to Siddharājñī who is probably the same person: (1) Hayagrīva-sādhana (Rta mgrin gyi sgrub thabs; D 2142, Rgyud, tshi 215b4– 216a5; (2) Aparimitāyur- jñāna-nāma-sādhana (Tshe dang ye shes dpag tu med pa zhes bya ba’ i sgrub thabs; D 2143, Rgyud, tshi 216a5–219a3; (3) Aparimitāyurhoma-vidhi-nāma (Tshe dpag tu med pa' i sbyin sreg gi cho ga zhes bya ba; D 2144, Rgyud, tshi 219a4–220a5); (4) Aparimitāyur-jñāna-sādhana (Tshe dang ye shes dpag tu med pa’ i sgrub thabs; D 2145, Rgyud, tshi 220a5–223a3); (5)  Bhagavad-aparimitāyur- jñāna-maṇḍala-vidhi-nāma (Bcom ldan ’ das tshe dang ye shes dpag tu med pa’ i dkyil ’ khor gyi cho ga zhes bya ba; D 2146, Rgyud, tshi 223a3–231a3; (6) ’Phags pa ’ jig rten dbang phyug gsang ba’ i sgrub thabs zhes bya ba (no Sanskrit title; D 2140, Rgyud, tshi 205a3–210a3; (7)  Aparimitāyur-jñāna-maṇḍala-vidhināma (Tshe dang ye shes dpag tu med pa’ i dkyil ’ khor gyi cho ga zhes bya ba; D 2141, Rgyud, tshi 210a3–215b4). There are several important ritual cycles focusing on Amitāyus longevity rites attributed to her system (lugs), such as: (in brief) the Amitāyus System based on Grub pa’ i rgyal mo (Grub pa’ i rgyal mo’ i lugs kyi tshe dpag med lha gcig bum gcig gi byin rlabs dbang bskur gyi cho ga ’chi med bdud rtsi’ i grol thigs), in ’Jam mgon kong sprul blo gros mtha’ yas, Bka’ brgyud sngags mdzod (vol. 1, pp. 213–240); Amitāyus Deity-yoga based on Grub pa’ i rgyal mo (Tshe dpags med grub rgyal lugs kyi bskyed rdzogs zab khrid), in ’Jam mgon kong sprul blo gros mtha’ yas, Rgya chen bka’ mdzod (vol. 5, pp. 543–595); Amitāyus System of Rituals and Empowerments based on Grub pa’ i rgyal mo (Ma gcig grub pa’ i rgyal mo’ i lugs kyi tshe dpag med kyi dbang chog), in Mkhyen brtse’i dbang po, Sgrub thabs kun btus (vol. 1, pp. 327–362); Aparimitāyus Oral Instructions for Meditation by Grub pa’ i rgyal mo (Tshe dang ye shes dpag tu med pa’ i khrid dmigs grub pa’ i rgyal mo’ i zhal lung), in Kun dga’ grol mchog, Gsung thor bu (vol. 2); among several other works in the collected works of Kun gzigs chos kyi snang ba (1768–1822), Ngag dbang blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan (1770–1845), and others. 25. Mandāravā is often called the “sole mother queen of siddhas” (ma gcig grub pa’I rgyal mo) who was not “of a human lineage…[but]…a wisdom-dakini who has appeared in the human realm,” bearing the “thirty-two and eight auspicious marks of a Buddha;” see Judith Simmer-Brown, Dakini’s Warm Breath:  The Feminine Principle in Tibetan Buddhism (Boston and London: Shambhala, 2002) p. 191. In the Za hor rgyal po’i sras mo lha lcam man dha ra wa’i rnam par thar pa, a liberation narrative redacted in the nineteenth century by Bsam gtan gling pa phrin las ’gro ’dul, we read that after practicing for three months with Padmasambhava at the Maratika cave in the Khotang district of Nepal she had clear visions of Buddha Amitāyus and Hayagrīva and attained the siddhi of Amitāyus, a life immortal in this body. Following her attainment she “compiled a treasury of more than a thousand extensive and concise longevity methods, including essential pointing-out instructions. Both guru and consort became free from the process of birth, and death, until the end of this age of ongoing existence;” translated into English by Lama Chonam and Sangye Khandro in The Lives and Liberation of Princess Mandarava (Boston: Wisdom Publication, 1998), p. 153. For the life and activities of Princess Mandāravā, see also Shākya Rin-chen’s Ma gcig grub pa’i rgyal mo’i lo rgyus cung zad brjod pa ngo mtshar yid ches, in his Collected Works (vol. 1, pp. 185–194). For a study of Za hor and its place in Tibetan religious



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and political history see Leonard W.J.van der Kuijp, “On the Edge of Myth and History: Za hor, its Place in the History of Early Indian Buddhist Tantra, and Dalai Lama V and the Genealogy of its Royal Family” in Bangwei Wang, Jinhua Chen and Ming Chen, Studies on Buddhist Myths: Texts, Pictures, Traditions and History (Shanghai: Zhongxi Book Company 2013), pp. 114–164. 26. For a discussion on Siddharājñī see Miranda Shaw, Passionate Enlightenment: Women in Tantric Buddhism, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), pp. 117–122. 27. The Dwags po Bka’ brgyud tradition is identified with Gampopa’s monastery and lineage. All the founders of the four greater branches (che bzhi) of the Kagyü school, namely, the Tshal pa, Kam tshang, ’Ba’ rom, and Phag mo gru pa, were disciples of either Gampopa or his nephew Dakpo Gomtsül (Dwags po Sgom tshul, 1116–1169). 28. This story is narrated in the Tshe dpag med grub rgyal lugs kyi lo rgyus dbang chog sgrub thabs dang bcas pa’ i skor rnams and the Ma gcig grub pa’ i rgyal mo’ i lugs kyi tshe dpag med kyi dbang chog in the Sgrub thabs kun btus (vol. ka), a collection of manuals and rituals of the Sakya tradition compiled by the non-sectarian (ris med) master ’Jam dbyangs blo gter dbang po (1847–1914); see also Shabkar Tsogdruk Rangdrol, The Life of Shabkar: The Autobiography of a Tibetan Yogi, translated by Matthieu Ricard (Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion Publications, 2001), p. 153 n. 44. 29. Dan Martin, “The Early Education of Milarepa,” Journal of the Tibet Society 2 (1982): 53–54. Also see Gangs ljongs skad gnyis smra ba du ma’ i ’gyur byang blo gsal dga’ skyed, vol. 1, pp. 382–384. 30. George N. Roerich, Blue Annals (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1976), p. 437. 31. Their collaborative translations listed in the Derge Tengyur include the Mahāyakṣa-senāpati-nīlāmbaradhara-vajrapāṇi-garuḍa-sādhana (Gnod sbyin gyi sde dpon chen po lag na rdo rje gos sngon po can dang bya khyung gi sgrub thabs), vol. DZI, folia 74r.1–75v.5; the Vajrapāṇi-sādhana (Dpal phyag na rdo rje sgrub pa’ i thabs), vol. DZI, folios 75v.5–76r.1; Vajrapāṇi-guhyā-bhideśa-tantra (Dpal phyag na rdo rje gsang ba bstan pa’ i rgyud), vol. JA, folios 68r.1–69r.7; and Vajrapāṇi-guhyā-bhideśa-tantra-rāja (Bcom ldan ’ das phyag na rdo rje gsang ba mngon par bstan pa’ i rgyud kyi rgyal po), vol. JA, folios 69r.7–90v.4. 32. On such destructive rituals in India see Hans-Georg Turstig, “The Indian Sorcery Called Abhicāra.” Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde Sudasiens 29 (1985):  69. In his commentary on ­chapter 31 of the Cakrasamvara Tantra, Bhavyakīrti writes: Then the destruction of all, arising from the vajra, is held [to be accomplished] with the great meat. It is the dreadful destroyer of all the cruel ones. Should one thus perform without hesitation the rites of eating, fire sacrifice (homa), and sacrificial offerings (bali) with the meats of dogs and pigs, and also with [the meat of] those [chickens] that have copper [colored] crests, everything without exception will be achieved, and all kingdoms will be subdued. See David Gray, “Compassionate Violence?:  On the Ethical Implications of Tantric Buddhist Ritual,” Journal of Buddhist Ethics 14 (2007): 251–252. For the chapter on homa in the Mahāvairocana-abhisambodhi-tantra, see Strickmann, “Homa in East Asia,” pp. 436–442. 33. Bulcsu Siklós, “Datura Rituals in the Vajramahabhairava-Tantra,” Curare 16 (1993): 73. 34. Beer, The Encyclopedia of Tibetan Symbols and Motifs, p. 335. The contents of our text resonate with Kong sprul yon tan rgya mtsho’s (1813–1899) survey on the four homa rites according to the Tibetan Buddhist tradition of treasures (gter lugs); see the General Requirements for the Practice of Four Homa Rites (Las bzhi’ i sbyin sreg spyi la nye bar mkho ba’ i lag len) in the Rin chen gter mdzod, vol. 67, pp. 47–98.

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35. For a pertinent discussion on the evolution of correlative systems in religious traditions, see Steve Farmer, John B. Henderson, and Michael Witzel, “Neurobiology, Layered Texts, and Correlative Cosmologies: A Cross-Cultural Framework for Premodern History,” Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 72 (2002): 48–90. 36. The eight auspicious substances, or lucky articles, consist of a mirror, precious medicine, yogurt or curds, durva grass, the bilva fruit, a white conch, cinnabar or vermilion powder, and white mustard seeds. According to Beer (The Encyclopedia of Tibetan Symbols and Motifs, p. 188), the eight auspicious substances “essentially represent the four karmas or activities of an enlightened being. The mirror, medicine and yoghurt represent peaceful activities; the durva grass, bilva fruit and conch represent activities of increase; the vermilion powder represent the activity of magnetizing or empowering; and the mustard seed represents destructive activity.” 37. The parasol and the victory banner are two of the “eight auspicious symbols” (bkra shis rtags brgyad), originally a group of early Indian symbols of royalty. 38. The incorporation of five bodily “nectars” in tantra (bdud rtsi lnga, Skt. pañcāmṛta), also known as the five sacramental substances, are semen (white elixir), blood (red elixir), urine, excrement, and flesh. These form the impure “left-hand” tantric equivalents of the orthodox Hindu five “pure nectars” refered to in our text: the “three whites” (dkar gsum) milk, curd, and ghee and the “two sweets” (mngar gnyis) honey and molasses. 39. Dūrvā (capriola dactylon) and kuśa (poa cynosoroides) grasses are both considered sacred in Indian contexts and there are legends associated with their religious significance; see Beer, The Encyclopedia of Tibetan Symbols and Motifs, p. 189. 40. Two of the most important ritual instruments for the performance of homa are a circular “ladle” (blug gzar, Skt. shrava), used to pour the melted butter or ghee and liquid substances into the square pouring “spoons” (dgang gzar), and a bowl or scoop utilized to transfer the seeds, grains, and solid substances into the fire. 41. Beer, The Encyclopedia of Tibetan Symbols and Motifs, p. 336. 42. The Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi Sūtra, translated from the Chinese (Taishō 848) by Rolf W. Giebel (Berkeley: Numata Centre for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2005), p.47. 43. Tāranātha, History of Buddhism in India, p. 275, reports that the Vikramaśīla-vihāra had even provisions for a Homa-ācārya. Yael Bentor notes in “Interiorized Fire Rituals in India and Tibet,” Journal of the American Oriental Society (2000):  609, that “Tibetan Buddhism does not require a strategy of presenting non-vedic practices in vedic garb. When Buddhism adapted fire rituals, their internalized forms were already firmly established. While Indic Buddhist texts were aware of the popularity of fire rituals among non-Buddhists, and therefore designate such non-Buddhist homa as false, Tibetan Buddhism gradually lost contact with ‘heretic’ fire rituals. Their vedic origin was forgotten and the ritual was attributed to the Buddha.” 44. According to Rje-brsun Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan’s (1147–1216) commentary on the Hevajra-tantra, the most important actions of a vajrācārya (rdo rje slob dpon), are initiations, consecrations, and fire rituals; see Bentor, Consecration of Images & Stupas in Indo-Tibetan Tantric Buddhism, p. 50. 45. For an informative discussion on the form and meaning of objects and their analogical relation (positive and negative) to “magical acts” see Stanley Jeyaraja Tambiah, Culture, Thought and Social Action (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1985), pp.60–86.



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46. For the pertinence of esoteric currents and ritualism in the Buddhism of Thailand and Burma see Stanley Jeyaraja Tambiah, The Buddhist Saints of the Forest and the Cult of the Amulets, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). 47. The same process is described as follows by Bentor, “Interiorized Fire Rituals in India and Tibet,” p. 606: “…the fire of Enlightened Wisdom destroys duality through the union (zung’ jug, yuganaddha) of the object and subject (gzung-’ dzin), wisdom and means (shes-rab, prjañā and thabs, upāya), tranquil abiding (zhi- gnas, śamatha) and penetrative insight (lhag-mthong, vipaśyanā), emptiness (stong-pa-nyid, śūnyatā) and compassion (snying-rje, karuṇā), and so forth.” 48. The following passage from the Liṅga Purāṇa demonstrates the point in question:The aspirant who seeks salvation shall perform the non-violent sacrifice Dhyānayajña (meditation). One shall meditate on the fire stationed in the heart and perform the sacrifice of meditation. After realizing Śiva stationed in the body of all living beings, the lord of universe, he shall devoutly perform the sacrifice by Prāṇāyāma perpetually. He who performs the external Homa becomes a frog in the rock. See Bentor, “Interiorized Fire Rituals in India and Tibet,” p. 595. 49. Giebel, The Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi Sūtra (Berkeley:  Numata Centre for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2005), p.130.

REFERENCES Atwood, Christopher. “Buddhism and Popular Ritual in Mongolian Religion: A Reexamination of the Fire Cult.” History of Religions 36/2 (1996): 112–139. Beer, Robert. The Encyclopedia of Tibetan Symbols and Motifs. Chicago: Serindia, 2004. Bentor, Yael. Consecration of Images & Stūpas in Indo-Tibetan Tantric Buddhism. Leiden: Brill, 1996. Bentor, Yael. “Interiorized Fire Rituals in India and Tibet.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 120/4 (2000): 594–613. Bhattacharyya, Benoytosh. The Indian Buddhist iconography The Indian Buddhist Iconography: mainly based on the Sādhanamālā and cognate tāntric texts of rituals. Calcutta: Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, 1987. Bjerken, Zeff. “On Mandalas, Monarchs, and Mortuary Magic:  Siting the Sarvadurgatipariśodhana Tantra in Tibet.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 73/3 (2005): 813–841. Brauen, Martin. “Death Customs in Ladakh.” Kailash 9/4 (1982): 319–332. Bsam-gtan gling-pa Phrin-las-’gro-’dul. The Lives and Liberation of Princess Mandarava. Translated by Lama Chonam and Sangye Khandro. Boston: Wisdom Publications, 1998. Bühnemann, Gudrun. “The Six Rites of Magic.” In David Gordon White, ed., Tantra in Practice, pp. 447–462. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000. Das, Sarat Chandra. Indian Pandits in the Land of Snow. Edited by Nobin Chandra Das. Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, 1983. Dietz, Siglinde. Die Buddhistische Briefliteratur Indiens. Asiatische Forschungen Band 84. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1984.

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Farmer, Steve, John B.  Henderson, and Michael Witzel, “Neurobiology, Layered Texts, and Correlative Cosmologies: A Cross-Cultural Framework for Premodern History.” Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 72 (2002): 48–90. Garrett, Frances. “The Alchemy of Accomplishing Medicine (sman sgrub): Situating the Yuthok Heart Essence (G.yu thog snying thig) in History and Literature.” Journal of Indian Philosophy 37 (2009): 207–230. Giebel, Rolf W. The Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi Sūtra. Berkeley:  Numata Centre for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2005. Gray, David B. “Compassionate Violence?: On the Ethical Implications of Tantric Buddhist Ritual.” Journal of Buddhist Ethics 14 (2007): 239–271. Hacikyan, Agop J., ed. The Heritage of Armenian Literature:  From the Oral Tradition to the Golden Age, Vol. 1. Detroit, IN: Wayne State University Press, 2000. Halkias, Georgios T. “The Self-immolation of Kalanos and other Luminous Encounters among Greeks and Indian Buddhists in the Hellenistic world.” Journal of the Oxford Centre of Buddhist Studies 8 (2015): 163-186. Halkias, Georgios T. “Aspiring for Sukhāvatī in Indo-Tibetan Buddhism: Entering the dhāraṇī and buddhakṣetra of Buddha Aparimitāyus.” Journal of Buddhist Studies 11 (2013): 77-110. Halkias, Georgios T. Luminous Bliss: A Religious History of Pure Land Literature in Tibet, with an Annotated English Translation and Critical Edition of the Orgyan-gling Gold Manuscript of the Short Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2013. Hintze, Almut. A Zoroastrian Liturgy, The Worship in Seven Chapters (Yasna 35–41). Iranica 12. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 2007. Kingsley, Peter. Ancient Philosophy, Mystery and Magic. Empedocles and Pythagorean Tradition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995. Kuz’mina, Elena E. The Origin of the Indo-Iranians. Translated by S. Pitina and P. Prudovsky. Leiden: Brill, 2007. Martin, Dan. “The Early Education of Milarepa.” Journal of the Tibet Society 2 (1982): 53–76. Nakamura, Hajime. A Comparative History of Ideas. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1992. Payne, Richard K. “Aparimitāyus: ‘Tantra’ and ‘Pure Land’ in Late Medieval Indian Buddhism?” Pacific World 3/9 (2007): 273–308. Payne, Richard K. “The Cult of Ārya Aparimitāyus:  Proto–Pure Land Buddhism in the Context of Indian Mahāyāna.” The Pure Land:  Journal of the International Association of Shin Buddhist Studies 13/14 (1997): 19–36. Roerich, George N. Blue Annals. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1976. Schopen, Gregory. “The Phrase ‘sa pṛthivīpradeśaś caityabhūto bhavet’ in the Vajracchedikā: Notes on the Cult of the Book in Mahāyāna.” Indo-Iranian Journal 17/3–4 (1975): 147–181. Shabkar Tsogdruk Rangdrol. The Life of Shabkar:  The Autobiography of a Tibetan Yogi. Translated by Matthieu Ricard. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion Publications, 2001. Shaw, Miranda. Passionate Enlightenment: Women in Tantric Buddhism. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994. Siklós, Bulcsu. “Datura Rituals in the Vajramahabhairava-Tantra.” Curare 16 (1993): 71–76. Simmer-Brown, Judith. Dakini’s Warm Breath: The Feminine Principle in Tibetan Buddhism. Boston and London: Shambhala, 2002.



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Skorupski, Tadeusz. “Jyotirmañjarī of Abhayākaragupta.” In Tadeusz Skorupski, ed., The Buddhist Forum VI, pp. 183–211. Tring, UK: Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2001. Stoddard, Heather. “Dynamic Structures in Buddhist Mandalas:  Apradaksina and Mystic Heat in the Mother Tantra Section of the Anuttarayoga Tantras.” Artibus Asiae 58/3–4 (1999): 169–213. Strickmann, Michael. “Homa in East Asia.” In Frits Staal, ed., Agni: The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar, pp. 418–455. Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities Press, 1983. Tāranātha. History of Buddhism in India. Translated by Lama Chimpa and Alaka Chattopadhyaya. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1990. Tambiah, Stanley Jeyaraja. Culture, Thought and Social Action. Cambridge, MA:  Harvard University Press, 1985. Tambiah, Stanley Jeyaraja. The Buddhist Saints of the Forest and the Cult of the Amulets. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984. Turstig, Hans-Georg. “The Indian Sorcery Called Abhicāra.” Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde Sudasiens 29 (1985): 69–117. van der Kuijp, Leonard W.J. “On the Edge of Myth and History: Za hor, its Place in the History of Early Indian Buddhist Tantra, and Dalai Lama V and the Genealogy of its Royal Family.” In Bangwei Wang, Jinhua Chen and Ming Chen, eds., Studies on Buddhist Myths:  Texts, Pictures, Traditions and History, pp. 114-164. Shanghai: Zhongxi Book Company, 2013. Verardi, Giovanni. Homa and Other Fire Rituals in Gandhara. Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale, 1994.

Homa Rituals in the Indian Kālacakra-tantra Tradition Vesna A. Wallace

i INTRODUCTION The diverse homa rituals attested in the Kālacakra-tantra and in its commentary, the Vimalaprabhā, represent an amalgamation of theories and ritual practices unique to the Kālacakra tradition with others that are appropriations and redefinitions of Vedic fire ritual and the Sāṃkhya theory of the material world (prakṛti) and its properties (guṇa). The appropriation and adaptation of Vedic homa ritual by Buddhist and Śaiva tantric traditions are well attested. Although these adaptations of Vedic homa show certain commonalities in terms of their functions, they mutually differ in their set ritual requirements and broader theoretical contexts. However, since an examination of these differences exceeds the scope of this essay and deserves greater attention, they will not be discussed here. Homa rituals and their specific immediate aims and multiple functions are part of more elaborate ritual practices within the different stages of Kālacakra tantric practice. They are integral to the following broader ritual contexts: the ritual of initiation into the Kālacakra tantric tradition, which is described in great detail in the “Chapter on Initiation,” the magico-religious healing rituals discussed in the “Chapter on the Individual,” and the kālacakra-sādhana practice, taught in the “Chapter on Sādhanā.” As indicated by the author of the Vimalaprabhā,1 externally performed homa rituals, which are able to bring about diverse mundane accomplishments (siddhi) and effect protection from harmful entities such as “mothers” (mātṛkas), “seizures” (grahas), and the like, belong to the domain of conventional reality, for their efficacy depends on knowledge of the characteristics of the natural world and prescribed ritual conventions. For 246

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example, in the ritual of pacification and protection from cruel mātṛkas who may cause harm to infants and yogīs, a thousand fire offerings consisting of flesh and blood are to be made in the fire of a kṣatriya household with sticks of the khadira tree,2 as Agni is invited by means of deity yoga and the syllables oṃ hrīṃ phreṃ hūṃ phaṭ are placed on the forehead, throat, heart, navel, and secret cakras.3 Because externally performed rituals encapsulate social norms and are contingent on the nature of the material things utilized in the ritual and on the mental processes of the ritual master, they are deemed ineffective in procuring the accomplishment of the supreme, indestructible gnosis (paramākṣara-jñāna-siddhi), characterized by nonconceptuality. Nevertheless, externally performed homa rituals are not entirely devoid of soteriological significance: they are said to facilitate purification, the accumulation of merit, the appearance and blessings of enlightened deities, and the like. In contrast, the internally performed homa involving the fire of gnosis is said to bring about spiritual awakening and freedom from cyclic existence. A similar view of the liberating power of the internal homa is also held in other Buddhist tantric texts, such as the Hevajra-tantra and so on. Likewise, Śrīkṛṣṇācārya’s Vasantatilakā speaks of the fire of wisdom, or caṇḍālī, blazing in the firepit of the navel cakra, into which the oblation (havis) of semen falls.4 It reads: “When the fire of wisdom is greatly blazing with internal oblations such as semen and the like, and with external oblations, the form and the like, a homa is performed.”5 Within the Kālacakra tantric tradition, internally performed homa rituals are of two kinds: those combined with externally performed homa rituals and those that are solely internal. A homa ritual performed internally during a preparation for bestowing Kālacakra tantric initiation or for protection from malevolent entities radically differs from the internal homa ritual, which is characterized by the practice of the six-phased yoga (ṣaḍaṅga-yoga). The former is characterized by conceptual methods involving sādhanas with visualizations and recitations of mantras, whereas the latter is characterized by a nonconceptual yogic method of kindling the fire of gnosis ( jñānāgni), which consumes the fuel of the psychophysical aggregates (skandhas) and elements (dhātus) as its oblation (huta). It is therefore considered efficacious in bringing about complete purification (viśuddhi) and the highest accomplishment of perfect spiritual awakening (samyaksaṃbodhi). That fire of gnosis is seen as an internal firepit (kuṇḍa) and is described as follows: Having paid homage to the fire of gnosis, which consumes the entire oblation whose fuel is the psychophysical aggregates, elements, and the like, I will describe the characteristics of that firepit. The firepit is said to be of eight types in accordance with the classification on the pacificatory [rite] and so on. The ninth, belonging to the all-effective [rite], is due to the division on individual directions.6

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The aforementioned types of firepits also correspond to the eight channels (nāḍī) in the heart cakra, where the fire of gnosis resides.7 As is the case with most ritual actions, in this tantric system an externally performed homa ritual never stands by itself but is invariably a component of larger, more complex, and systematized ritual actions such as healing rites, rites of protection and purification, tantric initiation rites, and rites of gaining various mundane siddhis. As such, it is indispensable for the efficacy of other rites, serving as a conduit through which other rites communicate and exercise their power. It thus has a dual function:  to offer the appropriate oblation in a manner that is acceptable to its receiver, and to assist another, encompassing ritual in accomplishing its aims. As will be shown, a homa ritual achieves its goals by utilizing matter, its properties, and the potencies of the natural world to produce diverse effects. It exemplifies a ritual in which a close relationship between ritual means and their ends is obvious. Ritual contexts in which the homa rites are performed within the Kālacakra tradition and the corresponding prerequisites for homa rites, discussed below, are based on the Kālacakra-tantra’s system of correspondences between conventional and ultimate reality and between the cosmos, society, and the person. They are not arbitrarily chosen. For example, the shapes of the firepits constructed for homa rites in rituals of pacification and the like correspond to the shapes of the four continents surrounding Mt. Meru; the respective locations of the firepits in relation to a town or a royal palace correspond to the locations of the four continents in their relation to Mt. Meru. Different types of soil on which the maṇḍalas for homa rites are constructed, sand poured into the firepits, fire deities, emblems, sacrificial sticks, and offerings to the fire have the colors and potencies that correspond to the colors, powers, and activities of the four faces of Kālacakra and to the colors and characteristics of the four main social classes in India. PREREQUISITES FOR EXTERNALLY PERFORMED HOMA RITES AS GIVEN IN KĀLACAKR A TANTRIC TR ADITIONS For a homa ritual to be effective it must be performed at the appropriate place and time, which will differ from one homa ritual to another according to their diverse aims and functions. The Vimalaprabhā says that in the mantra vehicle, those who practice the heroic process (vīra-krama) or the process of self-empowerment (svādhiṣṭhāna-krama) for at least a year in a cremation ground in the dead of night, or in a forest or mountain, at the shore of the ocean, and so on, are able to bring into manifestation Lord Heruka, Samantabhadra, or any other deity due to the power of mantra recitation, homa, and meditation. If homa rites along with mantra recitations and meditation are performed in an unsuitable place, such as one’s own home at any time one pleases, the practitioner will be unable to encounter any deity or attain purification and siddhis.8 Although all homa rituals prescribed within this tradition have certain commonalities, some of their prerequisites differ. This is especially evident among the homa rituals

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prescribed for facilitating mundane siddhis, which are integral to the eight types of rites—namely, those for procuring the powers of pacification, prosperity (puṣṭi), subjugation (vaśya), attraction (ākṛṣṭi), immobilizing (stambhana), bewilderment (mohana), exorcism (uccātana), pinning down (kīlana), and killing (māraṇa)—and to the all-effective rite (sarvakarman). The prerequisites for a homa performed in the aforementioned ritual contexts fall into two main groups: those that are equally indispensable for both the rites of procuring mundane siddhis and for their individual homa rituals, and those that are unique to an individual homa ritual. When examining homa rituals in the context of the Kālacakra-tantra’s aforementioned rites for procuring mundane siddhis, one finds that these prerequisites are not unique to this tantric tradition and that they share features in common with other Buddhist and Śaiva tantras. However, the mantras accompanying homa rituals and their broader interpretative frameworks differ. In the Kālacakra tradition, the specific types of soil, their colors, tastes, and smells, that are required for a construction of the kālacakra-maṇḍala are also required for the rites procuring mundane siddhis and are indispensable for various homa rituals. Thus, white soil with the scent of clove (divyagandha)9 and with bitter and astringent tastes, due to the dominance of the water element, must be used in the rites of pacification and prosperity. Black soil that has a putrid smell and sour taste due to the dominance of the wind element is to be procured for the rites of killing and exorcism. In the case of rites of immobilizing and bewildering, yellow soil with a pungent smell and sweet taste due to the dominance of the earth element is to be used, whereas red soil with the scent of lotus and a spicy taste is to be used for rites of attraction and subjugation. In case of the all-effective rite (sarvakarman),10 green soil that contains all of the elements, colors, and tastes, characterized by the dominance of the space element, must be selected. The characteristics of each type of soil, which derive from different elements, correspond to the nature of a given rite and make it successful. If the area in which a rite is performed lacks soil with the required qualities, one is advised to dig a hole and fill it with soil having the required qualities prepared especially for the given rite. For example, for preparing soil with the taste and smell required for rites of pacification and prosperity, one is advised to pour a bitter decoction into white soil that has been previously soaked with sandalwood water. In case of attraction and subjugation, one should pour lotus water and add three types of myrobalan into red soil, the pungent urine of a horse or a human and molasses into yellow soil, and the water of a putrid fish into black soil. Likewise, substances bearing the qualities corresponding to a particular rite are to be buried in the appropriate soil. For instance, in case of the so-called “fierce” (krūra) rites, substances of a dark color and that bear fierce qualities should be placed in the soil. Thus, in the rite of killing, one buries human bones; in the rite of exorcism, one buries a crow’s tail; and in the rite of engendering animosity, one buries the bones of a donkey. For the rites of pinning down (kīlana), immobilizing, and bewildering, one buries a ram’s horn, a yellow-colored pigeon, and a snake, respectively, in yellow soil. For the rites of subjugation, attraction, and immobilizing, one buries the bright yellow orpiment from

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the urine or bile of a cow, vermilion cinnabar (hiṅgula), and red arsenic, respectively, in order to make red soil. However, nothing should be buried in green soil except when the all-effective rite is of a general kind. In that case, five types of gems should be placed in the ground. It is on these types of soil that the mantric master (mantrin) builds not only a maṇḍala for the individual rite but also a firepit for the accompanying homa ritual. The success of each of the aforementioned rites and their homa rituals also depends on the location where they are carried out. If a town’s cremation grounds are located in the eight directions from the royal residence, the rites of pacification and prosperity, together with their homas, are successful only if they are performed in the northeastern direction of the royal palace and in its northern direction, respectively. The rites of killing and expelling must be performed in the southeast, the rite of engendering animosity in the east, the rite of subjugation in the southwest, and the rites of attraction and immobilizing in the south. All other rites must be performed outside the royal palace. A maṇḍala for accomplishing all rites (sarvākārmika) and a firepit for its homa must be built in the center of the town. In contrast, firepits for the homa of the remaining eight rites should be constructed in the eight directions outside of the town. Each homa ritual that is integral to the aforementioned rites and subject to the designated location in relation to the town requires a firepit of a different shape. The shapes of the firepits are determined by the Kālacakra-tantra’s symbols for the properties (guṇa) or the elements, which constitute the material nature (prakṛti) of the world and which exert their individual powers, giving unique characteristics to the rites. In fact, the individual features of everything utilized in a homa ritual—the characteristics of different types of soil, the shapes of the firepits, the characteristics of the fuel sticks, and the ingredients of the oblations—are determined by the nature and efficacy of the elements of water, fire, wind, and earth, and their combinations. The Indian Kālacakra-tantra master Abhayākaragupta (eleventh to twelfth centuries), in his Jyotirmañjarī, asserts that among the countless firepits used for homa rituals in accordance with diverse classes of sentient beings, there are five types of firepits related to the five buddha families. He also points to existing differences between the prescribed shapes of firepits prepared for homa rites in the Kālacakra-tantra’s system and those in Buddhist tantras such as the Susiddhikara, Vajramālābhidhāna, Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi, Trisamayavyūharāja, Samantābhiṣekajanana, Vajrapāṇigarbhasaṃbhava, Vajrā­ bhyudaya, Buddhakapālatantra, and so on.11

Regulations Regarding the Firepit In the rite of pacification, a circular firepit is built in the northeastern direction of the town. It is half the size of its maṇḍala, which measures four cubits in circumference. Within it, the gnosis cakra ( jñāna-cakra) extends from the center of the maṇḍala up to the pillars and vajra lines, and its central lotus is half the size of that cakra.

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In the rite of prosperity, a quadrangular firepit is built in the north. It measures two cubits in size, and extends from the border of the firepit’s fence up to the limit of the painted mind maṇḍala. The maṇḍala is half the size of the firepit with a lotus in its center. On white soil, either in the northern or northeastern directions, one should paint the vajra flames of the sand maṇḍala at the exterior of the two-cubit firepit. Its hollow (khāni) is the size of a lotus, or two vitastis12 in circumference, and its interior has a central lotus. A sword, jewel, and other emblems are placed in the cardinal and intermediate directions within the central lotus. The lotus in the center of the firepit must be painted with white sand or clay dyed with ground, non-husked rice. The vajra master should leave two cubits outside of the firepit for drawing three fences with white, red, and black sand. One is told that this should be done with all firepits.13 In the rite of killing or in exorcism, a bow-shaped firepit is built in the southeast. In the rite of engendering hatred, a pentagonal firepit is built in the east; in the rite of subjugation, a heptagonal firepit is built in the southwest; in the rite of attraction, a triangular firepit is in the south; in the rite of bewildering, a sectagonal firepit is built in the northwest; and in the rites of immobilizing and pinning down, an octagonal firepit is built in the west. Each firepit used for a homa must be marked with its own emblem (cihna), some of which correspond to a particular buddha family. The emblem of a circular firepit is a lotus. The emblem of a quadrangular firepit is a wheel; a bow-shaped firepit has a cleaver as its emblem; a pentagonal firepit has a sword; a heptagonal firepit has an arrow; a triangular firepit has a vajra noose; a hexagonal firepit has a snake; and an octagonal firepit has a conch as its emblem. Moreover, there should be either a vajra or some other designated emblem in the center of the firepit. Different measurements are also prescribed for each of the aforementioned firepits: a circular firepit measures one cubit in circumference; a quadrangular firepit is two cubits in size; a bow-shaped firepit is half a cubit; a pentagonal firepit is one cubit. A  heptagonal firepit is forty finger-breadths in size; a triangular firepit measures twenty finger-breadths; a hexagonal firepit measures thirty finger-breadths; and an octagonal firepit measures sixty finger-breadths. The hollow within a firepit is half the size of the firepit, and an altar (vedī) is the sixth part of the firepit. The forepart (oṣṭha) of a firepit and its row of emblems form the twelfth part.14 In terms of the firepit’s correspondences with the individual and the cosmos, in the rite of pacification the firepit is said to be of the nature of the moon (semen) and marked with the sun (uterine blood) as its emblem. In the rite of prosperity, it is of the nature of the sun and is marked with the moon as its emblem. In the rite of killing, the firepit is of the nature of Rāhu (consciousness) and has Kālāgni (the fire of gnosis) as its emblem.15 In the rite of exorcism, the firepit is of the nature of the wind and fire elements and is marked with a cleaver as its emblem. In the rite of attraction, the firepit has the qualities of the earth and fire elements and has a hook as its emblem. A  triangular firepit represents Kālāgni and is marked with its emblem, the vajra noose. A hexagonal firepit

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consists of Rāhu and the earth element, and it has a serpent as its emblem. In the rite of immobilizing, the firepit is Mt. Meru and has the nature of the earth element.16 Regulations Regarding the Pouring of Sand into the Firepit Regarding the pouring of sand (rajas-pāta) into the firepit, the following regulations are prescribed. For pacification and prosperity, white sand is poured either into the firepit or into the center of its maṇḍala. In the rites of killing and exorcism, black sand is used; in the rite of subjugation and attraction, the sand must be red-colored; in the rite of bewildering and immobilizing, yellow sand is poured into the firepit; and in the all-effective rite, the sand can be green, white, black, or alternatively, it can be red, yellow, and green. In the all-effective rite, the sand of four different colors is poured into the four cardinal directions of the firepit to correspond to the classification of the four bodies of the Buddha—the dharma body (dharmakāya), the enjoyment body (sabmbhogakāya), the emanation body (nirmāṇakāya), and the body of gnosis ( jñānakāya)—and to the four faces of Kālacakra Buddha:  the white, eastern face; the yellow, western face; the red, southern face; and the black, northern face, with which he pacifies, paralyzes, attracts, and destroys, respectively.17 After pouring colored sand into the firepit, the vajra master installs mantras, sprinkles water, and emanates deities from his heart-vajra. In the rites of pacification and prosperity, the firepit has a maṇḍala with the fire deity (agni-devatā), a white and peaceful presiding deity (nāyaka). In the rites of killing and exorcism, the firepit comprises a maṇḍala that has a black, fierce fire deity; in the rites of subjugation and attraction, the deity is impassioned and red; in the rites of bewildering and immobilizing, the deity is motionless and yellow; and in the all-effective rite, the deity is green, slightly smiling, and lovely in form.18 Once an appropriate firepit has been constructed, the vajra master ritually protects it by pinning down ritual nails around it while reciting the prescribed mantras and invoking the kings of the fierce deities (krodha-rāja) and goddesses (devī). In the all-effective rite, he sprinkles the perfumed water that is taken from the offering dish with a stalk of kuśa grass in the ten directions of the firepit, while reciting the syllables oṃ āḥ hūṃ phaṭ. Thereafter, he installs Vaiśvānara (Agni) into the firepit within his own heart and visualizes Vaiśvānara as having one face, four hands, and two feet, holding a vajra with his first right hand and a string of akṣa seeds19 with his second right hand, and holding a bell and a lotus with his two left hands. After meditating on Vaiśvānara in this form, visualized as standing on top of the moon in the lotus of his own heart, the vajra master makes fire offerings to the fire, together with water and flowers. He then meditatively generates a pledge being (samaya-sattva) and visualizes on the moon disc of his heart a hook situated on the top of the moon and emanating stainless rays of light. With the hook, he draws the omnipresent Jñānasattva into his body and merges him with the pledge being. After emitting Jñānasattva from

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his heart by means of the out-breath, he offers an oblation to the fire with the vajra-hook mudrā and places Jñānasattva on the filament of the lotus with a vajra fist with the thumb held erect. Regulations Pertaining to the Vajra Master’s Throne and Stall for the Fire Offerings Prior to performing a homa ritual, the vajra master must prepare his throne (āsana) in a prescribed location. In the rite of pacification, his throne is placed in the southern direction of the maṇḍala; in the rite of prosperity, it is in the southwestern direction; in the rite of killing, in the western direction; in the rites of exorcism and engendering animosity, in the northwest; in the rite of subjugation, in the north; in the rite of attraction, in the northeast; in the rite of bewildering, in the east; and in the rite of immobilizing, it is in the south.20 The shape of the vajra master’s throne, the stand for the homa, and the stall for the offerings must be of the same shape as its corresponding firepit. Thus, the vajra master’s throne is quadrangular and of the same size as a quadrangular firepit, measuring two cubits in size and twice the size of its central lotus. On the left is a stand for offering rice and durvā grass that should measure one cubit in size. On the right is a stand for the homa offering dish, which is also one cubit in size. In the rite of prosperity, it is two cubits in size. The space in between all the stands must have scattered lotus petals, and the center of every stand should have a variegated vajra of Vajrasattva or Mātā’s space-lotus, the triangular source of phenomena (dharmodaya), as its emblem. In the all-effective rite, the firepit inside the body and outside the body is of two kinds: the so-called “mouth firepit” (vaktraṃ kuṇḍam) for the burnt oblation of rice and the like, and the “secret firepit” (guhyaṃ kuṇḍam) for the offering of the oblation of ghee, five ambrosias (amṛta), and so on. Regulations Regarding Sacrificial Sticks Used for Homa Rituals The type of fuel, or the sacrificial sticks (samidha), whose individual colors, fragrances, aromas, and so on are derived from their constitutive elements, is chosen in accordance with the nature of the rite in which it is used. Thus, in the rites of pacification and prosperity, the vajra master performs a homa ritual with 500 sacrificial sticks made from the udumbara, aśvattha, nyagrodha, and madhūka trees, which belong to the kṣīra class of trees having white sap. In the rite of killing, 500 sacrificial sticks are made of human bones in the shape of a little finger. In the rites of engendering animosity and in exorcism, 500 tailfeathers from crows are used as fuel; in the rite of subjugation, the sacrificial sticks are made of the khadira tree; in the rite of attraction they are made from the palāśa tree.21 In the rite of bewildering the sacrificial sticks are made from an unmatta tree,22 and they are made of the bilva tree in the rite of immobilizing.23

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Moreover, following the conventions of class distinction and the characterization of the four social classes in terms of their colors, aromas, and activities, as given in the Brāhmaṇic tradition, the fuel used in the homa of each rite must come from a household of the social caste whose characteristics correspond to the nature and aim of the rite in question. In the all-effective rite, the vajra master kindles the fire with fragrant sticks made of sandalwood, aloeswood (aguru), or pine (devadāru) brought from a royal palace. In the rites of pacification and prosperity, he kindles the fire with sticks brought from the house of a brāhmaṇa; in the rite of killing and the like, with sticks brought from the house of a śūdra; in the rite of subjugation, red khadira sticks brought from the house of a kṣatriya are used; in the rite of immobilizing, yellowish-red sticks24 brought from the house of a vaiśya are used; and in the rite of killing, kaṇṭaka sticks brought from the house of a caṇḍāla are used.25 Regulations Pertaining to Substances Offered in Homa Rituals Different offering substances are prescribed for the homa of each rite. In the rite of pacification, the homa is performed with cow’s milk and durvā grass; in the rite of prosperity, butter and five types of grain (śasya); in the rite of killing, blood, flesh, and poison; in the rites of exorcism and engendering animosity, human marrow, mustard, and salt; in the right of subjugation, sweat and the red flowers of a vīra plant; in the rite of attraction, urine and the leaves of a bilva tree or its fruit; in the rite of immobilizing, phlegm and a wreath of flowers left from a garland; and in the rite of bewildering, the homa ritual is performed with a vine and the flowers of a dhattūraka tree.26 Once again, the color and taste of the substances offered in a homa must correspond to the nature of the rite in which it is performed.27 Regulations Pertaining to Utensils Used in Homa Rituals The dish (pātra) that holds the oblation offered in a homa must also bear features that correspond to the properties of the given rite. In the rite of pacification, the dish used for offering the oblation is a shallow dish made of crystal in the shape of eight petals with a filament. Each petal and the filament of a lotus should be four finger-breadths in size. In the rite of pacification, the oblation is placed in a dish made either of silver, iron, gold, copper, wood, or clay, or it can be placed into a skull dish (kapāla). The materials of which the dishes used in homas of the remaining rites must be made are not given. However, it is safe to assume that their colors must correspond to the colors associated with the rites. The ladle (śravaka) used for pouring oblations into the fire must also meet specific requirements. Its handle must be one cubit long and have a vajra emblem on its back. Its quadrangular scoop (culuka) should measure one finger-breadth in depth so that it can contain as much as a mouthful of ghee. The curved part of the scoop should be as long

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as the space in between a man’s face and his heart. Its smooth surface has a lotus made of the tips of lotus leaves, measuring sixteen finger-breadths in circumference. On the outside, next to the interior and the lip of the scoop, there is a five-pronged vajra. The central prong of the vajra has a hole through which the stream of ghee can flow in the manner in which the stream of urine or semen flows from the body.28 The water jar (kalaśa) also must meet certain requirement:  it must be a round water jar, measuring sixteen finger-breadths in diameter and twenty finger-breadths in height from its center to its opening lip. From the opening up to its end, the neck of the jar should measure six finger-breadths in height, the lips should be two finger-breadths in size, and the opening from one lip to another eight finger-breadths in size. A whitish water jar made of crystal or silver is used in the rites of prosperity and pacification. In the absence of a crystal or silver jar, the vajra master must prepare an inauspicious clay jar by smearing white sandal paste and rice meal on it. In the rite of killing, the water jar, which protects from hell, must be painted black with powder made from charcoal from a cremation ground. In the rites of exorcism and causing animosity, the jar should have a long neck, with a spout measuring eighteen finger-breadths and the black body measuring twelve finger-breadths in diameter and twenty-four finger-breadths in height. The lips should measure one finger-breadth, and the mouth should be the size of six finger-breadths. In the rites of attraction and subjugation, the water jar is a conventional one made by a craftsman; in the rite of immobilizing, it is short, measuring eighteen finger-breadths in diameter and in height; the neck is four finger-breadths in size, its opening six finger-breadths, and its lips two finger-breadths.29 Regulations Regarding the Proper Time for Homa Rituals After constructing the throne, the vajra master is advised to wait for about three hours (or one watch of the day) before performing the homa ritual, which is to last for half of a watch. The times at which a homa may be performed differ according to the prescribed times for carrying out the rite in the context in which it is to be performed. In the rite of pacification the vajra master performs the homa in the first watch of the morning; he performs it in the second watch for the rite of prosperity; in the third watch for the rite of killing; in the fourth watch for the rite of exorcism; in the fifth watch for the rite of subjugation; in the sixth watch for the rite of attraction; in the seventh watch for the rite of bewildering; and in the eighth watch for the rite of immobilizing. Likewise, in the afternoon he performs homa during the rite of pacification within the first half of the watch of a day; in the second half of the watch of the day, he performs it during the rite of prosperity, and so on. Furthermore, at night, during the rite of pacification, a homa ritual is to be performed within the first half of the first watch of the night, during the rite of prosperity in the second half of the night, and so on. Since the rites of pacification and prosperity are never to

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be performed at noon or midnight, as these times are considered to be “fierce” periods, their accompanying homa rituals must be avoided at those times as well. Similarly, when a solar mansion is associated with fierce planets such as Mars, Saturn, and Kālāgni, the vajra master must refrain from the two peaceful rites. Otherwise, the danger of killing someone will arise, as these times are appropriate for the rites of killing and exorcism. Regulations Pertaining to the Mantras Recited During the Homa Rituals As for the mantras recited in homa rituals performed for the sake of the previously mentioned siddhis, the vajra master must know the following mantric principles. In the name mantras (nāma-mantra), also called the “heart mantras” (hṛdaya-mantra), the syllable oṃ stands in front of the names of the principle male and female deities in the maṇḍala, and the word svāhā is at the end of such mantras. During worship in the all-effective rite, the mantra ends with namo. At the summoning of the deity, a hook hand gesture (mudrā) is made with the syllable jaḥ; at the entering of the deity, a vajra hand gesture is made with the syllable hūṃ; in tying the deity, a noose hand gesture is made with the syllable vaṃ; and in satisfying the deity, a vajra bell hand gesture is with the syllable ho. Then, when offering oblation at the end of the name mantra, the following phrase is uttered: “Such and such [deity] accept, accept, this offering of mine” (amukedaṃ gṛhṇa gṛhṇa arghakaṃ me punar).30 The mantras of the homa rituals performed during the previously discussed rites of prosperity and so on end differently. For instance, in the rite of pacification, the mantra recited during the homa ritual begins with oṃ and ends with svāhā, whereas in the rite of pacification it ends with namaḥ. In the rite of attraction, it ends with vauṣaṭ, and in the rite of subjugation it ends with vaṣaṭ. In the rites of exorcism, engendering animosity, and killing, it ends with the syllable hūṃ. In the rites of pinning down, immobilizing, and bewildering, it ends with the syllable phaṭ. These different endings of the homa rite’s mantras are said to be in accordance with the properties (guṇa) of the material nature (prakṛti). Thus, in the rite of prosperity, the material nature is soft earth, or svāhā. In the rite of pacification, the material nature is water, or namaḥ; in the rite of attraction, the material nature is fire, or vauṣaṭ; in the rite of subjugation, vaṣaṭ stands for the material nature of fire; in the rites of killing and exorcism, the syllable hūṃ stands for the material nature of wind and fire; in the rites of pinning down and immobilizing, the syllable phaṭ stands for the material nature of the Meru-like earth, and in the rite of bewildering, it stands for the material nature of water and earth. In the rites of killing and bewildering, mantra recitation (mantra-jāpa) ends with hūṃ phaṭ. Corresponding to the nature of the elements (dhātu) that constitute the material world, the ending syllables of the mantras employed in the homa rituals of these mundane rites also correspond to the colors of the deities invoked in the ritual, which also accord with the elements. Thus, in the rites of pacification and prosperity, the white

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color of the deity corresponds to the moist earth and water, or to svāhā and namaḥ; in the rite of subjugation, the red color of the deity corresponds to the fire element, vaṣaṭ; in the rite of killing, the black color of the deity corresponds to the combined wind and fire elements, the syllable hūṃ; in the rite of bewildering, the yellow color of the deity corresponds to the water and earth elements, hūṃ phaṭ, and so on.31 HOMA RITUALS AND THEIR DIVERSE FUNCTIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF THE K ĀLACAKR A-TANTR A INITIATION Within the context of the Kālacakra tantric initiation and its various phases, homa rites are performed in three separate phases: an initial, preparatory phase, a middle portion of the ritual of initiation, and a concluding phase. In this context, homa rituals are integral to the rites of securing pacification of various entities for the sake of a successful construction of the kālacakra-maṇḍala and for its protection, for initiates’ entrance into the maṇḍala, and for the dissolution (visarjana) of the maṇḍala at the conclusion of initiation. Homa Rituals in the Rites of Protection and Purification of the Ground Prior to drawing the kālacakra-maṇḍala, the vajra master ritually protects himself, makes offerings (bali) to fierce deities, and protects and purifies the ground on which the maṇḍala will be constructed. After that, he ritually protects the initiates and meditates on Kālacakra as Bhairava, requesting pacification, prosperity, and protection for all sentient beings. In order to subjugate all classes of malevolent entities, such as māras, “obstacles” (vighnas), “undefeated” (aparājitas), and hungry ghosts (pretas), who may cause impediments to initiation, the vajra master recites ten million mantras using a mālā and makes 1 million homa offerings for the duration of one week. Within every single rite, he performs 1 million recitations and makes 100,000 homa offerings.32 Once the kālacakra-maṇḍala is created and the seed syllables (bīja) of its body, speech, and mind maṇḍalas are installed, the vajra master once again makes homa offerings in the firepit, summons heretics (tīrthikas), consecrates the ground by sprinkling it, offers rice and durvā grass, and ritually eradicates māras. Then, for the sake of the protection of the gates of the maṇḍala, he presents at the four gates four of his previously initiated disciples, who have taken the twenty-five tantric vows (vrata) and observances (niyama), who are free from any of the fourteen root downfalls (mūlāpatti), and who are holding the vajra and the vajra bell in their hands. After this, he visualizes himself as a glorious Gaṇeśa and appoints a fifth disciple, who is skilled in all rites, to act as a ritual varjī and perform a homa ritual. In the absence of such a disciple, the vajra master himself, as Gaṇeśa, performs the homa.33

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Homa Rituals in the Rites of Pacification and in Invoking and Worshiping Agni After the protection of the disciples is secured, homas are again performed within the rites of pacification, and so on. In the rite of pacification, the vajra master meditates on Jñānasattva, who is now Vaiśvānara (Agni), wearing a crown with Amitābha, dressed in white clothing and holding a rosary (mālā) of akṣa seeds and a crystal lotus in his two right hands and a vase and a conch in his left hands. In the rite of killing, Vaiśvānara is dressed in a black garment, has a crown with Amoghasiddhi, and holds a small sword (kartikā) and a spear in his right hands, and holds a skull (kapāla) and a skull-staff (khaṭvāṅga) in his left hands. In the rites of exorcism and engendering animosity, he holds a sword and a trident in his right hands, and a skull and a skull-staff in his left hands. In the rite of subjugation, he wears a saffron-colored garment, has a crown with Ratnasaṃbhava, and holds an arrow and a jewel in his right hands and a bow and a mirror in his left hands. In the rite of attraction, he holds a vajra hook and a jewel in his right hands, and in his left hands a vajra noose and a mirror. In the rite of bewildering, he holds a serpent and a staff in his right hands and a wheel and a mace in his left hands. In the rites of immobilizing and pinning down, he wears a yellow garment and a crown with Vairocana, holds a chain and a mace in his right hands, and a wheel and a vajra dagger (kīlaka) in his left hands. Next, the vajra master kindles the fire with fuel sticks made of the previously mentioned type according to the nature of the rite, and invites Vaiśvānara with this mantra: Oṃ come, come the most excellent among the great beings, gods, sages, and twice-born. Having taken a dish, O Great Splendor, being in this one, become overcome. The vajra-holder commands, svāhā (oṃ ehi ehi mahābhūtadeva-ṛṣi-dvija-sattama gṛhītvāyudhaṃ mahā-raśmi asmin san nihato bhava. vajra­ dhara ājñāpayati svāhā).34 Upon uttering these words, the vajra master draws Vaiśvānara toward himself with the hook hand gesture (aṅkuśa-mudrā), brings him in with the vajra hand gesture (vajra-mudrā), binds him with the noose hand gesture (pāśa-mudrā), and pleases him with the bell hand gesture (ghaṇṭa-mudrā). Forming these mudrās, he utters the syllables jaḥ hūṃ vaṃ ho respectively. Then, having rung the vajra bell, he subjugates Vaiśvānara and gives him offerings, reciting the following mantra of giving (dāna-mantra): “Oṃ. Accept the most excellent hospitality and great light rays svāhā.”35 Next, he worships Agni in this way: Accept a vajra perfume svāhā; accept a vajra flower svāhā; accept a vajra incense svāhā; accept a vajra candle svāhā; accept a vajra meal svāhā; accept a vajra dance svāhā; accept a vajra laughter svāhā; accept a vajra song svāhā; and accept a vajra sensual pleasure svāhā.

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Having recited thus, he performs a homa with the previously mentioned types of fuel sticks in accordance with the previously described rules for preparing the corresponding seats and homa substances for the given rite. Igniting the fuel sticks with his hands, he offers all homa substances with the ladle and presents an oblation (āhuti) with the dish.36 In the absence of a ladle or a dish, he offers oblation with his hand into the mouth of Agni in the following manner. Seated on his throne, he stretches out his left arm and makes a boon-granting hand gesture (varada-mudrā) with his right hand. Then he offers homa with his right thumb and places it into the widely opened mouth of Vaiśvānara, who consumes it. While reciting these six vajra words oṃ āḥ hūṃ ho haṃ kṣaḥ svāhā 108 times, the vajra master offers oblations of grains, durvā grass, clarified butter, and milk. With these, he offers the fuel sticks of the bodily limbs with the mantra hlṛ hraṃ ṝ hrīṃ hrāṃ hrā svāhā 108 times. He then offers the fuel sticks of the psychophysical aggregates (skandhas) and elements (dhātus) with the mantra a ā i ī ṛ ṝ u ū ḹ aṃ aḥ svāhā 108 times. He also offers the fuel sticks of the twelve sense bases (āyatanas) with the mantra a ā e ai ar ār o au al āl aṃ aḥ svāhā 108 times, and the fuel sticks with ha hā ya yā ra rā va vā la lā haṃ haḥ svāhā of the six faculties of action (karmendriyas) and the six sense objects (viṣaya) 108 times.37 These 540 (5 x 108) oblations to the god of fire are said to correspond to the 500 fuel sticks ignited in an external homa ritual. The 108 recitations of each aforementioned mantra are said to correspond to the thirty-two marks (lakṣaṇas) and eighty secondary marks (vyañjanas) of the Buddha, minus these four:  body, speech, mind, and gnosis. These four are represented by the four faces depicted on the central bead of the vajra master’s 108-bead mālā, which is used for the recitation of mantras during homa rituals. For the sake of the accumulation of merit (puṇya-saṃbhāra), the quantity of everything utilized in a homa of the all-effective rite must be 108.38 As for the oblation offered to the fire, the vajra master makes the offerings of grains prepared with the purified butter and durvā grass prepared with milk. After that, as a vajrī of rites who knows all the mantras and has the body of mantras (mantra-mūrti), he stands in a paryaṅka pose. Calm and with unwavering mind, he pours a prepared oblation, together with clarified butter, into a dish and offers it while reciting the mantra oṃ hkṣmlvryaṃ. Then he takes the food and water, performs benediction, and recites the following words: Homage to gods! May it be well with subjects, svāhā, and with kings. Libation of food to the ancestors, sufficient for spirits, vaṣaṭ39 to Indra! (oṃ bhūr bhuvaḥ40 svāhā namo devebhyaḥ svasti prajābhyaḥ svāhā rājabhyaḥ svadhā piṭrbhyaḥ alaṃ bhūtebhyaḥ vaṣaṭ indrāya) Having done this, he tosses the food and drink outside the firepit, rinses his mouth with water, enters the maṇḍala palace, and rinses the mouth of Pavaka (Agni) with water infused with kuśa grass while reciting the mantra oṃ āḥ hūṃ kāyavākcittasvabhāvaśuddha

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svāhā. When kindling the fire in the firepit he is not to blow onto the fire with his mouth but only by fanning it.41 Agni, or Vaiśvānara, is said to be of three kinds. The first is the southern fire (dakṣiṇāgni), identified here with lightning that resides in a bow-shaped firepit in the heart cakra. The second is the domestic fire (gārhyapatya), which is identified with the sun that dwells in a circular firepit within the throat cakra; the third is the consecrated fire taken from the perpetual domestic fire (āhāvanīya), or the flesh-consuming fire (kravyāda), which is located in a quadrangular firepit within the navel cakra. Above these three fires, at the edge of darkness, where neither the light of lightning, the sun, the moon, or the planets shine, there is an additional fire, the fire of gnosis ( jñānāgni). This fourth fire is of the nature of joy (ānanda) located in the secret and forehead cakras, and it has been there since beginningless time. It is the flesh-consuming fire that ends cyclic existence and is therefore equal to the Fourth Noble Truth.42 It is said here that the meaning of the flesh-consuming fire should also be understood in this tantric system as being in accordance with the Ṛg Veda, 10.16.9: “I am dispatching the flesh-consuming fire far away. Removing the stains, may it go to King Yama! May this other fire carry oblation to the gods!”43 The interpretation of the correspondence of the flesh-consuming fire in the Kālacakra tradition’s internal homa with that of the aforementioned Ṛg Veda verse is seen in the following way. Reciting the mantra “Oṃ Vajra Agni, who incinerates all sins, O Vajrasattva, incinerate, incinerate every sin svāhā” (oṃ sarva-pāpa-dahana-vajrāgni vajrasattva sarva-pāpaṃ daha daha svāha), the vajra master invites the fire of sensual desire (kāmāgni) and recites the following mantra pledge (mantra-samaya) of the offering of oblation to the sun, the ruler of the seven days of the week, whose chariot is pulled by seven horses, and who has seven tongues: “Oṃ vajra Agni illuminate all beings, turn all evil people into ashes hūṃ phaṭ svāhā” (oṃ vajrānala sarvabhūtān jvālaya sarvān bhasmī-kuru sarva-jana-duṣṭān hūṃ phaṭ svāhā). In the case of pacification, the sun has the tongue of Soma (the moon); in the case of prosperity, he has the tongue of the sun; in the cases of killing or exorcism, he has the tongue of Saturn;44 in the case of subjugation, he has the tongue of Venus; in the case of attraction, he has the tongue of Jupiter; in the case of bewildering, he has the tongue of Mercury; and in the case of immobilizing, he has the tongue of Mars. Thus, Agni/Vajrasattva’s tongues of flame correspond to the colors and powers attributed to the aforementioned planets in accordance with the results of his flame. Moreover, in accordance with the purification of each day of the week, the sun has one face in every rite. In accordance with the purification of one day and a night, he has two legs. In accordance with the purification of the four junctures of a day (sandhyā), he has four arms. In the rites of pacification and so on, and in the rite of killing he has two arms holding a knife and a skull cup due to the purification of Ketu. In the rite engendering animosity, he holds a sword and a skull due to the purification of Saturn. In the

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all-effective rite, he has two hands due to the purification of Rāhu and Kālāgni. The fire of sensual desire must be also invoked as a deity because it pervades all the days of the week, and the fire of gnosis should be worshiped as well. All this is seen as a method of invoking Vaiśvānara.45 After performing the homa ritual for Agni as described above, the vajra master rinses both his mouth and the mouth of Pavaka, and offers incense, perfume, and the like. Then, by means of exhalation, he emits the fire of gnosis from his own heart while reciting these words of mantra: Oṃ jāḥ go, go, great light, to your own place. Satisfied, ho, you will again return when I send for a god svāhā. (oṃ jāḥ gaccha gaccha mahāraśmi svasthānaṃ saṃtṛpto ho46 punar āgamiṣyasi devasya yadā āhvayāmi svāhā) When homa rituals, together with their mantras, are completed in this way, the vajra master is allowed to install a sand maṇḍala that represents the mind and body of the Buddha, and to initiate his disciples and offer them a pill consisting of the five amṛtas,47 placed in an oyster shell for the sake of purification. This prescribed procedure of a homa in the rite of worshiping Vaiśvānara is said to be applicable to all the tantras.48 The Final Homa Ritual at the Conclusion of the Rite of Initiation After the initiation and the tantric feast are completed, and prior to the dissolution of the kālacakra-maṇḍala, the vajra master once again performs a homa ritual in the same manner as he has previously done. Thus, the entire series of ritual actions constituting the rite of initiation begins and ends with homa. CONCLUSION In conclusion, one could say that the homa ritual as understood and performed in this tantric system is yet another example of inter-rituality, the appropriation and adaptation of another tradition’s ritual forms and techniques that become validated by their efficacy. Perhaps no other ritual has been transported across the boundaries of different Indic traditions as much as the homa. The question remains whether the reason for this lies in something inhering thematically, structurally, and functionally in the homa that appeals to communally shared concerns and values, or has to do with other factors. Whatever the reasons, homa’s pervasiveness is testimony to the common perception of its relevance. In relation to the preceding homa rituals of other traditions, Buddhist tantric homa seems to be both a derivative and a responsive ritual act. Whether external or internal, a homa ritual is seen as a coherent activity that mobilizes the forces of the natural world and transforms one’s experiences and perceptions. An

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external homa appeals to the invisible forces external to one’s body. It incites and at times even manipulates their responses. It derives its meaning not from within but from its convergence with other rituals and from its broader theoretical frameworks. It is filled with symbolic forms, utterances, and paradigmatic gestures that pattern worldly activities and prevent or redirect violence. In contrast, an internal homa appeals to the forces within and is founded on the principle of self-transformation. It activates the innate gnosis and therefore becomes a medium for the appearance of the ultimate reality and cognitive transformation. It is performed in privacy and requires from its performer a high degree of yogic and meditative expertise, whereas an external homa, which is performed publicly, requires knowledge of the world, its operations, and its ritual conventions. Notes 1. In the commentary on the fourth subchapter of the “Chapter on Initiation” and in the final “Chapter on Gnosis.” 2. Acacia Catechu, known for having hard wood. 3. For the contexts of homa rituals performed for protection from mātṛkas, see Vajravallabh Dwivedi and S. S.  Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka on Śrīlaghukālacakratantrarāja by Śrīmañjuśrīyaśas, no. 2 (Sarnath, Varanasi:  Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, 1994), c­ hapter  2, verses 148, 152, 159, and ­chapter  4, verses 162–163. 4. See Sadhong Rinpoche and Vrajvallabh Dwivedi, eds., Vasantatilakā of Caryāvratī Śrīkṛṣṇācārya with Commentary Rahasyadīpikā by Vanaratna (Sarnath, Varanasi: 1990), central verses 23–24, together with Vanaratna’s commentary, p. 67. 5. Sadhong and Dwivedi, eds., Vasantatilakā of Caryāvratī Śrīkṛṣṇācārya, verses 20b–21a, pp. 66–67: abhyantarais tu śukrādyair bāhyai rūpādibhis tathā // (20b) havibhiḥ kriyate homaḥ prajñāgnau tu mahojjvale / (21a) 6. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, ­chapter 3, verse 71, p. 70: hutaṃ bhunakti yaḥ sarvaṃ skandhadhātusamidhādikam / praṇamya jñānāgniṃ taṃ vakṣye tadkuṇḍaṃ lakṣaṇam // kuṇḍam aṣṭavidhaṃ proktaṃ śāntikādiprabhedataḥ / pratyekadigvibhāgena navaṃ sārvakārmikam // 7. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, ­chapter 2, verses 36 and 41. 8. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, ­chapter 5, verse 127, p. 76. 9. “Divine fragrance,” clove.

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10. According to Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, ­chapter 1, pp. 10–11, the term “all-effective rite” (sarvakarman) refers to the six rites belonging to the categories of pacification, etc., and subjugation, etc., but not to any of the fierce rites, such as killing and the like. 11. Abhayākāragupta also mentions the Vajrakrodhasamāpattiguhya-tantra, which speaks of 110 different types of firepits used in different types of mundane rites. While the shapes, colors, and soil types of some firepits and their related rites correspond to those mentioned in the Vimalaprabhā, the others do not show correspondences. See Tadaeusz Skorupski, “Jyotirmañjarī of Abhayākāragupta,” in The Buddhist Forum VI (Tring, UK: Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2001), p. 185. 12. This measure is equal to twelve finger-breadths, being the distance between the extended thumb and the little finger. 13. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka on Śrīlaghukālacakratantrarāja by Śrīmañjuśrīyaśas, ­chapter 3, verses 71–72. 14. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka on Śrīlaghukālacakratantrarāja by Śrīmañjuśrīyaśas, ­chapter 3, verses 7–11. 15. In this tantric system, Rāhu, considered to be the deity responsible for eclipses of the sun and the moon, represents the consciousness in the body of the individual; Kālāgni, usually known as the fire that incinerates the world at the time of destruction of the cosmos, represents the sexual heat in the lower part of the human body, referred to as “the fire of gnosis.” 16. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka on Śrīlaghukālacakratantrarāja by Śrīmañjuśrīyaśas, ­ chapter  3, verse 73. According to the Vimalaprabhā, these features of firepits apply to all the yoga and yoginī tantras. Cf. D. L.  Snellgrove, ed., The Hevajra Tantra:  A  Critical Study (London:  Oxford University Press, 1976), vol. 1, part 2, ­chapter 1, verses 6–10, pp. 88–89, where the shapes and colors of the mentioned firepits correspond to those in the Kālacakrantra, whereas their sizes seem to differ. 17. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka on Śrīlaghukālacakratantrarāja by Śrīmañjuśrīyaśas, ­chapter 3, verse 16, ­chapter 5, verse 141. 18. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka on Śrīlaghukālacakratantrarāja by Śrīmañjuśrīyaśas, ­chapter 3, verse 18. 19. Eleocarpus seeds. 20. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka on Śrīlaghukālacakratantrarāja by Śrīmañjuśrīyaśas, ­chapter 3, verse 16. 21. Butea Frondosa, an East Indian tree bearing a profusion of intense vermilion velvet-textured blooms, which yield a yellow dye. 22. Datura Metel, Fastuosa, thorn-apple tree. 23. Aegle Marmelos, wood-apple tree. 24. Bignonia Indica or Grislea tomentosa, which have an astringent taste. 25. Several kinds of trees: silk-cotton tree (śalmāli), thorny and bitter-tasting. 26. Datura Alba, a white thorn-apple tree, often used as a poison. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka on Śrīlaghukālacakratantrarāja by Śrīmañjuśrīyaśas, ­chapter 3, verses 13–15. 27. Cf. Snellgrove, Hevajra Tantra, vol. 1, part 2, ­chapter 1, verse 10, p. 89, which mentions sesame oil as offered for pacification, curds for prosperity, thorns for killing and engendering animosity, and a blue lotus for subjugation. 28. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, ­chapter 3, verse 17.

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29. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, ­chapter 3, verse 13. 30. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, ­chapter  3, verse 79. 31. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, ­chapter 3, verse 79. 32. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, ­chapter 3, verse 35. 33. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, ­chapter  3, verses 69–70. 34. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, vol. 2, p. 74. 35. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, vol. 2, p. 74: oṃ pravara-satkāraṃ mahārāśmīn pratıccha svāhā. 36. The Tibetan reads gang gzar gyis sreg blugs dbul bar bya shing (Skt. āhutiṃ pātryārpayet). 37. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, verse 76, ­chapter 3, page 76. 38. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, ­chapter  3, verses 74–75. 39. Vaṣaṭ indrāya is an exclamation made by a sacrificial priest (hotṛ) at the end of the sacrificial verse, on making an oblation to the deity. 40. These are the first two of the three vyāhṛtis (the third being svaḥ), mystic syllables representing the earth, repeated by every brāhmaṇa at the beginning of his morning, noon, and evening prayers (sandhyā). 41. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, ­chapter  3, verse 76. 42. See Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, ­chapter 2, verse 36, and ­chapter 3, p. 75. 43. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, ­chapter 3, p. 74, cites the Ṛg Veda 10.16.9: kravyādam agniṃ prahiṇomi dūraṃ yamarājño gacchatu ripravāhaḥ/| ihaivāyam itaro jātavedā devebhyo havyam vahatu prajānan // 44. Saturn is the son of the sun, and represented as black in color or dressed in a dark-colored garment. 45. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, ­chapter  3, verses 74–75. 46. Tib. hoḥ. 47. The five types of flesh: human, dog, horse, cow, and elephant. 48. Dwivedi and Bahulkar, eds., Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka, ­chapter  3, verse 77.

REFERENCES Dwivedi, Vajravallabh, and S. S. Bahulkar, eds. Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka on Śrīlaghukālacakratantrarāja by Śrīmañjuśrīyaśas, no. 2. Rare Buddhist Text Series, vol. 12. Sarnath, Varanasi: Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, 1994.

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Dwivedi, Vajravallabh, and S. S. Bahulkar, eds. Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka on Śrīlaghukālacakratantrarāja by Śrīmañjuśrīyaśas, no. 3. Rare Buddhist Text Series, vol. 13. Sarnath, Varanasi: Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, 1994. Rinpoche, Sadhong and Vrajvallabh Dwivedi, eds. Vasantatilakā of Caryāvrati Śrīkṛṣṇācārya with Commentary Rahasyadīpikā by Vanaratna. Rare Buddhist Text Series, vol. 7. Sarnath, Varanasi: Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, 1990. Skorupski, Tadaeusz. “Jyotirmañjarı of Abhayākāragupta.” In Tadaeusz Skorupski, ed., The Buddhist Forum VI, pp. 183–221. Tring, UK: Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2001. Snellgrove, D. L., ed. The Hevajra Tantra: A Critical Study. Vols. 1–2. London Oriental Series, vol. 6. London: Oxford University Press, 1976. Upadhyaya, Jagannatha, ed. Vimalaprabhāṭīkā of Kalkin Śrīpuṇḍarīka on Śrīlaghu­ kālacakratantrarāja by Śrīmañjuśrīyaśas, no.  11. Sarnath, Varanasi:  Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, 1986. Wallace, Vesna A. The Kālacakratantra:  The Chapter on the Individual Together with the Vimalaprabhā. Tanjur Translation Initiative, Treasury of Buddhist Sciences Series. New  York:  American Institute of Buddhist Studies, co-published with the Columbia University’s Center for Buddhist Studies and Tibet House, 2004. Wallace, Vesna A. The Kālacakratantra: The Chapter on Sādhana Together with the Vimalaprabhā. Tanjur Translation Initiative, Treasury of Buddhist Sciences Series. New  York:  American Institute of Buddhist Studies at Columbia University, co-published with the Columbia University’s Center for Buddhist Studies and Tibet House, 2010.

Ritual Subjects Hom a in Chinese Tr anslations and Manuals from the Sixth through Eighth Centur ies

Charles D. Orzech

i The early ninth-century monk Huilin 慧琳1®describes homa as follows:  “In Tang language this Indic term is called ‘fire offering.’ Substances used to make food offerings for the worthies and sages are incinerated in a fire, just as in the four suburban and five marchmount sacrifices, etc.”2 As a disciple of the esoteric master Amoghavajra (Bukong jin’gang 不空金剛, 704–774), Huilin was well aware of the importance of homa not only in esoteric ritual but also as a key instrument in esoteric Buddhism’s support of the imperium. From the very beginning of his rise to power, Amoghavajra had promoted homa as the instrument for supporting the imperial house.3 One of the first pieces of correspondence we have from Amoghavajra’s hand is dated 758, not long after Emperor Suzong retook the capital Chang’an from An Lushan’s forces. Suzong had sent a gift of incense to Amoghavajra to thank him for his efforts on behalf of the imperial cause. In his reply Amoghavajra wrote, In the tenth month [you] purified the palace in order to set up a convocation to smash the demons … it is fitting that at the three times I bathe the images and at the half month perform homa, so that the thirty-seven worthies protect the Bright King’s territory and so the sixteen [bodhisattvas] nurture and increase the sage emperor’s awesome spirit. (T. 2120.52:828a10–16)

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During the next decade altars for homa and consecration (abhiṣeka) were established in the imperial palace, in several imperially sponsored monasteries, and at the great mountain pilgrimage site Wutaishan.4 Given this development, what are we to make of Huilin’s analogy between imperial rites and homa? Is he simply making a comparison of rituals offered on a periodic schedule that involve formal food offering to deities by the method of incineration? Certainly this is the case. But there appears to be more to Huilin’s comment. His choice of indigenous terms in making the comparison is jisi 祭祀—a term used for highly formal sacrifice, and the indigenous rites he chooses are rites performed by the emperor that have the most august, hoary, and orthodox pedigree.5 Huilin seems to be saying that homa is the equivalent of some of the most powerful rituals performed by the Son of Heaven. Huilin’s comment underscores the importance of the fire sacrifice in the ritual practice of esoteric Buddhism. Homa is used to evoke deities, to eliminate obstructions, to finalize rituals, and even to dispatch ones’ enemies. Indeed, the appropriation of the fire sacrifice was one of the most remarkable developments in late Mahāyāna Buddhism. Fire sacrifice was the core technology of Brahmanic traditions, and homa is detailed in the Taittiriya Aranyaka of the Black Yajur Veda. There, and in later Vedic-influenced traditions, we find homa employed for a wide variety of ends, including ease in childbirth, production of wealth, averting disease or illness, and so on. In these works, homa anchors a vast semiotic system—classifications of plants, ritual actions, and the etiology of fortune and misfortune. The practice of homa did not cease with the spread of Buddhism, even among Buddhists. Although Buddhism criticized some Vedic practices, notably animal sacrifice, in a wide variety of early Buddhist scriptures including the Kūtaḍanta Sutta of the Dighanikāya, Suttanipāta, and elsewhere the Buddha is depicted as endorsing or reinterpreting the Vedic practice of fire offering for householders and even claiming to be the original teacher of the Vedas in past existences.6 Nonetheless, for the better part of a millennium homa apparently remained a marginal ritual adjunct practiced by some Buddhist householders. But sometime around the fifth century c.e. homa and other elements of the Vedic system such as abhiṣeka began to assume prominent roles in ritual manuals and dhāraṇī scriptures.7 Within a century homa had become central to the new technology of esoteric Buddhism.8 Along with its patron deity Agni, homa is a case in point in the late Mahāyāna and esoteric Buddhist redeployment of traditional Indian deities and ritual practices. Abundant evidence for the Buddhist appropriation of homa, most of it long ago lost in Indic languages, has been preserved in Chinese translations and ritual manuals.9 The first part of this essay outlines the Buddhist appropriation of homa as reflected in sixth- through eighth-century Chinese translations.10 In the second part, I advance an understanding of homa based on recent studies of the liturgical construction of public subjectivity. Through such an approach, I  argue that we can understand homa as

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producing a form of subjectivity based on culturally constructed “types,” which is then extended to create an “interior” ritual space. HOMA IN EAST ASIA The impact of homa in East Asia was decidedly uneven. Although Michel Strickmann’s “Homa in East Asia”11 and his Mantras et Mandarins: Le Bouddhisme tantrique en Chine12 provide a durable overview of the topic, reading his works can lead one to conclude that homa had similar distribution and influence in both China and Japan. Homa was imported to Japan first in a variety of late Mahāyāna translations, then by returning pilgrims such as Saichō and Kūkai as a core technology of esoteric forms of Buddhist practice. As Strickmann and others have shown, over time homa and its most prominent deity Acala (Jp. Fudō 不動) came to have a wide ritual and semiotic impact on Japanese religion and culture. To this day one can go to a Shingon temple and engage a Buddhist priest to perform a homa.13 In contrast to the broad cultural distribution of its offspring in Japan, homa in China was largely confined to a highly trained elite and appears to have had little impact beyond that milieu.14 Despite widespread appearance in translations and despite the foundation in the eighth century under imperial patronage of numerous altars for homa and abhiṣeka in the Tang capital and beyond, homa was for the most part confined to its role as a powerful technology for producing imperial buddhas. Paired with abhiṣeka and supported through a variety of specialized ritual paraphernalia, its performance remained the preserve of a few exclusive lineages in the service of imperial courts and elite patrons.15 BUDDHIST APPROPRIATION OF HOMA: THE TR ANSLATIONS OF YAŚOGUPTA, ATIKŪ ṬA, AND BODHIRUCI Ritual can be understood as a means for shaping the body, mind, and world. As we shall see, the performance of homa has been used to create and reinforce a variety of subjectivities, and these are rationalized in a taxonomic logic. Indeed, we might very well think of the practice of homa as evolving from simple analogical practice into the ritual embodiment, performance, and extension of an entire taxonomic system. Although homa is mentioned in Chinese documents of the fifth and sixth centuries, detailed descriptions of homa begin to appear near the end of the sixth century. Most early references to homa are cursory and appear to be what Michel Strickmann wryly (and perhaps misleadingly) termed “pious fumigation.”16 For example, Saṅghabhara’s early sixth-century translation of the Mahāmāyūrīvidyārajñī-sūtra (Kongquewang zhou jing 孔雀王咒經, T. 984) involves precisely this sort of “fumigation” to expel demons: “When the mustard seeds are incinerated in the fire the bodies of the evil



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demons catch fire” (T. 984.19:459a). No other details are provided. What is clear is that the ritual relies on an analogy with incineration. Fire burns and consumes, and the acrid burning of mustard seed, by analogy, burns and consumes the bodies of demons. A different ritual logic appears in what is arguably the earliest unambiguous record of a votive homa. The rite, in which offerings are made to a deity, is found in the sixthcentury Avalokiteśvaraikādaśamukha-dhāraṇī-sūtra (Shiyimian guanshiyin shenzhou jing 十一面觀世音神呪經, T. 1070) of Yaśogupta 耶舍崛多, dating from 561 to 578.17 This scripture describes a ten-inch tall image of the eleven-headed Avalokiteśvara fashioned from wood, to which the practitioner presents various offerings while chanting a dhāraṇī over the course of the first fourteen days of the month, and a fire altar is set up in front of it (T. 1070.20:150c22–151a19). Beginning on the fifteenth day of the month the practitioner is to take 1,008 pieces of incense, dip them in soma oil (sumo yu 蘇摩油),18 and offer them into a sandalwood fire. If the ritual is properly done, on the evening of the fifteenth day Avalokiteśvara enters the altar; the image shakes, and a voice praises the practitioner and offers to grant four supernormal boons (151a20–151b2). While an exchange with the deity that characterizes later homa is present, the focus here is on the physical image, the recitation of the spell, and on the discipline of performing a lengthy and detailed rite over many days. Yet, in comparison to later examples of homa, certain elements are absent. There is no invocation of Agni nor is there a summoning and enthronement of deities in a mandala. These elements first appear almost a century later in Atikūṭa’s (阿地瞿多, fl. 650s) Tuoluoni ji jing 陀羅尼集經, the Collection of Coded Instructions (Dhāraṇī-saṃgrahasūtra, T. 901) of 654.19 Homa appears repeatedly in the Tuoluoni ji jing. Some of the homas resemble those found in Yaśogupta’s translation of the Avalokiteśvaraikādaśamukhadhāraṇī-sūtra produced a century earlier. For instance, “Vajragarbha’s Reception into the Dharma Altar” again employs an image before which offerings are made, and once again the image speaks to the practitioner (T. 901.18:851a23–851c04). Elsewhere in the Tuoluoni ji jing, however, we find homa’s Vedic lord Agni playing a key role, and the rite is closely integrated with abhiṣeka (consecration/coronation) and the logic of a mandala.20 In a long section once again focused on the Eleven-headed Avalokiteśvara we find disciples given abhiṣeka, and this ritual is followed by a homa. Here, in contrast to other early descriptions of homa, the scripture says that the ācārya is to sit in the western gate of the altar, facing east, with body properly arranged and with correct mindfulness first call Agni and seat him in the fire altar. Next, using honey, sesame, and so on, seven times make offerings into the fire while intoning the spell. Next the ācārya says the spell mentally and Agni goes to the outside of the fire altar and is seated. Next call Horse-headed Avalokiteśvara to take a seat on the lotus throne in the fire altar. Next the ācārya grasps the vajra and one by one summons the disciples to approach (T. 901.18:816a27–816b5).

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After further offerings Horse-head is dismissed, and Eleven-headed Avalokiteśvara is invited to take up the seat in the homa fire. A series of other deities is likewise summoned. It is notable that an image is no longer the focus of the rite—instead, the fire as the seat of the deities becomes the focus. The text describes the ācārya summoning and dismissing a series of deities, beginning with Agni. While these divinities are summoned seriatim they are now deployed according to the logic of the comprehensive mandala that structures the collection, the “all-gathering mandala” (douhui daochang 都會道場)—and in certain respects (the hearth as lotus throne, for instance) the logic of the mandala now structures the performance of homa.21 Yet the homa here is laid out without any overt mention of an interiorized mental performance that is found in eighth-century manuals—there is no discussion of “contemplation” (guan 觀) or “visualization” (xiang 想).22 The practitioner summons deities one after another as though they are visible nearby. But indications of interiorized mental performance of ritual are found elsewhere in this scriptural collection.23 Indeed, Koichi Shinohara argues that the insertion of an “interior” visualized dimension into otherwise typical dhāraṇī scriptures led to the emergence of a comprehensive mandala structure.24 Be that as it may, in the Tuoluoni ji jing the inner-versus-outer homa discourse that structures much later discussion is largely absent.25 I will return to this distinction between outer versus inner homa below. Further, in the Tuoluoni ji jing, the fire throne makes the deities and their powers immediately accessible and actualized, starting with the Vedic lord of fire himself. With the fire/ Agni as mediator of divine presence, the disciples can be introduced directly to each divinity.26 The summoning of the deities of the mandala is directly paralleled by the summoning of humans to interact with them. Indeed, the list of possible humans who may be introduced to the deities begins with the king and government ministers and ends with disciples. Clearly the intended audience for the performance, at least ideally, is people in power. In the Tuoluoni ji jing, then, homa served not only to extirpate obstacles or “seal” the results of a rite but also as an interface, a device to harness divine power for human purposes. Less than half a century later, in a group of texts translated by Bodhiruci 菩提流支 (?–727) under the auspices of Empress Wu’s imperial patronage, homa is once again central to the development of esoteric ritual. Bodhiruci’s translation of the Scripture of the Cakravartin of the Single Syllable of the Buddha’s Crown (Ekākṣara-uṣṇīṣa-cakravartin; Yizi fo ding lunwang jing 一字佛頂輪王經, T. 951, 709 c.e.) contains a long segment titled “Homa Altar” (humo tan 護摩壇), which forms the final section of this extensive compendium.27 The text sets out the differently shaped altars suitable for each type of rite and appears to be the earliest use of what becomes the canonical threefold taxonomy of rites: śāntika for pacification (anyin fa 安隱法, T. 951.19:262a13), pauṣṭika for prosperity (qiu dafengrao zhu zhong shan fa 求大豐饒諸眾善法, T.951.19:262b3), and abhicāruka for subjugation (diaofu ta fa 調伏他法, T.951.19:262b21).28 Here we also see the appearance of a fully formed system evident in types of ritual and details of performance. Each rite has a designated time of execution, type of wood, color of garments, and so on.



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An emerging ritual synthesis is evident in another of Bodhiruci’s translations, the Scripture of the Mantra of Amoghapāśa’s Miraculous Transformations (Bukong juansuo shenbian zhenyan jing 不空罥索神變真言經, T. 1092) produced in 707 c.e. In this text mudrā, mantra, mandala, abhiṣeka, and homa now appear as a fully integrated system.29 There are richly detailed descriptions giving extensive instruction on performance and accoutrements. In the section titled “Homa Augmentation” (humo zengyi 護摩增益)30 details of the altars are minutely specified; the placement of deities forming a mandala are indicated by their mudrās; instructions are given to expel evil influences, protect the body, cordon off the ritual area, and invite the deities (some of which had already appeared in the Tuoluoni ji jing). The text specifies offerings, including vases of argya water, incense, and flowers, and then goes on to detail the offerings of wood into the fire. Whereas the homa rites of the Tuoluoni ji jing either omit interior mental operations or indicate them in the barest terms, the Scripture of the Mantra of Amoghapāśa’s Miraculous Transformations sometimes includes detailed instructions for visualization. For instance, the practitioner is instructed to contemplate the golden-colored flames of the fire becoming a ra (囉) bija, or seed syllable, which then changes into Agni, whose body, color, implements, faces, eyes, and so on, are described.31 By this point in the early eighth century, homa has a range of functions—from the expulsion of demons to the rectification of ritual shortcomings and the ritual expression and actualization of relationships between practitioners and deities of the mandala. In these texts the role of homa depends on its placement in the larger ritual and its relationship to other ritual operations. Further, by the early eighth century homa texts are beginning to include sophisticated instruction concerning mental operations to be executed in conjunction with ritual performance.

Canonizing Homa Seventeen years after Bodhiruci’s translation of the Scripture of the Mantra of Amoghapāśa’s Miraculous Transformations, Śubhākarasiṃha’s (善無畏, 637–735) translation of the Mahāvairocana-sūtra (Mahāvairocanābhisaṃbodhi-sūtra, Da piluzhena cheng fo shenbian jiachi jing 大毘盧遮那成佛神變加持經, T. 848, 724 c.e.) and the production of its Commentary with the aid of Yixing (Da piluzhena cheng fo jing shu 大毘盧遮那成佛經疏, T. 1796;) makes clear that homa was now at the heart of a comprehensive ritual praxis. The Mahāvairocana-sūtra, its Commentary, and Śubhākarasiṃha’s 726 translation of the Susiddhikāra-sūtra (Susiddhikāramahātantra-saddhanopāyikā-paṭala, Suxidi jieluo jing 蘇悉地揭羅經, T. 893) describe three types of homa with encyclopedic information on ritual times, implements, supplies, and performance. They set the basic pattern for all subsequent homa ritual in East Asia.32

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Although Bodhiruci’s translation of the Scripture of the Mantra of Amoghapāśa’s Miraculous Transformations (707 c.e.) and those of Śubhākarasiṃha not quite two decades later appear to reflect the same developments in South Asia, the newly translated works add important elements to Bodhiruci’s Scripture of the Mantra of Amoghapāśa’s Miraculous Transformations. For its part, the Susiddhikāra, something akin to a ritual reference work, reflects the rationalization and codification of these developments and allows us to view the system in all of its details. The Mahāvairocana-sūtra provides another form of rationalization: it offers a theological justification for the use of such rituals by monastic practitioners. The Susiddhikāra codifies the growing mass of specialized late Mahāyāna ritual technology. The radical reduction of possible types of homa, apparently in line with the focus on three buddha families, is only the most obvious sign of its work in rationalizing ritual practice. Producing such a work and restricting access to it through rigorous training and initiation indicates a further regimen of control. The notion of an all-encompassing fully rationalized system is evident everywhere in the Susiddhikāra. All things come under the sway of the taxonomic order. The following passage from the section on food offerings is typical: Cakes of rice flour and so forth are for the Buddha Family, śāntika [rites], and higher accomplishments; all cakes of wheat flour are for the Lotus Family, pauṣṭika [rites], and middling accomplishments; and cakes made from sesamum or beans are for the Vajra Family, abhicāruka [rites], and lower accomplishments.33 In other words, the taxonomic logic of the threefold homa is potentially extended to all things in the world. Everything can be classified according to its use in rites of pacification, increase, or subjugation. While the Mahāvairocana-sūtra exhibits the same kind of rationalizing force, another form of rationalization is also evident. Unlike other ritual procedures (mantra, dhāraṇī, abhiṣeka, mudrā, etc.) the Mahāvairocanā-sūtra goes out of its way to wrap the appropriation of homa in a special theological justification, as if to deflect the opprobrium of those who would charge Buddhism with being a pale version of the Veda. Chapter 27 of the sixth fascicle of the Mahāvairocanā-sūtra recounts the genealogy of Agni through forty-four “generations,” many of which are “fires” for specific kinds of events, such as conception, weddings, and so on.34 In contrast to other texts on homa we have encountered, the discourse here is rendered almost entirely in gāthās (verses). For his new postenlightenment dispensation, the Buddha replaces the Brahmanic fires with twelve fires for the accomplishment of all aims: Having become perfectly Awakened to Enlightenment, I have taught twelve kinds of Fire.



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What are those twelve? The first is the Fire of Awareness Who is called Mahendra….35 Here the fires have gained metaphorical extension. But the Buddhist appropriation of homa is not yet complete, for these twelve fires, even when carried out with punctilious piety, are merely “exterior.” True homa has a simultaneous interior aspect “which eradicates all karma.”36 In the words of the Commentary, “Homa is the fire of the Tathāgata’s wisdom. It is able to incinerate the karmic connections that produce all misfortunes.”37 Thus, the Commentary reaches back to the fundamental analogy of incineration only to recast it in a higher metaphysical key. Just as the Upaniṣads had appropriated and internalized the Vedic fire as the tapas of the yogi, now Buddhism, while preserving the external rite, claimed an inner or higher understanding.38 This appears to be the first explicit use of the inner versus outer hermeneutic applied to homa. In short, as homa was appropriated it underwent a process that subordinated the exterior practice of ritual to the process of interior contemplation and visualization connected with the mandala. The subjectivity of the performer of homa apparently needed ideological shaping, lest the practitioner fall into the heresy of merely “exterior” performance. THE MANUALS OF AMOGHAVAJR A AND FAQUAN The system embodied in the Mahāvairocana-sūtra and the Susiddhikara was not the final one, and it is clear that the practice of homa continued to be refined and developed in South Asia. Vajrabodhi (Jin’gangzhi 金剛智, 671–741) and his young disciple Amoghavajra arrived in the Tang court in 720, a mere four years after the arrival of Śubhākarasiṃha. Vajrabodhi rapidly produced an abbreviated form of the Sarvatathāgata-tattva-saṃgraha, which is based on a five-buddha family model rather than the three-buddha family model found in the Mahāvairocana-sūtra and the Susiddhikara. In line with this fivefold taxonomy, some of the newly translated texts expand the taxonomy of homa. For instance, the Scripture of the Vajra Summit Pavilion of All Yogas and Yogis ( Jin’gangfeng louge yiqie yujia yuqi jing 金剛峰樓閣一切瑜伽瑜祇經, T. 867) attributed to Vajrabodhi expands the list to five kinds of homa: protection (xizai 息災), prosperity (zengyi 增益), gaining love (aijing 愛敬), subjugation (xiangfu 降伏), and captivation (gouzhao 鉤召).39 Up to this point homa has been found solely in Chinese translations of Indic texts.40 By the late eighth century, indigenously composed Chinese homa manuals make their appearance. Although there are numerous descriptions of homa in Japanese collections, two manuals appear to be Chinese compositions: the Regulations for Homa for Vajra Pinnacle Yoga ( Jin’gang ding yuqie humo yigui 金剛頂瑜伽護摩儀軌, T. 908) attributed to Amoghavajra and the Regulations for Establishing a Mandala for the Performance

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of Homa (Jianli mantuoluo humo yigui (建立曼荼羅護摩儀軌, T. 912), dating to the mid-ninth century and attributed to Faquan (法全).41 Amoghavajra’s Regulations for Homa for Vajra Pinnacle Yoga presents five types of homa. On first glance, it is immediately apparent that this text is different from the descriptions of homa found in most translations of Indic works. Indeed, Amoghavajra’s text opens not with prose instructions but with verses (gāthās). In this regard, the form of Amoghavajra’s Regulations for Homa emulates the five-word couplets discussing homa in the Mahāvairocana-sūtra, where the Buddha launches into a description of the genealogy of Agni and the forty-four Vedic fires.42 Similarly, Amoghavajra begins by extolling the role of homa (T. 908.18:916a10–a12): I will now speak of homa—because of it [one] swiftly [obtains] siddhi Owing to homa’s acts and rules, union is available Thus, all matters are consequently clarified and done as they should be Performing homa according to type is the act of highest accomplishment. In contrast to the translations of Atikūṭa and Bodhiruci, not simply the first few lines but the entire first half of the text and its conclusion are rendered in five-word couplets. The balance of the text consists of prose ritual instructions focusing on the details of performance of the sort encountered in the translations of Atikūṭa and Bodhiruci. The verses render a common feature of Sanskrit Mahāyāna literature in which gāthās often present a summary of a story or points of the teaching. This is exactly their function in Amoghavajra’s manual, where the first half of the text rehearses the taxonomic outline of the homa system. Thus we find the following topics summarized: Five types of homa Shapes of altar for each type Preferred time to perform each type of ritual Direction to face while performing each type Type of mudrā Type of wood to be consumed for each kind of rite Type of esoteric emblem (wheel, three-pointed vajra, etc.) Size of hearth Layout of surrounding altar/mandala (disposition of the families) according to type of rite Description of deities (Agni, Yama, Indra, Vayu, Vaiśravaṇa, etc.)43 The order of the first long section is typological and structured by the fivefold taxonomy of rites. It could not be used as a manual for a particular performance of, say, a homa for subjugation. It seems clear, therefore, that the first half of Amoghavajra’s manual was



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to be chanted, either alone or in unison, but this chanting practice must be distinct from the performance of a particular homa, and the material presented in the gāthā half of the text contrasts sharply with the prose instructions that follow. The prose instructions, like those found in the manuals of Atikūṭa and Bodhiruci, present a series of mantras accompanied by mudrās and ritual actions—the actual mudrā-by-mudrā actions involved in performing each sort of homa. Here, for instance, the color of garments and the demeanor and posture for each type of homa are specified. As the instruction proceeds, the manual presents the iconographic details for the evocation, visualization, and worship of Agni. Depending on the type of rite, different main deities are used. Thus, for rites of increase Mahāvairocana is the focal deity; for subjugation, Acala or Trailokyavijaya. The text ends with another radical break, shifting back to a final sixteen couplets in verse form describing and extolling the characteristics of the two ladles used for homa.44 In short, Amoghavajra’s text is half group recitation and half ritual instruction. Faquan’s manual, in contrast to Amoghavajra’s, begins with a very brief prose list of seven steps for preparing for homa, commencing with propitiation of the earth god and ending with instructing disciples. Most of the remaining text is in five-word couplet form. The few exceptions are instances where mantras are inserted and where the form changes from five-word couplets to seven-word couplets, specifically designated “gāthā” ( ji 偈, T. 912.18:929c2) or “praise” (zanyong 讚詠, 934a5). Although the gāthās appear superficially similar to those in Amoghavajra’s manual their tone is quite different and their cadence seems more natural. Faquan’s manual is more closely tied to ritual performance than Amoghavajra’s manual. Indeed, while the text was obviously intended for chanting, it could also structure a performance in the order presented. Although widely used in Chinese translations of Indic scriptures, it is notable that the use of the gāthā form is dominant in these key treatments of homa—the Mahāvairocana-sūtra and the manuals of Amoghavajra and Faquan. It may not be a coincidence that the Mahāvairocana-sūtra, in setting the style for subsequent treatments, is also the most overtly “doctrinal” of the so-called esoteric scriptures. So we should ask, how does the use of the gāthā form in these instances structure the practice of the initiate? What work does the gāthā perform? The gāthās in the Mahāvairocana-sūtra and in Amoghavajra’s manual cannot have been a part of the actual performance of homa. I  would suggest, rather, that they were designed to inculcate a particular taxonomic ideology of homa and thus to preemptively shape the subjectivity of the potential performer. This chanting, performed individually or in a group, would be ancillary to the performance of the homa rite itself. The chanting then embodies and conditions the subjectivity of the performer—it “subjugates” him and shapes the mental attitude with which he undertakes performance of the ritual. Although Faquan’s text, in contrast, appears to be compatible with a chanted, liturgical performance of the homa ritual, it too appears to be aimed at shaping the performer’s subjectivity.

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The Subject of Homa Ritual practice in esoteric Buddhism is not an individual pursuit. Not only must key rites such as consecration (abhiṣeka, guanding 灌頂) be performed with others, but enlightenment itself is inextricably social—it is a spectacle produced through ritual practice. Even when one performs a ritual “alone” one generates a mandala and populates it with deities; the ritual subject is socially conceived. Although disciples swear oaths of secrecy, the rites themselves are performances intended for an audience, sometimes an audience of a few disciples, sometimes an imperial audience, and sometimes an even wider audience. For instance, Zhaoqian’s biography of Amoghavajra says that in 755 he performed abhiṣeka for the military commander Geshu Han and his subordinates and that “nobles and the like, an assembly of some one thousand persons ascended the ritual arena.”45 Such rites are designed to interpellate both the initiate and those observing it into a social practice.46 Homa rituals are equally social, although by the eighth century they are discussed within an interpretive framework of “inner and outer” that might lead one to imagine that the former is of more import than the latter. The impression of the solitary quest can be traced back to the foundational myth of Siddhartha’s renunciation—itself a story shaped by Upaniṣadic discourses that distinguish exterior from interior reality, promoting the latter over the former. Esoteric texts are often structured around an opposition between “exterior” and “interior” performance.47 Beginning with the Mahāvairocana-sūtra in the early eighth century, discussions of homa are also structured around this opposition. As such, our attention is channeled by an ontology that separates the self into subject and object. From such a perspective we can only observe outward “signs” while the interior “experience” remains obscure. The social becomes, by definition, secondary and derivative. Esoteric texts regularly include sections on discerning the signs (lakṣana, xiang 相) of inner qualities—a good disciple, a good teacher, success in ritual practice. Indeed, the easy fit between this traditional taxonomy of inner and outer and much contemporary discourse on religious “experience” can divert our gaze from the social production of subjectivity or self.48 Recent work on the creation of ritual subjects or selves, both in the present and in antiquity, affords us an alternative.49 In this view, “subjects” are socially produced ritual and discursive objects. They are codes that are produced, propagated, and shared through institutional means. In this reading the scriptures and ritual manuals for the performance of abhiṣeka and homa detail the process for producing and displaying a subject constructed in ritual and liturgy. This subject then can be understood as an institutional construct, which is typical, rather than unique and autonomous—a subject produced socially for institutional ends.50 Unlike the interior self, the subject of abhiṣeka or homa is a socially accessible subject, produced for religious manipulation and available for study. Indeed, its utility is precisely the fact of its social accessibility. Thus, although traditional discourses privilege the interior self, a social approach to these rites allows us



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to invert the usual hierarchy of interior and exterior to view the socially produced subject of ritual as the primary fact. This social production and display of the subject is demonstrably the case, for instance, when we examine manuals concerning the process of homa. Homa is the enactment of a ritual taxonomy, and it produces and displays a typical subject. Unlike the Lenten liturgies of Byzantine Christianity examined by Derek Krueger or the rite of abhiṣeka, homa does not construct a self through the worshiper’s channeling of a religious persona.51 Rather, homa constructs a typical subject in the same way that a system of conventional iconography does. The types are not restricted to unique stories but function as elements in a semiotic code, with the practitioner taking on elements of the code as appropriate to the type of homa being performed (for pacification, increase, subjugation, etc.). In performing homa one instantiates a set of relationships that define one as a subject. Let us return to the “Homa Altar” (humo tan 護摩壇) section of Bodhiruci’s translation of the Scripture of the Cakravartin of the Single Syllable of the Buddha’s Crown (T. 951). As noted above, the differently shaped altars to be used for each type of rite (śāntika for pacification, pauṣṭika for prosperity, and abhicāruka for subjugation) are indices of an entire taxonomic system. For instance, in describing abhicāruka rites for subjugation the text specifies not only that the fire altar be triangular in shape but also what direction the corners should be oriented to, specifics about its size and construction, what part of the month is best for performance of the rite, that one must wear black or red garments, where to sit and what posture to assume, how one should look when chanting (furious), what sort of wood to use (jujube wood, kudong wood, both sour/bitter), and so forth (T. 951.19:262b6–13). The same taxonomic logic is set out in in the Susiddhikara, and is clearly manifest in Amoghavajra’s Regulations (summarized in Appendix I). Inner and Outer By the beginning of the eighth century, as we have seen, reiterations of the homa in ritual manuals were frequently accompanied by instructions for interior mental practice. Thus, one “visualizes” deities evoked in the homa rite, including Agni, Acala, and so on.52 Bodhiruci’s 707 c.e. translation of the Scripture of the Mantra of Amoghapāśa’s Miraculous Transformations (Bukong juansuo shenbian zhenyan jing 不空罥索神變真言經, T. 1092) gives specific directions for the mental evocation of Agni: One should take the incense water and sprinkle it onto the flames snapping the fingers three times, one should visualize the golden flames making a ra character and transforming into Agni with a single face, three eyes, a white body with four arms, and yellow hair as a crowning topknot. Of the left two hands, one grasps a pitcher, one a jeweled staff. Of the right two hands, one displays the mudrā of fearlessness, one clutches a rosary. [He is in] half-lotus position emitting great flames. (T. 1092.20:260b4–7)53

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Although earlier esoteric texts such as the Tuoluoniji jing employed a hermeneutic of inner and outer and privileged the ontological status of the former over the latter, they did not overtly do so with respect to homa. Only with the Mahāvairocana-sūtra do we see the same hermeneutic applied in discussions of homa.54 Thus, according to the Mahāvairocana-sutra: There are two kinds of homa, referred to as inner and outer. One attains liberation from karma and rebirth and also the production of sprouts and seeds [of enlightenment] [And] because it is able to incinerate karma we speak of it as inner homa. For outer use there are three positions (practitioner, deity, and hearth) And each of the three abides in the others Accomplishing the way of the three karmas (body, speech, mind) Is the surpassing mundane homa (T. 848.18:32c23–25).55 Incorporating homa within the binary framework of inner versus outer, the Mahāvairocana-sūtra creates a hierarchical distinction in a process hitherto unmarked by one. The textual descriptions of inner mental ritual paralleled to outer action are a crucial part of the ideology of esoteric Buddhism from the eighth century onward. In its fully developed form this ideology goes beyond linking external performance with internal mental performance. It is designed to produce a living divinity through inner visualization and union with the deity coupled to outer ritual action. The Commentary on the Mahāvairocana sūtra by Yixing and Śubhākarasiṃha repeatedly emphasizes this act of union,56 saying that “if practitioners practice intensively they will cause their three karmas (body, speech, mind) to be identical with those of the focal deity”57 and that “contemplating one’s own body as identical with the focal deity causes one to understand inner and outer.”58 This is the final move through which the Vedic rite was fully domesticated. In turn, by inverting the received taxonomic hierarchy of inner and outer we can see textual instructions concerning interior mental rituals as an extension of a ritually created, iconographically conventional, and socially shared subject. In this light, then, the ritual process of homa is affirmed and extended through textual descriptions of inner vision, and these descriptions contribute to the ritual production of a socially constructed subject.

Altar

Round

Square

Triangular

Vajra

Lotus

Rite

Pacification

Increase

Subjugation

Captivation

Attraction

Late Night

Anytime

Midday

Morning

Dusk

Time

West

Any

South

East

North

Face

Thorn

Bitter

Fruit

Sweet

Fire Wood

Lotus Section Flower

Vajrarāja

Vajrakroda

Buddha

Mudrā

Lotus

Hook

1-point vajra

3-point vajra

Wheel

Hearth Image

Red

Red

Black

Yellow

White

Garments

Tip-toe

Half-Lotus

Crouch

Full Lotus

Auspicious

Posture

[APPENDIX I.  OME RITUAL CORRESPONDENCES IN REGULATIONS FOR HOMA FOR VAJRA PINNACLE YOGA (T. 908)]

This chart omits the more complex directives concerning the layout of the types of altars.

SOME RITUAL CORRESPONDENCES IN REGULATIONS FOR HOMA FOR VAJRA PINNACLE YOGA (T. 908)

APPENDIX I

Acala, Trilokya-vijaya, Yamantaka

Agni

Deity

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Notes 1. Huilin (737–820) is best known for his lexicon of Buddhist technical vocabulary, the Yiqie jing yiyi 一切經意義 (T. 2128), which he completed in 810. 2. T. 2128.54:579b14 護魔法 (梵語唐云火祭祀法為饗祭賢聖之物火中焚燎如祭四郊 五岳等). 3. For a thorough exploration of Amoghavajra’s relationship with the Tang elite, see Goeffrey C. Goble, “Chinese Esoteric Buddhism: Amoghavajra and the Ruling Elite” (PhD dissertation, Indiana University, 2012). 4. For a description of institutional support, see Chen Jinhua, Crossfire:  Shingon-Tendai Strife as Seen in Two Twelfth-century Polemics, with Special References to their Background in Tang China (Tokyo: International Institute for Buddhist Studies in Tōkyō, 2010), pp. 167–207. 5. The suburban sacrifices are offered by the emperor to Heaven and Earth, while the sacrifices to the five marchmounts are similarly offered by the emperor to the five sacred peaks. For a recent discussion of the system of marchmounts, see James Robson, Power of Place: The Religious Landscape of the Southern Sacred Peak [Nanyue 南嶽] in Medieval China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), pp. 17–55. 6. For a succinct treatment, see Y. Krishnan, “To What Extent Buddhism Repudiated Vedic Religion?” East and West 43/1–4 (December 1993): 237–240. In some scriptures the Buddha is depicted as taking credit for teaching the Vedas in a past life, a theme found as late as Budhaguhya’s commentary on the Mahāvairocana-sūtra. See Stephen Hodge, The MahāVairocanā-Abhisambodhi Tantra with Buddhaguhya’s Commentary (London: Routledge, 2003), p. 386. Yixing explicitly makes this argument in his Commentary on the Mahāvairocana-sūtra (T. 1796.39:779a19–26). 7. Ronald Davidson has proposed a tentative scenario for the movement of brahmanic rites down register into householder practice and thence into Buddhist practice. See “Some Observations on the Uṣṇīṣa Abhiṣeka Rites in Atikūṭa’s Dhāraṇīsaṃgraha,” in István Keul, ed., Transformations and Transfer of Tantra: Tantrism in Asia and Beyond (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2011), pp. 91–93. For a brief introduction to the dhāraṇī scriptures, see Paul Copp, “Dhāraṇī Scriptures,” in Charles D. Orzech, Henrik H. Sørensen, and Richard K. Payne, eds., Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia (Leiden and Boston: E. J. Brill, 2011), pp. 176–180. 8. For a discussion of this thorny term and the related term “tantric Buddhism,” see Charles D.  Orzech, Richard K.  Payne, and Henrik H.  Sørensen, “Introduction:  Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia:  Some Methodological Considerations,” in Orzech, Sørensen, and Payne, eds., Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia, pp. 4–13; Richard K. Payne, “Introduction,” in Richard K.  Payne, ed., Tantric Buddhism in East Asia (Boston:  Wisdom Publications, 2006), pp. 5–8. 9. This presents obvious problems of interpretation. To what degree are the documents preserved in Chinese representative? How have they been transformed through translation? Which of them, or which parts of them, are Chinese creations? Despite these obstacles, to abandon questions concerning developments in South Asia because the data are thus compromised would be to willfully ignore valuable evidence. We do not have the luxury of keeping our gaze fixed on this or that side of a linguistic and cultural border but should pursue the evidence where we



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find it. For studies, surveys, bibliography, and more detailed coverage of homa, the reader should consult Michel Strickmann, “Homa in East Asia,” in Frits Staal, ed., Agni:  The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar (Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities Press, 1983), vol. 2, pt. 1, pp. 418–455, and Mantras et Mandarins: Le Bouddhisme tantrique en Chine (Paris: Éditions Gallimard, 1996). For Japanese historical work, see Kamei Sōchū, Goma no rekishiteki kenkyū 護摩の歷史的研就 (Tokyo: Sankibō Busshorin, 1967). 10. There are numerous descriptions of homa in seventh- and eighth-century Chinese translations; I deal with just a selection of them in this essay. 11. Strickmann, “Homa in East Asia,” vol. 2, pt. 1, 418–455. 12. Strickmann, Mantras et Mandarins. 13. Before the Meiji Restoration many Shintō shrines also incorporated special altars for the performance of homa (goma-do). For an example, see Allan G. Grapard, “Japan’s Ignored Cultural Revolution:  The Separation of Shinto and Buddhist Divinities in Meiji (shimbutsu bunri) and a Case Study: Tonomine,” History of Religions 23 (1984): 262. 14. Although the use of fire is mentioned in the broader corpus of Chinese Buddhist translations, many of these are simply part and parcel of the lore of Buddhism brought from South Asia, and most are references to the Brahmanical use of fire. 15. Ronald M. Davidson has argued that esoteric Buddhism’s distinctive use of maṇḍalas is in part attributable to the loss of patronage in the context of medieval sāmanta feudalism and the growing importance of the imperial metaphors of the “supreme overlord” (rājādirāja) or “universal ruler” (cakravartin). As a result, initiation into the mandala is overtly meant to consecrate the adept as an “imperial” Buddha. See Davidson, Indian Esoteric Buddhism: A Social History of the Tantric Movement (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), pp. 113–131. 16. Strickmann, Mantras et Mandarins, p.  412. Given the minimal description in many early mentions of homa it is perhaps premature to conclude that these do not represent fully developed homa. 17. There are three other translations: a version by Xuanzang (Shiyi mian shenzhouxin jing 十一面神咒心經, T. 1071), one by Amoghavajra (Shiyi mian Guanzizaipusa xin niansong yigui jing 十一面觀自在菩薩心念誦儀軌經, T. 1069), and a version included in Atikūṭa’s Dhāraṇī saṃgrahasūtra (Shiyi mian Guanshiyin shenzhou jing 十一面觀世音神咒經, T. 901.20:812b15– 825c10). Koichi Shinohara’s Spells, Images, and Maṇḍalas: Tracing the Evolution of Esoteric Buddhist Rituals (New York: Columbia University Press, 2014) was published as this volume was going to press. In this work he has put forward a comprehensive theory for the introduction of visualization in esoteric ritual. He includes a detailed examination of the Guanyin image rites. See especially pp. 15-27. 18. “Sumo” appears to be a transliteration of soma, but exactly what substance “soma oil” might indicate is unclear. The Digital Dictionary of Buddhism says it is sometimes rendered as “fragrant oil” (xiangyou 香油). 19. The scripture is a compendium. For more on this text, see Koichi Shinohara, “The All-Gathering Maṇḍala Initiation Ceremony in Atikūṭa’s Collected Dhāraṇī Scriptures: Reconstructing the Evolution of Esoteric Buddhist Ritual,” Journal Asiatique 298/2 (2010): 389– 420. Shinohara has substantially expanded and deepened the analysis begun in his 2010 article in his Spells, Images, and Maṇḍalas. See especially pp. 28-63 and 71-88. Davidson also treats the text in “Some Observations on the Uṣṇīṣa Abhiṣeka Rites in Atikūṭa’s Dhāraṇīsaṃgraha,” pp. 77–97.

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20. For abhiṣeka (consecration), see Davidson, “Abhiṣeka,” in Orzech, Sørensen, and Payne, eds., Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia, pp. 71–75. 21. Koichi Shinohara translates duhui 都會 as “all-gathering.” It might also be rendered “all-assemblies” or even as “convocation.” It is also notable that the term duhui means “capital,” and given the imperial metaphoric associations of the mandala, it is tempting to call it the “capital mandala.” 22. Language instructing the practitioner in mental activity during the performance of ritual is found in a number of places in the Tuoluoni ji jing. For example, in a section describing the painting of an image of the “Five Yakṣas” we find, “Forthwith you should close your eyes and preserving the thought perform contemplation” ( ji dang bimu cunsi zuo xiang 即當閉目存思作想, T. 901.18:869a18). For a discussion of visualization, see Paul Copp, “Visualization and Contemplation,” in Orzech, Sørensen, and Payne, eds., Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia, pp. 141–145. 23. For instance, in a section on the “Great Spell of Vajra Śaṃkara” the practitioner is instructed to “visualize in the mind” (xin xiang 心想) a great lotus in the hearth with Śaṃkara’s body seated on it (T. 901.18.848a3–4). 24. See Shinohara, “The All-Gathering Maṇḍala,” pp. 417–419. The interiorization of the Vedic fire is ancient. See, for instance, Śvetāśvatara Upaniṣad 2:12: “No sickness, no old age, no death has he who has obtained a body made out of the fire of Yoga.” Robert Ernest Hume, trans., The Thirteen Principal Upanishads (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1921), p. 398. 25. While the Tuoluoni ji jing does not have an explicit discourse on inner versus outer homa, it does have one regarding inner (nei 內) versus outer (wai 外) protection (hu 護), etc. See T. 901.18:786b21. 26. T. 901.18:879c25–880a6. Here Agni functions as the messenger of the rite, first enthroned in the hearth and transmitting offerings to buddhas, bodhisattvas, devas, etc. 27. T. 951.19:261c16–263b3. This appears to be the first appearance of the term humo 護摩, though the text also calls the rite huotan fa 火壇法. Related scriptures are T. 952, a variant of T. 951, and T. 1092, among others. On Bodhiruci and his biography and role in the court of Empress Wu, see Antonino Forte, “The South Indian Monk Bodhiruci (D. 727) Biographical Evidence,” in Antonino Forte and Federico Masini, eds., A Life Journey to the East: Sinological Studies in Memory of Giuliano Bertuccioli (1923–2001) (Kyoto: Scuola Italiana di Studi sull’ Asia Orientale, 2002), pp. 77–116, and Timothy Hugh Barrett, “Stūpa, Sūtra and Śarīra in China, c. 656–706 ce,” Buddhist Studies Review 18 (2001): 1–64. 28. The terms are translated as above as well as rendered in transliteration as shandijia 扇底迦, busezhijia 布瑟置迦, and apizhelujia 阿毘柘嚕迦, at T. 951.19:237a7 and T. 1092.20:260a9–12. Details of an abhicāruka rite (apizhelujia fa 阿毘柘嚕迦法, T. 952.19:272c6), including a triangular altar, the officiant facing south in a hostile crouch, etc., in what would become classical marks of the rite, are found in Bodhiruci’s Wu foding san mei tuoluoni jing 五佛頂三昧陀羅尼經 (T. 952.19:272c11–12), translated sometime between 693 and 706. The Buddhist streamlining of homa into a three-, four-, or fivefold taxonomy appears to be coeval with the Buddhist articulation of homa that occurred in the seventh century. 29. Osabe Kazuo, expanding on earlier comments by Ōmura Segai, has ventured that elements of the fivefold buddha system found in the Scripture of the Mantra of Amoghapāśa’s Miraculous Transformations indicates that it could have been reworked as late as the 740s. However, it is also



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possible that the scripture’s inclusion of such elements could reflect developments in its Indian milieu. See Tōdai mikkyōshi zakkō 唐代密教史雜考 (Kobe:  Kōbe Shōka daigaku gakujutsu kenkyūkai, 1971), pp. 39–40. 30. At first one is tempted to amend the word order of the section title to read “Homa for Increase” (zengyi humo增益護摩, i.e., pauṣṭika) but the section treats all types of homa, and I think the title is intended to indicate the general function of homa to augment ritual aims. 31. T. 1092.20:260b4–5. Interestingly, the earlier conjunction of homa evoking the miraculous manifestation of the deity persists in Bodhiruci’s translation. For instance, later in this same passage, mantric recitation and the offering of various ingredients result in Agni’s manifestation: “At that time Agni manifested his body in the altar. Inspecting the ten directions he offered praise: ‘Excellent, Excellent, Wielder of Mantras!’” (T. 1092.20:260b22). 32. For a translation, see Rolf Giebel, trans., Two Esoteric Sutras: The Adamantine Pinnacle Sutra/The Susiddhikara Sutra (Berkeley, CA: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2001), pp. 181–182, 183–184, 185–189, respectively, for the three rites. For the originals, see T. 893.18:612b23–612c24; 612c25–613a29; 613b1–614a20. 33. Translation by Giebel, Two Esoteric Sutras, p. 173. The original is T. 893a.19:611a29-b2. 34. The section on “Worldly and Transcendent Homa” is rendered as a gāthā in parallel lines of five characters each. For these “worldly” fires, see T. 848.18:43a7–b12; the discussion in Strickmann, “Homa in East Asia,” pp. 417–418; and the translation in Hodge, The MahāVairocanā-Abhisambodhi Tantra, pp. 381–390. According to Buddhaguhya’s commentary, the Buddha taught the Brahmanical fires when he was a bodhisattva as a way of reducing pain and suffering. He then supplemented them with twelve more fires. See Hodge, The Mahā-VairocanāAbhisambodhi Tantra, pp. 381, 386. 35. The English is by Hodge, The Mahā-Vairocanā-Abhisambodhi Tantra, p. 384. The fires are listed as “Sustainer,” “Wind,” “Red One,” “Gentle One,” “Wrathful,” “Belly,” “Destruction,” “Mind-born,” “World-supporter,” “Kravyāda,” and “Deluding.” Only eleven are listed, and they are mapped loosely onto the three types of homa. See Hodge, The Mahā-Vairocanā-Abhisambodhi Tantra, pp. 385–386. 36. T. 848.18:44a1: “Next is inner homa which eradicates karma and rebirth” ( fuzi nei humo miequ yu yeh sheng 復次內護摩 滅除於業生). 37. T. 1796.39:662b7–8. Scripture of the Vajra Summit Pavilion of All Yogas and Yogis ( Jin’gangfeng louge yiqie yujia yuqi jing 金剛峰樓閣一切瑜伽瑜祇經) attributed to Vajrabodhi gives eloquent voice to the entailments of the inner/outer metaphor, saying that in the “adamantine inner homa … total enlightenment is the flame and my own mouth is the hearth” (T. 867.18:266a20). The attribution and provenance of this scripture is problematic. 38. For an insightful discussion of this hermeneutic, see Robert Sharf, “Thinking through Shingon Ritual,” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 26/1 (2003): 70–72. 39. T. 867.18:256a10–11. Captivation (gouzhao 鉤召) is mentioned separately at T. 867.18:254c1, but its relationship to homa is not made explicit. All five kinds of rites ( fa 法) are mentioned late in the text, though they are not explicitly identified as five kinds of homa. T. 867.18:269b29–c6. 40. Or in composites of Indic texts and traditions assembled in China. 41. The manuals became, respectively, canonical for the Japanese Shingon and Tendai schools. A work bearing the first title appears in Amoghavajra’s list of scriptures presented to the throne in 771 (T. 2120 52.840a3) and also in Yuanzhao’s Continuation of the Kaiyuan Catalog (Da Tang

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Zhenyuan xu kaiyuan shijiaolu 大唐貞元續開元釋教錄) of 796 (T. 2156.55.767c27). According to the colophon of Faquan’s text, this manual was brought to Japan by Ennin (T. 912.19:934c7– 8) on his return from Tang China. It is likely a Chinese product with Japanese emendations, as the colophon notes that copying errors had crept into it and had been corrected. Both manuals may indeed be Chinese compositions with Japanese emendations of various sorts. 42. Buddhaguhya’s commentary says that the Buddha explained to Vajrapāṇi that he had been the teacher of the Vedic rites in a past life. See Hodge, The Mahā-Vairocanā-Abhisambodhi Tantra, p. 381. 43. T. 908.18:916a18–917b11. See the chart in Appendix I. 44. T. 908.18:920a29–920b15. 45. T. 2056:50.293b6–7; 士庶之類。數千人眾。咸登道場. 46. On interpellation, see Louis Althusser, “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses,” in Hazard Adams and Leroy Searle, eds., Critical Theory Since 1965 (Gainesville: University of Florida, 1986), pp. 245–249. 47. See, e.g., the distinction between inner and outer homa in the Mahāvairocana-sūtra, T. 848.18:44a1: “Next is inner homa which eradicates karma and rebirth” ( fuzi nei humo miequ yu yeh sheng 復次內護摩 滅除於業生). 48. Robert Sharf has probed the notion of “Experience” in Mark C.  Taylor, ed., Critical Terms for Religious Studies (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), pp. 94–116. His essay “Thinking through Shingon Ritual” challenges both traditional and recent interpretations of inner visionary experience. 49. For an analysis of the role of liturgy in shaping subjectivity in the context of late antiquity, see David Brakke, Michael L. Satlow, and Steven Weitzman, eds., Religion and the Self in Antiquity (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2005). See also Derek Krueger, “Romanos the Melodist and the Christian Self in Early Byzantium,” Proceedings of the 21st International Congress of Byzantine Studies (London: Ashgate, 2006), vol. 1, pp. 255–274; “The Great Kanon of Andrew of Crete, the Penitential Bible, and the Liturgical Formation of the Self in the Byzantine Dark Age,” in Brouria Bitton-Ashkelony and Lorenzo Perrone, eds., Between Personal and Institutional Religion:  Self, Doctrine, and Practice in Late Antique Eastern Christianity (Turnhout:  Brepols Publishers, 2013), pp. 57–97. Krueger’s recent monograph, Liturgical Subjects, Christian Ritual, Biblical Narrative, and the Formation of the Self in Byzantium (Philadelphia: The University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014) which appeared while this volume was in press, gives a more fine-grained and definitive treatment of the topic. 50. Krueger, in speaking of the self that is produced through the performance of Andrew’s liturgy, observes that “this self was not unique to any individual. Rather, through the liturgy the clergy sought to reproduce this self in each participant. Byzantine liturgy thus provides access to the self as institutionally formed, not individual but typical. This self is not an autonomous religious self but rather a cultural product, the subject of liturgy” (“The Great Kanon of Andrew of Crete,” p. 57). 51. See Charles D. Orzech, “On the Subject of Abhiṣeka,” Pacific World 3/13 (2011): 113–128. 52. See, e.g., Atikūṭa’s Dhāraṇīsaṃgraha, T.901.18:851a23–851c04. 53. With the Mahāvairocana-sutra and its Commentary we see more of this. See, e.g., the instructions concerning the seed syllables, their colors, and the colors of the deities involved in the Commentary, T. 1796.39:735a26–28.



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54. The following texts in the canon explicitly contrast inner versus outer homa: the Mahāvairocana-sūtra and its Commentary (T. 848 and 1796), Scripture of the Vajra Summit Pavilion of All Yogas and Yogis (Jin’gangfeng louge yiqie yujia yuqi jing 金剛峰樓閣一切瑜伽瑜祇經) attributed to Vajrabodhi (T. 867), The Scripture of the Collected Reality of all the Buddha Worlds (Zhu fo jingjie she zhenshi jing 諸佛境界攝真實經) translated by Prajña, Faquan’s Regulations for Establishing a Mandala for the Performance of Homa (Jianli mantuoluo humo yigui 建立曼荼羅護摩儀軌, T. 912), the Regulations of the Uṣṇīṣavijayā Yoga Method (Zunsheng foding xiu yuqie fa guiyi 尊勝佛頂脩瑜伽法軌儀, T. 973) attributed to Śubhākarasiṃha, and the Scripture of the Dhāraṇī for Safeguarding the States of Rulers (Shou hu guo jie zhu tuo luo ni jing 守護國界主陀羅尼經, T. 997), translated by Prajña and Muniśrī. All of these texts date from the early eighth to early ninth centuries. 55. The inner/outer taxonomy is here aligned with another taxonomic distinction made in the Mahāvairocana-sūtra, the distinction between “mundane” (shi 世) and “supermundane” (chushi 出世) accomplishments. 56. This process, sometimes dubbed “deity yoga,” has been put forward by some as a defining characteristic of tantra. 57. T. 1796.39:582a26. 58. T. 1796.39:688c5.

REFERENCES Althusser, Louis. “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses.” In Hazard Adams and Leroy Searle, eds., Critical Theory Since 1965, pp. 239–251. Gainesville: University of Florida, 1986. Barrett, Timothy Hugh. “Stūpa, Sūtra and Śarīra in China, c. 656–706 CE.” Buddhist Studies Review 18 (2001): 1–64. Brakke, David, Michael L. Satlow, and Steven Weitzman, eds. Religion and the Self in Antiquity. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2005. Chen Jinhua. Crossfire:  Shingon-Tendai Strife as Seen in Two Twelfth-century Polemics, with Special References to their Background in Tang China. Studia Philologica Buddhica Monograph Series 25. Tokyo: International Institute for Buddhist Studies in Tōkyō, 2010. Copp, Paul. “Dhāraṇī Scriptures.” In Charles D.  Orzech, Henrik H.  Sørensen, and Richard K.  Payne, eds., Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia, pp. 176–180. Leiden and Boston: E. J. Brill, 2011. Davidson, Ronald M. “Abhiṣeka.” In Charles D. Orzech, Henrik H. Sørensen, and Richard K. Payne, eds., Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia, pp. 71–75. Leiden and Boston: E. J. Brill, 2011. Davidson, Ronald M. Indian Esoteric Buddhism: A Social History of the Tantric Movement. New York: Columbia University Press, 2002. Davidson, Ronald M. “Some Observations on the Uṣṇīṣa Abhiṣeka Rites in Atikūṭa’s Dhāraṇīsaṃgraha.” In István Keul, ed., Transformations and Transfer of Tantra: Tantrism in Asia and Beyond, pp. 77-97. Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2011. Forte, Antonino. “The South Indian Monk Bodhiruci (D. 727)  Biographical Evidence.” In Antonino Forte and Federico Masini, eds., A Life Journey to the East: Sinological Studies in

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Memory of Giuliano Bertuccioli (1923–2001), pp. 77–116. Kyoto: Scuola Italiana di Studi sull’ Asia Orientale, 2002. Giebel, Rolf, trans. Two Esoteric Sutras:  The Adamantine Pinnacle Sutra/The Susiddhikara Sutra. Berkeley, CA: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2001. Goble, Goeffrey C. “Chinese Esoteric Buddhism: Amoghavajra and the Ruling Elite.” PhD dissertation, Indiana University, 2012. Grapard, Allan G. “Japan’s Ignored Cultural Revolution: The Separation of Shinto and Buddhist Divinities in Meiji (shimbutsu bunri) and a Case Study: Tonomine.” History of Religions 23 (1984): 240–265. Hodge, Stephen. The Mahā-Vairocanā-Abhisambodhi Tantra with Buddhaguhya’s Commentary. London: Routledge, 2003. Hume, Robert Ernest, trans. The Thirteen Principal Upanishads. Oxford:  Oxford University Press, 1921. Kamei Sōchū. Goma no rekishiteki kenkyū 護摩の歷史的研就. Tokyo: Sankibō Busshorin, 1967. Krishnan, Y. “To What Extent Buddhism Repudiated Vedic Religion?” East and West 43/1–4 (December 1993): 237–240. Krueger, Derek. “The Great Kanon of Andrew of Crete, the Penitential Bible, and the Liturgical Formation of the Self in the Byzantine Dark Age.” In Brouria Bitton-Ashkelony and Lorenzo Perrone, eds., Between Personal and Institutional Religion: Self, Doctrine, and Practice in Late Antique Eastern Christianity, pp. 57–97. Cultural Encounters in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages 15. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2013. Krueger, Derek. “Romanos the Melodist and the Christian Self in Early Byzantium.” In Proceedings of the 21st International Congress of Byzantine Studies, vol. 1, pp. 255–274. London: Ashgate, 2006. Krueger, Derek. Liturgical Subjects, Christian Ritual, Biblical Narrative, and the Formation of the Self in Byzantium. Philadelphia: The University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014. Orzech, Charles D. “On the Subject of Abhiṣeka.” Pacific World 3/13 (2011): 113–128. Orzech, Charles D., Richard K.  Payne, and Henrik H.  Sørensen. “Introduction:  Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia: Some Methodological Considerations.” In Charles D.  Orzech, Henrik H.  Sørensen, and Richard K.  Payne, eds., Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia, pp. 4–13. Leiden and Boston: E. J. Brill, 2011. Osabe Kazuo. Tōdai mikkyōshi zakkō 唐代密教史雜考. Kobe: Kōbe Shōka daigaku gakujutsu kenkyūkai, 1971. Payne, Richard K. “Introduction.” In Richard K. Payne, ed., Tantric Buddhism in East Asia, pp. 5–8. Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2006. Robson, James. Power of Place: The Religious Landscape of the Southern Sacred Peak (Nanyue 南嶽) in Medieval China. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009. Sharf, Robert. “Experience.” In Mark C.  Taylor, ed., Critical Terms for Religious Studies, pp. 94–116. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998. Sharf, Robert. “Thinking through Shingon Ritual.” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 26/1 (2003): 51–96. Shinohara, Koichi. “The All-Gathering Maṇḍala Initiation Ceremony in Atikūṭa’s Collected Dhāraṇī Scriptures:  Reconstructing the Evolution of Esoteric Buddhist Ritual.” Journal Asiatique 298/2 (2010): 389–420.



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Shinohara, Koichi. Spells, Images, and Maṇḍalas: Tracing the Evolution of Esoteric Buddhist Rituals. New York: Columbia University Press, 2014. Strickmann, Michel. “Homa in East Asia.” In Frits Staal, ed., Agni: The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar, vol. 2, pt. 1, pp. 418–455. Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities Press, 1983. Strickmann, Michel. Mantras et Mandarins: Le Bouddhisme tantrique en Chine. Paris: Éditions Gallimard, 1996.

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Newar Buddhist Homa Ritual Traditions Todd Lewis and Naresh Bajracharya

i Introduction In addition to the wealth of Sanskrit manuscripts from their private and monastic archives, which provided the textual foundations of modern Buddhist studies, the Newars of the Kathmandu Valley likewise perform a rich repertoire of rituals also originating in later Indic Buddhism. Among them are a large variety of homa rituals done in a Buddhist modality, each with its specific details of performance and purposes. This chapter provides an overview of this Newar Buddhist tradition, including a complete outline of the ritual that was performed at Harvard (by the co-author of this chapter) at the outset of the “Homa Variations” conference at which a brief form of this paper was presented. It will first situate this central ritual tradition in the characteristically complex sociocultural matrix in which Newar Buddhism exists today,1 discuss the basic features of the many extant variants, describe the details of practice, and then conclude with observations of how modern Newar Buddhists conceptualize the Buddhist identity of their homa practices. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT The record of thousands of Sanskrit texts preserved in the Kathmandu Valley contain an archive that, when more fully studied, will clarify the emergence of Newar Mahāyāna-Vajrayāna tradition in the context of later Indic Buddhist history, a development that culminated and died out across the plains of the Indus-Gangetic region 291

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itself. Just as Nepal is a direct descendent of the artistic traditions that were found to its immediate south in the later Pala-Sena regions, so too do its texts reflect this former connection:  the mass appeal of Mahāyāna Buddhism in the form of popular devotion to celestial bodhisattvas Avalokiteśvara and Tārā, 2 and the virtuosi in a small minority who were concerned with a great variety of Vajrayāna texts, doctrines, and meditation practices. Yet this tantric elite exerted a formative influence in the (re)shaping of Newar Buddhist culture, designing the rituals that were done in the Buddhist monasteries, their temples, and homes of their devotees. These Indic vajrācāryas, some monks, others free agent householders, served as gurus, healers, artists. Texts highlighting Mahāyāna devotional teachings are among the earliest attested in the Valley, such as the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka and the Bodhicaryāvatāra; significantly, each contains chapters concerned with Buddhist pūjā and its rewards. Their concern with ritual signifies their intended applicability to Buddhist communities in late antiquity; it is clear that the sanghas in early Malla Nepal had adopted this inheritance and continued to adapt it to their own sociocultural circumstances. On the popular, exoteric level, they focused on celestial bodhisattvas and the bodhisattva ethos, while its elite had absorbed tantric sādhana traditions, as some in the Newar sangha came to serve the householder community with rituals built on tantric theory as the core cultural system. As this evolutionary trend unfolded in Nepal, it is also clear that there occurred a literal, “domestication of sangha” by the end of the Malla period (1200‒1769), as the formerly celibate monastic sangha came to consist almost entirely of married householders. Further, being a Newar “monk” was no longer a voluntary association, but came to be defined—for all—by birth into endogamous castes that were known collectively as Bare3 in Newari, but who were divided into groups with the surnames Śākyabhikṣu and Bajrācārya.4 The latter were regarded as higher in status and claimed the exclusive right to perform tantric rituals and initiations for the high caste elite in their community. It now seems clear that the legal and cultural press of Malla rulers and their brāhmanical courts led both the sangha and the entire Buddhist population to live by caste laws and adopt ritual practices that conformed to the dharmaśāstras, that is, to Hindu religious and legal duties. By 1500, Buddhist elders and leaders seem to have transformed their traditions of monastic life and householder ritual activity, seeking to sustain the Buddhist elite’s status as leading citizens, while also preserving the monastic land holdings. Just as Newar Buddhists continued to build new stūpas, monasteries, and images adorned in astonishing detail in wood, precious metals, and stone, so too did they skillfully craft intricate new cultural performances, drawing on Vajrayāna doctrines, techniques, and practices. Thus, the bajrācāryas skillfully applied the immense wealth of later Indic Buddhist texts, rituals, and spiritual practices to their new sociopolitical circumstances. Homa rituals, among the most ancient brāhmanical rituals known from the early Vedic period, had been already recast in Mahāyāna Buddhist form by the late Gupta era and are doubtless a case study in the history of Buddhists creatively and



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wisely adapting to Hindu cultural hegemony. Their extensive development in the Newar Buddhist community in the context of early modern Hindu Nepal is doubtless due to the clear outward commonality with brāhmanical traditions. While the Newar sangha in the later Malla era continued to have specialists whose focus was manuscript copying, it is evident that the performance of Vajrayāna rituals was also of special interest to some who called themselves Bajrācāryas. Ritual priests in early Malla Nepal had the texts needed to devote themselves to adapting Mahāyāna-Vajrayāna religious understandings and ritual technology to every human context: to build temples, hold festivals, and serve the needs of Buddhist families. This pattern of development in ritual innovation may explain, in part, why Newar tradition lacks a strong scholastic dimension. What is carefully elaborated is the ritualism that expresses and interjects the Mahāyāna-Vajrayāna worldview into every conceivable juncture: for relating successfully to deities, celebrating festivals, marking key moments in the individual’s life. Lacking a tradition of formal philosophical inquiry by a scholarly elite, the center of Newar Buddhism lies in its pervasive orchestration of Vajrayāna teachings and the rituals that channel blessings, well-being, and—for those householders willing to practice—movement toward enlightenment. Textual Sources for Newar Homa Rituals Contributors to and inheritors of later north Indic Buddhism, Newar tradition accordingly preserves many aspects of this now-defunct religious world. A broad range of tantric texts are prominent in both the archives and current traditions in the Valley. Since most Buddhist tantras include sections devoted to the homa practice, it is not surprising that these are cited or relevant to tracing the history of this rite in Nepal.5 Authoritative texts for homa in the Newar tradition are the Mañjuśrīmūlakalpa, Guhyasamāja Tantra, Cakrasamvara Tantra, the Vasanta-tilaka, the Hevajra Tantra, the Kriśṇayamāri Tantra, the Samvarodaya Tantra, Kālacakra Tantra, and the Kriyāsaṃgraha by Kuladatta.6 The Ritualists: Members of the Bajrācārya Sangha The Newar sangha today is divided consists of two parts, Śākya and Bajrācārya. Males born into all of these families become Śākya and members of the Śākya sangha by obtaining the Buddhist ordination called pravajya. Additionally, those born into the Bajrācārya families become members of the Bajrācārya Sangha by obtaining the acāryaabhiṣeka after the pravajya. Thus, male children of a Bajrācārya family obtain the same first ordination as those who will remain Śākya, but then they alone do the second, the acārya-abhiṣeka in their father’s home monastery. After obtaining the acārya-abhiṣeka the new bajrācāryas are trained in performing the most common ritual, the Buddhist homa and from that time afterward they are empowered to perform it for patrons.7 Only a Bajrācārya man can perform the homa ritual in the Newar Buddhist community, either

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alone or in concert with three, five, or more bajrācāryas. Thus, the bajrācārya sangha is defined as a group by the homa. Every new full member is taught to perform this key ritual at initiation, and each Bajrācārya boy must do the regular Sahasra āhuti [homa] rite himself in his own Bāhā (monastery) and then the māmsāhuti homa at a temple site associated with one of the eight mother goddesses (aṣṭamātṛkā pitha). It will also be evident in this chapter that this ritual is woven into the fabric of Newar Buddhist life. We now turn to the characteristic forms this ritual takes today in the Kathmandu Valley and when and why homa is performed in Newar Buddhist settings. OVERVIEW OF NEWAR TR ADITION: NAMES AND TYPES OF HOMA This outline of all major actions in the Newar Buddhist homa is based on the printed ritual guidebook entitled Kalaśārcananādi Homa Vidhāna-Pustakam that was edited by the Lt. Pandit Amoghavajra Bajrācārya,8 the greatest scholar-ritualist of mid-twentieth-century Nepal. This special master lineage holder in the Kathmandu sangha cites his primary source as a hand-copied manuscript9 that was dated 1530 c.e. In conveying the parameters of this ritual tradition in Nepal, the diversity of forms, detail, complexity, and options is striking. The patron has many choices to make in these facets: but some performances of homa are “compulsory” parts of life-cycle rituals and other occasions according to modern conventions; on the other hand, other esoteric homa rituals can be done only by or for those who have tantric initiations. A review of these various possible options is instructive to grasp the flexibility and depth of Newar Buddhist homa ritualism: the homa performed can be classed by the number of oblations (āhuti) to Agni made, ranging from the minimum of one thousand (sahasra, the most common by far), to those rare but more ambitious ceremonies that employ more than one bajrācārya priest and may entail from 10,000 (ayuta-āhuti) or even 100,000 (lakṣa-āhuti). Newar Buddhist homas are defined by the central objects to be burnt; most are based on one thousand or more oblations of ghee (caru-āhuti, gṛhta-āhuti), but there are also those of an esoteric nature for which other items are central: the māmsa-āhuti (108 x meat), śira-āhuti (1 x head), or the nara-āhuti (1 x human offering). (These will be discussed below.) And then the bajrācārya priest can offer to do a homa that varies by elaborateness/length of time: either a general form, or a “long form” homa. The pit (kuṇḍa) can also be modest or large, with a minimum of five unbaked bricks, the one arranged with thirty-two bricks, or the “half-deep fire pit” (ardha-khāla yajñaśālā) in the 100,000 oblation rite. (In practice, construction can utilize more or less than thirty-two bricks.) When by a river, the rite can be done simply on sand, with only the symbol of the agni-kuṇḍa and the eight directional deities (see below) drawn in it. The homa kuṇḍa is popularly known as yajñaśālā however it is built. In Newar usage, there is also the category of the “half deep homa kuṇḍa” (ardha khāla yajñaśālā):



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it is bigger and higher than the typical one and resembles a square-shaped well. To make this kind of homa kuṇḍa requires a special pādasthāpana pūjā (“foundation ritual”) that must be done beforehand. The same establishment rite must be done for any stone or metal square homa kuṇḍa that is fixed permanently, as can be found in many Newar monasteries and temples for the convenience of the community. Finally, there is a Newar tradition that certain highly accomplished bajrācārya masters can do a homa just by marking the ground with homa symbol (Agni Chinha, the symbol of fire) and then do the homa ritual. All types of Buddhist homa kuṇḍa will be made with bricks set in the pattern of the “svastika shape.” A vajra is drawn in the center, and symbols of the eight directional deities are drawn accordingly around the homa kuṇḍa. In the case of the ardha khāla homa site’s kuṇḍa, the icons of the deities are drawn. And in every homa kuṇḍa there will be a different “mouth” (Skt. ostha) of Agni that is understood to be extended in each direction. All homa kuṇḍas are demolished a few days after the ritual; Newar Buddhists regard the bricks used in homas to be auspicious for the construction of permanent buildings. In the case of the performance of the lakṣa āhuti and ahorātra homas, there must also be a nāga pūjā ritual done before disposing of the remaining ashes (bhasmapravāha pūjā) in a river. WHEN NEWAR BUDDHISTS PERFORM HOMA Since homa rituals are central to the lives of Newar Buddhists, the tradition as interpreted by the modern bajrācārya priests has identified moments in the individual life cycle, or occasions of religious donation, when they must be performed; there are also times when they are recommended, but not compulsory. The following norms and expectations do show some variation due to the individual family’s caste and the patron’s gender. The contexts of the various Newar homas can be cited here, without extensive commentary. Occasion When Required by Tradition Death and Mourning are major times when all Buddhists perform rituals to make merit for the deceased and insure that the dead go to auspicious destinies. Among most householders, homa is performed at the end of the initial, intense mourning and impurity period, on the twelfth day afterwards as part of the Gha:su (Skt. gṛha-śuddha, hasta-śuddha) rituals.10 Among the Śākyas and Bajrācāryas, this ritual is done on the seventh day after the death; and on this day, the homa rites are done in two places: inside the house where the person died; and in the monastery (Ne. bāhā) where the household’s patrilineage has membership. Gṛha śuddha is believed to be effective for purifying the house and satisfying the needs of the deceased who now exists in the antarābhava, or intermediate state, between death and new rebirth. Newar tradition

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holds that all beings exist as a preta (a being in the intermediate state between lives) for at least seven days. Newar Buddhist mourning also entails a year of special śrāddha rituals done for the purpose of making merit for the dead. During each of twelve subsequent lunar months, on the monthly anniversary of the death, the family gathers for these rites done by the chief mourner and their bajrācārya priest. On the last of these months, that is, on the one-year death anniversary, a homa ritual is added to mark this moment. Since it is regarded as the most distinguished Buddhist ritual, homa is often performed to mark the end of other cycles of ritual performances. This is the case for a one year of monthly Buddhist vratas, monthly śraddhas at tirthas mourning a dead person, at the end of the periodically held tantric initiations (dikṣā) into the practice of Cakrasamvara or Vajradevī,11 which are open to only the highest Buddhist castes (Urāy, Śākya, Bajrācārya); or upon the completion of a period of tantric meditative retreat (Puraścaraṇa Cvanegu), which is also only done by this elite. Homa is also done at every step in the sequence of rites for the construction activity for the establishment of images, caityas, pilgrims’ resthouses, and monasteries. After their formal consecration, a homa ritual should be performed to mark the yearly anniversary of these same structures, a ceremony Newars refer to as Busādan (Skt. varśabandhana). Homa must also be done as part of Newar Buddhist life-cycle rites. For example, homa is performed for members of the Jyāpu farmer class at the completion of the coming of age rite called olā chonegu. Similarly, it is done by the head priest who officiates at the initiation of a new cohort of bajrācārya novices in the rite of passage called bare chuiyegu. For families that perform any of the three late life celebration ritual called Burā/buri Janko, homa is a central ritual of the second day. There are a number of Newar festivals that are the object of community or guthi celebrations, whose perpetual endowments underwrite specific rituals. Examples are the annual homa ritual in the Bhadrakālī temple done by bajrācāryas of Sabal Bāhā during the spring Pañcahre festival; and māmsa āhuti homas done by bajrācāryas of Jhvā Bāhā at the Indrayani temple at Phushingh kyaḥ on the full moon day of Lhuti. There are many other such customs at the temples of the eight mother goddess (aṣṭamātṛkā) throughout the Kathmandu Valley.

Optional Homa Ritual Occasions The Newar Buddhist tradition regards the homa ritual as the highest form of ritual celebration, entailing the most effort and attracting the most prestige for the patrons. So although not required by tradition, individual families may opt for the family priest to add it to a variety of ritual celebrations. This includes the early daśa karma or life passage rites done by Buddhist householders such as the cūḍā karma, vratabandhana, and



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vratamokṣana.12 For pāṇi grahaṇa or wedding rites among high caste Newar Buddhists, homa is a sign of prestige; for Jyāpu farmers, the most distinguished way of offering piṇḍas to the ancestors is the bhim-ka pyon thāyegu mourning rite and this requires homa. For high caste Newar Buddhists who want to do the special kriyā piṇḍa rite, homa must be done. Family and household rituals can be upgraded by including homa. This includes the bau biyegu or house protection ritual. The popular sattva pūjā13 is done at major shrines and when special needs arise, a homa ritual can be added to it; if so either the sahasra (1,000) or ayuta (10,000) version should be done. A fire ritual to appease or remove obstacles from planetary deities is another Newar variant. A ritual based on the homa procedures, but centered on water offerings (jala-yajña) not fire offerings (yajña), also exists to invoke the nine nāgas when there is a need to produce rain.14 Perhaps the most unusual homa ritual in the Newar tradition is that done twelve days after a dead cat or snake is found in one’s house. For this, the offering place is circular and the homa kuṇḍa is made of five bricks arranged in a circle, not the usual square. DESCRIPTION OF A STANDARD NEWAR BUDDHIST HOMA RITUAL Preliminaries.15 The homa performance usually begins in the early morning; the bajrācārya priest(s) must fast until the completion of the ritual and there must be a patron family ( jajamāna) who appoints members to attend to the bajrācārya and ritual set-up as bearer of offerings. The priest arrives with his usual ritual implements (vajra, vajra-ghantha [bell with vajra handle], vajra, makuta [crown of Five Buddhas]); he also carries the special homa implements (sulāpā [special ladle with square shape], catvā [pointed ritual spatula], dhova [spoon ladle], yamkhā si [tripod with ghee vessel with a hole for kuśa-grass]. The patron family is also expected to provide the essentials for offerings: kalaśa [water vessel], ghee (clarified butter), kuśa grass, druva grass, a bunch/ bundle of pieces of sosim wood, 32 pieces of simtā wood, Homapi bundle,16 pure water,17 flowers, incense, lamp, chalk, sinha fragrance,18 husked rice, puffed rice, taste items (food, fruits, cow milk, liquor), ball of five-strand thread, pañcagavya,19 yogurt, “baniyā items,”20 32 kinds of grains21 (Skt. vṛhi). Most bajrācāryas have a printed list of these items, although many householders know them by heart. The work begins with ritual set-up of the homa kuṇḍa, then a series of required preliminary rituals that set the stage for homa at the beginning, then close off the ritual—several hours later—to end the entire ceremony when completed. To denote the course of the homa ritual conveniently, the following abbreviations will be used for

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the various “praxis units” according to which this and other Newar ritual traditions are assembled. The preliminary rituals are seven in number, including the gurumaṇḍala pūjā.22 After the homa ritual commences and ends with the last or sesa āhuti oblation, the bajrācārya will do the closing of all the preliminary rites and homa ritual, which is called visarjana. ABBREVIATIONS OF RITUAL UNITS THAT COMPRISE THE NEWAR HOMA RITUAL Āhuti: Offering oblation to Agni in the homa kuṇḍa Bajra. = Bajrācārya; all acts done by him unless noted PsP = Puspādi pūjā: one complete pūjā procedure (in this order): Bajra. visualizes deity, invoking, requesting divine presence, request for adhisthāna, offering fragrance, cloth, flower, food, milk, liquor, light, popped rice, rice and a flower with water, money and rice; requesting the celestial Buddha Vajrasattva to grant of all siddhis. Pp  =  Pañcopacāra pūjā:  sequential offering five items:  flower, incense, light, fragrance, food [Pa. Lā. Gha. Stu. Ta. śatākṣara]: An abbreviation of specific set of rites (in order): Pp (above) → Lasyā → Ghantavādana → Stuti → Tarpaṇa → śatākṣara. Lāsyā refers to showing mudrās (sixteen types of hand gestures23); Ghantavādana stands for holding vajra and bell crossed at chest, then ringing bell and flipping vajra three times; stuti denotes chanting verse praise; tarpaṇa means flicking liquid from vase; and śatākṣara is chanting the Vajrasattva dhāraṇī, which has 100 syllables. [Pā.Ā Dhu. Ni.] An abbreviation of set of rites (in order):  Padya→Ahvahana Dhupa→ Nirāñjana Padya stands for offering water from conch for feet, for cleansing mouth, and for argha; dhupa refers to inviting the deity using dhupa (incense); and Nirañjana means removing any associated with the deity but unwanted enemies or problems Bali: a set ritual, consisting of sections defined here: Visualizing amṛtakuṇḍali bali:  inviting dikpala deities using garuda-mudrā, akarsanadi-mudrā, and the digpala24 -mudrās. After these gestures, there is the (aforementioned) Pañcopacāra pūjā, Lasya mudrās (above), Ghantavadana, Stuti, Tarpaṇa, offering materials (rice, flower with water), offering liquor and Puspādi pūjā.



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THE ORDER OF THE SAHAsr a ĀHUTI RITUAL Mandatory Preliminary Rituals I. Suryārgha (or gurupādārgha): Paying respect to Guru Vajrācārya II. Gurumaṇḍala Arcana Visualizing the unity of priest and patron (parātmaparivartana bhāvanā) water initiation affirmation of offering self-protection praising six perfections offering ratna-maṇḍala to Gurus sevenfold supreme offering (bodhisattva practice) satisfying directional deities III. Pañcagavya IV. Sinhamu pūjā V. Lankhabali VI. Trisamādhi VII. Kalaśādi Arcana: Invoking the special deity25 into vessel (kalaśa), and so on Homa Procedure Bajrācārya Priest (hereafter Bajra.) touches agni kuṇḍa three times with catvā (= Homa-kuṇda adhisthā na) Jajamāna asked to put kuśa grass in the svastikā shape in the center of the homa-kuṇḍa (kuśa-āsana) Puspāadi-pūjā (hereinafter PsP) at the center of the kuṇḍa over svastikā Sprinkle water on the wood with conch; Pañcopacāra pūjā (hereinafter Pp) to the 32 sosim (32 pieces of a specific wood) Stack the 32 pieces of wood in specific shape in the homa kuṇḍa Small pieces sintā (a specific wood) placed in a clay pot, Pp to it Bajra. lights flame from lamp, places it under wood in clay bowl (= Bhuta Agni sthāpana) 1. PsP to the flame in clay bowl; bit of each of 32 grains dropped in clay bowl flame 2. Bundle of Sintā (wood) lit from the clay bowl flame, then put into homa kuṇḍa to ignite it (= Agni sthāpana) 3. Place a flower into the homa kuṇḍa fire (= Samayāgni bhāvanā: visualization of samayā Agni)

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4. Bajra. shows takkirāja mudrā, lights incense, does nirānjana, offers water used for foot-washing and mouth purification, from conch to Samayā Agni (= samayā Agniāhvahana: Invoking Samayā Agni) 5. Sprinkle water from conch and pañca-gavya from bowl w/durvā grass 6. PSP offered to the Samayā Agni and eight directional deities (dikpāla) 7. Cooking ghee: jajamāna holds ladle; Bajra. touches ladle 108 times with ritual catvā (= grhta śodhana) 8. Jajamāna holding ladle, asked to take black sesame seeds in his right hand, touch his body all over, put them in the cooked ghee in the ladle; then told to look for his reflection in it 9. Bajra. offers ghee from ladle three times to Agni 10. Bajra. touches all thirty-two grains in bowls and catvā and sulāpā 11. One piece of kuśa grass dipped in ghee to Agni 12. One piece Hombi26 dipped into ghee to Agni 13. Each sample of thirty-two grains (each with mantra) 14. In sulāpā, place cow milk, wave it three times over homa kuṇḍa 15. First ghee added to sulāpā, then Pp on this 16. All poured down to Agni (= Pratham Agni Āhuti) 17. Bajra. does [Pa. Lā. Gha. Stu. Ta. śatākṣara] 18. Pours water from kalaśa to conch, then sprinkles it to Agni (= Jñāna Agni-agni bhāvanā: visualization of Jñāna Agni + visualization of the union of Samaya Agni and Jñāna Agni) 19. PsP to Jñāna Agni 20. One piece of Hombi dipped into ghee 21. Sample of each of thirty-two grains (each with mantra) 22. Ghee added to sulāpā, then Pp on this 23. All poured down (= jñāna āhuti) 24. Offering hojā-dojā27: hojā dipped in cow milk, dojā dipped in ghee; to Agni Deity Pūjā 25. Bajra. does [Pā Ā. Dhu. Ni. Adhye ṣ anā], then snāna, dhāramaṇḍala made, then offerings of red + yellow powder (sinha), thread, flowers, food, fruit, cow milk, liquor, ending with lamp offering to deity 26. Offering sample of thirty-two grains 27. Ghee added to sulāpā, then Pp on this 28. All poured (= devatā āhuti)



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29. TāyaJāpa: Bajra. pours water, does puṣpa-nyāsa, then does [Pa. Lā. Gha. Stu. Ta]. Then chants mantra holding rosary in left hand, puffed rice in right hand 30. Puffed rice offered to deity 31. Dakṣiṇā offered to deity 32. Rice, water, flower offered to deity 33. Satākṣara chant 34. Kāsāyavastra (red scarf) and āhuti affirmation (samkalpa) by jajamāna, then he hands it to the Bajra. 35. Bajra. ties on red scarf over one shoulder, offers āhuti one thousand times 36. Ghee added to sulāpā, then Pp on this 37. All poured down to Agni (= sahasra āhuti) 38. [Pa. Lā. Gha. Stu. Ta. ākṣara] to Agni Bali Pūjā 39. Bajra. tells jajamāna to offer water from conch to big clay plate (bali) that contains many materials for offering 40. Bajra. shows garuḍa mudrā 41. Jajamāna offers water three times from conch to bali 42. Bajra. shows ākarsanāi mudrā 43. Bajra. offers flower, Jajamāna puts on bali 44. [Pa. Lā. Gha. Stu. ta] 45. Bajra. offers rice/flower/water in one hand; gives to Jajamāna to offer to bali, done four times but with different mantras chanted by Bajra. Jajamāna is told to pour cow milk [and/or liquor] on bali from container 46. PsP to Bali Cakra Pūjā 47. Jajamāna does Pp to deities in all the directions Śiṣa-adhivāṣana 48. Jajamānas sit in row, eldest closest to Agni, youngest at end; all hold string from the kalaśa; female Bajrācārya assists; Bajra. puts piece of flower from offering plate on the heads of each person in row; does nirāñjana; lohā-Agni rakṣā; 49. pour out phala abhiṣekha on each person’s head

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Kigatine 50. Jajamāna is asked to make a maṇḍala with white stone powder on the ground and to put ten flower pieces on it to do the Pp, to put flower and rice with water on it. 51. All Jajamānas offer rice, following Bajra. Purna Āhuti 52. Shows garuḍamudrā 53. Bajra. gives water three times from conch 54. Shows ākaraṣanādi mudrās 55. Puts bundle (clothes, various items supplied by baniyā:  fruits, flowers, sweets, medicinal herbs, Saki, special incense, betel leaf) to Agni 56. Hombi 57. Offering most of remaining thirty-two grains 58. Ghee added to sulāpā, a piece of pañcasutra then Pp on this 59. All poured down (= Purna āhuti) 60. Sulāpā touched to heads of jajamānas 61. Jajamāna is asked for ash from homa (yajña rakṣā) and gets with catuā 62. Jajamāna holds catuā with ash, Bajra. takes tikā (yajña rakṣā) high on forehead for himself, then all get tikā for themselves 63. [Pa. Lā. Gha. Stu. ta. śatākṣara] 64. Bajra. chants of forgiveness for any mistakes in ritual 65. Jajamāna asked to offer curd offering to kalaśa, and so on. 66. Bajra. receives tikā and gives tikā to all in attendance 67. All in attendance get tikā, give dakṣiṇā to Bajrācārya priest(s).28 Śesā Āhuti 68. Bajra. Absorbs chief deity of maṇḍalas into self, visualizes Agni deity as earlier 69. Shows garuḍa mudrā 70. Offering padya, argha, acamana to āhuti Śesā Āhuti 71. Remaining grains collected, put in common vessel, final offering to Agni 72. Remaining ghee added to sulāpā, then Pp on this 73. All poured (= āhuti Śesā Āhuti) to Agni 74. [Pa. La. Gha. Stu. ta. Śatākṣara] 75. Visarjana Closing of Introductory Ritual 76. Jajamāna takes vajra, touches everything in ritual 77. The holy water from kalaśa given to all (water initiation)



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78. Everything now dismantled, spent offerings, ash thrown in a river, and bricks used by the participants. Some keep ash as prasad and use it medicinally on forehead daily or occasionally. THE ESOTERIC NEWAR BUDDHIST HOMA From the Newar Buddhist point of view, all types of homa performed by bajrācāryas are “tantric,” since they require their practices associated with sādhana. This includes the most common homa performed in the Newar Buddhist community, which is the exoteric grain and ghee offering to Agni called charu āhuti homa. This homa takes place in the day time, everybody can participate in it as patron or observer, and worldly benefits can be expected from taking part. For this reason, the texts refer to this form as laukika or “worldly” homa. Just as this community has an esoteric realm of practice that is open only to the highest caste Buddhist communities, there are homa rituals that can only be done by, and even only be seen by, those individuals with tantric initiation. (This is a small minority even among these high caste groups.) These esoteric rites are called the Māmsa āhuti (“meat oblation”), Śira āhuti (“head oblation”), Nara āhuti (“human oblation”) homas, as well as in the lokottara homa that can be added to the ahorātra homa. Each can be discussed further here. Ahorātra homa (lit. “ day and night homa”) Performed in the home, it can be done for a whole day and whole night. In the daytime is the laukika (exoteric) form; only at night is the lokottara (esoteric) homa done. It must be performed in the course of the establishment or restoration rituals at Svayambhū or other major stūpas as well as at prominent yoginī temples located in the Valley, especially those in the towns of Pharping, Sānkhu, Guhyeśvarī, and so on. Māmsa Āhuti and Śira Āhuti Homa This offering of māmsa Āhuti must be performed at tantric pithas, shrines that are usually situated at cremation sites along river banks or on hilltops.29 As noted, this is the rite that must also be done by a young bajrācārya immediately after he assumes his full status through initiation. This esoteric homa is also an integral part of the other tantric initiations in Newar Buddhist tradition. The māmsa āhuti homa is performed during the course of the Cakrasamvara initiation and the Śira āhuti homa is performed during the course of the Vajravarāhī initiation as the rite of purnā or completion of the initiation. In the performance of the secret Māmsa āhuti and Śira āhuti, bajrācāryas limit access to initiates.

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They sing cāryagītis30 at every main step in the ritual and these doubtless contain hints of the history of these practices in the earlier tantric tradition. Examples of the ritual use of these songs include when during the Māmsa āhuti the central figure of Samaya Agni is visualized, the priest sings a unique cārya gīti entitled “Triniloyana” by the Siddha Karṇapā; when in the course of the tantric Sahasra āhuti there are oblations given to Jñāna Agni, the bajrācārya sings a cārya gīti entitled “Jvalitavajrānala”; and when Māmsa āhuti is offered to the Jñāna Agni, the bajrācārya sings the cārya gīti entitled “Kolayi” from the Hevajra Tantra. Both of these homa rituals must also be observed on the occasion of the establishment of a new or restored āgam dyaḥ (Skt. āgama devata), the tantric shrines located in the upper storey of Newar monasteries and found in the homes of Śākyas, Bajrācāryas, and Urāy. The objective of Māmsa āhuti homa is to have the priest and initiates participate in the visualization of their five skandhas (physical body, sensations, perceptions, habit energies, consciousness) being ignited and burned completely away into a state of emptiness (śūnya). It is the same principle underlying a tantric yogin burning the five skandhas through “caṇḍali yoga,” a practice of anuttara yogatantra. Just as the Buddha said in the first noble truth that pañca-upadāna-skandham eva dukkham (“the five attached components of a human lead to suffering”), this practice as understood by Newar tradition seeks to end the fundamental components of a human being retaining their hold over us; it likewise accepts that since, as in the “Fire Sermon,” all our senses “burn” into our awareness as if they are on fire, so does their esoteric homa ritual skillfully use this same fire as the basis of a spiritual practice to destroy, or burn off, attachment to the body. The objective of the Śira āhuti homa likewise connects with the larger practices of Vajrayāna Buddhism. Just as in the Mahābali arcana yoga practice, the initiated yogin visualizes sacrificing his own sense organs as an offering to various deities, so in the Mahābali arcana kriyā practice the yogin visualizes sacrificing his or her own sense organs as an offering for various deities, as these are invoked into the fire of Agni. Because the five sense organs play a vital role for accumulating defilements, the tantric homa provides a time when initiates can exercise their practice promoting detachment. Similarly, offering one’s five sense organs to other beings promotes the perfection of generosity for those on the bodhisattva path.

Nara Āhuti Homa This homa is an essential part of the rites designed to affect an initiate’s own death process. Soon after the death of a Bajrācārya, Śākya, or Urāy who has taken tantric initiation(s) and who has requested them, a bajrācārya priest performs tantric utkrānti rituals31 and yoga proximate to the dead body. At the end of these tantric rites, a sahasra



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āhuti homa is performed using a large, round clay bowl. This whole ritual takes place around midnight. It is the completion ritual for the utkrānti yoga. On the next morning this same round clay bowl (agnikuṇḍa) is taken with the funeral procession after the dead one’s body has been placed on a bier and the body arranged in the seated position. At the cremation ghat, the corpse still in the seated position will be put over the pyre and another homa will be conducted. In the course of this final homa, the bajrācārya ritualist will instruct the chief mourner to put the first stick of firewood on the lap of the dead one32 using the flame taken from the round clay bowl that served as the agnikuṇḍa. Here it is assumed that the dead human’s body is being offered to Agni. As lokottara homa is a higher and rare practice, initiates are taught not to make wishes for worldly benefits for taking part in this rite. The spiritual center is to use the outward gestures of homa to transcend habitual mundane conceptual patterns; by visualizing the burning up all of one’s own flesh, head, and sense organs, the practitioner can burn out all of one’s own defilements and attachments to mundane knowledge. To use this practice is to seek freedom from the defilements and to develop the supramundane knowledge that leads to the realization of Buddhahood. In this sense, Newar Buddhist teachers see homa as an important application of the ideal of upāya kauśala, a practice classified under kriyā tantra in the standard division of Vajrayāna traditions. HOMA AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF BUDDHIST MONASTERIES AND SACRED OBJECTS In the course of different stages in vihara construction, there must be Pratisthā ritual; for these, the “Daśa Agni” (ten types of fire) are visualized, one by one, then each receives a Ghṛta Āhuti (offering ghee) in the order shown in table 1. In an Ayuta Āhuti (10,000) homa ritual, each Ghṛta Āhuti is offered after each thousand Caru Āhuti offerings. Thus, Ghṛta Āhuti is offered ten times in an Ayuta Āhuti homa ritual. As part of the rituals consecrating images, caityas, other sacred objects, these objects must receive daśa karma rites, as if they are human in both male and female forms. From Ten types of Homa Fire i. Krodha agni ii. Pāvaka agni iii. Maruta agni iv. Kāma agni v. Mahendra agni

vi. Lohita agni vii. Pramoha agni viii. Tāpasa agni ix. Amrta agni x. Yojaka agni

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the Jāta karma stage to Pāṇigrahaṇa karma stage, āhuti is given to the Agni after the name of seven different agni following each karma stage. CONCLUSIONS Newar Hindu and Buddhist Homa Traditions. The co-existence of Buddhist and Hindu traditions was described in the earliest accounts of the Kathmandu Valley by Chinese pilgrims. Although these are vague beyond noting that temples to the great Hindu gods existed alongside Buddhist monasteries, it is certain that this small mid-montane Himalayan settlement was a periphery frontier of all Indic traditions, from Sanskrit texts to sacred art, from architecture to ritual practices. Just as the Indic arrivals changed over time to add to the cumulative culture, so did the shaping of innovative cultural forms from priests, monks, scholars, and pilgrims also become altered in the hands of the local Newar virtuosi. That a Hindu-Brahman cultural formation in Nepal has for many centuries co-existed with a Buddhist-sangha/virtuoso formation suggests that there were commonalities due to their mutual Indic origins, as well as reasons for their remaining distinct in local traditions of interpretation and praxis. Homa traditions are one case study in this complex religious field. It is clear that Nepal preserves forms of brahmanical homa practice that may have nearly disappeared elsewhere in South Asia.33 Although no in-depth study has been done to survey Newar Hindu rituals, what can be stated is that today the homa rituals are done by Newar Deo Brahmins who serve as the purohitas for Newar Hindus. These brahmans have no corresponding concept of the Newar Buddhist philosophical underpinnings such as Bhuta Agni, Jñāna Agni, Samya Agni, and so on. In the modern Newar Hindu homa, Agni is just a vehicle for the similar set of offerings made to the fire. As we have seen, the bajrācārya ritualist specifically invokes this deity from water into the fire; and his visualizing an entire maṇḍala into the fire itself is central to the Newar Buddhist practice today. One other point of interest is the renown that the Buddhist homa practice has commanded outside the usual boundaries that separate Hindu householders (Shresthas) from their Buddhist neighbors. As mentioned above, bajrācāryas perform a special gṛha śuddha-hastaśuddha homa on the seventh or twelfth day after the death of a family member.34 It has been true that for at least a century and likely longer that Hindu Newars call a bajrācārya to do this ritual that includes homa; it is thought to insure that the home is fully purified and that all living there are protected from any harm. Newar Deo Brāhmins do other homas, but not this one any more. Since Newar Hindu families want it, but neither of the Newar Hindu ritualists—Deo Brāahmans or Karmācāryas— do it, many Hindu families that can afford the expense call bajrācāryas after a death in the immediate family.



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The procedures of early homa ritual (creating primal fire; offerings of grain and ghee into fire) may have been the root aspect of homa discipline. That the procedures of homa ritual differ from each other in later Hinduism and Buddhism reflects divergent developments in their philosophies as well as the needs of their respective householder communities. After three thousand years, this cultural divergence led to the identification of the source of their homa to be either a god or the tantric Buddhist masters, respectively. Today, both traditions regard homa performance as one of the vital instruments for achieving both worldly blessings for humanity as well as supramundane benefits for individual human beings. Regarding Tantric Buddhism and Homa (Bāhya-homa) Having presented the homa with attention to all its detail, and after noting the time and expense involved in the performance of this Newar ritual tradition, it is instructive to ask: Why did homa become part of the Indic Mahāyāna-Vajrayāna tradition that was exported to China, Japan, and Tibet? Here we provide the explanations prevalent from the history of the Newar Buddhist community. The concept of upāya-kauśala (“skillful means”) is seen as underlying the integration of the Indic homa ritual technology into Buddhism in the same way that yoga discipline, mantra discipline, jyotish discipline, ayurveda cultural forms were similarly adapted. The cause of doing what alleviates suffering and is useful for the welfare of all beings (Skt. Sarva-prakāranam jakatohitāya) is incumbent on those wishing to be bodhisattvas. To this foundation can be added a pillar of tantric philosophy: since what is bound by the pañca-skandha (five constituents of a human being) and material elements lead to beings’ suffering, these same things, Agni—fire—can be used to foster release also. APPENDIX I NOTES ON VAJRAYĀNA SOURCES ON HOMA FROM NEPAL The following works, with brief commentary, are known to be authoritative in modern Newar praxis. This section is necessarily impressionistic, drawing on Dr. Bajrācārya’s examination of works related to the performance of a variety of homa rituals.

1. Mañjuśrīmūlakalpa. In ­chapter 14 of this important work in local tradition are discussed the Bāhya or Loukika homa, including the places for performing the ritual, construction of the fire pit (Agnikuṇḍa), the types of wood and other materials to be used, number of oblations, the sources of the mantras, and the range of results obtained, from worldly to supra mundane. 2. Guhyasamāja Tantra. Here also is treatment of the Bāhya homa, and especially the deity to be invoked, qualification of a person who will do homa,

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purpose of homa, objects to be put in fire. The text uses sandhyā bhāhya in some places. 3. Cakrasamvara Tantra has four chapters that discuss the Bāhya and Adhyātma (lokottara)-homa rituals. 4. The Vasanta-tilaka and its tikā provide details of the Adhyatmika homa. 5. Hevajra Tantra has sections devoted to the laukika-homa, shapes and sizes of homa-kuṇḍa according to the purpose, materials according to the purpose, and the corresponding mantras. 6. Kriśṇayamāri Tantra and its commentary discusses the laukika-homa, also. It contains information on the shapes and sizes of homa-kuṇḍa according the purpose of the rite, specific mental states to be formed according the homa’s purpose, and specific dates according to propose. The commentary to this text adds information about the symbols to be written in homa-kuṇḍa, materials to be put in fire, the iconographic description of Agnideva, and mantra recitations. 7. Samvarodaya Tantra, ­chapter 23, contains a discussion of both the lokottara and laukika-homas. It has specific details of the laukika-homa:  its purposes and flame types leading to various results. 8. Kriyāsaṃgraha by Kuladatta is a central reference in Newar tradition.35 Its discussion is primarily on the Bāhya-homa and details of the homa ritual associated with the establishment of sacred icons and monasteries (pratisthā). 9. Kālacakra Tantra and commentary Vimalaprabhā have extensive information on the shapes and sizes of homa-kuṇḍa for the Bāhya homa, symbols to be written in it, homa-ritual procedure, mantra niyama (rules for making mantra) and so on. The commentary contains various iconographic descriptions of Samaya Agni for visualization, invocations, and pūjā procedures for it, sources for Agni according to purpose, authority of homa, viśuddhi (meaning of iconographic description) of vaisvanara according to the purpose, techniques, and mantras for offering āhuti and so on. Notes 1. By 1850, this left only the local Tibetan sanghas where Newars could seek ordination into celibate monastic life; from the twentieth century onward, modern Theravāda monastic traditions added to this diversity (Levine and Gellner 2005). Lewis and Bajracarya have recently authored a long chapter to begin the task of writing the history of Newar Vajrayāna Buddhist traditions. It will appear in the volume edited by David Gray and Ryan Overbey, Tantra on the Move (New York: Oxford University Press, forthcoming). 2. Sukumar Dutt, Buddhist Monks and Monasteries of India (London: Allen and Unwin, 1962), p. 389. 3. From the Sanskrit term Vande or vandanā, an ancient Indic term of respect for monks.



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4. In this chapter, we follow the Newar tradition’s usage of spelling the caste name as “Bajrācārya” and the classical Indic-originating vajrayāna ritualist as vajrācārya. There has for centuries been the preference for Buddhist Newars to write Sanskrit words as they are pronounced, not as in the written texts. 5. Symptomatic of the philosophical focus of modern Buddhist studies, there has never been a systematic study of Mahāyāna rituals or even homa as found in the major tantric works. See, e.g., Schopen 1991. 6. In Appendix I, there are notes on textual sources of homa found in archives reviewed by Dr. Bajrācārya in Nepal. 7. New bajrācāryas begin their priestly acārya career performing a māmsa āhuti homa at pithas, sites where a temple to the aṣṭamātṛkā goddesses are found. 8. Kalaśārcananādi Homa Vidhāna-Pustakam, 2nd ed. (Kathmandu: Sankata Press, n.d.). 9. This source is not identified by its title by Amoghabajra, but only with a brief comment on page 21 of his book citing the manuscript’s colophon: Thugu kriyā sāphu Ne. Sam. 650 sālasa kwathubāhāya Bajrācārya Śri Lum Gopālanam cvayā ta:gulinam svayā prakaśa yānā. “This ritual manual was copied by one Śri Lum Gopalanam Bajrācārya of Kwathu Bāhā [modern name, Kwā Bāhā of Kathmandu] in 1530[c.e.].” 10. For those in the Manandhar caste (traditional oil pressers), this rite is done not only on the twelfth day, as well as on the forty-fifth day, as well as after the third, sixth, and twelfth months; for the Tandukar caste (traditional rice makers), it is only done on the twelfth and forty-fifth days. 11. Note that the Kālacakra Tantra calls for doing homa before the dikśā; but Newar tantric practitioners always do it afterwards. This may reflect how this text is not as important in Nepal. However, there is an oral recollection of a senior bajrācārya that the Kālachakra initiation was once done in recent times in Itum Bāhā, one of the eighteen main monasteries of Kathmandu city. 12. The sixth, seventh, and eighth life-cycle rites: Passages of life. 13. The saptavidhanuttarapūjā (“sevenfold supreme offering”) for which patrons make 108 or 1,008 offerings of seven substances, and the vajrācārya priest summons the bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara to receive them. 14. Regarding the symbolic associations of water and fire in Indo-Iranian ritual, see Holly Grether, “The Ritual Interplay of Fire and Water in Hindu and Buddhist Tantras,” in this volume. 15. What follows is the tradition that is normative for Kathmandu city, based on the authoritative text published by Amoghabajra. There are slight variations in homa performance in Patan and Bhaktapur. 16. Eighteen types of wood sold especially for homa, tied up in ready-made small bundles. 17. From a clean, flowing river. 18. Red and yellow powder, used for putting tikas on icons, pūjā equipment, people. 19. Five cow products: milk, ghee, yogurt, dung, urine. 20. Fruits, flowers, medicinal herbs, sweets, saki root, special incense, betel leaf. 21. Although it is called “32 grains,” the ingredients also include fruits such as sugar cane, amba (“Himalayan fruit”), and pomegranate. 22. The details of these common Newar Buddhist rituals are described in Locke (1980) and Gellner (1992). The normal order is:  surya argha, gurumaṇḍala, pañcagavya, sinhamu pūjā, lankhabali, trisamādhi, kalaśa archan pūjā, then the commence of the homa proper.

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23. Mudras are done in order:  Bīnā, Vamsa, Mrḍang, Muruja, Lāsyā, Mālā, Gitā, Nrtyā, Puspāa, Dhūpāa, Dīpāa, Gandhā, Ādaśa, Rasa, Sparśa, Dharmadhātugarbha. 24. Indra, Yama, Varuna, Kuvera, Agni, Nairti, Vāyu, Isana, Brahmā, Pṛthivi, Surya, Candra, Nāga, Aśura, Yakṣa. 25. For the Harvard ritual on October 1, 2010, this deity was Mañjuśri. It could be any bodhisattva on other occasions. 26. Eighteen types of wood dipped in Ghee, placed one by one in fire kuṇḍa (each with mantra) in text, not done today; replaced by step no. 20. 27. hojā-dojā: pair of objects made of flattened rice, boiled rice, or fried wheat grains, solid and oblong in shape. 28. At this time, all in attendance who wish tika from the priest can come forward to receive the tika; giving dakṣina (payment) is customary in return. 29. The māmsa āhuti homa is also called “pitha māmsāhuti homa” in local parlance. 30. Tantric songs which originate with the supposedly spontaneous expression of awakening by early figures known as the Mahāsiddhas. See, recently, Jackson (2004). 31. It is believed in Vajrayāna that one who passes away practicing “utkrānti yoga” successfully will obtain arupavacara bhūmi (the “formless realm”), from where final emancipation is possible. On the basis of this idea, “utkrānti yoga” is performed by a bajracārya for the deceased. 32. More technically, proximate to the navel, where the nirmāna cakra is located. 33. Michael Witzel, “On the History and Present State of Vedic Tradition in Nepal,” Vasudha 15 (1976): 17–39; see also Witzel 1992. 34. This is popularly known as the “Gha:su-Jagya/yajña” in Newari. 35. For this article, Prof. Bajrācārya consulted the Kriyāsaṃgraha manuscript, with the colophon date of N.S. 783 (1662 CE), now in the library of Subhsa Bajrācārya, in the Pakanajol neighborhood of Kathmandu.

REFERENCES Allen, Michael. “Buddhism without Monks:  The Vajrayāna Religion of the Newars of the Kathmandu Valley.” South Asia 3 (1973): 1–14. Bajracarya, Amoghabajra. Kalaśārcanadi-homavidhāna-pustakam (Sanskrit). Kathmandu: Nandakumari Bajracharya, V.S. no date. Bajracarya, Badri Ratna. Dasakarma Pratiṣthā, Chāhāyekavidhi and Balimāla (Nepalbhasa). Kathmandu: Chandarman Malakar,V.S. 2045 (1989 CE) Bajracharya, Naresh Man. Buddhism in Nepal. Delhi: Eastern Book Linkers, 1998. Burnouf, Eugene. Introduction to the History of Indian Buddhism. Translated by Katia Buffetrille and Donald Lopez, Jr. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010. Davidson, Ronald. Indian Esoteric Buddhism:  A  Social History of the Tantric Movement. New York: Columbia University Press, 2003. Davidson, Ronald. Tibetan Renaissance: Tantric Buddhism in the Rebirth of Tibetan Culture. New York: Columbia University Press, 2005. Dowman, Keith. “A Buddhist Guide to the Power Places of the Kathmandu Valley.” Kailash 8/ 3‒4 (1982): 183–291.



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Dutt, Sukumar. Buddhist Monks and Monasteries of India. London: Allen and Unwin, 1962. Gellner, David N. “Buddhist Monks or Kinsmen of the Buddha? Reflections on the Titles Traditionally used by Śākyas in the Kathmandu Valley.” Kailash 15/1‒2 (1989): 5–25. Gellner, David N. Monk, Householder and Tantric Priest: Newar Buddhism and Its Hierarchy of Ritual. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. Gellner, David N., and Quigley, Declan, eds. Contested Hierarchies: A Collaborative Ethnography of Caste among the Newars of the Kathmandu Valley, Nepal. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995. Gomez, Luis O. “Unspoken Paradigms:  Meanderings through the Metaphors of a Field.” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 18 (1995): 183–230. Greenwold, Stephen M. “Buddhist Brāhmins.” Archives Europeennes de Sociologie 15 (1974): 483–503. Gutschow, Neils. The Nepalese Caitya. Stuttgart: Edition Axel Menges, 1997. Gutschow, Neils, and Bajrācārya, Manabajra. “Ritual as Mediator of Space in Kathmandu.” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 1 (1977): 1–10. Gutschow, Neils, Kolver, Bernhard, and Shresthacarya, Ishwaranand. Newar Towns and Buildings: An Illustrated Dictionary. Sankt Augustin: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag, 1987. Hodgson, Brian H. Essays on the Languages, Literature, and Religion of Nepal and Tibet. 1874. Reprinted New Delhi: Manjusri, 1972. Hofer, Andras. The Caste Hierarchy and the State of Nepal: A Study of the Muluki Ain of 1854. Innsbruck: Universitatsverlag Wagner, 1979. Homanirdesa (Nepali). Kathmandu: Triratna Prakshan, 2006. Hutt, Michael. Nepal:  A  Guide to the Art and Architecture of the Kathmandu Valley. Boston: Shambhala, 1994. Jackson, Roger R. Tantric Treasures:  Three Collections of Mystical Verse from Buddhist India New York: Oxford University Press, 2004. Kaji, Vaidya Asha. The Dashakarma Vidhi:  Fundamental Knowledge on the Traditional Customs of the Ten Rites of Passage among the Buddhist Newars. Kathmandu: Maṇḍala Book Point, 2010. Kolver, Bernhard. “Stages in the Evolution of a World Picture.” Numen 32 (1985): 131–168. Kolver, Ulrike, and Shresthacarya, Iswarananda. A Dictionary of Contemporary Newari, Newari-English. Bonn: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag, 1994. Lévi, Sylvain. Le Népal. 3 vols. Paris: Leroux, 1905–1908. Levine, Sarah, and David Gellner. Rebuilding Buddhism:  The Theravada Movement in Twentieth-Century Nepal. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005. Levy, Robert. Mesocosm. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990. Lewis, Todd. “The Anthropological Study of Buddhist Communities:  Historical Precedents and Ethnographic Paradigms.” In Steven Glazier, ed., Anthropology of Religion: A Handbook, pp. , 319–367. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1997. Lewis, Todd. “Buddhist Merchants in Kathmandu:  The Asan Tol Market and Urây Social Organization.” In David Gellner and Declan Quigley, eds., Contested Hierarchies:  A  Collaborative Ethnography of Caste among the Newars of the Kathmandu Valley, Nepal, pp. , 38–79. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995. Lewis, Todd. “The Nepāl Jana Jīvan Kriyā Paddhati, a Modern Newar Guide for Vajrayāna Life-Cycle Rites.” Indo-Iranian Journal 37 (1994): 1–46.

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Lewis, Todd. Popular Buddhist Texts from Nepal: Narratives and Rituals of Newar Buddhism. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000. Lewis, Todd and Bajracarya, Naresh Man. “Vajrayāna Traditions in Nepal,” in David B. Gray and Ryan Richard Overbey, eds. Tantric Traditions on the Move: Their Development through Time, and Transmission through Cultural Space. New York: Oxford University Press, forthcoming in 2015. Lienhard, Siegfried. “Nepal: The Survival of Indian Buddhism in a Himalayan Kingdom.” In H. Bechert, ed., The World of Buddhism, pp. 108–114. New York: Facts on File, 1984. Lienhard, Siegfried. Nepalese Manuscripts: Part 1: Nevari and Sanskrit. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1988. Lo Bue, Eberto. “Cultural Exchange and Social Interaction between Tibetans and Newars from the Seventh to the Twentieth Century.” International Folklore Review 6 (1988): 86–114. Lo Bue, Eberto. “Newar Artists of the Nepal Valley: An Historical Account of their Activities in Neighbouring Areas with Particular Reference to Tibet-I.” Oriental Art 31 (1985): 265–277. Locke, John K. Karunamaya. Kathmandu: Sahiyogi, 1980. Locke, John K. Buddhist Monasteries of Nepal. Kathmandu: Sahiyogi, 1985. Locke, John K. “The Uposadha Vrata of Amoghapāsha Lokeshvara.” L’Ethnographie 83/100–101 (1989): 109–138. Locke, John K. “The Vajrayāna Buddhism in the Kathmandu Valley.” In John K. Locke, ed. The Buddhist Heritage of Nepal. Kathmandu: Dharmodaya Sabba, 1986, 1-28. Macdonald, A. W., and Anne Vergati Stahl. Newar Art. Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1979. Manandhar, Thakur Lal. Newari-English Dictionary. Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan, 1986. Mitra, Rajendralala. The Buddhist Sanskrit Literature of Nepal. 1882. Reprinted Calcutta: Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar, 1971. Pal, Pratapaditya. Buddhist Art in Licchavi Nepal. Bombay: Marg, 1974. Riccardi, Theodore, Jr. “Buddhism in Ancient and Early Medieval Nepal.” In A. K. Narain, ed., Studies in the History of Buddhism, pp. , 265–281. New Delhi: B. R. Publishing, 1980. Roerich, George N. The Blue Annals. 1949. Reprinted New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1996. Rosser, Colin. “Social Mobility in the Newar Caste System.” In C.  von Furer-Haimendorf, ed., Caste and Kin in Nepal, India and Ceylon, pp. 68–139. Bombay:  Asian Publishing House, 1966. Śākya, Hema. Shri Svayambhu Mahacaitya. Kathmandu: Nepal Press, 1977. Śākya, Miroj. Catalogue of Digitized Rare Sanskrit Buddhist Manuscripts I. Rosemead, CA: University of the West, 2010. Schopen, Gregory. “Archaeology and Protestant Presuppositions in the Study of Indian Buddhism," History of Religions 31, (1991), 1–23. Sharkey, Gregory. Buddhist Daily Ritual:  The Nitya Pūjā in Kathmandu Valley Shrines. Bangkok: Orchid Press, 2001. Slusser, Mary. Nepal Maṇḍala. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982. Snellgrove, David. “Buddhism in Nepal.” In Indo-Tibetan Buddhism, II, pp. 362–380. Boston: Shambhala, 1987. Stablein, William. “A Descriptive Analysis of the Content of Nepalese Buddhist Pūjās, with Reference to Tibetan Parallels.” In Agehananda Bharati, ed., In the Realm of the Extra-Human: Ideas and Actions, pp. 165–173. The Hague: Mouton, 1976.



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Stein, M. A. Kalhana’s Rajatarangini. 1900. Reprinted Delhi: Motilal, 1979. Takaoka, Hidenobu. A Microfilm Catalogue of the Buddhist Manuscripts in Nepal. Nagoya: Japan: Buddhist Library, 1981. Toffin, Gerard. Societe et Religion chez les Newar du Nepal. Paris: CNRS, 1984. Vaidya, Janak Lal, and Kamsakar, Prem Bāhādur. A Descriptive Catalogue of Selected Manuscripts at the Asha Saphu Kuthi Archives. Kathmandu: Cvasapasa, 1991. Vajrācārya, Badriratna. Shri Svayambhu Mahapurana. Kathmandu: Nepal Printing Press, 1982. Vajrācārya, Dhanavajra, and Malla, Kamal P. The Gopālarājavamshāvali. Wiesbaden:  Franz Steiner Verlag, 1985. Vajrācārya, Gautam. “Recently Discovered Inscriptions of Licchavi Nepal.” Kailash 1 (1973): 117–133. Vajrācārya, Gautam. “Yangala, Yambu.” Contributions to Nepalese Studies 1 (1974): 90–98. Vajrācārya, Ratna Kaji. Yen Deyā Bauddha Pūjā Kriyāyā Halan-Jvalam. Kathmandu: Sankata Printing Press, 1980. von Rospatt, Alexander. “The Consecration Ceremony in the Kriyāsaṃgraha and Newar Buddhism.” In Astrid Zotter and Christof Zotter, eds., Hindu and Buddhist Initiations in India and Nepal, pp. , 197–260. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2010. von Rospatt, Alexander. “The Transformation of the Monastic Ordination (pravrajyā) into a Rite of Passage in Newar Buddhism.” In Jorg Gengnagel et al., eds., Words and Deeds: Hindu and Buddhist Rituals in South Asia, pp. 199–234. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2005. Wallis, Glen. Mediating the Power of the Buddhas:  Ritual in the Manjushrimulakalpa. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2002. Witzel, Michael. “Meaningful Ritual:  Vedic, Medieval, and Contemporary Concepts in the Nepalese Agnihotra Ritual.” In A. W. van den Hoek et al., eds., Ritual, State, and History in South Asia, 774–825. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1992. Witzel, Michael. “On the History and Present State of Vedic Tradition in Nepal.” Vasudha 15 (1976): 17–39. Witzel, Michael. “On the Location of the Licchavi Capital of Nepal.” Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik 5/6 (1980): 311–337.

The Navarātra Homa Liver, Enchantment, and Engender ing the Divine Śaktis

Nawaraj Chaulagain

i INTRODUCTION This essay discusses the homa rituals as performed during the annual navarātra (literally, “nine-day festival,” also known as the navadurgāpūjā) in the former Nepalese royal palaces of Gorkhā and Hanumānḍhokā during the rule of the Śāha kings (ca. 1559–2008). The homa was part of a series of navarātra rituals observed in the lunar fortnight of Āśvina (September–October).1 The rituals were carried out for the propitiation of the goddess Kālī, who is often portrayed in the violent and terrifying form of the goddess Durgā (consort of the god Śiva) and represented in various forms such as divine icons (images), plants, virgins, concentric magical/mystical diagrams (yantras), mantras, and weapons. This festival was observed in commemoration of the victory of the goddess over the demonic forces as recounted in popular mythological texts such as the Devī Māhātmya, which forms part of the Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa, the Devī Bhāgavata Purāṇa, and the Kālikā Purāṇa.2 With the conquest and expansion of the Nepali nation-state, especially in the latter half of the eighteenth century, the navarātra was gradually made into a national festival and appropriated for the cultural unification of Nepal under the leadership of the Hindu kingship. Even after the demise of the Hindu kingship in 2008, the core forms of these rituals have persisted. However, the meaning of the rituals has shifted from its relation to the king and kingship to its importance for the welfare of the nation and national unity. 314

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This essay concentrates on three types of homa performed during this festival: the first was meant for waking up the goddess in the magical diagram; the second type was an elaborate rite whose central part consisted of offering the liver of a sacrificed black goat into the fire; the third one was for empowering weapons and royal insignia, such as the throne and conch. I argue that these forms of homa have both Vedic and magical-tantric orientations, and were performed mainly for engendering the divine powers of the goddess for the king and kingship. This study is based on the actual ritual manuals, interviews, and secondary literature on the topic. I adopt the textual and ethnographic method for my interpretation. For this study, I consulted and interviewed the purohitas and palace officials as well as those of the military and police headquarters. In my research, I utilized the following manuals important in these places: a short text of about fifteen pages, a Sanskrit manual credited to Nārāyaṇ Dās Arjyāl, the royal purohita of Dravya Śāh, who conquered Gorkhā in 1559; two other short manuals composed in 1907 and 1931 ; and the recently published Durgā pūjā manual by Balaram Aryal of the royal priestly clan.3 Most of the rituals mentioned in these manuscripts are the short forms of the elaborate description of navarātra as given in these Sanskrit texts supposedly composed and compiled by the Śāh kings themselves: the Bṛhatpuraścaryārṇavaḥ by Pratāpa Siṃha Śāhdev (r. 1775–1777 c.e.) and the Satkarmaratnāvalī (Uttarārdha) by Gīrvāṇayuddha Bikram Śāhdev (r. 1805–1816 c.e.).4 Lok Prasād Śarmā Bhaṭṭarāī’s description of the navarātra rituals contains a good amount of information, and I  also correlated with his description. Rājārām Subedī, a prominent historian and Professor of History at Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu, helped me by sharing all descriptive details of navarātra he had collected through his interviews with the Gorkhā palace official Sūryanāth Aryal. Now retired and an elderly person of about ninety years, Aryal served at the Gorkhā palace for many years and trained his own son to be a royal priest in the Gorkhā and Hanumānḍhokā royal palaces in Kathmandu.5 Some of the manuals mentioned above were composed and compiled during the expansion and consolidation of the Gorkhā Hindu kingdom, which was officially called Nepal in the 1930s, and they are foundational for the later composition. The “short” manuscripts do not, however, mention what particular mantras are recited on what ritual occasions. The priests possibly did not need any elaboration of the mantras in written form as it may have already become a standard practice, and so they already knew the viniyoga (i.e., the system of employing mantras depending on the rituals and ritual occasions). Part of the reason for the specific mantras not being mentioned in the manuals could also be that the ritualists wanted to maintain secrecy and the sacredness of the mantras for ritual efficacy. All the manuals consulted for this research may be regarded as “ideal” forms of the rituals, and they provide some insights into how these rituals were conceived and performed. Coinciding with Birendra’s coronation year, Dhanaśamśer Jaṅg Bahādura Rāṇā, a tantric practitioner and a Royal Nepalese Army general, published a detailed ritual

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manual of the navarātra Durgāpūjā as part of the Nepali state’s professed aim of creating standard practices across the kingdom. He was one of the close associates of the kings of Nepal (Mahendra and Birendra) and belonged to the palace secretariat. He was also involved in the publication of different ritual handbooks and culturally important documents during the reigns of Mahendra (1955–1972) and Birendra (1972–2001): “King Birendra had arranged a mystical group of three persons at the royal palace. This group, affiliated with the King’s Principal Secretariat, was headed by Lt. General Dhana Shamsher Rana.”6 Dhanaśamśer Jaṅg Bahādura Rāṇā published important religious texts, such as the navarātra manual entitled Śāradīyadurgāpūjāpaddhati, with the support of and in collaboration with the royal purohitas (e.g., the Agnisthāpanāvidhiḥ).7 His texts and those of the royal purohitas, including that of Balarām Aryāl, are the closest I have been able to get for my study.8 Along with the interviews and secondary literature and descriptions found in the Royal Nepalese Army’s journal, Sipāhī, these materials provide us with reliable accounts of these rituals. Awakening the Goddess in Her Yantra Form and Offering Homa On the first day, called the “day for the installation of an earthen water jar” (ghaṭasthāpanā), the homa is performed for awakening the goddess in the form of the diagram (maṇḍala).9 The eight directions of the diagram are presided over by eight goddesses, with the center occupied by the main goddess, Durgā.10 This homa is part of a series of pūjā rituals; that is, the homa is not an independent ritual at this point and the awakening of the goddess in the embodied form of the diagram includes other additional rituals. It is important to describe in some detail the context in which the yantra is worshiped and the homa ritual is performed. For the first-day rituals, the royal purohita11 and the king (yajamāna) undergo outward and inward purifications. The outward purification mainly consists of bathing while the inward purification is a lengthy process that includes the purification of cosmic elements (bhūtaśuddhis)12 and the ritual of touching and inscribing different parts of the body with mantras (nyāsa).13 The pavilion is consecrated and yantras are drawn with the husks removed from rice grains (akṣatā) or with the sandalwood paste (candana). The yantra of the goddess is placed at the center of the pavilion. Above this yantra, a well-decorated water pitcher—itself regarded as a symbol of the embodied power of the goddess (śakti)—is placed and worshiped. Another yantra is installed on top of the pitcher, and it is for the awakening of this yantra that homa is performed. See diagram in figure 12.1. The yantra installation follows the pattern of the consecration of the deities in the form of the divine icon. The purification, bathing and besprinkling, infusion of vital life breath, and offering of various services are the main ritual activities for divine installation, whether in the form of the icon or in the form of the yantra. The purification of the yantra is done with five products of the cow (pañcagavya)—milk, curds, clarified butter/ ghee, urine, and dung, together with the “five sweet things” (pañcāmṛta) used in the

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Yantra of the Goddess

worship of deities: milk, clotted or sour milk, butter, honey, and sugar. Once the yantra is cleansed with relevant mantras,14 which are said to be charged with divine powers or considered to be divine expressions, it then becomes a suitable habitation for the deity. An extensive ritual of infusing the vital breath (prāṇapratiṣṭhā) is then carried out with the following mantra, which is repeated either 10, 27, 54, or 108 times.15 The purohita first takes up a flower in his hand, infuses it with the divine power, and places it on the diagram while uttering this mantra: āṃ hroṃ kroṃ yaṃ raṃ laṃ vaṃ śaṃ ṣaṃ saṃ hroṃ | Oṃ kṣaṃ saṃ haṃ saṃ hrīṃ | Oṃ saḥ śrimad dakṣiṇakālikāyāṣ prāṇā iha prāṇāḥ. | ām hrom … hrīṃ saḥ śrimad dakṣiṇakālikāyā jīva iha stitha.| āṃ hroṃ … hrīṃ saḥ śrimad dakṣiṇakālikāyā sarvendrīyāṇī iha stitha (Let the vital breath of the glorious Dakṣiṇakālikā be here in this place through the utterances of these syllables āṃ, hroṃ … let the soul of the glorious Dakṣiṇakālikā be here in this place through the utterances of these syllables āṃ, hroṃ… . Let all the senses of the glorious Dakṣiṇakālikā be here in this place through the utterances of these syllables āṃ, hroṃ… .) āṃ hroṃ … hrīṃ saḥ śrimad dakṣiṇakālikāyāṣ vāṅ manaś cakṣuś śrotra ghrāṇa prāṇā iha āgatya sukhaṃ ciraṃ tiṣṭhantu svāhā (Let the speech, mind, eye, hearing, organs of smell, vital breaths, having come here, remain happily for a long time through the utterances of these syllables āṃ hroṃ … hrīṃ.)

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oṃ mano jūtir juṣaṭāmājyasya bṛhaspatir yajñamimam tano tu | aristam yajñam samimam dadhātu viśvedevāsa iha mādayantam oṃ pratiṣṭhā || Asyai prāṇāḥ kṣarantu ca | Asyai devatā saṅkhai svāhā (May his mind delight in the gushing [of the] butter! May Br h̥ aspati spread (i.e., carry through) this sacrifice! May he restore the sacrifice uninjured! May all the gods rejoice here!) (Śatapathabrāhmaṇa 1.7.4.22)16 The ritual of infusing the divine breath is followed by a short fire ritual, in which the clarified butter is offered into the fire with the recitation of the tantric gāyatrī mantra ten times:17 oṃ yantrarājāya vidmahe, mahāyantrāya dhīmahi tanno yantra pracodayāt (Ọṃ we know [for] the king of yantra, we wish to obtain [for] the great yantra, may that yantra stimulate (i.e., impel) our [prayers].)18 This is followed by tantric visualization in which the goddess is envisioned as having matted hair with the top adorned with the crescent moon; having three eyes and a face like the beauty of the full moon; having all sorts of ornaments; having ten arms with a trident in the uppermost right hand and a sword, discus, pointed arrow, and spear (śakti) in her other right hands in descending order; and in her left hands, from the top a staff, bow, noose, goad, and bell. She is in her three-bend or “tri-bent” pose (tribhaṇga), and she has beautiful eyes and well-formed breasts. Below her is a buffalo whose head has been severed and the demon is emerging from the neck. The goddess’s spear pierces the demon’s chest; the demon is shown with the red eyes and his body is engulfed by a noose that is like a serpent. After the meditation on the goddess in the form of killing the buffalo demon (mahiṣa), various services, such as water for rinsing the mouth (ācamanīya) and for the reception of the guest (argha), perfume (gandha), a flower (puṣpa), and a lamp (dīpa) are offered to the embodied (divine) form of the yantra. These rituals for the consecration of the yantra do not seem to be sufficient for the habitation of the deity into the icon, and the purohita continually invites the goddess, both through the smarta type of mantra19 and through various tantric gestures: oṃ ehi durge mahābhāge rakṣārthaṃ mama sarvadā | āvāhayāmi ahaṃ devī sarvakāmarthasiddhaye | asmin mūrtau samāgaccha sthitiṃ matkṛpayā kuru | rakṣāṃ kuru sadā bhadre viśveśvarī namo’stute || (O Durgā, O Mahābhāgā, come for my protection at all times. I invite [you], O Devī, for the accomplishment of all the desires. Come to/join this image [and] be seated by my grace (!), [and] always protect, O Bhadrā, O Viśveśvarī, obeisance to you!)

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For the invitation of the goddess through tantric gestures (mudrās), the purohita first turns his palms upward and, touching the ends of the fingers with the thumbs, he utters durge devī iha āgaccha āgaccha (O Durgā Devī, come here, come here.) Then, turning the palm down in the same position, durge devī iha tiṣṭha iha tiṣṭha (O Durgā Devī, remain here, remain here.) Then, making a fist with the thumb inside the fingers, sannidhehi, sannidhehi (come close by, come close by), and then turning the hands upward, with the same mudrā, sammukhī bhava, sammukhī bhava (remain face to face, remain face to face). Then, with the dhenu mudrā,20 amr̥tī bhava, amr̥tī bhava (be immortal, be immortal), and finally, making a fist but turning the thumb upward, paramīkr̥tā bhava (be well satisfied). With these ritual acts, the awakening of the goddess in the yantra form is completed, and the goddess is believed to reside in this form until she is bidden farewell at the end of the rite.

Midnight Fire Ritual and Feeding the Goddess with the Liver and Other Oblations On the nights of the eighth and the ninth days, called “the dark nights” (kālarātri) and identified with Durgā as the night of destruction, the purohita performs an esoteric homa, offering the liver of a sacrificial animal. After the preparatory rituals,21 a black goat with a black tongue is consecrated and immolated. The liver of the animal is taken out, cut into pieces, and used for the midnight homa.22 Like other rituals, the midnight homa is quite extensive, beginning with the ritual of lighting the fire and concluding with the extinguishment of the fire, symbolized by the gesture of reabsorption (saṃhāra mudrā). One may call this tantric form an independent homa, in that it is not part of the pūjā rituals, as in the earlier case. The three ritual acts remain prominent in this process: the tantric visualization of the union of the divine male and female polarities; propitiation of the goddess in the form of the firepit (agnikuṇḍa) through gestures (mudrās), touching (nyāsas),23 pūjās, and mantras; and extensive homa offering with the liver and an oblation of rice or barley boiled for presentation to the gods and manes (dead ancestors) (caru). The homa is carried out with the recitation of the verses from the eighth chapter of the Devī Māhātmya, which narrates a story of the cosmic battle between the demon Raktabīja and the goddess. The homa continues with the recitation of the main mantra of the goddess consisting of nine letters (the navārṇa mantra) for 1,000 repetitions: aiṃ hrīṃ klīṃ cāmuṇḍāyai vicce.24 A mixture of clarified butter (sarpis), white sesame (śuklatilaḥ), and an oblation of milk, rice, and sugar (pāyasa)25 are also employed in the continuation of the homa ritual. As the homa is being conducted inside the worship room of the goddess, a number of animals are tethered to sacrificial poles (which are also worshiped as the goddess through another set of rituals), and these animals are then killed in the sacrificial space outside the worship room. This sacrificial space is filled with other yantras, which are worshiped as forms of the goddess. This homa continues for many hours and is finished only at the conclusion of the animal sacrifice outside the worship room.26

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Homa with the Mantras for Consecrating Weapons Apart from worshiping the weapons through services and mantras, an independent homa ritual was also performed every day until the eighth day of the navarātra. Called “the act of taking up iron arms” (lohābhihārikaṃ karma), this ritual was done with the mantras used for the consecration of weapons. The nineteenth-century king Gīrvāṇayuddha Bikram Śāh’s ritual handbook stipulates that a king who wants to achieve victory in battle should perform this ritual, for which (theoretically) all important weapons should be brought to the ritual pavilion (maṇḍapa). The brāhmin, wearing a pure “white” garment, should offer into the fire a mixture of rice gruel and ghee, along with the mantras related to weapons and other royal implements such as the sword, knife, bow, arrow, armor, drum, conch, and elephant. Every verse of the mantra should begin with oṃ and end with svāhā. After this ceremony, the king and his royal horse should receive the remainder of the offering (in the form of prasāda), which is also said to empower the king, on his horse, as the leader of the army. The temple priests mention that this ritual was not limited to navarātra but was also performed whenever the institution of kingship and the security of the nation were in grave danger, and whenever the royal army had to conduct difficult wars. In this homa, the installation of the fire is performed through Vedic methods and by employing verses from Vedic texts, while the verses for the consecration of weapons are of the smarta type. The installation of homa is done according to the ritual manual Agnisthāpanāvidhiḥ, which largely follows the Vedic paradigm but includes the installation of one fire. During the installation, the Vedic “gods” are invited to receive the fire offerings and bless the offerer(s). The mantras used during the installation are Vedic, as they are from Vedic texts. In the Vedic context, the fire sacrifice is related to the cycle of nature and maintenance of nature’s plenty. It is based on an ancient understanding that the ritual fire takes the burnt offerings to the sun, and as a result rain falls, helping to nourish the natural world and giving continuity to the natural cycle.27 The underlying belief of the Vedic homa is that by influencing the gods to partake of the offerings, the ritual specialist can gain divine power and also influence his surroundings. The homa also illustrates the notion that the gods and humans are dependent on each other; the gods receive nourishment through offerings, and humans are blessed with worldly and other worldly benefits.28 The sacrifice brings together the deity and the sacrificer, connecting these three different realms (sacrificer, ritual object, and deity), thereby ritually reordering or reintegrating the cosmic disintegration that began with the creation of the cosmos via sacrifice of the primal puruṣa (RV X.90). The symbolic relations internal to these rituals, and the relation established between their performance and societal and cosmic order, depend upon a “correlative logic” that can be traced to Vedic origins.

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VEDIC ORIENTATION AND THE NAVAR ĀTR A HOMA One of the main features of the Vedic thought, according to Michael Witzel, is the use of an “identification” technique that establishes links, equivalences, nexuses, or correlations (bandhu or nidāna) between, or establishes the identity of, two entities, things, beings, thoughts, or states of mind.29 Witzel, however, disproves some of the long-standing opinions that such homologies were merely the wild fantasies of brāhmins.30 He instead argues that the aim of the Vedic priest and theologian is to discover such relationships of cause and effect, to establish their bandhu, with the understanding that everything in the world is closely interrelated and interdependent with its particular cause.31 The basis of the Vedic śrauta, or “solemn” rituals,32 therefore, is the identification of the offering ground and the fires with the universe and its entities, and that of the priests with the gods.33 In the installation of fire during the navarātra, fire is produced from the rubbing sticks, drawing the sacrifice out of the sacrificer himself, or in this case, the priest on behalf of the offerer. One may take this ritual act symbolically and argue that the sacrificial fire, the offerer, and the longed-for result are connected to each other: “Independent from the mortal world it cannot but be immortal and inalienable, hence, the inextricable junction of fire, self and immortality.”34 For the Vedic ritual, especially during the Brāhmaṇa period, the bandhu is not just a symbolic simulacrum of the macrocosmic world with multiple divine realities but a point of control over the forces that operate in impersonal and esoteric ways. Although the navarātra fire sacrifice is not a public śrauta ritual, the identification of the sacrificer, sacrifice, and the deity is strongly maintained. It is argued that the priest should know the deeper identification in order for the ritual to be effective—that is, for the fulfillment of his wishes as expressed during the ritual of making solemn declaration (saṃkalpa). He should also know the secret meanings of words and should perform the ritual without any fault. He should also have complete faith (śraddhā) in the power of the yajña and its effects in this world and after death. In this homa ritual, the brāhmaṇa priest is identified with the deities, and during the fire installation he repeatedly stresses that he acts with his arms, which have become those of the Aśvins, and his hands, which are those of the god Pūṣan (TS 1.3.1.1).35 His words, being drawn from the Vedic texts, are considered to be divinely potent and they are recited with precision, with proper intonation, formulation, and meter.36 The sacrificer is made godlike through consecration (dīkṣā) in order for the sacrifice to be acceptable to the deities, because, according to traditional conceptions regarding Vedic ritual, only a god can offer to the gods or deities. In the navarātra ritual, following the mythic narrative as given in the Devī Bhāgavata and the Kālikā Purāṇa, it is the god Śiva (the primal puruṣa) who becomes the sacrificial victim, the Mahiṣa demon.37 In the sacrifice of Mahiṣa, as explained in these Purāṇas, the goddess and Mahiṣa are also symbolically united through both devotional love and violence. Additionally, the

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sacrificial animal becomes a substitution of the sacrificer38 and the deity as the ritual brings together sacrificer, sacrificial object, and deity.39 The fact that the sacrificial object is also a devotional self-sacrifice is shown literally in the narrative of the Devī Māhātmya. There we find the king Suratha and the merchant Samadhi offering devotional worship, including their own blood, to the goddess. Specific aspects of the navarātra offer evidence of its connections with Vedic ritual practices. These include the centrality of identification, most importantly the identity of sacrificer, sacrifice, and deity. In addition to considering the navarātra in relation to Vedic ritual practices, it is also revealing to consider its characteristics as a form of magic. MAGICAL ORIENTATION AND THE NAVAR ĀTR A HOMA Hermann Oldenberg regards Vedic sacrifice as a gift and contends that it was the way to gain a god’s sympathy “through the awakening of his enormous goodwill in favor of human beings” and “not through coercion.”40 However, he also notes that the surroundings in which Vedic sacrifice exists and its past foundations are “full of the conceptions and practices of magic that claims to guide directly the course of events without the aid of external goodwill.”41 Witzel argues that certain parts of the Vedic texts and rituals are filled with magic as the priest-cum-magician performs rituals “aimed at controlling impersonal supernatural forces held responsible for the succession of event.”42 Similarly, though rather pejoratively, Arthur B.  Keith suggests that the desire  to  see “magic in everything was growing in the period of Brāhmaṇas, which degrade the sacrifice from the position of an appeal to the bounty of heaven to the greatest power on earth, which controls the gods and produces whatever is desired by the priest.”43 Underlying magic is the notion that the natural world is governed by impersonal laws, and one can control and use the forces of nature to one’s benefit if these laws are correctly understood and rituals are appropriately carried out. According to B.  R. Modak, the notion of magic assumes that essentially all aspects of being stand on the same footing, as all share an all-pervading magical potency, which is substantive and is sometimes represented in the Vedas as asu.44 The difference between one object or being and another is, therefore, based on differing quantities of this magical potency possessed by each.45 According to this law, even the gods are part of a larger impersonal cosmic system, and they can be easily bent according to the wishes of the magician. Key to understanding the magical logic of the navarātra is the role played by the liver that is sacrificed in the course of the ritual. The Liver in Esoteric Rites: What Ideas Can We Glean from Other Traditions? The ritual significance of the liver organ is very popular across the world, both in the ancient period and in some traditional societies in modern times. The inspection of

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a liver taken from a sacrificial animal seems to have been one of the earliest recorded modes of divination across ancient Central Asia, Africa, and parts of Europe,46 and the practice seems to have migrated to the Nepali hills at least from the sixteenth century c.e. Ritual practices related to the liver have been popular across the continents, and the organ is believed to have magical properties in different cultures. As an important symbol in occult physiology, the liver was prominent in ancient Babylonian and Assyrian temples, as seen through the twenty-first chapter of the Book of the Prophet Ezekiel; in modern-day Morocco (north Africa) and in a healing ritual from Iban (Borneo), the liver of the sacrificed animal (in this instance, a pig) is used for inspection.47 It is also used for medicinal purposes (especially the ashes of a burned liver)48 and for shamanistic ceremony among the Yakuts, for example.49 In relation to royal rituals, we have at least two modern examples from Swaziland, a landlocked Southern African country, and from Mamprusi, Ghana. In the Great Incwala, in Swazi royal ritual, the king’s black ox is put in contact with the nude king, who then makes the gesture of eating the liver of the sacrificed ox bull for increasing his supernatural attributes.50 In Mamprusi, the king seems to eat a stew made with the “liver” of a dog captured on the night of the king’s investiture ceremony, something that is forbidden to eat but which is considered very important for medicinal and magical purposes.51 Regarding the liver offering in ritual fire, Norman H. Smith notes that in the Hebrew Bible (Leviticus 3:1, 14; VI.III.14 ff.) ancient Hebrew sacrifices also involved burning the liver of certain animals, such as goat and sheep, on the altar.52 The Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens mentions the use of liver for divination and also as a source for the powers employed in sorcery (France). Willy de Craemer also mentions the prevalent belief in Central Africa that some harmful substance is hidden in the body of the witch that gives powers to him or her, and one of the locations of this harmful substance is the liver.53 This widespread conception of the magical efficacy of the liver demonstrates that its role in the navarātra is far from unique to Nepal. The liver’s spiritual potency, however, must be made accessible through ritual means. Rituals and Techniques of Magic One magical technique employed for gaining power over others by ritual means is guided by the notion that “like produces like, or that an effect resembles its cause”;54 another technique is that of substitution, a “scapegoat” mechanism, according to which “we can transfer our guilt and sufferings to some other beings [or objects, in the case of wiping off the disease or guilt with the help of certain plants, apāmārga], who will bear them for us.”55 Ritual correspondence, an important technique of magic, is maintained during the navarātra by a variety of symbolic associations: the choice of the black goat for the black goddess Kālī; the recitation of the eighth chapter for the eighth-night ritual; the nighttime ritual for the black or dark Kālī; the mythic narrative of the “regeneration” of the demon Raktabīja (literally, “seed of blood”) out of his own drops of blood and

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the regenerative symbolism of the liver, which is said to be the only part of the body that regenerates (similar to the Prometheus myth); animal sacrifices, and repeated recitation of the mantras in magic numbers such as 9, 54, and 108; the recitation of the Devī Māhātmya nine times every day until the ninth day of the festival; and finally, the ritual battle that mimics the mythical one for one’s own victory (e.g., the king slays the image of his enemies in the midnight ritual, and chops up a gourd/ash-melon as an embodiment of his enemy/demon). The use of amulets, expiation rituals, wiping off the demons, and burning away the hostile power (sun magic through the homa with the animal liver/flesh) are other magical acts meant for driving away inimical forces and safeguarding the sacrificer. The magic also seems to work through the strongly expressed “wishes” of the priest-cum-magician as they are coupled with the ritual actions in magic. The Nepalese ritual manuals show how wishes are often directed to the betterment of the king and the destruction of his enemies, including the destruction of their wisdom and powers.56 Against the background of Vedic and magical ritual conceptions, the magical potency inherent in these symbolic associations is made present in the navarātra by means of Śākta tantric rituals. Reversals of Traditional Ritual Norms and Construction of Order The magical aspects are channeled through Śākta tantric rituals (sarvāmnāya, or sacred traditions) that are said to more effectively ensure divine power. The purohitas speak about the eight attainments (aṣṭasiddhis) of tantric rituals such as accomplishment through the sword (khaḍgasiddhi) and going swiftly anywhere on earth (bhūcara).57 The tantric rituals also defy traditional Vedic norms and hierarchies and create their own unified order by dismantling the old forms. In the Vedic sacrifice, the ritual fire (Agni) was regarded as a medium to convey the sacrifice to gods, ancestors, or to the waters and forests: “Agni, call forth the gods… . Convey this sacrifice to the gods in heaven” (RV VII.11.5); “O Jātavedas, go with the omentum (caul) to the gods (Fathers) … may the wishes of the sacrifice come true” (ĀśvG. 10; MB. 2.3.16 f.; MG. 5; GG.4.4.22 ff.).58 In contrast, both the altar constructed in the shape of the female yonī59 and the fire of the homa of the eighth and ninth nights are regarded as embodying Kālī herself—sometimes the raging fire is said to represent her tongue. Instead of Vedic gods, the goddess Kālī is the recipient of the sacrifice, including the blood and severed heads of the sacrificial animals. Being involved in an act of extreme blood-letting, and thus breaking what is, at least from the orthodox Brāhmaṇic point of view, the boundary between pure and impure, the sādhaka (worshiper), as Hugh Urban notes, “breaks the worldly bondage of duality, oversteps the limitations of social order, and affirms the śakti and unity of the phenomenal world.”60 The magical aspect of the ritual is here concerned with maximizing the attainment of specific goals for the sādhaka by means of manipulation of rituals and their symbols. The goddess Kālī, as she is involved greatly with blood, wine, and weapons, is associated with death and destruction, and her power, that is, her demonic aspect,

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is harnessed through sacrifices, in both external blood sacrifice as well as forms of inner sacrifice. Another distinguishing mark is that in Vedic ritual the deity is invoked to descend from heaven, while in tantric pūjā he/she is drawn from the heart of the worshiper and asked to become manifest in some concrete object in the ritual.61 The divine presence is maintained through a vivid visualization of the deity as part of worship/devotion. In this, the deity “does not remain just a subtle abstraction of the transcendent source of the cosmos but, through the liturgy, develops into a complex embodiment of the entire created universe,” the singular reality with which the identity of the individual is constantly affirmed. In contrast, in Vedic sacrifice, “while also aiming to overcome the separation between man and god,” it assumes the “ultimate reality of that distinction.”62 With regard to the use of mantra, Vedic liturgy employs many mantras to state the various bandhus (correlations) between ritual object and cosmic force, while the tantric liturgy operates to realize the one, all-encompassing bandhu.63

Śākta Tantra: Its Theology and Investiture of Powers Tantra64 is a collection of practices and symbols of a ritualistic, sometimes magical character (e.g., mantra, yantra, cakra, mudrā, nyāsa).65 Tantrism66 is also regarded as “a practical path to supernatural powers and to liberation”: Tantrism may be briefly characterized as a practical way to attain supernatural powers and liberation in this life through the use of specific and complex techniques based on a particular ideology, that of a cosmic reintegration by means of which the adept is established in a position of power, freed from worldly fetters, while remaining in this world and dominating it by union with (or proximity to) a godhead who is the supreme power itself.67 The type of tantric rituals performed during the navarātra may be categorized as Śākta tantra. It is characterized as the worship of śakti, the universal and all-embracing dynamic that “manifests itself in human experience as a female divinity … inseparably connected … [with] an inactive male power, at whose power of action and movement the Śakti functions.”68 Tāntrism and Śāktism may therefore be understood as “two intersecting but not coinciding circles,”69 with the former referring to an integrated convergence of doctrine and practice having specific characteristics, and the latter to worship of the central power (śakti) of the universe as a female deity.70 The rituals in the Gorkhā palace bring together both traditions of Śākta tantrism, namely Śrīvidyā and Kālī, but the focus of the ritual attention is on the worship of the goddess Kālī elevated as the singular reality. In tantra, the ritual is not just obeisance to the deity; it attempts to harness the power of the deity and unite the sādhaka (practitioner) with the deity. Although the ultimate

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result of tantric ritual is said to be liberation by way of union, the sādhaka is said to gain various powers, both material and spiritual, through the performance of these rituals.71 Tantric rituals as performed in the palaces employ a variety of techniques through the medium of sound (mantra), form (yantra), postures and gestures (nyāsas and mudrās), breath control (prāṇāyama), meditation (dhyāna), and offerings. External and internal purification methods are employed to make the body divine, or help realize the divine body of the sādhaka, and that which is gross is regulated and ritually transformed into that which is more subtle until the sense of unity is attained. In the ritual process, the deity that is the object of worship is viewed as part of one’s own self, or one’s self is viewed as an inalienable part of the deity. The sādhaka is initiated by the guru with the ritual called mantradikṣā (initiation by imparting mantras), or represented by the royal priest on behalf of the king.72 One of the tantric rituals to effect divine power is nyāsa, in which the priest touches various parts of his body while uttering a mantra in order that “with the mantra’s powerful resonance the adept may gradually project the power of divinity into his own body.”73 During the navarātra, the ritual placing of the mantra on six different body parts is very common: touching the heart with the palm while reciting the mantra oṃ hr̥dayāya namaḥ (oṃ obeisance to the heart); forehead with four fingers, with the mantra oṃ klīṃ śirase svāhā (oṃ klīṃ, hail to the head); the top of the head with the tip of the thumb while the fingers are closed into a fist, with oṃ sauḥ kavacāya huṃ (oṃ sauḥ, huṃ, to the shield); touching the closed eye with the fore- and middle fingers, with oṃ bhuvaḥ netratrayāya vauṣaṭ (oṃ, atmosphere; vauṣaṭ, to three eyes); and finally placing those two fingers on the left palm, with oṃ bhūr bhuvaḥ phaṭ (oṃ, earth atmosphere phaṭ).74 As seen above, the ritual act of touching (nyāsa) is also accompanied by the hand gestures called mudrās. The yoni mudrā, for example, represents the śakti’s yantra and is “performed with the sole object of invoking the divinity to bestow her energy and infuse it into the sādhaka.”75 This is followed by the ritual of purification of elements (bhūtaśuddhi), in which the grosser elements of which the body is composed are dissolved back into more subtle ones, along with the mantras. Here the body is envisioned as the microcosmic universe and the sādhaka undergoes a process of cosmic involution within his body. After destroying any guilt hidden in the psychosomatic body (pāpīpuruṣa), he recreates within himself the universe that is pure and which unites the self to the larger cosmos. After thorough ritual purification, the sādhaka performs kuṇḍalini yoga, gradually raising the kuṇḍalini power via various energy points (mūlādhāra, svādhiṣṭhāna, maṇipura, anāhata, viśuddha, ājñā, and sahasrāra) of his body until the kuṇḍalini śakti unites with the divine on top of his head (often symbolically called Śiva). At this point there is an integration of the opposite poles of the divine within the practitioner’s own body. By undoing the knots of the energy centers of his body, the sādhaka gradually transforms himself and realizes the divine unity within himself. This process is also called the tantric quest “for salvation by realizing and fostering the … divinity within one’s body.”76

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This shows that the sādhaka must be ritually and mentally pure in order to perform such worship, and the rituals become effective only when they are performed in the proper mental state, with devotion, submission, and knowledge of the inherent connection between the divine power and one’s self/body, which can also be described as a deep sense of connection between the microcosm and the macrocosm. The self is here rooted to the absolute and the ritual is a means to manifest this inalienable connection. In this process of maintaining connection, the sādhaka (the king, or the priest who works on his behalf) is said to gain the divine power (śakti) of the goddess, which he extends outside through his own being and brings back to himself, illustrated through the act of transferring the divine power onto the flower, placing it on the ritual space or yantra, and drawing it back into himself at the end of the ritual.

CONCLUSION The fifteen-day navarātra rituals as performed in the royal palaces of Nepal underscore both the delegation of divine authority and the underlying irony of the king as divine being. It also emphasizes the obsession of the ritual performer (the king), and his inordinate thirst for power, cruelty, and worldly concerns. The outward persona of the Hindu king as the divine arbiter, an ideal and compassionate figure for just rule as seen through his association with the mythical and divine figure of Rāma and though the consecration ceremonies, is subverted in these rituals. Instead, the power-hungry image is emphasized with the ritual participant’s involvement in bloodshed, animal sacrifice, and repeated invocation of wishes such as for the destruction of one’s enemies and the extinction of their wisdom and power. Over the course of the festival, the rituals gradually shift from relatively peaceful worship to more intense violence. In such acts, the rituals exhibit the structure of what Maurice Bloch77 terms the “rebounding violence” that is directed both inward, in terms of controlling the people under royal leadership, and outward, in terms of warfare and expansion of empire. While the ritual celebrates the triumph of the goddess over the demonic forces that are said to destabilize cosmic order, the performance of this ritual in the alternative form in royal settings largely displays and legitimizes royal authority and state-sanctioned violence.78 The offering of the liver of the sacrificial animal into the fire shows that the sacrificer is not content simply with killing his enemy; he also gives vent to his ultimate anger in the act of extracting one of the vital organs (e.g., the liver) of his projected enemy or by slaying the enemy’s effigy in the midnight ritual. Offering the liver into the fire may also be taken as the participant’s wish fulfillment, especially the desire to eliminate completely his enemy. Similarly, eating part of the cooked liver or placing the ashes of the burned liver on the forehead may be interpreted as an attempt to gain the enemy’s power through magical means. In the Nepalese royal context, these acts do not seem to

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be merely symbolic but may have actually happened in history. The priests of the temple recount that it was a regular practice to offer the liver of the animal into the fire, along with the appropriate mantras, before going to war. They also speculate that the actual liver of an enemy killed in battle might have been used in the same fashion.79 Despite the importance of worshiping the Mother Goddess and her multiple powers for one’s well-being and for that of the nation, the navarātra ritual as practiced in these power places underscored and promoted state-sanctioned violence, befitting the martial tradition of the Śāh kings of Nepal and their institution of Gorkhā kingship. In fact, this festival was popular among the ancient and medieval Hindu kings of India before they set out on annual military campaigns;80 the tenth day is also said to be the day on which the five Pāṇḍava brothers took up arms against the Kauravas in order to regain their throne in the great Hindu epic, the Mahābhārata.81 During times of conflict, the festival must have been a great impetus for the kings and their soldiers to go to war and seek conquest; at the very least, its significance in boosting the army’s morale and engendering confidence in the battle to come cannot be discounted. However, to what extent the sacrificial violence of the navarātra shaped participants’ day-to-day behavior, or whether such ritual violence could actually make participants more aggressive and prone to violence in their daily lives, is an open question. Notes 1. Gīrvāṇayuddha Bir Bikrama Śāhdev, Satkarmaratnāvalī, Uttarārdha (Kathmandu: His Majesty’s Government, c. 1972), pp. 222, 228–230. 2. Some of the Purāṇas that describe the navarātra festival are the Agni (185.3–15; 268.13–16), Bhaviṣya (4.138.1–115), Brahmavaivarta (2.62.1–65.12), Bṛhaddharma (1.22.17–34), Devī (22.4–24), Devībhāgavata (3.26–27; 5.34.12–31), Garuḍa (1.133.3–134.7), Kālikā (60.6–80; 61.14–30), Nārada (1.110.30–34; 117.76–78; 118.17‒22; Skanda (1.2.47.77–82; 5.1.14.4; 18.4; 7.1.83.39–60), and Viṣṇudharmottara (2.158.1–8). The description of the ritual in these purāṇic texts suggests its popularity from early on. 3. This fact was testified both by Balarām Aryāl himself and by his son, Bhānu Aryāl, from whom I received the manuscripts, as well as from Sūryanāth Arjyāl, who has had many years’ ritual experiences in the Gorkhā palace. See Rājārām Subedī, folio 3. 4. Pratāpa Siṃha Śāhdev, Brihat Purascharyarnava, 4 vols. (Kathmandu: Nepal Press, 1974), vol. 1, pp. 1–207; Gīrvānyuddha Bikram Śāhdev, Satkarmaratnāvalī, 4 vols. (Kathmandu: His Majesty’s Government’s Press, 1973), vol. 1, pp. 201–244. As we will come to know later, the word deva was added to the Nepalese kings only from the time of Pr ̥thvī Bīr Bikram Śāhdev (r. 1881–1911), and afterward this honorific word was used in official documents in references to all the previous Śāh kings as well. 5. The interviews were conducted by Rājārām Subedī on February 25 and April 10, 11, and 16, 2011, in the residence of Sūryanāth Aryal. Subedī also collected information from a retired army general, Jasapāu, who had firsthand knowledge of these rituals and of the priest working in the Gorkhā palace.

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6. Sanu Bhai Dangol, The Palace in Nepalese Politics, with special reference to the Politics of 1951–1990 (Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1999), p. 202. 7. The main royal purohita Siṃharāj writes in the ritual handbook (1969): With a view to preserving and circulating the religious activities as given in the karmakāṇḍa (that department of the Veda which relates to ceremonial acts and sacrificial rites and the merit arising from a due performance thereof) protected by the lord (prabhu) His Majesty the king Mahendra Bir Bikram Śāhdeva, the protector of dharma and bestower of the fortune of Nepal, which is the only Hindu kingdom in the world, and with the wish of His Majesty the crown prince (Birendra), this book on Agnisthāpanā (Installation of Agni) prepared in a planned way by the general Dhanaśamśer Jaṅgabahādur Rāṇā and Paṇḍit Kṛṣṇaprasāda Bhaṭṭarai has been read thoroughly and corrected by me. (“Sammati” [Agreement], main purohita Siṃharāj) 8. The compiler was closely associated with the reigning king Mahendra and with the crown prince Birendra, under whose expressed wishes and guardianship he published his handbook through the Royal Nepal Academy; the academy was instituted to protect and promote Nepali culture and tradition. The compiler acknowledges in his “introduction” that he received full support from the royal Paṇḍit Kṛṣṇa Prasāda Bhaṭṭarāī (Śāradīyadurgāpūjāpaddhati, p. ā), with whom he had earlier published another ritual handbook on the installation and observance of the fire ceremony (Agnisthāpanāvidhi, 1969), which was given final shape and authority by the main royal purohita Siṃharāj himself (see the acknowledgment by the main royal purohita). These ritual manuals were published by the Royal Nepal Academy and His Majesty’s Government’s Department of Publicity, and they include pictures of the reigning king and the crown prince at the front of each publication, suggesting that these texts were sanctioned by the royal palace and authorized by the royal purohitas themselves. The interview with the former purohita and palace official in Gorkhā led me to believe that Rāṇā’s ritual handbook was the basis of the rituals of these places. However, the palace official cautioned that Rāṇā’s manual does not contain “every elaborate description” of some of the more secret palace rituals (Subedī, p. 17). 9. In the Gṛhya-sūtra texts, maṇḍala generally refers to the circle, but over time the term came to include other shapes and diagrams as well. See Shingo Einoo, “The Formation of Hindu Ritual,” in Shingo Einoo and Jun Takashima, eds., From Material to Deity: Indian Rituals of Consecration (New Delhi: Monohar, 2005), pp. 24–33 (on “maṇḍala”). 10. Balaram Aryal, Navarātra Tathā Yamapañcaka Pūjāvidhi (Kathmandu: Triyugā Aphaseṭa Printing Press, 2005), p. 27. The nine goddesses worshiped during this festival are Śailaputrī, Brahmacāriṇī, Candraghaṇṭā, Kuṣmāṇḍā, Skandamātā, Kāyāyanī, Kālarātrī, Mahāgaurī, and Siddhidātrī (p.  7); Dhanaśamaśera Jaṅgabahadura Rāṇa, Śāradīyadurgāpūjāpaddhati (Kathmandu:  Royal Nepal Academy, 1975), cha. The tantric names of more violent forms of the goddess are Rudracaṇḍā, Pracaṇḍā, Caṇḍogrā, Caṇḍanāyikā, Caṇḍā, Caṇḍavatī, Caṇḍarūpā, Aticaṇḍikā, and Mahogracaṇḍikā. For those following the śrīvidyā tradition, the form of the main goddess is Tripurāsundarī, and her nine names are Tripurā, Tripureśī, Tripurāsundarī, Tripuravāsinī, Tripurāśrī, Tripurāmālinī, Tripurāsiddhā, Tripurāmbā, and Mahātripurabhairavī (see Dhanaśamaśera, cha- ja). However, these ritual manuals have a similar conception of the Supreme Goddess who is regarded as having various names and forms, and all these varied names coalesce into one. Also, when the Supreme Goddess is regarded as

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Durgā, she is also worshiped as having three different forms:  Mahākālī, Mahālakṣmī, and Mahāsarasvatī (Nārayan Dās Arjyāl, folio 1: “śrī mahākālī mahālakṣmī mahāsarasvatī svarūpiṇi śrīdurgādevi …”). 11. A domestic chaplain who acts for the king or another sponsor in Vedic rituals, both solemn and domestic. 12. An abstract meditative thought process of purification through which the worshiper (sādhaka) is said to dissolve the older body and recreate a new metaphysical or spiritual body. 13. A ritual act of touching in which various parts of the body (e.g., of the worshiper or of the image) are assigned to different deities, accompanied by prayers and hand gestures (mudrās). The nyāsa can be on different parts of the body of the worshiper by himself/herself, or on the image, or on the abstract diagram. 14. One of the earliest examples of what mantras are employed while bathing with pañcagavya and pañcāmr̥ta is found in the Baudhāyana Gṛhyaśeśasūtra (BGŚS, 2.13) 15. It appears that the purohitas tend to use both the Vedic and tantric mantras for the infusion of vital energy. 16. Julius Eggeling, trans., The Śatapatha-Brāhmaṇa, According to the Text of the Mādhyandina School, Part I, Books I and II (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1966, second ed.), p. 215 (ŚB). The complete translation in ŚB, however, runs as follows: ‘May his mind delight in the gushing (of the) butter! By the mind, assuredly, all this (universe) is obtained (or pervaded, āptam):  hence he thereby obtains this All by mind.—“May Brihaspati [sic] spread (carry through) this sacrifice! May he restore the sacrifice uninjured!”—he thereby restores the sacrifice uninjured!’—he thereby restores what was torn asunder.—‘May all the gods rejoice here!’—‘all the gods,’ doubtless, means the All: hence he thereby restore (the sacrifice) by means of the All. 17. Aryal, Navarātra Tathā Yamapañcaka Pūjāvidhi, p. 27. 18. This tantric main mantra is formed on the basis of the gāyatrī verse of the Ṛgveda (III.62.10):  oṃ bhūrbhuvaḥ svaḥ tatsaviturvareṇyaṃ bhargo devasya dhīmahi dhiyo yo naḥ pracodayāt (We wish to obtain that adorable light of the divine Savitr ̥ [i.e., the sun] who should stir up our thoughts). 19. The style of mantras found in smṛti (literally, that which is “remembered” or “known”). Smr̥ti is a class of Hindu religious literature that is highly prestigious but which does not have the same status as śruti, that which is “heard” or “revealed,” that is, the Vedas. The Vedic corpus is classified as śruti while the Dharma literature, the Epics, and the Purāṇas are classified as smr̥ti. However, the boundary between these two classifications remains very fluid. 20. The dhenu mudrā is formed with both hands joined together to form the shape of the four teats of the udder of the cow. The general purpose of this gesture is to turn the offerings to the deity into ambrosia (milk is symbolically considered to be identical with ambrosia). 21. Some of the preparatory rituals leading to the midnight homa are “restraining the directions” (digvandhana), purification of the seat (āsanaśuddhi), inscribing the mantras on the hands and six limbs (karaṣaḍaṅganyāsa),pūjās to the following:  deities such as Dīpa, Kalaśa, Gaṇeṣa, and the goddess; various weapons mythologically upheld by the goddess; the eight guardian deities (kṣetrapālas); the eight Bhairavas (aṣṭabhairava); and the guardians of the ten

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directions (daśadikpāla). It is followed by the propitiation of sacrificial animals for sacrifice and other rituals related to blood and the liver. 22. It appears that the homa ritual of this type was generally performed from the first to the ninth days of the navarātra (see the ca. 1931 manual) but was sometimes limited only to the eighth and ninth days (see ca. 1907 manual). However, the manuals of ca. 1975 and 2005 recommend this ritual for the eighth and ninth nights, and this seems to be the general practice at least from 1975 onward. The handwritten manuals were made available by Balarām Aryāl. 23. Taittirīyasaṃhitā 5.5.9; Baudhāyanagṛhyaśeṣa-sūtra 4.7.5; See Shingo Einoo, “Notes on the Installation Ceremonies Described in the Gr h̥ yapariśiṣṭas,” in Shingo Einoo and Jun Takashima, eds., From Material to Deity: Indian Rituals of Consecration (New Delhi: Manohar, 2005), pp. 109–113. 24. Girvānayuddha Śāh, p.  230. This tantric mūlamantra does not seem to have any meaning except for the noun cāmuṇḍāyai (“to Cāmuṇḍā”). However, Thomas Coburn, in Encountering the Goddess: A Translation of the Devī-Māhātmya and a Study of Its Interpretation (Albany:  State University of New  York Press, 1991), pp. 136–137, quotes a late Śākta Devī-Atharva-Śīrṣa-Upaniṣad and mentions that these letters collectively refer to the unmanifest and manifest forms of the goddess. It appears that the purohita can choose any other mantras such as oṃ durge durge rakṣini svāhā, Jayantī, Maṅgalā, Kālī, Bhadrakālī, Kapālinī, Durgā, Kṣamā, Śivā, Dhātrī, Svāhā, Svadhā namo’stu te (Gīrvānayuddha, p. 206) and oṃ hrīṃ hrīṃ raktadantikāyai kālarātryai dhuru dhuru svāhā; see Vāsudev Nepal, “Śrī Purāno Gorakhgaṇa (Śa. Ra.) Atītadekhi Vartamānasamma” (“Śrī Old Gorakhabattalion [Śa. Ra.] from Past to the Present”), Sipāhī (Kathmandu, Royal Nepal Army Quarterly) 34 (2001): 77–83. 25. Coburn, Encountering the Goddess, p. 230. 26. Śarmā Bhaṭṭarāī mentions that on the ninth day of the year 1996, thirty-three buffaloes, nine sheep, three goats, and a pig provided by the government and about 500 to 700 animals brought by the public were sacrificed. See Lokaprasad Śarmā Bhaṭṭarai, Gorkhādarabarakṣetrako Sāṃskr̥tika Pakṣa: Yasako Udbhava ra Vikāsa (Dāṅg: Madendra Sanskrit University, 1997), pp. 74, 78, 89. 27. Manu 3.76; Patrick Olivelle, trans., The Law Code of Manu (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009). Axel Michaels, Hinduism: Past and Present (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003), p. 246. 28. Dhanaśamaśera Ja. Ba. Rā. and Krishṇaprasād Bhaṭṭarāī, Agnisthāpanāvidhiḥ, pp. 20, 22. Time and again, the verses mention that such-and-such deities conquered such-and-such realms or beings by employing various Vedic hymns/meters, further recommending that the sacrificer may also do the same for conquest (pp. 22–24). 29. Michael Witzel, Kaṭha Āraṇyaka:  Critical Edition with a Translation into German and an Introduction (Cambridge, MA: Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Harvard University, 2004), p. xxxi. 30. Witzel quotes several scholars such as Max Müller, Leopold von Schroeder, Arthur B. Keith, Jan Gonda, and Karl Hoffmann and discusses the significance of bandhu in terms of the magical interpretation of the world. 31. Witzel, Kaṭha Āraṇyaka, p. xxxiv. He makes a distinction, however, between scientific thinking, in which differing causes lead to distinctive effects, and Vedic thinking, in which a minor relation is sufficient for cause and effect relation.

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32. Vedic ritual is divided into two broad categories, the public, “solemn” rituals known as śrauta, and private, domestic, and life-cycle rituals known as gṛhya. The textual sources for the two types also differ, the sources for śrauta being older. 33. Witzel, Kaṭha Āraṇyaka, p. xxxiv. 34. Jan C.  Heesterman, “Vedism and Hinduism,” in Gerhard Oberhammer, Jan C. Heesterman, and Madeleine Biardeau, eds., Studies in Hinduism: Vedism and Hinduism (Vienna:  Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1997), p.  58; Michaels, Hinduism: Past and Present, pp. 246–247. 35. Dhana Śamaśera Rāṇā, Agnisthāpanāvidhiḥ, pp. 3, 36, 157. 36. An example of the power of the Vedic mantra is given in the ŚB I.6.3.10, where the mispronunciation of one word (“Indraśatru”) leads to a disastrous result because of the emphasis placed on the latter syllable and used as a bahubrīhi compound having the meaning, “having Indra for an enemy.” In the story, Indra then comes rushing forth and cuts off the head of Viśvarūpa, who had mispronounced the word. See Witzel, Kaṭha Āraṇyaka, p. lxi. Cf. Arthur B. Keith, The Religion and Philosophy of the Veda and Upanishads (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1925), p. 464. 37. This is in consonance with the Vedic conception of sacrifice that includes both the sacrificer and the god to whom it is offered (Taittrīyasaṃhitā, 1.7.9). 38. The concept that sacrificial animal represents the sacrificer has also been understood in symbolic terms, with sacrificial animals representing the demonic forces within humans, such as anger, sensuality, greed, and attachment. For the symbolic understanding of sacrifice in Bengal (India), see Suchitra Samanta, “The ‘Self-Animal’ and Divine Digestion: Goat Sacrifice to the Goddess Kālī in Bengal,” Journal of Asian Studies 53/3 (August 1994): 779–803. 39. For the detailed study of myths and identification between Mahiṣa, deities, and the sacrifice, see Carmel Berkson, The Divine and the Demoniac: Mahiṣa’s Heroic Struggle with Durga (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995). The text also discusses the pervasiveness of animal sacrifices in India from past to present. 40. Hermann Oldenberg, The Religion of the Veda (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1988), p. 184. 41. Oldenberg, The Religion of the Veda, p. 185. 42. Quoted by Witzel, Kaṭha Āraṇyaka, p.  xxxvi. Cf. Max Marwick, ed., Witchcraft and Sorcery: Selected Readings (New York: Penguin, 1982). 43. Keith, The Religion and Philosophy of the Veda and Upanishads, p.  379; Witzel, Kaṭha Āraṇyaka, p. xxxvi. 44. B. R. Modak, The Ancillary Literature of the Atharva-Veda: A Study with Special Reference to the Pariśiṣṭas (New Delhi: Rashtriya Veda Vidya Pratishthan in association with Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1993), p. 308. 45. Modak, The Ancillary Literature of the Atharva-Veda, p. 308. 46. Erica Reiner, “Astral Magic in Babylonia,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, n.s., 85/4 (1995): 78–79. 47. W. Carleton Wood, “The Religion of Canaan: From the Earliest Times to the Hebrew Conquest,” Journal of Biblical Literature 35/3–4 (1916): 221; Paul Haupt, “Babylonian Elements in the Levitic Ritual,” Journal of Biblical Literature, 19/1 (1900):  56; http://www.jstor.org/ stable/3259072. 48. Allen Howard Godbey, “The Hebrew Mašal,” American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures 39/2 (January 1923): 99; http://www.jstor.org/stable/528484.

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49. A. Popov, “Consecration Ritual for a Blacksmith Novice among the Yakuts,” Journal of American Folklore 46/181 (July–September 1933): 262; http://www.jstor.org/stable/535717. 50. Thomas O. Beidelman, “Swazi Royal Ritual,” Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 36/4 (October 1966): 377; http://www.jstor.org/stable/1158048. 51. Susan Drucker Brown, “Horse, Dog, and Donkey:  The Making of a Mamprusi King,” Man, n.s., 27/1 (March 1992): 71–90; http://www.jstor.org/stable/2803595. 52. Norman H. Smith, “Sacrifices in the Old Testament,” Vetus Testamentum, vol. 7, fasc. 3 (July 1957): 310; http://www.jstor.org/stable/1516202. 53. Hanns Bächtold-Stäubli, Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens; herausgegeben von Hanns Bächtold-Stäubli unter Mitwirkung von Eduard Hoffmann–Krayer, mit einem Vorwort von Christoph Daxelmüller (1933; reprint, Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1987). 54. James C. Frazer, The Golden Bough, abridged ed. (London: Macmillan, 1922), p. 11. 55. James C. Frazer, The Scapegoat (London: Macmillan, 1913), p. 1. 56. Frazer, The Scapegoat, p. 1. 57. According to the Sādhanāmālā (No. 172. P.  350), the following are the eight aṣṭasiddhis: khadgasiddhi, aṅjanasiddhi (collyrium applied to eyes, which enables a person to see buried treasure), pādalepasiddhi (ointment applied to the soles of the feet, enabling a person to move anywhere undiscovered), antardhānasiddhi (becoming invisible before the very eyes of those watching one), rasarasāyanasiddhi (the power of transmitting baser metals into gold or finding an elixir for immortality), khecarasiddhi (being able to fly up in the sky), bhūcarasiddhi (going swiftly anywhere on the earth), and pātālasiddhi (diving underneath the earth). Quoted in Pandurang Vaman Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, vol. 5/2 (Poona:  Bhandarkar Research Institute, 1958), p. 1115. 58. See Jan Gonda, Vedic Ritual: The Non-Solemn Rites (Leiden-Koln: E. J. Brill, 1980), p. 434. 59. Yonyāśvatthadalābhayā, in which the shape should be of the yoni equal to the leaf of aśvatthapatra ( ficus religiosa, fig tree, known as the “bodhi tree”). 60. Hugh Urban, “The Power of the Impure: Transgression, Violence and Secrecy in Bengali Śākta Tantra and Modern Western Magic,” Numen 50/3 (2003):  287; http://www.jstor.org/ stable/3270489. 61. Wade T. Wheelock, “The Mantra in Vedic and Tantric Ritual,” in Harvey P. Alper, ed., Mantra (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), p. 112. 62. Wheelock, “The Mantra in Vedic and Tantric Ritual,” p. 117. 63. Wheelock, “The Mantra in Vedic and Tantric Ritual,” p. 117. 64. The word tantra is literally defined as “extension” and “warp on a loom.” It is also used in the sense of liberation: tan-, “to stretch, expound,” and trā-, “to save.” 65. Teun Goudriaan, “Introduction, History and Philosophy,” in Sanjukta Gupta, Dirk Jan Hoens, and Teun Goudriaan, eds., Hindu Tantrism (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1979), p. 6. 66. Andre Padoux, “Tantrism:  An Overview,” in Mircea Eliade, ed., The Encyclopedia of Religion (New  York:  Macmillan, 1986), vol. 14, p.  273; quoted in Coburn, Encountering the Goddess, p. 123. 67. Padoux, “Tantrism: An Overview,” pp. 274–275. 68. Goudriaan, “Introduction, History and Philosophy,” p. 7. 69. Goudriaan, “Introduction, History and Philosophy,” p. 6. 70. Coburn, Encountering the Goddess, p. 125.

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71. Goudriaan, “Introduction, History and Philosophy,” p. 6. 72. The selection of the chief priest was done very carefully, and the process included matching the king’s horoscope with that of the priest. Since the priest performed the rituals on behalf of the king, it was very important for the priest to become the proper conduit of divine power for the king and his successful rule. 73. Ajit Mookerjee and Madhu Khanna, The Tantric Way:  Art, Science, and Ritual (London: Thames and Hudson, 1977), p. 136. 74. Mookerjee and Khanna, The Tantric Way, pp. 140–141. “Phat” is a mystical syllable often used in tantric mantra recitation. 75. Mookerjee and Khanna, The Tantric Way, p. 141. 76. Teun Goudriaan and Sanjukta Gupta, Hindu Tantric and Śākta Literature (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1981), p. 1. 77. The anthropologist Maurice Bloch has developed a ritual theory of “rebounding violence” and discusses the ritual in tripartite structure of submission, identification, and conquest. However, he takes all forms of rituals as strategies for leadership and disregards their religious and spiritual implications. See Maurice Bloch, Prey into Hunter: The Politics of Religious Experience (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992). 78. The goddess Kālī is said to have originated from the forehead of Ambikā (87.4–5) when she was terribly angry. The goddess Kālī (the masculine form is Kāla, meaning “time”) is often associated with sinister things from early Hindu texts such as the Śāṅkhāyana Āraṇyaka (ŚA 11.3.4), the Mahābhārata (Sauptika Parvan, 10.8.64‒69), the Harivaṃśa (47.24), and the Kumārasaṃbhava (7.39). The goddess Ambika, within whom all the goddesses ultimately return to (90.4) in the Devī Māhātmya, may be traced back to her association with Rudra in the Yajurveda (Taittirīya Saṃhitā 1.8.6). Similarly, Kālī is associated with Śiva from early on, as she is regarded as an incarnation of Satī after her incineration during the sacrifice of Dakṣa. Along the same lines, Durgā, who becomes the predominant goddess in the Hindu traditions, is associated with Śiva. Early references to Durgā point to the esoteric cult of human sacrifices; see Thomas B.  Coburn, Devī-Mahātmya:  The Crystallization of the Goddess (Delhi:  Motilal Banarsidass, 1984), p. 121. 79. Subedī lists some important types of homa on different occasions: with clarified butter and caru (chiefly, milk, butter, and barley) in the installation of Agni; with mustard seeds for the naming ceremony; with vegetation in the coronation ritual; with gold while entering the house (gr̥hārambha); and with liver before going into battle (p. 19). 80. Yuko Yokochi, “The Warrior Goddess in the Devīmāhātmya,” in Masakau Tanaka and Musashi Tachikawa, eds., Living with Śakti:  Gender, Sexuality, and Religion in South Asia (Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology, 1999), p. 88. 81. Muriel M.  Underhill, The Hindu Religious Year (London:  Association Press/Oxford University Press, 1921), p. 56.

REFERENCES Aryal, Balaram. Navarātra tathā Yamapañcaka Pūjāvidhi. Kathmandu:  Triyuga Aphaseṭa Printing Press, 2005.

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Bächtold-Stäubli, Hanns. Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens; herausgegeben von Hanns Bächtold-Stäubli unter Mitwirkung von Eduard Hoffmann–Krayer, mit einem Vorwort von Christoph Daxelmüller. 1933. Reprinted Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1987. Beidelman, Thomas O. “Swazi Royal Ritual.” Africa:  Journal of the International African Institute 36/4 (October 1966): 373–405. Berkson, Carmel. The Divine and the Demoniac:  Mahiṣa’s Heroic Struggle with Durga. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995. Bhaṭṭarai, Lokaprasad Śarmā. Gorkhādarabarakṣetrako Sāṃskr̥tika Pakṣa: Yasako Udbhava ra Vikāsa. Dāṅg: Madendra Sanskrit University, 1997. Brown, Susan Drucker. “Horse, Dog, and Donkey: The Making of a Mamprusi King.” Man, n.s., 27/1 (March 1992): 71–90. Coburn, Thomas B. Devī-Mahātmya:  The Crystallization of the Goddess. Delhi:  Motilal Banarsidass, 1984. Coburn, Thomas B. Encountering the Goddess: A Translation of the Devī-Māhātmya and a Study of Its Interpretation. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991. Dangol, Sanu Bhai. The Palace in Nepalese Politics, with Special Reference to the Politics of 1951–1990. Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1999. Eggeling, Julius, trans. The Śatapatha-Brāhmaṇa, According to the Text of the Mādhyandina School, Part I, Books I and II. 2nd ed. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1966. Einoo, Shingo. “The Formation of Hindu Ritual.” In Shingo Einoo and Jun Takashima, eds., From Material to Deity: Indian Rituals of Consecration, pp. 7–49. New Delhi: Monohar, 2005. Einoo, Shingo. “Notes on the Installation Ceremonies Described in the Gr h̥ yapariśiṣṭas.” In Shingo Einoo and Jun Takashima, eds., From Material to Deity:  Indian Rituals of Consecration, Japanese Studies on South Asia No. 4, pp. 109–113. New Delhi: Manohar, 2005. Frazer, James C. The Golden Bough. Abridged ed. London: Macmillan, 1922. Frazer, James C. The Scapegoat. London: Macmillan, 1913. Godbey, Allen Howard. “The Hebrew Mašal.” American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures 39/2 (January 1923): 89–108. Gonda, Jan. Vedic Ritual: The Non-Solemn Rites. Leiden-Koln: E. J. Brill, 1980. Goudriaan, Teun. “Introduction, History and Philosophy.” In Sanjukta Gupta, Dirk Jan Hoens, and Teun Goudriaan, eds., Hindu Tantrism, pp. 3–67. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1979. Goudriaan, Teun, and Sanjukta Gupta. Hindu Tantric and Śākta Literature. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1981. Haupt, Paul. “Babylonian Elements in the Levitic Ritual.” Journal of Biblical Literature 19/1 (1900): 55–81. Heesterman, Jan C. “Vedism and Hinduism.” In Gerhard Oberhammer, Jan C. Heesterman, and Madeleine Biardeau, eds., Studies in Hinduism:  Vedism and Hinduism, pp. 43–68. Vienna: Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1997. Kane, Pandurang Vaman. History of Dharmaśāstra. Vol. 5. Poona:  Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1958. Keith, Arthur B. The Religion and Philosophy of the Veda and Upanishads. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1925. Marwick, Max, ed. Witchcraft and Sorcery: Selected Readings. New York: Penguin, 1982. Michaels, Axel. Hinduism: Past and Present. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003.

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Modak, B. R. The Ancillary Literature of the Atharva-Veda: A Study with Special Reference to the Pariśiṣṭas. New Delhi: Rashtriya Veda Vidya Pratishthan in association with Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1993. Mookerjee, Ajit, and Madhu Khanna. The Tantric Way: Art, Science, and Ritual. London: Thames and Hudson, 1977. Nepal, Vāsudev. “Śrī Purāno Gorakhgaṇa (Śa. Ra.) Atītadekhi Vartamānasamma” [Śrī Old Gorakhabattalion [Śa. Ra.] from Past to the Present], Sipāhī (Kathmandu, Royal Nepal Army Quarterly) 34 (2001): 77–83. Oldenberg, Hermann. The Religion of the Veda. Translated by Shridhar B. Shrotri. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1988. Olivelle, Patrick, trans. The Law Code of Manu. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009. Padoux, Andre. “Tantrism: An Overview.” In Mircea Eliade, ed., The Encyclopedia of Religion, vol. 14, pp. 272–274. New York: Macmillan, 1986. Popov, A. “Consecration Ritual for a Blacksmith Novice among the Yakuts.” Journal of American Folklore 46/181 (July–September 1933): 257–271. Reiner, Erica. “Astral Magic in Babylonia.” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, n.s., 85/4 (1995): 1–150. Śāhdev, Gīrvānyuddha Bikram. Satkarmaratnāvalī. 4  vols. Kathmandu:  His Majesty’s Government’s Press, 1973. Śāhdev, Gīrvāṇayuddha Bir Bikrama. Satkarmaratnāvalī, Uttarārdha. Kathmandu:  His Majesty’s Government, 1972. Śāhdev, Pratāpa Siṃha. Brihat Purascharyarnava. 4 vols. Kathmandu: Nepal Press, 1974. Samanta, Suchitra. “The ‘Self-Animal’ and Divine Digestion:  Goat Sacrifice to the Goddess Kālī in Bengal.” Journal of Asian Studies 53/3 (August 1994): 779–803. Smith, Norman H. “Sacrifices in the Old Testament.” Vetus Testamentum, vol. 7, fasc. 3 (July 1957): 308–317. Underhill, Muriel M. The Hindu Religious Year. London: Association Press/Oxford University Press, 1921. Urban, Hugh. “The Power of the Impure: Transgression, Violence and Secrecy in Bengali Śākta Tantra and Modern Western Magic.” Numen 50/3 (2003): 269–308. Wheelock, Wade T. “The Mantra in Vedic and Tantric Ritual.” In Harvey P. Alper, ed., Mantra, pp. 96–122. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989. Witzel, Michael. Kaṭha Āraṇyaka:  Critical Edition with a Translation into German and an Introduction. Cambridge, MA:  Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Harvard University, 2004. Wood, W.  Carleton. “The Religion of Canaan:  From the Earliest Times to the Hebrew Conquest.” Journal of Biblical Literature 35/3–4 (1916): 163–279. Yokochi, Yuko. “The Warrior Goddess in the Devīmāhātmya.” In Masakau Tanaka and Musashi Tachikawa, eds., Living with Śakti: Gender, Sexuality, and Religion in South Asia, pp. 71–113. Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology, 1999.

Fire on the Mountain The Shugendō Saitō Gom a

Richard K. Payne

i INTRODUCTION Shugendō (種験道) is a religious tradition that centers on the practice of austerities in remote mountainous settings.1 Several mountains in Japan—Fuji, Omine, Haguro, for example—provided the ritual worlds in which various Shugendō confraternities practiced and served to define the different confraternities from one another. Contemporary practitioners (shugenja 種験者, or gyōja 行者, also popularly called yamabushi 山伏) claim that its origins date back to the earliest history of Japan,2 and the tradition continues to play an important part in contemporary Japanese religious culture.3 Although it can be considered “indigenous” in the sense that it originated in Japan, over the course of its history Shugendō has been molded by other praxes, perhaps most particularly by esoteric Buddhism. Over the centuries Shugendō practitioners actively borrowed both conceptual and ritual elements from religious Daoism and esoteric Buddhism alike.4 One of its most dramatic rites, and one of the most easily recognized, is the saitō goma (柴燈護摩),5 an outdoor ritual in which votive offerings are made into large bonfires, the fires having being ritually transformed into the bodies of the deities evoked. The saitō goma exemplifies the appropriation and adaptation of esoteric Buddhist practice into Shugendō practice, and it provides a case study for an examination of the processes of ritual adaptation from one tradition into another.6

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HISTORICAL CONNECTIONS BETWEEN SHUGENDŌ AND ESOTERIC BUDDHISM Highlighting some of the historical connections between Shugendō and esoteric Buddhism will establish the background of the saitō goma as an esoteric ritual borrowed7 into the practices of the mountain ascetics.8 Kūkai (空海, 774–835), the founder of the Shingon (眞言) tradition in Japan, reports that in his youth he engaged in ascetic practices in the mountains, a tradition already active by his time. Indeed, it would appear that his selection of Mount Kōya (Kōyasan 高野山) as the location of his training center was motivated by his earlier practice of austerities in the area prior to his travels to China. Ryuichi Abé notes that Kūkai mentions “in one of his letters that it was during this period of wandering from province to province to visit places associated with ascetic practice that he discovered Mount Kōya.”9 This established a relationship between mountain ascetics and the new center for Shingon training being constructed in what was at that time a remote mountain valley.10 Gorai Shigeru suggests that the cult of Kūkai is itself a manifestation of underlying Shugendō systems of belief regarding the three deities of a sacred mountain: the deity of the mountain itself (nyotai shin 女体神, “female deity”), the original cult leader, who was not a monk (zokutai shin 俗体神, “layman deity”), and the monk who “opens” the mountain (hottai shin 法体神, “monk deity”).11 In this system of three deities, Kūkai is the third focus of the cult, the monk deity. Gorai distinguishes between the historical figure of Kūkai and the cult figure he became, of whom it is claimed that he remains in deep meditation (samādhi) in the mausoleum at O Ku no In on Kōyasan until the coming of the next buddha, Maitreya. In the medieval period, a mendicant order known as the Kōya hijiri (高野聖), or “holy men of Kōya,” was initiated as a means of raising funds for the rebuilding of the monastic institutions (kanjin 勸進, literally meaning to encourage people to do meritorious actions) on Mount Kōya, many of which had been destroyed by fire.12 There seems to have been a high degree of permeability between the two groups of Kōya hijiri and Shugendō practitioners.13 Gorai notes that Shingon monastic leaders, including some who rose to the position of chief priest (zasu 座主) of Kōyasan, became deeply interested in the cult of the mountain. This parallels the situation in the Tendai tradition, located on Hieizan (比叡山), which also combined a mountain cult and esoteric Buddhist practice.14 Gorai indicates that authority over interpreting the cult was a site of contestation, and that Shugendō lore related to its performance became more complex when it was adopted by the Shingon and Tendai scholar-monks themselves. It also came to be distorted [sic] by Shingon and Tendai doctrine. However the gyōnin and dōshu 堂衆 (that is, the geshu) continued to resist the scholar-monks, as the history of every Shugendō mountain makes clear.15 During the Tokugawa era (1603–1868, also known as the Edo period), the Shogunate required all Shugendō groups to affiliate with a Buddhist order, under its policy of



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establishing control over all religious institutions. Shugendō groups affiliated with either the Shingon order or the Tendai, which also has a strong esoteric component. Shugendō confraternities thus came under the direct institutional control of Shingon and Tendai temples, which contributed to the increasing systematization of Shugendō practice according to esoteric Buddhist principles.16 This included such central institutional factors as clerical education and ranking, as well as liturgical matters. Shugendō groups borrowed symbolism from tantric Buddhism, such as organizing the cycle of mountain austerities according to the Buddhist cosmological system of the ten worlds of hell-beings, animals, hungry ghosts, humans, titans, gods, arhats, śravakas, bodhisattvas, and buddhas, and they also employed ritual practices such as initiations or consecrations (kanjō 灌頂, abhiṣeka) that were directly modeled on esoteric Buddhist initiations.17 During the Meiji era (1868–1912), some Shugendō groups suffered repression because of the very affiliation with Buddhism that had been forced on them by the Tokugawa shogunate. The attempt to separate Buddhism from Shintō (shinbutsu bunri 神仏分離), in order to “revive” a putatively native and continuous tradition dating from pre-Buddhist times, led to the destruction of many Buddhist institutions, with consequences for Shugendō as well. Gorai notes that “Shugendo activity ceased for some time after it was banned following the Meiji Restoration [of 1868], and much Shugendo lore was lost.”18 And “[t]‌he destruction associated with the Meiji Restoration often left little at former Shugendo sites beyond stone walls, foundation stones, or the remains of old roads.”19 Following the defeat of Japan in the Pacific War, restrictions on religious freedom established during the imperialistic phase of the Taishō era were lifted under General MacArthur’s mandate. This lead to the inclusion of religious freedom as Article 20 of the 1947 Constitution. Several Shugendō groups that had been quiescent during the first half of the twentieth century reemerged and, with the rising prosperity of the 1960s, the tradition began to flourish once again.20 At the same time these groups were freed of their mandated relation to established Buddhism and this led to the weakening of borrowed symbol systems, such as the ten worlds.21

TEN WORLDS: SYMBOLISM AND PR ACTICE The practice of austerities in the mountains was in some cases, such as at Mt. Omine,22 structured in accord with the version of Buddhist cosmology found in the Avataṃsakasūtra. The use of this system indicates the extent to which Shugendō, at least in the medieval period, was indebted to the esoteric Buddhist episteme. The structure of the ten worlds practice is based on Buddhist cosmology as presented in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and other sources.23 The system of ten worlds draws on the more familiar six worlds (hells, animals, hungry ghosts, human beings, titans, and gods) and adds four more: the realms of those who hear the teachings (śravakas), of solitary buddhas (pratyekabuddhas), of bodhisattvas, and of fully enlightened buddhas. As is not uncommon in Buddhist cosmology, it is possible to interpret these either as actual worlds

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where one may be reborn or as representations of states of mind. The Avataṃsaka-sūtra (Kegongyō 華嚴經) was the central text for the Nara school of Kegon (華厳, Ch. Huayan), but it was also one of the sources on which Kūkai drew extensively in formulating his own system of esoteric Buddhism. Given the institutional relations between Shugendō and Shingon, it is probable that Shugendō integrated the ten worlds system from this source rather than from the much smaller and less influential Kegon school. The structure of the ten worlds practice begins with the symbolic death of the shugenja, followed by a journey through the ten worlds, culminating in the practitioner’s symbolic rebirth as a buddha.24 Hitoshi Miyake gives a summary of the ten worlds structure of Shugendō practice, including the role of the saitō goma: Around the fifteenth century, ten practices were made obligatory for anyone engaging in ascetic practice in the mountains: confirming one’s buddha-nature (tokogatame [床堅]), confessing and repenting, weighing one’s karmic bonds (using an actual scale, abstaining from water, fetching water, ritual wrestling (sumo), ritual dancing (ennen [延年]), gathering firewood, abstaining from cereals, the outdoor goma ritual (saitō goma) and consecration. Each of these practices was believed to correspond to one of the ten realms, or stages, of existence through which sentient beings pass on their way to final enlightenment: the hells, hungry spirits, beasts, ashuras, human beings, heavenly beings, shravakas, pratyekabuddhas, bodhisattvas, and buddhas. It was taught that a shugenja who faithfully performed all the practices corresponding to the ten realms could attain buddhahood in the present body. 25 The goal of the ten worlds practice, known as “becoming buddha/awakened in this body” (sokushin jōbutsu 即身成仏), is also the goal of practice for Shingon as well.26 As H. Byron Earhart has said, “Although such Buddhist notions are not unique to Shingon, they probably did derive from Shingon sources, and in Shugendō are expressed in peculiarly Shingon fashion.”27 Appropriation of the Homa The context in which Shugendō practitioners established the saitō goma (柴燈護摩) as a central part of their range of praxis is complex. There are many different rituals performed in Japanese folk religion and in Shintō that involve fire, and these ritual practices constitute part of the religious “substratum”28 supporting the development and practice of the Shugendō saitō goma. These include practices associated with blessing the domestic cooking hearth, the distribution of “new” fire (created using a fire drill) on the morning of the first day of the new year, and the burning of massive torches in the summer and in the second lunar month.29 While the number of such practices is quite large, the vast majority are unique to particular locales and even to specific shrines and temples.30 A comprehensive



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genealogy of the Shugendō saitō goma would have to take all of these folk, popular, and Shintō practices into account. It is quite possible, given this rich ritual cultural milieu, that the saitō goma as it is practiced today was based on preexisting ritual practices that were then codified in light of esoteric Buddhist symbolism and ritual forms. A further complicating factor, however, is the difficulty of establishing the history of these practices. Indeed, contemporary Japanese religion provides several instances of newly created forms (Imperial funerals, omizuko, seven lucky gods, and state Shintō) being presented as having ancient origins, and this rhetoric of antiquity is accepted uncritically so that the more recent origins of the tradition are obscured.31 Whatever the complexities of this history, the relation between the saitō goma and the variety of practices found in Japanese folk religion is an important contextual framework.32 In one of his discussions of fire rituals in Shugendō, Miyake employs two categories:  “fire ceremonies for averting misfortunes” and saitō goma. The former is a homa performed for protection (śāntika, sokusai, 息災), the same categorization used in Shingon. Miyake identifies it as a kind of “prayer” and his summary description of the ritual applies equally well to other homa rites: The goma fire ritual is a form of Shugendo prayer. A certain liturgy is performed, including various chants, before and while the fire is burnt. Offerings are burnt in the fire for the object of worship (sūhai taishō 崇拝対象), usually Fudō Myōō, and prayers are offered for the realization of certain requests.33 Elsewhere Miyake discusses the religious goal of the saitō goma per se: The Saitō goma shidai (Procedure for Saitō Goma [柴灯護摩次第]) too describes the saitō goma as a unique Shugendō soteriological ritual for incinerating the this-worldly body that is riddled with defilements and entering the original and unborn letter “a” (which symbolizes the unity of the cosmos), through the actions of the various buddhas associated with the five wisdoms.34 Mention of “the original and unborn letter ‘a’” is another clear indication of direct esoteric Buddhist influence on Shugendō thought. The symbolism and significance of the syllable A derives from Indian linguistic symbology. Its religious valence derives from its ability to symbolically represent the creation, maintenance, and dissolution of the universe simultaneously. As the first syllable of the Sanskrit syllabary, it represents creation. As inherently present in every syllable, it represents maintenance. And as the negative prefix, it represents dissolution. Combined with a cosmogenesis conceived as progressing in the order of the Sanskrit syllabary, and released as the reverse process, the syllable A comes into tantric practice and is carried to Japan as part of the esoteric episteme. The valences of the syllable are dependent upon familiarity with Sanskrit and could not have any origin indigenous to Japan.35

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The Saitō Goma The saitō goma is held in the open air, carried out in a large construction of logs about eight to twelve feet long stacked in a square.36 The interior is filled with combustibles, and the exterior is covered over with green boughs, which produce large billows of smoke when the fire is lit. Both the outdoor venue and the size of the fire distinguish the saitō goma from other Shingon homas, which are performed indoors on permanent altars, with small kindling sticks (about eight to twelve inches long). In some instances saitō goma is performed as a stand-alone ritual, and it is also performed in preparation for fire-walking.37 Once the fire has burned down, the embers are spread out to form the path for the participants to walk across. Fire-walking is one of the “magicospiritual powers” (genjutsu 験術) that accomplished shugenja were supposed to be able to demonstrate. Other such powers included flying, walking on swords (or climbing a ladder of swords),38 becoming invisible (“hiding” one’s body), entering boiling water,39 as well as healing, possession (tsukimono otoshi 憑きものおとし), and exorcism ( jōbuku 調伏, the same term used for one category of tantric rituals). These powers serve to connect Shugendō with wider yogic and shamanic practices, and at least in the case of walking on swords, they demonstrate a direct relation with the extraordinary powers attributed to popular Daoist practitioners in China. As one finds elsewhere when examining the ritual corpus of a particular tradition, a simpler ritual form provides the basis for more complicated ones.40 In the case of the Shugendō saitō goma, the ritual that serves as its model is the Fudō hō (不動法). One of the ways to study processes of ritual transformation is to examine the relation between simpler and more complex rituals from within the ritual corpus of a tradition. It seems reasonable to expect that in general the historical direction of development or transformation of ritual forms would be from simpler to more complex, although we cannot simply presume this to be the case in all instances. This is, however, the pattern found in the four rituals of Shingon training. In this case, the eighteen-stage ritual ( jūhachidō 十八道) supplies the paradigmatic ritual format that is systematically modified to create each of the other three rituals. This approach—looking within the ritual corpus of a tradition in order to identify systematic patterns of transformation—is endogenous. In contrast, what we are considering here is an exogenous relationship, one in which the ritual paradigms come from outside the tradition. A complete analysis requires taking into consideration both endogenous and exogenous dynamics. The Saitō Goma Ritual Text The particular ritual manual examined here and translated in the appendix is entitled Saitō Fudō goma shidai 柴燈不動護摩次第 and was published by Yoshida Publishing, Yoshida Shōin 吉田書院, of Kōyasan. I purchased it from the publisher in 1983. It is a small accordion-fold manual, which has the mantra in Siddham script, pronunciation guides ( furigana), and illustrations of the mudrās. The undated pamphlet has fifty-seven



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pages numbered in Roman numerals. The publisher had several such manuals available for purchase, and the open availability of seemingly “esoteric” materials raises issues related to widespread preconceptions regarding the meaning of secrecy for initiatory traditions, at least as they exist in present-day Japan.41 INFLUENCES AND BORROWINGS: ZÜRCHER’S TYPOLOGY OF RELATIONS BETWEEN RELIGIONS A useful step toward understanding the relations between religious traditions, including the adoption and adaptation of ritual praxes, is to establish an adequately nuanced typology of different kinds of relations that may exist between traditions. In his examination of the relations between Buddhism and Daoism in China, Erik Zürcher attempted to give more definition to the vague terms “influence”42 and “borrowing.”43 Zürcher suggests four categories to “distinguish various types or levels of borrowing, even if it is obvious that there are many border cases and that, in principle, even the most formal loans to some extent do affect the content of the message.”44 These categories mark not just differences in quantity or the extent of the borrowing, but differences in the kind of borrowing. These are differences in kind because their ramifications within the development of the tradition that is doing the borrowing differ in kind. Zürcher refers to the first of these categories as “formal borrowing,” which refers to borrowing “elements of Buddhist origin that exclusively or mainly contribute to the verbal and stylistic presentation of the message.”45 Second is “conceptual borrowing,” which occurs, in Zürcher’s discussion, when “a term denoting a well-defined doctrinal concept in Mahāyāna Buddhism” is used in a Daoist context in such a fashion as to retain its original meaning.46 Distinguishing these first two categories requires contextual analysis in order to judge whether something is simply a figure of speech (i.e., a formal loan) or actually represents the intellectual appropriation of a concept. The third category for Zürcher is “borrowed complexes”: [T]‌he absorption of a coherent cluster of ideas and/or practices, taken over from Buddhism as a complex in which at least part of the original constituent elements are maintained, even if the interpretation and function of those elements and of the complex as a whole may be quite different from the original ones.47 Finally, there is “pervasive influence,” that is, where “Buddhist ideas and practices … may have contributed to the development of [D]‌aoism without, however, finding … expression in recognizably Buddhist terms.”48 Concerning the category of pervasive influence, Zürcher says that it “is so elusive that at least at this stage of the investigation it is better not to speculate about it.”49 Since Zürcher’s 1980 work, however, knowledge

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of the two fields of study have improved to the point that work on pervasive influences can be pursued seriously.50 So much of the saitō goma is directly borrowed that we can say that it is, in Zürcher’s terms, a “borrowed complex” that has been adapted by Shugendō practitioners for their own uses. We can, however, move beyond the general statement that esoteric Buddhism is an important influence on Shugendō by examining the specific characteristics of the Shugendō saitō goma that place it in the category of a borrowed complex. An important aspect of this analysis of the saitō goma as a borrowed complex is the way in which mantras are used, including not only direct borrowings of a specific mantra in isolation but also larger ritual units of which mantras constitute just one part. One example of the direct borrowing of a specific mantra is the “one-syllable” mantra of Fudō Myōō, used both in the Shugendō saitō goma and the Shingon soku sai goma: NAUMAKU SAMANDA BAZARA DAN KAN (Skt. namaḥ samanta vajrāṇāṃ hāṃ). This mantra is employed in the same form in both homas, for the same purpose of evoking Fudō Myōō. In several instances the direct link between the two homas is evident both in terms of the mantra being employed and the ritual action with which it is employed, and these two—mantra and ritual action—constitute a ritual unit, a more complex form than an isolated use of the one-syllable mantra. For example, in both homas a fan is used to stoke the flames of the votive fire. While doing so, the practitioner visualizes the syllable KAN (khaṃ) written in Siddham script on the surface of the fan. This seed syllable (bīja mantra) is visualized as transforming into the wind element (cakra, lit., “wheel”). In both homas this action and visualization form a single ritual unit that includes the same mantra: ON BOKU JINBARA UN (Skt. oṃ bhūḥ jvala hūṃ). The ritual unit of action, mantra, and visualization is formed from the three components of human existence, body, speech and mind, which is interpreted in Shingon theory as the human reflexes of the three mysteries (sanmitsu 三密), the “three sources of salvation (bodily postures, speech, mental activity).”51 The mantras are systematically adapted to different ritual settings in a fashion that might be described as “quasi-grammatical.” That is, “lexical units” associated with different deities are found in the same locations within a larger mantric frame, and changes in the “lexical unit” effect changes in the mantra as a whole. For example, in the Shugendō saito goma the worldly deities are installed in the hearth of the votive fire with the mantra:



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NAUMAKU SAMANDA BAZARA DAN KAN EI KEI KI JAKU UN BAN KOKU SOWAKA. In the Shingon Fudō Myōō soku sai goma, the chief deity, Mahāvairocana Tathāgata (Dainichi Nyorai 大日如来) is installed together with his retinue with the mantra: NAUMAKU SAMANDA BODANAN AKU SARABA TAKU HARA CHIKATEI TATAGYATA KUSYA BOJISYARIYA HARI HORAKYA EI KEI KI JAKU UN BAN KOKU SOWAKA. This quasi-grammatical transformation of one mantra into another, illustrated below, is evidenced throughout Shingon practice, with the changes of the deity evoked and changes of the ritual intent reflected not only in the name found in the mantra but also in the terminal mantric exclamation. In this case, in a protective (soku sai 息災; śāntika) homa, the terminal mantric exclamation is svaha (Jpn. sowaka). The same ritual action of installing the deities when performed in a subordinating (kei ai 敬愛; vaśīkaraṇa) homa, such as the Amida kei ai goma, uses the same mantra but with a different terminal mantric exclamation. NAUMAKU SANMANDA BODANAN AKU SARABA TARA HARA CHIKATEI TATAGYATA KUSYA BŌJISYARIYA HARI HORAKYA BASYU KYARADA EI KEI KI JYAKU UN BAN KOKU JYAKU. As suggested by the discussion of endogenous and exogenous aspects of ritual adoption and adaptation, the kind of borrowing that we are examining here is not simply unidirectional, from the Shingon homa to the saitō goma. At the same time the development of the Shugendō Fudō hō (不動法), itself also probably based on Shingon models, provided another prototype for the saitō goma. Although analysis necessarily proceeds on the basis of case-by-case comparisons, such comparisons must be held within a larger framework of interaction between traditions and development within traditions. Appropriating Deities: Fudō Myōō The two homas also share a large number of deities evoked in the course of the ritual, including the group known collectively as the worldly deities. This is a group of originally Vedic deities including such figures as Brahma and Indra. Agni, also a Vedic deity, is individually evoked as the first deity manifest in the fire for both homas. Fudō Myōō (不動明王; Acalanātha Vidyārāja, also known in Sanskrit as Candamāharoṣaṇa52) is one of the most visible deities in the Shugendō pantheon.53 In present-day Japan, Fudō is venerated in much the same way that are indigenous Japanese deities (kami 神), such as being given offerings of saké by lay devotees. The origins of this figure, however, are

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Mantra for installing the worldly deities in the hearth, from the Shugendō Saitō Goma. The worldly deities are “vajra class” and hence the use of the term “BAZARA” i.e. vajra in their mantra. BAZARA DAN KAN

NAUMAKU SAMANDA

EI KEI KI JAKU UN BAN KOKU SOWAKA

BODANAN AKU SARABA TAKU HARA CHIKATEI TATAGYATA KUSYA BOJI SYARIYA HARI HORAKYU Mantra for installing the Chief Deity (Mahāvairocana) and his retinue in the hearth, from the Shingon Fudō Myōō Soku Sai Goma. Mahāvaironcana and his retinue are “buddha class” and hence the use of the term “BODANAN” in their mantra.

FIGURE 1

in India, and he was brought to Japan as part of the pantheon of tantric Buddhism.54 Fudō, a protector deity, is portrayed as surrounded by flames; he is perpetually in the fire-producing samādhi. This symbolism may have been the basis for his popularity with Shugendō practitioners, who engage in austerities, including cold-water austerities in which interior heat is generated, as in many other shamanic traditions.55 According to Miyake, Fudō is involved in effectively all Shugendō rituals, because it is through ritual identification with Fudō that the shugenja gains sufficient power to perform religious services: “Shugendo rituals begin with the shugenja attaining a spiritual identification with Fudō Myōō, the main deity, and the attainment of the ability to control this spiritual power.”56 In the case of Shugendō’s relation of “influence and borrowing” with esoteric Buddhism, the appropriation of Fudō as a deity extends to ritual structures and organizing metaphors. Miyake gives a detailed description of the basic Shugendō ritual for the Immovable (Wisdom King) Fudō hō (不動法), based on the manual and explanatory text of the Tendai-affiliated Shugendō Honzan (本山).57 He explains that the rite is structured in accord with the first of the four training rituals of Tendai esoteric Buddhism, known (as in Shingon) as the ritual in eighteen stages ( jūhachidō 十八堂). This ritual now entails twenty-two mudrā-mantra ritual complexes, extended from the original eighteen. As presented by Miyake, there are nine stages of the Fudō hō, summarized here:



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1. Shōgon gyōja hō 荘厳行者法: the rite of preparing the practitioner, entering the practice space, honoring the deity, and so on. 2. Kekkai hō 結界法: the rite of establishing the perimeter of the space in which the ritual practice will be performed. 3. Shōgon dōjō hō 荘厳道場法: the rite of preparing the ritual space by means of contemplative construction and decoration of the ritual enclosure. 4. Kanjō hō 勧請法: the rite of inviting, bringing, and welcoming Fudō into the ritual enclosure. 5. Ketsugo hō 結護法: the rite of sealing the ritual enclosure. 6. Kuyō hō 供養法: the rite of making five offerings to Fudō, including zukō 塗香, powdered or paste incense; keman 華まん, flowers; shōkō 焼香, burnt incense; inshoku 飲食, food and drink; and tōmyō 灯明, burning light. 7. Sagōbun 作業分: contemplative actions—ritual identification with Fudō. 8. Goku hōben hō 後供方便法: the rite of making five offerings to Fudō for a second time, in the same order as above. 9. Hadan sahō 破壇作法: the rite of leave-taking, sending Fudō back and “dismantling the altar.”58 Analyzed at this level of detail, the ritual structure can be illustrated as in figure 2. The diagram reveals the same basic structure that is found in the corresponding Shingon ritual in eighteen stages.59 The opening sequence of preparations and installation of the deity (in this case, Fudō) is followed by the first of two sets of offerings, then ritual identification, the second set of offerings, and leave-taking. As in other rituals of this kind, the ritual is symbolically symmetrical around the act of the practitioner

Shugendō Fudō hō R

leave-taking

second offerings

ritual identification

first offerings

sealing ritual enclosure

inviting chief deity

construct ritual enclosure

establish perimeter

preparation

FIGURE 2

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identifying with the chief deity, although the leave-taking step appears abbreviated compared with the opening preparations. In addition to the deities evoked, the fundamental metaphor organizing the ritual action of the saitō goma is also the same as that found in Shingon homas—that is, offering a feast to an honored guest. The feast is prepared, the guests invited, they are fed and entertained, they take their leave, and the feast is cleaned up. This fundamental metaphor is historically rooted in Vedic ritual practices.60 By contrast, for example, Daoist rituals are organized on the basis of a different fundamental metaphor, the presentation of a petition to a bureaucratic office. The identity of the fundamental metaphor of feasting an honored guest in both the Shingon and Shugendō homas is very strong evidence for understanding the saitō goma as a transformation of a tantric Buddhist ritual. As presented by Earhart, based on his 1963 study of Mt. Haguro Shugendō, the goals of performing the saitō goma and the cosmology that structures thought about the nature and goal of practice were also largely based on those found in esoteric Buddhism. [The] saitō goma is full of doctrinal and symbolical implications… . One’s sins were burnt up or washed away, his roots of perception were purified, one’s very body was annihilated. Hence one entered nirvāṇa or became a bodhisattva, even a Buddha in the form of Dainichi.61 Thus, the saitō goma was conceived as enabling the practitioner to attain the very highest stage of development possible in the Shingon cosmology, identification with the Dharmakāya Buddha Mahāvairocana. Examining Ritual Change The study of ritual has become an area of research in its own right. The value of such studies, however, lies in the fact that they can reach beyond their initial frameworks to address broader issues in the study of religion, and even extend into other areas of research, such as social behavior and cognition. Such scholarship, however, requires tools that go beyond impressionistic and superficial comparisons of rituals based solely on observation and description. Textual studies of a ritual in historically differentiated instantiations, as the method pursued in other essays in this collection, provides one such tool. Another tool is to consider the structure of a given ritual. In order to examine not just the structure of a single ritual but to compare the structures of different rituals—to establish relations between them that may not be visible on the basis of simple observation—a systematic analytic technique is required. Syntactic analysis is such a technique. Originally developed by analogy with language, the concept of syntax as the systematic structuring of elements over time so as to form a meaningful whole has a broader scope of application as an analytic tool.62 Although the analogy between language and ritual had already been made, Frits Staal appears to have been the first to introduce a specifically syntactic approach to ritual.63 Staal



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has been widely understood as claiming that “ritual is meaningless,” and on this basis many scholars have been dismissive of his entire project.64 Yet, if we read his work closely, it is clear that Staal does not claim that ritual per se is meaningless, rather that there is an important aspect of ritual that is meaningless, and that aspect is the structural, formal, or as he calls it, syntactic.65 This is no different from the meaninglessness of the sentence structure subject/ verb/object. In other words, the syntactic structure of subject/verb/object is empty of inherent meaning, and it is this absence of meaning that makes the syntactic form different from a sentence having this structure, such as “Sam kicked the ball.”66 Ritual syntactic structures are equally meaningless, and indeed the structure is only revealed if we consider the structure alone, separate from any particular meaning. As Ray Jackendoff explains, The formal difference between actual sentence structures and rules of grammar is that rules contain variables to be instantiated; the utterances one has experienced represent various instantiations of these variables.67 The same is true mutatis mutandis for ritual as well. The relevance of a syntactic analysis to the broader issues of this collection—the transformation of ritual over time and across the boundaries of religious cultures—is that it allows for a level of analysis that can demonstrate at a very deep level connections between ritual forms, and thereby illuminate the larger histories of ritual systems as they change over time and as they interact with other ritual systems. An analogy might be historical linguistics, which seeks to demonstrate how languages change over time and also to establish the relations between languages.68 Such studies depend upon controlled comparisons between instances of a language from different historical periods, which is, in terms of methodology, comparable to the compilation of this collection of essays. Just as the study of the history of language reveals aspects of the history of the peoples who spoke that language, so also controlled comparisons of ritual syntax can inform the study of the religious traditions that supported those rituals. Thus, for example, it may be possible eventually to discern historical relations important to the early development of Buddhist tantra in the period between the Vedic and Upaniṣadic eras and the seventh and eighth centuries, when the early texts were being compiled. Given the relative paucity of directly historical texts that recorded events evidencing historical developments, the method proposed here would employ comparisons between ritual practices of the various traditions. Although syntactic change is not the only dynamic studied by historical linguistics, it is one of the most important, representing longer term transformations; therefore, a syntactic study of ritual may reveal similar long-term relations. The Shugendō saitō goma provides a case study for this methodological program. A preliminary syntactic analysis is provided in the diagram in figure 3. This diagram can be compared with one for the Shingon homa, at the same level of detail (figure 4).

Shugendō Saitō Goma Syntax closing & departure

preparation

Lord of the Assembly and Chief Deity

Agni

Heavenly and Worldy Classes of Deities

additional goma 1. embedding: three sets of offerings are embedded into the basic ritual structure 2. recursion: the fourth set of offerings is embedded into the second

FIGURE 3

Shingon Soku Sai Goma closing & departure

preparation

Agni

Lord of the Assembly

Chief Deity

Heavenly Deities

Embedding: Five Ritual Components are embedded to form the Shingon Soku Sai Goma. The basic ritual structure of the Shingon Soku Sai Goma, which derives from the Jūhachidō, is modified by the addition of five sets of offerings, one each to Agni, the Lord of the Assembly, the Chief Deity, the Heavenly Deities, and the Worldly Dieties. Each of these sets of offerings is itself a complete ritual unit, beginning with evocation, proceeding through offerings, and ending with the departure of the deity.

FIGURE 4

Worldly Deities



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Shungendō Saitō Goma

preparation

Agni

Chief Deity and Lord of the Assembly

closing & departure

leave-taking juzu mantra, prayers kindling, fan, oil evocation

leave-taking: chief Deity leave-taking: Lord of the Assembly

oil, fan mantra Chief Deity kindling, fan, oil, juzu

kindling, fan, oil mantra Lord of the Assembly mantra Chief Deity kindling, fan, oil, juzu evocation: Chief Deity evocation: Lord of the Assembly purification

leave-taking prayer petition evocation

protect body Vajra Lotus Buddha 3 actions 3 visiualizations

additional goma

Heavenly and Worldly Class Deities

FIGURE 5

At this level of analysis, our attention is drawn to the following similarities and differences between the Shugendō saitō goma and the gomas commonly found in the Shingon tradition. First, there is no explicit act of ritual identification. Second, although its structure is very similar to that of a Shingon goma in which three sets of offerings are made, the first set in this case, the offering to Agni, does not include any of the set of actions found in the others here: the offering of kindling, fanning the flames, and the offering of oil. Thus, although Agni comes and goes as the first component following the opening preparations, in this case he receives none of the offerings specifically associated with fire. Third, while the manual as given has merely the briefest of closing ritual, it still serves to indicate the symmetry of the ritual, just as in the Fudō hō discussed above. Fourth, an optional set of offerings, for the lord of the assembly and the chief deity, may be inserted into the course of the main set. CONCLUSION The movement of the homa rite from its Vedic roots into tantric practice in early medieval India required certain transformations, which the essays gathered in this volume have helped to elucidate. The historical study of a ritual as it has been transported into

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different religious cultures and its modifications in that process provides an instance of ritual transformation over the longue durée. In this essay, we have seen how the Shingon homa provided a model for the development of a homa practiced in the Shugendō tradition. Building on Zürcher’s ideas about the different qualities of influence and borrowing, four aspects of the Shugendō saitō goma in relation to the Shingon goma may be highlighted:  (1)  specific ritual actions, visualizations, and mantras; (2)  the deities evoked and the idea of evocation itself; (3) the fundamental metaphor of feasting an honored guest; and (4) the ritual syntax. These four aspects of the Shugendō saitō goma demonstrate the genealogical relation between it and the Shingon goma. Although observation and description can suggest a genealogical relation based on the first three of these four aspects, through syntactic analysis we can explore the underlying ritual structure that can show more fundamental processes of appropriation and adaptation. APPENDIX THE SHUGENDŌ SAITO GOMA DEVOTED TO FUDŌ MYŌŌ

translated by Richard K. Payne Numbers refer to the page and line numbers in the manual; parentheses indicate glosses; brackets indicate interpolations. Preparation 1.1. Manual of the Log Fire Goma for Fudō 1.2. First, the Fire God [Agni] (Ka Ten 火天) 1.3–4. First, go to the place of the Goma; taking the seat, rub the beads (Skt. mālā; Jpn. ojuzu). 1.5. Next, the Self-Protection Rite is performed, the left hand making the mudrā. 1.6. Next, the Three Mystic Visualizations. 1.7. Form the lotus mudrā, read the statements of intention, recite the mantras. 2.1. Make the statements. 2.2–4. Think that between the palms, on the tongue, and in the heart there is a full moon, above that an eight-petaled lotus, above that the character UN (HŪṂ); changing into a five-pronged vajra emitting the clear light, it cleanses all troubles, worries, and defilements from out of one’s body, speech, and mind. 2.5. Recite the mantra.



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2.6. UN, UN, UN (HŪṂ, HŪṂ, HŪṂ). 2.7. (Either recite the sentences of the meditations, or when reading them speak in a very soft voice, so as to be reading silently; in all of the following do the same.) 3.1. Next, purify the three actions (same mudrā as before). 3.2–7. Make the lotus mudrā; forehead, right shoulder, left shoulder, heart, and throat—each of the five locations once in each place, recite the mantra once, and gasshō (bow with hands in añjāli mudrā) to the guest’s place, meditate, as well as reciting the mantra five times, continuing in this way make the incantation in the five locations; while reciting, make the mudrā in the five locations; the following performed the same. Then, making the lotus mudrā, read the meditation sentences, reciting the mantras, make the mudrā in the five locations. 3.8–10. Visualizing, throughout the ritual, that one’s original nature (honshō or honsei本性) is in fact pure; just as the lotus blossom [rises from] filthy mud [but] is not tainted by it; so for oneself, one’s three karmas ([actions of] body, speech, and mind) are in fact pure. 4.1. Recite the mantra: 4.2–3. ON, SOHA HANBA, SYUDA, SARABA, TARAMA, SOHA HAN BA, SYUDO KAN. Buddha Assembly 4.4. Next, Vows (samaya) for the Buddha Assembly (gotra) 4.5. With both hands form the empty-heart gasshō, open the index finger of both hands and bend it a little. 4.6. Join the middle fingers at the upper joint, then open each thumb. 4.7. Join the index fingers at the lower joint, then read the meditation instructions. 4.8. Recite the mantra. 4.9. Imagine the many nobles of the groups of buddhas, perform the protective thought of the ascetic incantation; the bodily actions are in fact pure. 4.10. Gaining both the destruction of sins and the full benefits of wealth and wisdom. 5.1. Recite the mantra: 5.2 ON, TATAGYATO, DOHANBAYA, SOWAKA. Lotus Assembly 5.3. Next, the congregation of the Lotus Assembly. 5.4–7 With both hands form the empty-heart gasshō, bring together the thumbs of both hands and the tip of the little finger of both hands, bend the

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remaining six fingers a little, spread them open to form a lotus, becoming the same as the mudrā at the top right, read the sentences of the visualization, and chant the mantra. 6.1–2. Visualize:  the holy ones of the Lotus Assembly, the practitioner chants swiftly, speech and actions are in fact pure, acquiring not only the absence of obstacles to prosperity but also unrestricted ability to discourse. 6.3. Recite the mantra: 6.4. ON. HANDABA. DO BANBAYA. SOWAKA, Vajra Assembly 6.5. Next, the congregation of the Vajra Assembly. 6.6–7.4. Turn the left hand downward, the right hand up; join both hands back to back; hook the thumb of the right hand and the little finger of the left hand together, and hook the thumb of the left hand and little finger of the right hand together; the six fingers in between extend across the back of each hand, taking the form of a three-pronged vajra; raise this mudrā to the left; read the visualization, and recite the mantra. 7.5–7. Visualize the holy ones of the Vajra Assembly; the practitioner chants, the actions of mind are in fact pure, evidence of bodhicitta gathers before one’s eyes, one’s sins are dispersed, and liberation quickly attained. 7.8. Recite the mantra: 7.9. ON, BAZORO, DO HANBAYA, SOWAKA PROTECTION OF THE BODY 8.1. Next, protection of the body. 8.2–9.1. Match up the little fingers of both hands, placing the ring finger of each inside, the middle fingers stand up, meeting at the tips, the index fingers are both bent into the form of a hook, open a little ways behind each middle finger, the two thumbs are aligned side by side, the ring fingers joined together; the mantra to the five spots (on the body): forehead, right shoulder, left shoulder, heart, and throat; empower these five spots. 9.2–9.4. Contemplate: perform putting the armor and helmet of the Tathāgata’s great compassion and great mercy; one is removed far from the assembly of many demons who would hinder and trouble one, from the evil passions and painful karma with which the body is deeply tainted, and various transgressions are discarded. Supreme buddhahood is achieved. 9.5. Recite the mantra: 9.6. ON, BAZARA, GINI, HARACHI, HATAYA, SOWAKA.



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AGNI: FIRE GOD ASSEMBLY 9.7. Next, the Fire God assembly mudrā and mantra. 10.1. With the forefinger of the right hand beckon; place the left fist at the waist. 10.2. ON AGYANAU EI EI KEI EI KI SOWAKA69 10.3. Next, Agni dhāraṇī (100 repetitions) 10.4. ON AGYA NAU EI SOWAKA. 10.5–6. The master respectfully reads the petition. The trumpet shell master (presumably there are two agents involved here:  names of positions in Shugendō?) transfers the fire to the hearth. The multitude reads the sūtra. 11.1–2. Next, at the front edge of the altar, make prostrations to both the Great Bodhisattva (?) and to Great Master Rigen, the founder.70 11.3. Next, before the front altar deity, make a full prostration. 11.4. Next, finish by placing both knees on the ground of the mat. 11.5. Next, prayer (kigan 祈願). 11.6. First, place the fan on the right, and rub the ojuzu. 11.7. Next, sending off Agni. 12.1. Forming the mudrā [used for] calling together previously, send away by extending the index finger three times. 12.2. ON AGYA NAU EI GESSYA GESSYA BOKU SOWAKA 12.3–4. Next, rubbing the ojuzu, recite the informing phrases (?), imagine Agni returning to the original maṇḍala from the fire. 12.5. Request Agni to return to his original seat. CHIEF DEITY AND LORD OF THE ASSEMBLY 12.6. Next, Chief Deity together with the Lord of the Assembly. 12.7. As before, purify with the small three-pronged [vajra] mudrā. 13.1. ON AMARITEI UN HATTA 13.2. Next, empower (Skt. adhiṣṭhāna, kaji 加持) with RAN and BAN twenty-one times each. 13.3. (oral teaching) 13.4. Next, call together the Lord of the Assembly. Form the Go-sanze (Trailokyavijaya) mudrā. 13.5. Beckon three times with the forefinger of the right hand. 13.6–7, 14.1. ON SONBANI SONBA. UN BAZARA. UN HATTA. EI KEI EI KI. JAKU UN BAN KOKU. SOWAKA. (mudrā of the four lights [myōō?]) 14.2. Next, calling the Chief Deity. 14.3. Form the single-pronged vajra mudrā, beckon three times with the right forefinger.

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15.1–5. NAUMAKU SARABA, TATAGYATEI, BYAKU SARABA, BOKKEI BYAKU. SARABATA. TARATA, SENDA. MAKAROSYADA. KEN, GYAKI, GYAKI. SATABA BIKI NAN. UN TARA TA. KAN MAN. EI KEI EI KI SOWAKA 15.6. Next, the mudrā of the four lights, as usual. 16.1. JYAKU UN BAN SOWAKA 16.2. Next, clap the hands. 16.3. ON BAZARA TARA TOSYA KOKU Ojuzu 16.4. Next, loop the ojuzu three times, place it on the left side. Kindling 17.1. Next, kindling (shōboku 小木). 17.2–4. First, pull out the sword; take hold of one bundle of kindling in the left hand and cut the knot, put this back, carry the right end (of the bundle?) on the point of the sword, carry the left end in the left hand, throw it into the middle of the hearth. 17.5–6. Then take up a bundle, cut the knot, then replace the sword in the sheath, hold the kindling in the left hand, and with the right hand throw the bindings into the middle of the hearth. 17.7–9. Next, take up three sticks, holding the kindling in the left hand, while under the right armpit insert and enter, extend the right hand, throwing one branch at a time three times into the middle of the hearth. 17.10. NAUMAKU SAMANDA. BAZARA DAN KAN 18.1. Do this three times in the same way. 18.2. Lift up the remaining three pieces of wood horizontally in both hands, throw this offering all together into the middle of the hearth. 18.3. Mantra one time, recite the nondual mantra. 18.4–6. NAUMAKU SAMANDA BAZARA DAN KAN. ON SOBANI SOBA. UN BAZARA UN HATTA. SANJIKAYA SOWAKA

Fanning 19.1. Next, fan the fire. Fan seven times. 19.2–4. With the index finger and thumb of both hands, open the fan. First, three large fannings, the following four times small fannings. Imagine that there is the letter KAN on the underside of the fan, which changes into the wind cakra.



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19.5. ON BOKU JINBARA UN 19.6. Recite this seven times while fanning. Oil 19.7. Next, large and small ladles, three times. 19.8. Chant the Fudō and Go-Sanze recitations. 20.1–3. With the ladle in the right hand, take up the two in the same fashion as with (so,?) oil—first, take up and pour on one side of the stone wheel/cakra (?), next, turn the ladle up and offer, pouring slowly into the middle of the hearth. 20.4. Recite the nondual mantra. 20.5–7. NAUMAKU SAMANDA. BAZARA DAN KAN. ON SOBANI SOBA. UN BAZARA UN HATTA SENJI KYA SOWAKA 21.1. Next, the Go-Sanze mudrā. 21.2. Large chant three times 21.3–22.1 ON SOMU BA. NI SOMU BA. UN GYARI KANDA KANDA UN GYARI KANDA. HA YA UN. A  NAU YA KOKU BAGYA BAN. BAZARA UN HATTA 22.2. Next, the mudrā of Fudō’s single-pronged vajra; fire world chant, three times. 22.3–23.2 NAUMAKU SARABA TATAGYATEI BYAKU. SARABA BŌ KE BYAKU. SARABATA. TARA TA SENDA. MAKAROSYADA. KEN GYAKI GYAKI SARABA BIKI NAN. UN TARATA. KAN MAN. 23.3. Next, the sword mudrā. Compassion chant, as usual. 23.4–24.1.  NAUMAKU SAMANDA BAZARA. DAN SENDA. MAKAROSYADA SOWATAYA. UN TARATA KAN MAN 24.2. Next, the no place not extreme (?) mudrā. Mantra three times. 24.3–4. A BAN UN. NAUMAKU SAMANDA BAZARA DAN KAN Ojuzu 24.5. Next, rotate the ojuzu. 25.1–3. Then, pick up the ojuzu with the left hand, circle it three times; in the same way, put incense powder into the palm of the right hand and turn three times; next, take up the “dharma” (daruma 達摩, referent uncertain) and rotate it three times to the side. 25.4. Mantra three times. 25.5. ON BAZARA GUKYA. JAHA SANMAEI UN 25.6. Next, the mantra of the Chief Deity, compassion chant, 103 times.

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25.7–26.2.  NAUMAKU SAMANDA BAZARA DAN. SENDA MAKAROSYADA. SOWATAYA UN TARATA KAN MAN 26.3. Next, the one-syllable chant. 26.4. NAUMAKU SAMANDA BAZARA DAN KAN 26.5. Also the short mantra of Go Sanze. 26.6. ON SOBANI SOBA. UN BAZARA UN HATTA 26.7. Next, rub the ojuzu, prayer. Oil 27.1. Next, large and small ladles, three times. Fudō and Go Sanze. 27.2. Recite the mantra. 27.3–5. Take up a ladle in the right hand with the so oil (蘇油), pour it in the same way: first holding it, pour it on one side of the stone circle, next turn the ladle upward, then fill it and slowly offer it into the middle of the hearth. 27.6. Recite the unexcelled mantra. 27.7–28.1. NAUMAKU SANMANDA. BAZARA DAN KAN. ON SOBANI SOBA UN. BAZARA UN HATTA. SENJIKYA SOWAKA Fanning 28.2. Next, fan the flames, just as previously; fan them seven times. 28.3. Imagine on the top of the fan is the syllable KAN, which changes into a wind cakra. 28.4. ON BOKU JINBARA UN 28.5. Next, stand up from the seat, make one bow, and return to the original seat. THE ADDITIONAL GOMA 28.6–7. At this point, the additional goma section: remember to throw the sapwood (goma wood) with people’s prayers into the middle of the hearth. 28.8. The additional goma. 29.1–2. If there is an additional goma for believers, go around to the left from in frnt of the first altar to the altar behind. 29.3 Then, take one’s seat. Rolling the ojuzu, pray. 29.4 Next, purification. Small three-pronged vajra mudrā. 29.5. ON AMIRITEI UN HATTA 29.6. Disperse (the mantra?) in the manner taught orally. Kindling 29.7. Next, the kindling, as [described] previously in the second section.



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29.8–30.1. Then take up one bundle, cut the bindings, place them momentarily, sheath the sacred sword. 30.2–3. In the left hand take the kindling and with the right hand throw the bindings into the middle of the hearth. 30.4–5. Next take three branches in the left hand and place the [rest of the] kindling in the right hand under the armpit; with the right hand throw one branch at a time into the middle of the hearth, three times. 30.6. NAUMAKU SAMANDA, BAZARA DAN KAN 30.7. Repeat in this way three times. 30.8. Make the (final?) offering in this way: [take] the remaining three branches of wood from one’s side, hold them in both hands and throw into the middle of the hearth all at once. 30.9 Recite the nondual mantra one time. 31.1–3. NAUMAKU SAMANDA BAZARA. DAN KAN. ON SOBANI SOBA. UN BAZARA UN HATTA. SENJIKYO SOWAKA Fanning 31.4. Next, fan the fire. Fan seven times, as previously. 31.5 ON BOKU JINBARA UN Oil 31.6. Next, large and small ladles, three times. 31.7. Take the ladle in the right hand, as usual, ladle the so oil just as [described above] to one side. 32.1–2. Strike the circular stone (edge of the hearth?) vigorously, next turn the ladle face up, strike once more, slowly, and make an offering into the middle of the hearth. 32.3–5. NAUMAKU SAMANDA BAZARA DAN KAN. ON SOBANI SOBA. UN BAZARA UN HATTA. SENJIKYA SOWAKA 32.6. Next, the Fudō iron-vajra mudrā, fire-world vidya. 33.1–5.  NAUMAKU SARABA TATAGYATEI BYAKU. SARABA BŌKEI BYAKU. SARABA TA. TARA TA SENDA. MAKAROSYADA. KEN GYAKI GYAKI. SARABA BIKIN NAN. UN TARATA KAN MAN Ojuzu 33.6. Next, turning the ojuzu. 34.1–4. Then take the ojuzu in the left hand, make three rounds, place it in the palm of the right hand, raise it up over the censer, revolve it three times. Next, “ dama” (?), stretch it out to the side and rotate it three times. Recite the mantra three times.

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34.5–6. ON BAZARA GUKYA. JA HA SAN MA EI UN 34.7. Next, the mantra of the chief deity, Fudō, one-syllable mantra 108 times. 34.8. NAUMAKU SAMANDA BAZARA DAN KAN 35.1. Next, pray while rubbing the ojuzu. Oil 35.2. Next, large and small ladles. 35.3–4. Take the ladle in the right hand, just as before, ladle once, strike forcefully on the edge of the hearth. Next, turn the ladle face up, then strike slowly (gently?) into the middle of the hearth. 35.5–7. NAUMAKU SAMANDA BAZARA DAN KAN. ON SOBA NI SOBA. UN BAZARA UN HATTA. SENJIKYA SOWAKA Fanning 36.1. Next, fan the fire, as [described] previously, fan seven times. 36.2 ON BOKU JINBARA UN 36.3–5. Next, stand at the seat, then return to the original seat, at the rear of the altar. Then stand at the seat, go to the front platform, bow once. 36.6. Next, arriving at the seat, crouch down and pray while rubbing the ojuzu. END OF THE ADDITIONAL GOMA 36.7. Next, the leave-taking of the lord of the assembly. 37.1. Make the previous calling mudrā, extending the right index finger three times. 37.2–3. ON SON BA NI SO BA. UN BAZARA UN HATTA GESSYA GESSYA BOKU SOWAKA 37.4. Next, the leave-taking of the chief deity. 37.5. Make the single-pronged vajra (獨古) mudrā, extending the right finger three times. 38.1–5. NAUMAKU SARABA TATAGYATEI BYAKU. SARABA BOKU KEI BYAKU. SARABA TA TARA TA SENDA. MAKAROSYADA. KEN GYAKI GYAKI SARABA BIKI NAN. UN TARA TA. KAN MAN. GESSYA GESSYA BOKU SOWAKA 38.6. Declaration; vajra gasshō. 39.1. The lord of the assembly and the chief deity return to their original seats (in the maṇḍala?). HEAVENLY AND WORLDLY CLASS DEITIES 39.2. Next, various divine and worldly class deities.



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39.3. Then, purification; small three-pronged vajra mudrā. 39.4. The act of scattering the canes; oral teaching (kuden 口傳). 39.5. ON AMIRI TEI UN HATTA VARIOUS DEITIES AND WORLDLY DEITIES 39.6. Next, empowering the various deities. 39.7. Make the dai ko syō mudrā, with right forefinger beckon three times. 40.1–2. BAN UN TARAKU KIRIKU AKU. EI KEI EI KI. JYAKU UN BAN KOKU SOWAKA 40.3. Next, empowering the worldly deities. 40.4. Make the single-pronged vajra mudrā, beckon with the right finger three times. 40.5–6. NAUMAKU SAMANDA BAZARA DAN KAN. EI KEI EI KI. JYAKU UN BAN KOKU SOWAKA 41.1. Next, clap the hands. 41.2. ON BAZARA TARA TOSYA KOKU 41.3. Next, loop the ojuzu three times, put it to the left side. Kindling 41.4. Next, the kindling. 41.5–6. Take up one bundle, cut the bindings, put it down for a moment as it is, replace the sacred sword (the knife used to cut the bindings) in the sheath. 41.7–42.1. Then take up the kindling in the left hand, with the right hand throw the bindings into the middle of the hearth. 42.2–3. Next, take up three sticks, and throw one stick at a time into the middle of the hearth. Repeat in the same way for the chief deity and the second group. 42.4. NAUMAKU SAMANDA BAZARA DAN KAN 42.5–6. Hold the remaining three sticks of wood sideways in both hands, and offer these, throwing them all at once into the middle of the hearth. 42.7. Mantra one time; recite the unequaled mantra. 42.8–43.2  NAUMAKU SAMANDA BAZARA DAN KAN. ON SOBANI SOBA. UN BAZARA UN HATTA. SENJIKYA. SOWAKA

Fanning 43.3. Next, fan the fire, just as previously; fan it seven times. 43.4 ON BOKU JINBARA UN.

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Oil 43.5. Next, large and small ladles, three times. 43.6–44.1. Take the ladle in the right hand, scoop so oil until it is just full, begin with one time striking the circular stone forcefully; next, turn the ladles face up and then strike once, slowly, offering into the middle of the hearth. 44.2–3. BAN UN TARAKU KIRIKU AKU. NAUMAKU SAMANDA BAZARA DAN KAN 44.4. Next, the five-pronged vajra mudrā. 44.5 BAN UN TARAKU KIRIKU AKU 45.1. Three times. 45.2. Next, the single-pronged vajra mudrā (this mudrā just as previously) 45.3. NAUMAKU SAMANDA BAZARA DAN KAN BORON 45.4. Three times.

ZAO GONGEN 45.5. Next, Zao Gongen (“treasury king avatar”) 45.6. Inner-bound three-pronged vajra mudrā (three-pronged vajra mudrā with the ring and little fingers inside). 46.1. ON BAZARA GUSYA A RAN JA UN 46.2. Next, the vajra servant boy (kongō dōshi 金剛童子), single-pronged vajra mudrā (just as previously) 46.3. ON KYA NI DO MA UN HATTA, three times.

Ojuzu 46.4. Next, revolving the ojuzu. 46.5–6. Then, take the ojuzu in the left hand, go around three times, put it in the palm of the right hand, scent it over the censer, order it into three circles. 46.7. Next, take dharma (daruma 達摩), circle three times, then place it to the side; mantra three times. 47.1. ON BAZARA GUKYA. JA HA SAN MA EI UN 47.2. Next, mantra for the chief deity, 108 times. 47.3–4. BAN UN TARAKU KIRIKU AKU. NAUMAKU SAMANDA BAZARA DAN KAN 47.5. Next, the leave-taking of the several divinities. 47.6–7. Make the great hooking mudrā (dai koshō 大鉤召), extend the right finger three times.



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48.1–2. BAN UN TARAKU KIRIKU AKU. HASSHA HASSHA BOKU SOWAKA 48.3. Next, the leave-taking of the worldly and celestial deities; snap three times (mudrā just as previously) 48.4. ON BAZARA BO KISYA BOKU 48.5. Next, rubbing the rosary, pray with sincerity, declaring: 49.1. Only desiring that the various divinities Attaining the heavenly realm Return to their original place. CLOSING/DEPARTURE 49.2. Next, descend from the altar, make one bow, and return to one’s original place. Notes 1. In this regard, see, however, Anne Bouchy, “Le Littoral, espace de médiations: Cultes des monts Sengen, Asama, Aomine et systèmes de représentations chez les gens de mer de la côte orientale de la péninsule de Kii,” Cahiers d’Extrême–Asie 9 (1996): 255–298. 2. This claim certainly seems plausible when considering the religious function of mountains in Japan, and the widespread symbolism of mountains as realms of the deities in Asia. Such religious functions and symbolism, however, do not necessarily establish a continuous institutional form. 3. Bouchy provides a valuable review of modern research on Shugendō in her “La Cascade et l’écritoire,” Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient 87/1 (2000): 341–366. 4. Ichiro Hori, “Mountains and Their Importance for the Idea of the Other World in Japanese Folk Religion,” History of Religions 6/1 (August 1966): 1. 5. Over the course of my fieldwork in Japan in 1982 and 1983, I observed shugenja visiting Mt. Kōya and also performing saitō goma at Tanukidani Fudōin just northeast of Kyoto, at the Fushimi Inari temple in Fukakusa, Kyoto, at the Shōgoin temple east of the Imperial court in central Kyoto, and at the grand opening of a Shingon Fudō temple along the road to Kōyasan from Hashimoto. 6. In addition to the version presented as part of the “Homa Variations” conference, an earlier draft of this essay was presented at the Western Region meeting of the American Academy of Religions (AAR) at The Claremont Colleges, Claremont, California, 1998. 7. Hans Henrich Hock writes in Principles of Historical Linguistics, 2nd ed. (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1991), p. 6, “Considering that such borrowed items are rarely returned, the terms ‘theft’ or ‘embezzlement’ would be more appropriate, but they sound less nice.” 8. Gaynor Sekimori, “Shugendō and its Relationship with the Japanese Esoteric Sects: A Study of the Ritual Calendar of an Edo-Period Shugendō Shrine-Temple Complex,” in Charles D. Orzech, Henrik H. Sørensen, and Richard K. Payne, eds., Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia (Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. 997–1008.

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9. Ryuichi Abé, The Weaving of Mantra: Kūkai and the Construction of Esoteric Buddhist Discourse (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), p. 83. See also George J. Tanabe, Jr., “The Founding of Mount Kōya and Kūkai’s Eternal Meditation,” in George J. Tanabe, Jr., ed., Religions of Japan in Practice (Princeton, NJ:  Princeton University Press, 1999), pp. 354–359; William Frank Londo, “The Other Mountain: The Mt. Kōya Temple Complex in the Heian Era” (PhD dissertation, University of Michigan, 2004). 10. On the relation between the establishment of Mt. Kōya as the main training center of Shingon Buddhism and Kūkai’s mountain austerities prior to his trip to China, see Londo, “The Other Mountain,” pp. 45–61. 11. Gorai Shigeru, “Shugendo Lore,” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 16/2–3 (1989): 124. 12. Londo points to the important role of another similar group, the jikyōsha (持経者), “a type of wandering ascetic specializing in the memorization, chanting, and preaching of the Lotus Sutra” (“The Other Mountain,” p. 85). 13. See, Janet R. Goodwin, Alms and Vagabonds: Buddhist Temples and Popular Patronage in Medieval Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1994); Mikael S. Adolphson, The Gates of Power: Monks, Courtiers, and Warriors in Premodern Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2000), p. 56; Donald C. Drummond, Sr., “Negotiating Influence: The Pilgrimage Diary of Monastic Imperial Prince Kakuhō—Omurogosho Kōyasan gosanrō nikki” (PhD dissertation, Graduate Theological Union, Berkeley, California, 2007). 14. Allan G. Grapard, “Keiranshuyoshu: A Different Perspective on Mount Hiei in the Medieval Period,” in Richard K. Payne, ed., Re-Visioning “Kamakura” Buddhism (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1998), pp. 55–69. 15. Gorai, “Shugendo Lore,” p. 128. 16. Barbara Ambros, “Tōzanha Shugendō in the Early Modern Period,” in Charles D. Orzech, Henrik H. Sørensen, and Richard K. Payne, eds., Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia (Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. 1018–1023. 17. Hitoshi Miyake, “Religious Rituals in Shugendo:  A  Summary,” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 16/2–3 (1989): 103–104. 18. Gorai, “Shugendo Lore,” p. 128. 19. Gorai, “Shugendo Lore,” p. 135. 20. H. Byron Earhart, A Religious Study of the Mount Haguro Sect of Shugendō: An Example of a Japanese Mountain Religion (Tokyo: Sophia University, 1970), p. 37. 21. Carmen Blacker, The Catalpa Bow:  A  Study in Shamanistic Practices in Japan (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1975), p. 191. 22. Blacker, The Catalpa Bow, p. 191. 23. Yoshito S. Hakeda, Kūkai: Major Works Translated, with an Account of His Life and a Study of His Thought (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1972), p. 241. 24. Miyake gives a description of a mountain practice structured around the six worlds in his 1975 essay “Mountain Austerities in Shugendō,” ­chapter 4 in Hitoshi Miyake, Shugendō: Essays on the Structure of Japanese Folk Religion (Ann Arbor, MI: Center for Japanese Studies, 2001), pp. 78–98. He explains that the ten-world system was used on Mount Ōmine from the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries (p. 92). 25. Hitoshi Miyake, The Mandala of the Mountain: Shugendō and Folk Religion (Tokyo: Keio University Press, 2005), p. 62. For a fuller discussion, see also pp. 108–109.



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26. Miyake, Shugendō: Essays on the Structure of Japanese Folk Religion, p. 78. 27. Earhart, A Religious Study of the Mount Haguro Sect of Shugendō, p. 29. 28. For a discussion of the use of this concept, see David Seyfort Ruegg, The Symbiosis of Buddhism with Brahmanism/Hinduism in South Asia and of Buddhism with ‘Local Cults’ in Tibet and the Himalayan Region (Vienna:  Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2008), pp. v–ix. 29. Richard K. Payne, The Tantric Ritual of Japan (Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture, 1991), pp. 52–53. 30. For example, Miyake mentions that one of the distinct practices of the Kannokura hijiri at Shingū was that they “fasted and kept watch over the ‘eternal flame’ on preparation for the fire festival.” Hitoshi Miyake, “Rethinking Japanese Folk Religion: A Study of Kumano Shugen,” in P. F.  Kornicki and I. J.  McMullen, eds., Religion in Japan:  Arrows to Heaven and Earth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 128. 31. See Klaus Antoni, Rituale und ihre Urheber:  Invented Traditions in der japanischen Religionsgschichte (Hamburg: Lit, 1997). For what is perhaps the foundational study of this process in European history, see Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). 32. Earhart, A Religious Study of the Mount Haguro Sect of Shugendō, p. 29. 33. Miyake, “Religious Rituals in Shugendo: A Summary,” p. 106. 34. Miyake, The Mandala of the Mountain, p. 130. The idea that the fire consumes the body per se is symbolized by interpreting the “lattice of logs [as] representing the bones of the human body” (p. 106). 35. Richard K.  Payne, “The Shingon Ajikan:  Diagrammatic Analysis of Ritual Syntax,” Religion 29/3 (July 1999): 215–229; “Ajikan: Ritual and Meditation in the Shingon Tradition,” in Payne, ed., Re-Visioning “Kamakura” Buddhism, pp. 219–248. 36. For illustrations, see Shugendō shugyō taikei hensan iinkai, ed., Shugendō shugyō taikei 修験道修行大系 [A Compendium of Shugendō Practices] (Tokyo: Kokusho Kankōka, 1994), pp. 142–146. 37. In the course of my research in Japan from 1982 to 1983, I observed four different saitō goma in different locations. I believe that these constituted a fairly representative sample of public performances of the saitō goma, as distinct from those done in conjunction with the periods of austerities that shugenja engage in during mountain retreats. 38. Carmen Blacker, “Appendix: Climbing the Ladder of Swords,” in The Catalpa Bow: A Study in Shamanistic Practices in Japan (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1975), pp. 288–291. 39. Miyake, “Religious Rituals in Shugendo,” p. 104. 40. Richard Karl Payne, The Tantric Ritual of Japan, Feeding the Gods:  The Shingon Fire Ritual (Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture and Aditya Prakashan, 1991). 41. One of the rationales for secrecy encountered in both Tibetan and Japanese esoteric Buddhism is that it provided for the protection of the uninitiated. Regarding the practice of secrecy in Tibet, David Gray explains the traditional view that “[t]‌his secrecy was for the protection of the unprepared, not for the hoarding of wisdom by initiated elite” (“The Purification of Heruka: Reflections on Identity Formation in Late Indian Buddhism,” Pacific World, 3rd ser., 13 [2011]: 81–93). This is congruent with assertions made by the early twentieth-century Shingon scholar Tajima Ryūjun in Étude sur le Mahāvairocana-sūtra (Dainichikyō)

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(Paris: Adrien Maisonneuve, 1936), p. 9. Tajima employs two metaphors to explain the dangers of the tantric teaching that the passions are of the same nature as bodhi. The first metaphor is medicine, which used properly can heal the sick, but if used improperly it can be a virulent poison. The second is a sharp knife, which in adult hands is a useful tool but in the hands of a child is dangerous both to the child and others. In contrast to these apologetic explanations, a more complex and historically nuanced interpretation emerges from the essays collected in Bernhard Scheid and Mark Teeuwen, eds., The Culture of Secrecy in Japanese Religion (London: Routledge, 2006). 42. An important statement against the use of “influence” is found in Michael Baxandall, Patterns of Intention: On the Historical Explanation of Pictures (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985), pp. 58–62. 43. This provides an alternative to the categories of linguistics, which I have attempted to employ analytically elsewhere. See Richard K.  Payne, “Translating Ritual:  Methodological Reflections on the Transmission of Esoteric Buddhist Ritual to East Asia,” in Editorial Board, International Conference on Esoteric Buddhist Studies, eds., Esoteric Buddhist Studies: Identity in Diversity (Koyasan: Koyasan University, 2008), pp. 101–112. This approach may pose the danger of becoming something of a Procrustean bed for the study of ritual, by looking for exact analogues of the contemporary theoretical entities of linguistics, such as, words, phrases, sentences, and so on. Cf. Axel Michaels, “Struktur und Varianz: Kann es eine Grammatik der Ritual geben?” Paper delivered for the Kulturwissenschaftlichen Kollegs of the Universität Konstanz, June 4, 2008. http://www.sai.uni-heidelberg.de/abt/IND/en/publikation/online-publikationen. 44. Erik Zürcher, “Buddhist Influence on Early Taoism: A Survey of Scriptural Evidence,” T’oung Pao: International Journal of Chinese Studies, 66/1–3 (1980): 86. 45. Zürcher, “Buddhist Influence on Early Taoism,” p. 86. 46. Zürcher, “Buddhist Influence on Early Taoism,” p. 87. It is interesting that Zürcher qualifies this level of borrowing in terms of concepts, specifically doctrinal concepts. It seems to unnecessarily focus on doctrine as the essential matter, ignoring practice. 47. Zürcher, “Buddhist Influence on Early Taoism,” p. 87. 48. Zürcher, “Buddhist Influence on Early Taoism,” p. 88. 49. Zürcher, “Buddhist Influence on Early Taoism,” p. 88. 50. See, in particular, Christine Mollier, Buddhism and Taoism Face to Face: Scripture, Ritual, and Iconographic Exchange in Medieval China (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2008). Mollier’s work is particularly valuable in that she examines exchanges in both directions. Her study also goes beyond Zürcher’s apparent focus on doctrinal concepts noted in n. 44. 51. Fabio Rambelli, Buddhist Materiality: A Cultural History of Objects in Japanese Buddhism (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007), p. 23. 52. See Christopher S. George, The Caṇḍamahāroṣaṇa Tantra (New Haven, CT: American Oriental Society, 1974). 53. Miyake, “Religious Rituals in Shugendo,” p. 106. 54. One of the semiotic markers between Shintō kami 神 and Buddhist deities is the nature of the offerings made to them. In general kami can be offered meat, such as fish, and saké, while buddhas and their retinues cannot. Fudō, however, is regularly offered saké. That this rule does not perfectly demarcate the two categories of deities makes for interesting case studies. See, e.g., Lisa Grumbach, “Sacrifice and Salvation in Medieval Japan: Hunting and Meat in Religious



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Practice as Suwa Jinja” (PhD dissertation, Stanford University, 2005), and Ikuo Nakamura, “The Debate on Taking Life and Eating Meat in the Edo-Period Jōdo Shin Tradition,” in Richard K. Payne, ed., How Much is Enough? Buddhism, Consumerism, and the Human Environment (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2010), pp. 147–160. 55. On the matching of fire and water symbolism, see Holly Grether, “The Ritual Interplay of Fire and Water in Hindu and Buddhist Tantras,” in this volume. On interior heat in the Anuttara-tantra Mother tantras, see Heather Stoddard, “Dynamic Structures in Buddhist Maṇḍalas: Apradakṣina and Mystic Heat in the Mother Tantra Section of the Anuttarayoga Tantras,” Artibus Asiae 58/3–4 (1999): 169–213. 56. Miyake, “Religious Rituals in Shugendo,” p. 112. 57. Hitoshi Miyake, Shugendō Girei no Kenkyū 修験道儀礼の研究 [Studies in Shugendō Ritual] (Tokyo: Shujūnsha, 1971), pp. 141–161. 58. My deepest thanks to my friend and colleague Donald Drummond for providing me with this summary, and for his extensive summary of the other relevant sections of Miyake’s work. 59. One significant difference is that as part of a fuller training sequence the Shingon ritual in eighteen stages does not include ritual identification per se. This comes in the second of the four training rituals, the ritual of the vajra world (kongō kai 金剛界). See Richard K. Payne, “The Fourfold Training in Japanese Esoteric Buddhism,” in Charles D. Orzech, Henrik H. Sørensen, and Richard K. Payne, eds., Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia (Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. 1024–1028. 60. Gavin Flood, An Introduction to Hinduism (Cambridge:  Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 40. 61. Earhart, A Religious Study of the Mount Haguro Sect of Shugendō, p. 143. 62. As sketched here, the scope of syntactic analysis is generally congruent with that of performance theory, but focuses instead on a formal analysis of ritual actions rather than what might be considered—by the same analogy with linguistics—a pragmatic one. 63. Michaels, “Struktur und Varianz,” p. 6. 64. Hans Penner, e.g., has asserted that on the basis of the “evidence from linguistics, Staal’s position is simply wrong” (“Language, Ritual, and Meaning,” Numen 32/1 [1985]: 11). 65. Staal’s claim works within the linguistic theory, based on a fundamental distinction between syntax and semantics, that is contemporary with his research. One may argue, of course, that this is an overly narrow definition of meaning, but it is a principled one and consistent with the dominant philosophic notion of meaning as semantic—and as fundamentally distinct from syntactic. Although I  am not a linguist, I  suspect that while the two may be theoretically distinct (and that the distinction may be heuristically useful), there are significant ways in which they are not. Contrary to the Saussurean legacy in linguistics and philosophy of language, meaning is not purely contrastive in nature, as suggested by the work of Anna Wierzbicka on semantic universals. In particular, see Anna Wierzbicka, Semantics, Culture, and Cognition: Universal Human Concepts in Culture-Specific Configurations (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1992). The structuralist concept of language was itself developed out of phonetic studies employing the tool of “minimal pairs,” in which significant difference is defined by contrast, i.e., meaning is solely dependent upon structure. It is the extension of this phonetic insight to other aspects of language that may be problematic.

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66. The same is true for arguments and argument forms. Modus ponens is a valid argument form, but it has no meaning—there is no content that allows us to determine whether the conclusion is true. The same analysis may be unproblematically applied mutatis mutandis to mathematics. 67. Ray Jackendoff, Language, Consciousness, Culture:  Essays on Mental Structure (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2007), p. 22. 68. Another analogy would be the kind of historical significance that Alexis Sanderson has suggested for the examination of texts, not for their individual didactic content but rather for the intertextuality that exists between them. See his “History through Textual Criticism in the Study of Śaivism, the Pañcarātra and the Buddhist Yoginītantras,” in François Grimal, ed., Les Sources et le temps [Sources and Time] (Pondicherry: Institut Français de Pondichéry and École Française d’Extrême-Orient, 2001), pp. 1–47. 69. Up to this point the mantra have been represented by katakana alone. This mantra and the rest through the end of the manual are represented by siddham script with furigana written in hiragana. At this point, the manual shifts from introductory material to the first fire offering. Based on similar organization of Shingon homas, one possible explanation is that up to this point the mantra are ones more commonly used in other Shugendō rituals, while the rest are unique to the homa. 70. This indicates that this manual is not of the Haguro Shugendō, since this sect worships Nōjo Taishi/Shōken Daibosatsu as its founder.

REFERENCES Abé, Ryuichi. The Weaving of Mantra: Kūkai and the Construction of Esoteric Buddhist Discourse. New York: Columbia University Press, 1999. Adolphson, Mikael S. The Gates of Power: Monks, Courtiers, and Warriors in Premodern Japan. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2000. Ambros, Barbara. “Tōzanha Shugendō in the Early Modern Period.” In Charles Orzech, Henrik H. Sørensen, and Richard K. Payne, eds., Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia, pp. 1018–1023. Leiden: Brill, 2010. Antoni, Klaus. Rituale und ihre Urheber: Invented Traditions in der japanischen Religionsgschichte. Hamburg: Lit, 1997. Baxandall, Michael. Patterns of Intention:  On the Historical Explanation of Pictures. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985. Bouchy, Anne. “La Cascade et l’écritoire.” Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient 87/1 (2000): 341–366. Bouchy, Anne. “Le Littoral, espace de médiations: Cultes des monts Sengen, Asama, Aomine et systèmes de représentations chez les gens de mer de la côte orientale de la péninsule de Kii.” Cahiers d’Extrême–Asie 9 (1996): 255–298. Drummond, Donald C., Sr. “Negotiating Influence:  The Pilgrimage Diary of Monastic Imperial Prince Kakuhō—Omurogosho Kōyasan gosanrō nikki.” PhD dissertation, Graduate Theological Union, Berkeley, California, 2007.



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Earhart, H. Byron. A Religious Study of the Mount Haguro Sect of Shugendō: An Example of a Japanese Mountain Religion. Tokyo: Sophia University, 1970. Flood, Gavin. An Introduction to Hinduism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. George, Christopher S. The Caṇḍamahāroṣaṇa Tantra. New Haven, CT: American Oriental Society, 1974. Goodwin, Janet R. Alms and Vagabonds: Buddhist Temples and Popular Patronage in Medieval Japan. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1994. Gorai, Shigeru. “Shugendo Lore.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 16/2–3 (1989): 117–142. Grapard, Allan G. “Keiranshuyoshu: A Different Perspective on Mount Hiei in the Medieval Period.” In Richard K.  Payne, ed., Re-Visioning “Kamakura” Buddhism, pp. 55–69. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1998. Grumbach, Lisa. “Sacrifice and Salvation in Medieval Japan: Hunting and Meat in Religious Practice as Suwa Jinja.” PhD dissertation, Stanford University, 2005. Hobsbawm, Eric, and Terence Ranger. The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge:  Cambridge University Press, 1983. Hock, Hans Henrich. Principles of Historical Linguistics. 2nd ed. Berlin:  Mouton de Gruyter, 1991. Hori, Ichiro. “Mountains and Their Importance for the Idea of the Other World in Japanese Folk Religion.” History of Religions 6/1 (August 1966): 1–23. Jackendoff, Ray. Language, Consciousness, Culture:  Essays on Mental Structure. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2007. Londo, William Frank. “The Other Mountain: The Mt. Kōya Temple Complex in the Heian Era.” PhD dissertation, University of Michigan, 2004. Michaels, Axel. “Struktur und Varianz:  Kann es eine Grammatik der Ritual geben?” Paper delivered for the Kulturwissenschaftlichen Kollegs of the Universität Konstanz, June 4, 2008. http://www.sai.uni-heidelberg.de/abt/IND/en/publikation/online-publikationen. Miyake, Hitoshi. The Mandala of the Mountain: Shugendō and Folk Religion. Edited by Gaynor Sekimori. Tokyo: Keio University Press, 2005. Miyake, Hitoshi. “Religious Rituals in Shugendo: A Summary.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 16/2–3 (1989): 101–116. Miyake, Hitoshi. “Rethinking Japanese Folk Religion:  A  Study of Kumano Shugen.” In P. F.  Kornicki and I. J.  McMullen, eds., Religion in Japan:  Arrows to Heaven and Earth, pp. 121–134. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Miyake, Hitoshi. Shugendō Girei no Kenkyū 修験道儀礼の研究 [Studies in Shugendō Ritual]. Tokyo: Shujūnsha, 1971. Mollier, Christine. Buddhism and Taoism Face to Face:  Scripture, Ritual, and Iconographic Exchange in Medieval China. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2008. Nakamura, Ikuo. “The Debate on Taking Life and Eating Meat in the Edo-Period Jōdo Shin Tradition.” In Richard K. Payne, ed., How Much is Enough? Buddhism, Consumerism, and the Human Environment, pp. 147–160. Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2010. Payne, Richard K. “Ajikan:  Ritual and Meditation in the Shingon Tradition.” In Richard K.  Payne, ed., Re-Visioning “Kamakura” Buddhism, pp. 219–248. Honolulu:  University of Hawai’i Press, 1998.

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Payne, Richard K. “The Fourfold Training in Japanese Esoteric Buddhism.” In Charles D.  Orzech, Henrik H.  Sørensen, and Richard K.  Payne, eds., Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia, pp. 1024–1028. Leiden: Brill, 2011. Payne, Richard K. “The Shingon Ajikan:  Diagrammatic Analysis of Ritual Syntax.” Religion 29/3 (July 1999): 215–229. Payne, Richard K. The Tantric Ritual of Japan, Feeding the Gods:  The Shingon Fire Ritual. Śat-Piṭaka Series, Indo-Asian Literatures, vol. 365. Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture and Aditya Prakashan, 1991. Penner, Hans. “Language, Ritual, and Meaning.” Numen 32/1 (1985): 1–21. Rambelli, Fabio. Buddhist Materiality: A Cultural History of Objects in Japanese Buddhism. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007. Ruegg, David Seyfort. The Symbiosis of Buddhism with Brahmanism/Hinduism in South Asia and of Buddhism with ‘Local Cults’ in Tibet and the Himalayan Region. Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2008. Sanderson, Alexis. “History through Textual Criticism in the Study of Śaivism, the Pañcarātra and the Buddhist Yoginītantras.” In François Grimal, ed., Les Sources et le Temps [Sources and Time], pp. 1–47. Pondicherry:  Institut Français de Pondichéry and École Française d’Extrême-Orient, 2001. Scheid, Bernhard, and Mark Teeuwen, eds. The Culture of Secrecy in Japanese Religion London: Routledge, 2006. Sekimori, Gaynor. “Shugendō and its Relationship with the Japanese Esoteric Sects: A Study of the Ritual Calendar of an Edo Period Shugendō Shrine-Temple Complex.” In Charles D.  Orzech, Henrik H.  Sørensen, and Richard K.  Payne, eds., Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia, pp. 997–1008. Leiden: Brill, 2011. Shugendō shugyō taikei hensan iinkai, ed. Shugendō shugyō taikei 修験道修行大系 [A Compendium of Shugendō Practices]. Tokyo: Kokusho Kankōka, 1994. Stoddard, Heather. “Dynamic Structures in Buddhist Maṇḍalas:  Apradakṣina and Mystic Heat in the Mother Tantra Section of the Anuttarayoga Tantras.” Artibus Asiae 58/3–4 (1999): 169–213. Tanabe, George J., Jr. “The Founding of Mount Kōya and Kūkai’s Eternal Meditation.” In George J. Tanabe, Jr., ed., Religions of Japan in Practice, pp. 354–359. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999. Zürcher, Erik. “Buddhist Influence on Early Taoism: A Survey of Scriptural Evidence.” T’oung Pao: International Journal of Chinese Studies 66/1–3 (1980): 84–147.

Agnihotra Rituals in Nepal Michael Witzel

i Today five groups of brahmins reside in the Kathmandu Valley:1 the Newarispeaking Rājopādhyāya; the Nepali-speaking Pūrbe, who immigrated in the last centuries before the Gorkha conquest (1768–1769 c.e.), the Kumaĩ; the Newari- and Maithili-speaking Maithila; and the Bhaṭṭas from South India, who serve at the Paśupatināth temple. Except for the Bhaṭṭas, all are followers of the White Yajurveda in its Mādhyandina recension. It could therefore be expected that all these groups, with the exception of the Bhaṭṭas, would differ from each other in language and certain customs brought from their respective homelands, but that they would agree in their (Vedic) ritual. However, this is far from the case. On the contrary, the brahmins of the Kathmandu Valley, who have immigrated over the last 1,500 years in several waves,2 constitute a perfect example of individual regional developments in this border area of medieval Indian culture, as well as of the successive, if fluctuating, influence of the “great tradition” of Northern India. Just one aspect of this far-reaching issue will be studied here in some detail,3 the various forms of the more important Vedic rituals carried out to the present day: the daily agnihotra and the rituals connected with it, such as the fortnightly new and full moon sacrifice (darśapūrṇamāsa) and some related seasonal rituals. 1. ON THE HISTORY OF THE AGNIHOTR A IN NEPAL 1.1. The agnihotra, “the casting (of cow’s milk) into the fire,” while a comparatively uncomplicated Vedic sacrifice, nevertheless requires around a hundred individual 371

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actions.4 It is to be performed at sunset every night and at sunrise in the morning by all initiated brahmins who have installed the three holy fires (ahitāgni). Its original purpose was as a sun spell:5 in the evening, the power of the sun enters into the embers of the fire, from where it has to be rekindled the following morning. The underlying identification of sun and fire is very old, in any case already Indo-Iranian, as shown by the fire worship of the Zoroastrians. This is already seen in the Yasna Haptaŋhāiti, composed in quasi-Zarathustrian Old Avestan.6 In early Indian history the agnihotra became a popular topic of discussion. The time of the morning offering (before, during, and after sunrise) was especially controversial; in the Upaniṣads, even kṣatriyas offered their opinions on this matter, and in the following centuries the agnihotra (just like the aśvamedha) remained a constantly used, standard example of Vedic ritual in texts such as the Mahābhārata. During these times, not every initiated brahmin carried out the rite. On the other hand, it grew in importance to becoming one that a king must constantly perform with the help of his priest, the rāja-purohita. According to the Atharvaveda Pariśiṣṭa, a collection of texts whose early sections may have been composed in the centuries before the beginning of our era, the priest must always be an Atharvavedin.7 The first late- and post-Vedic descriptions of the agnihotra and other rites of the royal court, which were intended to serve the interests of the king and the country, are found in this text. However, the Atharvavedins were mostly not able to enforce this claim8 and therefore the royal priests in Nepal, too, have been (as far we know of their school affiliation) Mādhyandinas of the White Yajurveda (besides the śaivācāryas). 1.2. Unfortunately, the agnihotra is not mentioned in early Nepalese inscriptions and texts, but we know that brahmins settled in Kathmandu Valley as early as the Licchavi period9 (Changu Narayan inscription, 464 c.e.); perhaps they had settled there already before the Kirāta time or before the so-called Gupta dynasty. At Mātātīrtha, in the west of the valley, they appear in Licchavi inscriptions as “leaders” of villages. They performed, for example, Aṃśuvarman’s rājābhiṣeka (Hāḍigaon inscription, 606 c.e.) and would have carried out his other royal rites as well, including the agnihotra.10 Perhaps the site of this hypothetical agnihotra was first at Jhul (Mātātirtha) in the west of the valley,11 and later at the southern rim of the (supposed) palace of Aṃśuvarman12 at Hāḍigaon, where an excavation discovered an agnikuṇḍa13 next to the Māneśvarī temple. The Kuladevatā (Māneśvarī of the Malla kings) and the agnikuṇḍa also coincide elsewhere (see §1.3, §3 ). The first source for the history of the Nepalese agnihotra (and at any time new sources may appear,14 such as in the 3,000 unpublished inscriptions of the Malla period15) is a fragmentary inscription from Bhaktapur along with the manuscripts to be discussed in this essay. It is almost to be expected that this inscription was found in the vicinity of the old palace of Bhaktapur, at Tachapal-Tol in the east of the city. A rule always followed in Nepal (and elsewhere, for example, in Orissa) is that brahmins would live south of the palace (before the transfer of the palace to the northwest of the city). In this case, it seems to have been the agnihotrī of the king. (Today, brahmins again reside south of the palace, just as in Kathmandu, at Om Bahal.)



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That agnihotrins existed at Bhaktapur at this early time is shown by a legend reported by Munamkarmi.16 Although historically impossible,17 the legend says that the Maithila king Harisiṃha, on his arrival in the Kathmandu Valley (1324 c.e.), established the yantra of Talejū Bhavānī at Bhaktapur in the house of an agnihotrī. Talejū appeared to him in a dream and requested that a particularly distinguished location should be found for her. The king first looked in the eastern part of the city, at Banelaykū, then at Kvāchẽ Tol, and eventually found the house of an agnihotra brahmin. According to the brahmin’s wishes the king exchanged the brahmin’s piece of land for another one, and the new place was called Palisachẽ. The legend goes on to relate King Harisiṃha’s expulsion of an agnihotrī who is described as a great, accomplished tantrika. In Bhaktapur tradition, therefore, the legend of a previous agnihotra is alive and well. This may go back to the time of the still undivided kingdom in the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries. Later, from about 1600 c.e. onward, the agnihotra has only been attested at Patan. 1.3. The oldest manuscript known to me of this ritual, the Yajurvidhāna18 agnihotra darśapaurṇamāseṣṭi sāyamprātarvidhi/śunasīreṣṭi, and so on, in thirty-three chapters, dates to about the same time (1433 c.e.). Here, the fortnightly dārśa-paurṇamāsa –as to keep the local form of the designation- is the basic form of the sāyamprātar agnihotra, a reversal of the normal procedure in which the two are treated separately. The manuscript is dated in NS 553 śrāvaṇa (= summer of 1433 c.e.), by (or for?) a soma-śramaṇa, at Śrī Pitho Bamlānihma Yetā-gṛha.19 In addition, there exist two inscriptions at the agniśālā of Patan, one of which is very weathered but nevertheless readable, which indicates a donation for an annual feast for brahmins of all Patan groups (perhaps already dated 1572 c.e., discussed in §3.1). Hemrāj Śākya20 mentions (without a source) a date of 1572 c.e. for this agniśālā. There are additional manuscripts, such as one21 dating to NS 701 (= 1601 c.e.), of the famous Rājaguru Viśvanāth Śarmā, or V.  Upādhya, of Patan, who had thus far been attested only to 1638 c.e. and later.22 This text is a Dārśapaurṇamāsa-vidhāna (according to the bhāṣya of the Kātyāyana Śrauta-sūtra). Further there is an approximately simultaneous Prasādaṣoḍaśadamanārohaṇayajña, a Pavitrārohaṇa, and so on. In addition, there are also modern, though inaccessible, manuscripts now in use;23 they are said to go back to a copy dated NS 884–889 (= 1683–1689 c.e.; see below).24 What is striking is that all of these documents come from the Patan area, where the agniśālā is located, while the older inscription was at Bhaktapur. Strangely, there is thus far no testimony about an agnihotra of the king of Kathmandu.25 The presumption arises that the agnihotra meant for the entire valley had been localized at Patan early on. 1.4. Both facts agree with the legends still told in Patan by the families of the local agnihotrī clans, as well as in Padmagiri’s Vamsāvali.26 Under the Vaiśya-Ṭhakuri king Śaṅkaradeva (c. 1065–1082 c.e.) not only the kuladevatā of these kings, Tāraṇīdevī, would have been established at Kathmandu27 but also the agnikuṇḍa at Patan. The Vaṃśāvali (in Wright’s History of Nepal) reports the same. However, it also adds28 that some agnihotrins intermittently emigrated to Gaur (Bengal) after their village of

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Jhul was burned. Jhul was situated between Kīrtipur and Mātātīrtha, again located in the (pre-)Licchavi heartland of the brahmins.29 The wife of one of these brahmins then fled to Patan (later than 188 c.e., the alleged date of a manuscript that she took along with her), and she then lived in Ga(la) Bahal. Her son was a Banrā, a Buddhist. This tale combines an original agnihotra in the west of the valley with the later one at Patan.30 Apparently King Śaṅkaradeva was forced to reestablish the agnihotra after its abandonment or conversion to Buddhism by its priests. There is, however, another legend from approximately the same period of time. According to the late agnihotrī Gurujvālānand, the agnikuṇḍa of Patan was founded about a thousand years ago after the destruction of Hāḍigaon by an agnihotrī who came down from the Manicūḍa mountain, north of Bhaktapur and Chaṅgu Nārāyaṇ. He stuck his staff into the sand of the Nakhu River (Prabhāvatī), located west of Patan, and took a bath there.31 By the end of his bath the staff had already begun to sprout leaves. This is the varuṇa (= varaṇa) tree,32 the varuṇa-nāga, that is currently in the courtyard of the agniśālā. The mitrāvaruṇa figure used in the ritual is made from its wood (see below). At that time, the Nakhu River was supposed to have flowed into the Bāgmatī at the place where the agniśālā is located today. Certainly various motifs are combined here, for example, that of King Maṇicūḍa of Sāketa, who is said to have given his name to many places in the valley.33 The Maṇināga legend is discussed in §2.10; (compare the location of deities in Figure 1).. What is surprising in the study of the sources regarding the traditional agnihotra of Patan is the increasing “Newarization” of the texts during the last few centuries. The 1433 c.e. manuscript is written entirely in Sanskrit, while the one of 1601 already has Newari insertions; today’s manuscripts have, by and large, Newari “stage directions” for the individual rituals. Other local influences will be discussed later. 1.5. Besides the agnihotra of the Rājopādhyāyas of Patan, three others still exist, two of which are recent revivals by individuals:  Nārāyaṇa Prasād (a Pūrbe) at Kumārīgal (south of Bodhnāth) and Tīrtha Rāj Ācārya (a Pūrbe) at Thamel (north of the center of Kathmandu). Both have taken up the Vedic ritual of their own accord34 and both closely follow the Vedic rules of the Kātyāyana Śrauta-sūtra, although Nārāyaṇ Prasād is said to have visited the Patan agnihotra as an “apprentice.” He is also said to have published a rather error-filled Agnisthāpanavidhi. The expenses for the ritual were paid for by King Mahendra. These two revivalist Vedic rituals will not be discussed further here. Instead, another traditionally performed agnihotra, that of a Pūrbe brahmin who lives at the southern edge of the Paśupatināth temple (opposite the newly built government pilgrims’ resthouse). His house has an annex for the sacred fires. His family has been performing the ritual for some 200 years on behalf of the current35 dynasty. For this service he receives (as of 1974) the sum 18,000 rupees per year,36 meant for the purchase of wood for the sacred fire, and so on.

FIGURE 1

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In India, of course, the agnihotra is still performed, though not all who call themselves agnihotrī are priests. In many cases the term has become a family name, in the same manner as Dixit, Vājapeyī/Bajpai, Chaube, and Tripathi. These priests cannot be located easily; whether or not there are Agnihotrins can only be discovered through local research. Clues may be found, for example, in A. Parpola’s and C. G. Kashikar’s list of śrauta rituals of officiating brahmins.37 Further discussion of this is beyond the scope of this essay, though a comparison would probably be useful if carried out after the investigation of the Nepalese agnihotra. Not to be confused with the agnihotra ritual is the morning and evening homa (sāyamprātar-homa) that is not based on śrauta ritual. One example is that of the Kashmiri brahmins,38 which rests partially on the ritual of the Vedic Kaṭha school, but it has also has been influenced by Śaiva tantra. This ritual will be adduced later to explain the agnihotra of Patan. Finally, the very similar Buddhist homa rituals of the Kathmandu Valley should be noted.39 2. THE COURSE OF THE RITUAL 2.1. The layout of the offering ground basically is the same in all cases: it concerns the famous three Vedic fires: the gārhapatya, āhavanīya, and dakṣiṇāgni in the west, east, and south of the offering ground, respectively.40 Already in the agnihotra manuscript of 1433 c.e. these fires are called Brahma, Viṣṇu, and Rudra-Kuṇḍa, after the Hindu trimūrti. In between the three fires, a shallow depression or hole is dug out, the vedi, which according to the texts is supposed to have the shape of a woman, “broad at the shoulders and hips, narrower in the middle.” In the agniśālā of Patan, the vedi is missing, but at the new and full moon sacrifice rites grains are strewn out in the oval shape of a vedi/samudra. There are two additional fires, the sabhya (“hall fire”) and the āvasathya (“guest house fire”); though their use was already controversial in the Vedic texts. If they are used, they are situated in separate “sheds” (open halls), each further west of the gārhapatya fire, in square- or triangular-shaped hearths. Both of these are found at Paśupatināth, but they are round in shape and are situated to the north of the gārhapatya, and as used by Tīrtharāj Ācārya at Thamel, they are even placed to the east (!). At Patan they are used under the names kumāra or sūrya kuṇḍa, although the one in the east is parallel to the gārhapatya. In addition, between the two (the sūrya and the kumāra), there is an otherwise unknown structure, the jala kuṇḍa. In the yard in front of the agniśālā, several additional deities are situated, with aniconic places of worship: a nāga, the Bhairava stone, the “varuṇa” tree, Viśvakarma, and the Sūryavināyaka temple. All agnihotra forms of the valley share the accommodation of fire in an actual house, not, as is common in Kashmir or in India proper, in an open-sided hall or pavilion.



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A sixth altar, without fire, the jala[vināyaka]kuṇḍa, has been added at Patan. The vedi is excavated about 10–15 cm. deep in the mud floor. Although the vedi depression as such is missing in Patan, it is indicated during the new and full moon sacrifices by a layer of rice or barley (samudra). Strikingly different from the Vedic norm is the reverse placement of the Vedic dakṣiṇāgni at Patan and Kumārīgal. For the five sacred fires according to the White Yajurveda (Kātyāyana Śrauta-sūtra) and the present condition in the four agniśālās of Nepal, see ­figure 2. Key G gārhapatya fire Brahma Kuṇḍa (Patan) D dakṣiṇāgni fire Rudra Kuṇḍa Ā āhavanīya fire Viṣṇu Kuṇḍa S sabhya fire Ku. Kumāra Kuṇḍa Ā āvasathya fire Sū. Sūrya Kuṇḍa Ja. Jala Kuṇḍa 2.2. The implements used in the rituals are largely consistent with each other in shape and number (for a selection, see Figure 3).41 Particularly striking is the constant use of the jñānakhaḍga, the “sword of knowledge,” by the agnihotrī of Patan; during the ritual performance, he keeps this pointed piece of wood in his hand, or at least has it in a pocket or fold of his clothes. The agnihotrī of Paśupati seems to own something similar, however, in a much bigger format. It probably is the sphya that also appears next to the jñānakhaḍga, during the new and full moon sacrifices in Patan. The number of priests and other participants is congruent as well, although their external appearance, such as their clothing, differs.

FIGURE 2

FIGURE 3



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2.3. The “sacrificer” (yajamāna)42 and his wife may be in attendance at the actual agnihotra, but the rite is carried out on their behalf by a priest. This is certainly necessary in the Veda when, as in this present case, the rite concerns the king, who as a kṣatriya is not qualified to perform the rite. It is, however, also the case that the sacrificer can perform the agnihotra himself if he is a brahmin. In Patan and Paśupatināth, the king is the actual sacrificer, that is, the one who as the sponsor of the rite ultimately pays for it. However, he does not attend the rite, and the agnihotrī himself is the yajamāna who carries out the ritual for his own benefit, as well as on behalf of the king and the country. There also are variations in the design of the four agnihotras regarding the status of the wife of the sacrificer. At Paśupatināth I have never seen an agnihotrī’s wife participate, while at Thamel the wife’s participation is as prescribed in the Vedas. At Patan, however, the agnihotrī’s wife is very active, for various reasons. To begin with, she actually must actively assist her husband in the preparation and execution of the hundreds of small ritual actions. Such involvement is not as necessary with the other agnihotrīs who perform less complicated rites, as a Vedic ritual has “only” about a hundred individual actions. On the other hand, at Patan the wife of the sacrificer also has true priestly functions; we will return to this topic (§3.3). The clothing of the brahmins differs. The Newar agnihotrī wears traditional North Indian attire (dhoti, caubandhi) for the ritual just like the others, but his clothing may sometimes be colored red (e.g., at the pratipadā); otherwise, white clothing prevails. 2.4. The installation, the observances of the priests, and the time of the offering by the agnihotra differ as well. The succession of the agnihotrins of Paśupatināth is governed by family membership; ideally, the son of the late agnihotrī becomes the new priest of the ritual. However, at Patan things are very different. According to Newar custom, it must be the eldest among the groups of brahmins that supply the agnihotrins; of course, this results in relatively short tenures, and worse, in the successor’s relative unfamiliarity with the ritual. Although probably everyone has assisted his relatives as a boy or young man, these experiences may date back fifty years by the time the new agnihotrī takes over performance of the ritual. On the other hand, knowledge of the ritual can optimally be acquired by participating in the biweekly dārśapaurṇamāsa rituals, which four additional priests must attend. They almost never appear, however, and it is often the case that the agnihotrī and his wife must carry out the duties of all six priests simultaneously. The last agnihotrī, who died in 1982, maintained that the ritual manual served as his real teacher (guru), and for that reason he did not allow the manuscript to be filmed, though otherwise the ritual could be recorded. This man served as the agnihotrī from 1974 to 1980; his successor, by now no longer the eldest but only the second or third in age ranking, could be persuaded only after a one- or two-year break to accept this vocation, since it requires a lot of time and effort.

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Unlike with other agnihotrins, very serious observances are imposed on the Patan agnihotrin. Perhaps most significantly, because he is seen to be identical with Agni, the fire god, he may no longer cross over a river. This restriction, incidentally, was already observed in the Vedic tradition for certain consecrated persons, though only for certain periods of time. The movements of the Patan agnihotrin for the rest of his life are thus limited to Patan and its southern outskirts, up to the rim of the valley, as large and small rivers limit the town’s area in the north, east, and west. Furthermore, he must fast often, cannot eat meat or eggs, and must be celibate. The late, penultimate agnihotrin (who died in 1974) is said to have suffered from impaired health after taking up the office, whereas he had previously walked every day from Patan to Gokarna, a distance of many kilometers. His successor, however, lived to the age of ninety-two. 2.5. The time when the ritual is performed at Paśupati and Patan also differs. The Vedic ritual is to take place at the time of sunrise or sunset; the Brāhmaṇa texts are full of discussions about the right point of time: before, during, or after sunrise. This rule is usually followed by the agnihotrī of Paśupati but not that of Patan: the first agnihotra takes place sometime in the morning, usually around 10 a.m., not at sunrise. Furthermore, the evening ritual is abbreviated. The reason for this discrepancy is in all likelihood the current status of the Patan agnihotra, which is not a private rite but is widely publicly accessible. About two dozen visitors attend, not just on their birthdays but even daily. The attendees are mostly women who offer pūjā plates and all kinds of gifts, and their attendance would hardly be possible at 6 a.m. In contrast, the agnihotrins of Kumārīgal and Thamel still perform the rituals more or less at the correct time. 2.6. Regarding the pattern of the ritual, the similarities and differences in the rite are best outlined in a table (see Figure 1 and Table 1). Clearly, five main parts can be distinguished in the rite.43 2.7. Even from a cursory comparison of the Vedic rules (here given according to the Kātyāyana Śrauta-sūtra of the White Yajurveda), with the execution of the ritual by the Paśupatināth agnihotrī we can recognize that both forms are nearly identical. All actions that deal with the fire, the actual offering into the fire of milk, melted butter, and so on, are found, and the various water libations for the gods, ancestors, the seven ṛṣi, and Agni are present. All of these ritual forms have remained unchanged over the past two to three millennia. Recalling my first personal impressions, it is undeniable that this ancient ritual delivers an effect emanating from its simple solemnity. It is all the more remarkable that the prescribed form has been maintained and followed for so long, as generally the Vedic tradition in Nepal is not as strong and vibrant as that of South India. Particularly noteworthy is the fact that the agnihotrī emphasized that he had never seen the text of the Kātyāyana Śrauta-sūtra or its commentary; he carried out the ritual simply according to family tradition. He referred to the extensive worship of the fires at the end of the ritual, especially that of the sabhya fire, as a family tradition, a supplement to the actual offering. This accords with the fact that the agnyupasthāna is expressly allowed as optional in the Veda and described in great detail, while a detailed worship



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TABLE 1 Structure of the Agniśālā Rituals PTN.-Text Nyāsa

Rite

Dārś. - P. - text

Nyāsa

Nyāsa

Āh. - G. Daks.A.

sthānāgniviharana vrata

angāra... paristarana kalpanā vedi-samskāra vrata

wood offered

samidha-homa

offering in:

āvāhana

tyāga

G., D.A., Āh

tyāga

visarjana

Sa., Āvas.

...

samidha-homa āvāhana

∅ sarpa (sūrya-, bhairava7-rsi-)

idā sarpahoma (same)

vratamoksana tilaka, śānti jalakunda

manikanāgaksirahoma

paridhi-homa vratamoksana

Mitrāvarunapūjā

of the fourth fire, the sabhya, is not mentioned. Only in the medieval Paddhati has an offering (homa) to the āvasathya fire been appended. That this is indeed a new departure is immediately apparent to the viewer through the rite of yogic prāṇāyāma, a practice of holding the breath and breathing through the left or right nostril. 2.8. Leaving aside the two Vedic revivals of the agnihotra at Thamel and Kumārīgal, we now turn to the agnihotra of Patan. Unfortunately, the textual situation is not as clear as might be desired because the actual text used in the agnihotra is not yet available.44 However, we have a full text that deals with all forms of agnihotra-related rituals: the Agnihotra-vidhāna, dated 1433 c.e. This manuscript first presents the establishment of the fires, then the special yearly rituals (pavamāna, pāvaka, śuci), then, in folios 28–84, the new and full moon ritual is described in great detail. This fundamentally still follows the Vedic rite, but it includes many later additions (including the mitrāvaruṇapūjā).45

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TABLE 2. STRUCTURE OF THE PAŚUPATINĀTH AND PATAN AGNIŚĀLĀ RITUALS PTN.-Text

Ritual

Dārś.-P.-Text

Nyāsa sthānāgniviharaṇa υrata

Nyāsa Āh.-G. Dakṣ.A.

samidhahoma

wood offered

Nyāsa aṅgāra… paristaraṇa kalpanā vedi-saṁskāra υrata samidha-homa

āυāhana

āυāhana offering in:

tyāga υisarjana

G., D.A., Āh, Sa., Ā vas.

tyāga … iḍā

Ø sarpa

sarpahoma

manikanāga-

(sūrya-, bhairava- 7-ṛṣi-)

(same)

kṣīrahoma paridhi-homa vratamokṣaṇa

υratamokṣaṇa tilaka, śānti jalakuṇḍa

Mitrāvaruṇapūjā

The text then says, about the subsequent morning and evening agnihotra (sāyamprāt arhoma):46 nyāsa-sthānāgniviharaṇa-vratagrahaṇa pūrvavat, akṣa-vaṭana lokapālārcanaḥ,47 sarvatra pūrvavat samidhahomaḥ | … manike arja-vaṭana48-lokapālārcanam paurvavat | … vratamokṣaṇam … | pradakṣiṇa |49 Some mantras are inserted into these specifications. Therefore, this is an abridged version that relies on the prakṛti of the Dārśapaurṇamāsa, which precedes it. Actually, the

TABLE 3. STRUCTURE OF THE PAŚUPATINĀTH AND PATAN AGNIŚĀLĀ RITUALS Veda + Paśupatināth

Patan text

Ritual

Dārś. text

1. Preparations: milking, cleaning of the ground 2. Actions at the fires: grass strewn around the fires water sprinkled around the fires water line from the Āh. → Gārh. 3. Offering of milk (etc.) heating of the milk on the Gārh. lighting up with grass, paryagni-kriyā offering into the Gārh., Āh. and for Agni

Nyāsa

Nyāsa

Nyāsa

sthānāgni-viharaṇa Āh.-G.; DakṣA.

aṅgāra … paristaraṇa

Vrata

kalpanā

samidha-homa

wood offered

vedi--saṃskāra vrata samidha-homa

āvāhana

offering into G. D.A., āvāhana Āh., Sa. Āvas. tyāga iḍā

tyāga visarjana [veneration of the fires] 4. Water and similar offerings eating by the yajamāna (sarpa) four water libations

-— sarpa (Sūrya, Bhairava, 7-Ṛṣi)

Offering of wood sticks 5. Veneration of the fires vratamokṣaṇa (opt.) for the Āh., Gārh. for Dakṣ.Agni (manasā) Circumambulation of the fires, vrata-vimokṣaṇa Paddhati adds: offering into the Āvas

sarpahoma (same)

manikanāga-kṣīra-homa paridhi-homa

vratamokṣana

tilaka, śānti

jalakuṇḍa

mitrāvaruṇa-pūjā

Abbreviations and meanings Paś. Paśupatināth Agnihotra PTN Patan Agnihotra Dārṣ. Dārśapaurṇamāsa (New and Full Moon sacrifices) sthānāgniviharaṇa    distributing the holy fire from the Gārhapatya Āh. Āhavanīya fire G. Gārhapatya fire D.A., DakṣA. Dakṣināgni fire paristaraṇa strewing around the fire kalpaṇā uttering of the sacrificial desire vrata observance during sacrifice vedi-saṃskāra rituals relating to the Vedi vedi trapezoidal structure between the three fires samidha-homa offering of wooden sticks into the fire āvāhana calling the deity paryagni-kriyā rite in which the offering substance is carried around the fire Sa. Sabhya fire Āvas. Āvasathya fire tyāga “giving up”: actual offering into a fire visarjana “sending away” of the god iḍā offering share, sprinkled with melted butter; eaten by participants yajamāna “sacrificer/sponsor”; mostly is not identical with the priest sarpahoma sacrifices for snakes Sūrya sun god Bhairava terrible form of Śiva kṣīrahoma paridhihoma vrata(vi)mokṣaṇa tilaka śānti manasā jalakuṇḍa bhikṣā

offering with milk offering with “surrounding sticks” abandonment of the sacrificial observance Nepali: ṭīkā, or, dot of red sindura paste put on the forehead; or, at the Agnihotra, made from ashes pacification ceremony “in mind,” that is, without sacrificial formula (mantra) altar for the jala (water) Nāga “begging of food,” here: distribution of offering remnants (prasāda) to bystanders, animals, spirits, etc.



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individual actions largely agree with each other, as a comparison of the columns “agnihotra (PTN)” and “dārśapaurṇamāsa (PTN)” shows; that is, apart from those that are typical for the new and full moon sacrifices such as the vedi-saṃskāra (creating the vedi by drawing furrows, bestrewing, etc.), producing, baking, and distribution of the kapālas, the iḍā butter slices, as well as post-Vedic additions such as bali, stotra, and mitrāvaruṇapūjā. This strange dependence is not found in the Veda, where the agnihotra and dārśapaurṇamāsa are treated as a separate rituals. It is my opinion that this can be explained by the ancient Vedic rule (Āpastamba Śrauta-sūtra 6.15.10 ff., Kaṭha Saṃhitā 6.6, Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā 1.6.10) that an agnihotra is not to be offered for a kṣatriya because members of that caste are violent and oppress brahmins (Kātyāyana Śrauta-sūtra 4.15.16). However, if one wants to offer for a kṣatriya (such as for the king, Kātyāyana Śrauta-sūtra 4.15.16–19), then it may be done only for one who performs the soma ritual and who himself performs the agnihotra at the new and full moon (Āpastamba Śrauta-sūtra 6.15.15). On the other days, the main sacrificial priest (adhvaryu) is to celebrate the rite; that is, the king must theoretically take part as the yajamāna on new and full moon days, while on the other days only the adhvaryu need be present, as the quasi-yajamāna. It may be that the emphasis on the dārśapaurṇamāsa is based on these rules. Or, according to another provision, the yajamāna (i.e., the adhvaryu) only offers at the new and full moon rites; in turn, the daily homa secondarily derived from the dārsapaurṇamāsa is associated with it. Whatever may be the case, even the replacement of milk offerings by ghee, grains (or rice gruel, or soma) can already be found in the Veda (Āpastamba Śrauta-sūtra 6.15.8 ad 6.6.4): for one who wishes, like a king, for “fiery force” (priestly reputation), destruction of his opponents, fulfillment of every desire, or a capable son. In any case, the form of the offerings, specifically the use of grains instead of milk, indicates that the king is the ritual sponsor. These considerations aside, the actual execution of the daily agnihotra corresponds perfectly to the provisions of the 1433 c.e. manuscript, as a comparison of the columns “PTN: text + ritual” indicates; obviously, table 1 has been greatly simplified. The ritual takes about an hour, but it is often extended a great deal by the women who come to offer pūjā. The ritual thus includes several hundred individual actions that are simply confusing, if observed without an understanding of the underlying scheme. 2.9 Even during an initial, superficial consideration of the ritual structure, our attention is immediately drawn to the introduction of a fixed vrata scheme: the sponsor or the priest must submit to a particular observance that varies according to the ritual. Often its purpose is ritual rebirth: the sponsor must be silent, shave his hair, clench his fists; he receives new clothes that are identified with the amnion; he may drink only milk—these actions reflect the prenatal and early childhood stage. All of this is not as clear50 in the Vedic agnihotra, and originally was not even necessary as it concerned a sun spell. However, following the model of other rituals such as the dārśapaurṇamāsa, soma, etc., and the Purāṇic-Tantric homa,51 a clear vrata (better, a dīkṣā) scheme was introduced, which encloses the main part of the ritual. The agnihotra thus follows the typical Indian system of nesting ritual elements, a scheme also known from literature

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(the Mahābhārata, Kathāsaritsāgara, etc.).52 This procedure cannot be discussed here in detail; however, it is useful to keep in mind when we take up discussion of other parts of the ritual. Another element that has clearly been inserted is the previously mentioned āvāhana, the summoning of the god Agni, who is identified with the sun: agnir jyotir, jyotir agniḥ svāhā (The light is Agni, Agni is the light, svāhā.) (VS 3.9) In other Vedic recensions this is even more obvious: agnir jyotir, jyotiḥ sūryaḥ… . (The light is fire, the sun is the light.) The summoning and worship of the god is followed by his “dismissal” (visarjana), a medieval designation derived from a pūjā term.53 This occurs immediately after the end of the ritual, when the worship of the fires takes place and the fires have been pushed together by hand, so that they will last overnight as burning embers, at least in the case of the gārhapatya. Agni will be “reawakened” in the morning, as the texts state. Just as with the Paśupatināth agnihotra, and also at Patan, the worship of the fires is appended to the main ritual. In both cases, this is clearly a post-Vedic development, perhaps due to the separate representation of the Agnyupasthāna in the sūtras: whatever followed the actual agnihotra was now also appended in practice. In both forms of the agnihotra, this devotion has been extended a great deal. In Patan it takes place in front of the jalakuṇḍa, thus in front of the place of the snakes ( jalanāga, mani[ka]nāgarāja), and this devotion does not involve a fire at all. 2.10. We have now arrived at a very interesting point. We know that snakes, such as the nāga king Karkoṭaka, play a major role in the mythological prehistory of the Kathmandu Valley. Like Kashmir, the valley is said to have originally been covered by a lake (now affirmed by geology). Special worship of snakes can, therefore, be expected. They have their own festival in the monsoon, the Nāga Pañcamī, which is also carried out at the agniśālā. In both the agnihotra and the dārśapaurṇamāsa, there is an additional sarpahoma or maṇināga[rāja]-kṣīrahoma, an offering to the snake king Maṇināga (often Manināga, Manika).54 This occurs at precisely the same moment as that of a water libation to the snakes in the Vedic agnihotra (Āpastamba Śrauta-sūtra 6.12.4): after the remains of the offerings by the yajamāna have been consumed and after the water libations to the deva, pitṛ, seven ṛṣi, and agni pṛthivīkṛt, the offerer cleans the sacrificial spoon with water and grass and then offers in the different directions of the sky with the formulas “for the snakes, you; animate the snakes”; “revive the snakes and ants”; “animate the creatures other than snakes”; “revive the serpent deities!”55 These mantras are not found in the Kātyāyana Śrauta-sūtra, but in the Āpastamba Śrauta-sūtra and (partially) the Hiraṇyakeśi [Satyāṣāḍha] Śrauta-sūtra, the Mānava Śrauta-sūtra and the Āśvalāyana Śrauta-sūtra.56



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Interestingly, in this ritual we find that a blending with the operation of other Veda schools has taken place, which raises the question of the compilation of the Yajurvidhāna of 1433 c.e.57 In this regard, the Vedic detail is probably the origin of the extensive worship of snakes in this ritual. Methodologically, this is of great interest. Without the Vedic or medieval texts, we would readily assume that the cult of Maṇināga was a purely local Nepali tradition. We can now no longer assume that; consequently, we must refer to Maṇināga, who is attested earlier in Orissa, where he was venerated by Maitrāyaṇīya brahmins.58 But how was the name Maṇināga[rāja] derived? Maṇināga, in association with Maṇicūḍa, is not unknown in Nepal. As a later bodhisattva he was the king of Sāketa (Ayodhyā) and, according to legend, he wore a jewel (maṇi) on his head. His beneficial actions are well reported in literature.59 Local legend has it that he carried out a nirguṇa-yajña on Manicūṛ mountain, north of Bodhnāth/Bhaktapur. The following place names are derived from his name: Maṇicūḍa-giri (the name of the mountain mentioned above); Maṇiliṅga (in Gyāneśvar?); Maṇirohiṇī; Maṇitalāva; Maṇiyoginī (in Sankhu, cf. Wright, History of Nepal, p. 90): Bajrayoginī; Maṇicaitya; Maṇidhārā; Maṇigaṇeś; Maṇimahākālā; Maṇimanoharā (river)  =  Maṇimatī;60 Maṇikumāra; Maṇimaṇḍapa (= west of Mangal Bazar, Patan); Maṇigal-bhaṭṭa (Palace of Patan); cf. also Maṇināgāṭṭika,61 in a Licchavi inscription of ca. 750 c.e.62 In another variant63 the stone would have been hidden in the liṅga of Gyāneśvar and would have fled from there into the Prabhāvatī (Nakhu) River, which also plays a major role in the founding legend of the agnihotra of Patan. Gyāneśvar (Hāḍigaon) was probably the capital of Nepal during the Licchavi period.64 We notice that one always tried to connect the ancient capitals with their agnihotra locations:  Mātātīrtha—Patan,65 Gyāneśvar—Patan (Nakhu); and, in contrast, originating from India, the land of the “great tradition”:  Sāketa (Ayodhyā)—Manicūḍa mountain—Nakhu (Patan), Mithilānagara (Simraongarh)—eastern Bhaktapur—northwestern Bhaktapur.66 The importance of Maṇināga for the agnihotra is indicated already in the introductory verse of the 1433 c.e. manual:  brahma viṣṇuḥ sarudrāya pāvakosatyarūpiṇe Maṇiko-nāganāthāya namaḥ. Similarly, in the inscription at the Patan agniśālā:  … maṇiko-nāgarājāya yajñarūpāya te namaḥ.67 2.11. A  comment on a development typical for Nepal may be made here. Both at the beginning of the ritual, sometimes in the middle of the ritual, and in particular at its end, a small red wooden figure, standing before the āhavanīya, is particularly revered. According to the priest and mentioned in the 1433 c.e. manuscript, it is called Mitrāvaruṇa, for example, mitrāvaruṇam ādāya … mitrāvaruṇasthāpanam. This actually concerns two gods, Mitra and Varuṇa, the Vedic Mitrāvaruṇā[u]‌. As is well known, only Varuṇa has survived in post-Vedic times, though not as a king of the gods but as the lord of the ocean, a less important position in the pantheon. However, at Patan this divine pair suddenly resurfaces, after 2,000 years, without any supporting textual evidence. There are many traditions in India that have existed “under the surface” for a long time or have lived on without textual mention, or which have deliberately not

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been mentioned but developed further, only to show up rather suddenly in a later text. However, in the present case, there is another reason for the seemingly odd reemergence of these two obscure figures. The founding legend of the agniśālā reports that the “varuṇa” tree in the courtyard grew from the walking stick of the agnihotrī (as in the legend mentioned above). The mitrāvaruṇa figure is made from its wood, and when performing an agnihotra the priest walks to the varaṇa tree, the mitrāvaruṇa figure in his hand, and worships the tree with a tilaka. We may therefore assume that a connection has been made between the varaṇa tree of the first agnihotrī and the ocean god Varuṇa; this is one of quasi-etymological nature, as has been quite common since Vedic times. (Note also that many sacrificial implements are to be made from varaṇa wood; Kāty.Śr.S. 1.3.32). The background is this, among other elements: the location of the agniśālā is closely related to water—at this site there was the earlier confluence of the Nakhu (Prabhāvatī) and Bāgmatī rivers (thus, a triveṇī, including also the heavenly Sarasvatī, the Milky Way),68 and this is also where the jalakuṇḍa of the serpent god Maṇināga is found. Even today the ground is particularly moist, and in fact one can clearly see traces of rising groundwater on the fire altars. Even the vedi (which is incidentally called samudra) had once been flooded; however, this failed to extinguish the āhavanīya. Everything fits nicely in mythical thought! On the other hand, in Indian texts rites such as the Mahārāṣṭrian fortnightly pakṣayāga69 also include worship of Varuṇa. Indeed after worship of the Mahāvedi and the maṇḍala gods, and after the installation of the kalaśa, Varuṇa is worshiped on the covering plate of his vessel. 2.12. Returning to the structure of the ritual, two frames have become clear: that of the actual agnihotra (vratārambha—vratamokṣaṇa) and that of the main oblations (agnyāvāhana—visarjana). Another, all-enclosing frame may be seen in the carrying forward (agni-viharaṇa) and final combining of the wooden sticks and the embers of the fires. This is not as pronounced here as in the Vedic ritual, however. A framework that includes the entire ritual is established by the nyāsa, the evocation of the god in meditation at the beginning of the ritual and the identification of his body parts with those of the priest; and, upon completion, the sending off of the god. This ultimately results in a structure equivalent to Buddhist and other Hindu tantric homas70 with a dual summoning of the god: first, by meditation and infusion into the fire of the conventional (samaya), mentally created god, then the evocation (avāhana) of, as the Buddhists would say, the lokottara or jñānadeva, and their union.71 Apparently it is only at this one location in Indian culture that the Vedic agnihotra ritual has undergone a development to a typical tantric ritual, a real and quite special local development.72 2.13. Many other details of the Patan agnihotra, in particular, of the new and full moon sacrifice, and other rituals cannot be further discussed here. According to the 1433 c.e. text, there are those listed in Table 2

TABLE 4. CONTENTS OF THE 1433 MANUSCRIPT Establishing a newAgnihotra

Death of the Agnihotria

kuṇḍalakṣaṇa maṇikādāna agnyādhāna + pāvaka-iṣṭi manthāna-sthāpanāgnib pāvaka-pavamāna-śuci-iṣṭi

kāyīvana-iṣṭi (?) śava-iṣṭi preta-iṣṭi sañcayana-iṣṭi yamavadha-iṣṭi āvāha-sakhyādāna (paśubandha-iṣṭi)

Offerings dārśa-paurṇamāsa sāyamprātar-(homa) vaiśvadeva-(homa) anvārambhaṇa-iṣṭi dina-iṣṭi Yearly cycle Āsvina / Viśākha: śrāvaṇa: proṣṭapada: pauṣa-saṃkrānti:

māgha (full moon): caitra / phālguna (full moon): śiśirānta: āsāḍha (full moon):

navānna-iṣṭi/yavānna-iṣṭi sarpabali indrabali aṣṭaka-anvaṣṭakapārvaṇa sapanasthānāpana-iṣṭi (?) viṣnunāma-iṣṭi agnir-iṣṭi śiva-iṣṭi sarasvatī-iṣṭi pṛthvī-iṣṭi brahma-iṣṭi nāga-iṣṭi śunāsīra-iṣṭi mitravinda-iṣṭi

śānti-iṣṭi prāyaścitta-vidhi The deceased is carried on little used, thorny paths to the confluence of the Nakhu and the Bagmatī; cf. also MS, fol. 67‒fol. 82. b Similar to the consecration of a new Macchendranāth figure (Locke 1980: 208‒216); at the assumption of office by the new Agnihotri, the new Mitrāvaruṇa, too, has to undergo the ten saṃskāras (MS fol. 7: nāganātha (Maṇikanāga), starting with garbhādhāna via vratabandha (= upanayana) and ending with patnīyojana (who is the patnī here is not clear initially, perhaps the wife of the Agnihotri, as he should carry the fire inside); on the janai pūrṇimā day, Mitrāvaruṇa as all participating Brahmins, the fire altars, etc. receive a new Yajñopavīta (puṭṭikā, whose shape differs from the commonly used one). a

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Two additional comments: when the new or full moon sacrifice is carried out every fortnight, next to the agnihotrin and his wife (yajamana, yajamānī) the following priests must take part as well:  the hotṛ, adhvaryu, brahman, agnīdh (who are attributed to the Ṛgveda, Yajurveda, Atharvaveda, and Upaveda, respectively). However, they appear rarely; only at the performance of the pāvanārohaṇa in 1985 did three of the four additional officiating priests attend. In this particular case, the sequence of the ritual was:  agnihotra—paurṇamāsa—pāvanārohaṇa. At other times, only the new and full moon sacrifice follows the actual agnihotra, just as it is prescribed in the Vedas. Finally, a very important point: during the offerings to the gods, ancestors, and so on, the late agnihotrī clearly mentioned the name of the king (also that of the late King Mahendra), probably because the king had financially supported the agnihotra (as well as the agnihotra of Kumārīgal). It was previously noted that the ruler was mentioned, for the first time, in the manual of 1601 c.e. Thus, an expressive relationship is established between the agnihotra and its real yajamāna, the (ruling) king. 3. SOCIAL POSITION 3.1. We now proceed to the important social context of the ritual and the social position of its priests, for both or all of its four forms. The different ethnic or communal affiliations of the agnihotrins have been discussed above:  the rājopādhyāyas represent the oldest, early medieval layer of the immigration of brahmins into the valley. As has very frequently occurred in eastern India,73 here, too, Kanauj is claimed as their previous home. In Patan, they belong to six clans (kawaḥ)74 that purport, just as those from Bhaktapur, to have immigrated from Mithilā along with King Harisiṃha. The family tradition of a rājopādhyāya family of Patan goes back for twenty-three generations to a Śaktirāma,75 one of Bhaktapur for twenty generations to Ullāsarāja,76 thus to ca. 1400–1500 c.e., a period when many brahmins immigrated both from central North India (“Kanauj”) as well as from Mithilā, and from eastern areas up to Bengal. The six clans, named after their place of residence, and with additional “family names,” are the following, according to Michael Allan: (1) Bakaniṃha, about twentyfive families, family name Sukula;77 (2) Wala: Paṇḍeya; (3) Thabu (in Allan; perhaps more correctly Bamlāniṃha [Bolima]: agnihotrī); (4) Tadalibi (?); (5) Nuga, extinct; (6) Soniṃha (Solima): Miśra, about twelve families.78 Incidentally, it is doubtful whether this classification is old. The inscription at the Agnimaṭha speaks only of a Guṭhī79 (dvijapañcāli). Here, too, a Śakti-[Rāma] is mentioned: brahmapuri dvijavara śakti. … Perhaps this inscription is the source of Hemrāj Śākya’s date of 1572 for the Agnimaṭha: the number “2” could still be recognized.80 The agnihotrins thus seem to belong to the third subgroup. All marriages take place among these five subgroups, nowadays often also outside of town (e.g., in Bhaktapur), since the 100 rājopādhyāya families are divided in just three gotras, and it is difficult



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to find suitable brides for their young men. The gotras are Bhāradvāja, Gārgya, and Śāṇḍilya.81 The Pūrbe, to whom the other three agnihotrins (of Paśupati, etc.) belong, came from areas to the east, some clearly from Bengal.82 After the conquest of the valley by the Gorkhas (1768–1769), they outflanked the rājopādhyāyas and supplied the rājagurus from them onward, up to the Rāṇā rulers. Both groups were therefore in close contact with the respective dynasty. This also applies to the priests who perform the agnihotra. It was previously mentioned that an old witness of the agnihotra in Nepal, a fragmentary inscription, is found very close to the old palace of Bhaktapur. Also, the legends about the creation of the first agnikuṇḍa of Patan and the agnihotra unequivocally prove a relationship with the palace. Śaṅkaradeva founded both the temple of his (actually, already the Licchavi kings’) kuladevatā, Tāraṇīdevī, at the Hanuman Dhoka and the Patan agnikuṇḍa. I have not found a direct reference to the king in the 1433 c.e. manuscript; however, in the 1601 c.e. text the king is mentioned (see §4):83 rājā dharma-vijayī bhavatu | prajā sukhinaḥ santu | deśa-subhodayo ‘stu … dvipada-catuṣpadebhyaḥ śubham bhavatu | sarvvasatvāḥ sukhinaḥ santu | parjanyaḥ kālavarṣī bhavatu || This manuscript belonged to the famous rājaguru of Patan, Viśvanāth Upādhya. Some statements can be made about his family and other relatives. The manuscript of NS 721 (1601 c.e.) comes from a time when Patan still belonged to the kingdom of Kathmandu (under King Śivasiṃha, NS 718–739 = 1598–1619 c.e.). Under this king, as well as under his predecessor Ratnamalla (1482–ca. 1520 c.e.) South Indian brahmins served as the rājagurus or chief priests of Paśupatināth.84 It appears that the first king of Patan, Siddhinarasiṃha Malla (NS 738–788 = 1618–1667 c.e.), deliberately preferred the local brahmins, in contrast to Kathmandu. Viśvanāth is attested as his rājaguru at the Kṛṣṇa temple85 in NS 757, and then under the next king, Śrīnivāsa Malla (NS 778– 805 = 1668–1685 c.e.). In NS 793, his son Harināth Upādhya performed a koṭyāhutihoma, and in NS 800 a homa at Lele.86 Today, the king is mentioned in all the rituals, such as the saṃkalpa, and, as mentioned earlier, King Mahendra is also named. The latter point may go back to a donation from the king and is probably of a more random nature. All brahmins report that there had been many rituals in Rāṇā time and under Mahendra, but that in the 1970s there was no money to be had for them. Perhaps this situation is, since 1977, undergoing change as a result of the Sanskritization policy established by the education minister Paśupati Śamśer. A first indication is the introduction of a paurohita examination by the university.87 3.2. What happened to the agnihotra supported by the Malla kings of Patan after the conquest of the valley by the Gorkhas? Pṛthvī Nārāyaṇ, especially as he was planning to

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set up his capital at Dahacok at the rim of the valley, could have let it continue “for the good of the country,” as is still said today, just as the kings of Kathmandu and Bhaktapur (after the division of the valley into two or three subkingdoms) apparently did not install their own agnihotras but, for example, established a special Paśupatināth temple in Bhaktapur, in competition with that of Kathmandu, many kumārīs, and so on. Pṛthvī Nārāyaṇ reached another decision, however:  as the rājagurus were no longer chosen from among the Newari-speaking Rājopādhyāyas (and also were not freshly imported from India), the agnihotra was replaced, too—not in Patan, however, but with a newly founded one (or a reestablished one); and neither at Kathmandu nor at Nuwakot but at a more or less centrally located place, on the southern edge of the Paśupatināth temple. One would actually have expected a location south of the palace of Kathmandu (or of Nuwakot), as brahmins were settled south of the palace. Pṛthvī Narayan selected, apparently deliberately, a Pūrbe brahmin family (Gautam) at Paśupatināth. This family has performed the agnihotra for 200 years with an annual stipend of 18,000 rupees (in 1974–1975). This was clearly a centrist political move: neither a Gorkha (Kumaĩ), nor a Newar, nor a Maithila became rājagurus and agnihotrīs but one of the Pūrbes, a clan that had recently given its allegiance to the Gorkhas. The end of royal patronage and support were not without consequence at Patan. The agnihotrins must have initially been secure enough due to their family possessions and the Guṭhī; in the long run, however, they were at a disadvantage in terms of social position and also financially. It is likely that the agnihotrins then came up with the brilliant idea to seek support from among the population of Patan. So far, it had merely been stated in the 1601 c.e. text: prajā sukhinaḥ santu, and so on; it now became normal for people to attend the temple at least once a year, on their birthdays, with horoscope and pūjā gifts, to ask for prayers of good fortune in the coming year. However, local worship is not restricted to this: even today many women (though few men) still come to the Agni temple with pūjā gifts. The agniśālā, the space of an originally private (or royal) Vedic sacrifice, has become a popular Agni temple. Incidentally, the popular aspect of the temple can be recognized in its external form; it is not one of the usual pagoda-style temples with a cella at its center; rather, it is a dyocheṃ (a “god’s house,” in its real meaning), and only the temples of some popular gods have this form. We may actually be witnessing the Vedic god Agni experiencing a secondary flowering, to gauge from the constant influx of twenty to fifty women (on average) appearing for his pūjā every morning. Certainly, Agni is not as popular as, for example, the Maru Gaṇeś of Kathmandu, but he also is no longer only a “private god,” as in the Paśupatināth, Thamel, and Kumārīgal agnihotras. It is also important that the visiting women do not worship the iconic form of Agni above the entrance on the lower end of the toraṇa, as is often the case (e.g., the deity figures at Suvarṇadhoka, Bhaktapur). Instead they venerate the aniconic Agni, the āhavanīya fire. Here, in probably the only place remaining in Indian culture, Agni is still a living god, just as is Mitrāvaruṇa, though probably quite secondarily. How far Vedic ideas can penetrate again is seen in the idea of Agni as “growing inside his house”



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(RV 1.1.8).88 Sometimes non-Newars appear for his pūjā (I once observed Nepali speakers with a Gurung servant); sometimes even Rāṇās are said to offer sacrifice; one of whom sponsored a big lakṣahoma. Smaller homas for the attainment of special requests are also commissioned by others (Newars, etc.). 3.3. Particularly striking is the role of the yajamānī, the wife of the agnihotrī: she is not, as is the case with other agnihotrins, merely a static attendant or one who performs just a few ritual actions; rather she serves, as does her husband, in a kind of “pastoral” function, taking special care of the women. For example, I once observed a yajamānī sitting in the vestibule of the agniśālā and comforting a woman who had recently lost both her husband and son. 3.4. After losing their high position as rājagurus 200 years ago, these brahmins tried to regain their social status from time to time. For example, in the law code of the Rāṇās (valid until 1963), the Rājopādhyāyas ranked after the Nepali Kumaĩ (Upādhyāya), Rājput (Chetri), Jaisi Bahun, Desi Bahun, but before the actual Chetri castes.89 They conducted—like one at Bhaktapur and the Buddhist one of the bajrācāryas90 of Kathmandu—a special śāntihoma at the home of a Rājopādhyāya (near Mangal Bazar, Patan) in summer 1976 to avert a predicted earthquake, and they thus tried to gain the attention of the palace. Such pursuits did not have much success, even if for the first time some Rājopādhyāyas were invited to the coronation of King Birendra in 1975, though they did not serve as main actors in the ritual. It looks as if the Rājopādhyāyas are to remain at a relatively low social position—even though other brahmins both envy and despise them because of their facility with tantric rituals and due to the high number of yajamānas among them. All Hindus among the approximately 300,000 Newars of the valley have one of about 100 Rājopādhyāya families as their purohita. Hope remains that the Rājopādhyāya will retain their special institution of the agnihotra (possibly financing it themselves) and that the tradition will not die out, as was feared would be the case in the early 1980s.91 It remains to be seen what impact the government’s Sanskritization policy may have. The resumption of interest in Sanskrit and everything connected with it, under education minister Paśupati Śamśer (1977), took place after some ten to fifteen years of emphasizing Nepali culture (folk songs, dances, theater productions, study of the Karṇāli region by the university), and included the recent introduction of Karmakāṇḍa courses at the university (probably along the lines of Baroda, at the beginning of the century), to further the establishment of the Sanskrit University at Dang, which had been planned since the days of King Mahendra. It had been regarded as superfluous (i.e., not conducive to economic development), was quickly abandoned, and then founded in the mid-1970s merely as a “campus,” and also in order to get rid of the annoying propaganda of Yogi Naraharināth for a Sanskrit university. It is interesting to observe that this impulse emanated from a minister who had spent almost all of his school years and received his university education in the West. On other hand, in the consistent implementation (including the exemption of fees for Sanskrit studies even for high school years) we may perceive a request of the palace behind all of this. During the coronation celebrations, too, one could observe a holding on to old

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traditions, in part, including the rājopādhyāyas. Unless major political changes set in,92 one can actually reckon with a follow-up of promoting the (as much as possible, local) Sanskritic traditions, in short, of all that can serve the public image and further the consolidation of the “only Hindu kingdom.” TABLE 5. COMPARISON OF THE PATAN AND THE PAŚUPATINĀTH AGNIHOTRAS Patan 4.1 Probably central for all Nepal (of the Malla kingdom), located on the southern edge of Patan. According to legend, founded by King Śaṅkaradeva (about 1075 c.e.). 4.2 Execution by Newari-speaking Rājopādhyāyas, long-established and assimilated during the Middle Ages. 4.3 Tradition of the rite by automatically witnessing, shared experience and by assistance in its execution; more importantly, by written tradition: pure Sanskrit (1433 c.e.), later on Skt. mixed in with Newari instructions (1600 c.e. +); succession by Thakali system. 4.4. Ritual is miśra: Tantric and Vedic elements are strongly intermingled: the frame is Tantric, the core still is Vedic: nyāsa → (vrata → ((āvāhana -→ visarjana)) vratavimokṣaṇa) śānti. Though Agni is aniconic, Mitrāvaruṇa undergoes, as a figure, the saṃskāras and pavitrārohaṇa.

Paśupatināth Central for all of Nepal (of the Gorkha/ Shaha dynasty) on the southern edge of the Paśupatināth complex. Founded by the first king of recently united Nepal, Pṛthvī Nārāyaṇ (ca. 1779) Execution by Pūrbe Brahmins, relatively late immigrants from India who took over Nepali as their vernacular. Purely oral family tradition; written tradition is not taken into account even though its existence is known: a ‘Vedic’ trait.

The ritual structure and its sequence is (almost) purely Vedic; vrata → (anga ((pradhāna)) aṅga) → vrata-vimokṣaṇa. Only—in the opinion of Agnihotrin—additional Upasthāna at the Āvasathya fire (which is, however ,already medieval: Paddhati on the Kāty.ŚS).

4.5 Three main fires + two extra ones (these Three main fires + two extra ones (these are are wrongly arranged); in addition, wrongly arranged). jala-kuṇḍa (of the snakes: Maṇināga). Numerous additional gods (Viśvakarman, etc.) Special veneration of Mitrāvaruṇa, secondarily created from the Varuṇa (< varaṇa) tree.



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TABLE 5. (CONTINUED) 4.6. Recent developments: Pūjā ritual: interwoven and independent from the Agnihotra, Development of Agni into local (and realm’s?) god. 4.7.

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—

New function of the Agnihotri and his wife — as a “pastor” of Patan Partial acceptance by the Gorkhalis (offers by Rāṇā families).

4. SUMMARY Finally, when an attempt is made to summarize the results of a first comparison of the two main proponents of the agnihotras in Nepal (leaving the two revivals apart), their original similarities and subsequent individual developments can briefly be presented by a few key words (see Table 5) . The originally North Indian agnihotra of Patan, which has for centuries been executed in the Kathmandu Valley, and which has increasingly been exposed to local influences, was replaced by the new dynasty at the end of the eighteenth century with a purely Vedic ritual, as it was contemporaneously carried out at Benares. The priest was changed as well and was centrally positioned at the realm’s main sanctuary, Paśupatināth. The goal of Pṛthvī Nārāyaṇ was obviously to counterpoise and balance local tantric tradition with the transregional “pure” Vedic tradition (of Benares). In addition, he also wanted to move away from local Newar traditions, customs, and usages; this included the plan for a capital just outside the valley. Pṛthvī Nārāyaṇ’s turn toward Vedic tradition may ultimately have been influenced by a north Indian model: a few decades earlier the Mahārāja of Jaipur had performed the last known aśvamedha. Notes 1. See Michael Witzel, “Zur Geschichte der Rājopdhyāyas von Bhaktapur,” in H. Franke, W. Heissig, and W. Treue, eds., Folia Rara, Festschrift W. Voigt (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1976), p. 160; cf. Luciano Petech, Mediaeval History of Nepal (Rome: Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1958), p. 186; more in Pt. Śikharanāth, Atha Tharagotrapravarāvali (Benares, n.d.). 2. More details in Michael Witzel, “On the History and the Present State of Vedic Tradition in Nepal,” Vasudha 15/12 (1977): 17–24, 35–39; “Regionale und überregionale Faktoren in der Entwicklung vedischer Brahmanengruppen im Mittelalter,” in H. Kulke and D. Rothermund, eds., Regionale

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Tradition in Südasien (Heidelberg: Beiträge zur Südasienforschung, 1985), pp. 37–76. For immigration from Bengal, cf. D. R. Regmi, Medieval Nepal: A History of the Three Kingdoms, 1520 a.d. to 1768 a.d. (Calcutta: Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, 1966), vol. 4, inscription no. 77; from Kashmir (śaivacārya) in ca. 1200, from Gujarat in 1216 c.e., from Maharastra in 1235, from South India (1500–1600), the major influx came from Northern India (eastern Uttar Pradesh, Mithila, and Bengal). 3. This paper is a translation and a (slight) revision and update of the previously published German version, “Agnihotra-Rituale in Nepal,” in B. Kölver and S. Lienhard, eds., Formen kulturellen Wandels und andere Beiträge zur Erforschung des Himalaya (St. Augustin:  VGH Wissenschaftsverlag 1986), pp. 157–187. 4. Presentation according to the various Vedic schools, in Paul-Emile Dumont, L’Agnihotra (Baltimore:  Johns Hopkins Press, 1939), pp. 1–33, according to the White Yajurveda (Kātyāyana-Śrauta-sūtra); in a shorter form in A. Hillebrandt, Ritualliteratur. Vedische Opfer und Zauber (Strassburg: K. J. Trübner, 1897), pp. 109–111. 5. Cf. Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa 2.2.4–2.4.1, merely touched on by H.  Bodewitz in “The Symbolism of the Agnihotra,” Jaiminīya-Brāhmaṇa I, 1–65. Translation and Commentary with a Study of the Agnihotra and Prāṇāgnihotra (Leiden: Brill, 1973), p. 235. 6. See Johanna Narten, Die Aməša Spəntas im Avesta (Wiesbaden:  Harrassowitz, 1982), p. 136 ff.; see also her Habilitationsschrift, Der Yasna Haptaŋhāiti (Erlangen University), 1970. 7. The age varies in the texts contained therein; some can indicate a terminus post quem of about 140 b.c.e., the first mention of Tuṣāra (= Tukhāra, Toxāristān, possible only after the immigration of the Yue-Ji in Bactria). A royal ritual, e.g., is the puṣyābhiṣeka; cf. Mahesh Raj Pant, “Puṣyābhiṣeka,” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 1 (1977): 93–109. 8. See Michael Witzel, “Die Atharvaveda-Tradition und die Paippalāda Saṃhitā,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Supplement VI (1985): §11. 9. For details, see Witzel, “On the History and the Present State of Vedic Tradition in Nepal,” p. 18; “Regionale und überregionale Faktoren in der Entwicklung vedischer Brahmanengruppen im Mittelalter,” in H. Kulke and D. Rothermund, eds., Regionale Tradition in Südasien (Heidelberg: Beiträge zur Südasienforschung, 1985), §4.2 nn. 67–68. 10. See the mention of Agni in the Hāḍigaon inscription, Dhanabajra Bajracharya, Lichavi Kāl.ko Abhilekh (Kathmandu: Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies, 1974). 11. See Daniel Wright, History of Nepal (Kathmandu: Antiquated Book Publishers, 1972), p. 159 ff. 12. See Niels Gutchow and Th. L.  Manandhar, “Notes on the Topography of Present Day Haḍigāon,” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 1 (1977):  89–92; Th. L.  Mandandhar 1977: 83-88; cf. Michael Witzel, “On the Location of the Licchavi Capital of Nepal,” Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik 5/6 (1980): 311–336. 13. See the excavation report by S. B.  Deo, Archeological Excavations in Kathmandu (Kathmandu: Department of Archeology, His Majesty’s Government of Nepal, 1968). 14. An inscription of Śaiva character can perhaps be dated to around 1400 c.e. (Regmi, Medieval Nepal, vol. 3, no.  24), which probably mentions Ānanda (= Ananta) Malla (1246–1310??) but also a Yaśo-Malla (= Yakṣa Malla, 1428–1480?) next to a Someśvara, as kumāra-dīkṣita. In line 6, an agnimaṭha is mentioned. Regmi puts the inscription, probably for paleographical reasons, between one of NS 381 and one of 434; the provenance of the inscription is unknown. An agnihotrin appears in inscription no. 39 of South Patan; Regmi, Medieval Nepal, vol. 3 (NS 523).



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15. For many of them, see Dhanabajra Bajracharya, Madhyakālin.kā Abhilekh (Kirtipur, Kathmandu: Institute of Nepalese and Asian Studies, 1999). 16. Lilabhakta Munamkarmi, Mallakālin Nepāl (Kathmandu,1968), p. 11. 17. Cf. Witzel, “Zur Geschichte der Rājopādhyāyas von Bhaktapur,” p. 172 ff. 18. The title varies slightly in the chapter colophons; brahmokte yajurvidhāne recurs often; Ms. no. 28 of the Kesar Library, Kathmandu. 19. The main colophon (some additions still follow): samvat 553 srāvaṇa śukle || paurṇamāsī pratipadyā tithau || srāvaṇa pradadhaneṣta || ayuṣmayoge || somavā || sampūrṇa || śrīpithobaṃlanihmaṃ yetāgṛha || śrī x x deva soma-śramaṇasya pustakam || likhitam idam ||. Baṃlanihma also appears later in inscriptions and manuscripts; this is probably the same as modern Bolima (see §3.1). 20. See Carl Pruscha, Kathmandu Valley, The Preservation of Physical Environment and Cultural Heritage: A Protective Inventory (Vienna: Schroll, 1975), vol. 2, p. 137 21. Private procession at Patan, Thyāsaphu, title on the cover: Agnihotra.yā karmma; filmed in 1976 as a test piece (Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project), outside the cataloging project; colophon:  iti Kātyāyanabhāṣe darśapūrnamāsyā vidhānam samāptam // samvat 717 caitra kṛṣṇa dvitīyāyām tithau bṛhaspativāsava likhita sampūrṇṇa śrī viśvanātha-śarmaṇā svātmārthe likhitam idam (thus, an autograph of the well-known Rājaguru); additions include: fol. 34 ff. pañcāgnipavitrārohaṇa (= janai pūrṇimā); guṇipunimi.yā viśeṣa, indalāpunisi. yā, navānnajavanna.yā, aghrāyaṇa iṣti, balistotra. 22. See Regmi, Medieval Nepal, vol. 2, p. 439. 23. I  filmed the manuscripts in 1985, luckily before the agnihotrī accidentally dropped his homa text into the fire; I later found an untainted original copy among the films of the NGMPP, done at Bhaktapur in late 1977. Bal Gopal Shrestha (Leiden University) has also copied the manuscripts used at the agniśālā (personal communication, December 28, 2010). 24. Private property, Patan, Thyāsaphu, 121 folios, undated; the manuscripts now in use (written in Devanāgarī) are kept in the temple. 25. The Kathmandu Valley was unified under Jayasthiti Malla at the end of the fourteenth century, but under his descendants it was again divided into two, then three kingdoms: Bhaktapur, Kathmandu, and Patan. 26. Composed at the beginning of the nineteenth century, see the translation by Bikrama Jit Hasrat, History of Nepal, as Told by Its Own and Contemporary Chroniclers (Hoshiarpur: V. V. Research Institute Press, 1971), p. 47. 27. Cf. Marianne A. J. E. Kiauta, De iconografie van de Toraṇas van de Tāraṇī Devī Mandir te Kathmandu (MA thesis, Utrecht University, 1977). 28. Wright, History of Nepal, pp. 158–159. 29. Compare this with the results of Rene Herdick, “Kultische Veränderungen in Kirtipur,” in B. Kölver and S. Lienhard, eds., Formen kulturellen Wandels und andere Beiträge zur Erforschung des Himalaya (St. Augustin:  VGH Wissenschaftsverlag, 1986), §6:  “The region around Kirtipur could have functioned, to some extent, as a ‘cultic core area’ of the Kathmandu Valley” (§3.1.1–3.1.4). 30. See Herdick, “Kultische Veränderungen in Kirtipur,” §6, on the transfer of cult objects to the north and west of the valley; here, it certainly is to the east. 31. The people of Kirtipur believe that this area is the origin of the Agini Math (= agnisālā); see Herdick, “Kultische Veränderungen in Kirtipur,” §3.1.2.

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32. According to local information this is indeed a varaṇa tree (Crataeva Roxburghii); Otto Böhtlingk and Rudolph Roth, eds., Sanskrit-wörterbuch herausgegeben von der Kaiserlichen akademie der wissenschaften (St. Petersburg:  Buchdr. der K.  Akademie der wissenschaften, 1855–1875): “a tree used in healing and powerful for sorcery that occurs throughout India.” The varaṇa is also called varuṇa, or setu. 33. Hasrat, History of Nepal, p. 12. 34. For similar cases from India, see Michael Witzel, “The Present Position of Vedic Śākhās,” in J. Rotaru, Jan Houben and M. Witzel, eds., Proceedings of the 5th International Vedic Workshop, Bucharest 2011, Harvard Oriental Series, Opera Minora 2015 (forthcoming). 35. The monarchy of the Shaha dynasty was abolished by Parliament in 2008; Nepal now is a secular “federal democratic republic.” However, Ram Prasad Gautam Agnihotri, the brother of the Agnihotri I interviewed and filmed in the 1970s has continued the ritual until today (personal communication by François Voegeli, April 30, 2014). 36. Then approximately US $7,000. 37. In Frits Staal, Agni: The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1983), vol. 2, pp. 193–251; the agnihotra of Patan is mentioned on p. 231. 38. Cf. Michael Witzel, The Veda in Kashmir, vol. 1, ­chapter 2 (forthcoming). 39. See J. K. Locke, Karunamaya: The Cult of Avalokiteśvara/Matsyendranātha in the Valley of Nepal (Kathmandu: Sahayogi Prakashan for Research Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan University, 1980), pp. 103–121; cf. Michael Witzel, “Buddhist Forms of Fire Ritual (homa) in Nepal and Japan” (Summary), in T. Yamamoto, ed., Proceedings of the 31st CISHAAN (Congrès International des Sciences Humaines en Asie et en Afrique du Nord), Tokyo-Kyoto, August 31–September 7, 1984 (Tokyo: Tōhō Gakkai, 1984), p. 135. 40. Discussed in Tadeusz Skorupski, “Buddhist Permutations and Symbolism of Fire,” in this volume. 41. They are very ancient in that they are still made ​​of wood, just as is described in the Vedic texts themselves, but also, as Dieter Schlingloff has kindly informed me, as shown in figures at Sanchi; thus the forms of these implements date from the last few centuries b.c.e. 42. “Sacrificer” is the traditional Indological translation, though the yajamāna (literally, “one who sacrifices for himself ”) usually is only the sponsor of a particular ritual, which is carried out by his purohita or other priests, as in the present case. 43. Cf. Hertha Krick, Das Ritual der Feuergründung:  (Agnyādheya) (Vienna:  Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1982), p. 502 ff.; the Agnihotravrata, for the Vedic situation. 44. See n.  21 for the filming of the manuscripts. Cf. Dumont, L’Agnihotra, §80, and the Devayājñika Paddhati in Kātyāyana-Śrautasūtra 1933: 127 f. 45. See §2.13, and notes 19, 21, 23, 24. 46. See §2.11. 47. Not to be confused with the gṛhya ritual (see §1.5 n. 34). The ritual discussed here has clear śrauta elements; this probably concerns just a medieval confusion of terms, such as: sāyam/ prātar-[agnihotra]-homa/ yāga. 48. Not yet clear to me; even the reading is not certain:  akṣa/arja/akra at this and other passages.



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49. This probably could be translated “nyāsa (projection of the god); carrying apart (i.e., spreading to the other fires) of sthānāgni (“continuation fire,” which should not be extinguished = gārhapatya, cf. Böhtlingk and Roth, eds., Sanskrit-wörterbuch herausgegeben von der Kaiserlichen akademie der wissenschaften, column 1320, sub d.); or rather as “fire of the place” (= of the agniśālā); taking up of the observance, as shown previously (namely in the dārśapaurṇamāsa, etc.); worship the guardians of the world (and?) … everywhere as before: offering of the fire sticks into the fire; at the maṇika (altar?); worship the guardians of the world as before, releasing the observance, clockwise circumambulation.” 50. Cf., however, the Paddhati on Kātyāyana-Śrautasūtra 4.15.5; Dumont, L’Agnihotra, §76. 51. Dealt with by Witzel, “Buddhist Forms of Fire Ritual (homa) in Nepal and Japan”; cf. n. 39. 52. On this, cf. Witzel, “Buddhist Forms of Fire Ritual (Homa) in Nepal and Japan”; Frits Staal, in my view, depicts this, not quite accurately, based on the family tree scheme that has been popular in philology and linguistics since the mid-nineteenth century. However, this concerns (sets of) fully interchangeable (under certain conditions) pieces that can be inserted into each other, much like the well-known Russian nesting dolls or Japanese kokeshi dolls. The same is found in Pāṇini’s grammar (where the conditions are more complicated, see, e.g., the Tripādī), and the in the study of the Veda (avāntaradīkṣā; see Witzel, The Veda in Kashmir, ­chapter 5). This may well be regarded as one of the more typical arrangements and forms of thought in India (besides ring composition, concatenation, etc.) Probably the first mention of such an idea in the secondary literature is found in Louis Dumont, who however has taken this over from his African student, R. Apthorpe. See Dumont, Homo hierarchicus: Le Système des castes et ses implications (Paris: Gallimard, 1979), 398 ff.; Paul Thieme, “Meaning and Form of the ‘Grammar’ of Pāṇini,” Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik 8/9 (1982): 12. 53. Note, however, the opposite concept of āvahana already in Vedic; e.g., devatānām āvāhanam in the Dārśapaurṇamāsa, cf. A. Hillebrandt, Das altindische Neu-u. Vollmondopfer (Jena: Eugen Diederichs Verlag, 1879), p. 84: agnim agna āvāha, somam āvaha… . 54. With the typical nonobservance of retroflex sounds in Newari. 55. Willem Caland’s translation in Das Śrautasūtra des Āpastamba (Amsterdam: Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, 1924–1928); the text has sarpebhyas tvā sarpān jinva, sarpān pippilikā jinva, sarpetarajanān jinva, sarpadevajanān jinva. 56. See Dumont, L’Agnihotra, p. 63, Index of the ritual actions, p. 219, nos. 138–141; Caland, Das Śrautasūtra des Āpastamba, p. 192; cf. also Vaitāna Sūtra in Dumont, L’Agnihotra, p. 208. 57. The origin of this is still open to question; the colophons always read brahmokte yajurvidhāna agnihotre … prathamo dhyāyaḥ, and the like. I  have found nothing in the Brahmapurāṇa; brahmokta, “proclaimed by Brahma,” could indicate a very general origin or point to a relationship with the Atharvaveda (Brahmaveda). The mantras, however, agree with the Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā. 58. See Satyanarayan Rajaguru, ed., Inscriptions of Orissa (Bhubaneswar:  Orissa Sahitya Akademi, 1974), vol. 1, 2, nos. 23, 27. 59. Maṇicūḍāvadāna, Svayambhupurāṇa, in Newāri:  Maṇicūḍāvadānoddṛta; Siegfried Lienhardt, ed., Maṇicūḍāvadānoddṛta:  A  Buddhist Re-birth Story in the Nevārī Language (Stockholm:  Almqvist and Wiksell, 1963). Adaptation in the Lokānanda-Nāṭaka, etc.; summary of the legend according to this drama in Michael Hahn, “The Play Lokanandanataka

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by Candragomin,” Kailash 7 (1979):  53 ff.; last treated by Horst Brinkhaus, “References to Buddhism in the Nepālamāhātmya,” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 4 (1980): 284 n. 19. 60. Wright, History of Nepal, p. 104, where, however, the correct form is found in the note nirargaḍa/ nirargala-yajña: “a ritual that opens all bolts,” that is: one where the offerer is one of absolute generosity (cf. the Vedic sarvamedha ritual, Kaṭha Upaniṣad 1.1, Pañcaviṃśa Brāhmaṇa 6.7.15); cf. sārgaḍa-, “bolted up,” Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, argala-, “bolt” (Raghuvaṃśa). In sacrifice, in the Manicūḍa legend, at the request of the brahmins he is finally compelled to give away the gemstone ingrown into his head, which is portrayed in gruesome detail. 61. On the origin of the Manoharā river (Maṇimatī), see Brinkhaus, “References to Buddhism in the Nepālamāhātmya,” p. 276 f., n. 18; Maṇimaṇḍapa-Vihāra = no. 105 in Niels Gutschow and Hemraj Shakya, “The Monasteries (Bāhā and Bahi) of Patan,” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 4 (1980): 167, 173; it is located west of the Mangal Bazar. 62. See Witzel, “On the Location of the Licchavi Capital of Nepal,” Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik 5/6 (1980): 323, 324 nn. 61, 83. 63. Wright, The History of Nepal, p. 104. 64. See Thakur Lal Manadhar, “Nepal in the Early Medieval Period:  Gleanings from the Bendall Vaṃśāvali,” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 1 (1977):  83–92; Niels Gutschow, “Notes on the Topography of Present Day Hāḍigaon,” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 1 (1977): 89–92; Witzel, “On the Location of the Licchavi Capital of Nepal.” 65. See §1.2. 66. See §1.2. 67. Why the grammatically incorrect form Maniko is used in both cases is not apparent to me. It cannot be a local form (without sandhi), as elsewhere Manika, Maṇika-nāga, etc. appear regularly. 68. See Michael Witzel, “Sur le chemin du ciel,” Bulletin des Etudes indiennes 2 (1984): 213–279. 69. See the Śuklayajurvidhāna, in K. P.  Anna Śāstri, Śuklayajurvedavidhāna (Kātyāyanapraṇīta) (Bombay: Nirṇaya Sāgara Press, 1943), p. 684; this book does not match the Yajurvidhāna in the 1433 manuscript, but it is similar to other vidhānas (Ṛgvidhāna, translated by Jan Gonda, The Ṛgvidhāna: English Translation with an Introduction and Notes [Utrecht: N.V.A. Oosthoek’s Uitgevers Mij., 1951]), where the use of mantras for sorcery is taught, etc. 70. Cf., e.g., E. Krishnamacarya, ed., Jayākhyā-Saṃhitā (Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1967), pp. 132–158 (agnikāryavidhāna); also with ten saṃskāras (p. 141) for the tantric fire like the ones for Mitrāvaruṇa; see also n. 49. A superficial characterization of the ritual is found in R. C. Hazra, Studies in the Puranic Records on Hindu Rites and Customs (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, 1975), p. 219. 71. It remains to be seen whether Buddhist forms of fire ritual have exercised an influence on the Brahmanical forms (homa, agnihotra) in the Kathmandu Valley. One merely has to observe the fairly frequently occurring designation nirvāṇa in these rituals and the doubling of the sword, sphya or jnāna-khaḍga, the name of which points to that of the sword of wisdom of Manjuśrī Bodhisattva, and which is not used to excavate the vedi, as is the ordinary implement. It is possible that similar ideas underlie the use of the sword by the agnihotri of Paśupatināth, but this requires further exploration. 72. For a detailed interpretation of this tantric form of the agnihotra, see Michael Witzel, “Meaningful Ritual:  Structure, Development and Interpretation of the Tantric Agnihotra Ritual of Nepal,” in A. W. van den Hoek, D. H. A. Kolff, M. S. Oort, eds., Ritual, State and History in South Asia:  Essays in Honour of J.  C. Heesterman (Leiden:  E. J.  Brill, 1992), pp. 774–827.



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73. Most of the Bengali and Oriya brahmins trace their origins to immigrants from Kanauj (or Mithilā). 74. See Michael R. Allan, The Cult of Kumari: Virgin Worship in Nepal (Kathmandu: Institute of Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan University, 1975), p. 42 ff. 75. See Allan, The Cult of Kumari, p. 42 ff.; Aishvaryadhar Sharma, Agiṃmathaḥ.yā aitihāsik sāmagrī [The Historical Materials Relating to Agnimath] (Kathmandu:  Puṣpāñjalī Prakāśa Mālā 2, 1984), p. 25, inscription at the agnimaṭha of the year [157]2. Cf. now Nijiros Sreshta, Yala.yā Agiṃmaṭh, Vijay Prakashan 2013. 76. See Witzel, “Zur Geschichte der Rājopdhyāyas von Bhaktapur,” p. 163. 77. Cf. previous note. 78. Cf. n. 7 79. A guṭhī (Skt. goṣṭhikā, pañcāli) is a socio-religious organization supported by a private or royal donation or by land revenue. 80. The inscription had further decayed by 1985, and even more so when I last saw it in 2009. Children (or bhikṣus, as the agnihotrī used to call them when scolding them) play in the courtyard where the inscription is set into the surrounding wall; cf. text in Sharma, Agiṃmathaḥ.yā aitihāsik sāmagrī, p. 25; cf. Bajracharya, Madhyakāliṇkā Abhilekh, p. 31, dated 1569 c.e. 81. Witzel, “Zur Geschichte der Rājopdhyāyas von Bhaktapur,” p. 161 n. 13; the late agnihotri Gurujvālānand was a bhāradvāja. 82. See Witzel, “On the History and the Present State of Vedic Tradition in Nepal,” p. 21. 83. Here printed as seen in the manuscript. 84. See Regmi, Medieval Nepal, vol. 2, p.  440; another South Indian from Colamaṇḍala appears in the long inscription of 1671 c.e. (Medieval Nepal, vol. 3, p. 83): Nārāyaṇa Bhaṭṭa, see also no. 30, NS 734 (= 1615 c.e.); cf. also Petech, Mediaeval History of Nepal, p. 70, South Indian brahmins lived perhaps since 1178–1182 c.e., under Cālukya influence in Nepal; Witzel, “Materialien zu den vedischen Schulen: I. Über die Caraka-Schule,” Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik 7 (1981): 129 sq., however, indicates that already around 750 c.e. and 1036 c.e. Taittirīya brahmins (i.e., by that time only South Indians) were present in the Kathmandu Valley. Perhaps they were even earlier immigrants, in early Licchavi or pre-Licchavi times; note such names as Godavari and Gokarna. See also Axel Michaels, Die Reisen der Götter: der nepalische Paśupatinātha-Tempel und sein rituelles Umfeld (Bonn: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag, 1994). 85. Particularly this structure in northern Indian style shows another trait of contemporary religious politics, taking into account the spread of the Kṛṣṇa cult. (Cf. the encroachment of names of  Viṣṇu, e.g., in the family tree (Witzel, Zur Geschichte der Rājopādhyāyas von Bhaktapur, opposite p. 172); at the same time the first inclusion into the Hindu pantheon of Lokeśvara/ Karuṇamaya/Bugadeva is attested (as Macchendranāth), see the Matsyendrapadyaśatakam of Nīlakaṇṭha, manuscript dated 1677 c.e.; Locke, Karunamaya, pp. 282, 437; Bhāsāvaṃśāvali, vol. 2, p. 70. On the other hand, note the emphasis on the independent Nepalese tradition (Talejū cult) and the choice of the rājaguru from the ranks of the Upādhyas (today’s Rājopādhyāyas). 86. See Regmi, Medieval Nepal, vol. 3, Appendix III, p. 71, cf. p. 62 (inscription of NS 804); Viśvanāth is still mentioned in the year 786 (living in Bakanihma); see Thyāsaphu in Medieval Nepal, vol. 3, Appendix III, p.  69, where the agnihotra yajamāna, and the Svanihma and Olanihma localities are also mentioned. Later Patan Rājopādhyāyas are Siṃhadeva, whose son Harihara Śarmā (Garga Gotra), and his grandson Vaṃśidhara Sarma, an agnihotri, who also lived in Bamlanimha, is attested in 836 (see Journal of the Nepal Research Centre, vol. 1); one

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Ratnadhara Śarmā, probably a descendant, is attested in 876. Another son of Harihara Śarmā is Parśurāma Śarmā, who became the rājaguru, and his son Cakrapāṇi Śarmā, who is attested in NS 866, carried out an ayutāhuti, and lived at Omraniṃha Tol. More historical data in Sharma, Agiṃmathaḥ.yā aitihāsik sāmagrī; Regmi, Medieval Nepal, vol. 4, with inscriptions from 1524 to 1768 c.e.; Bajracharya, Madhyakālin.kā Abhilekh. 87. Cf. Witzel, “On the History and the Present State of Vedic Tradition in Nepal,” pp. 36–37. 88. I  heard from a member of the agnihotrī clan (who had trained abroad) the following account: it is said that the fire burning in the agniśālā burns with a different (lower) intensity if there is a fire somewhere in the city; in such a case Agni would have already left his house (cf. Ṛgveda Saṃhitā 1.1.8: [agnim] vardhamānaṃ sve dame) and consequently, would burn with only a small flame in the temple. In the summer of 1973 the government palace, the Singha Darbar, was burned down; the fire lasted for about a week and could only be ended by blowing up the structure. The said member of the Agnihotrin told that, out of curiosity, he went to take a look at the temple to check whether the prophecy was correct (from this one can recognize his scientific education) and in fact, Agni burned with a very low flame; it was thought that he was destroying all the government papers, which floated away for miles, as far away as to our house in Swayambhu. 89. See Witzel, Zur Geschichte der Rājopdhyāyas von Bhaktapur, p.  161 n.  12; compare András Höfer, The Caste Hierarchy and the State in Nepal:  A  Study of the Muluki Ain (Innsbruck: Universitätsverlag Wagner, 1979). 90. See Todd Lewis and Naresh Bajrācārya, “Newar Buddhist Homa Ritual Traditions,” in this volume. 91. That is, ca. 1982. In the meantime, the ritual changed after the death of the last agnihotrin, Viṣṇujvālānand, in 2004. Bal Gopal Shrestha reports: “when Vishnu Jwalananda passed away we could arrange recording the funeral rituals and follow-up rituals afterward. Later, when they installed a new Agnihotrī I was there with a Dutch anthropological film maker to record all the procedures… . We plan to make documentaries in four parts from the materials we have recorded. We also have obtained all texts from Patan priests, and even received translation of some Sanskrit texts into Newar language” (email of December 28, 2010). He adds:  “Vishnu Jwalananda served as Agnihotra for 22  years and passed away in 2004. Kabijananda Rajopadhyay succeeded him in November 2004. Kabijananda passed away in 2007 and Padmaraj Rajopadhyay became the new Agnihotra, but this occasion no detailed rituals were performed as it was in 2004, because they kept the existing structure. This year, as Padmaraj passed away, and Brijendra Rajopadhyay is entering as a new Agnihotra tomorrow, I was told that only a few rituals will be performed as it was in 2007” (email of November 27, 2012). My friend François Voegeli adds (May 13, 2014), based on a recent visit, that the “current Agnihotrī is Vipendrarāj Rājopādhyāya, who holds office together with his wife Kamalādevī (phone 984 966 9767). He is 89 years old and lives in front of Pim Bahal Pokhari. He is the eldest of the Rājopādhyāyas belonging to the Svanimha Kavaḥ (a list of these six kavaḥ is given in Nijiros Śreṣṭha, p.  18). Agnihotrī Vipendrarāj is not practising the morning and evening ritual anymore. The latter is entrusted to the following five Rājopādhyāyas:  Oṃkānta Rājopādhyāya, Baskārbālānanda Rāj., Pūrṇacandrānanda Rāj., Mohanśarma Rāj., Govinda-(/Govīndra-?) śarma Rāj. None of the Rājopādhyāya that now perform the Agnihotrawill become the next Agnihotrī. The next Agnihotrī will be the eldest of the members of the 6 kavaḥ. … Agnihotrī



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Vipendrarāj is involved only in the “big” festivals at the Agnimāth. Contact address: Sanjay Sharma +977 1 553 4305, e-mail: [email protected].”—As I could indeed ascertain during short visit in July 2009, there is no longer a permanent agnihotrin but various rājopādhyāyas serve in turn to keep the ritual going. This procedure is not unknown among the Newars in other ritual contexts, where the role of the leading sponsor or priest is transferred to another person each year. Thus, the hope is well founded that this ritual will endure the onslaught of modernization for some time to come. (The new Agnihotri is Vipendrarāj Rājopadhyāya and his wife is Kamalādevī; as per email by François Voegeli, April 30, 2014; he adds that a committee has been formed to try to have the UNESCO declare Patan’s Agnimath a World Heritage). Indeed, the Patan Brahmins have now grasped the technical opportunities offered by the internet and have opened (Oct. 2012)  a Facebook page (https://www.facebook.com/Agnishala), where they publish periodical updates and photos of the yearly cycle of rituals and festivals, including a list of Agnihotrins going back to 1652 CE. -- Who would have thought so in 1975, or even 1985, when I last did some extensive research there? Also, there now is a small illustrated book (56 pp, in Newari) on many aspects of the Agnimaṭh: Nijiroś Śreṣṭha, Yala.yā Agiṃ Matha. Yala [Patan]: Bijaya Prakashan: NS 1133 [2013 CE]; [email protected].

92. This prediction has come true with the abolishment of the monarchy in 2008. Nevertheless, most of the rituals and festivals of the Kathmandu Valley continue unabated, with the president of Nepal having taken over the role of the king; even staunchly Maoist party leaders are seen to sport tilakas and perform or take part in certain rituals.

REFERENCES Printed Sources Allan, Michael R. The Cult of Kumari: Virgin Worship in Nepal. Kathmandu: Institute of Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan University, 1975. Bajracharya, Dhanabajra. Lichavi Kāl.ko Abhilekh. Kathmandu: Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies, 1974 (= V.S. 2030). Bajracharya, Dhanabajra. Madhyakālin.kā Abhilekh. Kirtipur, Kathmandu:  Institute of Nepalese and Asian Studies, 1999 (= V.S. 2056). Bodewitz, H. Jaiminīya-Brāhmaṇa I, 1–65. Translation and Commentary with a Study of the Agnihotra and Prāṇāgnihotra. Leiden: Brill, 1973. Böhtlingk, Otto, and Rudolph Roth, eds. Sanskrit-wörterbuch herausgegeben von der Kaiserlichen akademie der wissenschaften. St. Petersburg: Buchdr. der K. Akademie der wissenschaften, 1855–1875. Bolling, George M., and Julius von Negelein, eds. Atharvaveda-Pariśiṣṭa. Leipzig:  O. Harrasowitz, 1909. Brinkhaus, Horst. “References to Buddhism in the Nepālamāhātmya.” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 4 (1980): 273–286. Burleigh, Peter. “A Chronology of the Later Kings of Patan.” Kailash 4 (1976): 21–71. Caland, Willem. Das Śrautasūtra des Āpastamba. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1921. Amsterdam: Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, 1924–1928.

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Deo, S. B. Archeological Excavations in Kathmandu. Kathmandu: Department of Archeology, His Majesty’s Government of Nepal, 1968. Dumont, Louis. Homo hierarchicus: Le Système des castes et ses implications. Paris: Gallimard, 1979. English edition: Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and Its Implications. Complete Revised English Edition. Chicago: University of Chicago, 1980. Dumont, Paul-Emile. L’Agnihotra. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1939. Franke, H., et  al., eds. Folia rara:  Wolfgang Voigt LXV.  diem natalem celebranti ab amicis et catalogorum codicum orientalium conscribendorum collegis dedicate. Edited by H. Francke, W. Heissig, and W. Treue. Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1976. Gonda, Jan. The Ṛgvidhāna: English Translation with an Introduction and Notes. Utrecht: N.V.A. Oosthoek’s Uitgevers Mij., 1951. Gutschow, Niels, and Th. L. Manandhar. “Notes on the Topography of Present Day Haḍigāon.” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 1 (1977): 89–92. Gutschow, Niels, and Hemraj Shakya. “The Monasteries (Bāhā and Bahi) of Patan.” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 4 (1980): 161–174. Hahn, Michael. “The Play Lokanandanataka by Candragomin.” Kailash 7 (1979): 51–67. Hasrat, Bikrama Jit. History of Nepal, as Told by Its Own and Contemporary Chroniclers. Hoshiarpur: VV Research Institute Press, 1971. Hazra, R. C. Studies in the Puranic Records on Hindu Rites and Customs. 1940. Reprinted in Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1975. Herdick, R. “Kultische Veränderungen in Kirtipur.” In B. Kölver and S. Lienhard, eds., Formen kulturellen Wandels und andere Beiträge zur Erforschung des Himalaya, pp. 248–282. St. Augustin: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag, 1986. Hillebrandt, A. Das altindische Neu-u. Vollmondopfer. Jena: Eugen Diederichs Verlag, 1879. Hillebrandt, A. Ritualliteratur. Vedische Opfer und Zauber. Strassburg: K. J. Trübner, 1897. Höfer, András. The Caste Hierarchy and the State in Nepal:  A  Study of the Muluki Ain. Innsbruck: Universitätsverlag Wagner, 1979. Kiauta, Marianne A.  J. E. “De iconografie van de Toraṇas van de Tāraṇī Devī Mandir te Kathmandu.” MA thesis, Utrecht University, 1977. Krick, Hertha. Das Ritual der Feuergründung:  (Agnyādheya). Vienna:  Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1982. Krishnamacarya, E., ed. Jayākhyā-Saṃhitā. Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1967. Lienhard, Siegfried, ed. Maṇicūḍāvadānoddhṛta:  A  Buddhist Re-birth Story in the Nevārī Language. Translated by Hans Jørgensen. Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell, 1963. Locke, J. K. Karunamaya: The Cult of Avalokiteśvara/Matsyendranātha in the Valley of Nepal. Kathmandu:  Sahayogi Prakashan, for Research Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan University, 1980. Manandhar, Thakur Lal. “Nepal in the Early Medieval Period:  Gleanings from the Bendall Vaṃśāvali.” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 1 (1977): 83–92. Michaels, Axel. Die Reisen der Götter: der nepalische Paśupatinātha-Tempel und sein rituelles Umfeld / mit einem Beiheft Paśupatikṣetra—maps of Deopatan by Axel Michaels and Govinda Tandan, with drawings by Harald Fritzenkötter. Bonn: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag, 1994. Munamkarmi, Lilabhakta. Mallakālin Nepāl. Kathmandu, 1968. Narten, Johanna. Die Aməša Spəṇtas im Avesta. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1982.



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Narten, Johanna. The Yasna Haptaŋhāiti. Habilitationschrift, Unviversität Erlangen, 1970 [= Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1986]. Pant, Mahesh Raj. “Puṣyābhiṣeka.” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 1 (1977): 93–109. Parpola, Asko, and C. G. Kashikar. “Śrauta Traditions in Recent Times.” In Frits Staal, ed., Agni: The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar, vol. 2, pp. 193–251. Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities Press, 1983. Petech, Luciano. Mediaeval History of Nepal. 1958. 2nd rev. ed. Rome: Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1984. Pruscha, Carl. Kathmandu Valley, the Preservation of Physical Environment and Cultural Heritage: A Protective Inventory, prepared by His Majesty’s Government of Nepal in collaboration with the United Nations and UNESCO. Vienna: Schroll, 1975. Rajaguru, Satyanarayan, ed. Inscriptions of Orissa. 5 vols. Bhubaneswar: Orissa Sahitya Akademi & Orissa State Museum & Gouri Kumar Brahma, Bhubaneswar, 1974‒1976. Regmi, D. R. Medieval Nepal: A History of the Three Kingdoms, 1520 a.d. to 1768 a.d. Vols. 1–4. Calcutta: Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, 1966. Śarmā, Pt. Vidyādhara, ed. Kātyāyana Śrautasūtra. Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series 415. Benares: Chowkhamba, 1933. Śāstri, K. P. Anna. Śuklayajurvedavidhānasūtra (Kātyāyana-praṇīta). Bombay: Nirṇaya Sāgara Press, 1943. Sharma, Aishvaryadhar. Agiṃmathaḥ.yā aitihāsik sāmagrī [The Historical Materials Relating to Agnimath]. Kathmandu: Puṣpāñjalī Prakāśa Mālā 2, 1984. Staal, Frits. Agni: The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar. Vols. 1–2. Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities Press, 1983. Staal, Frits. The Science of Ritual. Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1982. Thieme, Paul. “Meaning and Form of the ‘Grammar’ of Pāṇini.” Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik 8/9 (1982): 3–34. Witzel, Michael. “Agnihotra-Rituale in Nepal.” In B. Kölver and S. Lienhard, eds., Formen kulturellen Wandels und andere Beiträge zur Erforschung des Himalaya, pp. 157–187. St. Augustin: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag, 1986. Witzel, Michael. “Buddhist Forms of Fire Ritual (Homa) in Nepal and Japan” (Summary). In T. Yamamoto, ed., Proceedings of the 31st CISHAAN (Congrès International des Sciences Humaines en Asie et en Afrique du Nord), Tokyo-Kyoto, August 31–September 7, 1984, p. 135. Tokyo: Tōhō Gakkai, 1984. Witzel, Michael. Die Atharvaveda-Tradition und die Paippalāda Saṃhitā. Deutscher Orientalistentag, Tübingen, March 1983, §11; supplement volume, Zeitschrift der Deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 1985. Witzel, Michael. “Materialien zu den vedischen Schulen: I. Über die Caraka-Schule.” Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik 7 (1981):  109–132; Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik 8/9 (1982): 171–240. Witzel, Michael. “Meaningful Ritual: Structure, Development and Interpretation of the Tantric Agnihotra Ritual of Nepal.” In A. W. van den Hoek, D. H. A. Kolff, and M. S. Oort, eds., Ritual, State and History in South Asia: Essays in Honour of J. C. Heesterman, pp. 774–827. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1992. Witzel, Michael. “On the History and the Present State of Vedic Tradition in Nepal.” Vasudha 15/12 (1977): 17–24, 35–39. http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/%7Ewitzel/Veda.in.Nepal.pdf.

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Witzel, Michael. “On the Location of the Licchavi Capital of Nepal.” Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik 5/6 (1980): 311–336. Witzel, Michael. “On the Origin of the Literary Device of the ‘Frame Story’ in Old Indian Literature (Summary).” In T. Yamamoto, ed., Proceedings of the 31st CISHAAN (Congrès International des Sciences Humaines en Asie et en Afrique du Nord), Tokyo-Kyoto, August 31–September 7, 1984, p. 534. Tokyo: Tōhō Gakkai, 1984. Witzel, Michael. “The Present Position of Vedic Śākhās.” In J. Rotaru, J. Houben and M. Witzel, eds., Proceedings of the 5th International Vedic Workshop, Bucharest 2011. Harvard Oriental Series, Opera Minora 2015. Forthcoming. Witzel, Michael. “Regionale und überregionale Faktoren in der Entwicklung vedischer Brahmanengruppen im Mittelalter.” In H. Kulke and D. Rothermund, eds., Regionale Tradition in Südasien, pp. 37–76. Heidelberg: Beiträge zur Südasienforschung, 1985. Witzel, Michael. “Sur le chemin du ciel.” Bulletin des Etudes indiennes 2 (1984): 213–279. Witzel, Michael. The Veda in Kashmir. Forthcoming. Witzel, Michael. “Zur Geschichte der Rājopdhyāyas von Bhaktapur.” In H. Franke, W. Heissig, and W. Treue, eds., Folia Rara, Festschrift W. Voigt, pp. 147–167. Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1976. Wright, Daniel. History of Nepal. 1877. Reprinted in Kathmandu:  Antiquated Book Publishers, 1972. Manuscripts and Other Material Interviews with the late Agnihotrī Gurujvālānand, 1979. Kātyāyanabhāṣe Darśapaurṇamāsya vidhānam. Private possession, Patan, filmed by the author, 1985, Tyāsaphu, 38 folios, title leaf: Agnihotra.yā karma. Kesar Library No. 28. Title leaf: Agnihotradārśapūrṇamāsa, filmed in 1975 by the NepalGerman Manuscript Preservation Project (1970–2002), Film C 3/8; folio 87+2, palm leaf, 33 x 4.8 cm., old Newari script (Bhujimo), NS 533.

Index i Note: Page numbers followed by the italicized letter n indicate material found in notes. Abhayākaragupta offerings for, 31, 32n3 on awakening mind, 207n48 opinions/speculations on, 67–68 on firepit types, 250, 263n11 origins/forms/character of, 68 on homa hearth shapes, 93–94 as priest and sage, 68–69 on inner fire oblation, 167–168 ritual water and, 52–53 on internal homa rites, 54 summoning of, 386 on psychosomatic fire oblation, 182, three sacrificial fires and, 72 185, 204n17 as unifying factor, 2 on “supreme bliss,” 193 in Vedic sources, 67–69 typology offered by, 25, 201n6 agnihotra rituals on yogic subtle fire, 184 abbreviations and meanings in, 384 Acri, Andrea, 20 comparison of, 394 Agni (Vedic fire god) framework/structure of, 22, 49, 388 body image, 63n35 implements used in, 377, 378 Buddhist assimilation of, 89–92, 96–97, 114–115 internal fire sacrifice and, 80 diverse roles of, 143 layout of, 377 as embodiment of gods, 85 legends associated with, 373–374 in homa rituals, 130, 149–150 mantras in, 382 images of fire and, 75 manuscripts/textual sources, 373, 380–382 immortality of, 76 Mitrāvaruṇa figure, 387–388 in Kālacakra-tantra tradition, 258–261 in Nepal, 30–31 in Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad, 71 performance/purpose of, 371–372 as male element, 50 plan of the Patan Agniśālā, 375 as mouth of the gods, 78 priests in, 379–380

407

408 i agnihotra rituals (Cont.) ritual forms/structure, 380–383, 385–386 sacrificer, role of, 379 sexualization of, 50 snake worship in, 386–387 social context of, 390–395 time of performance, 380 types of, 374 Vedic fires in, 376–377 yajamānī, role of, 393 yearly cycle of, 389–390 agniṣṭoma, 24, 48 Ahorātra homa, 303 Ahura Mazda, 22, 49, 225 Albanese, Catherine, 14 Allan, Michael, 390 altars in agnihotra rituals, 377 in Aparimitāyus homa, 232, 235 in Chinese homas, 269, 270, 274, 277, 282n28, 283n31 construction/destruction of, 3 in Fudō hō, 344 in Hindu tantras, 57 in Japanese homa rituals, 15, 57, 134 in Kālacakra-tantra tradition, 251 liver offerings and, 323 shapes of, 2, 324 in śrauta context, 151, 156 Amoghavajra, 266, 273–277 Aparimitāyus Brahmanical rituals in, 233–235 lineages of, 227–229 offerings/utterances/signs in, 230–233 popularity of, 26 summary of, 229–230 Wylie transcription of text, 235–237 “Archaeology and Protestant Presuppositions in the Study of Indian Buddhism” (Schopen), 19 The Archetypal Actions of Ritual (Humphrey and Laidlaw), 145 Asian religion studies, homa’s importance in, 1–2 Atikūta, homa ritual translation of, 269, 274–275 Avataṃsaka-sūtra, 339–340 Avestan fire rites/symbolism, 22, 49, 50

Index Bajracharya, Naresh, xiii, 28, 30 Baliharaṇa, 151–152 Baudhāyana-Gṛhyaśeṣasūtra (BGŚS), 153, 156–157 Baudhāyana-Gṛhyasūtra (BGS), 149–150, 152 Bell, Catherine, 5, 8, 14, 17, 35n53 Bentor, Yael, 49, 61n2, 168, 201–202n6, 202n7 Beyer, Stephan, 16 Bhagavadgītā, 16, 21, 131 Bloch, Maurice, 327, 334n77 Bodhiruci, homa ritual translation of, 270–272, 274, 277 body maṇḍala cakras and, 95–96 concept definition, 206–207n38 in practice of oblation, 193 recipient deities and, 190 in Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra, 184–186 schema of, 208n54 in Vajramālā-tantra, 178–180 body-mind complex, 105–107 borrowing, typology of, 343–344 boundaries across religious cultures/traditions, 1, 3, 31, 349 in categories/terminology, 5, 20 as cultural/culturally constructed, 9, 10, 47 between death/immortality, 75 between Hindus/Buddhists, 306 between mundane/transcendent, 97 between pure and impure, 324 in rituals, 261 Boyer, Pascal, 10, 35n54 Brahman Agni’s identification with, 68 fire identification with, 72–73, 84, 114–115, 181–182 five vital breaths and, 81 as food, 82 knowledge of, 76, 80 in Nepal, 306 in post-mortem process, 74 union with, 70–72, 74, 79 in yogic practice, 76, 85 Brahmanical rituals/traditions admonitions against, 233 in Aparimitāyus text, 233–235 fire of gnosis and, 169

Index gṛhya liturgy and, 144–145, 148, 159 in Nepal, 306 sexual psychosomatic fire oblation and, 172 soma sacrifice and, 172 in Vedic period, 292–293 Brahmanism development of, 167 sexual intercourse and, 171–172 subtle body in, 170 brahmins clothing/customs of, 379 Internet usage of, 403n91 of Kathmandu Valley, 371, 372, 390 social status of, 393 breath five fire oblations and, 83 five vital breaths, 80–81 speech and, 83 breathing in and out maṇḍala perfection and, 95 as one of five breaths, 80–81 as sacrifice, 82, 83–84 term meanings, 117n71 in yogic practice, 381 Brosius, Christiane, 7, 8, 33–34n30 Buc, Philippe, 8, 17 Buddha. See also fire, in mundane and transcendent paths critique of Vedic sacrifices, 85–86 enlightenment of, 85 on ethical qualities of offerings, 118n98 interaction with Vedic gods, 89–90 on the mind, 111 practice of generosity, 86–87 reinterpretation of three Vedic fires, 87–88 Buddhaguhya, 19 buddha-nature as luminous/pure, 111 in ten worlds practice, 340 Buddhism. See also esoteric Buddhism; fire, in mundane and transcendent paths; Japanese Buddhist homa; Mahāyāna Buddhism assimilation of Agni, 89–92, 96–97, 114–115 assimilation of homa rituals, 92–96, 267–271 composition of human beings, 103–105 forms of fire oblation in, 167 ritual eclecticism in, 144

j 409 ritual traditions and, 8–9 similes of fire, 88–89 tantric, 20, 27, 307, 339, 346

cakras, 95–96, 170–171, 247, 260 Cakrasaṃvara-tantra, 28, 214–215, 219, 221n12, 296, 303, 308 Caṇḍālī, 95, 171, 184, 188 centrality of experience, 138n9. See also experience Chan Buddhism, ritual traditions and, 8–9 channels, subtle body and, 170–171 Chaulagain, Nawaraj, 28–29, 30 childbirth rituals, 14, 36n75, 267 Chinese translations/manuals, of homa Amoghavajra’s manual, 273–275 Atikūta translation, 269, 274–275 Bodhiruci translation, 270–272, 274, 277 Buddhist appropriation, 268–271 canonization, 271–273 evocation of Agni, 277 Faquan’s manual, 275 Huilin’s description/commentary, 266–267 inner-versus-outer homa discourse, 270, 277–278 social practice in, 276–277, 278 subject formation in, 276–277 Yaśogupta translation, 269 “City of Eight,” 59, 64n71 color symbolism, 26, 249–250, 252, 254, 256–257, 260 compulsion, ritual as, 10 “conceptual borrowing,” 343 Confucius, 11 consecration rituals Agni’s role in, 269 in esoteric Buddhism, 276–277 external structure of, 49 of images, 27 importance of, 54–55 in Newar Buddhist tradition, 296, 305 water in, 50 construction of burial mounds, 11 homas for, 296 of kālacakra-maṇḍala, 249, 257 in Newar Buddhist tradition, 294, 295, 296, 305 of ritual altars/spaces, 3

410 i

Index

cremation homa ceremonies for, 53, 130, 237n8 internal/external forms, 53–54 Śaiva tantra for, 148 cultural dimension, of homa, 1 Ḍākārṇavahomavidhi, 186–188 Ḍākārṇava-tantra, 186–188 Ḍākinī, 96, 174, 177–178, 181, 184, 185, 227–228 Dalai Lama, 26 Darrow, William, 48, 49 Davidson, Ronald, 20, 215 Davis, Richard, 58, 130, 148 Death (Mṛtyu), 75–76, 77 death/immortality, fire and, 73–77 death/mourning, homas for, 295–296 deities attendance on, 151 fire oblation rituals and, 169 visualization of, 135–137 deity yoga, 218, 232, 247 delusion, fire of, 88–89 Demiéville, Paul, 16 Devī Mahāmaya (Great Goddess of Illusion), 28 Dharmadatta (Kashmiri teacher), 16 Dhūrtabali rite, 157–158 Diehl, Cal G., 57–58 direct knowledge, 98, 100, 102, 109–110, 115 doctrine of the five fires (pañcāgni-vidyā), 69–72 domestic rites, 24, 49, 149 Duna religious practices, 14, 36n78 Durkheim, Émile, 7 Earhart, H. Byron, 340 Einoo, Shingo, 144, 203n15 Eliade, Mircea, 23, 126 embedding in Shingon Soku Sai Goma, 350 as structuring device, 148 as syntax pattern, 146 enlightened beings, 52–53 enlightenment as acquisition of three knowledges, 98–101 attainment of, 113, 133 of Buddha, 85, 90, 97–98, 108, 111–112 of combined two paths, 101–103 in esoteric Buddhism, 276, 278

fire elements and, 115 in Newar Buddhist tradition, 293 as sacred, 127 in ten worlds practice, 340 through nine progressive dwellings, 101 The Enlightenment of Vairocana (Wayman), 38n101 eroticization, of fire sacrifice, 222n30. See also sexual symbolism esoteric Buddhism. See also psychosomatic fire oblation borrowings from, 29 homa/homa rituals in, 276, 278 Huilin and, 266–267 internalization of standard ritual form, 168–169 liver offerings and, 322–323 maṇḍala use in, 281n15 Newar tradition of, 294, 303–305 secrecy in, 365–366n41 Shugendō, connections with, 338–339, 341, 343–344, 346, 348 ten worlds practice and, 339–340 esoteric physiology, 23, 25, 27 ethnography, texts and, 17–20 Eucharist, 14, 35n55 experience centrality of, 138n9 homa rituals and, 261 mystic/yogic, 113–114 of nonconceptual reality, 184 of nondual reality, 193 religious, 276 shared, 394 six bases of, 181, 184, 186 twelve bases of, 103, 111, 179–180, 206n33 visionary, 16 “external fire oblation,” 168–169, 188–189, 192 failure. See ritual failure family names/clans, 390 Faquan, homa manual of, 274–275 fire Buddhist similes of, 88–89 in cremation ceremonies, 53 destructive/empowering function of, 51 luminous quality/light imagery of, 52, 64n57 as male element, 50

Index multivalency of, 23 mystic/yogic property of, 76 fire, in mundane and transcendent paths acquisition of three knowledges, 98–101 combined paths, 101–103 formulation and scope of, 97–98 in Śrāvakabhūmi, 107–110 fire and water rites in Buddhist tantras, 51–56 in diverse countries/religious groups, 47 in Hindu tantras, 56–60 ritual rules governing, 48–51 in tantric ritual universe, 48 fire/fire sacrifices, symbolism of Agni’s function in, 68–69 Brahman and, 72–73 Buddhist similes, 88–89 cosmic configuration of, 84 death/immortality and, 73–77 diverse opinions/speculations on, 67–68 doctrine of the five fires, 69–72 internal fire sacrifice, 79–84 mystical configuration of, 84–85 origin and character of, 68 ritual capacity of, 85 three sacrificial fires, 72 in Vedic sacrifices, 77–79 fireless rites in domestic sphere, 150 food offerings, 150–151 fire oblation rituals (psychosomatic) Ḍākārṇava-tantra, 186–188 internal forms of ritual items, 175–177, 182–184 internalization of, 167, 168–169, 192 Jayasena’s Ḍākārṇavahomavidhi, 186–188 Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra, 174–175 nonconceptual meditation, 169 practice of, 193 recipients of, 177–179, 184–186 Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra, 179, 181, 183–186 sexual symbolism in, 171–172 subtle body in, 168, 170–171 textual sources for, 172–173 Vajraḍāka-tantra, 179–180, 182–184, 185–186 Vajramālā-tantra, 174–175 ways of performance, 190–191

j 411

fire of gnosis internal forms of ritual items and, 184 in Kālacakra-tantra tradition, 247–248, 260–261 Kāṇha on, 216–217, 219 as nonconceptual meditation, 169 in Vajraḍāka-tantra, 182, 185 variant name for, 177 yogic subtle fire and, 193 firepit regulations, in Kālacakra-tantra tradition, 250–252 “The Fire Sermon” (Buddha), 88–89 Firth, Raymond, 4 the five material causes, 179–180, 186, 206n33 five vital breaths, 80–81, 83 five vital functions, 81 Flood, Gavin, 59, 64n70 food/food rituals, 68, 70–73, 75, 80–84, 105, 114 “formal borrowing,” 343 Frazer, James George, 7 Freud, Sigmund, 10, 13 Fudō hō, 30, 342, 345–347, 351 Fudō Myōō, 341, 344, 345–347 Full Moon Sacrifice, 138n8 functionalism, 12–13, 138n2 funeral pyre, two paths from, 71–72 funeral rituals, 130, 148 Gelug tradition, 26 generosity, practice of, 87–88 Geslani, Marko, 144, 159 gnosis, fire of internal forms of ritual items and, 184 in Kālacakra-tantra tradition, 247–248, 260–261 Kāṇha on, 216–217, 219 as nonconceptual meditation, 169 in Vajraḍāka-tantra, 182, 185 variant name for, 177 yogic subtle fire and, 193 gods, sacrifices to, 69, 78–79, 86, 324 goma fire ritual, 51, 341. See also saitō goma Gonda, Jan, 57 Gorai, Shigeru, 338–339 Granoff, Phyllis, 144 Gray, David B., xiii–xiv, 25–26, 28, 29 Great Dipper, 3 greed, fire of, 88–89

412 i

Index

Grether, Holly, xiv, 22 gṛhya homa attendance on a deity, 151 basic format of, 148–150 descriptive studies of, 144 Dhūrtabali rite, 157–158 fireless rites in, 150–152 image worship in, 153, 156–157 outline of mantras, 154–155 spit-ox offering, 152–153 Gṛhyasūtra, 143–144, 148–153, 159 Griffiths, Arlo, 20 group/individual religious activity, 126–131 Halkias, Georgios T., xiv, 26, 29 Harrison, Paul, 16 hatred, fire of, 88–89 Hayagrīva, 228, 230, 239–240n23 healing rites, 62n21 Hevajra-tantra, 113, 170–171, 190, 215, 247, 304, 308 Hinduism group/individual religious activity in, 126–127 homa procedures, 307 ritual eclecticism and, 144 Hintze, Almut, 49 homa. See also Aparimitāyus; Chinese translations/manuals, of homa; gṛhya homa; Japanese Buddhist homa; Kālacakra-tantra tradition; Navarātra homa adaptation/continuity of, 3–4 appropriation of, 340–341 Buddhist assimilation of, 89–96 descriptive studies of, 27–31 implements used in, 2–3, 377–378 internal, 96 path of liberation and, 96 ritual/ceremonial distinction, 4–5 as sacrificial/votive ritual, 2 secret, 96 Shintō version, 340–341 social practice of, 276–277, 278 structural frame of, 49–50 symbolic and comparative studies of, 21–24, 47 temporal and cultural dimensions of, 1

textual record of, 17–18 textual studies of, 24–27 unifying factors in, 2 homa fire, ten types of, 305 homa hearths, 92–94 Hopkins, Jeffrey, 54 householder’s fire, 72, 88, 93 Huilin, 266–267, 280n1 human beings, composition of, 103–105 Humphrey, Caroline, 145–146 Hüsken, Ute, 7, 8 Ikeguchi, Ekan, 51 image consecration, 27 imagination, role of, 13 immortality/death, fire and, 73–77 implements used in homa rituals, 2–3, 377–378 India. See Kālacakra-tantra tradition Indian Esoteric Buddhism (Davidson), 20 individual/group religious activity, 126–131 Indo-Iranian rituals homa history, 2, 3 ritual traditions, 22 sun and fire identification, 372 symbolic associations, 309n14 Ing, Michael D. K., 11 initiation ceremonies, 54–55, 58 Insoll, Timothy, 12 interiorization, of ritual actions, 22, 23, 31 internal fire sacrifice Kāṇha’s descriptions of, 218 Vedic, 79–84 internalization of fire sacrifice, 222n30 of homa, 25, 131–132 in Kālacakra-tantra tradition, 247, 260–262 Kāṇha’s descriptions of, 218–219 of ritual fire and water, 50 of sexual intercourse, 171–172 of tantric systems, 50–51 internal purification rites, 49, 326. See also purification rites invention, ritual change by, 14–15 The Invention of Tradition, 15 Jackendoff, Ray, 349 Jamison, Stephanie W., 48 Jainism, ritual eclecticism in, 144

Index Japan. See saitō goma; Shintō tradition; Shugendō Japanese Buddhist homa individual/group religious activity, 127–131 internalization in, 131–132 main ritual of, 137 preliminary ritual, 133–135 Pūjā and, 132–133 sacred and profane in, 126–127 Tachikawa’s study of, 23–24 visualization of deities, 135–137 Jayasena’s Ḍākārṇavahomavidhi, 186–188 Kālacakra-tantra tradition color symbolism in, 249–250, 252, 254, 256–257, 260 firepit regulations, 250–252 initiation rites in, 54, 261–262 internally performed rituals, 247 mantras recited, 256–257 pouring of sand, 252–253 prerequisites for, 248–249 proper time for ritual, 255–256 protection/purification of ground, 257 rites of pacification, 258 sacrificial sticks, 253–254 theories and practices of, 246–248 utensils used, 254–255 vajra master’s throne, 253 worship of Agni, 258–261 Kālī, 28, 314, 323–325, 334n78 Kāṇha on deity yoga, 218 on external/“outer” rites, 218–219 fire sacrifices classification of, 216–217 homa analysis of, 215–216 homa/sexual intercourse association, 217–218 works attributed to, 25–26, 214 Kaplan, Martha, 6, 8 karma in Bhadrapāla-sūtra, 113 Buddha and, 89, 98, 100 consciousness and, 111 cremation and, 226 homa ritual occasions and, 296, 305–306 inner fire sacrifice and, 218 internal/external homa and, 18, 53–54, 234, 273, 278

j 413

law of, 106 in Mahāvairocana-sūtra, 278 material phenomena and, 106–107 production of, 105 self-arising fire and, 96 in Vedic rituals, 77 Kashikar, C. G., 376 Kathmandu Valley agnihotra layouts of, 377 brahmins in, 371–374 homas in, 132, 376 mythic prehistory of, 386 Newar Buddhist tradition in, 291, 294, 306 rituals/festivals in, 296, 403n92 social position of priests in, 391–393 unification/division of, 397n25 Vedic traditions in, 395 Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad, 23, 71, 83 Kelly, John D., 6, 8 knowledge Buddha’s acquisition of, 98–101 direct, 98, 100, 102, 109–110, 115 efficacy/superiority of, 79–80 Koutrafouri, Vasiliki G., 12 Kriyāsaṃgraha, 53, 308 Laidlaw, James, 145–146 Lang, Bernhard, 15 Last Supper, as invention of ritual, 14–15 Lawson, Thomas, 11 Lévi, Sylvain, 50 Lewis, Todd, xiv, 28, 30 Liénard, Pierre, 10 light imagery, 52 Lincoln, Bruce, 5, 9, 12 literalism, in rituals, 10 liturgy- vs. performance-centered ritual, 145–146 liver, offering of, 254, 319–320, 322–323 longue durée, ritual change across, 1–2, 6, 16–17, 19, 21–22, 144, 352 Lubin, Timothy, xiv, 18 “luminous circuit,” 57, 64n57 magical orientation (in navarātra homa) liver, in esoteric rites, 322–323 reversal of traditional norms, 324–325 ritual and techniques of, 323–324 Śākta tantric rituals, 325–327

414 i

Index

Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra, 173–174, 177–178 Mahāsiddhas, 214, 215 Mahāvairocana-abhisambodhi-tantra, 229, 249 Mahāvairocana-tantra/sutra, 51–52, 167, 169, 202–203n10, 271–276, 278 Mahāyāna Buddhism bodhicitta concept, 112, 114 “conceptual borrowing” and, 343 homa in, 234, 267–268, 272, 292–293, 307, 309n5 path/texts, 24, 110–111, 226, 238n17, 239n18, 274, 291–292 sacred and profane in, 129 sutras of, 16 on transmigrating beings, 228 Māṃsa āhuti homa, 303–304 man, fire as, 70 maṇḍala (body) cakras and, 95–96 concept definition, 206–207n38 in practice of oblation, 193 recipient deities and, 190 in Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra, 184–186 schema of, 208n54 in Vajramālā-tantra, 178–180 Mañjuśrīmūlakalpa, 52, 91, 293, 307 mantras in agnihotra, 382 in gṛhya homa, 154–155 in Kālacakra-tantra, 256–257 quasi-grammatical adaptation of, 346 in saitō goma, 344–345 McCauley, Robert N., 9, 11 “meaningless acts,” rituals as, 10, 349 Michaels, Axel, 39n111 mind, as luminous, 111 Mitrāvaruṇa, 30, 387–388 mixing, ritual change by, 13–14 Miyake, Hitoshi, 340, 341, 346 Mollier, Christine, 3 moon as gateway to celestial worlds, 71 sacrifice rites, 138n8 moral formation, role of ritual in, 19 Mṛtyu, 75–76, 77 mudrā in Agni worship, 258–259, 277 in Chinese homas, 271–272, 274, 275, 277

in eulogy of deities, 135 in hearth design, 94 in homa rituals, 256, 279 in Navarātra homa, 319, 325, 326, 330n20 in Newar Buddhist tradition, 298, 301, 302 in ritual manuals, 18 in Shugendō rituals, 346 vajra-hook, 253 Mukhāgama, 217, 220 mundane and transcendent paths acquisition of three knowledges, 98–101 combined paths, 101–103 formulation and scope of, 97–98 in Śrāvakabhūmi, 107–110 textual comparisons, 110–114 mysterium tremendum, 138n9 Naciketas fire, 75–76 Nara āhuti homa, 304–305 Nattier, Jan, 16 Navarātra homa awakening the goddess, 316–319 magical orientation in, 322–327 meaning/types of rituals, 314–315 offering of the liver, 319–320, 322–323 ritual manuals/manuscripts, 315–316 tanric visualization, 318–319 in Vedic context, 320–322 Nepal. See agnihotra rituals; Kathmandu Valley; Navarātra homa; Newar Buddhist tradition Newar Buddhist tradition abbreviations in homa ritual, 298 Bajrācārya Saṅgha, 293–294 consecration rituals, 296, 305 construction within, 294, 295, 296, 305 esoteric practice, 303–305 historical background/context, 291–293 names/types of homa, 294–295 occasions requiring homa, 295–297 sacred objects, 305 Sahasra āhuti ritual, 299–303 standard homa ritual description, 297–298 textual sources, 293 New Moon Sacrifice, 138n8 nine progressive dwellings, enlightenment through, 101

Index

j 415

nirvāṇa in Buddhist practice, 115, 127, 348, 400n71 material phenomena and, 99 in mundane/transcendent paths, 98, 110 saṃsāra and, 24, 113–114 three fires and, 89 three knowledges and, 99 nonconceptual meditation, 168–172, 176–179, 185, 190, 193, 202n4 oblational fire. See psychosomatic fire oblation oblation rituals, internalization of, 168–169 offerings to Agni, 31, 32n3 ethical qualities of, 118n98 of food, 150–151 to the gods, 78–79 in Kālacakra-tantra tradition, 254 of liver, 319–320, 322–323 made in homas, 2 spit-ox offering, 152–153 in Vedic rituals, 27 order, in rituals, 10 Orzech, Charles D., xv, 27 Otto, Rudolf, 129, 138n9

Jayasena’s Ḍākārṇavahomavidhi, 186–188 Mahāmudrātilaka-tantra, 173–174 nonconceptual meditation, 169 practice of, 193 psychosomatic fire oblation, subtle body in, 168 recipients of, 177–179, 184–186 Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra, 179, 181, 183–186 sexual symbolism in, 171–172 subtle body in, 170–171 textual sources for, 172–173 Vajaḍāka-tantra, 179–180, 182–184, 185–186 Vajramālā-tantra, 174–175 ways of performance, 190–191 Pūjā homa and, 132–133 Vedicization of, 144–145 “Pūjā in Sixteen Steps,” 132 pure and impure, 23, 51, 98, 104–105, 111, 128–130, 133, 242n38, 324 Pure Land traditions, 16, 26, 227–228, 238–239n17, 238n16 purification rites, 59, 134. See also internal purification rites

pañcāgni-vidyā (doctrine of the five fires), 69–72 Papua New Guinea, 14 Parpola, A., 376 Paśupatināth Agnihotra, 30 Patan Agnihotra, 30. See also agnihotra rituals Patan Agniśālā, plan of, 375 pathology, ritual as, 10 Payne, Richard K., 29–30, 51 perception/non-perception, 107–109, 122n179 performance- vs. liturgy-centered ritual, 145–146 “pervasive influence,” 343 Pollock, Sheldon, 5 post-mortem process, 74–75 practice of generosity, 87–88 prescriptive scriptures/texts, 18 psychosomatic fire oblation Ḍākārṇava-tantra, 186–188 internal forms of ritual items, 175–177, 182–184 internalization of ritual items, 192 internalization of standard ritual form, 168–169

Queen of Siddhas, 26, 228–229 rain-cloud, fire as, 70 Rappaport, Roy, 10, 19 religious culture, translocation of rituals between, 1 religious traditions, study of, 20–21 repetitious, rituals as, 10 restorative ritual (rindi kiniya), 14 “Rite of Cakrasaṃvara Fire Sacrifice,” 215 rites, categories of, 25–26 ritual anthropological images of, 7–8 “anti-ritual prejudice,” 13 characteristics/characterization of, 5, 10 definition of, 4 historicality of, 6–12 image as meaningless, 6–9, 349 as invariant, 9–11 sexualization of, 50 systematic changes to, 11 textualization in, 17 varieties of, 12–16

416 i ritual change across the longue durée, 1–2, 6, 16–17, 19, 21–22, 144, 352 dynamics of, 6 examination of, 348–351 by invention, 14–15 by mixing, 13–14 by routinization, 16 syntax in, 145–148, 158, 161n19, 349–350 “ritual eclecticism,” 144 ritual efficacy, 4, 315 ritual failure, 11–12, 15 ritual invariance, 9–11, 14 ritual rules, 48–51, 60–61 ritual spaces, as temporary constructions, 3 ritual studies, homa’s importance in, 1–2 routinization, ritual change by, 16 royal patronage, 392 sacred and profane, 23, 126–127 sacrifices categories of, 79 of food articles, 82 purpose of, 78–79 sacrificial sticks, in homa ritual, 253–254 sādhaka, 325–327 sādhanas, 16, 226, 247 Sahasra āhuti ritual, 294, 297, 299–303 saitō goma appropriating deities, 345–348 development/practice of, 340–342 diagram of, 351 influence and borrowing in, 343–344, 352 mantras used, 344–345 ritual text for, 342–343 Shugendō vs. Shingon traditions, 351–352 syntax in, 350 Śaiva Siddhānta/cosmology, 58–59 Śākta tantric rituals, 324–327 Śakyamuni, 52, 112 Saṃpuṭodbhava-tantra, 179, 181, 183–186 Samuel, Geoffrey, 16 sand, pouring of, 252–253 Sanders, Jeff, 12 Sarvadurgatipariśodhana-tantra, 53–54, 55 Saussure, Ferdinand de, 15, 367n65 Sax, William, 5 Scheffler, Israel, 148

Index Schleiermacher, Friedrich D., 138n9 Schopen, Gregory, 19, 238n17 Seaquist, Carl, 146 secrecy, in esoteric Buddhism, 365–366n41 secret exposition, 96 sect/sectarian, term usage, 39n111 secularization, 7–8 self food as, 82 identification with functions/elements, 81 self-deification, in tantric ritual practice, 50–51 self-purification, in tantric ritual practice, 50–51, 54, 58, 59 self-transformation, 50–51, 54, 56–57, 60–61 sensual pleasures, 86–87, 105–108, 258 Sered, Susan, 13 sexual intercourse, internalization of, 171–172, 175–176 sexual symbolism in Grether’s study, 22 in psychosomatic fire oblation, 171–172, 175–176 Sugiki’s study of, 25 in tantric sex, 50 sexual yoga, 25, 171–172, 175–177, 184, 187, 191–192 Sharf, Robert, 219 Sharrock, P. D., 20 Shingon tradition, 3, 29–30, 219, 268, 338–342, 344–352 Shinohara, Koichi, 270 Shintō tradition, 3, 47, 339, 366n54 Shugendō. See also saitō goma appropriation of homa, 340 connection with esoteric Buddhism, 338–339 Fudō hō structure, 347 Payne’s study of, 29–30 as religious tradition, 337 Siddhas, Queen of, 26, 228–229 Śira āhuti homa, 303–304 “Siva-fire,” 57–58 Skorupski, Tadeusz, xv, 23, 25, 26 Smith, William Robertson, 7 snake worship, 386–387 Snellgrove, David, 215 social context, of agnihotra rituals, 390–395 social practice, of homa rituals, 276–278 social status, of brahmins, 393

Index Solomon, David, 19 soma, 39n116 southern fire, 72, 93 speech, explanations of, 81–82 spit-ox offering, 152–153 śrauta rituals altars in, 151, 156 animals in, 153 in basic format of homa, 148–150 basis of, 321 “meaningless” in, 158, 163n49 non-fire offerings, 156 oblational fire in, 72 officiating brahmins, 376 spit-ox offering, 152–153 tantric, 146 three sacrificial fires in, 78 Śrautasūtras, 144, 374, 377, 380, 386 Śrāvakabhūmi, mundane path in, 107–110 Staal, Frits, 48–49, 146–147, 158, 161n19,  367n65 Stausberg, Michael, 2, 9 Stewart, Pamela J., 6, 14 Strathern, Andrew, 6, 14 Strickmann, Michel, 22, 47, 268 structural functionalism, 12–13 Śubhākarasiṃha, 19, 272, 273, 278 subtle body, 170–171 subtle body yoga, 25, 168, 171, 185, 190–191, 193 Sugiki, Tsunehiko, xv–xvi, 25, 216 sun as final destination of immortality, 77 in Indo-Iranian rituals, 372 Sundberg, Jeffrey, 20 supreme, indestructible gnosis, 26, 247 Susiddhikāra-sūtra, 271–273, 277 symbolism. See also color symbolism; fire/fire sacrifices, symbolism of of liver offering, 327–328 of mountains, 363n2 in ten worlds practice, 339–340 symbolism, of fire Agni’s function in, 68–69 Brahman and, 72–73 cosmic configuration, 84 death/immortality and, 73–77 diverse opinions/speculations on, 67–68

j 417

doctrine of the five fires, 69–72 internal fire sacrifice, 79–84 mystical configuration, 84–85 origin and character of, 68 ritual capacity, 85 scope of, 77–79 three sacrificial fires, 72 syntax, in ritual change, 145–148, 158, 161n19, 349–350 Tachikawa, Musashi, xvi, 23–24 tantra. See also specific tantras as category, 56–57 described/characterized, 325 tantric Buddhism, 20, 27, 307, 339, 346 tantric ritual universe Buddhist tantras, 51–56 Hindu tantras, 56–60 interplay of fire and water in, 47–51 Śākta tantric rituals, 325–327 temporal dimension, of homa, 1 the ten furious kings, 178–180 ten worlds, 339–340 textualization, ritualization and, 17 three sacrificial fires (tetrāgni), 72 throne, of vajra master, 253 Tibetan Tanjur, 214, 215 Tibet/Tibetan Buddhists, 130, 132, 220. See also Aparimitāyus Tikopia, 4 totalities, practice of the ten, 109–110 transcendent path, 110–114 transcendent path, mundane and acquisition of three knowledges, 98–101 combined paths, 101–103 formulation and scope of, 97–98 in Śrāvakabhūmi, 107–110 textual comparisons, 110–114 transformation, of the self, 50–51, 54, 56–57, 60–61 transmission of deity, 227 of homa texts, 226 of teachings, 214, 228 Tuoluoni ji jing, 269–271 the twelve bases of experience, 103, 111, 179–180, 206n33. See also experience typology of borrowing, 343–344

418 i “Ultimate Śakti,” 28 Upaniṣads Brahman identification in, 72–73 on breathing in and out, 83 doctrine of the five fires in, 69–72 food, opinions on, 82 superiority of knowledge in, 80 upasthāna, 151 Urban, Hugh, 324 Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi-sūtra, 18, 19, 53, 232, 234, 250 Vajaḍāka-tantra, 179–180, 182–184, 185–186 Vajrabhairava tantras, 52, 55 vajrācāryas, 242n44, 292, 299, 309n4, 309n13 Vajraḍāka-tantra, 182–184 Vajramālā-tantra, 174–175, 178–179 vajra master’s throne, 253 Vedic fire and sacrifices in agnihotra rituals, 376–377 Agni’s function in, 68–69 Brahman and, 72–73 Buddhist reinterpretation of, 85–88, 267 character and scope of, 77–79 cosmic configuration, 84 death/immortality and, 73–77 diverse opinions/speculations on, 67–68 doctrine of the five fires, 69–72 internal fire sacrifice, 79–84 layout of, 377 meaning/meaninglessness in, 146–147, 158 mystical configuration, 84–85 origin and character of, 68 ritual capacity, 85 rules for, 143 scope of, 77–79 “syntax” patterns in, 146, 158, 161n19 three sacrificial fires, 72 Vedic rituals agnihotra, 30–31, 57, 374 vs. Buddhist rites, 51, 57 characteristics of, 3 death and immortality, 73–75, 77 domestic rites, 49 fire and water rites, 48–51

Index healing rites, 62n21 homa history, 2–3 ritual offerings in, 27 shifts to Brahmanic ritual, 18 śrauta in, 61n4 sun’s nature in, 77 symbolic associations, 23 tantric ritual structure and, 22 textual sources in, 24, 27 three Vedas, 75 Vīṇāśikha-tantra, 59 Verardi, Giovanni, 51 Vimalaprabhā, 26, 246, 248, 308n9 visionary experiences, 16. See also experience Wallace, Vesna A., xvi, 26–27, 28, 55 Wasson, Gordon, 39n116 water. See also fire and water rites as female element, 50 in internal and external rites, 52–53 Water-of-Life, 59 Wayman, Alex, 38n101 White, David, 57 Wilson, Monica, 6, 13 Witzel, Michael, xvi, 30–31, 48, 49, 57, 138n10, 321 Wolfe, Eric, 7 woman, fire as, 70 Wrathful Deities, 52, 55, 228 yajamānī, role of, 393 yantra, 29, 314, 316–319, 325–327, 373 yasna, 2–3, 22, 48, 49, 372 Yaśogupta, homa ritual translation of, 269 Yi Xing, 19, 271, 278 yoga. See deity yoga; sexual yoga; subtle body yoga Yogācārabhūmi (Buddhist text), 16 yonder world, fire as, 70 Zen Buddhism, ritual traditions and, 8–9 Zoroastrianism, 2, 22, 47–49, 62n14, 225, 372. See also yasna Zürcher, Erik, 30, 343–344, 352