History, Prophecy, and the Stars: The Christian Astrology of Pierre d'Ailly, 1350-1420 9781400887323

Table of contents :
Contents
Illustrations
Acknowledgments
1. Introduction
2. The Medieval Debate about Astrology
3. The Making of an Astrologer: The Development of Pierre d’Ailly’s Thought on the Stars
4. Astrology and the Narration of History
5. The Great Schism and the Coming of the Apocalypse
6. Astrology and the Postponement of the End
7. The Concordance of Astrology and Theology
Appendix 1. A Note on the Availability of d’Ailly’s Writings on Astrology
Appendix 2. A Chronology of d’Ailly’s Works Dealing with Astrology
Abbreviations
Notes
Select Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

HISTORY, PROPHECY, AND THE STARS

Theologian and astrologer in harmonious discussion. From Pierre d'Ailly, Concordantia astronomic cum theologia. Concordat!tin astronomie cum hysterica

narratione. Et elucidarium duorum precedentium. (Augsburg: Erhard Ratdolt, 1490),

verso of the title page.

HISTORY, PROPHECY, AND THE STARS

THE

CHRISTIAN OF PIERRE

ASTROLOGY D'AILLY,

1350-1420

Laura Ackerman

P R I N C E T O N

U N I V E R S I T Y

P R E S S

Smoller

P R I N C E T O N ,

N E W

J E R S E Y

C o p y r ig h t © 1994 b y P r in c e to n U n iv e r sity P ress P ublished by Princeton U niversity Press, 41 W illiam Street, P rin ceto n , N e w J e rs e y 08540 In the U n ite d K ingdom : P rin c eto n U niversity Press, C hichester, W est Sussex All R ig h ts R eserved Library o f Congress C ataloging-in-P ublication D ata Sm oller, Laura A ckerm an, 1 9 6 0 H istory, prophecy, and the stars : th e C hristian astrology o f Pierre d ’Ailly, 1350—1420 / Laura A ckerm an Sm oller. p. cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISB N 0-69 1 -0 8 7 8 8 -1 (alk, paper) I. Ailly, Pierre d ’, 1350—1420?— C o n trib u tio n s m astrology. 2. Astrology-—History. 3. O ccultism — R eligious aspects— C hristianity— H istory. I. T itle. B F1679.8.A 453S56 1994 133.5'092— dc20 93-44907 T his b o o k has been com posed in M o n o ty p e B cm b o Prin ceto n U niversity Press books are p rin te d on acid-free pap er and m ee t the guidelines for p erm anence and durability o f th e C o m m itte e on P ro d u c tio n G uidelines for B o o k L ongevity o f the C o u n c il o n Library R esources P n n te d in the U n ite d States o f A m erica 1

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Princeton Legacy Library edition 2017 Paperback ISBN: 978-0-691-60051-2 Hardcover ISBN: 978-0-691-65431-7

For B r u c e

Contents

L ist o f Illu stration s

ix

A ckn ow ledgm en ts

xi

Chapter One In tro d u c tio n

3

Chapter Tw o T h e M e d ie v a l D e b a te a b o u t A stro lo g y

25

Chapter Three T h e M a k in g o f an A stro lo g er: T h e D e v e lo p m e n t o f P ie rre d ’A illy ’s T h o u g h t o n th e Stars

43

Chapter Four A stro lo g y a n d th e N a rra tio n o f H isto ry

61

Chapter Five T h e G re a t S chism an d th e C o m in g o f th e A po calypse

85

Chapter Six A strolo g y an d th e P o s tp o n e m e n t o f th e E n d

102

Chapter Seven T h e C o n c o rd a n c e o f A stro lo g y a n d T h e o lo g y

122

Appendix I A N o te o n th e A vailability o f d ’A illy’s W ritin g s o n A stro lo g y

131

Appendix 2 A C h ro n o lo g y o f d ’A illy’s W o rk s D e a lin g w ith A stro lo g y

136

A bbrevia tio n s

138

N otes

139

Select B ibliograph y

209

Index

227

Illustrations

T h e o lo g ia n a n d a stro lo g e r in h a rm o n io u s discu ssio n . F ro m P ie rre d ’Ailly, Concordantia astronomie cum thcologia. Concordantia astronomic cum hystorica narratione. E t elucidamun duorum precedentium (A u g sb u rg : E rh a rd R a td o lt, 1490), v erso o f th e title p ag e. (By p e rm issio n o f th e R a re B o o k s a n d M a n u sc rip ts D iv isio n , T h e N e w Y o rk P u b lic L ibrary, A sto r, L e n o x an d T ild e n F o u n d a tio n s) Frontispiece F ig u re I. A sc h e m a tic re p re se n ta tio n o f th e e p ic y c le -d e fe re n t system . F ro m a fifte e n th -c e n tu ry G e rm a n tran sla tio n o f S a c ro b o s c o ’s D e sphera. (T h e P ie r p o n t M o rg a n L ibrary, N e w Y o rk . M 7 2 2 , fol. 18r) F ig u re 2. C h ris t’s n a tiv ity ch art. F ro m P ie rre d ’A illy, Tractatus de imagine m undi et varia ejusdem auctoris etJoannis Cersonis opuscula (L o u v ain : J o h a n n d e W estp h alia, ca. 1 4 8 3 ), fol. ee2v. (By p e rm issio n o f th e H o u g h to n L ibrary, H a rv a rd U n iv ersity ) F ig u re 3. S a tu rn -J u p ite r c o n ju n c tio n s . A fte r J o h n D . N o r th , in Centaurus 24 (1980): 187 F ig u re 4. T h e h o ro s c o p e o f C re a tio n fro m th e Vigintiloquium. F ro m P ie rre d ’A illy, Tractatus de imagine m undi et varia ejusdem auctoris etJoannis Gersonis opuscula (L o u v ain : J o h a n n d e W estp h a lia , ca. 14 8 3 ), fol. [b b 5 rj. (B y p e r­ m ission o f th e H o u g h to n L ibrary, H a rv a rd U n iv e rsity )

14

18 21

67

A cknow ledgm ents

I h a v e in c u rre d m a n y d eb ts to in d iv id u als a n d in stitu tio n s in th e co u rse o f w r it­ in g this b o o k , a n d it gives m e p leasu re to b e able to a c k n o w le d g e th e m h e re . I have h a d th e o p p o r tu n ity to w o r k at th re e e x c e lle n t libraries. T o th e sta ff o f th e H o u g h to n L ib rary at H a rv a rd , I o w e a special th an k s fo r th e ir k in d a n d a tte n tiv e responses to in n u m e ra b le req u ests fo r in fo rm a tio n a n d m aterials. Sim ilarly, th e librarians fro m th e R a r e B o o k s a n d M a n u sc rip ts D iv isio n o f th e N e w Y o rk P u b lic L ib rary o fte n w e n t b e y o n d th e call o f d u ty in re trie v in g lo st o r m iscatalo g u e d b o o k s fo r m e . Finally, I m u st express m y g ra titu d e to S onia M oss o f th e In tc rlib ra ry L o a n 'O ffice at S ta n fo rd U n iv e rs ity ’s G re e n L ib rary fo r h e r c o u rte ­ ous a tte n tio n to m y n u m e ro u s qu eries. T o J e a n - P ie r r e C o d a c c io m o f th e B ib lio th e q u e M u n ic ip a le o f M arseilles, a n d to M a ria n Z w ie rc a n o f th e B ib lio te k a Jag iello n sk a in C ra c o w , I am d e ep ly gratefu l fo r th e ir g e n e ro sity in p ro v id in g m e w ith copies o f m an u scrip ts o f d ’A illy ’s w o rk s. I also o w e m y th an k s to D r. Ju lia n P la n te o f th e H ill M o n a stic M a n u sc rip t L ib rary fo r his assistance in p ro c u rin g fo r m e m ic ro film co p ies o f tw o m an u scrip ts fro m th e O ste rre ic h isc h e N a tio n a lb ib lio th e k in th e lib ra ry ’s film c o lle c tio n , as w ell as to th e p h o to g ra p h ic d iv isio n o f th e B ib lio th e q u e N a tionale m P an s. A n u m b e r o f scholars h av e b e e n k in d e n o u g h to discuss this w o r k w ith m e, and I a m g reatly in d e b te d to th e m fo r th e ir ad vice a n d c o m m e n ts. Professors A n th o n y G ra fto n o f P rin c e to n an d Ja m e s H a n k in s o f H a rv a rd rea d p o rtio n s o f m y m a n u s c rip t in its earliest v e rsio n . T h e y are b o th d u e special th a n k s fo r th e ir critical suggestions. S o, to o , am I g ratefu l to th e a n o n y m o u s rev ie w ers at P rin c e ­ to n U n iv e rsity Press fo r th e ir careful read in g s o f m y m a n u sc rip t a n d fo r th e ir p e rc e p tiv e a n d e x tre m e ly h e lp fu l criticism s. B ria n M a c D o n a ld e d ite d th e m a n u ­ script w ith an eye far m o re p e rc e p tiv e th a n m y o w n , a n d I th a n k h im fo r his in te llig e n t p re c isio n . I o w e an e n o rm o u s d e b t to P ro fesso r N o e l S w e rd lo w o f th e U n iv e rsity o f C h ic a g o . H e has g e n e ro u sly sh ared his tim e a n d his e x p ertise w ith m e a n d saved m e fro m a n u m b e r o f te c h n ic a l e rro rs. Finally, I can express o nly in a d e q u a te ly m y g ra titu d e to P rofessors S tev en O z m e n t a n d J o h n M u r d o c h o f H a rv a rd U n iv e rsity , w h o saw this p ro je c t th ro u g h fro m its b e g in n in g s as m y d o c to ra l d issertatio n . T h e y h av e b e e n e x e m p la ry m e n to rs a n d e d ito rs, as w e ll as k in d a n d c a rin g advisors. W ith o u t th ese tw o m e n ’s a tte n tiv e su p erv isio n , th e w ritin g o f m y thesis w o u ld n o t h av e b e e n th e rich ly re w a rd in g e x p e rie n c e th a t it was. T o m y lo n g -su ffe rin g fam ily, I o ffer b o th th an k s and ap o logies fo r th e m an y h o u rs in w h ic h m y m in d w as a b so rb e d in m e d ie v a l astrology. I a m in d e b te d in

m any ways to m y parents, w ho have always encouraged and supported m y aca­ dem ic pursuits. M y tw o sons, Jason and Gabriel, have patiently p u t up w ith m y typing at the co m p uter and w ith distracted responses to their questions. T o m y husband, B ruce, I ow e the most gratitude, for his support and encouragem ent th ro u g h o u t the years, for his enthusiasm for m y w ork, and for reading m y m anuscript w ith his incom parable penetrating insight. Stanford, California September 2 7 , 1 9 9 3

HISTORY, PROPHECY, AND TH E STARS

C H A PTE R ONE

I n t r o d u c t io n

y e a r s ag o C h ris to p h e r C o lu m b u s set sail across th e A tlan tic O c e a n w ith th e h o p e o f re a c h in g th e In d ies. Scholars h av e trad itio n a lly d e p ic te d C o lu m b u s as a d isc o v e re r, an e n lig h te n e d a d v e n tu re r w h o se “n e w ” g e o g ra p h y and n av ig a tio n a l skills h e lp e d u sh e r in th e m o d e m a g e .' M o re re c e n t au th o rs have a rg u e d th a t th e desire fo r p lu n d e r a n d g lo ry w as a m a jo r m o tiv a tio n b e h in d his v o y ag es.2 Y e t C o lu m b u s w as also s tirre d b y a cu rio u s b le n d o f astrological p ro g n o stic a tio n s a n d ap o c a ly p tic ferv o r. As h e e x p la in e d in a le tte r to his p a tro n s F e rd in a n d an d Isabella o f S p ain , astro lo g y d ic ta te d th a t th e w o rld w o u ld e n d u re only so m e 155 years to c o m e . P re c e d in g its d e stru c tio n , h o w e v e r, C o lu m b u s to ld th e m o n a rc h s, all o f th e races o f th e w o rld w o u ld b e c o n v e rte d to C h ristia n ­ ity. H e saw his o w n v o y ag es as p a rt o f th e u n iv ersal m issio n iz in g o f th e last days.3 C o lu m b u s ’s ideas w e re n e ith e r th e ran tin g s o f a w ild g en iu s n o r th e fla tterin g p ro p ag a n d a o f a sk illed c o u rtie r. H is v isio n o f th e e n d o f th e w o rld a n d its astrologically d e te rm in e d tim e cam e fro m th e sam e v o lu m e in w h ic h h e fo u n d th e excessively sm all e stim a te o f th e e a rth ’s c irc u m fe re n c e th a t e m b o ld e n e d h im to u n d e rta k e his jo u r n e y . C o lu m b u s ’s so u rc e w as a c o lle c tio n o f treatises b y th e F re n c h sch o lar a n d c h u rc h m a n P ie rre d ’A illy (1350—1420), p rin te d in L o u v a in in 1483 u n d e r th e title Tractatus de imagine m undi et varia ejusdem auctoris etJoannis Gersonis opuscula (T reatise o n th e im a g e o f th e w o rld , a n d v ario u s w o rk s b y th e sam e a u th o r an d b y J e a n G e rso n ). In th a t v o lu m e C o lu m b u s fo u n d b o th g e o ­ graphical w o rk s a n d treatises d e a lin g w ith astro logy an d th e e n d o f th e w o rld . H e rea d a n d a n n o ta te d th e m all a n d o b v io u sly a b so rb e d th e ir m e a n in g , e n o u g h so to b e lie v e th a t h e was liv in g n e a r th e e n d o f tim e a n d to see his v o yages in th a t c o n te x t.4 T o fin d C o lu m b u s d a b b lin g in astro lo g y m a y b e su rp risin g to m an y ; it m a y b e ev en m o re sh o c k in g , h o w e v e r, to le a rn th a t th e so u rc e fo r his star lo re w as a n o te d card in al a n d th e o lo g ia n . T o sp eak o f astrology to d a y g en era tes m ain ly neg ativ e im ag es o f b an al ad v ice c o lu m n s in n e w sp ap e rs, ch arlatans p re te n d in g to foresee th e fu tu re , o r N e w A g e w itc h e s a b so rb e d in an e n g a g in g w o rld o f m a k e b e lie v e .5 A n d y e t th e r e w as a tim e w h e n astro lo g y w as c o n sid e re d a science, e v en th e h ig h e st o f sciences, cap ab le o f assisting th e n o b le stu d y o f th e o lo g y . S uch w as th e v ie w o f th e stars p re s e n te d b y C o lu m b u s ’s in te lle c tu a l p r o g e n ito r P ie rre d ’A illy, a n d h e w as n o t alo n e in his beliefs. D ’A illy w as a carefu l m a n , o n e w h o p rid e d h im s e lf o n th e m o d e ra tio n o f his o p in io n s, typical o f his age. Far fro m b e in g an e m b a rra ssm e n t o r an a n o m a ly in his use o f astrology, d ’A illy sto o d squarely w ith in a tra d itio n a l an d ra tio n a l v ie w o f th e w o rld . F iv e h u n d r e d

W hat makes d ’A illy both so unusual and so interesting is the fact that he left an abundant record o f his opinions about astrology. W hereas m ost astrologers com posed o n ly prognostications and textb ook s, d ’A illy’s w orks are as m uch justifications o f the science as they are exam ples o f its use. In serm ons, lectures, and treatises, d ’ Ai l l y detailed and defended his ev o lv in g view s on the stars. D ’A illy lived during a tim e in w h ich b e lie f in the p ow er o f the stars flourished despite religious and scientific objections to astrology. H e understood w ell the paradoxes in volved in the acceptance o f astrology, for he was familiar w ith both theological and rational arguments against the science. N everth eless, d ’A illy cam e to embrace the science o f the stars. T h rou gh his exam ple, w e m ay under­ stand a tim e w h en even the best minds turned to astrology for advice. D ’A illy ’s ideas about the stars w ere related to his changing interpretations o f the Great Schism (1378—1414), that horrendous division o f w estern C hristen­ d om that pitted first tw o , then three, rival popes and their follow ers against each other. In an age filled w ith troubles, it was the salient crisis. In the early years o f the Schism , d’A illy v iew ed the situation strictly in accordance w ith Scripture. H e deplored the lack o f peace in the church and assum ed, fo llo w in g the standard interpretation o f 2 Thessalonians, that the Schism signaled the approach o f A n ti­ christ. Even as d ’A illy preached the likely im m in en ce o f the End, he stressed that this event could n ot b e predicted by any hum an m eans, and certainly n o t by astrology. W ith the passage o f tim e, h ow ever, and the lo n g duration o f the Schism w ith o u t A ntichrist’s having appeared, d ’A illy began to revise his interpretation o f the situation. Increasingly he becam e hopeful that hum an efforts (w ith divine assistance) w o u ld bring the Schism to an end. W ith peace restored and the church reform ed, he believed, the apocalypse w o u ld be forestalled. Γη the years b etw een 1400 and 1414— the latter m arking the o p en in g o f the C o u n c il o f C onstance, w h ich healed the Schism — d ’A illy form ulated and refined his n e w v ie w o f the crisis. H e read deeply in apocalyptic literature, seek in g to discover ifh is o w n tim es w ere in d eed the final days. A n d he turned to astrology. In 1414, d ’A illy produced the culm ination o f his astrological studies: the p rediction that Antichrist w o u ld arrive in the year 1789. T h e End was n ot at hand, and astrol­ ogy had confirm ed d’A illy’s n e w v ie w o f events. It was a m essage o f com fort for those w h o feared the apocalypse and h ope for those w h o sou gh t to heal the divided church. D ’A illy’s exam ple adds an interesting chapter to the history o f astrology in the M iddle A ges, a subject that o n ly recently has begun to receive serious scholarly attention. D espite such notable excep tions as Lynn T h o rn d ik e’s m onum ental A H istory o f Magic and Experim ental Science, previous generations o f historians o f science had preferred to concentrate o n d evelopm ents in m edieval astronomy rather than on w hat G eorge Sarton term ed “superstitious flotsam .” After O tto N eu geb au er’s 1951 plea for “the study o f w retched subjects,” h ow ever, b oth

N c u g e b a u c r an d a n u m b e r o f fo llo w ers b eg an to in c o rp o ra te astrological texts in to th e in v e stig a tio n o f a s tro n o m y ’s h isto ry .6 T h e se scholars h a v e p ro d u c e d h ig h ly te c h n ic a l w o rk s ably d e m o n s tra tin g th e co m p le x ities o f m ed iev al a stro n ­ o m y a n d firm ly estab lish in g a stro lo g y ’s p lace as an im p o rta n t aspect o f th a t sci­ en ce. T h r o u g h th e ir ex te n siv e stu d y o f th e h isto ry o f astrology, th e y have p o in te d o u t th e lines o f tran sm issio n w h e re b y In d ia n and Sassanian star lo re (itself in flu e n c e d b y G re e k astrology) p e n e tra te d in to th e m ed iev al W est. A n u m b e r o f n o ta b le a u th o rs have c o m b in e d th e stu d y o f m ed iev al a stro n ­ o m y w ith th a t o f astrology. E . S. K e n n e d y a n d D a v id P in g re e , fo r e x am p le, h av e elu c id a te d b o th th e so u rces o f a n d th e m a th e m atic s u n d e rg ird in g so m e o f th e m o re im p o rta n t m ed ie v a l A rabic astrological tex ts, w o rk s th a t in th e ir L atin translatio n s h ad a g reat in flu e n c e in E u ro p e . T o g e th e r th e y have re c o n stru c te d th e lost astro lo g ical h isto ry o f th e e ig h th -c e n tu ry Je w ish a stro lo g e r M a sh a ’allah (M essahalla to th e L atin W est). Sim ilarly, P in g re e has p ie c e d to g e th e r th e traces o f a m issin g w o r k b y th e im p o rta n t n in th - c e n tu r y a stro lo g er A b u M a ’shar (A lb u m asar).7 J o h n D . N o r th has a u th o re d fascin ating studies o f th e fo u rte e n th c e n tu ry a stro lo g e r R ic h a r d o f W a llin g fo rd an d o f th e v aried uses o f astro lo g y by C h a u c e r, as w e ll as d e sc rip tio n s o f v ario u s aspects o f m e d iev a l astrology.8 N o o n e can re a d these w o rk s w ith o u t an a p p re c ia tio n o f w h a t a so p h istic ate d a n d d e m a n d in g scien ce w as p ra c tic e d b y th e m e d ie v a l astrologers. J u s t as h isto rian s o f scien ce h a d te n d e d to v ie w astro lo g y as a su p erstitio n u n w o rth y o f th e ir n o tic e , so to o , m ed iev al h isto rian s o fte n se e m e d to re g ard astrolo g y as an a b e rra n t set o f beliefs w h o se p ersisten ce h ad to b e ex p lain ed . H e n c e , m a n y a u th o rs w h o c o n sid e re d m e d ie v a l star lo re sh o w e d less in te re st in th e p ra c tic e o f astro lo g y th a n in th e p re v a ilin g a ttitu d e s to w a rd th e science, p articu larly th o se o f m e d ie v a l th e o lo g ia n s. W h ile th e ir studies nicely illu m in a te th e C a th o lic c h u r c h ’s resp o n se to astrology, th e y say little a b o u t th e o p in io n s o f p erson s w h o actu ally c o n su lte d th e stars.9 O th e r scholars w e re in te re ste d in the v iew s o f th o se fe w th in k e rs w h o to tally re p u d ia te d astrology, p resu m a b ly fin d ­ in g in th e ir sk ep ticism a p r o g e n ito r o f m o d e rn rationalism . H e r b e r t P ru c k n e r in 1933 an d G . W . C o o p la n d in 1952 p ro d u c e d a n n o ta te d e d itio n s o f a n ti-a stro ­ logical treatises fro m th e fo u rte e n th c e n tu ry .10 A lth o u g h e x tre m e ly v aluable, these e d itio n s d o n o t sh e d lig h t o n th e m a n y p e o p le w h o b e lie v e d in astrology. In fact, th e y rev eal less o f th e tru e p lace o f astro logy th a n d o th e surveys o f th e c h u rc h ’s a ttitu d e s a b o u t th e stars. A n d a c a ta lo g u e o f fam o u s astrologers c o m ­ p ile d in th e la te fifte e n th c e n tu ry b y th e astro lo g e r S y m o n d e P h ares, a lth o u g h p u b lish e d in 1929 b y E rn e s t W ic k e rs h e im e r, has u n til re c e n tly re c e iv e d little a tte n tio n .11 T h u s, w h ile h isto rian s o f scien ce h av e illu m in a te d th e details o f m ed iev al astrological calcu latio n s an d h isto rian s h av e e x p lo re d th e debates a b o u t th e stars, m an y q u e stio n s a b o u t th e appeal o f astro lo g y in th e M id d le A ges a n d th e e x te n t o f its p ra c tic e h av e re m a in e d u n a n sw e re d . R e c e n tly , a h a n d fu l o f a u th o rs have b e g u n to address su c h issues. S. J. T ester, in A History o f Western Astrology, a t-

tem pts to discern b ro ad patterns in th e use o f th e stars fro m a n c ie n t G re ec e th ro u g h m o d e m tim es. 12 H e gives lu cid descriptions o f the m a jo r texts in th e hjstory o f astrology, y e t th e b ro a d scope o f his w o rk and his o w n tra in in g as a classicist p reclu d e a th o ro u g h analysis o f astrology’s role in th e M id d le Ages. Valerie F lint has ex a m in e d clerical attitudes a b o u t astrology a n d m agic in th e early M iddle Ages, arguing th at c h u rc h m e n in fact b o lstered th e study o f astrol­ ogy in o rd e r to c o m b at m o re “ d an g ero u s” m agical practices. 13 M ax im e P reau d has lo o k e d at th e lives o f late m edieval astrologers, e x a m in in g b o th th e ir p rac ­ tices an d th e circum stances o f th e ir careers.14 H ilary C are y has in v estig ated th e use o f astrology in E nglish c o u rt society in th e later M id d le Ages. S he suggests, h o w ev er, th a t astrology m ay have had a m u c h g rea ter h o ld in Italy an d France, so h e r data m ay have n o real significance th e r e .15 T h e case o f P ierre d ’Ailly, th e n , stands to reveal to us som e g e n u in e n e w insights in to th e appeal o f astrology in th e later M id d le Ages. B ecause d ’Ailly w ro te so extensively o n th e to p ic, w e have an in -d e p th re c o rd o f o n e m a n ’s reactions to th e study o f th e stars. B ecause h e w as “ c o n v e rte d ” to astrology late m his life, his w ritings give us an idea o f w h y a p erso n w o u ld tu rn to th e stars for k n ow led g e. F o r th e sam e reason, d ’A illy’s w o rk s illustrate a practical p ro g ram o f study in astrology. Ju st as his exam ple d em o n strates why a person w o u ld b e c o m e in volv ed w ith astrology, it also show s how o n e w o u ld g o a b o u t g ain in g th e necessary k n o w led g e. Finally, because d ’A illy w as a m a n o f g reat p ro m in e n c e in ecclesiastical and intellectual circles, w e can k n o w th a t his o p in io n s a b o u t th e stars w e re safe. D ’A illy em b raced an d pub licly ad v o cated th e use o f astrology at th e same tim e th a t he played a leading ro le at th e C o u n c il o f C o n sta n c e , his greatest political triu m p h . I f astrology w e re n o t a p a rt o f m ain stream th o u g h t, d ’Ailly w o u ld n o t have p reach ed an astrological se rm o n at C o n sta n c e .16 A lth o u g h m an y aspects o f his career have re c e iv ed a b u n d a n t scholarly a tte n ­ tio n , d ’A illy’s astrological pursuits have largely b ee n ig n o re d o r m isu n d ersto o d . O f d ’A illy’s th re e m o d e rn biographers, tw o , Paul T sch a ck e rt an d L ouis S alem bier, seem em barrassed b y th e cardinal’s in terest in th e stars and discuss his astro­ logical treatises only to c o n d e m n th e ir “ su p erstitious” c o n te n ts.17 T h e th ird , B ern ard G u e n e e , co rrectly links d ’A illy’s p u rsu it o f astrology to his an x iety ab o u t th e fu tu re , b u t h e fails to see th e changes in d ’A illy’s th in k in g a b o u t b o th th e stars and th e apocalypse.18 S om e scholars have m isread d ’A illy e n tire ly and have placed h im in th e cam p o f astrology’s o p p o n e n ts, confused, u n d e rsta n d ­ ably, by th e title o f d ’A illy’s m ost im p o rta n t defense o f astrology, D e legibus et seeds contra supersdtiosos astronomos (O n th e laws and th e sects, against th e super­ stitious astrologers) .19 M ost, h o w ev er, have passed o v e r d ’A illy’s astrological interests entirely to focus o n such topics as his philosophy, his th eo lo g y , his political th o u g h t and activities, an d his g eographical w ritin g s.20 A d m ittedly, d ’Ailly is best k n o w n fo r his ro le at th e C o u n c il o f C o n stan ce and fo r his a rtic u ­ lation o f th e co n ciliar theo ries th at m ade th e g a th e rin g possible. F ew persons, h o w e v e r, have reco g n ized th e im p o rta n c e o f astrological a n d apocalyptic n o -

d o n s in d ’A illy ’s v ie w o f th e Schism . T h e S ch ism u n d o u b te d ly p ro v id e d th e o ccasio n for th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f co n c ilia r th e o ries th at fo resh a d o w e d la te r c o n ­ stitu tio n a l m o n a rc h ie s. B u t b y fo cu sin g m erely o n th e b irth o f these n o tio n s, scholars m a y fail to see th a t these ideas w e re d riv e n b y an u rg e n t c o n c e rn th a t th e E n d m ig h t b e at h an d . F ro m d ’A illy ’s e x am p le, th e n , astro lo g y em erges as an in teg ral p a rt o f th e rational v ie w o f th e w o rld in th e fo u rte e n th a n d fifte en th cen tu ries. T h e b e lie f th at th e h e a v e n ly b o d ies h ad so m e so rt o f in flu en ce o n th e e arth b e lo w w as ju s t as perv asiv e as th e n o tio n th a t G o d h ad a plan fo r th e w o rld ’s destiny. A t th e tim e th a t d ’A illy p lu n g e d in to th e stu d y o f astrology, h e w as deep ly in te re ste d in th e w o r ld ’s fate. Q u ite n atu rally he tu rn e d to S c rip tu re an d p ro p h e c y for in fo r­ m a tio n , b u t also eq u ally n atu rally h e lo o k e d to astrology. D ’Ailly saw astrology n o t as a m agical art b y w h ic h h e c o u ld m a n ip u la te th e fu tu re co urse o f th e w o rld b u t ra th e r as a ratio n al scien ce b y w h ic h h e c o u ld discern th e b ro a d p atte rn s o f earthly ev en ts. T h e g re a t n u m b e rs o f p e o p le w h o used astrology in m e d ic in e , in m a k in g th e ir business decisions, an d fo r p o litical advice m u st h av e b eliev ed , also, th a t th e y w e re tu r n in g to scien ce fo r k n o w le d g e . P ierre d ’A illy w as b o r n in C o m p ie g n e in 1350 o r 1351, th e ch ild o f p ro sp ero u s b o u rg e o is p a re n ts.21 A ch ild o f o b v io u s in tellectu al talen t, he w as sen t to Paris to study in 1363 o r 1364, w h e re h e e n ro lle d in th e C o lle g e o f N a v a rre o f th e U n iv e rsity o f Paris. D ’A illy re c e iv e d th e licen tiate in arts in 1367 an d b e c a m e a stu d e n t in th e faculty o f th e o lo g y in S e p te m b e r 1368, d u rin g w h ic h tim e h e also ta u g h t in th e facu lty o f arts. A fter six years o f “a u d itio n ” (atten d in g lectures) in th eo lo g y , d ’A illy le c tu re d o n th e B ib le in th e years 1374—76 an d o n P e te r L o m ­ b a rd ’s Sentences (th e stan d ard te x tb o o k o f th e o lo g y ) in 1376—77. T h e n , after fo u r years o f re q u ire d serm o n s, lectu res, an d d isp u tatio n s, d ’A illy re c e iv e d th e licentia docendi (license to teach) a n d b e c a m e a d o c to r o f th e o lo g y in A pril 1 3 8 1 . D ’A illy d istin g u ish e d h im s e lf n o t m erely academ ically in th o se years. In 1372 he was e le c te d p r o c to r o f th e F re n c h “ n a tio n ” (the faculty o f arts w as d iv id ed in to fo u r “ n a tio n s ” a c c o rd in g to th e s tu d e n t’s o rig in ). A n d in 1379 h e w as e n ­ tru ste d w ith th e j o b o f c a rry in g th e rotulus o f th e F re n c h “ n a tio n ” to P o p e C le m e n t V II in A v ig n o n . D ’A illy e a rn e d th e friendship o f tw o p o w e rfu l m e n close to th e F re n c h c ro w n , J e a n de la G ra n g e an d P h ilip p e de M ezieres. A suite o f h o n o rs e n su e d , as d ’A illy b e c a m e c a n o n o f th e cath ed ral c h a p te r o f N o y o n in 1381, r e c to r o f th e C o lle g e o f N a v a rre in 1384, ch aplain to th e k in g in M a rc h 1389, a n d c h a n c e llo r o f th e U n iv e rsity o f Paris in O c to b e r 1389. D ’A illy o b ­ tain e d p ro m in e n c e in th e years 1385—87 as h e successfully p le a d e d th e u n iv e r­ sity’s case in th e affairs o f j e a n B la n c h a rd , th e c o rru p t c h a n c e llo r o f th e u n iv e r­ sity, an d J u a n d e M o n z o n , w h o se d en ial o f th e Im m ac u late C o n c e p tio n th e un iv ersity so u g h t to c o n d e m n .22 T w o factors c o m p lic a te d d ’A illy’s c a re e r in th e years after h e c o m p le te d his d o c to ra te , S chism in th e c h u rc h an d in fig h tin g in th e F re n c h royal ho u se. F ro m

1309 to 1378, th e years o f th e so-called B ab y lo nian C aptivity, th e papacy was cen tered n o t in R o m e , b u t in A v ignon, w h e re it w as p e rc e iv e d to b e a to o l o f the F rench c ro w n . P o p e G reg o ry X I re tu rn e d th e H o ly See to R o m e in 1377, b u t died th e fo llo w in g M arch . U n d e r inten se pressure fro m th e R o m a n p o p u ­ lace, th e college o f cardinals elected th e Italian archbishop o f Bari to su cceed G reg o ry as U rb a n V I. F o u r m o n th s later tw elv e o f th e sixteen cardinals re p u d i­ ated U rb a n ’s electio n and chose in his stead th e F ren c h m a n R o b e r t o f G en ev a, w h o to o k residence in A vig n o n as C le m e n t V II. N e ith e r elec tio n w as clearly valid, and b o th popes steadfastly refused to step d o w n . T h e Schism c o n tin u e d w ith U rb a n ’s an d C le m e n t’s successors; th e ab o rtiv e C o u n c il o f Pisa o f 1409 added y et a th ird line o f popes. C h riste n d o m was d iv id ed fo r nearly fo rty years u n til th e C o u n c il o f C o n stan ce at last deposed all th e rival claim ants and elected one universally reco g n ized p o p e. R eactio n s to th e Schism fell p red ictab ly alo n g political lines. France an d its allies su p p o rted th e A vignonese popes, w h ile E ngland and th e em p ire gave th e ir allegiance to U rb a n and his successors. In Paris, th e university w as u n d e r intense pressure to fo llo w th e c ro w n ’s lead, an d it relu ctantly gave its approval to C le m ­ ent. M ean w h ile, in 1380, th e F ren ch k in g C harles V died, leaving a m in o r son, C harles V I, to succeed him . France w as ru led b y C h a rle s’s th re e p o w e rfu l u n ­ cles, all su pporters o f C le m e n t V II. C harles to o k his o w n p o w e r in 1388, y et ruled o n ly fo u r years b efo re suffering th e first o f a series o f b o u ts o f insanity. O n c e again C harles’s uncles, th e dukes o f B erry and B u rg u n d y , to o k c o n tro l. In 1394, th e A ragonese cardinal P e d ro de la L u n a su cceeded C le m e n t V II as B e n ­ edict X III; th e F ren ch princes w e re d iv id ed in th e ir allegiance to th e Spaniard. By 1403 th e re was o u trig h t civil w a r in France b e tw e e n L ouis, d u k e o f O rlean s (the k in g ’s b ro th e r), and Je a n sans P eu r, son o f th e d u k e o f B erry. F o r b e tte r o r w orse, d ’A illy had aligned h im se lf w ith th e party o f O rleans and B en ed ict; w h e n th eir fortunes w a n e d , he was fo rced to q u it Paris, as in 1395 and in 1407. T h e k in g sent d ’A illy as an em issary to g re e t B e n e d ic t u p o n his electio n in 1394. B e n e d ic t o p en ly co u rte d C harles’s rep resentative and g ran ted d ’Ailly th e bishoprics o f Le P u y in 1395 and N o y o n in 1396, befo re n am in g h im to h e ad th e en o rm o u s diocese o f C am brai in 1397. In 1398, in an a tte m p t to force B e n ed ic t to resign th e papacy, France w ith d re w o b e d ien c e fro m th e A v ignonese pontiff. D ’Ailly, n o w p erc e iv e d as B e n e d ic t’s to o l, p ru d e n tly stayed aw ay from Paris u n til F re n c h o b e d ien ce was re sto re d in 1403. A fter re p e a te d efforts to secure th e resignations o f th e tw o rival popes had failed, d ’A illy b ro k e w ith B e n e d ic t in 1408. In 1409, he th re w in his lo t w ith th e dissident cardinals w h o m e t at th e C o u n c il o f Pisa, w h o d eclared the tw o rival popes d ep o sed and elected a th ird claim ant, A lex an d er V. It w as A le x a n d er’s successor, J o h n X X III, w h o n am e d d ’Ailly cardinal in 1411; in 1413 he sent d ’A illy to G erm an y as papal legate. In this capacity d ’A illy arrived at th e C o u n c il o f C o n stan ce in 1414, w h e re he w as in stru m en tal in th e c o u n c il’s successful re so lu tio n o f th e Schism . A fter his final triu m p h at C o n stan ce, d ’A illy re tire d to A v ig n o n as legate fo r th e n e w p o p e M artin V. H e d ied th e re o n A ugust 9, 1420.

I f d ’A illy ’s p u b lic ca re e r w as m a rk e d b y political success and a p ru d e n t sense o f tim in g , his in te lle c tu a l a c h ie v e m e n ts are ch a ra c teriz ed b y an a b u n d a n t o u tp u t and a carefu l m o d e ra tio n in o p in io n s. In his p h ilo so p h y a n d th eo lo g y , as e x ­ pressed m ain ly in th e c o m m e n ta ry o n P e te r L o m b a rd ’s Sentences o f 1376—77, d ’Ailly fo llo w e d his professors at th e U n iv e rsity o f Paris in his h eavy d e p e n d e n c e o n W illiam o f O c k h a m (d. 1349). L ike O c k h a m , d ’A illy stressed th e o m n ip o ­ ten ce o f G o d a n d d e n ie d th a t universal co n c e p ts h a d any real existen ce in the fo rm o f d iv in e ideas. T o say th a t S ocrates was a m a n because h e p a rtic ip a te d in a d iv in e idea called “ m a n ” ~ness w as, to d ’A illy’s w ay o f th in k in g , u n d u ly restric­ tive o n th e C re a to r. I f su ch an idea really existed, th e n G o d w o u ld b e o b lig ed to create all su b se q u e n t m e n to fit th a t m o ld .23 F o llo w in g O c k h a m ’s reaso n in g , d ’Ailly a rg u e d th a t k n o w le d g e m u st c o m e fro m sensory e x p e rie n c e via a process o f ab stractio n . In h o ld in g such ideas d ’A illy su p p o rte d th e g en eral te a c h in g o f th e late scholastics.24 In his th e o lo g y , again like m o st o f his c o n te m p o ra ries, d ’A illy stressed th e o m n ip o te n c e a n d fre e d o m o f G o d . T o ex p lain m an y th e o lo g ica l p o in ts, h e dis­ tin g u ish e d b e tw e e n G o d ’s ab so lu te an d o rd a in e d p o w e r, d ra w in g a lin e b e ­ tw e e n G o d ’s ab so lu te fre e d o m o f a c tio n (lim ited o n ly b y his inability to p ro d u c e a c o n tra d ic tio n ) an d th e v o lu n ta ry b o u n d a rie s G o d h a d p laced o n his p o w e r in selectin g th e p re se n t o rd e r o f th e w o rld . G o d ’s o rd a in e d p o w e r re p re se n te d an im p lied c o v e n a n t w ith m a n , b y w h ic h th e C re a to r ag ree d to act w ith in c ertain lim itatio n s. G o d ’s c o v e n a n t g u a ra n te e d c o n sisten t law s o f salvation, m o rality , and grace. In this system th e re are n o n atu ral law s o f m o rality o r ethics, o n ly th e ch o sen , b u t b in d in g , la w laid d o w n b y G o d . H a d h e ch o se n , G o d c o u ld h av e en ac te d a system w h e re b y m u rd e r a n d b la sp h e m y w e re m e rito rio u s acts; G o d ’s ch o ice , a n d n o t so m e in trin sic value in th e d e e d , d e te rm in e s its w o r th .25 D ’A illy ’s p o litical th o u g h t w as closely lin k e d to his p h ilo so p h y a n d th eo lo g y , a lth o u g h in th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f his co n c ilia r v iew s h e relied m o re u p o n J o h n o f Paris (d. 1306) th a n h e d id u p o n W illia m o f O c k h a m . G o d has ch o sen to o p e ra te th ro u g h se c o n d a ry causes in th e w o rld , d ’A illy arg u ed , an d to associate le g iti­ m ate a u th o rity w ith c e rta in signs. T h e c o n se n t o f th e c o m m u n ity , h e m a in ­ tain ed , w as th e tru e so u rc e o f a u th o rity , an d th e c o m m o n g o o d w as best ex­ pressed b y a d e le g a tio n o f th e w isest m e m b e rs o f th e c o m m u n ity . In b o th c h u rc h a n d state d ’A illy felt th a t th e c o m m u n ity h a d a rig h t to resist its o w n division b y ju d g in g a n d d e p o sin g a ty ra n t. F o r th e c h u rc h , th e p ro p e r b o d y for such an a c tio n w as th e G e n e ra l C o u n c il. A lth o u g h d ’A illy’s n a m e is associated w ith th e b irth o f this co n ciliar th e o ry , his ideas w e re hardly new . D ’A illy b o r­ ro w e d h eav ily fro m J o h n o f Paris, w h o , in tu rn , relied u p o n th e c a n o n law c o m m e n ta to rs o f th e th irte e n th c e n tu ry .26 AU in all, d ’A illy w as in te llig e n t, p ro lific, an d hig h ly in flu en tial, w ith o u t, h o w e v e r, b e in g p articu larly o rig in al in his th o u g h t. H is g reat in d e b ted n ess to earlier a u th o rs has, in fact, le d so m e m o d e rn scholars to accuse h im o f plagiarism . T h is charge w o u ld b e tru e w e re it n o t th e case th a t d ’A illy co n stan tly a c k n o w l­ e d g ed th e so u rces o f his w o rd s, fre q u e n tly b y n am e, so m etim es b y th e ty p e o f

obliq u e referen ce c o m m o n at th e tim e (“S om e say . . “A certain d o c to r says . . .”).27 M an y o fh is w orks w e re little m o re th a n collages, co m p o sed o fb its and pieces o f o th e r w rite rs’ prose. T h ro u g h all his b o rro w in g s, h o w e v e r, d ’A illy generally m anaged to co n v ey has o w n o p in io n , w h ic h was som etim es quite different fro m th a t o f h is source. T h e re are tw o explanations for d ’A illy’s g en erous liftings fro m earlier w riters. First, such b o rro w in g was c o m m o n in scholarly w orks and in literatu re; if d ’Ailly to o k large p o rtio n s o f his prose fro m o th e r authors, th ere w e re later w riters w h o co p ied extensively fro m d ’A illy.28 In a co n sid eratio n o f G erm an theological w riters at th e en d o f th e fifteen th cen tu ry , the histo rian B e rn d M o eller has rem ark ed o n th e in te n tio n a l av o id an ce o f o riginality and th e p erv a ­ sive respect for tra d itio n .29 S eco n d , d ’A illy w ro te prolificly on a w id e variety o f topics, all th e w h ile p u rsu in g an active career in th e c h u rc h and th e university. It is difficult to im agine h o w h e co u ld have co m p o sed so m an y treatises by any o th e r m e th o d . O n th e w h o le , d ’A illy was a c o m p iler and digester o f o th e rs’ th o u g h t. H is later readership suggests th at th e re was a vast n e e d fo r this type o f w ritin g .30 F o r th e h istorian o f p h ilo so p h y w h o expects to find som e n e w d e v e lo p m e n t in th e w o rk s o f such an im p o rta n t figure, this m e th o d o f c o m p o sitio n can be m ad d en in g . M o re th an o n e a u th o r has d ep lo re d d ’A illy’s startling “lack o f o rig ­ inality.” 31 F o r th e p u rp o se o f this p resen t investigation in to th e general appeal o f astrology in th e later M id d le A ges, h o w e v e r, d ’A illy’s b o rro w in g s are an u n e x ­ p e c te d b o o n . In th e first place, th e fact th a t d ’A illy relied o n o th e r au thors so heavily gives fu rth e r p r o o f o f th e rep resen tative quality o f his th o u g h t. H e clearly based his th in k in g o n th e sam e b o o k s th at his c o n tem p o ra ries w e re read ­ ing, and h e rem ain ed close to his sources. S econd, d ’A illy’s fre q u e n t use o f o th ers’ prose m akes it easy to fo llo w his p ro g ram o f reading. T o track d o w n the bo rro w in g s in his astrological treatises is to observe at close range h o w a scholar w e n t a b o u t his research in this p erio d . W e can fo llo w as d ’Ailly, d raw in g on w h a t h e m u st have learn ed w h ile a s tu d e n t in Paris, set o u t to learn a b o u t the stars, m o v in g b e y o n d th e basic te x tb o o k s to b e c o m e an e x p e rt in astrology. As a stu d en t in th e faculty o f arts at th e U n iv ersity o f Paris, d ’Ailly was e x p ected to co m p lete courses in th e seven liberal arts: gram m ar, rh e to ric , dialectic, arith­ m etic, geom etry, astronom y, and m usic. B o th astro n o m y and astrology, as w e k n o w th e m today, m ade up th e m edieval “ science o f th e stars,” w h ic h was divided in to th e “science o f m o v e m e n ts” (o u r astronom y) an d the “science o f ju d g m e n ts ” (o u r astrology). T h e science o f m o v e m e n ts ta u g h t h o w to describe and p re d ic t th e m o tio n s o f th e heavens; k n o w led g e o f such m o v e m e n ts was presu p p o sed fo r th e stu d e n t o f th e science o f ju d g m e n ts, w h ic h c h arted the heavens’ influence. A stu d e n t in th e faculty o f arts w o u ld acquire an elem en tary k n o w led g e o f th e heav en ly m o v em en ts, in all lik elih o o d using th e te x tb o o k De sphera (O n th e sphere) o f Jo h a n n e s de Sacrobosco (John o f H o ly w o o d , w h o

ta u g h t in Paris in th e th irte e n th ce n tu ry ). D ’A illy a u th o re d a c o m m e n ta ry o n th e D e sphera, w h ic h p erh ap s dates fro m his p e rio d o f le c tu rin g in th e faculty o f arts. S a c ro b o sc o ’s te x tb o o k ta u g h t, as w ell, a ru d im e n ta ry vocab u lary o f astrology, th e nam es o f th e h eav en ly b o d ies, an d th e ir g en eral characteristics. M o re specific k n o w le d g e a b o u t th e stars’ m o tio n s a n d in flu en ces cam e in su p p le m e n ta ry lec­ tures, g iv en m a in ly to stu d e n ts in th e faculty o f m e d ic in e , w h e re astrology was a re q u ire d su b je c t.32 A stro lo g y , o f co u rse, re q u ire d a m o re exact k n o w le d g e o f heav en ly m o tio n s and th e ir effects th a n th e gen eral d escrip tio n o f spherical a stro n o m y p u t fo rth by S acrob o sco . T o u n d e rsta n d th e p lan ets’ b e h a v io r, d ’A illy o r any o th e r w o u ld -b e astro lo g er m o st likely w o u ld have c o n su lte d th e so-called Theorica planetarum, a ttrib u te d to G e ra rd o f C re m o n a . O th e r treatises also c irc u lated u n d e r this tid e, such as th e Theorica planetarum p e n n e d b y C a m p an u s o f N o v a ra , w h o m d ’A illy cites. T h e se treatises p re se n te d a d etailed a c c o u n t o f P to le m a ic plan etary th eo ry . C a m p a n u s also in c lu d e d in stru c tio n s fo r c o n stru c tin g an in s tru m e n t (the equatorium) b y w h ic h to d e te rm in e th e p o sitio n s o f th e planets. A n o th e r im p o rta n t c o n d u it fo r P to le m y ’s a stro n o m y , a n d o n e o f C a m p a n u s’s sources, w as th e n in th -c e n tu ry A rab ic a u th o r al-F arg an i (A lfraganus).33 T o calculate p lanetary p o sitio n s o n his o w n , d ’A illy w o u ld h av e h ad to m aster th e use o f astro n o m ical tables as w ell. B y d ’A illy’s tim e th e fav o red tables w e re th o se p u rp o rte d ly c o m ­ piled fo r A lfonso X (“ th e W is e ”) o f L e o n an d C astille in th e th irte e n th c en tu ry . T h e y w e re a c c o m p a n ie d b y “ c a n o n s” e x p la in in g th e ir use. D ’A illy u n d o u b te d ly w o u ld h av e co n su lte d th e can o n s c o m p o se d at his o w n U n iv e rsity o f Paris in 1327 by J o h n o fS a x o n y . H is can o n s w e re th e basic u n iv e rsity te x t fo r th e h ig h e r levels o f a stro n o m y .34 Finally, h e w o u ld have n e e d e d a m o re th o ro u g h in tro ­ d u c tio n to astrological th eo ry . O n e o f th e m o st p o p u la r o f su ch texts w as th a t by th e te n th -c e n tu ry A rab ic a u th o r al-Q a b isi, k n o w n to th e w e st as A Ichabitius (am o n g o th e r spellings). It was translated in to L atin in 1144 b y J o h n o f Seville and was also th e su b je c t o f a c o m m e n ta ry b y J o h n o fS a x o n y in 1 3 3 1 .35 Late in his life, d ’A illy p e n n e d a series o f treatises o n cosm o lo g y , o fferin g to a n y o n e w h o c o u ld read L atin th e so rt o f basic in fo rm a tio n a b o u t th e heavens and ea rth th a t h e h a d le a rn e d at th e university. In th e sh o rt treatise Epilogus mappe m undi (E p ilo g u e to th e m ap o f th e w o rld ), h e offered a sim ple o u tlin e o f m ediev al astro n o m y . “ In th e first p la c e ,” h e b e g an , “ o n e sh o u ld su p p o se th at h eav en is o f a sp herical o r ro tu n d sh a p e .”36 P h ilo so p h ers, th eo lo g ian s, a n d as­ tro n o m e rs all h e ld th a t th e h eav en s in fact consisted o f a n u m b e r o f nested spheres, a lth o u g h th e ex act n u m b e r w as d isp u ted . AU ag ree d th a t th e re w e re at least n in e : o n e fo r each o f th e seven planets (a m o n g w h ic h th e m o o n an d sun w e re n u m b e re d ), an e ig h th sp h ere c o n ta in in g th e so -called fixed stars (because th ey d id n o t “w a n d e r” like th e planets), an d a n in th sp h ere called th e “p rim e m o v e r,” w h ic h ca rrie d all th e lo w e r spheres a ro u n d w ith it in a daily m o tio n fro m east to w est. T h e e a rth sat, im m o b ile , at th e c e n te r o f all these c o n c e n tric spheres. A p e rso n trav elin g , like D a n te , fro m th e earth u p w a rd w o u ld pass

consecutively th ro u g h th e spheres o f th e m o o n , M e rcu ry , V en us, th e sun, M ars, Ju p iter, S atu rn , and th e fixed stars b e fo re re ach in g th e n in th sp h ere o f th e p rim e m o v e r.37 T h e an c ie n t G re e k astronom ical th eo ries th a t d o m in a te d th e m ed iev al w o rld v iew a tte m p te d to describe th e a p p a re n t m o tio n s o f the heavens b y m eans o f a system o f u n ifo rm circular m o v e m e n ts.38 F o r th e v ie w e r o n earth , th e sun, m o o n , stars, and planets all d e m o n strate a daily m o tio n o f rising an d setting, th at is, a circu lar ro ta tio n fro m east to w est. T h e fix ed stars c o m p le te this circ u it in a len g th o f tim e ju s t sh o rt o f th e tw e n ty -fo u r h o u rs o f th e solar day. As a result, each day th e sun appears to lag fa rth e r b e h in d th e fixed stars’ m o v e m e n t. T his ap p aren t c o n trary p ath o f th e sun, fro m w est to east, describes a g reat circle on th e heav en ly sphere k n o w n as th e ecliptic, w h ic h th e sun traverses in a tro pical year o f ju s t u n d e r 36 5 ¼ days. T h e daily ro ta tio n o f the heavens takes place aro u n d an axis co in cid in g w ith a line th ro u g h th e e a rth ’s n o rth an d so u th poles. T h e su n ’s ap p aren t path, h o w e v e r, is a ro u n d a d ifferen t axis, th a t is, th e ecliptic is in clin ed to th e e a rth ’s e q u a to r— or, to speak m o re p ro p erly , to th e celestial eq u ato r— b y a b o u t 2 3 ½ degrees. T h e sun spends a b o u t h a lf o f the year n o rth o f the celestial e q u a to r and a b o u t h a lf to th e so u th , th e re b y creatin g th e seasons o n earth. Like th e sun, th e planets also ap p ear to h av e a basic eastw ard m o v e m e n t in ad d itio n to th e ir daily rising an d setting. T h e ir slow eastw ard paths, h o w e v e r, do n o t co in cid e exactly w ith th e s u n ’s course alo n g th e ecliptic. R a th e r th e planets travel alo n g paths w ith in a b a n d o f th e heavens 6 degrees to e ith e r side o f the ecliptic k n o w n as th e zodiac. A stro n o m ers d iv id ed th e 360 degrees o f the zodiac in to tw elve signs (only ro u g h ly co rre sp o n d in g to tw elv e constellations) o f 30 degrees each. B e g in n in g at th e p o in t w h e re th e ecliptic intersects th e e q u a to r on the su n ’s n o rth e rly jo u r n e y an d c o n tin u in g alo n g its a p p a re n t yearly p ath , the sun traverses th e signs o f A ries, T aurus, G e m in i, C an c er, L eo, V irgo, Libra, S corp io , Sagittarius, C a p ric o rn , A quarius, an d Pisces. T o describe th e p o sitio n o f any o f th e seven planets, astro n o m ers w o u ld speak in term s o f signs and degrees. T h u s, for exam ple, th e su n ’s e n try in to A ries 0° (the initial p o in t in the sign o f Aries) defines th e v ern al eq u in o x , th e b e g in n in g o f spring. A t C a n c e r 0°, th e sun reaches th e su m m e r solstice, th e n o rth e rn m o s t p o in t o f th e ecliptic. T h e au tu m n al e q u in o x occurs at L ibra 0°, a n d C a p ric o rn 0° m arks th e w in te r solstice. W e re th e m o tio n s o f th e sun, m o o n , an d planets regular, th e astro n o m ers’ goal o f d escrib in g th e m w ith u n ifo rm circu lar m o v e m e n ts w o u ld have b een q u ite easy. T h e p rim e m o v e r’s daily ro ta tio n w o u ld explain th e daily rising and setting o f all o f th e heav en ly bodies. A n d each p la n e t’s sp h ere w o u ld p ro v id e its o w n c o n trary m o tio n th ro u g h th e zodiac. T h e planets, h o w ev e r, d em o n stra te a n u m b e r o f irregularities in th e ir m o tio n s. First, th e five planets do n o t travel un ifo rm ly th ro u g h th e zodiac. R a th e r, th e y m o v e at tim es m o re rapidly, at tim es m o re slow ly, and at tim es th e y seem to stop a n d th e n to m o v e in th e opposite

d ire c tio n . (T h is m o tio n , in a sense c o n tra ry to th a t o f th e su n ’s p a th , is called re tro g ra d e ; th e p la n e t’s usual m o tio n is called direct.) E v e n th e sun an d th e m o o n , w h ic h display n o re tro g ra d e m o v e m e n t, ap p ear irreg u la r in th e ir m o ­ tions. F o r ex am p le, th e sun spends m o re th an h a lf o f th e y ea r trav ersin g th e h a lf o f th e eclip tic fr o m th e v ern al e q u in o x to th e a u tu m n a l e q u in o x . Finally, e v en th e fixed stars d o n o t ap p ear to stay p u t, b u t sh o w a gradual eastw ard d rift w ith re sp e c t to th e v ern al e q u in o x (k n o w n as p recessio n o f th e e q u in o x e s o r, to m ed iev al a stro n o m e rs, th e m o tio n o f th e e ig h th sphere). T h e m o st e n d u rin g so lu tio n to th e p ro b le m o f e x p lain in g these irregularities y et k e e p in g u n ifo rm circu lar m o tio n s w as th a t o u tlin e d in th e Almagest o f P to l­ e m y (C lau d iu s P to lem aeu s) in th e se c o n d c e n tu ry a . d . M ed iev al astro n o m e rs u n d e rs to o d th e h eav en s largely b y m eans o f P to le m y ’s system . F lo w d id P to l­ em y “ save th e p h e n o m e n a ” ? H is system is far to o c o m p le x a n d m ath em atically so p h isticated to d o it ju s tic e h e re . In th e m o st g en eral te rm s, h o w e v e r, P to le m y ’s th eo rie s m a in ta in e d u n ifo rm c irc u la r m o tio n s , b u t th e circles a ro u n d w h ic h the h eav en ly b o d ie s trav eled w e re n o t alw ays c e n te re d o n th e earth . F o r th e case o f th e su n , it was a relativ ely sim ple m a tte r o f m a k in g th e s u n ’s path e c c e n tric. In o th e r w o rd s, P to le m y still h a d th e sun describe a circle a b o u t th e ea rth , m o v in g at a u n ifo rm speed. B u t th e c e n te r o f th e circle o f th e s u n ’s c o u rse n o lo n g e r c o in c id e d w ith th e e a rth ’s c e n te r. F ig u re I displays a m edieval artist’s a tte m p t to re p re se n t th e ru d im e n ts o f p la n e tary m o tio n in o n e d iagram . T h e artist has p laced th e sun (“ S o l,” th e large lu m in a ry at th e to p o f th e diagram ) on th e c irc u m fe re n c e o f th e circle lab eled “ d e fe re n s.” (T h e label is m o re a p p ro ­ p riate to p lan etary m o tio n th a n to th e s u n ’s, b u t th e artist is try in g to re p re se n t b o th in o n e illu stratio n .) T h e c e n te r o f th e s u n ’s o rb it, labeled “ c e n tru m d eferc n tis,” is th e u p p e rm o s t o f th e th re e p o in ts a t th e c e n te r o f th e d iag ram ; it is clearly n o t th e sam e as th e e a rth ’s c en ter, labeled “ c e n tru m m u n d i.” 39 O n e can easily see th a t m o re th a n h a lf o f th e s u n ’s circle falls w ith in th e six signs fro m A ries to V irg o , p ro d u c in g th e irre g u la rity d escrib ed earlier. P to le m y e x p lain ed th e re tro g ra d a tio n s an d stations (periods o f n o m o tio n ) o f th e planets b y m eans o f epicycles (see fig. I). As w ith th e sun, th e re is again a circle w h o se c e n te r is displaced fro m th e c e n te r o f th e ea rth , p ro p e rly te rm e d th e d e fe re n t (labeled “ d e fe re n s”). T h e p la n e t, h o w e v e r, travels o n th e circ u m fe r­ en ce o f y e t a n o th e r circle, th e ep icy cle (“ ep iciclu s”), w h o se c e n te r lies o n th e c irc u m fe re n c e o f th e d e fe re n t. B o th d e fe re n t an d ep icy cle ro ta te in th e d ire c tio n o f th e s u n ’s jo u r n e y th ro u g h th e zo d iac, or, as s h o w n in fig u re I , in a c o u n te r­ clockw ise sense. W h e n th e p la n e t is o n th a t p o rtio n o f th e epicycle n earest th e ea rth , its m o tio n w ill a p p e a r to be re tro g ra d e . A t so m e d istance o n e ith e r side o f th e p e rig e e o f th e ep icy cle, th e p la n e t w ill ap p ear to stand still p rio r to c h a n g in g d ire c tio n (its first an d se c o n d “ statio n s” ). P to le m y ad d e d o n e fu rth e r re fin e m e n t, th e e q u a n t p o in t. T h e e q u a n t p o in t lay m a lin e w ith th e c e n te r o f th e e a rth an d th e c e n te r o f th e ec c e n tric d e fe re n t, at a distance b e y o n d th e d e fe re n t’s c e n te r equ al to th a t p o in t’s distance fro m th e

14

CHAPTER

ONE

Figure 1. A schematic representation of the epicycle-deferent system. From a fifteenth-century German translation of Sacrobosco's De sphera. earth's center. 4 0 T h e equant defined the center of u n i f o r m m o t i o n such that the epicycle center's m o t i o n was u n i f o r m w i t h respect to the e q u a n t p o i n t and n o t w i t h respect to the center of the deferent. 4 1 T h e planet's apparent m o t i o n was n o t u n i f o r m , while the center o f its epicycle traveled along the deferent u n i formly w i t h regard to the e q u a n t p o i n t . Because the axis of the earth moves slowly a b o u t a line parallel to the axis of the ecliptic, the fixed stars s h o w the apparent slow drift to the east n o t e d p r e v i ously. Hipparchus, in the second century B.C., estimated the rate o f m o t i o n as n o t less than o n e degree in o n e h u n d r e d years, w h i c h P t o l e m y c o n f i r m e d . Sacrobosco and m a n y o t h e r medieval authors cited Ptolemy's rate o f precession; a n o t h e r typical medieval figure was o n e degree in sixty-six years, f o u n d by alBattani. Astronomers also held that the apogees (auges) of the sun and the p l a n ets, the points of their orbits most distant f r o m earth, shared in t h e slow precessional m o v e m e n t o f the eighth sphere. In d'Ailly's time astronomers placed the

s u n ’s ap o g ee, fo r e x am p le, a ro u n d th e b e g in n in g o f C a n c e r (as o p p o se d to P to l­ e m y ’s fig u re o f G e m in i 5 o3 0 ')·42 T h e fifte e n th -c e n tu ry illu m in a to r o f fig u re I displays th e sun at its ap o g e e , m o re o r less c o rre c tly n e a r th e b e g in n in g o f C an cer. B y d ’A illy’s tim e th e fa v o re d e x p la n a tio n fo r th e m o tio n o f th e e ig h th sp here w as th a t a ttrib u te d (falsely) to th e n in th - c e n tu r y A rab a stro n o m e r and m a th e m a ­ tician T h a b it ib n Q u rra a n d c irc u la tin g u n d e r th e L atin title D e m otu octave spere. A c c o rd in g to this th e o ry , th e v ern al a n d a u tu m n a l e q u in o c tia l p o in ts d id n o t re m a in fixed b u t ra th e r m o v e d in small circles, th e re b y c re a tin g a m o tio n re ­ ferred to as tre p id a tio n o r accessus a n d recessus. T h e m o d e l y ie ld ed a m o v ab le ecliptic w ith w h ic h m o v e d th e fix ed stars an d th e apogees o f th e p lanets an d the sun. O n e o f th e m o st im p o rta n t in n o v a tio n s o f th e A lfonsine tables’ Parisian com p ilers was to in c o rp o ra te b o th ex p lan atio n s o f th e e ig h th s p h e re ’s m o v e ­ m e n t. T h e apogees, an d fix ed stars w e re said to h ave a d o u b le m o tio n — b o th o f p recessio n an d o f access an d recess.43 D ’Ailly m a d e re fe re n ce to b o th “ T h a b it” ’s th e o ry an d th e tra d itio n a l figures fo r p recession, n o tin g th e associa­ tio n o f th e la tte r w ith th e c o n c e p t o f th e G re a t Y ear, a p e rio d after w h ic h all th e stars w o u ld re tu rn to th e ir o rig in al p o sitio n s. A n d h e in c o rp o ra te d th e e ig h th sp h e re ’s accessus an d recessus in to his p re d ic tio n o f A n tic h rist’s ad v en t. S u c h , th e n , w e re th e basics o f a s tro n o m y as it w as u n d e rs to o d in th e M id d le A ges. I f a stro n o m y re p re se n te d th e o re tic a l k n o w le d g e a b o u t th e h eav en ly m o ­ tio n s, astro lo g y w as th e “ a p p lie d ” v ersio n o f th a t science. Scholars universally assum ed th a t th e stars a n d p lan ets e x e rte d an in flu e n c e o n earth b elo w , an in flu ­ en ce th a t v a rie d w ith th e stars’ p o sitio n s a n d m u tu a l relations. T o c h a rt th e stars’ effects o n e a rth , o n e n e e d e d to k n o w th e g en eral characteristics o f th e h eav en ly b odies, th e p o sitio n s o f th e h e a v e n ly b o d ies at o n e o r m o re specific p o in ts in tim e , an d a c o m p lic a te d set o f rules o f in te rp re ta tio n .44 T h e characters o f th e various h e a v e n ly b o d ies w e re fam iliar to m ost. L ite ra tu re an d p o p u la r p ro p h e c y o fte n p re su p p o se d such k n o w le d g e .43 P lan etary p o sitio n s c o u ld be d e riv e d fro m tables o r b y u sin g a la b o r-sa v in g d ev ice k n o w n as an e q u a to ry (equatorium ) .46 K n o w le d g e o f th e rules o f astro lo g y cam e fro m any o f a n u m b e r o f h an d b o o k s, su c h as th a t o f A lch ab id u s m e n tio n e d earlier. T h e astrological th eo ries th a t A lch ab itiu s an d o th e r m ed iev al texts passed o n w e re o f H e lle n istic o rig in , a lth o u g h th e y c o n ta in e d elem e n ts o f B ab y lo n ian , E g y p tia n , a n d In d ia n th o u g h t. A large o m e n lite ra tu re h ad d e v e lo p e d in M e so ­ p o tam ia in th e se c o n d m ille n n iu m B . C . Lists o f o m e n s suggested c o rre sp o n ­ dences b e tw e e n celestial p h e n o m e n a an d ev en ts o n ea rth , w ith o u t, h o w e v e r, d ra w in g a causal lin k . T h e B ab y lo n ian s gave nam es to constellatio n s, w h ic h later w o u ld d esig n ate th e zodiacal signs, a n d a ttrib u te d characteristics to th e planets, w h ic h w o u ld also b e c o m e p a rt o f H elle n istic astrology. O m e n lists spread to G re ec e a n d E g y p t, w h e re in th e se c o n d c e n tu ry B . C . G re e k m ath em atical as­ tro n o m y , E g y p tian calendrical th e o rie s, a n d B ab y lo n ian o m e n lite ra tu re w e re c o m b in e d to p ro d u c e gen eth lialo g y , th e art o f p re d ic tio n s based o n th e h o ro -

scope at b irth . A n u m b e r o f auth o rs c o n trib u te d to th e re fin e m e n t o f th e sci­ ence. P tolem y, in th e seco n d c e n tu ry A . D . , system atized th e various elem ents and d ev elo p m en ts in his Tetrabiblos (Qidadripartilum). ju s t as his Almagest cam e to rep resen t an c ie n t astro n o m y fo r th e M id d le Ages, so to o did P to le m y b e co m e the great a u th o rity in astrology as well. M edieval E u ro p e a n astrologers w e re also influ en ced b y N e a r E astern authors. S tartin g in the th ird c e n tu ry a . d . , Sassanian scholars in p articular in co rp o rated elem ents o f b o th G reek and In d ian astrology; an im p o rta n t in n o v a tio n was th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f th eories allow ing fo r m o re general p red ictio n s o f th e fate o f a n a tio n o r th e e n tire w o rld .47 In this am algam ation o f traditions, th e n , lay th e science o f astrology as d ’Ailly and his co n tem p o raries k n e w it. F u n d am en tal to th e ir pred ictio n s was th e b e lie f th a t each p lan et h ad p articular characteristics. S aturn, fo r exam ple, was a m alev­ o len t p lanet, cold and dry b y n a tu re , m elan ch o lic in te m p e ra m e n t.48 Ju p iter, w arm an d m oist b y n atu re, was, by contrast, a fo rtu n a te p lan et, sanguine in tem p e ra m e n t an d a signifier o f w ealth. M a rs’s h o t and dry n atu re w as seen as h av in g an evil influence; in particu lar astrologers b elieved th at th e p la n et could incite m e n to an g er an d w ar. T h e sun was also h o t and dry by n atu re, y e t its influen ce was h eld to b e m o re b e n ig n th a n M ars’s. V enus, to o , was a fo rtu n ate planet, cold and m oist b y n a tu re , p h leg m atic in tem p e ram en t. M ercu ry , astrolo­ gers ta u g h t, was o f a changeable n a tu re , tak in g o n th e p ro p erties o f w h ate v er planet h ad th e strongest in flu en ce o n it. Finally, th e m o o n , like V enus, w as cold and m oist and fo rtu n ate in its influ en ce. T h e seven planets all traveled alo n g th e p ath o f th e zodiac, and th e tw elve signs w h ic h m ade u p th a t b an d also w e re d e e m e d to have th e ir o w n characteris­ tics. In o n e division o f th e zodiac, astrologers d istrib u ted th e signs a m o n g fo u r triplicities (triplicitates, also som etim es translated as trigons). T h e signs o f each triplicity all shared th e characteristics o f o n e o f th e fo u r elem ents (fire, earth, air, and w ater). T h e signs w e re assigned successively to o n e o f th e fo u r triplicities, so th a t a p lan et in its p ath th ro u g h th e zodiac w o u ld pass first th ro u g h a fiery sign, th e n th ro u g h an e arth y sign, th e n th ro u g h an airy sign, an d finally th ro u g h a w ate ry sign. T h e re w e re th ree such series in any trip a ro u n d th e zodiac. T h e fiery triplicity consisted o f th e signs A ries, L eo, and Sagittarius. It was u n d e r the rule o f th e sun b y day an d Ju p ite r b y n ig h t. T h e earth y triplicity co n ta in ed T aurus, V irgo, an d C a p ric o rn , u n d e r th e rulership o f V enus and th e m o o n . G em in i, Libra, an d A quarius m ade u p th e airy triplicity, u n d e r S atu rn an d M e r­ cury. Finally, th e w atery triplicity co m p rised C ancer, S corpio, and Pisces, w ith M ars ru lin g b o th day an d n ig h t. F u rth e r divisions o f th e zodiac d efin ed som e locations as m asculine an d others as fem in in e, th e usefulness b ein g , as d ’A illy ex plained in his c o m m e n ta ry o n Sacrobosco, th a t astrologers w e re som etim es called u p o n to d e te rm in e th e sex o f a baby in th e w o m b . In such cases, a signifier in a m asculine place w o u ld in d i­ cate th e b irth o f a boy, w hereas a signifier in a fem in in e o n e w o u ld p o in t to a baby girl’s arrival.49 A n o th e r classification d e n o te d som e signs to b e m o bile,

som e fixed, and som e c o m m o n . I f d ie m o o n is in a fix ed sign at the o u tset o f any task, d ’A illy n o tes, th a t task w ill be o f lo n g d u ratio n ; w ith th e m o o n in a m o b ile sign, it w ill b e acco m p lish ed q u ick ly .50 F u rth e r, each sign had significance o v er p articu lar parts o f th e b o d y an d o v e r p articu lar geographical areas. A c c o rd in g to A lchab itiu s, w h o re p o rts th e c o m m o n trad itio n s, A ries, fo r exam ple, signified th e h e a d an d th e face a n d ru le d o v e r such areas as B abylonia, Palestine, and A rabia. A t th e sam e tim e , each p la n e t h a d in flu en ce o v e r a d ifferen t p a rt o f the b o d y d e p e n d in g u p o n its lo catio n . In T au ru s, fo r exam ple, th e sun g o v e rn e d the knees, w h ereas in C a p ric o rn it re p re se n te d th e b a c k .51 W h e n astrologers so u g h t to m easu re th e in flu en ce o f all these various h eav ­ enly b odies, th e ir w o rk fell in to o n e o f fo u r b ranches o f th e science: general p re d ic tio n s, nativities (genethlialogy), elections, a n d in terro g a tio n s. General pre­ dictions lo o k e d at th e stars’ effects o n society as a w h o le and forecast such events as th e w e a th e r, w ar,,fam in e, a n d p lague. In m a k in g these p red ic tio n s, astrologers co n sid ered such factors as th e ap p earan ce o f a c o m e t o r th e im p e n d in g c o n ju n c ­ tio n o f tw o o r m o re planets. A lso im p o rta n t fo r any general p re d ic tio n w as the p o sitio n o f th e h eav en ly b o d ies at th e b e g in n in g o f th e year, th a t is, at the m o m e n t o f th e su n ’s e n try in to th e sign o f A ries. A n astro lo g er d raw in g up a n a tivity ch art so u g h t to p re d ic t th e general characteristics an d fo rtu n e o f a perso n based u p o n th e c o n fig u ra tio n o f th e heavens at th e m o m e n t o f the su b je c t’s b irth . T h e h o ro sc o p e so e re c te d to o k in to a c c o u n t b o th th e exact h o u r a n d the precise lo c a tio n o f a p e rs o n ’s b irth . O f u tm o st im p o rta n c e in th e in te rp re ta tio n o f th e c h a rt w as th e horoscopus o r ascendant, th e deg ree o f th e zodiac rising o v er th e h o riz o n at th e in sta n t o f b irth . In th e case o f elections (or in cep tio n s), th e astrologer was asked to select the m o st p ro p itio u s tim e at w h ic h his clien t m ig h t u n d e rta k e som e given a ctio n , such as e m b a rk in g o n a jo u rn e y , h a v in g h im se lf b led, o r m arry in g . N atu rally th e astrolo g er w o u ld n e e d to co n sid e r b o th th e fu tu re state o f th e heavens and th e positio n s o f th e stars at his c lie n t’s b irth in m a k in g su ch a re c o m m e n d a tio n . Finally, u n d e r th e categ o ry o f interrogations, th e astro lo g er was asked to use his k n o w le d g e o f th e stars to an sw er so m e q u e stio n p u t to h im . H e m ig h t, for ex am p le, b e asked a b o u t th e p ro b ab le o u tc o m e o f an u n d e rta k in g b e g u n at a certain tim e o r b e asked to p re d ic t th e co u rse o f a given illness. In any case h e w o u ld n e e d to ex a m in e th e p re se n t o r fu tu re course o f th e heavens. T h e fu n d a m e n ta l to o l o f th e astro lo g er w as th e astrological ch art o r h o ro ­ scope (figura celi), essentially a d iagram o f th e heavens at a g iv en p o in t in tim e in relatio n to a fix ed p o in t o n earth (see fig. 2). In a h o ro sc o p e , th e astrologer p lo tte d th e positio n s o f th e h eav en ly b odies w ith resp ect to tw o scales. O n the o n e h a n d , n o ta tio n s o n th e ch art sp ecified th e locations o f th e seven planets w ith in th e zodiac. In fig u re 2, fo r exam p le, S atu rn is a t G e m in i 15°. O n th e o th e r h an d , th e h o ro sc o p e also show s th e re la tio n o f th e heavens to a particu lar lo c a tio n o n earth , such as th e place o f b irth in a n ativity chart. T o do so th e astro lo g er superim p o ses o n th e heavens y e t a n o th e r division, this tim e in to

18

CHAPTER

ONE

Figure 2. Christ's nativity chart. F r o m Pierre d'Ailly, Tractatus de imagine mundi et varia ejusdem auctoris etJoannis Gersonis opuscuia (Louvain: J o h a n n de Westphalia, ca. 1483), fol. ee2v.

twelve houses (domus, sometimes referred to as m u n d a n e houses or places). Astrologers differed o n the ways in w h i c h to erect the houses in an astrological figure, but almost all their systems began w i t h four cardinal points: the ascendant (sometimes called the horoscope), the lower midheaven (imum medium celum), the descendant, and the midheaven (medium celum). These f o u r points mark the cusps (initial boundaries) o f the first, fourth, seventh, and tenth houses. 5 2 To c o m p u t e a horoscope, then, the astrologer w o u l d have to begin by locating these points. First w o u l d b e the ascendant, the point of intersection of the ecliptic and the horizon. ( T h e horizon is the great circle dividing the celestial sphere into t w o equal halves, the visible and the invisible.) T h e descendant lies 180 degrees distant f r o m the ascendant. T h e medium celum and the imum medium celum are also points o n the ecliptic, defined by the intersection of the ecliptic with the meridian and its continuation. ( T h e meridian is a line r u n n i n g t h r o u g h the t w o celestial poles and the observer's zenith, or overhead point.) Astrological charts cast for different locations on earth, then, w o u l d n o t have the same c o n -

figuration because th e ir cardinal p o in ts w o u ld differ even if th e y w e re c o m p u te d for the sam e tim e. T h e m o st c o m m o n p ro c e d u re in th e M id d le Ages w as th e n to div id e each o f the fo u r q uadrants m a rk e d by th e cardinal p o in ts in to th re e arcs o f equal rising tim e. T h e th re e resu ltin g houses w e re o f an equal n u m b e r o f degrees w h e n m easured alo n g th e e q u ato r, b u t n o t alo n g th e ecliptic. O n c e the astrologer had d ete rm in e d th e cardinal po in ts, h e co u ld d erive th e cusps o f th e rem ain in g houses fro m various tables o r, m o st c o n v en ien tly , using an astrolabe.33 H e w o u ld th e n e n te r th e cusp o f each h o u se and th e lo catio n o f each o f th e seven planets in a c h a rt like th at sh o w n in figure 2 .54 In th e M id d le Ages, th e m ost co m m o n fo rm fo r su ch charts w as a square a ro u n d w h o se edges ran a series o f triangular subdivisions. E ach o f these triangles m ark ed o n e o f th e tw elv e houses, beg in n in g w ith th e first, in th e c e n te r o f th e left side o f th e square, and ru n n in g co u n terclo ck w ise a ro u n d th e sq u a re ’s p e rim e te r. In fig u re 2, fo r exam ple, the first house begins w ith V irgo 8°, th e seco n d w ith Libra 8°, and so on. H ouses w e re im p o rta n t to th e astro lo g er because each house had significance for a d ifferen t aspect o f th e su b je c t’s life. A c c o rd in g to A lchabitius, for exam ple, the first h o u se, o r h o ro sc o p e , gave ind icatio n s a b o u t th e su b ject’s life in general. T h e seco n d h o u se signified substantia, o n e ’s w ealth , business, o r p ro p erty ; th e third, b ro th ers an d sisters. T h e fo u rth related to o n e ’s parents, th e fifth to chil­ d ren , th e sixth to sickness, th e sev en th to m arriage, th e eig h th to d e ath , th e n in th to voyages and relig io n , th e te n th to h o n o rs, th e elev en th to friends, and, finally, the tw elfth to en em ies.55 T h e p la n e t th a t h a d th e greatest in fluence in a p artic u ­ lar house in d icated h o w o n e m ig h t reasonably e x p ect to fare in th at area o f o n e ’s life. A lchabitius gives an exam ple in w h ic h he d eterm in es th e sun to d o m in a te in the seco n d h o u se in th e case in w h ic h th at h o u s e ’s cusp is A ries 5 ° .56 H o w did A lchabitius arrive at this co nclusion? It was sim ply a m a tte r o f c o u n tin g th e dignities o f th e various planets fo r the sign o f th e zodiac b eg in n in g the house in q u estio n . E ach p lan et, fo r ex am p le, had a p articular degree in the ecliptic th a t was te rm e d its “ e x a lta tio n .” A p la n et w o u ld score fo u r points (or “dign ities”) if its exaltatio n fell w ith in th e sign b e in g considered. Sim ilarly, a planet w o u ld gain a score o f th re e p o in ts if th e sign was p a rt o f the triplicity o v e r w h ic h it ru led . E ach sign o f th e zodiac was d iv id ed in to five “te rm s” and th ree “faces” ; a d ifferen t p lan et ru le d each te rm an d face. A strologers allocated a plan et tw o p o in ts i f th e sign c o n ta in e d o n e o f its term s an d o n e for o n e o f its faces. In A lchab itiu s’s exam ple, th e sun w ins o u t w ith a score o f seven po in ts because Aries contains its exaltation (four dignities) an d is in th e su n ’s triplicity (three dignities). A strologers also m ad e m u c h o f th e p lan ets’ locations in reference to o n e an­ o th er, particularly if th ey w e re in o n e o f th e five so-called aspects. A p lan et was said to b e in aspect w ith (or to lo o k at, aspicere) a n o th e r planet if it was in o n e o f the fo llo w in g angular relations w ith it: tw o planets separated by 180 degrees w e re said to b e in o p p o sitio n ; by 0 degrees, in co n ju n c tio n ; by 120 degrees, th ey

w ere trine to o n e another; by 60 degrees, sextilc; and by 90 degrees, quarrilc. If tw o planets w ere in o p p o sitio n o r quartile, th e aspect was held to be m align, if they w ere trine o r sextilc, it was b enign. C o n ju n c tio n s h ad th e ir o w n set o f rules for in terp retatio n , and this was th e area o f astrology in w h ic h P ierre d Ailly gained the m ost expertise. In general, th e effects o f a c o n ju n c tio n varied w ith the characters o f the planets involved, th e sign o f th e zodiac in w h ic h th e c o n ­ ju n c tio n o ccu rred , and th e tim e o f th e c o n ju n c tio n . In all aspects, S atu rn and M ars radiated a m align influ en ce, w hereas J u p ite r and V enus p u t fo rth fo rtu n ate effects. Aside from these very ru d im en tary considerations, astrologers h a d a variety o f com plex calculations in th eir rep erto ire. T h e y could p ro je c t a c h a rt in to the future to p red ict th e subseq u en t fate o f th eir clients, fo r exam ple, o r offer an estim ation o f a p erso n ’s h o u r o f d eath .57 B y a n o th e r calculation th ey n am ed a “lo rd o f th e y ear” for individuals, cities, an d co u n tries, as w ell as for th e p o p u la ­ tion at large. In o th e r cases, am ulets, crafted o f th e p ro p e r m aterial and engraved w ith suitable astrological images, aim ed to capture th e stars’ in fluence. E v en at the basic level o f in te rp re tin g a single astrological ch art, h o w e v e r, th e re w as such a great am o u n t o f data to be considered and so m any rules by w h ic h to analyze it th at astrologers frequently disagreed in th e ir predictions. T h e im possibility o f ob tain in g consistent and accurate in terp retatio n s was a c o m m o n a rg u m e n t p u t forth by astrology’s critics. Y et this very co m p lexity, th e fact th a t a ch art was op en to seem ingly endless analysis, m ust also have bolstered the science. A failed p red ictio n indicated only a fault in th e in te rp re te r and n o t a flaw in th e science itself. P ierre d ’A illy was w ell aw are o f th e difficulties in volved in astrological fo re­ casting. For th at reason he counseled against m a k in g specific p red ictio n s c o n ­ cern in g individuals and urg ed astrologers to lim it them selves to general p re d ic ­ tions. A ccordingly, by all appearances d ’Ailly n e v e r cast his o w n h o ro sc o p e o r consulted th e stars in regard to his career. R a th e r, h e c o n c e n tra ted o n analyzing the large-scale effects o f planetary co n ju n ctio n s. As did his astrological sources, d ’Ailiy gave th e greatest consideration to those co n ju n c tio n s o f th e tw o su p erio r planets, Saturn and Ju p iter. T h e ir exalted positions and slow m o tio n s m e a n t th at th eir co n ju n ctio n s w ere o f m o re universal and en d u rin g significance th an those o f th e o th e r planets.58 A strologers classified these c o n ju n ctio n s acco rding to th e signs and triphcities in w h ich they o ccu rred . Saturn com pletes its course th ro u g h th e zodiac in ro u g h ly th irty years, and J u p ite r takes aro u n d tw elve years to m ake th e sam e circuit. H e n c e , th e tim e b e tw e e n any tw o co n ju n ctio n s o f S aturn and Ju p ite r will b e approxim ately tw en ty years, d u rin g w h ich tim e S aturn w ill have traveled a little m o re than tw o -th ird s o f th e w ay th ro u g h the zodiac. T h u s, in th e astrol­ ogers’ custom ary exam ple, if th e first co n ju n c tio n o f S aturn and J u p ite r occurs in Aries, th e second w ill b e in Sagittarius, th e th ird in L eo, an d th e fo u rth in Aries again. B u t, because th e tw o planets do n o t co m p lete th e ir course th ro u g h

12

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F igu re 3. S a tu m -Ju p ite r c o n ju n c tio n s . A f te r J o h n D . N o r th , in Centaurus 2 4 (1980): 187.

the zodiac in exactly th irty o r tw e lv e years, th e y d o n o t re tu rn to th e sam e precise p o in t in A ries fo r th e ir fo u rth c o n ju n c tio n . R a th e r, th e y are jo in e d so m e 2 °2 5 ' fro m th e p o in t o f th e in itial c o n ju n c tio n , to take A lb u m asar’s fig u re .59 H e n c e a series o f c o n ju n c tio n s o f S a tu rn a n d ju p ite r w ill sh o w a gradual p ro g res­ sion like th a t in fig u re 3. E ventually, a c o n ju n c tio n w ill h a p p e n in T aurus, th e n e ig h b o rin g sign to A ries. T h e n th e succession w ill b e g in again in a n o th e r set o f th ree signs. A strologers seized u p o n this p a tte rn o f c o n ju n c tio n s, fo r successive c o n ju n c ­ tions all te n d e d to b e w ith in th e sam e triplicity. A fter a p p ro x im ately tw elv e co n ju n c tio n s in o n e triplicity, th e p a tte rn w ill re p e at itself in a sign ad jacen t to th e first sign, an d , h e n c e , in a n e w triplicity. A c o n ju n c tio n ap p earin g in , say, a fiery sign w o u ld have d ifferen t effects th a n o n e in th e e arth y triplicity. H e n c e , astrologers b e lie v e d th e first c o n ju n c tio n o f th e n e w trip licity to b e o f special significance. In d ’A illy’s te rm in o lo g y , a c h an g e o f trip licity is th e g rea te r (maior) c o n ju n c ­ tion, w h ic h hap p en s ev ery 240 years, a n d it signifies a ch an g e o f sect in som e

region o f th e earth . A fter co n ju n c tio n s have b een fo rm e d in each o f th e fo u r triplicities, th at is, after ap p ro x im ately 960 years, S atu rn and J u p ite r are again jo in e d in th e original lo catio n , invariably d efined as the first p o in t o f A ries. D ’Ailly calls this c o n ju n c tio n th e greatest (maxima) c o n ju n c tio n . It is said to signify “ changes in em pires an d k in g d o m s, fiery im pressions in th e air, floods, earthquakes, an d th e supply o f cro p s.” 60 In all, d ’Ailly d elin ea te d fo u r types o f S a tu rn -Ju p ite r co n ju n ctio n s: th e coniunctio maxima (every 960 years), th e coniunctio maior (every 240 years), th e coniunctio magna (every 60 years), and th e coniunctio minor (every 20 years).61 D ’A illy located such c o n ju n c tio n s th ro u g h o u t histo ry and related th e m to th e g ro w th o f n e w k in g d o m s an d th e rise o f n e w religions. H e used astrology, th en , as a c o h e re n t p rin cip le b y w h ic h to explain and to observe th e course o f th e w o rld ’s fate. T o sum u p , astrology in th e later M id d le Ages w as a science w h o se applica­ tions ran th e g am u t from th e m ost practical to th e m ost th eo retical. O n th e o n e e n d , astrology w as a fu n d am en tal p art o f th e p h y sician’s training. E ach sign o f th e zodiac ru led a different p art o f th e h u m a n body, and it was th e p h y sician ’s jo b to k n o w h o w to read th e heavens so as to ad m in ister his m ed icin e at th e m o st efficacious m o m e n t.62 O n th e m o st th eo retical side, astrology d e m o n ­ strated th e fram ew o rk o f h u m a n history, as in d ’A illy’s catalogue o f S a tu rn Ju p ite r co n ju n ctio n s, o r in th e case o f R o b e r t H o lk o t (d. 1349), w h o related th e h isto ry o f th e w o rld to th e signs o f th e zo d iac.63 In b e tw e e n , astrology offered in fo rm a tio n a b o u t w eath er, cro p size, an d business a n d personal m atters.64 AU o f these applications w e re g u id e d b y o n e fu n d am en tal prin cip le, d raw n fro m the reigning Aristotelian science: th at th e stars had an influence here below w h ich m en co u ld m easure an d p re d ic t by a sufficient k n o w le d g e o f th e h eav en ly m o tio n s. T h re e basic them es u nderlay th e fo llo w in g ex am in atio n o f d ’A illy’s study o f th e stars’ effects. First, his w ritings d em o n strate a fu n d am en tal in terp lay and essential h a rm o n y b e tw e e n his astrological an d his th eo lo gical beliefs. D ’A illy w as deeply c o n c e rn e d w ith establishing a w o rk ab le b o u n d a ry b e tw e e n m atters o f astrologi­ cal speculation and m atters o f faith, o n e th at n e ith e r c o n tra d ic te d C h ristia n teachings n o r d etracted fro m th e p o w e r o f astrology. H is defense o f th e science w o u ld reflect th e central im p o rta n c e o f G o d ’s o m n ip o te n c e in his theology. A n d his excursions in to astrology a tte m p te d to define the role o f th e stars in the d ev elo p m e n t o f religions. W ith n o m e re rh eto rical flourish, d ’A illy te rm e d as­ tro lo g y “ natural th eo lo g y .” S eco n d , his story u n d ersco res th e im p o rta n c e o f apocalyptic n o tio n s in E u ­ ro p e s re a c tio n to th e G reat Schism . D ’A illy was n o t alone a m o n g conciliarists in m a in ta in in g and th en a b a n d o n in g a b e lie f in th e im m in e n c e o f th e E nd. A pocalyptic n o tio n s ap p aren tly h ad to b e discarded before o n e c o u ld b rin g h u m a n m eans to b ear u p o n e n d in g th e Schism . It m ay w ell b e th a t o n e facto r in the d iv isio n ’s lo n g d u ra tio n was th e slow ness w ith w h ic h som e c h u rc h m e n gave up th e ir b e lie f th at th e Schism m ark ed th e ap p ro ach o f A ntichrist. It was cer-

tainly a lo n g process fo r d ’Ailly, a n d his u ltim ate h o p efu l a ttitu d e w as th e fru it o f m any h o u rs o f re a d in g an d astrological calculation. Finally, it is e v id e n t th a t th e appeal o f astrology lay in th e fact th at it offered useful in fo rm a tio n , so m etim es u n k n o w a b le b y any o th e r m eans, w h ile it lo o k e d and o p erated like a science. E v en astro lo g y ’s critics agreed th at th e heavens exerted a real in flu en ce th a t p ro d u c e d various effects on earth. It was o b vious to all that th e sun caused w a rm th h ere b elo w ; th at th e o th e r planets and stars w o u ld similarly h av e an effect o n earth an d th a t th o se effects co u ld be d e te rm in e d and predicted by a p e rso n o f k n o w le d g e seem ed logically to follow . A strologers o f the later M id d le Ages h a d stro n g scientific th eo ry , as w ell as th e evid en ce o f any n u m b e r o f successful p re d ic tio n s, to b ack th e m up. T h e c o m p lex ity o f astro lo g y ’s rules an d th e d isagreem ents a m o n g its p racti­ tioners served m ainly to increase th e respect a c c o rd ed th e science, ju s t as failures and disagreem ents a m o n g m o d e rn physicians rarely cause th e public to lose faith in m edical science, o n ly to seek a m o re e x p e rie n ced p ractitio n er. T his was cer­ tainly th e case w ith P ierre d ’Ailly. W h e n faced w ith astrology’s inconsistencies, he always assum ed th a t m o re reading, m o re research, and g re ater k n o w le d g e o f the heavens w o u ld p ro v id e th e answ er. D ’A illy b eliev ed th a t life o n earth had a m eaning, w h ic h was p ro v id e d by G o d ’s plan for history, b u t h e also believed that terrestrial events h ad an o rd er. A strology p ro v id e d th at order. Scholars have so m etim es v ie w e d th e h isto ry o f astrology w ith in th e co n te x t o f the con flict b e tw e e n m agic an d religion (as in K eith T h o m a s’s Religion and the Decline o f Magic) o r th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f a split b e tw e e n science and th e occu lt sciences (W ayne S c h u m a k e r’s The Occult Sciences in the Renaissance). D ’A illy’s case indicates th at these categories are n o t valid fo r discussing the astrology o f the later M id d le Ages. A strology was a science, and, w h ile o n e c o u ld argue a b o u t w hich c o m p o n e n ts o f th at science w e re adequ ately d em o n strated , any attack on astrology as a w h o le b e lo n g e d to a m u c h larger conflict, th a t b e tw e e n th e roles o f reason and faith. In his defense o f astrology and his p ro m o tio n o f th e science as a “ natural th e o lo g y ,” d ’A illy a tte m p te d to c o m e d o w n o n b o th sides o f the debate. H e b eliev ed th a t th e re w e re religious tru ths inaccessible to h u m a n rea­ son and th a t faith had prim acy in such m atters. H is v igorous use o f the stars, how ev er, stands as an e lo q u e n t testim o n y to his tru st in th e p o w e r o f the h u m a n m ind. Such, th e n , w e re th e c o n cern s o f a fifte e n th -c e n tu ry c h u rc h m a n , a m an w h o deplored th e Schism in th e c h u rc h an d w h o se greatest m o m e n t o f triu m p h cam e at the c o u n c il th a t w o u ld heal th e division. R e p u ta tio n and in terest k e p t d ’A illy’s w o rk s in circ u la tio n , and th e p rin ters o f th e later fifteenth c e n tu ry m ust have b een c o n fid e n t o f a d e m a n d fo r p u b lish ed ed itions o f his w ritings, b o th scientific an d th eo lo g ical— h e n c e th e L ouvain edition th a t fo u n d its w ay in to C o lu m b u s’s hands. W h e n C o lu m b u s read th at v o lu m e o f d ’A illy’s w ritings, he was w itness to a fair cross-section o f th e card in al’s interests. G eography, astron­ om y, astrology, th e Schism , p ro p h ecy , th e w o rld ’s history, and its en d all m ake

their appearance in the treatises p rin ted in 1483. F u rth e rm o re , these disparate subjects d o n o t em erge as th e m ysterious m anifestations o f a m in d w h o se posses­ sor is paradoxically b o th scientist and m ystic. R a th e r d ’A illy’s treatises rep rese n t an o n g o in g effort to u n derstand his o w n w o rld and tim es. H istory, pro p h ecy , and th e stars w ere all routes to th a t en d . In the m in d o f C olum bus, d ’A illy’s reader, these seem ingly co n trasting ele­ m ents o f his th o u g h t m ay have m erged as w ell. F o llo w in g his source, C o lu m b u s conclu d ed th at the w orld was n earin g its end, b u t th a t p rio r to its co n su m m a tio n all o f its inhabitants w o u ld be co n v erted to C hrist. D u b b in g h im self “C h risto ferens” (C hrist-bearer), he believed that G o d had sent h im o n his voyages to seek o u t and c o n v e rt th e w o rld ’s pagan peoples. Was C o lu m b u s, d iscoverer and seeker o f gold, stirred to an even greater ex te n t by a m ystical, fanatical C h ristian ­ ity, as Pauline M offit W atts has suggested?65 C ertainly that e lem en t was present m his th o u g h t. B u t ifh e rem ain ed tru e to the in ten tio n s o f his source, C o lu m b u s was also m otivated by th e m ost rational o f science.

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T h e M edieval D eb ate ab o u t A strology

o f th e later M id d le A ges, P ie rre d ’A illy h a d to c o n fro n t tw o o pposing sets o f trad itio n s a b o u t astrology. O n th e o n e h a n d w e re th e attacks by the c h u rc h fathers o n a re m n a n t o f p agan su p e rstitio n th a t b ro u g h t in to q u e stio n m an ’s fre e d o m o f w ill. T h e m o st system atic expression o f this o p in io n , an d th e locus classicus for any attack o n astrology th ro u g h o u t th e M id d le Ages, w as th at o f Saint A u g u stin e in The C ity o f God. O n th e o th e r h a n d w as th e w idescale acceptance o f astrology as a science fro m a t least th e tw elfth c e n tu ry on. C u rio s­ ity a b o u t th e stars’ effects w as fed b y a re n e w e d in te re st in n a tu re an d , in p a rtic ­ ular, in A ristotelian physics. In th e tw elfth c e n tu ry a h u g e b o d y o f a n c ie n t w rit­ ings th at had b e e n p reserv ed in A rab ic e n te re d th e L atin W est. F o re m o st a m o n g the n e w translations fro m th e A rabic w e re th e w o rk s o f A ristotle, w h ic h fo u n d an eager an d re c e p tiv e a u d ie n c e in w e ste rn E u ro p e . A risto telian co sm ology b ro u g h t w ith it th e n o tio n th a t th e h eavens affected events o n earth . B e h in d astrological th eo ries n o w sto o d th e a u th o rity o f “ th e P h ilo so p h e r,” A ristotle. H eirs to these tw o c o n flic tin g trad itio n s a b o u t th e stars, th e scholastic th in k ers o f the th irte e n th c e n tu ry h ad w o rk e d o u t a co m p ro m ise , a w ay to preserv e b o th celestial influences an d h u m a n free w ill. M a n y o ffered a so lu tio n a lo n g th e lines o f that p u t fo rth b y S ain t T h o m a s A quinas. B u t e v en after A q u in as’s careful ex p o sitio n o f th e m a tte r, n u m e ro u s astrological p ro p o sitio n s w e re a m o n g th o se c o n d e m n e d b y th e b ish o p o f Paris in 1277. F u rth e r, th e th ird q u a rte r o f th e fo u rte e n th c e n tu ry in Paris w itn essed scath in g attacks o n ju d ic ia l astrology by b o th N ic o le O re sm e an d H e n ry o f L angenstein. P ierre d ’A illy had all o f this lo n g h isto ry in m in d w h e n h e w ro te his series o f treatises d e fe n d in g astrology. H e addressed b o th th e ratio n al an d th e religious o b je ctio n s to astrology fam iliar fro m cen tu ries o f d eb ate o n th e stars. B u t h e also d em o n stra te d a desire to har­ m o n ize astrology w ith th e m a jo r th eo lo g ical c o n c ern s o f th e later fo u rte e n th century. O c c u p ie d n o t m e re ly b y th e sc ie n c e ’s p o te n tia l co n flict w ith h u m a n free w ill, d ’A illy also to o k pains to e re c t an astrological system th a t safeguarded the o m n ip o te n c e o f G o d . L ik e a n y t h i n k e r

T H E E A R L Y M E D IE V A L V IE W O F A S T R O L O G Y

C h u rc h fathers attack ed ju d ic ia l astro lo g y fo r tw o basic reasons. First, its p ractice b o re traces o f p agan su p e rstitio n an d star w o rsh ip . S ec o n d , it d e n ie d th e fu n d a­ m ental C h ristia n p rin c ip le o f m a n ’s fre e d o m o f w ill. Q u ite sim ply, if th e stars

c o n tro lled all h u m a n actions, m e n w e re n o t responsible for th e ir g o o d o r evil deeds, and th e e c o n o m y o f salvation was m eaningless. C o n se q u en tly , th e early C hristians p ro h ib ite d astrology, te rm in g it a species o f d iv in atio n d o n e w ith the aid o f dem o n s. A strology was n o t m erely w ro n g h e a d e d , th ey argued; it c o u ld also expose o n e to th e o p eratio n o f h o stile spirits.1 C h ristian o b jectio n s to th e science fo u n d a vigorous and system atic v o ice in th e w ritin g s o f S aint A ugustine o f H ip p o (354—430). In The C ity o f Cod A u ­ gustine b ro u g h t to g e th e r a n u m b e r o f an cien t argum ents against ju d ic ia l astrol­ ogy and u n d e rsc o re d th e science’s in co m p atib ility w ith C h ristian beliefs.2 H is sentim en ts w o u ld have b e e n fam iliar to any m edieval a u th o r discussing th e stars. A ugu stin e attacked astrology w ith th re e basic argum ents. First, astrology im ­ p in g ed u p o n m a n ’s free will. S eco n d , stellar c o n tro l o f earthly events raised questions a b o u t G o d ’s role in such hap p en in g s. Finally, th e issue o f tw ins b o rn to different fates b ro u g h t in to d o u b t th e accuracy and the rules o f th e scien ce.3 A ugustine d ecried th e lack o f h u m a n free w ill and, thus, a cco u n tab ility in a w o rld w h e re G o d rules th e stars an d th e stars ru le m a n .4 “ H o w is any ro o m left for G o d to pass ju d g m e n t o n th e deeds o f m e n ,” he w ro te , “if th ey are subject to astrological forces, and G o d is L o rd b o th o f stars and m e n ? ” 3 F u rth e r, A u ­ gustine fo u n d it in ju rio u s to G o d to suppose th a t e ith e r th e C re a to r o r th e stars, as his agents, w o u ld decree w ic k e d deeds to b e d o n e . T h e responsibility for h u m a n evil rested u p o n m an an d n o t u p o n G o d .6 Finally, A u g u stin e addressed th e standard classical so lu tio n to th e p ro b le m o f astrology and free w ill, th at is, the arg u m e n t th at th e stars signify ra th e r th a n cause fu tu re events. “ T h is v iew has b een held by m e n o f n o o rd in ary le a rn in g ,” he n o te d .7 A ugustine m et this arg u ­ m e n t w ith a question: E v en if th e philoso p h ers speak o f th e stars as signs and n o t causes, h o w d o they explain th e differences in th e lives o f tw ins, b o rn at the same h o u r u n d e r th e same constellation?8 T h e p ro b le m o f tw ins led A u g u stin e to q u e stio n th e possibility o f m a k in g any accurate astrological pred ictio n s. First, h e offered an exam ple supposedly d raw n fro m th e w ritings o f H ip p o crates. T h e g reat physician had suspected tw o b ro th ­ ers to have b e e n tw ins because th e y fell ill, convalesced, and re c o v e red at th e sam e tim e as o n e a n o th e r.9 A strologers w o u ld a ttrib u te th e ir sim ultaneous illness to th e fact th a t they w e re b o rn u n d e r th e sam e constellation. T h is sim ilarity, said A ugu stin e, is ra th e r to be ex p lain ed as th e physician w o u ld . T h e fetuses w e re n o u rish e d b y th e same m o th e r at th e sam e tim e and th e ch ild ren w e re raised to g e th e r in th e same e n v iro n m e n t. M an y different kinds o f beings w ith different fates m ay be b o rn u n d e r th e same sky, h e added. F u rth er, w e k n o w th a t tw ins m ay act differently, travel to different places, an d suffer different illnesses.10 A u g u stin e rid icu led th e astrologers’ attem p ts to explain w h y tw ins c o u ld have different fates.11 A strologers had argued th a t th e small interval o f tim e elapsing b e tw e e n th e birth s o f tw ins causes a great e n o u g h change in th e heavens to a c c o u n t for a vast difference in th e ir lives. If these imperceptible changes in th e celestial sphere co u ld m ak e tw in s’ lives so d ifferent, o b je cte d A u g u stin e, h o w

dared astrologers claim accuracy in any p re d ic tio n based o n a natal constella­ tio n ? 12 I f astrologers ascribed tw in s ’ differences to th e tim e sep aratin g th e ir births, th e y related th e ir sim ilarities to th e p o sitio n o f th e heavens at th e ir sim ul­ taneous c o n c e p tio n . A u g u stin e w e a k e n e d this p ro ffe red ex p lan a tio n by ad d u c ­ in g th e exam p le o f tw in s o f d ifferen t sexes. It w as n o t im p ro b a b le, A u g u stin e granted, th at th e re c o u ld b e som e stellar in flu en c e o n bo d ies alone, th o u g h certainly n o t o n m e n ’s w ills (th e so u l b e in g a h ig h e r o rd e r o f b e in g th a n th e body). B u t w h e n h e lo o k e d at th e case o f tw in s o f d ifferen t sexes, h e fo u n d e v en this p o sitio n less th a n believ ab le, fo r certain ly n o th in g p ertains m o re in tim ately to the b o d y th a n its sex. “W h a t c o u ld b e m o re stu p id to say o r b e lie v e ,” asked A ugustin e, th a n th a t th e p o sitio n o f th e stars at th e ir sim u ltan eo u s c o n c e p tio n could n o t p re v e n t th e differen ce in tw in s ’ sexes, y et th e d ifferen t constellations at th e ir b irth s c o u ld cause o th e r g reat differences in th e ir lives?13 A ug u stin e fin ish ed his discussion o f astro lo g y w ith re fere n ce to th e d o c trin e o f elections, w h ic h h e fo u n d e n tire ly absurd. A c c o rd in g to this p ractice, by selecting an astrologically p ro p itio u s tim e to p e rfo rm a certain act, a m a n co u ld influence th e co n seq u en ces o f th a t act. T h e re b y , A u g u stin e o b je c te d , he m ig h t o v erc o m e th e fate c o n ta in e d in th e h eavens at his b irth , in v a lid atin g th e b irth h o rosco p e. T h is possibility d e m o n stra te d th e inconsistencies o f th e astrologers’ rules. “ C o n sid e rin g all th is,” h e c o n c lu d e d , “ th e b e lie f is ju stifie d th a t w h e n astrologers m iracu lo u sly give tru e replies, . . . this is d u e to th e fu rtiv e p ro m p tin g o f evil spirits.” 14 H a v in g e n tire ly re je c te d th e p rinciples o f astrological p re d ic ­ tio n , A u g u stin e reaffirm ed th e early C h ristia n v iew : w h e n m e n claim ed to d i­ vine by aid o f th e stars, th ey d id so w ith th e in te rv e n tio n o f dem ons. A n o th e r im p o rta n t early so u rce fo r m ed iev al attitudes a b o u t astrology appears in th e w ritin g s o f Isidore o f Seville (ca. 560—636), in p articu lar in his e n c y c lo p e ­ dic Etymologiae. A lth o u g h Isidore w as firm ly o p p o se d to usin g astrology, his w ritings fo resh ad o w th e later am b iv alen ce a b o u t th e stars. T h e v ery p o sitio n o f astrology in th e a rra n g e m e n t o f Isid o re ’s w o rk p o in ts to its a m b ig u o u s status as b o th science a n d m agic. Isidore discussed th e art o f p ro g n o stic a tin g by th e stars b o th in chapters d e v o te d to th e m ath em atical sciences and in th e sectio n o f the Etymologies d ealin g w ith m a g ic .15 F u rth e r ev id e n ce o f Isid o re’s dual v ie w o f astrology com es fro m his discussion o f th e term s astrologia an d astronomia. Isidore’s p re d ile c tio n fo r w o rd s an d th e ir origins le d h im to a tte m p t to distin­ guish th e tw o sy n o n y m o u s term s. B y Isid o re ’s d efinitions, m u c h like today, astronomia dealt w ith th e m o tio n s o f th e h eav ens a n d astrologia w ith th e ir ef­ fects.16 T h is n eat d istin c tio n b e tw e e n th e tw o w o rd s d id n o t persist, h o w ev e r, and th e term s w e re b lu rre d , ju m b le d , an d so m etim es rev ersed th ro u g h o u t the M iddle Ages. P ie rre d ’Ailly, fo r ex am p le, fairly consistently used astronomia fo r “astro lo g y ” an d astrologia fo r “ astro n o m y .” Isid o re ’s w ritin g s did p ro v id e th e so u rce, h o w e v e r, fo r a d istinction o f great im p o rta n c e fo r m ed iev al discussions a b o u t astrology. “A stro lo g y ,” h e w ro te , “is p a rt n atu ral a n d p a rt su p erstitio u s.” O n ly th e fo recasting o f th e positio n s o f the

heavenly bodies them selves was acceptable as “ n a tu ra l” astrology.17 Isid o re ’s descriptions o f th e tw o types o f astrology w e re sufficiently b rie f to allow in te r­ pretatio n , h o w ev er, and later supporters o f th e art co u ld draw th e lin e b e tw e e n superstitious and natural astrology as th ey saw fit. T h u s, d ’Ailly co u ld d efen d astrology in a treatise b earin g th e paradoxical subtitle contra superstitiosos astronomos (“against th e superstitious astrologers”). Isidore treated d iv in atio n by th e stars as a species o f m agic. H e referred to practitio n ers o f th e art variously as genethliaci (after genethlialogy, o r th e study o f nativities), mathematici, and m agi, b u t n o t astrologi o r astronomi. D u rin g th e course o f his discussion, Isidore m e n tio n e d th e M agi o f th e G ospels. Since th e M agi becam e aw are o f C h rist’s b irth by observ in g th e heavens, this fact m ig h t be taken to validate astrology. In d eed , k n o w led g e o f astrology had b e en allow ed, b u t on ly until th e tim e o f C h rist, said Isidore. “ F ro m th e n o n ,” he insisted, “ no o n e w o u ld in te rp re t any p e rso n ’s nativity fro m the h eav en s.” 18 G iven th e co n d em n atio n s o f astrology by th e C hristian fathers, m an y scholars have assum ed th at interest in an d p ractice o f astrology w a n e d d u rin g th e early M iddle Ages. M .L .W . Laistner, h o w ev er, has argued th a t c h u rc h authorities w e re far m o re co n c e rn e d w ith o th e r superstitions th an w ith th e m o re scientific astrology. H e p oints o u t th a t th e m ajo r co n d em n atio n s o f astrology by th e c o u n ­ cils o f T o led o (400) and Graga (560—65) w e re in fact d irected against th e heresy o f th e Priscillianists, w h o also believ ed in astrology. In d ee d , Laistner m aintains th at only a lack o f p ro p e r tex tb o o k s, an d n o t th e censure o f the c h u rc h fathers, led to astrology’s decline in th e early M iddle A ges.19 U n til recently, scholars have c o n c u rre d w ith L aistner’s ju d g m e n t an d have seen little practice o f astrol­ ogy in th e early m edieval p e rio d .20 In a fascinating reappraisal o f th e place o f m agic in early m edieval E u ro p e, Valerie I. J. Flint has argued th at th e re was in d eed considerable practice o f astrol­ ogy in th e early C hristian centuries. F u rth er, she con clu d es th at c h u rc h a u th o ri­ ties eventually b olstered astrology (and o th e r form s o f m agic) as an altern ativ e to m o re alarm ing and dangerous form s o f d iv in atio n .21 F o r F lint, Isid o re’s distinc­ tio n b e tw e e n “ n atu ral” an d “superstitious” astrology was a key step p av in g the w ay fo r a reh ab ilitatio n o f m agic in th e early M iddle Ages. In h e r view , Isidore was able to salvage som e p art o f th e old, p ro h ib ite d m agic th at A ugustine and o thers had censured in o rd e r to offer a “ C h ristian, ‘scientific’ c o u n te r to n o n C hristian m agical d iv in a tio n .”22 T h e success o f th e p ro jec t F lint sees in an in ­ crease in m anuscripts o f texts dealing w ith topics close to astrology (such as treatises o n th e astrolabe, star charts, an d tables o f tim es fo r b lo odletting) from th e n in th cen tu ry on; in a reappraisal o f th e M agi in biblical com m en taries from the sam e p erio d ; an d , finally, in th e e le v e n th -c e n tu ry rediscovery o f an cien t astrological texts such as th a t o f Firm icus M aternus. T h u s, fo r F lint, th e accep ­ tance o f astrology in th e H ig h M id d le Ages ow es less to th e tw e lfth -c e n tu ry translations o f A rabic sources than it does to th e conscious m anipulations o f the c h u rc h m e n o f th e early M id d le Ages.23 She co u n ters Laistner’s p ictu re o f astrol-

og y ’s dem ise in these c en tu ries b y sug g estin g th a t sufficient k n o w le d g e to p ra c­ tice astrology c o u ld have circu lated b y w o rd o f m o u th and via sh o rt-liv e d charts and tables. Y ct o n ly a v e ry ru d im e n ta ry fo rm o f astrology co u ld have survived in this m a n n e r.24 Flint illum inates n icely th e w ays in w h ic h th e w ritings o f C h ristian au th orities con tain ed th e seeds fo r a reh a b ilita tio n o f astrology, w h e th e r o r n o t this was th e ir a u th o rs’ express in te n tio n , as she so in trig u in g ly suggests. T h u s, A u ­ gu stin e’s adm ission th a t th e stars m ay h av e som e effect o n bodies and Isid o re ’s defin itio n o f a “ n a tu ra l” c o m p o n e n t o f astrology p o in te d to w ays in w h ic h fu tu re stu d en ts o f th e stars m ig h t p re se n t th e ir activities as scientific and in h ar­ m o n y w ith C h ristia n d o c trin e . It m ay w ell b e , as F lin t has arg u ed , th a t such interest in th e stars b eg an as early as th e reig n o f th e C aro lin g ian s.20 C ertain ly fascination w ith astrology rose greatly in th e tw elfth c e n tu ry w ith increased speculation a b o u t th e n atu ral w o rld an d in th e w ak e o f translations fro m th e A rabic. Y et scholars, w o u ld also h av e to re c o n c ile th e ir in te re st in th e stars w ith the c o n d e m n a tio n s o f th e early c h u rc h fathers, c an o n ized in such w o rk s as G ra tian ’s Decretum in th e 1 140s.26 In Isid o re ’s d istin c tio n o f natu ral an d su p ern atu ral lay the a m m u n itio n fo r th e ir defense o f astrology.

T H E A C C E P T A N C E O F A S T R O L O G Y IN T H E H IG H M ID D L E A G E S

T h e early tw e lfth cen tu ry , th e n , saw a revival o f in te re st in th e natural w o rld , in cosm ology, a n d also in astrology. A d elard o f B a th , fo r ex am ple, trav eled e x te n ­ sively m p u rsu it o f le a rn in g in th e field o f n atu ral p h ilo so p h y . Fle m ade a n u m ­ b e r o f translations fro m A rabic sources, in c lu d in g th e p se u d o -P to le m a ic Centiloquium and th e astro n o m ical tables o f al-K h w a rizm i in th e 1120s.27 B e rn a rd Silvestris, in th e 1140s, gave an a c c o u n t o f th e creatio n in w h ic h all events had p rio r existen ce in th e stars.28 C o n te m p o ra ry scholars e m b ra ce d th e n o tio n s th at th ere w e re d efin ite law s o f n a tu re , th a t th e u n iv erse w as a n im a te d b y a “w o rld soul,” an d th a t m a n was a m ic ro c o sm o f th e larger u n iv erse.29 AU o f these th e o ­ ries su p p o rte d th e b e lie f th a t th e stars in flu e n c e d h ap p en in g s o n earth. Equally im p o rta n t fo r th e rise o f astrology was th e in flu x o f translations fro m the A rabic b e g in n in g in th e early tw elfth cen tu ry. T his n e w corpus gave W est­ ern scholars th e practical te x tb o o k s in a stro n o m y an d astrology th e y h ad p re v i­ ously lacked, as w ell as a n e w th eo retical basis fo r a ju stific a tio n o f astrology. B y the m id -tw e lfth cen tu ry , th e basic te x tb o o k s o f astro n o m y (P to le m y ’s Almagest) and astrology (A lbum asar’s lntroductorium maius an d P to le m y ’s Quadripartiturn) had b e e n translated, alo n g w ith a h o st o f o th e r astro n o m ical an d astrological w o rk s.30 F u rth e r, th e w e ig h t o f A ristotle n o w su p p o rte d th e study o f astrology. Statem ents in th e D e generatione et corruptione a n d th e Meteorologica lin k ed changes on earth to m o tio n s o f th e sun an d m o o n and, b y in te rp re ta tio n , the planets.31

A nd A lbum asar s lntroductorium maius p ro v id e d a m o d el defense o f astrology.32 E ven w ith this w ealth o f n e w m aterials, real expertise in astrology was likely rare in th e tw elfth cen tu ry . A delard o f B ath w as perhaps o n e o f the o n ly c o m p e te n t astrologers in early tw c lfth -c e n tu ry E n g lan d . Y et surviving h o ro sco p es n o w at­ trib u te d to his h a n d are full o f inaccuracies an d d eficiencies.33 B y th e th irte e n th cen tu ry , astrological k n o w le d g e w as far m o re c o m m o n , and a ru le r such as th e e m p e ro r F red erick II c o u ld d e p e n d u p o n th e services o f tw o excellen t astrologers.34 W riters o f th e tw elfth an d th irte e n th centuries w e re fo rced to w restle w ith th e p ro b le m o f re c o n c ilin g th e th e o ry o f celestial influ­ ences w ith th e early C h ristian re je c tio n o f astrology. In general, scholars ac­ cep ted astro lo g y ’s place in m ed icin e, m e teo ro lo g y , and alchem y, w h ile w a v er­ in g so m e w h a t o n th e effects o f th e stars o n h u m a n b e h av io r. N o t w ish in g to den y e ith e r celestial influences o r h u m a n free w ill, m o st au th o rs affirm ed astrol­ ogy w h ile tak in g refuge b e h in d th e o ft-q u o te d m ax im “ Sapiens d o m in a b itu r astris” (“ T h e w ise o n e w ill ru le th e stars”).35 A lth o u g h nearly universal, it was an unsteady c o m p ro m ise , leav in g it u n clear w h e th e r free w ill o r astral causality lay b e h in d m e n ’s deeds. O f th e n u m e ro u s th irte e n th -c e n tu ry au th o rs discussing astrology, a m o n g the m o st im p o rta n t for su b seq u en t g en eratio n s w e re A lbertus M ag n u s, R o g e r B aco n , an d A lb e rt’s pup il T h o m a s A quinas. A lb ertus M agnus (?1193—1280) was o n e o f th e g reatest an d m o st influ en tial m in d s o f th e th irte e n th cen tury. K n o w n to c o n te m p o ra ries as an e x p e rt in th e o c c u lt sciences, A lbertus described a m agic based en tirely o n natural causes an d “ o c c u lt v irtu e s” as w ell as a d e m o n ic m agic.36 A lb ert fo llo w ed A ristotle in p o sitin g a fifth e le m e n t m ak in g up the sky and th e h eav en ly b odies. T h is ele m e n t served as a m e d iu m b e tw e e n th e first cause and m atter. T h ro u g h its m e d ia tio n , th e m o tio n s o f th e h eavenly bodies caused w h a te v e r existed o n e a rth .37 T h u s, astrology w as a valid and useful sci­ en ce. T o preserv e h u m a n free w ill, A lb ert d re w a clear d e m arca tio n b e tw e e n m a n ’s b o d y an d his soul. T h e soul rec e iv e d its essence w h o lly fro m th e first cause an d h e n c e was n o t like o th e r in fe rio r substances. H u m a n reason an d w ill w e re thus free fro m stellar c o n tro l, a lth o u g h a m an w h o d id n o t resist th e flesh w o u ld b e sw ep t alo n g by th e stars.38 H a v in g dealt w ith th e o b je c tio n th at astrology denies m a n ’s fre e d o m o f w ill, A lb ert en d o rsed n o t ju s t th e div in ato ry p ractice o f casting nativities b u t som e m o re o p erativ e aspects o f astrology as w ell. H e ap­ p ro v e d o f electin g p ro p itio u s h o u rs to b eg in an u n d e rta k in g and e v en o f en grav­ in g astrological im ages o n gem s an d m inerals to w o rk m arvels.39 In th e Speculum astronomiae he w e n t so far as to say th a t it w as rash and w o rk in g against th e fre e d o m o f th e w ill not to elect astrologically p ro p itio u s tim es fo r o n e ’s actio n s.40 R o g e r B a c o n ’s Opus maius (ca. 1266) an d o th e r w o rk s also m ade great claim s for astrology.41 H is w ritings w e re to m ak e an im p o rta n t im pression o n P ierre d ’Ailly. As d id A lbertus M ag n u s, B aco n accep ted th e stars’ influ en ce o n th e b o d y and d e n ie d th e m d irect p o w e r o v e r th e soul. A lth o u g h th e individual m ig h t resist th e h eav en s’ in flu en ce, B a c o n h eld th a t the masses rarely did and,

thus, th at astrological p red ictio n s reg ard in g large groups w ere generally valid. In particular, B aco n w as tak en w ith c h a rtin g th e astrological causes o f religions, follow ing th e d o c trin e o f th e great c o n ju n c tio n s in tro d u c e d to the W est b y the w ritings o f A lbum asar.42 B aco n d escribed six religions based o n c o n ju n c tio n s o f Ju p ite r w ith each o f th e six o th e r planets (in clu ding th e sun and m o o n as p la n ­ ets). T h e c o n ju n c tio n w ith M e rc u ry was associated w ith C h ristian ity because o f nu m ero u s favorable an d m ystical qualities o f th at planet. B acon also described ho w th e stars fo re to ld C h ris t’s b irth an d th e a d v e n t o f th e C h ristian religion. H e b elieved th a t such astrological descrip tio n s o f C h ristian ity w o u ld stren g th en the C h ristia n ’s faith .43 H e also u rg e d th e c h u rc h to avail itself o f astrological elec­ tions and im ages to resist th e in fid el.44 A lth o u g h T h o m a s A quinas (1225—74) was less enthusiastic a b o u t astrology than w e re A lb ert an d B aco n , his so lu tio n to th e p ro b lem o f astrology and free will becam e th e classic o n e fo r later w riters o n th e stars.45 Like A lbertus M agnus, T hom as insisted u p p n th e difference b e tw e e n th e soul and the body. W h ile the heavenly bodies have n o d irect p o w e r o v er h u m a n reason and w ill, based u p o n the prem ise th a t “ n o c o rp o real b e in g can m ak e an im pression o n an in co rp o real b ein g ,” 45 he g ran ted th a t th e stars did in flu en ce m aterial things, and h en ce h u m an bodies, directly.47 T h e y m ig h t thus in cline m e n to actio n in d irectly th ro u g h th e lo w e r sensory p o w ers, w h ic h in tu rn to u c h e d u p o n th e in tellec t.48 T h e w ill, h o w ev er, was free to resist such im pulses. “ T h u s these very astrolo­ gers,” A quinas exp lain ed , “ say th a t th e w ise m a n is m aster o f th e stars in th a t he is the m aster o f his o w n passions.”49 B u t m o st m e n fo llo w ed th e ir passions, accord in g to T h o m a s. H e n c e a great m an y o f th e p red ictions o f th e astrologers w ere tru e .30 W h e n T h o m a s asked w h e th e r d iv in atio n b y th e stars was licit, he to o k a stand similar to that o f th e early c h u rc h fathers.31 H e granted th at m any astrological forecasts w e re tru e because so few m e n resisted th e ir bo d ily passions. B u t A q u i­ nas w o rrie d th at a tte m p tin g to foretell som e types o f fu tu re events m ig h t lead m en to m ingle w ith d em o n s. O n e such instance w as the a tte m p t to p re d ic t w ith certain ty (per certitudinem) th e fu tu re activities o f m en . T h is atte m p t was, in Isidore’s old te rm , “ sup erstitio u s” an d w ro n g . B u t o n e m ig h t licitly use astrology to p re d ic t events d e te rm in e d b y th e h eavenly bodies, such as rains and droughts. D id such licit use in clu d e n o nspecific p red ictio n s a b o u t m e n ’s actions? A quinas was silent, b u t left o p e n th e possibility o f an affirm ative answ er.52 T h o m a s’s so lu tio n , o r som e v ariatio n th ereo f, was th e standard defense o f astrology in th e later M id d le Ages. G ra n tin g th e stars p o w e r o v er bodies saved th e n o w universally accep ted field o f astrological m ed icin e. T h a t the stars had only an in d ire c t in flu en ce o n h u m a n b e h a v io r answ ered charges o f astral d eter­ m inism as w ell as th e criticism th a t astrological pred ictio n s w e re o ften in accu ­ rate. T h e inescapable fact th a t m o st m e n fo llo w ed th e ir bodily inclinations left ro o m for astrological practice. I f th e w ise m e n ru le d the stars, th e n it follow ed that th e great m ajo rity o f m e n , w h o w e re n o t w ise, w ere for th e m o st part the

heavens’ subjects. T h is so lu tio n offered ju stificatio n for the p ro d u c tio n o f the astrological alm anacs and annual p red ictio n s that w o u ld b ec o m e so p o p u lar in later years, particularly after th e in v e n tio n o f p rin tin g .33 B u t the individual h o ro ­ scope, in A q u in as’s view , rem ain ed pro b lem atic. It was an unsteady reso lu tio n o f a conflict th at was, in th e final analysis, insol­ uble. I f m o st m e n co u ld n o t resist th e ir b o d ily passions and if these inclinations w e re d ictated by th e stars, th e re w as, in effect, no free w ill. I f m a n ’s soul was im m u n e to heavenly influences an d h e acted a c co rd in g to th e dictates o f his in tellect an d his w ill, th e n astrological p re d ic tio n w as im possible, b e y o n d fo re ­ casting th e w eath er, natural disasters, an d m ajo r epidem ics. T o o great an insis­ ten ce o n e ith e r astrological o r theological principles w o u ld u n d e rm in e th e c o m ­ prom ise. T h e a m b ig u ity o f A q u in as’s teach in g o n astrology is u n d e rsco red by th e tre a tm e n t it receiv ed in th e hands o f P ierre d ’Ailly. D ’Ailly used th e sam e passages from th e Summa theologiae to attack astrology in th e 1380s and to defend its use in 1419. T h e in terestin g fact a b o u t th e p o sitio n w o rk e d o u t by A quinas and th e o th e r th irte e n th -c e n tu ry scholastics is th at, for m o st o f th e ir c o n te m p o ­ raries an d successors, it was g o o d e n o u g h . N o o n e w a n te d to deny e ith er C h ris­ tian th eo lo g y o r A ristotelian physics, and so th ey accepted a co m p ro m ise, w h ich , at least o n th e surface, p reserv ed th e m b o th .

C R IT IQ U E S O F A S T R O L O G Y A T P A R IS I N T H E L A T E R M ID D L E A G ES

B y th e later th irte e n th century, c h u rc h authorities h ad b e g u n to see the d an g er­ ous im plications co n tain ed in m u c h o f th e “ n e w learn in g .” In 1277, o n ly three years after T h o m as A quinas’s d eath , th e b ishop o f Paris, E tien n e T em pier, issued a list o f c o n d e m n e d p ro p o sitio n s, in c lu d in g a n u m b e r o f astrological precepts. W h a te v e r th e effect o f these c o n d e m n a tio n s o n later th o u g h t, th ey reiterated the old patristic o b jectio n s to astrology an d u n d e rlin e d th e c o n n e c tio n b e tw e e n astrology an d its n o n -C h ris tia n sources.54 O n th e o th e r h and, the actual practice o f astrology in h ig h places was o n th e rise. W h e n asked fo r an exp lan atio n o f the p lague o f 1348—49, th e faculty o f m e d ic in e a t Paris resp o n d ed in astrological term s.55 In th e 1360s, w ith an e n d o w m e n t fro m th e king, C harles V, M aitre C h re tie n G ervais fo u n d e d a college o f astrology an d m ed ic in e at Paris.36 T h e library o f C harles V at his d eath in 1380 was full o f volum es on astro n o m y and astrology.37 D u e in p art to th e c o n d e m n a tio n o f astrology in 1277 an d to its increased use b y th e aristocracy, th e latter h a lf o f th e fo u rte e n th c en tu ry w it­ nessed th e m o st th o ro u g h g o in g attack o n ju d ic ia l astrology in th e W est since A u g u stin e ’s. T h e assault cam e fro m th e pens o f N ic o le O resm e and his y o u n g e r co n te m p o ra ry H e n ry o f L angenstein (or H esse). B o th m e n so u g h t n o t sim ply to discredit astrology, b u t also to ere c t n e w system s by w h ich to explain natural events w ith o u t recourse to o ccu lt virtues o r th e in fluence o f the stars.

B ish o p T e m p ie r’s c o n d e m n a tio n s in 1277 ro u n d ly d e n o u n c e d th e fatalistic aspects o f astrology, a lth o u g h th e y left o p e n a small a m o u n t o f ro o m fo r astral m ed ic in e .58 P articu larly re p u g n a n t w as th e n o tio n th a t th e h eavenly b o d ies h ad any influ en ce o n th e soul o r th e w ill, c o n d e m n e d , for exam ple, in th e p ro p o si­ tions “T h a t in th e various signs o f th e h eavens are signified various c o n d itio n s in m en , b o th o f spiritual gifts an d o f tem p o ral g o o d s,”39 an d “ T h a t o u r w ill is subject to th e p o w e r o f th e h eav en ly b o d ie s.” 60 T e m p ie r also d e n o u n c e d th e fatalism im p lied in th e d o c trin e o f th e G re a t Year, th e n o tio n th at th e stars w o u ld all re tu rn to th e ir original c o n fig u ra tio n in so m e specified n u m b e r o f years an d cause th e sam e series o f effects to re c u r o n ea rth .61 Finally, th e bishop attacked th e th e o ry b e h in d th e casting o f nativities, declarin g it an e rro r to b e ­ lieve th a t th e re was “ a d isp o sitio n in m an fro m the h o u r o f his b irth in clin in g him to certain actions o r e v e n ts.” B u t h e re T e m p ie r left a lo o p h o le ; such a teach in g was accep tab le if “it was u n d e rsto o d as c o n c e rn in g natural events and by w ay o f d isp o sitio n .”62 W h ile th e c o n d e m n a tio n s thus preserv ed th e possibil­ ity o f som e astral influences o n th e body, th e y re m a in e d largely hostile to ju d i­ cial astrology, b e h in d w h ic h lu rk e d a d an g ero u s a n d c o n d e m n e d fatalism. T h e p h ilo so p h e r an d th e o lo g ia n N ic o le O re sm e (ca. 3320—82) translaced a n u m b e r o f L atin w o rk s in to F re n c h at th e b e h e st o f C h arles V .63 P resum ably w ith his roy al frien d an d p a tro n in m in d , h e also w ro te treatises in L atin (Tractatus contra iudiciarios astronomos) an d F re n c h (Livre de divinations) arguing against th e use o f astrology by p rinces an d ru lers.64 F u rth er, h e had attac k ed astrology in a n u m b e r o f his scientific w o rk s, in p a rtic u la r in the treatise D e commensurabilitate vel incommensurabilitate motunm coeli (O n th e c o m m en su rab ility o r in c o m m e n su r­ ability o f th e h eav en ly m o tio n s). O re s m e ’s in v ec tiv e against astrology also appeared in his Quodlibeta (Q u o d lib e ta l questions) a n d in a Quaestio contra divinatores horoscopis (Q u e stio n arg u ed against th o se d iv in in g by horoscopes) argued [determinata) in Paris in 1370. O re sm e o ffered all th e trad itio n al argum ents against astrology as w ell as n e w reasons d esigned to sh o w th e im possibility o f h av in g accu rate e n o u g h k n o w le d g e o f th e h eav enly m o v e m e n ts fo r astrological p re d ic tio n . In a d d itio n , h e d e v e lo p e d an altern ative th e o ry to explain natural events usually a ttrib u te d to o c c u lt v irtu e , d em o n s, o r astral in fluence. O re sm e o ffered largely stan d ard arg u m en ts in th e Tractatus and th e Livre and in parts o f th e Quodlibeta an d Quaestio.65 T h e aim in th e first tw o w o rk s w as n o t so m u c h to refu te ju d ic ia l astrology as to sh o w th at it w as largely u n p ro fitab le for a k in g to use it.66 A stro lo g y d e n ie d h u m a n free w ill, O re sm e argued, in practice i f n o t in fact.67 It h a d ea rn e d th e cen su re o f th e B ible, th e c h u rc h fathers and do cto rs, an d such p h ilo so p h ers o f a n tiq u ity as Statius, C a to , an d C ic e ro .68 T h e rules by w h ic h th e astrologers p ro g n o stic a te d h ad th e ir origins m o re in fiction th an in any ratio n al basis.69 A strological p red ictio n s, e v en a b o u t th e w eath er, w e re g enerally w ro n g ,70 an d astrologers o ften gave deliberately am b ig u o u s an ­ sw ers o r re so rte d to fraud in o rd e r to m ak e th e ir forecasts c o m e tru e .71 F u rther, astrologers g enerally disagreed w ith o n e a n o th e r.72 O re sm e c ited th e o ld o b je c -

tio n a b o u t tw in s fro m A u g u stin e an d o th e r classical au th o rs.73 In k e e p in g w ith his th em e, in b o th th e Tractatus an d th e Livre, O resm e gave exam ples o f kings w h o h ad co m e to ru in u sing astrology.74 O re s m e ’s w ritings also in c lu d e d a n u m b e r o f n o v el attacks o n astrology. In the Quodlibeta, fo r exam ple, h e a tte m p te d to d em o n strate the in co m p atib ility o f astrology w ith A ristotelian physics. H ith e rto , A ristotle had generally b ee n taken as a p ro p o n e n t o f astrology.75 In th e Quaestio, O re sm e attack ed A q u in as’s n o tio n o f the heav en ly b o d ies’ in flu en ce o n th e sensitive soul a n d his c o n te n tio n th a t m e n fo llo w th e ir b o d ily in clin atio n s.76 O re sm e e v en q u e stio n ed T h o m a s ’s a u ­ th o rity to speak o n this m a tte r because he was n o t an astro lo g er.77 O re s m e ’s m ost valuable n e w w e a p o n against astrology, h o w e v er, was th e a rg u m e n t from incom m ensurability. In a series o f m athem atical treatises, O re sm e d ev elo p ed th e hypothesis th at th e p ro p o rtio n o f th e velocities o f th e heav en ly b o d ies w o u ld m o st likely b e an irrational n u m b e r and th a t th e ir m o tio n s w o u ld th e re fo re be in c o m m e n su ra ­ b le.78 Since an irrational n u m b e r c a n n o t be k n o w n exactly, the in c o m m e n su ra ­ bility o f th e h eavenly m o tio n s w o u ld m ean th at all o f the tables and calculations u p o n w h ic h astrology was based w e re inaccurate. A strologers ta u g h t th at even a small change in th e p o sitio n o f a p lan et co u ld radically alter an astrological chart. T h e re fo re , any u n c e rta in ty in o u r k n o w le d g e o f th e h eavenly m o tio n s re n d e re d accurate astrological ju d g m e n ts w ell-n ig h im possible.79 In c o m m e n ­ surability w o u ld also m ean th a t n o c o n fig u ra tio n o f th e heavens w o u ld e v er rep eat itself exactly. H e n c e th e astrologers co u ld n o t base th e ir p red ictio n s on past ex p erien ce o f th e h e a v e n ’s effects.80 O resm e also d evelo p ed a system b y w h ic h to explain natu ral p h e n o m e n a w ith o u t reco u rse to th e stars, his d o c trin e o f “ c o n fig u ra tio n s.” O re sm e p o stu ­ lated th a t different g eo m etrical figures co u ld rep resen t th e various “ qualities” m ak in g u p an individual. T h e relatio n sh ip (convenientia o r disconvenientid) b e ­ tw e e n th e “ co n fig u ratio n s” o f tw o objects, h e argued, co u ld explain effects n o t red u cib le to th e actions o f th e fo u r elem ents. “ C o n fig u ra tio n s” c o u ld thus ac­ c o u n t for p h e n o m e n a like th e m a g n e t’s attractio n fo r iro n , norm ally re fe rred to o ccu lt v irtu e o r heav en ly in flu e n c e .81 It is im p o rta n t to n o te th at O re sm e p re ­ sented co n fig u ratio n as a th e o ry o n ly (ymaginatio) and th a t h e b eliev e d these config u ratio n s w o u ld be largely u n k n o w a b le by h u m an s.82 T h e th e o ry does indicate, h o w e v e r, O re sm e ’s desire to explain natural p h e n o m e n a b y m eans o th e r th an astrology. E v en so, O re sm e h im self d id n o t co n sid er his attack o n astrology to be c o n ­ clusive. In th e w o rk m o st hostile to ju d ic ia l astrology, th e Quaestio o f 1370, he allow ed th e heavens to affect th e earth b y “light, m o tio n , an d in flu e n c e ” and p o sited a general in flu en ce fro m th e heavens as a w h o le .83 H is argum ents so u g h t m ainly to discredit reliance o n astrological ju d g m e n ts b y in d icatin g th e h o p e ­ lessness o f atta in in g sufficient k n o w le d g e for accurate p red ictio n s. As O re sm e said in th e Tractatus:

A lth o u g h th e re m ay b e in so m e w ay a d iv ersity o f c o m p le x io n s [d e p e n d e n t o n ] th e heavens, w h ic h in clin es th e souls o f m e n to v ario u s characters, a lth o u g h w ith o u t th e necessity o f fate; n e v erth eless th e astro lo g ers are u n a b le to fo re k n o w it becau se th e p ro p o rtio n s o f th e h eav en ly m o tio n s are u n k n o w a b le (as I h av e sh o w n else­ w h ere), b ecau se th e forces o f th e stars are u n k n o w n , a n d b ecau se th e ir rules h av e been stre n g th e n e d w ith friv o lo u s p e rsu asio n s.84

Like O r c s m e , H e n ry o f L an g en stcin (1325—97) also so u g h t to explain natural p h e n o m e n a w ith o u t re c o u rse to h eav en ly in flu en ces.8;> H e to o p o sited a th eo ry o f “ co n fig u ra tio n s” for d e m o n stra tin g effects n o t a ttrib u tab le to th e qualities o f the fo u r e le m e n ts.86 H e n ry did g ra n t th e stars so m e causative p o w e r, h ig h e r and n o b le r th a n th a t o f th e fo u r elem en ts, b u t en tirely d e p e n d e n t u p o n th e first cause, G o d .87 In p ractice, h o w e v e r, th e h e a v e n s’ in flu en ce w as lim ite d to m a k ­ in g objects h o t o r cold a n d m o ist o r dry, an d th e stars h ad n o o cc u lt v irtu es.88 F u rth er, H e n ry insisted th a t o n e m u st k n o w b o th th e d isposition o f th e re ceiv e r and th e m eans o f irra d ia tio n o f th e q u ality in o rd e r to foresee th e effect o f any given astral in flu e n c e . S ince this k n o w le d g e w as practically im possible, astrolog­ ical d iv in atio n was re n d e re d e x tre m e ly difficu lt.89 H e n ry addressed astrological questions specifically in tw o treatises, th e Quaestio de cometa (after th e c o m e t o f 1368) an d th e Tractatus contra coniunctionistas (Treatise against th e co n ju n ctio n ists, p ro v o k e d by p red ic tio n s based o n a c o n ­ ju n c tio n in 13 7 3 ).90 H e re h e attack ed as irratio n al several key d o ctrin es o f astrol­ ogy. In particu lar, h e fo u n d it difficult to accep t th at th e effects o f a p la n et w o u ld vary w ith its p o sitio n in th e h eav en s o r w ith its p ro x im ity to a n o th e r p lan e t.91 F urther, H e n ry re je c te d th e d o c trin e th a t g ra n te d a g rea te r in flu en ce to som e co n ju n c tio n s th a n to o th ers. W h y sh o u ld th e rarity o f a p h e n o m e n o n , h e q u es­ tioned , h av e a n y im p a c t on its effects?92 H e n ry especially re p ro v e d th e p ractice by w h ic h astrologers w o u ld a ttrib u te events o n earth to th e ap p earance o f a co m et (or to a c o n ju n c tio n ) o c c u rrin g m o n th s o r ev en years p reviously.93 Fi­ nally, he a rg u ed th a t th e h u m a n m in d was incap able o f k n o w in g th e qualitative stru ctu re o f n atu ral bod ies o r th e law s o f celestial m o tio n s w ith e n o u g h accuracy to m ak e an y k in d o f p red ictio n s based o n th e stars.94 A lth o u g h h e g ran ted a lim ited in flu e n c e to th e stars, H e n ry ’s re je c tio n o f all rules based o n th e positions o f the planets re n d e re d astrology as it was p ra c ticed essentially pow erless. F o r so forcefu l an attack , th e w ritin g s o f N ic o le O re sm e a n d H e n ry o f L angenstein h a d rem ark ab ly little im p a c t.95 O re s m e ’s anti-astrological w orks had a sm all c irc u la tio n a m o n g his c o n te m p o ra ries, alth o u g h b o rro w in g s fro m his w ritings sh o w e d u p in P h ilip p e de M e z ie re s’s Songe du vieil pelerin, E u stache D esch am p s’s Demoustracions contre Sortileges, a n d th e Som nium Viridarii, as w ell as in th e w o rk s o n astrology o f H e n ry o f L angcnstein, P ierre d ’Ailly, Je a n G erson, Pico della M ira n d o la , an d a h an d fu l o f o th e rs.96 Ju d g in g fro m th e attacks on astrology b y G e rso n an d P ic o , O re s m e ’s w ritin gs certainly seem to have had little effect o n astrological p ractice. N o r did H e n ry o f L angenstein m anage to

crush th e use o f astrology. In d eed , in th e fifteen th cen tu ry , H e n ry rece iv e d th e dubious an d iro n ic d istin ctio n o f h av in g astrological ap ocalyptic p ro p h ecie s at­ trib u te d to h im .97 T h e effect o f th e attacks o n astrology in Paris in 1277 and th e late r fo u rte e n th century, th e n , was n o t totally to discourage th e use o f astrological ju d g m e n ts. R a th e r th e attacks served to rein fo rce th e old patristic invectives against “pagan sup erstitio n ” an d to raise ratio n al o b jectio n s to th e scientific basis o f astrology. T h e result w as n o t an a b a n d o n m e n t o f astrology, b u t ra th e r th e elic itatio n o f careful defenses fro m w o u ld -b e astrologers. A stro lo g y ’s dem ise cam e m u c h later, in th e sev en teen th c en tu ry , w ith th e ad v e n t o f n e w scientific m o d es o f th o u g h t and astrology’s increasin g vulg arizatio n in th e press.98 Its d etractors in th e later M id d le Ages k e p t o p e n th e d ebate o n its accep tan ce, b u t theirs was n o t the last w o rd .99

P IE R R E D ’AILLY’S D E F E N S E OF A ST R O LO G Y

W ritin g in th e 1380s, P ierre d ’A illy addressed th e qu estio n o f w h e th e r d ivina­ tio n by th e stars was lic it.100 H e to o k a ra th e r conservative stand in this early w o rk , c o n d e m n in g m o st uses o f ju d ic ia l astrology an d fo llo w in g closely the argum ents o f A u g u stin e, T h o m as A quinas, an d N ic o le O re s m e .101 In a series o f treatises d atin g fro m 1410 u n til his d eath in 1420, h o w ev e r, d ’Ailly d efen d ed astrology and its use in p re d ic tin g religious ch ange. H e d e fin ed his o w n p o sitio n as th a t o f a “m o d e ra te ” o n astrology, so m e w h e re in b e tw e e n those w h o w o u ld grant to o little and those w h o w o u ld g ra n t to o m u c h p o w e r to th e stars.102 T h e history o f th e science d ictated a defense o f ev en a m o d e ra te p o sitio n , so d ’Ailly in his w ritings carried o n a dialo g u e, som etim es specific, som etim es in d ire ct, w ith astro lo g y ’s past critics. H is defense o f astrology addressed b o th astro lo g y ’s a g ree m e n t w ith C h ristian teachings an d its legitim acy as a science. H e dealt w ith th e old issue o f free w ill an d fate as w ell as th e n e w e r rational a rg u m en ts o f N ic o le O re sm e an d H e n ry o f L angenstein. F o llo w in g his o w n dual interests in th eo lo g y an d n atu ral science, d ’A illy was m o st c o n c e rn e d w ith se ttin g u p the lim its o f astrology vis-a-vis theology, w h ic h w o u ld allow h im to d em o n strate, as h e called it, “ th e c o n c o rd a n c e o f astrology an d th eo lo g y .” In o rd e r to d efen d astrology fro m th e charge th at it was in co n sisten t w ith C hristianity, d ’A illy first h ad to p ru n e aw ay those aspects o f th e science blatantly re p u g n a n t to th e faith. T h is h e acco m p lish ed b y d ra w in g u p o n th e old charac­ terizatio n o f astrology as p art natural an d p a rt superstitio u s.103 D ism issing th e “su p erstitio u s” aspects o f th e science as th e additions o f w ro n g h e a d e d astrolo­ gers allo w ed d ’A illy to c o n c e n tra te his a tte n tio n o n the m o re defensible parts o f astrology. In his 1414 Vigintiloquium o r Concordantia astronomie cum theologia

(C o n c o rd a n c e o f astrology w ith th e o lo g y ), d ’A illy listed th e fo llo w in g c o m p o ­ nents o f sup erstitio u s o r false astrology: 1. T h e b e lie f that all future events precede by fatal necessity from the stars; 2 . T h e m in glin g o f superstitious m agic arts w ith astrology; 3 . T h e placing o f free w ill and matters solely under divine or supernatural c o n ­ trol w ith in astrology’s p o w e r .104

T h e seco n d o f these o b je c tio n s p ro b ab ly was a referen ce to th e practice o f e n ­ graving stones w ith astrological im ages, against w h ic h d ’A illy ’s p u p il Je a n G e rson addressed a tre a tise .105 T h e first an d th ird addressed th e old c o n te n tio n th at astrology d e n ie d h u m a n free w ill. T h e th ird sh o w e d as w ell a n e w e r c o n c e rn w ith th e relatio n sh ip b e tw e e n astrological and m iraculous causality, in e x e m p t­ in g fro m stellar in flu e n c e m atters th a t are “solely u n d e r d ivine o r su pernatural p o w e r.” D ’A illy d id n o t b eliev e th a t th e stars c o u ld signify fu tu re events w ith o u t also b e in g th e ir causes. A strologers th u s c o u ld p re d ic t fu tu re events because th e stars caused th e m . B u t d ’A illy still h a d to sh o w h o w astrology c o u ld w o rk w ith ­ o u t necessitatin g its effects o r im p in g in g o n d iv in e co n tro l. O n th e p ro b le m o f h u m a n free w ill, d ’A illy fo llo w e d th e basic so lu tio n o u t­ lined b y T h o m a s A quinas an d R o g e r B aco n . In th e early treatise D e Jalsis prophetis II, d ’A illy relied o n A q u in as’s a rg u m en ts a b o u t th e stars. T h a t is, he granted th e stars a d ire c t in flu e n c e o n th e b o d y an d an in d ire c t influ en ce o n the soul via th e senses. T h ro u g h th e exercise o f free w ill, a m an m ig h t cho o se to follow o r n o t to fo llo w th e im pulses o f th e bo d y. T h a t few m e n d id resist the flesh m ad e m an y astrological p re d ic tio n s v a lid .106 D ’A illy’s later treatises used a sim ilar line o f reason in g , n o w d ra w n fro m R o g e r B acon. D ’A illy e x p o u n d e d B a c o n ’s v iew s at le n g th in his m a jo r defense o f astrology, th e 1410 treatise D e legibus et sectis contra superstitiosos astronomos (O n th e law s an d th e sects, against the superstitious astrologers), w h e re he arg u ed th a t th e heavens act u p o n th e b o d y w ith o u t c o m p e llin g th e will. T h e soul, since it is jo in e d to th e body, is strongly aroused in tu rn , a lth o u g h it is n o t co m p e lle d to fo llo w th e b o d y ’s desires.107 Like B acon an d A quinas, d ’A illy fo u n d g re a te r validity in p red ictio n s a b o u t th e masses th a n in forecasts a b o u t individuals. A n d like B aco n , h e was in te re ste d in th e astrological causes o f religions. H e re , to o , B a c o n ’s ideas w e re o f help. Since g ro u p m o v e m e n ts w e re o fte n started b y o n e fam ous an d p o w e rfu l m an, the stars’ ability in d ire c tly to arouse th e soul c o u ld in clin e th e masses to follow such a le a d e r.108 D ’A illy’s c o n c e rn w ith fin d in g astrological causes fo r religions and sects m e a n t th a t h e ran th e d an g er o f g ra n tin g th e stars c o n tro l o v er m atters su p e rn at­ ural o r d iv in e, th e th ird o n his list o f superstitious errors. In d eed , his p rim ary co n ce rn in d e fe n d in g astro lo g y seem s to have b e e n to sh o w th a t astral causality did n o t stand in th e w ay o f G o d ’s o m n ip o te n c e . H e d e v o te d several treatises in the years 1410—14 to d e lin e a tin g astro lo g y’s ju risd ic tio n in relation to

re lig io n .109 In th e first o f these, th e D e legibus et sectis, d ’A illy fo llo w e d R o g e r B acon in associating each o f six p rin cip al religions o r sects w ith th e c o n ju n c tio n o f Ju p ite r an d a n o th e r p lan et and in lin k in g changes in religions w ith p lanetary co n ju n c tio n s o c c u rrin g o n ce every 2 4 0 years. B u t h e fo u n d B a co n gu ilty o f superstitious e rro r w h e n he tried to sh o w th a t astrology had fo re to ld th e rise o f C hristianity. T h e k ey to establishing a p ro p e r relatio n sh ip b e tw e e n astrology a n d relig io n was, fo r d ’Ailly, a clear d istin ctio n o f n atu ral fro m su p ern atu ral causality.110 AU natural things w e re u n d e r celestial c o n tro l, h e argued. T h u s u n d e r th e stars’ ju risd ic tio n w e re fo u r o f B a c o n ’s six sects, th o se o f th e C haldeans, th e E gyptians, th e M uslim s, an d th e sect o f A ntichrist. T h e M o saic law an d the C h ristian reli­ g io n d ’A illy classed as su p ern atu ral and thus e x e m p t fro m astrological causation. Y et C h ristian ity and Ju d aism h a d th e ir n atu ral aspects as w ell, h e argued. O n e could p ro p e rly attrib u te , for exam ple, C h ris t’s ex cellent physical c o m p le x io n to a favorable disposition o f th e heavens at his b ir th .111 D ’A illy refin ed his d istin ctio n b e tw e e n su p ern atural and natural causes in later treatises so as to allow astrology ev en g reater sway. In th e Concordantia astronomic cum hystorica narratione (C o n c o rd a n c e o f astrology w ith historical narration) o f 1414, d ’A illy p u t th e schem a q u ite sim ply: G o d arranged “ to w o rk naturally, w ith causes, ex cep t w h e re a m iracu lo u s o p e ra tio n in te rv e n e s.” 112 T h u s astrolog­ ical causality w o u ld apply to all earth ly events save m iracles.113 D ’Ailly fu rth e r exam in ed th e lim its o f astro lo g y vis-a-vis C h ristian ity in th e Apologetica defensio astronomice veritatis (A pologetic defense o f astrological tru th ) also o f 1414. Specif­ ically, he q u e stio n e d th e role o f th e planets in th e d e v e lo p m e n t in u te ro o f C h rist and th e V irgin M ary. D ’A illy b e g an w ith th e cautious observ atio n th a t th e C h ristian faith did n o t c o m p e l o n e to ex clu d e any stellar in fluence in M a ry ’s b irth , “ju st as it docs n o t c o m p e l o n e to say th a t th e sun d id n o t w a rm h e r.” 114 H e c o n c lu d e d in c itin g Jesu s’ re m a rk th at h e h ad c o m e n o t to destroy th e law, b u t to fulfill it (M a tth e w 5:17). C h ris t’s w o rd s applied as w ell to th e law o f n atu re as to th e M osaic law, a c c o rd in g to d ’Ailly. H e w o u ld have C h rist an d the V irgin su b ject to stellar in flu en ce in all m atters save those “w h ic h C h ristian au th o rity teaches w e re d o n e b y d iv in e in flu en ce, by special privilege n o t o f n atu re b u t o f g race.” 115 B y reserv in g for G o d a su p ern atu ral causality b e y o n d th at o f th e stars, d ’A illy placed astrology a m o n g the u n d en iab le laws o f n atu re and gave it a scope reach in g as far as th e h u m a n aspects o f C h ris t.116 D ’Ailly sh o w e d his fam iliarity w ith attacks o n astro lo g y ’s legitim acy as a sci­ ence fro m early o n . In th e treatise D e fa lsis prophetis II, largely hostile to astrol­ ogy, d ’A illy paraphrased g reat ch u n k s o f A u g u stin e ’s C ity o f G o d and N ic o le O re sm e ’s Tractatus contra astrologos' 17 T h e 1410 treatise D e legibus et sectis b o r­ ro w e d heavily fro m O re s m e ’s treatise o n co m m e n su rab ility .118 A n d in th e tw o Apologetice defensiones astronomice veritatis (A pologetic defenses o f astrological tru th ) o f 1414, d ’A illy addressed specifically th e criticism s o f N ico le O re sm e and H e n ry o f L angenstein. In general d ’A illy resp o n d e d to tw o sorts o f assertions

a b o u t astro lo g y as a science. T h e first so rt o f a ttack p o in te d to th e in accu racy o f astrological p re d ic tio n s an d th e u n c e rta in ty o f h u m a n k n o w le d g e a b o u t the heaven ly m o v e m e n ts. T h e seco n d k in d o f criticism was leveled at th e rules used by th e astrologers in m a k in g th e ir p red ictio n s. W h e n re p ly in g to th e ch arg e o f astro lo g y ’s inaccuracy, d ’A illy to o k th e line o f defense th a t such assertions p ro v e d “ th e difficulty o f k n o w in g ra th e r th a n the im possibility o f th e k n o w le d g e [sciential” ' 19 T h a t astrologers w e re freq u en tly w ro n g in n o w ay serv ed to invalid ate th e th e o ry b e h in d th e ir art, a cc o rd in g to d ’Ailly. In th e D e legibus et sectis, he a c k n o w le d g e d th e great u n c e rta in ty in o u r k n o w led g e o f th e h eav en ly m o v e m e n ts. F o llo w in g O re sm e , d ’Ailly sh o w ed that it w as im possible to say w ith c e rta in ty th a t th e heav en ly m o v e m e n ts w e re co m m e n su ra b le .120 F u rth e r, h e to o k g reat pains to d e m o n stra te o u r lack o f k n o w led g e o f ev en th e s u n ’s p ath . E v e n th e le n g th o f th e solar year was n o t c e rta in .121 F o r d ’A illy such re a so n in g d id n o t u n d e rm in e astrology, b u t ra th e r indicated th e peril in v o lv e d in a tte m p tin g to m ak e p articu lar ju d g m e n ts using the stars. “S ince in th e p art o f a stro n o m y d ealin g w ith m o tio n s th e re are so m any difficulties a n d u n c e rta in tie s,” h e w ro te , . . b y necessity th e re m u st b e m a n y and g re a te r ones in ju d ic ia l astrology, since it d epends u p o n th e fo rm e r and presupposes m an y u n c e rta in th in g s b e y o n d it.” It sh o w e d h u m a n p rid e , he added, to w ish to try to attain k n o w le d g e o f su ch fu tu re c o n tin g e n t events, w h ich k n o w le d g e o n e sh o u ld b eliev e G o d h a d reserved fo r h im se lf a lo n e .122 H av in g ru le d o u t m a k in g specific, p articu lar p re d ictio n s as an e rro r o f su p er­ stitious astrologers, d ’A illy affirm ed th e usefulness o f astrology in fo reseeing m o re general changes. In th e seco n d Apologetica defensio astronomice veritatis o f 1414, h e asserted th a t o n e c o u ld h av e c o g n itio n o f th e h e av en ly m o v e m e n ts and th e ir in flu en ces sufficient fo r m a k in g so m e ju d g m e n ts, e v e n th o u g h this c o g n i­ tion w as n o t e x a c t.123 In th e Vigintiloquium, h e offered exam ples o f cases in w h ich it w o u ld be reasonable to use astrology to c o n je c tu re a b o u t th e fu tu re . F or ex am p le, o n e m ig h t p re d ic t a g o o d c ro p based u p o n a favorable h eav en ly disposition at th e tim e o f p lan tin g . O th e r fu tu re events relied o n h u m a n free will. E v e n th e re , d ’A illy felt o n e c o u ld lo o k to astrological ju d g m e n ts because the stars c o u ld h av e a g reat effect o n “ th o se b ru tish m e n w h o d o n o t resist evil inclinations th ro u g h v irtu e s.” 124 N o r d id th e c o n tra d ictio n s a m o n g astrologers casting p e o p le ’s n ativities shake d ’A illy’s faith in astrology’s prem ises: “ I say th at astrological ju d g m e n ts a b o u t nativities, m o re th a n all o th e r ju d g m e n ts o f the stars, are v ery difficult an d u n c e rta in .” T h e “m o re e x p e rie n c ed astro lo g ers,” he added, h ad sufficiently a c k n o w le d g e d th a t to be th e case.125 S u ch co n trad ictio n s w e re to b e e x p e c te d because astrology was so m u c h m o re difficult th a n th e o th e r sciences.126 In th e criticism s o f astrology d raw n u p b y N ic o le O re sm e an d H e n ry o f L angenstein, d ’A illy fo u n d th e ad d itio n al charge th at astrology’s rules w e re c o n ­ tradictory, g roundless, a n d seem ingly m a d e up. H e answ ered these assertions in th e tw o Apologetice defensioties o f 1414. In th e first o f these treatises, d ’A illy dealt

w ith th e c o n te n tio n o f H e n ry o f L angenstein th at it was foolish to believe th at the planets ruled in tu rn o v e r th e n in e m o n th s o f h u m a n gestation. R e ly in g on th e best m edical o p in io n , H e n ry had ex plained the fetus’s d e v e lo p m e n t by the natural h e a t o f th e b o d y an d n o t by astro lo g y .127 D ’Ailly, h o w ev e r, saw no reason to d o u b t th a t G o d h ad e n d o w e d th e planets w ith a special v irtu e by w h ic h th e y w o u ld rule o v e r successive m o n th s o f h u m an d e v e lo p m e n t.128 A fter all, astronom ers, p h ilosophers, theologians, and physicians w o u ld all agree that th e planets oversee in tu rn th e h o u rs o f th e day. D ’A illy c o n firm e d this th eo ry b y the fact th at an cien t philoso p h ers h ad n am ed each day o f th e w e e k after the p lan et ru lin g o v er its first h o u r .129 T h e an tiq u ity o f the astrologers’ p recepts also served as th e basis for d ’A illy’s response to O re s m e ’s criticism s. O re sm e fo u n d th e ir rules to b e u tte r fic tio n , as, fo r exam ple, th e assertion th a t som e degrees o f th e zodiac w ere m asculine and som e fe m in in e .130 D ’Ailly declared it p rep o stero u s th at so m an y au th o rs w o u ld have m ade up rules for th e express purp o se o f d ec eiv in g posterity. H e pro p o sed th e fo llo w in g sources for th e astrologers’ rules. First, h e alleged th at m an y o f the rules w e re w o rk e d o u t by ex p erien ce. As an exam ple, h e cited th e couplings o f th e planets w ith th e seven “ clim ates” o r regions o f th e earth. T h e validity o f this association was obvious, acco rd in g to d ’Ailly, fro m th e characters o f th e lands and th e ir peoples. O n th e o th e r h an d , th e re w e re u n d o u b te d ly heavenly c o n d i­ tions o f w h ic h th e an cien t astrologers w o u ld have had n o d ire ct exp erien ce, d ’Ailly added. F u rth e r, th e F lood w o u ld have destroyed m o st o f th e an cien t w ritings th at re c o rd e d th e h eav en s’ effects. H e n c e fo r m u c h o f astrological kn o w le d g e , he p ro p o se d as source rev elatio n , n o t directly fro m G o d , b u t by the m ed iatin g im pression o f th e h e a v e n s.131 In o th e r w o rd s, astrological k n o w led g e had em an ated from th e stars them selves. Finally, d ’Ailly h y p o th esized th a t it was “ n o t in c re d ib le ” th at som e astrological tru th s h ad b een revealed directly by G o d to th e h o ly patriarchs an d p ro p h ets. T h is so lu tio n w o u ld w o rk , h e added, b o th to the exaltatio n o f astronom ical tru th an d to th e h o n o r and glory o f G o d .132 D ’A illy’s description o f th e sources o f astrological k n o w led g e in v o lv e d a d e­ liberate tw istin g o f O re s m e ’s w ords. In th e Tractatus contra astronomos, O resm e had b ro u g h t fo rth and re b u tte d th e arg u m e n t th at astrology had b e e n revealed to th e patriarchs, charg in g th at astrologers falsely a ttrib u te d b o o k s to S o lo m o n , E n o ch , an d o th e r ancients in o rd e r to bolster th e science.133 D ’A illy k n e w b o th th e arg u m e n t and th e re b u tta l fro m O re sm e , fo r h e had in serted b o th passages in to his D e falsis prophetis II, w ritte n in th e 1380s. T h e re h e fo llo w ed b o th O re sm e ’s in te n tio n an d his o rd e r o f ex p o sitio n , c o n c u rrin g w ith his so u rc e ’s attack o n astrology. In th e second Apologetica defensio, h o w ev e r, d ’Ailly ig n o red O re sm e ’s c o u n te ra rg u m e n t and used th e assertion th at astrology h a d b e e n re ­ vealed to th e patriarchs to d efen d th e science against O re sm e ’s o th e r attacks. In k ee p in g w ith his steadily increasin g estim atio n o f astrology’s w o rth , d ’A illy n o w disregarded argum ents to th e c o n trary an d m ain ta in ed th at astrological science was a rev elatio n from G od.

D ’A illy’s defense o f astrology show s h im fam iliar w ith all o f th e m o st im p o r­ tant p articip an ts in th e m ed iev al d eb ate o n th e stars. It also reveals his d e p e n ­ den ce o n m an y o f th e o ld e r au th o rs. In casting h im se lf as a m o d e ra te o n astrol­ ogy, h e relied u p o n th e o ld Isid o ran d istin c tio n b e tw e e n th e “ su p erstitio u s” an d “n a tu ra l” parts o f astro n o m y , w h ic h en ab led h im to cast o u t the m o re o b jec­ tionable aspects o f astrology in o rd e r b e tte r to d e fe n d th e rem ain d er. W h e n he addressed th e issue o f free w ill, h e b o rro w e d th e arg u m en ts o f T h o m a s A quinas and R o g e r B a c o n , w h ic h allo w ed h im to state th a t th e stars c o u ld in cline o n e to action w ith o u t necessity. F ro m B a c o n , to o , h e b o rro w e d his co n c ep tio n s o f astrology’s effects o n relig io n s a n d th e im p licatio n s o f th e p lan ets’ c o n ju n c tio n s. H e a p p ro p ria te d arg u m en ts fro m N ic o le O re s m e ’s treatises against ju d ic ia l as­ tro lo g y an d o n th e c o m m e n su ra b ility o r in c o m m e n su rab ility o f th e heavenly m o tio n s. A n d , finally, h e to o k c a u tio n fro m O re sm e , H e n ry o f L angenstein, and A ugustine. W h a t set d ’A illy ap art fro m these o th e r au th o rs is n o t so m u c h a d ifference in his ideas a b o u t astro lo g y as his c o n c e rn s in d e fe n d in g it. D ’A illy’s goal, ab o v e all, was to establish astrology as a “ n atu ral th e o lo g y ,” w h ic h c o u ld b e used to in te r­ p re t p ro p h e c y as w ell as to validate th e c h ro n o lo g y o f religious history. H e n c e , he ran u p against issues o th e r th a n th e usual th eo lo g ical p ro b le m o f re c o n c ilin g astrology an d free w ill. T h e k ey featu re o f d ’A illy’s defense, th e n , w as his dis­ tin c tio n o f n atu ral an d su p ern atu ral causality, an d his p lacing astrology squarely in th e cam p o f th e fo rm er. R e s e rv in g a su p ern atu ral causality fo r th e p ro d u c tio n o f m iracles m e a n t th a t d ’A illy c o u ld affirm astrology w ith o u t in any w ay d e n y ­ ing G o d ’s o m n ip o te n c e . A n d th e w id e scope g iv en to n atu ral causality in d ’A illy’s schem a m e a n t th a t h e c o u ld use astrology to investigate, n o t w ith cer­ tainty, b u t co n jectu rally at least, certain claim s at p ro p h ecy . In 1414 h e w o u ld use astrology to a p p ro x im a te th e arrival o f A n tich rist. F o r d ’Ailly, his C hristian astrology p ro v id e d a w ay o f p e e rin g in to th e fu tu re w ith o u t im p in g in g o n G o d ’s o w n p o w ers. T h e c o n c e rn w ith G o d ’s o m n ip o te n c e w as a cen tral featu re o f d ’A illy’s th e o l­ ogy, as w ell. A lth o u g h , as h e argued, G o d h ad v o lu n tarily agreed to act o n ly in certain w ays in this w o rld (G o d ’s so -called potentia ordinata), in absolute term s G o d ’s p o w e r was lim ite d o n ly b y his in ab ility to p ro d u c e a c o n tra d ic tio n (the potentia absoluta). A stral causality m ig h t w ell b e p e rc eiv ed as restrictive o f G o d ’s o m n ip o te n c e ; in d e e d o n e o f th e m o tiv a tio n s b e h in d th e co n d e m n atio n s issued by B ish o p T e m p ie r in 1277 seem s to h av e b e e n a c o n c e rn th a t A ristotelian physics im p in g e d u p o n th e fre e d o m o f G o d .134 A lth o u g h app aren tly u n k n o w n to d ’Ailly, o n e o f his co n te m p o ra ries, C o lu c c io Salutati, attacked astrology on precisely this p o in t. A m o n g o th e r o b je c tio n s to th e science, Salutati argued that G o d c o u ld an d d id act o u tsid e th e n o rm a l channels o f causation. “M o st astrolo­ gers,” h e n o te d w ith o b v io u s c o n te m p t, “ have th o u g h t th a t G o d leads a leisurely life a n d adm inisters e v e ry th in g th ro u g h th e h e a v en s.” 135 Scholars in th e fo u r­ te e n th an d fifteen th c e n tu ry paid g reat a tte n tio n to th e issue o f G o d ’s o m n ip o -

tence. U nderstandably, to d efen d astrology, d ’A illy had to in su re a m ech an ism for G o d ’s free actio n o n earth. In tru th , d ’A illy’s defense o f astrology an sw ered th e criticism s lev eled at the science a b o u t as w ell as an y o th e r had, th at is to say, poorly. As lo n g as p e o p le w e re e n d o w e d w ith th e free w ill to resist th e stars’ influences an d G o d w ith th e ability to act supernaturally, astrological p re d ic tio n s w e re u n c e rta in c o n jec tu re s at best. I f o n e acted o n th e assum ption th a t n atu ral causality usually o b ta in e d and th at m e n usually fo llo w ed th e ir bo d ily passions, h o w e v e r, astrological ju d g m e n ts w e re surer, b u t m a n ’s free w ill a n d G o d ’s o m n ip o te n c e w e re questio n ab le. T h e interestin g fact is th a t for d ’Ailly, and for th e m a jo rity o f his c o n te m p o raries, this defense o f astrology was g o o d en o u g h . I f o n e d id n o t ex am in e its im plications to o closely, it gave ad eq u ate cre d it to th e p o w ers o f stars, m a n , an d G o d . T h e re seem to be tw o co g n itiv e processes at w o rk in th e acce p tan ce o f this so rt o f defense o f astrology. First, th e re is th e m o v e m e n t by w h ic h , w ith d ’A illy’s increasing k n o w le d g e o f an d im m e rsio n in astrology, th e science cam e to appear m o re a n d m o re reasonable. In a stu d y o f m o d e rn -d a y “ w itc h e s” and astrologers, T. M . L u h rm a n n has n o te d th e “ in te rp re tiv e d rift,” w h e re b y w h e n so m eo n e beco m es a specialist in a given area, h e finds its practice progressively m o re sensible.136 S eco n d , o n c e c o m m itte d to th e tru th o f astrology, d ’Ailly so u g h t to avoid instances w h e re his b e lie f in astrology w o u ld co nflict w ith his o th e r d eeply h eld values, such as his C h ristian faith. T h e psychologist L eon F estin g er has discussed th e in tellectu al stress (w h ich h e term s “co g n itiv e disso­ n a n c e ”) caused by sim ilar conflicts in th e case o f failed p ro p h ecies. P e o p le act to red u c e “ co g n itiv e disso n an ce,” F estin g er argues, n o t b y a b a n d o n in g o n e o f th e conflictin g sets o f beliefs, b u t b y a series o f p atchy, s h o rt-te rm responses aim ed at avo id in g clashes ra th e r th a n at m a in tain in g any so rt o f real consistency. L u h rm a n n sees a like process at w o rk a m o n g h e r m o d e m w itches; G eoffrey L loyd has argued sim ilarly th a t in an c ie n t G reece scientific form s o f th o u g h t freq u en tly acco m p an ied , ra th e r th a n replaced, m agical in te rp re ta tio n s. 137 It w o u ld seem th at d ’A illy’s defense o f astrology fits th e sam e p atte rn ; b y m in im iz ­ in g th e ir a p p aren t conflict, h e does n o t address th e issue th a t C h ristia n ity an d astrology are, in th e en d , irreconcilable.

CHAPTER

THREE

T h e M a k in g o f an A stro lo g e r: T h e D e v e lo p m e n t o f P ie rre d ’A illy ’s T h o u g h t o n th e Stars

th e b u lk o f P ie rre d ’A illy’s astrological w ritin g s date fro m th e final decade o f his life, th e years 1410 to 1420, these treatises did n o t m ark his first ex am in atio n o f th e science. T h r o u g h o u t his career, d ’A illy p o n d e re d the issue o f th e stars’ effects o n m a n k in d . M e n tio n s o f astrology ap p ear in his letters, his serm ons, an d his p h ilo so p h ical an d religious w o rk s, as w ell as in th e treatises he d ev o te d specifically to th e to p ic. D ’A illy’s attitu des a b o u t th e stars ch an g ed sig­ nificantly o v e r th e co u rse o f his lifetim e. In his w ritings w e can fo llo w this d e v e lo p m e n t fro m a cau tio u s, T h o m istic p o sitio n o n astrology to an enthusiastic acceptance o f th e sc ie n c e ’s possibilities. In th e early years o f his career, d ’A illy’s o p in io n o f astrology was essentially th a t o f his Parisian schoolm asters. Late in his life, h o w e v e r, h e ac q u ire d a rem ark ab le expertise in astrology, stu d y in g the m ajor astrological sources an d p ro p a g a tin g his o w n view s w idely. D ’A illy ’s ev en tu al em b ra c e o f astrology w as fueled by tw o factors: c o n c e rn ab o u t th e ev en ts su rro u n d in g h im a n d his re a d in g o f k e y astrological texts. T h e existence o f th e G re a t S chism in th e c h u rc h fed apocalyptic fears and p ro m p te d him to co n sid e r w ays o f p re d ic tin g w h e n th e E n d w o u ld co m e. A m o n g th e authors he e n c o u n te re d in this search was th e E n g lish m an R o g e r B aco n . A stro­ logical th e o rie s in B a c o n ’s w o rk s in trig u e d an d , eventually, cam e to obsess d ’Ailly. H e d e v e lo p e d , e x p a n d e d , an d re fin e d these n o tio n s in his astrological w ritings fro m th e years after 1410. W ith th e a p p ro a ch o f th e C o u n c il o f C o n ­ stance in 1414, d ’A illy im m ersed h im se lf in th e study o f th e stars, a n d h e fo u n d in astrology th e h o p e fu l p re d ic tio n th a t th e apocalypse was n o t at hand. P ie rre d ’A illy was o b v io u sly p ro u d o f his n u m e ro u s w ritings, and h e to o k great pains to co llect an d k eep th e m , e v e n e m b a rk in g u p o n a system atic rere ad ­ ing o f th e e n tire b o d y late in his life .1 H e co n stan tly referred to his earlier w rit­ ings, an d m a n y o f his later treatises in clu d e th e date and place o f co m p o sitio n . H e n c e , it is relatively easy to establish th e ch ro n o lo g ic al sequ en ce o f d ’A illy’s m ajo r w ritin g s o n astrology. F o r th e earlier w o rk s, w e m u st rely u p o n c o n jec ­ ture fo r th e dates. E v e n so, w e can set o u t a ro u g h c h ro n o lo g y o f these w o rk s, en o u g h to c h a rt th e m a jo r d e v e lo p m e n ts in his th o u g h t. AU to ld , th e list o f w orks m e n tio n in g astro lo g y is im pressive, an d a q u ic k glance at its c o n ten ts leaves o n e w ith th e overall im p ressio n th at w h e n e v e r tim e allow ed and external A lth o u g h

events did n o t d e m a n d all his a tte n tio n , d ’A illy re tu rn e d to the qu estio n o f the stars. (F or a ch ro n o lo g ical list o f d ’A illy’s w o rk s dealing w ith astrology, sec ap p en d ix 2.)

T H E D E V EL O PM EN T O F D ’AILLY’S T H O U G H T O N A ST R O L O G Y It is possible to discern th re e ro u g h periods in d ’A illy’s th in k in g on th e stars. In the first, fro m th e years ap p ro x im ately 1375 to 1380, his w ritings indicate a d efinite interest in th e stars, w ith o u t, h o w e v e r, very m u c h specialized k n o w l­ edge a b o u t astrology. T h e w o rk s fro m th e year 1410 o n , by contrast, reveal d ’Ailly to b e accep tin g o f astrology and its prem ises, w ith increasing sophistica­ tio n in th e science and faith in its capabilities. In b e tw e e n these tw o periods, the story is less clear. T h e years 1381—1409 w e re full o f activity fo r d ’Ailly, and he con seq u en tly had less tim e for read in g an d com posing. T h e w ritings w e have from these years p o in t to his h e ig h te n e d in te re st in astrology as w ell as greater k n o w led g e o f th e stars, b u t n o real d e v o tio n to th e science as yet. A coalescence o f personal co n cern s, external hap p en in g s, an d specific readings seem s to have p ro d u c e d d ’A illy’s enthusiastic use o f astrology after 1410. P ierre d ’Ailly’s earliest th in k in g o n th e stars w o u ld q u ite naturally have fol­ lo w ed from w h a t he learn ed as a stu d e n t at th e U niv ersity o f Paris. As w e have seen, th e u n iv ersity ’s teach in g o n th e stars was am b ivalent.2 T h e p revailing Aris­ to telian cosm o lo g y favored v ie w in g th e heavens as causes o f all th at h ap p en e d below . O n th e o th e r hand, C h ristian scholars fo u n d this to be an assault on h u m a n free w ill and blatantly re p u g n a n t. M o st fo llow ed som e fo rm o f c o m p ro ­ m ise, such as th a t articulated by T h o m a s A quinas. T h e stars w ere granted a d irec t in flu en ce o v e r th e b o d y an d th e re b y an in d irec t in fluence o n th e soul. T h e y th u s m ig h t inclin e a m a n to actio n w ith o u t necessitating his behavior. A t Paris, th e re had b e e n a clear c o n c e rn to preserve m a n ’s freed o m o f w ill. B ishop E tien n e T e m p ie r’s co n d e m n a tio n s in 1277 had co m e d o w n h ard o n astrological d eterm in ism . H is sentim ents w o u ld be rearticu lated by th e university in 1398, w h en th e faculty o f th eo lo g y declared it an e rro r to h o ld “ th a t o u r intellectual cogitations an d in te rio r v o litio n s are caused directly by th e heavens, and that they can b e k n o w n by any m agic tra d itio n , an d th at it is licit to m ake ju d g m e n ts w ith an y c e rtitu d e a b o u t th e m th e re b y .” 3 A n d despite th e p o p u la rity o f astrol­ ogy at th e c o u rt, N ic o le O re sm e , w h o h ad ta u g h t at d ’A illy’s o w n C o lleg e o f N a v arre , had expressed serious d o u b ts a b o u t th e science’s usefulness. D ’A illy’s earliest w ritin g s o n th e stars express th e cu stom ary am bivalence. A ccep tin g o f th e cosm ological fra m e w o rk o f astrology, h e cast a disapproving eye o n th e m o re fatalistic c o m p o n e n ts o f th e science. Such is th e v iew o f astrol­ o g y set fo rth in 1375 in th e Principium in cursum Biblie, th e b rie f in tro d u c tio n re q u ire d b efore th e y o u n g th eo lo g y stu d e n t beg an his series o f lectures o n the

B ible. In d ’A illy’s Principium, h e seeks to an sw er th e scriptural q u estio n “W h a t n e w d o c trin e is this?” (M ark 1:27). In so d o in g , h e im agines h im se lf c o n su ltin g the schools o f th e p h ilo so p h ers, th e m ath em atician s, and th e jurists befo re set­ tlin g u p o n th a t o f th e th eo lo g ian s. In th e sch o o l o f th e m athem aticians, d ’Ailly finds so m e charlatans “ u su rp in g th e n a m e o f m a th e m a tician s,” w h o have re n ­ d e re d nearly th e w h o le sch o o l “ disgraced a n d su sp e ct.”4 A m o n g th e ir n u m b e r are th e genethliaci o r in terp reters o f b irth horosco p es. Passing o v e r these “p se u d o m a th e m a tic ia n s,” d ’A illy m o v es o n to th e tru e ones, w h o study arith m e tic, m usic, g eo m etry , an d “th e influences o f th e h eavens in a stro n o m y [astrologia].”5 E v e n a m o n g th e tru e m ath em atician s, d ’A illy finds som e so foolish as to “ dare to a ttrib u te C h ris t’s d o c trin e , life, w o rk s, an d m iracles to natural causes fro m celestial in flu e n c e s.”6 O n e such is th e greatest a u th o rity o n astrology fo r the M id d le A ges, A b u M a ’shar: “ th a t fantastic A lb u m asar” (“ille fantasticus A lb u m asa r”). A n o th e r, A v icen n a, d ’A illy term s sim ply “ th at M u h a m m a d a n .”7 C o n c e rn in g th e M agi o f S crip tu re, d ’A illy repeats th e standard ex p lan atio n th at a “ m arvelous star” (“stella m irabilis”) a n n o u n c e d C h rist’s b irth to th e m , b u t th a t th e n c e fo rth n o o n e was p e rm itte d to in te rp re t a n y o n e ’s nativ ity fro m th e stars.8 In sh o rt, d ’A illy presents a trad itio n al th e o lo g ia n ’s v ie w o f astrology; “ tr u e ” m ath em atician s rig h tly stu d y th e in flu en ces o f th e heavens, b u t those w h o push th at study to o far are ab ru p tly dism issed. H is b rie f discussion h e re gives n o evi­ d en ce o f any real expertise in astro n o m y o r astrology.9 T w o w o rk s alm ost certain ly d atin g fro m this early p e rio d d o sh o w d ’A illy’s c o m m a n d o f astro n o m ical th eo ry . In a set o f Questiones o n S acro b o sco ’s Sphera, he h an d le d such topics as th e p recessio n o f th e eq u in o x es, epicycles an d defer­ ents, an d solar eclipses. (As m e n tio n e d earlier, S acro b o sco ’s w o rk w as th e basic e lem e n ta ry te x tb o o k o f astro n o m y fo r th e later M id d le A ges.) In his c o m m e n ­ tary o n A risto tle ’s Meteorology, d ’A illy succin ctly discoursed o n th e n a tu re an d causes o f com ets. In b o th w o rk s, th e in flu en ce o f th e heavens o n th e su b lu n ar w o rld is accep ted as a given. T h e S acrobosco c o m m e n ta ry follow s th e standard division o f astral science (astrologia) in to th e stu d y o f heav en ly m o tio n s (astronomia) an d th e study o f th e ir effects (astrologia), w ith th e p resen t w o rk , d ’A illy no tes, b e in g d e v o te d to th e fo rm e r.10 E v e n so, a descrip tio n o f the plan ­ ets w o u ld n o t b e c o m p le te w ith o u t m e n tio n o f th e ir in dividual p ro p erties, n o r does d ’A illy pass o v e r th e signs o f th e zod iac w ith o u t g o in g in to th e ir character­ istics. H e n c e , in this c o m m e n ta ry o n S acrobosco, w e find statem ents typical o f standard astrology p rim ers like th a t o f A lchabitius. F o r ex am ple, d ’A illy relates, “T h e su n b y its aspects is fo rtu n a te , b u t is evil by its c o n ju n c tio n w ith som e planets in som e signs. It is m asculine an d d iu rnal, an d it m akes w a rm th and dryness.” 11 As fo r th e zodiac, d ’A illy lists stan d ard characteristics fo r signs as w ell as fo r degrees w ith in th e signs: B u t again, so m e degrees o f th e se signs are called lu cid , o th e rs d ark , o th e rs sm oky. A n d th e cause is th a t i f th e ascen d an t in th e n ativ ity o f an y c h ild sh o u ld b e in a lu cid

degree as well as the m oon, then such child should be beautiful and full o f light, if in a dark degree, less beautiful and ugly, if in a smoky degree, then he must be intermediate.12 Such astral influ en ce clearly h ad its lim it. In his S acrobosco c o m m en ta ry , d ’Ailly uses c o m m o n sense an d basic astro n o m y to argue against a possible ex ­ am ple o f th e stars’ effects o n relig io n . H e considers th e case o f th e d a rk e n in g o f th e sun at th e C ru c ifix io n . T h a t eclipse, he explains, m u st have b e e n “ n o t n a tu ­ ral, b u t ra th e r m ira c u lo u s.” 13 A solar eclipse can o c c u r o n ly w h e n the sun and m o o n are in c o n ju n c tio n an d n o t in o p p o sitio n . T h e C ru c ifix io n , h o w ev e r, o c c u rre d d u rin g Passover, w h ic h happens at th e tim e o f th e full m o o n . T h u s the eclipse in q u estio n w o u ld h av e ta k e n place w h e n the lum inaries w e re in o p p o si­ tio n , w h ic h con trad icts th e ru le, as d ’A illy notes. T h e su n ’s d a rk e n in g w as th e re ­ fore a m iracu lo u s an d n o t a n atu ral o c c u rre n ce . In d ’A illy’s c o m m e n ta ry o n A risto tle’s Meteorology, h e accepts as a g iv en the causative force o f co m ets, a d d in g to A ristotle an ex p lan atio n o f w h y co m ets had such ill effects as th e death o f kings. C o m e ts cause w in d y an d dry w eath er, ac co rd in g to A ristotle. T h is d ry in g u p o f th e earth leads to the h eat th a t is the b eg in n in g o f w rath . “W ra th is th e cause o f quarrels; quarrels, o f battles. N o w battles are causes o f th e d e a th o f p rin ces a n d o th e r fig h ters.” 14 T h is ex p lan a tio n o f co m e ts’ effects is an ex cellen t exam p le o f th e “safest” so rt o f astrological speculation. R e ly in g totally o n o n e o f th e fo u r elem ental “ qualities” (heat), d ’Ailly sees co m ets as h av in g an in d ire c t in flu en ce o n m e n (w rath as caused by heat). T h e m o st specific effect, th e d eath o f a prin ce, is su b su m ed u n d e r th e m o re general effect o fb a ttle s caused b y w rath . T h ese early w o rk s, th e n , perhaps co m p o sed w h ile d ’A illy w as le c tu rin g in th e faculty o f arts at Paris, sh o w n o th ­ in g m o re th a n th e v ie w o f th e stars c o m m o n to th e A ristotelian co sm ology o f th e tim es. T h e ir astrological c o n te n t is n o th in g rem arkable; in d e e d it w o u ld ra th e r be surprising if d ’A illy h ad d e n ie d stellar causality altogether. D ’A illy also n o d s to astral causes in his treatise o n th e soul (D e anima). H e re , h e allow s th e heavens o n ly an in d ire c t in flu en ce o n h u m a n b e h av io r. T h e soul, a cc o rd in g to d ’A illy’s treatise, contains various p o w ers, any o f w h ic h can be in clin e d to a c tio n b y a habitus, a lth o u g h th e actual use o f th e p o w e r d ep en d s o n th e w ill. N o w a p erso n can b e m o v e d to th in k in g a b o u t a habitus n o t solely by th e w ill, b u t also b y a h o st o f o th e r causes, such as th e influ en ce o f th e h eav e n s.15 H e n c e th e stars are lim ite d to causing a p erso n to th in k a b o u t possibly p e rfo rm ­ in g a certain actio n . T h e D e anima, w ritte n in th e years 1377—81, reflects th e co n cern s o f th e stu d e n t in theo lo g y . (D ’A illy re c e iv e d th e d o c to ra te in th e o lo g y in 1381.) W h ile th e h eavens m u st be co n sid ered to have causative force, th e stress in th e D e anima is o n th e p re e m in e n c e o f the w ill. D ’A illy’s fullest tre a tm e n t o f astrology in these early years cam e in his c o m ­ m e n ta ry o n B o e th iu s’s Consolation o f Philosophy. T h e Consolation contains a lo n g discussion o f P ro v id e n c e and fre e d o m o f th e w ill. D ’Ailly takes up this th e m e in

his co m m e n ta ry , asking “w h e th e r e v e ry th in g th a t is d o n e is disposed ac co rd in g to th e o rd e r o f fatal necessity.” 16 S ince fate, as d ’A illy po in ts o u t, w as c o m m o n ly e q u a te d w ith th e force o f th e stars, th e article co n tain s a th o ro u g h discussion o f th e h e a v e n s’ effects o n m an . D ’A illy p resents a m o d el o f th e theo lo g ical am biva­ lence a b o u t th e stars. W h ile a ffirm in g th e th e o ry b e h in d astrological p red ictio n s, h e urges c a u tio n an d re stra in t in p ra c tic in g th e science. D ’A illy d en ies q u ite sim ply th a t th e stars can necessitate h u m a n behavior; “ faith an d all th e teachings o f th e saints re p ro v e this type o f fate.” 17 O n the o th e r h an d , h e affirm s th e existen ce o f a “signifying” fate an d an “in c lin in g ” fate, by w h ic h th e stars in clin e m e n to a c tio n a n d signify fu tu re e v e n ts.18 In d e ed , d ’Ailly adds, “ o n e sh o u ld n o t d e n y th a t it is possible fo r us to have som e sort o f k n o w l­ edge o f fu tu re ev en ts fro m th e d isp o sitio n o f th e h e a v e n s.” 19 H e does n o t allow , and n o r d o “w ise astro lo g ers,” th a t such d isp o sitio n w o u ld necessitate th e w ill.20 Instead he explains h o w th e stars m ig h t in clin e th e w ill by actin g u p o n th e body, fo r th e in te lle c t d ep en d s u p o n th e co rp o re a l virtues. T h e n c e an astro lo g er m ig h t m ake p re d ic tio n s fro m th e disp o sitio n o f th e stars, “as fro m a re m o te cause.” 21 In d ee d , d ’A illy co n clu d es th a t “ to c o n su lt th e science o f th e stars is useful an d also licit fo r C h ristia n s.”22 D ’A illy pulls b ack fro m this accep tan ce o f astrology, h o w e v e r. A fter all, holy d o cto rs h a d re p ro v e d th e study o f astrology. T h e reason, d ’Ailly finds, is because o f astro lo g y ’s clien tele. T h o se excessively d e v o te d to th e science m ig h t o v e rlo o k m o re im p o rta n t issues, such as th e salvation o f th e ir o w n souls. “T h e saints do n o t w ish th a t astrology b e stu d ied w h ile m o ral p h ilo so p h y o r th e science w h ic h pertain s to th e salvation o f th e soul is left b e h in d .”23 N o t w ith o u t reason had the p h iloso p h ers, such as C ic e ro , re p ro v e d such curiosity as a v ic e.24 F u rth e rm o re , astrologers ru n a far m o re d an g ero u s risk. C itin g J o h n o f Salisbury, d ’A illy cau ­ tions th a t p h ilo so p h ers can a ttrib u te to o m u c h to th e au th o rity o f n a tu re to th e d e trim e n t o f th e ir faith. “ N o t o n a c c o u n t o f its teach in g s,” th e n , “b u t ra th e r o n a c c o u n t o f its stu d e n ts,” d o h o ly m e n c o n d e m n astrology, d ’Ailly co n clu d e s.25 In sum , th e n , a lth o u g h h e accepts th e prem ises o f astrology, d ’A illy urges against excesses in its practice. H is B o e th iu s c o m m e n ta ry , like th e o th e r early w ritin g s o n th e stars, expresses th e c o m m o n am b iv alen ce to w a rd th e stars, flavored b y th e hostility o f th e P ari­ sian c o n d e m n a tio n s. As a s tu d e n t in th e university, d ’A illy learned b o th th e fu ndam en tals o f a stro n o m y an d th e th eo lo g ical o b jec tio n s to astrology. In w orks such as S a c ro b o sc o ’s Sphera, it was tak en for g ra n ted th a t th e heavens ex erte d an in flu en ce o n earth . Y e t C h ristia n au th o rs w o rrie d a b o u t th e possible lack o f free w ill in a cosm os w h e re all events w e re d e te rm in e d b y th e stars. In his early w o rk s, d ’A illy fo llo w e d b o th these co n flictin g teachings in asm u ch as it was pos­ sible: h e accep ted th e th e o ry b e h in d astrology, y e t re p ro v e d its practice. W orks c o m p o se d in th e 1380s d e m o n stra te d ’A illy’s c o n tin u e d in terest in and in creasin g k n o w le d g e a b o u t astrology, w h ile re ta in in g th e overall negative to n e

o f th e w ritings fro m th e earlier p erio d . T h ese w o rk s are distinguished n o t m erely by d ’A illy’s g re a te r k n o w le d g e o f th e stars b u t also by a co n c ern w ith astrology’s relationship to prop h ecy . In a serm o n p re ac h ed fo r A d v e n t in 1385, he co n sid ered w h e th e r astrology m ig h t b e useful in p re d ic tin g C h rist’s arrival for the Final J u d g m e n t. H e e x am in ed astrological p o rte n ts o f C h rist’s b irth in an ­ o th e r A d v e n t serm o n . A n d th e treatise D efalsis prophetis II in clu d ed a section discussing w h e th e r d iv in atio n b y th e stars is licit. H is relu ctan ce in these w orks to co n c e d e astrology’s p o w e r to p re d ic t religious ch an g e stands in m ark ed c o n ­ trast to his later view s o n astrology. In D efalsis prophetis II, d ’A illy sets o u t to d e te rm in e h o w o n e is to distinguish tru e from false p ro p h e c y .26 A fter d iscoursing o n the n a tu re o f hypocrisy an d the d ifferen t degrees o f p ro p h ecy , he devotes several pages to th e q u estio n o f astrol­ og y ’s m erits. H e re , h e finds ju d ic ia l astrology to be for th e m o st p a rt “false, superstitious, an d useless.” 27 O n th e o th e r h an d , th ro u g h o u t th e treatise d ’Ailly gives m an y indications th at h e accepts th e n o tio n o f som e celestial in fluence below , nam ely o n th e body. H e n c e h e allows th at a g reat m any o f th e astrolo­ gers’ p red ictio n s are tru e, since so few m e n resist th e ir b o d ily passions.28 Such pred ictio n s arc n o t p ro p h ecy , h o w e v e r, w h ic h by d e fin itio n exceeds th e force o f natural reaso n .29 In d e e d , d ’A illy carefully p o in ts o u t th at even th e astrologers ack n o w led g e th e su p erio rity o f p ro p h e c y to th e ir art: In th e first p ro p o sitio n o f th e C entihquium , P to le m y says th a t som e persons, o n a c c o u n t o f a force d o m in a n t in th e ir souls, a lth o u g h th e y have n o g reat k n o w led g e o f astrology, have a b e tte r c o g n itio n o f fu tu re ev en ts an d are n ea re r to th e tru th th an th e astrologer. A b o u t w h ic h H a ly says in his C o m m e n ta ry . . . [that] this w ay [o f fo retellin g the fu tu re ], w h e n it is p u re , is called “ d iv in e ” b y th e p h ilo so p h e rs.311

W h e n d ’Ailly discusses p ro p h e tic dream s (somnia), he m e n tio n s th e stars as a cause w h e re b y th e soul m ig h t be disposed to receive such dream s. H e ev en gives a specific co n fig u ratio n o f th e heav en ly b odies w h ich co u ld aid p ro p h e cy .31 Q u o tin g p se u d o -H a ly ’s c o m m e n ta ry o n th e C entihquium again, h e states, “T h e stars are to souls as th e elem ents are to b o d ie s.” D ’A illy explains th at ju s t as certain elem ents m ig h t d o m in a te a p articu lar body, “so th e soul acquires diverse p ro p erties, acco rd in g to th e lord sh ip o f th e stars d o m in a n t in its in fu sio n .” 32 Seeking, apparently, to avoid im p u tin g a d ire c t astral influ en ce o n th e soul, d ’Ailly elaborates. T h e mover o f each celestial o rb m akes an im pression o n souls, ju s t as th e stars them selves d ire c t th e bodies o f m en , “so, for exam ple, th at i f M e rc u ry is stro n g in th e h o u r o f th e b e g in n in g o f a n y o n e ’s g en e ra tio n , o r the h o u r o f his nativity, , . . th e m o v e r o f th e o rb o f M e rc u ry w ill m ake [his] soul . . . o f stro n g m e m o ry ; an d th e v irtu e o f th e sam e o rb o f M e rc u ry directs his b o d y to this e n d .” 33 T h e n o tio n o f celestial “ intelligences” o r “ m o v e rs” d ire ct­ in g th e spheres o f th e heavens was n o t u n c o m m o n , b u t d ’A illy’s acceptance o f th e ir “ im pressions” o n th e soul h e re was p erhaps risky fo r h im . S uch th in k in g was specifically c o n d e m n e d in 1277 by B ish o p T e m p ie r and w o u ld be censured

again in 1398.34 It seem s clear th a t d ’A illy was h ere try in g to avoid h av in g th e stars them selves affect th e soul; for exam p le, he q u o te d T h o m a s A q u in as’s c o n ­ clusion th a t a co rp o real substance c o u ld have n o effect o n an in co rp o real b e in g such as th e so u l.35 H e ap p aren tly sensed, h o w e v er, th at his statem en t a b o u t the celestial “m o v e rs” w e n t a little to o far, fo r h e d id n o t rep eat this referen ce to th e ir in flu en cin g th e soul a n y w h e re in his later w ritings on th e stars. In an sw erin g w h e th e r d iv in atio n by th e stars is licit, d ’Ailly accepts som e celestial in flu en ce o n earth w h ile ta k in g an o v e rw h elm in g ly negative v iew o f astrology. H e considers th re e issues w ith resp ect to the stars: first, th e virtues and effects o f th e stars; seco n d , th e ir m e a n in g in fo retellin g th e future; and third, w h at parts o f a stro n o m y are licit. U n d e r th e first h ead , h e finds th at th e stars do in d eed have a causative force h e re b elo w ; to foretell fu tu re effects, th e stars m ust be th e ir causes and n o t m e re ly signs.36 In th e seco n d part, d ’A illy specifies w h a t sorts o f fu tu re events can be k n o w n b y m eans o f the h eavenly bodies. B ecause th e stars designate th e fu tu re b y b e in g causes o f fu tu re events, th e n it follow s th a t they can p re d ic t any h ap p e n in g o f w h ic h th ey are a cause. D ’Ailly rem oves tw o types o f events fro m astral causality: those effects w h ic h h a p p en by accid en t an d those w h ic h p ro c e e d fro m h u m a n free w ill.37 O n th e o th e r h an d , h e adm its th at the stars can in d irectly m o v e th e w ill b y th e ir in fluence o n th e bo d ily passions.38 H e n c e , he posits th e fo llo w in g response to his q uestion: astrology is licit w h e n used to p re d ic t natural events such as th e w e a th e r a n d illicit w h e n used to p red ict fo rtu ito u s events o r to foresee th e acts o f m e n w ith any certainty.39 So far d ’A illy has m erely rehearsed th e view s o f T h o m as A quinas. H e c o n tin ­ ues, h o w e v e r, in a far m o re n egative v ein, to investigate m o re fully w h ic h parts o f astrology m ig h t be licit. In sh o rt, h e finds th ree goals o f astral science: first, to discover th e m o tio n s, sizes, an d positio n s o f th e h eavenly bodies; se co n d , to lead the stu d e n t to th e co n te m p la tio n o f h ig h e r things; and th ird , to m ake pred ictio n s a b o u t fu tu re ev en ts.40 P raising th e first tw o o f these ends, d ’Ailly goes to great len g th to c o n d e m n th e th ird . H e re p ro d u ces alm ost in its e n tire ty A u g u stin e ’s attack o n astrology fro m The C ity o f God an d repeats a g o o d p o rtio n o f N ic o le O re sm e ’s Tractatus contra iudiciarios astronomos (T reatise against ju d ic ial a stro n o ­ m ers). T h e se tw o m a rk th e m o st th o ro u g h g o in g attacks o n astrology o f the en tire M id d le A ges.41 It m ig h t be arg u ed th a t in fo llo w in g A quinas, d ’Ailly left o p e n th e possibility o f m ak in g som e general p red ictio n s using astrology. H e had, as n o te d , ad m itte d th a t som e o f th e astrologers’ forecasts w e re tru e . T h a t his o p in io n is, overall, n egative seem s a p p aren t in his closing q u o ta tio n fro m J o h n o f Salisbury: “ I can recall n o o n e w h o re m a in e d in this e rro r fo r a lo n g tim e from w h o m th e h a n d o f th e L o rd did n o t exact a w o rth y re v e n g e .”42 In D e c e m b e r 1385, P ierre d ’A illy p reach ed a serm o n dealing w ith the various advents o f th e L ord: in th e flesh, in th e m inds o f p eo p le, to his physical suffering (the C ru c ifix io n ), an d at th e Last Ju d g m e n t. H is m a jo r th em e was w h e th e r the tim e o f C h rist’s final ad v e n t was k n o w a b le , an d in th e course o f the discussion h e had o ccasion to deal w ith astrology. T h is se rm o n show s again th e curious

co m b in a tio n o f ideas fo u n d in th e treatise D e falsis prophetis II. D ’A illy seem s at o n ce to accep t th e validity o f astrological p re d ic tio n and harshly to c o n d e m n its use. D ’A illy speaks o f “ gentiles” w h o had som e fo rek n o w led g e , “ alth o u g h shad­ o w y ,” o f C h ris t’s b irth : H erm es (T rism egistus), th e Sibyl, O v id , and “ the an­ cien t C h ald ean s.” 43 A cc o rd in g to d ’Ailly, th e astrologer A lbum asar had fol­ lo w ed these C haldeans in describ in g “a certain V irgin and th at son o f hers, w h o m m an y peoples call Jesu s.”44 B u t th a t is n o t all. “B efore th e ad v e n t o f this boy, i.e., C h rist,” d ’A illy adds, th e re had b een a c o n ju n c tio n o f S aturn and J u p ite r signifying b o th th e b irth o f a b o y to a virgin m o th e r an d th a t this boy w o u ld b e c o m e th e greatest o f p ro p h e ts.45 H e offers n o ex p lan atio n o f this astro­ logical digression. Presum ably it belongs to th a t category o f w ritin g w h ic h gave C hristians d elig h t in th e ir faith by sh o w in g th at even those w ith o u t access to rev elatio n agreed w ith som e C h ristian teachings. Such is th e im pression left by d ’A illy’s o p e n in g rem arks. T h e h o ly fathers w e re n o t alone in e x p e ctin g C h rist’s adven t, d ’Ailly states, “for h a rd e n e d gentility . . . also p ierced th e m ist n o w and th e n an d d ream ed th e sam e.” 46 W h e n d ’Ailly discusses th e fo u rth an d final ad v en t o f C h rist, for the Last Ju d g m e n t, h e takes up astrological th em es again, asking w h e th e r th e tim e o f this last ad v en t can b e fo re k n o w n b y us w ith any certainty. R e p ly in g , n o t surpris­ ingly, in th e negativ e, d ’A illy argues th at th e c o n su m m atio n o f th e w o rld , ju st like its creatio n , w ill be a supern atu ral ev en t and th ere fo re c a n n o t b e k n o w n naturally— “n e ith e r by th e reaso n in g o f th e philosophers n o r by th e speculations o f the astrologers.” 47 H e goes o n to m e n tio n o n e such astrological speculation th at had b e e n re p o rte d (and attacked) b y A rn o ld o f V illanova. T h is th e o ry began w ith the sup p o sitio n o f a rate o f precession o f th e eq u in o x es o f o n e deg ree per 100 years. F ro m this figure, o n e co u ld co n clu d e th at in 3 6 ,0 0 0 years th e fixed stars w o u ld re tu rn to th e ir original positions. A cco rd in g to d ’A illy’s serm o n , som e astrologers h eld th a t this e n tire re v o lu tio n w o u ld be necessary “fo r the universal p erfectio n o f th e w o rld .”48 As does his source, d ’A illy rebuts th e n o tio n th at this “ G rea t Y ear” o f the fixed stars w ill co in cid e w ith th e tim e o f th e w o rld ’s end. W e c an n o t readily assum e th at th e p re se n t w o rld w ill last 3 6 ,0 0 0 years, h e cautions, “because G o d did n o t b in d his p o w e r an d w isd o m w ith natural causes.” In o rd e r to clarify, d ’Ailly notes, “ H e is e m p o w e re d to speed u p th e m o tio n o f th e orbs as m u c h as pleases h im an d co m p lete this sort o f re v o lu tio n in the briefest tim e, so th at he w o u ld c o m p lete th e rev o lu tio n s o f o n e h u n d re d years in o n e year o r o n e half.” 49 T h a t such a sp eed in g o f th e heavens is in d eed to h ap p en n ea r the end o f the w o rld d ’Ailly affirm s b y referen ce b o th to S crip tu re and to th e Sibyl.50 D ’A illy’s q u o ta tio n o f this passage fro m A rn o ld o f V illanova’s treatise is telling. In his v ie w G o d is b o th above an d b o u n d b y th e laws o f n a tu re , and th e C re ­ ato r’s p o w e r to o v errid e natural causes rem inds d ’A illy’s listeners o f th e fragility o f any astrological p red ictio n .

In a n o th e r A d v e n t se rm o n fro m th e sam e p e rio d , d ’A illy again m e n tio n e d th e astrological p re fig u ra tio n o f C h ris t’s b irth . In this se rm o n h e stressed th e su p er­ natural aspects o f th e N a tiv ity , n o tin g G o d ’s ability “ to fo rm a baby b o y in a virgin w o m b .” 31 T h a t th e h eav en s h a d testified to this b irth d ’A illy c o n firm e d by referen ce to A lbu m asar an d th e p s e u d o -O v id ia n D e uetula. B u t in k ee p in g w ith his em phasis o n th e u n u su al circu m stan ces o f th e N ativ ity , h e im p lied th at the c o n ju n c tio n b e fo re C h ris t’s b irth was n o t an o rd in a ry p h e n o m e n o n and te rm e d it “ m irabilis q u e d a m c o n iu n c tio .” 52 In d eed , d ’A illy conflates this c o n ­ ju n c tio n w ith th e star seen b y th e M ag i, asserting th a t th e M agi lea rn ed o f C h rist’s b irth fro m b o th “ a m arv elo u s n e w star in th e heavens . . . and an o th e r­ w ise u n h e a rd o f c o n ju n c tio n .” 53 H e asserts th a t b o th o f these astral p h e n o m e n a w e re n o t n atu ral o c c u rre n ce s b u t ra th e r su p e rn a tu ra l signs placed in th e heavens by G o d . H e n c e , a lth o u g h th e re w as a c o n ju n c tio n b e fo re C h rist, it w as, he appears to state, n o t o n e d e riv in g fro m th e o rd in ary h eav en ly m o v e m e n ts. I f th e stars fo re to ld th e rise o f C h ristian ity , it w as o n ly because G o d h ad placed unusual and ex tra o rd in a ry signs in th e heavens. T h e tw o serm o n s for A d v e n t an d th e treatise D e falsis prophetis II, likely all from th e 1380s, p o in t to d ’A illy’s c o n tin u in g am b iv alen t a ttitu d e a b o u t th e stars in these m id d le years. T h e re is a sense, h o w e v e r, in w h ic h th e te n sio n b e tw e e n th e accep tan ce an d re je c tio n o f astrology is h e ig h te n e d . O n th e o n e h a n d , d ’A illy goes b e y o n d p o sitin g a general astral in flu en ce o n m e n , for h e cites som e specific astrological effects: a c o n ju n c tio n signifying th e In c a rn a tio n an d a c o n ­ fig u ratio n o f th e h eavens disp o sin g to p ro p h e c y . O n th e o th e r h an d , his c o n ­ d e m n a tio n s o f ju d ic ia l astrology seem a b it h arsh er th a n those o f his earliest w ritings. In th e B o eth iu s c o m m e n ta ry , as n o te d earlier, h e called astrology “use­ ful” an d “lic it,” i f k e p t w ith in m o d e ra te b o u n d s. T h is w o rk reso u n d s w ith the m o d e ra te v o ice o f T h o m a s A quinas. In th e Defalsis prophetis //,ju d ic ia l astrology is “ false” an d “su p e rstitio u s,” a n d th e d o m in a n t voices are th e strid e n t reb u k es o f A u g u stin e an d N ic o le O re sm e . O n e reaso n fo r th e h arsh er c o n d e m n a tio n in these m id d le years is th a t d ’A illy addresses th e specific q u e stio n o f astro lo g y ’s relatio n to religious change, w h ereas in his earlier w ritin g s h e h ad discussed th e stars in a m o re general fash­ ion. H e w a n te d to b e careful to e x e m p t relig io n fro m astral causes. B u t it is possible also th a t this m o re critical v ie w reflected tensions w ith in d ’A illy’s o w n m in d . H e was n o w clearly in trig u e d b y A lb u m asar’s astrological ex p lan atio n o f th e V irg in b irth , w h ereas h e h a d ce n su re d “ ille fantasticus A lbum asar” fo r the sam e d o c trin e in his 1375 Principium o n th e B ible. T h e am bivalence in these w o rk s o f th e 1380s p o in ts to a d ’A illy te m p te d , an d tro u b le d , by th at curiositas w h ic h th e m ed iev al th eo lo g ian s re p ro v e d . Increasingly attrac ted b y th e science o f th e stars, h e seem s to “p ro te st to o m u c h .” D ’A illy’s h e ig h te n e d in te re st in astrology in these years was an o u tg ro w th o f his co n c e rn s a b o u t th e G re a t Schism . L ike m an y o f his co n te m p o ra ries, he in te r­ p re te d th e events in th e c h u rc h in apo caly p tic term s. A strology h eld o u t th e

pro m ise th a t it c o u ld p re d ic t th e apocalypse. D ’A illy re je cte d astrology in these years, b u t h e clearly w as in trig u e d b y its claim s. Later, w h e n h e d id use th e stars to lo o k at th e e n d o f th e w o rld , it was th e th eo ries h e h a d e n c o u n te re d in the 1380s to w h ic h he re tu rn e d . In th e final d ecade o f his life, d ’A illy’s in terest in th e stars b e cam e v irtually an obsession, as th e crisis in th e c h u rc h cam e to a h ead in th e councils o f Pisa and C o n sta n c e . H e p ro d u c e d at least six teen w o rk s dealing d irectly o r ind irectly w ith astrology in th e years 1410 to 1420. In these treatises d ’A illy d efe n d e d the use o f astrology w ith increasing openness a n d enthusiasm . H is particu lar passion w as for th e d o c trin e o f th e great c o n ju n c tio n s, p e rio d ic alignm ents o f S a tu rn and Ju p ite r th a t w e re h eld to have g reat significance h e re b elo w . H e read avidly a b o u t this th eo ry , an d w e can fo llo w his g ro w th in ex pertise th ro u g h his w rit­ ings. Finally, these late w o rk s are u n ite d b y th e ir c o n c e rn w ith th e stars’ effects o n religion. D ’A illy n o w b eliev ed in an astral in flu en ce on religious beh av io r. A n d , in a shift fro m his earlier teachings, h e n o w so u g h t to use astrology to p re d ic t th e ad v e n t o f A ntichrist. D ’A illy laid d o w n th e elem en ts o f his defense o f astrology in his 1410 treatise D e legibus et sectis contra superstitiosos astronomos (O n th e law s and th e sects, against th e superstitious astrologers).54 H e fo llo w ed th e T h o m istic e x p lan atio n o f th e stars’ effects an d tau g h t, as h e h a d in his early w ritings, th at th e stars in cline w ith o u t n ecessitating th e w ill. H e e x e m p te d G o d fro m th e heav en s’ rule by retain in g th e n o tio n o f a su p ern atu ral causality in d e p e n d e n t o f th e stars, at w o rk in th e case o f m iracles an d o th e r p re te rn a tu ra l events. In later w ritings d ’Ailly answ ered m o d e rn d etracto rs o f astrology: H e n ry o f L angenstein (or H esse), N i­ cole O re sm e , an d his o w n fo rm e r p u p il Je a n G e rso n .55 H e gave increasingly o p e n su p p o rt to astrology, as in d icated ev en in th e titles h e assigned his w ritings. In 1410 d ’A illy’s defense o f astrology was p re se n te d as an attack o n “supersti­ tious astrologers.” In 1414 h e w ro te in defense “ o f astrological tr u th .” In 1419 h e offered “ a defensive apology o f astrology.” D ’Ailly d id n o t hesitate to m ake his view s public. In 1414 h e praised astrology in a le tte r to th e p o p e; astrological th em es also ap p eared in a se rm o n p re a c h e d at th e C o u n c il o f C o n stan ce in 1416.56 T h is se rm o n offers an in stru ctiv e contrast w ith th a t p re ac h ed in 1385, w h e n d ’A illy dism issed th e possibility o f any astrological k n o w le d g e a b o u t th e Last J u d g m e n t. In 1416, addressing a sim ilar q u e stio n , h e u rg ed h o ld in g a m iddle g ro u n d b e tw e e n th o se w h o b eliev ed in an astral p refig u ratio n o f C h rist’s b irth an d those w h o “ in these m ysteries o f faith . . . th o ro u g h ly rejec t astronom ical ju d g m e n ts .” 57 T h e focus o f m o st o f these later w o rk s was th e astrological d o c trin e o f the great c o n ju n c tio n s, th o se co n ju n c tio n s o f S atu rn and J u p ite r w h ic h o c c u rre d ev ery 2 4 0 a n d ev ery 9 60 years an d w e re said to cause, a m o n g o th e r things, changes in g o v e rn m e n ts an d in re lig io n .58 D ’A illy described this th e o ry in the treatise D e legibus et sectis o f 1410 a n d applied th e d o c trin e o f th e great c o n ju n c -

tions CO biblical c h ro n o lo g y a n d h u m a n h isto ry in 1414.39 N o t satisfied w ith c h ro n ic lin g past c o n ju n c tio n s an d th e ir effects, d ’Ailly e x p lo ited th e p red ictiv e value o f this d o c trin e as w ell. In th e Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione (T h e c o n c o rd a n c e o f astrology w ith historical n arratio n ), h e e x te n d e d his study o f c o n ju n c tio n s in to th e fu tu re an d m ad e a provisional guess at th e tim e o f A n tic h rist’s arrival.60 H e e x a m in e d th e sam e e v e n t in th e lig h t o f o th e r astrolog­ ical theo ries in his Elucidarium (E lucidation) fro m th e sam e fruitful year o f 1414.61 In 1418, he re tu rn e d to th e d o c trin e o f th e g reat co n ju n c tio n s in a treatise relatin g th e p re d ic tio n s o f th e b o o k o f R e v c la d o n to c u rre n t events.62 In th e years after 1410, an d particu larly in th e m o n th s lead in g up to th e C o u n c il o f C o n sta n c e , d ’A illy was greatly c o n c e rn e d w ith th e stars’ influ en ce o n religion. H e stu d ied th e g reat c o n ju n c tio n s fo r so m e insight in to th e ir role. In th e years 1414 an d 1415 P ierre d ’A illy read deeply in astrological sources an d d ev e lo p e d a real expertise o n th e d o c trin e o f the great c o n ju n ctio n s. In 1410 he had d escribed th e th e o ry in th e ru d im e n ta ry fo rm re p o rte d b y R o g e rB a c o n , m e n tio n in g in passing th at B a c o n ’s so u rce w as th e A rab astro lo g er A lbum asar.63 B y M ay 1414 d ’A illy h ad read som e o f A lbum asar an d had co n su lted th e w orks o f A lchabitius and L eo p o ld o f A ustria fo r in fo rm a tio n o n c o n ju n c tio n s.64 In S ep te m b e r o f th e sam e y ear d ’A illy revised his earlier th o u g h t o n th e great c o n ­ ju n c tio n s , based u p o n a read in g o f jo h n o f A sh en d en , Jo h a n n e s de M uris, A bra­ ham ibn Ezra (A venesra), an d H e n ry B ate o f M alines. H e altered th e dates h e had p reviously given fo r these c o n ju n c tio n s an d n o te d th e discrepancies b e ­ tw e e n th e o ry an d actual celestial ev en ts.65 T h e list o f his sources, n o w q u ite im pressive, in c lu d e d nearly all o f th e m a jo r A rab an d m o d e m w riters o n astrol­ ogy.66 N o t y et satisfied, d ’A illy so o n p e n n e d a n o th e r revision o f his table o f c o n ju n c tio n s, this v ersio n g iv in g b o th th e ir tim es an d th e ir locations d o w n to th e m in u te (o n e -six tie th o f a d eg ree).67 H a v in g n o w situated the dates and tim es o f th e g reat co n ju n c tio n s to th e b est o f his ability, d ’A illy apparently tu rn e d to q uestions o f in te rp re ta tio n . In J a n u a ry 1415 h e tried to so rt o u t th e n u m e ro u s and co n flictin g th eo ries relatin g various signs o f th e zodiac to d iife re n t regions o f th e e a rth .68 D ’A illy’s expertise o n th e great c o n ju n c tio n s was w ell k n o w n in to th e six teen th cen tu ry . A n d in 1465, w h e n th e celeb rated astrologer R e g io m o n ­ tanus gave Ja c o b v o n S p eier a re a d in g list o n th e great co n ju n ctio n s, d ’A illy’s nam e ap p eared n e x t to th o se o f A lbum asar an d M essahalla.69 D ’A illy’s m a tu re w ritin g s o n th e stars, finally, c o n tin u e to ev in ce a persistent co n c e rn w ith th e stars’ effects o n relig io n . In th e D e legibus et sectis in 1410, he p resen ted tw o co n flictin g view s a b o u t th e astrological origins o f religions. As a co m p ro m ise so lu tio n , d ’A illy suggested th a t religions w e re u n d e r th e sway o f th e heavens in asm u ch as th e y w e re n atural. H e n c e a su p ernatural d o c trin e , such as C h ristianity, w o u ld b e e x e m p t fro m astral co n tro l. E v e n w ith in this treatise, d ’Ailly sh o w e d som e signs o f b ro a d e n in g th e stars’ ju risd ic tio n , fo r he allow ed stellar in flu en ce o n th e h u m a n aspects o f C h rist’s life.70 A fter 1410, d ’Ailly c o n ­ tin u e d his ex am in atio n o f these them es. H e u rg ed th e use o f astrology as an aid

to in te rp re tin g p ro p h e c y in 1414 in th e Concordantia astronomic cum theologia (T h e c o n co rd an ce o f astrology w ith th eo lo g y , also called th e Vigindloquium).7] H e reaffirm ed th e lik elih o o d o f astral in fluence on the births ev en o f M ary and o f C h rist.72 A n d he used astrological theories, along w ith the b o o k o f R e v e la ­ tio n and o th e r apocalyptic texts, to ap p ro x im ate the arrival o f A ntich rist.73 D ’A illy’s w ritings testify to th e changes an d d ev elo p m en ts in his th in k in g on th e stars. H is earliest w o rk s offer little m o re th an th e prevailing a ttitu d e o f his Parisian m asters; th e later w ritings w o u ld m ak e astrological speculation a natural c o m p o n e n t o f theology. E v en given this dram atic shift, d ’Ailly h eld m any beliefs a b o u t astrology th ro u g h o u t his life w ith o u t ch ange. B o th th e old a n d th e y o u n g m an, for exam ple, fo llo w ed A quinas in saying th at th e stars incline w ith o u t necessitating.74 T h e trad itio n al am bivalence a b o u t the stars left ro o m for a b ro ad sp ectru m o f beliefs, fro m n ear to tal d eterm in ism to an alm ost co m p lete denial o f celestial causality. B y staying w ith in th o se lim its, d ’A illy co u ld even p re sen t his o w n w ritin g s as consistent, after a fashion.73 Clearly, h o w ev e r, his ideas changed b e tw e e n th e years o f 1385 an d 1410. L o o k in g at d ’A illy’s o w n readings and at the events o f th e w o rld a ro u n d h im can help us to p in p o in t the reasons b e h in d this shift.

T H E SO U R C E S F O R D ’AILLY’S T H O U G H T O N T H E STARS As n o te d earlier, m u c h o f d ’A illy’s th in k in g o n astrology rem ain ed u n ch a n g e d th ro u g h o u t his career— fo r exam ple, his consistent use o f T h o m a s A q u in as’s explanation o f th e stars’ effects o n h u m a n b ehavior. O n e feature, h o w e v er, clearly distinguishes his early hostile w ritings fro m th e later favorable ones, and th at feature is d ’A illy’s enthusiastic em b race o f th e d o ctrin e o f the great c o n ju n c ­ tions. T h e story o f d ’A illy’s acceptance o f astrology is, in effect, th e histo ry o f his k n o w led g e a b o u t th a t theory. D ’A illy first spelled o u t th e th e o ry o f th e great c o n ju n ctio n s in the treatise D e Iegibus et seeds o f 1410. H e lifted m u c h o f th at w o rk fro m R o g e r B a c o n ’s Opus mains, o n e o f th e m a jo r sources fo r d ’A illy’s Imago mundi from th e sam e year.76 A lth o u g h d ’Ailly, like B aco n , cite d A lbum asar as a so urce o n th e great c o n ju n c ­ tions, it seem s clear th a t d ’A illy had n o t y et read th e A rab astro lo g er’s w o rk , for he slavishly follow ed B a c o n ’s expo sitio n . In d eed , w e have n o positive evidence o f his h av in g read A lbum asar until his Concordanda astronomie cum hystorica narratione o f 1414. T h e re he cites a th e o ry fo u n d in A lbum asar and n o t in B a c o n .77 B y this tim e d ’A illy had already p ro d u c e d tw o w orks dealing w ith co n ju n c tio n s o f Saturn and Ju p ite r. C learly, th e n , his source fo r the d o c trin e o f the great co n ju n ctio n s was R o g e r B a c o n ’s Opus maius. W h e n did d ’A illy read th e Opus maius? B a c o n ’s nam e is conspicuously absent from d ’A illy’s early w ritin g s o n astrology, as, in d eed , it is fro m th e D e Iegibus et

sectis, w h e re h e refers to B a c o n as “a certain E nglish d o c to r” (“ q u id a m d o c to r anglicus” ). In 1378 d ’A illy c o m p o se d his Epistola ad novos Hebraeos (L etter to th e n e w H eb rew s) to c o n te st R o g e r B a c o n ’s attack o n J e r o m e ’s tran slatio n o f th e Bible. In th a t w o rk he ack n o w led g es th a t h e has n o t read B a c o n ’s w ritings him self; n o r does h e n am e his adversary.78 In a c o m p a n io n piece w ritte n m o re than a d ecad e later, a ro u n d 1390, d ’A illy clearly has read B aco n and a c k n o w l­ edges th a t th e re is so m e tr u th in w h a t h e says.79 M ax L icb erm an has speculated th at this c o n ta c t w ith B a c o n ’s critical th o u g h t led d ’A illy to p eru se his o th e r w orks, in p articu lar th e O pus maius, w h ic h in sp ired m u c h o f d ’A illy’s later w rit­ ings.80 H e seem s to h av e e n c o u n te re d th e Opus maius ev en earlier th a n 1390, ho w ev er. R e c a ll th a t in tw o serm o n s fo r A d v e n t h e p re se n te d astrological in te r­ pretatio n s o f C h ris t’s b irth . A lth o u g h d ’A illy did n o t cite R o g e r B a c o n , th e Opus maius is th e m o st likely so u rce fo r at least som e o f th a t in fo rm a tio n . In his 1385 A d v e n t se rm o n (and also in his o th e r u n d a te d A d v e n t serm o n ), d ’Ailly m e n tio n e d th a t A lbum asar, fo llo w in g th e teachings o f th e “ a n c ie n t C h ald e a n s,” h ad d escrib ed a virgin an d h e r son, “ w h o m m a n y peoples call Jesus.”81 T h e “ v irg in ” th a t A lb u m asar d escribed w as a p a rticu la r co n stellation w h ic h rose w ith th e first “face,” th a t is, th e first te n degrees o f th e zodiacal sign o f V irgo. B ecause A lbum asar d escrib ed a fig u re o f a v irgin an d ch ild called “ Iesu ,” m edieval C h ristia n readers to o k this te x t to describe M ary and th e in fan t Jesus.82 T h is su pposedly astrological d esc rip tio n o f th e In c a rn a tio n w as o n e o f the m o st celeb rated passages o n astrology in th e M id d le Ages, and d ’A illy c o u ld have tak en it fro m several sources besides A lb u m asar him self. F o r exam ple, h e could h av e fo u n d it q u o te d in A lb ertu s M a g n u s’s Speculum astronomiae, o r he could have read a paraphrase in B a c o n ’s Opus maius o r in th e p se u d o -O v id ia n D e vetula.H3 B a c o n appears to be his m o st likely source, h o w e v e r, fo r the refer­ ences d ’A illy m akes to b o th A lbum asar an d th e “a n c ie n t C h ald e an s” app ear to g e th e r o n ly in th e Opus maius. W h a t follow s in d ’A illy’s se rm o n was ap p aren tly also d ra w n fro m R o g e r B acon. B e fo re C h rist’s b irth , d ’A illy relates, “b y a b o u t six years an d a few days and h o u rs, th e re was a g reatest c o n ju n c tio n o f S atu rn and J u p ite r n ea r th e b e g in ­ n in g o f A ries, o v e r w h ic h M e rc u ry , lo rd o f V irg o, p resided, all o f w h ic h signi­ fied clearly a b o y to be b o rn o f a v irg in , w h o w o u ld be th e greatest o f p ro p h ­ ets.” 84 T h is c o n ju n c tio n appears n o w h e re in A lbum asar o r in A lb ertu s M agnus, a lth o u g h m e n tio n is m ad e o f o n e such in th e D e vetula .85 R o g e r B ac o n q u o te d this passage fro m th e p s e u d o -O v id ia n w o rk an d ad d ed , “ I f w e rev o lv e th e m o ­ tions o f S atu rn an d J u p ite r to th a t tim e , w e fin d th at th e y w e re c o n jo in e d ac­ co rd in g to th e ir m ean m o tio n s six years, five days, and th re e h o u rs before C h rist’s n ativ ity . . . in A ries, te n degrees, fifty-six m in u tes, an d fifty -tw o sec­ o n d s.” 86 D ’A illy’s c o n ju n c tio n appears to c o rre sp o n d to th a t d escribed in the Opus maius. F u rth e rm o re , in B a c o n d ’A illy w o u ld have fo u n d th a t M e rc u ry was d o m in a n t o v e r V irgo an d th a t a relig io n u n d e r th a t p la n e t’s d o m in a n c e w o u ld be o n e o f a p ro p h e t b o r n to a v irg in .87 T h u s in d ’A illy’s 1385 serm o n for

A d v en t, w e find a clear b o rro w in g fro m R o g e r B aco n an d his earliest referen ce to a c o n ju n c tio n . Significantly, this se rm o n was th e w ritin g in w h ic h , as n o te d previously, d ’A illy seem ed particularly in trig u e d b y astrology. T his early acq u ain tan ce w ith B a c o n ’s Opus maius m akes th e q u e stio n o f the date o f d ’A illy’s De Jalsis prophetis II especially in teresting. In th a t treatise, m ost likely a w o rk o f th e 1380s, d ’A illy p re se n te d an ex tre m ely n eg ativ e v iew o f astrology. It show s n o ev id en ce o f d ’A illy’s h av ing read B a c o n ’s view s o n the stars. In d e e d , th e b u lk o f th e astrological m aterial in th e treatise com es directly fro m th e w ritin g s o f T h o m a s A quinas, A u g u stine, an d N ic o le O re sm e . I f the treatise D e Jalsis prophetis II does, in fact, an ted ate d ’A illy’s 1385 serm o n , o n e m ig h t argue th at th e A d v e n t se rm o n reveals a so ften in g o f d ’A illy’s p o sitio n on astrology, a change attrib u tab le p erh ap s to his re a d in g o f R o g e r B aco n . U n fo r­ tunately, th e re is sim ply n o t e n o u g h e v id en ce to substantiate this surm ise. O n e c o u ld ju s t as plausibly argue fo r a later date o f co m p o sitio n . In 1389, d ’A illy’s frien d P h ilip p e de M ezieres p e n n e d th e Songe du vieil pelerin, an in v e n ­ to ry o f th e tro u b les o f his o w n ag e.88 M e z ie re s’s allegory in c o rp o ra te d large parts o f N ic o le O re s m e ’s Livre des divinadons, in c lu d in g m u c h o f th e sam e m aterial fo u n d in d ’A illy’s D e Jalsis prophetis II, w h e re it cam e fro m th e Latin v ersion o f O re sm e ’s w o rk (the Tractatus contra astrologos). T h e tw o friends w e re accu sto m ed to sharing ideas. D ’A illy had w ritte n his Epistola ad novos Hebraeos at M e zieres’s request. It is n o t im p ro b ab le th a t th e tw o m e n w o u ld have read O re sm e and fo llo w ed his teachings o n astrology at a b o u t th e sam e tim e .89 I f so, th e treatise DeJalsis prophetis II m ig h t re p re se n t a re a c tio n against d ’A illy’s 1385 e n c o u n te r w ith R o g e r B aco n . W h a te v e r th e case, d ’A illy w as u n q u e stio n ab ly o c c u p ie d by th e relatio n sh ip b e tw e e n astrology an d religious changes in th e first decade o f th e G reat Schism . D ’A illy re tu rn e d to th e O pus maius in th e years a ro u n d 1410. A fte r th e disas­ trous C o u n c il o f Pisa in 1409, d ’A illy re tire d to his b ishopric o f C am b ra i fo r a p e rio d o f read in g an d c o m p o sitio n .90 A n u m b e r o f w o rk s co m p o se d in this p e rio d (from Ju ly 1409 to th e su m m e r o f 1411) b e ar th e d istinct stam p o f the O pus maius. In A u g u st 1410 d ’A illy c o m p le te d th e Imago mundi, a geographical w o rk d ra w in g heavily o n B a c o n .91 O th e r co sm ographical w o rk s follo w ed , as w ell as a treatise o n calen d ar re fo rm also greatly in d e b te d to th e Opus maius.92 T h u s steep ed in th e E nglish Franciscan’s ideas, d ’A illy p re se n ted a te n tativ e d e­ fense o f B a c o n ’s d o c trin e o f th e g reat c o n ju n c tio n s in th e D e legibus et sectis, c o m p le te d D e c e m b e r 24, 1410. W h a te v e r th e e x te n t o f d ’A illy’s acq u ain tan ce w ith B a c o n ’s w o rk in 1385, w h e n h e fo llo w ed th e E n g lish m an in d escribing th e c o n ju n c tio n b e fo re th e N a tiv ity , his later in te re st in astrology seem s to b e d ire cd y lin k ed to his scru tin y o f th e Opus maius in 1410. T o a g reat e x te n t, d ’A illy’s astrological w ritin gs fro m 1410 u n til his d eath in 1420 re p re se n t a d e v e lo p m e n t o f B a c o n ’s them es. In th e D e legibus et sectis, h e p resen ted m u c h o f B a c o n ’s w o rk an d accep ted th e th e o ry o f th e great c o n ju n c ­ tions as basically tru e. In 1414 d ’A illy fo llo w ed B a c o n ’s th e o ry to co rrelate c o n -

ju n c tio n s w ith biblical an d pro fan e h isto ry in th e Vigintiloquium and in th e Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione. In th e sam e year d ’Ailly traveled th ro u g h o u t G e rm a n y as papal legate. H e cam e across sources th a t sh o w ed him ju st h o w sim plistic B a c o n ’s version o f this d o c trin e had b e e n .93 H e issued an Elucidarium o f his earlier w o rk s. T ru e to his original source, h o w e v e r, d ’Ailly seem ed to u rg e g re a te r accuracy in dates an d n o t a revision o f th e th e o ry itself.94 His last w ritin g o n th e g reat c o n ju n c tio n s, fro m 1418, re tu rn e d to B a c o n ’s (and A lbum asar’s) version, as p re se n te d in th e Concordantia astronomic cum hystorica narratione. D ’A illy h ad n o w read m o st o f th e m ajo r au th o rities o n th e great co n ju n ctio n s, and h e in c o rp o ra te d m an y o f th e ir w ritings in to his treatises o f 1414 an d 1415.95 H e clearly was un ab le, h o w e v er, to distance h im self fro m the English d o c to r’s teachings. D ’A illy’s w ritings, th en , reveal th e O pus maius to have b e e n th e m a jo r influ­ ence in his c h a n g in g th o u g h t o n th e stars. Y et th e y also illustrate his m eth o d s as a scholar. In th e 1380s, d ’A illy was d ra w n to B a c o n ’s ideas as p art o f a p ro g ram o f read in g o n th e apocalypse, as illustrated in his 1385 A d v e n t serm o n . In 1410, he scru tin ized th e O pus maius itself, w ith th e result b ein g th e Imago m undi and the D e legibus et sectis. In trig u e d b y th e th e o ry o f th e g reat co n ju n c tio n s, d ’A illy read B a c o n ’s so u rce (A lbum asar’s D e magnis coniunctionibus) and o th e r astrologi­ cal tex tb o o k s, such as th e w o rk s o f L eo p o ld o f A ustria an d A lchabitius. N e x t, he read m o re tech n ical w o rk s o f astrology, such as those o f J o h n o f A shenden and H e n ry B ate o f M alines. T h e fruits o f this research ap p eared in th e Elucidarium and th e treatise Pro declaratione decem dictarum figurarum. A n d h e p u t fo rth his o w n intricately calculated list o f c o n ju n c tio n s in th e D efigura inceptionis mundi. Fi­ nally, in 1418, d ’A illy re tu rn e d to th e q u e stio n o f th e apocalypse a n d offered his o w n astrological p re d ic tio n o f th a t e v e n t in th e D e persecutionibus ecclesie. H is studies h ad co m e full circle.

THOUGHT AND ACTION; THE MAKING OF AN ASTROLOGER

It seem s obv io u s th a t d ’A illy was in sp ired to study astrology by his read in g o f B a c o n ’s th o u g h ts o n th e g reat c o n ju n c tio n s. It is less ap p arent, h o w ev e r, w h y B aco n ’s view s stru c k such a responsive c h o rd in 1410, since d ’Ailly had appar­ ently first read th e m in 1385. T h e events su rro u n d in g his life p ro v id e som e insight. D ’A illy was a p u b lic fig u re o f e n o rm o u s statu re, an d his political fo rtu n e rose a n d fell w ith th e h ap p en in g s in th e F re n c h c o u rt and in th e c h u rch . N o t surprisingly, these events h ad an im p act o n his th o u g h t. T h e central p reo ccu p a­ tio n in d ’A illy’s p u b lic life an d in his th o u g h t b ecam e th e G reat Schism . Like so m any o f his co n tem p o raries, d ’A illy saw in th e Schism a sign o f th e app ro ach in g end o f th e w o rld . W ith tim e, h e discarded th a t v ie w o f th e crisis, and astrology help ed h im to c o n firm his n e w in te rp re ta tio n .96

D ’A illy’s early w o rk s e c h o e d th e p rev ailin g attitu d e a b o u t th e stars h e had e n c o u n te re d at th e U n iv ersity o f Paris. As a stu d en t in th e o lo g y fro m 1368 to 1381, he q u ite naturally w o u ld have fo llo w ed his m asters’ teachings. E ven as a m aster in th e faculty o f arts, astro n o m y ra th e r than astrology w o u ld have been his subject, as w itn essed in his w ritin g s o n S acrobosco’s Sphere and A risto tle’s Meteorology. A t Paris, astrology was u n d e r th e aegis o f th e m edical faculty, and th e re was a special college o f astrology an d m ed icin e n e w ly fo u n d e d in the 1360s.97 T h e re was a sense, to o , that a th e o lo g ia n sh o u ld c o n c ern h im se lf w ith theology, an d n o t w ith th e stars. “ W e k n o w ,” d ’Ailly w o u ld w rite in 1414, “ th at som e have o b jected to us th at it w o u ld be m o re fittin g to o u r profession and sim ilarly to o u r age to be o c c u p ie d w ith theological ra th e r th a n those m a th ­ em atical studies.”98 H is early cau tio n o n th e stars provides n o surprise. W h e n w e m o v e to th e w o rk s o f th e 1380s, a n e w th e m e beco m es ap p arent. In b o th th e A d v en t serm o n o f 1385 and th e treatise D eJalsis prophetis II, d ’Ailly expresses his co n c e rn th at th e Schism in th e c h u rc h m ig h t signal th e b e g in n in g o f the apocalypse. “ C o n c e rn in g this b itte r sed ition o f the presen t S ch ism ,” he w rites in 1385, “ it is a lto g e th e r to be feared th a t . . . it be th a t h o rre n d o u s division and schism atic p ersecu tio n after w h ic h the furious p e rsec u tio n o f A n ti­ christ is quickly to c o m e .”99 In th e D efalsis prophetis II, he says b lu n tly th at these rimes “seem to b e n ear th e en d o f th e w o rld .” 100 In b o th these w o rk s d ’Ailly exam ines m eans o f p red ictin g th e fu tu re , astrology b e in g o n e. H is disinclination to delve any fu rth e r in to astrology at this p o in t can b e im p u te d in p a rt to p ru ­ dence an d in p art to his b e lie f th at p ro p h e c y was a su rer guide to th e apocalypse. E ven if d ’A illy h ad desired to read m o re o n th e stars, it is h a rd to see w h e re he w o u ld have fo u n d th e tim e. In 1384 h e was n am ed h ead o f th e C ollege o f N avarre; in 1389 h e becam e c h an cello r o f th e university and a lm o n e r to the king. D ’A illy had his o w n career to lo o k after, and in the tro u b le d years that follow ed, it to o k all th e political skill an d a c u m en h e co u ld m uster. As n o te d previously, th e political situ atio n in France was unstable and vola­ tile. In 1380 th e F ren ch k in g C harles V h ad d ied , leaving his m in o r son, C harles V I, to succeed him . C harles’s m in o rity an d su b seq u en t insanity left France u n d er th e d o m in a tio n o f his w arrin g uncles. F u rth e r, th e election o f th e A ragonese B en e d ic t X III to succeed C le m e n t V II in 1394 p ro v o k e d disag reem en t in the F rench c o u rt o v er c o n tin u e d su p p o rt o f th e A vignonese papacy. D ’Ailly, sent by the k in g to g reet th e n e w p o p e , receiv ed a string o f h o n o rs from B en e d ic t cu lm in a tin g w ith his a p p o in tm e n t as b ishop o f C am brai in 1397. T h e se papal favors caused d ’A illy tro u b le at h o m e , h o w ev er. B y th e rim e d ’Ailly resigned his p o st as ch an cello r o f th e U n iv ersity o f Paris in 1395, h e was p e rc e iv e d as b e in g closer to B e n e d ic t th an to th e king; his p ositio n at th e factionalized c o u rt was slipping. H is acceptance o f th e bishopric o f C am b rai tw o years later p ro v ed to be a political n ig h tm are. T h e diocese was divid ed in its allegiance b e tw e e n th e tw o papacies, and th e bishop o f this F ren ch -sp eak in g p ro v in ce was also a p rin ce o f th e H o ly R o m a n E m p ire. F ur-

th e rm o re , d ’A illy’s a p p o in tm e n t h a d en ra g e d P h ilip p e Ie H a rd i, d u k e o f B u r­ g u ndy an d c o u n t o f Flanders, w h o h a d w a n te d o n e o f his o w n cronies installed at C am b rai. T h e cathedral c h a p te r was h ostile; th e re w e re designs o n d ’A illy’s life. It was m o re th a n a y ear b e fo re d ’A illy was able to take effective c o n tro l o f the b is h o p ric .101 B y 1410, w h e n d ’A illy re tre a te d to C a m b ra i and re rea d R o g e r B aco n , th e situation was g rim in d e e d . T h e S chism h a d n o w e n d u re d m o re th an th irty years. T h e d u k e o f O rlean s, d ’A illy’s last su p p o rte r at c o u rt, h ad b e e n assassinated in 1407. F o llo w in g th e assassination, th e re w as a ro u n d u p o f partisans o f B e n e d ic t in P aris.102 D ’A illy’s o n ly ally in th e city w as n o w his fo rm e r p u p il and successor to th e p o st o f u n iv e rsity ch an cello r, Je a n G erso n. T h e g eneral co u n c il w h ic h d ’Ailly h im se lf h ad re c o m m e n d e d to e n d th e G re a t S chism h a d m e t in Pisa th e previous y ear w ith disastrous results. T h e re w e re n o w th re e popes. P erhaps as a distraction, d ’A illy u n d e r to o k th e w ritin g o f th e Imago m undi, fo llo w in g the Opus maius. C learly in trig u e d b y w h a t h e read a b o u t th e stars, h e p u rsu ed his reading o f B a c o n in th e D e legibus et sectis. A stro lo g y ’s ability to p re d ic t religious change p layed in to d ’A illy’s in ten se cu rio sity a b o u t th e E n d . FIe so u g h t to k n o w w h e th e r th e c h u rc h w o u ld surv iv e th e S chism o r if th e crisis in d e e d w o u ld m ark the ad v e n t o f A n tich rist. A c c o rd in g to d ’A illy ’s 1410 in te rp re ta tio n o f B a co n , all religions save C h ristia n ity an d Ju d a ism w e re u n d e r th e c o n tro l o f the stars, in ­ cludin g th e “ diabolical sect” o f A n tic h rist.103 O n e th u s m ig h t be able to use astrology to p re d ic t his ad v en t. In th e years b e tw e e n 1410 an d 1414, d ’A illy sh o w e d h im se lf increasingly to be d istu rb e d b y th e events o f his tim es. In 1412 h e felt co m p e lled to w rite an Apologia in an sw er to B o n iface F e rre r’s charges th a t h e had displayed co v e to u s­ ness, o v e rw e e n in g a m b itio n , a n d g re e d in his h a n d lin g o f th e S ch ism .104 D u rin g the sam e p e rio d h e d e v o te d h im se lf to spiritual w ritings, a n u m b e r o f w h ic h he p ro d u c e d in th e p e rio d b efo re th e C o u n c il o f C o n sta n ce . M a x L ieb e rm a n has suggested th a t d ’A illy’s tu r n to spirituality w as a d ire ct re a c tio n to his tro u b le d tim es. B u t, as L ie b e rm a n also argues, th e sp iritual peace th at sh o u ld follow u p o n m ystical studies w as distin ctly fo re ig n to d ’A illy ’s n a tu re, and, accordingly, he re tu rn e d to astro lo g y .105 In 1414, d ’A illy again h ad cause to h o p e , a n d be w o rrie d , a b o u t th e fu tu re. O n th e u rg in g o f th e G e rm a n e m p e ro r Sigism und, th e Pisan p o n tiff at last had su m m o n e d a n o th e r general co u n c il to m e e t in C o n sta n ce in N o v e m b e r. T h a t year saw a flurry o f astrological w ritin g s fro m d ’A illy’s p e n , as h e so u g h t to d e te rm in e w h a t th e c h u r c h ’s fu tu re w o u ld be: th e Vigintiloquium, the Concordantia astronomic cum hystorica narratione, th e Elucidariumy th e tw o Apologetice defensiones astronomice veritatis, an d p ro b ab ly th e D efigura inceptionis mundi. F o llo w in g B a c o n ’s d o ctrin es, h e c o u ld at last gain so m e m easure o f h o p e : A n tich rist w o u ld n o t arrive u n til th e d istant y ear o f 1 7 8 9 .106 In 1418 d ’A illy re tire d to A v ig n o n as papal legate fo r th e n e w P o p e M a rtin V. T h e C o u n c il o f C o n sta n c e h ad c o m e successfully to a close. T h e Schism was

over, and d ’A illy h ad played a lead in g role in th e resto ratio n o f peace to the ch u rch . H e tu rn e d to th e b o o k o f R e v e la tio n , seeking, apparently, to fit the events o f his o w n lifetim e in to J o h n ’s vision o f th e final things. G o n e , n o w , was the fear th a t th e E n d was im m in e n t; g o n e, any sense o f u rg en cy o r anxiety. A n tich rist’s ad v en t, d ’A illy w ro te , “ ev en n o w does n o t seem n e a r.” 107 A strology appears in this treatise as a valid to o l fo r specu lating o n th e apocalypse. D ’Ailly ignores th e caveats th a t plagued h im in 1414 and recapitulates his p red ictio n fro m th e Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione: A ntichrist w ill co m e in the year 1789, “i f th e w o rld shall last th a t lo n g .” 108 T h e D e persecutionibus ecclesie was d ’A illy’s last lo n g treatise. A fter th at w o rk w e have o n ly an exchange o f letters w ith G erso n , th e su bject b ein g again astrol­ ogy. H e co n fid en tly urg ed his fo rm er p u p il n o t to take an excessively harsh stand against th e science. Ju st as h e w o u ld call astrologers “ superstitious” w h o grant to o m u c h p o w e r to th e stars, d ’A illy w ro te , so those w h o depress astrology’s p o w e r “against philosophical re a so n in g ” are “superstitious th eo lo g ian s.” 109 D ’Ailly w ro te G erso n in N o v e m b e r 1419. H e d ied th e fo llo w in g A ugust. A t th e en d o f his life, th e n , w e fin d d ’A illy o c cu p ie d w ith th e qu estio n th at in trig u e d h im th ro u g h o u t his career. In his y o u th fu l days at Paris h e fo llo w ed th e un iv ersity ’s teach in g o n th e stars, fin d in g in th e w ritings o f T h o m as A quinas th e seeds for his later defense o f astrology. H e b ecam e e x p ert in astronom y, perhaps lectu rin g o n S acro bo sco ’s Sphere an d A ristotle’s Meteorology. F o llo w in g th e start o f the G reat Schism , d ’A illy’s in terest in th e stars to o k a n e w tu rn , as he p o n ­ d e re d w h e th e r astrology m ig h t b e used to p re d ic t th e E n d , w h ic h n o w seem ed so im m in e n t. Finally, in th e m o n th s p re c e d in g th e C o u n c il o f C o n sta n ce , d ’Ailly con su lted th e stars to c o n je c tu re a b o u t th e c h u rc h ’s fu tu re. In the en d , his calculations gave h im h o p e , as he fo u n d a distant date fo r th e apocalypse using th e rational speculations o f th e astrologers.

CHAPTER

FOUR

A s tro lo g y a n d th e N a r r a tio n o f H is to ry

I n t h e f i n a l d ecad e o f his life, P ie rre d ’A illy d e v o te d considerable a tte n tio n to astrological th eo ries re la tin g changes o n earth to c o n ju n c tio n s o f S atu rn and Jupiter. In a series o f treatises, h e a tte m p te d to d e m o n stra te an d to clarify th e effects o f th ese c o n ju n c tio n s th ro u g h o u t history. A rm e d w ith an increasingly sophisticated k n o w le d g e o f th e stars, d ’A illy c o n stru c te d a th o ro u g h g o in g astro­ logical h isto ry th a t en co m p assed th e course o f events fro m C re a tio n to Last Ju d g m e n t. H e e n c o u n te re d m a n y inaccuracies and in consistencies in his starbased n a rra tio n , y e t re m a in e d c o m m itte d to his system , b e lie v in g always th at m o re k n o w le d g e w o u ld resolve th e conflicts. F o r d ’Ailly, h isto ry p ro v e d th e tru th o f astrology, an d astrology rev ealed th e b ro a d p a tte rn s o f history. A p e rso n eq u ip p e d w ith a th o ro u g h k n o w le d g e o f b o th c o u ld use th e stars to p re d ic t th e fu ture co u rse o f events. B roadly speaking, d ’A illy’s forays in to h isto ry w ritin g h a d th re e in te rre la ted goals. First, he so u g h t to establish astro lo g y ’s place as a science useful to th e fields o f c h ro n o lo g y an d history. S e c o n d , h e h o p e d th a t th e e v id e n c e o f his astrologi­ cal histo ry w o u ld c o n firm th e use o f th e stars to ex a m in e th e fu tu re a n d th e present. T h ird , d ’A illy a tte m p te d to c o m b in e his astrological n arrativ e w ith tra­ ditional C h ristian w ays o f u n d e rsta n d in g history. T h is last was p erh ap s his m o st difficult task, fo r th e C h ristia n an d astrological view s o f tim e w e re in a p p a re n t conflict. D ’Ailly b le n d e d th ese tw o types o f h isto ry b y e m p lo y in g tw o astrolog­ ical theories: o n e insisting u p o n p e rio d ic changes d icta te d by th e c o n ju n c tio n s o f S atu rn an d J u p ite r, an d th e o th e r d e riv in g fro m th e o rd e r o f th e planets th e in fo rm a tio n th a t th e re w o u ld b e o n ly six m a jo r religions in th e course o f th e w o rld ’s history. B y c o m b in in g these tw o d o c trin es, d ’A illy w as able to ex te n d his astrological studies to th e e n d o f tim e in th e C h ristian schem a, th at is, to th e in vestig atio n o f th e apocalypse.

A S T R O L O G Y , T H E O L O G Y , A N D H IS T O R Y

In th e years 1414 a n d 1415, d ’A illy c o m p o se d a series o f treatises investigating th e stars’ ro le in history. In th ese w o rk s he p u rsu e d th e su p p o sed co rrelatio n b e tw e e n c o n ju n c tio n s o f S a tu rn an d Ju p ite r a n d events o n earth . H e b eg an this task b y fo llo w in g th e th e o ry o f th e g reat c o n ju n c tio n s th a t h e h a d e n c o u n te re d

in R o g e r B a c o n ’s Opus maius. B aco n , in tu rn , had b o rro w e d fro m th e n in th c cn tu ry A rab astro lo g er A lbum asar (A bu M a ‘shar), so th a t d ’A illy’s te a c h in g o n th e great c o n ju n c tio n s was m u c h th e sam e as th a t in A lbum asar’s D e magnis coniunctionibus, th e m a jo r so u rce o n c o n ju n c tio n s in the M id d le A g es.1 As did his sources, d ’A illy fo cused o n th o se c o n ju n c tio n s o f S atu rn and J u p ite r o c c u r­ rin g at intervals o f ro u g h ly 2 40 an d 960 years, th a t is, o n the g re ater c o n ju n c tio n , in v o lv in g th e shift o f th e scries o f c o n ju n c tio n s to a n e w triplicity, and th e greatest c o n ju n c tio n , m a rk in g th e re tu rn to th e first o f th e sign o f Aries. In a related th eo ry , also im p o rta n t to d ’A illy’s c o n c e p tio n o f history, A lbum asar an d his follow ers ta u g h t th a t six p rin cip al religions (called laws o r sects) h ad existed o r w o u ld c o m e to exist in this w o rld : Ju d a ism (signified b y th e c o n ju n c tio n o f ju p ite r an d S atu rn ), pag an re lig io n (Jupiter an d M ars), th e w o r­ ship o f stars an d idols (Jupiter an d th e sun), th e Saracen relig io n (Jupiter an d V enus), C h ristia n ity (Jupiter an d M e rc u ry ), a n d a ly ing sect (Jupiter an d the m o o n ).2 D ’A illy fo llo w ed th e C h ristia n iz e d v ersion o f this th eo ry , as o u tlin e d by R o g e r B aco n in th e O pus maius .3 A c c o rd in g to B a c o n ’s re d a c tio n , J u p ite r is associated w ith m atters o f faith because it rules o v e r th e n in th o f th e tw elve m u n d a n e houses, signifying relig io n . T h e re fo re , co n ju n c tio n s o f th e o th e r p la n ­ ets w ith J u p ite r have g reat significance fo r sects and religions. S ince six planets can be jo in e d w ith Ju p ite r, it follow s th a t th e w o rld w ill see six m ajo r religions, each w ith th e characteristics o f o n e o f th e six planets. T h u s, B a c o n states, the c o n ju n c tio n o f ju p ite r w ith S atu rn signifies Ju d aism , o ld e r th a n and p rio r to all o th e r religions, ju s t as S atu rn is th e farth est p lanet. T h e c o n ju n c tio n w ith M ars relates to th e C h a ld e a n law ; th a t w ith th e sun, to th e E g y p tian s’ relig io n . Ju p ite r an d V enus to g e th e r re p re se n t th e sect o f th e Saracens, w h ile C h ristia n ity co n sti­ tutes a M ercu rial relig io n . Finally, th e c o n ju n c tio n o f J u p ite r a n d th e m o o n signifies a sect ch aracterized b y m agic a n d lying. T h is is th e sect o f A ntichrist, and it w ill b e th e last o f all sects, ju s t as th e m o o n ’s is th e last o f th e celestial spheres. Finally, B a c o n arg u ed th a t g reater c o n ju n c tio n s o f S a tu rn an d Ju p ite r h ad fo re to ld th e rise o f these religions. It is im p o rta n t to n o te th a t th e six c o n ­ ju n c tio n s th at signify th e religions are n o t tak en to b e causative o r e v en to refer to actual plan etary c o n ju n c tio n s. N o o n e c o n ju n c tio n o f ju p ite r an d M ars, for ex am p le, caused th e app earan ce o f th e C h a ld e a n relig io n . R a th e r, J u p ite r ’s c o u ­ p lin g w ith th e o th e r planets indicates w h a t religions are to ap p e ar o n earth; in divid u al S a tu rn -Ju p ite r c o n ju n c tio n s sh o w w h e n these religions w ill arise. T h r o u g h o u t his series o f h istorical treatises, d ’A illy’s plan was deceptively sim ple, to relate events o n e a rth to th e changes fo re to ld by th e greatest and g rea te r c o n ju n c tio n s. In th e 1414 Concordantia astronomie cum theologia (C o n c o r­ dance o f astrology w ith th eo lo g y , also k n o w n as th e Vigintiloquium), d ’Ailly a tte m p te d to use this m e th o d to settle a v ex in g theo lo g ical an d historical q u es­ tion: h o w m an y years w e re th e re b e tw e e n C re a tio n and th e b irth o f C hrist? T h e q u e stio n o f th e w o rld ’s age h ad a h isto ry stre tc h in g back to th e early C h ristian cen tu ries. D ra w in g u p o n a Je w ish tra d itio n lin k in g th e six days o f

C re atio n to six m ille n n ia o f w o rld h istory, a u th o rs such as Ju liu s A fricanus (ca. 160—ca. 240) h ad so u g h t to c o m p o se a c h ro n o lo g y e x te n d in g fro m C re a tio n th ro u g h th e Last Ju d g m e n t. C ru cial to th e en d eavors o f such C h ristia n c h ro nographcrs w as th e h istorical in fo rm a tio n c o n ta in e d in th e O ld T estam en t, b u t h erein also lay a m a jo r obstacle. T h e re was a sharp d isag reem en t b e tw e e n the H e b re w B ible an d th e G re e k tran slatio n k n o w n as th e S ep tu a g in t re g ard in g the n u m b e r o f years fro m C re a tio n to th e b irth o f C h rist, w ith th e S e p tu ag in t e n u ­ m eratin g a b o u t 5 ,5 0 0 years an d th e H e b re w version y ie ld in g so m e w h e re a ro u n d 4 ,000 .4 T his d iscrep an cy su rv iv e d in to th e M id d le A ges. T h e standard so lu tio n for the early m edieval cen tu ries w as th a t o u tlin e d in E u seb iu s’s Canons, a w o rk designed to sy n c h ro n iz e th e various religious and secular ch ro n o lo g ie s o f th e an c ien t w o rld . E usebius (269—339) fo llo w ed th e S e p tu a g in t’s d atin g a n d placed C re a tio n at 5 ,2 2 8 years b e fo re th e b e g in n in g o f C h ris t’s m inistry, th a t is, 5,199 years b e fo re th e b irth o f C h ris t.5 E u seb iu s’s Canons w e re translated in to Latin by Je ro m e in th e fo u rth c e n tu ry , y e t th ro u g h his translation o f th e V u lg a te Je ro m e passed o n th e d a tin g o f th e H e b re w B ible as w ell. Isidore o f Seville p o p u la riz ed the Canons’ C re a tio n date, w h ereas B ed e, in th e e ig h th ce n tu ry , p u t fo rth a n e w figure based o n th e H e b re w c h ro n o lo g y p re se rv e d in th e V ulgate. H is n e w figure o f 3 ,9 5 2 years w as also fre q u e n tly c o p ie d an d p o sed a challenge to th e Isidoran n u m b e r.6 T h e r e th e u n c e rta in ty re m a in e d w ith tra d itio n su p p o rtin g b o th sides. In th e th irte e n th cen tu ry , V in c e n t o fB e au v a is in his Speculum historiale fo llo w e d th e sm aller n u m b e r, y et cite d b o th figures, n o tin g th at any c e rtitu d e in this m a tte r was scarcely p ossible.7 D ’A illy’s treatise re p re se n te d an a tte m p t to settle this q u estio n b y ad d u cin g an additio n al so rt o f in fo rm a tio n : th e tim es o f th e greatest c o n ju n c tio n s o f S atu rn and Ju p ite r. It was a p ro je c t, as he w ro te , suggested to h im by a frien d skilled in b o th astrology an d th eo lo g y . T h e th e o ry was th a t o n e m ig h t use a list o f S a tu rn Ju p itc r c o n ju n c tio n s to verify o r c o rre c t th e ch ro n o lo g ies o f th e theologians. A fter all, such c o n ju n c tio n s w e re su p p o sed to a n n o u n c e m a jo r changes in k in g ­ dom s an d religions. Presum ably, th e dates o f im p o rta n t c o n ju n c tio n s c o u ld be ex p ec te d to p re c e d e th e vario u s eras o f w o rld history. T h e evid en ce p ro v id e d by the stars, th e n , m ig h t help historians ch o o se b e tw e e n sets o f dates. In fact, d ’A illy im plied , such d isag reem en t w o u ld n e v e r have h a p p e n e d i f ch ro niclers h ad only b o th e re d to co n sid e r th e g reat c o n ju n c tio n s.8 B efo re ap p ly in g this th e o ry to biblical h istory, d ’A illy felt c o m p elle d to offer a defense o f astrology an d to sh o w h o w th e science m ig h t be useful to th e o lo ­ gians. H e b e g an cautiously. A strology m u st b e p u rg ed o f superstitious errors, he argued, such as th e a ttrib u tio n o f fatal necessity to stellar causality an d th e asser­ tio n o f th e stars’ su p e rio rity o v e r free w ill an d d ivine p o w e r.9 D ’A illy ad m itted , h o w e v e r, th a t th e stars c o u ld in clin e m e n to certain b e h a v io r w ith o u t necessitat­ ing th e ir effects.10 H a v in g laid d o w n this co n serv ative fra m e w o rk , h e p ro c e e d e d w ith m o re a b a n d o n . F o r ex am p le, h e asserted th a t A u g u stin e ’s flat denial o f

astrological necessity w o u ld m e e t w ith th e app ro val o f (pseudo) P to le m y in his statem en t th a t “ th e w ise m a n rules th e stars.” 11 D ’A illy w as q u o tin g fro m A u ­ g u stin e ’s scath in g attack o n astrology in The C ity o f God. It takes a certain aplom b to im p ly th a t P to lem y , th e g reat astrologer, and A u g u stin e, th e scien ce’s great critic, w e re essentially in a g re e m e n t a b o u t th e stars. D ’A illy insisted th a t astrology was useful to th eo lo g y , and h e re c o m m e n d e d th at it b e “ a d a p te d ” to certain types o f p ro p h e c ie s.12 F o r exam ple, h e argued, astrology can illu m in ate p re d ic tio n s o f ab u n d a n t o r scarce harvests, o r ev en o f acts p ro c e e d in g fro m h u m a n free w ill. N atu rally, in b o th cases th e astrologers can offer o n ly co n jectu res, for n e ith e r th e w e a th e r n o r h u m a n actions can be forecast w ith certainty. B u t to ju d g e fro m d ’A illy’s exam ples, th e latitu d e to be g iven to astrological c o n je c tu re is v ery w id e in d eed . A c c o rd in g to d ’Ailly, astrology h ad relev an ce to th eo lo g ical p ro p h ec ie s a b o u t th e F lo o d an d th e N a tiv ity o f C h rist. A lth o u g h N o a h had advance k n o w le d g e o f the F lo o d b y p ro p h e tic rev elatio n , d ’A illy states, “ it seem s p robable th a t som e astron o m ical co n stellatio n c o u ld have p resig n ified th a t effect and so m e h o w co u ld have b e e n a partial cause o f i t . ” 13 Later, d ’A illy cites a greatest c o n ju n c tio n o f S atu rn an d Ju p ite r, said to have o c c u rre d tw o years befo re th e F lo o d .14 S im i­ larly, h e m e n tio n s a c o n ju n c tio n six years b efo re C h rist’s b irth said to signify th e fu tu re “M e rc u ria l” law (C h ristianity). “A lth o u g h th e In c a rn a tio n and N ativ ity o f th e blessed C h rist w e re in m an y w ays m iracu lo u s an d su p ern atu ral,” d ’A illy argues, “ n o n eth eless, N a tu re , ju s t as a h a n d m a id to h e r L o rd and C re a to r, was able to c o o p e ra te in these events an d , th ro u g h th e v irtu e o f th e heavens and the stars, to w o rk to g e th e r w ith th e n atu ral v irtu e o f his v irgin m o th e r.” 15 Lest h e appear to give to o m u c h p o w e r to th e stars, d ’A illy notes th a t G o d co u ld have au g m e n te d th e g o o d influences an d su sp en d ed any evil stem m in g fro m C h ris t’s natal h o ro s c o p e .16 D esp ite his caveats, h o w e v e r, w e are left w ith th e stro n g im pression th a t astrology c o u ld h av e p re d ic te d b o th th e F lo o d an d th e b irth o f C hrist. F o llo w in g his in tro d u c to ry rem arks a b o u t th e stars, d ’A illy ab ru p tly tu rn e d to th e qu estio n o f th e age o f th e w o rld an d left astrology to th e side. In th e Vigintiloquium ’s p ro lo g u e , d ’A illy h a d cited th re e co n flictin g figures fo r th e n u m b e r o f years fro m C re a tio n to th e N ativ ity : 6 ,0 0 0 , 5,2 2 8 (correctly a ttrib u te d to E usebius), an d 5,199 (w ro n g ly ascribed to B e d e ).17 S eek in g a so lu tio n , d ’A illy first n o te d th a t th e re h ad b e e n v ary in g o p in io n s a b o u t th e len g th o f th e y e a r.18 Y et e v e n i f th e co n flictin g figures w e re all re d u c e d to years o f 3 6 5 ¼ days, d ’A illy co n clu d e d , th e y w o u ld still disag ree.19 F u rth e r in q u iry in to au th o rs such as E usebius, Isidore, O ro siu s, B ed e, an d V in c e n t o f B eauvais p resen te d d ’A illy w ith ev en m o re co n flictin g estim ates o f th e w o rld ’s age.20 M o st au th o rs, h e n o te d , seem ed to fo llo w th e translators o f th e S ep tu ag in t in estim ating som e­ w h e re a ro u n d 5 ,2 0 0 years b e tw e e n A d am an d C hrist. D ’A illy suggested th a t astrological co n sid erations m ig h t y ield a m o re ex act figure fo r th e age o f th e w o rld . F o r k n o w n h istory after th e F lo o d , o n e n e e d

only co n su lt th e A lfo n sin e tables. F ro m th e tables d ’A illy to o k th e in fo rm a tio n th a t th e re h a d b e e n 3,101 years, 10 m o n th s , 12 days, a n d 30 m in u tes o f a day (i.e., o n e -h a lf day) fro m th e F lo o d to th e b irth o f C h rist.21 T h is d a tin g o f the F lood to 3 1 0 2 B . C . c o rresp o n d s to th e b e g in n in g o f th e K aliyuga, o u r c u rre n t era, in H in d u astro n o m y . T h is d ate e n te re d th e W est via Sassanian Persia. It is the F lo o d date g iv en , fo r ex am p le, b y A lbum asar, in th e astro n o m ical tables o f al-K h w arizm i, an d in th e A lfonsine tables.22 In d ’A illy ’s m in d , th e In d o -A lfo n sin e fig u re , based o n calculations o f p la n e ­ tary m o tio n s, is m o re accu rate th a n any o f th e c h u rc h sources, and h e accepts it to be th e tru est estim ate o f th e n u m b e r o f years b e tw e e n th e F lo o d an d the N ativity. T o k n o w th e n u m b e r o f years b e fo re th e F lo o d , d ’Ailly suggests an ex am in a tio n o f th e g reat c o n ju n c tio n s. H is first in stin c t is to calculate b ack w ard fro m th e tim e o f a k n o w n c o n ju n c tio n , b u t h e realizes th a t this m e th o d brings him u p against th e sam e p ro b le m . B e in g u n su re o f th e n u m b e r o f years befo re the F lo o d , he does n o t k n o w h o w far b ack to re c k o n o r w h ic h c o n ju n c tio n to call th e first fro m th e b e g in n in g o f tim e .23 Y et h e believes it e x p e d ie n t to calcu­ late th e tim es o f th e greatest c o n ju n c tio n s o f S atu rn an d J u p ite r because great historical changes w ill b e fo u n d a ro u n d these tim es.24 In o th e r w o rd s, establish­ in g a list o f c o n ju n c tio n s b y w o rk in g b a c k w a rd c o u ld h elp verify an existing c h ro n o lo g y b u t c o u ld n o t establish a C re a tio n date. H a v in g re je c te d w h a t h e calls th e a p o ste rio ri m e th o d o f fig u rin g th e w o rld ’s age by c o n ju n c tio n s, d ’A illy p ro ceed s to an a p rio ri d e te rm in a tio n . H e a c k n o w l­ edges th a t he can offer o n ly a c o n je c tu re , fo r his calculations re q u ire d ra w in g up a h o ro sc o p e w ith th e lo c a tio n o f all o f th e planets at th e m o m e n t o f th e ir cre­ atio n o n th e fo u rth day.25 D ’A illy was b y n o m eans th e first to in te re st h im se lf in the h o ro sc o p e o f C re a tio n (or thema mundt). T h e su b ject com es u p n o t in fre­ q u en tly in astrological lite ra tu re — an d in art— th o u g h w ith n o great u n ifo rm ity in so lu tio n s.26 It w as an astrological c o m m o n p la c e th a t th e degree o f th e ecliptic k n o w n as a p la n e t’s ex altatio n c o rre sp o n d e d to th e p o sitio n in w h ic h th e p la n et was created. W ith such re a so n in g J u lius F irm icus M atern u s in th e fo u rth c e n tu ry had sk etch ed o u t a thema mundi, w h ic h w as tak en up in M a c ro b iu s’s w id ely read Commentary on the Dream o f Scipio. F irm icus M a te rn u s an d th o se fo llo w in g in his footsteps assigned A ries to th e p ro m in e n t p o sitio n o f th e m id h e a v e n (medium celum) in th e w o rld ’s h o ro sc o p e an d h a d th e sun in th e sign o f L e o .27 C h ristian trad itio n , h o w e v e r, d ic ta te d th a t th e w o rld was c re ated w h e n th e sun was at o r n e ar th e v ern al e q u in o x (Aries 0 °), so th a t th e C re a tio n , th e A n n u n c ia tio n , and the C ru c ifix io n m ig h t all fall (in th e o ry ) o n th e sam e date. H e n c e , th e su n w o u ld have to b e in A ries, a n d n o t in L eo as F irm icus M a tern u s w o u ld have it. D ’A illy ’s h o ro sc o p e , accordingly, differs substantially fro m F irm icus M a te rn u s’s. D ra w in g , as h e claim s, o n A lbum asar, h e presents a h o ro sc o p e th a t also has A ries in th e m id h e a v e n , b u t w ith drastically d ifferen t p lan etary positions. T h e planets, h e says, are in th e ir exaltatio n s.28 T h e p o sitions c o rre sp o n d m o re closely, th o u g h n o t exactly, to th e exaltations g iv en by A Ichabitius th an to those

o f Firm icus M atern u s. H is e n d e a v o r has also led d ’A illy to co n sid er such v ex in g theo lo g ical an d astro n o m ical q u estions as w h e re in the sky th e sun was created and w h e th e r th e m o o n was created full, n ew , o r c resce n t.29 (D ’A illy’s thema mundi appears in figure 4.) Based u p o n this h o ro sc o p e , d ’A illy follow s “ th e o p in io n o f certain astrolo­ gers” in e n u m e ra tin g a series o f S a tu rn -Ju p ite r c o n ju n c tio n s, fin d in g th e w o rld ’s first greatest c o n ju n c tio n to h av e o c c u rre d in th e 3 2 0 th year o f th e w o rld .30 It is n o t clear w h o d ’A illy’s u n n a m e d sources are o r if these sam e “ astrologers” are responsible fo r his C re a tio n h o ro sc o p e as w ell. W h a te v e r th e case, th e ir e x p er­ tise was far fro m reliable. G iv en th e p lan ets’ original positions at C re a tio n , in the year 32 0 S atu rn w o u ld have b e e n in Libra an d J u p ite r in L eo, hard ly in c o n ju n c ­ tio n .31 D ’Ailly h ad at least ap p ro p riately n o te d th a t h e w o u ld n o t b e p ro c e e d in g u p o n “accu rate an d precise calcu latio n s.”32 F o llo w in g th e lead o f his u n n a m e d sources, d ’Ailly c o n tin u e d to list greatest co n ju n c tio n s o f Saturn and Ju p ite r, n o tin g th a t th e th ird o f these w o u ld have o c c u rre d in th e 2 ,2 4 0 th y ear o f th e w o rld . “A rab astro n o m ers,” d ’Ailly in te r­ jects, had said th a t th e re was a c o n ju n c tio n o f S aturn and J u p ite r in A ries 2 years befo re th e Flood. D ’A illy equates this w ith his th ird greatest c o n ju n c tio n . H e n c e he co n clu d es th a t th e re m u st h av e b e e n 2 ,2 4 2 years befo re the F lo o d , a n u m b e r that, he is pleased to n o te , agrees w ith th e S ep tu ag in t an d c h u rc h teaching. Finally, ad d in g th e A lfonsine tables’ 3,101 years fro m th e F lo o d to C hrist, d ’A illy obtains a to tal o f 5,3 4 3 years fro m A d am to C h rist.33 H e co n clu d es w ith th e ap p ro p riately h u m b le o fferin g th at his treatise p ro ­ vides n o d efin ite answ ers b u t o n ly a b eg in n in g . H e suggests, h o w e v e r, th at the ch u rc h , w ith th e a u th o rity o f a general c o u n c il o r th e p o p e , “ c o m m it several skilled astrologers a n d th eo lo g ian s to this task,” so as to m ak e a d efinite d e te rm i­ n a tio n o f th e w o rld ’s age. T h e re b y w o u ld be re m o v e d w h a t h e term s th e “scan­ dal” o f th e d isag reem en t o f various c h u rc h sources.34 D ’A illy’s use o f th e te rm “scandal” is p ro b ab ly an o v erstatem en t. W e have n o evid en ce th a t th e q u estion o f th e w o rld ’s age caused th e c h u rc h any g reat em barrassm ent. It w as, h o w e v er, a c o n c e rn o f b o th astrologers and a n u m b e r o f m ath em atically m in d e d th e o lo ­ gians o f th e later M id d le Ages. P erhaps th e y w e re d raw n to this q u estio n b y th e w ritin g s o f A rabic astrologers such as A lbum asar and M essahalla. B esides d ’A illy’s Vigintiloquium, th e re w e re astro n o m ical attem pts to calculate the w o rld ’s age b y J o h n o f A sh en d en , W a lte r o f O d in g to n , and Je a n de B ruges, all o f th e m citin g A rabic exam ples.35 O n M ay 10, 1414, d ’A illy c o m p le te d th e seco n d treatise o f his series, the Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione (T h e co n c o rd a n c e o f astrology w ith historical n arratio n ). H a v in g established th e w o rld ’s age in th e Vigintiloquium, h e n o w c h ro n ic le d all o f h u m a n h istory, fro m C re a tio n to Last J u d g ­ m e n t, pausing h e re an d th e re to relate g reat events to th e h eavenly m o v e m en ts. In particular, h e lo o k e d at tw o astrological p h e n o m e n a . F o r m o st o f h isto ry up u n til th e b irth o f C h rist, d ’A illy relied u p o n th e greatest c o n ju n c tio n s o f S aturn

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Figure 4. T h e h o r o s c o p e o f C r e a t i o n f r o m t h e Vigmtiloquium. F r o m Pierre d'Ailly, Tractatus eie imagine mundi et varia ejusdem auctoris etjoannis Cersoitis opuscula (Louvain: J o h a n n d e Westphalia, ca. 1483), foi. [bb5r]. T h e f i g u r e is slightly in error. J u p i t e r should b e at Sagittarius 15° and Mars at Scorpio 28°. Cf. Vienna, Osterreichische N a t i o n a l b i b l i o t h e k , M S 5 1 3 8 , fol. 4 8 r - v .

and Jupiter, w h o s e times h e had established in the Vigintiloquium. B u t the l o n g period b e t w e e n these c o n j u n c t i o n s (960 years) r e n d e r e d t h e m less useful for explaining recent history, and d'Ailly therefore t u r n e d to a second guiding principle. Albumasar, again, had taught that changes in mores, sects, and k i n g d o m s w e r e linked to the c o m p l e t i o n o f t e n revolutions by Saturn. Since Saturn took roughly 3 0 years to circle the zodiac, every 3 0 0 years o n e could expect great upheavals in religions or dynasties. 3 6 D'Ailly's narrative is dry and o f t e n tedious, and h e records m a n y events for w h i c h he gives n o astrological explanation. T h e astrological portions o f the w o r k are of interest, h o w e v e r , for d'Ailly displays an extremely liberal sense of c h r o n o l o g y a n d causality in his attempts to correlate stellar w i t h earthly events. 3 7 For example, the first greatest c o n j u n c t i o n of Saturn and J u p i t e r is said to have h a p p e n e d in the 320th year of the w o r l d . H o w e v e r , d'Ailly relates that c o n j u n c -

tio n b ack w ard to th e m u rd e r o f A bel (w h ic h he places in th e year 100) a n d to th e evils in tro d u c e d to th e w o rld b y C a in .38 F o r th e seco n d greatest c o n ju n c ­ tio n , in th e y ear 1280, d ’A illy finds n o c o rre sp o n d in g changes save th e b irth o f M eth u selah , “ a little b e fo re ” th a t c o n ju n c tio n .39 O f t h e first th re e c o n ju n ctio n s, o n ly th e th ird (in th e y ear 2240) seem s to have b o rn e a real relatio n to th e events in d ’A illy’s narrativ e. T h a t c o n ju n c tio n p re c e d e d the F lo o d b y tw o years and was its partial cause.40 W ith th e fo u rth g reatest c o n ju n c tio n in 320 0 , d ’A illy re tu rn s to his ra th e r free sense o f c o rresp o n d en ces, an d n o tes th a t it w as preceded b y th e discovery o f m agic arts by Z o ro a ste r41 an d th e b irth o f A b rah a m .42 T h a t c o n ju n c tio n also fo llo w ed changes in th e k in g d o m s o f Assyria, E g y p t, and G re e c e .43 T h e effects o f this c o n ju n c tio n w e re ap p aren tly felt en tirely befo re its o c c u rre n c e . M o v in g farther, d ’A illy’s schem e b eco m es ev en looser, for h e finds n o t only th e lives o f Jo se p h , M oses, an d th e a n c ie n t G re e k h ero es an d philo so p h ers b u t also th e fall o f T ro y to have h a p p e n e d between th e fo u rth an d fifth c o n ju n c tio n s.44 N e v e r at a loss, d ’A illy suggests an alternative astrological ex p lanation. T h e se events can b e said to co rre sp o n d to th e in te rv e n in g g re a te r c o n ju n c tio n s and to th e re v o lu ­ tions o f S a tu rn .45 T h e fifth g reatest c o n ju n c tio n is co n sig n ed to th e year 4 1 6 0 , m o re th an 100 years after th e fall o f T roy. D ’A illy tells o f m any changes in k in g d o m s b o th b e fo re an d after this c o n ju n c tio n , such as th e dem ise o f th e k in g d o m o f A thens; th e reig n o f Saul, first k in g o f th e H eb rew s; an d th e fo u n d in g o f C a rth a g e .46 R o m e ’s fo u n d a tio n o c c u rre d ra th e r in c o n v e n ie n tly in th e year 4 4 3 4 ,47 and d ’Ailly offers n o astrological ex p lan atio n fo r this ev en t, th e B ab ylonian C ap tiv ity o f th e Jew s, o r th e re ig n o f A lex an d er th e G re a t.48 In d ee d , h e neglects th e stars en tirely u n til h e com es to th e sixth g reatest c o n ju n c tio n in th e year 5120, ap­ pro x im a te ly 225 years b e fo re C hrist. C lose b efo re an d after this c o n ju n c tio n , d ’Ailly finds “ g reat an d m arv elo u s ch an g es,” chiefly th e translation o f th e S ep tu agint, th e First P u n ic W a r (264—241 B . C . ) , an d o th e r R o m a n w ars in th e E ast.49 T h e n c e th e narrative b eco m es q u ite d ense, an d d ’Ailly carries his h isto ry up to th e reig n o f V espasian w ith o u t again m e n tio n in g astrology. H a v in g b ro u g h t his h isto ry this far, d ’A illy recapitulates briefly, th e n in tro ­ duces th e th e o ry o f th e te n re v o lu tio n s o f S aturn. H e finds this astrological d o c trin e a c o n v e n ie n t o n e , for, a c c o rd in g to A lbum asar, th e effects o f th e te n th re v o lu tio n co u ld b e delayed o r m ad e earlier b y a p ro x im a te c o n ju n c tio n o r by the p la n e t d o m in a tin g th e affected k in g d o m .50 H e n c e , fo llo w in g A lbum asar, h e is able to relate this astrological p h e n o m e n o n to A lex an d er th e G reat, Jesus, M an i, a n d M u h a m m a d .51 D ’A illy is careful to n o te th a t th e re v o lu tio n s o fS a tu rn did n o t cause C hristian ity , b u t h e does a ttrib u te to th e ir in flu en ce th e accession o f A u gustus an d th e p e rse c u tio n o f C hristians u n d e r N e r o P 2 D ’A illy uses th e te n re v o lu tio n s o f S a tu rn as an org an izin g p rin cip le fo r th e re m a in d e r o f his c h ro n icle, n o tin g events at ap p ro x im ately 3 0 0 -y e a r intervals. O n c e again, his sense o f c h ro n o lo g y is ra th e r loose, th o u g h ju stifie d n o w by

A lbum asar’s ex p lan atio n o f S a tu rn ’s effects. T h e te n re v o lu tio n s th at e n d e d in 1189 , fo r ex am p le, h a d significance o v e r th e p o n tific ate o f In n o c e n t III ( 1198 — 1216 ), th e C ru sa d e rs’ c a p tu re o f C o n sta n tin o p le in 1204 , th e F o u rth L ateran C o u n c il ( 1215 ), th e reig n o f F red erick I ( 1152 —90 ), the cap tu re o f Edessa in 1144 , th e m u rd e r o f T h o m a s B e c k e t in 1170 , th e b irth o f th e m e n d ic a n t o rders, and th e rise o f th e Tartars. Finally, d ’A illy follow s his astrological guid eposts b e y o n d th e events o f his o w n lifetim e an d in to th e fu tu re . W ith th e e ig h th greatest c o n ju n c tio n (1693 a . d .) a n d th e c o m p le tio n o f te n re v o lu tio n s o f S a tu rn in 1789 , he predicts great changes in law s an d sects, p ro b a b ly th e a d v e n t o f A n tic h rist.53 A fter w id e r re a d in g in astrological sources, d ’A illy p u t fo rth an Elucidarium (E lucid atio n ), c o m p le te d S e p te m b e r 24, 1414, in w h ic h h e co rrects th e Vigintiloquium an d th e Concordantia in several places. In p a rticu la r it w as a rea d in g o f the fo u rte e n th -c e n tu ry astro lo g er J o h n o f A s h e n d e n ’s Sum m a o f astrology th at chasten ed d ’A illy a b o u t his earlier treatises, an d h e in c o rp o ra te d large sections o f the E n g lish m a n ’s w o rk in to th e Elucidarium.54 T h e treatise has a ra th e r d isjointed feel, as d ’A illy ju m p s fro m to p ic to to p ic, b u t th e w o r k ’s overall design is clear. In th e first half, d ’A illy retracts statem en ts fro m th e earlier w o rk s, essentially d em o lish in g th e astrological fra m e w o rk h e e re c te d in th o se treatises. In th e sec­ o n d half, he sets u p a n e w an d rem ark ab ly sim ilar system fo r co rre latin g th e stars and w o rld ev en ts.35 O n e has th e distinct im p ressio n th a t, faced w ith difficulties in his first foray in to astrology, d ’A illy ru sh e d h e a d lo n g in to a n o th e r equally sim plistic schem a. In th e Elucidarium, d ’A illy has to m ak e a n u m b e r o f co rre ctio n s to th e list o f eig h t g reatest c o n ju n c tio n s h e established in th e Vigintiloquium. First, fo llo w in g J o h n o f A sh en d en , h e finds th a t th e m a jo rity o f astrologers agree th at th e F lood was signified b y a c o n ju n c tio n o f S atu rn an d J u p ite r in th e m id d le o f C a n c e r 279 years b e fo re th e d e lu g e ’s onset. T h u s, h e n o tes, it w o u ld b e astronom ically im ­ possible fo r th e re also to have b e e n a g reatest c o n ju n c tio n o f S aturn and Ju p ite r 2 years b e fo re th e F lo o d , as h e h a d a rg u e d in th e Vigintiloquium.56 A ccordingly, he has to a b a n d o n his original astrological calcu lation o f th e age o f th e w o rld . Since th e dates fo r th e g reatest c o n ju n c tio n s established in th e first treatise w e re w ro n g , d ’A illy is fo rc e d to alter th e m based o n a k n o w n c o n ju n c tio n , o c c u rrin g 5 years b e fo re C h ris t’s b irth .57 (See table I.) In o th e r w o rd s, h e abandons th e a tte m p t to d eriv e his c o n ju n c tio n s fro m th e p o sitio n s o f th e planets at C re a tio n , in effect a d m ittin g defeat in his a tte m p t to offer an astrologically based C re a tio n date. B u t this is n o t th e o n ly p ro b le m w ith d ’A illy ’s list. P recisely speaking, as he ackn o w led g es, these c o n ju n c tio n s d o n o t o c c u r every 9 6 0 years, as he had orig ­ inally calculated, b u t ra th e r ev ery 9 53 years o r so. T h a t is, n e ith e r S aturn n o r J u p ite r co m p letes its course in exactly th e 12 o r th e 30 years im p lied by the 9 6 0 -y e a r p e rio d . H o w e v e r, d ’A illy considers 960 years a close e n o u g h a p p ro x i­ m atio n fo r his p u rp o se s.58 G iv en th e ex am p le o f th e Concordantia, it is easy to see

TABLE I G reatest C o n ju n c tio n s o f S a tu rn a n d J u p ite r fro m d ’A illy ’s M a jo r H isto ric a l W o rk s Conjunctions in the

Conjunctions in the and the

E lu c id a riu m

V ig in tilo q u iu m

(Creation at 5 3 4 3

C o n c o r d a n tia

(Creation I.

λ .μ

at

5343

B .C .)

B .C .)

. 3 2 0 = ra d ix fo r

I.

a .m

. 538

d ’A i l l y ’s c a l c u l a t i o n s 2 . A .M . 1 4 9 8

2.

a .m

. 1280

3.

a .m

. 2240

3.

4.

a .m

. 3200

4 . a .m . 3 4 1 8

a .m

. 2458

5 . a .m . 4 1 6 0

5.

6 . a . m . 5 1 2 0 = c a . 2 2 5 B .C .

6 . a . m . 5 3 3 8 = r a d i x f o r d ’A i l l y ’s

a .m

. 4378

c a lc u la tio n s , 5 y e a rs a n d 3 2 0 days b e fo re th e N a tiv ity 7 . a . m . 6 0 8 0 = a .d . 7 3 5

7 . a .d . 9 5 5

8 . a . m . 7 0 4 0 = a .d . 1 6 9 5

8 . a .d . 1 9 1 5

Note:

a .m .

= anno m undi.

w hy. U n ab le to co m e to a n e a t answ er, d ’A illy sees div in e p u rp o se b e h in d this confusion: “ P erh ap s G o d w ish ed this im p recisio n so th at h e m ig h t h id e the secrets o f th e heavens fro m th e u n w o rth y , lest [these secrets] b e c o m e c o n te m p t­ ible to [the u n w o rth y ] o n a c c o u n t o f to o g reat fam iliarity.”59 D ’A illy h ad to face a far m o re serious obstacle to his system . T h e schem a o f great, greater, a n d greatest c o n ju n c tio n s re c u rrin g at reg u lar intervals was based o n th e planets’ ap p ro x im a te an d n o t tru e lo n g itu d es. A n c ie n t an d m ed iev al as­ tro n o m e rs distin g u ish ed b e tw e e n a p la n e t’s tru e p o sitio n an d its “ m ea n motus” (medius motus), an im ag in ary p o in t th a t m o v e d a b o u t th e ecliptic w ith a u n ifo rm angular velocity. A p la n e t’s tru e p o sitio n re p re se n te d its actual lo c a tio n o n its epicycle, m easu red by a line d ra w n th ro u g h th e centers o f th e ea rth an d the p lan et itself. T h e medius motus, o n th e o th e r h a n d , is also a p o in t o n th e ecliptic lying o n a line d raw n fro m th e e a rth ’s cen ter, b u t th at line m u st b e parallel to the line ru n n in g fro m th e e q u a n t p o in t to th e c e n te r o f th e ep icy cle.60 T o d e te rm in e a tru e p lan etary lo n g itu d e using, say, th e A lfonsine tables, o n e b egan b y calculat­ in g th e p la n e t’s medius motus b y referen ce to so m e e p o c h p o sitio n (radix). T h is was th e sim plest step in a ra th e r le n g th y calc u la tio n .61 A c o n ju n c tio n a cco rd in g to “ m ean motus” (a “ m ean c o n ju n c tio n ”), th e n , rep re sen ted th e m o m e n t w h e n the tw o planets h ad th e sam e medius motus, n o t th e sam e tru e lo n g itu d e . T h e c o rre sp o n d in g “ tru e ” c o n ju n c tio n m ig h t h a p p e n earlier o r later, a n d in a differ­ e n t p a rt o f th e zodiac, th a n th e m ean c o n ju n c tio n . O f all d ’A illy’s m ajo r sources, h e adm its, o n ly A lbum asar gave co n sid eratio n to m ean c o n ju n c tio n s; th e rest ex a m in e d tru e c o n ju n ctio n s only. D ’Ailly was

u n w illin g to dismiss A lbum asar, b o th because o f his great a u th o rity and because, as he explains, his results w e re close to th o se o f th e o th e r a u th o rs.62 P robably also, d ’A illy did n o t w ish to ab a n d o n a schem a th at was b o th sim ple and regular. T o calculate a series o f m ean c o n ju n c tio n s o n e h ad only to beg in w ith o n e at a k n o w n ep o c h (radix) an d p e rfo rm a sim ple sum based u p o n the k n o w n tim e and increase in lo n g itu d e b e tw e e n successive c o n ju n c tio n s. T o calculate a tru e c o n ­ ju n c tio n re q u ire d a lo n g , iterativ e process o f estim atio n , calculation, and so m e ­ tim es recalcu latio n o f b o th planets’ p o sitio n s.63 T o w o rk fro m m ean c o n ju n c ­ tions was im m easu rab ly easier; it m ay b e th a t d ’Ailly h im se lf w as u n w illin g or unable to calculate th e dates an d locatio n s o f tru e c o n ju n c tio n s.64 H e n c e , he accep ted b o th system s, w h ic h fo rc e d h im to co nsider w h e th e r any given c o n ­ ju n c tio n was tru e o r m ean i f he w ish ed to calculate th e tim es o f o th e r c o n ju n c ­ tions fro m it.65 T h is so lu tio n gave d ’A illy tw ice as m any c o n ju n ctio n s to relate to earthly changes, for he readily gave h e e d to th e effects o f b o th m ean and tru e c o n ju n c tio n s.66 AU in all such a co n fu sio n w o rk e d to his advantage. W ith so m any variables to consider, an in c o rre c t astrological p re d ic tio n w as m o re likely the fault o f th e astro lo g er an d n o t d u e to th e falsity o f th e science.67 Finally, d ’A illy had to ack n o w led g e a th ird w eakness in the Vigintiloquium and the Concordantia. T h e te a c h in g a b o u t th e te n re v o lu tio n s o f S aturn was highly questio n ab le. D ’A illy had ex am in ed such d o u b ts in th e Concordantia b u t had rather b lith ely dism issed th e m .68 N o w d ’A illy re tu rn e d to these criticism s, o n ce again fin d in g A lbum asar to b e alm ost alo n e in ju d g in g fro m the re v o lu tio n s o f Saturn. T h e m a jo r o b je c tio n to this d o c trin e is th a t it is n o t clear w h e re to b eg in calculating te n rev o lu tio n s. E v e n i f astrologers beg in fro m “som e g reat S atur­ nine effect,” d ’A illy ad m its, th a t base is w eak. H e n c e , h e says, astrologers c o m ­ m only, an d h e n o w as w ell, p refer to use w h a t th ey call th e rev o lu tio n s o f th e magnus orbis.fiy T h e d o c trin e o f th e magnus orbis, as d ’A illy ex p o u n d s it, is b o th sim ple to grasp and easy to apply to astrological ju d g m e n ts .70 A cco rd in g to this schem a, a n e w magnus orbis begins e v e ry 3 6 0 years, w ith each orbis u n d e r th e d o m in a tio n o f o n e planet and o n e sign o f th e zodiac. T h is p e rio d also has its origins in H in d u astrology, filtered, like th e d o c trin e o f th e g re a t co n ju n ctio n s, th ro u g h th e a u ­ thors o f Sassanian Persia.71 A c c o rd in g to d ’Ailly, L eo p o ld o f A ustria, A lbum asar, and o th ers h ad related these orbes to g reat changes in th e w o rld .72 T h e appeal o f this d o c trin e to d ’A illy is o b v io u s. It o ffered th e sam e type o f schem a h e believed that h e h ad fo u n d w ith th e greatest c o n ju n c tio n s and th e re v o lu tio n s o f Saturn, w ith n o n e o f th e com plications. A n e w magnus orbis began every 36 0 years regardless o f th e plan etary m o tio n s. T h e re was n o n e ed to co n su lt astrological tables to c o m p u te this h a p p e n in g , a n d th e a rith m etic in v o lv e d was m ercifully easy. F u rth e r, p re d ic tio n was sim plified by th e association o f each orbis w ith a planet an d a sign. T h e changes to o c c u r d u rin g th at orbis w o u ld be in k eep in g w ith th e characteristics o f th e ru lin g p la n e t and sign. T h e o n ly m ajo r pro b lem was w h e n to b eg in th e cycle o f th e magni orbes. E ven h e re th ere was a ready answ er. A strologers c o m m o n ly agreed, d ’A illy notes, th a t w ith th e c o n ju n c tio n

signifying th e F lo o d th e re began a n e w orbis u n d e r S atu rn and C a n c e r.73 H e n c e , d ’Ailly had an e p o ch fo r his calculations. T h e th e o ry o f th e magni orbes, th e n , form s o n e o f th e co rn ersto n es o f the alternative system th a t d ’A illy erects in th e seco nd h a lf o f th e Ehtcidarium. H e also relies o n th e greatest c o n ju n c tio n s o f S atu rn and Ju p ite r, n o w red ated from th e Vigintiloquium ,74 and th e ir g reater c o n ju n c tio n s, th o se in v o lv in g a change to a n e w triplicity.75 U sin g th e ad m itted ly in accu rate ap p ro x im atio n s o f 960 and 240 years b e tw e e n successive (m ean) greatest an d g rea ter co n ju n ctio n s, he estab­ lishes tables o f all such co n ju n c tio n s fro m C re a tio n w ell in to th e fu tu re. (T h e last c o n ju n c tio n c o m p u te d is fo r th e y ear a . d . 3 0 7 2 .)76 Likew ise, h e lists all o f the magni orbes u p to th e y ear 1659.77 Finally, h e includes a curious section based, as d ’Ailly says, ra th e r o n “ im aginary c o n je c tu re ” th an o n “ c ertain reaso n in g .”78 A cco rd in g to th e p ro p o n e n ts o f this o p in io n , th e en tire d u ratio n o f th e w o rld can b e d e te rm in e d b y d raw in g a parallel b e tw e e n th e fo u r ages o f m an; th e four cardinal signs an d th e ir fo u r d o m in a tin g planets; and the fo u r figures o f A dam , M oses, Jesus, and A ntichrist. T h e re w ill b e as m an y years fro m th e N a tiv ity to th e e n d o f th e w o rld as th e re w e re fro m A dam to C hrist. D ’A illy leaves it largely u p to th e read er to c o n n e c t his n ew system w ith earthly events. Presum ably, th e read er is to fo llo w th e lead o f A b raham ibn Ezra (A vcnesra), w h o se relatio n o f g reater co n ju n c tio n s and terrestial changes d ’Ailly paraphrases at le n g th .79 T h e re rem ain a few p roblem s, h o w e v er. A venesra’s greater c o n ju n ctio n s are tw e n ty years o ff fro m those given by d ’A illy in his n e w n u m b e rin g .80 F u rth er, d ’A illy relies h ere o n m ean c o n ju n ctio n s, an approach he has already q u estio n ed . In d eed , a m o n g th e exam ples h e gives relating greater co n ju n ctio n s to earthly events, th e m ost n o tab le effects follow tru e c o n ju n c ­ tions, n o t m e a n o n es.81 Finally, ev en th o u g h he calculates his greater c o n ju n c ­ tions acco rd in g to m ean m o tio n s, few o f th e m are in fact th e first in a triplicity. T h u s th ey are n o t, stricdy speaking, g re a te r c o n ju n c tio n s, as d ’A illy h im self ack no w led g es.82 H o w this fact affects th e ir significance d ’Ailly does n o t offer. W h a t, th e n , is th e overall to n e o f this w o rk ? It seem s as i f d ’A illy m ig h t be h ead in g for a dismissal o f astrology.83 H e has practically rep u d ia ted th e Vigintiloquium, fin d in g his estim ate o f th e w o rld ’s age, a lth o u g h plausible, to have no so u n d basis in astrology. A n d th e foun d atio n s o f his Concordantia, th e th eo ries o f th e greatest co n ju n c tio n s an d th e rev o lu tio n s o f S aturn, have u n d e rg o n e serious revisions. In th e place o f these treatises d ’A illy has sk etched a system th a t avoids th e ir m a jo r pitfalls b u t w h ic h has p roblem s o f its o w n . T h a t th e w o rk does n o t express a p ro fo u n d pessim ism a b o u t astrology is in d i­ cated as m u c h b y d ’A illy’s statem ents th e re in as by his o w n later w ritings. H e v iew e d th e Elucidarium as a c o rre c tio n an d c o m p le m e n t to th e first tw o treatises. Its p u rp o se was to su p p lem en t an d n o t to su p p lant.84 D ’Ailly was also explicit a b o u t th e Elucidarium's im plications fo r th e conclusions o f th e Concordantia. T h e y co u ld b e “ saved,” d ’A illy said, b y co n sid erin g tru e c o n ju n c tio n s, th e magni orbes, an d th e g reater (m ean) c o n ju n c tio n s.85 In o th e r w ords, if o n e read deeply en o u g h in th e b o o k o f th e heavens, o n e w o u ld in d e e d find these events in -

scribed th e re in . As d ’A illy w o u ld arg u e in his Apologetica defensio astronomice veritatis (A pologetic defense o f astrological tru th ) c o m p o sed later th at year, these obstacles p ro v e d th e difficulty o f th e k n o w le d g e ra th e r th a n th e im possibility o f the scien ce.86 D ’A illy ’s faith in astrology, th e n , re m a in e d u n sh ak e n , a n d th e Elncidarium re p re se n te d an earn est a tte m p t to fin d a tru e an d accurate astrological theory. D ’A illy carried o n this q u est in th re e ad d itio n al treatises co m p o sed in th e la tter m o n th s o f 1414 a n d in Ja n u a ry 14 1 5 .87 In Pro declaratione decem dictarum figurarum (To explain th e te n said h o ro sco p es), h e d escribed a n u m b e r o f c o n ­ ju n c tio n s o f S atu rn an d J u p ite r, d ra w n fro m th e Elucidarium. D ’A illy ad d ed little b e y o n d th e te x t o f th e Elucidarium in this listing o f significant c o n ju n c tio n s, b u t he did n o te y e t a n o th e r n e w astrological th eo ry , app aren tly d ra w n fro m A lbum asar. I f a g iv en c o n ju n c tio n o f S a tu rn an d J u p ite r h ad significance fo r a p articu lar re lig io n o r p e o p le , e v e ry tim e th e tw o planets w e re again jo in e d in th e original sign— th a t is, ev ery sixty years— th e re w o u ld b e so m e ch ange to th a t religion. F o r an ex am p le, d ’A illy cited th e c o n ju n c tio n signifying th e b irth o f M u h a m m a d . T h a t c o n ju n c tio n h ad tak en place in S co rp io in th e year 571; sixty years later a c o n ju n c tio n o f S atu rn a n d J u p ite r in th e sam e sign signified th e p ro p h e t’s d e a th .88 D ’A illy p ro d u c e d y e t a n o th e r catalogue o f c o n ju n c tio n s in a treatise also d at­ in g fro m th e final m o n th s o f 1414, D e figura inceptionis m undi et coniunctionibus mediis sequentibus (O n th e h o ro sc o p e o f c re a tio n an d th e fo llo w in g m e a n c o n ­ ju n c tio n s). T h is w o rk co n tain s d ’A illy ’s m o st d etailed calculation o f S a tu rn Ju p ite r c o n ju n c tio n s, specifying tim es to th e seco n d an d lo cations d o w n to th e fractio n o f a d eg ree. T h e dates a n d p o sitio n s o f these co n ju n c tio n s are q u ite d ifferen t fro m th o se in th e Elucidarium, h o w e v e r. D ’A illy begins his treatise w ith yet a n o th e r h o ro sc o p e an d d ate fo r C re a tio n . T h e n e w C re a tio n date is 5,328 years an d 243 days b e fo re th e b irth o f C h rist, o b ta in e d by a d d in g A lb u m asar’s estim ate o f 2 ,2 2 6 years to th e F lo o d to th e 3 ,1 0 2 years b e tw e e n th e F lo o d and C h rist fo u n d in th e A lfonsine tables. T h e 2 43 ad d itio n al days are to insure th a t the sun w ill e n te r A ries at th e m o m e n t o f C re a tio n .89 T h is difference, h o w e v e r, does n o t exp lain th e d iscrep an cy fro m th e c o n ju n c tio n s in th e Elucidarium, for d ’A illy d id n o t d eriv e his n e w list fro m th e p lan etary positio n s at th e w o rld ’s b eg in n in g . R a th e r, he calculated th e m fro m an e p o c h c o n ju n c tio n — in fact, th e sam e e p o c h c o n ju n c tio n h e h ad used in th e Elucidarium, th e c o n ju n c tio n som e 5 years an d 3 2 0 days b e fo re th e N ativ ity . W h a t explains th e changes fro m th e o ld list? D ’A illy is w o rk in g w ith tw o n e w values. H e has n o w set th e tim e b e tw e e n any tw o S a tu rn -Ju p ite r c o n ju n ctio n s at 7 ,2 5 3 days an d 14 h o u rs (ca. 19.85 years).90 D ’A illy was also using a n e w and larger fig u re fo r th e gain in lo n g itu d e b e tw e e n successive co n ju n c tio n s, for th e tim e re q u ire d fo r th e p a tte rn to re tu rn to th e in itial p o in t is n o w closer to 800 years th a n to th e usual 960. T h e “ g ain ” specified in A rabic sources o f 242° 2 5 ' p o in te d to a fig u re o f 9 60 years b e tw e e n g reatest c o n ju n c tio n s. T h e “ g a in ” g iv en in th e A lfonsine tables w as 2 4 2 ° 5 8 ', an d it y ield ed a p e rio d o f 800 years

b e tw e e n greatest c o n ju n c tio n s. D ’A illy ap p aren tly based his calculations in th e D efigura inceptionis mundi o n th e A lfonsine “ g a in .”91 T h e se n e w values m ark an im p licit criticism o f d ’A illy’s earlier w o rk o n th e great co n ju n c tio n s. H e passes o v e r this p o in t in silence, y et h e m u st h av e h o p e d th a t excessive accuracy in his calculations n o w c o u ld m ak e u p for th e inaccuracies in th e th e o ry o f th e great co n ju n c tio n s as h e had app lied it so far. D ’A illy also n o te d th re e im p o rta n t tru e co n ju n ctio n s: o n e in 841 B . C . in Sag­ ittarius, o n e in 36 B . C . in L eo , a n d o n e in a . d . 748 in Sagittarius. T h e in terestin g feature o f these c o n ju n c tio n s w as th a t th e y signified effects th a t w o u ld h a p p e n cen tu ries later. T h e reaso n b e h in d th e delay was th at “slo w e r” (o r less frequent) co n ju n c tio n s, a c c o rd in g to d ’Ailly, p ro d u c e th e ir effects m o re slow ly, “ first so m e pream bles like flow ers, an d later o th e r c o m p le te [effects] lik e fru its.”92 H e n c e th e c o n ju n c tio n o f 841 B . C . , w h ile m a rk in g th e c o m m e n c e m e n t o f the k in g d o m o f th e R o m a n s, h a d special significance a b o u t th e rise o f C hristianity. T h e c o n ju n c tio n o f 36 B . C . , m e a n w h ile , p o in te d to th e b irth o f M u h am m ad . A n d th e c o n ju n c tio n th a t h a d o c c u rre d m th e y ear 748 signified th e appearance o f a n e w p ro p h e t a n d n e w relig io n to ap p ear a ro u n d th e year 1600.93 W ith the e x tre m e ly lo n g tim e given fo r a c o n ju n c tio n ’s effects to b e g in , an astrological p re d ic tio n was given alm ost a lim itless ch an ce to c o m e true. I n ja n u a r y 1415, d ’A illy c o m p o se d y e t a n o th e r treatise o n th e stars’ effects o n earth , th e D e concordia discordantium astronomorum (O n th e c o n c o rd a n c e o f discor­ d a n t astrologers). H e d e v o te d this w o rk to an in v estig atio n o f th e relationship b e tw e e n th e fo u r triplicities an d various regions o n earth , a to p ic o n w h ic h astrologers w e re n o w h e re in ag re e m e n t. D u rin g th e course o f th e discussion, d ’A illy b ro u g h t fo rth y et a n o th e r astrological p ro g ram o f history. T h e fo u r tri­ plicities ru le d th e earth in tu rn s, a c c o rd in g to th e p a tte rn o f S a tu rn -Ju p ite r c o n ­ ju n c tio n s. H e n c e , d ’Ailly, fo llo w in g th e astrologer H e n ry B ate o f M alines, n o te d th a t th e d o m in a n t k in g d o m d u rin g each o f these p eriods was o n e signified b y th e re ig n in g triplicity. F o r ex am p le, T ro y w as destro y ed u n d e r th e earth y triplicity. T h a t triplicity p o in ts to th e stren g th o f a w e ste rn re g io n , an d T ro y fell to w e ste rn invaders fro m G re e c e .94 It w as an e x trem ely loose th eo ry , y e t it p ro v id e d d ’A illy w ith fu rth e r ev id en ce th a t h isto ry flo w ed alo n g the pattern s w ritte n in th e stars. B y 1418, d ’A illy h ad c o n v in c e d h im se lf o f th e validity o f the th e o ry o f th e g reat c o n ju n c tio n s. H e re tu rn e d to th e greatest c o n ju n c tio n s o f his original d atin g and th e rev o lu tio n s o f S atu rn to p re d ic t, as h e d id in th e Concordantia, th e a d v e n t o f A n tich rist fo r 17 8 9 .95

H IST O R Y AS T H E P R O O F OF A ST R O L O G Y W h y d id d ’A illy w rite his historical treatises? H e sh o w e d n o great in terest in h isto ry b e fo re and after th e ir co m p o sitio n . R a th e r, h e v e n tu re d in to histo rio g ra­ p h y to g a rn e r ev id en ce— ev id en ce th a t w o u ld d e m o n strate b o th th e tru th and

the usefulness o f astrology. As w e have seen, this e v id en ce co u ld be ra th e r flimsy. B u t fo r d ’Ailly, as for th e o th e r au th o rs w h o so u g h t to in tro d u c e astro­ n o m ical data in to biblical ch ro n o lo g y , th e am azing co rresp o n d en c es b e tw e e n astro n o m y an d S c rip tu re u n d e rsc o re d th e tru th o f th e m b o th . A strology stre n g th e n e d d ’A illy’s faith and suggested th a t G o d had arranged h isto ry a cc o rd ­ in g to th e p attern s o f th e heavens. In th e w o rd s o f his 1416 serm o n fo r AU Saints’ D ay, G o d was “ th e su p re m e astro lo g er.” 96 B y d ’A illy’s o w n testim o n y , these w o rk s related m o re to astrology th an to history. A t th e e n d o f th e Elucidarium, d ’A illy o ffered a sm all p ray e r o f thanksgiv­ in g fo r th e c o m p le tio n o f his w o rk . T h e re he n am ed th re e historical treatises as b elo n g in g to a g ro u p o f e ig h t “ useful e n o u g h ” treatises w h ic h “w e have col­ lected . . . fro m th e sayings o f w ise m e n .”97 T h is series also in c lu d e d th e Imago mimdi an d its ep ilo g u e , w o rk s o n th e calen d ar and th e m o o n ’s cycle, and the treatise D e legibus et sectis contra superstitiosos astronomos (O n th e law s and the sects, against th e sup erstitio u s astrologers). T h u s, d ’A illy h im se lf saw his historical trea ­ tises as p a rt o f a larg er op u s m o v in g fro m co sm o lo g y to a stro n o m y to astrology.98 W h ereas in th e treatise D e legibus et sectis he p ro v id e d a defense o f astrology and cleansed th e science o f “sup erstitio u s e rro rs,” in d ’A illy’s historical w o rk s he offered em p irical ev id en ce o f astro lo g y ’s tr u th an d gave exam ples o f its rele­ vance to o th e r disciplines. C erta in ly this goal is a p p a re n t in th e Vigintiloquium, w h e re th e ap p a ren t dis­ h a rm o n y o f th e tw o parts o f th e w o rk reveals th e a u th o r’s tru e pu rp o se. R e call th at d ’A illy o p e n e d th e treatise w ith a discussion o f astro lo g y ’s application to th eo lo g y b u t ra th e r q u ick ly to o k up th e q u e stio n o f th e w o rld ’s age, p u rsu in g th at to p ic for m o st o f th e w o rk . H e m a d e n o o v e rt a tte m p t to relate th e tw o parts, an d , in d e e d , th e re is v ery little astrology in th e la tte r section o f th e trea­ tise. A lth o u g h d ’A illy’s calcu latio n o f th e age o f th e w o rld h a d an astronom ical basis, his so lu tio n rests n o t o n th e significance o f th e greatest c o n ju n c tio n s b u t ra th e r o n th e re p o rt o f an A rab astro lo g er th a t o n e o c c u rre d tw o years b e fo re the Flood. T h e tw o parts are p re se n te d as a c o h e re n t w h o le , h o w e v er, a n d o n e m ust believe th a t th e y b o th w o rk to d e m o n stra te th e c o n c o rd b e tw e e n astrology and th e o lo g y p ro m ised b y th e w o r k ’s title. T h u s, in th e seco n d section, d ’Ailly offers a c o n c re te exam p le o f th e p rem ise d e v e lo p e d in th e first: all tru th m u st ag ree.99 A ccordingly, h e u sed astrological m e th o d s an d data to resolve th e theological dispute o v e r th e w o rld ’s age. H is fig u re o f 2 ,2 4 2 years b e fo re th e F lood, as he po in ts o u t, verifies th e calcu latio n a c c o rd in g to the S ep tu ag in t, w h ic h the c h u rc h fo llo w s.100 T h a t th e tw o figures ag reed suggested th at th e g u id in g han d o f tru th w as b e h in d b o th m e th o d s. In th e Vigintiloquium, th e n , d ’A illy draw s u p o n h isto ry (in th e fo rm o f c h ro n o lo g y ) to offer a cau tio u s ex am ple o f astrol­ o g y ’s usefulness. In th e first p art o f th e treatise h e arg u ed th a t astrology co u ld p re d ic t m a jo r changes in th e w o rld , c itin g th e F lo o d as an exam ple. In the seco n d part, h e relied u p o n th a t co n clu sio n to co rrelate a particu lar c o n ju n c tio n w ith th a t e p o c h -m a k in g ev en t.

Finally, th e p u rp o se o f these treatises is m ad e m anifest by th e sh eer n u m b e r o f exam ples d ’A illy gives c o n n e c tin g stellar an d earthly events. T h e tw o c o n ju n c ­ tions discussed in th e Vigintiloquium p e rta in e d to crucial m o m e n ts in C hristian history: th e F lo o d an d th e In carn atio n . In th e Concordantia, d ’A illy lin k ed every greatest c o n ju n c tio n w ith so m e im p o rta n t biblical o r secular h ap p e n in g . In the p ro lo g u e h e stated th at th e m ajo r p u rp o se o f this w o rk was to declare m ore specifically w h a t h e had asserted in general term s in th e Vigintiloquium: “T h a t if w e n o te th e tim es o f th e greatest c o n ju n ctio n s and co m p are th e m w ith history, w e w ill find great and m arv elo u s changes to have h a p p e n e d in this w o rld aro u n d those tim e s.” 101 E v e n in th e Elucidariutn, after h av in g to c o n c e d e so m an y p o in ts, d ’Ailly still fo u n d co n ju n c tio n s to have signified m an y m a jo r historical events. T h e F lood, fo r exam ple, was p reced ed b y som e 2 79 years b y a c o n ju n c tio n o f S atu rn and Ju p ite r in C a n c e r 1 4 °.102 T h e B lack D e a th was th e result o f w h a t d ’A illy b e ­ lieved to have b e e n a c o n ju n c tio n o f th e th re e su p e rio r planets in A quarius 19° o n M a rc h 21, 13 4 5 .103 A c o n ju n c tio n o f S atu rn , Ju p ite r, and th e sun in S corpio 8° in 1365 ex plained th e G re a t Schism , fo r th e u n n a m e d astrologers w h o m d ’Ailly cites n o te d th at S co rp io was an “ e n e m y o f re lig io n .” 104 O th e r notable c o n ju n c tio n s signaled th e rise o f M u h a m m a d , th e k in g d o m o f th e Franks, and th e m e n d ic a n t o rd e rs.105 E v e n later, he ad d ed th re e im p o rta n t c o n ju n c tio n s to this list in th e D e figura inceptionis mundi an d ex p lo red ways to chart th e ir influ­ ences in th e D e concordia discordantium astronomorum. T ak en as a body, d ’A illy’s historical treatises co n stitu te a rem arkable a tte m p t to justify astrology b y d e m o n stra tin g its past effectiveness. D ’A illy argues his case forcefully b u t, at tim es, carelessly. First o f all, th e re is d ’A illy’s ra th e r ro u g h sense o f ch ro n o lo g y , particularly ev id e n t in th e Concordantia. T h e re , th e greatest c o n ­ ju n c tio n s relate as often to th e events p re c e d in g th e m as th ey do to fu tu re things. E ven in th e m o re cautious Elucidarium, th e carefully verified c o n ju n c tio n signi­ fying th e F lo o d com es a ra th e r distant 279 years befo re th at hap p en in g . A n d w ith all o f d ’A illy’s exam ples o f w o rld changes fo llo w in g closely o n heavenly events, h e gives few instances o f accurate astrological p re d ic tio n s.106 W h a t ap­ pears clearly in these treatises is d ’A illy’s w illingness to o v erlo o k m o st obstacles to an accep tan ce o f astrology. T h is trait is especially noticeable in th e Eluci­ darium, w h e re h e abandons o n e astrological schem a only to ru sh h ea d lo n g into an o th er. D ’A illy in these treatises is fully c o m m itte d to astrology and desirous to give th e science a firm em pirical backing. T elling is his tre a tm e n t o f his sources in th e Vigintiloquium: g iv en a cho ice b e tw e e n fo llo w in g theologians o r astrolo­ gers fo r th e years fro m th e F lo o d to C h rist, w ith o u t hesitatio n h e chooses the figure fro m th e A lfonsine tables o v e r estim ates b y B ede, Isidore, a n d V in c en t o f B eauvais.107 W h a t is perhaps m ost rev ealin g o f d ’A illy’s tru e p u rpose is w h a t he does n o t d o in these treatises. H is g reat c o n c e rn is n o t w ith th e rules fo r interpreting spe­ cific co n ju n ctio n s. H e gives n o in d icatio n o f h aving read any o f th e b u lk o f

A lbum asar’s D e magnis coniunctionibus, in w h ic h th e a u th o r lists rules fo r d e ter­ m in in g precisely w h a t effects a g iv en c o n ju n c tio n w ill p ro d u c e . (T h e usual p ro ­ ced u re w as to scru tin ize a c h a rt d ra w n u p fo r th e m o m e n t o f th e su n ’s en try in to Aries in th e y ear o f th e c o n ju n c tio n ’s o c c u rre n ce.) R a th e r, d ’A illy was at pains to establish as accu rately as possible when such epo ch al celestial events w o u ld o c c u r a n d th a t th e y in fact d id u sh er in g reat changes o n earth. H e n c e his e n th u ­ siasm n o t ju s t fo r c o n ju n c tio n th e o ry b u t also fo r th e d o ctrin es o f S a tu rn ’s ten rev o lu tio n s an d th e magnus orbis. T h e u rg en cy b e h in d d ’A illy’s d e m o n stra tio n o f th e stars’ role in history re ­ flects n o th in g less th a n his desire to fin d in astrology th e p atterns o f h u m a n destiny. T h ro u g h astrology, h e so u g h t to u n d e rstan d th e crisis o f his o w n age (the Schism ) a n d to establish its place in th e c h ro n o lo g y o f th e apocalypse set o u t by S c rip tu re .108 O n ly b y u n d e rsta n d in g p recisely th e rh y th m o f th e stars co u ld he h o p e to k n o w if his o w n lifetim e was to see th e b e g in n in g o f a n e w astrologically d e te rm in e d era, th e w o rld ’s final o n e , o r i f th at ch ange b elo n g ed to a m o re distant tim e.

T H E W R IT IN G O F A N A S T R O L O G IC A L H IS T O R Y

F or a w o u ld -b e h isto rian in th e M id d le Ages, astrology w as n o t th e only, o r even th e prim ary , m eans fo r fin d in g a p a tte rn to th e w o rld ’s history. T h e histo­ rian c o u ld avail h im se lf o f any o f a n u m b e r o f such schem as. T h e re w as, for exam p le, a lo n g tra d itio n o f d iv id in g all o f h isto ry in to seven ages, som etim es eq u ated w ith th e seven ages o f th e h u m a n life cycle and th e seven days o f C re ­ atio n w e e k . A c c o rd in g to this view , th e In c a rn a tio n had b e g u n th e w o rld ’s sixth age, an d th e L a stJu d g m e n t w o u ld u sh er in its final one. A n o th e r p e rio d iza tio n , based o n D a n ie l 7 , describ ed h isto ry as a succession o f fo u r great em pires, w ith th at o f th e R o m a n s b e in g th e last. Y et a n o th e r v ie w categorized histo ry in term s o f g reat m o m e n ts in th e sto ry o f salvation: b e fo re th e law (A dam to M oses), u n d e r th e law (M oses to C h rist), an d u n d e r grace (after C hrist). Still a n o th e r division assum ed h isto ry fell in to tw elv e h o u rs, w ith C h rist’s ad v e n t c o m in g at the ele v e n th h o u r .109 T h e d raw b ack to all o f these p erio d izatio n s w as th at th ey left little ro o m fo r c o n te m p o ra ry history. A n y o n e w ritin g after C h rist’s b irth c o u ld lo o k fo rw a rd o n ly to th e en d o f tim e. T h e re was n o space to p eriodize m o d e rn history. T h e rh y th m o f th e g reat c o n ju n c tio n s offered a w ay o f u n d e r­ standin g th o se tim es o th e r th a n in apocalyptic term s. In 1892 F ried rich v o n B ezo ld p u b lish ed an im p o rta n t article a b o u t astrologi­ cal h isto ry in th e M id d le A ges.110 H e stressed th e co ntrast b e tw e e n astrological an d trad itio n al sorts o f p e rio d iz a tio n a n d arg u ed th at astrology p ro v id e d the o p p o rtu n ity fo r an e n lig h te n m e n t in h istorical w ritin g parallel, as he said, to m o d e rn positivism in h isto rio g ra p h y .111 B ezo ld particularly praised th e th e o ry o f

the great c o n ju n c tio n s o u tlin e d b y A lbum asar. Stressing th e g ro w in g prestige o f astrology fro m th e th irte e n th c e n tu ry o n , h e gave a n u m b e r o f exam ples o f its use in h isto rio g rap h y , in c lu d in g th a t o f P ierre d ’Ailly. H e n o te d th a t he had fo u n d less astrological h istorical w ritin g th a n h e ex p e cte d in th e fifteen th ce n ­ tury, p erhaps because o f th e h u m an ists’ in te re st in a n c ie n t m odels o f history. B u t he c o n c lu d e d th a t th e astrological sch em a re ta in e d a stro n g h o ld o n th e historical im ag in atio n in to th e six teen th c e n tu ry an d b e y o n d .112 B e z o ld ’s essay was an d rem ains n o te w o rth y because h e em p hasized an aspect o f m edieval h isto rio g rap h y lo n g n eg lected (even today). M o st im p o rta n t, he id en tified th e capacity o f astrology to offer a scientific alternative o r a d d itio n to the trad itio n al C h ristian v ie w o f history. L ike m an y apologists, h o w e v e r, B ezold overstated his case.113 A lth o u g h m an y E u ro p e a n au th o rs cited c o n ju n c tio n s o r astrological events, v ery few m ad e th e heav en ly m o v e m e n ts in to an o rganizing p rin cip le for th e ir historical narratives. E v e n fe w er carried th e ir astrological his­ tories as far back as C re a tio n o r as far fo rw a rd as th e distant fu tu re. E v e n i f one considers earlier A rabic m odels, th e astrological h isto ry co m p o se d by M asha’allah (M essahalla) e x te n d e d o n ly in to th e te n th c e n tu ry a n d n o t to the e n d o f tim e .114 In d eed , it appears th at th e M id d le A ges’ m o st system atic exam ple o f astrological h istorical w ritin g m ay have co m e n o t fro m the h a n d o f a historian o r a professional astro lo g er b u t ra th e r fro m th a t o f th e th eo lo g ia n P ie rre d ’Ailly. A lth o u g h th e re w e re ex cellen t A rabic m odels o f astrological histo ry w ritin g , it w o u ld seem th a t th e use o f astrology in historical p e rio d iz atio n does n o t o c c u r u n til th e fo u rte e n th c e n tu ry in th e L atin W est. In 1303, P e te r o f A b an o in his Conciliator related g reatest c o n ju n c tio n s o f S atu rn and Ju p ite r to th e appearance o f certain m a jo r historical fig u res.115 T h e first real use o f c o n ju n c tio n th e o ry as o rg an izin g p rin cip le appears to have co m e several years later in G io v an n i V illa n i’s ch ro n icle o f F lo ren ce (d. 1348). V illani lo o k e d b ack w ard fro m th e c o n ­ ju n c tio n o f ju p ite r an d S atu rn in A quarius in M a rc h 1345. H e fo u n d g reat events lin k e d to o th e r c o n ju n c tio n s after p erio d s o f 20, 240, an d especially 9 6 0 years. H e carried this astrological sch em a b a c k w a rd 960 years fro m 1345, fin d in g a n e w e p o c h to have b e g u n th e n w ith th e b arb arian invasions an d th e fall o f R o m e .116 V illani d id n o t carry his astrology as far b ack as th e b irth o f C hrist. B ezo ld suggests th a t this is because o f th e m e m o ry o f C e c c o d ’A scoli, b u rn e d as a h eretic in F lo ren ce in 1327. C e c c o h a d e re c te d a h o ro sc o p e o f C h rist’s b irth and h a d asserted th at o n e c o u ld p re d ic t fro m it Jesus’ g reat w isd o m , his b irth in a stable, an d his d eath o n th e C ro ss.117 A fter V illani, th e n e x t k n o w n exam ple o f astrological historical w ritin g is th at o f P ie rre d ’A illy.118 In co m p ariso n w ith th e offerings o f P e te r o f A b an o an d G io v an n i V illani, th e g reat sco p e o f d ’A illy’s m o d el is im m ed ia tely apparent. D ’A illy co n sid ered n o t sim ply th e greatest c o n ju n c tio n s, b u t also th e re v o lu tio n s o f S atu rn an d , in th e Elucidaruim, th e g reater c o n ju n c tio n s o f S atu rn and Ju p iter. H e d id n o t draw b ack fro m th e astrological in te rp re ta tio n o f C h ristian ity b u t ra th er relied o n his d istin c tio n o f n atu ral an d su pernatural causality (and his

e x e m p tio n o f C h ristia n ity fro m th e fo rm er) to save h im fro m an e rro r such as C e c c o d ’A scoli’s .119 Finally, h e carried his astrological a rra n g e m en t o f events th ro u g h o u t th e en tire cou rse o f history, fro m A dam to A ntichrist. T h e m ost co m p re h e n siv e astrological h isto ry after d ’Ailly, th at o f th e a b b o t Jo h a n n es T n th e m iu s in th e early six teen th cen tu ry , e x te n d e d o n ly as far as 1 5 2 5 .120 T h e re rem ain s u n a n sw e re d , th e n , a q u estio n only partly raised b y B ezold. W h y are th e re n o t m o re exam ples o f astrological h isto ry w ritin g in th e fifteenth cen tu ry , a n d w h y does th e m o st c o m p re h e n siv e such h isto ry appear to b e that o f P ierre d ’A iily? T h e m o st p ro b ab le an sw er has several parts. First, m o st c h ro n ­ icles w e re w ritte n for a p u rp o se — fo r th e g lo rificatio n o f th e ir subjects, say, o r for th e m o ral e d ificatio n o f th e ir readers. G iv e n such goals, it is easy to see w h y the h isto rian m ig h t in c o rp o ra te a specific astrological e v e n t in to his n arrativ e, to illustrate th e auspicious astrological b eg in n in g s o f a city o r a reign, for exam ple. B u t to o rganize a h isto ry to tally alo n g astrological lines m ig h t d etract fro m these goals. In th e sam e way· th a t astrology was feared to d en y a m a n ’s free w ill, a history d ictated b y a succession o f c o n ju n c tio n s m ig h t d e tra c t fro m th e ach iev e­ m en ts o f a p articu lar g ro u p o f p eo p le. Fate, ra th e r th a n character, m ig h t appear to lie b e h in d a p e o p le ’s acco m p lish m en ts. T o p a in t th e e n tire scope o f history as astrologically caused n e ith e r glorified th e hero es n o r vilified th e w ro n g d o ers. S eco n d , m an y ch ro n iclers m ay n o t have k n o w n m u c h astrology. W h ile doubtless m o st w e re fam iliar w ith its principles an d its practitio n ers, th ey m ay n o t have read th e types o f astrological sources th a t w o u ld in fo rm th e m a b o u t the th e o ry o f th e great c o n ju n c tio n s .121 S alim bene o f P arm a, fo r exam ple, co u ld cite p ro g n o sticatio n s o f M ich ael S co t, y e t did n o t w rite an astrologically based c h ro n ic le .122 In Italy, w h e re astrology had th e greatest h o ld in the schools, h u ­ m anist ideals d ictated a h isto ry w ritte n alo n g classical lin es.123 Finally, o f those w ith th e k n o w le d g e necessary to c o m p o se such a history, th e p ra cticin g astrolo­ gers, o n e m ust assum e, w o u ld have h a d little in terest in such a task. T h e y w ere far m o re o c c u p ie d w ith creatin g p re d ic tio n s an d alm anacs, o r in th e practice o f m ed icin e. O n ly a few m e n , th e n , c o u ld have h ad b o th th e k n o w le d g e an d the in terest to p ro d u c e a system atic astrological history. W h y d ’A illy sh o u ld have co m e to b e th e fo re m o st creato r o f an astrological history is really o f n o surprise, g iv en his o w n p reo c cu p atio n s. H is m odels for historical w ritin g w e re th eo lo g ical ones: th e B ible, th e w o rk s o f P etrus C o m e stor an d V in c e n t o f B eauvais. L ike th e B ible, th e Speculum historiale o f V in ce n t o f B eauvais b e g a n w ith C re a tio n an d e x te n d e d th ro u g h th e Last Ju d g m e n t. W h a t so rt o f schem a c o u ld in c o rp o ra te b o th th e g rand h isto ry o f salvation and th e pressing c o n cern s o f 1414? F o r d ’A illy th e ex p lan atio n had to in clude astrol­ ogy. D ra w n to th e th e o ry o f th e g reat c o n ju n c tio n s by R o g e r B aco n an d by a desire to u n d e rsta n d th e p re se n t an d fu tu re fate o f C hristianity, h e delved in to astrology in o rd e r to u n d e rsta n d th e h isto ry o f his o w n tim es and in to history in o rd e r to ju stify astrology. F o r A lbum asar’s c o n ju n c tio n s to have pred ictiv e value, th e y h ad to h o ld tru e fo r th e past. W h a t d ’Ailly was d o in g was fo llo w in g

a suggestion he c o u ld have read in R o g e r B aco n : lo o k back a n d c o m p a re astro­ logical tables w ith historical events; th e n y o u can forecast sim ilar effects fro m sim ilar h eav en ly co n fig u ra tio n s.124 T o u n d erstan d his o w n tim es it was n o t e n o u g h fo r d ’A illy to k n o w th a t h e w as liv in g in th e w o rld ’s e le v e n th h o u r. H e n e e d e d to k n o w h o w m an y m in u tes w e re left. O n ly if astrology and th e o lo g y w e re in h a rm o n y c o u ld th e periods o f th e astrologers an d th e ages o f th e w o rld co m e to g e th e r to y ield an answ er.

G O D ’S TIM E A N D TH E A ST R O L O G E R S’ TIM E In 1960, an im p o rta n t study b y Jacques Le G o ff ex am in e d th e tensions b e tw e e n m e rc h a n ts’ an d th e c h u rc h ’s v ie w o f tim e in th e M id d le A ges.125 F o llo w in g Le G ofF s suggestive w o rk , T u llio G re g o ry has arg u ed fo r an essential co nflict b e ­ tw e e n C h ristian an d astrological view s o f tim e .126 T h u s th e biblical in te rp re ta ­ tio n saw h isto ry as p u n c tu a te d b y a series o f u n iq u e d ivine in terv e n tio n s; astrological tim e was d iv id ed in to periods b e tw e e n regularly o c c u rrin g celestial figures. I f th e heavens acted as G o d ’s agents, th e n astrology w o u ld elim inate G o d ’s d ire c t in te rv e n tio n in h isto ry .127 A c c o rd in g to G reg o ry , th e universal b e lie f in celestial causality (san ctio n ed as p a rt o f A ristotelian cosm ology) m e a n t th a t th e con flict b e tw e e n th e tw o view s o f tim e was n o t o n ly necessary b u t also b o u n d to finish w ith th e v ic to ry o f th e astrological m o d e l. H e n c e , C h ristian au th o rs like A quinas an d B o n a v e n tu re w o u ld take up astrological th em es w ith a great aw areness o f th e difficulties in v o lv ed . B u t in th e en d , th e b ro a d sw eep o f h isto ry w o u ld seem free fro m h u m a n free w ill an d en tirely su bject to th e c o n tro l o f th e stars.128 G re g o ry gives th e im p ressio n th a t th e balance tip p ed steadily to w a rd th e astrological v ie w o f tim e fro m th e tw elfth and th irte e n th centuries o n , ev en w ith th e co n flict an d attacks fro m th e C h ristian sid e.129 Y et despite th e e n c u m b ra n c e o f m a n ’s free w ill, G re g o ry sees astrological tim e as, in th e en d , a lib eratin g an d secularizing force. T h ro u g h astrological elections a n d in te rro g a ­ tions, m an c o u ld seize a favorable m o m e n t fo r so m e en terprise an d th e re b y b e c o m e m aster o f his o w n fa te .130 T ak in g u p G re g o ry ’s ideas, K rz y sto f P o m ia n has rec en tly ree x am in e d th e relatio n sh ip b e tw e e n astrological an d C h ristian view s o f tim e .131 H e term s th e tw o m o d els “ ch ro n o so p h ie s,” b y w h ic h h e m eans th a t th e y in te g rate past, pres­ en t, an d fu tu re in to o n e c o h e re n t im age th a t explains th e p u rp o se b e h in d m e n ’s ac tio n s.132 T h e biblical view , w h ic h P o m ia n calls th e “ th e o lo g y o fh is to ry ,” was essentially th e n o tio n o fh is to ry expressed b y A u g u stin e in The C ity o f God. T his histo ry was linear, universal, a n d d ire c te d b y P ro v id e n c e to w a rd a certain end. A c c o rd in g to th e astrological m o d e l, P o m ia n claim s, h isto ry was cyclical and dictated b y re c u rrin g m o v e m e n ts o f th e stars. A strology re n d e re d intelligible b o th local an d universal events an d th u s c o n stitu te d a “naturalistic th e o lo g y o f

h isto ry .” 133 A c c o rd in g to P o m ia n , these tw o c h ro n o so p h ies are logically in c o n ­ sistent an d m u tu ally in co m p atib le. N o n e th e le ss th e re w e re several attem p ts to synthesize th e m in th e th irte e n th th ro u g h fifteenth centuries, th e m o st in te re st­ ing, P o m ia n says, b e in g P ie rre d ’A illy’s. B y su b o rd in a tin g th e naturalistic to the th e o c e n tric th e o lo g y o f h istory, P o m ia n argues, d ’A illy cam e up w ith o n e gran d schem e ran g in g fro m h isto ry to p ro p h ecy . B u t this w o rk was a h isto rio g ra p h i­ cal d ead e n d , an d a n e w c h ro n o so p h y rep laced astrology after th e sixteenth c e n tu ry .134 B o th P o m ia n an d G re g o ry m ak e th e im p o rta n t p o in t th a t th e p red ic tiv e sci­ en ce o f astrology gave rise to a v ie w o f h isto ry th at co u ld challenge th e trad i­ tio n al C h ristia n in te rp re ta tio n . D ’A illy’s h istorical treatises bespeak b o th the existence o f this co n flict an d th e desire to b rin g th e tw o system s in to closer h arm o n y . T o insist to o greatly o n th e co n flict b e tw e e n th e tw o , as P o m ia n does, h o w e v e r, is m islead in g .135 D ’A illy w as b o th u n ab le to d e n y th e th e o ry o f celes­ tial influences a n d c o m m itte d to th e thesis th a t all tru th m u st agree. I f th e pri­ m ary p u rp o se o f his historical treatises w as to c o n firm astrology, th e y w e re also w ritte n in p art to sh o w th e c o n c o rd a n c e o f astrological a n d historical tru th . T h u s d ’A illy c o u ld offer, in b o th th e Vigintiloquium a n d th e Elucidarium, an astrological ex p lan atio n o f th e lo n g e v ity o f th e O ld T estam en t patriarchs. A strologers listed th e m in im u m , m e d ia n , an d m a x im u m life-spans fo r persons b o rn u n d e r each p la n e t’s in flu en ce. S o m e o f these p erio d s w e re q u ite long, w h ic h explained the ex tre m e ages re p o rte d b y S c rip tu re .136 It is m isleading, also, to stress th e cyclical as o p p o sed to linear n a tu re o f astro­ logical history. T h e A rabic astrologers w h o d e v e lo p ed H in d u n o tio n s o f a “w o rld y e a r” e re c te d system s th a t im p lied b o th a b e g in n in g an d an en d fo r the w o rld .137 As G re g o ry h im se lf p o in ts o u t, o n e o f th e early translators o f A rabic astrological sources, H e rm a n n o fC a rin th ia , h a d foreseen th e necessity o f th e end o f th e w o rld in th e stars.138 P articularly fo r d ’Ailly, as w ell, astrological tim e was b o th cyclical an d linear. O n th e o n e h a n d w as th e rh y th m o f c o n ju n ctio n s, rev o lu tio n s, an d orbes. B u t o n th e o th e r h an d , th e re w e re th e six great religions based o n th e c o n ju n c tio n o f ju p ite r w ith each o f th e o th e r planets. I f th e cyclical array o f th e g reat c o n ju n c tio n s allo w ed d ’A illy to relate astrology to th e past, the c o m b in a tio n o f these tw o th eo ries en ab led h im to e x te n d his schem e in to the fu tu re . T h a t th e re w e re to b e o n ly six g reat religions gave h im co n fid en c e th at th e re w o u ld b e n o sect after Jesus save th a t o f A n tic h rist.139 A n d since C h rist’s b irth h ad b e e n signified b y a c o n ju n c tio n o f S atu rn and Ju p ite r, d ’A illy felt reasonably o p tim istic a b o u t usin g astrology to foresee th at final sect. T h e difficulty fo r d ’A illy lay in fittin g th e tw o system s to g e th e r so as to have th e ir m a jo r p o in ts c o in cid e. F o r exam ple, th e g reatest c o n ju n c tio n s w e re clearly m e a n t to re p re se n t m a jo r h istorical w atersheds, y e t fo r th e ep o ch al e v e n t o f C h ristia n h istory, th e In c a rn a tio n , th e re w as n o c o rre sp o n d in g c o n ju n c tio n save o n e o c c u rrin g 225 years b e fo re .140 A n d w h e n d ’A illy red a ted th e greatest c o n ­ ju n c tio n s in th e Elucidarium, h e h a d a c o n ju n c tio n 5 years befo re th e b irth o f

C h rist b u t n o w n o greatest c o n ju n c tio n closely fo retellin g th e F lo o d .141 F u rth er, d ’Ailly was u n ab le to m esh his astrological h isto ry w ith th e trad itio n al C h ristian period izatio n s. F o r exam ple, his c o n ju n c tio n s d o n o t neatly p o in t to six ages o f w o rld history, a lth o u g h h e d id cite A u g u stin e o n th e six ages.142 H e also had to o v erlo o k th e c o m m o n v ie w o f h isto ry as a series o f translationes imperii o r shifts in p o w e r to successive p e o p le s.143 Sim ilarly, a lth o u g h d ’A illy n o te d th e exis­ te n ce o f fo u r g reat em p ires in h isto ry (head ed b y B ab y lo n , C a rth a g e , M a c e d o n , an d R o m e ), h e a tte m p te d n o astrological ex p lan atio n o f this fact.144 D ’A illy’s inability to m esh his astrological h isto ry w ith th e usual C h ristian view s o f tim e doubtless explains th e appeal o f th e strange th e o ry h e re p o rte d in th e Elucidarium. C o m b in in g astrology, history, an d th e fo u r ages o f m an , d ’A illy at last fo u n d an astrological system th a t h ig h lig h te d the m ajo r p o in ts o f C h ristian history. A lth o u g h d ’Ailly c o u ld n o t m ak e th e epochs o f C h ristian and astrological tim e co in cid e neatly, his star-based h isto ry did in te g ra te th e tw o in to a single tim e -lin e . In th e Vigintiloquium, th e Concordantia, a n d th e Elucidarium, h e dated nearly all events in term s o f years fro m C re a tio n , an ev e n t w h o se date, in tu rn , h e o b ta in e d using astrology. A n d th e fra m e w o rk o f his historical n arrative, th e list o f th e g reatest co n ju n c tio n s o f S atu rn an d Ju p ite r, d eriv ed fro m c o m p u ta ­ tio n s b ack w ard an d fo rw a rd fro m o n e g iv en c o n ju n c tio n . In c o m p o sin g an as­ trological history, d ’Ailly p re su m e d th a t b o th C h ristian and astrological tim e c o u ld be m easu red usin g a single scale, th a t th e y w ere , in effect, in harm o n y . B u t his effort w as n o t m erely an assertion o f astrology’s tru th ; it w as also an atte m p t to solve a g e n u in e p ro b le m fo r m ed iev al chroniclers. T o p u t all o f h isto ry o n to a single tim e -lin e was n o sim ple task. A side fro m th e problem s in biblical c h ro n o lo g y m e n tio n e d earlier, a histo rian in th e M id d le Ages w o u ld h av e to co rrelate dates based o n regnal years, dates fro m th e fo u n d ­ in g o f R o m e (ab urbe condita), dates expressed in term s o f th e fifteen -y e ar In d ic ­ tio n cycle, an d dates in th e m o re re c e n t an n o d o m in i fo rm , all th e w h ile e n ­ c o u n te rin g inaccuracies, co n fu sio n , an d om issions. S peaking o f th e m edieval advances in c h ro n o lo g y , histo rian B e rn a rd G u e n e e has te rm e d B e rn a rd G u i’s fo u rte e n th -c e n tu ry catalogue o f all th e kings o f France (itself still inaccurate) a rem ark ab le a c h ie v e m e n t.145 N o w o n d e r so m e historians have assum ed th a t th e logical n u m b e rin g o f years B . C . and a . d . was an in v e n tio n o f th e m o d e rn e ra .146 It was n o t. A. D . v o n d e n B rin c k e n has re c e n tly d e m o n strate d th a t such a dating system has its ro o ts in th irte e n th -c e n tu ry attem p ts to p re se n t a w o rk ab le c h ro ­ n o lo g y fo r d atin g h istorical events. T h e expression o f a n cie n t dates in term s o f years b efo re th e In c a rn a tio n ( b . C . ) re p re se n te d an atte m p t to d o fo r biblical ch ro n o lo g y w h a t m ed iev al lists o f p o p es an d em p ero rs h a d d o n e fo r th e years after C h rist, th a t is, to p ro v id e a c o n v e n ie n t an d sim ple w ay to co rrelate the various d a tin g systems in c u rre n t u se . 147 T o u n d e rsta n d fully w h a t d ’A illy was d o in g w h e n h e c o m p o sed his historical treatises, o n e m u st lo o k again at his lists o f S a tu rn -Ju p ite r c o n ju n ctio n s. H e re

was a tim e -lin e ru n n in g fro m C re a tio n in to th e distant fu tu re , a n c h o re d at o n e verifiable p o in t b y a k n o w n c o n ju n c tio n , an d p u n c tu a te d a t 2 4 0 - and 9 6 0 -y ea r intervals. Like th e lists o f pontiffs an d em p ero rs o f th e tw e lfth - and th irte e n th c c n tu ry c h ro n o g ra p h e rs, d ’A illy’s c o n ju n c tio n s p ro v id e d yet a n o th e r scale against w h ic h o n e m ig h t m easu re historical dates. In his final list in the D efigura inceptionis mundi, he lo c a te d all c o n ju n c tio n s an d events in term s o f years befo re an d after th e In c a rn a tio n . As in th e case o f th e R o m a n historian V arro, d ’A illy seem s to h av e b e e n aim in g at som e m ix tu re o f technical c h ro n o lo g y and astro­ logical h isto ry .148 W h a t his treatises d e m o n stra te d was th a t, besides th e c h ro n o l­ ogies o f biblical history, reg n al lists, an d papal successions, th e data p ro v id e d by the stars d eserved an equal, in d e e d e v e n at tim es an exalted, place. D ’A illy’s historical treatises lie at th e h e a rt o f his astrological w ritin g s, ju s t as the th e o ry o f th e g reat c o n ju n c tio n s lies at th e c e n te r o f his teachings o n astrology. T h ese treatises fo rm the· b u lk o f th e astrological w o rk s p ro d u c e d in 1414—15, fro m w h ic h tim e m o st o f d ’A illy’s texts o n th e stars are dated. T ak e n as a b o d y th ey reveal th re e basic goals: to use h istorical events to p ro v e the tru th o f astrol­ ogy, to establish astrology as a viable v eh icle fo r historical c o m p o sitio n , an d to synthesize th e astrological an d C h ristian ch ro n o lo g ies. T h a t d ’A illy failed fully to realize these goals is all to o a p p a re n t to m o d e rn eyes, y e t in his o w n m in d h e had s m o o th e d o u t th e inconsistencies reasonably e n o u g h . H e w as w illing to o v erlo o k these p ro b lem s in th e b e lie f th at astrology was a valid science. As K e ith T h o m a s has n o te d , a large p a rt o f th e appeal o f astrology in th e early m o d e rn p e rio d is ex p lain ed b y th e fact th a t it w as im p erv io u s to an in ternal atta c k .149 T o th e b eliev er in astrology, an in c o rre c t p re d ic tio n in d icated a faulty calculation o r a failure to co n sid er all th e celestial influences; p ro gnostications co u ld also b e w ro n g d u e to th e u n p re d ic ta b le actions o f m a n ’s free w ill o r o f G o d . N e v e r d id astrological th e o ry itself c o m e in to d o u b t. Sim ilarly, th e obsta­ cles th a t d ’A illy e n c o u n te re d in his h arm o n iz a tio n s o f astrology and history served, in his m in d , to d e m o n stra te th e com p lexity, n o t th e falsity, o f th e sci­ ence. In d e e d , a m a jo r attra c tio n o f astrology lay in th e in tricacy o f th e calcula­ tions th a t it entailed. A lex an d er M u rra y has described th e re v eren ce fo r m a th e ­ m atics in th e later M id d le A ges an d th e p o sitio n o f astrology at th e p in nacle o f th e m ath em atical arts.150 D ’A illy felt this so rt o f aw e fo r calculations an d rejo iced in th e o p p o rtu n ity to apply his arith m e tic to th eological problem s. In th e e n d , th o u g h , h e c o m p o sed these treatises as th e fo u n d a tio n o f a system , th e “n atu ral th e o lo g y ” th a t h e d u b b e d astrology in th e Vigintiloquium. D ’Ailly tu rn e d to h isto ry because o n ly b y ex p lain in g th e past c o u ld he h o p e to in te rp re t th e p resen t an d th e fu tu re. I f th e stars u n d erlay th e events o f biblical tim es, th e n th e ir rh y th m m u st also d ictate th e p a tte rn fo r later years. T h e m o tiv atio n b e h in d d ’A illy’s forays in to astrological h isto ry w as in th e e n d his c o n c e rn a b o u t his o w n an d fu tu re tim es. H e c o m p o se d m o st o f his historical treatises in 1414, the year in w h ic h h e p re a c h e d th e o p e n in g se rm o n o f th e C o u n c il o f C o n stan ce. O v e r

and over, d ’A illy’s w ritin g s express this fear: “ T h a t this is th a t G rea t Schism w h ic h sh o u ld b e th e p ream b le to A n tic h rist’s a d v e n t.” 151 T h e astrological fore­ cast fo r 1414 w as grim : “ th e re tro g ra d a tio n o f J u p ite r in th e first house in the b eg in n in g o f th e y e a r signifies d estru c tio n o f relig io n and th at peace is still n o t established in th e c h u rc h .” 152 W o u ld this tu rm o il m ark th e b eg in n in g o f the apocalypse? P erhaps astrology, its tru th b o rn e o u t by history, c o u ld p ro v id e an answ er.

CHAPTER

FIVE

T h e G re a t S c h ism a n d th e C o m in g o f th e A p o c a ly p se

o f th e G reat S chism in 1378, P ie rre d ’Ailly and m an y o fh is c o n te m p o ra ries assum ed th a t th e apocalypse w as at h and. T h e y based this dismal co n clu sio n b o th o n th e ir read in g o f S c rip tu re an d o n a lo n g m edieval tra d itio n o f specu latio n a b o u t th e e n d o f tim e. B e g in n in g w ith th e c h u rc h fathers, th e o lo ­ gians h ad elab o rated u p o n th e biblical descriptions o f th e apocalypse. T h e y d e­ scribed th e characters and· careers o f th e m a jo r antagonists in C h ristia n ity ’s final battles, w h ile artists m ad e fam iliar scenes o f A n tich rist a n d th e Last Ju d g m e n t. M a n y w riters o f th e th irte e n th an d early fo u rte e n th cen tu ries w e n t so far as to suggest tim es w h e n these events m ig h t h a p p e n a n d to in te rp re t th e apocalypse in political term s. B y d ’A illy’s lifetim e, apocaly p tic utteran ces an d lam entations o f th e sorry state o f affairs w e re c o m m o n p la c e . T h e existence o f th e Schism , h o w ev e r, seem ed to fulfill m an y o f th e p ro p h ecies a b o u t the e n d o f th e w o rld and gave such p re d ic tio n s a n e w sense o f relev ance an d urgency. T h e c o n n e c tio n b e tw e e n th e S chism an d th e e n d o f tim e in d ’A illy’s th o u g h t has n o t g o n e u n n o tic e d . In 1980, L ouis Pascoe p u b lish ed an article stressing th e im p o rta n c e o f apocalyptic n o tio n s to d ’A illy’s v ie w o f th e crisis. S p u rred by the Schism , Pascoe argued, d ’A illy cam e to see all o f history as a series o f p e rse cu ­ tions o f th e c h u rc h . A lth o u g h he p ro p o se d practical, realistic solutions to th e Schism , h e fo llo w e d th e events a ro u n d h im w ith p ro fo u n d fear and anxiety. D ’A illy ’s u rg e n t sense th a t th e final p e rse c u tio n was near, Pascoe c o n clu d ed , m u st b e seen as th e in tellectu al an d spiritual b a c k g ro u n d for his ideas a b o u t th e S ch ism .1 A lth o u g h Pascoe q u ite rig h tly em ph asized th e relationship b e tw e e n th e G rea t Schism an d d ’A illy’s apocalyptic n o tio n s, h e failed to n o te b o th th at his o p in io n s a b o u t th e E n d ch an g ed o v e r tim e an d th e im p o rta n c e o f astrology to this d evel­ o p m e n t. D ’A illy originally d id v ie w th e S chism as a sure sign th at A n tic h rist’s reign was im m in e n t. In serm o n s an d treatises fro m th e first decade o f th e divi­ sion, h e e x p lo re d q u estions a b o u t th e e n d o f th e w o rld and w a rn e d his audiences to p re p a re fo r th e trib u la tio n at h an d . In th e years after 1400, h o w ev e r, he reex am in e d his early apocalypticism . D ’A illy cam e to h o p e th a t a co u n c il w o u ld en d th e S chism an d th a t th e apocalypse th e re b y w o u ld b e p o stp o n ed . A strology h e lp e d to c o n firm his p red ictio n s. D u rin g th e S ch ism ’s early years, h o w e v e r, d ’A illy lim ited h im se lf to learn in g as m u c h as possible a b o u t th e to rm e n ts h e b elieved w e re near. H e frankly W ith th e o u tb re a k

d o u b te d th a t any h u m a n science, in c lu d in g astrology, c o u ld d e te rm in e w h e n th e apocalypse w o u ld o ccu r. N o n e th e le ss, he read b roadly in treatises discussing b o th th e tim in g a n d th e circum stances o f th e en d o f th e w o rld . T h e m edieval study o f th e Last T h in g s fo rm e d a distin ct area o f e n q u iry em b racin g several branch es o f learn in g. W h e n d ’A illy w ish ed to learn a b o u t th e e n d o f th e w o rld , he c o u ld ch o o se fro m a w id e range o f sources: biblical texts a n d co m m en ta rie s, n o n -C h ris tia n p ro p h ecies (such as th o se o f th e Sibyls), m o re re c e n t visions, and astrological calculations.2 D ’A illy w as actin g w ith in established m ed iev al tra d i­ tio n b o th w h e n h e in te rp re te d th e Schism as a pream b le to A n tic h rist’s reign an d , later, w h e n h e used astrology to d e te rm in e w h e n th at to rm e n t w o u ld begin. D ’A illy im m ersed h im se lf in eschatological sources in th e early years o f th e Schism . K ey biblical texts p ro v id e d h im w ith in fo rm a tio n a b o u t A ntich rist and his reig n an d w ith th e im p o rta n t fact th a t a schism w o u ld p rec ed e this to rm e n t. M ed iev al c o m m e n ta to rs h a d c o n stru c te d elab o rate “b io g rap h ies” o f this great villain an d had lin k e d h istorical ev en ts to passages in R e v e la tio n . S uch treatises m ade it possible fo r d ’A illy an d o th ers to c o n ceiv e o f A n tic h rist’s reig n w ith in co n te m p o ra ry events. (F or exam p le, a n u m b e r o f au th o rs p o rtray ed th e Saracens as th e g reat e n e m y o f th e final tim es.) D ’A illy also k n e w th e w o rk s o f Jo a c h im o f F io re and m o re re c e n t w riters o n th e e n d o f tim e. T h e se a u th o rs suggested th at th e w o rld w as n earin g its final age, som etim es specifying th e tim e o f its end. A rm e d w ith this read in g and faced w ith th e fact o f th e Schism , d ’Ailly saw only o n e possible in te rp re ta tio n in th e years b efo re 1400: to pray an d fear, fo r th e en d is at h an d .

T H E BIBLE O N T H E E N D OF TIM E S crip tu re was b y far th e m o st im p o rta n t source o f in fo rm a tio n a b o u t th e apoca­ lypse fo r d ’A illy an d his co n tem p o raries. Passages in D an ie l an d R e v e la tio n spelled o u t, albeit in en ig m atic fo rm , G o d ’s plan for th e w o rld ’s end. C o m m e n ­ taries o n these tw o b o o k s w e re k ey vehicles fo r eschatological sp ecu latio n in the M id d le Ages. O th e r scattered texts p ro v id e d in fo rm a tio n a b o u t A ntich rist, w h o , alth o u g h m e n tio n e d b y n am e o n ly tw ice in S crip tu re, was tak en to b e th e o b jec t o f n u m e ro u s o th e r references. T h e w o rd s o f D a n iel and R e v e la tio n are o b v i­ ously m e ta p h o ric a l an d in v ite various in te rp re ta tio n s. N o t surprisingly these texts w e re read and analyzed th ro u g h o u t th e M id d le Ages. T h e b o o k o f R e v e la tio n p resents a series o f visions cu lm in atin g in th at o f the L a stJu d g m e n t an d th e N e w J e ru s a le m . B y P ie rre d ’A illy’s tim e , th e re ad e r co u ld d raw o n a n u m b e r o f co m m e n ta to rs re la tin g these visions to historical events. First, th e re was th e vision o f th e b o o k w ith seven seals, w ith n e w and u n to w a rd to rm e n ts u n leash ed w ith th e o p e n in g o f each successive seal (R ev. 5—10). N e x t ap p eared a w o m a n in travail, th e d rag o n w h o so u g h t to d e v o u r h e r offspring, and th e beast w ith seven heads and te n h o rn s (R ev. 12—13), th e beast w hose

n u m b e r, fo r “ h im th a t h a th u n d e rsta n d in g ,” is 666 (R ev. 13:18). F u rth e r visions described seven last plagues, th e w h o re o f B ab y lon, th e b in d in g o f the devil for a th o u san d years, an d th e final o n slau g h t o f evil p rio r to Ju d g n a cn t D ay. A lready in th e e ig h th c e n tu ry B e d e h a d devised a th e o ry o f history lin k in g the seven seals o f R e v e la tio n to seven p erio d s in th e h isto ry o f th e c h u rc h .3 I f R e v e la tio n p ro v id e d th e basic o u tlin e o f th e apocalypse, D a n iel gave the reader a clue as to calcu latin g its tim in g . In D an iel 12, D an ie l asks w h e n th e E n d will c o m e an d is to ld , “fro m th e tim e th a t th e daily sacrifice shall b e tak en away, and th e a b o m in a tio n th a t m a k e th desolate set u p , th e re shall b e a th o u sa n d tw o h u n d re d a n d n in e ty days” (D an. 12:11). F u rth e r, h e hears, “B lessed is h e th at w a ite th , an d c o m e th to th e th o u sa n d th re e h u n d re d an d five an d th irty days” (D an. 12:12). In J e r o m e ’s c o m m e n ta ry o n D an iel these figures w e re in te rp re te d as relatin g to th e tim e o f A n tich rist (1290) a n d th e L a stJu d g m e n t (1335), respec­ tively. T h e rigors o f in te rp re ta tio n d e m a n d e d th a t th e su b trac tio n b e m ade, leavin g J e ro m e w ith th e co n clu sio n th a t th e re w o u ld b e a p e rio d o f 45 days b e tw e e n th e e n d o f A n tic h rist’s re ig n an d th e Last J u d g m e n t.4 T h e figure o f 1,290 days, to g e th e r w ith th e o b scu re phrase “ a tim e, tim es, an d an h a lf ’ o f D aniel 12:7, y ie ld e d th e in fo rm a tio n th a t A n tic h rist’s reig n w o u ld e n d u re th ree and a h a lf years. (T h e e q u a tio n was thus: “ tim e ” equals o n e year, “ tim es” equals tw o years, an d “ an h a lf ’ equals a h a lf a year; likew ise 1,290 days m ak e a p p ro x i­ m ately th re e an d a h a lf years.) M a n y o th e r biblical texts dealt w ith eschatological th em es, o f w h ic h th ree w ere o f p articu lar relev an ce for d ’Ailly. In 2 T hessalonians occurs a passage traditionally tak en in th e M id d le Ages to re fe r to A ntichrist. T h e n c e cam e th e im p o rta n t in fo rm a tio n th a t A n tic h rist’s a d v e n t w o u ld b e p re c e d e d b y a schism , in th e w ords: “fo r th a t day shall n o t c o m e , e x c e p t th e re c o m e a falling aw ay first [nisi venerit discessio prim o], an d th a t m a n o f sin b e revealed, th e son o f p e rd itio n ” (2 T hess. 2:3). In th e standard m edieval c o m m e n ta ry o n th e B ible since th e tw elfth c en tu ry , th e glossa ordinaria, th e discessio o f 2 T hessalonians w as in te r­ p re te d as signifying e ith e r th e d e stru c tio n o f th e R o m a n E m p ire o r a division in th e R o m a n ch u rch . W h e n th e Schism b e g an in 1378, d ’A illy and m a n y c o n ­ tem po raries q u ite naturally v ie w e d it in term s o f th e sec o n d o f these alternative in terp re ta tio n s o f P a u l’s epistle. In d ’A illy ’s read in g , th e passage referred to “ a schism atic su b tra c tio n o f o b e d ie n c e fro m th e R o m a n c h u rc h o r e m p ire .” 5 M a tth e w 2 4 c o n ta in e d m o re in fo rm a tio n assim ilated in to th e m edieval v iew o f A n tich rist. T h e n c e cam e th e im p o rta n t w a rn in g th a t his p erse cu tio n w o u ld be acco m p a n ied b y false p ro p h e ts, w h o w o u ld d eceive m an y “in so m u c h th at, if it w e re possible, th e y shall d eceiv e th e v e ry e le c t” (M att. 24:24). T h e identifica­ tio n o f such p seu d o p ro p h e ts fo rm e d th e subject o f a pair o f treatises b y P ierre d ’Ailly. F u rth e r, this te x t gave m ed iev al exegetes th e rationale fo r id entifying m in io n s o f A n tic h rist a m o n g th e ir o w n co n tem p o raries. O n e ad d itio n al passage carried inestim ab le w e ig h t in m edieval discussions o f th e E n d , and d ’A illy c ite d it o n n u m e ro u s occasions. T h is was th e stern a d m o n i­ tio n in Acts 1:7 th a t th e tim e o f th e apocalypse was b e y o n d h u m a n ken: “ It is n o t

fo r y o u to k n o w th e tim es o r th e seasons, w h ic h th e F a th e r h a th p u t in his o w n p o w e r” (“ N o n est v e stru m nosse te m p o ra vel m o m e n ta , quae P a te r p o su it in sua p o te sta te ”). D esp ite this w a rn in g , an d scores o f o th ers fro m S aint A u g u stin e o n , th e te m p ta tio n to calculate th e tim e o f th e apocalypse w as irresistible. Y e t the w e ig h t o f S crip tu re w as such th a t each w o u ld -b e calculator, in d e e d each w rite r o n th e E n d , had to b o w to w h a t R o b e r t L e rn e r has d u b b e d th e “ u n c e rta in ty p rin c ip le ” o f Acts I . 6

T H E A P O C A L Y P S E I N T H E M E D IE V A L IM A G IN A T IO N

A th o u g h th e B ible p ro v id e d th e b u lk o f th e m aterial fo r speculations a b o u t th e e n d o f th e w o rld , a n u m b e r o f m edieval trad itio n s n o t ste m m in g directly fro m S crip tu re h e lp e d shape d ’A illy’s v ie w o f th e apocalypse as w ell. A m o n g th e m o st im p o rta n t a n d e n d u rin g o f these n o tio n s w as th e b e lie f th a t th e course o f th e w o rld w o u ld in som e w ay parallel th e a c c o u n t o f C re a tio n w e e k in G enesis, such th a t each day o f C re a tio n w o u ld re p re se n t o n e m ille n n iu m in th e history o f th e w o rld (“ O n e day is w ith th e L o rd as a th o u sa n d years,” a c c o rd in g to 2 P e te r 3:8). H e n c e , th e e n d o f th e w o rld w as a n ticip ated in its 6 ,0 0 0 th year, w ith th e etern al rep o se o f th e blessed re p re se n tin g G o d ’s rest o n th e sev en th day. T his belief, R ic h a rd Landes has a rg u ed co n v in cin g ly , lay b e h in d every a tte m p t to co n stru c t a w o rld c h ro n o lo g y in th e early M id d le Ages, for, i f o n e established th e date o f th e w o rld ’s b e g in n in g , th e n b y sim ple arith m etic o n e c o u ld calculate th e tim e o f its en d . In p articu lar, Landes urges, th e accep tan ce o f th e n e w dates for C re a tio n set by E usebius and, later, B ed e w as directly m o tiv a te d b y the desire to sh o w an agitated p o p u la c e th a t th e w o rld ’s 6 ,0 0 0 th y ea r w as, in fact, n o t at h a n d .7 T h is b e lie f su rv iv ed in th e later M id d le A ges, albeit in so m e w h a t ch an g ed fo rm , d ictated b y th e fact th a t th e w o rld h ad passed its 6 ,0 0 0 th year (according to E u seb iu s’s calculation) som e tim e a ro u n d th e y ea r 8 0 0 .8 H e n c e som e later au th o rs argue fo r th e w o rld ’s e n d in its 7 ,0 0 0 th year, oth ers fo r any tim e befo re its 6 ,5 0 0 th year. T h e th e o ry n o d o u b t h e ld a certain appeal in its sim plicity; fu rth e r it seem ed to m esh w ith th e sev en ages o f h isto ry laid d o w n in A u ­ g u stin e ’s C ity o f G od.9 As late as 1456 Felix H e m m e rlin used th e parallel w ith C re a tio n w e e k to p re d ic t th e en d o f th e w o rld fo r 1492. A d d in g 5,5 0 8 years fo r th e tim e fro m A d am to C h rist to th e c u rre n t y e a r o f 1456, H e m m e rlin reaso n ed th a t th e w o rld h a d o n ly 36 years left b e fo re it re a c h e d th e fatal age o f 7 ,0 0 0 .1° A n o th e r m a jo r so u rce o f d ’A illy’s eschatological lo re w as an a n o n y m o u s sev­ e n th -c e n tu ry treatise ascribed to M e th o d iu s, w h ic h p u rp o rte d to b e a vision re ceiv e d b y th a t b ish o p an d m a rty r.11 P s e u d o -M e th o d iu s, d ra w in g u p o n th e fo u rth -c e n tu ry T ib u rtin e Sibyl, p o p u la riz e d th e figure o f th e Last W o rld E m ­ p e ro r, w h o se re ig n w as to u sh er in a p e rio d o f p eace befo re th e final onslaught

o f A n tich rist an d his hosts, G o g an d M agog. Im p o rta n t n o t m erely for its charac­ terizatio n o f this final em p e ro r, p se u d o -M e th o d iu s’s Revelationes also m eshed political elem en ts w ith apocalyptic. F o r p se u d o -M e th o d iu s, th e Saracens w ere the great en em y o f th e last tim es, w h o m th e Last W o rld E m p ero r, “ the k in g o f the G reeks o r R o m a n s ,” w o u ld su b d u e, b efo re h im self failing in th e face o f A n tic h rist’s h o sts.12 P articularly in th e tim e o f th e First C rusade, th e parallel w ith p re se n t events seem ed irresistible, an d th e pro p h ecies a b o u t this e m p e ro r a b o u n d e d .13 T h ro u g h th e fig u re o f th e Last W o rld E m p e ro r, political p ro p h ecy b ecam e an established p a rt o f m edieval eschatology.

JO A C H IM O F F IO R E A N D O T H E R PRO PH ETS OF THE EN D

I f d ’A illy fo u n d gen eral in fo rm a tio n a b o u t th e en d o f tim e in w ritings fro m th e early M id d le Ages, w h e n h e tu rn e d to m o re re c e n t w o rk s, h e read th a t th e apocalypse w as n ear an d learned o f actual estim ates o f th e tim e o f its o c c u rre n ce . Sir R ic h a rd S o u th e rn has argued th a t th e th irte e n th c e n tu ry w itnessed an im ­ p o rta n t shift in th in k in g a b o u t th e fu tu re. B efo re th a t tim e , p e o p le w e re m ainly curious a b o u t th e o u tc o m e o f c o n te m p o ra ry events. H ild e g ard o f B in g en (d. 1179), fo r ex am p le, receiv ed far m o re q u estio n s a b o u t c u rre n t h ap p enings than she d id a b o u t th e en d o f th e w o rld . By th e m id -th irte e n th cen tury, h o w ev e r, th e scene h ad changed. P eo p le w e re th e n c e fo rth c o n c e rn e d th a t the e n d o f th e w o rld was at h a n d .14 In c o n firm a tio n o f S o u th e rn ’s thesis, th e re are scores o f apocalyptic p re d ic ­ tions fro m th e later M id d le Ages, m an y o f w h ic h w ere k n o w n to d ’Ailly. N o t sim ply th e w o rk s o f visionaries o r propagandists, m an y o f these treatises sh o w th at th e tim in g o f th e apocalypse h ad b e c o m e a q u estio n fo r serious study. T hese w ritin g s display th e b le n d o f disciplines th a t S o u th e rn has described as co m p o s­ ing th e science o f th e fu tu re: S crip tu re, n o n -C h ristia n p ro p hecies, re c e n t vi­ sions, an d astrology.15 S o m e o f these p ro g n o sticatio n s w e re clearly in te n d e d as discourses fo r learn ed co n su m p tio n ; o thers circu lated o p en ly as p ro phecies, w ith th e dates o f th e ir p red ictio n s ch an g ed again an d again w ith each successive dis­ a p p o in tm e n t.16 B y far th e central figure in later m edieval p ro p h ecy , and an im p o rta n t source in d ’A illy’s m in d as w ell, was th e C alabrian a b b o t Jo a c h im o f F iore (d. 1202). J o a c h im did n o t v ie w h im se lf as a p ro p h e t, b u t ra th e r as h av in g b e e n given a gift for u n d erstan d in g S c rip tu re .17J o a c h im ’s special insight was his u n d erstan d in g o f history as c o m p o sed o f p attern s o f tw o s, threes, and sevens. B y o n e such g ro u p ­ ing, h e v ie w e d all o f h isto ry as co m p o sed o f seven ages. H is o w n tim es, Jo a c h im felt, w e re n ear th e e n d o f th e sixth age; th e sev en th age w o u ld b e as if a Sabbath, a tim e o f repose w ith in h u m a n h isto ry after A n tich rist’s persecutions yet before the Last Ju d g m e n t. Jo a c h im an ticip ated th a t w ith in tw o generations (by ca.

1260), A n tic h rist w o u ld arrive, b rin g in g th e sixth age to an e n d an d u sh erin g in th e sev en th age o f p eace. S u p e rim p o se d u p o n th e p a tte rn o f seven ages w as th a t o f th e th re e status: th o se o f th e F ath er, th e S o n , an d th e H o ly Spirit. T h e th ird status c o rre sp o n d e d to th e sev en th age; its m e n w o u ld live in peace and have g rea te r u n d e rsta n d in g o f things d iv in e th a n th o se o f th e first tw o p e rio d s.18 In later years this n o tio n o f J o a c h im ’s w as h e ld to b e d an gerous. In 1254, G erard o f B o rg o San D o n n in o , a fanatic fo llo w e r o fjo a c h im , in tim a te d th a t th e th ird status w o u ld in v o lv e th e o v e rth ro w o f th e O ld and N e w T estam ents and, th ereb y , o f all established in stitu tio n s; h e n c e fo rth th e o n ly a u th o rity w o u ld be certain o f J o a c h im ’s w ritin g s k n o w n as th e E tern al E vangel. N eedless to say, G erard w as c o n d e m n e d , a n d w h ile J o a c h im ’s w ritings w e re n o t cen su red a lo n g w ith h im , th e d o c trin e o f th e th ird status re m a in e d su sp e ct.19 T h e r e w e re, h o w ­ ever, m a n y o th e r aspects o f J o a c h im ’s w o rk , and th e a b b o t’s w ritin g s h a d an e n o rm o u s in flu en ce. P ro m p te d in large p art b y spurious w ritin g s circu lated by J o a c h im ’s a d h eren ts, m e n cam e to see Jo a c h im as h av in g p ro p h e sie d th e m e n d i­ cant o rd ers.20 A n d th e failed p re d ic tio n fo r th e year 1260 seem s o n ly to have increased ex p ectatio n s fo r th e fu tu re ap p earan ce o f such a crisis, fo r J o a c h im ’s nam e appears a p p e n d e d to apocalyptic p ro p h ecies th ro u g h o u t th e later M id d le Ages. H e n c e fo rth , J o a c h im ’s teachings w o u ld fig u re in any discussion o f the apocalypse. A n o th e r im p o rta n t so u rce o n d ’A illy’s eschatological re a d in g list w as a treatise co m p o se d b y th e physician, religious th in k e r, a n d m ystic A rn o ld o f V illanova in 1297, D e tempore adventus Antichristi (O n th e tim e o f th e ad v e n t o f A n tich rist).21 A rn o ld m ad e several rem ark ab le claim s, an d his treatise u n d erstan d ab ly caused so m e th in g o f an academ ic sto rm in Paris. First, h e asserted th a t th e in ju n c tio n o f Acts 1:7 (“ N o n est v e stru m nosse te m p o ra . . .”) applied o n ly to th e actual e n d o f th e w o rld an d n o t to th e arrival o f A n tic h rist.22 H e n c e , o n e m ig h t m ak e a specific p re d ic tio n a b o u t A n tic h rist’s a d v e n t, leaving in d o u b t o n ly th e a m o u n t o f tim e left b e tw e e n th a t e v e n t an d th e Last Ju d g m e n t. S eco n d , A rn o ld assum ed th a t o n e co u ld apply to th e p ro p h ecies o f D a n ie l th e e q u a tio n o f days and years im p lied b y E zech iel 4:6 (“ I h av e a p p o in te d th e e each day for a y ear.” T h e L atin is m o re straig h tfo rw ard : “ D ie m p ro a n n o . . . d ed i tib i.”). C o u n tin g 1,290 years “fro m th e tim e w h e n th e Je w ish p e o p le lost possession o f th e ir la n d ,” A rn o ld c o n c lu d e d th a t A n tich rist w o u ld c o m e so m e tim e a ro u n d th e year 1378.23 A rn o ld dism issed en tire ly w h a t h e called th e astrologers’ a rg u m e n t th a t th e w o rld m u st last 3 6 ,0 0 0 years, th e tim e necessary fo r th e c o m p le te re v o lu tio n o f th e eig h th sph ere (assum ing a rate o f p recession o f o n e deg ree p e r 100 years). T h e e n d o f th e w o rld , ju s t like its b e g in n in g , w o u ld b e a su p ern atu ral event. E v e n if th e c o m p le te re v o lu tio n o f th e e ig h th sp here w e re necessary, h e added, G o d c o u ld sp eed u p th e h eavens so as to acco m plish this in a m u c h sh o rter tim e .24 In 1299, A rn o ld su b m itte d his treatise to th e faculty o f th e o lo g y at Paris, w h e re it was c o n d e m n e d , b u t it w as u p h e ld b y B o niface V III, w h o m h e served as physician .25 In 1305, still engrossed b y th e to p ic and n o w claim ing div in e

in sp iratio n , A rn o ld p ro c la im e d th at A n tich rist h ad b e en b o rn already and was th e n th re e years o ld .26 C o n tro v e rsy s u rro u n d e d A rn o ld ’s w ritin g s, and a n u m b e r o f au th o rs p r o ­ d u c ed w o rk s in reactio n : J o h n o f Paris, P e te r o f A u v erg n e, N icholas o f Lyra, G u id o T e rre n a , an d H e n ry o f H arclay .27 A t least o n e Parisian reply to A rn o ld ’s treatise was also w ell k n o w n to d ’Ailly, th a t o f J o h n o f Paris (Joannes Q u id o rt Parisiensis). H e c o m p o se d his Tractatus de antichristo in 1300, p ro p o sin g to re ­ v ie w all th a t was accessible in S crip tu re a n d b y h u m a n c o n je c tu re a b o u t A n ti­ christ. J o h n strongly c o n te ste d th e n o tio n th a t o n e c o u ld have any certain k n o w le d g e a b o u t th e tim e o f A n tic h rist’s arrival, a lth o u g h h e b eliev e d th a t w e m ig h t c o n je c tu re in d e te rm in a te ly a b o u t this e v e n t.28 In fact, J o h n offered his o w n p re d ic tio n th a t th e w o rld w o u ld e n d w ith in 200 years, based u p o n th e n o tio n th at th e w o rld w o u ld e n d u re o n ly six m illennia. J o h n b eliev e d th e w o rld to be in its 6 ,3 0 0 th y ear at th e tim e o f his w ritin g ; b y th e p rin cip le o f sy n ecd o ­ che, h o w e v e r, any qu'antity o f years u p to 6 ,5 0 0 w o u ld stand fo r 6 ,000, and any q u an tity o v e r 6,5 0 0 w o u ld re p re se n t 7 ,0 0 0 . H e n c e for th e w o rld to e n d after its sixth m ille n n iu m , b y J o h n ’s reasoning, it was necessary o n ly for it n o t to surpass the age o f 6 ,5 0 0 , w h ic h w o u ld h a p p e n w ith in tw o ce n tu rie s.29 J o h n ’s a rg u m e n t is an e x c e lle n t ex am p le o f th e persistence o f b e lie f in th e th e o ry a b o u t the six m illen n ia despite th e w o r ld ’s h av in g surpassed its p re d ic te d end. J o h n fu rth e r b eliev ed th a t astrological arg u m en ts c o u ld b o lster his p re d ic tio n b y giv in g “sci­ entific p r o o f ’ (“scientifFica p ro b a tio ”) o f th e w o rld ’s age.30 B y p o sitin g th e lati­ tu d e o f th e s u n ’s ap o g ee (aux) at C re a tio n an d c o m p a rin g it w ith its p o sitio n in P to le m y ’s day, J o h n d e te rm in e d th a t th e w o rld had e n d u re d 5 ,1 0 0 years to th e y ear a . d . 130, an d thus ap p ro x im ately 5 ,0 0 0 years to C h rist, precisely the figure he used fo r his p re d ic tio n .31 A lth o u g h J o h n w as h ap p y to use a stro n o m y to p ro v e his th eo ries, he had little to leran ce fo r th e astrological p re d ic tio n cited b y A rn o ld o f V illanova. A rn o ld had attack ed this n o tio n o f th e w o rld ’s e n d u rin g 3 6 ,0 0 0 years by referen ce to G o d ’s o m n ip o te n c e , his ability to speed u p th e heavens at will. T o this a rg u m e n t J o h n add ed astro n o m ical reasons as w ell. T h e th eo ry , h e n o ted , was based o n the n o tio n th a t th e e ig h th sp h ere m o v es a t th e rate o f o n e degree p e r 100 years, h e n ce re q u irin g 3 6 ,0 0 0 years to m ak e a co m p lete circu it. J o h n p o in te d o u t that th e re w e re o th e r figures fo r this m o tio n th a n th e o n e degree p e r c e n tu ry given by P to lem y , so th a t th e fig u re o f 3 6 ,0 0 0 years m u st be d o u b te d . Besides, “ T h a b it” h ad sh o w n th a t ra th e r th a n m o v in g in a circular orb it, th e e ig h th sp h ere oscillated b ack an d fo rth w ith th e m o tio n called tre p id a tio n .32 H e n c e even th e prem ise o f th e astro lo g ers’ th e o ry w as w ro n g . J o h n app aren tly d id n o t see, o r chose n o t to n o tic e , th a t these arg u m en ts u n d e rm in e d his o w n astrologi­ cal p r o o f as w ell, fo r it to o d e p e n d e d u p o n P to le m y ’s rate o f precession. As for A rn o ld ’s p re d ic tio n a b o u t A n tich rist, J o h n fo u n d it w ro n g o n all accounts. A r­ n o ld h ad erred , J o h n arg u ed , in ap p ly in g th e “ day fo r a y e a r” e q u a tio n to D aniel; his in te rp re ta tio n d id n o t fit th e te x t at all. A n d ev e n i f A rn o ld ’s exegesis w ere

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c o rre c t, h e was m istak en in his c o m p u ta tio n , w h ic h sh o u ld yield the y e ar 1366 and n o t 1378 fo r A n tic h rist’s a p p earan ce.33 B y th e la tte r p a rt o f th e fo u rte e n th c e n tu ry apocalyptic p ro p h ec ie s w e re tak en seriously by le a rn e d an d ig n o ra n t alike. M a n y p eo p le h eld th e o u tb re a k o f plague in 1348 to b e a sure sign o f th e E n d .34 T h is was a p e rio d in w h ic h m e n anxiously c o m p ile d a n th o lo g ies o f p ro p h e tic texts, such as th a t o f H e n ry o f K irkested e (d. after 1381).35 T h e se p ro p h e tic an th o lo g ies reflected an in ten se desire fo r k n o w le d g e a b o u t an E n d th a t seem ed increasingly close. So, to o , did lea rn e d eschatological treatises fin d th e apocalypse im p e n d in g .36 Perh ap s th e m o st in flu en tial such w o rk s w e re those co m p o se d by Je an de R o q u e ta illa d e (John o f R upescissa). In his c o m m e n ta ry o n th e Oraculum Cyrilli o f 1345—49 h e p re d ic te d th a t a H o h e n sta u fe n A n tich rist a n d an A n tip o p e w o u ld stand in o p p o sitio n to th e k in g o f F ran ce an d a tru e p o p e in France a ro u n d 1365. A fter m an y trib u latio n s, th e m ille n n iu m (Jo ach im ’s th ird status) w o u ld b eg in in 1415, u p o n w h ic h w o u ld fo llo w th e o n slau g h t o f G o g and M a g o g and th e Last Ju d g m e n t. Sim ilar p red ictio n s fo llo w e d in R o q u e ta illa d e ’s fam ous Vade mecum in tribulatione (H a n d b o o k fo r tim es o f trib u la tio n , translated roughly) o f 1356. In su cceed in g years R o q u e ta illa d e ’s v o g u e w as e n o rm o u s, and h e was b e liev ed to have fo re to ld c o rre c tly p lague, schism , an d disaster to F ra n ce .37

T H E G R E A T S C H IS M A S P R E A M B L E T O T H E A PO CALYPSE

B y th e tim e d ’A illy e n te re d th e U n iv e rsity o f Paris in 1363 o r 1364, m any scholars w e re obsessed b y th e stu d y o f th e Last T h in g s. As countless historians have re m a rk e d , th e ir apocalyptic n o tio n s fo u n d a focus in an d d re w in spiration fro m th e ap p earan ce o f th e G re a t S ch ism .38 Its seem ingly insoluble p ittin g o f c h u rc h against c h u rc h a p p eared to e m b o d y th e discessio o f 2 T hessalonians as w ell as Jo a c h im ist p re d ic tio n s o f an A n tip o p e . F o llo w in g its o u tb re a k , th ere was a pervasive sense th a t th e E n d w as at h a n d . R u m o r h ad it th at A n tic h rist h a d already b e e n b o rn . S u ch , for ex am p le, was th e m essage o f a w id e ly circu lated letter, p u rp o rte d ly fro m th e g ran d m aster o f th e H ospitallers o n R h o d e s , b e arin g th e date 1385 in its earliest v ersions.39 Sim ilar beliefs fo u n d ex pression in th e w ritin g s o f N ico las o f C lam anges, P ie rre d ’A illy’s p u p il a n d friend. “ I estim ate scarcely th re e years to b e le ft,” N ico las w ro te , “ u n til th e tim e o f th a t day m o st greatly to b e fe a re d .”40 A p o caly p tic fears w e re n o t fo u n d ju s t a m o n g th e clergy, for in his p o em s E ustach e D esch am p s (1346—1406) rep eated ly discussed signs o f th e E n d .41 In this a tm o sp h e re o f eschatological u n c e rta in ty an d co n fu sio n in th e c h u rc h h ierarch y , b u rg e o n in g n u m b e rs o f p eo p le claim ed to have receiv e d priv ate p ro ­ p h e tic revelatio n s. P ro p h e tic an th o lo g ies fro m these years reflect an x iety a b o u t th e S ch ism ’s p re su m e d lin k to th e apocalypse.42 M an y o f th e p ro p h ecies th a t

circulated w e re b latantly partisan, such as th e visions re p o rte d by o n e M arie R o b in e b e g in n in g in 1387, w h ic h c o n tin u ally su p p o rte d th e A v ig n o n papacy.43 C h u rc h au th o ritie s h a d a v ariety o f reactio n s to this o u tp o u rin g o fe sch a to lo g ical speculatio n . A c c o rd in g to A n d rc V au ch ez, u n iv ersity th eologians jealo u sly g u ard ed th e ir rig h t to b e th e sole in te rp re te rs o f S crip tu re, w h ile at th e sam e tim e th e y a c k n o w le d g e d th e possibility o f o th e r rev elations outside o f S crip tu re, such as M arie R o b in e ’s a n d J o a c h im ’s. T h e b u rn in g issue, as attested b y w o rk s by d ’Ailly, G erso n , an d H e n ry o f L an g en stein , thus b ecam e h o w to d e te rm in e w h ic h o f th e m an y claim ants to special rev e la tio n w e re in fact tru e p ro phets. A lth o u g h th eo lo g ian s u rg ed c a u tio n in accep tin g any p u rp o rte d revelations, such d e te rm in a tio n s co u ld easily fall a lo n g p artisan lin es.44 S o m e a u th o rs u sed th e apo caly p tic in te rp re ta tio n o f th e Schism to m ake a political statem en t. O n e su ch , w ritin g u n d e r th e n am e o f T elesphorus o f C osen za, claim ed to have re c e iv e d in sp iratio n in th e years 1356—65 a b o u t the S chism a n d th e Last T h in g s. H is b o o k , w h ic h to o k o n its final fo rm in th e years 1378—90, o w e d m u c h to R o q u e ta illa d e ’s political eschatology. T elesphorus p re d ic te d trib u latio n s to co m e, in w h ic h an evil th ird F red erick w o u ld oppose th e F re n c h k in g , to b e fo llo w ed by a tim e o f g reat peace u n d e r a F re n c h w o rld em p ero r. O n ly th e n w o u ld th e final A n tich rist arrive, u p o n w h o se defeat a sev en th age o f peace w o u ld en su e.45 T elesp h o ru s’s treatise w as im m en sely p o p ­ ular, p ro v id in g an in te rp re ta tio n o f events th a t seem ed to m ak e sense o n ly in an eschatological c o n te x t, an d h o ld in g o u t th e p ro m ise o f b e tte r tim es ahead. A p ­ paren tly d isliking its p artisan to n e , H e n ry o f L an g en stein co m p o se d a scathing attack o n T elesp h o ru s a n d o th e r w o u ld -b e p ro p h e ts in 1392.46 T h e S chism itself h ad a p ro fo u n d ly u n se ttlin g effect o n so m e, as w itnessed by an a n e c d o te re p o rte d b y H e n ry o f L angenstein. A F ren ch m o n k n am ed W il­ liam , a le a rn e d an d h o ly m a n a n d frien d o f H e n r y ’s, b e g an to have visions a b o u t th e Schism . H e b eliev ed th a t th e H o ly S p irit h a d in fo rm e d h im th at th e Schism was to e n d u re o n ly a sh o rt tim e m o re . B ased o n these revelations, W illiam set a tim e fo r th e S chism ’s en d , o n ly to b e d isap p o in ted in his p re d ic tio n , for the S chism still w as o n g o in g te n years after W illia m ’s p ro g n o stic a tio n . A ssum ing he h ad m isin te rp re te d th e re v e la tio n h e th o u g h t h e h ad receiv ed , W illiam recalc u ­ lated th e tim e fo r th e S ch ism ’s e n d , o n ly to be w ro n g again. W h e n c e , deeply tro u b le d , W illia m a b a n d o n e d th e m o n astery , an d “h av in g left his religious habit th e re , h e w a n d e re d a b o u t in th e w o o d s n e x t to th e m o n a ste ry in a vile secular tu n ic .” 47 T h e S chism was such a dram atic e v e n t th a t it led W illiam to have visions, th e v alidity o f w h ic h w as clearly q u e stio n e d by H en ry . T h a t a m an w h o ap p eared to be “ o f g reat sanctity an d p e rfe c t re lig io n ” (“ apparens m ag n ae sanctitatis e t religionis p e rfe c tae ”) w o u ld c o m e to leave his m o n a stery show s th e in­ tense spiritual a g o n y th a t th e S chism an d W illia m ’s fru strated h o p es fo r its en d c o u ld p ro d u c e . P ro b ab ly th e best exam p le o f apocalyptic fro m th e tim e o f th e Schism , and o n e certain ly fam iliar to P ie rre d ’Ailly, is e m b o d ie d in th e life and w o rk s o f Saint

V in c e n t F e rre r (1350—14 1 9 ).48 D o m in ic a n confessor a n d chaplain to B e n e d ic t X III in A v ig n o n , V in c e n t h a d a v ision in 1398 o f C h rist stan d in g b e tw e e n Saint Francis a n d S aint D o m in ic , o rd e rin g V in c e n t to g o fo rth a n d p reach . In 1399 B e n e d ic t g ran ted V in c e n t license to travel an d p re a c h w h e re v e r he chose, free fro m th e ju ris d ic tio n o f th e local clergy. T h u s b e g an an e x tra o rd in a ry tw e n ty y ear m ission o f p reach in g , w h ic h to o k V in c e n t th ro u g h o u t m o st o f E u ro p e . V in c e n t’s serm o n s w e re en o rm o u sly p o p u lar; h u g e crow ds cam e to h ea r h im p rea ch , an d a sm all b a n d o f flagellants a ttach ed them selves to h im a n d ac co m p a­ n ie d h im o n his travels. H is m essage w as sim ple: th e im m in e n c e o f th e Last J u d g m e n t an d th e necessity o f re p e n ta n c e. V in c e n t set o u t his c o m p le te v ie w o f th e E n d in a le tte r to B e n e d ic t X III w ritte n J u ly 28, 1 4 1 2 .49 N o o n e co u ld k n o w w ith c e rtain ty th e tim e o f A n ti­ c h rist’s ad v en t, V in c e n t w ro te . O n e c o u ld ascertain, h o w e v e r, th a t th e tim e b e tw e e n A n tic h rist’s d e a th an d th e L a s tJ u d g m e n t w o u ld b e sh o rt, th a t is, the fo rty -fiv e day p e rio d d e d u c e d fro m D a n ie l 12 .50 B ecause o f this tim e lim it, V in c e n t re je c te d th e n o tio n set fo rth by Jo a c h im an d o th e r a u th o rs th a t th ere w o u ld b e an era o f peace o n earth fo llo w in g A n tic h rist’s d eath. T h e o n ly h o p e ­ ful n o te in V in c e n t’s m essage w as fo r th o se stalw art souls w h o c o u ld survive A n tic h rist’s p ersecu tio n s a n d re p e n t fo r th e ir sins. F u rth e r, V in c e n t told B e n ­ ed ic t th a t A n tic h rist’s re ig n w o u ld b e g in v e ry s o o n .51 H e based this co n clu sio n in p a rt o n th e ex isten ce o f th e Schism , w h ic h h e e q u a te d w ith th e discessio o f 2 T h cssalo n ian s. V in c e n t also a d d u c e d so m e ra th e r d istu rb in g pieces o f ev id en ce fo r th e im m i­ n e n c e o f th e E n d . S o m e n in e years p reviously, w h e n h e w as p rea ch in g in L o m ­ bardy, a m essenger fro m a g ro u p o fT u s c a n h erm its cam e to th e p reach er. T h ese h erm its h ad rec e iv e d d iv in e re v e la tio n tellin g th e m th a t A n tich rist had already b e e n b o rn . I f these rev elatio n s w e re tru e , V in c e n t ad ded, A n tich rist w o u ld al­ ready be n in e years old, an d th e tim e o f his re ig n w o u ld in d e e d b e close at h a n d .52 In P ie d m o n t, h e h a d h e a rd o f a n o th e r rev elatio n , this tim e fro m a V en e­ tian m e rc h a n t. W h e n h e w as overseas, th e m e rc h a n t related , in a Franciscan c o n v e n t h e a rin g vespers, tw o y o u n g novices w e re obviously ta k en up in som e k in d o f ra p tu re . “T o g e th e r, an d in a te rrib le fashion, th ey cried o u t, ‘T o d a y at this h o u r A n tic h rist has b e e n b o rn , th e w o rld ’s d estro y er.’ ” C arefully q u e stio n ­ in g th e m e rc h a n t, V in c e n t d e te rm in e d th a t this vision to o had o c c u rre d n in e years prev io u sly .53 T h r o u g h o u t his travels, h e ad ded, p eo p le w o u ld c o m e u p to h im an d tell h im visions th e y h a d h ad a b o u t A n tich rist and th e e n d o f th e w o rld , all a g reein g w ith th e stories he h a d h e a rd p rev io u sly .54 T h u s arm ed, V in c e n t felt q u ite co m fo rta b le tellin g th e p o p e th a t, in all lik e lih o o d , A n tich rist w as already n in e years old. In his serm o n s V in c e n t fre q u e n tly stressed apocalyptic th em es, fo r exam ple, in a se rm o n o n A n tich rist g iv en in 1404. T h a t A n tich rist w o u ld c o m e so o n , w e c o u ld b e sure, h e p re a c h e d , b y th e existen ce o f th e Schism , th e discessio o f S crip­ tu re .35 T h is se n tim e n t m u st h av e b e e n q u ite c o m m o n , fo r V in c e n t felt little

n e e d to o ffer fu rth e r p r o o f o f th e im m in e n c e o f th e E n d . R a th e r, h e e x p o u n d e d u p o n th e details o f A n tic h rist’s ca re e r an d his m eans o f se d u cin g his co nverts. M an y p e o p le w o u ld be w o n o v e r b y gifts o f m o n e y an d privileges, such as le ttin g m e n have several w iv e s.56 False m iracles w o rk e d by A n tic h rist and his m in io n s w o u ld deceiv e a n o th e r g ro u p . M o re follow ers w o u ld c o m e o v e r to A n tic h rist’s cam p fo llo w in g p u b lic disp u tatio n s, in w h ic h A n tich rist an d his de­ m o n s w o u ld ap p ear to b e tte r th e ir C h ristian adversaries. A final g ro u p w o u ld c o n v e rt after b e in g to rtu re d . S u d d en ly a n d terrifyingly, V in c e n t’s w o rd s shift to th e seco n d p erso n : “ First, h e w ill take all o f y o u r te m p o ra l goods aw ay from y o u . Item, h e w ill kill ch ild re n a n d friends in th e presen ce o f th e ir parents. Item, fro m h o u r to h o u r, fro m day to day, h e w ill tear aw ay fro m y o u o n e m e m b e r after a n o th e r, n o t all at o n c e , b u t c o n tin u in g o v e r a lo n g tim e .”57 H a v in g th o r­ o u g h ly frig h te n e d his a u d ien ce w ith this v iv id d escrip tio n o f th e ir im p e n d in g to rm e n ts, V in c e n t o ffered th e o n e re m e d y available in these tim es: to pray m o rn in g an d n ig h t.58 V in c e n t’s serm ons d re w ex tre m e ly large cro w ds, and o n e can w ell im agine th a t h e stru c k a responsive c h o rd in his au d ie n c e. H is view s typify a c o m m o n re a c tio n to c o n te m p o ra ry events, o n e th a t saw in th e Schism a p rea m b le to A n tic h rist’s p e rse c u tio n . T h e events o f th e later fo u rte e n th c e n tu ry w e re ex ­ tre m e ly u n settlin g , an d th e S chism in p articu lar seem ed to have significance far b e y o n d its q u o tid ia n m anifestations. It was an e v e n t th at ap p eared to fulfill m an y p ro p h ecies, fro m th e B ib le th ro u g h R o q u e ta illa d e . T o m an y learn ed observers, it w as best in te rp re te d in eschatological term s, an d this v ie w o f th e Schism g ain ed c u rre n c y th ro u g h serm o n s and p o p u la r pro p h ecies. T h e G re at Schism b egan ju s t th re e years b e fo re P ie rre d ’A illy re c e iv ed his d o c to ra te in theology. H is in a u g u ra l d isp u tatio n s in 1381 all c e n te re d o n q u estio n s o f c h u rc h g o v e rn ­ m e n t.59 T h e n c e fo rth , th e S chism , th e w ay to b rin g a b o u t its en d , an d its escha­ tological significance b e c a m e cen tral p re o c c u p a tio n s in his th o u g h t.

P IE R R E D ’AILLY’S A P O C A L Y P T IC IS M I N T H E Y E A R S B E F O R E 1400

L ike m a n y o f his co n te m p o ra ries, d ’A illy saw in th e G re a t Schism a sign o f the a p p ro ach o f th e apocalypse. In his serm ons an d in tw o treatises h e c o m p o sed on false p ro p h e ts, d ’A illy e x a m in e d apocalyptic th em es an d w a rn e d o f th e im m i­ n e n c e o f A n tic h rist’s reign. H e d id n o t sim ply use eschatological language for th e p re a c h e r’s aim o f ro u sin g his au d ien ce. R a th e r, d ’A illy’s w o rk s sh o w th at he engag ed in a p ro g ra m o f re a d in g a b o u t th e E n d , a p ro g ra m th a t cam e to in clu d e so m e astrological au th o rs. D ’A illy’s early w ritin gs ev ince a serious and sincere apocalypticism . In d e e d , w e h av e reaso n to suspect th a t d ’Ailly a n ticip ated A nti­ ch rist’s arrival in th e y ear 1400. In la te r years, he w o u ld ch ange his attitudes, d o u b tin g an d a rg u in g o p e n ly against th e n o tio n th a t th e e n d o f th e w o rld w as at

hand. Y et in his early w o rk s, w e see a p ersisten t fear th a t th e apocalypse w as im p en d in g . E schatological th em es ap p ear as early as 1379, in a se rm o n d ’A illy p re a c h e d for th e feast day o f Saint D o m in ic .60 T h e h isto ry o f th e c h u rc h , he explains, can be seen as a series o f w ars w ag ed b y th e devil against th e c h u rch . O n e such w a r w as in th e tim e o f th e m artyrs; a n o th e r in v o lv e d h eretics, against w h o m Saint D o m in ic h a d fo u g h t. N o w a th ird p e rse c u tio n has arisen, th a t o f th e schism atics, “ against w h o m o u r D o m in ic is fig h tin g in h e a v e n .”61 D ’A illy in te rp rets the Schism in this se rm o n as o n e o f a series o f persecu tio n s th at th e c h u rc h m u st suffer, a series, as S aint A u g u stin e says, th a t has n o defin ite n u m b e r. H e tells his a u d ien c e , “E v e n i f th e schism atics are d efeated o r b ro u g h t to c o n c o rd . . . (w h ich I d o n o t k n o w w h e n it w ill b e; G o d k n o w s), th e p e rsec u tio n s o f th e city o f G o d w ill n o t th e re b y cease.” 62 T h e Schism b eg an o n S e p te m b e r 20, 1378, w ith th e e le c tio n o f P o p e C le m ­ e n t V IL D ’A illy p re a c h e d his se rm o n o n S aint D o m in ic in A u g u st 1379, w ith th e Schism less th a n a y ear old. H a d d ’A illy a n d o th e r m em b e rs o f th e U n iv ersity o f Paris b e g u n to see th e S chism as th e discessio o f 2 T hessalonians? T h e re is n o ev id en ce in this se rm o n to sh o w th a t d ’A illy w as c o n c e rn e d th at th e apocalypse was a t h an d , b u t h e was in te re ste d in q u estio n s o f eschatology. A lth o u g h o u r p re ac h e r insists o n an in d e fin ite n u m b e r o f p ersecu tio n s fo r th e c h u rc h , fo r exam p le, h e m akes a p o in t o f statin g th a t th e y w ill be w o rse n e a r th e e n d o f the w o rld .63 C itin g A cts (“ N o n est v e stru m . . .”), d ’A illy em phasizes th a t it is vain to a tte m p t to calculate th e tim e o f th e apocalypse. H e m e n tio n s p red ic tio n s cited by A u g u stin e, th a t th e w o rld w o u ld e n d fo u r h u n d re d , five h u n d re d , o r a th o u ­ sand years after C h rist, all o f w h ic h are p a te n tly false. H e calls th e b e lie f th at the w o rld w ill e n d u re sev en th o u sa n d years (m e n tio n e d by W illiam o f A uvergne) su p erstitio u s.64 W e c a n n o t b e su re i f such statem ents in d icate apocalyptic sen ti­ m ents in d ’A illy o r th e m em b ers o f his au d ien ce. W h a t is ap p aren t, already in 1379, is a v ag u e lin k b e tw e e n th e S chism an d eschatology in d ’A illy’s th o u g h t. In 1380 th e re w as a g reat stir at th e U n iv e rsity o f Paris. M athias o f ja n o v , a m e m b e r o f th e B o h e m ia n n a tio n , c o m p o se d a b o o k a b o u t A n tichrist. H e also ta u g h t p u b licly th a t A n tic h rist h a d already b e e n b o rn and th a t h e h a d se d u ced all o f th e m em b ers o f th e university, “ so th a t n o w th e y ta u g h t n o th in g th a t was so u n d o r tru e C a th o lic d o c trin e .” 65 W h a te v e r th e effects o f M ath ias’s un u su al m essage, in a se rm o n m o st likely p re a c h e d in th e sam e year, P ierre d ’A illy show s an increased c o n c e rn w ith apocalyptic m atters. In his se rm o n o n S aint Francis, d ’A illy follow s H ild e g a rd o f B in g e n ’s e x p o sitio n o f th e apocalypse.66 T h e Schism n o w appears in th e c o n te x t o f th e d escriptions o f R e v e la tio n . A c c o rd in g to H ild eg ard , d ’A illy preaches, th e c h u rc h is to suffer seven perse­ cu tio n s, fo re to ld b y th e seven angels an d tru m p e ts o f R e v e la tio n 8—10. T h re e o f these p ersecu tio n s have already passed, a n d w e are n o w in th e fo u rth . T h is is th e “w o m a n ish tim e ” (“m u lie b re te m p u s”), a c c o rd in g to H ild eg a rd , in w h ic h cu ­ p idity, sensual d elig h t, an d van ity h av e arisen, so th a t th e c h u rc h an d th e clerics

today are w o rse th a n th e Je w s, heretics, an d pagans o f th e p rev io u s th re e p erse­ cu tio n s.67 S aint Francis h im se lf is th e eagle o f R e v e la tio n 8:13, w h o flies th ro u g h th e h eavens cry in g , “W o e , w o e , w o e , to th e in h ab iters o f th e e a rth ,” w ith each “w o e ” sy m b o lizin g o n e o f th e th re e trib u latio n s y e t to co m e. N o w H ild eg ard h ad fo re to ld th a t th e “w o m a n ish tim e ” w o u ld en d w ith a schism . H e n c e , d ’A illy tells his a u d ie n c e , w e can c o n c lu d e th a t th e fifth p e rse cu tio n e ith e r has n o w b e g u n o r is so o n to h a p p e n .68 D ’A illy does n o t discuss th e fu tu re b e y o n d th e p re se n t schism , e x c e p t to m e n tio n in a g eneral w ay th a t H ild eg ard ex p e c te d a h o rre n d o u s trib u la tio n to fo llo w th e schism , a n d h e w arns his listen­ ers to p rep are fo r it.69 A lready in 1380, th e n , d ’A illy h ad b e g u n to see th e Schism in eschatological term s. T o u n d e rsta n d th e events a ro u n d h im , he tu rn e d to R e v e la tio n and to th e p ro p h e ts, H ild e g a rd an d Jo a c h im , w h o m h e also c ite d .70 D ’A illy’s e x p o sitio n o f H ild eg ard is len g th y ; in d e e d h e r ideas fo rm th e in sp iratio n o f th e serm o n . It w o u ld seem th a t d ’A illy based his se rm o n o n an actual rea d in g o f th e holy w o m a n ’s w o rk s an d n o t o n se c o n d h a n d k n o w le d g e o f h e r ideas. In o th e r w o rd s, h e w as in te re ste d e n o u g h in apocaly p tic m atters to seek o u t an d re a d H ild e g a rd ’s w ritings. It is im possible to tell, h o w e v e r, ju s t h o w im m in e n t th e apocalypse was in d ’A illy’s m in d . C learly h e sensed an e x tra o rd in a ry crisis in his o w n tim es, w h ic h he p laced o n th e b rin k o f th e final th re e h o rrib le persecu tio n s o f R e v e la ­ tion. B u t i f these th re e trials w e re o f th e sam e d u ra tio n as the first th re e , the c h u rc h w o u ld have a n o th e r th o u sa n d years an d m o re left to survive. I f d ’A illy’s se rm o n o n S aint Francis expressed a vague n o tio n th a t his w e re n o o rd in a ry tim es, his se rm o n o n S aint B e rn a rd , fro m ro u g h ly th e sam e p e rio d , p ro p o se d th a t th e S chism be seen as an im m e d ia te p rea m b le to A n tic h rist.71 D ’Ailly p o in te d o u t th a t b o th S aint B e rn a rd an d Saint G re g o ry th e G reat had seen in th e evils o f th e ir o w n lifetim es th e signs o f th e e n d o f th e w o rld . H e cited the passages fro m A u g u stin e a n d W illiam o f A u v erg n e th a t h e h ad used in the serm o n o n Sain t D o m in ic to p ro v e th e absu rd ity o f a tte m p tin g to calculate th e tim e o f th e apocalypse. H e e v e n b ro u g h t o u t th e fam iliar “ N o n est v e stru m ” o f A cts 1 .72 T h e n d ’A illy m ad e a ra th e r surprisin g shift. A lth o u g h w e c a n n o t an d sh o u ld n o t d efin e th e tim e o f th e apocalypse w ith any certainty, d ’A illy p rea ch e d , “ n o n eth eless, fro m th e scriptures w h ic h w e rea d an d th e ex p eriences w h ic h w e see, w e are able [to m ark ], by plausible conjectures, th e ap p ro ach o f A n tich rist an d th e nearness o f th e e n d o f th e w o rld .” 73 D ’A illy gave his listeners th re e signs th a t w e re pream bles to A ntichrist: an ab u n d a n c e o f in iq u ity in th e w o rld , a lessening o f C h ristian charity, an d a schis­ m atic division o f th e C a th o lic c h u rc h .74 S ince th e first tw o o f th ese signs m ig h t always seem to b e p resen t, h e cho se to e x p o u n d u p o n the th ird . H e re m in d e d his a u d ie n c e o f th e te x t o f 2 T hessalonians, w h e re it is to ld th a t th e D ay o f Ju d g m e n t w ill n o t c o m e unless th e re first be a division, an d th e so n o f p e rd itio n be revealed. D ’A illy explains th e te x t in his o w n w ords: “b efo re th e day o f the L ord, it says, th e re w ill b e a certain dissension o r division o f th e c h u rc h o f G o d ,

as an immediate p ream b le to A n tich rist. ” 75 A lth o u g h J e ro m e h ad in te rp re te d this te x t in term s o f th e R o m a n E m p ire , d ’A illy says, h e prefers th e in te rp re ta tio n o f th e glossa, w h ic h sees th e discessio as a d iv isio n in th e R o m a n ch u rch . W ith all probab ility , h e adds, w e m u st b eliev e th a t th e p re se n t S chism is th a t discessio, “ after w h ic h A n tic h rist’s p e rse c u tio n is q u ick ly to c o m e .”76 B rin g in g his se rm o n to an en d , d ’A illy u rg e d his au d ie n c e to fear an d p rep a re fo r th e trib u latio n s to co m e. N o lo n g e r v ague in his ap o calypticism , d ’A illy n o w p re a c h e d th a t th e E n d w as at h an d . A th o ro u g h ex pression o f d ’A illy’s apocalyptic view s ap p eared in th e se rm o n he p re a c h e d fo r A d v e n t 1385. In this se rm o n w e see th a t d ’A illy has fu rth e re d his readings in eschatological sources. A lso, fo r th e first tim e , astrological them es em erg e . A lth o u g h d ’A illy’s se rm o n p u rp o rte d to discuss th e fo u r ad v ents o f C h rist (in th e flesh, in p e o p le ’s m in d s, to m o rtal p u n ish m e n t, an d at th e Last J u d g m e n t), h e d e v o te d th e m o st tim e to ex p lo rin g C h rist’s final c o m in g . C o u ld th e tim e o f this ad v e n t b e fo reseen w ith any certainty, he asked? A lth o u g h this k n o w le d g e w o u ld b e e x tre m e ly useful to th e c h u rc h , d ’A illy co n clu d e d , it was n o t k n o w a b le b y h u m a n in d u stry o r b y d e d u c tio n fro m S c rip tu re .77 O n the o th e r h a n d , d ’A illy arg u ed , su ch k n o w le d g e c o u ld b e revealed, b o th by G o d ’s absolute p o w e r an d by his o rd a in e d p o w e r.78 T his d istin ctio n is im p o rta n t, for th e re is so m e q u e stio n as to w h e th e r d ’A illy b e lie v e d G o d w o u ld ev e r act ac­ c o rd in g to his ab so lu te p o w e r.79 T h a t k n o w le d g e a b o u t the E n d (b ey o n d th at given in S cripture) m ig h t be rev ealed b y G o d ’s o rd a in e d p o w er, h o w e v e r, re p ­ resents a far m o re o p tim istic h o p e fo r su ch rev elation. T h e exam ples w ith w h ic h d ’A illy bolsters his co nclusions give fascinating testim o n y to his read in g at th e tim e . H e w as clearly in possession o f a co p y o f A rn o ld o f V illan o v a’s treatise o n A n tich rist, fo r h e uses le n g th y excerpts in his serm o n . A lm ost v e rb a tim , h e repeats A rn o ld ’s v ersio n o f th e astrological argu­ m e n t a b o u t th e w o rld ’s 3 6 ,0 0 0 y ear d u ra tio n . Like his so u rce, d ’A illy co u n ters this th e o ry w ith referen ce to G o d ’s ability to speed u p the heavens as m u c h as h e w ishes.80 H e offers A rn o ld ’s ex am p le as p r o o f th a t th e tim e o f th e E n d c a n n o t b e k n o w n b y h u m a n reasoning. A rn o ld ’s n a m e com es up again w h e n d ’Ailly p reach es th e futility o f a tte m p tin g to use S crip tu re to d ed u c e any certain tim e for th e apocalypse. Since A rn o ld h ad p re d ic te d A n tich rist’s ad v en t fo r 1375, 1376, o r 1377, d ’A illy argues, an d it is n o w 1385, th e e n d o f th e w o rld sh o u ld already have h a p p e n e d .81 D ’A illy h a d also b e e n re a d in g a n o th e r so u rce d ealing w ith th e stars, fo r h e m en tio n s pagans w h o h ad astrological k n o w le d g e o f C h rist’s b irth . F o llo w in g R o g e r B a c o n ’s Opus maius, d ’A illy describes a c o n ju n c tio n o f S atu rn a n d ju p ite r th a t p re c e d e d C h ris t’s b irth b y so m e six years.82 It is n o t clear h o w far d ’Ailly h a d read in B a c o n at this tim e . I f h e h a d read only tw o pages (in th e m o d e rn editio n ) p re v io u s to th e passage h e cited , d ’A illy w o u ld have seen m e n tio n e d th e astrologers’ sect o f th e m o o n , e q u a te d b y B a c o n w ith A n tichrist. I f h e h a d go n e back a few m o re pages, h e w o u ld have e n c o u n te re d B a c o n ’s assertion th a t by

using astrology w e co u ld be fo re w a rn ed o f A n tic h rist’s a d v e n t.83 I f d ’Ailly was aw are o f B a c o n ’s p ro m ise th a t astrology c o u ld foresee the c o m in g o f A ntichrist, he chose to ig n o re it. T h e reason b e h in d this c h o ice m u st have b e en his h o p e that such k n o w le d g e h ad b e e n o r w o u ld be rev ealed by G od, and his b e lie f th at such re v e la tio n w o u ld be m o re certain th a n h u m a n reasoning. H a d he disap­ p ro v e d en tirely o f using astrology to p re d ic t A n tich rist’s arrival, th e n surely he w o u ld have rid icu led , ra th e r th a n praised, th e astrological prefig u ratio n o f C h ris t’s b irth m th e O pus maius. F ro m th e w o rd s o f this serm o n , d ’A illy w o u ld seem to have c o n c lu d e d th at p ro p h e c y an d c u rre n t events p o in te d to w a rd th e im p e n d in g e n d o f th e w orld. W itness his c h o ice o f text: “ K n o w ye th a t th e k in g d o m o f G o d is nigh at h a n d ” (Luke 21:31). H e m ay w ell h av e b eliev ed th a t th e type o f p re d ic tio n ad v o cated by B aco n was sim ply n o t necessary in th e face o f glaring testim ony. T h e Schism once again seem ed th e likely p ream b le to A n tic h rist.84 T h e sins o f th e presen t appeared to fulfill th e w o rd s o f M a tth e w 24 an d L uke 2 1 , w h ic h fo reto ld th e o b scu ratio n o f th e heavens n ear th e e n d o f tim e. “W h a t, in d e e d ,” h e asked, “ is ‘T h e re shall be signs in th e sun, an d in th e m o o n , and in the stars’ [Luke 21:25], if n o t th a t th e lu m inaries o f th e c h u rc h shall g ro w dim ? W h ic h certainly n o w , alas, w e b e h o ld has h a p p e n e d . . . . L et us fear th e fu tu re ju d g m e n t o f greatest te rro r,” d ’A illy w a rn e d his au d ie n c e , “fo r it is at h a n d .” 85 D ’A illy m u st have th o u g h t it likely th a t rev elatio n , to o , fo reto ld th e im p e n d ­ ing apocalypse. H e to ld his listeners th at certain k n o w led g e a b o u t th e last things co u ld b e revealed to m e n directly b y G od; “so, in d ee d , th e blessed C yril, A b b o t Jo a c h im , an d Saint H ild e g a rd are b eliev ed to have p ro p h esie d m an y things a b o u t th e last tim e s.”86 D ’Ailly did n o t explicitly say th at C yril, Jo a c h im , and H ild eg ard w e re p ro p h ets, only th a t th e y are “b e liev e d ” to have pro p h esied . H is statem en t, h o w e v e r, im plies a p p ro b a tio n o f th e ir w ritings. So, to o , does his q u o tin g o f p ro p h e tic verses a ttrib u te d to Jo a c h im , verses w h o se truthfulness d ’Ailly n e ith e r defends n o r questions directly. A c c o rd in g to this p ro p h ecy , there w e re o n ly fifteen years re m a in in g b efo re A n tich rist’s reign: W hen there have been completed one thousand three hundred And ten times ten years after the dear Virgin’s giving birth, T hen Antichrist will reign, full o f the dem on.87 D ’A illy presents this p ro p h e c y as i f to w ith h o ld ju d g m e n t o n its tru th . “ It has b een re p o rte d b y so m e ,” he states, “ th a t a c c o rd in g to a rev elatio n m ade to the same Jo a c h im , th ere d o n o t re m a in m o re th a n fifteen years u n til th e reig n o f A n tic h rist.” 88 T h e p ro p h e c y itself follow s, and its p o sitio n w ith in th e tex t o f the serm o n leaves o p e n th e q u e stio n o f h o w seriously d ’Ailly to o k its message. Im ­ m ediately after q u o tin g th e p seu d o -Jo ach istic verses, d ’Ailly seem s to c o u n te r th eir validity b y citin g Acts I (“ N o n est v estru m . . .”) and sim ilar passages from A ugustine. H is a rg u m e n t co n tin u es, h o w e v e r, and h e explains th at Jesu s’ w ords w ere m th e p resen t tense (“ N o n est v estru m . . .”), laying o p e n the possibility o f

som e future re v e la tio n a b o u t th e tim e o f th e E n d .89 A lth o u g h d ’A illy does n o t re tu rn to th e p se u d o -Jo a c h im verses, h e goes o n to give th e signs th a t h e senses m ark th e nearness o f th e apocalypse, e n d in g his se rm o n w ith a w a rn in g th a t the k in g d o m o f G o d is at h an d . G iv e n th e th ru st o f his w o rd s, it seem s likely th at d ’A illy su sp ected J o a c h im ’s verses m ig h t b e tru e , a se n tim e n t h e w ish e d his au d ien c e to share. P erh ap s these w e re th e th o u g h ts d ’Ailly h a d in m in d w h e n in 1399, at th e age o f fo rty -n in e , h e gave orders to have his to m b b u ilt in the cathedral o f C a m b ra i.90 A ro u n d th e sam e tim e as th e A d v e n t se rm o n , d ’A illy co m p o sed tw o treatises o n a su b ject w ith o b v io u s eschatological o v erto n es: th e art o f reco g n izin g false pro p h e ts. T h e th e m e w as a particu larly apt o n e , fo r n o t o n ly d id theologians an ticip ate an increase in th e n u m b e r o f false p ro p h e ts as th e tim e o f A n tich rist ap p ro a c h e d , b u t th e y also w o rrie d a b o u t th e v ery real p ro b le m o f th e n u m e ro u s claim s to p ro p h e c y d u rin g th e Schism .91 In th e D e falsis prophetis I I (w h ich ap ­ p a re n tly is th e p rio r in o rd e r o f c o m p o sitio n ), d ’A illy spelled o u t y et a n o th e r v ersio n o f th e p ersecu tio n s o f th e c h u rc h .92 In this in te rp re ta tio n , he stresses the nearness o f th e E n d . T h e c h u rc h is to suffer th re e p ersecu tio n s befo re th a t o f A ntich rist, d ’A illy states. T h e first w as b y v io le n c e , an d it w as carried o u t in the tim e o f th e m artyrs. T h e se c o n d p e rse c u tio n was by fraud an d o c c u rre d in the tim e o f th e heretics. T h e th ird p e rse c u tio n w ill b e by hypocrisy, b ro u g h t o n by th e false p ro p h e ts o f th e title, w h o w ill seduce C hristians first by fraud and later by fo rce.93 D ’A illy is ap p aren tly tak in g u p a th e m e th a t h e first set o u t in th e serm o n on S aint D o m in ic in 1379, b u t n o w h e intensifies th e apocalyptic m essage. T h e h y p o crites o f th e th ird p e rse c u tio n are to b e p recursors o r pream bles to A n ti­ christ, th e “so n o f p e rd itio n ” o f 2 T h essalo n ian s.94 A m u ltitu d e o f such h y p o ­ crites, th e n , w ill b e a sign o f th e a p p ro ach o f A n tichrist. B y fraud, p re te n d e d sanctity, an d hypo crisy th e y w ill sed u ce th e p o p u lace and divide th e ch u rc h , u n til “ at last th e re is to b e o b ta in e d a general division o r schism o f o th e r ch u rc h e s fro m th e R o m a n C h u rc h , . . . w h ic h division w ill b e th e w ay o r the p re p a ra tio n fo r A n tic h rist to c o m e , a b o u t w h ic h th e A postle p ro p h e sie d in 2 T hessalo n ian s.” 95 H o w useful it w o u ld b e in these m o d e rn tim es to rec o g n ize such false p ro p h e ts, d ’A illy co n tin u es, fo r e v e n n o w w e are ex p e rie n c in g such a Schism , “ a b o u t w h ic h it Hkely is to b e feared th a t it b e a p ream b le to A n ti­ c h rist.”96 H e goes o n to discuss various types o f d iv in atio n w ith th e aim o f id en tify in g th e features o f tru e p ro p h ecy . T h e treatise ends w ith d ’A illy d e­ n o u n c in g an y claim s o f astrology to be su ch .97 H e appears u n w illin g to take u p R o g e r B a c o n ’s suggestions, as yet. In th e se c o n d treatise o f th e series, D e Jalsis prophetis I, d ’A illy c o n tin u e d his in v estig atio n in to false p ro p h e ts an d th e ir deeds w ith an eye, it w o u ld seem , o n c o n te m p o ra ry claim ants to rev elatio n . As b efo re, h e m ain tain e d th a t such false p ro p h e ts w e re th e p recu rso rs o f A n tich rist, an d h e n o te d th a t S crip tu re and H ild e g a rd h a d p ro p h e sie d th a t th e ir ly in g w o u ld ev entually b e re c o g n iz e d .98

T h e y w o u ld , h o w e v e r, seduce m an y p e o p le at first, an d , w ith th a t in m in d , d ’A illy d w e lt at le n g th o n th e h y p o c rite s’ false m iracles. T h ese m iracles should b e c o n sid e re d suspect, h e w ro te , “ especially in these tim es th a t seem to app ro ach th e e n d o f th e w o rld .” 99 T h e re w e re to be m an y su ch false m iracles a ro u n d th e tim e o f A n tich rist, w h ile, a c c o rd in g to Isid o re, tru e m iracles w o u ld cease.100 A ccord in g ly , d ’A illy w a rn e d his readers th a t “ all th o se w h o p re ach o r teach publicly an d are n o t sent by G o d are false p ro p h e ts an d p se u d o d o c to rs.” 101 T h e m iracles an d claim s b y w h ic h th e y so u g h t to p ro v e th e ir m ission m u st b e ex am ­ in e d dilig en tly b e fo re b e in g b eliev ed , lest th e c re d u lo u s b e d eceived. In su m , in th e years b efo re 1400 P ierre d ’A illy b ecam e increasingly c o n v in c e d th at th e apocalypse w as n ear. H e read eschatological w orks: sections o f A u ­ g u stin e ’s C ity o f God, w ritin g s b y H ild e g a rd o f B in g e n , th e p seu d o -Jo a ch im Super Hieremiam and c o m m e n ta ry o n th e Oraculum cyrilli, Saint B e rn a rd and S aint G re g o ry th e G re a t o n th e a p p ro a c h in g e n d , A rn o ld o f V illan o v a’s D e antichristo, a n d m o re . Im p o rta n t fo r his later interests, h e le a rn e d o f astrological atte m p ts to calculate th e tim e o f th e apocalypse, a lth o u g h in these years h e reje cte d an y such p ro g n o stic a tio n . It m ay b e th a t h e assum ed such calculations w e re unnecessary; h e m ay have b elie v e d th e p seu d o -Jo ach istic verses th a t p re ­ d ic ted A n tic h rist’s re ig n fo r th e y ear 1400. C e rta in ly h e sensed th a t th e tim e was ripe. In his Oration on M atthew, h e p u t fo rth a le n g th y catalogue o f th e sins o f his age. C o n c lu d in g , h e to ld his listeners th a t th e re was little left “b u t fo r A n tich rist to c o m e !” 102

CHAPTER

SIX

A stro lo g y a n d th e P o s tp o n e m e n t o f th e E n d

In

t h e y e a r s before 1400, P ierre d ’Ailly had co m e increasingly Co see the G reat Schism as a sign o f the approach o f A ntichrist. H e w arn ed his audiences th at the E nd was at h and, all th e w hile rejectin g any h u m an m eans o f d eterm in in g w h en the Ju d g m e n t w o u ld com e. In subsequent years, h o w ever, d ’Ailly revised his early in terp retatio n o f events. H e began to h o p e that h u m an efforts, w ith G o d ’s assistance, could end th e Schism . W ith the c h u rch healed and reform ed, he believed, G o d w o u ld w ith d ra w th e to rm en ts he had p repared for the earth, and the apocalypse w o u ld be p o stponed. D ’A illy’s later exam inations o f th e apoca­ lypse bear a n o th e r striking difference fro m his early w orks. W h ereas in th e 1380s he had d en ied astrology’s ability to p red ict th e E nd, he n o w lo o k ed to the stars to forecast th e arrival o f A ntichrist. A strological calculations confirm ed his new hopeful in terp retatio n o f th e Schism , for th ey p u t the fien d ’s advent in th e dis­ tant future. D ’Ailly had tw o excellent reasons for fig h tin g apocalyptic beliefs in his later years. H e had seen h o w such notio n s co u ld lead to b eh a v io r that th reaten ed the c h u rc h ’s authority. Flagellants and o th e r heretics had arisen d u rin g the long years o f Schism , and in th e c h u rc h ’s eyes th eir m isdeeds stem m ed from apoca­ lyptic beliefs. F urther, d ’A illy had co m e to realize th at despairing because the E n d was at h an d could h am p er any efforts to heal the Schism . I f th e Last Ju d g ­ m en t w ere im m in en t, th e only p ro p er response w o u ld be to pray and re p en t for o n e ’s o w n sins. T h e re w o u ld b e little sense in try in g to b rin g the ch urch back to unity. If a refo rm atio n o f th e c h u rch could p o stpone the apocalypse, h o w ­ ever, people w o u ld have a stro n g m o tiv atio n to w o rk to g e th er to end the Schism. F ollow ing d ’A illy’s early apocalyptic w ritings, there is a lacuna o f several years in o u r k n o w led g e o f his eschatological th o u g h t. In 1385—87 he was occupied w ith university politics, first the affair o fje a n B lanchard and th e n that o f ju a n de M o n z o n . H e becam e alm o n er to th e k in g and th en chancellor o f the university in 1389. T h e n in 1395—97 he was n am ed to th e bishoprics o f Le Puy, N o y o n , and C am brai. P erhaps he was to o busy to w rite m u ch m o re ab o u t the end o f the w orld , or perhaps he was aw aiting th e fateful year o f 1400, subject o f a p seudoJoachistic apocalyptic p red ictio n . W h a te v e r th e case, he was silent o n the ques­ tio n o f th e apocalypse until after that year had passed. Traces o f d ’A illy’s n ew in te rp re ta tio n o f th e Schism appear as early as 1403, in a treatise he com posed en titled D e reformatione ecclesiae (O n the reform ation o f

th e c h u rc h ). In this w o rk , d ’A illy la m e n te d th e h o rre n d o u s schism in th e c h u rc h and cited Ins favorite apocaly p tic au th o rs: Jo a c h im o f F io re and H ild e g a rd o f B in g en . Y et, in m a rk e d co n trast to his early serm o n s an d treatises, he n eg le cted to m e n tio n th e a p p ro a c h o f A n tic h rist o r to e q u ate th e Schism w ith th e discessio o f 2 T hessalonians, w h ic h was to p re c e d e th e fie n d ’s ad v en t. Instead, h e sug­ gested th a t a m ercifu l G o d h ad allo w ed th e S chism to o c c u r “ so th at . . . H is c h u rc h m ig h t be re fo rm e d fo r th e b e tte r .” I f this im p ro v e m e n t d id n o t h ap p en sw iftly, d ’A illy w a rn e d , “ I dare to say th a t a lth o u g h w e are seeing g rea t [tor­ m ents] n o w , so o n w e w ill see in c o m p a ra b ly g reater o n e s.” 1 T h is w as his only in d ic a tio n th a t th e S chism m ig h t b e a p re a m b le to th e apocalypse.

A S T R O L O G IC A L C A L C U L A T IO N A N D T H E PO STPO N EM EN T OF THE E N D

In th e years b e tw e e n 1410 an d 1414, d ’A illy re fin e d his n e w in te rp re ta tio n o f the Schism . H e so u g h t to c o n firm his revised v ie w by a p ro g ra m o f read in g in eschatological sources a n d in b o o k s o f astrology. In th e series o f astrological treatises he c o m p o se d in th o se years, d ’A illy fre q u e n tly dealt w ith questions to u c h in g u p o n th e apocalypse, an d h e a tte m p te d his o w n astrological calculation o f th e tim e o f A n tic h rist’s ad v en t. In th e en d , astrology a n d p ro p h e c y b o th gave h im h o p e th a t th e Schism w o u ld b e h ealed an d A rm a g e d d o n w o u ld b e p o st­ poned. O n D e c e m b e r 24 , 1410, d ’A illy c o m p le te d his treatise D e legibus et sectis contra superstitiosos astronomos (O n th e laws an d th e sects, against th e superstitious astrol­ ogers). T h e re h e p itte d against o n e a n o th e r th e o p in io n s o f W illiam o f A u v erg n e and R o g e r B a c o n o n th e stars’ effects o n relig io n . A lth o u g h h e p ro p o se d to offer a m id d le g ro u n d b e tw e e n th e tw o au th o rs, d ’A illy cam e d o w n m u c h m o re o n th e side o f B aco n , an d his treatise offers, in essence, a defense o f astrology.2 As w e have seen, B a c o n h a d a rg u ed th a t th e stars d icta te d th a t th e re w o u ld b e only six m a jo r religions o r sects in th e w o rld ’s h isto ry ; fu rth e r, th e tim es o f o rig in o f these sects c o u ld b e fo re to ld u sin g astrology. E ach o f these religions was associ­ ated w ith th e c o n ju n c tio n o f ju p ite r w ith o n e o f th e o th e r six planets. T h e sixth and final sect w as to b e th a t signified b y J u p ite r ’s c o n ju n c tio n w ith th e m o o n , and, in B a c o n ’s e x p o sitio n , it re p re se n te d A n tich rist. T h e eschatological im p licatio n s o f B a c o n ’s th eo ries w e re clearly a p p aren t to d ’Ailly. H e q u o te d fro m th e O pus m aius th e passage in w h ic h B ac o n u rg ed the c h u rc h to in c lu d e astro lo g y in its stu d y o f th e Last T hings: I k n o w th a t i f th e c h u rc h d esired to go o v e r th e sacred w ritin g a n d th e h o ly p ro p h ­ ecies, an d th e p ro p h e c ie s o f th e S ibyl, a n d M e rlin , th e eagle, a n d Jo a c h im , a n d m an y o th ers, a n d also th e h isto ries a n d b o o k s o f th e p h ilo so p h ers, a n d i f it sh o u ld c o m m a n d th a t th e w ays o f astro lo g y b e c o n sid e re d , th e re w o u ld b e fo u n d a suffi­ c ie n t in d ic a tio n or, rath er, c e rtitu d e a b o u t th e tim e o f A n tic h rist.3

D ’Ailly c o u n te re d B a c o n ’s claims w ith th e “N o n est v e stru m ” o f Acts I and referred the reader back to his A d v en t serm o n o f 1385. T his was the serm on in w hich he had follow ed B acon in describing a co n ju n c tio n p reced in g C h rist’s birth , y et had rejected any astrological forecasting o f the apocalypse. E ven if d ’Ailly in 1410 disapproved o f th e astrological p red ictio n o f A ntichrist’s advent, the rationale for such a calculation was im plicit in his treatise. AU religions and sects th at w ere diabolical in origin (as surely he m ust have considered A n ti­ christ’s), d ’Ailly had w ritte n , are naturally u n d e r the co n tro l o f th e stars.4 D ’A illy’s second astrological treatise, th e Concordantia astronomic cum theologia (C o n co rd an ce o f astrology w ith theology, also k n o w n as the Vigintiloquium), w o u ld seem at first glance to have little to do w ith the end o f tim e. In this treatise, co m p leted early in 1414, d ’A illy sought to use astrology to d eterm in e the tru e age o f the w o rld . As R ic h a rd Landes has alerted us, how ever, this in form atio n co u ld be vital to w o u ld -b e calculators o f th e apocalypse.5 D ’Ailly, to o , was aw are o f traditions giving the w o rld only six thousand o r seven th o u ­ sand years until the Last Ju d g m e n t. H e had m e n tio n ed such no tio n s in th ree o f his early serm ons, those for S aint D o m in ic and Saint B ern ard , and the A dvent serm on o f 1385.6 In th e Vigintiloquium, h e discussed these beliefs again, referring his read er back to the 1385 serm o n .7 W h ile he was w ritin g this treatise, then, d ’Ailly k n ew th at his conclusions could have eschatological im portance. F or those w ish ing to calculate the tim e o f th e apocalypse using d ’Ailly’s fig­ ures, his treatise was decidedly anti-apocalyptic. A cco rd in g to d ’Ailly, som e 5,343 years h ad elapsed b e tw e e n A dam and the b irth o f C h rist.8 T h u s, the w o rld had reached the age o f 6,000 m o re th an seven centuries previously, and it w o u ld n o t approach its dreaded 7 ,0 0 0 th year until 1657. D ’Ailly did n o t m ake these subtractions in his treatise, n o r d o w e k n o w if he even had th e m in m ind. B u t i f his sentim ents ab o u t th e apocalypse w ere th e same as they w o u ld be in subse­ q u e n t w orks, d ’A illy in th e Vigintiloquium offered a subtle arg u m en t against those w h o w o u ld p reach th e im m in en ce o f the E nd. Ju st as, according to Landes, m any early m edieval ch ronologies w e re in ten d ed to c o u n te r apocalyp­ tic beliefs, so to o , d ’A illy’s datin g could have b een m e an t to show that the E nd was centuries away. Ifin th e Vigintiloquium th ere was a vague lin k b e tw e e n astrology and eschatology in d ’A illy’s m in d , in his n e x t co m p o sitio n he openly offered an astrological co njectu re for th e tim in g o f th e apocalypse. T h e Concordantia astronomic cum hystorica narratione (T h e co n co rd an ce o f astrology w ith historical narration) was finished o n M ay 10, 1414. In this w o rk , d ’Ailly sought to establish the relation­ ship b e tw e e n astrological and earthly events th ro u g h o u t the course o f history. H e co n clu d ed w ith a section o n th e apocalypse. D ’Ailly’s treatise manifests b o th his suspicion th at th e apocalypse was n o t at h an d and his co n tin u ed reading in b o th astrological and eschatological sources. In th e Concordantia d ’A illy so u g h t to explain m u ch o f history as the p ro d u c t o f perio d ic co n ju n ctio n s o f Saturn and Ju p ite r and o f each co m pletion o f ten

orbits b y th e p la n e t S a tu rn .9 W h e n h e d escrib ed th e events o f his o w n lifetim e, d ’A illy d id n o t h esitate to list th e S chism as o n e o f m an y evils fo llo w in g th e triple c o n ju n c tio n o f S atu rn , Ju p ite r, a n d M ars in 1 3 4 5 .10 H e n e x t situated th e Schism in a list o f tw e n ty - tw o schism s th a t h ad befallen th e ch u rc h . N eedless to say, the p resen t d iv isio n w as th e lo n g est a n d w o rst th e c h u rc h h ad e n d u re d .11 As in d ’A illy ’s 1403 D e reformatione ecclesiae, at this p o in t in th e te x t o n e w o u ld a n tici­ pate a re fe re n ce to th e discessio o f 2 T h essalonians a n d a p re d ic tio n th a t th e reign o f A n tic h rist w as at h an d . W h a t follow s is ra th e r surprising. First d ’A illy lam en ts th e failure o f th e C o u n c il o f Pisa (1409) to e n d th e Schism an d m e n tio n s th a t a c o u n c il has b e e n called to m e e t in C o n stan ce later th a t year. “A n d n e v e rth e le ss,” h e c o n tin u e s, “a c c o rd in g to som e astro n o m ers, it has b e e n fo re to ld fro m th e h o ro sc o p e o f th e p re sen t year th a t th e retro g ra d a tio n o f J u p ite r in th e b e g in n in g o f th e y e a r in th e first h o u se signifies th e d e stru c tio n o f relig io n an d th a t peace is n o t y e t established in th e c h u rc h .” 12 In astrological term s, w h e n a p la n e t’s m o tio n w as re tro g ra d e (i.e., its a p p a re n t m o tio n carried it in th e rev erse o f its o rd in a ry course), d ire c o n seq u en ces follo w ed . T h a t the p la n et in v o lv e d w as th e o rd in arily b e n ig n J u p ite r, signifier o f relig io n , spelled disaster fo r th e c h u rc h . A gain w e m ig h t e x p e c t a d ire ap ocalyptic p re d ic tio n to follow , b u t d ’A illy instead offers his readers so m e h o p e. “ G o d is th e tru e sage w h o alo n e rules th e stars,” h e states, in an in te re stin g tw ist o n th e o ft-q u o te d “ T h e w ise o n e rules th e stars” (“ Sapiens d o m in a tu r astris”). W ith his help, d ’A illy adds, w e m ay b e able to fin d so m e re m e d y to this evil. O th e rw ise , w e m u st fear th a t th e Schism is th e p re a m b le to A n tic h rist’s a d v e n t.13 N o w , at last, h e cites H ild eg ard , Jo a c h im , an d 2 T hessalonians. T h is is a rem ark ab le passage, an d it reveals m u c h a b o u t d ’A illy’s in te rp re ta tio n o f th e state o f events in 1414. H e is clearly so an xious a b o u t th e Schism th at he has c o n su lte d th e astrological forecast fo r th e y ear an d can rec ite its conclusions in som e detail. O n th e o th e r h a n d , th e call fo r a n e w co u n cil in C o n stan ce appears to h av e g iv en d ’A illy h o p e , fo r surely this m u st be th e rem ed y w ith G o d ’s aid o f w h ic h h e w rites. D ’A illy m u st h av e c o n c lu d e d th a t th e success o r failure o f th e C o u n c il o f C o n sta n c e w o u ld h av e a decisive im p a c t o n th e course o f history. S h o u ld th e S chism c o m e to an e n d , m a n k in d w ill survive. S h o u ld the co u n c il fail, w e m u st reasonably e x p e c t th e im m in e n t reig n o f A ntichrist. I f d ’A illy sensed th a t th e w o r ld ’s fate h in g e d u p o n th e actions o f th e C o u n c il o f C o n sta n c e , in th e c o n c lu d in g chapters o f th e Concordantia, h e im p lie d his b e lie f th a t its o u tc o m e w o u ld b e successful. H a v in g in tro d u c e d th e to p ic o f A n tic h rist’s reig n , d ’A illy w e n t o n to ex am in e this q u e stio n b y m eans o f astrol­ ogy, fo llo w in g th e th eo ries o u tlin e d b y R o g e r B aco n . D ’Ailly n o te d a n u m b e r o f astrological p h e n o m e n a p o in tin g to th e im p o rta n c e o f th e y ea r 1789. A g reat­ est c o n ju n c tio n o f S a tu rn an d J u p ite r, o f th e so rt th a t h ap p en s o n ce every 960 years, w o u ld o c c u r in th e y ear 1692. A fter this c o n ju n c tio n , a n o th e r astrologically significant p e rio d w o u ld e n d w ith th e c o m p le tio n o f te n trips th ro u g h the zodiac b y th e p la n e t S a tu rn in 1789. F u rth e r, fro m th e years 1764 to 1789, th e

eighth sphere w o u ld “ stand still.” 14 Based o n these observations, d ’Ailly c o n ­ cluded, “ if th e w o rld shall last u n til that tim e, w h ic h only G o d kn o w s, th en th ere will be m any great an d m arvelous alterations and changes in th e w o rld , and chiefly w ith resp ect to laws and sects [i.e., relig io ns].” 15 W h e n c e , h e co n tin u ed , w e can co n clu d e w ith d u e pro b ab ility th a t aro u n d th a t tim e w ill arrive A n ti­ christ an d “ his dam nable law o r sect.” 16 U n lik e so m any o f d ’A illy’s astrological w ritings, this passage does n o t appear to b e a b o rro w in g from a n o th e r au th o r. R a th e r, th e cardinal h im self seem s to have d eriv ed th e date o f 1789 from his o w n list o f greatest co n ju n ctio n s and rev olu tio n s o f Saturn. H is ch o ice o f date rested o n so u n d theory. H e in c o rp o ­ rated in his p red ictio n th e th ree m ost im p o rta n t signifiers o f religious change acco rd in g to A lbum asar (A bu M a ‘shar): th e greatest c o n ju n c tio n , occu rrin g once every 960 years; S a tu rn ’s c o m p letio n o f te n revolutions, every 300 years; and th e p e rio d o f the eighth sp h ere’s accessus and recessus. D ’A illy m ust have b een struck b y th e co in cid en ce o f th e last tw o o f these th re e celestial p h e n o m e n a in 1789. A lbum asar had tau g h t th at great changes w e re likely w h e n th e eighth sp h ere’s c o m p letio n o f its access o r recess w e n t along w ith a shift in signs for S a tu rn .17 T hese calculations offered, albeit conditionally, a balm to those tro u b led by apocalyptic anxieties. F o r those w h o m ig h t miss his p o in t, d ’Ailly h im self m ade the necessary subtraction: “ it is ap p aren t th a t fro m this year o f 1414, up to the standing still o f th e eig h th sphere [1764], th e re w ill be 253 [should read 350] co m p lete years.” 18 A strologically speaking, th e apocalypse was n o t at hand. Y et d ’Ailly left his p red ic tio n co n d itio n al u p o n G o d ’s will. A lth o u g h th e stars p o in te d to A n tich rist’s arrival in 1789, d ’A illy was careful to n o te that w h e th e r the w o rld w o u ld e n d u re th a t lo n g was a m a tte r for G o d ’s k n o w led g e alone. A nd, o n e m ig h t add, it was a q uestion w hose answ er appeared to h in g e o n the o u tc o m e o f th e C o u n c il o f C o n stan ce. N o t surprisingly, d ’A illy add ed fu rth e r eschatological reading to his astrologi­ cal investigation o f th e E n d in th e Concordantia. In the treatise’s final chapters he gave len g th y excerpts fro m p se u d o -M e th o d iu s’s Revelationes. In d ’A illy’s sche­ m atic p resen tatio n , p seu d o -M e th o d iu s co u ld b e said to have listed eight p rea m ­ bles to the ad v en t o f A ntichrist. It w o u ld seem th at only th e first th ree o f these pream bles co u ld have h ap p en ed b y th e tim e d ’A illy was w ritin g , alth o u g h he specifically relates only th e first o f these to c o n tem p o ra ry events. T h e first o f p se u d o -M e th o d iu s’s pream bles was to be th e discessio o f 2 T hessalonians, “ on w h ic h w e have already briefly to u c h e d .” 19 T h e second and th ird pream bles listed by d ’A illy m ig h t also be co nsidered to have h ap p en ed in his lifetim e. T h e second p ream ble was to h ap p e n w h e n th e sons o f Ishm ael and H agar (identified w ith Islam) should rise up against th e R o m a n E m pire, in the w o rld ’s seventh m illen n iu m . A th ird sign was to be th at th e p ro m ised land w o u ld fall to the sons o f Ishm ael, “ th at is, th e Saracens.” T h is w o u ld b e a tim e o f great co rru p tio n , w h ic h p se u d o -M e th o d iu s id en tified w ith th e discessio o f 2 Thessalonians (al-

th o u g h this was p resu m ab ly fulfilled b y th e first p rea m b le ).20 P se u d o -M e th o d iu s h ad p re d ic te d , fo u rth ly , th a t th e re w o u ld fo llo w a tim e o f trib u la tio n , in w h ic h m an y w o u ld d e n y th e faith. T h e n , fifth, th e Ishm aelites w o u ld be su b ju g ated by a k in g o f th e G reek s o r th e R o m a n s (the Last W o rld E m p e ro r). T h e sixth p re ­ am ble w o u ld b e a tim e o f g reat p eace in th e w o rld , fo llo w in g th e defeat o f the Saracens. U p o n its en d , th e “ d o o rs o f th e n o r th ” w o u ld b e o p e n e d , and th e peoples en clo sed w ith in b y A le x a n d e r th e G re a t w o u ld co m e o u t and su bject th e w o rld to a n o th e r trib u la tio n . A t last w o u ld fo llo w th e d e ath o f th e k in g o f th e R o m a n s in Je ru sa le m an d th e ap p earan ce o f A n tic h rist.21 D ’A illy ’s le n g th y ex cerp ts fro m p se u d o -M e th o d iu s m u st be in te rp re te d as a sign o f his ap p ro v al o f th e a u th o r, fo r th e y are p re se n te d w ith o u t c o m m e n t o r reb u ttal. It w o u ld seem th a t d ’A illy fo u n d in p se u d o -M e th o d iu s, as h e h a d in his astrological calculations, su p p o rt fo r his rev ised in te rp re ta tio n o f th e eschatological m e a n in g o f th e G re a t Schism . In d ’A illy’s n e w v iew , th e S chism was in d e e d p a rt o f a p ro g ra m o f th e Last T h in g s, b u t it w as n o lo n g e r th e immediate p re am b le to A n tic h rist’s re ig n th a t it h a d b e e n in his se rm o n fo r S aint B ern ard , fo r exam p le. D ’A illy’s relian ce o n these n e w a u th o ritie s, astrology and p se u d o M e th o d iu s, reveals his aspirations th a t th e C o u n c il o f C o n sta n c e w o u ld e n d th e Schism an d e v en b rin g a b o u t a m u c h -n e e d e d re fo rm a tio n in th e c h u rc h . W ith his w ritin g s in 1414 d ’A illy in tro d u c e d a n e w s e n tim e n t in his th in k in g a b o u t th e Schism — h o p e .22 T h e n e w in te rp re ta tio n o f th e c u rre n t situ a tio n is ev en m o re ap p a re n t in a le tte r h e w ro te a b o u t a m o n th later to J o h n X X III, th e p o p e in the Pisan lin e to w h o m d ’A illy n o w o w e d his allegiance.23 In this letter, d ’A illy su m m arized fo r th e p o n tif f th e w o rd s o f a se rm o n p re a c h e d b y a certain d o c to r o f th e o lo g y in the presen ce o f U rb a n V , th a t is, p rio r to th e o u tb re a k o f th e Schism .24 T h is d o c to r had listed certain signs th a t w o u ld h erald th e nearness o f A n tic h rist’s p e rsec u ­ tio n : th e discessio o f 2 T hessalonians, an a b u n d a n c e o f sin in th e c h u rc h , ty ran n y o f rulers, and p o p u la r c o m m o tio n s.25 H e h ad also re p ro v e d a n u m b e r o f w r o n g o p in io n s a b o u t th e apocalypse. In p articu lar, d ’A illy’s u n n a m e d th eo lo g ia n had re p ro a c h e d th o se w h o w o u ld despair o f re fo rm in g th e sins o f th e ir o w n tim es, seeing th e m as th e sure p ream bles to A n tich rist. A lth o u g h a re m e d y was diffi­ cult, h e arg u ed , it was n o t im possible. In d e e d , th eo lo g ian s, ph ilo so p h ers, and astrologers h a d all o p p o se d th e b e lie f th a t th e fu tu re w as im m u ta b le .26 D ’A illy w e n t o n to clarify his p o in t th a t p ro p e r ac tio n n o w c o u ld save the c h u rc h . H is u n n a m e d d o c to r o f th e o lo g y h ad p re a c h e d th at th e re w as a tribula­ tio n p re p a re d fo r th e c h u rc h , y e t it co u ld b e h e a d e d o ff b y a sw ift re fo rm a tio n o f th e clerg y ’s m orals. T h a t this im p ro v e m e n t had n o t o c c u rre d was all to o ap p are n t b y th e cou rse o f events. F o r after th e d eath o f U rb a n ’s successor, G reg ­ o ry X I, th e re in d e e d h a d fo llo w e d “ su ch a h o rre n d o u s trib u la tio n o f the c h u rc h ,” th a t is, th e Schism . As h e h a d w ritte n b efo re, d ’A illy to ld th e pontiff, th e cause o f th e S chism was certain ly to be fo u n d in th e sins o f th e clergy.27 D ’A illy clearly m e a n t to d raw a parallel b e tw e e n th e situ a tio n p rio r to th e o u t-

break o f th e Schism and his o w n tim es. As th e w o rds o f his ano n y m o u s p re ac h e r d em o n strated , a change in th e m orals o f th e clergy could have saved the ch u rch from th e trib u latio n o f th e G reat Schism . N o w , o n th e eve o f th e C o u n cil o f C onstan ce, d ’Ailly saw th e c h u rc h in a sim ilar position: alth o u g h I am n o t a p ro p h e t, n o r th e son o f a p ro p h e t [A m os 7:14], nevertheless w ith o u t rash assertion I dare to say th at unless in th e G en eral C o u n c il so o n to be celeb rated th ere be rem edies foreseen fo r this dam n ab le scandal, in o rd e r th o r­ ou g h ly to ex tirp ate this schism atic d ivision an d to re fo rm fo r th e b e tte r th e c h u rc h , defo rm ed in so m an y w ays, w e m u st b eliev e w ith all lik e lih o o d th a t greater and fuller evils are still to c o m e .28

Since d ’Ailly goes o n to refer to p resen t happenings as “pream bles to A nti­ christ,” apocalyptic to rm en ts m u st b e th e “g reater and fuller evils” o f w h ich he speaks h ere. As in th e Concordantia, he im plies th a t decisive action in C o n stance will w ard o ff this p ersecution. D ’Ailly co n tin u es his le tte r w ith a sh o rt bibliography, a list th at m akes appar­ en t th e link b etw een his astrological and eschatological interests. “ In these m at­ ters,” he tells th e pontiff, “ I do n o t req u ire [you] to p u t y o u r faith in a sinner, b u t rath er in those w h o are said to have b e e n inspired by the H o ly S p irit,” citing Jo a c h im an d H ild eg ard .29 C o n tin u in g , h e refers J o h n to his o w n astrological w ritings. H e n otes that his conclusions w e re in a g re em en t n o t sim ply w ith the p ro p h ets, “b u t also [with] astrological ju d g m e n ts, w h ic h are n o t en tirely to be rejected b y C atholics, ju s t as I recall h av in g n o te d in the treatise th at I lately com p iled , D e concordia Astronomicae veritatis et narrationis historicae.”30 In fact, he refers th e p o p e to th e b o d y o f his astrological w ritings, by nam e, as w ell as to his o th e r w orks o n th e Schism , p olitely and w isely su b m ittin g th e m to th e H oly See, and to th e u p c o m in g co u n cil, for c o rre c tio n o r approval. T h e co m b in atio n o f sources to w h ic h d ’A illy directs th e p o n tiff here m akes it clear that d ’Ailly h im self saw his astrology as a m eans for studying th e apocalypse. A w o rk co m p leted o n S ep tem b er 24 o f th e sam e fruitful year o f 1414, the Elucidarium (E lucidation), dem onstrates d ’A illy’s fu rth er reading in b o th astrol­ ogy and eschatology. T h e m ain p u rp o se o f th e w o rk was to c o rrec t and co m ­ plete th e Vigintiloquium and th e Concordantia based o n d ’A illy’s increased k n o w l­ edge o f astrology. T h e re are indications, h o w ev er, th a t he was still pursuing eschatological them es as w ell. T h e o ld q u estio n o f th e age o f th e w o rld com es up again, and d ’A illy adm its th at th ere is n o sure answ er.31 H e hazards a n u m b e r o f guesses, all giving th e w o rld som e 5,3 0 0 o r 5,400 years’ d u ra tio n before the b irth o f C h rist.32 D ’A illy also co n tin u es his investigation in to S atu rn -Ju p iter conju n ctio n s. Forecasting th e ir o ccu rren ces, he locates co n ju n ctio n s as far in the fu ture as a . d . 1915, 3072, an d 34 6 9 .33 D ’A illy apparently did n o t see any astro­ logical evidence for th e im m in e n t en d o f th e w orld. D ’A illy still evinced in terest in an astrological in te rp re tatio n o f the Schism , eager fo r any clues a b o u t its fu tu re course. H e n o te d th at th ere h a d b e e n a

c o n ju n c tio n o f S atu rn , Ju p ite r, an d th e su n in 1365. T h is c o n ju n c tio n sh o u ld h ave o c c u rre d in L ibra, b u t “ o n a c c o u n t o f th e ir d ire c t m o tio n ” (as o p p o se d to retro g rad e) th e planets w e re c o n jo in e d in S co rp io . N o w S co rp io w as an “ en e m y o f re lig io n ,” a n d th e re fo re so m e say th a t this c o n ju n c tio n signified th e G rea t S ch ism .34 T h e re was also a c o n ju n c tio n in 1405, o n Ja n u a ry 12 in A quarius. Since this c o n ju n c tio n m a rk e d a re tu rn to th e airy trip licity (the signs G e m in i, Libra, an d A quarius), fro m w h ic h th e planets h a d d e p a rte d in 1365, som e said th at it w o u ld b rin g an e n d to th e S chism , b e g u n u n d e r th e in flu en ce o f S co r­ p io .35 D ’A illy d id n o t pass ju d g m e n t o n this o p in io n . P erhaps h e w as w a itin g to see if th e c o n ju n c tio n ’s effects w o u ld ap p ear b elated ly in th e actions o f the C o u n c il o f C o n sta n c e . Finally, d ’A illy re p o rte d a cu rio u s th e o ry a b o u t th e ages o f th e w o rld . Its u n n a m e d a u th o r d re w a parallel b e tw e e n th e fo u r cardinal p o in ts o f th e zodiac, th e fo u r ages o f m an , an d th e fo u r ages o f th e w o rld .36 T h e w o rld ’s first age was th a t o f A d am , an d it c o rre sp o n d e d to th e q u a d ra n t o f th e zodiac b e g in n in g w ith th e sign A ries. Its se c o n d age, y o u th , c o rre sp o n d e d to th e p o rtio n o f th e zodiac b e g in n in g w ith C a n c e r, an d this a g e ’s d o m in a n t fig u re was M oses. T h e th ird age o f th e w o rld b e g a n w ith C h rist’s b irth , p aralleling th e q u a rte r b e g in n in g w ith Libra. T h e w o rld ’s d eclin e w o u ld c o m e in th e age o f A ntich rist, a n d it w o u ld re p re se n t th e w in te r q u a rte r o f th e zodiac, b e g in n in g w ith C a p ric o rn . A c c o rd ­ in g to this th eo ry , th e re sh o u ld elapse as m a n y years fro m A d am to th e tim e o f C h rist as th e re w o u ld b e fro m th e In c a rn a tio n to th e e n d o f th e w o rld .37 (T hus, th e E n d w o u ld b e so m e w h e re b e tw e e n a . d . 5300 an d 5 4 0 0 , a c c o rd in g to d ’A illy’s figures for th e age o f th e w o rld .) D ’A illy w as careful to state th a t this o p in io n w as n o t certain , b u t o n ly a p ro b a b le c o n je c tu re . N o n e th e less, it suited his p re se n t an ti-a p o c a ly p tic sen tim en ts. D ’A illy d id n o t n a m e his so u rce fo r this th e o ry ; p erh ap s its a u th o r w as u n ­ k n o w n to h im . T h e o n ly o th e r re d a c tio n o f this w o rk k n o w n to m e is as an a n o n y m o u s treatise D e antichristo, w h ic h fo rm e d p a rt o f a p ro p h e tic an th o lo g y c o m p ile d in th e late th irte e n th c e n tu ry b y P ie rre d e L im oges (d. 1306).38 It w o u ld seem m o st likely th a t d ’A illy c o p ie d th e w o rk fro m this o r a n o th e r such a n th o lo g y an d n o t fro m any astrological m iscellany. T h e treatise is far to o u n so ­ ph isticated astrologically to h av e w a rra n te d th e a tte n tio n o f a serious astrologer. D ’A illy’s v ersio n follow s th e th irte e n th -c e n tu ry D e antichristo alm ost v erb atim , w ith o n e significant alteratio n . F o llo w in g th e passage cite d earlier, in w h ic h th e w o rld is p re d ic te d to e n d u re as m a n y years a fter C h rist as it had b efo re, the th irte e n th -c e n tu ry v ersio n co n tin u es: “B u t th e years fro m th e b eg in n in g o f th e w o rld u p to th e tim e o f th e L o rd h av e b e e n n o te d ; th e re fo re also h o w m an y th e re are fro m th e In c a rn a tio n o f th e L o rd up to th e e n d o f th e w o rld .”39 D ’Ailly om its these w o rd s. If this passage also a p p e a re d in d ’A illy ’s exem plar, it is cu rio u s th a t h e chose n o t to re p ro d u c e it in his Elucidanum. H e m ay h ave sensed th a t, giv en th e w o r k ’s various in q u iries in to th e d a tin g o f C re a tio n , to p o in t o u t th a t these n u m b ers

w ere k n o w n w o u ld sim ply be to o blatant a v io latio n o f th e “ N o n est v e stru m ” c o m m a n d m e n t. O r perhaps d ’Ailly realized th e inconsistency o f saying th at w o rld ’s age was k n o w n , since h e h im self had posed n o less th an fo u r different figures fo r its d u ratio n . W h a te v e r th e case, th e o m itte d sentence was really n o t necessary. A ny read er w ish in g to calculate th e E n d had all th e in fo rm atio n he n e ed e d in d ’A illy’s treatise. It is revealing th at d ’Ailly in co rp o rated any o f the D e antichristo in to his Elucidarium. T h e Elucidarium was essentially a catchall for gleanings from th e read in g th at d ’Ailly m ust have p u rsu ed in th e su m m er o f 1414. T h e treatise was obviously co m p iled as d ’A illy’s d ee p er k n o w led g e in astrology p o in te d to errors in his earlier w orks. H is ex cerp tin g o f th e D e anti­ christo dem onstrates that, in th e m o n th s b efore the C o u n cil o f C on stan ce, his read in g in clu d ed eschatology as well. A t last th e council w as co n v en ed . D ’A illy arrived in C o n stan ce o n N o v e m b e r 17, 1414, apparently in h ig h spirits.40 In th e serm on h e p reach ed fo r A d vent (D ecem b er 2) b efore the council, d ’Ailly expressed b o th his h o p e for th e ch u rch and his sense o f the im p o rta n c e o f th e c o u n c il’s actions.41 T h e te x t for his ser­ m o n w as, significantly, an apocalyptic o n e , an d its w o rd s had astrological reso­ nance as well: “T h e re shall b e signs in the sun, and in the m o o n , and in the stars” (Luke 2 1 :25). As h e had in his 1385 A d v en t serm on, d ’A illy in te rp rete d this text as referrin g to th e p o p e, th e em p ero r, and th e ecclesiastical pow ers, seeing in the Schism an o b scu ratio n o f th e ir light. N o w , h e u rg ed th e council, let us see in these lum inaries a sign o f ho p e. “ T h e re fo re this is a m arvelous and p ropitious change o n h ig h ,” h e declared, “w h ic h w e n o w see is b eg in n in g in the sun, the m o o n , and th e stars, w h e n w e see this Sacred C o u n cil congregated fo r this purpose: th a t o u r holy M o th e r th e C h u rc h , o n ce m iserably defo rm ed by schis­ m atic division, n o w joyfu lly w ill be refo rm ed th ro u g h peaceful u n io n .” 42 W ith this en d in m in d , d ’Ailly becam e practically rhapsodic: “ O ! blessed eyes w h ich should have deserved to see this. O ! h ap p y place, this city o f C o n sta n c e .” 43 T his em o tio n al o u tb u rst is alm ost w ith o u t p re c e d e n t in his w ritings. N o tw ith sta n d ­ in g his hopes th at th e c h u rc h m ig h t at last be healed, d ’Ailly m ade clear to his audien ce th at th e crisis had n o t y e t passed. C itin g J o a c h im and H ildegard, he w arn ed , “i f this H o ly S ynod does n o t p ro v id e a fittin g rem ed y for this evil [Schism], I boldly affirm th at after such h o rre n d o u s lightnings as w e have seen, m o re h o rrib le th u n d ers w ill fo llo w .”44 In this serm on, as in his w ritings im m ed iately p rec ed in g the C o u n cil o f C o n ­ stance, d ’Ailly expressed th e v iew th a t th e c h u rc h stood at a decisive crossroads. Increasingly hopeful th a t th e Schism w o u ld b e healed, d ’Ailly n o lo n g er p reach ed th e im m in en ce o f th e E nd. A strological calculations and n e w eschatological sources b ack ed up his hopes. S h o u ld th e co uncil fail in its m ission, h o w ev er, the o u tlo o k was grim . T h e Schism w o u ld surely be th e discessio o f 2 Thessalonians, and A ntichrist w o u ld soon arrive. D ’A illy’s v iew o f the situation gave his w o rd s an u rgency an d a fervor th a t m ust have b e e n a factor in his leadership at th e C o u n c il o f C o n sta n c e .45 H e elo q u en tly and em otionally ex -

pressed th e n e e d fo r decisive actio n . As h e in fo rm e d J o h n X X III, “ fro m all o f these p ream b les to A n tich rist, w e m u st likely b elieve an d v e h e m e n tly fear th at if w e are n o t c o n v e rte d to G o d b y tru e p e n ite n c e , an d h e to us by h o ly m ercy, th e re w ill b e p o p u la r sed itio n against prelates a n d th e clergy, and such a great trib u la tio n th a t th e m in d dreads to th in k o f it an d th e to n g u e to tell o f it.”46

D ’A ILL Y ’S M A T U R E E S C H A T O L O G Y : T H E D E P E R S E C U T IO N IB U S E C C L E S IE

A fter th e successful c o n c lu sio n o f th e C o u n c il o f C o n sta n c e , d ’Ailly re tire d to A v ig n o n to th e h o u se g iv en h im b y J o h n X X III. T h e re , in 1418, h e co m p o se d a final eschatological w o rk , th e D e persecutionibus ecclesie (O n th e p e rsecu tio n s o f th e c h u rc h ).47 In this treatise, all o f th e various elem en ts o f d ’A illy’s esch atologi­ cal speculations co n v erg ed : S c rip tu re , history, p ro p h e cy , an d astrology. D ’Ailly n o w set o u t his m a tu re in te rp re ta tio n o f th e b o o k o f R e v e la tio n and its re latio n to c h u rc h h isto ry an d th e events o f his o w n lifetim e. T h e S chism u n d e rw e n t yet a n o th e r in te rp re ta tio n . N o lo n g e r th e p re a m b le to A n tic h rist o f d ’A illy ’s early years o r th e u n c e rta in crisis p o in t o f th e y e a r 1414, in his final view , th e Schism w as on ly o n e o f a series o f p ersecu tio n s fo re to ld b y R e v e la tio n . A fter its c o n ­ clusion th e re w o u ld b e a re fo rm a tio n o f th e c h u rc h an d th e n th e final o n ­ slaught o f A n tich rist, p re d ic te d o n c e again fo r th e astrologically significant year o f 1789. In th e D e persecutionibus ecclesie, d ’A illy fo llo w ed th e expositions o f R e v e la tio n co m p o se d b y N ic h o la s o fL y ra (ca. 1270—1340) a n d P e te rA u rio l (1280—1322).48 A c c o rd in g to A u rio l’s in te rp re ta tio n , th e visions o f R e v e la tio n c o rre sp o n d e d to six p erio d s in th e h isto ry o f th e c h u rc h . T h e first vision o f th e se v e n seals (R ev. 5—8:1) re p re se n te d th e p e rio d fro m th e fo u n d in g o f th e c h u rc h u p to th e tim e o f ju lia n th e A postate (361—63). T h e c h u rc h ’s p e rse c u tio n b y heretics lasting to th e re ig n o f th e e m p e ro r M a u ric e (582—602) was fo re to ld b y th e seco n d vision o f th e seven angels w ith tru m p e ts (R ev . 8:2—11). T h e th ird vision (R ev. 12) re p re se n te d th e c h u rc h ’s sufferings at th e hands o f Islam . T h e fo u rth vision, o f seven angels an d seven plagues (R ev . 15—16), d ep icted th e n u m e ro u s evils b e ­ falling th e c h u rc h in th e years fro m C h a rle m a g n e to th e e m p e ro r H e n ry IV (1056—1106). So far d ’A illy w as in a c c o rd .49 T h e fifth v ision o f R e v e la tio n tells o f th e w h o re o f B ab y lo n , th e beast w ith seven heads, th e fall o f B ab y lo n , an d th e b in d in g o f Satan fo r a th o u san d years (R ev. 17—20:7). T h e sixth an d final v isio n describes S atan’s final, b r ie f p ersecu ­ tio n , th e Last J u d g m e n t, an d th e N e w J e ru s a le m (R ev. 20:7—22). It w as clear to all th re e in te rp re te rs th a t th e sixth v ision re fe rred to th e th re e a n d o n e -h a lf year re ig n o f A n tic h rist an d th e e n d o f th e w o rld . B o th d ’A illy an d N ich o las o fL y ra h ad difficulty, h o w e v e r, in accep tin g P e te r A u rio l’s ex p licatio n o f th e fifth vi­ sion. A c c o rd in g to A u rio l, th e fifth v ision re p re se n te d the p e rio d o f tim e fro m

H e n ry IV to the advent o f A ntichrist. T h e d am n ation o f th e harlot represented the c h u rc h ’s victory o v er “M u h a m m a d ’s sect” u n d er G odfrey and B aldw in, first kings o f Jeru salem .50 D ’Ailly w o rrie d th at A u rio l’s in terp retatio n left no ro o m for th e description o f subsequent events. U n d e r A u rio l’s exegesis, R ev elatio n foretold n o th in g b e y o n d the First C rusade save A ntichrist’s persecution. In a revealing passage, d ’Ailly o u tlin e d his objections to A u rio l’s view . A c­ co rd in g to A uriol, he p rotested, ev ery th in g p ro phesied in chapters 17 th ro u g h 20 had already b een fulfilled for som e years, w hereas th e follow ing tex t was universally in te rp re te d to refer to A ntichrist, “whose advent even now does not appear near.” Dl It did n o t seem fitting, he co n tin u e d , th at Jo h n w o u ld have fo re­ told so m any notable events in th e c h u rc h ’s history, w hile o m ittin g m any w h ich had o ccu rred b e tw e e n th e tim e o f th e First C rusade and the present. In p articu ­ lar, h e felt it w o u ld be o d d for R e v e la tio n to have o m itte d m e n tio n o f the G reat Schism , w h ic h Jo ach im , C yril, and H ild eg ard had foreseen.52 H e n ce he p ro ­ posed an alternative explanation o f this vision. D ’Ailly n o w felt co n fid en t in saying A ntich rist’s advent did n o t even appear to be near. In the 1380s his reign had seem ed im m in en t. In 1414, d ’Ailly saw signs o f A ntichrist’s approach, b u t h o p e d it could be averted. N o w w ith th e Schism ended, the th reat was re ­ m oved , and d ’Ailly co u ld at last und erstan d th e Schism ’s place in the schem e o f R ev elatio n . T h e fifth vision, he pro p o sed , co rresp o n d ed to the G reat Schism , its ending, and th e subsequent history o f th e ch u rch up to the tim e o f A ntichrist.53 T h e w h o re astride the beast represen ted th e schism atic ch u rch , w hile the city o f B abylon referred to R o m e and th e en tire schism atic obedience. T h e beast o f seven heads and ten horns stood for th e tem poral pow ers that su p p o rted the schism atic c h u rc h .54 Just as th e h arlo t and th e beast w e re ov erco m e in the text, so to o R e v e la tio n described th e Schism ’s en d . In R e v e la tio n 20, w ith the b in d ­ in g o f Satan, d ’Ailly foresaw a p e rio d o f refo rm atio n and peace for the church, w h ic h he eq uated w ith th e age o f peace fo reto ld by pseu d o -M eth o d iu s. “A fter th e v icto ry o f th e king o f th e G reeks o r th e R o m an s, about w h ich jpseudo-] M eth o d iu s speaks,” he w ro te , “ th ere w ill follow peace and tranquil co n co rd for th e church. . . . then th e ecclesiastical an d tem poral pow ers will be in agree­ m e n t, and th ey w ill p ro c u re th e p erfect refo rm ation o f the c h u rc h and, thereby, its tru e peace and u n io n .” 55 F o llo w in g this peace, Satan w o u ld be loosed, signal­ in g th e onslaught o f A ntichrist and th e im p e n d in g Last Ju d g m e n t. D ’A illy’s final p ro n o u n c e m e n t o n th e c h u rc h ’s fu tu re was, in fact, optim istic. F ollow ing its “schism atic p ersecu tio n ,” th e ch u rch could lo o k forw ard to a tim e o f “v icto ry and conso latio n ” b efore th e final to rm ents o f A ntichrist.36 W h e n d ’Ailly listed, as he had in th e 1414 Concordantta, p seu d o -M eth o d iu s’s eight pream bles to A ntichrist, only th e first o f these, th e Schism , was described in the presen t tense. AU the others he set in th e fu tu re.57 O n the o th e r h and, d ’Ailly clearly h arb o red no m illenarian beliefs. H e m ade it certain that the th o u san d -

year b in d in g o f Satan w as fig u rativ e an d d id n o t re p re se n t a m ille n n iu m o f peace o n earth . D ’A illy p re fe rred th e in te rp re ta tio n o f N icholas o f Lyra, w h o saw in th e o n e th o u sa n d years a sy m b o l fo r th e e n tire p e rio d o f history e x te n d in g fro m C h rist to A n tic h rist.58 AU th e sam e, d ’A illy d id n o t w ish his readers to th in k th at A n tic h rist’s a d v e n t w as to o close. H e n c e h e d e v o te d th e th ird sectio n o f his treatise to an a tte m p t to forecast th e c o m in g o f A ntichrist. D ’A illy o ffered a n u m b e r o f w ays o f m a k in g su ch a p re d ic tio n , m o st o f th e m using astrology. H e n o te d th a t, a lth o u g h th e re c o u ld b e n o h u m a n c e rtitu d e a b o u t th e tim e o f A n tic h rist’s a d v e n t, o n e c o u ld use astrology to o b tain a plausi­ ble, b u t in d e te rm in a te , c o n je c tu re o f w h e n h e m ig h t c o m e .59 It w o u ld seem th at th e m o st lik ely astrological p re d ic tio n in d ’A illy ’s eyes w as his o w n p ro g n o stica ­ tio n fro m 1414, in w h ic h h e slated A n tic h rist’s arrival fo r 1789. T h is is th e first astrological a rg u m e n t th a t d ’AiUy p resents in his in q u iry , an d h e rep ro d u c es it alm ost v e rb a tim fro m th e Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione, and w ith o u t c o m m e n t. R a th e r h e repeats his w o n d e rfu lly h e d g e d p re d ic tio n fro m 1414: “ fro m these [astrological observations] it plausibly can be c o n c lu d e d th at perhaps a ro u n d th a t tim e [1789] A n tic h rist wiU c o m e w ith his dam nable law o r se ct.” 60 B y 1418, d ’A illy k n e w th a t this p re d ic tio n was faulty. In th e Elucidarium, w h ic h h e c o m p le te d o n ly a few m o n th s after th e Concordantia, d ’AiUy ac k n o w l­ edg ed th a t h e h a d assigned S a tu rn -Ju p ite r c o n ju n c tio n s to th e w ro n g years in his prev io u s w o rk s. O n e such c o n ju n c tio n in 1692 o r 1693 was in v o lv e d in the 1789 p re d ic tio n ; in th e Elucidarium, d ’AilIy h ad red a te d it variously fo r 1915 and 1761.61 It is n o t clear w h y h e re p e a te d this p re d ic tio n , w h ic h rested o n at least o n e e rro n e o u s calcu latio n . P erh ap s it sim p ly w as m o re c o n v e n ie n t fo r h im to co p y fro m his p re v io u s w o rk . Perh ap s in A v ig n o n h e n o lo n g e r had access to the m aterials re q u ire d to m ak e a n e w calcu latio n . P erh ap s h e felt th a t “ speaking in d e te rm in a te ly ” (“ in d e te rm in a te lo q u e n d o ”), th e e rro r was n o t significant. C learly d ’A illy w as n o t afraid to criticize his earlier w o rk . H e h ad d o n e th at am ply in th e Elucidarium. In all lik e lih o o d , th e date o f th e c o n ju n c tio n w as o f secon d ary im p o rta n c e fo r th e p re d ic tio n , a n d it was th e c o n te m p o ra n e o u s c o m ­ p le tio n o f S a tu rn ’s te n th o rb it a n d th e e ig h th sp h e re ’s “sta n d in g still” th a t at­ tra c te d d ’A illy to th e date 1789. K n o w in g w ell th e lim itatio n s o f his p re d ic tio n , d ’A illy in c lu d e d it h e re w ith o u t a single critical c o m m e n t. T h is fact can only in d icate his c o n tin u e d faith in this p ro g n o stic a tio n . A fter his o w n c o n je c tu re , d ’A illy b ro u g h t fo rth a n u m b e r o f o th e r attem pts to p re d ic t A n tic h rist’s a d v e n t, p erhaps arra n g e d in o rd e r o f d ecreasing probability. First, h e re p ro d u c e d th e c o n c lu d in g passage fro m th e D e antichristo o f J o h n o f Paris, a n e w a u th o r in d ’A illy’s eschatological re p e rto ry , y e t an im p o rta n t source fo r his p o litical p h ilo so p h y .62 J o h n h ad p re d ic te d th e ap p earance o f th e son o f p e rd itio n w ith in tw o h u n d re d years o f th e tim e o f his w ritin g in 1300.63 A n ­ o th e r g ro u p o f calculations aim ed to d e te rm in e th e d u ra tio n o f th e Islam ic reli-

gion, for p se u d o -M e th o d iu s h ad p red icted th at its total d estru ctio n w o u ld o c c u r before A n tich rist’s ad v en t.64 F o llo w in g S crip tu re and A lbum asar, d ’Ailly ad­ vanced a n u m b e r o f figures for th e re lig io n ’s duration: 666, 693, 584, and, later, 1,141 years. H e n o te d th at, even if o n e beg an to c o u n t fro m th e death o f M u h am m ad , th e first th re e figures h ad lo n g b e en surpassed w ith o u t the sect’s havin g disappeared.65 H e suggested th at o n e m ig h t perhaps n u m b e r the reli­ g io n ’s years fro m th e tim e o f th e expansion o f th e A rab k in g d o m in th e eleventh century. E v en so, d ’Ailly co n clu d ed , this th e o ry was greatly in d oubt. B y th e same reasoning, d ’A illy p ro tested , A lbum asar had estim ated th a t the R o m a n law (i.e., C h ristianity), w o u ld e n d u re 1,460 years, the “m ax im u m years” o f th e su n .66 H en ce, “ th e C hristian law should n o t e n d u re m o re than fo rty -tw o years fro m th e p resen t year, w h ic h is 1418.” 67 F urther, th e A rab law was to e n d u re 1,141 years, th e m a x im u m years o f V enus, its p la n et.68 D ’Ailly did n o t add th e obvious co nclusion th a t Islam w o u ld th ereb y outlast C hristianity by several centuries, ev en if o n e c o m p u te d its beg in nings w ith M u h a m m a d ’s b irth in circa 570. T h is so com pletely violated C h ristian eschatology as to ren d er A lbum asar’s th e o ry useless. D ’A illy instead referred th e reader back to A lbum asar’s in te rp re ta tio n o f th e co n ju n c tio n signifying Islam. T h e re in m ig h t lie the reason b eh in d this “d iversity,” he suggested.65 G iv en th e fo reg o in g criticism s o f A lbum asar, and d ’A illy’s rather hopeful in ­ terp re ta tio n o f R e v e la tio n , th e treatise’s final paragraph is rath er puzzling. It does n o t seem possible to co n clu d e an y th in g certain from these astronom ical conjectures, h e states, b u t n onetheless, fro m these and th e o th e r [theories] p resen ted a b o v e, o n e can have a plausible in d icatio n th a t w ith in o n e h u n d re d years fro m th e p resen t th e re w ill be a great change in laws an d sects, an d especially as regards th e C h ristian law and ch u rch . A nd it is e x p e d ie n t to fo re k n o w this so m e h o w , so th a t C hristians m ay constantly prepare them selves to suffer trib u la tio n s.70

D ’Ailly m ay have h ad in m in d A lbum asar’s p re d ictio n o f C h ristian ity ’s 1,460year d u ratio n w h e n he p red icted a “ great c h an g e” w ith in the n e x t century. O n th e o th e r h an d , his p reced in g argum ents w o u ld seem to discredit this theory. H e m ay also have w ish ed to re m in d his readers o f jo h n o f Paris’s pro g n o sticatio n o f th e w o rld ’s en d aro u n d 1500. H o w these final w ords are to b e reco n ciled w ith th e p red ictio n for 1789 d ’Ailly n o w h e re addresses. H is final w arn in g m akes no m e n tio n o f A ntichrist. P erhaps d ’Ailly en v isio n ed the n e x t cen tu ry as b rin g in g only th e to rm en ts th at w o u ld p reced e A n tich rist’s advent. In this m anner, b o th p redictio n s co u ld be salvaged. W ere he fo rced to choose only o n e o f these prognostications, d ’Ailly w o u ld surely have had to co m e d o w n o n th e side o f his o w n calculation. J o h n o f Paris’s argum en t, alth o u g h d ’Ailly did n o t m e n tio n th e fact, was based o n the n o tio n th at th e w o rld w o u ld e n d u re only 6,000 (or, speaking roundly, 6,500) years. D ’Ailly had dismissed this th e o ry as “superstitious” in a n u m b e r o f w ritings.

Sim ilarly, h e h a d p re se n te d A lb u m asar’s th e o ry as e rro n eo u s. D ’A illy k new , h o w e v e r, th a t an y a tte m p t to p re d ic t th e E n d w as a co n je c tu re at best. E v e n a flaw ed p ro g n o stic a tio n m ig h t c o n ta in so m e grain o f tru th . H e n c e d ’A iliy w a rn e d his readers o f possible trib u latio n s in th e c e n tu ry to co m e. B u t he m ust have p laced th e m o st c re d e n c e in his tw ic e -g iv e n p re d ic tio n fo r 1789.

D ’A ILLY ’S A N T I-A P O C A L Y P T IC M E SS A G E

In 1414 d ’A illy w a rn e d all w h o w o u ld listen th at the c h u rc h was at a decisive crossroads. S h o u ld th e C o u n c il o f C o n sta n c e e n d th e S chism , th e c h u rc h w o u ld b e saved. S h o u ld th e c o u n c il fail, A n tic h rist w o u ld so o n co m e. A lth o u g h d ’A illy stressed th e critical n e e d fo r p ro p e r a c tio n at C o n sta n c e , his astrological calcula­ tio n s reveal th a t already in M ay 1414 h e d ared to h o p e and to assum e th a t th e apocalypse was n o t at h an d . As early as 1403, in th e D e reformatione ecclesiae, d ’A illy was c o n te m p la tin g a re in te rp re ta tio n o f his eschatological view s. A n d in 1410 h e p u t fo rth th e fra m e w o rk fo r e x a m in in g this q u estio n u sing astrology. It seem s a c u rio u s p a ra d o x th a t th e lo n g e r th e Schism e n d u re d , th e less co n v in c e d d ’A illy b ecam e o f his early ap o calypticism , fo r w ith th e w o rse n in g o f the c h u rc h ’s division, th e g re a te r m u st h av e ap p eared its id en tificatio n w ith the discessio o f 2 T hessalonians. A lth o u g h th e p ro sp e ct o f th e C o u n c il o f C o n stan ce gave d ’A illy cause fo r h o p e in 1414, his re je c tio n o f his earlier in te rp re ta tio n o f th e Schism also w o u ld seem to in d icate a d isillu sio n m en t w ith apocalyptic b e ­ liefs in general. D ’A illy p ro b a b ly b e c a m e dissatisfied w ith such teachings fo r tw o reasons. First, he cam e to associate ap o caly p tic n o tio n s w ith d isorderly and dis­ o b e d ie n t b eh av io r. S eco n d , an d m o st im p o rta n t, d ’A illy realized th a t th e b e lie f th a t th e E n d w as an im m u ta b le an d im m in e n t h a p p e n in g w o rk e d against any attem p ts to settle th e Schism . N o rm a n C o h n has stressed th e lin k b e tw e e n m illenarian beliefs an d political resistance in th e M id d le Ages. A lth o u g h scholars have te m p e re d C o h n ’s in te rp re ta tio n in re c e n t years, th e re is a sense in d ’A illy’s lifetim e in w h ic h dis­ o b e d ie n c e to c h u rc h a u th o rity c o u ld b e related to apocalyptic sen tim en ts.71 A F re d e ric k o f B ru n sw ic k , for ex am p le, w as c o n v ic te d at S p ey er in 1392 fo r his dangero u s p re a c h in g . C e n tra l to F re d e ric k ’s m essage w as th e n o tio n th a t A n ti­ christ was to c o m e w ith in fo u r an d a h a lf years and th a t h e, F red erick , w as the h erald o f a g reat F ranciscan “re p a ire r,” w h o w o u ld slay th e fien d and reign as p o p e an d e m p e ro r fo r a th o u sa n d years.72 D ’A illy h im se lf w as strongly c o n ­ c e rn e d w ith m a in ta in in g o rd e r a m o n g th e faithful. W h e n h e a tte m p te d to p ain t th e h o rro rs o f A n tic h rist’s tim e fo r J o h n X X III, it was in term s o f p o p u lar upris­ ings against th e clergy.73 In his D efalsis prophetis /, d ’Ailly stressed th e necessity o f p ro p e rly e x a m in in g th e credentials o f th o se itin e ra n t preachers w h o claim ed to hav e b e e n sen t b y c h u rc h a u th o rity .74

In his o w n diocese o f C am b rai, d ’A illy had d irect experience w ith a group that d en ied the au th o rity o f th e c h u rc h and w h o se beliefs, at least in the m inds o f the clergy, w ere lin k ed to a Jo ach im ist apocalypticism . O n J u n e 12, 1411, d ’Ailly q u estio n ed W ilh elm u s de H ildernissem , o n e o f the leaders o f a sect k n o w n as th e homines intelligentiae (m en o f intelligence).75 W ilhelm us and his coleader, “ a certain illiterate laym an o f som e sixty years, called A egidius C a n to ­ ris,” w ere charged w ith dissem inating a n u m b e r o f errors and practicing som e­ th in g akin to free lo v e.76 A m o n g th e m o st distu rbing o f the sect’s teachings was its disrespect for th e clergy. A egidius had tau g h t th at in th e en d all m e n and the D evil w o u ld be saved. H is follow ers thus saw little n e ed for the statutes and precepts o f th e ch u rch , o r for prayers, confession, o r p e n ite n c e .77 A lth o u g h W ilh elm u s d en ied ev er h av in g h eard such a n o tio n , d ’Ailly and his inquisitors attrib u te d to th e sect y et an o th e r error, th at o f believing th at th e y w ere living in the Jo a c h im ite age o f th e H o ly Spirit. A cco rd in g to the charges, th e m em bers o f W ilh e lm u s’s sect h eld th at all Scriptures and c h u rc h teachings b elo n g ed to the tw o p rio r ages an d w ere n o w invalid.78 W h e th e r o r n o t W ilh e lm u s’s protesta­ tio n o f in n o cen ce was sincere, it is n o te w o rth y that d ’Ailly associated an anti­ clerical sect w ith certain apocalyptic beliefs. A t th e C o u n c il o f C onstan ce, d ’Ailly sh o w e d increasing co n ce rn w ith threats to th e au th o rity o f th e ch u rch . In th e letter w ritten to P o p e J o h n X X III before th e o p e n in g o f th e coun cil, d ’A illy rem ark ed o n th e n u m b e r o f errors, heresies, and n e w sects he h ad w itnessed as papal legate in G erm any.79 In 1415 he pre­ sided o v er th e c o u n c il’s trial and ex e c u tio n for heresy o f the B o h e m ia n dissenter J o h n H us. A m o n g H u s’s m o re egregious errors w e re the teaching th a t a sinner co u ld n o t h o ld a p o sitio n o f au th o rity o v er others and his eq u atio n o f the pope w ith A n tich rist.80 In th e eyes o f d ’Ailly an d th e o th e r leaders at C on stan ce, H us posed a clear th reat to c h u rc h order. G iv en such disturbances o f ecclesiastical authority, it is perhaps n o t surprising th a t d ’Ailly b egan to p ro m ulgate his an tiapocalyptic n o tio n s at this p eriod. A lth o u g h th e re is n o definite link d raw n b e tw e e n apocalypticism and the teachings o f J o h n H u s o r th e o th e r sects m e n tio n e d by d ’Ailly, a fu rth e r episode at th e C o u n c il o f C o n stan ce m akes clear th e relationship b e tw e e n apocalyptic p reach in g an d disobedience to th e clergy. O n J u n e 21, 1416, Jean G erson w ro te a le tte r to th e itin e ra n t p re a c h e r V in c e n t F errer, re b u k in g h im fo r th e g ro u p o f flagellants w h o acco m p an ied h im o n his jo u rn e y s. D ’Ailly, G e rso n ’s friend and fo rm er m aster, ap p en d ed a postscript, g re e tin g V in cen t, recalling th e ir m eetin g in Italy, an d u rg in g his atten d an ce at C o n sta n c e .81 H e had h eard m any rum ors, G erson w ro te to th e preach er, ab o u t “ th a t sect o f people w h ip p in g them selves.” Such b e h a v io r had b een c o n d e m n e d in th e past, G erson n o ted . A n d w hile, as V in c e n t’s friends testified, “y o u do n o t approve [o f th at sect],” G erson c o m ­ plained, “ n o r do y o u rep ro v e [it] effectively.”82 G erso n ’s stern ad m o n itio n ap­ parently did n o t have th e desired effect, for o n Ju ly 18, 1417, h e b ro u g h t up the m atter o f flagellation b efo re th e council at large.83

G e rso n re m in d e d th e assem bly th a t th e c h u rc h h a d always re p ro v e d flagel­ lants. N o n e th e le ss such sects h a d arisen “w ith in th e m e m o ry o f m an y living m e n ” in L o th arin g ia, G erm an y , an d m an y parts o f France. H e m ade clear th e ir th rea t to stability. “ T h e h ie ra rc h ic o rd e r w o u ld b e c o n fo u n d e d ,” he w a rn e d darkly, “ . . . if a n y o n e , at his o w n w ill, c o u ld in stitu te o r e n c o u ra g e a n e w rite, w ith o u t leader, w ith o u t stable law , w ith o u t o rd er, w h e re th e re are y o u th s and virgins, elders w ith y o u n g e r persons, an d ric h an d p o o r to g e th e r as o n e .” 84 G erso n offered a n u m b e r o f suggestions fo r d ealin g w ith su ch sects, such as teachings an d serm o n s aim ed at c u rta ilin g th e ir practices. A final proposal was ap p aren tly in te n d e d to ex tirp a te flagellation b y striking at its source. I f th e re sh o u ld b e an y se rm o n p re a c h e d a b o u t th e L a s tJ u d g m e n t o r A ntich rist, G erso n u rg ed , “le t it b e m ad e in gen eral term s, c o n c lu d in g th at any p erso n w ill have in d eath his o w n n e a r an d u n c e rta in J u d g m e n t.” 85 In o th e r w o rd s, G erso n c o n ­ d e m n e d th e p ractice o f p re a c h in g th a t A n tic h rist’s re ig n w as a t h a n d . It sh o u ld carefully be o b serv ed , h e c o n tin u e d , th a t such p reach ers in n o w ay sh o u ld act in a c o n te n tio u s m a n n e r, n o r sh o u ld th e y sh o w any signs o f c o n te m p t fo r prelates o r th e clergy in g eneral, “ n e ith e r in m a k in g th e ir serm o n s, n o r in h e a rin g c o n ­ fessions.” 86 C o n c lu d in g , G erso n suggested th a t V in c e n t F e rre r e ith e r ap p e ar b e ­ fore C o n sta n c e o r segregate h im se lf fro m th e society o f flagellants.87 G e rso n ’s w o rd s b e fo re th e c o u n c il d re w a d istin ct c o n n e c tio n b e tw e e n a p o c ­ alyptic p re a c h in g , flagellation, an d d iso b e d ie n c e to th e c h u rc h ’s au th o rity . O n e can w ell im ag in e th a t d ’A illy a p p ro v e d o f his sen tim en ts. D ’A illy m ay ev en have h ad k n o w le d g e o f a b a n d o f flagellants b e y o n d th o se w h o trav eled w ith Saint V in ce n t F errer. In 1414—16 in T h u rin g ia a u th o rities u n c o v e re d a sect th a t c o m ­ b in e d flagellation, anticlericalism , an d ap o calypticism . T h e g ro u p w as inspired by th e teach in g s o f C o n ra d S c h m id t, w h o h ad p ro p h e sie d th e e n d o f th e w o rld for 1369, a n d w h o w as p ro b a b ly b u rn e d in th e sam e year. H is follow ers b eliev ed th at S c h m id t, b y tran sm ig ratio n o f th e soul, w as n o w E n o c h , w h ile a c o m p a n io n h ad b e c o m e Elias. T h is pair, a c c o rd in g to m ed iev al lo re , w o u ld re tu rn to p re ac h against A n tic h rist in th e w o rld ’s last days. T h e m e m b ers o f this sect fu rth e r ta u g h t th a t “ b ap tism b y b lo o d ” (i.e., flagellation) h a d rep lac ed p e n a n c e a n d all o th e r sacram ents an d th a t it was absolutely necessary fo r salvation. S o m e fo u r h u n d re d flagellants w e re b u rn e d in T h u rin g ia in th e years 1414 to 1 4 1 6 .88 W h e th e r o r n o t d ’Ailly, as legate to G erm an y , k n e w o f th e T h u rin g ia n flagel­ lants, he h ad a b u n d a n t ev id e n c e by th e tim e o f th e C o u n c il o f C o n stan ce th at apocalyptic p re a c h in g c o u ld have d an g ero u s co n sequences. I f th e th re a t to ecclesiastical a u th o rity w as o n e o f th e reasons b e h in d d ’A illy’s an ti-ap o c a ly p tic sen tim en ts in his final years, his c o n c e rn w ith e n d in g th e Schism m u st h av e g iv en h im fu rth e r su p p o rt in his view s. D ’A illy’s p o sitio n b e c o m e s a p p a re n t in th e le tte r h e w ro te to J o h n X X III o u tlin in g his b e lie f th at th e c h u rc h w as at a crisis p o in t in 1414. D ’A illy a c k n o w le d g e d in th at le tte r th at th e p resen t m isfo rtu n es o f th e c h u rc h resem b led th e pream b les o f A n tichrist. Y et h e re p ro v e d th e e rro r o f th o se w h o g re e te d th e p re se n t w ith despair, n o tin g th a t

the rem ed y for sin was difficult b u t n o t im possible.s9 A lth o u g h d ’A illy did n o t explicitly draw th e inferen ce, it is easily m ade: those w h o v iew the Schism w ith despair, that is, as a sure sign o f th e E n d , pose a distinct im p e d im e n t to those w h o w o u ld find a m eans to b rin g peace to the ch u rch . T o w o rk to en d the Schism , o n e m ust m o v e b e y o n d apocalypticism . T h e re is evidence to suggest th at a n o th e r o f the leading conciliarists, H e n ry o f L angenstcin (or H e n ry o f H esse, 1325—97), u n d e rw e n t a sim ilar transform a­ tio n in his view s o f th e Schism and th e en d o f th e w o rld . A lth o u g h d ’Ailly w o u ld attack H e n ry ’s view s o n astrology in 1414, the tw o w ere in firm co n co rd o n th e necessity o f e n d in g the Schism . Like P ierre d ’Ailly, H e n ry seems origi­ nally to have in terp reted th e Schism as a p ream b le to A ntichrist. In 1383, h e was busily engaged in g ath erin g as m u c h in fo rm atio n as h e co u ld a b o u t this advent, reading th e Sibyls, H ild eg ard o f B ingen, and a n u m b e r o f pseudo-Joachim ist w orks. In 1388 H e n ry com p o sed a treatise o n th e H e b re w alphabet based u p o n th e p seudo-Joachim ist D e semine scripturarum. A serm o n fro m 1390 similarly con tain ed h ig h praise for Jo a c h im , w h ile c o n d e m n in g the use o f astrology to pred ict th e Last T hings. In 1392, h o w ev er, H e n ry co m p leted a treatise attacking th e p rophecies o f T elesphorus o f C osenza. H e n o w d en o u n ce d all attem pts to foretell the E n d .90 H e n ry ’s treatise had as its m ain targ et th e p ro p h e c y p u t fo rth by T elesphorus in w h ich he p red icted a tim e o f tu rm o il u n d e r th e Schism , th e n peace, to be follow ed b y th e appearance o f A ntichrist. H e n ry ridiculed T elesphorus’s claim th at h e had b e e n visited b y an angel, w h o u rged h im to read th e w orks o f Jo a ch im and C yril.91 Similarly, he tu rn e d o n Jo ach im , w h o , he said, had n o t proph esied w ith G o d ’s inspiration, b u t ra th e r had d iv in ed by m eans o f h u m an industry.92 In ad d itio n , H e n ry ro u n d ly d e n o u n c e d astrologers’ attem pts to p re­ d ict the en d o f the Schism o r th e co m in g o f A n tichrist.93 W orse still to H enry, T elesphorus had claim ed th a t p ublishing his vision w o u ld help to restore peace to th e ch u rc h . H e n ry pro tested , h o w e v e r, th a t “ such prophecies, m ade w ith th e in terv e n tio n o f diabolical craft, do n o t w o rk to w ard peace, b u t rather, delaying peace, p ro lo n g th e controversy and fu rth e r stren g th en th e discord in p e o p le ’s h earts.”94 R efu sin g to hazard any o p in io n o n th e tim e o f the apocalypse,· H en ry suggested th at th ere w ere always signs o f its approach, so th at m e n w o u ld c o n ­ stantly live in fear o f the L a stJu d g m e n t.95 B eatrice H irsc h -R e ic h , w h o p o in te d o u t th e change in H e n ry ’s attitudes ab o u t prop h ecy , suggested th at it m ig h t b e explained by th e op p o sitio n o f fellow academ ics as w ell as th e p ro -F re n c h bias o f T elesp h o ru s’s treatise. M arjorie R eev e s has p ro p o sed th a t his attack o n T elesphorus represents a disillusionm ent w ith p ro p h e c y and a p ro fo u n d pessim ism a b o u t th e c h u rc h ’s fu tu re .96 H e n ry had d eclared firm ly in 1392 th a t h e foresaw n o g reat refo rm atio n o f the c h u rc h p rio r to th e death o f A n tichrist b u t anticipated a c o n tin u e d declin e.97 It w o u ld seem , h o w ev er, th at H e n ry ’s treatise also expressed the sense that an apocalyptic in terp re ta tio n o f present events served only to h in d e r efforts to end th e Schism .

Indeed , b y 1394, H e n ry h ad a b a n d o n e d his g rim v iew o f the po st-S ch ism ch u rch . In th a t y ear h e w ro te a le tte r to P ierre d ’Ailly, as c h an cello r o f the U niversity o f Paris. I f w e h o ld th a t th e c h u rc h w ill only decline after th e e n d o f the Schism , o r w ill be re sto re d to less th a n its fo rm e r v irtu e , h e d eclared, p eo p le may strive less ferv en tly fo r its u n io n an d th e re sto ratio n o f peace. “ It sh o u ld be held to b e m o re lik ely ,” he c o n tin u e d , “ th a t G o d , . . . w h e n he decrees the ch u rch is to be lib e ra te d fro m th e evil o f schism atic p e rse c u tio n w ith w h ic h he has by m easu re d istu rb e d it, certain ly shall re fo rm it fo r th e b e tte r.” 98 H e n ry , like P ierre d ’Ailly, h a d c o m e to rec o g n iz e th e n e e d for calm , clear th in k in g to b rin g an en d to th e Schism . A p o caly p tic p re d ic tio n s o f fu tu re g lo o m fo r th e c h u rc h w e re sim ply o f n o h e lp . As did m o st o f C h riste n d o m , d ’A illy v ie w e d th e o u tb re a k o f th e G re a t Schism as a sign o f A n tic h rist’s a p p ro ach and desperately searched eschatological w riters for clues to w h e n th e fie n d w o u ld arrive. “ O th e rs d u rin g this S ch ism ,” H e n ry o f L an g en stein n o te d , “ h av e b e g u n to speak as i f p ro p h e ts o r soothsayers, o r m o re truly, diviners. T o th e ir p re d ic tio n s, o r m o re truly, e m p ty talk, all have given th e ir ears.” 99 D ’A illy fo u n d in au th o rs like H ild e g a rd o f B in g e n and Jo a c h im o f F io re c o n firm a tio n o f his increasingly apocalyptic sen tim en ts d u rin g those early years o f th e Schism . H e sc ru tin iz e d su ch w ritin g s an d p re a c h e d th e im m in e n c e o f A n tic h rist’s reign. In w ritin g s d a tin g fro m th e years 1400 to 1414, d ’A illy reex a m in ed his earlier apocalypticism . In th e m o n th s p re c e d in g th e o p e n in g o f th e C o u n c il o f C o n ­ stance, he d ared to p ro p o se th a t th e E n d w as n o t at h an d . D ’A illy n o w lay d o w n the elem en ts o f a system b y w h ic h to p re d ic t A n tic h rist’s a d v e n t using astrology, an en d e a v o r h e h ad ro u n d ly re je c te d in his early years. “A lth o u g h h u m a n c e rti­ tude c a n n o t b e h a d a b o u t his a d v e n t,” d ’A illy n o w w ro te , “no n eth eless, by in d e te rm in a te ly saying h e w ill co m e a b o u t th a t tim e w e can have plausible c o n ­ je c tu re an d likely in d ic a tio n b y astrological ju d g m e n ts .” 100 D ’A illy’s astrological conclusions ag reed w ith his n e w in te rp re ta tio n o f th e c u rre n t situ atio n . O n th e eve o f th e C o u n c il o f C o n sta n c e , h e sensed th e c h u rc h was at a crucial p o in t. O n ly i f th e c o u n c il c o u ld find a re m e d y to th e S chism co u ld th e p e rse c u tio n o f A n tich rist b e forestalled. A stro lo g y c o n firm e d d ’A illy in his b e lie f th at the c o u n ­ cil w o u ld resto re peace in th e c h u rc h , fo r th e stars to ld h im th a t A n tich rist w o u ld n o t arrive u n til 1789. S ecu re in his n e w eschatology, b ac k ed u p by his astrological calculations, d ’A illy p re a c h e d in his o p e n in g serm o n at C o n stan ce a message o f jo y a n d h o p e . A stro lo g y an d eschatological sp eculations c o n tin u e d to be lin k ed in d ’A illy’s m in d in his treatise o n th e p ersecu tio n s o f th e c h u rc h c o m p le te d in 1418. In this final stu d y o f th e Last T h in g s, d ’A illy w as at last able to u n d e rsta n d the place o f the Schism in th e p ro g ra m fo re to ld b y R e v e la tio n . In an in te rp re ta tio n th at atte m p te d to b le n d S crip tu ral exegesis w ith astrological calculations, h e d e ­ scribed th e Schism in term s o f R e v e la tio n ’s w h o re o f B abylon. F o llo w in g its

end, he p red icted , th e c h u rc h w o u ld ex p erien ce the consolation o f a p erio d o f peace and refo rm atio n . D ’A illy rep eated his astrological p red ic tio n th at A n ti­ christ w o u ld arrive in th e year 1789, b u t he darkly w arn ed o f changes to com e in th e n e x t o n e h u n d re d years. In th e years after 1400, th e n , d ’A illy b egan to o b ject to th e n o tio n th at the w o rld was n ear its E n d . H e h a d e n c o u n te re d disturbing b e h av io r associated, at least in his m in d , w ith apocalyptic beliefs: th e sect o f the homines intelligentiae in his o w n diocese an d th e flagellants w h o acco m panied V in c en t F errer in his travels. A t th e sam e tim e, d ’Ailly h ad co m e to realize that an em phasis o n the im m in en ce o f A n tich rist’s reig n sto o d in th e w ay o f his attem pts to end the Schism . D ’Ailly n o w stressed th at it was an e rro r to v ie w the fu tu re as im m utable and u rged that a p ro p e r rem ed y for th e Schism co u ld save th e church. B eliev in g th a t th e apocalypse was at h an d called fo r a collective despair fo r w h ic h th e only rem ed y was an individual response, to pray and re p en t for o n e ’s o w n sins. I f th e Schism w ere in d eed th e discessio o f S cripture, th e n th e schism atic ch u rc h (the R o m a n o b ed ien ce in d ’A illy’s m ind) w o u ld rep resen t the false proph ets h eralding A n tichrist. T o h o ld council w ith th e m w o u ld be u n th in k ­ able and, given an im m u tab ly im p e n d in g apocalypse, o f little use. By contrast, if a re fo rm a tio n o f th e c h u rch could avert th e disaster prep ared fo r m e n , th e n the rem ed y fo r th e crisis w o u ld b e som e so rt o f collective p enance. T o g eth er, C hris­ tians m ust heal th e Schism an d refo rm th e ch u rc h . T h e idea th at th e apocalypse m ig h t b e p o stp o n e d re m o v e d th e despair th a t h a d p rev en ted som e from w o rk ­ in g to e n d th e Schism . F u rth er, b y this in te rp re ta tio n th e m em bers o f th e schis­ m atic c h u rc h w e re m erely sinful h um ans an d n o t the m inions o f A ntichrist. D ’A illy’s revised v ie w o f th e Schism p o in te d to w a rd th e co u n cil as solution. In 1394 th e faculty o f th e U n iv ersity o f Paris o u tlin ed th re e possible rem edies to th e Schism : th e via cessionis, w h e re b y th e tw o popes w o u ld b o th abdicate; the via compromissi, w h ere b y an im partial g ro u p o f arbiters w o u ld ju d g e the m atter; and th e via condlii, w h e re b y a general council o f th e c h u rc h w o u ld adjudicate. T h e th ird o f these was seen as th e m ost e x tre m e , and least desirable, solution. G erso n adv o cated th e first tw o m o d es o f dealing w ith th e Schism u n til as late as 1408. Interestingly, he te rm e d th e m th e via poenitentiae (the w ay o f personal p en an c e ).101 T h e shift th a t the Parisian theologians u n d e rw e n t d u rin g the years o f Schism , fro m hesitation a b o u t to em brace o f th e co nciliar so lution, in som e w ay parallels d ’A illy’s even tu al dissatisfaction w ith apocalypticism . T h e apocalyptic v iew o f the Schism in d icated personal p en an ce as th e o n ly possible response. In calling u p o n his audiences to re p e n t because th e Ju d g m e n t was at hand, m ig h t d ’A illy n o t also have h o p e d to persuade th e rival pontiffs to follow th e via poenitentiae and resign th e ir offices o r subm it to a b o a rd o fju d g es? A n d in m o n th s before the C o u n c il o f C o n stan ce, w h e n he u rg ed th a t p ro p e r actio n could po stp o n e the to rm en ts o f th e apocalypse, h e surely h o p e d to persuade his contem poraries to atten d th e cou n cil and to see it th ro u g h its task.

In revising his v iew o f th e Schism , d ’Aiily fo u n d in astrology a to o l w ith w h ic h to refu te p re d ic tio n s o f th e im m in e n c e o f th e E nd. T h e re in m ust lie the reason h e ch ose to p ro m u lg a te researches th a t, by his o w n adm ission, w e re so m e w h a t ey eb ro w -raisin g . “ N o w w e k n o w ,” h e w ro te , “ th at certain persons have o b je c te d th a t it w o u ld b e m o re suitable for o n e o f o u r profession, and also o u r age, to b e o c c u p ie d w ith th eo lo g ical ra th e r th an w ith these m athem atical studies.” 102 T o his critics d ’Ailly p ro te ste d th a t his w ritings “ p e rta in ed to th e utility o f th e c h u rc h .” 103 D ’A illy’s astrological researches stre n g th e n e d his c o n ­ v ictio n , in 1414, th a t th e c h u rc h w o u ld survive th e Schism to e n d u re m any years m o re . H e p ersev ered in his astrology because it w as fascinating to h im and because it gave h im h o p e a b o u t th e fu tu re . H e p u b licized his interests, w e m ust b elieve, because astrology c o u ld c o m b a t th o se apocalyptic beliefs w h ic h , as d ’A illy had c o m e to see, w ere im p e d im e n ts to e n d in g th e Schism .

CHAPTER

SEVEN

T h e C o n c o rd a n c e o f A stro lo g y a n d T h e o lo g y

P i e r r e d ’A i l l y lived in an age engulfed by crisis. Plague, fam ine, rebellion, political instability, w ar, e c o n o m ic depression, and Schism all left th e ir m ark on the E u ro p e o f his lifetim e. T h e m o m e n to u s o ccurrences o f his tim es forced d ’Ailly an d his co n tem p o raries to lo o k for n e w in terp retatio n s o f th e disasters and fo r in n o v ativ e m eth o d s o f solving th em . F or d ’Ailly, caught up in th e p o lit­ ical storm s o f th e G reat Schism and th e c o m p e tin g factions in France, the course o f events p ro v o k e d a reevaluation o f his th in k in g o n tw o fundam ental issues. First, he m o v e d from an in te rp re ta tio n o f th e S c h ism in apocalyptic term s to one in w h ic h healing the division w o u ld p o stp o n e the E nd. S econd, he d ro p p e d his early hesitations in favor o f a w h o le h e a rte d em brace o f astrology. In d eed , a key analytical to o l in d ’A illy’s reex am in atio n o f th e Schism was his k n o w led g e o f the stars. A strology em b o ld e n e d h im to claim , o n th e eve o f th e C o u n c il o f C o n ­ stance, th at th e Schism did n o t signal A n tich rist’s advent, b u t ra th er that the apocalypse lay e m b ed d ed in a series o f planetary events som e centuries in the future. W h y astrology? W h y , in particular, was scru tiny o f th e heavens so crucial to this churchman’s v iew o f th e Schism? T h e an sw er lies, it seem s, in d ’A illy’s co n ­ cordance o f astrology an d theo lo g y — th at is, first, in his insistence th a t astrology be co nsidered a “ natural th e o lo g y ” and, second, in his im plication, by the use he m ade o f the stars, that astrology was also a valid science, useful because it lay outside o f th e realm o f p ro p h ecy and revelation. T h a t is, he established astral causality to be an essential c o m p o n e n t o f th e d ivine plan, one entirely in k eep in g w ith th e central feature o f his theology, th e dialectic o f G o d ’s absolute and o rdain ed p o w e r. A n d yet, h e relied u p o n astrology to in te rp re t the apocalypse precisely because it was n o n th eo lo g ical. It offered h im evidence draw n from sources o th e r th an p ro p h ecy and rev elatio n , w h ich , as he argued, could be c o n ­ tradictory, pro b lem atic, and even deceptive. T h u s, d ’A illy’s attem pts to foresee th e fu tu re, using b o th p ro p h ecy and astrol­ ogy, h eark en ed back to his earliest theological speculations a b o u t G o d ’s fo re­ k n o w le d g e an d his o m n ip o te n c e . G o d ’s o m niscience, d ’Ailly had argued, did n o t rule o u t th e c o n tin g en cy o f th e fu tu re. T o preserve this latter p o in t, he insisted th at even divine revelations a b o u t th e fu tu re could n o t b e considered to be infallible predictions. G iv en th e u n certain ty o f even revealed statem ents, he m ay have h o p e d to find in d e p e n d e n t co n firm atio n o f prophecies by using as­ trology. By arg u in g th at o n e could apply astrological ju d g m e n ts to pro p h etic

statem en ts, d ’A illy m ad e stro n g claim s fo r th e science o f th e stars an d also u n d e r­ scored its c o n n e c tio n s w ith C h ristia n th eo lo g y . W as d ’A illy’s obsession w ith astrology also m o tiv a te d by som e p ro sp e c t o f e c o n o m ic o r p o litical gain? B e rn a rd G u e n e e , d ’A illy’s m o st re c e n t b io g rap h e r, has stressed th e m a n ’s skill an d a m b itio n as a p o litician , c itin g o p p o rtu n e m o ­ m ents o f sickness, w e ll-tim e d changes o f o p in io n , and friendships in high places.5 A n d y e t th e re is little in d ic a tio n th a t d ’A illy sto o d to gain a n y th in g m aterial fro m his use o f astrology; if a n y th in g , his in te re st in th e stars w o u ld seem to have b e e n a m a rk against h im .2 In d e e d , th ro u g h o u t th e p e rio d o f d ’A illy’s greatest in v o lv e m e n t w ith astrology (1414—15), th e o n ly h o n o rs re m a in in g fo r h im to w in w e re th e papacy an d p o sth u m o u s can o n iz atio n , n e ith e r o f w h ic h was a likely possibility. It is difficult to in te rp re t d ’A illy’s defense o f stellar causal­ ity as a p lo y fo r self-ag g ran d izem en t. F u rth e r, th e re is little ev id e n c e to in d icate th a t d ’A illy could have used astrol­ ogy in such m a n n e r e v en i f h e h a d d esired to d o so. G ra n te d , h e certainly k n e w h o w to ere c t an astrological fig u re. B u t it is n o t clear th at d ’A illy e v er stu d ied th e rules fo r in te rp re tin g o n e. W h e n h e in c lu d e d h o ro sco p es in his w ritin g s, h e m o st ofte n left in te rp re ta tio n o f th e ch art “ to m o re e x p e rie n c ed astro lo g ers.” 3 If d ’Ailly d id offer a p re d ic tio n based o n a figure o f th e heav en s, it w as invariably tak en v e rb a tim fro m so m e o th e r so u rc e .4 L o o k in g at th e p a tte rn o f b o rro w in g s fro m o th e r astrologers in d ’A illy’s treatises, o n e m ig h t reasonably in fer th a t he did n o t ev en read th e sections o f astrological prim ers d ealin g w ith rules for in te rp re ta tio n o f charts. In d e e d th e o n ly real astrological p re d ictio n s th a t d ’Ailly h im se lf e v e r m ad e w e re fo r th e ap p earan ce o f A n tich rist in 1789, th e b irth o f a n e w re lig io n a ro u n d th e y ear 1600, an d a v ag u e a d m o n itio n a b o u t g reat changes in th e C h ristia n relig io n w ith in th e n e x t o n e h u n d re d years.5 D ’A illy’s astrological p re d ic tio n s, e x c e p tio n a l as th ey w e re , are nonetheless revealing. T h e y c o n firm w h a t h e expressed to his readers: th a t h e v ie w e d astrol­ ogy as a science useful to stu d en ts o f th eo lo g y , p recisely because it c o u ld reveal th e b ro a d p a tte rn s o f th e past, p resen t, an d fu tu re . H is stu d y o f th e stars w as a rational a tte m p t to u n d e rsta n d th e tro u b les o f his age. It was an am b itio u s an d o p tim istic u n d e rta k in g . B y search in g astrology fo r th e o v e ra rc h in g stru ctu res o f earthly even ts, d ’A illy w as able to d iscern th e (to him ) tru e im p licatio n s o f the G re at S chism an d to offer his c o n te m p o ra ries c o m fo rt an d en c o u ra g e m en t. H u m a n reason h ad d e c ip h e re d th e m e a n in g o f th e crisis, and h u m a n efforts w o u ld b rin g it to an en d .

ASTROLOGY AS “NATURAL THEOLOGY”

A lth o u g h b e lie f in th e p o w e r o f th e stars w as n e a r universal in th e later M id d le A ges, th e accep tan ce o f b o th astrology an d th e C h ristia n relig io n inevitably en tailed frictio n . D ’A illy a c k n o w le d g e d these conflicts a n d a tte m p te d to resolve th e m b o th in his astrological w ritin g s an d , early in his career and in a m o re

general w ay, in his c o m m e n ta ry o n P e te r L o m b a rd ’s Sentences. T h e m ost o b v i­ ous p ro b lem was th at o f reco n cilin g astral d eterm inism and h u m a n free w ill, for if th e stars caused all th a t h ap p en ed o n earth, m an was un acco u n tab le fo r his sins. D ’Ailly also dealt w ith th e th reat to G o d ’s o m n ip o te n c e im plied by th e exis­ tence o f reg u lar an d p redictable laws o f n atu re. H is reso lu tio n o f such conflicts was n o w h e re entirely successful.6 G iv en his inability fully to answ er these issues, o n e m ig h t reasonably ask if d ’Ailly p u t m o re faith in the stars th an he did in C hristian revelatio n and p rophecy. D ’A illy’s astrological w ritings, as w e have seen, dealt broadly w ith the te n ­ sions b e tw e e n C hristian ity and th e science o f th e stars. F o llo w in g T h o m as A qui­ nas and o thers, d ’Ailly p ro te c te d h u m a n free w ill by e x e m p tin g it from the c o n tro l o f th e heavenly bodies. A strological theories, on th e o th e r hand, still h eld tru e because m en often acted u n d e r th e in fluence o f th e ir bodily passions. T o safeguard G o d ’s o m n ip o te n c e , d ’A illy insisted o n the o p eratio n o f b o th nat­ ural and supernatural causality in th e p resen t w o rld . G o d always has the ability, in this schem a, to bypass th e laws o f n atu re and to act in a supernatural or m iraculous m anner. In th e in te rv e n in g m o m en ts, th e laws o f n ature h o ld force, for w h ic h astrology rem ains a valid m eans o f in terp retatio n . If d ’A illy set o u t in general a co n co rd an ce o f astrology and theology, in a n u m b e r o f key passages his w o rd s betray th e unsteadiness o f his com prom ise. In particular h e seem s to have w o rrie d th at his acceptance o f astral causality m ight appear to con tain a b e lie f that ev ery th in g happens o f necessity. In o n e treatise he w arn ed the readers that h e ascribed n o th in g to “ fatal necessity,” b u t rath er “ to natural causality and inclin atio n , w h ic h the free w ill can resist in those m atters w h ich are subject to its faculty (w ith G o d ’s c o n c u rre n t aid); divine o m n ip o te n ce also can efFicaciously obviate th e sam e by a sole c o m m an d o f the w ill.”7 In this o n e sentence d ’Ailly b o th ack n o w led g ed th at astrology, carried to its logical ex trem e, w o u ld d eny free action to b o th m an an d G o d , and he lim ited the science to avoid this heresy. In o th e r w orks d ’A illy stressed the co n tin g en cy o f astrological pred ictio n s, as for exam ple in th e language w ith w h ic h h e qualified his forecast o f A n tich rist’s advent. “ I f th e w o rld shall have lasted to th at tim e, w h ic h G o d alone k n o w s,” h e w ro te , “ . . . it plausibly can be co n clu d ed that perhaps aro u n d th a t tim e A n tich rist w ill c o m e .” 8 D ’A illy’s balancing o f astral an d divine causality parallels an im p o rta n t aspect o f his theology. As w e have n o te d , theologians o f th e later M iddle Ages had lo n g acco m m o d ated the existence o f a p redictable w o rld o rd e r w ith an o m n ip o te n t deity b y distinguishing G o d ’s potentia absoluta (his absolute pow er) fro m his potentia ordinata (ordained p o w e r).9 It was a sh o rth a n d w ay o f expressing the b elief th at G o d can do m any things h e does n o t will to do. Potentia absoluta g u aranteed th a t th e C re a to r was in fact o m n ip o te n t, w hereas potentia ordinata assured that G o d w o u ld act in certain a g re e d -u p o n ways. T h e co v en an t by w h ic h G o d freely b o u n d h im self to act acco rd in g to his o rd a in e d p o w e r allow ed fo r predictable laws o f n atu re and, m o re im p o rtan t, o f salvation. F o r p ro p o n e n ts o f this type o f

th eo lo g y , su ch as d ’Ailly, W illiam o f O c k h a m , and G abriel B iel, o n ly G o d ’s free c h o ic e established w h a t w e re th e m e rito rio u s deeds th a t w o u ld earn salvation, b u t th e c o n c e p t o f potentia ordinata in su red th a t th e chosen path to grace w o u ld always be th e sam e o n e. D ’A illy e m p lo y e d such term s in his c o m m e n ta ry o n P e te r L o m b a rd ’s Sen­ tences (re q u ire d o f all w h o w o u ld attain th e ran k o f m aster in th eology) an d in o th e r w ritin g s. In th e Sentences c o m m e n ta ry o f 1376—77, h e d efin ed th e dialectic o f absolute an d o rd a in e d p o w e r in tw o ways. D e potentia absoluta, G o d co u ld do an y th in g th a t did n o t in v o lv e a co n tra d ic tio n . G o d ’s o rd a in e d p o w e r, on th e o th e r h a n d , en co m p assed th a t w h ic h G o d had o rd a in e d to b e d o n e in this w o rld o rd er; and a n y th in g th a t d id n o t c o n tra d ic t a tru th in H o ly S c rip tu re .10 In o th e r w o rd s, G o d has ag reed to act w ith in an established natural an d spiritual ord er, an o rd e r th a t exists o n ly because G o d has freely ch o sen it. T h e absoluta/ordinata d istin c tio n th u s p reserv ed b o th G o d ’s o m n ip o te n c e an d pred ictab le rules o f na­ tu re an d fo r salvation. T h r o u g h such te rm in o lo g y d ’A illy addressed o n a b ro ad scale th e q u estio n s th a t w o u ld b e im p licit in his later acceptance o f astrology, w h ic h , to o , o p p o se d th e c o u rse o f n a tu re to a n o m n ip o te n t G o d . O n e m ig h t reasonably ex p ect, th e re fo re , to fin d m e n tio n o f G o d ’s absolute and o rd a in e d p o w e r in d ’A illy’s defense o f G o d ’s o m n ip o te n c e vis-a-vis astral d eterm in ism . C urio u sly , h o w e v e r, h e n o w h e re uses these term s in his discus­ sions o f astrology. R a th e r he opposes th e n atu ral causality o f the stars w ith the su p ern atu ral causality at w o rk in events su ch as the b irth o f C h rist. Francis O ak ley has suggested th a t d ’A illy used th e w o rd “ su p ern atu rally ” as a sy n o n y m for “by th e ab so lu te p o w e r.” 11 F ro m this in feren ce O a k le y co n clu d es th at d ’Ailly in te n d e d th a t G o d ’s absolute p o w e r w as at w o rk in su p ern atu ral o c c u r­ rences su ch as m iracles, w h ile th e usual cou rse o f n a tu re (and, presum ably, as­ trology) fell w ith in th e p u rv ie w o f potentia ordinata. H a d this b e e n d ’A illy’s view , o n e w o u ld e x p e c t to fin d referen ce to G o d ’s ab solute p o w e r in those passages o f th e D e legibus et sectis in w h ic h d ’A illy e x e m p te d C h ristian ity fro m th e co n tro l o f th e stars. T h a t h e does n o t use such language suggests th a t he u n d e rsto o d th e distinc­ tio n in a m u c h m o re trad itio n al th eo lo g ical m a n n e r. Potentia absoluta, in this v iew , encom passes all o f th e logically possible choices originally o p e n to G o d . Potentia ordinata rep resen ts G o d ’s free c h o ic e to carry o u t o n ly som e o f these logically possible acts. W ith in G o d ’s o rd a in e d p lan, h o w e v e r, som e o ccu rren ces are n atu ral, th a t is, in v o lv in g natural causes such as astral in flu en ce, an d som e are su p ern atu ral o r m iracu lo u s. M iracles, th e n , re p re se n t a subset o f G o d ’s actions w ith in his o rd a in e d p o w e r an d n o t an in c u rsio n o f potentia absoluta. 12 T h is is, I b eliev e, th e sense b e h in d d ’A illy’s tw o fo ld d e fin itio n o f potentia ordinata cited earlier; in its tw o parts are e m b o d ie d th e n atu ral a n d sup ern atu ral causes o f his defense o f astrology. A lth o u g h this d istin c tio n re g a rd in g G o d ’s use o f his absolute p o w e r m ay ap­ p e ar to be little m o re th a n d ry th eo lo g ical d eb ate, it has b ro a d conseq u en ces for

o n e ’s view o f th e w o rld . M o d e rn scholars have, therefo re, quite rightly d ev oted m u ch atte n tio n to th e questio n o f w h e th e r late m edieval theologians believed G o d w o u ld actually use his absolute p o w e r to overrid e the present o rd e r o f things. In his theological w ritings d ’Ailly, as did his contem poraries, speculated o n w h a t things G o d co u ld d o by his absolute pow er. G o d has the ability, de potentia absoluta, for exam ple, to deceive m en , to save a person w h o lacks grace, and to dam n o n e w h o has it.13 T h e prospect o f a w orld in w h ich G o d capri­ ciously exercises his absolute p o w er can thus be quite a frig htening o n e. T h e older view o f the later M iddle Ages stressed ju st this possibility in its theology, charging m e n such as d ’Ailly w ith skepticism , fideism , and u n d e rm in in g the scholastic ach ie v e m en t.14 M o re re c e n t scholars have em phasized the dialectic o f potentia ordinata and potentia absoluta in this theo logy and have largely d o u b ted th a t m edieval theologians believed G o d w o u ld act de potentia absoluta in this w o rld , and certainly n o t in the arbitrary m a n n e r im plied in th eir speculations.1·"1 Leonard K ennedy recently has suggested th at in the Sentences com m entary, d ’Ailly did believe that G od w o u ld exercise his absolute p o w e r in this w o rld and th at to hold o therw ise w o u ld u n d u ly constrain the C reato r. A ccording to this author, d ’A illy’s view o f G o d led to a th o ro u g h skepticism .16 D ’Ailly’s later discussions o f astrology, ho w ev er, suggest a different in te rp reta tio n o f his th o u g h t. If he believed that the w o rld and its C re a to r w ere com pletely u n p re ­ dictable, th ere w o u ld have b e e n little reason for him to look to th e stars for guidance. F urther, d ’A illy’s discussions o f supernatural and natural causality w ith respect to astrology im ply his faith th at potentia ordinata always ruled th e w orld. In the De legibus et sectis, h e cited th e virgin b irth o f C hrist as an exam ple o f a supernatural e v e n t.17 Surely this central p o in t o f C hristian history fit w ith in b o th o f his definitions o f G o d ’s ordain ed p o w er. G o d had decreed it as part o f the present w o rld order, and it did n o t co n trad ict a Scriptural tru th . A lth o u g h he did n o t refer to G o d ’s potentia ordinata in his defense o f astrology, d ’Ailly im plied that G o d ’s co v en an t b o th established and guaranteed the present o rd e r o f things, inclu d in g astral causality. T h e theological distinction b etw een G o d ’s absolute and ord ain ed p o w e r c o n ­ tained a dialectical tension b etw een tw o view s o f G od. E xcessive stress o n G o d ’s absolute p o w e r could lead to skepticism and th e view that th e w o rld was in no w ay predictable o r consistent. Such a G o d co u ld seem an arbitrary, capricious, and frightening being. O verem p h asizin g th e o rd ained p o w er, h o w ev er, could in effect take aw ay G o d ’s o m n ip o ten ce by b in d in g h im to a certain, established rule. D ’Ailly, in m y view , ten d e d to w ard th e second o f these errors, sensing that this was a m o re understandable and reassuring w orld view. H e was certainly aw are that astrological causality co u ld th reaten divine freedom . T his realization was the reason, I believe, b e h in d statem ents such as d ’Ailly’s curious rem ark that “ G o d is th e tru e sage w h o alone rules the stars.” 18 A t crucial points in his discus­ sions o f astrology, d ’Ailly felt com pelled to n o d to the o m n ip o te n c e o f G o d before p ro ceed in g as if the laws o f natu re w o u ld always obtain.

A STR O LO G Y , PR O PH EC Y , A N D TH E C O N T IN G E N C Y O F T H E F U T U R E

D ’A illy’s d escrip tio n o f G o d ’s absolute a n d o rd a in e d p o w e r b o th u n d e rsc o re d th e tensio n s in v o lv e d in his d u b b in g astrology a “ natural th e o lo g y ” an d paved th e w ay fo r his fu tu re defense o f th e science. Sim ilarly, his early in v estig atio n o f th e p ro b le m o f G o d ’s fo re k n o w le d g e p ro v id e d a partial ex p lan atio n o f his later use o f astrology. In his Sentences c o m m e n ta ry , d ’Ailly d w elle d u p o n th e tensions b e tw e e n G o d ’s fo re k n o w le d g e an d h u m a n free w ill. I f G o d has certain k n o w l­ edge o f th e fu tu re , h o w is it th a t o n e ’s fu tu re actions are n o t necessary? A n xious to preserv e th e c o n tin g e n c y o f th e fu tu re , d ’A illy in effect lim ite d th e value o f p ro p h e c y b y insisting th a t ev en rev ealed statem ents a b o u t th e fu tu re w e re c o n ­ tin g e n t and fallible. H e th u s m ay h av e c o m e to em b race astrology precisely because it lay o u tsid e o f th e realm o f p ro p h e c y a n d th eo lo g y . In d e ed , th e resolu­ tio n o f th e tru e c h a ra c ter o f th e fu tu re also h a d im m ed ia te im p licatio n s fo r study o f th e apocalypse. T h e o lo g ia n s w h o discussed th e p ro b le m o f so-called fu tu re c o n tin g e n t statem en ts fre q u e n tly u sed as an ex am ple th e p ro p o sitio n “A n tich rist w ill e x ist.” In his c o m m e n ta ry o n L o m b a rd ’s Sentences, d ’A illy insisted o n b o th G o d ’s infallible k n o w le d g e o f th e fu tu re an d th e c o m p le te c o n tin g e n c y o f fu tu re events. H e ex p lain ed h o w th e tw o w e re n o t in c o m p atib le b y d e scrib in g G o d ’s existence o u tsid e o f tim e. Ju s t as o u r eyes give us k n o w le d g e a b o u t th e existence o f p re se n t th in g s, h e asserted, G o d ’s “ e y e ” is eternal, an d h e n c e has an im m e d i­ ate in tu itio n o f th e ex istence o f th in g s past, p re se n t, an d fu tu re .19 T h a t th e fu tu re was n o t p re d e te rm in e d , h o w e v e r, le d to so m e ra th e r in te re stin g conclusions. R e v e la tio n , fo r ex am p le, is fallible. G o d has th e ability de potentia ordinata to deceiv e m an in rev ealin g th e fu tu re .20 L ikew ise a su p p o sed p ro p h e c y can tu rn o u t n e v e r to have b e e n a p ro p h e c y in th a t it is possible th a t th e e v e n t it p re d ic te d w ill n o t h a p p e n . B y th e sam e p rin c ip le , d ’A illy adduces th at it w ill be w ith in A n tic h rist’s p o w e r to m ak e it th a t C h n s t w as n o t a p ro p h e t in th e things he p re d ic te d a b o u t A n tic h rist.21 W as p ro p h e c y to be trusted? C alvin N o rm o r e has suggested th a t d ’A illy h ad n o in te n tio n o f ru lin g o u t th e possibility o f certain rev elatio n . “W e can k n o w ,” h e explains, “ th a t G o d will not deceive us; w h a t w e ca n n o t k n o w (because it is false) is th a t G o d cannot d eceiv e u s.” 22 I f “A n tic h rist w ill exist” w as m e re ly an ex am ple fro m a scholastic exercise w h e n d ’A illy c o m m e n te d o n th e Sentences in 1376—77, it w as so o n to take o n ad d ed significance. T h e division in th e c h u rc h fro m 1378 o n , as w e have seen, served as a focus fo r apo caly p tic ex p ectatio n s. C hristians in all periods have b e en able to p o in t to th e sorry state o f h u m a n m orals as an in d ica tio n th at th e E n d is at h an d . B u t th e G re a t Schism a d d ed fu rth e r an d , to m any, c o n v in c in g p r o o f by ap p earin g to fulfill P a u l’s p re d ic tio n o f a discessio in 2 T hessalonians 2:3. D ’Ailly, as w e have seen, inv estig ated th e possible c o n n e c tio n s b e tw e e n th e Schism and

A ntich rist’s advent using Scripture, prophecies, and, later, astrology. A lthough originally sure th at th e Schism signaled the im m inence o f the apocalypse, he cam c to believe th a t p ro p e r action by C h riste n d o m could avert this disaster. T h e view o f th e Schism as a pream ble to A rm ageddon d ep en d ed u p o n a co m m o n in terp retatio n o f Scripture. As early as 1403 d ’Ailly suggested, h o w ­ ever, th at th e Schism be v iew ed as an o p p o rtu n ity for reform and n o t a necessary prelu d e to th e E n d .23 D id d ’A illy’s shift in his v iew o f the Schism m ean that he th o u g h t th e passage in 2 Thessalonians was an exam ple o f the deceptive revela­ tion h e discussed in his Sentences com m entary? H e perhaps n o w v iew ed that passage in th e light o f W illiam o f O c k h a m ’s view o f revelation (an interp retatio n he had explicitly rejected in th e co m m en tary on the Sentences), to w it, that any revelation co n tain ed a disguised co n d itio n al.24 H en ce, in this instance, the p re­ dictio n that A ntichrist w o u ld com e fo llo w in g a Schism d ep en d ed on the im ­ plied clause, “ unless th e Schism is h ealed .” O r perhaps he saw in th e apocalyptic view o f th e Schism th e sort o f in d irect and accidental decep tio n m e n tio n e d in the Sentences co m m entary, w h ic h occurs w h e n m en m isunderstand o r m isinter­ p re t rev elatio n .25 In this case, the p red ictio n o f 2 Thessalonians co u ld still be tru e, b u t it did n o t apply to th e c u rre n t Schism . D ’Ailly w o u ld n o t have had to lo o k to philosophical debates to explain aw ay th e vast bulk o f apocalyptic u tte r­ ances; th ey w e re sim ply exam ples o f the false p ro p h ecy ab o u t w h ich Scripture had w arned. In short, an intellectual o f d ’A illy’s tim e m ig h t, w ith good reason, be disap­ p o in te d w ith traditional religious ways o f k n o w in g ab o u t the future. A t best, revelation co u ld be am biguous, and o n e could n o t be certain o f having discov­ ered its p ro p e r in terp retatio n . F u rth er, p redictions n o t contained in Scripture could very w ell tu rn o u t n o t to have been prophecy. H e n ce they to o w ere n o t reliable. Finally, th ere was th e philosophical co nclusion debated in the universi­ ties that G o d could im m ediately de potentia absoluta o r m ediately de potentia ordinata prom u lg ate deceptive revelation. A ny o n e trained in that tradition could certainly questio n h o w accurate any statem en t a b o u t the future m ig h t be. In a tim e o f crisis, and particularly o n e w ith the eschatological overtones o f the G reat Schism , forecasting th e fu tu re tu rn o f events to o k o n particular im p o r­ tance. In such a circum stance th e lim itations o f visions, prophecies, and revela­ tion w o u ld doubtless b eco m e troublesom e. In d ’A illy’s case astrology offered a w ay o f co m p lem en tin g an d com pensating for th e shortcom ings o f o th e r ways o f lo ok in g at th e future. H e tu rn e d to astrology as he was changing his interp reta­ tio n o f the apocalyptic im plications o f th e G reat Schism . D ’Ailly in the years after 1400 c o u n te re d the ready eq u atio n o f the Schism w ith the discessio o f 2 Thessalonians an d d o u b te d those w o u ld -b e p ro phets w h o said A ntichrist had already b e e n b o rn . Y et m erely to substitute his view that a refo rm o f the ch u rch w ould w ard o ff th e apocalypse was to speak w ith in the same lim ited system o f revelation and prophecy. In o th e r w ords, d ’A illy could be m isinterpreting rev e­ lation ju s t as those w h o p red icted the im m in e n t E n d w ere. A strology provided

a glim pse o f th e fu tu re th a t was e x tern al to th e traditional religious w ays o f p re d ic tio n . It, to o , c o u ld err; G o d was o m n ip o te n t, th e fu tu re was c o n tin g e n t, and th e science w as co m p lic a te d . Y ct astrology h eld o u t a special appeal fo r d ’Ailly because it was so d ifferen t fro m th e o th e r m eans o f p re d ic tio n . B ecause astrology d id n o t rely o n rev elatio n , it c o u ld c o n firm d ’A illy’s n e w in te rp re ta ­ tio n o f events w ith o u t re fe re n ce to th e tro u b le so m e types o f p ro g n o sticatio n u p o n w h ic h th e o ld v ie w h a d d e p e n d e d .26 O n e m ig h t w ith reaso n ask w h e th e r d ’A illy in these years gave m o re c red en c e to astrology th a n he d id to p ro p h e c y . T h e an sw er is n o a n d yes. D ’A illy h im se lf certain ly w o u ld n o t h av e th o u g h t he placed astrology o v e r relig io n . H e b eh a v ed as if b o th astrology an d S crip tu re w e re valid indicators o f th e fu tu re , as for exam p le in his D e persecutionibus ecclesie (O n th e p ersecu tio n s o f the c h u rc h ), in w h ic h he used b o th m eans to investigate th e e n d o f th e w o rld . Y et it is d o u b tfu l th a t d ’A illy w o u ld have o r c o u ld h av e read in th e stars a fu tu re th a t co n tra d ic te d o r was n o t c o n ta in e d in S crip tu re. O n th e o th e r h an d , i f re v elatio n was su p erio r in p re d ic tin g what w as to pass in th e fu tu re , astrology, d ’A illy w o u ld seem to have th o u g h t, c o u ld give a b e tte r in d ic a tio n o f when. A gain, d ’A illy ’s astrological p re d ic tio n o f A n tic h rist is in stru ctiv e. T h e stars in d ic ated m erely th a t th e re was to be a g reat c h an g e in relig io n in 1789. O n ly S crip tu re to ld h im th a t this change w o u ld be led b y A n tich rist. B u t fo r th o se w h o in te rp re te d S crip tu re to say th at th e apocalypse w as im m in e n t, d ’A illy c o u ld p o in t to c o m p e llin g astrological ev id en ce th a t this e v e n t was still so m e tim e off. T h e p h ilo so p h ical an d th eo lo g ical debates o f th e fo u rte e n th -c e n tu ry u n iv e r­ sities u n d e rsc o re d th e difficulties in v o lv e d in p re d ic tin g th e fu tu re . T o p reserve th e c o n tin g e n c y o f th e fu tu re an d th e o m n isc ie n ce an d o m n ip o te n c e o f G o d , it was necessary to stress th e lim its o n m a n ’s k n o w le d g e o f w h a t was to co m e. It is difficult to k n o w ju s t to w h a t e x te n t his early discussions o f su ch issues p e n e ­ trated in to th e later th o u g h t o f a m a n like d ’Ailly. Y et th e pro b lem s w ith revela­ tio n an d p ro p h e c y can go a lo n g w ay to w a rd e x p la in in g th e appeal o f astrology to such a m in d . A stro lo g y serv ed to in d icate to d ’A illy th e b ro a d p a tte rn o f th e fu tu re at a tim e w h e n E u ro p e w as in th e m id st o f a crisis th a t largely was u n d e rs to o d in apocalyptic term s. T h e scien ce o f th e stars filled in som e o f the gaps in h u m a n k n o w le d g e left b y th e p h ilo so p h ical d e te rm in a tio n a b o u t fu tu re co n tin g en ts. P ierre d ’Ailly, th e n , liv ed in a w o rld filled w ith crisis, disaster, and dissolution, b u t fro m w h ic h th e re arose m a n y ratio n al, in n o v a tiv e responses. H e was a m an o f actio n , a significant fo rce in th e politics o f b o th th e U n iv e rsity o f Paris and th e ch u rch . Y et h e w as also a m a n o f th o u g h t. D ’A illy a tte m p te d to u n d erstan d the upheavals o f his tim es an d to in te rp re t th e m w ith in th e c o n te x t o f G o d ’s o v e r­ all p lan fo r th e w o rld . T o th a t en d h e u sed all o f th e m eans at his disposal: S crip tu re, p ro p h e c y , h istory, and, ev entually, astrology. H e saw in th e existence o f th e G re a t Schism a frig h te n in g sign th a t A n tic h rist’s ad v en t was near. B y using

astrology to investigate th e apocalypse, h e was able to locate th at ev en t in the safely distant future. D ’A illy treated astrology as if it w ere a science, one th at could be o f great use to theology. A synthesizer rath er th an an in n o v ato r, h e co n trib u te d little n ew to the d e v e lo p m e n t o f astrology, and y et his w o rk was cited and respected by fu ture readers. H e b elieved that h e lived in a w o rld th at was w holly co n tin g e n t u p o n G o d ’s will, b u t th at G o d had agreed th at the w o rld w o u ld adhere to a certain ord er. H e cam c to h o ld th a t a h u m a n science like astrology co u ld help us to u n d erstan d o u r w orld. A strology co n firm ed d ’A illy’s rejectio n o f his early apocalypticism . A strological calculations b u o y e d his spirits in th e m o n th s p rio r to th e o p e n in g o f the C o u n c il o f C o n stan ce and gave h im h o p e th a t he and his colleagues w o u ld b rin g th e Schism to an end. T h ro u g h his study o f th e stars, d ’Ailly d iscerned th e Schism ’s tru e m eaning, In so doing, he affirm ed the p o w e r o f h u m a n reason to approach th e secrets o f G od.

A P P E N D I X

I

A N o t e o n th e A v a ila b ility o f d ’A illy ’s W ritin g s o n A s tro lo g y

d ’A illy’s g reat re p u ta tio n b o th b e fo re a n d after his d eath , m an y o f his w o rk s w e re e d ite d in th e early years o f p rin tin g and in su b se q u e n t centuries as w ell. A lth o u g h th e d e m a n d was g reatest fo r d ’A illy’s p h ilo so p h ical, th e o lo g i­ cal, an d ecclesiological w ritin g s, his m a jo r astrological treatises survive in at least tw o incun ab lcs. (S alem bier alludes to a th ird e d itio n , b u t it is n o t clear th a t any copies o f this p rin tin g rem ain .) H is astrological w o rk s also circu lated w id ely in m an u scrip t fo rm , g en erally all g ro u p e d to g e th e r w ith o th e r w o rk s on like sub­ je c ts .1 F o r m o st o f d ’A illy’s scientific treatises, o n e has a w id e c h o ic e o f w h e re to read th e m . W h a t follow s is a h ig h ly selective in v e n to ry o f m y o w n sources fo r d ’A illy’s w ritin g s o n th e stars. I have g ro u p e d this listing in to th re e categories: m o d e rn editio n s, early p rin te d e d itio n s, and m anu scrip ts. P articularly in th e la tte r tw o categories, I m ak e n o claim s to co m p leten ess, fo r th e catalogue w o u ld b e e n o r­ m ous. In E rn st Z in n e r ’s c o m p ila tio n o f astro n o m ical m anuscripts in G e rm a n ic lands, fo r ex am p le, th e re are e ig h ty en tries d e v o te d to P ie rre d ’A illy alone. F o r fuller details, o n e sh o u ld tu rn to S alem b ier’s b ib lio g rap h ies o f 1886 and 1932, P ale m o n G lo rie u x ’s b ib lio g rap h ical n o te o f 1965, an d T h o rn d ik e and K ib re ’s catalogue o f L atin scientific m an u scrip ts.2 B ecause of

M o d e r n E d itio n s 1706. Jc a n G c rso n . Opera omnia. E d ite d b y L ouis Ellies D u p in . 5 vols. A n tw erp : S u m p tib u s societatis. D u p in e d ite d a n u m b e r o f d ’A illy ’s treatises, letters, an d serm o n s. T h e re are m an y erro rs in his ed itio n , h o w e v e r, a n d w h e n I h av e used his tex t, I have c h e c k e d it against m a n u sc rip t sources. O f d ’A illy’s w ritin g s o n th e stars, D u p in ’s e d itio n co n tain s: D e legibus et sectis contra superstitiosos astronomos D e falsis prophetis tractatus duo Principium in cursum Bibliae Sermo de adventu (D e c e m b e r 1414) Epistola adJoannem Gersonium (Incipit: “ P o stq u a m scrip seram . . .”) Epistola ad Papatn Joannem X X I I I (Incipit: “D u d u m . . .”)

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APPENDIX

I

1728—36. C harles du Plessis d ’A rg en tre, ed. CoUectio judiciorum de nouis erroribus. 3 vols. Paris: L am b ert C o ffin . C o n tain s d ’A illy’s Errores scctae hominum intelligentiae an d reco rd s o f th e trial o f the astrologer S y m o n de Pharcs. 1761. E tie n n e B aluze. Miscellanea novo ordine digcsta: Tomus secundus— M onumenta Sacra. Lucca: V inccntiu s Ju n c tim u s. A n o th e r ed itio n o f d ’A illy’s Errores scctae hominum intelligentiae. 1877. P aul T sch ack ert. Peter von Ailli: Z u r Geschichte desgrossen abendlandischen Schisma und der Reformeoncilien von Pisa und Constanz. G o th a: F ried rich A ndreas P erthes. R e p rin t. A m sterdam : R o d o p i, 1968. T sch ack ert prints excerpts fro m a n u m b e r o f d ’A illy’s w o rks in his a p p en d ix , including: Scrmo in die omnium sanctorum (N o v e m b e r I , 1416) Sermo de heato Bernardo 1889. Paul F redericq, ed. Corpus doeumcntorum inquisitionis haeretieaepravitatis Neerlandicac. 5 vols. G h en t: J. V uylsteke. Also prints d ’A illy’s Errores sectae hominum intelligentiae. 1904. N o e l Valois. “ U n o u v rag e in e d it de P ierre d ’Ailly, Ie De persecutionibus ecclesiae.” BibIiotheque de VEcole des Chartes 65: 557—74. Prints extensiv e excerpts. 1930. E d m o n d B u ro n , ed. Im ago m u n d i de Pierre d ’A illy: Texte Iatin et traduction fran(aise des quatre textes cosmographiques de d 'A illy et des notes marginales de Cristophe Colomb. Etude sur Ies sources de Vauteur. 3 vols. Paris: M aiso n n eu v e Freres. 1948. E. F. K eeber, trans. Imago m undi [of Pierre d ’Ailly]. W ilm in g to n , N .C .: L inprint. 1960—73. Je a n G erson . Oeuvres completes. E d ite d b y P aIem o n G lo rieu x . 10 vols. Paris: D esclee & C ie. G lo rieu x ed ited letters b e tw e e n G erso n a n d d ’Ailly, in c lu d in g d ’A illy’s Apologia astrologiae defensiva ad Joannem Cersonium a n d Epistola ad Joannem Gersonium (Incipit: “ P o stq u am scripseram . . .” ). 1972. P alem o n G lo rieu x . “ D e u x elogues de la saint ecritu re p ar P ierre d ’A illy.” Melanges de science religieuse 29: 113—29. F ren ch translation o f d ’A illy’s Principium in cursum Bibliae. 1986. O la f Pluta. D ie philosophische Psychologic des Petervon A illy: E in Beitrag zu r Geschichte der Philosophie des spaten Mittelalters. B o c h u m e r S tu d ien z u r P h ilo so p h ic, 6. A m ster­ dam : B. R . G riiner. C o n tain s an ed itio n o f d ’A illy’s De anima. ----------- . M arg u erite C h ap p u is. Le Traite de Piene d ’A illy sur la Consolation de Boece. (In p reparation). C h ap p u is discussed h e r p lan n ed e d itio n o f d ’A illy’s Tractatus utilis super Boecii de consolatione philosophie in an article in Freiburser Zeitschrift fur Philosophic und Theolosie 31 (1984): 8 9 -1 0 7 .

E a rly P r in te d E d itio n s M an y o f th e w orks I discuss are fo u n d in th re e in cu n ab u lar collections o f d ’A illy’s w ritings. Tractatus de imagine m u n d i et varia ejusdem auctoris et Joannis Gersonis opuscuia. L ouvain:

Jo h a n n de W estphalia, ca. 1483. T h is is th e v o lu m e o f d ’A illy’s w ritin g s read an d a n n o ta te d by C o lu m b u s. F o r th at reason, m any copies o f this b o o k are in A m erican library collections. F u rth erm o re, a lim ited n u m b e r o f facsimiles o f C o lu m b u s’s c o p y w e re m ade in 1927: Im ago m u n d i by Petrus de A liaco (Pierre d ’A illy ) with annotations by Christopher Cohtinbus (B oston: M assachusetts H istorical Society, 1927). T h e v o lu m e co n tain s th e fo llo w ­ ing w orks by d ’Ailly: Imago m undi EpiIogus mappe m undi D e legibus et sectis contra superstitiosos astronomos D e correctione kalendarii D e vero ciclo lunari Cosmographie tractatus duo V igintiloqnium de concordantia astronomice veritatis cum theologia D e concordia astronomice veritatis et narrationis hystorice Elucidarium astronomice corcordie cum theologia et cum hystorica narratione Apologetica defensio astronomice veritatis A lia secunda apologetica defensio eiusdem Tractatus de concordia discordantium astronomorum Concordantia astronomie cum theologia. Concordantia astronomic cum hystorica narratione. E t ehtcidarium duorum precedentium. A ugsburg: E rh ard R a td o lt, 1490.

R a td o lt specialized m p rin tin g astrological w orks. F o r th e th re e treatises th a t it contains, his ed itio n is vastly preferable to th e 1483 v o lu m e a b o v e, w h o se te x t is faulty at tim es. Tractatus et sermones. Strasbourg: [P rin te r o fjo rd a n u s de Q u e d lin b u rg ], 1490.

T h is is a large co llectio n o f w ritings b y d ’Ailly. A n earlier e d itio n o f this w o rk was p rin te d in Brussels in 1484. A m o n g its c o n ten ts are: D e anima Sermo de beato Dom inico confessore *

Sermo Sermo Sermo Sermo

de beato Francisco confessore prim us de adventu dom ini (O n : “E cce salvator tuus v e n it”) secundus de adventu (D e c em b e r 1414) (tertius) de quadruplici adventu dom ini et specialiter de adventu ad indicium

(D ecem b er 1385) T h e fo llo w in g w orks exist in m an y early printings. I n o te h e re th e editions I have used. P ierre d ’Ailly. Quaestiones super Iibros Sententiarum cum quibusdam in f i n e adjunctis. Stras­ bo u rg : n .p ., 1490. R e p rin t. F rankfurt: M in erv a, 1968.

P ierre d ’Ailly. Questiones Magistri Petri de Ayiliaco cardinalis cameracensis superpritnum, tertium et quartum libros sententiarum. Paris: Je a n P etit, 1505(?). B o th v olum es co n ta in , in te r alia, d ’A illy’s Sentences c o m m e n ta ry an d his Principium in cursum Bibliae. P ierre d ’Ailly. [Questiones o n S ac ro b o sco ’s Sphera]. In J o a n n e s d e S acro b o sco , Uberrimum sphere muudi commentum intersertis etiam questionibus domini Petri de Aliaco. Paris: Jean P etit, 1498. P ierre d ’Ailly. Tractatus Petri de Eliaco episcopi Cameracensis super libros metheororum de impressionibus aeris. A c de hijs quae in prima, secunda, atque tertia regionibus aeris fiu n t. Stras­ bourg: Jo h a n n e s Prtis, 1504. P ierre d ’Ailly. Tractatus de anima. Paris: Je a n P etit, 1505. M a n u s c r i p t S o u rc e s I have also con su lted th e fo llo w in g m anuscripts, b o th to ch ec k th e accuracy o f th e various editions o f d ’A illy’s w ritin g s an d to read w o rk s th a t have n e v e r b e e n (or have b e e n only partially) edited. C racow . B ibliotcka Jagicllonska. M S 575, fols. 1 0 8 r - l l l r ; M S 584, fols. 5 6 r-5 9 r; and M S 586, fols. 66v—70r. T h ese are all fifte e n th -c e n tu ry m an u scrip ts c o n ta in in g scientific w ritin g s by d ’Ailly. A t the folios in d icated each co n tain s a w o rk o n c o n ju n ctio n s b y d ’Ailly, b eg in n in g “ P ro dcclaratio n e d ecern d ictaru m fig u raru m . . . ” T h ese are th e only k n o w n copies o f this w o rk . M arseilles. B ib lio th eq u c M u n icip ale. M S 1156, fols. 1—8; 11—30. T his is the sole m an u scrip t copy o f d ’A illy’s D e persecutionibus ecdesie, fro m w h ic h Valois p u blished his partial e d itio n in 1904. Valois om its m u c h o f th e astrological section o f th e treatise. Paris. B ib lio th eq u e N atio n a le . M S Lat. 3122. T h is is an im p o rta n t co llectio n o f w ritin g s fro m th e early years o f d ’A illy’s career, assem bled for his o w n use. T h e treatises th e re in date fro m 1372 to 1388 o r 1394. D ’A illy w illed this m an u scrip t to th e C o lleg e o f N av arre at his death . A m o n g its co n ten ts are: Sermo de adventu (O n : “ S citote q u o n ia m re g n u m dei . . .”) Sermo de beato Bernardo (o f w h ich T sch ac k ert prints excerpts) D e Jalsis prophetis tractatus duo (this is th e m an u scrip t u p o n w h ic h D u p in bases his ed itio n o f these treatises) Tractatus utilis super Boecii de consolatione philosophie (this is th e best an d fullest version o f th e tex t, acco rd in g to C happuis) V atican C ity. B iblioteca A postolica Vaticana. M S R e g . lat. 689A . P ublished in facsimile. G ilb e rt O u y . Le recueil epistolaire autographe de Pierre d ’A illy ct Ies notes d ’ltalic de jea n de Montreuil. U m b rae C o d ic u m O c cid e n ta liu m , 9. A m ster­ dam : N o rth -H o lla n d , 1966. T h is m an u scrip t co n tain s a copy, in d ’A illy’s o w n h an d , o f his Epistola ad Papain Joannem X X I I I (Incipit: “D u d u m . . .” ).

V ie n n a . O s te rr e ic h is c h e N a tio n a lb ib h o th e k . M S 5 1 3 8 . T h e m a n u s c rip t da te s fro m 147 4 . I t c o n ta in s a n u m b e r o f a stro lo g ic al w o rk s , in c lu d in g th e fo llo w in g b y d ’A ihy: D e concordantia theologiae et astronomiae (— Vigintiloquium) D e concordantia astronomiae et historiae Elucidarium astronomicae concordiae cum theologica et historica vcritate Apologeticae defensiones duae astronomicae veritatis O pusculw n de themate coelesti tempore creationis et de conjunctionibus insequentibus {— D e figura inceptionis m undi . . . T h is w o r k has n e v e r b e e n p rin te d .) D e concordantia discordantium astronomorum V ie n n a . O s te rre ic h is c h e N a tio n a lb ib h o th e k . M S 5 2 6 6 . T h is m a n u s c rip t da te s fro m th e fifte e n th c e n tu ry , a fte r 1 4 3 4 . It c o n ta in s a large n u m b e r o f a stro lo g ic a l a n d a stro n o m ic a l w o rk s , m o s t o f w h ic h are b y d ’Ailly. O f d ’A illy ’s w o rk s , th e r e are: D e concordantia astronomicae veritatis cum thealogia (= V igintiloquium ) D e concordia astronomiae cum historia E lucidam itn astronomicae concordiae cum theologica et historica veritate Apologetica defensio prim a astronomicae veritatis Apologetica defensio altera astronomicae veritatis D e figura inceptionis m undi et conjunctionibus sequentibus (n e v e r p rin te d ) D e concordia discordantium astronomorum D c lcgibus et sectis contra superstitiosos astronomos E xhortatio ad concilium generale Constantiense super kalendarii correctione

APPENDIX

2

A C h ro n o lo g y o f d ’A illy ’s W o rk s D e a lin g w ith A stro lo g y

In c a s e s w h e re d ’Ailly h im self p u t a date o n th e w o rk , I sim ply give th e date w ith o u t c o m m e n t. F or the o th e r w orks, w h e re the tim e o f co m p o sitio n is only appro x im ate, see the notes. Lost are a serm o n o n “ Vidim us stellam eius in oriente,” m e n tio n e d in d ’A illy’s Apologetica defensio astronomice veritatis (I); D e astronomia, m e n tio n e d in D e anim a ; and Elucidationes in astronomicon M anilii (V enice, 1490). T h e tw o latter are indicated in Paul T schackert, P etervon A illi: Z u r Geschichte des grosser! abendlandischen Schisma und der Refonnconcilien von Pisa und C o n sta n z

(G otha: F riedrich A ndreas P erthes, 1877; rep r., A m sterdam : R o d o p i, 1968), pp. 358, 360; an d Salem bier 1886, pp. xxiii, xxv. T h e Elucidationes in astronomicon M anilii indicated by Salem bier an d T sch ack ert does n o t appear in th e British Library’s Incunable S h o rt T itle C atalo g u e (the B L A IS E -L IN E IS T C ). G iven th at M anilius was rediscovered b y Poggio B racciolini only in 1416, it is possible th at d ’Ailly read and c o m m e n te d o n his w o rk before his death in 1420, b u t equally likely that such a c o m m en tary n ev er existed o r was m erely attrib u ted to d ’Ailly. O th e r significant events in d ’A illy’s career appear in brackets. [1367] Fall 1375 Between 1372 and Between 1372 and Between 1372 and [1376-77] Between 1377 and Between 1377 and [April 11, 1381] Between 1378 and [1384] December 3, 1385 [1389] [1395] [1396] [1397] [1403] [1409] August 12, 1410

[Licentiate in arts]

1381 1381

Prineipium in cursum Biblie1 Tractatus super libros metheororum de impressionibus aeris2 Questiones on Joannes de Sacrobosco’s Sphera3 Sermo de adventu domini (On: “Ecce salvator tuus venit”)4 [Commentary on Peter Lombard’s Sentences] De anima5 Tractatus utilis super Boecii de consolatione philosophic

1388

D e falsis prophetis II1

1396 1395? 1395

[Licentiate in theology] [Rector o f the College of Navarre] Sermo (tertius) de quadruplici adventu domini et specialiter de adventu ad iudiciuma

[Chancellor o f the University o f Paris] [Bishop o f Le Puyj [Bishop ofN oyon] [Bishop o f Cambrai] [De materia concilii generalis] [Council o f Pisa] Imago mundil)

CHRONOLOGY

OF D'AILLY'S

WORKS

137

1410 Epilogus mappe mundi D e c e m b e r 24, 1410 De legibus et sectis contra superstitiosos astronomos,(l [June 6, 1411] [Cardinal] [January 10, 1412] [Apologia conalii Pisam\ 1414 Vigintiloquium (= Concordantia astronomie cum theologia)" M a y 10, 1414 Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narrations12 J u n e 18, 1414 Epistola ad Papain Joannem XXIII (Incipit: " D u d u m . . .") S e p t e m b e r 24, 1414 Elucidariumn S e p t e m b e r 26, 1414 Apologetica defensio astronomice veritatis O c t o b e r 3, 1414 Alia secunda apologetica defensio eiusdem 1414 Pro declaratione decern dictarum figurarum14 1414 Defigura inceptionis mundi et coniunctionibus mediis sequentibus]S> [ N o v e m b e r 1414] [ O p e n i n g o f t h e C o u n c i l of C o n s t a n c e ] D e c e m b e r 2, 1414 Sermo de adventu ( O n : " E r u n t signa in sole . . , " ) ' 6 January 5, 1415 De concordia discordantium astronomorum17 N o v e m b e r 1, 1416 Sermo in die omnium sanctorum18 [May 30, 1417] [Modus seu forma elegendi Summum Pontificem] 1418 De persecutionibus ecclesie19 D e c e m b e r 1419 Apologia astrologiae defensiva20 D e c e m b e r 1419 Epistola ad Joannem Cersonium (Incipit: " P o s t q u a m scripseram . . .") 2 1

Abbreviations

d ’A illy 1490

PL S ale m b ic r 1886 T h o rn d ik e , H M E S

a. diff. q. tr. v.

Concordantia astronomie cum theologia. Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione. E t elucidarium duortim precedentium. A ugsburg : E rh a rd R a td o lt, 1490. J--P - M ig n e , ed. Patrologiae cursits completus. Series latuia. Paris: G a rn ie r F ratres, 1844—64. L ouis S alem bier. Petrus de Alliaco. Lille: J . L efb rt, 1 886. L y n n T h o r n d ik e . A H istory o f Magic and Experim ental Science. 8 vols. N e w Y o rk : C o lu m b ia U n iv e rsity P ress, 1923—58. articulus differentia quaestio tractatus verbum; verbi (in re fe re n c e to P ie rre d ’A illy ’s Vigintiloquium an d p s e u d o -P to le m y ’s Centiloquium , b o th o f w h ic h arc d iv id e d in to verbi an d n o t chapters)

In th e early p rin te d ed itio n s o f P ierre d ’A illy’s w o rk s, th e pages are n o t n u m ­ b e re d . I have c ite d th ese w o rk s by sig n a tu re an d fo lio n u m b e rs. W h e n th ese in d ic atio n s are la ck in g , I h av e assigned n u m b e rs in b rack ets, fo llo w in g th e se­ q u e n c e in th e v o lu m e ; fo r ex a m p le , fol. [a5r] w o u ld fo llo w im m e d ia te ly after fob a4v.

N o te s

Chapter One Introduction 1. See esp. S am uel E h o t M o riso n , Adm iral o f the Ocean Sea: A Life o f Christopher C olum ­ bus (B oston: L ittle, B ro w n , 1942), e.g ., p. 6, w h e re h e describes “ th e C o lu m b u s o f a c tio n , th e D isc o v e re r w h o h e ld th e key to th e fu tu re in his h a n d , an d k n e w in exactly w h ic h o f a m illio n possible k ey h o les it w o u ld tu rn th e lo c k .” 2. E .g ., K irk p atric k Sale, The Conquest o f Paradise: Christopher Columbus and the C olum ­ bian Legacy (N e w Y ork: K n o p f, 1990), p p . 17—18: “ It is h ard to k n o w fro m his [C o lu m ­ b u s’s] later w ritin g s exactly w h a t im p elled th o se d ream s, b u t th e stan d ard h isto ria n s’ line th a t th e E u ro p e a n c o n q u e st o f A m erica w as d riv e n b y ‘G o d , g o ld , an d g lo ry ’ w o u ld seem to b e p re tty m u c h o n th e m ark in this case. . . . H is d e d ic a tio n to g o ld . . . w o u ld e v en d e te rm in e th e co u rse o f every o n e o f his e x p lo ra tio n s in th e C a rib b e a n .” 3. P au lin e M ofFit W atts, “ P ro p h e c y a n d D isco v ery : O n th e S piritu al O rig in s o f C h ris­ to p h e r C o lu m b u s ’s ‘E n te rp rise o f th e In d ie s,” ’ American Historical Reuiew 90 (1985): 93— 99, citin g C o lu m b u s ’s Libro de las Profecias (B o o k o f p ro p h ecies) an d th e ad m ira l’s p refa­ to ry le tte r to F erd in a n d an d Isabella. 4. W a tts’s article is th e first d escrip tio n o f C o lu m b u s ’s c a re e r fully to tak e in to a c c o u n t th e apocalyptic strain in his th o u g h t an d d ’A illy ’s in flu en ce in th a t m a tte r. C o lu m b u s ’s m arginal a n n o ta tio n s o n d ’A illy survive; th e y arc available in facsim ile in a n u m b e r o f A m erican libraries in Im ag o n iu n d i by Petrus de Aliaco (Pierre d ’A illy) with annotations by Christopher Columbus (B o sto n : M assachusetts H isto rical S ociety, 1927). F o r t h e in flu en ce o f d ’A illy’s g eographical w ritin g s o n C o lu m b u s, see Im ag o m u n d i de Pierre d ’A illy: Texte Iatiii et traduction fran(aisc des quatre textes cosmographiques de d ’A illy et des notes marginales de Cristophe Colom b. Etude sur Ies sources de Pauteurpar Edmond Buron, 3 vols. (Paris: M a iso n n e u v e Freres, 1930). 5. T h is la tter is th e p ic tu re o f th o se b e lie v in g in astrology p re se n ted in T. M . L u h rm a n n , Persuasions o f the W itch’s Craft: R itual Magic in Contemporary England (C am ­ b rid g e, Mass.: H arv ard U n iv e rsity Press, 1989). 6. T h o rn d ik e , H M E S . T h o rn d ik e ’s w o rk re m ain s a fu n d a m e n ta l startin g p o in t b e ­ cause o f its e n o rm o u s sco p e. S arto n is q u o te d in O tto N e u g e b a u e r, “T h e S tu d y o f W re tc h e d S u b jects,” Isis 42 (1 951), re p rin te d in N e u g e b a u e r, Astronom y and History: Selected Essays (N e w Y o rk : S p rin g er-V erlag , 1983), p. 3. Several o f th e essays in this co llectio n b e a r te stim o n y to N e u g e b a u e r’s c o n v ic tio n th a t a k n o w le d g e o f astrological c o n cep ts is fu n d am en tal to an u n d e rsta n d in g o f th e h isto ry o f astro n o m y , as e v id e n c ed in his co llectio n (w ith Η . B. V an H o e se n ), Creek Horoscopes, M e m o irs o f th e A m erican P h ilo so p h ical Society, 4 8 (P h iladelphia: A m e ric an P h ilo so p h ical S ociety, 1959). 7. E d w a rd S. K en n e d y , “ R a m ific a tio n s o f th e W o rld -Y e a r C o n c e p t in Islam ic A strol­ o g y ,” Proceedings o f the Tenth International Congress o f the History o f Science (1962): 23—43; E d w a rd S. K e n n e d y a n d D av id P in g ree , The Astrological History o f M asha’allah, H a rv a rd M o n o g ra p h s in the H isto ry o f S c ien ce (C am b rid g e, M ass.: H arv ard U n iv e rsity Press, 1971); D av id P in g ree, The Thousands o f A b u M a'shar, S tudies o f th e W a rb u rg In stitu te , 30

(L on do n: W arb u rg In stitu te, 1968). R ic h a rd L em ay has em phasized th e im p o rta n c e o f A bu M a ’shar’s astrological texts as vehicles fo r th e transm ission o f A ristotelian physics to the W est in his A b u M a'shar and Latin Aristotelianisin in the Twelfth Century: The Recovery o f Aristotle’s Natural Philosophy through Arabic Astrology (B eirut: A m erican U niversity, 1962). Also see B ern ard R . G old stein and D av id P in g ree, “ Levi b e n G e rso n ’s P ro g n o sti­ cation for th e C o n ju n c tio n o f 1 3 4 5 ,” Transactions o f the American Philosophical Society 80, p t. 6 (1990). 8. J o h n D . N o rth , “A strology an d th e F o rtu n es o f C h u rc h e s,” Centaurus 24 (1980): 181—211; “ C elestial In flu en ce— T h e M a jo r Prem iss o f A strology,” in Paola Zam beU i, cd., “Astrologi haUucinati": Stars and the E nd o f the World in Luther’s Tim e (B erlin an d N e w Y ork: W alter de G ru y ter, 1986), pp. 45—100; Chaucer’s Universe (O x fo rd : C la re n d o n Press, 1988); “ C h ro n o lo g y and th e A ge o f th e W o rld ,” in W o lfg an g Y o u rg rau an d A llen D . B eck, cds., Cosmology, History, and Theology (N e w Y ork: P le n u m Press, 1977), pp. 307—33; Horoscopes and History (L ondon: W a rb u rg In stitu te, 1986); “ M ed iev al C o n c e p ts o f C elestial Influence: A S u rv ey ,” m P atrick C u rry , ed ., Astrology, Science and Society: Historical Essays (W o o d b rid g e, Suffolk: B oydell Press, 1987), pp. 5—18; and Richard o f Wallingford: A n Edition o f His Writings with Introductions, English Translation and Comm en­ tary by John D . North, 3 vols. (O x fo rd : C la re n d o n Press, 1976). 9. E .g., M .L .W . Laistner, “ T h e W e stern C h u rc h and A strology d u rin g th e E arly M id ­ dle A ges,” Harvard Theological Review 34 (1941): 251—75, re p rin te d in his The Intellectual Heritage o f the Early Middle Ages: Selected Essays, ed. C h e ste r G . S tarr (Ithaca, N .Y .: C o r­ nell U niversity Press, 1957); an d T h e o d o re O tto W ed el, The Medieval A ttitude towards Astrology Particularly in England (N e w H av en : Yale U n iv ersity Press, 1920). F o r m o re re cen t studies o f th eo lo g ian s’ responses to astrology, see also M arie -T h e re se d ’A Iverny, “ A strologues e t theolo g ien s au X IIc siecle,” in Melanges ojferts a M .-D . Chenu, B ib h o th e q u e th o m iste, 3 7 (Paris: J. V rin, 1967), pp. 31—50; an d T h o m a s Litt, Les corps celestes dans I ’univers de Saint Thomas d ’A quin (L ouvain: B. N au w elaerts and Paris: P ublica­ tions U niversitaires, 1963). T h e re are som e n o tab le exceptions. Besides th e w o rk o f T h o rn d ik e m e n tio n e d in n. 6, o n e m ig h t cite Franz Jo h a n n e s B oll, C arl B ezold, and W ilh elm G u n d el, Sternglaube und Sterndeutung: D ie Ceschichte und das Wesen der Astrologie (D arm stadt: W issenschaftliche B uchgesellschaft, 1974); W ilh e lm G u n d e l, Sternglaube, Sternreligion und Sternorakel (Leipzig: V erlag Q u e lle &c M ey er, 1933); F ried rich v o n B ezold, “A strologische G esch ich tsco n stru ctio n im M itte la lte r,” Deutsche Zeitschrift fu r Ceschichtswissenschaft (1892): 29—72; an d , fo r a n c ie n t G reek and R o m a n astrology, A uguste B o u ch e-L ecle rc q , L ’astrologie grecque (Brussels: L ero u x , 1899; rep r., A alen: Scicntia Verlag, 1979). 10. H e rb e rt P ru ck n e r, Studien z u den astrologischen Schriften des Heinrich von Langenstein, S tu d ien d er B ib lio th ek W arb u rg , 14 (Leipzig: T e u b n er, 1933); G . W . C o o p la n d , Nicole Oresme and the Astrologers: A S tudy o f H is Livre de Divinacions (C am b rid g e, M ass.: H arv ard U n iv ersity Press, 1952). 11. S y m o n de P hares, Recueil des plus celebres astrologues et quelques hommes docts,faict par Symon de Phares du temps de Charles VIIIe, ed. E m e st W ic k e rsh e im e r (Paris: C h a m p io n , 1929). S y m o n de P hares’s practice o f astrology was c o n d e m n e d b y th e U n iv ersity o f Paris in 1494; his catalogue o f fam ous astrologers w as co m p o se d as a partial defense. W ic k e rsh e im e r’s e d itio n form s th e basis fo r th e a c c o u n t o f astrology g iv en in A lex an d er M urray, Reason and Society in the Middle Ages (O x fo rd : C la re n d o n Press, 1978), esp. p p . 207—9; and

M a x im e P reau d , Lcs astrologues a lafin du M oyen Age, C o lle c tio n L a tte s/H is to ire , G ro u p e s et socictes (Paris: J . C . L attes, 1984). 12. S. J. T ester, A History o f Western Astrology (W o o d b rid g e , Suffolk: B oydcll Press, 1987). 13. V aleric I. J . F lint, The Rise o f Magic in Early Medieval Europe (P rin c e to n , N .J.: P rin c e to n U n iv ersity Press, 1991). 14. P re a u d , Les astrologues. 15. H ilary M . C arey , “ A stro lo g y at th e E nglish C o u rt in th e L ater M id d le A ges,” in P atrick C u rry , ed ., Astrology, Science and Society: Historical Essays (W o o d b rid g e , Suffolk: B o y d ell Press, 1987), p p . 41—56; an d Courting Disaster: Astrology at the English Court and University in the Later M iddle Ages (N e w Y o rk : St. M a rtin ’s Press, 1992). 16. T h e serm o n fo r A ll S aints’ D ay 1416, Sermo in die omnium sanctorum. E x ten sive ex cerp ts fro m this se rm o n are p rin te d in P a u l T sc h a c k ert, Peter von A illi: Z u r Geschichte des grosscn abendlandischen Schisma und der ReJormconeilicn von Pisa und C onstanz (G o th a: F rie­ d ric h A ndreas P erth es, 1877; rep r., A m sterd am : R o d o p i, 1968), p p . [41]—[50]. 17. T sc h ack ert, Petervon Ailli; S a lem b icr 1886 (the a u th o r’s L atin dissertation); and Le cardinal Pierre d ’A illy, chancelier de 1’Universite de Paris, eveque du P uy et de Cambrai 1350— 1420 (T o u rco in g : Im p rim e n e G eo rg es F re re , 1932) (p u b lish ed p o sth u m o u sly ). S alem b ie r term s d ’A illy’s astro lo g y “ a v e ry grave m a tte r” (“ m ate ria m g ravissim am ”); S alem b ier 1886, p. 177. L ynn T h o rn d ik e offers an in fo rm a tiv e an d sy m p ath etic v ie w o f d ’A illy’s view s o n th e stars, b u t m akes n o effo rt to relate d ’A illy ’s in te re st in th e stars to o th e r aspects o f his life o r th o u g h t; T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 4: chap. 42. S tefeno C a ro ti has also ex am in ed d ’A illy’s astrological w ritin g s, m ain ly as regards th e in flu e n c e o n d ’A illy o f N ic o le O rc s m e ’s p o lem ics against astrology; C a ro ti, La critica contro I ’astrologia di Nicole Oresme e la sua influenza nel medioevo e net Rinascimento, A tti d e ll’A ccad em ia n azio n ale dei L incei, M e m o rie , Classe di scienze m o rali, sto ric h e e filo lo g ich e, ser. 8, vol. 2 3 , fesc. 6 (1979), p p . 5 4 5 -6 8 4 . 18. B ern ard G u e n e e , Entre 1’Eglise et T E ta t: Quatre vies de prelatsfranfais a lafin du M oyen Age (XIH e—X V e siecle) (Paris: G allim ard , 1987), p p . 2 6 9 (d ’A illy ’s stu d y o f astro lo g y re ­ lated to anxiety) an d 169 (d’A illy’s ideas d o n o t ch an g e o v e r tim e in m o st subjects). G u e n e e ’s b o o k has re c e n tly ap p e ared in E n g lish tran slatio n as Between Church and State: The Lives o f Four French Prelates in the Late M iddle Ages, trans. A rth u r G o ld h a m m e r (C h i­ cago: U n iv ersity o f C h ic a g o Press, 1991); m y citatio n s th r o u g h o u t are to th e F ren ch ed itio n . 19. E .g ., C arey, Courting Disaster, p. 110 (d’A illy “ w ro te ex ten siv ely against th e p rac­ tice o f d iv in a tio n ”); an d Jo se M aria da C ru z P o n te s, “A stro lo g ie e t a p o lo g e tiq u e au m o y e n a g e ,” in C h ristian W e n in , ed ., L 'ko m m e et son univers au M oyen Age, 2 vols., P h ilosophes m e d iev au x , 2 6 —2 7 (L o u v ain : In stitu t S u p e rie u r d e P h ilo so p h ic , 1986). H e states, “ Les hum an istes, d ep u is P ierre d ’A illy ju s q u ’a P ic de la M ira n d o le , re fu te ro n t la validite de l’astro lo g ie” (2:637). T h e treatise m q u e stio n w as e d ite d in D u p in ’s ed itio n o f G e rso n ’s w o rk s (Jean G erso n , Opera omnia, ed. L ouis E llies D u p m , 5 vols. [A n tw erp : S u m p tib u s societatis, 1706], I : cols. 778ff.) an d is, th e re fo re , th e m o st w id ely available o f d ’A illy’s astrological treatises. T h e sam e e d itio n (I: cols. 5 1 1 —603) co n tain s d ’A illy’s D e falsis prophetis II, w h ic h in D u p in ’s e d itio n bears th e d escrip tiv e n o te “ in q u o adversus v an am astrologiae su p e rstitio n e m fuse disserit.” (T his w o rk is an early attack o n th e use o f astrology, n o t fro m d ’A illy’s la te r p e rio d o f in te re st in th e stars.)

20. O n d ’A illy’s p h ilo so p h y , sec M arg u erite C h ap p u is, L u d g er K aczm arek, and O la f P luta, “ D ie p h ilo so p h isch en S chriften dcs P e te r v o n A illy: A u th e n tiz ita t u n d C h ro n o lo ­ g ic,” Freiburger Zeitschrift fiir Philosophic und Theologie 33 (1986): 593—615; R ic h a rd D esharnais, “ R eassessing N o m in alism : A N o te o n th e E p istem o lo g y an d M etaphysics o f Pierre d ’A illy,” Franciscan Studies 34 (1974): 2 9 6 -3 0 5 ; M au rice P. de G andillac, “ D e l’usage et de la v aleu r dcs a rg u m en ts probables dans Ies q uestions d u C ard in al P ierre d ’Ailly sur Ie ‘Livre des S en te n c e s,” ’ Archives d ’histoire doctrinale et litteraire du moyen age 8 (1933): 43—91; L eonard A. K en n ed y , Peter o f A illy and the Harvest o f Fourteenth-Century Philosophy, Studies m th e H isto ry o f P h ilosophy, 2 (L ew iston, N .Y .: E d w in M ellen Press, 1986); B ern h ard M eller, Studien z u r Erkenntnislehre des Peter von A illy (Freiburg: V erlag H e rd e r, 1954); O la f P luta, D ie philosophische Psychologic dcs Peter von A illy : Ein Beitrag zu r Geschichte der PhiIosophie des spdten Mittelalters, B o c h u m c r S tu d ie n zu r P h ilo so ­ p h ic, 7 (A m sterdam : B. R . G rtin er, 1986); S alem bier 1886; Conceptus et Insolubiles /o f Pierre d ’AillyJ: A n Annotated Translation, trans. and ed. Paul V in c e n t Spade (D o rd re c h t and B oston: D . R e id e l, 1980); an d T sch ack ert, Petervon Ailli. O n his th eo lo g y , see W illiam C o u rten a y , “ C o v e n a n t and C ausality in P ierre d ’A illy,” Speculum 46 (1971): 94—119; K en n ed y , Peter o f Ailly; G eo rg e L in d b eck , “ N o m in a lism and the P ro b lem o f M e a n in g as Illustrated b y P ierre d ’A illy o n P red estin atio n and Justifica­ tio n ,” Harvard Theological Review 52 (1959): 4 3 -6 0 ; A lfonso M aie ru , “ L o g iq u e et th e o lo gie trinitaire: P ierre d ’A illy,” in Z e n o n K aluza an d Paul V ig n au x , eds., Preuve et Raisons a PUniversite de Paris (Paris: J. V rin, 1984), pp. 253—68; Francis O ak ley , “ P ierre d ’A illy and the A bsolute P o w e r o f G o d ,” Harvard Theological Review 56 (1963): 59—73; Louis B. Pascoe, “T h eo lo g ical D im en sio n s o f Pierre d ’A illy’s T e a ch in g o n th e Papal P le n itu d e o f P o w e r,” Annuarium historiae conciliorum 11 (1979): 357—66; S alem b ier 1886; an d T sch ack ­ ert, Peter von Ailli. O n d ’A illy’s ecclesiological an d political th o u g h t and activities, see A lan E. B ernstein, Pierre d ’A illy and the Blanchard Affair: University and Chancellor o f Paris at the Beginning o f the Great Schism (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1978); J o h n P atrick M c G o w a n , Pierre d ’A illy and the Council o f Constance (W ash in g to n , D .C .: C ath o lic U n iv ersity o f A m erica Press, 1936); Francis O akley, The Political Thought o f Pierre d ’A illy: The Voluntarist Tradition (N e w H aven: Yale U n iv ersity Press, 1964); an d T sch ack ert, Peter von Ailli. F o r d ’A illy’s geograp h ical w ritings, see Imago mundi (ed. B u ro n ); C h arles G u ig n eb e rt, D e imagine m undi ceterisque Petn de Alliacogeographicis opusculis (Paris: E. L e ro u x , 1902); and L ouis Salem bier, Pierre d ’A illy et Ia decouverte de PAmerique (Paris: L e to u z e y et A n e, 1912). 21. D ’A illy w ro te , “E go siq u id em p e r 5 circiter annos p o st d ictam c o n iu n c tio n e m natus su m ” (“ I m y self w as b o rn aro u n d five years after th a t c o n ju n c tio n [o f M arch 14, 1345]”). P ierre d ’Ailly, Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione, in d ’A illy 1490, chap. 57, fol. [d7r], In th e old style o f d a tin g th e y ear did n o t b eg in u n til M arch 25, h e n c e the co n ju n c tio n was really in 1346 by th e m o d e rn d atin g style. I f d ’A illy w as b o rn exactly five years later o r a little m o re , his b irth y ear w o u ld b e 1351; if less, 1350. H is y ear o f b irth has traditionally b e e n g iv en as 1350. G u e n e e an d M ax L ieb erm an b o th give 1351. G u e n e e , Entre PEgIise et PEtat, p. 125 (based o n th e c o n ju n c tio n ’s date); M ax L ieb erm an , “ P ierre d ’Ailly, Jean G erso n et Ie culte de saint Jo se p h , II,” Cahiers de Josephologie 14 (1966): 289 (based o n th e testim o n y o f j e a n C am p an i th a t d ’A illy was a p p ro a c h in g his six ty -n in th y ear in Jan u a ry 1419 [old style; 1420 acco rd in g to th e n e w style]). In ad d itio n to the bio g rap h ies b y G u e n e e , S alem bier, and T sch ack ert m e n tio n e d ear­ lier, b rie f accounts o f d ’A illy’s life ap p ear in A. C o v ille, “Ailly, P ierre d e ,” in Dictionnaire

dc biographic fraufaise (Paris: L e to u z ey et A n e, 1933—); Francis O ak ley , “ P ierre d ’A illy," m B. A. G errish , ed ., Reformers in Profle (P h iladelphia: Fortress Press, 1967), pp. 4 0 —57; and G ilb e rt O u y , “ Ailly, P ierre d ’,” in Lexikon des Mitlelalters (M u n ich ; A rtem is, 1980—). 22. O n th e affair o f je a n B la n c h a rd , sec B e rn ste in , Pierre d ’A illy and the Blanchard Affair, o n M o n z o n , see th e article o f P a le m o n G lo n e u x , “P ie rre d ’A illy e t S ain t T h o m a s ,” in Litterature et religion: Melanges offerts a Joseph Coppin (Lille: Facultes C a th o liq u c s, 1966), pp. 4 5 -5 4 . 23. B ecause o f th e ir re je c tio n o f th e “ realist” p o sitio n o n universals, d ’A illy a n d o th e r late m ed iev al th in k ers have fre q u e n tly b e e n te rm e d “ n o m in alists.” T h is te rm is n o t e n ­ tirely an accu rate rep re se n ta tio n o f th e O c k h a m is t p o sitio n o n universals. F u rth e rm o re , it carries w ith it a n eg ativ e c o n n o ta tio n , based u p o n th e p ejo rativ e v ie w o f late m edieval p h ilo so p h y c o m m o n earlier in this c en tu ry . F o r th ese reasons, I d elib erately a v o id th e term h ere. 24. See, e.g ., D esham ais: “ A illy’s ep istem o lo g y agrees w ith th e g en eral d o c trin e o f th e m ajo r sc h o o lm e n . . . . e c u m e n ism is . . . p art and parcel o f A illy’s p h ilo so p h ical sy n th e ­ sis. . . . h e p u t to g e th e r h a rm o n io u sly th e sp irit w h ic h a n im a te d b o th th e o ld e r (via antiqua) and th e n e w e r (via moderna) w ays o f re a so n in g .” “ R eassessing N o m in a lis m ,” pp. 3 0 4 -5 . 25. T h e m o st accessible su m m a ry o f d ’A illy ’s p h ilo so p h y a n d th e o lo g y is th a t in O akley, Political Thought, chap. I . H elp fu l surveys also ap p ear in S alem b ier 1886, pp. 141—76 an d 195—303; an d T sc h a c k e rt, Peter non A illi, chap. 6 (“A illi’s w issenschaftlicher S ta n d p u n k t”). 26. O akley, Political Thought. 27. M an y au th o rs have addressed th e su b je ct o f d ’A illy’s b o rro w in g s. See esp. Z e n o n K aluza, “ Le T raite de P ierre d ’A illy sur l’O ra iso n d o m im c a le ,” Freiburger Zeitschrift fu r Philosophie und Theologie 32 (1985): 2 8 6—93; L ie b e rm an , “ P ierre d ’Ailly, Je a n G e rso n et Ie cu lte d e saint Jo se p h , II,” p p . 3 1 2 —14; a n d O la f P lu ta, “A lb e rt v o n K o ln u n d P e te r v o n A illy,” Freiburger Zeitschrift fiir Philosophic und Theologie 3 2 (1985): 261—71 (the d e p e n ­ den ce o f d ’A illy’s D e anirna o n A lb ertu s M agnus). 28. E .g ., J e a n d e B ru g es, in 1444. S e e J e a n -P a tric e B o u d e t, “ S im o n d e P hares e t Ies rapports e n tre astrologie e t p ro p h e tie a la fin d u M o y e n A g e ,” Melanges de PEcole Franfaise de Rom e. M oyen A ge 102 (1990): 639. T h e early s ix te e n th -c e n tu ry G e rm a n astro lo g er V ird u n g v o n H assfurt c o p ie d d ’A illy ’s astrological p re d ic tio n fo r 1789. M ax S tein m etz, “J o h a n n V ird u n g v o n H assfurt, sein L eb en u n d seine a stro lo g isch en F lu g sch riften ,” in H a n s-Jo a c h im K o h ler, e d ., Flugschriften als Massenmedium der Reform ationszeit, S p a tm ittc lalter u n d F riihe N e u z e it, 13 (S tuttgart: K le tt-C o tta , 1981), pp. 3 6 5 —66. 29. B e rn d M o eller, “ P ie ty in G e rm a n y a ro u n d 1 5 0 0 ,” in S tev e n O z m e n t, e d ., The Reformation in Medieval Perspective (C h icag o : Q u a d ra n g le B o o k s, 1971), p p . 57—58. 30. H is Sentences co m m e n ta ry , fo r ex am p le, w as p rin te d sev en tim es in th e fifteen th c e n tu ry (K en n ed y , Peter o f A illy, p. 3). T h e re w e re te n ed itio n s o f th e D e anima (T reatise o n th e soul) b e tw e e n 1490 an d 1520 (P luta, D ie philosophische Psychologic, pp. v i, x x ii— x x ix ) . A n d th e re exist so m e tw o h u n d re d m an u scrip ts o f th e Imago m undi (C o lette B eau n e, “ La n o tio n d ’E u ro p e dans Ies livres d ’astrologie d u X V 1' siecle,” in La conscience Europeene au X V e et an X V I c siecle, C o lle c tio n d e 1’E co le N o rm a le S u p e rie u re dc Jeu n es Filles, 22 [Paris: E co lc N o m ia le S u p e n e u re de Je u n e s Filles, 1982], p. 3). 31. E .g ., Z e n o n K aluza: “La p ra tiq u e in stru m e n tale des connaissances dans tous Ies dom ain es l’a oblige a c h e rc h e r to u jo u rs u n g u id e sur. T elle est p ro b a b le m e n t la raison du

hau t niveau intellectual de ses ecrits e t de Ieur m an q u e d ’o rig m a h te ” (“ Le traite de P ierre d ’A illy,” p. 293). H e offers th e best discussion o f d ’A illy’s plagiarism s and th e reasons to read h im in any case. M ax L iebcrm an states, “il faut c o n v e n ir q u e Ie cardinal de C am b rai est un ecrivain rem arq u ab le par son defaut d ’o n g in a lite ” (“ P ierre d ’Ailly, Je a n G erso n et Ie culte de saint Jo sep h , II,” p. 312). As A lan B ern stein notes, w e can no n eth eless a p p re ­ ciate his role in using, adapting, a n d tran sm ittin g th e ideas o f his sources. B ern stein , Pierre d ’A illy and the Blanchard Affair, p. 183. 32. See R ic h a rd Lemay, “T h e T each in g o f A strology in M edieval U niversities, P rin ­ cipally at Paris in th e F o u rte e n th C e n tu ry ,” Manuscripta 20 (1976): 199—202 (for th e fo u n d atio n o f a college o f m ed icin e an d astrology at Paris in th e 1360s an d th e g ran tin g o f perm ission to lectu re o n astrology in th e faculty o f arts at Paris o n feast days). F o r an ed itio n an d translation o f S acro b o sco ’s te x t an d o f a n u m b e r o f m ed iev al co m m en taries, see Lynn T h o rn d ik e , The S p here o f Sacrobosco and Its Commentators (C hicago: U n iv ersity o f C h icag o Press, 1949). 33. See Francis S. B en jam in , Jr., and G . J. T o o m e r, Campanus o f Novara and Medieval Planetary Theory. T h eo ric a p lan etaru m , edited with an introduction, English translation, and commentary (M adison: U n iv ersity o f W isco n sin Press, 1971). Sacrobosco devotes ap­ proxim ately on e page (in T h o rn d ik e ’s ed itio n ) to a general d escrip tio n o f p lanetary m o v em en ts, offering little m o re in fo rm a tio n th a n th e fact th a t each p la n e t’s m o tio n (save th e su n ’s) requires th e actions o f an epicycle, a d eferen t, an d an eq u an t. (T hese term s w ill b e explained later.) C am p an u s, b y w ay o f contrast, d ev o tes a p p ro x im ately tw e n ty -fiv e pages (in B en jam in an d T o o m e r’s ed itio n ) to th e th eo ry fo r V enus, M ars, Ju p ite r, and Saturn, w h ile M ercu ry , th e p lan et w ith th e m o st co m p le x m o tio n , receives m o re th an forty pages o f com m en tary . 34. E m m an u el P oulle, “T h e A lfonsine Tables and A lfonso X o f C astillo,” ^ouriiii/ fo r the History o f Astronomy 19 (1988): 99—105. P o u lle d em o n strates th at th e L atin “A lfonsine tables” in fact orig in ated in Paris in th e 1320s. T h e y differ in several im p o rta n t respects from th e C astillian versions p ro d u c e d for o r by A lfonso. Also see P o u lle, cd. an d trans., Les tables alpkonsines avec Ies canons de fe a n de Saxe: Edition, traduction et commentaire (Paris: E ditions du C .N .R .S ., 1984). A n ex cellen t in tro d u c tio n to th e various m ed iev al astro­ nom ical tables and th e ir use appears in N o rth , Chaucer’s Universe, pp. 147—53. 35. N o rth sum m arizes th e co n te n ts o f A lch ab itiu s’s w o rk (ibid., chap. 5). 36. Epilogus mappe mundi, in P ierre d ’Ailly, Tractatus de imagine m undi et varia ejusdem auctoris et Joannis Gersonis opuscula (L ouvain: Jo h a n n de W estphalia, ca. 1483), fol. e2r: “ In prim is su p p o n e n d u m est q u o d c elu m est figure sperice seu ro tu n d e .” 37. D ’Ailly n o te d th at theologians re co g n ized in a d d itio n a te n th an d an elev e n th sphere, the em pyrean an d th e crystalline heavens. Ibid., fol. e2v. 38. A g o o d in tro d u c tio n to th e histo ry o f astronom ical th e o ry a n d th e efforts to “save the p h e n o m e n a ” can be fo u n d in E. J. D ijk sterh u is, The Mechanization o f the World Picture, trans. C . D ik sh o o rn (O x fo rd : O x fo rd U n iv ersity Press, 1961), esp. pp. 15—67. F o r th e elem ents o f th e P tolem aic system , in a d d itio n to D ijk sterh u is’s tre a tm en t, th e re are ex cel­ len t sum m aries in N o rth , Chaucer’s Universe, pp. 22—26, 134—69; N o rth , Richard o f W al­ lingford, 3: app. 29; B en jam in an d T o o m e r, Campanus, p p . 39—56; a n d G eoffrey C h au cer, The Equatorie o f the Planetis, Edited from Peterhouse M S . 75.1, ed. D e re k J. P rice (C am bridge: C am b rid g e U n iv ersity Press, 1955), pp. 93—118. 39. T h is p o in t is fixed; it does n o t ro ta te as th e small circle in figure I m ig h t seem to im ply.

40. T h e illustrator o f fig u re I has co n fu sed th e d e fe re n t c e n te r a n d th e c q u a n t p o in t an d , th ereb y , th e circles labeled “ d eferen s” an d “ e q u a n s.” T h e c e n te r o f th e p la n e t’s epicycle m o v es o n th e d e fe re n t (the circle in co rrec tly lab eled “ e q u a n s” in figure I); its an g u lar m o tio n is u n ifo rm w ith resp ect to th e e q u an t. T h e artist’s co n fu sio n sh o u ld serve to re m in d us th a t th e details o f a stro n o m y w e re far fro m c o m m o n k n o w led g e . 4 1 . T h e m o o n an d M e rc u ry re q u ire d m o re c o m p lic a te d m o d els to explain th e ir m o ­ tions; this e x p lan a tio n basically h o ld s fo r V enus, M ars, S atu rn , and Ju p ite r, a lth o u g h th e th re e o u te r planets m a in ta in a d iffe re n t re latio n sh ip to th e sun th a n d o M e rc u ry and V enus. F o r fu rth e r details a n d d istin ctio n s, sec B e n ja m in an d T o o m c r, Campanus, pp. 47—56; N o rth , Richard o f Wallingford, 3: app. 29; a n d Equatorie (ed. P rice), p p . 99—104. 42. N o rth , Chaucer’s Universe, p p . 139, 143. 43. T h e treatise is e d ite d a n d an alyzed by Francis J. C a rm o d y in T he Astronomical Works o f Thabit B. Qurra (B erkeley: U n iv ersity o f C alifo rnia Press, 1960), pp. 84—113; and appears in translation w ith c o m m e n ta ry b y O . N e u g e b a u e r in “T h a b it b e n Q u rra O n th e S olar Y ear’ an d O n th e M o tio n o f th e E ig h th S p h e re ,’ ” Proceedings o f the American Philosophical Society 106 (1962): 290—99. See also N o r th , Richard o f Wallingford, 3: app. 25. O n th e A lfonsine tables, see P o u lle , “T h e A lfo n sin e T ab les,” p. 100. 44. T h e basics o f m ed iev al astro lo g y are o u tlin e d in N o rth , Chaucer's Universe, pp. 194—234; an d J . C . E ad e, The Forgotten S ky: A G uide to Astrology in English Literature (O x fo rd : C la re n d o n Press, 1984), pp. 3 9 —103. A lso useful is B o u c h e -L e c le rc q , L ’astrologie grecque. O n e m ig h t also c o n su lt W illy H a rtn e r, “T h e M e rc u ry H o ro sc o p e o f M a rc a n to n io M ic h ie l o f V enice: A S tu d y in th e H isto ry o f R e n aissan ce A stro lo g y an d A stro n ­ o m y ,” m H a rtn e r, Oriens-occidens: Ausgewahlte Schriften zu r Wissenschafts- und Kulturgeschichte. Festschrift zu m 60. Geburtstag (H ild esh eim : G e o rg O lm s, 1968), p p . [91]—[105]. A g o o d o v e rv ie w o f th e h isto ry a n d te c h n iq u e s o f astro lo g y is fo u n d in D a v id P in g ree, “A stro lo g y ,” in Dictionary o f the History o f Ideas (N e w Y o rk: C h arles S c rib n e r’s Sons, 1968, 1973). 45. F o r astrology in lite ra tu re see, fo r ex am p le, C h a u c e r’s W ife o f B a th ’s T ale, lines 609—13: “ F o r certes, I a m al V en e rie n / In feely n g e, a n d m y n h e rte is M a rc ien . / V enus m e y a f m y lust, m y lik ero u sn esse, / A n d M ars y a f m e m y stu rd y hardynesse / M y n a scen d en t w as T au r, a n d M ars th e r in n e .” C h a u c e r, Canterbury Tales, in T he Complete Works o f Geoffrey Chaucer, ed. F. N . R o b in s o n (B o sto n : H o u g h to n M ifH in, 1933). F o r a p o p u la r p ro p h e c y th a t p resu p p o sed k n o w le d g e o f p la n e ta ry characters, see R o b e r t E . L ern er, The Powers o f Prophecy: The Cedar o f Lebanon Vision from the Mongo! Onslaught to the D aw n o f the Enlightenment (B erkeley: U n iv e rsity o f C alifo rn ia Press, 1983). 46. N o r th n o tes th a t th e calculations in v o lv e d in d e te rm in in g a single p lan etary lo n g i­ tu d e w o u ld fill a sm all sh e et o f p ap er, w h ile “ a p ractised a stro n o m e r c o u ld p ro b a b ly have c o m p u te d a full set o f lo n g itu d e s . . . in a c o u p le o f h o u rs o r less.” U sin g an equatorium, o n e co u ld p e rfo rm th e sam e task in a m a tte r o f m in u te s. Chaucer’s Universe, p p . 153, 156. O n su ch in stru m e n ts, also see N o rth , Richard o f Wallingford (he desig n ed an in stru m e n t called th e albiori); B e n ja m in a n d T o o m e r, Campanus (he in clu d es in stru ctio n s fo r m ak in g an equatorium)·, E m m a n u e l P o u lle, Les instruments de la theorie des planetes selon Ptolemee: Equatoires et horlogerie planetaire du X I lP au X V I e siecle, 2 vols. (G eneva: D ro z , an d Paris: C h a m p io n , 1980); Equatorie (ed. P rice) (C h a u c e r’s equatorium); a n d L ynn W h ite , Jr., “M ed ical A strologers a n d Late M e d ie v a l T e c h n o lo g y ,” Viator 6 (1975): 2 9 5 —308. 47. T h e re are useful d escrip tio n s o f th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f astro lo g y in P in g re e ’s article in th e Dictionary o f the History o f Ideas; T ester, History o f Western Astrology, p p . 11—29; and

O . N c u g c b a u e r 1 77;e E xact Sciences in A n tiq u ity , 2 d e d . (N e w Y o rk : D o v e r, 1 9 6 9 ), esp. p p . 1 7 0 -7 7 . 48. I use “ te m p e ra m e n t” in th e sen se in w h ic h it is d e fin e d in th e th e o ry o f th e fo u r h u m o rs . A m e la n c h o lic te m p e ra m e n t is c h a ra c te riz e d b y a n excess o f b lac k b ile , w h ic h is c o ld a n d d ry a n d causes su llen n e ss, d e p re ss io n , a n d a n g e r. O n e c an fin d su c h a c h a ra c te r­ iz a tio n o f th e p la n e ts, fo r e x a m p le , in A lc h a b itiu s, Libellus isagogicus abdilazi id est serai gloriosi dci qui dicitur Alchabitius ad magisterium iudiciorum astrorum interpretatus a Joanne hispalensi . . ., in Alchabitius cum commento. N oviter impresso (V en ice: M e lc h io r Sessa, 1512), diff. 2. 49. P ie rre d ’A illy, [Q uestiones o n S a c ro b o s c o ’s Sphera], in J o a n n e s d e S a c ro b o sc o , Uberrimutn sphere m undi commentum mtersertis etiam qucstionibus dotnini Petri de Aliaco (P ans: J e a n P e tit, 1498), c h a p . 2, q. 2 ( o f d ’A illy ’s q u e stio n s ), fol. [g ii v]: “ c u m sit q u e s tio d e q u a o p o r te a t d is c e m e re s e x u m s ic u t fit in p lu n b u s v id e lic e t u t d e p u e r o in v e n tre m atris u tr u m sit v ir v e l m u lie r v el d e u tr o q u e se x u tu n c Si f u e n t sig n ific a to r in v e n tu s in a liq u o g ra d u m a s c u lin o illu d a te s ta tu r m a sc u lin ita ti e t si in g ra d u fe m in in o illu d a te sta tu r fe m in in ita ti.” N o t e th a t in th is case it is a q u e s tio n o f in d iv id u a l d e g re e s w ith in signs a n d n o t th e signs th e m se lv e s b e a rin g sig n ific a n ce . A list o f m a sc u lin e a n d fe m in in e d e g re e s can b e fo u n d in A lc h a b itiu s, d if f I, fol. 5v. 50. D ’A illly, Questiones o n S a c ro b o sc o , c h a p . 2 , q. 2 , fol. [g Si v]: “ E t est a d v e rte n d u n i q u o d ad in c e p tio n e m a lic u iu s o p e ris b e n e re s p ic ie n d u m est ipsam lu n a m si f u e n t in sig n o fix o v el m o b ili v el c o m m u n i q u ia Si fu e rit m m o b ili tu n c o p u s in c e p tu m n o n h a b e re t d u r a tio n e m , si in fix o d e b e t d iu d u ra re , si in c o m m u n i tu n c d e b e t d u ra re c o m m u n ite r .” 51. A lc h a b itiu s , diff. I , fols. 4 v -5 v . 52. F o r d iffe re n t m e th o d s f o r e re c tin g th e h o u se s, see esp. N o r t h , Horoscopes and H is­ tory, p p . 1 -6 9 . A lso useful is E a d e , Forgotten S k y , p p . 4 2 —5 0 . I d e sc rib e s u b s e q u e n tly w h a t N o r th te rm s th e “sta n d a rd m e t h o d .” 53. O n th e u sc o f th e a stro la b e, see N o r t h , Horoscopes and H istory, pp. 5 6 —69; a n d Chaucer’s Universe, p p . 6 4 —6 5 , 8 4 . N o r t h n o te s th a t th e f o u r te c n th - c c n tu r y c a le n d a r o f N ic h o la s o f L y n n , fo r e x a m p le , has c o lu m n s listin g th e cusps o f h o u s e s . Chaucer's Universe, p. 104. 5 4 . T h e h o u se s in fig u re 2, a llo w in g f o r scribal e r r o r o r slig h t m isc a lc u la tio n , h a v e b e e n e re c te d a c c o rd in g to th is “ sta n d a rd m e th o d .” 5 5 . A lc h a b itiu s, diff. I , fols. 7 r—8r. T h e sig n ific a tio n s o f th e tw e lv e h o u se s a re fairly sta n d ard . 5 6 . A lc h a b itiu s, diff. I , fol. 8v. 5 7 . T h e s e m o r e c o m p le x cases a re tre a te d in A lc h a b itiu s , diff. 4—5. N o r t h offers an e x c e lle n t d isc u ssio n o f su c h c o n sid e ra tio n s in Chaucer’s Universe, p p . 2 1 3 —52. 5 8 . S ee d ’A illy ’s sta te m e n ts in th e Epilogus mappe m undi, fol. e 3 ; a n d th e Elucidarium, in d ’A illy 149 0 , c h a p . 24. T h is s e n tim e n t w as also e x p re sse d b y M essahalla (M a sh a ’allah) in Epistola Messahalae de rebus eclipsium, et de coniunctiombus P lanetarum , in revolutionibus annorum m undi, brevitcr elucidata, trans. J o h a n n e s H isp a len sis, c h a p . 9, p n n t e d in M essahalae, autiquissim i ac Iaudatissiini inter arabes astroiogi, Ltbn tres (N u re m b e rg : Io a n n e s M o n ta n u s, 1549); a n d b y A v e n esra (A b ra h a m ib n E zra ), in Liber coniunctionum, c h a p . I , p rin te d in Abrahe A venaris Ju d ci astroiogi peritissimi in re iudiciali opera: ab excellentissimo philosopho Petro de A bano post accuratam castigationcm m latinum traducta (V en ice: P e tru s L ie c h te n ste in , 1507).

59. A lbum asar, D e magnis conitmctionibus, annorum revolutionibus, ac eorum profectionibus, octo continens tractatus (A ugsburg: E rh ard R a td o lt, 1 489), tr. 1, diff. 1, fol. a3v. 60. D ’Ailly, Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratioue, chap. I , fol. b 7 v : “ E t sig n ificat su p e r m u ta tio n e s im p c rio ru m ct re g n o ru m ct su p e r ignitas im p ressio n es in aere, su p e r d ilu v iu m et su p e r terre m o tu m e t su p e r g rav itatem a n n o n e .” 61. T h e fo u r types o f c o n ju n c tio n s are d efin e d in th e Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione, chap. I , b u t d ’A illy is n o t e n tire ly clea r h ere. I fo llo w th e ex tre m e ly lu cid e x p lan a tio n in N o r th , Chaucer's Universe, pp. 3 70 —74. Also see N o r th , “ A stro lo g y and th e F o rtu n es o f C h u rc h e s ,” p p . 181—211; an d E u g e n io G arin , Astrology in the Renais­ sance: The Zodiac o f Life, trans. C a ro ly n Jack so n a n d J u n e A llen (L o n d o n a n d B o sto n : R o u tle d g e an d K egan P aul, 1983), p p . 15—29. 62. T h e se c o rre sp o n d e n ce s w e re generally expressed picto rially in a figure te rm e d th e “ zodiac m a n .” See C h arles C la rk , “T h e Z o d ia c M a n in M ed iev al M ed ical A stro lo g y ,” Journal o f the Rocky M ountain Medieval and Renaissance Association 3 (1982): 13—38. 63. In his Super sapientiam Salomonis, cited in N o rth , Chaucer’s Universe, p. 131. 64. F o r a discussion o f astrological forecasts o f th e w e a th e r, see S tu art Je n k s, “ A stro m e te o ro lo g y in th e M id d le A g es,” Isis 74 (1983): 185—210. Je n k s n o te s th a t such treatises w e re a im ed e ith e r at b eg in n ers in th e field o r at p rofessional astrologers an d n o t at th e g ro u p m ost o bviously in n e e d o f in fo rm a tio n a b o u t th e w e a th e r, farm ers. W e a th e r fo re­ casts also ap p eared in th e m o re p o p u la r a n n u al p re d ic tio n s th a t c ircu lated in th e later M id d le A ges. See P h ilip p e C o n ta m in e , “ Les p re d ic tio n s an n u elles astro lo g iq u es a la fin du M o y e n A ge: G e n re litteraire et te m o in d e Ieu r te m p s,” in Histoire sociale, sensibilites collectives et mentalites: Melanges Robert Mandrou (Paris: Presses U n iv ersitaires dc F rance, 1985), p. 198. 65. W atts, “ P ro p h e c y an d D isc o v e ry ,” p p . 7 3 —74: “M o ris o n ’s im age o f C o lu m b u s [as in n o v a to r an d explorer] co in cid es w ith b u t o n e o f tw o im ages th a t C o lu m b u s h ad o f him self. T h e seco n d im age te n d e d , p articu larly in his later years, to tak e p re c e d e n c e o v er th e first and seem ed to c o n su m e h im . . . . T h is se co n d self-im age is e p ito m iz e d in th e signature th a t C o lu m b u s a d o p ted : C h n sto fe re n s.”

Chapter Two The Medieval Debate about Astrology I . T h e o d o re O tto W ed el, The Medieval A ttitude towards Astrology Particularly in England (N e w H av en : Yale U n iv e rsity Press, 1920), p p . 16—17; W ed el cites G reg o ry , H om ily X X o n E p ip h an y ; C assiod o ru s (w h o says Basil an d A u g u stin e o p p o se astrology); L actantius, Liber Divinarum Institutionum·, T atian , Oratio ad Graecos; a n d O rig e n , Comm ent, in M atth. See also M .L .W . L aistner, “T h e W este rn C h u rc h a n d A stro lo g y d u rin g th e E arly M id d le A g es,” Harvard Theological Review 34 (1941): 2 5 1 —7 5 , re p rin te d in L aistner, The Intellectual Heritage o f the Early M iddle Ages: Selected Essays, ed. C h e ste r G . S tarr (Ithaca, N .Y .: C o r­ nell U n iv ersity Press, 1957), chap. 4, pp. 57—82; V alerie I. J. F lint, The R ise o f Magic in Early Medieval Europe (P rin c e to n , N .J.: P rin c e to n U n iv e rsity Press, 1991), p p . 87—101; an d h e r “T h e T ran sm issio n o f A stro lo g y in th e E arly M id d le A g es,” Ciiifor 21 (1990): 1—27. T h e attack o n astrological fatalism d id n o t b e g in w ith th e c h u rc h fathers. T h e ir arg u m en ts against th e stars’ p o w e r o v e r h u m a n s ste m m e d fro m cen tu rie s o f d eb a te a b o u t fatalism an d free w ill. T h e o b je c tio n s w h ic h A u g u stin e and o th ers raise against astro lo g i-

cal necessity have b ee n traced back as far as th e teachings o f C arneades in th e second cen tu ry B . C . F o r th e histo ry o f these arg u m en ts in an tiq u ity , see D av id A m an d , FataIisme et liberte dans Vantiquite grecque: Recherches sur la survivance de I’argumentation morale antifataliste de Carneade chcz Ies philosophes grecs et Ies theologiens chretiens des quatre premiers siecles (Louvain: B ib lio th eq u c de 1’U m v ersite, 1945). 2. A ug ustine, [De civitate deiJ The C ity o f C od against the Pagans, w ith E nglish transla­ tio n by W illiam M . G re e n , 7 vols., L oeb Classical Library (C am b rid g e, M ass.: H arv ard U n iv ersity Press, 1963), b o o k 5, chaps. 1 -7 . AU th e translations in th e te x t arc G re e n ’s. A ugustine also discusses astrology in th e Confessions, b o o k 7 , chap. 6, an d b o o k 4, chap. 3; th e le tte r to Lam padius; De doctrina christianorum 2.21; A d Jaustum 2.5 (the star o f th e M agi); D e diversis quaestionibus 83; an d D egenesi ad litteram 2.17. 3. T h is was a favorite a rg u m e n t o f earlier au th o rs as w ell (e.g., C ic e ro , F av o n n u s, and Sextus E m piricus) and is traceable to C arneades. W ed el, Medieval A ttitude towards Astrology, pp. 11—12, n. 3; A m and, Fatalisme et liberte, pp. 51—53. A u g u stin e dealt w ith m any o f these issues relating to astrology in a b riefer fashion in th e Confessions, b o o k 7. 4. C ity o f Cod, b o o k 5, chap. I (2:134—36 o f Loeb ed.): attack in g “illi . . . qui p o sitio n e m stellarum q u o d am m o d o d e c e rn e n tiu m qualis quisq u e sit et q u id ei p ro v e m a t b o n i q uidve mali accidat ex D e i v o lu n ta te su sp e n d u n t.” 5. Ibid. (2:136 o f Loeb ed.): “ Q u ale in d e iu d ic iu m de h o m in u m factis D e o rc lin q u itur, quibus caelestis necessitas ad h ib e tu r, cu m d o m in u s ille sit et sid eru m et h o m in u m ? ” 6. N o te th at A ugustin e is n o t c o n c e rn e d w ith any th re a t to G o d ’s o m n ip o te n c e posed by astrology (such as th e a rg u m e n t th a t stellar c o n tro l takes ev en ts o u t o f th e han d s o f G od) as d ’Ailly w ill be later in dealing w ith th e issue o f astrology an d C hristianity. R a th e r he w ishes to stress th at naan, an d n o t G o d o r th e stars, bears th e u ltim ate responsibility for sin. 7. C ity o f Cod, b o o k 5, chap. I (2:136 o f Loeb ed): . . . d ic u n tu r stellae significare potius ista q u am facere . . . (n o n e n im m e d io c rite r d o c to ru m h o m in u m fu it ista se n te n tia ).” T h is is probably a referen ce to P lo tin u s’s o p in io n a b o u t th e stars. See P lo tin u s, The Enneads, trans. S tep h e n M c K en n a , 2 d ed. (L ondon: F aber and F aber, 1956), 2.3, pp. 96—98: “W e m ay th in k o f th e stars as letters p erp etu ally b e in g inscribed o n th e heavens o r inscribed o n c e for all an d y e t m o v in g as th ey p u rsu e th e o th e r tasks allo tted to th em : u p o n these m ain tasks w ill follow th e q uality o f signifying. . . . I f all this be tru e , w e m ust at o n ce ad m it signification, th o u g h , n e ith e r singly n o r collectively, can w e ascribe to th e stars any efficacy ex ce p t in w h a t co n cern s th e [m aterial] All an d in w h a t is o f th e ir o w n residuary fu n c tio n .” 8. C ity o f Cod, b o o k 5, chap. I (2:136—38 o f L o eb ed.): “ q u id fit q u o d nih il u m q u a m dicere p o tu e ru n t c u r in vita g e m in o ru m . . . sit p le ru m q u e tanta diversitas . . .?” 9. C ity o f Cod, b o o k 5, chap. 2 (2:138 o f L o eb ed.): “ C ic e ro d ic it H ip p o crate m , nobilissim um m ed icu m , scrip tu m reliquisse q u o sd am fratres, c u m sim ul aeg ro tare coepissen t et e o d e m levaretu r, gem in o s su sp icatu m .” A u g u stin e’s so u rce m ay have b e e n C ic e ro ’s D efato. 10. Ibid. In th e Confessions (b o o k 7, chap. 6) A u gustin e gave an ex am p le o f a slave’s child an d a patrician ’s son b o rn at exactly th e sam e h o u r to vastly d ifferen t fates. 11. C ity o f God, b o o k 5, chaps. 2—3. In chap. 4, A u g u stin e discusses th e ex am p le o f Jaco b and Esau. 12. Ibid., b o o k 5, chap. 3 (2:144 o f L oeb ed.): “ N a m si tarn m u ltu m in caelo in terest q u o d constellationibus c o n p re h e n d i n o n p o te st u t alteri g e m in o ru m hereditas o b v en iat,

alteri n o n o b v e n ia t, c u r a u d e n t ceteris q u i g em in i n o n su n t, c u m in s p e x e n n t e o ru m co nstellationes, talia p ro n u n tia re q u ae ad illu d se c re tu m p e rtin e n t q u o d n e m o p o te st c o n p re h c n d e re et n ro m e n tis a d n o ta rc n a sc e n tiu m ?” 13. Ib id ., ch ap . 6 (2:154—59 o fL o e b ed.): “ ig itu r n o n u sq u e q u a q u e ab su rd e dici p o test ad solas c o rp o ru m differentias adflatus q u o sd a m valerc sidereos, . . . n o n a u te m e t anim i v o lu n tates p o sitio n ib u s sid e ru m su b d i . . . Q u id e n im ta m ad c o rp u s p er[t]in en s q u am co rp o ris sexus? E t tam e n sub e a d em p o sitio n e sid e ru m diversi sexus g e m in i c o n c ip i p o tu e ru n t. U n d e q u id in sip ien tiu s d ici a u t cred i p o te st q u a m sid eram p o sitio n e m , quae ad h o ra m c o n c c p tio n is e a d e m a m b o b u s fuit, facere n o n p o tu isse u t, c u m q u o h a b e b a t e a n d e m co n ste lla tio n e m , se x u m d iv e rsu m a fratre n o n h a b e ret; e t p o sitio n e m sid e ru m , quae fuit ad h o ra m n a sc e n tiu m , faccre p o tu isse u t ab eo tam m u ltu m virginali san ctitate distaret?” (A ugustine is refe rrin g to a p air o f o p p o site -se x tw in s k n o w n to h im ; she is a h o ly virgin.) W e d e l n o tes th a t A u g u stin e ’s su g g estio n th a t th e heav en s m ig h t affect b o d ie s b u t n o t souls co n tain s th e seeds o f A q u in a s’s later so lu tio n to th e p ro b le m . W e d el, The M edi­ eval A ttitude towards Astrology, p p . 2 3 —24. 14. C ity o f Cod, b o o k 5, ch ap . 6 (2:162—63 in L o e b ed.): “ H is o m n ib u s consideratis n o n in m e rito c red itu r, c u m astro lo g i m ira b ilite r m u lta v era re s p o n d e n t, o c c u lto in stin c tu fieri s p in tu u m n o n b o n o r u m .” 15. Isidorus H ispalensis E p isco p u s, Etymologiarum sive originum libri X X , ed . W . M . Lindsay, 2 vols. (O x fo rd : C la re n d o n Press, 1910), b o o k 3, chap. 27, and b o o k 8, chap. 9. 16. Ib id ., b o o k 3, ch ap . 27. 17. Ibid. “ A strologia v e ro p a rtim naturalis, p a rtim superstitiosa est. N a tu ralis, d u m c x e q u itu r solis e t lu n a e cursus, vel stellaru m certas te m p o ru m stationes. S u p erstitio sa v e ro est ilia q u am m a th e m a tic i s e q u u n tu r, q u i m stellis a u g u ria n tu r, q u iq u e etiam d u o d e c im caeli signa p e r singula a n im ae vel co rp o ris m e m b ra d isp o n u n t, sid e ru m q u e cu rsu n a tiv itates h o m in u m e t m o res p raed icere c o n a n tu r.” In b o o k 4 , chap. 13, o f th e Etymologiae, h o w e v e r, Isidore voices su p p o rt for astrological m e d ic in e : “ P o stre m o et astro n o m ia m n o ta m h a b eb it, p e r q u a m c o n te m p le tu r ra tio n e m astro ru m , et m u ta tio n e m te m p o ru m . N a m sicu t ait q u id a m m e d ic o ru m , c u m ip so ru m qualitatib u s et nostra c o rp o ra c o m m u ta n tu r.” 18. Ib id ., b o o k 8, chap. 9: “P rim u m a u te m id e m stellaru m in te rp re te s m agi n u n c u p ab an tu r, sicut de his le g itu r q u i in E v an g elio n a tu m C h n s tu m a d n u n tia v e ru n t; postea h o c n o m in e soli M ath e m a tic i. C u iu s artis scientia u sq u e ad E v a n g e liu m fu it concessa, u t C h n s to e d ito n e m o e x in d e n a tiv ita te m alicuius de caelo in te rp re ta re tu r.” Isid o re is fol­ lo w in g T ertu llian , D e Idolatria, b o o k 9, chap. 4 (PL, 1:672). 19. L aistner, “ T h e W e ste rn C h u rc h an d A stro lo g y ,” p p . 2 6 4 , 275. 20. E .g ., S. J. T ester, A History o f Western Astrology (W o o d b rid g e , Suffolk: B oy d ell Press, 1987), pp. 132—4 2 . T ester n o tes th a t th e o ld est su rv iv in g m an u scrip ts o f Ju liu s Firm icus M a te m u s ’s Mathesis d ate fro m th e e le v e n th cen tu ry . 21. F lin t, The Rise o f Magic, p p . 9 3 , 9 7 . S he d efin es “ m a g ic ” as “ th e exercise o f a p re te rn a tu ra l c o n tro l o v e r n a tu re b y h u m a n bein g s, w ith th e assistance o f forces m o re p o w e rfu l th a n th e y ” (p. 3). S h e in clu d es u n d e r this ru b ric a n u m b e r o f practices n o t explicitly te rm e d magia in th e w ritte n sources, a m o n g th e m o st “ te stin g an d in fo rm a tiv e ” o f w h ic h she d eem s astrology. 22. Ib id ., p. 99. 23. Ib id ., p p . 141—45. 24. Ib id ., p. 93. As H ila ry M . C a re y has n o te d , w ith o u t a set o f tables d ra w n up for

o n e ’s o w n m erid ian , practical astrology is alm ost im possible. C arey, Courting Disaster: Astrology at the English Court and University in the Later Middle Ages (N e w Y ork: St. M ar­ tin ’s Press, 1992), p. 27. 25. Flint, The Rise o f Magic, p. 142. She suggests th a t th e C aro lin g ian s’ p re o c c u p atio n w ith th e paganism o f th e Saxons an d Slavs led th e m to p u t fo rth su ch “ co n tro lle d c o m ­ p rom ises” as a rehabilitatio n o f astrology. 26. G ratian , Decretum, pars 2, causa 26. C itin g Isidore, A ug u stin e, and Je ro m e , the great legal scholar p ro n o u n c e d th at d iv in atio n by th e stars w as illicit: “ N o n liceat C h ristianos ten ere traditioncs G en tiliu m , et observare, vcl co lere e lem en ta, au t lunae a u t stellarum cursus, a u t in an em sig n o ru m fallaciam p ro d o m o facienda, a u t p ro p te r segctes vel arbores plantandas, vcl conju g ia socianda” (q. 5, chap. 3; PL, 187:1346). 27. See C harles B u rn e tt, e d ., Adelard o f Bath: A n English Scientist and Arabist of the Early Twelfth Century (L ond o n : W a rb u rg In stitu te, 1987). 28. B ern ard Silvestris, Cosinographia, ed. P e te r D ro n k e (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1978), M egacosm os, chap. 3, lines 33—36: “S cribit en im celu m stellis, to tu m q u e figurat / Q u o d de fatali lege venire potest. / P resignat qualiq u c m o d o q ualique te m p o re / O m n ia sidereus sccula m otus agat” (“T h e heavens w rite by m eans o f th e stars and shape all things that can co m e to pass b y th e law o f fate. T h e y prcsignify in w h a t m a n n e r o r w h at tim e the sidereal m o tio n s im pel all things in this w o rld ” ). E v e n C h rist’s b irth is p refig u red in th e heavens; “E x em p lar sp eciem q u e dei v irguncula C h ristu m / P artu rit, et v c ru m seeula n u m c n h a b e n t” ; M egacosm os, chap. 3, lines 53—54. O n B ern ard Silvestris, see B rian S tock, M yth and Science in the Twelfth Century: A Study o f Bernard Silvestris (P rin c eto n , N .J.: P rin ceto n U n iv ersity Press, 1972). S tock n o tes (p. 132) th at in B ern a rd ’s c o n c e p tio n , h istory is to b e u n d ersto o d as th e u n fo ld in g o f G o d ’s p re d e te rm in e d o rd er. G o d ’s m inis­ ters, angels and lesser deities, are th e agents o f this u nfolding; th e heavens reveal th e p attern in th eir changes an d m otions. 29. See M a rie -D o m in iq u e C h e n u , “ N a tu re an d M an — T h e R en aissance o f th e T w elfth C e n tu ry ,” in C h e n u , Nature, M an, and Society in the Twelfth Century: Essays on N ew Theological Perspectives in the Latin West, ed. an d trans. J. T ay lo r and L ester Little (C hicago: U niversity o f C h icag o Press, 1968); an d T u llio G regory, “La n o u v elle id ee de n atu re et de savoir scientifique au X IIt siecle,” in J o h n E. M u rd o c h and E d ith Sylla, eds., The Cultural Context o f Medieval Learning, B o sto n Studies in th e P h ilo so p h y o f Science, 26 (D o rd rech t, H o llan d , and B oston: D . R e id e l, 1975), p. 203. 30. O n translations o f th e im p o rta n t n in th -c e n tu ry A rab astro lo g er A bu M a 'sh a r (A lb um asar), see R ic h a rd Lemay, A b u M a 'shar and Latin Aristoteiianism in the Twelfth Century: The Recovery o f Aristotle’s Natural Philosophy through Arabic Astrology (B eirut: A m erican U niversity, 1962), esp. in tro d . an d chap. I; an d Lem ay, “ T h e T ru e Place o f A strology in M edieval Science a n d P h ilosophy: T o w ard s a D e fin itio n ,” in P a tric k C u rry , ed ., Astrol­ ogy, Science and Society: Historical Essays (W o o d b rid g e, Suffolk: B o y d ell Press, 1987), pp. 65—68. T ester lists the m o re im p o rta n t translators an d th e ir w orks m his History o f Western Astrology, p. 152. 31. D e generatione et corruptione 2 .1 0 , cited b y J o h n D . N o rth , “M ed iev al C o n c e p ts o f C elestial Influence: A S urvey,” in P atrick C u rry , ed ., Astrology, Science and Society: Histor­ ical Essays (W o o d b n d g e , Suffolk: B oydell Press, 1987), p. 5. See also his “ C elestial Influ­ ence— T h e M ajo r Prem iss o f A strology,” in Paola Z am b elh , ed ., “Astrologi hallucinati": Stars and the E nd o f the World in Luther’s Tim e (B erlin an d N e w Y ork: W alter de G ruyter, 1986), pp. 4 5 -1 0 0 .

32. Iiitrodiictoriiim maius, tr. I; d e sc rib ed in L em ay, A b u M a'shar, p p . 4 2 —85. 33. S c e J o h n Ό . N o r th , “ S o m e N o rm a n H o ro sc o p e s,” in B u rn e tt, Adelard o f Bath: A u English Scientist and Arabist o f the Early Twelfth Century, p p . 151, 155, 160; an d N o rth , Horoscopes and H istory (L o n d o n ; W a rb u rg In s titu te , 1 9 8 6 ), p p . 96—107. 34. C arey , Courting Disaster, p. 3 1 . T h e tw o w e re M ic h a e l S c o t an d a M aste r T h e o ­ d o re. 35. T h is sta te m e n t w as w ro n g ly a ttrib u te d to P to lem y . F o r a discussion o f its use in th e M id d le A ges, see G . W . C o o p la n d , Nicole Oresme and the Astrologers: A S tu d y o f H is Liure de Dwinacions (C a m b rid g e , M ass.: H a rv a rd U n iv e rsity Press, 19 5 2 ), ap p . 4 , p p . 175—77. In d icatio n s o f th e tw e lfth -c e n tu ry stru g g le to re c o n c ile astro lo g y a n d th e o lo g y (and o f the d e b a te a b o u t astro lo g y ’s use a n d v alidity) are g iv e n in M a n e - T h e r e s c d ’A lv ern y , “ A stro lo g u es e t th c o lo g ie n s au X IL ' sie c le ,” in Melanges ojferts d M .- D . C h a in , B ib lio th e q u e th o m is te , 37 (Paris: V rin , 1967), p p . 3 1 —50. 36. O n A lb ertu s M a g n u s ’s astro lo g y , see T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 2 :5 7 7 —88 ; a n d P aola Z a m b e lli, “A lb e rt Ie G ra n d e t l’astro lo g ie ,” Recherches de theologic ancieune et medievale 49 (1982): 1 4 1 -5 8 . 37. T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 2 :5 8 2 . 38. Ib id ., p . 584. 39. Ib id ., p p . 5 8 7 -8 8 . 40. A lb ertu s M ag n u s, Speculum astronomiae, E d iz io n e a cu ra d i S te ia n o C a ro ti, M ic h e la P ereira, S tcfan o Z a m p o n i, so tto la d ire z io n e di P aola Z a m b e lli (Pisa: D o m u s G alilaeana, 1977), ch ap . 15, p. 45: “ D e e le c tio m b u s v e ro est q u aestio m in u s difficilis, n o n c n im libertas arb itrii ex e le c tio n e h o ra e laudabilis c o e rc e tu r, q u in p o tiu s in m a g n a ru m re ru m in c e p tio n ib u s e le c tio n e m h o ra e c o n te m n e re est a rb itrii p ra e c ip ita tio , n o n lib e rtas.” S ee also T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 2 :6 9 9 -7 0 0 . 41. O n B a c o n ’s astrology, see T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 2 :6 6 0 —7 4 . T h e b u lk o f his w ritin g o n th e stars can b e fo u n d in The “ O p u s m a iu s” o f Roger Bacon, ed. J o h n H e n ry B n d g e s, 2 vols. (O x fo rd : C la re n d o n Press, 1897), vol. I , pars 4, esp. p p . 2 3 8 —69. 42. See J o h n D . N o r th , “A stro lo g y a n d th e F o rtu n e s o f C h u rc h e s ,” Centaurus 2 4 (1980): 190—91 (on B a c o n an d th e th e o r y o f c o n ju n c tio n s); an d p p . 184—8 9 (o n A lb u m a s a r’s v e rsio n o f th e th e o ry ). 43. O pus maius (ed. B rid g es), v o l. I , pars. 4, p p . 2 5 3 —54: “ M a g n u m e n im so latiu m fidei n o strae p o ssu m u s h a b e re , p o stq u a m p h ilo so p h i q u i d u c ti su n t solo m o tu ratio n is no b is c o n se n tiu n t, et se c tam seu p ro fe ssio n e m fidei C h n stia n a e c o n firm a n t e t n o b isc u m c o n c o rd a n t in stabilitate h u ju s sec ta e.” 4 4 . N o r th , “ A stro lo g y a n d th e F o rtu n e s o f C h u rc h e s ,” p . 191. 45. E .g ., fo r P ierre d ’A illy as w e ll as fo r a n u m b e r o f fifte e n th -c e n tu ry C ra c o w a u th o rs cite d by M ieczy sla w M a rk o w sk i, in c lu d in g a T h o m a s v o n S trz e m p in o w h o follow s A q u in as w o rd fo r w o rd (a fact th a t M a rk o w sk i do es n o t m e n tio n ). M a rk o w sk i, “ D e r S ta n d p u n k t d e r G e le h rte n des sp ate n M itte la lte rs u n d d e r R e n a issa n c e d e m a stro lo g isc h e n D e te rm in ism u s g e g e n iib e r,” Sfudiii Mediewistycne 23 (1984): 25—27. T h o m a s A q u in a s’s v iew s o n th e stars a p p e a r in th e Sum m a theologiae, Ia q. 115, a. 4; an d IIa IIae, q. 9 5 , a. 5; th e Sum m a contra gentiles, III, chap. 84; an d e lse w h ere . S ec esp. T h o m a s L itt, Les corps celestes dans I’uniuers de Saint Thomas d ‘A q u in (L o u v ain : B. N a u w e laerts, and Paris: P u b lic a tio n s U n iv e rsita ire s, 1963); also T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 2 :6 0 3 —15. 4 6 . T h o m a s A q u in as, Sum m a theologiae, L atin te x t a n d E nglish tra n sla tio n (C a m b rid g e: B lackfriars, 1964), IIa IIae q. 9 5 , a. 5: “ N u llu m a u te m c o rp u s p o te s t im p rim e re in rem

in co rp o ream . U n d e im p o ssib le est q u o d co rp o ra caelestia d irecte im p rim a n t in in tellectu m e t v o lu n ta te m .” (AU translations in th e te x t are fro m this ed itio n .) 47. Ibid., Ia q. 115, a. 3: “ m o tu s h o ru m in ferio ru m c o rp o ru m , qui sunt varii e t m u lti­ form es, re d u c u n tu r m m o tu m co rp o ris caelestis sicut in cau sam .” 48. Ibid., Ia q. 115, a. 4: “ S c ie n d u m est tam e n q u o d in d ire cte et p e r accidens im p re ssiones c o rp o ru m caclestium ad in te lle c tu a l ct v o lu n ta te m p e rtin c re possunt, in q u a n tu m scilicet tarn intellectus q u am volu n tas aliquo m o d o ab inferio rib u s viribus accip iu n t, quae organis co rp o reis alligantur. . . . N a m m teUectus ex necessitate accipit ab in ferioribus viribus ap p reh en siv is.” 49. Ibid.: “U n d e e t ipsi astrologi d ic u n t q u o d sapiens h o m o d o m in a tu r astris, in q u a n ­ tu m scilicet d o m in a tu r suis passionibus.” 50. Ibid.: “p lures h o m in u m se q u u n tu r passiones. . . . E t ideo astrologi u t m p luribus vera p o ssu n t p raedicare, et m ax im e in c o m m u n e .” 51. Ib id ., IIa IIae q. 95, a. 5, “ u tru m d iv in atio quae fit p e r astra sit iUicita.” 52. Ib id., IIa IIae q. 95, a. 5, ad 2. A quinas says th e re are tw o reasons th a t th e astrolo­ gers’ p rognostications arc so m etim es tru e— som etim es because o f m e n n o t resisting pas­ sions (especially fo r p red ictio n s ab o u t th e masses), and so m etim es because o f th e in te r­ v en tio n o f dem ons: “ plures h o m in u m passiones corporales se q u u n tu r, et ideo actus e o ru m d isp o n u n tu r, u t in p luribus, se c u n d u m in c lin a tio n e m caelestium c o rp o ru m . . . p raecipue in c o m m u n ib u s e v en tib u s, q u i d e p e n d e n t ex m u ltitu d in e . A lio m o d o , p ro p te r daem ones se im m iscen tes.” 53. See B ern ard C a p p , English Almanacs, 1500—1800: Astrology and the Popular Press (Ithaca, N .Y .: C o rn e ll U n iv ersity Press, 1979); an d P h ilip p e C o n ta m in e , “ Les p red ictio n s annuelles astrologiques a la fin d u M o y e n Age: G e n re litteraire e t te m o in de Ieu r te m p s,” in Histoire sociale, sensibilites collectives et mentalitis, Melanges Robert Mandrou (Paris: Presses U niversitaires d e F rance, 1985), pp. 191—204. 54. L em ay discusses th e rev u lsio n fo r th e d e p e n d e n c e on A rabic learning; “ T h e T ru e Place o f A strology,” pp. 71—72. 55. See A nna C am p b ell, The Black Death and M en o f Learning (N ew Y o rk : C o lu m b ia U n iv ersity Press, 1931), pp. 14—17, 3 9 —43. 56. R ic h a rd Lem ay, “T h e T ea c h in g o f A stro n o m y in M ed iev al U n iversities, P rin ci­ pally at Paris in th e F o u rte e n th C e n tu ry ,” Manuscripta 2 0 (1976): 200, citin g th e astrolo­ ger S y m o n de Phares. 57. See H ilary M . C arey, “A strology at th e E nglish C o u rt in th e L ater M id d le A ges,” in P atrick C u rry , ed., Astrology, Science and Society: Historical Essays (W o o d b rid g e , Suffolk: B oydell Press, 1987), p. 46. A c co rd in g to S y m o n d e Phares, C harles h ad a n u m b e r o f astrological w orks translated in to F ren ch . See Recueil des plus celebres astrologues et quelques hommes docts, faict par Sym on de Phares du temps de Charles VIlIe, ed. E rn est W ick e rsh eim er, (Pans: C h a m p io n , 1929), p. 228. T h ese translations are discussed in Lys A n n S h o re, “A C ase Study in M ediev al N o n lite ra ry T ranslation: S cientific T exts fro m L atin to F re n c h ,” in Je a n e tte B eer, ed. Medieval Translators and Their Craft (K alam azoo: W estern M ich ig an U n iv ersity Press, 1989), p p . 307—10. H ilary C a re y n o tes a n u m b e rs o f factors c o n trib u t­ in g to th e rise o f astrology in late m edieval E n g lan d ; b y th e tim e o f R ic h a rd II (1377—99), nobles at co u rt regularly c o n su lted astrologers. C arey, Courting Disaster, p p . 1 7 -2 0 , 22. 58. T h e C o n d e m n a tio n s ap p ear in H e in ric h D en ifle an d E m ile C h a te lam , eds., Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, 4 vols. (Paris: D elalain, 1889—97), l:5 4 3 ff.; th e y are ed ited and arranged topically in P ierre M a n d o n n e t, Siger de Brabant et I’averroisme latin au X IIIme

stede, 2 d ed ., 2 vols. in 1 (L ouvain: In s titu t S u p e ric u r d e P h ilo so p h ic, 1908 an d 1913), pt. 2, pp. 175—91. See also th e c o m m e n ta ry o f R o la n d H issette in his Enquetc sur Ies 2 1 9 artides condamnes a Paris Ie 7 mars 1277, P h ilo so p h es m cd iev a u x , 22 (L ouvain: P ub licatio n s U n iv crsitaircs, 1977). T h e attack o n astrology is discussed in T ester, History o f Western Astrology, p. 177 (he gives six p ro p o sitio n s clearly c o n c e rn in g astrology); an d P h ilip p e C o n ta m in e , “Les p red ic tio n s an n u elles astrologiques a la fin d u M o y c n A ge: G en re litterairc c t te m o in de Ieu r te m p s,” p. 192 (he lists tw e n ty -se v e n d ealin g w ith astrology, plus o n e fro m C o n d e m n a tio n s th a t T e m p ie r issued o n D e c e m b e r 10, 1270: “ Q u o d o m n ia quae hie in in ferio rib u s a g u n tu r, su b su n t neccssitati c o rp o ru m c o e lc stiu m ,” again th e c o n c e rn b e in g w ith necessity). 59. N o . 104 (no. 143, Chartularium)-. “ Q u o d ex diversis signis co cli sig n a n tu r diversae c o n d itio n c s in h o m in ib u s tarn d o n o ru m sp iritu aliu m , q u am re ru m te m p o ra liu m .” M a n d o n n e t, Siger de Brabant, p . 183. 60. N o . 154 (no. 162, Chartidarhm ): “ Q u o d v o lu n tas n o stra su b iacct p o testati co r­ p o ru m co e le stiu m .” M a n d o n n e t, Sigerde Brabant, p. 187. H issettc co n clu d e s it u n lik ely th at such ex tre m e d e te rm in ism h ad any real ad h e re n ts in Paris, b u t ra th e r th a t m o st b eliev ed in th e so rt o f in d ire c t in flu en c e d escrib ed b y A quinas. H issette, Enquete, p . 237. 61. N o . 92 (no. 6, Chartularium)-. “ Q u o d re d e u n tib u s c o rp o rib u s coelestib u s o m n ib u s in id e m p u n c tu m , q u o d fit in X X X sex m ilibus a n n o ru m , re d ib u n t id e m effectus, q u i su n t m o d o .” M a n d o n n e t, Sigerde Brabant, p. 183. T h e re w e re , o f co u rse, o th e r c o m p e t­ in g figures fo r th e len g th o f th e G re at Y ear, g iv en d ifferen t rates o f precessio n . H issette traces th e source o f T e m p ie r’s c o n d e m n e d thesis to B o eth iu s o f D acia, b u t B o e th iu s’s te x t gives n o fig u re for th e le n g th o f tim e re q u ire d fo r th e re tu rn o f th e h eav en ly bo d ies to th e ir orig in al posts. H issette finds n o Parisians su p p o rtin g this thesis (H issette, Enquete, p. 158). 62. N o . 105 (no. 2 0 7 , Chartularium)-. “ Q u o d in h o ra g e n eratio n is h o m in is in c o rp o re S U O c t p e r co n seq u en s in anirna, q u ae se q u itu r co rp u s, ex o rd in e cau saru m su p e rio ru m et in fe rio ru m in est h o m in i d ispositio inclinans ad tales actio n es vel e v e n tu s.— E rro r, nisi in tellig atu r de ev en tib u s n atu ralib u s, e t p e r v ia m d isp o sitio m s.” M a n d o n n e t, Siger de Bra­ bant, p. 184. 63. T h e lite ra tu re o n O re sm e is im m e n se . F o r a re c e n t b ib lio g rap h y see B e rt H an sen , Nicole Oresme and the Marvels o f Nature: A Study o f H is D e causis m irab iliu m with Critical Edition, Translation, and Commentary, S tudies an d T exts, 68 (T o ro n to : P o n tifical In stitu te o f M ed iev al S tudies, 1985). F o r O re sm e ’s v iew s o n astrology, see H an se n , p p . 17—25; T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 3 :3 9 8 —423; C o o p la n d , Nicole Oresme and the Astrologers (texts o f Livre de divinations an d Tractatus contra iudiciarios astronomos); P ierre M a u ric e M arie D u h e m , Le systeme du monde: Histoire des doctrines cosmologiques de Platon a Copernic, 10 vols. (Paris: H e rm a n n , 1913—59), 8 :4 6 2 —83; E d w a rd G ra n t, ed., Nicole Oresme and the Kinematics o f Circular M otion: Tractatus de commensurabilitate vel incommensurabilitate motuum coeli, edited with an Introduction, English Translation, and Commentary (M adison: U n iv e rsity o fW is c o n sin Press, 1971); M ax L ejb o w ic z , “ C h ro n o lo g ie des ecrits an ti-astro lo g iq u e s d e N ic o le O resm e. E tu d e sur u n cas de scepticism e dans la d e u x ie m e m o itie d u X IV 1-' siecle,” in Je a n n in e Q u ille t, ed ., A utour de Nicole Oresme, A ctes d u C o llo q u e O re sm e organise a l’U n iv e rsite de Paris, 12 (Paris: J. V rin , 1990), p p . 119—76; a n d esp. S tefano C a ro ti, La critica contro Pastrologia di Nicole Oresme e la sua influenza nel medioevo e net Rinascimento, A tti dell’A ccadem ia N a z io n a le dei L in cei, M e m o rie , Classe d i scienze m o rali, sto ric h e e filolo g ich e, ser. 8, vol. 23 , fasc. 6 (1979): 5 4 5 —684; C aro ti, “ N ic o le O re sm e : Quaestio contra

divinatores horoscopios,” Archives d ’histoire doctrinalc et litteraire du m oyen age 43 (1976): 201—

310; an d C a ro ti, “ N ic o lc O re sm e ’s P o lem ic against A strology in H is ‘Q u o d lib e ta ,’ ” in P atrick C u rry , ed ., Astrology, Science and Society: Historical Essays (W o o d b rid g e, Suffolk: B oydell Press, 1987), pp. 7 5 —93. 64. O f all O re s m e ’s anti-astrological w ritings, these are th e m ildest and th e m o st trad i­ tional, perhaps, C aro ti suggests, because o f his fear o f th e astrologers at th e co u rt o f C harles V. See C a ro ti, L a critica contro I’astrologia di Nicole Oresme, p. 561. 65. B o th th e Tractatus and th e Liure m o st likely date fro m th e p e n o d 1348—65. See C o o p la n d , Nicole Oresme and the Astrologers , pp. 1 , 3; C a ro ti, La critica contro I’astrologia di Nicole O resm e , p. 546. 66. See C o o p la n d , Nicole Oresme and the Astrologers, p. 23. 67. T h e questions asked o f astrologers all in v o lv ed ev en ts d e p e n d e n t u p o n th e ex er­ cise o f free w ill, h e m ain tain ed . C aro ti, “ N ic o le O re sm e ’s P o lem ic against A strology in his ‘Q u o d lib e ta ,’ ” p. 87, c itin g O re sm e ’s Quodlibeta. 68. Liure, chap. 9; Tractatus, chap. 4 (b o th o f these w o rk s ap p ear in C o o p la n d , Nicole Oresme and the Astrologers).

69. Tractatus, chap. 4; Liure, chap. 3; Quaestio, p t. 3, cited in C aro ti, La critica contro I’astrologia di Nicole Oresme, p. 602. 70. 71. 72. 73.

Tractatus, chap. 4. Liure, chap. 12; Tractatus, chap. 6.

Tractatus, chap. 4. Tractatus, chap. 4; Quaestio, p t. 2, cite d in C a ro ti, La critica contro I ’astrologia di Nicole Oresme, p. 595.

74. 75. p. 81. 76. 77. 78.

Tractatus, chap. 2; Liure, chap. 8. Sec T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 3:407; C aro ti, L a critica contro I ’astrologia di Nicole Oresme,

C aro ti, La critica contro I ’astrologia di Nicole Oresme, p. 592. Ibid., p. 591. O re sm e says th a t he h im se lf h ad stu d ied astrology as a y o u th . T h e p e rtin e n t w orks are his D e proportionibus proportionum , A d pauca respicientes, D e commensurabilitate vel incommensurabilitate m otuum coeli. See G ran t, Nicole O resme and the Kinem atics o f Circular Motion-, C a ro ti, La critica contro I’astrologia di Nicole Oresme, pp. 583— 87, and T h o rn d ik e , H M E S 3 :4 0 5 —6. 79. C aro ti, La critica contro I’astrologia di Nicole Oresme, p. 585. 80. Ibid., p. 586, c itin g O re sm e ’s D e proportionibus. 81. O re sm e laid o u t th e th e o ry o f “ co n fig u ratio n s” in th e treatise D e configurationibus quahtatum . I follow C a ro ti’s su m m ary (ibid., p p . 571—75). 82. Ibid., p. 582. 83. Ibid., pp. 598—99, citin g th e Quaestio. T h e “ lu m e n , m o tu s, et in flu e n tia ” ascribed to the heavens by O re sm e w e re th e standard in stru m en talities o f heav en ly influence acco rd in g to m edieval theorists. See E d w ard G ran t, “M ed iev al and R en aissan ce Scholas­ tic C o n c e p tio n s o f th e In flu en ce o f th e C elestial R e g io n o n th e T errestrial,” Journal o f M edieval and Renaissance Studies 17 (1987): 10—11. 84. “ Q uanrvis en im c o m p le x io n u m diversitas aliqualiter sit a celo q u o d anim as h o m in u m ad varios m ores, sine tam en fati necessitate, inclinat; ta m e n h o c astrologi n e q u e u n t prescire tu rn quia m o tu u m celi p ro p o rcio n c s su n t inscibiles u t alibi dem o n strav i tu rn quia vires astro ru m ig n o te sunt, tu rn q uia e o ru m indicia [or indicia = ju d g m en ts?] fnvolis

persuasiom bus vallata s u n t.” Tractatus, chap. 4, ed. in C o o p la n d , Nicole Oresme and the Astrologers, p. 131. 85. H is w o rk show s a d eep in flu en ce fro m O rc sm c . H e b ecam e a b a c h e lo r o f arts at Paris m 1363 an d w as active m P a n s u n til his m o v e to th e n e w U n iv e rsity o f V ien n a m 1381 o r 1382. H is astrological w ritin g s all b e lo n g to th e Paris years. F o r re ce n t studies o f H e n ry ’s life a n d th o u g h t, see N ich o las S ten cck , Science and Creation in the M iddle Ages: H enry o f Langenstein (d. 1397) on Genesis (N o tre D a m e , In d .: U n iv ersity o f N o tre D am e Press, 1976); and M ich ael H . S h an k , “Unless You Believe, You Shall N o t Understand." Logic, University, and Society in Late Medieval Vienna (P rin c e to n , N .J.: P rin c e to n U n iv ersity Press, 1988). F o r H e n ry ’s a ttitu d e a b o u t astro lo g y a n d an e d itio n o f his m a jo r a n ti-a stro logical w o rk s, see H e rb e rt P ru c k n e r, Studien z u den astrologischen Schriften des Heinrich von Langenstein, S tu d ie n d e r B ib lio th e k W a rb u rg , 14 (Leipzig: T e u b n e r, 1933); C a ro ti, La critica contro 1’astrologia di Nicole Oresme, pp. 6 1 3 —29; an d T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 3 :4 7 2 — 510. 86. In th e treatise D e reductione ejfectuum in virtutes communes. See C a ro ti, La critica contro Vastroiogia di Nicole Oresme, p p . 620, 623; a n d T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 3:481. 87. In th e treatise D e Itabitudine causarum. Sec C a ro ti, La critica contro Vastrologia di Nicole Oresme, pp. 615—16; an d T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 3:477. 88. D c reductione ejfectuum; C a ro ti, La critica contro Vastrologia di Nicole Oresme, p. 623; and T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 3:486. 89. C a ro ti, La critica contro Vastrologia di Nicole Oresme, p. 622; T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 3:489. 90. B o th p rin te d by P ru c k n e r, Studien, pp. 89—138, 139—206. 91. Tractatus contra coniunctionistas, p t. I, chap. 8, ed. P ru c k n e r, Studien, p p . 151—52: “ S tu p en d a absurditas in p h ilo so p h ia , q u o d plan eta n a tu ra liter agens et n o n lib ere existens in ange [auge] epicycli forcius in flu it o m n ib u s ceteris paribus, ex q u o ex p arte situs in ange [auge] nulla virtu s sibi im p n m itu r n ec a c q u iritu r . . . q u o n ia m e q u e n a tu ra liter situ atu r in q u o lib e t p u n c to sui o rb is.” T h is passage is cited b y C a ro ti, La critica contro 1’astrologia di Nicole Oresme, p . 627; an d T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 3:4 9 7 . 92. Tractatus contra coniunctionistas, p t. I, chap. 7 , p. 147: “ Q u id e n im facit ad v ig o re m raro e t n o n nisi p o st m a g n u m te m p u s ibi sem el co n iu n g i; y m m o ad d e b ilita tem facit, qui in te rim in flu en cia p reced e n tis c o m u n c tio n is m agis to ta lite r ev a n u it, q u a m si statim p o st ib i ite ru m c o n iu n g e re n tu r.” 93. Quaestio de cometa, ed. P ru c k n e r, Studien, chap. 9, p. 114: “E t n o n m in u s irra tio n a bile est, q u o d sig n ificatio n em c o m e te d u ra re d ic u n t p e r an n o s, m enses, vel dies . . . ” 94. Tractatus contra coniunctionistas, p t. II, chap. 5, p p . 184—85. C ite d b y C a ro ti, La critica contro Vastrologia di Nicole Oresme, p. 628. 95. See C o o p la n d , Nicole Oresme and the Astrologers, p. 8. 96. F o r th e sm all circ u la tio n o f O re s m e ’s w o rk s a n d fo r th e literary b o rro w in g s fro m O re sm e , see C o o p la n d , Nicole Oresme and the Astrologers, p p . 8—12. F o r th e Songe du viei! peterin, see P h ilip p e d e M ezieres, C h a n c e llo r o f C y p ru s, Le songe du vieil pelerin, ed. G . W . C o o p la n d , 2 vols. (C am b rid g e: C a m b rid g e U n iv e rsity Press, 1969). F o r O re sm e ’s in flu­ en ce o n o th e r w riters o n astrology see C a ro ti, La critica contro Vastrologia di Nicole Oresme, pp. 613—84; and T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 3 :4 2 3 . A c c o rd in g to C a ro ti’s th o ro u g h stu d y o f O re s m e ’s in flu en ce, h e was k n o w n alm o st exclusively b y th e Tractatus an d th e Livre and n o t by th e h arsh er an ti-astro lo g ical w ritin g s.

97. T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 3:508. S y m o n de P hares listed h im as o n e e x p e rt in th e art o f astrology: “ il cstoit eru d it cn la science des etoiles . . . il predist plusiers b e a u lx ju g e m c n ts.” Rccncil des phis celebres astrologues . . . par Syinon dc Pkares (cd. W ick e rsh eim er), p. 223. 98. See T ester, History o f Western Astrology, pp. 2 4 0 -4 3 ; an d P atrick C u rry , Prophecy and Power: Astrology in Early Modern England (C am brid g e: P o lity Press, 1989), pp. 114—19. 99. F o r a c o n v e n ie n t su m m ary o f aspects o f th e d eb ate in and after d ’A illy’s lifetim e, see M arkow ski, “ D e r S tan d p u n k t d e r G e le h rte n . . . d ern astrologischen D ete rm in ism u s g e g e n u b e r.” 100. D e falsis prophetis II, p rin te d in Je a n G erso n , Opera omnia, ed. Louis Ellies D u p in , 5 vols. (A ntw erp: S um p tib u s societatis, 1706), I: cols. 511—603. D ’Ailly w ro te tw o tre a ­ tises en titled De falsis prophetis', this treatise, alth o u g h traditionally n u m b e re d sec o n d may, in fact, have b e e n first in o rd e r o f co m p o sitio n . See M ax L ieb erm an , “ C h ro n o lo g ie G erso n ien n e. V III. G erso n et D ’Ailly (III),” Romania 81 (1960): 82—84. F or th e d ate, see ap p en d ix 2. 101. H e qu o tes large sections o f A u g u stin e, D e civitate dei, b o o k 5; T h o m a s A quinas, Sumina theologiae, Ila IIac, q. 9 5 , a. 5, an d Sum m a contra gentiles, III, chap. 84; and N ic o le O resm e, Tractatus. H e does n o t q u o te O re sm c ’s m o re scientific w o rk s, such as th e treatise o n com m ensurability, o r his m o re th o ro u g h g o in g Quaestio contrajudiciarios astronomos. O n d ’A illy’s use o f O resm e , see C a ro ti, La critica contro I'astrologia di Nicole Oresme, pp. 629—43; and C o o p la n d , Nicole Oresme and the Astrologers, p. 11. D ’A illy also cites (via O resm e) G ratian, Isidore o f Seville, J o h n o f Salisbury, an d H u g h o f St. V icto r, a m o n g others. O resm e was grand m aster o f d ’A illy’s o w n C o lleg e o f N av arre in Paris. It is n o t in c o n ­ ceivable th at d ’Ailly w o u ld have k n o w n O resm e. 102. P ierre d ’Ailly, Apologetica defensio astronomice ueritatis (I), in P ierre d ’Ailly, Tractatus de imagine inundi et varia ejusdem auctoris et Joannis Gersonis opuscuta (L ouvain: Jo h a n n dc W estphalia, ca. 1483), fol. [gg6r]: “ m e d iu m te n e re d o cu i in te r extrem es duas o p im o n es q u aru m un a astro n o m ic a m p o testatem nim is ex to llit alia nim is d e p rim it.” 103. T h e d istin ctio n w as th e sam e as th a t d ra w n b y Isidore o f Seville, Etymologiae, b o o k 3, chap. 27. D ’Ailly m ay have tak en this d istin ctio n fro m H u g h o f St. V ic to r (via O resm e). See D e falsis prophetis II, col. 594, w h e re d ’Ailly q u o tes H u g h o f St. V ictor, fo llo w in g O re sm e ’s Tractatus, chap. 5. 104. P ierre d’Ailly, Concordantia astronomie cum theologia (m ost freq u en tly called the Vigintiloquium), in d ’Ailly 1490, v. 2, fol. a3r, listing th re e errors th at have re n d e re d astrology suspect: “P rim u s est e o ru m q u i ex astris o m n ia fu tu ra necessitate fatali ev en ire senserunt. S ecundus est e o ru m q u i astronom icis libris plures supersticiones execrabiles artis m agice m iscu eru n t. T ercius est e o ru in q u i term in o s astro n o m ic e potestatis respectu liberi arbitrii e t q u aru m d a m re ru m que so lu m su b su n t d ivine ac su p ern atu rali potestati superbe et supersticiose e x cesseru n t.” 105. G erso n ’s Contra doctrinam medici cuiusdam in monte pessulano sculpentis in numismate figuram leonis. 106. D e falsis prophetis II, cols. 590—93, fo llo w in g A q u in as’s Sum m a theologiae, IIa IIae, q. 95, and th e Summa contra gentiles, III, chap. 84. 107. P ierre d ’Ailly, De Iegibus et sectis contra superstitiosos astronomos, in P ierre d ’Ailly, Tractatus de imagine mundi et varia ejusdem auctoris et Joannis Gersonis opuscula (Louvain: Jo h a n n de W estphalia, ca. 1483), chap. 6, fol. F4v: “E t tu n c anim a c o rp o ri u n ita e x c ita tu r

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fortitcr et i n d u c i t u r efficaciter, licet n o n cogatur," following Bacon's Opus mains (ed. Bridges), vol. 1, pars 4, p. 267. 108. ibid.: "ut sic opinioncs et secte ac m u t a t i o n e s c o n s u c t u d i n u m i n d u c a n t u r p e r aliquem f a m o s u m in p o p u l o et p o t e n t e m , " following the Opus mains (ed. Bridges), vol. 1, pars 4, p. 267. 109. Esp. t h e De legibus et sectis, the Vigintiloquium (or Concordantia astronomic cum theologia), and the Elucidarium. 110. J . D . N o r t h says that he is n o w h e r e consistent in his definitions o f w h a t is i n volved in these t w o . N o r t h , "Astrology and the Fortunes of C h u r c h e s , " p. 201. W h a t N o r t h sees as inconsistency is m o r e likely a d e v e l o p m e n t in d'Ailly's views o n astrology; with t h e passage of time he grants m o r e and m o r e p o w e r to the stars and h e n c e attributes m o r e and m o r e events t o natural causality. 111. De legibus et sectis, chap. 7, fol. [F5r]: "Verbi gratia Christus legislator noster a sua nativitate valde b o n a m c o m p l e x i o n e m naturalem dicitur habuisse. N o n est ergo fidei dissonum et est ratiani naturale c o n s o n u m q u o d sub b o n a eeli dispositione scu constellatione natus fucrit a qua complectionis bonitas naturaleter [naturaliter] in co d e p e n d e r c potuit." 112. Concordantia astronomic cum hystorica narratione, in d'Ailly 1490, fol. [b8r]: " T a m e n [Deus] disposuit c u m causis naturaliter operari nisi ubi miraculosa operatio i n t e r v e n e r i t . " 1 13. A n d , of course, the w o r k i n g s o f h u m a n free will, as d'Ailly m a d e clear: " I n his tamen l e c t o r e m c u p i m u s esse p r e m o n i t u m q u o d nihil fatali necessitati ascribimus sed naturali causalitati et inclination! cut hberuin arbitrium in his q u e sue subiciantur facultati potest dei c o n c u r r e n t e auxilio resistere." Ibid. 114. Apologetica defensio astronomice veritatis (I), in Pierre d'Ailly, Tractatus de imagine tttundi, fol. [gg6v]: "fides n o n cogit dicere q u o d huius sancte prolis nativitas o m n e m h u i u s m o d i astrorum i n f l u x u m excluserit sicut nec cogit dicere q u o d sol earn n o n calefecit." 115. Ibid., fol. [gg8v]: " u t excludam in his ea q u e divinitus speciali privilegio n o n nature sed gratie facta esse Christiana tradidit auctoritas." 116. H e called it "natural t h e o l o g y " in t h e Vigintiloquium, v. 1, fol. a2v: " E t ideo astronomia n o n i n c o n v e n i e n t e r naturahs theologia n o m m a t u r . . ." 117. O n d'Ailly's use o f O r e s m e , see Caroti, La critica contra I'astrologia di Nicole Oresme, pp. 629—43. H e finds d'Ailly to be fairly positive o n astrology in t h e sections o f t h e De falsisprophetis o t h e r than the l o n g final quaestio o n divination by the stars, in w h i c h d'Ailly c o n d e m n s astrology. 118. E d w a r d Grant insists that this is plagiarism; d'Ailly does n o t even a c k n o w l e d g e that his source is "quidam doctor" or "aliquis," as he usually does w h e n q u o t i n g an u n n a m e d author. See Grant, Nicole Oresme and the Kinematics of Circular Motion, pp. 130—32, esp. n. 121. 119. Apologetica defensio astronomice veritatis (I), fol. [gg8v]: "rationes q u a n t u m ad hoc magis probare v i d e n t u r sciendi difficultatem q u a m scientie impossibilitatem." Also see Secunda apologetica defensio astronomice veritatis, in Pierre d'Ailly, Tractatus de imagine mundi, fol. h h 2 : " O m n i a alia et ilia i b i d e m obiecta probant huius scientie m a x i m a m esse difficult a t e m et m a x i m e incertitudinaliter iudicando de nativitatibus . . . sed n o n p r o b a n t huius scientie falsitatem aut impossibilitatem." 120. De legibus et sectis, chaps. 8 and 9.

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121. Ibid., chap. 10. D'Ailly was an expert o n this matter and addressed a treatise o n the calendar to P o p e J o h n X X I I I . 122. Ibid., fol. g4r—g4v: " N a m c u m in astrologia dc m o t i b u s tot et tante difficultates sint et incertitudines ut prcdictum est, necessano oportet quod in astronomia dc judiciis plures sint et maiorcs c u m hcc ex ilia dependeat et ultra cam multa incerta p r e s u p p o nat. . . . Idco videtur esse h u m a n a superbia ex h u i u s m o d i coniecturis vellc p e r t m g e r e ad talcm prescientiam c o n t i n g e n t i u m f u t u r o r u m , u n d e talem prescientiam deus sibi soli creditur reservasse, saltern rcspectu a l i q u o r u m f u t u r o r u m . " D'Ailly leaves o p e n a l o o p hole in the last clause, n o t i n g that G o d has reserved for himself the f o r e k n o w l e d g e of the future, "at least with respect to some future contingents." Presumably, t h e n , the f o r e k n o w l e d g e o f the rest is o p e n to m a n . 123. Sccunda apologetica defensio astronomicc veritatis, fol. hh2v: "dc his talis haberi potest per hanc scientiam cognitio que debet reputari ad aliqua iudicia sufFiciens." 124. Vigintiloquium, v. 4, fol. a3v: "Constellatio aliqualiter disponit et inclinat h u m a n a m voluntatem. Ccli m a x i m c o b e d i u n t h o m i n e s brutales qui malis inclinationibus n o n resistunt per virtutes." 125. Apologetica defensio astronomicc veritatis (I), fol. [gg8v]: "dico q u o d iudicia ast r o n o m i e s de nativitatibus . . . pre ceteris aliis iudicns astrorum valde difficilia sunt et incerta et h o c satis confitentur peritiores a s t r o n o m i . " 126. Sccunda apologetica defensio astronomicc veritatis, fol. h h 2 v : " E t si q u a n d o q u e e d a m aliqui forte m i n u s pcriti astronomi crrent in iudicando vel etiam si inter peritos sit q u a n d o q u e in iudiciis diversitas aut n o n plena concordia n o n est tamcn propter hoc ista scicntia c o n t c m n a n d a ncc eius studia c o n t e m n e n d u m . " 127. Apologetica defensio astronomice veritatis (I), fols. [gg6v]—[gg7r]. 128. Ibid., fol. [gg7v]: " q u i d m i r u m si eis [planetis] specialiter v i r t u t e m dederit [deus] ut s e c u n d u m e o r u m o r d i n e m rebus aliis hie inferius producendis o r d o daretur sicut e m b n o n i et rebus ceteris suo m o d o . " 129. Ibid.: " E t p o n a m in hoc e x e m p l u m notabile in q u o c o n c o r d a n t n o n solum ast r o n o m i sed philosophi et medici. N e c discordant theologi videlicet q u o d sicut dicit C a m p a n u s [of Novarra], ex ordinatione crcatoris gloriosi dispositum est ut singuli planete successive in quolibet orizonte d o m i n e n t u r singulis horis successive. . . . Patet proposit u m quia ex hac consideratione philosophi d e n o m i n a v e r u n t quemlibet d i e m ab illo planeta qui in prima cius hora d o m i n i u m o p t i n e t . " 130. Secutida apologetica defensio astronomice veritatis, fol. hhr: " S e c u n d o dicit [Oresme] q u o d . . . propositiones que in libris iudicialibus posite sunt ut p l u r i m u m sunt ficte et v o l u n t a n c divmate. . . . Q u a e n i m ratione potest dici dc grada zodiaci quia u n u s est lucidus et unus masculus . . .?" 131. Ibid., fols. h h 2 v - h h 3 r : "[the ancients set forth rules for m a k i n g astrological j u d g ments] partim per experie[n]tiam partim per rationem naturalem. . . . N a m aliqui ast r o n o m i 7 planetas applicant ad climata. . . . Et h o c concluserunt antiqui ex conditionibus terrarum et moribus h o m i n u m eas inhabitantium. . . . N a m preter hos duos m o d o s acquirendi scientiam alios duos posuit Alkindus in libro suo de radicibus stellarum videlicet q u o d aliqua cognita f u e r u n t a causa aliqua per revelationem . . . . N o t a n d u m est q u o d Alkindus n o n loquitur de ilia revelatione que immediate fit dei inspirationc sed de ilia q u e fit mcdiante celi impressione." Al-Kindi was a n i n t h - c e n t u r y Arab philosopher. H e w r o t e extensively on many subjects, including astrology, and his most important w o r k o n the stars is the Dc radiis cited by d'Ailly here. It has been edited by M . - T . d'Alverny and

F. H u d ry in Archwes d ’histoirc doctrinale ct Iitterairc du moyen age 41 (1974): 139—260. I have b een u n ab le, h o w e v e r, to lo cate d ’A illy ’s referen ce in th e ir e d itio n o f th e D e radiis. 132. Apologetica defensio astronomice veritatis (I), fol. h h 3 r: “ n o n est tam en in c re d ib ile et q u o d ah q u e h u iu s m o d i v e n ta te s etiam p e r d iv in am in sp iratio n em q u ib u sd a m revelate sunt. E t h o c m ax im e sanctis p a tn a rc h is e t p ro p h e tis q u o ru m aliqui in scientia astro n o m ic le g u n tu r fuisse p eriti sicu t de A b ra h a m et M oysc n arrav it Jo se p h u s e t C h ristian e rc citan t h ystorie. E t h o c facit u tiq u e ad la u d em et e x altatio n em h u m s veritatis scicn tie a stro n o m ice c t ad h o n o re m et g lo riam alm i c o n d ito ris sid eru m q u i est d eu s b e n ed ic tu s in secula sc c u lo ru m .” 133. N ic o le O re sm e , Tractatus contra astronomos, in C o o p la n d , Nicole Oresme and the Astrologers, chap. I, p. 124 (astrology rev ealed to th e patriarch s is p u t fo rth as a defense o f th e science); an d chap. 7, p p . 139—40 (this a rg u m e n t is an sw e re d b y th e assertion th a t astrologers h ad falsely a ttrib u te d th ese b o o k s to th e patriarchs). 134. See E d w a rd G ra n t, “ T h e C o n d e m n a tio n s o f 1277, G o d ’s A b so lu te P o w e r, and Physical T h o u g h t in. th e Late M id d le A g es,” Viator 10 (1979): 2 1 1 —17, re p rin te d in E d ­ w ard G ra n t, Studies in Medieval Science and Natural Philosophy (L o n d o n : V a rio ru m R e ­ prints, 1981). G ra n t argues th a t in th e years after 1277, G o d ’s ab so lu te p o w e r to do a n y th in g sh o rt o f a logical c o n tra d ic tio n b e c a m e a p o w e rfu l analytical to o l in n atural p h ilo so p h y , sp ark in g th e c o n te m p la tio n o f all sorts o f h y p o th e tic a l possibilities. 135. “P lu n m i c o g ita v e ru n t astrologi D c u m o cio sam v ita m d u c e re c u n c ta q u e m in istran p e r c e lu m .” S alutati, D e fa to , 3.1, cite d by C h arles T rm k a u s, “ C o lu c c io S alu tati’s C ritiq u e o f A stro lo g y in th e C o n te x t o fH is N a tu ra l P h ilo so p h y ,” Speculum 6 4 (1989): 68. 136. T. M . L u h rm a n n , Persuasions o f the Witch's Craft: R itu a l Magic in Contemporary England (C am b rid g e, M ass.: H a rv a rd U n iv e rsity Press, 1989), p p . 7—8. In a strik in g p aral­ lel to d ’A illy’s dismissal o f charges th a t astro lo g y w as d isp ro v ed b y th e c o n tra d ic tio n s an d inaccuracies o f its p red ictio n s, L u h rm a n n ’s m agicians a ttrib u te d failure o f th e ir spells “ to faulty te c h n iq u e , n o t to fragile th e o r y ” (p. 137). 137. Ib id ., pp. 271 —7 2 , citin g L eo n F estinger, H . W . R ie c k c n , and S. S ch ach te r, W hen Prophecy Fails (N e w Y o rk : H a rp e r an d R o w , 1956); a n d F estinger, A Theory o f Cognitive Dissonance (S tanford: S tan fo rd U n iv e rsity Press, 1957). G .E .R . L loyd, Magic, Reason and Experience: Studies in the Origin and Development o f Creek Science (C am b rid g e: C a m b rid g e U n iv ersity Press, 1979), e.g ., p p . 5, 2 9 , 3 3 , 4 0 , 45. L lo y d rejects th e v ie w th a t ratio n al science cam e to replace m ag ic in a n c ie n t G re e c e , b u t ra th e r argues th a t th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f m agical th o u g h t m ay in d e e d have d e p e n d e d o n a n d fo llo w ed m odels d ra w n fro m physical science. C h ap ter T hree T he M aking o f an A strologer 1. Le recueil epistolaire autographe de Pierre d ’A illy et Ies notes d ’ltalie de Jean de Montreuil, ed. G ilb ert O u y , U m b ra e C o d ic u m O c c id e n ta liu m , 9 (A m sterdam : N o rth -H o lla n d , 1966), p. x v i. T h is in fo rm a tio n is based o n an analysis o f a u to g rap h m an u scrip ts. D ’Ailly ch an g ed his w ritin g style in th e years 1414—18; O u y fo u n d m arginalia in d ’A illy’s n e w h a n d in m an u scrip ts o f his early w orks. 2. F o r details o f th e am b iv ale n t a ttitu d e a b o u t th e stars, see c h a p te r 2. 3. H e in ric h D en ifle a n d E m ile C h ate lain , eds., Chartuiarium Universitatis Parisicnsis, 4 vols. (Paris: D elalain, 1889—97), 4:35 (“ C o n c lu sio facultatis th e o lo g ie su p e r m ateria fidei

n u n c agitata novissim c d e te rn u n a ta ,” S ep te m b er 19, 1398): “X X V IIu s articulus, q u o d cogitationes nostre intcllectuales e t volitiones in terio res im m e d ia te c au sen tu r a celo, et q u o d p e r aliquam trad itio n e m m ag icam p o ssu n t sciri, e t q u o d p e r illam d e eis c e rtitu d inaliter ju d ic a re sit licitu m . E rro r.” 4. Principium in cursum Bibiie, in P ierre d ’Ailly, Questiones Magistri Petri de Aylliaco cardinalis cameracetisis super primutn, tertium et quartum Iibros sententiarum (Paris: Je a n P etit, 1505?), fol. 274v: “q u o sd am ego re p e rio sibi n o m e n m athesis usurpantes in d eb ite, ex q u o ru m infam ia to ta fere M a th e m a tic o ru m scola infam is re d d itu r e t suspecta.” 5. Ibid., fol. 275r: “ Sed ad vcros m ath em atico s transeo qui . . . in astrologia c elo ru m influentias scientifice p e rsc ru ta n tu r.” 6. Ibid.: “ ita d esip iu n t u t C h risti d o c trin a m , C h risti v itam , C h risti o p era, C h risti m ira c u k causis naturalibus a celestibus influentiis a u d ean t d e p u ta re .” O f co u rse th e u n o r­ th o d o x co n seq u en ce o f such teac h in g is th at C h ris t’s passion w as u n d e rta k e n in v o lu n ta r­ ily, b e in g d e te rm in e d by th e stars. 7. Ibid. 8. Ibid. D ’Ailly attrib u tes this statem en t to A u g u stin e, D e natura demonurn; this b o o k w as in fact the w o rk o f R h a b a n u s M aurus. As m e n tio n e d in c h a p te r 2, this sta te m en t goes back to T ertullian, D e idolatria, and w as rep e a te d b y Isidore o f Seville an d G ratian, am o n g others. 9. T h is b rie f d escrip tio n o f m ath em atical k n o w le d g e w as, h o w e v e r, hardly th e place to go in to any details o f th e science. 10. [QHesiioiics on S acro b o sco ’s Sphera] in Jo an n es de S acrobosco, Uberritnum sphere mundi commetitum intersertis etiam questionibus domini Petri de Aliaeo (Paris: Je a n P etit, 1498), fol. b4r. “Alia pars [astrologiej considerat in generali m o tu s, situs et figuras c o rp o ru m celestium p er rationes m athem aticas. E t ista h a b e tu r ab acto re in isto tra c ta tu .” 11. Ibid., fol. [d5r]: “Sol p e r aspectos suos fo rtu n atu s est, m alus tam en est p er c o n iu n c tio n e m eius cu m aliquibus planetis in aliquibus signis; m asculinus, d iu m u s et o p eratu r calorem e t siccitatem .” 12. Ibid., fol. g2v: “ Sed ite ru m h u iu sm o d i sig n o ru m q u id a m gradus d ic itu r lucidi, alii ten eb ro si, aln fum osi; e t causa est quia si ascendens in nativ itate alicuius p u e ri fu e n t in gradu lu cid o e t etiam lu n a, tu n c talis p u e r d eb e t esse p u lc h e r et Iucidus; si in gradu ten eb ro so , m in u s p u lc h e r et turpis; si in futnosa, tu n c d eb e t te n e re m e d iu m .” Since each sign o f th e zodiac contains th irty degrees, this division o f th e sign indicates th e e x trem e precision necessary to m ak e an accu rate astrological ju d g m e n t. 13. Ibid., fol. n l r : “ . . . ilia eclipsis q u e fuit te m p o re passionis C h risti n o n fu it naturalis im m o m iraculosa quia ficbat versus o p p o sitio n e m . E t illud p ate t p e r a u c to re m in fine huius tractatus ubi allegat san ctu m D y o n isiu m q uia illo tu n c erat paganus et m agnus astrologus. Q u i d ix it sic a u t deus n atu re p a titu r a u t totalis m u n d i m ach in a d e stru itu r [either th e G o d o f n a tu re suffers o r th e w h o le m ac h in ery o f th e w o rld is b e in g d e­ stro y ed ].” A sim ilar statem en t appears in th e Historia scholastica o f P etru s C o m e sto r (P eter the E ater). “D ix it D ionysius A reopagita q u o d D eu s n aturae p a tieb a tu r.” Historia scholastica, chap. 175 (P L , 198: 1651). A b rie f discussion o f th e date o f th e C ru c ifix io n an d possible nearly c o n te m p o ra ry solar eclipses can b e fo u n d in D . Ju stin S chove, Chro­ nology o f Eelipsesand Comets, A D i— WOO (W o o d b rid g e, Suffolk: B oydell Press, 1984), pp. 6 -7 . 14. Tractatus Petri de Eliaco episcopi Cameracensis super Iibros Metheororum de impressionibus aeris. A c de his quae in prima, secunda, atque tertia regionibus aerisJiunt (Strasbourg: Jo h a n n e s

Prus, 1504), fols. 4v—5r: “ S ig n an t rixas: q u ia siccitas est p rin c ip iu m caloris ig n ei, q u i est p rin c ip iu m iracu n d iae (secu n d u m G alie n u m ). Ira est causa n x a ru m . R ix a e v e ro p rc lio ru m . P rclia v e ro su n t causae m o rtis p rin c ip u m e t a lio ru m p u g n a n tiu m .” 15. Tractatus de anima (Paris: Je a n P e tit, 1505), chap. 15, p t. 3, fol. f4v: “ H ab e n s a u te m h a b itu m e t n o n co gitan s actu a liter de usu illius vcl o b ie c to p o te st m o v e ri ad c o g ita n d u m de illo n o n so lu m a v o lu n ta te sed aliu n d e m u ltip lic ite r, scilicet vel a m o to re e x trin se c o u t ab in flu en tia celi, vel a m o to re in trin se c o u t a disp o sitio n e co rp o ra li, vel alia causa Iatc n te .” F o r a re c e n t study o f this w o rk , w ith critical e d itio n , see O la f Pluta, D ie philosophische Psychologie des Peter von A illy: E in Beitrag zu r Geschichte der Philosophic des spaten Mittelalters, B o c h u m e r S tu d ie n z u r P h ilo so p h ie, 6 (A m sterdam : B. R . G riin e r, 1987). 16. Traetatus utilis super Boecii de corisolatione philosophie (Paris, B ib lio th e q u e N a tio n a le , M S Lat. 31 2 2 ), q. 2, a. 2: “ Q u a n tu m ad se c u n d u m a rtic u lu m p rin cip ale m v id e n d u m est u tru m o m n ia q u e fiu n t d is p o n a n tu r se c u n d u m o rd in e m fatalis n ecessitatis.” Fols. 158v— 161 r. 17. Ib id ., fol. 159r: “ S ed tale fa tu m re p ro b a t fides et o m n is d o c trin a sa n c to ru m .” 18. Ib id ., fol. 159v: “ . . . c a p ie n d o fatu m . . , p ro fato significante v el in c lin a n te . . . n o n est n e g a n d u m y m m o sim p liciter e t c a th o lice c o n c e d e n d u m fatu m esse.” 19. Ib id ., fol. 159v: “ V o lo d icere q u o d n o n est n e g a n d u m q u in ex d isp o sitio n e celestiu m possibilis sit nobis p e r a stro n o m ia m aliqualis n o titia d e ev en tib u s fu tu ro ru m [sir]·” 20. Ibid.: “ N o n dico tam en n ec d ic u n t e tia m sapientes a stro n o m i q u o d talis c o n stellatio vel in flu en tia necessitet v o lu n ta te m .” 21. Ib id ., fol. 160r: “ Ita astrologus ex d isp o sitio n e c o rp o ru m celestiu m sicut ex causa rem o ta e t p e r h u n c m o d u m p o te s t [ju d icare],” q u o tin g T h o m a s A quinas, Sum m a contra gentiles, III, ch ap . 84. 22. Tractatus utilis, fol. 159v: “A p p a re t ex pred ictis q u o d . . . q u e re re e tia m scien ciam stellaru m utilis est e t licita etiam C h ristia n is.” 23. Ib id ., fol. 160r: “ N o lu n t erg o sancti q u o d relicta m o rali p h ilo so p h ia vel scicncia q u e p e rtin e t ad a n im e salu tem astrologia stu d e a tu r.” 24. Ibid.: “U n d e sic T u lliu s ait: stu d iu m co n serv are in res obscuras difficiles e t n o n necessarias v iciu m est q u o d curiositas v o c a tu r.” D ’A illy’s g re a t p u p il G erso n w o u ld ech o such sen tim en ts in a 1402 d iscourse e n title d Contra curiositatem studentium: “ C u rio sitas est v itiu m q u o dim issis u tilio rib u s h o m o c o n v e rtit stu d iu m su u m ad m in u s utilia vel in a ttm gibilia sibi vel n o x ia ” (“C u rio sity is a vice by w h ic h a p erso n tu rn s his a tte n tio n to things less useful, u n atta in ab le, o r h arm fu l to h im ”). Je a n G erso n , Oeuvres completes, ed. P a le m o n G lo rieu x , 10 vols. (Paris: D esclee & C ie, 1960—73), 3 :2 3 0 . G erso n b lam ed curiositas fo r lead in g scholars in to p rid e , e rro r, c o n te n tio u s debates, a n d o b scu re d o ctrin es. 25. Tractatus utilis, fol. 160r: “D e q u ib u s lo q u itu r P o licraticu s u b i super. P h iio so p h i in q u it d u m n a tu re n im iu m au cto ritatis a ttrib u u n t in a u c to re m n a tu re adversando fidei p le ru m q u e im p in g u n t. E t id e o sancti h u iu s scien tie stu d iu m n o n p ro p te r sciencias sed p ro p te r stu d en tes d a m p n a v e ru n t. E t m a x im e eo te m p o re q u o h o m in e s h u ic stu d io nim is te n a c ite r a d h e re b a n t.” J o h n o f S alisbury expresses a sim ilar se n tim e n t, a lth o u g h n o t in this language, in th e Policratieus, b o o k 2, chap. 19. In d ’A illy ’s Sermo [primus] de adventu, h e w o u ld a ttrib u te this passage to T h o m a s B ra d w a rd in e . P ie rre d ’Ailly, Sermo prim us de adventu domini, in P ierre d ’Ailly, Tractatus et sermones (S trasbourg: [P rin te r o f Jo rd a n u s de Q u e d lin b u rg ], 1490; rep r., F ra n k fu rt am M a in : M in e rv a , 1971), fol. s3v. 26. T h e firm est dates w e h av e fo r th e p a ir o f treatises en title d D e falsis prophetis p u t th e m b e tw e e n 1378 and 1388; th e B o e th iu s c o m m e n ta ry dates fro m 1377—8 1 . A n u m b e r

o f considerations have led m e to co n sid er th e De Jalsis prophetis II to p ostdate th e c o m ­ m entary: first, d ’A illy’s greater k n o w led g e ab o u t astrology in th e D e falsis prophetis II; second, th e fact th at d ’Ailly ap p aren tly lifts o n e paragraph fro m th e B o ethiu s c o m m e n ta ry in to th e w o rk on pro p h ecy ; an d finally, a co n sid eratio n o f th e su b ject m atter. In the B o eth iu s co m m en tary , d ’A illy states th a t h e is n o t allo w ed to deal w ith certain th e o lo g i­ cal topics, b e in g m erely in th e faculty o f arts (q u o ted in M arg u erite C h ap p u is, L u d g er K acznrarek, and O la fP lu ta , “ D ie p h ilo so p h isch en S chriften des P e te r v o n A illy: A u th e n tizitat u n d C h ro n o lo g ic ,” Frciburger ZeitschriftJiir Philosophic und Thcologie 33 [1986J: 602). H e expresses n o such relu ctan ce in th e DeJalsis prophetis II. 27. De Jalsis prophetis II, in Je a n G erso n , Opera omnia, ed. L ouis Ellies D u p in , 5 vols. (A ntw erp: S um ptibus societatis, 1706), I : col. 594: “ Q u a e d a m a u tem su n t futura c o n tin gentia circa actus h u m an o s, circa quae v ersan tu r ju d ic ia A strologiae, de nativitatibus, in terro g a tio n ib u s, & electionibus: & haec pars A strologiae, u t q u id am D o cto rcs [i.e., N ico le O resm e, from w hose w o rk d ’A illy is b o rro w in g here] d ic u n t, falsa est, su p crstitiosa, & inutilis, ac etiam im possibilis sciri.” 28. Ibid., col. 602: “ . . . plures h o m m u n r suas passiones co rporalcs se q u u n tu r; e t ideo actus co ru m d isp o n u n tu r, u t in pluribus, se cu n d u m in c lin a tio n c m co elestiu m c o rp o ru m ,” q u o tin g T h o m a s A quinas, Sutmna theologiac, IIa IIae, q. 95, a. 5, ad 2. 29. De JaIsis prophetis II, I : col. 525: “ P ro p h ctia est in spiratio vel revelatio divina . . . p er lu m en intellectuale . . . naturalis rationis lu m e n ex ced en s.” 30. Ibid., col. 533: “ . . . P to lo m aeu s in p rim a p ro p o sitio n e C en tilo g ii, d icit q u o d aliqui p ro p te r vim anim ae in eis d o m in a n te m , licet n o n h ab can t n iu ltam scicntiam artis astro ru m , h a b en t ex m elio ri parte c o g n itio n c m fu tu ro ru m , & su n t p ro p in q u io re s veritati q uam A strologus. S u p er q u o d d ic it ibi H aly in C o m m e n to : . , . [quod] . . . haec via, cum pura fuerit, a Philosophis v o c a tu r d iv in a .” T h e Cetitiloquium to w h ich d ’A illy refers was w ro n g ly assum ed to have b e en a w o rk by P to lem y ; it m ay have o rig in ated in n in th - o r te n th -c e n tu ry C airo , th e w o rk o f o n e A h m c d ib n Y usuf. Sim ilarly, th e co m m e n ta ry d ’Ailly cites is also w ro n g ly a ttrib u te d to “ H aly.” It m ay b e th e w o rk o f th e sam e A h m ed ibn Yusuf. B o th w e re translated in to Latin in th e tw e lfth c e n tu ry and w e re standard sources o f astrological lo re. See H ele n Lem ay, “T h e Stars an d H u m a n Sexuality: S om e M ed iev al Scientific V iew s,” Isis 71 (1980): 127; an d S. J . T ester, A History o f Western Astrology (W o o d b rid g e, Suffolk: B oydell Press, 1987), p. 154. 31. DeJaIsis prophetis II, I: col. 550: “ . . . se c u n d u m A stro n o m o s; si M erc u riu s Soli c o rp o raliter sit co n ju n c tu s in aliqua d o m o ru m S aturni, et L una fu erit in d o m o M erc u rii eiusdem triplicitatis; tu n c virtus coclestis m u ltu m fo rtite r m o v e t ad occultas e t profundas c o g n itio n es re ru m ” (“A c c o rd in g to astrologers, if M erc u ry an d th e S u n are corporeally co n jo in e d in any domus o f S atu rn , an d th e M o o n is in a domus o f M e rc u ry in th e sam e triplicity, th e n the celestial v irtu e very strongly m oves [one] to w ard o ccu lt an d p ro fo u n d co g n itio n o f things”). 32. Ibid., col. 546: “ U b i d icit H aly in C o m m e n to [on Centiloquium, v. 3] q u o d Stellae talcs su n t annnabus, qualia su n t elenrenta co rp o n b u s. . . . in telligit q u o d sicut corpus v irtutes c le m e n to ru m p articip at diversin io d e, se c u n d u m q u o d diversa elem en ta d o m in a n tu r in ipso; ita anim a diversas p ro p n e ta te s a d q u in t, se cu n d u m d o m in iu m stellarum d o in in an tiu n r in infusione ipsius.” 33. Ibid., col. 547: “ . . . m o to rc s coelestes ipsarum stellarum , seu o rb iu m , p rin cip aliter im pressionem faciunt in anim abus. Sic scilicet, q u o d si M erc u riu s fortis fu erit h o ra p rin -

cipii g e n e ra tio n s ahcujus, vcl h o ra nativitatis . . .; m o to r orbis M e rc u n i faciet fo rd s m e ­ m o riae an im am talis n ati, & ad h o c d irig it co rp u s ejus v irtu s ipsius orbis M c rc u rii.” 34. T h e C o n d e m n a tio n s o f 1277, n o . 7 6 (in M a n d o n n c t’s n u m b e rin g ) addressed this issue: “ Q u o d in tellig en tia m o trix cocli in flu it in an im a m ra tio n a le m , sicu t c o rp u s coeli influit in co rp u s h u m a n u m .” P ierre M a n d o n n e t, Siger de Brabant et I’averro'isme Iatin ait X IIIm e siecle, 2d e d ., 2 vols. in 1 (L ouvain: In stitu t S u p e rie u r dc P h ilo so p h ic , 1908 an d 1911), p. 181. T h is w as re p e a ted b y th e u n iv ersity in 1398. D e n iflc a n d C h a te la in , Chartularinm Universitatis Parisiensis, 4:35. 35. E .g ., “ N u llu m a u tc m c o rp u s p o te st im p rim e re in rem in c o rp o re a m ,” T h o m a s A quinas, Sum m a theologiae, IIa IIae, q. 9 5 , a. 5, ad 4, q u o te d in DeJalsis prophetis II, I : col. 591. 36. D e Jalsis prophetis II, 1 : col. 590. 37. Ib id ., col. 591: “ U n d e q uia p ro b a tu m est q u o d ex in s p e c tio n e sy d cru m , n o n acc ip itu r p ra e c o g n itio h u iu sm o d i fu tu ro ru m , nisi sicut ex causis p ra e c o g n o s c u n tu r effectus; co n scq u en s est q u o d .illa fu tu ra ex syderibus n o n p o ssu n t p raeco g n o sci, q u a e su b strah u n tu r ip so ru m causalitate. . . . du p lices effectus su b stra h u n tu r causalitate c o elestiu m c o rp o ru m . P rim o q u id e m , o m n es effectus p e r actus [T h o m as has per accidens] c o n tin g e n te s . . . S e c u n d o . . . actus liberi arb itrii . . .,” fo llo w in g T h o m a s A q u in as, Sum m a theologiae, IIa Ilae, q. 95, a. 5. 38. DeJalsis prophetis II, I: col. 591—9 2 , re p e a tin g so m e m aterial fro m th e B o eth iu s co m m en tary . 39. Ibid., col. 593: “ Si quis ex c o n sid c ra tio n e a stro ru m u ta tu r, ad p ra e c o g n o sc e n d u m fu tu ro s casuales vel fo rtu ito s ev en tu s; au t etiam ad c o g n o sc e n d u m p e r c e rtitu d in e m fu ­ tura o p era h o m in u m : h o c p ro c e d c t ex falsa & vana o p im o n e , cu i saepe o p e ra tio d aem o n is se im m iscet, & id eo e n t d iv in atio superstitiosa & illicita. Si v e ro quis u ta tu r co n sid e ra tio n e astro ru m , ad p ra e c o g n o sc e n d u m fu tu ra q u ae ex coelestibus cau sa n tu r c o rp o rib u s, pu ta siccitates ac pluvias, & h u ju sm o d i, n o n erit illicita d iv in atio n ec su p erstitio sa,” q u o t­ in g T h o m a s A quinas, Sum m a theologiae, IIa IIae, q. 9 5 , a. 5. 40. DeJalsisprophetis II, I : col. 593, fo llo w in g N ic o le O rc sm e , Tractatus contra iudiciarios astronomos, chap. 5. 41. F o r a su m m ary o f th e tw o m e n ’s a rg u m en ts, see ch a p te r 2. 42. DeJalsis prophetis II, I: col. 603: “ P lu rim o s e o ru m au d iv i, n o v i m ultos: sed n e ira n c m in h o c e rro re diu fuisse re c o lo , in q u o m an u s D o m in i c o n d ig n a m n o n c x e rc u e rit u ltio n e m ,” q u o tin g J o h n o f Salisbury, Policraticus, b o o k 2, chap. 2 6 (D ’A illy p ro b ab ly to o k th e q u o ta tio n fro m O re sm e , Tractatus, chap. 2). 43. G en tile p ro p h e ts o f C h rist are freq u e n tly discussed in m ed iev al C h ristian w ritings. T h e E ry th raean Sibyl w as b eliev ed to h a v e c o m p o se d verses w h o se first letters spelled o u t (w h e n translated fro m G re e k to L atin), “Jesus C h n stu s filius dei salv ato r.” H e rm e s T rism egistus, a m y th ical figure b eliev ed to have b e e n a ro u g h c o n te m p o ra ry o f M oses, was th o u g h t to have ta u g h t th at G o d is o n e a n d g o o d . Im p o rta n t sources fo r su ch discussions are L actantius, Liber divinarum institutionum, 1:6 (H e rm e s T n sm e g istu s and th e Sibyl) and A u g u stin e, D e civitate dei, 8 :2 3 —2 4 (H erm es T rism cgistus) an d 1 8:23 (w h ere h e q u o tes th e E ry th raean Sibyl), an d V in c e n t o f B eauvais, Speculum historiale, 2 :1 0 0 —102 (Sibyls) and 4:10 (H erm es T rism egistus). D ’A illy cites A u g u stin e an d L actantius in his serm on. O v id jo i n s th e list o f g en tile p ro p h e ts o f C h rist via a w o rk a ttrib u te d to h im (but w ritte n in th e th irte e n th c en tu ry ) en title d D e vetula, o n w h ic h see n. 83—85. P se u d o -

O v id ’s p ro p h ecies o f C h ristian ity appear in b o o k 3. T h e “ C h a ld ean s” are th e M agi o f M a tth e w 2 w h o co m e in search o f th e C h rist child. See, e.g ., th e co m m e n ta ry o n G ratian ’s Decretum, causa 26, q. 5, by G u id o de Baysio (A rch id iaco n u s): “ M agi n o n m alefici sed p h ilo so p h i C ald a e o ru m q u i p h ilo so p h a n tu r de singulis.” C ite d in M . A . S creech, “T h e M agi an d th e S tar (M atth ew , 2 ),” in O liv ie r Fatio an d P ierre F raenkel, eds., Histoire de Vexegese au X V I e siecle, E tu des d e p h ilo lo g ie ct d ’histoire, 3 4 (G eneva: D ro z , 1978), p. 389. 44. Sermo (tertius) de quadruplici adventu domini et specialiter de adventu ad indicium, in P ierre d ’Ailly, Tractatus et sermones (Strasbourg: [P rin ter o f Jo rd an u s de Q u c d lin b u rg ], 1490; re p r., F ran k fu rt am M am : M in erv a, 1971), fol. t2r: “ A lb u m azar etiam d o c trin a m v e te ru m cald e o ru m secutus. viii. [vi] m aioris in tro d u c to rii differentia p rim a de qu ad am virginc lo q u itu r, c t de illo p u e ro eius quern gentes p lu n m e Ih esu m v o c a n t.” 45. Ibid.: “Sed et an te h u iu s p u eri id est C h risti a d v e n tu m p e r sex an n o s et p au co s dies et horas facta est c o n iu n c tio m axim a saturni et iovis circa p rin c ip iu m arietis, cui p refu it m ercu riu s d o m inans virgm is. P e r q u e o m n ia sig n ificab an tu r p ersp icu e p u e ru m de virgine nascitu ru m , qui foret m ax im u s p ro p h e ta ru m . . . .” 46. Ibid.: “Sed nec solum pia sa n cto ru m p a tru m d ev o tio h u n c p re sto lab atu r a d v en ­ tu m , q u in im io invcterata gentilitas que a p atre lu m in u m deviarat, m ipsis etiam tenebris caligabat in te r d u m e t ipsum licet u m b ratice so m p n ia b a t.” D ’Ailly show s basically th e sam e im p etu s as th at o f Saint A nselm in th e Proslogion— to stre n g th e n C hristians m th e ir faith by sh o w in g h o w som e o f its fundam entals m ig h t b e d e m o n strate d b y reason. 47. Sermo (tertius) de adventu, fol. t4r: “ . . . sicut deus in p ro d u c tio n e m u n d i su p e rn a tu raliter operatus est sic in c o n su m m a tio n e h u iu s seculi su p ern atu raliter o p erab itu r, quare . . . c o n su m m atio seculi a u t eius tem p u s n a tu ralite r n o n p o test cognosci, n e c p e r p h ilo so p h o ru m rationes aut a stro lo g o ru m sp ecu latio n es.” T h is sam e language o f naturaliter and supernaturaliter w ill be used by d ’A illy in defense o f astrology in th e D e legibus et seeds (1410). H ere, h o w ev e r, d ’A illy w as fo llo w in g A rn o ld o f V illanova, D e tempore adventus Antichristi, b o th m d e n y in g th e possibility o f astrological fo re k n o w le d g e o f th e ap o ca­ lypse and m attack in g th e p articu lar astrological th e o ry p resen ted h ere. L en g th y excerpts from this treatise appear in H e in ric h F in k e, A u s den Tagen Bonifaz V III: Funde und Forschungen, V orreform atio n sg esch ich tlich e F o rsch u n g e n , 2 (M iinster: A schendorff, 1902), pp. cx x ix —CLix. In this serm o n , d ’A illy follow s th e sectio n o f A rn o ld ’s treatise c o rre ­ sp o n d in g to pp. cxxxrv—c x x x v o f F in k e ’s ed itio n . F o r m o re o n A rn o ld ’s treatise and d ’A illy’s use o f it, see ch a p te r 5. 48. Sermo (tertius) de adventu, fol. t4r: “ . . . astrologi p ro b e n t q u o d m o tu s retard atio n is octave spere n e q u it citius q u am in xxxvi m ilibus a n n o ru m co m p le ri, licet etiam h uius totius retardationis rev o lu tio necessaria fo ret u t ip so ru m q u id a m asserunt ad un iv ersalem p e rfectio n em m u n d i . . .,” fo llo w in g A rn o ld o f V illanova. T h is p e rio d o f 3 6 ,0 0 0 years was also lin k ed w ith th e c o n c e p t o f th e magnus annus, th e p e rio d o f tim e after w h ic h the stars w o u ld all re tu rn to th e ir o riginal p o sitio n s and, in th e m o st fatalistic versions o f the d o c trin e , all o f history w o u ld rep eat itself. F o r an ex p lan a tio n o f precession an d th e “ g reat y e a r” th eo ry , see ch ap ter I . 49. Ibid.: “ . . . n o n tam en ex h o c seq u itu r presens secu lu m p e r ta n tu m spacium d u ra tu ru m . N an r quia deus suam p o te n tia m e t sapientiam n o n ailigavit natu ralib u s causis, p o ten s est m o tu m o rb iu m q u a n tu m sibi placet velocitare e t re v o lu tio n e m h u iu sm o d i brevissim o te m p o re co m p lere, ita u t re v o lu tio n e m c e n tu m a n n o ru m u n o an n o vel d im id io p erficiat,” follo w in g A rn o ld o f V illanova.

50. Ibid.: “ . . . q u o d u tiq u e fu tu ru m esse circa fin e m m u n d i scrip tu ra te statu r diccns. A d v em t dies d o m in i sicu t fur q u o celi m a g n o im p e tu tran sien t, ii. P e tri u ltim o . E t id em testatu r Stbilla asscrens q u o d tu n c m in u e tu r an n i sicut m enses et m enses sicut d ie s,” fo llo w in g A rn o ld o f V illanova (“ . . . th a t in d e e d this shall h a p p e n n e ar th e e n d o f th e w o rld S c rip tu re testifies, saying: T h e day o f th e L o rd co n ies like a th ief, in w h ic h th e heavens shall go past w ith g re a t sp eed [m y trans.]. 2 P e te r, e n d [3:10], A n d th e Sibyl testifies to th e sam e, asserting th a t th e n th e years shall be d im in ish e d like m o n th s, a n d th e m o n th s lik e days”). 51. Sermo primus de adventu, in P ie rre d ’Ailly, Tractatus et sermones, fol. s3v: “D eu s o m n ip o te n s v o lu n ta te m h ab en s u m v ersa iite r efficacem p o tu it sine virili au x ilio fo rm are p u e ru m in u te ro v irg in a li.” T h e se rm o n m o st likely dates fro m th e years 1372—95. 52. Ibid.: “ H u ic e n im g e n e ra tio n i n a tu ra celi te s tim o n iu m p e rh ib u it celestia q u o q u e h an c dei glo riam e n a rra ru n t, n a m in celcstibus facta est m irabilis q u e d a m c o n iu n c tio m o d ic u m p n u sq u a m C h ristu s desideratus cu n ctis g en tib u s a d v e n ire t, a p erte significans Jh e s u m ex virg in e n a sc itu ru m , d e qua c o n iu n c tio n e A lb u m a z a r d o c trin a m v e te ru m cald c o ru m secutus, scilicet m aio ris in tro d u c to rii differen tia p rim a , lo q u itu r m u ltu m plan e, cuius sen ten tia p o n en s O v id iu s .iii. d e vetula q u i de hac c o n iu n c tio n e m e tric e m u lta se n b it.” 53. Ibid ., fol. s4r: “ tu n c m irabilis nov itas in celo ap p aru it e t c o n iu n c tio alias in au d ita sicu t superius tan g eb a tu r, p ro p te r q u o d etiam m agi v e n e ru n t ad a d o ra n d u m e u m [C h n stu m ].” O n th e m iracu lo u s q u ality o f th e star th a t a p p eared to th e M ag i, see also th e biblical c o m m e n ta ry o f N ic h o la s o f Lyra (ca. 1270—1340): “ p a te t q u o d ilia Stella n o n erat de stellis ex isten tib u s in o rb e , n ec de stellis c o m e tis .” In Bibha sacra cum glossa interlineari, ordinaria, et Nicolai Lyrani Postilla eiusdemque Moralitatibus, Burgensis Additionibus, et Thonngi replia's (V enice: [p u b lish er u n k n o w n ], 1588), fol. 12r. 54. F o r a m o re d etailed analysis o f d ’A illy ’s defense o f astrology, see c h a p te r 2. 55. Apologetka defensio astronomice veritatis; A lia secunda apologetica defensio eiusdem; A p o ­ logia astrologiae defensiva. 56. Epistola ad Papam Joannem X X I I I (Incipit: “ D u d u rn . . .”), in Je a n G e rso n , Opera omnia, ed. L ouis E llies D u p in , 5 vols. (A n tw erp : S u m p tib u s societatis, 1706), 2: cols. 880—881; Sermo in die omnium sanctorum, in P au l T sc h a c k e rt, Peter von A illi; Z u r Ceschichte des grossen abendlandischen Schistna und der Reformeoncilien von Pisa und C onstanz (G o th a: F ried rich A ndreas P erth es, 1877; rep r., A m sterd am : IL o d o p i, 1968), a p p ., p p . [43]—[45], [47]—[48], an d [49], 57. Sermo in die omnium sanctorum, p . [44], 58. F o r an e x p lan a tio n o f this d o c trin e , see c h a p te r I . O n d ’A illy’s use o f th e g reat co n ju n c tio n s in historical w ritin g , see c h a p te r 4. 59. Vigintiloquium (Concordantia astronomie turn theologia)·, Concordantia astronomic cum hystorica narratione; Elucidarium', Pro declaratione decern dictarum figurarum', an d D efigura inceptionis m undi et coniunctionibus mediis sequentibus. 60. Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione, in d ’A illy 1490, chap. 61, fol. [d8r]. See m y c o m m e n ts in c h a p te r 6. 61. Elucidarium, in d ’A illy 1490, ch ap . 34. See m y c h a p te r 6. 62. D e persecutionibus ecclesie, M arseilles, B ib lio th e q u e M u n ic ip a le , M S 1156, fols. 2 6 v — 27r. See c h a p te r 6. 63. D e legibus et sectis, in P ierre d ’Ailly, Tractatus de imagine m undi et varia ejusdem auctoris etJoannis Cersonis opuscula (L ouvain: Jo h a n n de W estphalia, ca. 1483), chap. 4.

64. In Concordantia astronomic cum theologia (— Vigintihquium)·, Concordautia astronomic cum hystorica narrationc, b o th p rin te d in d ’Ailly 1490. L eo p o ld o f A ustria w as th e a u th o r o f a p o p u lar astrological summa. D ’A illy m en tio n s o th e r sources, b u t w e c a n n o t b e sure he h ad read th e m yet. W c can k n o w h e had lo o k e d at A lbum asar an d is n o t m erely fo llo w in g B acon again, because h e cites te x t n o t fo u n d in B aco n ; likew ise fo r A lchabitius and L eopold o f A ustria. H e also cites by n am e P to lem y , H aly, M essahalla, an d A lbertus M a g ­ nus. 65. In th e Elucidarium. F o r m o re o n d ’A illy’s th o u g h t o n the g reat c o n ju n ctio n s, see ch ap te r 4. 66. E .g., P to lem y (and th e p sc u d o -P to lc m y o f th e Centiloquium), “ H aly ,” A lbum asar, al-K indi, M essahalla, A lchabitius, H e n ry B ate o f M ahnes, A lbertus M agnus, A venesra, Jo h a n n e s de M uris, J o h n o f A sh en d en , L eo p o ld o f A ustria, th e A lfonsinc tables, an d R o g e r B acon. 67. D cfigura inceptionis mundi et coniunctionibus mediis sequentibus, V ien n a, O ste rre ic h ischc N a tio n alb ib lio th ek , M S 5266, fols. 4 6r—50v. E .g ., fol. 45v: “A c c o rd in g to th e figure m ade above, in th e fo u rte e n th year, w ith 229 days, 8 h o u rs, an d 3 6 m in u tes, fro m the b e g in n in g o f the w o rld , J u p ite r an d Saturn w e re c o n jo in e d in th e fifteen th deg ree an d 29 m inutes o f T aurus, ac co rd in g to th e ir m ean m o tio n s, w ith th e tw e n ty -fo u rth deg ree o f Libra in th e ascendant” (“ S e c u n d u m prefactam fig u ram ccli a n n o 14 cu m 229 dicbus 8 horas 36 m inutis fu e ru n t c o n iu n c ti J u p ite r et S aturnus in T h a u ro 14 gradu 29 m in u to in m cdios m o tu s ascenden te 24 gradu L ib re”). T h e c o n ju n c tio n thus w as to have o c cu rred 13 years, 229 days, 8 h o u rs, an d 36 m in u te s after th e m o m e n t o f C re a tio n , set m this treatise at 5,328 years and 243 days b efo re C hrist. 68. D e concordia discordantium astronomorurn, in P ierre d ’Ailly, Tractatus de imagine m undi ct varia ejusdem auctoris et Joannis Gersonis opuscula (L ouvain: Jo h a n n de W estphalia, ca. 1483). 69. J o h n D . N o rth , “ A strology an d th e F o rtu n es o f C h u rc h e s,” Centaurus 24 (1980): 1 8 4 -8 5 . 70. D e lcgibus ct sectis, chap. 7. See also m y discussion in ch ap te r 2. 71. Vigintiloquium, v. 4, fol. a3v. 72. Apologetica dcfensio astronomice veritatis (I), in P ierre d ’Ailly, Tractatus de imagine m undi et varia ejusdem auctoris et Joannis Gersonis opuscula (L ouvain: Jo h a n n de W estphalia, ca. 1483), fols. [gg6v]; [g g8r]-[gg8vj. 73. Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione, chap. 60; Elucidarium, chap. 34; De persecutionibus cccleste, passim. 74. E .g., d ’Ailly fo llo w ed A quinas in th e B o eth iu s c o m m e n ta ry as w ell as in a 1419 le tter to Jean G c rso n . 75. In Apologetica defensio astronomice veritatis (I), fol. [gg6v], he says th a t D e Iegibus et sectis, D e concordia theologie et astronomie (i.e., Vigintiloquium), a serm o n fro m his y o u th , an d a treatise on false and tru e p ro p h e ts (i.e., D efalsisprophetis II) all “re p ro v e d n o t th e tru th o f astronom y, b u t th e v anity o f certain astro n o m e rs” (“ ego a u te m n o n astro n o m ie v e n ta tem sed q u o ru m d a m astro n o m o ru rn v an itatcm secum re p ro b o ”). 76. F o r th e D e Iegibus et sectis, d ’Ailly fo llo w ed R o g e r B ac o n , Opus maius, pars 4. T h e relevant passages arc fo u n d in R o g e r B acon, The “Opus m aius” o f Roger Bacon, ed. J o h n H e n ry B ridges, 2 vols. (O xford: C la re n d o n Press, 1897), vol. I, pars 4, p p . 253—57, 2 6 1 -6 9 .

77. T h is th e o ry d ea lt w ith the tre p id a tio n a l m o v e m e n t o f th e e ig h th sph ere; d ’A illy to o k it from A lbum asar, D e magnis coniunctionibus, tr. 2, diff. 8 (as in A lbum asar, D e magnis coniunctionibus, annorum revolutionibus, ac eonim profectionibns, octo coiitiiiens tractatus [V enice: M e lc h io r Sessa, 1515]). D ’Ailly, Concordantia astronomic cum hystorica narratione, chap. 60, fol. [d 8 rJ: “ F o r w ith th e aforesaid c o n ju n c tio n an d rev o lu tio n s o f S atu rn th e re c o n cu rs th e re v o lu tio n o r reversal o f th e su p e rio r o rb , th a t is, o f th e e ig h th sp h ere, by w h ic h , ju s t as by these o th ers is re c o g n iz e d a m u ta tio n o f sects. . . . as A lb u m asar no tes m o re fully in D e magnis coniunctionibus, tr. 2, diff. last, n e a r th e e n d ” (“ N a m c u m p red icta c o n iu n c tio n c et illis re v o lu tio n ib u s S a tu rn i ad h o c c o n c u rre t re v o lu tio seu rev crsio su p crio ris orbis id est octav e spere p e r q u a m e t p e r alia prem issa c o g n o sc itu r sectaru m m u ta tio . . . . E t pleniu s n o ta v it A lbum asar lib ro dc rnagnis c o n iu n c tio n ib u s tra c ta tu .ii. d ifferentia u ltim a circa fin c m ”). 78. “ N e c d icta audivi, n e c scripta le g i,” Epistola ad novos Hebraeos, chap. 4, q u o te d in S alem b ier 1886, p. 305 . E x cerp ts fro m this w o rk h av e b e e n p rin te d in T sch a c k e rt, Peter non A illi, p p . [7]—[12], 79. Apologetiais Hieronymianae versionis, p rin te d in L ouis S alem b ier, “ U n e page in e d itc de l’h isto irc d e la V u lg a te ,” Reuue des sciences ecclesiastiques 61 (1890): 5 0 0 —13, a n d 62 (1890): 97—110. A fter c o m p o sin g th e Epistola ad novos Hebraeos, th e re h ad c o m e in to d ’A illy’s hands “ m agnu s lib er u n iu s d o c to ris a n g lic a n i.” S alem b ier, “ U n e page in e d ite ,” Revue des sciences ecclesiastiques 6 1 :5 0 8 . F o r th e d ate o f this w o rk , sec M ax L ieb erm an , “ P ierre d ’Ailly, Je a n G erso n e t Ie cu lte d e saint J o s e p h (II),” Cahiers de Josephologie 14 (1966): 306. D ’A illy w as criticizin g B a c o n ’s D e Iinguarum studii necessitate. S a lem b ier 1886, p. 309. 80. L ieb erm an , “ P ie rre d ’A illy, Je a n G e rso n et Ie c u lte ,” p. 307. 8 1 . Sermo (tertius) de adventu, fol. t2r: “A lb u m a z a r etiam d o c trin a m v e te ru m c a ld e o ru m secutu s .viii. [.vi.] m aioris in tro d u c to rii d ifferen tia p rim a d e q u a d a m virgin e lo q u itu r e t de illo p u e ro eius q u ern g en tes p lu n m e Ih e su m v o c a n t.” 82. T h e division o f th e signs in to th re e “ faces” o f 10 d egrees each is fo u n d in a n c ie n t G re e k astrology an d stem s fro m an E g y p tia n tra d itio n o f d iv id in g th e 3 6 0 degrees o f the ecliptic in to “ d ecan s,” 3 6 g ro u p s o f 10 degrees each . T h e decans w e re associated w ith g en ii o r d em o n s, each o f w h o m h a d its o w n n a m e a n d face. T h e se g en ii o r d e m o n s cam e to be associated w ith th e p aranatella (th e stars risin g to th e n o rth an d so u th o f th e zodiacal signs), an d lists o f su ch stars co n ta in E g y p tia n co n stellatio n s, glyphs, an d sigils. A lb u m asar’s v irg in an d ch ild is a co n ste lla tio n d esc rib ed w ith in su ch a list. Je a n S ezn ec, The Survival o f the Pagan Gods: The Mythological Tradition and Its Place in Renaissance Humanism and A rt, trans. B arbara F. Sessions (N e w Y o rk : P a n th e o n B o o k s, 1953), p p . 38—39. 83. T h e relev an t passages are: A lbum asar, lntroductorium maius, trans. J o h n o f Seville, tr. 6, diff. I : “ V irg o est d u u m c o rp o ru m s u n tq u e ei tres species. E t ascen d it in p rim a facie illius p u ella q u a m v o cam u s C elch u is D o ro sth al, et est v irg o p u lc h ra a tq u e h o n esta et m u n d a p ro lix i capilli et p u lch ra facie, hab en s in m a n u sua duas spicas. E t ipsa sed et supra sed cm stratam et n u trit p u e ru m dans ei ad c o m e d e n d u m ius in IoCO q u i v o c a tu r A b n e , e t v o c a n t ipsum p u e ru m q u aed am g e n tiu m Ih esu m cuius in te rp re ta tio arabice est E ic e h . E t ascen d it c u m ea v ir sedens su p er ipsam se d e m .” Q u o te d by th e e d ito rs in A lbertus M ag n u s, Speculum astronomiae, ed. S tefano C a ro ti, M ich ela P ereira, S tefano Z a m p o n i, a n d Paola Z a m b e lli (Pisa: D o m u s G alilaeana, 1977), p. 7 2 (from F lo ren ce, B ib lio th e ca M ed ic e a L aurenziana, M S P lu teo

29, 12). A lbum asar’s Introductorium maius was translated tw ice in th e tw elfth cen tu ry , in 1133 by J o h n o f Seville, an d in 1140 by H e rm a n n o f C a rin th ia . J o h n ’s translation w as used far m o re frequen tly , b u t o n ly H e rm a n n ’s translation has b e e n p rin te d . R ic h a rd Lem ay, “T h e T ru e Place o f A strology m M edieval Science an d P h ilosophy: T ow ards a D e fin itio n ,” in P atrick C u rry , ed ., Astrology, Science and Society: Historical Essays (W o o d bridge, Suffolk: B oydell Press, 1987), pp. 65—66. A lbertus M agnus, Speculum astronomiae (ed. C a ro ti et al.), chap. 12, pp. 36—37: “ In tractatu n am q u e sexto [o f A lbum asar’s Introductorium maius], d ifferentia p rim a, in capitu lo de ascensionibus im ag in u m quae ascc n d u n t c u m v irginc, in v e n itu r: ‘E t ascen d it in prim a facie illius (scilicet V irgm is) puella q u a m v o ca t C elch u is D arostal; et est v irgo p u lch ra atque hon esta et m u n d a pro lix i capilli, et p u lch ra facie, h abens in m a n u sua duas spicas, et ipsa sedet su p er sedem stratam , et n u trit p u e ru m , dans ei ad c o m e d e n d u m ius m lo co qui v o c a tu r A brie. E t v o c a n t ip su m p u e ru m q u aed am gens Iesum , cuius in te rp re ta tio est arabice E ic e . E t ascendit c u m ea v ir sedens su p er ipsam sedem . E t ascendit c u m ea Stella virgim s e tc .’ ” R o g e r B aco n , Opus maius (ed. B ridges), vol. I , pars 4, p. 257: “ E t d ic u n t [m ath em atici], q u o d haec lex est p ro p h e tae nascituri de virg in e, secu n d u m q u o d o m n es an tiq u i Indi, C haldaei, B abylonii, d o c u e ru n t q u o d in prim a facie V irginis ascendit v irg o m u n d issima n u tritu ra p u e ru m in terra H e b ra e o ru m , cui n o m e n Jesus C h ristu s, u t d icit A lbum azar in m ajori in tro d u c to rio a stro n o m ia e .” N o te th e refe re n c e to th e C haldeans, p resen t in d ’Ailly (see n. 81) an d B aco n , b u t n o t m A lb ertu s M ag n u s o r A lbum asar. P se u d o -O v id , The Pseudo-Ovidian D e vetula: T ext, Introduction, and Notes, ed. D o ro th y M . R o b a th a n (A m sterdam : A d o lf M . H a k k e rt, 1968), b o o k 3, lines 623—33: “ n am q u e / H iis in im aginibus, q u e d e scrib u n tu r ab Indis / E t C a ld e o ru m sapientibus ac B abilonis, / D ic itu r ex v e te ru m scriptis ascendere prim a / V irgim s in facie, pro lix i virgo capilli, / M u n d a q u id e m m a g n iq u e an im i m ag n iq u e decoris, / Pluris h onestatis, et m ipsius m am bus su n t / Spice suspensis et vestim en ta vetusta. / Sede strata p u e ru m q u e n u tn t, p u e ro ius / A d c o m e d e n d u m dans, p u e ru m q u e I h ’m v o c a t ip su m / G ens q u ed am , sedet et v ir ibi sedem su p er ip sam .” T h is p o e m is n o w generally th o u g h t to have b e e n th e w o rk o f R ic h a rd o f F o u m iv al (d. 1260). N o te th at th ere is a m e n tio n o f th e C h ald ean s in this passage, b u t n o referen ce to A lbum asar (since th e p o e m ’s p re te n d e d a u th o r w o u ld have lived lo n g before th e n in th -c e n tu ry A rab astrologer). T h is w o rk has also b e e n pub lish ed as Pseudo-Ovidius D e vetula: Untersuchungen und Text, ed. Paul K lopsch, M itteIlateinische S tu d ien u n d T ex te, 2 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1967). D ’A illy’s source in this 1385 se rm o n th u s appears to have b e e n R o g e r B a c o n ’s Opus maius. In th e o th e r A d v e n t serm o n discussed h ere , d ’A illy also cited this passage o f A l­ b um asar’s, ad d in g a referen ce to th e D e vetula. A gain, m e n tio n o f b o th A lbum asar an d the C haldeans p oints to th e O pus maius as d ’A illy’s source. H e m ay have read th e D e vetula him self, b u t h e also co u ld have b e c o m e fam iliar w ith its c o n ten ts b y a read in g o f th e Opus maius. 84. Sermo (tertius) de adventu, fob t2r: “Sed e t an te h u iu s p u e ri id est C h risti ad v e n tu m p er sex annos et paucos dies et h oras facta est c o n iu n c tio m axim a satu m i et iovis circa p rin cip tu m arietis cui p refu it m ercu riu s d o m in an s virginis. P e r q u e o m n ia significabantur perspicue p u e ru m d e v irgine n ascitu ru m , q u i fo ret m ax im u s p ro p h e ta ru m . . . .” F o r ex ­ planations o f coniunctio maxima an d o f d ’A illy’s use o f c o n ju n c tio n th eo ry in general, see m y chapters I an d 4.

85. D c vetula (ed. R o b a th a n ), b o o k 3, lines 6 1 1 —15: “ U n a q u id e m talis [co n iu n c tio ] felice te m p o re n u p e r / C aesaris A u g u sti fuit, a n n o bis d u o d e n o / A rcg n i n o v ita tc sui, q u e sigm ficavit / P ost a n n u m se x tu m nasci d c b e re p ro p h e ta m / A b sq u e m aris c o itu de virg in e. . . 86. Opus mains (ed. B ridges), vol. I , pars 4, p. 264: “ Si e n im rev o lv am u s m o tu s S atu rn i c tj o v is ad tern p u s illud, m v e n ie m u s eos fuisse c o n ju n c to s p e r m ed io s cursos suos an te n a tiv itatem C h risti p e r sex an n o s, q u in q u e dies, e t tres horas; et erat m ed iu s cursus u triu sq u c in A ricte d c c e m gradus, Ivi m in u ta , Iii sc c u n d a .” I tak e th e p h rase “p e r m cd io s cursos suo s” to refer to th e p la n e ts’ m e a n a n d n o t th e ir tru e m o tio n s (o n w h ic h see ch a p te r 4). 87. O pus mains (ed. B ridges), vol. I , pars 4, p. 261: “ E t id e o n u sq u a m d o m in a tu r M e rc u riu s ta n tu m , sicu t in V irg in e. N e c aliquis plan eta h a b e t to t m ea d o m m ia, p ro p te r q u o d a p p ro p ria tu r V irg in i M e rc u riu s. E t id e o ex hac causa d ic u n t leg em M e rc u ria le m d e b e rc esse sectam p ro p h e ta e nascitu ri de v irg in e .” 88. See P h ilip p e de M ezieres, L e songe du vieil pelerin, ed. G . W . C o o p la n d , 2 vols. (C am b rid g e: C a m b rid g e U n iv e rsity Press, 1969). S ee esp. chaps. 140—62, vol. I , pp. 594—621, fo r the tre a tm e n t o f astrology. 89. O f co u rse, d ’A illy c o u ld have e n c o u n te re d O re s m e ’s w o rk s e arlie r as a stu d e n t in th e C o lleg e o f N av arre , w h e re O re sm e h ad b e e n a m aster. 90. B e rn ard G u e n e e , Entre !'Eglise et I 'Etat: Quatre vies deprelatsfirangais d Iaf i n du M oyen Age ( X I I h ^ X V e siecle) (Paris: G allim ard , 1987), p p . 2 6 0 —66. T h is q u ie t p e rio d m ay have b e e n a d elib erate re tre a t fro m p u b lic life. F o llo w in g th e C o u n c il o f Pisa, B o n iface F erre r h ad c o m p o se d a treatise in w h ic h h e accu sed d ’A illy o f u sin g th e circu m stan ces o f th e Schism to advance his o w n career. D ’A illy w as stu n g b y his criticism s a n d co m p o se d a response in 1412. B o n iface F errer, Tractatus pro defensione Benedicti X III, in E d m u n d M a rte n e a n d U rsin D u ra n d , eds., Thesaurus novus anecdotorum (Paris: D e la u ln e , 1717; rep r., N e w Y ork: B u rt F ran k lin , 1968), 2: cols. 1436—1529, esp. 1447—4 8 , 1464—65, 1496. 91. O n th e Imago m undi, see Im a g o m u n d i de Pierre d ’A illy. Texte latin et traduction frangatse des quatre textes cosmographiques de d ’A illy et des notes marginales de Cristophe Colom b. Etude sur Ies sources de V auteurparEdm ond Buron, 3 vols. (Paris: M a iso n n e u v e Freres, 1930); a n d P au lin e M ofFit W atts, “P ro p h e c y an d D isco v ery : O n th e S p iritu al O rig in s o f C h ris­ to p h e r C o lu m b u s ’s ‘E n te rp rise o f th e In d ie s,’ ” American Historical Review 90 (1985): 7 3 — 102 . 92. Exhortatio super Kalendarii correctione (1411); Compendium cosmographies D e vero cyclo lunaris Cosmographie tractatus duo. AU o f th ese w o rk s ap p e a r in P ie rre d ’Ailly, Tractatus de imagine m undi et varia ejusdem auctoris et Joannis Cersonis opuscula (L ouvain: J o h a n n de W estp h alia, ca. 1483). 93. H e c o m p o se d astrological treatises in Basel an d C o lo g n e , based, o n e m ay surm ise, u p o n readings h e e n c o u n te re d in his travels. 94. F o r m o re o n th e Elucidarium an d o th e r w o rk s d ealin g w ith th e g reat c o n ju n ctio n s, see ch a p te r 4. 95. In c lu d in g L eo p o ld o f A ustria, A lbum asar, A lch ab itiu s, (p s e u d o )-P to lem y , A v e n esra, H e n ry B ate o f M alin es, Jo h a n n e s d e M u ris5J o h n o f A sh e n d e n , G u id o B o n a tti, and M essahalla. 96. D ’A illy’s view s o n th e S ch ism a n d its re la tio n to th e apocalypse are discussed m o re fully in chapters 5 and 6.

97. R ic h a rd Lem ay, “T h e T e ac h in g o f A stro n o m y in M ed iev al U niversities, P rin ci­ pally at Paris m th e F o u rte e n th C e n tu ry ,” M anuscripta 20 (1976): 2 0 0 —202. 98. Elucidarium 1 chap. 40, fol. Jg7v): “ Scim us a u tem q u o sd am n obis obiecissc q u o d professionem n o stram ct sim iliter etatenr magis decuisset circa th eo lo g ica q u am circa ilia m athem atica studia o c c u p a ri.” 99. Sermo (tertius) de adventu, fol. [t6 r]: “ D e hac cru d eli seditio n e presentis scismatis o m n in o tim e n d u m est nc . . . ipsa sit ilia h o rre n d a divisio et persecu tio scism atica post quam antichristi scva p ersecu tio celeriter est fu tu ra .” 100. D e fa ls is prophetis II, I : col. 517: . . hns te m p o rib u s, q u ae fim rn u n d i p ro p m q u a esse v id e n tu r.” 101. T h is sum m ary is based o n th e ex cellen t a c c o u n t p u t fo rth by B ern a rd G u e n e e , Entre I’Eglise et I’E tat, pp. 212—22. F o r d ’A illy’s difficulties at C am b rai, see also T sch a c k ert, Peter von A illi, p p . 97—101; S alem b ier 1886, pp. 43—53; an d Salem bier, L e cardinal Pierre d ’A illy, chancelier de I ’Universite de Paris, evequc du P u y et de Cambrai 1 3 5 0 —1 4 2 0

(T ourcoing: Im p n m c rie G eorges Frcre, 1932), pp. 116—25 (h ereafter cited as S alem bier 1932). 102. A n d re C o m b e s, h o w e v er, has attack ed th e n o tio n th a t th e y ear 1408 w as o n e so harsh fo r d ’A illy that h e re q u ired letters o f co n so latio n fro m his friends. H e cites a 1408 le tte r from d ’A illy’s friend N ico las o f C lam anges in w h ic h N ico las rep o rts his pleasure at hearin g th at things w ere g o in g so w ell for d ’Ailly. C o m b e s, “S u r Ics ‘lettres de consola­ tio n ’ de N icolas de C lam anges a P ierre d ’A illy,” Archives d ’histoire doctrinale et Iitteraire du moyen age 15—17 (1940—42): 359—89. (H e cites N icolas o f C lam an g es’s le tter at pp. 381— 87.) 103. D c Iegibus et sectis, chap. 7, fol. [for]: “ . . . o m n es leges vel secte q u a n tu m ad ilia q ue in eis naturalia su n t vel n a tu ra h ter fiu n t astro n o n rice potestati seu constellationi vel dispositioni celesti aliqualitcr subesse p o ssu n t” ; an d fol. [fo v]-[f6rj: “ . . . leges vel secte divine id est n o n h u m a n itu s sed d ivinitus inspiratc qualis est lex C h risti et q u alern fuisse credim us legem M oysi in q u a n tu m a divina v o lu n ta te libera su p ern atu ralite r e t nuraculose p ro c e d u n t nullatenus a stro ru m legibus seu c o ru m co n stellatio n ibu s su b iecte su n t.” B acon had u rg ed the use o f astrology w ith o th e r m eans to p re d ic t A n tic h rist’s a d v en t, as d ’Ailly h ere acknow ledges, b u t rejects, in chap. 4, fol. f2v: “ U n d e c o n c lu d e n d o [i.e., B acon] dicit. Scio q u o d si ecclesia . . . iu b e re t considerari vias astro n o m ie in v e n ire tu r sufficiens suspicio vel m agis ccrtitu d o de te m p o re an tichristi. Sed his v id e tu r o b v iare d ic tu m C hristi: N o n est v estru m nosse tem p o ra vel m o m e n ta . . . .” 104. Apologia concilii pisani contra tractatum dom ini Bonifacii , p rin te d in T sch ack ert, Peter von A illi, pp. [31]—[41], O n B o n iface’s attack an d d ’A illy’s reply, see M ax L ieb erm an , “ C h ro n o lo g ie G erso n ien n e. V III. G erso n et d ’A illy (III),” R om ania 81 (1960): 74—76; G u e n e e , E ntre I ’Eglise et I ’E tat, p. 270; S alem b ier 1886, pp. 83—84; S alem bier 1932, pp. 254—59; and T sch ack ert, Peter von A illi, pp. 162—63. 105. L ieberm an, “ C h ro n o lo g ie G e rso n ie n n e ,” pp. 79—80. G erso n sim ilarly tu rn e d to m ysticism after 1400; G u e n e e , Entre I ’Eglise et I’E tat, p . 231. A m o n g th e spiritual w orks d ’Ailly com posed in 1414 are: D evota meditatio super psalm um : fu d ica m e D eus Q une 10, 1414); Oratio dominica anagogice exposita (July 6, 1414); D evota meditatio super A v e M aria Quly 12, 1414); and D evota meditatio seu expositio super psalm um : In te Dornine speravi Quly 14, 1414). S alem bier 1886, p. xviii. 106. Concordantia astronomic cum Itystorica narratione, chap. 60.

107. D e persecutionibus ecdesie, fol. 6v: . . d e te m p o re a n tic h n sti cuius ad v e n tu s ad h u c n o n ap p aret p ro p in q u u s .” 108 Ib id ., fol. 2 7 r—v: “ . . . e rit c o m p le m c n tu m d e cen t rc v o lu tio m im satu rn aliu m an n o C h risti m illcsim o se p tin g c n te sin io o ctu ag c sim o n o n o . . . . d ic o q u o d si m u n d u s usque ad ilia te m p o ra d u ra v e rit . . . p ro b a b ilite r c o n c lu d itu r q u o d forte circa ilia tem p o ra v e n ic t A n tich ristu s c u m lege sua vel secta d a m p n a b ili.” 109. Apologia astrologiae defensiva, in G e rso n , Oeuvres completes, 2 :219: “ N a m sicut illos dico superstitiosos astro n o m o s qu i c o n tra th c o lo g ic a m v e ritate m astro lo g iam ultra id q u o d p o te st nim is e x to llu n t, sic ct illos su perstitiosos th e o lo g o s q u i c o n tra p h ilo so p h ic a m ra tio n c m astro n o m iae p o te sta te m n im is d c p rim u n t vcl p e n itu s to llu n t.” D ’Ailly h ad d e ­ fen d ed astrology in 1410 u n d e r th e guise o f a tta ck in g “su p erstitio u s astro lo g ers.” N o w , in a n e a t an d co n scio u s sy m m etry , h e g u a rd e d th e science against “ su p erstitio u s th e o lo ­ gians.” C h ap ter F our A strology and the N arratio n o f H istory 1. A n o u tlin e o f c o n ju n c tio n th e o ry appears in c h a p te r I . F o r th e tw o a u th o rs’ v er­ sions o f th e th e o ry o f th e g rea t c o n ju n c tio n s, sec R o g e r B a co n , The ‘‘O pus m aius” o f Roger Bacon, ed. J o h n H e n ry B ridges, 2 vols. (O x fo rd : C la re n d o n Press, 1897), vol. I , pars 4, p p . 263—64; and A lbum asar, D e magnis coniunctionibus, annorum revolutionibus, ac eorum profectionibus, octo continens tractatus (V enice: M e lc h io r Scssa, 1515), tr. I , diff. I . A lbu m asar’s treatise w as also p u b lish e d b y E rh a rd R a td o lt (A u gsburg, 1489). 2. A lbum asar, D e magnis coniunctionibus, tr. I , diff. 4. 3. See B aco n , O pus maius (ed. B ridges), vol. I , pars 4, p p . 2 5 5 —57. D ’A illy gives this fully in th e D e Iegibus et sectis, in P ie rre d ’Ailly, Tractatus de imagine m undi et varia ejusdem auctoris etJoannis Cersonis opuscula (L ouvain: J o h a n n de W estp h alia, ca. 1483), chaps. 2—3. H e attacks parts o f th e th e o ry th e re , b u t uses it w ith a p p a re n t ap p ro v al in th e Concordantia astronomic cum hystorica narratione, in d ’A illy 1490, chap. 62, to s tre n g th e n th e n o tio n th at n o sect w ill c o m e after M u h a m m a d save th a t o f A n tich rist. B aco n m ay hav e tak e n his discussion o f th e astrological basis o f relig io n from th e w o rk th a t circu lated u n d e r O v id ’s n am e e n title d D e vetula, w h ic h h e cites. F o r an e d itio n , sec The Pseudo-Ovidian D e vetula. T ext, Introduction, and Notes, ed . D o ro th y M . R o b a th a n (A m sterdam : A d o lf M . H a k k e rt, 1968). T h e p o e t (pro b ab ly R ic h a rd d e F ournival) dis­ cusses th e six prin cip al religions in b o o k 3, lines 522—93; an d th e g reat c o n ju n c tio n s o f Saturn an d J u p ite r in b o o k 3 , lines 5 9 4 —654. T h e p o e m also appears in Pseudo-Ovidius D e vetula: Untersuchungen und T ext, ed. P au l Kdopsch, M itte lla te in isch e S tu d ie n u n d T e x te , 2 (L eiden: E. J. B rill, 1967). T h e passage in A lbu m asar u p o n w h ic h B ac o n a n d th e D e vetula u ltim ately rely is D e magnis coniunctionibus, tr. I , diff. 4. 4. S ee W illiam A dler, Tim e Immemorial· Archaic History and Its Sources in Christian Chronography from Julius Africanus to Geoige Syncellus, D u m b a rto n O ak s S tudies, 2 6 (W ashing­ to n , D .C .: D u m b a rto n O ak s, 1989), esp. p p . 2, 18, 47—48; B ern a rd G u e n e e , Histoire et culture historique dans !’accident medieval (Paris: A u b ie r M o n ta ig n e , ca. 1980), pp. 147—54; R o d e ric h S ch m id t, “ A etates m u n d i: D ie W eltalter als G licd eru n g sp rin z ip d e r G e sc h ic h te ,” Zeitschrift fu r Kirchengeschickte 67 (1955): 2 8 8 —3 1 7 ; A n n a -D o ro th e c v. den

B n n c k e n , “ B e o b a c h tu n g e n zu m A u fk o m m e n d e r re tro sp e k tiv e n In k arn atio n sara,” ArchivJiir Diplomatik SchriJtgeschichte Siegel- und W appenkunde 25 (1979): 1—8; an d R ic h a rd Landes, “ Lest th e M ille n n iu m B e Fulfilled: A pocalyptic E x p ectatio n s a n d th e P attern o f W estern C h ro n o g ra p h y 100—800 C E ,” in W e rn e r V erb ek e, D a n iel V erhelst, and A n dries W elk e n h u y sen , eds., The Use and Abuse o j Eschatology in the M iddle Ages (Louvain: L eu ven U n iv ersity Press, 1988), pp. 137—211. 5. L uke 3:23 yields th e in fo rm a tio n th a t at th e tim e o f his b ap tism an d th e b e g in n in g o f his m inistry, Jesus e n te re d th e th irtie th y ear o f his life, p o in tin g to a C re a tio n date for E usebius o f som e 5,19 9 years b efo re his b irth (“ E t ipse Iesus erat in cip ien s quasi a n n o ru m trig in ta”). E usebius d eclin ed , h o w e v e r, to date ev en ts in term s o f years fro m C re a tio n , citin g th e p roblem s in v o lv ed in establishing an accu rate c h ro n o lo g y b e g in n in g from A dam . H is ch ro n o lo g ical tables p u t fo rth dates in years fro m A b ra h a m a n d fro m th e reign o f N in u s. A dler, Tim e Immemorial, pp. 69—70. 6. See B ed e, De temporum ratione, chap. 66, in Bedae venerabilis opera, pars 6, 2, C o rp u s C h ristian o ru m , Series Latina, 123B (T u rn h o u t: B repols, 1977), p. 495. 7. V in ccn tiu sB ello v acen sis (V in cen t o f B eauvais), Speeulum quadruplex, sive speculum maius: naturale, doctrinale, morale, historiale, 4 vols. (D ouai: B altazar B ellerus, 1624; repr., Graz, A ustria: A kadem isch e D ru ck , 1965), vol. 4 (Speculum historiale), b o o k 2, chap. 115, p. 84: “ Ita su n t variae e t discrepantes d e tem p o rib u s sen ten tiae, u t v ix in h ac re aliquid certi statui possit.” See also b o o k 6, chap. 88, p p . 2 0 3 —4, at w h ic h V in c e n t places C h ris t’s b irth in th e y ear 3953 b u t also cites th e figure o f 5199. 8. Concordantia astronomic cum theologia (=VigintUoquium), in d ’Ailly 1490, p ro lo g u e, fol. a2v: “D e co n co rd ia th e o lo g ie e t astro n o m ie aliquid scrib ere ab am ico in u traq u e p e rito transm isse m ih i littere o ccasio n aliter in d u x e ru n t. . . . [Se] asserebat adm irari nos fideles ex h e b re o ru m et septuaginta in te rp re tu m sentenciis a p p a ren ter dissonantibus to t in lege num erosas con trarietates in d eterm in atas reliquisse u b i in te r alia o c c u rrit m ateria q u o d ab adam usque ad ch ristu m a n n o ru m m illenaria h isto rio g rap h i varie d escn p seru n t. . . . Q u e diversitas u tiq u e in cronicis n o n co n tin g isset si leg u m e t c ro n ic a ru m sc n p tores m a g n aru m tem p o ra c o n iu n c tio n ib u s in significandis scriptis suis v erid ice supposuissen t.” D ’A illy m ay also have b e c o m e fam iliar w ith so m e o f th e issues in v o lv e d in calculating the tim e o f C re a tio n th ro u g h R o g e r B aco n . B aco n , Opus maius (ed. B ridges), vol. I , pars 4, p p . 187—210; O pus tertium, chap. 44 (in R o g e r B aco n , Opera quaedam hactenus inedita, ed. J. S. B rew er, R e r u m B rita n n ic a m m M ed ii A evi S c n p to re s [L ondon: L o n g m an , 1859], I: 2 0 4 -1 5 ). 9. Vigintiloquium, v. 2. D etails o f d ’A illy’s defense o f astrology ap p ear in ch a p te r 2. 10. Vigintiloquium, v. 3. 11. Ibid., v. 3, fol. a3r: “ . . . A u gustinus .v. de civitate dei describens fatu m se cu n d u m e stim atio n em illo ru m q u i v o c a n t fatu m v im positio n is sid eru m e t c o n ste lla tio n u m secu n ­ d u m q u am o m n ia in his m ferio rib u s necessario ev en iu n t: sic diffm it q u o d fatu m nihil sit. . . . A quib u s n o n d iscordat peritissim us a stro n o m o ru m P to lo m e u s ubi ait q u o d vir p ru d en s d o m in a b itu r astris.” 12. Ibid., v. 4, fol. a3v: “. . . in te r varias utilitates u n a esset th eo lo g icis p ro p h etn s astronom ica iudicia respectu q u o ru m d a m fu tu ro ru m e v e n tu u m co ap ta re.” 13. Ib id ., v. 5, fol. a4r: “E t id eo licet N o e illud d ilu v iu m p re c o g n o v e rit p e r rev elatio n e m p ro p h eticam tam en p ro b ab ile v id e tu r q u o d aliqua constellatio astro n o m ica ilium

effectu m p re sig n av erit.” T h e 1483 e d itio n o f th e VigintiIoquium adds th e phrase “ e t ipsius aliq u ah ter partialis causa fu e rit” ; sec P ierre d ’Ailly, Tractatus de imagine m undi et varia ejusdetn auctoris etJoannis Gersonis opuscula (L ouvain: J o h a n n de W estphalia, ca. 1483), fol. aa3r. 14. Vigintiloquiwn, in d ’A illy 1490, v. 20. 15. Ib id ., v. 5, fols. a4r—a4v: “ . . . b e n e d ic ta C h risti in c a rn a tio e t nativitas licet in m ultis fu e rit m iraculosa e t su p ern atu ralis ta m e n . . . n atu ra ta m q u a m fam ula d o m in o suo ct c reato ri subserviens d iv in e o m n ip o tc n tie c o o p e ra ri p o tu it e t in his p e r cell et astro ru m v irtu te m c o n c u rre re c u m v irtu te n atu rali v irginis m atris e iu s.” 16. Ib id ., fol. a4v: “ . . . dei sapientia h u m a n ita ti C h risti h y p o statice u n ita b o n ita te m constellationis au g ere p o tu it in m eliu s ip siusque d isp o sitio n em in m a lu m p e n itu s su sp en d e re .” 17. Ib id ., p ro lo g u e , fol. a2v: “ P re te r M e th o d iu m q u e rn d e m a g n itu d in e n u m e ri e x c u sant aliqui .5228. posuisse v id e a n tu r E u seb iu s C esariensis .6000. B ed a v c ro n u m e ro m in o n .5200. m inus u n o .” T h e fig u re o f 5 ,1 9 9 is n o t B e d e ’s (h e places C rea tio n , as n o te d , at 3 9 5 2 B . C . ) b u t is c o m p a tib le w ith E u se b iu s’s 5 ,2 2 8 fro m A d a m to th e start o f C h ris t’s m inistry. D ’A illy m ay have h ad in m in d a verse c ite d in V in c e n t o f B eauvais, Speculum historiale, b o o k 6, chap. 8 8 , p. 2 0 4 , w h ic h a ttrib u te s to B ed e th e fig u re o f 5 ,2 0 0 years m in u s I fro m A d am to C h rist: “ U n u m to lle datis ad m ilia q u in q u e d u cen tis; / N asce n ti D o m in o to t B eda d at a P ro to p la s to .” In th e Vigintiloquium, v. 10, d ’A illy n o te s th a t th e fig u re o f 6 ,0 0 0 years falsely has b e e n a ttrib u te d to E usebius. 18. Vigintiloquium, in d ’A illy 1490, v. 6 a n d 7. D ’A illy n o te s th a t R o m a n years w e re origin ally o f 3 0 0 days; this w as c o rre c te d b y N u m a to a figure o f 3 5 4 , an d b y Ju liu s C aesar to 3 6 5 ¼ days; a stro n o m e rs co n sid er th e y e a r to b e a fractio n o f an h o u r sh o rter. 19. Ib id ., v. 8. 20. Ib id ., v. 1 0 -1 1 . 21. Ib id ., v. 12, fol. b r. T h e era o f th e F lo o d is th e earliest o f th e v ario u s ep o ch s p u t fo rth in th e A lfo n sin e tables. E x p ressed sexagesim ally, as are all dates in th e A lfonsine tables, th e era o f th e F lo o d th e re is said to b e 5 ,1 4 ,4 2 ,3 9 days b efo re th e In carn atio n [that is, (5 X 2 1 6 ,0 0 0 ) + (14 X 3,6 0 0 ) + (42 X 60) + 3 9 days], eq u a l to 3,101 years, 3 1 9 days, o r 6 ½ days m o re th a n d ’A illy’s in terv al. E m m a n u e l P o u lle, ed. an d tran s., Les tables alphonsines avee Ies canons de Jean de Saxe: Edition, traduction et commentaire (Paris: E d itio n s du C .N .R .S ., 1984), p . 108. 22. H in d u a stro n o m e rs m a in ta in e d th a t th e re w e re p e rio d ic m e a n co n ju n c tio n s o f all o f th e planets at A ries 0 ° at v ario u s lo n g intervals. In A lb u m asar’s lo st Book o f the T hou­ sands th e re is su ch a c o n ju n c tio n in 3 1 0 2 B . C . , th e e p o c h o f th e F lo o d , halfw ay th ro u g h a Yuga o f 3 6 0 ,0 0 0 years. D a v id P in g re e , The Thousands o f A b u M a ‘shar, S tudies o f th e W a rb u rg In stitu te, 3 0 (L o n d o n : W a rb u rg In stitu te , 1968), p p . 2 7 —35. S ee also J o h n D . N o rth , “ C h ro n o lo g y an d th e A g e o f th e W o rld ,” in W o lfg an g Y o u rg ra u a n d A llen D . B eck , eds., Cosmology, History, and Theology (N e w Y ork: P le n u m Press, 1977), p p . 3 1 5 — 17; E d w a rd S. K e n n e d y , “ R a m ific a tio n s o f th e W o rld -Y e a r C o n c e p t in Islam ic A stro l­ o g y ,” Proceedings o f the Tenth International Congress o f the History o f Science (1962): 2 3 —43; a n d O tto N e u g e b a u e r, “ H in d u A stro n o m y a t N e w m in s te r in 1 4 2 8 ,” re p rin te d in N e u g eb au er, Astronom y and History: Selected Essays (N e w Y o rk : S p rin g er-V erlag , 1983), pp. 4 2 5 -3 2 . 23. Vigintiloquium, v. 15 a n d 16.

24. Ibid., v. 15, fol. b2 r: “ . . . si earu m [m ax im aru m c o n iu n c tio n u m ] te m p o ra n o ta verim us ct ad ea historias applicem us in v cn icm u s p ro fecto circa h u iu sm o d i te m p o ra m ag nas c t m irandas m u tatio n es in h o c seculo evcnisse.” 25. Ibid., v. 16, fol. b2v: “ . . . p ro b a b ih te r tem p tare magis q u a m certitu d in a liter tractare p ro p o n im u s.” 26. O n th e thema mundi an d in p articu lar o n its re p rese n ta tio n in art, see K n stin L ipp in c o tt, “ G io v an n i di P a o lo ’s ‘C re a tio n o f th e W o rld ’ an d th e T ra d itio n o f th e ‘T h e m a M u n d i’ in Late M edieval an d R en aissan ce A rt,” Burlington M agazine 132 (1990): 460—68. 27. Iulius F irm icus M atern u s, Matheseos Libri VIII, cd. W . K roll an d F. S kutsch (Leipzig: B. G . T eu b n e r, 1897), b o o k 3, chap. I ; M acro b iu s, Comtnentary on the Dream o f Scipio, trans. W illiam H arris Stahl (N e w Y ork: C o lu m b ia U n iv ersity Press, 1952), b o o k I , chap. 21, pp. 179—80; also sec J o h n o f Salisbury, Policraticus, b o o k 2, chap. 19, in Jo an n es Saresberiensis, Opera omnia, ed. J. A. Giles (O x fo rd : J . H . P arker, 1848), 3:103. 28. Vigintiloquium, in d ’Ailly 1490, v. 19. A lth o u g h d ’Ailly cites th e D e tnagnis coniunctionibus, tr. 4, A lbum asar does n o t p resen t a h o ro sc o p e o f C re a tio n th e re , b u t no tes th at acco rd in g to H in d u astro n o m y th e w o rld b egan o n a S unday at sunrise (“ E t e stim av eru n t in d i q u o d p rin cip iu m fuit die d o m in ica sole asc en d c n te ” ); see D e tnagnis coniunctionibus (A ugsburg: E rhard R a td o lt, 1489), tr. 4, diff. 12, fol. [F8v]. D ’A illy’s ch a rt has th e sun in A ries and A ries in th e m id h ea v e n , n o t th e ascendant. A lchabitius’s list o f planetary exalta­ tions appears in A lchabitius, Libellus isagogicus abdilazi id est scrvi gloriosi dei qui dicitur Alchabitius ad magisterium iudiciorum astrorum interpretatus aJoanne hispalensi . . ., in Alchabi­ tius cum commento. Noviter impresso (Venice: M e lc h io r Scssa, 1512), diff. I , fol. 2v. 29. VigintHoquium, in d ’A illy 1490, v. 18, fo llo w in g W illiam o f A u x e rre ’s Sum ma aurea, b o o k 2, tr. 7. G u illerm us A ltissiodorensis (W illiam o f A u x erre), Sum ma aurea (Paris: P hilippe P ig o u c h et, 1500; repr., F rankfurt: M in erv a, 1964), fol. 55r. 30. Vigintiloqutum, in d ’A illy 1490, v. 20. 3 1 . G iven d ’A illy’s figures fo r S a tu rn ’s (30 years) an d J u p ite r’s (12 years) average paths aro u n d th e zodiac, S atu rn w o u ld have c o m p le te d 10¾ such circuits in 320 years and J u p ite r 26¾ . D ’Ailly gives S a tu rn ’s original p o sitio n as A quarius 2 1 ° and J u p ite r’s as Sagittarius 15°. T h a t puts S atu rn at L ibra 21° and Ju p ite r at L eo 15° in th e y ear 320. 32. Vigintiloquium, in d ’A illy 1490, v. 20, fol. [b5r]: “ hie n o n p ro c e d e m u s sec u n d u m calculationem eq u atam et prccisam sed veritati p ro x im a m q u o ru n d a m a stro n o m o ru m o p im o n e m satis p ro b a b ile m in s e q u e n d o .” 33. Ibid., v. 20. D ’A illy later re jected th e o c c u rren c e o f a c o n ju n c tio n tw o years before the F lood. It is n o t clear w h a t his so u rce w as for this c o n ju n c tio n ; it does n o t appear in th e w ritings o f th e m ajo r A rab astrologers. A cco rd in g to K en n ed y , Ibn H ib in ta quotes M asha’allah (Messahalla) as placing a c o n ju n c tio n 20 years b efo re th e F lo o d in Scorpio 1°24'. Perhaps this w as th e c o n ju n c tio n d ’A illy h ad in m in d , a lth o u g h it w o u ld have to com e fro m a different source; Ibn H ib in ta ’s w o rk does n o t exist in Latin an d was thus u n k n o w n to d ’Ailly. K en n ed y , “R am ificatio n s o f th e W o rld -Y e a r C o n c e p t,” p. 26. D ’Ailly later suggested th a t his co n ju n c tio n 2 years b efo re th e F lo o d m ig h t have b e e n th at o f 22 years before the F lo o d in A ries 6°, via a m isread in g o r a scribal error. Elucidarium, in d ’Ailly 1490, chap. 27. 34. Vigintiloquium, in d ’A illy 1490, v. 20, fol. [b6rj: “ U n d e valde expediens v id e re tu r q u o d ecclesia au ctoritate concilii generalis vel su m m i pontificis plures p erito s th eo lo g o s et astronom os ad h oc c o m m ittc re t u t ex au cto ritativ a ecclesie d ecla ratio n e et d e te rm in a -

tio n e in prenussis d e c o r et c o n firm a tio fidei s e q u e re tu r et to lle re tu r occasio scandali c o ru m q u i d e tra h u n t c a th o licc v e n ta ti et im p ro p e ra n t d isco rd iam q u o in te r h e b reo s e t 70 in tc rp re tc s sanctosque ca th o lico s d o c to re s in a n n o ru m m u n d i c o m p u ta tio n c re p e ritu r.” 35. N o r th , “ C h ro n o lo g y ,” pp. 3 1 7 —23. 36. Concordantia astronomic cum hystorica narrationc, chaps. 47 a n d 48 , c itin g A lbum asar, D e tnagnis coniunctionibus, tr. 2, diff. 8. D ’A illy also co u ld h av e ta k en this in fo rm a tio n fro m R o g e r B aco n . B aco n , O pus maius (ed. B ridges), v o l. I, pars 4, p. 265. 37. F ried rich v o n B e z o ld says h e displays ev id e n c e o f “ em es re c h t d iirftig en h isto rischen W issen s.” F. v o n B ezo ld , “A stro lo g isch e G e sc h ic h tsc o n stru c tio n im M itte la lte r,” Deutsche Zeitschrift Jiir Geschichtswissenschaft 8 (1892): 59. 38. Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narrationc, chap. 3. 39. Ib id ., chap. 5, fol. cr: . . ipse m o d ic u m ante sec u n d a m c o n iu n c tio n c m m ax im a m natus fuit. ” 40. Ib id ., ch ap . 6, fol. cr: “ . . . circa h o c te m p u s facta est a n te d ilu v iu m tercia c o n iu n c tio m ax im a q u a m m irabiles m u n d i alteratio n es secu te su n t in te r quas p re c ip u a fu it d ilu v n in u n d a tio cuius dictarri c o m u n c tio n e m parcialem causam extitisse a n n o ta v im u s.” 4 1 . Ib id ., chap. 10. 42. Ib id ., ch ap . 12. 43. Ibid. 44. Ib id ., chaps. 14—17. 45. Ib id ., chap. 17, fol. c3v: “A d m u lta ig itu r de his m irab ilib u s m u n d i q u e h ie in c id en taliter tetig im u s p lu rim a q u e alia de q u ib u s sacra n a rra t histo ria q u e h ie gratia b re v itatis su b ticem u s c o n c u rre re p o tu e r u n t alique c o n iu n c tio n e s m aio res rev o lu tio n e sq u e Saturni q u e a quarta u sq u e ad q u in ta m m a x im a m c o n iu n c tio n e m in te rv e n e ru n t. Q u as etiam v c n sim ile cst cv crsionis T ro ia n e partiales causas fuisse. . . .” 46. Ib id ., chaps. 19—20. 47. Ib id ., ch ap . 22. 48. Ib id ., ch ap . 23. 49. Ibid., chaps. 27 —28. See esp. chap. 28, fol. [c7r]: “ A n te h an c a u te m e t p o st p ro x im as fuisse m agnas e t nairas m u ta tio n e s iam d icta e t infra d icen d a nianifestant. ” 50. Ib id ., ch ap . 47 , fol. d4r: “E t sim iliter m u ta n t h o c citius vel tardius se c u n d u m p ro p rieta tes p la n e ta ru m d o m in a n tiu m regnis diversis.” A n d chap. 4 8 , fol. d4r: “ E t p o ssu n t d ic ta ru m re v o lu tio n u m sig nificationes citius a u t tardius c o m p le ri vel deb iliu s vel fortius se c u n d u m e x e g e n tia m h u iu sm o d i c o n iu n c tio n u m u t ex dictis p a te t.” 51. Ib id ., chap. 47. 52. Ib id ., chap. 49. 53. Ib id ., chaps. 60—64. F o r a full discussion o f this p re d ic tio n , see m y c h a p te r 6. 54. F o r th e date, see Salenabier, p. x v n i. A sh e n d e n ’s w o rk w as p rin te d as Jo h a n n e s E sch u id , Sum m a astrologiae (Sum m a astrologiae iudicialis de accidentibus m undi quae anglicana iiulgo nuncapatur) (V enice: Io h an n es L ucilius S an tritter, 1489). D ’A illy b o rro w s heavily fro m th e p ro lo g u e , an d tr. I, diff. I, chaps. 1—4, w h e re A sh e n d en ex am in es th e q u estio n o f th e age o f th e w o rld . A sh e n d e n ’s d e te rm in a tio n o f th e w o rld ’s age is discussed in N o rth , “ C h ro n o lo g y a n d th e A ge o f th e W o rld ,” p p . 317—20. F o r in fo rm a tio n o n his career, see H ilary M . C arey , Courting Disaster: Astrology at the English Court and University in the Later M iddle Ages (N e w Y ork: St. M a r tin ’s Press, 1992), pp. 6 6 , 7 3 —77. 55. T h e re fo llo w five ch ap te rs o f tech n ical astro n o m y , d ealin g w ith th e len g th o f the year, th e m o o n ’s o rb it, etc. (Elucidarium, chaps. 3 5—39).

56. Elucidarium, chap. I. D ’A illy no tes th a t th e change o ftrip lic ity to th e fiery (Aries) tripiicity w o u ld have o cc u rre d so m e 120 years after this co n ju n c tio n signifying th e F lood, th at is, som e 159 years b efo re th e F lo o d , an d n o t 2 years p rio r as h e h ad suggested in th e Vigintiloquium. 57. Elucidarium, chap. 26. 58. Ibid. 59. Ibid., fol. [f6vj: “E t forte hanc im p rec isio n e m v o lu it deus u t secreta celi ab sco n d eret ab indignis ne eis ex n im ia fam iliaritate v ilesceren t.” 60. F o r an ex p lan a tio n o f term s su ch as “ ep icy c le” and “ e q u a n t,” see c h a p te r I. O n medius motus, see Jo h n D . N o rth , Richard o f Wallingford: A n Edition o f H is Writings with Introductions, English Translation and Commentary by John D . North, 3 vols. (O xford: C lar­ e n d o n Press, 1976), 3:1 73 —75; an d G eoffrey C h a u c e r, The Equatorie o f the Planetis, Edited from Peterhousc M S . 75.1, ed. D e re k J. P rice (C am b rid g e: C am b rid g e U n iv ersity Press, 1955), pp. 9 7 -1 0 2 . 61. T o follow th e p ro c e d u re fo r th e A lfonsine tables, see P o u lle, Les tables alpkonsines, chaps. 17—21 o f j o h n o fS a x o n y ’s ex p lan a to ry canons. 62. Elucidarium, chap. 13. D ’A illy’s m a jo r discussion o f tru e versus m ean m o tio n s occurs in Elucidarium, chaps. 12 an d 13. 63. See Poulle, Les tables alphonsincs, chap. 25 o f j o h n o fS a x o n y ’s canons. 64. I f d ’A illy c o u ld n o t (or w o u ld n o t) calculate tru e co n ju n c tio n s, h e ap p aren tly w o u ld b e in g o o d com pany. A m arginal n o te o n a m an u scrip t (O x fo rd , B od leian M S D ig b y 176) o f c o n ju n c tio n p ro g n o sticatio n s w ritte n b y j o h n o f A sh e n d en states th a t the astro n o m er W illiam R e d e h ad m ade th e calculations (o f tru e c o n ju n ctio n s) o n w h ic h A sh e n d en ’s pred ictio n s rested. See B ern ard R . G old stein an d D av id P in g ree, “ Levi ben G e rso n ’s P ro g n o sticatio n fo r th e C o n ju n c tio n o f 1 3 4 5 ,” Transactions o f the American Philo­ sophical Society 80, pt. 6 (1990): 8. H ilary C arey has argu ed th at this in fo rm atio n does n o t necessarily m ean th at A sh en d en was incapable o f such calculations, b u t ra th e r suggests th at R e d e w as an e x p e rt m th e area o f calculations an d A sh en d en in th e field o f ju d g ­ m ents. C arey, Courting Disaster, p. 66. 65. E .g., Elucidarium, chap. 13. D ’A illy n o tes th at th e 1345 c o n ju n c tio n o f S aturn, Ju p ite r, and M ars w as a tru e c o n ju n c tio n . T h u s o n e c a n n o t use it as a basis fo r calculating b ack w ard o r fo rw ard to o th e r (m ean) c o n ju n c tio n s, b u t rath e r m u st use a m e a n c o n ju n c ­ tio n fo r th at p u rp o se. F o r details o f this c o n ju n c tio n , see n . 103. 66. T h e re is an in te rm in g lin g o f b o th in chap. 33, w h ic h is a table o f m ean c o n ju n c ­ tions w ith som e tru e ones th ro w n in. 67. E .g., A lbum asar’s in c o rre c t p re d ic tio n o f th e d em ise o f Islam w as based o n m ean , n o t tru e, m o tio n s. Ibid., chap. 24. 68. Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione, chap. 48, fol. d4r: “ H o ru m d u b io ru m solutio n o n est clara n ec ta m e n h ie sed alibi d eclaran d a.” 69. Elucidarium, chap. 18, fol. O r. 70. E x p o u n d e d in chaps. 19—23. 71. O tto N e u g e b a u e r has suggested th a t th e 3 6 0 -y e a r p e rio d co rresp o n d s to th e H in d u “y ear o f th e g ods” o f 36 0 years. N e u g e b au e r, “H in d u A stro n o m y at N e w m in ster,” p. 432. T h is th eo ry co rresp o n d s exactly w ith th a t o f th e “ m ig h ty fardarat” o u tlin e d in A lbum asar’s lost Book o f the Thousands. See P in g ree, The Thousands o f A b u Ma'shar, pp. 60—70; and K ennedy, “ R a m ificatio n s o f th e W o rld -Y e ar C o n c e p t,” p. 29. P in g ree gives a list o f m ig h ty fardarat fro m an A rabic astrological histo ry based u p o n A b u M a ’shar and M asha’allah; it corresponds alm ost exactly to d ’A illy’s list o f magni orbes fro m chap. 2 3 o f

th e Elucidarium. D ’AiHy m o st likely d e riv e d his list fro m in fo rm a tio n m J o h n o f A sh e n d e n ’s S um m a , tr. I , diff. I , chap. 3. 72. Elucidarium, chap. 19. T h e signs a n d p lanets alte rn a te th e ir reigns a c c o rd in g to th e ir cu sto m ary order. 73. Ib id ., fols. G - G v , fo llo w in g J o h n o f A sh en d en , Sum m a, tr. I , diff. I , chap. 3. A lth o u g h this c o n ju n c tio n w as c o m m o n ly d ated to 2 7 9 years b efo re th e F lo o d , d ’Ailly n o tes th a t H e n ry B ate o f M alines h ad fo u n d a d iffe re n t d a te fo r this c o n ju n c tio n and b e g in n in g o f th e orbis, u sin g astrological tables he (Bate) h a d c o rre c te d . B ate w as a th ir­ te e n th -c e n tu ry astro lo g er and d o c to r o f th eo lo g y . H e tran slated astrological w o rk s b y th e tw e lfth -c e n tu ry Je w ish a u th o r A b rah am ib n Ezra (A venesra) a n d co m p o se d a n u m b e r o f orig in al w o rk s o n th e stars. T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 2 :9 2 6 —29. D ’A illy ra th e r ab ru p tly dis­ misses B a te ’s (and A lb u m asar’s) figure o f 2 8 7 years, saying sim ply th a t th e o p in io n o f A o m a r (279 years) is th e m o re c o m m o n . A o m a r (‘U m a r ib n a l-F a rru k h a n a l-T a b ari, fl. 800) w as an astro lo g er an d tran slato r fro m Persian in to A rabic. K e n n ed y , “ R a m ific a tio n s o f th e W o rld -Y e a r C o n c e p t,” p . 26. 74. Elucidarium, chaps. 2 5 —26. 75. Ib id ., chaps. 29 —33. 76. Ib id ., chap. 33. 77. Ib id ., chap. 23. 78. Ib id ., chap. 34, fol. g3v: “ H ie etiam n o ta re v o lu i q u a m d a m p re n o s tic a tio n e m ex im aginaria co n ie c tu ra m agis q u am ex ra tio n e certa ab aliq u ib u s p o sita .” D ’A illy’s te x t follow s alm ost v e rb a tim th a t o f an a n o n y m o u s D e antichristo fro m a p ro p h e tic a n th o lo g y co m p ile d in th e th irte e n th c e n tu ry b y P ierre d e L im oges. T h e te x t is p rin te d an d dis­ cussed in N ic o le B e rio u , “ P ie rre de L im o g es e t la fin des te m p s,” Melanges de VEcole Franfaise de Rom e. M oyen A ge— Temps modernes 98 (1986): 65—107. F o r d ’A illy ’s use o f this an o n y m o u s D e antichristo, see m y c h a p te r 6. 79. Elucidarium, chaps. 3 0 —31. 80. A fact th a t d ’A illy a ck n o w led g es; ib id ., ch ap . 33, fol. g2v. 8 1 . Ib id ., ch ap . 33, fols. g3—g3v— e.g ., th e tw o c o n ju n c tio n s d escrib ed b y Jo h a n n e s de M u ris in his Epistola ad Clementem 6m. O n Jo h a n n es d e M u ris, see T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 3:294—323; G u y B ea u jo u a n , “ O b se rv a tio n s e t calculs a stro n o m iq u e s de J e a n de M u rs (1321—1 3 4 4 ),” Proceedings o f the Fourteenth International Congress o f the History o f Science (1974), n o . 2; an d , fo r his ro le in th e c o n stru c tio n o f th e A lfonsine tables, E m m a n u e l P o u lle, “T h e A lfonsine T ables a n d A lfonso X o f C astille,” Journal fo r the History o f Astron­ om y 19 (1988): 97—113. T h e te x t o f his p ro g n o stic a tio n fo r th e c o n ju n c tio n s o f 1345 is e d ite d w ith c o m m e n ta ry in G o ld ste in a n d P in g ree , “ L evi b e n G e rso n ’s P ro g n o s tic a tio n ,” pp. 35—39 an d 52—55; ex cerp ts fro m his le tte r to C le m e n ta p p e a r in P ierre M a u ric e M arie D u h e m , Le systeme du monde: Histoire des doctrines cosmologiques de Platon a Copernic, 10 vols. (Paris: H e rm a n n : 1 9 1 3 -5 9 ), 4 :3 5 -3 7 . 82. Elucidarium, ch ap . 3 3 , fol. g2v. 83. T h e re have b e e n o th e r m in o r c o rre c tio n s to th e first tw o w o rk s: a reev alu atio n o f th e h o ro s c o p e d ra w n u p fo r C re a tio n (chaps. 14—16, 28); a listin g o f o th e r c o n ju n c tio n s b efo re th e F lo o d (chap. 27 ); an d a w h o le h o st o f caveats a b o u t p ro g n o stic a tin g fro m co n ju n c tio n s (chap. 24). 84. Elucidarium, p ro lo g u e , fol. ev: “. . . h u n c te rciam tra c ta tu m . . . illis c o n iu n g e re d ig n u m d u x i ta m q u a m n ecessariu m ad p e rfe c tu m c o ru m c o m p le m e n tu m . N e c v e re b o r in re tarn ardua fateri m e ibi aliqua m in u s p erfe c te m in u sq u e c o m p le te scripsisse que hie opus est elucidare perfectius et completius explicate." E m phasis add ed .

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FOUR

85. Ibid., chap. 29, fol. [f8vj. 86. Apologetica defensio astronomice veritatis (I), in Pierre d'Ailly, Tractatus de imagine mundi et varia ejusdem auctoris et Joannis Gersonis opuscula (Louvain: J o h a n n de Westphalia, ca. 1483), fol. [gg8v]: "rationes q u a n t u m ad h o c magis probare v i d e n t u r sciendi difficultatcm q u a m scientie impossibilitatem." 87. Pro declaratione decern dictarum figurarum\ Defigura inceptionis mundi et coniunctionibus mediis sequentibus', De concordia discordantium astronomorum. For the dates of these works, see appendix 2. 88. Pro declaratione decern dictarum Jigurarum, C r a c o w , Bibliotcka Jagiellonska, M S 575, fol. l l O v : " N o t a q u o d q u a n d o c u m q u e c o n i u n c t i o Saturni et Jovis pervenit (?) ad primi signum c o n i u n c t i o n u m e o r u m semper erunt permutaciones vel c o m m o t i o n e s in populis. E x e m p l u m de c o n i u n c t i o n e significante secta m a c h o m e t i que fuit in triplicitate aquaea scilicct in signo Scorpione in qua post 60 annos q u a n d o rednt sigmficabat o b i t u m m a c h o m e t i . " Cf. Albumasar, De magni coniunctionibus (Augsburg: Erhard R a t d o l t , 1489), tr. 2, diff. 8, foL [D6r]: "Et fit istud sicut pcrmutationis coniunctionis significatio de libra ad s c o r p i o n c m et ad triplicitatem eius super nativitatem p r o p h e t e sive m a c h o m e t i et quia [quando] rediit coniunctio post 60 annos ad s c o r p i o n e m significat o b i t u m eius. . . .; dcinde rcdnt c o n i u n c t i o ad s c o r p i o n e m post 120 annos et fuit in illo a n n o diruptio templi eius . . . Et quotiens rediit c o n i u n c t i o ad sagittarium [scorpionem] significavit aliquid accidere." 89. De figura inceptionis mundi et coniunctionibus mediis sequentibus, Vienna, O s t e r r c i c h lsche Nationalbibliothek, M S 5266, fol. 46r. 90. De figura inceptionis mundi, fol. 47v. 91. This is n o t e d in K e n n e d y W o o d y , " D a n t e and the D o c t r i n e of the Great C o n j u n c t i o n s , " Dante Studies 95 (1977): 129, n. 11. 92. Defigura inceptionis mundi, fol. 48r: " S c i e n d u m a u t e m q u o d constellationes celestes s e c u n d u m q u o d fiunt ex coniunctionibus tardionbus etiam principales suos effectus tardius p r o d u c u n t . Et p n n i o q u o s d a m preambullos quasi flores p o s t r c m o alios completos quasi fructus." 93. Ibid: "Alia fuit 748 annis post C h r i s t u m in principio Sagittarius. Et dicitur significare n o v u m p r o p h e t a m et n o v u m r e g n u m cuius effectus debet apparere anno Christi 1600." A n o t h e r later manuscript of this treatise has the n e w p r o p h e t appearing "ante a n n u m 1600." Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, M S 5318, fol. 95v. A c c o r d ing to T u c k e r m a n ' s tables, there was in fact a c o n j u n c t i o n of Saturn and J u p i t e r in A.D. 749; on D e c e m b e r 6 of that year, Saturn was at Scorpio 28.68° and J u p i t e r at Scorpio 28.78° (less than 2 degrees f r o m the b e g i n n i n g of Sagittarius). Bryant T u c k e r m a n , Planetary, Lunar, and Solar Positions A.D. 2 to A.D. i649 at Five-day and Ten-day Intervals, M e m o i r s of the American Philosophical Society, 59 (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1964), p. 392. 94. De concordia discordantium astronomorum, in Pierre d'Ailly, Tractatus dc imagine mundi et varia ejusdem auctoris et Joannis Gersonis opuscula (Louvain: J o h a n n de Westphalia, ca. 1483), fol. [hh8v], 95. In the treatise De persecutionibus ecclesie, Marseilles, Bibliotheque Municipale, M S 1156, fol. 27v. Excerpts f r o m this treatise have been printed in N o e l Valois, " U n ouvrage inedit de Pierre d'Ailly, le De persecutionibus ecclesiae," Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des Chartes 65 (1904): 5 5 7 - 7 4 . 96. Sermo in die omnium sanctorum, in Paul Tschackert, Peter von Ailli: Zur Geschichte des

grosseri abendiandischen Schisma und der Rcformcoiicilieri von Pisa und C onstanz (G o th a: F rie d ­ rich A ndreas P erth es, 1877; re p r., A m sterd am : R o d o p i, 1968), p. (44). H e calls G o d “ su p rem u s illc a stro n o m u s a lm u sq u c sid e ru m c o n d ito r.” 97. Ehicidarium, in P ierre d ’A illy, Tractatus de imagine m undi et varia ejusdem auctoris et Joannis Gersonis opuscula (L ouvain: J o h a n n d e W estp h alia, ca. 1483), chap. 4 0 , fol. [g g6r|: “ H ie a u te m o p e n fin e m im p o n e n te s d eo grarias agim us q u ia .8. tractatu s satis utiles ox sa p ie n tu m dictis ipso d o n a n te co lle g im u s.” In E rh a rd R a td o lt’s 1490 ed itio n , m e n tio n is m ade o n ly o f th e th ree treatises p rin te d th e re in : Elucidarium, fol. [g7v]. 98. T h e se w o rk s ap p ear to g e th e r in th e 1483 in c u n a b u lu m a n d in som e m anuscripts. See L ynn T h o rn d ik e , “ F o u r B ritish M a n u sc n p ts o f S cien tific W o rk s b y P ie rre d ’A illy,” Imago m undi 16 (1962): 157—60. 99. Vigintiloquium, in d ’A illy 1490, v. I , fol. a2v: “ Q u ia s e c u n d u m p h ilo so p h u m o ra n e v e ru m o m n i v ero c o n so n a t necesse est v era m a stro n o m ie scien tiam sacre th e o lo g ie c o n c o rd a re .” 100. Ib id ., v. 20, fol. [b5vj: “ E t in h o c v e rific a tu r c o m p u ta tio se c u n d u m .70. m te rp re tes q u am se q u itu r ecc-lesia.” 101. Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione, p ro lo g u e , fol. [b 6 r]: “Q u ia v ero ibi g e n eraliter d ix im u s q u o d [si] m a x im a ru m c o n iu n c tio n u m te m p o ra n o ta v e rim u s ad ca h y sto n as applicantes m v e n ie m u s circa h u iu sm o d i te m p o ra m agnas e t m iran d as alteratio n es e t m u ta tio n e s in h o c seculo evenisse id e o n u n c h o c sp ecialiter p ro p o m m u s d e clarare.” 102. Elucidarium, in d ’A illy 1490, ch ap . I, fol. e2v, fo llo w in g A o m ar, A lbum asar, and H e n ry B ate o f M alincs. 103. Ib id ., chap. 10, fols. [e7v]—[e8r]. A c c o rd in g to d ’A illy, th e c o n ju n c tio n w as fol­ lo w e d by an eclipse o f th e m o o n an d a g re a t c o n ju n c tio n o f S atu rn a n d J u p ite r in th e sam e m o n th . H e n o te s th a t “ astro lo g ers” h e ld th a t th e th re e to g e th e r signified g reat effects. Since A quarius w as a “ fix e d ” sign, th e effects o f th e c o n ju n c tio n th e re in w e re stro n g er, m o re universal, an d m o re d u rab le th a n th o se o f o th e r c o n ju n c tio n s. D ’A illy p ro b ab ly to o k this in fo rm a tio n fro m J o h n o f A sh e n d e n , Sum m a, tr. I , diff. I , chap. 4. See also G oldstein and P in g ree , “L evi b e n G e rs o n ’s P ro g n o s tic a tio n ,” fo r o th e r astro lo g ers’ in te r­ p retatio n s o f this e v en t. G o ld ste in a n d P in g re e p o in t o u t th a t a c c o rd in g to th e A lfonsine tables, M ars and J u p ite r w e re in c o n ju n c tio n o n M a rc h I at A q u ariu s 1 4 °3 2 ', M ars an d S atu rn w e re in c o n ju n c tio n o n M a rc h 4 at A q u ariu s 1 7 °0 ', and J u p ite r an d S atu rn w ere in c o n ju n c tio n at A qu ariu s 1 8 °4 5 / o n M a rch 21 (p. 52). F u rth e rm o re , Levi b e n G erso n had p re d ic te d a lu n a r eclipse fo r M a rc h 18 (p. 43). It is easy to see h o w all this in fo rm a tio n m ig h t b e c o m e co n fu sed an d b e c o m e a triple c o n ju n c tio n fo llo w e d b y a lu n a r eclipse and a g reat c o n ju n c tio n , w h ic h d ’A illy describes. 104. Elucidarium, in d ’A illy 1490, ch ap . 10: “ E t q u ia istud sig n u m se m p e r est in im ic u m relig io n i id e o d ix e ru n t aliqui q u o d ilia c o n iu n c tio valde significativa fuit p resentis scism atis,” fol. [e8r]. A c c o rd in g to T u c k e rm a n , o n O c to b e r 2 3 , 1365, S atu rn an d J u p ite r w e re b o th m th e sixth deg ree o f S c o rp io , w h ile th e su n w as at S co rp io 8°. T u c k e rm a n , Plane­ tary, Lunar, and Solar Positions, p. 700. 105. Ehicidarium, m d ’A illy 1490, chap. 11, fol. [e8v]. In a . d . 571 in th e fifth deg ree o f S co rp io th e re w as a g reat c o n ju n c tio n o f S atu rn an d Ju p ite r, w ith V enus in th e first d eg ree o fS c o rp io , sign ify in g th e sect o fM u h a m m a d , w h ic h fo llo w ed . See A lbum asar, D e magnis coniunctionibus, tr. 2, diff. 8; E d w a rd S. K e n n e d y an d D av id P in g re e, The AsfroIogical History o fM a sh a ’ailah, H arv a rd M o n o g ra p h s in th e H isto ry o f S cien ce (C am b rid g e,

Mass.: H arv ard U n iv e rsity Press, 1971), p. 98. T h e F ran k s’ stre n g th w as signified in a c o n ju n c tio n o f S aturn a n d J u p ite r in th e sixth d e g ree o f Sagittarius, 808 years, 193 days, and 23 h ours after C hrist. T h e m e n d ic a n t orders are said to have b e g u n u n d e r a c o n ju n c ­ tio n o f Saturn and Ju p ite r in th e th ird degree o f A quarius, M arch (or A pril) 4, 1226; d ’Ailly notes th a t at th e sam e tim e th e ru le r o f th e T artars g ain ed in stren g th . A c co rd in g to T u c k e rm a n , S aturn an d Ju p ite r w e re b o th in A quarius 3° o n M a rch 7, 1226. T u c k e rm an, Planetary, Lunar, and Solar Positions, p. 631. 106. O n th e contrary , he gives tw o exam ples o f w ro n g p red ictio n s: A lb u m asar’s in ­ co rrect guess ab o u t th e d u ra tio n o f Islam (Elucidarium, in d ’Ailly 1490, chap. 24), an d a c o n ju n c tio n o f 1405 th a t w as said to signify th e e n d o f th e Schism (chap. 10). 107. Vigintiloquium, in d ’Ailly 1490, v. 12. 108. T his th em e is discussed a t len g th in c h a p te r 6. 109. F or details a b o u t these various p erio d izatio n s, th e ir in terc o n n ec te d n ess, th e ir origins, and th eir d e v e lo p m e n t, see S ch m id t, “ A etates m u n d i” ; E lizabeth Sears, The Ages o f M an: Medieval Interpretations o f the Life Cycle (P rin c eto n , N .J.: P rin c e to n U n iv ersity Press, 1986), pp. 54—7 0 , an d G u e n e e , Histoire et culture, pp. 147—50. 110. B ezold, “A strologische G e sc h ich tsco n stru ctio n im M itte lalter,” 29—72, 111. B ezold, “ A strologische G e sc h ic h tsc o n stru c tio n ,” p. 30: “ so lasst sich in d e m w ir in d en ausserlich n o ch d e r k irch lich e n W e lta n sch a u u n g u n te rw o rfe n e n Z e ite n a u f astro­ logische E rk laru n g des g esch ich tlich en L ebens stossen, eine gew isse Parallelc m it den B c m iih u n g e n des m o d e rn e n Positivism us u m die G esch ich te u n d ih re G esetze k au m v o n d er H an d w e ise n .” 112. Ibid., pp. 65 an d 72, citin g Je a n B o d in , w h o w a n te d to av o id c h u rc h p e rio d iza­ tio n an d fo llo w ed th e “n e w ” style o f an cie n t history, b u t b ecam e in v o lv ed w ith the th eo ry o f th e g reat co n ju n ctio n s. 113. A brief, b u t m o re b alan ced o v e rv ie w o f astrological h istorical w ritin g o ccu rs in M artin H aeusler, Das Ende der Ceschichte in der mittelalterlichen Weltchronistik (C o lo g n e and V ienna: B ohlau V erlag, 1980), chap. 10, pp. 142—55. 114. K e n n ed y and P in g ree, The Astrological History o f M asha’allah, p. vii. 115. B ezo ld , “A strologische G e sc h ic h tsc o n stru ctio n ,” p. 4 8 (N eb u ch ad n ezzar, M oses, A lex an d er th e G reat, Jesus, an d M u h a m m a d ); H aeusler, Das Ende der Geschichte, p. 144; T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 2 :8 9 6 -9 8 . 116. B ezold, “ A strologische G e sc h ic h tsc o n stru ctio n ,” pp . 45—47; see also H aeusler, Das Ende der Geschichte, p. 142, fo r a ttrib u tio n o f V illani as first to org an ize h istory in this way. G io v an n i’s b ro th e r M a tte o late r attack ed G io v an n i fo r his use o f astrology (B ezold, p. 47). F or a discussion o f VillanPs Cronica, see L ouis G ree n , Chronicle into History: A n Essay on the Interpretation o f History in Florentine Fourteenth-Century Chronicles (C am b rid g e: C am b rid g e U niversity Press, 1972), pp. 9—43. V illani’s astrology is tre ate d at pp. 29—35. Like d ’Ailly, V illani insisted u p o n G o d ’s ability to act b o th naturally (th ro u g h causes like th e stars) and supernaturally, a cco rd in g to his pleasure; see G reen , p. 34. 117. G reen , Chronicle, p. 33; B ezold, “A strologische G e sc h ic h tsc o n stru c tio n ,” pp. 47, 49; B ezold argues th at C e c c o w as b u rn e d n o t m erely fo r b e in g an astro lo g er b u t fo r these m o re o u trageous p red ictio n s. T h o rn d ik e suggests, h o w e v e r, th a t C e c c o w as p ro sec u te d by his n u m ero u s enem ies an d n o t so m u c h for e x tre m e astrological teachings. T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 2 :9 6 6 -6 8 . 118. B ezold, “A strologische G esch ic h tsc o n stru ctio n ,” p p . 57—63; H aeusler, Das Ende der Geschichte, p. 145.

119. W h e n he d re w u p a h o ro sc o p e o f C h rist, d ’A illy specifically left it to th e e x p e ri­ e n c e d astrologers to in te rp re t; e .g ., Eiucidarium, in d ’Ailly 1490, chap. 2, fol. e4r: “ de huius v e ro fig u re sig n ificatio n e ad a stro n o m o ru m iu d icia rc m itto . . . .” 120. B ezo ld , “ A strolo g isch e G e sc h ic h tsc o n stru c tio n ,” p p . 67—72; H acu sler, Das Ende der Geschichte, pp. 151—54. 121. See R ic h a rd L em ay, “ T h e T e a c h in g o f A stro n o m y in M ed iev al U n iv ersities, Principally at Paris in th e F o u rte e n th C e n tu ry ,” Manuscripta 2 0 (1976): 198—209; L em ay argues th a t in th e u n iv ersities o f th e fo u rte e n th and fifte e n th ce n tu ries, astrology was ta u g h t m ain ly by th e faculties o f m e d ic in e . F ro m a survey o f ex istin g m an u scrip ts, H ilary C arcy has c o n c lu d e d th a t in la te r m ed ie v al E n g la n d , astro lo g y w as a su b je c t o f subsidiary in terest in th e universities (outside m e d ic in e ), b u t a ttra c te d a specialist’s a tte n tio n fro m a n u m b e r o f in d iv id u al scholars. C arey , Courting Disaster, p p . 3 9 —49. 122. B ezo ld , “ A stro lo g isch e G e sc h ic h tsc o n stru c tio n ,” p . 45. 123. Ib id ., p. 65. 124. R o g e r B aco n , O pus maius (ed. B ridges), vol. I , pars 4, p. 3 8 9 : “E t p o te st h o m o rev o lv ere h isto riam ad te m p o ra p ra e te rita, e t c o n sid erare effectus c o e lo ru m a p rin cip io m u n d i, u t sint diluvia, terrae m o tu s, p estilen tiae, fam es, c o m e ta e , m o n stra , e t alia in fin ita, quae c o n tm g e ru n t tarn in reb u s h u m a n is q u a m in n aturalib u s. Q u ib u s co m p aratis, rc v o lv at tabulas et can o n es a stro n o m ia e , e t in v e n ie t co n stellatio n es p ro p rias singulis effectibus re sp o n d ere. D e m d e c o n sid e re t p e r tabulas consim iles c o n stellatio n es in fu tu ro te m p o re p ro p in q u o vel re m o to sicu t vult; e t p o te n t tu n c p ro n u n tia re in effectibus, qui consim iles e ru n t sicut fu e ru n t in p ra e te rito , q u ia p o sita causa p o n itu r effectu s.” 125. Jacq u es Le G off, “A u m o y e n age: T em p s de l’E glise e t tem p s du m a rc h a n d ,” Annaies. Economies, societes, civilisations 15 (1960): 4 1 7 —33. 126. T u llio G reg o ry , "T em p s astro lo g iq u e et te m p s c h re tie n ,” in je a n -M a rie L ero u x , ed., Le temps chretien de Ia fin de I’antiquite au M oyen Age: IIIe -X IIIe siecles, C o llo q u es in te rn a tio n a u x du C e n tre N a tio n a l d e la R e c h e rc h e S cien tifiq u e, 6 0 4 (Paris: E d itio n s d u C .N .R .S ., 1984), pp. 5 5 7 -7 3 . 127. Ib id ., p. 560. 128. E .g ., G re g o ry (ibid., p p . 564—65) cites A q u in as o n th e stars’ p o w e r to in clin e m e n to actio n ; o n ly th e tru ly w ise m e n can resist (Sum m a theoiogiae, IIa lla e , q. 9 5 , a. 5; an d la, q. 115, a. 4, ad 2; an d Ia lla e , q. 9, a. 5). A c c o rd in g to G reg o ry , th e v ie w o f h isto ry as a senes o f c o m m u n ity ev en ts c o n tro lle d b y th e stars w as expressed by A quinas, B o n a v e n tu re, a n d R o g e r B aco n , a m o n g o thers. 129. H e cites d ’A illy as an ex am p le. E v e n th o u g h th e astrological v ie w b ro u g h t C h ris­ tian eschatology in to q u e stio n , d ’A illy is an ex am p le o f th e a tte m p t to m ak e ap o caly p tic d o c trin e absorb astrological teac h in g . G reg o ry , “ T em p s a stro lo g iq u e ,” pp. 5 6 6 —67. 130. Ib id ., pp. 5 6 7 -6 8 . 131. K rzy sto ff P o m ia n , “A stro lo g y as a N atu ralistic T h e o lo g y o f H isto ry ,” m Paola Z a m b elli, ed ., “Astrologi hallucinati": Stars and the E n d o f the World in Luther’s T im e (B erlin an d N e w Y ork: W a lte r de G ru y te r, 1986), p p . 29—43. 132. “E v e ry c h ro n o s o p h y is . . . d e p e n d e n t u p o n so m e p ro c e d u re su p p o sed to p re d ic t th e fu tu re, so m etim es ev en a v ery d ista n t o n e , w ith a reasonable i f n o t ab so lu te cer­ tain ty .” P o m ia n , ib id ., p . 29. 133. Ib id ., p. 32. 134. Ib id ., p p . 3 9 -4 3 . 135. A rn ald o M o m ig lia n o sim ilarly has a rg u e d th a t scholars e rr w h e n th e y m ak e a

great distin ctio n b e tw e e n Jew ish an d G reek view s o f tim e in antiq u ity . M o m ig lia n o , “T im e in A n cien t H isto rio g ra p h y ,” in M o m ig lian o , Essays in Ancient and Modern Histori­ ography (M id d leto w n , C o n n .: W esleyan U n iv ersity Press, 1977), pp. 179—204. 136. Vigintiloquium, in d ’A illy 1490, v. 7; Eiucidarium, in d ’A illy 1490, chap. 4. E .g ., the su n ’s anni m axim i are 1,461; anni maiores, 120; aitni mcdii, 39 1 /2 ; a n d anni minores, 19. (Eiucidarium, chap. 4.) 137. See esp. K enn ed y , “R a m ific a tio n s o f th e W o rld -Y e a r C o n c e p t,” pp. 23, 3 7 -3 8 . T h e Persian system o f plan etary “ th o u san d s” presupposes th a t th e w o rld w ill e n d u re only 12,000 years (o r less— som e versions have th e b e g in n in g o f p lan etary m o tio n tak in g place o n ly in th e th ird o r fo u rth m illen n iu m ). See K e n n e d y and P in g ree, The Astrological History o f M asha’allah, pp. 69—75. 138. G regory, “ T em ps astro lo g iq u e ,” p. 561. 139. Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione, chap. 61. 140. Ibid., chap. 28. 141. Eiucidarium, in d ’Ailly 1490, chap. 26. T h e c o n ju n c tio n nearest th e F lo o d was in th e 1,498th year o f th e w orld. 142. Vigintiloquium, m d ’A illy 1490, v. 9, c itin g A u g u stin e, D e civitatc dei, b o o k 22. See R . A. M arkus, Saeculum: History and Society in the Theology o f Saint Augustine, rev. ed. (C am bridge: C am b rid g e U n iv ersity Press, 1970). 143. T h is is treated as o n e aspect o f th e C h ristian v ie w o f tim e in Le G off, “ T em ps dc l’Eglise e t tem ps du m a rc h a n d ,” p. 423. 144. Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione, chap. 46. T h is trad itio n fo u n d its source in th e p ro p h ecies o f D an iel 7. 145. G u en ee, Histoire et culture, p . 163 and, o n th e m ed iev al “ m astery o f tim e ,” in general, pp. 147—63. 146. E .g ., D o n a ld J. W ilco x , The Measure o f Times Past: Pre-Newtonian Chronologies and the Rhetoric o f Relative T im e (C hicago: U n iv ersity o f C h icag o Press, 1987), esp. p. 188. 147. A n n a -D o ro th e e v, d en B n n c k e n , “B e o b a c h tu n g e n zu m A u fk o m m e n d e r re tro spektiven In k arn atio n sara,” pp. 1—20; see also A d alb ert K lem p t, D ie Sakularisicrung der universalhistorischen AuJfassung zu m Wandel des Geschichtsdenkens im. 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, G o ttin g e r B austeine z u r G eschichtsw issenschaft, 31 (G o ttin g en : M u stersch m id t, 1960), pp. 8 5 -8 7 . 148. A. T. G rafton and N . M . S w erd lo w , “T ech n ical C h ro n o lo g y an d A strological H isto ry in V arro, C en so rin u s and O th e rs ,” Classical Quarterly 35 (1985): 456—60. 149. K eith T h o m as, Religion and the Decline o f Magic (N e w Y ork: S crib n e r’s, 1971), pp. 3 3 5 -3 8 . 150. A lexander M u rray , Reason and Society in the Middle Ages (O x fo rd : C la re n d o n Press, 1978), pp. 2 0 1 -6 . 151. Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione, chap. 59, fol. [d7v]: “alio q u in fo rm id a n d u m est ne istud sit illu d m ag n u m scisma q u o d esse d e b e t p re a m b u lu m adventus an tich risti.” 152. Ibid.: “ . . . se c u n d u m aliquos astro n o m o s p ren o stic a tu m est ex figura celi anni presentis q u o d retro g rad atio iovis in p rin cip io anni in p rim a d o m o significat d estru c tio n e m religionis et p acem in ecclesia ad h u c n o n firm a ri.” A cc o rd in g to T u ck e rm a n , J u p ite r was retro g rad e fro m ro u g h ly th e e n d o f M arch th ro u g h th e b e g in n in g o f A ugust 1414. T u ck erm an , Planetary, Lunar, and Solar Positions, p. 725. (T h e astrologers’ year began w ith th e vernal e q u in o x .)

C h ap ter Five T h e G reat Schism and the C o m in g o f the A pocalypse 1. L ouis B. Pascoe, “ P ie rre d ’Ailly: H isto ire , S chisine e t A n tc c h n s t,” in Je a n Favicr, ed., Ceiiese et debuts du Grand Schisme d ’occident (Paris: E d itio n s d u C .N .R .S ., 1980), pp. 6 1 5 -2 2 . 2. S ir R ic h a rd S o u th e rn has stressed th e e x te n t to w h ic h all o f these c o m p o n e n ts w e re used in th e study o f th e fu tu re . See R . W . S o u th e rn , “ A spects o f th e E u ro p e a n T ra d itio n o f H istorical W ritin g : 3. H isto ry as P ro p h e c y ,” R o ya l Historical Association. Transactions, 5 th ser., 22 (1972): 166. O n m ed iev al ap o caly p ticism in general, see R ic h a rd K e n n e th E m m e rso n , Antichrist in the M iddle A ges: A S tudy o f Medieval Apocalypticism, A rt, and Liter­ ature (Seattle: U n iv ersity o f W a sh in g to n Press, 1981); B e rn a rd G u e n e e , Histoire et culture historique dans I'Occident medieval (Paris: A u b ie r M o n ta ig n e , ca. 1980); R o b e r t E. L ern er, “ R e fre s h m e n t o f th e Saints: T h e T im e after A n tic h rist as a S ta tio n fo r E arth ly P rogress in M ed iev al T h o u g h t,” Traditio 32 (1976): 97—144; L ern er, The Powers o f Prophecy: The Cedar o f Lebanon Vision from the Mongol Onslaught to the D aw n o f the Enlightenment (B erk e­ ley: U n iv e rsity o f C alifo rn ia Press, 1983); B e rn a rd M c G in n , Visions o f the End: Apocalyptic Traditions in the M iddle Ages (N e w Y o rk : C o lu m b ia U n iv e rsity Press, 1979); M a q o rie R e e v e s, The Influence o f Prophecy in the Later M iddle Ages: A S tu d y in Joachimism (O x fo rd : C la re n d o n Press, 1969); R o b e r to R u s c o n i, U A ttesa della fin e : Crisi della societa, profezie ed Apocalisse in Italia al tempo del grande scisma d ’Occidente (1 3 7 8 —1417), S tu d i sto rici, 115—18 (R o m e : In stitu to S to ric o Italiano p e r il m e d io ev o , 1979); E rn st W ad stein , D ie eschatologische Ideengruppe: Antichrist— Weltsabbat— Weltende und Weltgericht, in den Hauptmomenten Hirer christlich-mittelalterlichen Gesamtentwickelung (Leipzig: O . R . R e isla n d , 1896); th e p a­ pers in th e v o lu m e o f th e M ilanges de I'Ecole Fran(aise de Rom e. M oyen A ge 102 (1990), en title d Les textes prophetiques et la prophetie en Occident (X lle —X V I e sieclej, a n d th e ex c ellen t b ib lio g rap h y g iv en by R . E. K aske in K aske, A rth u r G ro o s, a n d M ic h a e l W . T w o m e y Medieval Christian Literary Imagery: A G uide to Interpretation (T o ro n to : U n iv e rsity o f T o ro n to Press, 1988), p p . 151—6 4 (“E sc h a to lo g y ”). In th ese ch ap ters I use th e fo llo w in g defin itio n s, fo llo w in g R ic h a rd L andes, “ Lest th e M ille n n iu m B e Fulfilled: A p o caly p tic E x p ectatio n s an d th e P a tte rn o f W e ste rn C h ro n o g ra p h y 100—800 C E ,” in W e rn e r V erb ek e, D an iel V erhelst, an d A n d ries W elk e n h u y se n , eds., The Use and Abuse o f Eschatology in the M iddle Ages (L ouvain: L e u v e n U n iv ersity Press, 1988), p p . 2 0 5 —6. “E sch a to lo g y ” is d e fin ed as th e b e lie f th a t tim e w ill h av e an e n d and, b y c o n se q u e n c e , refers to an y stu d y o f th e e n d o f tim e. “A p o c aly p tic ism ,” b y c o n trast, refers to th e b e lie f th a t th e e n d o f th e w o rld is im m in e n t. “ M ille n aria n ism ” is th e b e lie f th a t th e final ev en ts w ill u sh e r in a reig n o f p eace h e re o n e arth (th e m ille n n iu m ). 3. L ern er, “R e fre s h m e n t,” p. 116. 4. Ib id ., p. 101; E m m e rso n , Antichrist, p . 45. 5. P ie rre d ’A illy in Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione, in d ’A illy 1490, chap. 59, fol. [d7v]: “ d e q u o scism ate ipse ap o sto lu s P au lu s u b i d e a d v e n tu antich risti lo q u itu r an tea pro p h etasse v id e tu r d icen s iliu m n o n esse v e n tu ru m nisi v e n e rit dissentio p rirn u m e tc ., q u o d e x p o n u n t sapientes d e d issen tio n e id est scism atica d iv isio n e vel su b ­ t r a c t i o n o b e d ie n tie R o m a n e ecclesie seu R o m a n i im p e rii.” C o m p a re t h e glossa ordinaria: “Quoniam nisi venerit. O c c u lte lo q u itu r d e d e stru c tio n e im p e rii R o m a n i, ne irrita re t eos ad p e rse c u tio n e m ecclesiae. Vel h o c d icit d e spirituali im p e rio R o m a n a e ecclesiae, vel discessione a fid e .” In Biblia sacra cum glossa interlinear!, ordinaria, et Nicolai Lyrani Postilla

eiusdemque Moralitatibus, Burgettsis Additionibus, et Tkoringi replicis (V enice: [publisher u n ­ k n o w n ], 1588). N o te th at d ’A illy reverses th e o rd e r in th e glossa, im p ly in g th a t a schism in th e ch u rc h is a m o re likely in te rp re ta tio n o f P au l’s text. 6. L erner, “ R e fre s h m e n t,” p. 103. A u g u stin e insisted th at this passage “ relaxes th e fingers o f all w h o do sum s o n th e m a b o u t this m a tte r.” A u g u stin e, [D e civitate dei] The C ity o f God against the Pagans, ed. an d trans. W illiam M . G re en , L ocb Classical Library (C am b rid g e, M ass.: H arv ard U n iv ersity Press, 1960—72), b o o k 18, chap. 53: “ O m n iu m v ero de hac re calculan tiu m digitos resolvit et quiescere iu b e t ille qui dicit: N o n est v estru m scire tem p o ra, quae P ater p o su it m sua p o te s ta te .” 7. Landes, “ Lest the M ille n n iu m B e F ulfilled.” T h e first ch ro n o lo g y , d atin g C re a tio n at 5500 B . C . w as th a t o f H ip p o ly tu s (p. 146). As w e have n o te d in ch a p te r 4, this w as replaced in its latter years b y E u seb iu s’s calcu latio n (in his Chronicle) o f C rea d o n a t 5,228 years before C h rist’s m inistry, re ju v e n a tin g th e w o rld by alm ost th ree cen tu ries (ibid., p. 149). B ede, in the 5900s o f th at era, in tro d u c e d a th ird d a tin g o f C re a tio n at 3952 B . C . , based o n th e H e b re w calculations, as w ell as th e m o v e to date ev en ts by a . d . rath er than by years fro m C reatio n . B o th o f these w e re a n ti-ap o caly p tic m oves. (Ibid., p p . 175—78.) 8. A cco rd in g to Landes, C h a rlem ag n e and his advisors m u st have b e e n aw are o f th e fact th a t his c o ro n a tio n in A . D . 8 00 c o in c id e d w ith th e w o rld ’s 6 ,0 0 0 th year. Ib id ., p p . 1 9 7 -2 0 1 . 9. C ity o f Cod, b o o k 22, chap. 30; A u g u stin e w as an o p p o n e n t o f th e e q u a tio n o f these ages w ith set lengths o f tim e an d arg u ed vig o ro u sly against w o u ld -b e calculators o f the E nd. 10. Felix H e m m e rlin , Registrum quereie, q u o te d in W ad stem , D ie eschatoiogische Ideengruppe, p. 33. 11. P rin ted by E rn st S ackur, ed ., Sibyllinische Texte und Forschungen. Pseudomethodius, Adso und die Tiburtinische Sibyile (H alle: N ie m e y e r, 1898); also see the discussion o f this figure in R e e v e s, Influence, p p . 299ff.; and E m m e rso n , Antichrist, pp . 47—49. E x cerp ts in E nglish translation app ear in M c G in n , Visions, pp. 7 0 —76. 12. P se u d o -M e th o d iu s (ed. Sackur), chaps. 11 an d 13, pp. 80, 89—90. 13. R e e v e s, Influence, p. 301. 14. A chan g e th at S o u th e rn attributes to th e e n o rm o u s in flu e n c e o f th e w ritings o f Jo a c h im o f F iore. S o u th e rn , “ H isto ry as P ro p h e c y ,” pp. 166, 170, 173. 15. Ibid., p. 166. O n th e various relationships b e tw e e n astrology and p ro p h e c y in th e later M id d le A ges, see also Je a n -P a tric e B o u d e t, “ S im o n de P hares e t Ies rapp o rts en tre astrologie et p ro p h e tie a la fin d u M o y e n A g e ,” Milanges de PEcole Franfaise de Rome. Moyen Age 102 (1990): 6 1 7 -4 8 . 16. E .g., th e so-called T o le d o L etter, w h ic h first ap p eared in 1184; its d ifferen t ver­ sions pred icted th e E n d for 1186, 1229, 1345, 1395, and 1516. See E m m erso n , Antichrist, p. 54; L erner, Tlte Powers o f Prophecy, p. 20; an d also M . G aster, “T h e L etter o f T o le d o ,” Folk-Lore 13 (1902)':Ί 15—34. A n E nglish translation appears in M c G in n , Visions, p. 152. F ro m th e sam e p e rio d dates th e Oraculurn angelicum, supposedly d ictated b y an angel to a C arm elite friar n am ed C y ril, It has b e e n ed ited b y F ranz E h rle, in A n h iv fu r Litteratur und Kirchcngescliichte des Mittelalters 2 (1886): 327ff. O n e sh o u ld n o te also th e fam ous C e d a r o f L ebanon p ro p h ecy , stu d ied by R o b e r t L ern er in The Powers o f Prophecy. T h is te x t c irc u ­ lated th ro u g h o u t E u ro p e fro m th e th irte e n th th ro u g h th e se v e n te e n th centuries. 17. T h e “ spiritualis intellectus.” S u ch a gift w as cited to ju stify th e n o n trad itio n al ex eg e­ sis o f a n u m b e r o f th in k ers o f th e H ig h M id d le A ges an d later. See R o b e r t E . Lerner,

“ E cstatic D iss e n t,” Speculum 67 (1992): 3 3—57; a n d A n d re V au ch ez, “ Lcs th eo lo g ie n s face au x p ro p h e tie s a l’e p o q u e des papes d ’A v ig n o n e t d u G ra n d S ch ism e,” Melanges de I’Ecole Franfaise de R om e. M oyen A ge 102 (1990): 577—88. O n Jo a c h im in g en eral, see esp. R e e v e s, Influence, and h e rJoachim o f Fiore and the Prophetic Future (L o n d o n a n d N e w Y ork: S .P .C .K ., 1976); M o r to n B lo o m fie ld , “Jo a c h im o f Flora: A C ritical S u rv ey o f H is C a n o n , T each in g s, S ou rces, B io g rap h y , a n d In flu e n c e ,” Traditio 13 (1957): 2 4 9 —3 1 1 ; an d L ern er, “ R e fre s h m e n t,” w h ic h te m p e rs R e e v e s ’s estim ate o f J o a c h im ’s in flu en ce. Selec­ tio n s fro m J o a c h im ’s w o rk s in E nglish tran slatio n a p p ear in M c G in n , Visions, p p . 126—42. 18. T h is su m m ary is based o n R e e v e s, Influence, p p . 3 0 —39. 19. Ib id ., pp. 5 9 -6 1 . 20. Ib id ., pp. 126, 1 3 5 -4 6 . 21. T h e re exists also a n u m b e r o f alch e m ical w o rk s a ttrib u te d to A rn o ld . O n his life an d career, see M ich ae l R . M cV au g h , e d ., Arnaldi de Villanova Opera Medica O m nia, 2: Aphorismi degradibus (G ran ad a a n d B arcelo n a: S e m m a riu m H isto riae M e d ic a e G ra n a te n sis, 1975), pp. 76—82; T h o rn d ik e , HATES, 2: chap. 68, p p . 8 4 1 —61; a n d L erner, “E cstatic D isse n t,” pp. 42—46-. L e n g th y ex cerp ts fro m A rn o ld ’s treatise are p rin te d m H e in ric h F in k e, A u s den Tagen Bonifaz V III: Funde und Forschungen, V o rre fo rm a tio n sg e sc h ich tlich e F o rsch u n g en , 2 (M u n ster: A sch en d o rff, 1902), p p . c x x i x —c l i x . See also M c G in n , Vi­ sions, p p . 222—24. 22. A rn o ld o f V illanova, D e tempore adventus Antichrist!, ed. F in k e , p. c x l i i : “N o n ergo p e r ilia v erb a re s p o n d it C h n stu s ad in te rro g a tio n e m factam d e te m p o re A n tic h risti, set de c o n su m m a tio n e seculi, vel u ltim a c o n v e rsio n e J u d e o r u m ad C h ris tu m .” 23. Ib id ., p. c x x x i l : “ Q u o d n o b is ta m e n h ie sufFicit, istu d est, scilicet q u o d co m p letis m ille C C .X C . annis a te m p o re , q u o p o p u lu s Ju d a ic u s am isit p ossessionem terre illus [sic], stabit, u t ait d o m in u s, a b h o m in a tio desolatio n is, scilicet A n tich ristu s in lo co san cto , q u o d erit circa sep tu ag esim u m o c ta v u m a n n u m c e n te n a rii seq u en tis v id elicat [sic] q u arti d ccim i a salvatons a d v e n tu .” 24. Ib id ., p. c x x x iv : “ . . . sicu t in p ro d u c tio n e m u n d i fuit su p e rn a tu ra lite r op eratu s, sic e t in c o n su m m a tio n e h u iu s seculi su p e rn a tu ra lite r o p e ra b itu r. E t si to tiu s re tard atio n is re v o lu tio necessaria fo re t, u t asseru n t [astrologi], ad u n iv ersalem p e rfe c tio n e m , n ic h ilo m in u s D eu s est p o te n s m o tu m o rb iu m v e lo c ita re , q u a n tu m p la cu e rit, et re v o lu tio n e m co m p le re b revissim o te m p o re . . . . ” P ierre d ’A illy w o u ld use this passage in his se rm o n fo r A d v e n t in 1385. It is n o t clear w h e n c e A rn o ld to o k this th e o ry a b o u t th e 3 6 ,0 0 0 years, a lth o u g h it appears to b e related to th e th e o ry o f th e magnus annus c o n d e m n e d in Paris in 1277. (O n precessio n an d th e magnus annus, see c h a p te r I.) C o n d e m n e d in 1277 w as th e n o tio n th a t after 3 6 ,0 0 0 years th e stars w o u ld re tu rn to th e ir o rig in al p o sitio n s a n d th e sam e series o f effects w o u ld re c u r, n o t th a t th e w o rld w o u ld th e n en d . (See ch a p te r 2.) Perhaps this w as th e a rg u m e n t “rationibus naturalibus” u sed in an a n o n y m o u s treatise o f 1288, w h ic h gave th e w o rld m a n y th o u san d s o f years y e t to c o m e . (C ite d in W ad stein, D ie eschatologische Ideengruppe, p . 32.) 25. “ T h e Tractatus de Antichristo b y J o h n o f Paris: A C ritic a l E d itio n , T ran slatio n , and C o m m e n ta ry ,” ed. Sara B e th P eters C la rk (P h .D . diss., C o rn e ll U n iv ersity , 1981), p. 9; Franz Pelster, “ D ie Q u ae stio H e in ric h s v o n H arclay iib e r die zw e ite A n k u n ft C h risti u n d die E rw a rtu n g des b ald ig en W e lte n d e s zu A n fan g des X IV J a h rh u n d e rts ,” Archivio italiano per la Storia della Pieta I (1951): 35. 26. Pelster, “ Q u a e s tio ,” p. 44; o n his m ystical e x p erien ces, see L ern er, “ E cstatic D is­ s e n t,” pp. 44—46.

27. T h e w h o le affair is treated in Pelster, “ Q u a e stio ,” p p . 32—46, w h o p rin ts H e n ry o f H arclay’s response at pp. 53—82. 28. “ N o n neg at D o m in u s p re c o g n itio n e m cen te n a rii a n n o ru m vel h u iu sm o d i secu n ­ d u m p ro b ab ilitatem vel c o n ie c tu ram , sed so lu m se cu n d u m certitu d in is c o m p re h e n sio n e m .” Tractatus de Antichristo (ed. C lark), p. 66. T h e treatise is also ed ited in Abbas Joachim Magnus Propheta . . .Expositio M agni PropheteJoachim: In Librum Beati Cyrilli . . . Item Tractatus cle Antechristo MagistriJoannis Parisiensis Ordinis Predicatorum (V enice: Laca de Soardis, 1516); C la rk ’s is th e preferable text. 29. J o h n o f Paris, Tractatus de Antichristo (ed. C lark), p. 44. 30. Ibid ., p. 45. 31. Ib id ., pp. 46—47. J o h n assumes b o th th at th e sun w as created in its exaltatio n o f Aries 15° an d th at, at th e tim e o f C re a tio n , its aux w as in th e sam e lo ca tio n as th e sun. H e takes P to le m y ’s figures fo r precession (I d eg ree p e r 100 years) an d for th e p o sitio n o f th e su n ’s aux m P to le m y ’s tim e (G em in i 6°) to d e term in e th a t 5 ,1 0 0 years m u st have passed b e tw e e n C re a tio n and P to le m y ’s w ritin g in a . d . 130. T h e m e th o d is sim ilar in spirit to th at w h ich d ’Ailly w ill use in th e Vigintiloquium (see ch ap te r 4). 32. J o h n o f Paris, Tractatus de Antichristo (ed. C lark), p. 61. See ch a p te r I. 33. Ib id ., pp. 53—54. 34. E .g ., the a u th o r o f th e m id -fo u rte e n th c e n tu ry F re n ch treatise On the Natural Causes o f Certain Future Events and Tribulations and Other Changes in the World, w h o c o m ­ m e n te d o n c u rre n t trials such as th e plague and th e disasters o f C rec y and Calais. H e felt th at A n tich rist’s ad v en t w as im m in e n t. (C ite d b y L erner, The Powers o f Prophecy, p. 104.) See also L em er, “T h e B lack D ea th and W e ste rn E u ro p e a n E schatological M en talities,” American Historical Review 86 (1981): 533—52. 35. C ite d in R e e v e s, Influence, pp. 93—94; see also L erner, The Powers o f Prophecy, p. 93. H is co llectio n in clu d ed th e Sibyls, p se u d o -M e th o d iu s, M erlin , H ild eg ard , an d m u c h , real and spurious, o f Jo a c h im ’s w o rk . M an y o f H e n ry ’s texts stress th a t th e apocalypse is near: o n e p ro p h e t says th e re w ill b e o n ly fo u r m o re popes; a n o th e r th a t A n tich rist is already six years old in 1349. 36. In 1356, for exam ple, th e a u th o r o f an an o n y m o u s E nglish treatise O n the Last Age o f the Church p red icted th e app earan ce o f A n tich rist in 1400. (W adstein, Die eschatologische Ideengruppe, pp. 93—94.) Sim ilarly, an “ u n n a m e d so o th say er” k n o w n to H e n ry o f L angenstein (d. 1397) used th e p ro p h ecies o f D an iel 12 to calculate th a t C h rist w o u ld co m e to slay th e so n o f p e rd itio n in 1400. H e n ry o f L angenstein, Liberadversus Thelesphori eremitae vaticinia de ultimis temporibus, in B e rn h a rd P ez, Thesaurus anecdotorum novissimus (A ugsburg: V eith, 1721), vol. I , p t. n , col. 541: Ille in n o m in atu s . . . v aticin ato r, cujus n u p e r tractatu lu m p e r le g i. . . in v e n it suo m o d o calcu lan d o , q u o d u tiq u e , u t d icit, a d v e n tus C h risti p ro in terfic ien d o A n tic h ristu m . . . erit an no D o m in i 1400.” 37. O n R o q u etailla d e , see R ee v e s, Influence, pp. 225—28, 321—2 3 ; E m m e rso n , A n ti­ christ, p. 69; L erner, “R e fre s h m e n t,” p. 132; an d th e articles ap p earin g u n d e r th e h ead “ Figures de p ro p h etes aux d erm ers siecles d u M o y e n A ge: A u to u r de Je a n de R o q u e ta il­ lad e,” m Melanges de VEcole Franfaise de Rome. Moyen Age 102 (1990): 297—401. E xcerpts o f his w orks in translation ap p ear in M c G in n , Visions, pp. 231—33. 38. See, fo r exam p le, R e e v e s ’s e lo q u e n t statem en t: “T h e G reat Schism b ro u g h t in to the sharpest possible focus all th e various elem en ts o f th e p ro p h e tic tra d itio n th a t w e have b een tracing: th e forces o f A n tich rist creatin g schism an d p e rsec u tio n in th e ch u rc h , th e ex p ectatio n o f terrible trib u latio n an d ju d g e m e n t, th e p ro p h e tic su m m o n s o f th e P o p e

b ack to R o m e to fulfill th e full d estin y o f th e renovatio ecdesie. A b o v e all, it w as th e fact o f th e G re a t S chism itse lf w h ic h set th e seal o f tr u th o n th e p ro p h e ts fro m Jo a c h im a n d St. Francis to je a n dc R o q u e ta illa d e .” R e e v e s, Influence, p. 422. See also R u s c o n i, L ’Attesa delta flue; V auchez, “ Les th e o lo g ien s face au x p ro p h e tie s” ; a n d H e le n e M illet, “ E c o u te ct usage des p ro p h e tie s p a r les prelats p e n d a n t Ie G ra n d S chism e d O c c id c n t ,” Melanges dc I'Ecole Frangaise de R om e. M oyen A ge 102 (1990): 4 2 5 —55. 3 9. L ern cr, “ R e fre s h m e n t,” p . 139. 40. “ C re d o inconcu ssa c e rtitu d in e , te m p o ra m ag n i iu d icij in ianuis esse: atq u e ad eo in ianuis, u t usq u e ad a rtic u lu m d iei illius n im iu m tre m e n d i v ix ex istim cn trie n n ii m o ra m superesse, sed n e c d e b ic n n io satis m ih i c o n sta t.” D e Antichristo et ortu eius, vita, moribus ct operibus, in N ico lau s de C lem in g iis (N icolas o fC Ia m a n g e s), Opera omnia (Lyons: Jo h a n n e s B ald u in u s, 1613; rep r., F a rn b o ro u g h , E n g lan d : G re g g Press, 1967), p . 357. 41. E m m e rso n , Antichrist, p. 52; M illet, “ E c o u te et u sag e,” p . 426. 42. M illet describes o n e su ch an th o lo g y , p ro b ab ly a c o m p ila tio n by S im o n d e Bosc (“ E c o u te e t u sag e,” p p . 4 2 8 —38); see also M a tth e w T o b in , “ U n e c o lle ctio n de tcxtes p ro p h e tiq u e s d u X V e siecle: Le m an u sc rit 520 de la B ib lio th e q u e M u n icip aIe d e T o u rs ,” Melanges de VEcoie Frangaise de R om e. M oyen Age 102 (1990): 417—23. T h e p ro p h e tic texts in th e co llectio n T o b in describes d e m o n stra te a p re o c c u p a tio n w ith th e G re a t Schism and th e H u n d re d Y ears’ W ar. 43. See M illet, “E c o u te e t u sag e,” p p . 4 3 8 —41. It is w o rth n o tin g th a t B e n e d ic t X III fo u n d h e r services so w o rth w h ile th a t h e v o u ch safed h e r an a n n u al in c o m e o f sixty florins (ibid., p. 439). 44. V auchez, “ Les th e o lo g ie n s face aux p ro p h e tie s,” p p . 5 7 8 —80, 586. F o r ex am p le, V auchez speculates th a t H e n ry o f L an g e n ste in ’s c o n d e m n a tio n o f T elesp h o ru s (on w h o m , see su b se q u e n t discussion) a n d th e Jo a c h im itic tra d itio n u n d e rg ird in g his treatise was d u e in large p a rt to T e le sp h o ru s’s a d am a n tly p ro -F re n c h a n d p ro -A v ig n o n stance. Sim ilarly, he n o te s th a t G erso n , w h o a u th o re d a treatise o n th e art o f d isc e rn in g tru e rev elatio n (D e distinctione verarum revelationum a faisis), enthusiastically m a in ta in e d th a t Jo a n o f A rc ’s w as a d iv in e m ission. 45. R e e v e s, Influence, p p . 325—27; R u s c o n i, L ’Attesa della fin e , pp . 171—84; L erner, “ R e fre s h m e n t,” p. 132. E x cerp ts in E nglish ap p ear in M c G in n , Visions, pp . 2 4 9 —50. 46. T h e Liber adversus Thelesphori eremitae vaticinia. See also T h o rn d ik e , H M E S , 3 :5 0 6 — 7; M illet, “ E c o u te e t u sa g e ,” p p . 4 4 1 —48; an d V auchez, “ Les th eo lo g ie n s face aux p ro p h e tie s,” p p . 580—86. 47. H e n ry o f L angen stein , Liber adversus Thelesphori eremitae vaticinia, col. 517: “ U n d e his et aliis ta n d e m confusus e x iv it m o n a s te riu m p ra e d ic tu m , e t h ab itu religionis ib id e m relicto , in vili secular! tu n ic a p e r silvas M o n aste rii ad jacentes v a g ab a tu r.” (T h e w h o le sto ry appears in cols. 5 1 6 —17.) 48. T h e m o st c o m p re h en siv e stu d y o f th e sain t’s c areer re m ain s th a t o f H e n ri Fages, Histoire de Saint Vincent Ferrier, 4 vols. in 2 (L ouvain: U y stp ru y st, an d Paris: P icard , 1901— 5). Fages also p ro d u c e d an e d itio n o f V in c e n t’s w o rk s. See also P. S ig ism u n d B rc ttle, San Vincent Ferrer und sein literarischen Nachlass, V o rrefo rm atio n sg e sc h ic h tlic h e F o rsch u n g en , 10 (M tinster: A schendo rff, 1924); a n d E tie n n e D e laru elle, “ L’A n te c h rist ch ez S. V in ce n t F errier, S. B e rn a rd m d e S ien n e e t a u to u r de Je a n n e d ’A rc ,” in D elaru elle, La piete papu­ la ire au M oyen A ge (T o rin o : B o tte g a d ’E rasm o , 1975), p p . 3 2 9 —54; a n d R u s c o n i, L jAttesa della fin e, p p . 218—33. E x cerp ts fro m V in c e n t’s w ritin g s in E nglish tran slatio n ap p ear in M c G in n , Visions, pp. 256—58.

49. T h e co m p lete te x t appears in Fages, Ferrier, 4:213—24. B rettle, Ferrer, prints e x te n ­ sive excerpts at pp. 167—72. 50. Fages, Ferrier, 4:213—14; B rettle, Ferrer, p. 170. “P rim a co n clu sio est, q u o d tem p u s A ntichristi, e t finis m u n d i in e o d em c o in c id u n t tem p o raliter. R a tio est, p ro p te r b re v itatem te m p o n s duratio n is m u n d i p o st m o rte m A ntichristi. Q u o n ia m p e r Sacram S crip tu ram n o n in v c n itu r tem p u s m ajoris d u ratio n is h u ju s m u n d i p o st m o rte m A n tich risti, q u am quadraginta q u in q u e d ic ru m . . .” (Fages, Ferrier, 4:213). 5 1 . “ Q u a rta conclu sio est, q u o d tem p u s A ntichristi, et finis m u n d i e ru n t cito , e t b en e cito , ac valde b re v ite r.” Fages, Ferrier, 4:220; B rettle, Ferrer, p . 171. 52. “ N a m cu m ego p red icarem in p artibus L o m b ard ie p rim a vice (m o d o ja m sunt n o v e m anni co m p leti), v e n it ad m e d e T uscia ille vir, missus (ut dicebat) a q u ib u sd am sanctissim is erem etis in partib u s T uscie. . . . a n n u n cia n s q u o d eisdem viris expresse rev e lationes divinitus facte fu eran t, q u o d A ntichristus ja m erat natus. . . Fages, Ferrier, 4:222; B rettle, Ferrer, p. 171. 53. “Q u in to , p atet ead em conclusio p e r q u a m d a m aliam re v ela tio n e m expressam , q uam in P e d e m o n tio audivi, relatu cujusdam m erc ato n s V en etia ru m . . . dicentis q u o d c u m ipse esset ultra m are in q u o d am M o n asterio F ra tru m M in o ru m , et a u d iret Vesperas . . . d u o parvi N o v itii eju sd em M o n asterii . . . visibiliter rapti p e r m a g n u m sp atiu m te m poris, tan d em co n c o rd ite r et te rrib ih te r clam averunt: ‘H o d ie hac h o ra natus est A n tich ristus m u n d i d e stru c to r.’ . . . E g o a u tem exq u iren s, et in terro g an s de te m p o re hujus visionis, m anifeste rep eri, q u o d ja m su n t n o v e m anni co m p leti. . . .” Fages, Ferrier, 4:222; B rettle, Ferrer, p. 171. 54. “N a m m ihi p e r m u n d u m p red ican d o , d iscu rren ti p e r diversas regiones . . . fre­ q u e n te r o c c u rre ru n t diverse p e rso n e d e v o te e t spirituales, narrantes et referentes c e rtitu d in aliter d e te m p o re A n tichristi e t fine m u n d i d iv ersim o d e et m ultifarie suas revelationes, ju x ta ea q uc dicta su n t u n a n im ite r c o n c o rd a n te s.” Fages, Ferrier, 4 :222; B rettle, Ferrer, p. 171. 55. “ . . . dies iudicii in b rev i veniet. . . . E t q u o d cito veniat, p ro b a t A postolus Paulus dicens: 1N isi v en erit discessio p rim u m .’ Glossa: recessus universalis ab ecclesia e t im p erio , sicut m o d o est.” Sermo de Antichristo (preached in F reib u rg , M arch 10, 1404), in B rettle, Ferrer, p. 181. F o r th e te x t fro m th e glossa ordinaria, see n . 5. 56. Ibid., p. 178. (T h e referen ce to m u ltip le w ives w as perhaps a slur o n Islam.) 57. Ibid., p. 179: “p rin ro o m nia b o n a tcm poralia au feret a te. Item in te rfic ie t p u ero s et am icos in presentia p a re n tu m . Ite m de h o ra in h o ra m , de die in d ie m faciet a te abscm di u n u m m e m b ru m post aliud, n o n sim ul et sem el, sed p e r plura tem p o ra c o n tin u a n d o .” 58. Ibid., p. 181. 59. See P alem o n G lo rieu x , “Les annees d ’etu d es d e P ierre d ’A illy,” Recherches de theologie ancienne et medicvale 44 (1977): 145—47; Francis O ak ley , T h e Political T hought o f Pierre d ’A illy : T h e Voluntarist Tradition (N e w H av en : Yale U n iv ersity Press, 1964). 60. Louis Salem bier dates th e serm o n as p re -1 3 7 9 (S alem bier 1886, p. x iv ). In his 1910 bibliography o f d ’A illy’s w orks h e gives th e d ate 1379: Louis S alem bier, “A p ropos de P ierre d ’Ailly, eveq u e de C am b rai. B io g rap h ie e t b ib lio g ra p h ie ,” Memoires de la Societe d ’Em ulation de Cambrai 64 (1910): 111. I fo llo w G lo rieu x , w h o gives th e serm o n th e date A ugust 4, 1379 (“ Les annces d ’e tu d es,” p. 135). T h e serm o n in p rin te d in P ierre d ’Ailly, Tractatus et sermones (Strasbourg: [P rin ter o f Jo rd an u s de Q u e d h n b u rg ], 1490; repr., F rankfurt am M ain: M in erv a, 1971), fols. C 3 r—C 5r. 61. Scrmo de beato Dom inico confcssore, in Tractatus et sermones, fol. C 3 v : “E cce iam in su rg u n t scism atici . . . A dversus q uos n o ster D o m in ic u s in celo p u g n a t.”

62. Ibid.: “ Sed esto v ic ti sint a u t ad c o n c o rd ia re d u c ti scism atici . . . q u o d q u a n to crit nescio dcus scit. N u m q u id id eo c essab u n t p e rse c u tio n cs civitatis del. . . . N a m Ut in p realleg ato lib ro [D e civitate det] diffin it A u g u stin u s, n o n est diffin ien d u s n u m e ru s p ersc c u tio n u m quib u s ex erce ri o p o rte t e cclesiam .” 63. Ib id ., fol. C 4 v : “E x q u ib u s verbis d a tu r in telh g i circa fm cm m u n d i m aio rcs p crsecu tio n e s d eb ere fie ri.” 64. Ibid. 65. “ H o c an n o (1380) M ath ias Parisiensis n a tio n e B o h e m u s valde p ro lix u m lib ru m de A n tich risto ed id it; d o c u itq u e p u b lic e e u m iam n a tu m esse: ab eo o m n e s U n iv ersitates et e ru d ito ru m collegia sed u cta fuisse, ita u t iam n ih il, q u o d san u m esset e t v ere c a th o lic u m d o c e re n t.” W ad stein , D ie eschatologische Ideengruppe, p. 87, c itin g B ullay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, iv. 66. A lth o u g h S alem b ier dates th e se rm o n to 1382, fo llo w in g th e in d ic a tio n in Tractatus et sermones, it is p referab le to use G lo rie u x ’s d a tin g o f O c to b e r 4 , 1380. P alcm o n G lo rie u x , “ L’o e u v re litteraire d e P ie rre d ’Ailly. R e m a rq u e s e t p recisio n s,” Melanges de science religieuse 22 (1965): 7 0 . G lo rie u x p o in ts o u t th a t d ’A illy states th a t th e se rm o n w as p re a c h e d in P an s b efo re th e u n iv ersity ; since d ’A illy w as in N o y o n in 1382, this w o u ld hav e b e e n im possible. “ Les annees d ’e tu d e s ,” p . 135. 67. Sermo de beato Francisco confessore, in Tractatus et sermones (Strasbourg: [P rin te r o f Jo rd a n u s de Q u e d h n b u rg ], 1490; re p r., F ra n k fu rt am M ain: M in e rv a , 1971), fol. [C 6v): (the c h u rc h ’s vices are so bad) “ u t v ix synagoga iu d e o ru m a u t secta aliqua p a g a n o ru m vel h c re tic o ru m ab evangelica C h n s ti reg u la ta m u n q u a m in m o rib u s oberrasse c re d a tu r q u a n tu m h o d ie m a lig n a n tiu m ecclesia c le ric o ru m .” 68. Ib id ., fol. [C 7r]: “ N a m se c u n d u m p ro p h e tia m b ea te hyldegardis in fine illius m u liebris te m p o ris q u o d su p e r q u a rtu m esse m e m in im u s gravissim i scism atis e t co nfusionis laqueus su p e r o m n e m c le ru m et o rd in e m ecclesiasticum e x te n d e tu r. . . . E x q u o satis intelligi d a tu r q u o d illu d q u in tu m tem p u s cui p rim u m v e co rre sp o n d e t vel iam in c e p tu m est vel de p ro p in q u o in c h o a n d u m im m in e t.” 69. Ib id ., fol. [C 7v]: “ Id e o v cstre caritati p ro p o su i u t . . . c o n tra previsa p e rse c u tio n u m iacula cau tio res re d d a m u r.” 70. H e cites th e p se u d o -Jo a c h im , Super hieremiam. Ib id ., fol. [C 7v], 71. T h e Sermo de beato Bernardo appears in Paris, B ib lio th e q u e N a tio n a le , M S Lat. 31 2 2 , fols. 92v—97v. A c c o rd in g to G lo rie u x , this m a n u sc rip t co n tain s w o rk s fro m th e years 1372—93 (“ Les annees d ’e tu d e s ,” p. 127). S ince th e se rm o n m e n tio n s th e Schism , w e can date it to th e years 1378—93. T sc h a c k e rt p rin ts ex cerp ts fro m th e se rm o n ; h o w ­ ever, he o m its th e sectio n s discussed h ere. P au l T sc h a ck e rt, Peter von A illi: Z u r Ceschichte des grosscn abendlandischen Schisma und der Reformconcilien von Pisa und C onstanz (G o tha: F ried rich A ndreas P erth e s, 1877; re p r., A m sterd am : R o d o p i, 1968), p p . [21]—[23]. 72. Sermo de beato Bernardo, fol. 97r. 73. Ib id ., fol. 97r—v (em phasis added): “ E t id e o d e te m p o re d e te m iin a to [?] n ec p o ssum us n ec d eb em u s c e rtitu d in a lite r d iffinire. S ed ta m e n e x scripturis quas leg im u s e t ex p erien ciis quas v id em u s a n tich risti p ro p in q u ita te m e t finis m o n d i v ic m ita te m probabilibus coniecturis v alem u s.” 74. Ib id ., fol. 97v: “ P rim u m est h a b u n d a n c ia et in flam m atio m o n d a n e in iquitatis; s e c u n d u m est in o p ia e t refrig eratio ch ristian e caritatis; te r tiu m est scism atica divisio cath o lice u n itatis.” M a tth e w 2 4 :1 2 ta u g h t th a t in th e final tim es “ q u o n ia m a b u n d a v it iniquitas, refrigescet ch an ta s m u lto r u m ” (“becau se in iq u ity shall a b o u n d , th e lo v e o f m an y shall w ax c o ld ”) .

75. Ibid. (em phasis added): “a n te d ie m d o m in i assent fu tu ram esse q u a m d am dissessionem sive division em ecclesic dei immediate p re a m b u lu m a n tich risti.” 76. Ibid.: “ E t h ec divisio p e r prcsens scisma vcrisim iliter c re d itu r esse facta. Q u a p ro p te r tim e n d u m est tu x ta p ro p h e tia m bead cirilli e t serm o n iam abbads io a ch im in co m m e n to eiusdem n e h ec sit ilia h o rre n d a divisio e t p ersecu tio scisniatjca p o st q u a m antichristi p ersecutio ccle riter est fu tu ra .” H e refers to th e p se u d o -Jo a c h im c o m m e n ta ry o n th e Oraculum cyrili. A ga in , d ’A illy reads th e glossa ordinance as p o in tin g m a in ly to a schism in th e ch u rch . 77. Sermo (tertius) de quadruplici adventu domini et specialiter de adventu ad indicium, in Tractatus et sermones (Strasbourg: [P rin te r o f Jo rd a n u s de Q u e d lin b u rg ], 1490; repr., F rankfurt am M ain: M in erv a, 1971), fol. t3v—t4r. 78. Ibid., fol. [t5r]. 79. F o r th e v iew th at d ’A illy b eliev ed th e poteutia absoluta w o u ld n o t b e used in th e present order, see W illiam C o u rte n ay , “ C o v e n a n t an d C ausality in P ierre d ’A illy,” Spec­ ulum 46 (1971): 94—119. F o r th e v ie w th a t d ’A illy believ ed G o d exercised his potentia absoluta in the case o f m iracles, see Francis O akley, Political Thought, p p . 27—28; O akley, “ C h ristian T h e o lo g y an d th e N e w to n ia n S cience: T h e R ise o f th e C o n c e p t o f th e Laws o f N a tu re ,” Church History 30 (1961): 433—57; and O akley , Omnipotence, Covenant, and Order: A n Excursion in the History o f Ideas from Abelard to Leibniz (Ithaca, N .Y .: C o rn e ll U n iv ersity Press, 1984), p . 56. F o r a sim ilar view , see L eo n ard A . K en n ed y , Peter o f A illy and the Harvest o f Fourteenth-Century Philosophy, Studies in th e H isto ry o f P hilo so p h y , 2 (L ew iston, N .Y .: E d w in M ellen Press, 1986). K en n ed y m aintains th a t d ’Ailly b eliev ed G o d w o u ld act de potentia absoluta in this w o rld , b u t th a t m iracles w e re in c lu d e d w ith in th e p u rv ie w o f potentia ordinata. I te n d to side w ith C o u rte n a y — th a t d ’Ailly saw potentia absoluta as in c o rp o ra tin g po ten tia l actions b y G o d , n o t th e p o w e r in v o lv ed in suspensions o f th e o rd in ary course o f events in m iracles. F o r a fuller discussion o f this d istin ctio n , see ch ap ter 7. 80. Sermo (tertius) de adventu, fol. t4r. D ’Ailly apparen tly has n o t y e t read J o h n o f Paris, fo r it seem s in co n ceiv ab le th a t if h e had, h e w o u ld o m it to m e n tio n th e astronom ical argum ents against th e 3 6 ,0 0 0 -y e ar th eo ry . O n e w o u ld th in k th a t d ’A illy w o u ld have k n o w n a b o u t “T h a b it” ’s th e o ry o f trep id a tio n and th e o th e r figures for th e m o tio n o f th e eig h th sphere at this tim e. P erhaps h e h ad n o t y e t w ritte n his c o m m en ta ry o n Sacro b o sc o ’s Sphere in 1385. 8 1 . Ib id ., fol. t4v: “ c u m iam de .xiiii. c e n te n a rio a nativitate ch n sti flu x erin t p lu sq uam an n i lxxvii. c u m n u n c a n n u m o c to g e sim u m q u in tu m fere co m p lev erim u s. . . . co n sequens est se cu n d u m huius o p in io n is fictam d iv in a tio n e m q u o d iam esset antich risti p erse­ cu tio consum m ata e t seculi c o n su m m atio iam c o m p leta, q u e o m n ia falsa esse ex p erien tia m anifestat. ” 82. F o r this passage an d R o g e r B aco n as its so u rce, see ch a p te r 3. 83. R o g e rB a c o n , Opus maius (ed. B ridges), vol. I , pars 4, p p . 2 6 4 (c o n ju n c tio n before C hrist); 261—62 (sect o f th e m o o n ); 2 5 4 (fo rek n o w led g e o f A n tic h rist’s sect th ro u g h th e use o f astrology). 84. Sermo (tertius) de adventu, fol. [t6r]. 85. Ibid.: “ Q u id est e n im e ru n t signa in sole e t Iuna e t stellis nisi q u o d ecclesie Iu m inaria ten eb rescen t. Q u o d u tiq u e iam p ro c h d o lo r factum esse conspicim us. . . . tim eam us sum m i terroris fu tu ru m iu d ic iu tn , quia p ro p e e st.” 86. Ibid., fol. [c5r]: “Sic e n im beatus cirillus, abbas io a ch im e t sancta hyldegardis de tem p o rib u s novissim is m u lta pro p h etasse c re d u n tu r.”

87. Ibid: “ C u m fu e rin t an n i transacti m ille tre c e n ti / E t d e n i decics p o st p a rtu m v irginis alm e / T u n c antich ristu s reg n a b it d e m o tic p le n u s .” M a ijo ric R e e v e s lists n u m ero u s versio ns o f these verses, all giv in g d ifferen t dates (R eev es, influence, pp. 49—50). S he docs n o t list this p re d ic tio n fo r 1400. 88. Senno (Certius) de adventu, fol. [t5r]: “ . . . a q u ib u sd a m tra d itu r se c u n d u m rev elatio n e m factam e id em io a c h im iam n o n restan t p lures q u a m an n i q u in d e c im usque ad re g n u m an tic h risti.” 89. Ib id .: “ P rim a erg o co n sid eratio est q u o d ibi christus lo q u itu r p e r v e rb u m d e p re scn ti, dicens n o n est v cstru m , u b i ait glosa, n o n d ic it n o n e rit scd n o n e st.” 90. B e rn a rd G u e n e e , Entre TEglise et T E ta t: Quatre tries deprelatsJranfais d la fin du M oyen A ge (XH Ie—X V e siecle) (Paris: G allim ard, 1987), p. 227. 91. T h e qu estio n s o f tru e versus false p ro p h e c y , th e a p p ro a ch o f A n tich rist, and th e c u rre n t situ atio n all m e rg e , fo r ex am p le, in a passage fro m G e rso n ’s D e distinctione verarum revelationum aJalsis: “ . . . alia est q u aestio , q u a lite r p raesu p p o sitis eis q u ae fidei su n t, c o g n o scere n o s fideles p o te rim u s, et s e c u n d u m d o c trin a m Jo a n n is p ro b a re spiritus si ex D e o su n t, n e fallam ur. E t in h an c q u a c stio n e m sciens in cid i p ro p te r d lu sio n es p lu rim as quas n o stro te m p o re c o g n o v i contigisse; quas etiam in h o c sen io saeculi, in h ac h o ra n o v issim a, in p raecu rso re A n tic h risti, m u n d u s ta n q u a m sen ex delirus, phantasias p lu res et illu siones som niis sim iles p ati h a b e t . . . .’’ J e a n G erso n , Oeuvres completes, ed. P a le m o n G lo ric u x , 10 vols. (Paris: D esclee & C ie , 1960—7 3), 3 :3 7 —38. See M ille t, “E c o u te e t u sag e,” p. 440; V auchez, “ Les th e o lo g ie n s face a u x p ro p h e tie s,” p p . 580—88. 92. B o th treatises ap p e ar in Paris, B ib lio th e q u e N a tio n a le , M S Lat. 3 1 2 2 , as w ell as in Je a n G erso n , Opera omnia, ed. L ouis Ellies D u p in , 5 vols. (A n tw erp : S u m p tib u s societatis, 1706). A c c o rd in g to G lo rie u x , th e w o rk s in th e m a n u scrip t d ate fro m 1372—93, a lth o u g h b o th th e treatises D e Jalsis prophetis m e n tio n th e Schism a n d thus p o std a te 1378. T h e treatises ap p ear in th e m a n u sc rip t (and in D u p in ’s e d itio n , w h ic h follow s it) in th e tra d i­ tio n al o rd e r. D eJalsis prophetis I, h o w e v e r, has a n u m b e r o f referen ces b a c k to D e Jalsis prophetis II, in d ic a tin g th a t th e se c o n d treatise w as, in fact, c o m p o se d first. (T h a t o n e o f th ese references is in th e fu tu re ten se m u st b e a ttrib u te d to th e c o rre c tio n o f an astute scribe, fo r in th e D e Jalsis prophetis II, d ’A illy n o w h e re refers to D e Jalsis prophetis I.) T h is discrepancy in n u m b e rin g w as b ro u g h t to n o tic e a n d fully discussed b y M ax L ieb erm an , “C h ro n o lo g ie G erso n ie n n e . V III. G e rso n e t D ’A illy (III),” Romania 81 (1960): 82—84. L ieb erm an suggests th a t th e treatise n u m b e re d sec o n d is a p ro d u c t o f th e years b efo re 1395, w h ile th e treatise n u m b e re d first m ay d ate fro m as late as 1410—13. 93. DeJalsis prophetis II, in G e rso n , Opera omnia (ed. D u p in ), I: cols. 5 1 5 —16: “ scien ­ d u m est q u o d tres generales p erse cu tio n e s passura est Ecclesia, a n te sp ecialem p e rse cu tio n e m antichristi: u n a m v io le n ta m , aliam ffa u d u le n ta m , te rtia m e x v i e t d o lo c o m p o sitam . P rim a facta est p e r ty ran n o s, te m p o re A p o sto lo ru m , e t M a rty ru m . . . . S ecu n d a seq u u ta est p e r apertos h ere tic o s, . . . se q u u tu ra est tertia p e r falsos y p o critas, p n m o p e r ffa u d e m ypocrisis fideles C h risti se d u cen tes, p o stea p e r v im . . . . ” 94. Ib id ., col. 516: “ ipsi y p o c rita e su n t p raecu rso res seu p raeam b u li illius an tich risti fam osi, q u i d ic itu r homo peccati, filiu s perditionis. II. ad T h essalonicenses. II.” 95. Ibid.: “ N a m p e r tales sic m u ltip licato s, p rim o p e r frau d e m ypocrisis, e t sim u latio n e m sanctitatis, d ein d e p e r v im sim u latio n is pietatis p o p u lu m sed u cen tes et E cclesiam d iv id en tes instar an tich risti capitis sui, sicut p ra e d ic tu m est: ta n d e m p ro c u ra n d a est divisio generalis, seu scissura alia ru m E cclesiaru m ab E cclesia R o m a n a , . . . q u ae divisio erit via seu praep aratio a n tic h n sto v e n tu ro , d e q u a p ro p h e ta v it A p o sto lu s 2. Tessa. II.” 96. Ib id ., col. 517: “E t m a x im c a p p a re t q u o d utilis sit te m p o re m o d e m o , c u m ja m

apparcat h u ju sm o d i discessio in Ecclesia, id est divisio schism atica, de q u a verisim iliter tim c n d u m cst ne sit antichrist! p ra e a m b u lu m .” 97. T his section is treated at len g th in ch ap te r 3. 98. DeJalsis prophetis I, m G erso n , Opera omnia (ed. D u p in ), I: col. 497. 99. Ib id ., col. 503: “ S e c u n d o , n o ta n d u m q u o d m iracula falsorum p ro p h c ta ru n r, rnaxim e his tem p o rib u s quae ad fin e m rn u n d i a p p ro p in q u are v id e n tu r m ag n o p e re d e b e n t esse suspecta, sicut d eclaratu m fuit in p rim a p arte p rim i articuli, de A rte co g n o scen d i falsos p ro p h e ta s” (i.e., as was declared in D efa lsisprophetis II). 100. Ib id ., col. 504. 101. Ibid., col. 508: “ S ecu n d o , n o ta n d u m q u o d o m n es illi qui p raed ican t vel p u b lice d o c e n t, n o n a D e o missi su n t falsi p ro p h e ta e, e t p se u d o d o cto re s.” 102. P ierre d ’Ailly, Oratio in M atthaeum, q u o te d in Fages, Ferrier, 4:211—12: “ R ecessit lex a sacerdotibus, justicia a p rm cip ib u s, co n siliu m a sem oribus, fldes a p o p u lo , a filns rev eren tia, a subjectis charitas, a prelatis religio, a m o n ach is d e v o tio , a m onialib u s h o n e stas, a ju v e n ib u s disciplina, a clericis d o ctrin a, a m agistris stu d iu m , a scholaribus tim o r, a servitoribus equitas, a ju d ic ib u s integritas, a m ilitibus fidelitas, c o n co rd ia a civibus, c o m m unitas a rusticis, bonitas a artificibus, veritas a m e rc a to n b u s, largitas a divitibus, castitas a virginibus, virtus e t m e ro r a viduis, m u n d itia ac fiducia a conjugatis.— E t n u n c quid, fratres, nisi venire antec h ristu m !” (T his w o rk is n o t listed in th e b ibliographies o f Salem b ie r o r G lo rieu x ; th e date is u n k n o w n . It w o u ld seem to b e in k e e p in g w ith th e spirit o f th e p re-1 4 0 0 w o rk s discussed previously, h o w ev er.) C h a p ter S ix A s tr o lo g y a n d th e P o s t p o n e m e n t o f th e E n d 1. P ierre d ’Ailly, D e reformatione ecclesiae (= pt. Ill o f his Tractatus de materia concilii generalis), ed. in Francis O ak ley , The Political Thought o f Pierre d ’A illy: The Voluntarist Tradition (N e w H aven : Yale U n iv ersity Press, 1964), p. 316. D ’A illy m e n tio n s th a t Jo a c h im an d H ild eg ard h ad foreseen th e Schism , th e n adds, “ H aec au tern D eu s m isericordissim us, qui solus ex malis b o n a n o v it elicere, id eo p e rm itte re cred en d u s est u t e o ru m occasione Ecclesia sua in m elius refo rm e tu r. Q u o d nisi c eleriter fiat, au d eo d icere q u o d licet m agna sint quae vid em u s, ta m e n in b rev i in co m p arab iliter m ajora v id eb im u s, et post ista to n itru a tarn h o rre n d a, alia h o rrib ilio ra in p ro x im o a u d ie m u s.” 2. F or fu rth e r discussion o f d ’A illy’s defense o f astrology an d th e d o c trin e o f th e great co n ju n ctio n s, see chapters 2 an d 4. 3. D e Iegibus et sectis contra superstitiosos astronomos, in P ierre d ’Ailly, Tractatus de ima­ gine tnundi et varia ejusdem auctoris et Joannis Gersonis opuscula (L ouvain: Jo h a n n de W est­ phalia, ca. 1483), chap. 4, fol. f2v: “ Scio q u o d si ecclesia v ellet rev o lv ere te x tu m sacrum et p rop hetias sacras atq u e pro p h etias Sibille et M e rlin i aquile et J o a c h im e t m u lto ru m aliorum , in su p er historias et libros p h ilo so p h o ru m atq u e iu b e re t considerari vias A stro n o m ie in v e n ire tu r sufficiens suspicio vel m agis c e rtitu d o de tem p o re an tich risti,” q u o tin g B aco n ’s O pus maius, as in The “Opits m aius" o f Roger Bacon, ed. J o h n H e n ry B ridges, 2 vols. (O xfo rd : C la re n d o n Press, 1897), vol. I , pars 4, p. 269. 4. D e Iegibus et sectis, chap. 7, fol. [f5v]: “S ecu n d a co nclusio est q u o d leges vel secte que vel h urnana a d m v en tio n e vel diabolica suggestione in tro d u c te su n t sicut secta M a c h o m eti vel supradicte sectc y dolatrie a u t alie h u iu sm o d i celesti d ispositioni n atu ra lite r su b su n t.”

5. R ic h a rd L andes, “ Lest th e M ille n n iu m B e Fulfilled: A p o caly p tic E x p ec tatio n s and th e P a tte rn o f W estern C h ro n o g ra p h y 100—800 C E ,” in W e rn e r V erb ek e, D an ie l V erhelst, an d A ndries W e lk e n h u y se n , eds., The Use and Abuse o f Eschatology in the M iddle Ages (L ouvain: L e u v en U n iv ersity Press, 1988), p p . 137—211. See m y ch a p te r 5. 6. Sermo de beato Dominico confessore, in P ie rre d ’Ailly, Tractatus et sermones (Strasbourg: [P rin ter o fjo r d a n u s de Q u e d lin b u rg ], 1490; rep r., F ran k fu rt am M ain: M in e rv a, 1971) fol. c4v; Sermo de beato Bernardo, P a n s, B ib lio th e q u e N a tio n a le , M S Lat. 3 1 2 2 , fol. 97r; Sermo (tertius) de quadruplici adventu dom ini et specialiter de adventu ad iudicium, m Tractatus et sermones, fols. t3v, t5r. 7. Concordantia astronomic cum theologia (— Vigintiloquium), in d ’A illy 1490, v. 11, fol. [a8v], 8. Ib id ., v. 20, fol. [b5r]. F o r a fuller discussion o f this treatise, see ch a p te r 4. 9. See m y ch apters I an d 4 fo r an e x p la n a tio n o f th e d o c trin e o f th e g reat c o n ju n c tio n s and th e rev o lu tio n s o f S atu rn an d fo r th e c o n te n ts o f this treatise. 10. Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione, in d ’A illy 1490, ch ap . 57, fol. [d7r]: “ Ipsa q u o q u e m u lto ru m a lio ru m m a lo ru m causa fu it q u o ru m h u c u sq u e re m a n e n t ves­ tigia. . . . in te r q u e m ala n o n est silen d u m h o c h o rre n d u m scism a q u o d ab annis .36. u sq u e h o d ie p e rse v e ra t.” F o r details o f th e actual astro n o m ical situ a tio n in M arc h 1345, see m y c h a p te r 4, n. 103. 11. Concordantia, chap. 58. S u ch a list u ltim a te ly d eriv e d fro m th e a u th o r k n o w n as T elesp h o ru s o f C o sen z a (on w h o m , see m y c h a p te r 5); th e list o f tw e n ty - tw o schism s, h o w e v e r, circu lated in d e p e n d e n tly o f T e le sp h o ru s’s w o rk , for ex am p le, in Paris, w h e re d ’A illy c o u ld have e n c o u n te re d it. H e le n e M illet, “E c o u te e t usage des p ro p h eties p a r Ies prelats p e n d a n t Ie G ra n d S chism e d ’O c c id e n t,” Melanges de I’Ecole Franfaise de Rome. M oyen Age 102 (1990): 4 4 3 -4 5 . 12. Concordantia, chap. 59, fol. [d7v]: “E t n ic h ilo m in u s se c u n d u m aliquos a stro n o m o s p re n o stic a tu m est ex figura celi an n i presen tis q u o d retro g rad atio Jov is in p rin c ip io anm in p rim a d o m o sigm ficat d e stru c tio n e m religionis e t p a c e m in ecclesia a d h u c n o n fir­ m a n .” 13. Ibid.: “ Sed deu s est ille v ere sapiens q u i solus d o m in a tu r astris, cuius singulari auxilio h u ic m alo co n v e n ie n s p o te rit a d h ib e n re m e d iu m , a lio q u in fo rm id a n d u m est ne istud sit illud m a g n u m scism a q u o d esse d e b e t p re a m b u lu m ad v en tu s a n tic h n s ti.” 14. Ib id ., chap. 60, fols. [d7v]—[d8r]: “ In te r d ic tam c o n iu n c tio n e m e t illud c o m p le m e n tu m d ic ta ru m .10. re v o lu tio n u m erit status o ctav e spere c irc ite r p e r an n o s .25. q u o d sic p a te t q u ia status octav e spere e rit an n o .444. p o st situ m a u g iu m q u e se c u n d u m tabulas astron om icas su n t ad eq u ate ad a n n u m C h risti 1320 p e rfec tu m . E t id e o a n n o C h n s ti 1764 q u ib u s annis si addas .25. fiu n t an n i .1789. q u o s p red ix im u s. . . . A n n o C h risti 1765 dieb u s .136. co m p letis e rit statio m o tu s accessus et recessus e t h ab eb im u s p ro m o tu eius .30.[90] g rad u s.” A c c o rd in g to th e A lfonsine tables, th e e ig h th sp h e re ’s trep id atio n al m o v e m e n t o f access a n d recess w o u ld attain precisely 9 0 degrees o n M ay 16, 1766, at w h ic h p o in t, p resu m ab ly , recessus w o u ld b eg in . T h e “ status” th a t d ’A illy describes w o u ld th u s b e analo g o u s to th e “ statio n s” th ro u g h w h ic h th e p lanets passed as th e ir m o tio n s shifted fro m d ire c t to re tro g ra d e (o r vice versa). T h e m o v e m e n t fro m 0 to 90 degrees to o k a p e rio d o f tim e stre tc h in g ap p ro x im a te ly fro m th e In c a rn a tio n th ro u g h th e m id ­ eig h te e n th cen tu ry . N o d o u b t d ’A illy d e lig h te d m p lacin g A n tic h rist’s a d v e n t at th e e n d o f an era b eg in n in g ro u g h ly a ro u n d th e tim e o f C h rist. See E m m a n u e l P o u lle, ed., Les tables alphonsmes avec Ies canons de Jean de Saxe: Edition, traduction et commentaire (Pans:

E d itio n s du C .N .K .S ., 1984), p . 199. J o h n D . N o rth cites th e w o rk o f a six te e n th cen tu ry F ren ch m an , P ierre T u rrel, w h o also calculated th e en d o f th e w o rld using th e trep id atio n o f th e eig h th sp h ere. T u rre l described fo u r such “stations,” at 1 ,7 5 0 -y ear intervals, m ark ed by th e F lo o d , E xodus, th e d estru c tio n o f Jeru salem , an d th e e n d o f th e w orld. N o rth , “ C h ro n o lo g y an d th e A ge o f th e W o rld ,” in W olfgang Y o u rg rau and A llen D . B eck, eds. Cosmology, History, and Tlteology (N e w Y ork: P le n u m Press, 1977), pp. 322—23. T u rrel s w o rk m ay h av e ste m m e d in d ire c tly fro m d ’A illy ’s. N o rth n o te s th at T u rre l’s source w as je a n de B ruges; Je a n de B ruges, in tu rn , had b o rro w e d fro m d ’Ailly. Je a n -P a tric e B o u d e t, “ S im o n d e Phares e t Ies rapports e n tre astrologic e t p ro p h e tie a la fin du M o y e n A g e,” Melanges de VEcole Frangaise de Rome. M oyen Age 102 (1990): 639. 15. Concordantia, chap. 60, fbl. [d8r]: “ H is itaq u e presuppositis dicim us q u o d si m u n dus usque ad ilia tem p o ra d u rav erit q u o d solus deus n o v it m u lte tu n c et rnagne ac m irabiles alterationes m u n d i e t m u tatio n es fu tu re su n t e t m ax im e circa leges e t sectas. ” 16. Ibid., chap. 61, fol. [d8r]: “U n d e ex his p ro b a b ilite r c o n c lu d itu r q u o d forte circa ilia tem p o ra v e n ie t antichristus c u m lege sua vel secta d am n ab ili.” 17. A lbum asar discusses all th ree p red icto rs in th e D e magnis coniunctionibus. (O n c o n ­ ju n c tio n s and rev o lu tio n s o fS a tu rn , see m y chapters I and 4.) In tr. 2 , diff. 8, A lbum asar discusses the m o tio n o f th e eig h th sphere. H e p o in ts to a p e rio d o f 640 years: eig h t degrees o f access (or recess) at o n e deg ree p e r 80 years. H e n o tes th a t th e c o m p letio n o f such a p erio d signifies g reat changes in th e w o rld , th e “re v o lu tio n o f sects, a n d the p e rm u ta tio n o f k in g d o m s,” particularly i f it happens at th e sam e tim e in w h ic h Saturn changes from o n e sign to a n o th e r, w h ic h , presum ably, was th e case w ith S a tu rn ’s c o m ­ p letio n o f its te n th re v o lu tio n in 1789. (“E t illud est [sic] cu m p e rm u ta tu r satum us de signo ad sig n u m significat esse accid en tiu m in m u n d o et signa celestia et terrcstria et re v o lu tio n e m sectarunr et p e rm u ta tio n e m regni de g en te ad g e n tu m . . . . E t iam fiet sim iliter m u tatio co m m u n is m a io r c u m c o m p lev e rit m o tu s orbis iste 9 [8] gradus acced e n d o vel re ced en d o et illu d c o n tin g it in o m n ib u s 664 [640] an n is.” D e magnis coniunctionibus, annorum revolutionibus, ac eorum profectionibus, octo continens tractatus [A ugsburg: E rh ard R a td o lt, 1489], fol. [D 6v].) 18. Concordantia, chap. 60, fol. [d8r]: “p a tet q u o d ab h o c a n n o .1414. usque ad statu m octave spere eru n t ann i .253. [350] p e rfe cte .” 19. Ibid., chap. 63, fol. [d8v]: “ p rim u m est ilia dissentio de qua in secu n d a ad thessalonicenses epistola dicit apostolus nisi v e n e rit dissentio p rim u m etc. Sed de hac iam all— q u id b re v ite r tetig im u s.” 20. Ibid.: “ S e cu n d u m p re a m b u lu m est q u o d . . . co n su rg e n t p ro illis adversus R o m a n u m im p e riu m filii Israel [Ismael] filii A gar de q u ibus D an iel p red ix it. E t h o c erit in septim e m illenario a n n o ru m m u n d i. . . . T e rc iu m p re a m b u lu m est q u o d terram p ro m issionis p ro p te r peccata in h ab ita n tiu m in ea o b tin e b u n t filii Y sm ael id est sarraceni q u e d e b e re t esse terra ch ristian o ru m . E t a d h u c applicat illud apostoli nisi v e n e rit dissentio p rim u m etc., dicens q u o d dissentio est disciplina vel co rre p tio . . . .” D ’Ailly offers an a b rid g m en t o f p se u d o -M e th o d iu s, Revelationes, chaps. 10—11 (pp. 7 8 —85 in E rn st Sackur, ed., Sibyllinische Texte und Forschungen: Pseudomethodius, Adso und die Tiburtinische Sibylle [Halle: N iem ey e r, 1898]). 21. Concordantia, chap. 63, fo llo w in g p se u d o -M e th o d iu s, chap. 12—13 (pp. 86—93 in the S ackur ed.). 22. H e ik o O b e rm a n , thus, m isunderstands d ’A illy’s th o u g h t o n th e Schism w h e n he characterizes h im as sh o w in g increased anxiety a b o u t th e apocalypse in th e years after th e

C o u n c il o f Pisa an d o u trig h t ap o caly p ticism at th e o p e n in g o f th e C o u n c il o f C o n sta n c e . O b e rm a n , “ T h e Shape o f Late M ed iev al T h o u g h t: T h e B irth p an g s o f th e M o d e rn E ra ,” in C harles T rin k a u s a n d H e ik o A. O b e rm a n , eds., The Pursuit o f Holiness in Late Medieual and Renaissance Religion, S tudies in M ed iev al an d R e fo rm a tio n T h o u g h t, 10 (L eiden: E . J . B rill, 1974), p. 11 . H e co rre ctly n o tes th a t d ’A illy d id n o t believ e th a t th e apocalypse w as irreversibly im p e n d in g (p. 16). 23. P ierre d ’Ailly, Epistola ad sum m um pontificem Joannern X X l l I (Incipit: “ D u d u m . . .”), d a te d J u n e 18, 1414. T h e le tte r is p rin te d in Je a n G erso n , Opera omnia, ed. Louis E llies D u p in , 5 vols. (A n tw e rp : S u m p tib u s societatis, 1706), 2: cols. 876—82; a c o p y in d ’A illy’s o w n h a n d is re p ro d u c e d in facsim ile in Le rccueil epistolaire autographe de Pierre d ’A illy et Ies notes d ’ltalie de Jean de Montreuil, ed. G ilb e rt O u y , U m b ra e C o d ic u m O c cid en taliu m , 9 (A m sterdam : N o rth - H o lla n d , 1966). 24. Epistola ad Joannem X X I I I (Incipit: “D u d u m . . .” ), in G erso n , Opera omnia (ed. D u p in ), 2: col. 876: “aliqua valdc n o ta n d a , quae c o ram sanctae m e m o ria e D o m in o U r­ b a n e Q u in to , . .'. p rae d ic av it q u id a m solem nis sacrae T h e o lo g ia e D o c to r b re v ite r re c o lligere, . . . e t V estrae B e a titu d in i p raesen tare d e c re v i.” 25. Ib id ., cols. 8 7 7 -7 8 . 26. Ib id ., col. 879: “ Q u a rtu s est e rro r d iffid e n tiu m , q u ib u s n o n v id e tu r in h o c posse dari re m e d iu m . Sed q u o d sicut aliqua R e g n a h a b u e re n t su am p e rio d u m , ita necesse est q u o d hu ju s E cclesiae d o m in a tio capiat fin e m . . . . S ed haec [scripture q u o te d earlier] n o n significant im possibilitatem , sed b en e d ifficu ltatem ; q uia, P erv ersi d ifficulte co rrig u n tu r. E ccle. 1.15. U n d e o p in io de im m u ta b ilitate fu tu ro ru m , n o n so lu m ad v ersatu r T h e o lo giae, et P hilo so p h iae; sed etiam A stro n o m ia e .” 27. Ib id ., col. 879: “ [p araphrasing th e u n n a m e d p reach er:] licet, se c u n d u m praem issa, su p e r E ccIesiam sit trib u la tio praep arata; ta m e n si m o res n o stro s in m elius re fo rm em u s; . . . si c o rd e et o p e re ad D e u m re v e rta m u r; ipse m o d o inaestim ib ili nos ju v a b it, e t a flagellatione cessabit. . . . [c o n tin u in g in his o w n v o ic e , n o w :] H a e c , B eatissim e P ater, ex dictis alienis colligere e t allegare v o l u i . . . q u ia cito p o st [this se rm o n ], d e fu n c to D o n rin o G re g o rio P apa X I. successore dicti D o m in i U rb a n i, secu ta est tarn h o rre n d a trib u latio E cclesiae. . . . [referrin g to his o w n w ritin g s o n th e Schism , in c lu d in g th e se rm o n o n St. Francis:] U n d e qu ia n o n su n t secu ti [i.e., th e clergy] R e g u la m E v an g elicam , n o n m ansit p ax Ecclesiastica su p er illos.” 28. Ib id ., col. 880: “licet n ec P ro p h e ta , n ec filius su m P ro p h e ta e ; ta m e n sine tem eraria assertione au d eo d icere, q u o d nisi in G en erali C o n c ilio p ro x im e c ele b ran d o co n tra haec dam nabilia scandala praevisa fu e rin t re m e d ia, h a n c d iv isio n e m schism aticam p en itu s ex tirp an d o , e t E cclesiam tarn m u ltip lic ite r d e fo rm ata m in m eliu s re fo rm a n d o ; v erisim iliter cred ere d eb em u s q u o d a d h u c m ajo ra m ala, et am p lio ra sint fu tu ra .” 29. Ibid.: “ In hiis v e ro , n o n in p e c ca to ri [as p e r M S V atic. R e g in . Lat. 689 A , f 35 2v in O u y ’s facsim ile; D u p in has peccatorum] fid e m dari re q u iro ; sed illis q u i S piritu sancto inspirati lo c u ti su n t, in te r q u o s n o n sp e rn e n d i v id e n tu r ille v enerabilis A b b a sJo a c h im , de C alabria; e t Sancta m u lie r H y ld eg ard is, de A lem an ia. . . .” 30. Ib id ., cols. 880—81: “S ed etiam hiis c o n c o rd a n t n o n so lu m testim o n ia P ro p h e tic a , v e ru m e t A stro n o m ica ju d ic ia , q u ae n o n su n t a C ath o h c is p e n itu s resp u en d a, sicut m e notasse re c o lo in T ra c ta tu q u e rn n u p e r co m p ilav i, D e concordia Astronomicae veritatis, et nanationis historicae. . . .” H e goes o n to Hst th e treatises “D e concordantia Theologiae et Astronomiae [the Vigintiloquium], . . . Super correctionem Htteralem Kalendarii [a w o rk he c o m p o sed u rg in g calen d ar re fo rm a n d a n tic ip a tin g th e later G reg o rian calen d ar],” an d D e

Iegibus et seeds, as w ell as m a k in g general referen ce to his various w ritings o n th e Schism . It was n o t unusual f o r a p o p e to be acq u ain ted w ith astrological m aterials. T h e astro lo g er Jo h a n n e s de M uris, fo r ex am ple, h ad g iv en p red ictio n s based u p o n S a tu rn -Ju p ite r c o n ­ ju n c tio n s in a le tte r to P o p e C le m e n t V I (1342—52). D ’A illy’s defensive to n e c o n c e rn in g astrology, h ere, reflects his m o re general b e lie f th a t astrology an d th eo lo g y , th o u g h seem ­ ingly in co m p atib le, co u ld be h arm o n ized . 31. EIucidarium, in d ’A illy 1490, chap. 6, fol. [e6v], 32. Ib id ., chap. 6, fol. [e6v] (5,328 years to C h rist); chap. 23, fol. f4v (5,344 years to C hrist); chap. 28, fol. [£8r] (5,492 years an d 223 days to C h rist); and chap. 33, fol. g2v (5,343 years to C hrist). 3 3. Ibid., chap. 26, fol. [ft>v] (m ean g reatest c o n ju n c tio n in 1915); chap. 33, fol. g3v (m ean g reater co n ju n c tio n m 3072); and chap. 12, fol. f i r (true g reatest c o n ju n c tio n in 3469). O n “tr u e ” vs. “ m e a n ” co n ju n c tio n s, see m y ch a p te r 4. 34. Elucidariumy chap. 10, fol. [e8r]: “ F u it etiam alia [co n iu n ctio ] su p rad ictam [con iu n c tio n e m ] im m ed iate subsequens in an n o d o m in i 1365 m .8. gradu S corpionis. E t fuit m edia e o ru m scilicet S aturni e tjo v is ac Solis c o n iu n c tio in Libra. E t ita debuisset mansisse in triplicitate aerea in qua sum us sed p ro p te r e o ru m d ire c tio n e m p e rv e n it c o n iu n c tio e o ru m ad S co rp io n em . E t q uia istud sig n u m sem p er est in im ic u m relig io n i id eo d ix e ru n t aliqui q u o d ilia c o n iu n c tio valde significativa fuit presentis scism atis.” B o th J u p ite r and Saturn ex h ib ited retro g rad e m o tio n in to Libra in th e spring an d su m m er o f 1365 p rio r to th e ir c o n ju n c tio n in O c to b e r. See B ry an t T u c k e rm a n , Planetary, Lunar, and Solar Positions A .D . 2 to A .D . 1649 at Five-day and Ten-day Intervals, M em o irs o f th e A m erican P h ilo ­ sophical Society, 59 (P hiladelphia: A m erican P hilosophical Society, 1964), p. 700. 35. Ehtcidarium, chap. 10, fol. [e8r]: “E t p ost hanc im m e d ia te sequens fuit [coniunctio] a n n o 1405 .12. ianuarii in 27. A quarii. E t han c q u id am re p u ta n t facere p er te rm in a tio n e m scismatis et u n io n e ecclesie p ro p te r c o n iu n c tio n e m d u o ru m su p e rio ru m [i.e., J u p ite r and S atum ] in A quario in cuius triplicitate sum us quia fit p er hanc c o n iu n c tio n e m rcditus ad signum triplicitatis aerie licet im m ed ia te p reced en s fu erit in S co rp io n e q u e p re te n d e b a t scisma sed c u m difficultate et tard itate p ro p te r sig n u m fix u m . . . .” D ’Ailly n o tes th a t the effects o f th e 1365 co n ju n c tio n w e re delayed so m ew h a t because S co rp io w as a “ fixed sign.” S ince A quarius w as also co n sid ered o n e o f th e “fix ed signs,” o n e m ig h t an ticipate th e effects o f a c o n ju n c tio n in th a t sign to be delayed as w ell. 36. Ib id ., chap. 34. 37. Ibid., fol. g4v: “E x prem issis erg o c o n c lu d u n t isti q u o d sicut spacium celestis c irculi q u o d est ab A riete ad L ibram est m edietas illius circuli equalis altius m ed ietati a Libra usque ad A rietem , sic q u a n tu m est spacium tem p o ris lapsi ab A dam sive a p rin cip io m u n d i usque ad christu m ta n tu m n atu ra liter d eb e t esse a christo usque ad fin em m u n d i.” 38. Paris, B ib lio th eq u e N atio n a le , M S Lat. 15972, fols. 83r—84v. T h e w o rk is e d ited and discussed in N ic o le B e rio u , “ Pierre de L im oges et la fin des tem p s,” in Melanges de I'Ecole Fran(aise de Rome. M oyen Age— Temps modernes 98 (1986): 65—107 (the treatise appears o n pp. 9 6 -1 0 2 ). O n th e basis o f codico lo g ical an d paleographical ev id en ce, B e n o u identifies th e an o n y m o u s D e antichristo as a m issing p art o f P ierre de L im o g es’s an th o lo g y o f p ro p h e tic an d Jo a c h ite texts (Paris, B ib lio th e q u e N atio n a le , M S Lat. 16397). D ’A illy’s use o f this te x t has also b e e n n o te d in B o u d e t, “ S im o n de P hares et Ies rapports e n tre astrologie et p ro p h e tie ,” pp. 638—39. 39. D e antichristo, in B e rio u , “ P ierre de L im oges,” p p . 100—01: “Sed anni ab inicio m u n d i usque ad tem p u s D o m in i su n t n o ti, ig itu r e t q u o t su n t ab in c arn acio n e D o m in i usque ad fin em m u n d i.”

40. S alcn ib ier 1886, p. 95. H is re tin u e u p o n his e n try in to C o n sta n c e in c lu d e d fo rty fo u r h o rse m e n , b e fittin g his special status as papal legate to G erm an y , site o f th e co u n cil. B e rn ard G u c n e e , Entre VEglise et VEtat: Quatre vies de prelats frau(ais a la fin du Moyen Age (X IIIe -X V e siecle) (Paris: G allim ard, 1987), p . 276. 4 1 . T h e serm o n is p rin te d in Tractatus et sermones, w h e re it is g iv en th e e rro n e o u s d ate o f 1417. T h a t th e serm o n is ra th e r fro m 1414 is sh o w n b y S alem b ier 1886, p. x v i i ; and P alcm o n G lo n e u x , “ L’o e u v re litteraire de P ierre d ’Ailly. R e m a rq u e s et p recisio n s,” Melanges de science religicuse 2 2 (1965): 70. A n e d itio n o f th e te x t is also fo u n d in G erso n , Opera omnia (ed. D u p in ), 2: cols. 9 1 7 —24. 42. P ierre d ’Ailly, Sermo secundus de advcntu, in Tractatus et sermones (Strasbourg: [P rin ter o fjo rd a n u s d e Q u e d lin b u rg ], 1490; rep r., F ran k fu rt am M ain: M in e rv a , 1971), fob [s5v]: “ H ec est erg o m irabilis m u ta tio d e x te re [dextera] excelsi q u am in sole, Iuna et stellis n u n c in c h o a ri v id em u s. D u m h o c sacru m c o n c iliu m ad h u n c fin e m c o n g re g a tio n aspicim us U t sancta m a te r ecclesia iam d u d u m p e r scism aticam d iv isio n em m iserab ilitcr d efo rm ata, n u n c p e r pacificam u n io n e m feliciter re fo rm e tu r.” 43. Ibid.: “ O b eato s o cu lo s q u i h o c v id e re m e ru e rin t. O felicem lo c u m h a n c v id elicet co n stan tien scm c iv ita te m .” D ’A illy draw s especial p leasure fro m th e fact th a t C o n stan c e is w ith in his ju risd ic tio n as legate to G erm an y : “ m e q u e p a rite r c u m ea io c u n d e e x u lta tionis p a rticip em , q u a m infra tem rin o s co m m isse rnihi leg atio n is ad partes alam anie d o m in u s ad h o c eligere dig n atu s est.” 44. Ib id ., fob tr: “ Si e rg o c o n tra h ec m ala h ec sacra synodus n o n p ro v id e n t rem e d ia co n g ru a au d a c te r affirm o q u o d p o st ta m h o rren d as ch o ru scatio n es quas v id en tu s h o rrib iliora se q u e n tu r to n itru a .” 45. G u e n e e has stressed d ’A illy’s re p u ta tio n as a b rillian t o ra to r. H e w as, o f co u rse, ex trem ely astute politically as w ell. G u e n e e , Entre VEglise et VEtat, p p . 167—68. 46. Epistola adJoannem X X I I I (Incipit: “ D u d u m . . cob 880: “ U n d e ex hiis o m n ib u s p raeam bulis A n tich risti, v e risim iliter cre d e re, e t v e h e m e n te r tixnere c o g im u r, q u o d nisi ad D e u m , p e r verarn p o e n ite n tia m c o n v e rta m u r, e t ipse ad nos p e r p ia m m iserico rd iam co n v e rta tu r, fiet co n tra P raelatos e t C le ru m popu laris sed itio , e t trib u latio talis et tan ta, u t earn fo n n id e t anim us c o g itare, lin g u a q u e re fe rrc .” 47. M arseilles, B ib lio th e q u e M u n ic ip ale , M S 1156, fols. 1—8, 11—30. Excexqits fro m this treatise hav e b e e n p n n te d in N o e l V alois, “ U n o u v rag e in e d it d e P ierre d ’Ailly, Ie De persecutionibus ecclesiae,” Bibliothequc de VEeolc des Chartes 65 (1904): 557—74. I am grateful to th e B ib lio th e q u e M u n ic ip ale in M arseilles for p ro v id in g m e w ith a c o p y o f this im p o r­ ta n t w o rk . 48. P e te r A u re o li, Compendium Bibliorum. N ich o la s o f Lyra e x p an d e d u p o n A u rio l’s in te rp re ta tio n in his Postilla litteralis super totum Bibliam. See R . E. K aske, A rth u r G ro o s, and M ich ael W . T w o m e y , Medieval Christian Literary Imagery: A Guide to Interpretation (T o ro n to : U n iv ersity o f T o ro n to Press, 1988), p p . 19—23. D ’A illy m ay have b e en th in k ­ in g o f his o w n earlier in te rp re ta tio n o f th e p erse cu tio n s o f th e c h u rch , as w ell. In M a rc h 1417 he re c o p ie d his se rm o n o n S ain t Francis (o f 1380), in w h ic h he had discussed this th e m e . G lo rie u x , “ L’o e u v re ,” p. 7 0 . 49. P ierre d ’Ailly, D e persecutionibus ecclcsie, fols. 4r—5r. 50. Ib id ., fob 5r: “ Q u in tu m tem p u s fu it a te m p o re h ey n rici p red icti e t d u ra t secu n ­ d u m e x p o sitio n e m au reo li usq u e ad te m p u s a n tich risti e t u ltim i iu d icii. In q u o te m p o re ecclesia q u a n d o q u e v ic to ria m h a b u it de babilone et muliere meretrice id est de secta m a c h o m e ti sub g o d effid o e t b ald u in o regibus jh e ru sa le m .” T h e referen ce is to th e First C ru sad e, w h ic h su cceed ed in c a p tu rin g Jeru salem in 1099; G o d frey de B o u illo n (d. 1100) an d his

b ro th e r B aldw in (d. 1118) w e re th e first tw o rulers o f th e n ew ly established k in g d o m o f Jerusalem . 51. Ibid., fol. 6v (m y em phasis): “ S ecunda ratio c o n tra e x p o sitio n e m p re d ic ta m est quia se cu n d u m earn o m n ia scripta in tribus capitulis, scilicet a xvii° cap itu lo usq u e ad x x m, ab anm s pluribus su n t com p leta. L ittera v e ro sequens e x p o n itu r ab o m n ib u s de te m p o re antichristi cuius advcntus adhuc non apparet propinquus.” 52. Ibid., fol. 6v—7r: “ E t id eo q u o d de statu ecclesie q u a n tu m ad c o n tin g en tia in tan to in te rm e d io te m p o re n ich il sc n p se n t io h an n es n o n v id e tu r co n v en ie n s, m ax im e cu m m ulta postea valde notabilia circa ecclesiam c o n tin g e rin t, e t p re cip u e illud m ag n u m scism a q u o d iam quad rag in ta annis d u ra v it [i.e., n o w in 1418] et am plius, de q u o verisim ile est io h a n n e m in h o c libro p rophetasse. . . . C u m in su p er b eatu s cirillus, e t v en e ra b iIis abbas io ach im , ac sancta hildegardis de h o c m a g n o scism ate m u lta predixissc le g a n tu r.” 53. Ibid ., fols. 7r—v: “Prem issis ig itu r . . . p resuppositis . . . et sine assertione tem e ra n a dici p o test q u o d in quin ta visio n e pred icta b eatus Jo a n n es d escribit p erse c u c io n e m ecclesie sub m agno scism ate, ipsiusque scismatis d ecu rsu m , e t alio ru m m a lo ru m in d e se q u e n ciu m usque ad ternpus an tich risti.” 54. Ibid., fols. 8 r (w h o re = schism atic c h u rc h ), I l v (B abylon = lb o m e and its o b e d i­ ence), and 12r (beast = tem p o ral p o w er). 55. Ibid., fol. 23v: “ post illam v icto riam regis g re c o ru m sive ro m a n o ru m de qu a lo q u i­ tu r m eth o d iu s, se q u itu r pax ecclesie e t tranquilla c o n co rd ia u n d e su b d it et vidi sedes [R ev. 20:4]. U b i n o ta n d u m q u o d tu n c sacerd o ciu m e t im p e riu m ad in v icem c o n c o rd a b u n t et p erfectam ecclesie refo rm a tio n e m ac p e r h o c veram eius p acem e t u m o n e m p ro c u ra b u n t.” 56. Ibid., fol. 24r—v: “In p rim a h uius capituli [R ev. 20] p arte post ecclesie perse­ cu c io n e m scism aticam descripta est eius victo ria e t consolatio, postea v ero circa m e d iu m capituli d escrib itu r eius u ltim a p crsecu cio q u e fiet p e r a n tic h ristu m .” Louis Pascoe has n o te d the optim istic to n e o f d ’A illy’s treatise an d has related it to th e in flu en ce o f m o d e r­ ate Franciscan ideas a b o u t th e apocalypse. Louis B. Pascoe, “ P ierre d ’Ailly: H isto ire, Schism e e t A n te c h n st,” in Je a n Favier, ed ., G enese et debuts du G rand Schisme d ’Occident (Paris: E d itio n s du C .N .R .S ., 1980), pp. 619—20. 57. D e persecutionibus ecclesie, fols. 13v—16r. 58. Ibid., fol. 26r: “ Sed u t dicit nicolaus de lira su m itu r p ro to to te m p o re christi q u o d cu rrit usque ad an tich ristu m et p o n itu r hie n u m ero s d e term in atu s p ro in d e te rm in a to sicut sepe fit in divinis scripturis.” 59. Ibid., fol. 26v: “ S c ien d u m tam en est q u o d licet de adventus antich risti d e tc rm inato tem p o re vel m o m e n to haberi n o n possit h u m a n itu s c e rtitu d o sicut alibi declaravi tam en in d eterm in ate lo q u e n d o possm t n o tari aliqua te m p o ra circa q u e p o te st haberi probabilis co n icc tu ra de eius a d v e n tu et secta p er astro n o m ica iu d icia .” 60. Ibid., fol. 27v: “ U n d e ex hiis p ro b a[b i]liter c o n c lu d itu r q u o d forte circa ilia te m ­ p o ra v e n ie t antichristus c u m lege sua vel secta d a m p n a b ili.” F o llo w in g Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione, chap. 61. 6 1 . EIucidarium, chap. 12, fol. f i r (1 7 6 1 , alth o u g h this is n o t a “ tru e ” m axim a c o n ju n c ­ tio n , b ein g to o far fro m th e h ead o f Aries— see m y ch ap te r 4); an d chap. 26, fol. [f6v] (1915 for eig h th m axim a co n ju n c tio n ). 62. See O akley, Political T h o u g h t , chap. 7 and app. I. 63. T h e passage g iv en by d ’Ailly corresponds to p. 69, lines 1223—34, o f th e ed itio n o f Jo h n o f Pans in “ T h e Tractatus de Antichristo by J o h n o f Paris: A C ritical E d itio n ,

T ra n slatio n , a n d C o m m e n ta ry ,” ed . Sara B c th P eters C lark (P h .D . diss., C o rn e ll U n iv e r­ sity, 1981). See m y ch a p te r 5. 64. D e persecutionibus ecclesie, fol. 28r: “ Sed quia se c u n d u m [p se u d o ]M e th o d iu s an te a d v c n tu m antichristi secta m a c o m e ti to ta lite r d e stru e tu r u t su p e r tactu rn est, id e o de h u iu s secte d u ra c io n e aliq u id p re co g n o sc ere v id e tu r e x p e d ire .” 65. Ib id ., fol. 29v: “ E t n ic h ilo m in u s co n stat q u o d in c ip ie n d o c o m p u ta c io n e m a n a tiv itate m a c o m e ti sive a m o rte eius sive a p u b lic a d o n e sue legis sive ab eiu sd cm legis re p ara c io n e e m e n d a c io n e et e x p o sic io n e p e r suos successores Ct discipulis, iam m u lto p lures anni tra n sie ru n t q u am sit m a io r n u m e ru s su p rad ictu s [6 9 3 ].” T h e v arious n u m b e rs ap p ear at fols. 2 8 r (666 o f R e v e la tio n ), 2 9 v (693 an d 5 8 4 , a c c o rd in g to A lbum asar), 30v (1 ,1 4 1 , acco rd in g to A lbum asar). T h e figures o f 5 8 4 an d 1,141 are o b ta in e d b y re feren ce to th e “ fridaric” years o f th e p la n e t V enus, sig n ify in g th e relig io n o f Islam. A lb u m asar actually gave th e n u m b e r 1,151 fo r V e n u s’s “ m a x im u m years,” as d ’A illy re p o rte d in th e Eluctdarium, chap. 4 (p robably fo llo w in g J o h n o f A sh e n d e n an d n o t A lb u m asar him self). 66. D ’A illy is fo llo w in g A lb u m asar’s D e magnis coniunctionibus, tr. 2, diff. 8. H e does n o t c o m m e n t o n th e fact th a t C h ristia n ity is h e re sy m b o lized b y th e su n , w h ereas in m o st discussions o f th e great c o n ju n c tio n s C h ristia n ity is associated w ith M e rc u ry . In th e table o f fridaric years d ’A illy re p ro d u c e s in th e Eluctdarium, p u rp o rte d ly fo llo w in g A lbum asar, he gives th e figure 1,410. 67. D e persecutionibus ecclesie, fol. 30v: “ tu n c le x Christiana ab a n n o present! q u i est m illesim us cccc1™' d ecim u s octavus n o n esset ultra an n o s q u ad ra g in ta duos d u ra tu ra .” 68. Ibid. 69. Ibid.: “ R a tio a u tc m diversitatis in h o c fo rte p o tu it esse d ispositio v en eris scu h a b itu d o ipsius ad gradus signi sco rp io n is te m p o re c o n iu n c tio n is significantis d icta m sectam et re g n u m arab u m sicut notasse v id e tu r alb u m azar lo c o p raealleg ato .” 70. Ibid.: “E x prcm issis ig itu r a stro n o m icis co n ie c tu ris n o n v id e tu r possibile aliquid c e rtu m c o n c lu d e re , sed ta m e n ex hiis e t aliis supra scriptis p robabilis h a b e n p o test suspicio q u o d infra a n n u m c e n te sim u m ab an n o p resen ti m ag n a fiet alteracio circa leges et sectas. E t speciah ter circa leg e m e t ecclesiam C h risti. E t h o c aliq u aliter p re c o g n o sc e re e x p e d it u t ad trib u la c io n u m p acien ciam se c o n sta n te r p re p a re n t c h ristian i.” N o e l Valois, w h o ed ­ ite d this w o rk in 1904, rem ark e d th a t d ’A illy thus co u ld b e said co rre c tly to have p re ­ d ic te d b o th th e F ren c h R e v o lu tio n a n d th e R e fo rm a tio n . Valois, “ U n o u v rag e in e d it,” p. 566. 71. N o rm a n C o h n , The Pursuit o f the M illennium : Revolutionary Millenarians and M ysti­ cal Anarchists o f the M iddle Ages, 3 d rev. ed. (O x fo rd : C la re n d o n Press, 1970). F o r a cri­ tiq u e o f C o h n , see, e.g ., B e rn a rd M c G in n , Visions o f the End: Apocalyptic Traditions in the Middle Ages (N e w Y o rk : C o lu m b ia U n iv e rsity Press, 1979), p p . 28—32. M c G in n no tes th a t m an y apocalyptic w o rk s w e re c o m p o se d b y w e ll-p la c e d clerics a n d te n d e d to sup­ p o rt th e established in stitu tio n s o f m ed iev al C hristianity. 72. R o b e r t E. L ern er, “ R e fre s h m e n t o f th e Saints: T h e T im e after A n tic h rist as a S tatio n fo r E arth ly Progress in M ed iev al T h o u g h t,” Traditio 32 (1976): 141. 73. Epistola adJoannem X X I I I (Incipit: “ D u d u m . . .”), col. 880. 74. D efa lsisprophetis I, in G erso n , Opera omnia (ed. D u p in ), I: col. 509: “ Tales [i.e., illi q u i su n t a D e o missi n o n im m e d ia te , sed p e r h o m in e m ] d e b in t p ro b are suarn m issionem , p e r can o n ica d o c u m e n ta : e t in tali m issione et e o ru m re c e p tio n e , m agna d e b e t esse ca u tela e t diligentia, p ro p te r eos q u i im p o rtu n e se in g e ru n t, sine d eb ita et C a n o n ica elec tio n e .”

75. Errores sectae hominum intelligentiae et processus Jactus contra fratrem Wilhelmwn de HiIderrussem1 ordinis beatae Marine de monte Carmeli, per Pctrum de Alliaco, episcopum Cameracensem, anno Christi M C C C C X I, in Paul F rcd cricq , Corpus documentorum iuquisitionis haereticae pravitatis Neerlandicae, 5 vols. (G h en t: J. V uylsteke, 1889), 1:267—79. T h e w o rk is also in E tien n e B aluze, Miscellanea novo ordine digesta, Tomus Secundus— Monumenta Sacra (Lucca: V in cen tiu sJu n c tin iu s, 1761), 2 :2 8 8 —92; and C harles d u Plessis d ’A rg en tre, Collectio judiciorum de novis enoribus, 3 vols. (Paris: L am b ert C o ffin , 1728—3 6), vol. 2, p t. 2:201— 9. T h e nam e homines intelligentiae m ay have b e e n m ea n t to refer to Jo a c h im ’s “ gift o f in tellig en ce” for u n d ersta n d in g S cripture. 76. Errorcs sectae hominum intelligentiae, in F red ericq , Corpus documentorum, pp. 271—72: “E t p rim o im itatores subscriptae sectae seu sed u ctio n is h aereticae v o ca n t se m u tu o homi­ nes intelligentiae et h a b en t d u o capita. . . . U n u m d ic to ru m c a p itu m v o c a tu r frater W ilh elm us de H ildernissem carm elita. A liu d est q u id am laicus illiteratus, forte sexagenarius, dictus A egidius C anto ris. . . . Ite m dictus A egidius h ab et m o d u m specialem c o e u n d i, n o n tan ien co n tra n atu ram , quali d ic it A d am in paradiso fuisse usum . . . . Item sibi in vicem id io m a fabricantes, a c tu m carnalis copulae v o c a n t d e lec ta tio n c m paradisi vel alio n o m in e aclivitatem . . . . Item est q u aed am m aritata, quae n o n facit difFercntiam in te r v iru m e t v iru m , sed q u e m lib e t in d iffe rc n te r a d m ittit suis te m p o re ct lo co . E t istud est quasi c o m m u n e in te r illas.” 77. Ibid., p. 271: “ Item dix it [Aegidius] q u o d diabolus fin aliter salvabitur, . . . et q u o d fin ah ter om n es h om in es salvabuntur. . . . Ite m de statutis, p raeccptis e t o rd in atio m b u s ecclesiae n o n c u ra n t n ec de o ratio n ib u s, . . . Item n ec c u ra n t de confessione. . . . Item n u llu m rig o rem p o en ite n tia e a d m ittu n t.” 78. Ibid., pp. 276—77 (from th e state m e n t w ritte n by W ilh elm u s in his o w n hand): “ Item d elatu m est d o m in o m e o p ra e d ic to [i.e., d ’Ailly] q u o d d ic u n t tem p u s veteris legis esse Patris et tem p u s n o v ae legis esse Filii et p ro n u n c tem p u s esse S p in tu s Sancti, q u o d d ic u n t esse tem pus H cliae, q u o re m o v e b u n tu r scripturae, ita u t quae prius tan q u a m vera h ab eb an tu r, ja m refu ten tu r. . . . H ic d ico q u o d talia n u n q u a m audivi n ec ab A eg id io n ec ab aliis. N e c appro bassem , si audivissem . . . . ” 79. Epistola ad Joannem X X I I I (Incipit: “ D u d u m . . .”), col. 880: “ N e c d esu n t q u i in o d iu m ejus, errores co n tra C h risti F id em sem in an t, et haereses, et m a c h in a tu r S ectaru m novitates, sicut in hac m ea L eg atio n e, n o n sine cordis a m a n tu d in e , c o g n o v i.” 80. O n H u s’s trial and b u rn in g , see G o rd o n LefF, Heresy in the Later Middle Ages, 2 vols. (M anchester: M an ch ester U n iv ersity Press, 1967), 2:64 4 —55. F o r th e e q u a tio n o f p o p e w ith A ntichrist, see R ic h a rd K e n n e th E m m e rso n , Antichrist in the Middle Ages: A Study o f Medieval Apocalypticism, A rt, and Literature (Seattle: U n iv ersity o f W ash in g to n Press, 1981), p. 71. E xcerpts fro m H u s’s w ritings dealing w ith A n tich rist have b e e n translated in M c G in n , Visions, p. 263. F or th e ecclesiopolitical ram ifications o f H u s ’s ideas an d o f th e c o u n c il’s actions, see S teven O z m e n t, The Age o f Reform 1 2 5 0 -1 5 5 0 : A n Intellectual and Religious History o f Late Medieval and Reformation Europe (N e w H av en : Yale U n iv ersity Press, 1980), pp. 1 6 5 -7 0 . 81. B o th G e rso n ’s le tte r (Epistola missa magistro Vincentio) an d d ’A illy’s postscript ap­ p ear in Jean G erso n , Oeuvres completes, ed. P a le m o n G lo rie u x , 10 vols. (Paris: D esclee & C ie , 1 9 6 0 -7 3 ), 2 :2 0 0 -2 0 2 . 82. G erson, Epistola missa magistro Vincentio, p. 201: “ C re d e m ih i, d o c to r em erite, m u lti m ulta lo q u u n tu r su p er p raed icatio n ib u s tuis et m ax im e su p er ilia secta se v e rb e ra n tiu m q u alem constat p raeteritis tem p o rib u s fuisse pluries et in locis variis rep ro b atam , q u am ncc approbas, u t testan tu r n o ti tu i, sed n ec efficaciter rep ro b as.”

83. Jc a n G erso n , Tractatus contra sectam flagellantium, in G c rso n , Oeuures completes (ed. G lo n e u x ), 10:46—51. 84. Ib id ., p. 48: “ o rd o h ierarch icu s c o n fu n d a tu r . . si q u ilib et ad a rb itn u m suuin posset in sd tu e rc vel fo v erc n o v u m ritu in , sine d u ce , sine lege stabih, sine o rd m e, ubi su n t ju v e n e s et virgines, senes cu m ju m o rib u s , sim ul in u n u m dives ct p a u p e r.” 85. Ib id ., p. 51: “ P ro in d e si p ra e d ic a n d u m fu erit d e finali ju d ic io vel A n tic h risto , fiat h o c in g cn erali, c o n c lu d e n d o q u o d in m o rte q u ilib e t h a b e t su u m ju d ic iu m p ro x im u m ct in c e rtu m .” R e c a ll th a t S aint V in c e n t F e rre r’s serm o n s h ad specified th a t th e Last J u d g ­ m e n t was at h a n d and h a d d escrib ed A n tic h rist’s to rm e n ts in v iv id detail. G crso n w e n t o n to attack p reach ers’ ad d u c in g o f m iracles to d e m o n stra te th e p ro p in q u ity o f A n tichrist. T h is was perh ap s also a d ig at V in c e n t’s su p p o sed rev elatio n s o f A n tic h rist’s b irth . 86. Ibid.: “O b se rv a n d u m p raeterea su m m o p e re v id e tu r, a p u d tales d e so cietate q u o d n u llo m o d o v iv an t o tio se si lab o rare possint, u t sin t in ex e m p la r et a n im a tio n e m lab o ra n tiu m ; u t p raeterea n ih il ag an t c o n tc n tio se et v e lu t ex v itu p e rio e t c o n te m p tu p ra ela to ru m m a jo ru m e t m in o ru m vel a liq u o ru m g e n e ra lite r cle rico ru m ; n e q u e in p raed icatio n ib u s faciendis n e q u e in con fessio n ib u s a u d ie n d is.” 87. Ibid.: “ T a n d e m si fo rte sen serit d o c to r insignis m ag ister V in cen tiu s, n o n posse c o n v e n ie n te r super praem issis sa lu b riter e t efficacitcr p ro v id e re , v id e tu r co n su ltiu s u t ad tem p u s segregaret p raesen tia m suam , effugiens tan tam so cie ta tem ; q u o d fieri posset visita n d o sacrum C o n c iliu m vel altera o ccasio n e sibi su m p ta .” 88. L e ffy Heresy, 2 :4 9 1 -9 3 . 89. Epistola adJoannem X X l I I (Incipit: “ D u d u m . . .”), col. 880. 90. B ased o n u n p u b lish e d research o f B eatrice H irs c h -R e ic h , su m m arized in M a ijo rie R e e v e s, The Influence o f Prophecy in the Later M iddle Ages: A Study in Joachimism (O x fo rd : C la re n d o n Press, 1969), p p . 425—27. M ic h a e l H . S h an k has suggested th a t H e n ry ’s disil­ lu s io n m e n t w ith p ro p h e c y m ay be parallel to his d isa p p o in tm e n t at his o w n failure to p re se n t an apology fo r C h ristia n ity sufficient to c o n v e rt th e Jew s. S h an k , “Unless You Believe, You Shall N o t Understand": Logic, University, and Society in Late Medieval Vienna (P rin c e to n , N .J.: P rin c e to n U n iv e rsity Press, 1988), p. 168. See also A n d re V auchez, “ Les th eo lo g ien s face au x p ro p h e tie s a l’e p o q u e des papes d ’A v ig n o n et d u G ra n d S c h ism c,” Melanges de PEcole Frangaise de R om e. M oyen Age 102 (1990): 5 8 0 —86. V auchez proposes th a t disgust fo r th e partisan p ro p h e c ies o f T elesp h o ru s led H e n ry to re je ct th e en tire J o a c h im ite trad itio n . 91. H e n ry o f L ang en ste in , Liber adversus Thelesphori eremitae vaticinia de ultimis temporibits, in B e rn h a rd Pez, TItesaurus anecdotorum novissimus (A ugsburg: V eith , 1721), v o l. I, pt. ii, col. 518: “ Q u is sanus ju d ic a re t iliu m fuisse b o n u m A n g e lu m , q u i v a n o ru m h o m in u m v aticin ia, vel e o ru m in g e n io ex co g ita, vel d iab o lico in stin c tu im pressa, S p iritu i S an cto attrib u i v o lu it? ” 92. Ib id ., cols. 521—22 (attack o n p se u d o -Jo a ch im , D e semine scripturarum, w h ic h at­ te m p te d to forecast th e tim e o f th e E n d b y analo g y w ith th e H e b re w alphabet); 524: “ Q u o d a u te m jo a c h im h u m a n a m d u stria in te rp re ta tu s sit v erb a ilia am b ig u a libri adscripti C y rillo , m an ifestu m est.” 93. Ib id ., col. 544: “ Ita q u e lu ce clarius est, q u o d illi calculatores ex astris vel alias u n d e c u n q u e , q u i v o lu n t vitas h o m in u m q u an tificare, et durationem m undi et legis Christi periodum mensurare, su n t co n tra rii saluti h u m a n a e , e t in te n tio n i D iv m a e , e t scrip tu ris sacris, quae talia p o tiu s d e b e re h o m im b u s esse in c e rta p a te n te r d e n u n tia n t, q u am c c rta .” E m phasis added. 94. Ib id ., cols. 519—20: “A d v e rtat ipse [T elesphorus] ja m , q u id p ro fu e n t fidelibus p ro

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CHAPTER

SEVEN

pace Ecclesiac, sui somnii publicatio: consideret, quis inde motus sit, quis ab errore aversus, quis emendatus, aut q u o m o d o res est inde propinquior facta ad pacem. . . . Siiiamus ergo, ct videamus, si ita crit sicut iste praedicit. . . . Vides ergo q u o m o d o tales prophetiae, diabolica astutia intcrveniente, ad pacem non faciunt, sed earn retardantes, litem prolongant, et amplius discordiam in cordibus c o n f i n m n t . " 95. Ibid., col. 546: " P u t o . . . quod omnia [preambles to Antichrist] praeterierint, n o n semel, sed forte pluries; ita quod n e m o se j a m ex hac parte assecurare poterit." 96. Reeves, Influence, pp. 425—26. Vauchez concurs with Hirsch-R.eich's stress on the strong French bias in Telesphorus's w o r k as a factor in Henry's reaction. Vauchez, "Les theologiens face aux propheties," p. 586. 97. H e n r y of Langenstein, Liber adversus Thelespkori eremitae vaticinia, col. 532: ". . .verisimile videtur, quod sub illis [i.e., any line of popes instituted subsequent to the Great Schism] Ecclesia Christi continuo sit descensura in deterius, q u e m a d m o d u m j a m diu est. . . . N o n videtur ergo, quod futura sit aliqua notabilis Ecclesiae reformatio usque post interfectionem manifestam Antichristi, per J e s u m Christum D o m i n u m nostrum." 98. Henricus de hassia, mag. Paris, et Universitatis Vindobonens. professor, Petro de Alliaco, cancellario Paris. . . . (Anno 1394, Vindobonae), m Heinrich Denifle and Emilc Chatelain, eds., Chartularium Universitatis Pansiensis, 4 vols. (Paris: Delalain, 1894), 3:639 (no. 1695): "Sed quid, si scismate ablato infelici n o n redeant priorum aurea sccula, nec forsitan ecclesia paci et unioni restituta erit in premissis emendacior, aut forte in virtutibus minor, quam ante scisma fuerat: n u n q u i d si hoc u n d e c u n q u e verisimilius appareat, q u e m p i a m retrahere debet ut in negocio reunionis et pacis minus ferveat aut tardiori sollicitudine satagat? . . . Iterum pro verisimiliori h a b e n d u m est, quod Deus, qui mala n o n pernnttit nisi gracia m c h o r u m , ecclesiam suam de malo scismatice divisionis, qua m o d o concutitur, cum decreverit liberandam, utique in melius reformabit." 99. H e n r y of Langenstein, Liber adversus Thelesphori eremitae vaticinia, col. 513: " I n ceperunt iam ct alii sub hoc schismate loqui quasi Prophetac vel vates: sed venus divinatores . . . h o r u m vaticiniis, verius vaniloquiis, omnes aures dederunt." 100. Pierre d'Ailly, Concordantia astronomic cum hystorica narratione, chap. 61, fol. [d8r]: " N a m licet de adventus sui determinate tempore vel m o m e n t o haberi non possit h u manitus certitudo sicut alibi declaravimus tamen indetemiinate l o q u e n d o quod circa ilia tempora venturus sit potest haberi probabilis coniectura et verisimilis suspicio per astronomica iudicia." 101. O z m e n t , The Age of Reform, p. 159. 102. Pierre d'Ailly, Elucidarium, fol. [g7v]: "Scimus autem quosdam nobis obiecisse quod professionem nostram et similiter etatem magis decuisset circa theologica q u a m circa ilia mathematica studia occupari." 103. Ibid.: ". . . sciantur [i.e., these mathematical studies] ad fidei et theologie d e corem ac utilitatem ecclesie pertinere." Chapter S e v e n T h e C o n c o r d a n c e o f A s t r o l o g y and T h e o l o g y 1. Bernard Guenee, Entre I'Eglise et I'Etat: Quatre vies de prelatsfrangais a la fin du Moyen Age (XHIe—XVe siecle) (Paris: Gallimard, 1987), pp. 137 (powerful friends); 226 (contemporary view that d'Ailly chose sides to p r o m o t e his career); and 281 (pleading ill health w h e n his absence was politically expedient). D'Ailly's considerable political skills were

already o b v io u s in his early years, in his use o f th e B lan ch ard affair as a sp rin g b o ard to p ro m in e n c e in th e u niversity. A lan E. B ern ste in , Pierre d ’A illy and the Blanchard Affair: University and Chancellor o f Paris at the Beginning o f the Great Schism (L eiden: E, J. B rill, 1978), esp. p p . 67—69, 152. 2. See, e.g ., d ’A illy ’s re m a rk q u o te d in c h a p te r 6 th a t p e o p le had o b jected to a person o f his age and professio n d a b b lin g m astrological studies: Elucidarium, in d ’Aiily 1490, fol. [g7v]: “ Scim us a u te m q u o sd a m n o b is obiecisse q u o d p ro fessio n em n o stra m et sim iliter c tatem m agis decuisset circa th e o lo g ic a q u am circa ilia m a th em a tic a studia o c c u p a ri.” 3. E .g ., Elucidarium, chap. 2, fol. e4r: “ D e h u iu s v e ro figure sig n ificatio n e ad a stro n o m o r u m iu d icia re m itto .” 4. E .g ., in th e Elucidarium, chap. 3 3 , w h e re d ’A iily q u o te d astrological p red ic tio n s fro m th e le tte r to P o p e C le m e n t V i b y Jo h a n n e s d e M u ris. 5. T h e p re d ic tio n fo r 1789 o ccu rs in th e Concordantia astronomic cum hystorica narratione, chap. 60—61, a n d th e D e persecutionibus ecclesie. T h e forecast o f a n e w relig io n to ap p ear a ro u n d 1600 is-in d ’A illy’s D e figura inceptionis m undi et coniunctionibus mediis sequentibus. T h e w a rn in g o f changes to c o m e in th e n e x t o n e h u n d re d years is also fro m th e De persecutionibus ecclesie. 6. F o r d ’A illy’s a tte m p ts to h a rm o n iz e C h ristian ity a n d astrology, see ch a p te r 2. 7. P ierre d ’Aiily, Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica narratione, in d ’A illy 1490, chap. I , fol. [b8r]: “ In his ta m e n le c to rc m cu p im u s esse p re m o n itu m q u o d n ih il fatali necessi­ tate ascribim us sed natu rali causalitati e t in c lin a tio m cu i lib e ru m a rb itriu m m his q u e sue s u b ic ia n tu r facultati p o te st del c o n c u rre n te au x ilio resistere ipsa q u o q u e d iv in a o m n ip o te n tia solo v o lu n tatis im p e rio efficaciter o b v ia re .” 8. P ierre d ’Ailly, D e persecutionibus ecclesie, M arseilles, B ib lio th e q u e M u n ic ip a le, M S 1156, fol. 2 7 r—v: “ H iis ita q u e presu p p o sitis d ic o q u o d si m u n d u s u sq u e ad ilia te m p o ra d u ra v e rit q u o d solus dcus n o v it, . . . ex hns p ro b a b ilite r c o n c lu d itu r q u o d forte circa ilia te m p o ra v e n ie t antichristu s c u m lege sua v el secta d a m p n a b ili.” 9. O n th e h isto ry o f this d istin c tio n , see W illia m J. C o u rte n a y , Capacity and Volition: A History o f the Distinction o f Absolute and Ordained Power (B erg am o , Italy: P ierluigi L u b rin a, 1990); and Francis O a k le y , Omnipotence, Covenant, and Order: A n Excursion in the History o f Ideas from Abelard to L eibniz (Ithaca, N .Y .: C o rn e ll U n iv ersity Press, 1984). See also C o u rte n a y ’s re v ie w o f Francis O ak ley , Omnipotence, Covenant, and Order, in Speculum 60 (1985): 1008. In a d d itio n to th ese w o rk s, see esp. C o u rte n a y , “ C o v e n a n t a n d C ausal­ ity in P ierre d ’A illy,” Speculum 46 (1971): 94—119; a n d his “N o m in a lism a n d Late M e d i­ eval R e lig io n ,” in C h arles T rin k a u s a n d H e ik o A . O b e rm a n , eds., The Pursuit o f Holiness in Late Medieval and Renaissance Religion, S tudies in M ed ie v a l a n d R e fo rm a tio n T h o u g h t, 10 (L eiden: E .J . B rill, 1974), p p . 3 7 -3 9 . 10. P ierre d ’A illy, Quaestiones super Iibros sententiarum cum quibusdam in fin e adjunctis (Strasbourg: n .p ., 1490; re p r., F rankfurt: M in e rv a , 1968), I, q. 13, a. I , D , fol. [t5r]: “ D e u rn posse aliquid facere solet d u p lic ite r in telligi. U n o m o d o se c u n d u m p o te n tia m absolutam . A lio m o d o se c u n d u m p o te n tia m o rd in a ta m n o n q u o d in d eo sin t d u e p o te n tie . . . sed deus d ic itu r illu d posse de p o te n tia absoluta q u o d sim p liciter et absolute p otest. . . . Sed d e u m aliq u id posse de p o te n tia o rd in ata p o te st d u p lic ite r intelligi. U n o m o d o stricte q u o d p o te st stan te sua o rd in a tio n e q u e e te rn a lite r v o lu it Sc sic vel sic esse factu ru m e t sic so lu m p o te st ilia q u e ipse o rd in av it se factu ru m . A lio m o d o p o test intelligi m agis large q u o d p o te s t stan te v erita te legis sen scrip tu re d iv in e . . . aliqu id est im p o ssib le de p o te n tia o rd in ata p rim o m o d o et n o n se c u n d o m o d o .”

11. O akley, “ C hristian T h e o lo g y an d th e N e w to n ia n S cience: T h e R ise o f th e C o n ­ cep t o f the Laws o f N a tu re ,” Church History 30 (1961): 4 5 5 , n. 7 4 , based u p o n Quaestiones super Iihros sententiarnin, IV, q. I, a. 2, N , fol. z4 r (w h ere d ’AilJy addresses th e q u estio n o f w h e th e r a creature can create): “ S cien d u m est q u o d sicut d ic itu r q u o d deus aliquid potest de p o ten tia absoluta q u o d n o n p o test de p o tc n tia o rd in ata, ita dico de creatu ra, ideo c o n ced o p ro b ab ilitcr q u o d licet creatu ra de p o te n tia naturali seu n atu raliter o rd in ata n o n possit creare vel anm hilare u t d ic tu m est, tam en ista p o te st de p o te n tia sim p h citcr absoluta scilicet su p ern atu raliter seu m iracu lo se.” T h is passage does n o t seem to m e to b e an exam ple o f a m iracle likely to h ap p en in this w o rld , b u t ra th e r a h y p o th e tic a l situ atio n co n trary to th e laws o f A n sto tc lia n physics (i.e., th e usual o rder). T h is is th e s o n o f discussion, E dw ard G ra n t has arg u ed , in w h ic h scholars u sed th e language o f potentia absoluta to ju stify speculation a b o u t events th a t w e re im possible in th e A ristotelian cos­ m os. See E dw ard G ra n t, “ T h e C o n d e m n a tio n o f 1277, G o d ’s A bsolute P o w er, and Physical T h o u g h t in th e Late M id d le A ges,” Kiafor 10 (1979): 211—44; re p rin te d in Ed­ w ard G ran t, Studies in Medieval Science and Natural Philosophy (L ondon: V ario ru m R e ­ prints, 1981). W illiam C o u rte n a y has stressed th a t in th e m o st c o m m o n use o f th e term s potentia absoluta and potentia ordinata, potentia absoluta represents th e p o te n tia l choices o f action originally o p en to G o d , w h ile potcntia ordinata represents th e o rd e r w h ic h G o d has a c tu ­ ally chosen. Potcntia absoluta, thus, docs n o t rep resen t a m o d ality o f d iv in e actio n, such as is seen m th e case o f m iracles. C o n fu sio n arose (and arises today) o v e r w h e th e r G o d acts de potcntia absoluta in such instances in p art because o f th e im p recisio n o f th e term potentia and in part because can o n law yers in th e th irte e n th cen tu ry applied these term s to d e ­ scribe differen t types o f papal action. (C o u rten ay , Capacity and Volition, p p . 9 2 -9 5 .) C o u rte n a y has argued, and I agree, th at O ak ley m isin terp rets Pierre d ’Ailly in seeing d ’Ailly as generally h o ld in g th at m iracles w e re an expression o f th e absolute p o w e r (re­ view o f O a k le y ’s Omnipotence, Covenant, and Order, p . 1009). See O akley, Omnipotence, Covenant, and Order, pp. 56—57. In his m o re re c e n t reappraisal o f th e subject, C o u rte n a y adm its, h o w ev er, th at o n occasion d ’Ailly seem s to a d o p t th e ca n o n law yers’ interpreta­ tio n and to speak o f potentia absoluta as a m o d e o f d iv in e actio n o u tside th e (ordained) law (Capacity and Volition, p. 179). O n e m u st m ake careful n o te, h o w ev er, o f d ’A illy's o w n insistence “ n o n q u o d m deo sint d u e p o te n tie ” (“ th a t th e re n o t b e tw o p o w ers in G o d ” ) (q u o ted in n. 10). 12. C o u rte n a y describes such a c o n c ep tio n as th e “classic” fo rm u latio n o f th e absoluta/ ordinata distinction (Capacity and Volition, p. 74). M y in te rp re ta tio n o f d ’A illy’s o p in io n s, based u p o n his defense o f astrology, ow es m u c h an d is, I b elieve, in k e e p in g w ith this v iew o f d ’Ailly, as set fo rth in C o u rten a y , “C o v e n a n t an d C ausality in P ierre d ’A illy,” w h ere C o u rte n a y exam ines d ’A illy’s in terp re ta tio n o f h o w th e Sacram ents w o rk . E v e n i f O a k le y ’s in te rp re tatio n is co rrec t, an d d ’Ailly in th e Sentences co m m en tary did th in k m iracles involved th e absolute p o w e r, in th e years b e tw e e n 1376 and th e defense o f astrology in 1410 h e m u st have revised his v ie w to place su p ern atu ral actions w ith in G o d ’s o rd ain ed p o w er. L eo n ard K en n ed y , in his re c e n t study o f d ’Ailly, is o f th e o p in io n th at d ’Ailly believed in th e possibility o f G o d exercising his absolute p o w e r to o v errid e th e p resen t w o rld ord er. E ven still he holds th a t d ’Ailly placed m iracles, an d a su p e rn a tu ­ ral order, w ith in G o d ’s o rd ain ed p o w e r. L eo n ard A . K en n ed y , Peter o f A illy and the Harvest o f Fourteenth-Century Philosophy (Le.wiston, N .Y .: E d w in M ellen Press, 1986), pp. 23, 27.

13. Quaestiones super libros sententiarum, I, q. 12, a. 3, H H , fol. t3 r (“ D eu s p o test de p o te n tia absoluta ratio n a h creatu re falsum d icere et eam d ec ip e re ctiam p e r seipsum im ­ m ed iate e t d ire c te ”); IV, q. 3 , a. 3, G , fol. B l v (“ D e u s ab so lu te posset rm n e n tc o b lig atio n e ad p en am e te rn a m m fu n d e re g ratiam e t d e m itte re cu lp am sine im usticia sicut posset aliq u em e te rn a h te r p u n ire sin e d e m e rito ”). 14. E .g ., in th e b io g rap h ies o f S alem b ier 1886, pp. 156—68, 195—256; an d Paul T sch ack ert, Peter von A illi: Z u r Geschichte des grossen abendlandischen Schisma und der R eformeoncilien von Pisa und C onstanz (G o th a: F ried rich A ndreas P erth es, 1877; rep r., A m sterdam : R o d o p i, 1968), p p . 3 0 3 —28. T h is is th e p h ilo so p h y fo rm erly d escrib ed u n d e r th e disparaging te rm “ n o m in a lism ,” w h ic h is m islead in g in su g g estin g th a t th e em phasis is o n ep istem o lo g y an d n o t G o d ’s o m n ip o te n c e , an d th a t all p h ilo so p h y b e tw e e n W illiam o f O c k h a m and L u th e r w as basically th e sam e. C o u rte n a y gives an e x cellen t o v e rv ie w o f th e d ev elo p m en ts in scholarship u p to 1974 in “ N o m in a lism a n d Late M ed iev al R e lig io n .” 15. See esp. H e ik o A . O b e rm a n , “ T h e S h ap e o f L ate M ed iev al T h o u g h t: T h e B irth pangs o f th e M o d e rn E ra ,” in C h arles T rin k a u s a n d H e ik o A. O b e rm a n , eds., The Pursuit o f Holiness in Late Medieval and Renaissance Religion, S tudies in M ed iev al an d R e fo rm a tio n T h o u g h t, 10 (L eiden: E. J. B rill, 1974), p p . 3—25; a n d C o u rte n a y , “ N o m in a lism an d Late M ed iev al R e lig io n ,” “C o v e n a n t a n d C au sality ,” a n d Capacity and Volition. 16. L eo n ard K en n e d y , Peter o f A illy, e.g ., p p . 2 7 , 181, 187, 193, 2 1 3 (G o d can use his abso lu te p o w e r in this w o rld ); a n d I , 39—41 (d’A illy’s skepticism ). 17. D e legibus et seeds contra superstitiosos astronomos, in P ie rre d ’Ailly, Traetatus de imagine tnundi et varia ejusdem auctoris etJoannis Gersonis opuscula (L ouvain: Jo h a n n de W estphalia, ca. 1483), chap. 7, fol. (for], w h e re d ’A illy gives exam ples “ q u e facu ltatem n a tu re et n a tu ra le m ex c e llu n t in te lle c tu m , sicu t sancte e t in d iv id u e trin itatis e te rn e g en eratio n is ypostatice u n io n is, conceptus virginalis, e t a lio ru m h u iu sm o d i a rtic u lo ru m legis ch ristian e ” (m y em phasis). 18. Concordanda astronomic cum hystorica narradone, chap. 59, fol. [d7v]: “ S ed deu s est ille vere sapiens qui solus d o m in a tu r asm s, cu iu s singular! au x ilio h u ic m alo co n v e n ie n s p o te rit ad h ib eri re m e d iu m , a lio q u in fo rm id a n d u m est n e istu d sit illu d m a g n u m scisma q u o d esse d e b e t p re a m b u lu m ad v en tu s an tic h risti.” D ’A illy is tw istin g th e fam iliar m ax im “ Sapiens d o m in a b itu r astris,” a ttrib u te d to P to le m y in th e Cendloquium. 19. Quaesdones super libros sententiarum, I, q. 11, a. 2, N , fol. q6v, fo llo w in g D am ascen e, A u g u stin e, B o eth iu s, a n d o thers: “ U n d e sicu t ea q u e nostris oculis su n t p resen tia in tu itiv e v id cm u s e t p e r h u iu s in tu itio n e m certe iu d icam u s u b i et q u a h te r res visa existit . . . sic intellectualis e t e tern u s o cu lu s dei est q u e d a m in tu itio q u e im m e d ia te su p e r q u am lib et re m actu a liter vel p o te n tia lite r e x iste n te m sim ul fe rtu r, id eo tarn circa fu tu ra q u am circa p resen tia vel p re te rita o m n iu m c o n tin g e n tiu m v e rita tu m c e rtu m e t d istin c tu m ac v erissim u m h a b e t iu d ic iu m .” I am g rateful to P rofessor H e ste r G e lb e r o f S tan fo rd U n iv ersity fo r an e n lig h te n in g discussion o f fu tu re c o n tin g e n ts in th e fo u rte e n th century. 20. Ib id ., q. 12, a. 3, H H , fol. t3r: “n o n est co n tra leg e m o rd in a tam im o possibile est de potentia ordinata q u o d deu s d ecip iat aliq u e m ta n q u a m causa m ed iata sine m ed ian te c re a tu ra .” E m phasis ad d ed . 21. Ib id ., LL, fol. t4r: “E t in p o testate an tich risti fu tu ri e rit facere q u o d christus in ah quibus qu e p re d ix it de ipso n o n fu e rit p ro p h e ta .” 22. C alv in N o rm o r e , “ F u tu re C o n tin g e n ts ,” chap. 18 in N o rm a n K re tz m a n n e t al., eds., The Cambridge History o f Later Medieval Philosophy: From the Rediscovery o f Aristotle to

the Disintegration o f Scholasticism, 1 1 0 0 -1 6 0 0 (C am bridge: C am b rid g e U n iv ersity Press, 1982), p. 378. 23. In th e De reformatione ecclesie. 24. O n O c k h a m , see N o rm o re , “ F u tu re C o n tin g e n ts,” pp. 3 7 2 —73. D ’A illy’s view s are in Quaestioncs super Iibros sententiarum, I, q. 12, a. 3 (also see N o rm o r e , p p . 3 7 7 -7 8 ). 25. Quaestiones super libros sententiarum, I, q. 12, a. 3, H H , fol. t3r: “ D eu s p e r seipsum fre q u e n te r fallit e t d ecipit n o n d irecte sed in d irecte e t p e r accidens d ice n d o aliq u id vel faciendo q u o d aliqui ra tio n em n o n intelligences c re d id e ru n t falsum, sicu t p a te t in evangelio de illis quib u s d ix it C h ristus: Solvite te m p lu m h o c e t in trid u o re e d ificab itu r illud; qui p e r h o c c red id e ru n t falsum , et fu e ru n t d ecep ti intellig en tes de tern p lo lapideo q u o d dixerat de tem p lo corporis su i.” 26. Jean -P a tric e B o u d e t has arg u ed th a t m ost astrologers o f th e later M id d le Ages clearly distinguished th e ir science fro m p ro p h e c y (d efined as d irect d ivine rev elatio n ), y e t he n o tes also th a t the tw o “g en res” m in g led , particularly m p o p u la r w o rk s th a t d id n o t co m e fro m th e highest intellectu al plane. H e also no tes th a t b o th types o f p ro g n o stica tio n w ere b ro u g h t to b ear u p o n th e G reat Schism , w ith astrology e n d o w in g p ro p h e c y w ith a so rt o f “scientific c a u tio n ,” w h ile th e general in terest in eschatology gave certain astrolo­ gers a w id e r audience. Je a n -P a tric e B o u d e t, “ S im o n de P hares et Ies rapports e n tre astro logie et p ro p h e tie a la fin d u M o y e n A g e ,” Melanges de VEcole Fran(aise de Rome. M oyen Age 102 (1990): 6 1 7 -4 8 , esp. 6 2 6 , 638, 642. A p p e n d ix I A N o t e o n th e A v a ila b ility o f d ’A illy ’s W r itin g s o n A str o lo g y 1. See, e.g., th e descriptions offered b y L ynn T h o rn d ik e in “ F o u r B ritish M anuscripts o f Scientific W o rk s by P ierre d ’A illy,” Imago mundi 16 (1962): 157—60. 2. E rnst Z m n e r, Verzeichnis der astronomischen Handschriften des deutschen Kulturgebietes (M unich: C . H . B eck , 1925), p p . 341—422; S alem bier 1886; Salem bier, Le cardinal Pierre d'Ailly, chancelier de VUniuersite de Paris, eueque du Puy et de Cambrai, 1350—1420 (T o u rcoing: Im p rim erie G eorges F rere, 1932); P a lem o n G lo rie u x , “L’o eu v re litteraire de P ierre d ’Ailly. R e m a rq u e s et precisio n s,” Milanges de science religieuse 22 (1965): 61—78; L ynn T h o rn d ik e an d P earl K ib re, eds., A Catalogue o f Incipits o f Medieual Scientific Writings in Latin, rev. ed. (C am b rid g e, Mass.: M edieval A cad em y o f A m erica, 1963). A p p e n d ix 2 A C h r o n o lo g y o f d ’A illy ’s W o rk s D e a lin g w ith A s tr o lo g y 1. P alem o n G lo rieu x , “ Les annees d ’etu d es de P ierre d ’A illy,” Recherches de theologie ancienne et medieuale 44 (1977): 133. G lo rie u x earlier h ad specified a date o f O c to b e r 1375. G lo rieu x , “ L’o eu v re litteraire de P ierre d ’Ailly. R e m a rq u e s et p recisio n s,” Melanges de science religieuse22 (1965): 62. T h e Principium p reced ed th e lectu res o n th e B ible. T sch ack e rt (Peter vonA illi, p. 348) an d S alem bier (S alem bier 1886, p. xiii) place th e w o rk in 1374, b u t G lo rieu x is to b e fo llo w ed instead because he situates it in its p ro p e r place in d ’A illy’s ed u cation. 2. T h e w o rk antedates S e p te m b er 2 6 , 1396, date o f tran scrip tio n o f P ans, B ib lio th e q u e N atio n ale, M S Lat. 2 8 3 1 , w h ich contains it. G lo rieu x , “L’o e u v re ,” p. 66. It w o u ld seem likely th a t it dates from d ’A illy’s years o f le c tu rin g in th e arts at Paris, fo r the

Meteorology o f A ristotle w as a re q u ire d tex t, ac c o rd in g to a u n iv ersity statu te o f 1366. (Lynn T h o rn d ik e , Utiiucrsity Records and Life in the Middle Ages [N ew Y ork: C o lu m b ia U n iv e rsity Press, 1944], p. 247.) T h e years 1368—7 4 m a rk e d d ’A illy’s years o f “ a u d itio n ” in th eo lo g y . N o t y e t p e rm itte d to lec tu re in th e o lo g y , h e p ro b ab ly in c e p te d in arts w h ile h e w as n o t a tte n d in g lectu res in th eo lo g y . In a b ib lio g rap h y fro m 1910, S alem b ier gives the date o f this w o rk as S e p te m b e r 2 6 , 1396, ap p aren tly co n fu sin g th e date o f co m p o si­ tio n o f th e w o rk w ith th e date o f th e re d a c tio n o f th e m an u scrip t c o n ta in in g it. S alem bier, “A p ro p o s de P ie rre d ’Ailly, ev eq u e d e C am b rai. B io g ra p h ie e t b ib lio g ra p h ic ,” Memoires de la Societe d ’Emulation de Cambrai 64 (1910): 117. 3. P ro b ab le date g iv en b y S alem b ier 1886, p . xv. L y n n T h o rn d ik e suggests th a t th e w o rk m ay b e fro m late in d ’A illy’s c a re e r because o f th e level o f expertise in astronom y. T h o rn d ik e , The Sphere o f Sacrobosco and Its Commentators (C h icag o : U n iv e rsity o f C h ic a g o Press, 1949), p p . 38—39. I p refer to see th e w o rk as an early o n e , d a tin g p erh ap s fro m th e p e rio d in w h ic h d ’A illy le c tu re d in th e faculty o f arts in Paris, a n d th e re fo re I fo llo w S alem b ier’s d atin g . D ’A illy ’s c o m m e n ta ry gives several m n e m o n ic devices for re m e m ­ b e rin g th e signs o f th e zod iac, th e triplicities, e tc ., su g gesting th a t it w as in te n d e d for stu d en ts. F u rth e rm o re , d ’A illy treats several topics to w h ic h h e re tu rn s in later w o rk s, an d the Questiones sh o w less ex p ertise th a n in th e late r treatises. F o r ex am p le , o n th e p ro b le m o f th e size o f th e earth , h e cites au th o rs b e y o n d S acro b o sco in his Epilogus mappe mundi o f 1410, w h ereas th e q u e stio n o n th e a p p ro p ria te se c tio n o f S ac ro b o sco ’s Sphera cites n o n e b u t th e te x t itself. 4. S alem b ier 1886, p. xvi. T h is is th e Sermo primus de aduentu domitii in P ierre d ’Ailly, Tractatus et sermones (Strasbourg: [p rin ter o f Jo rd a n u s d e Q u e d lin b u rg ], 1490; rep r., F ra n k fu rta m M ain : M in e rv a, 1971). 5. T h e d a tin g o f th e D e anima a n d o f o th e r p h ilo so p h ical w o rk s has b e e n th e su b ject o f careful scru tin y in M a rg u e rite C h a p p u is, L u d g er K aczm arek , an d O la f P lu ta, “D ie p h ilo so p h isch en S chriften des P e te r v o n Ailly. A u th e n tiz ita t u n d C h ro n o lo g ie ,” Freiburger ZeitseIirift filr Philosophie und Theologie 33 (1986): 593—615. O n th e basis o f in tern a l ev id en c e, th e y situate th e w o rk in th e years 1377—81, b e tw e e n th e tim e d ’Ailly c o m ­ p leted his Sentences c o m m e n ta ry and th e date o f his re c e ip t o f th e d o c to ra te (p. 600). T h is d a tin g m u st supersede th e o ld date o f 1372 assigned by S alem b ier (S alem bier 1886, p. xiii) an d T sch ack ert (Peter von A illi, p. 348). 6. C h ap p u is, K aczm arek , an d P lu ta assign this d a te d u e to in tern a l ev id e n c e b y th e sam e reaso n in g as abo v e (“ D ie p h ilo so p h isc h e n S c h n fte n ,” p p . 6 0 2 —4); th e w o rk was w ritte n w h ile d ’A illy w as a m e m b e r o f th e faculty o f arts a n d m e n tio n s th e D e anima. A gain th e old date o f 1372 m u st b e set aside. (T h is is th e d ate g iv en b y S alem b ier 1886, p . xiii; a n d T sc h ack ert, Peiet von A illi, p . 348.) 7. (D ’A illy co m p o se d tw o treatises b e a rin g this title.) T h e w o rk m u st b e after 1378, because it m e n tio n s th e Schism . T h e te rm in u s ante q u e m co m es fro m G lo n e u x : th e treatise appears in Paris, B ib h o th e q u e N a tio n a le , M S Lat. 3 1 2 2 , w h ic h co n tain s w orks fro m th e years 1372—88 (or m ay b e 1394). G lo rie u x , “ L’o e u v re ,” p. 67. S alem b ier places it b e tw e e n 1372 an d 1395 (S alem bier 1886, p. xv). C o o p la n d ’s assertion th a t th e w o rk is p o st 1409 is sim ply w ro n g (G. W . C o o p la n d , Nicole Oresme and the Astrologers: A S tu d y o f H is Livre de Divinacions [C a m b rid g e , M ass.: H a rv a rd U n iv e rsity Press, 1952], p . 11). 8. (= Sermo [tertius] de adventu domini in Tractatus et sermones.) T h e serm o n bears th e in tern al date o f 1385; G lo rie u x supplies th e specific date. “ L’o c u v rc ,” p. 70. 9. S alem b ier 1886, p . xvii.

10. T his is the date g iven in th e 1483 ed itio n o f th e w o rk an d by S alem b ier 1886, p. xvii. D u p in ’s ed itio n gives th e e rro n eo u s date o f D e c e m b e r 24, 1416. G lo rie u x n o tes th e discrepancy an d follow s D u p in , w ith th e ex p lan atio n th at th e w o rk m u st b e an te rio r to th e Epistola ad Joannem X X I I I (Incipit: “ D u d u m . . .”), w h ic h cites it. (“ L’o e u v re ,” p . 67). Since this letter dates fro m 1414, as G lo n e u x h im self states, a n d since o th e r astrological w orks fro m the y ear 1414 also cite th e D e legibus et sectis, w e m u st co n sid er G lo rie u x ’s o p in io n ab o u t its date to b e an oversight. 11. = Concordantia astronomic cum theologia. 12. = Tractatus de concordia astronomice veritatis et narrationis hystorice. 13. S alem bier 1886, p. xvni. 14. T h e w o rk discusses co n ju n c tio n s m e n tio n e d in th e Elucidarium. Since d ’Ailly h ere follow s th e d atin g schem e used in th a t treatise, th e Pro declaratione likely antedates th e De figura inceptionis m undi, in w h ic h h e offered revised tim es fo r these co n ju n ctio n s. 15. It m e n tio n s the Vigintiloquium, th e Concordantia astronomic cum hystorica narratione, an d th e Elucidarium an d th erefo re m u st b e co n sid ered to b e later th an S ep tem b e r 1414. D ’Ailly also prom ises th a t a treatise to fo llo w w ill give m o re d etail a b o u t th e relatio n o f the tn p h cities to th e regions o f th e earth. T h is in fo rm atio n com es in th e D e concordia discordantium astronomomm o fja n u a ry 1415. G lo rie u x suggests th a t th e D efigura inceptionis m undi m ay b e th e sam e as a treatise A n n i a principio m undi etgesta magis notanda cum figuris rcvolutionum et aliis, C am b rai M S 9 5 5 , fols. 124, 127—28 (“ L’o e u v re ,” p. 66). 16. (= Sermo secundus de adventu m Tractatus et sermones.) T h e date (1417) g iven in Tractatus et sermones is in c o rre c t. See M a x L ieb erm an , “C h ro n o lo g ie G erso n ie n n e . V III. G erson et d ’A illy (III),” Romania 81 (1960): 81; an d G lo rieu x , “ L’o e u v re ,” p . 70. 17. S alcm bier 1886, p. xviii. 18. G lo rieu x , “ L’o e u v re ,” p. 71. 19. D ate g iven in tex t. 20. (W ritte n to Je a n G erso n .) D ate asigned in G lo rieu x , “L’o e u v re ,” p. 67. H is 1960 ed itio n o f th e te x t gives date “ vers n o v e m b re 1 4 1 9 .” J e a n G erso n , Oeuvres completes, ed. P alem o n G lo rieu x , 10 vols. (Paris: D esclee & C ie, 1960—73), 2:218. 21. G erson, Oeuvres completes (ed. G lo rieu x ), 2:222.

Select B ib lio g ra p h y

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Index

Abel, 68 A b r a h a m , 68 Abu M a ' s h a r (Albumasar), 5, 29, 31, 45, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 57, 62, 6 5 - 7 1 , 73, 77, 78, 79, 106, 114-15 A d a m , 72, 109 Adelard of Bath, 29, 3 0 A d v e n t , s e r m o n s for: (d'Ailly, undated), 48, 51, 55; (d'Ailly, 1385), 48, 4 9 - 5 0 , 51, 5 5 - 5 6 , 57, 58, 9 8 - 1 0 0 , 104, 110; (d'Ailly, 1414), 83, 110, 119 ' Aegidius Cantoris, 116 Ailly, Pierre d ' . See d'Ailly, Pierre Albertus M a g n u s , 30, 55 Alchabitius. See Qabisi, al- (Aichabitius) A l e x a n d e r V (pope), 8 Alexander t h e Great, 6 8 , 107 Alfonsine tables, 11, 65, 70, 7 3 - 7 4 , 76 All Saints' Day: s e r m o n for (d'Ailly), 6, 52, 75 Almagest (Ptolemy), 13, 16, 2 9 Antichrist: and age o f the w o r l d , 72, 109; arrival of, 4, 22, 41, 52, 53, 54, 59, 60, 69, 7 4 , 84, 85, 90, 92, 9 4 - 1 0 1 , 1 0 2 - 7 , 1 1 1 - 1 4 , 115, 1 1 9 - 2 0 , 122; reign of, 87; religious sect of, 38, 59, 62, 81 anticlericalism, ! 16, 117 Antipope, 92 Apocalypse- p o s t p o n e m e n t of, 1 0 2 - 2 1 , 122; predictions of, 3, 4, 22, 36, 43, 5 0 - 5 2 , 5 7 - 6 0 , 77, 8 5 - 1 0 1 apocalyptic literature, 4, 54, 92. See also names of individual w o r k s apogees, 1 4 - 1 5 Apologetice Aejensiones astronomice pentalis ( A p o l o getic defenses of astrological truth) (d'Ailly), 38,39-40,59,73 Apologia comi/ti' Ptsani (d'Ailly), 5 9 Aquinas, T h o m a s . See T h o m a s Aquinas, Saint Aristotelian physics, 25, 32, 34, 41 Aristotle, 2 5 , 2 9 , 3 0 , 3 4 , 44, 4 5 , 4 6 , 58, 60 A r n o l d of Villanova, 50, 9 0 - 9 1 , 98, 101, 164n.47 aspects, 1 9 - 2 0 astral causality, 2 5 - 2 6 , 49, 63, 124 astral d e t e r m i n i s m , 31, 37, 44, 124 astral influences: o n history, 6 1 - 7 4 ; o n the h u m a n body, 3 0 - 3 1 , 33, 37, 44, 47, 48, 54,

63, 124; o n religion, 31, 3 7 - 3 8 , 46, 52, 53, 56, 59, 61, 62, 103 astro\ogia, 27, 45 astrological chares, 1 7 - 1 9 ; of the C r e a t i o n , 6 5 66, 69, 73, 82, 174n.28, 177n.83; and gencthlialogy, 1 5 - 1 6 , 17, 28, 45 astrological m c d i c i n c , 22, 31, 33, 40, 58, 7 9 astrology: Christian criticism of, 25—29; d'Ailly's defense of, 3 6 - 4 2 ; elections in, 17, 27, 30; general predictions in, 17, 20, 49, 50, 79; hist o r y as the p r o o f of, 74—77, 104; i n t e r r o g a tions in, 17; nativities in, 17, 2 8 , 30, 3 3 , 39, 45; Parisian criticisms of, 32—36, 44; p u r p o s e of, 15; revival of interest in, 2 9 - 3 2 aslronomia, 27, 45 Augustine o f H i p p o , Saint: o n t h e Apocalypse, 8 8 , 9 6 , 9 7 , 99, 101; o n astrology, 2 5 - 2 7 , 29, 3 6 , 38, 41, 49, 51, 56, 6 3 - 6 4 ; o n history, 80, 82, 88 Augustus, 68 Auriol, Peter, 1 1 1 - 1 2 a u t u m n a l e q u i n o x , 12 Aviccnna. Sec Ibn Sina Babylonian astrology, 15 Babylonian Captivity, 8, 58, 6 8 B a c o n , R o g e r , 3 0 - 3 1 , 37, 38, 41, 43, 5 3 - 5 7 , 59, 62, 7 9 , 80, 9 8 - 9 9 , 100, 1 0 3 - 4 , 105 B a l d w i n , 112 Bate o f M a l i n e s , H e n r y , 53, 57, 74, 1 7 7 n . 7 3 Battani, al-, 14 Becket, Thomas, 69 B e d e , Saint, 63, 64, 7 6 , 87, 88, 1 7 3 n . l 7 , 184n.7 B e n e d i c t X I I I (pope), 8, 58, 59, 94, 1 8 7 n . 4 3 B e r n a r d , Saint, 101; s c m i o n o n (d'Ailly), 9 7 - 9 8 , 104,107 B e r n a r d Silvestris, 2 9 Bezold, F r i c d n c h v o n , 7 7 - 7 8 , 79 Bible. Acts of t h e Apostles, 8 7 - 8 8 , 9 0 , 96, 97, 9 9 , 104; and age of t h e w o r l d , 63; apocalytic i n f o r m a t i o n in, 8 6 - 8 8 ; Daniel, 7 7 , 86, 87, 9 0 , 94, 186n.36; Ezekiel, 90; Luke, 99, 110, 172n.5; M a t t h e w , 87, 99; R e v e l a t i o n , 53, 54, 6 0 , 8 6 - 8 7 , 9 6 - 9 7 , 1 1 1 - 1 2 , 119; 2 Thessalomans, 4, 87, 92, 94, 96, 97, 100, 103, 105, 106, 107, 110, 115, 127, 128 Biel, Gabriel, 125

228

INDEX

B l a n c h a r d , J e a n , 7, 1 0 2

t r u e , 70—71, 7 2 , 7 4 ; p r e d i c t i v e v a l u e a n d t i m -

b o d y : astral i n f l u e n c e s o n , 3 0 - 3 1 , 3 3 , 3 7 , 4 4 , 4 7 ,

ing of, 2 0 - 2 2 , 31, 35, 38, 41, 5 0 - 5 7 , 6 1 - 7 4 ,

4 8 , 5 4 , 6 3 , 124

7 8 , 7 9 , 8 1 - 8 3 , 9 8 , 103, 1 0 4 - 5 , 108, 109, 113

b o d y parts- astrological l o c a t i o n s associated w i t h , 17, 2 2

Consolation

of Philosophy

( B o e t h i u s ) , 46—47, 51

Contra curiositatem stndcntium

(Gerson), 161n.24

Bocthius, 4 6 - 4 7 , 51, 153n.61

Coopland, G. W., 5

B o n a v c n t u r c , 80

c o s m o l o g y , 11

B o n i f a c e VIII ( p o p e ) , 9 0

C o u n c i l o f C o n s t a n c e , 4, 6, 8, 4 3 , 5 2 , 5 3 , 5 9 ,

Brinckcn, A. D . von den, 82

6 0 , 8 3 , 105, 106, 1 0 8 - 1 1 , 115, 116, 119, 122. See also G r e a t S c h i s m

C a i n , 68

C o u n c i l of Graga, 28

C a m p a n u s o f N o v a r a , 11

C o u n c i l o f Pisa, 8, 52, 5 6 , 5 9 , 105

Canons (Eusebius), 6 3

Council of Toledo, 28

C a r e y , Hilary, 6

C r e a t i o n : h o r o s c o p e o f , 65—66, 6 9 , 7 3 , 8 2 ,

Carncadcs, 1 4 7 - 4 8 n . l

1 7 4 n . 2 8 , 1 7 7 n . 8 3 , t i m e of, a n d t h e A p o c a -

Carthage: f o u n d i n g of, 68

lypse, 8 8 C r u c i f i x i o n , eclipse at, 4 6

Cato, 33 Cecco d'Ascoh, 7 8 - 7 9

C r u s a d e s , 6 9 , 112

Cedar of Lebanon prophecy, I84n.16

C y r i l , 99, 112, 118

Centiloqninm

(pseudo-Ptolcmaic), 29, 48, 64

C h a l d e a n religious sect, 3 8 , 5 0 , 5 5 , 6 2

d'Ailly, Pierre: a n t i - a p o c a l y p t i c message of,

C h a r l e m a g n e , 111, 1 8 4 n . 8

1 1 5 - 1 9 , 120-21; apocalypticism of, 9 5 - 1 0 1 ,

C h a r l e s V ( k i n g o f France), 8, 3 2 , 3 3 , 5 8

102; availability o f w o r k s by, 4 3 , 1 3 1 - 3 5 ;

C h a r l e s VI ( k i n g o f F r a n c c ) , 8, 5 8

b i r t h of, 7 ; c h r o n o l o g y o f w o r k s by, 4 3 , 136—

Chaucer, Geoffrey, 5

3 7 ; d e a t h of, 8, 6 0 ; d e f e n s e o f astrology by,

C h r i s t i a n i t y : astrological d e s c r i p t i o n s o f , 3 1 , 3 8 ,

36—42; d e v e l o p m e n t o f his t h o u g h t s o n ast r o l o g y , 4 3 - 5 4 , 6 1 - 8 4 ; e d u c a t i o n of, 7, 10,

5 9 , 62 c h r o n o l o g y : a n d age o f t h e w o r l d , 62—74, 7 5 ,

4 4 , 58; h o n o r s b e s t o w e d o n , 7, 58, 102, 123; i m p a c t of, o n C o l u m b u s , 3; his interest in as-

8 8 , 104, 108, 1 0 9 - 1 0 chronosophies, 80-81

t r o l o g y , 3 - 4 , 6 , 2 2 , 2 3 , 4 4 , 5 7 - 6 0 ; n a m e d as

C i c e r o , M a r c u s Tullius, 3 3 , 47

cardinal, 8; political t h o u g h t of, 9; role of, in

City of Cod ( A u g u s t i n e ) , 2 5 , 2 6 - 2 7 , 38, 4 9 , 64,

80, 88, 101

G r e a t S c h i s m , 8; s o u r c e s f o r his t h o u g h t s o n astrology, 5 4 - 5 7 ; t h e o l o g y o f , 9, 2 2 , 1 2 2 - 3 0 ; tomb

C l e m e n t VI ( p o p e ) , 1 9 5 - 9 6 n 3 0

of, 100

C l e m e n t VII ( p o p e ) , 7, 8, 5 8 , 9 6

De anima (d'Ailly), 4 6

C o h n , N o r m a n , 115

De antichristo ( A n o n . ) , 1 0 9 - 1 0 , 1 7 7 n . 7 8 , 196n.38

C o l u m b u s , C h r i s t o p h e r , 3, 23—24 Commentary

on the Dream of Scipio ( M a c r o b i u s ) ,

65

De antichristo ( J o h n o f P a n s ) , 1 1 3

C o n c i l i a r i s m , 9, 1 1 8 , 120

De commensurabiiitate

Conciliator ( P e t e r o f A b a n o ) , 7 8 Concordantia astronomic cum hystonca

uel

narratione

n a r r a t i o n ) (d'Ailly), 3 8 , 5 3 , 54, 5 7 , 5 9 , 6 0 , 6 6 - 6 9 , 7 1 , 7 2 , 7 6 , 8 2 , 1 0 4 - 5 , 106, 108, 112, 113

commensurability of the heavenly motions) (Oresme), 33 De concordia Astronomicae

astronomic

cum theologia ( C o n c o r d a n c e o f astrology w i t h t h e o l o g y ) (d'Ailly) configurations, 34, 35 c o n j u n c t i o n s : great, d e f i n e d , 21—22; m e a n vs.

veritatis et narrationis

his-

toricae (d'Ailly), 1 0 8 De concordia discordantium

Concordantia astronomic cum theologia (d'Ailly). o r Concordantia

incommensitrabilitate

motuum coeli ( O n t h e c o m m e n s u r a b i h t y o r i n -

( C o n c o r d a n c e o f astrology w i t h historical

See Vigintiloquutm,

De antichristo ( A r n o l d o f Villanova), 101

astronomomm

( O n the

concordance of discordant astronomers) (d'Ailly), 7 4 , 7 6 Decretum ( G r a t i a n ) , 2 9 Defalsis

prophetis I (d'Ailly), 1 0 0 - 1 0 1 , 115

Defalsis prophetis II (d'Ailly), 3 7 , 3 8 , 4 0 , 4 8 , 5 0 , 51, 5 6 , 5 8 , 100

INDEX Dcfigura

inceptionis mundi et coniunctiombus

sequentibus

mediis

( O n the h o r o s c o p e of creation and

t h e f o l l o w i n g m e a n c o n j u n c t i o n s ) (d'Ailly), 57, 59, 7 3 - 7 4 , 76, 83 De gencratione

229 E r y t h r a e a n Sibyl, 5 0 Etymoiogiae

(Isidore o f Seville), 2 7 - 2 8 ,

156n. 103 Eusebius, 63, 64, 88, 172n.5, 184n.7

ct corruptione (Aristotle), 19

De legibus et sectis contra superstitiosos

evil, h u m a n , 2 6

astronomos

e x a l t a t i o n , 19, 6 5

( O n t h e laws a n d t h e sects, against t h e s u p e r stitious astrologers) (d'Ailly), 6, 2 8 , 3 7 - 3 9 ,

Fargani, al- (Alfraganus), 11

5 2 - 5 7 , 59, 75, 103, 125, 126

fatalisnv vs. f r e e will, 2 5 - 2 6 , 3 0 , 3 2 , 3 3 , 3 7 , 4 1 ,

De mctgnis coniimctionibiis

( A b u M a ' s h a r ) , 57, 6 2 ,

77

4 2 , 4 4 , 4 6 - 4 7 , 4 9 , 6 3 , 7 9 , 8 0 , 1 2 4 , 127 F e r d i n a n d II (king o f A r a g o n ) , 3 Ferrer, Boniface, 59

De motu octave spere ( T h a b i t l b n Q u r r a ) , 1 5 Demonslraaons

contre Sortileges ( D e s c h a m p s ) , 3 5

De perseciitionibus

ecclcsie ( O n t h e p e r s e c u t i o n s o f

t h e c h u r c h ) (d'Ailly), 5 7 , 6 0 , 1 1 1 - 1 5 , 129

Festinger, Leon, 4 2 fetal d e v e l o p m e n t , 4 0 F i r m i c u s M a t e r n u s , J u l i u s , 2 8 , 65—66

Dc radiis ( a l - K m d i ) , 1 5 8 - 5 9 n . l 3 l

First P u n i c W a r , 6 8

De reformatione ecclesiae ( O n t h e r e f o r m a t i o n o f

fixed stars, 11, 12, 13, 15 flagellants,

t h e c h u r c h ) (d'Ailly), 1 0 2 - 3 , 1 0 5 , 1 1 5

1 1 6 - 1 7 , 120

Flint, Valerie I. J . , 6, 2 8 - 2 9

Deschamps, Eustache, 35, 92 Dc seminc scripturarum ( p s e u d o - J o a c h i m ) , 1 1 8

Flood, 40, 6 4 - 6 9 , 72, 73, 75, 76, 82, 173n.21

Dc splicra ( O n t h e s p h e r e ) ( S a c r o b o s c o ) , 1 0 - 1 1 ,

f o u r e l e m e n t s , 16, 3 4 , 3 5 , 4 6 Fourth Lateran C o u n c i l , 69

45, 47, 58, 60 De tempore adventus Antichristi

( O n the time of

the advent of Antichrist) (Arnold of Villanova), 90 Dei'ota meditatio sen expositio super psaimum:

Frederick I (Holy R o m a n emperor), 69 In te

speravi (d'Ailly), I 7 0 n . 1 0 5

Dci'ota meditatio super Ave Maria (d'Ailly), 170n

Francis o f Assisi, Saint: s e r m o n o n (d'Ailly), 96— 97, 197n.48

De vetula ( p s e u d o - O v i d ) , 5 1 , 5 5 , 1 7 1 n . 3 Domine

f o u r triplicities, 16, 2 1 , 6 2 , 7 2 , 7 4

105

F r e d e r i c k II ( H o l y R o m a n e m p e r o r ) , 3 0 F r e d e r i c k o f B r u n s w i c k (heretical p r e a c h e r ) , 115 f r e e will: vs. fatalism, 2 5 - 2 6 , 3 0 , 3 2 , 3 3 , 3 7 , 4 1 ,

Devota meditatio super psaimum: judica me Deus

42, 44, 4 6 - 4 7 , 49, 63, 79, 80, 124, 127

(d'Ailly), 1 7 0 n . l 0 5 divination, 28, 31, 35, 36, 4 9

g c n e t h l i a l o g y , 1 5 - 1 6 , 17, 2 8 , 4 5

D o m i n i c , Saint: s e r m o n o n (d'Ailly), 9 6 , 9 7 ,

g e o g r a p h i c a l areas: astrological l o c a t i o n s associ-

100,104

a t e d w i t h , 17, 4 0 G e r a r d o f B o r g o San D o n n i n o , 9 0

ecliptic, 12, 15, 7 0

G e r a r d o f C r e m o n a , 11

E g y p t i a n astrology, 15, 1 6 7 n . 8 2

G e r s o n . J e a n , 35, 37, 52, 59, 60, 93, 1 1 6 - 1 7 ,

E g y p t i a n r e l i g i o u s sect, 3 8 , 6 2 Elucidarium (Elucidation) (d'Ailly), 53, 57, 59, 69, 7 2 - 7 3 , 75, 76, 78, 8 1 , 82, 108, 1 0 9 - 1 0 , 113 E n d o f t h e W o r l d . See A p o c a l y p s e

120, 191n.91 Gervais, Maitre Chretien, 32 glossa ordinana, 8 7 , 9 8 Godfrey de Bouillon, 112

E n o c h , 40

G o g and Magog, 89, 9 2

epicycles, 13, 7 0

G r a n g e , J e a n d e la, 7

Epilogus mappe mundi ( E p i l o g u e t o t h e m a p o f

G r a t i a n (Franciscus G r a t i a n u s ) , 2 9

t h e w o r l d ) (d'Ailly), 11 Epistola ad novos Hebraeos ( L e t t e r t o t h e n e w H e b r e w s ) (d'Ailly), 5 5 , 5 6 equant

point,

13—J 4

e q u a t o r y (equatorium),

great c o n j u n c t i o n s , d o c t r i n e of. See c o n j u n c tions G r e a t S c h i s m (1378—1414): c h a n g i n g i n t e r p r e tations o f , 4, 7 - 8 , 2 2 , 4 3 , 5 1 , 5 7 - 6 0 , 7 6 , 7 7 ,

15

e q u i n o x e s : p r e c e s s i o n o f , 12, 13—15, 4 5 , 5 0 . See also m o t i o n o f t h e e i g h t h s p h e r e

8 4 - 8 6 , 9 2 - 9 5 , 1 0 2 - 3 , 1 0 5 , 1 0 7 - 9 , 111, 1 1 2 , 1 1 6 - 1 9 , 122, 1 2 7 - 2 8 , 129 G r e a t Y e a r (ntagnus annus), 3 3 , 50, 1 6 4 n . 4 8

230

INDEX

G r e e k astrology, 5 , 15, 16, 1 6 7 n . 8 2

J e r o m e , Saint, 63, 8 7 , 9 8

G r e e k a s t r o n o m y , 12

Jesus C h r i s t : astrological p r e d i c t i o n s c o n c e r n -

G r e g o r y i (the G r e a t ) , Saint, 9 7 , 101 G r e g o r y X I ( p o p e ) , 8 , 107 Gregory, Tullio, 8 0 - 8 1 G u e n e e , B e r n a r d , 6, 8 2 , 1 2 3

ing, 2 8 , 3 1 , 3 8 , 4 8 - 5 5 , 62, 6 4 , 6 8 , 72, 7 8 , 8 1 - 8 2 , 9 8 , 109 J o a c h i m of Fiore, 86, 8 9 - 9 0 , 9 2 - 9 4 , 97, 9 9 1 0 0 , 103, 105, 1 0 8 , 1 1 0 , 112, 1 1 8 , 1 1 9

Gui, Bernard, 82

J o h a n n e s d e M u r i s (Jehan des M u r s ) , 5 3 , 195—

habitus, 46

Johannes Trithemius, 79

H e m m c r l i n , Felix, 8 8

J o h n X X I I I (pope), 8, 1 0 7 - 8 , 111, 115, 116,

96n.30

H e n r y JV ( e m p e r o r ) , 111, 112

117

H e n r y o f Harclay, 91

J o h n of A s h e n d e n , 53, 57, 66, 69, 176n.64

Henry of Kirkestede, 92

J o h n o f Paris (Joannes Q u i d o r t Pansiensis), 9,

H e n r y o f L a n g c n s t e i n (or Hesse), 2 5 , 3 2 , 35—36, 38, 3 9 - 4 0 , 41, 52, 93, 1 1 8 - 1 9

9 1 , 113, 1 1 4 , 1 9 0 n . 8 0 J o h n o f Salisbury, 4 7 , 4 9 , 1 6 1 n . 2 5

H e r m a n n o f C a r i n t h i a , 81

J o h n o f S a x o n y , 11

H e r m e s Trismegistus, 50

J o h n o f Seville, 11

H i l d e g a r d of B i n g e n , 8 9 , 9 6 - 9 7 , 9 9 , 100, 101,

Joseph, 68

103, 105, 108, 110, 1 1 2 , 1 1 8 , 119 H i n d u a s t r o n o m y a n d astrology, 65, 7 1 , 8 1 ,

Judaism, 38, 59, 62 J u l i a n t h e A p o s t a t e , 111 Julius Africanus, 63

173n.22 H i p p a r c h u s , 14

J u p i t e r - characteristics of, 16; c o n j u n c t i o n s o f ,

Hippocrates, 26

2 0 - 2 2 , 3 1 , 3 8 , 5 0 , 5 2 - 5 7 , 6 1 - 7 4 , 7 8 , 8 1 , 82,

Hippolytus, 184n.7

9 8 , 1 0 3 , 1 0 4 - 5 , 1 0 8 , 109, 1 1 3

H i r s c h - R e i c h , Beatrice, 118 history: astral i n f l u e n c e s o n , 61—74; as t h e p r o o f o f astrology, 7 4 - 7 7 , 104 H o l k o t , R o b e r t , 22 homines inlelligentiae

Kaliyuga, 65 K e n n e d y , E d w a r d S., 5 K e n n e d y , L e o n a r d , 126

( m e n o f intelligence) sect,

116, 120

K h w a r i 2 m i , al-, 2 9 , 6 5 K i n d i , al-, 1 5 8 - 5 9 n . l 3 1

h o r o s c o p e . See astrological charts horoscopus (ascendant), 17, 18

Laistner, M . L. W „ 2 8

H u g h o f St. V i c t o r , 1 5 6 n . l 0 3

L a n d e s , R i c h a r d , 8 8 , 104

H u s , J o h n , 116

Le G o f f , J a c q u e s , 8 0 L e o p o l d o f Austria, 5 3 , 5 7 , 7 1

Ibn Ezra, A b r a h a m (Avenesra), 5 3 , 7 2 , 1 7 7 n . 7 3

Lerner, R o b e r t , 88

Ibn Sina ( A v i c e n n a ) , 4 5

liars, sect of, 6 2

Ibn Yusuf, A h m e d , 162n.30

Lieberman, Max, 55, 59

idol w o r s h i p e r s , 6 2

Livre de divmadons

Imago mwtdi

Lloyd, Geoffrey, 42

(d'Ailly), 54, 5 6 , 5 7 , 5 9 , 75

( O r e s m e ) , 3 3 , 3 4 , 56

i n c o m m e n s u r a b i l i t y , 3 4 , 41

Louis (due d'Orleans), 8, 59

I n d i a n astrology, 5 , 15, 16

L u h r m a n n , T. M . , 42

I n n o c e n t III ( p o p e ) , 6 9

L u n a , P e d r o d e la. See B e n e d i c t X I I I ( p o p e )

Introdtictomim

mains ( A b u M a ' s h a r ) , 2 9 , 3 0

irrational n u m b e r s , 3 4

Macrobius, 65

Isabella I ( q u e e n o f Castile), 3

M a g i , 2 8 , 4 5 , 51

Isidore o f Seville, 2 7 - 2 8 , 2 9 , 3 1 , 4 1 , 6 3 , 6 4 , 76,

magic, 23, 28, 37, 4 2

101, 1 5 6 n . l 0 3

magmts orbis, 1X—12, 7 7 M a g o g . See G o g a n d M a g o g

Jean dc Bruges, 66, 1 9 3 - 9 4 n . l 4

Mani, 68

J e a n d e F r a n c e (due d e B e r r y ) , 8

M a r t i n V ( p o p e ) , 8, 5 9

J e a n sans P e u r , 8

Mary ( m o t h e r of G o d ) , 38, 54, 55

INDEX

231

M a s h a ' a l l a h (Messahalla), 5, 5 3 , 6 6 , 7 8 , 1 7 4 n . 3 3

P e t r u s d e Alliaco. See d'Ailly, P i e r r e

Mathias o f j a n o v , 96

P h i l i p II ( d u k e of B u r g u n d y ) , 8, 5 9

M a u r i c e ( e m p e r o r ) , 111

P i c o della M i r a n d o l a , 3 5

medius motits, 7 0

Pierre de Limoges, 109

Messahalla. See M a s h a ' a l l a h (Messahalla)

Pingree, David, 5

Mctcorologica (Aristotle), 2 9 , 4 5 , 4 6 , 5 8 , 6 0

plagiarism, 9 - 1 0 , 1 5 7 n . 1 1 8

Methodius, 88-89

p l a g u e , 3 2 , 76, 92

Methuselah, 68

planets: characteristics of, 16, 4 5 ; m o v e m e n t o f ,

Mezieres, Philippe de, 7, 35, 56

12-13

m o b i l i t y , astrological l o c a t i o n s associated w i t h , 1 6-17

P o m i a n , Kryzstof, 8 0 - 8 1 positivism, 77

M o e l l e r , B e r n d , 10

potentia absoluta ( G o d ' s a b s o l u t e p o w e r ) , 9, 4 1 ,

M o n z o n , J u a n d e , 7, 102

1 2 4 - 2 6 , 1 2 7 , 128

M o s a i c law. See J u d a i s m

potentia orciinata ( G o d ' s o r d a i n e d p o w e r ) , 9, 4 1 ,

Moses, 68, 72, 109

1 2 4 - 2 6 , 1 2 7 , 128

m o t i o n o f t h e e i g h t h s p h e r e , 11, 1 3 - 1 5 , 9 0 , 9 1 , 1 0 6 , 113, 1 9 3 — 9 4 n . l 4 , 1 9 4 n . l 7 M u h a m m a d , 68, 7 3 , 7 4 , 7 6 , 1 1 2 , 1 1 4

Preaud, Maxime, 6 p r e c e s s i o n o f t h e e q u i n o x e s , 11, 13—15, 4 5 , 5 0 . See also m o t i o n o f t h e e i g h t h s p h e r e

Murray, Alexander, 8 3

p r e d i c t i o n s , g e n e r a l , 17, 2 0 , 4 9 , 5 0 , 7 9

M u s l i m religious sect, 3 8

Principium

in cursttm Biblie (d'Ailly), 44—45, 51

Pnscillianists, 2 8 nativities, 17, 2 8 , 3 0 , 3 3 , 3 9 , 4 5 , 51; a n d g e n e t h h a l o g y , 1 5 - 1 6 , 17, 2 8 , 4 5 N e r o ( R o m a n emperor), 68

Pro dedaratione decern dictarum Jigurarum (To explain t h e t e n said h o r o s c o p e s ) (d'Ailly), 5 7 , 7 3 p r o p h e c y , 48, 51, 54, 58, 64, 99, 1 2 2 - 2 3 , 1 2 7 -

N e u g c b a u e r , O t t o , 4—5

29

N i c h o l a s o f Lyra, 9 1 , 111, 113, 1 6 5 n 5 3

p r o p h e t i c d r e a m s (soitmia), 4 8

Nicolas of Clamanges, 92, 1 7 0 n . l 0 2

p r o p h e t s : t r u e a n d false, 9 3 , 9 5 , 9 9 , 1 0 0 - 1 0 1

nominalism, 143n.23, 2 0 5 n . l 4

Pruckner, Herbert, 5

N o r m o r e , C a l v i n , 127

Pseudo-Haly, 48

North, John D „ 5

P s e u d o - J o a c h i m , 9 9 - 1 0 0 , 101, 102, 1 1 8 P s e u d o - M e t h o d i u s , 8 8 - 8 9 , 1 0 6 - 7 , 112, 114

O a k l e y , Francis, 1 2 5

P s e u d o - O v i d , 51, 55, 171n.3

occult, 23, 3 2

pseudoprophets, 87

o m e n s , 15

Pseudo-Ptolemy, 29, 48, 64

Opus mains ( B a c o n ) , 3 0 , 5 4 - 5 7 , 5 9 , 6 2 , 9 8 - 9 9 , 103

P t o l e m y ( C l a u d i u s P t o l e m a e u s ) , 11, 13, 16, 2 9 , 4 8 , 6 4 , 91

Oraculum Cyrilli, 92, 101 Oratio dominica auogogke exposita

(d'Ailly),

170n.l05 Oration on Matthew

Q a b i s i , al- (Alchabitius), 1 1 , 1 5 , 1 7 , 19, 4 5 , 5 3 , 57, 65

(d'Ailly), 101

O r e s m e , Nicole, 25, 3 2 - 3 6 , 3 8 - 4 1 , 44, 49, 51, 52, 56

Quaestio contra divinatores horoscopis ( Q u e s t i o n a r g u e d against t h o s e d i v i n i n g b y h o r o s c o p e s ) (Oresme), 33, 34

Orosius, 64

Quaestio

O v i d , 50

Questiones

o n S a c r o b o s c o (d'Ailly), 4 5

Quodhbeta

(Quodlibetal questions) (Oresme),

pagan religion, 62

de cometa ( H e n r y o f L a n g e n s t e i n ) , 3 5

33, 34

Pascoe, Louis, 85 periodizations, 77, 82

R e d e , William, 176n.64

P e t e r L o m b a r d , 7, 8, 1 2 4 , 1 2 5 - 2 6 , 127, 1 2 8

Reeves, M a i j o n e , 118

Peter of Abano, 7 8

R e g i o m o n t a n u s (Johann Miiller), 5 3

P e t e r o f A u v e r g n e , 91

religion: astral i n f l u e n c e s o n , 3 1 , 3 7 - 3 8 , 4 6 , 5 2 ,

Petrus C o m e s t o r , 7 9

5 3 , 5 6 , 5 9 , 6 1 , 6 2 , 103

232

Tester, S. J . , 5 - 6

r e t r o g r a d e m o t i o n , 13, 105 Rcvelationes

(pseudo-Methodius), 89,

INDEX

106-7

Tctrabiblos (Quadnpartitum)

(Ptolemy),

Rhabanus Maurus, 160n.8

T h a b i t i b n Q u r r a , 15, 9 1 , 1 9 0 n . 8 0

16, 29

Richard of Wallingford, 5

thema mundi,

R o b e r t o f G e n e v a See C l e m e n t VII (pope)

Theorica planctarum

( C a m p a n u s o f N o vara), 11

R o b i n e , Marie, 93

Theorica planctarum

(attrib. t o G e r a r d o f C r e -

R o m e : f o u n d i n g of, 6 8 , 8 2

65—66

m o n a ) , 11

R o q u e t a i l l a d e , J e a n de 0 o h n of R u p e s c i s s a ) , 9 2 , 93, 95

Thomas, Keith, 23, 83 T h o m a s Aquinas, Saint, 25, 3 0 - 3 2 , 34, 36, 37, 4 1 , 4 4 , 4 9 , 5 1 , 5 4 , 5 6 , 6 0 , 80, 1 2 4

S a c r o b o s c o , J o h a n n e s d e (John o f H o l y w o o d ) ,

T h o r n d i k e , Lynn, 4 t h r e e status ( J o a c h i m ) , 9 0 , 9 2

1 0 - 1 1 , 14, 4 5 - 4 6 , 4 7 , 5 8 , 6 0 S a l e m b i e r , Louis, 6

T i b u r t i n e Sibyl, 8 8

Salimbene of Pamia, 79

t i m e : astrological vs. G o d ' s , 80—83

Salutati, C o l u c c i o , 41

T o l e d o Letter, I 8 4 n . 1 6

salvation, 7 7

Tractatus contra astrologos ( O r e s m e ) , 3 8 , 4 0 , 5 6

Saracen religion, 62

Tractatus contra coniunctiomstas (Treatise against t h e

Sarton, George, 4

conjuncrionists) ( H e n r y o f Langenstein), 3 5

Sassanian astrology, 5, 16, 6 5 , 71

Tractatus contra iuditiarios astronomos

S a t u r n : characteristics of, 16; c o n j u n c t i o n s of, 2 0 - 2 2 , 50, 5 2 - 5 7 , 6 1 - 7 4 , 7 8 , 8 1 , 82,

98,

1 0 4 - 5 , 1 0 8 , 109, 1 1 3 Saul, 6 8

(Treatise

against j u d i c i a l a s t r o n o m e r s ) ( O r e s m e ) , 3 3 , 34-35, 49 Tractatus de antichristo ( J o h n o f P a n s ) , 9 1 Tractatus de imagine mundi et varia ejusdem

Schmidt, Conrad, 117

et Joannis

auctoris

Gersonis opuscula (Treatise o n t h e

Schumaker, Wayne, 23

image of the world, a n d various works by the

Scot, Michael, 79

s a m e a u t h o r a n d b y J e a n G e r s o n ) (d'Ailly), 3,

Sentences ( P e t e r L o m b a r d ) , 7, 9, 124, 1 2 5 - 2 6 ,

23-24 translations

127, 1 2 8

imperii, 8 2

s e v e n ages, 7 7 , 9 0

t r e p i d a t i o n , 15

sex: astrological l o c a t i o n s associated w i t h , 16, 4 0

trigons, 16

Sibyls, 8 6 , 118

T r o y : fall of, 6 8 , 7 4

Sigismund (kmg of Hungary), 59

Tschackert, Paul, 6

Solomon, 40

Turrel, Pierre, 1 9 3 - 9 4 n . l 4

Somnium

Vmdarii,

35

Soii^e de vieilpelerin

(Mezieres), 3 5 , 5 6

soul. See b o d y : astral i n f l u e n c e s o n ; f r e e will

twelve hours, 77 t w e l v e h o u s e s (domus), 18, 19 t w i n s : fate o f , 26-27,

34

S o u t h e r n , Sir R i c h a r d , 8 9 Speculum astronomiae ( A l b e r t u s M a g n u s ) , 3 0 , 5 5

U r b a n V ( p o p e ) , 107

Speculum historiale ( V i n c e n t o f Beauvais), 6 3 , 7 9

U r b a n VI ( p o p e ) , 8

Speier, J a c o b v o n , 5 3 Statius, P u b l i u s P a p p i n i u s , 3 3 Strzempmo, T h o m a s von, 151n.45

Vade mecum in tribulatione ( H a n d b o o k f o r times of tribulation) (Roquetaillade), 92

Summa

astrologiae ( J o h n o f A s h e n d e n ) , 6 9

Varro, 83

Summa

theologtae ( T h o m a s A q u i n a s ) , 3 2

Vauchez, Andre, 93

s u m m e r solstice, 12

vernal e q u i n o x , 12, 13, 6 5

s u n : a p o g e e of, 15, 9 1 ; m o v e m e n t o f , 1 2 , 13

Vespasian, 6 8

Super Hicremiam

Vigintiloqmum,

( p s e u d o - J o a c h i m ) , 101

S y m o n de Phares, 5

o r Concordantia

astronomic cum

theoiogia ( C o n c o r d a n c e o f astrology w i t h t h e o l o g y ) (d'Ailly), 3 6 - 3 7 , 3 9 , 5 4 , 5 7 , 59,

Telesphorus o f C o s e n z a , 93, 118, 1 9 3 n . l l T e m p i c r , Bsp. E t i e n n c , 3 2 , 3 3 , 4 1 , 4 4 , 4 8 T e r t e n a , G u i d o , 91

6 2 - 6 6 , 6 9 , 7 1 , 7 2 , 7 5 , 7 6 , 8 1 , 8 2 , 8 3 , 104,

108 Villani, G i o v a n n i , 7 8

INDEX

233

V i n c c n t Ferrer, S a i n t , 9 4 - 9 5 , 1 ! 6 - 1 7 , 320

W i i l i a m (a F r e n c h m o n k ) , 9 3

Vincent o f B e a u v a i s . 63, 64, 7 6 , 7 9 , 173«.17

W i l l i a m o f A u v c r g n e , 9 6 , 9 7 , 103 W i l l i a m o f O c k h a m , 9, 125, 1 2 8

Walter of O d i n g t o n , 66

w i n t e r solstice, 12

Watts, P a u l m c M o f f i t , 2 4 Wickcrsheimcr, Ernest, 5

zodiac: signs of, 12, 15, 16, 2 2 , 4 5 , 5 3 , 109

W i l h c l m u s d c H i l d c n i i s s e m , 116

Zoroaster, 68