History and Mythology of the Aztecs: The Codex Chimalpopoca 0816518866, 9780816518869

Table of contents :
Contents
Preface
Introduction
Annals of Cuauhtidan
Legend of the Suns
The Manuscript
Guide to the Translation
Annals of Cuauhtitlan
[The goddess Itzpapalod speaks: ca. A.D. 635]1
[The beginning of the year count: A.D. 635-93]
[The five suns: A.D. 694- 751]
[Early history of Cuauhtitlan: A.D. 751-816]
[The life ofTopiltzin Quetzalcoatl: A.D. 817-95]
[The Mexica reach Chapoltepec: A.D. 1071-1240]
[Cuauhtidan genealogy: A.D. 1240 and later]
[The Mexica in captivity: A.D. 1240-86]
[Cuauhtitlan’s war against Xaltocan:
A.D. 1287-97 and later]
[The fall of Colhuacan: A.D. 1298-1348]
[The founding of the city of Cuauhtidan:
A.D. 1348 and later]
[The massacre of the Chichimecs:
A.D. 1349 and later]
[Colhuacan restored: A.D. 1349-77]
[Cuauhtitlan’s glory: A.D. 1378-1406]
[Origins of the Tepaneca War: the rise of Toltitlan: A.D. 1407—8 and later]
[Origins of the Tepaneca War: the tyranny of Tezozomoctli: A.D. 1409-28]
[Origins of the Tepaneca War: the exile of Nezahualcoyotl]
[The Tepaneca War: the sack of Cuauhtitlan:
A.D. 1429-30]
[The Tepaneca War: Cuauhtitlan joins with Mexico: A.D. 1430]
[The Tepaneca War: embassies to Huexotzinco: A.D. 1430]
[The Tepaneca War: Nezahualcoyotl’s campaign: A.D. 1430]
[After the Tepaneca War: A.D. 1431]
[Mexico's glory begins: A.D. 1432-39]
[The reign ofMoteuczomatzin the elder:
A.D. 1440-68]
[The reign of Axayacatzin: A.D. 1469—80]
[The reign ofTizocicatzin: A.D. 1481-85]
[The reign of Ahuitzotzin: A.D. 1486-1502]
[The reign ofMoteuczomatzin the younger:
A.D. 1503-17]
[On the origin of the skull rack lords]
[The reign of Moteuczomatzin the younger, continued: A.D. 1517—18]
[Four eras]
[Realms, rulers, and tribute: ca. A.D. 1518]
[A short history of the Mexica:
A.D. 1350-1518]
Legend of the Suns
[Preamble]
[The first sun]
[The second sun]
[The third sun]
[The fourth sun]
[Origin of the new-fire ceremony]
[The restoration of life]
[The discovery of com]
[The fifth sun]
[How the sun was given a drink]
[Xiuhnel and Mimich]
[Origin of the sacred bundle]
[Mixcoatl and Chimalman]
[The deeds of Ce Acad]
[The stinking corpse]
[The fall of Tollan]
[History of the Mexica]
Concordance to Proper Nouns and Titles
Subject Guide
Source Abbreviations
References

Citation preview

H istory an d M ythology o f the A ztecs

THE

CODEX

C H IM A L P O P O C A

History and Mythology of the Aztecs THE CODEX CHIMALPOPOCA

Translated from the Nahuad by J O H N B I E R H O R S T

THE

U N I V E R S I T Y OF A R I Z O N A PR ESS

T u cson

Second printing 1998 The University o fA rizona Press Copyright © 1992 John Bierhorst A ll Rights Reserved © This book is printed on add-free, archival-quality paper. M anufactured in the United States o f America. 03 02 01 00 99 98 6 s 4 3 2 Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publication D ata Codex Chimalpopoca. English. History and mythology o f the Aztecs : the Codex Chimalpopoca / translated from the N ahuatl by John Bierhorst. Companion volume to: Codex Chimalpopoca. Indudes bibliographical references. ISB N 0-8165-1886-6 (pbk.: u!k. paper). ISB N 0-816S-1126-8 (doth: alk. paper) 1. Codex Chimalpopoca. 2. Aztecs—History. 3. Aztecs— Religion and mythology. 4 . Manuscripts, A ztec — Facsimiles, s- Mexico—History— Tb IS19. 6. Colhuacdn—History. I. Bierhorst, John. U . Title. F1219.S9 C62 1992 972'. 018—dc20 91-42267 CUP

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication D ata A catalogue recordfi r this book is available from the British Library.

Contents

Preface vii Introduction i

Annals ofCuauhtitlan

17

Table o f C on ten ts 19 T h e T ext in E n glish 2 3

Legend of the Suns

13 9

T able o f C on ten ts 141 T h e T ext in E n glish 14 2 Concordance to Proper N ouns an d T itles Subject G uide 2 1 9 Source A bbreviation s 231 References 233

v

163

Preface

U sing term inology found in the codex itself, a more precise tide for this volume would be Tear Count [.xiuhpohualli] and Wisdom Tales [tlamachiliztlatolzazanüli] of the Aztecs— meaning the Annals o f Cuauhtidan and Leg­ end o f the Suns, the tw o Nahuad works contained in Codex Chimalpopoca. There is, however, a point at which so much precision becomes unclear. I hope m ost readers w ill agree that the rough English equivalent, History and Mythology of the Aztecs, does not misrepresent the work at hand. To make the translation more widely available, its linguistic apparatus is being published separately in a companion volume entitled Codex Chimalpopoca: The Text in Nahuatl with a Glossary and Grammatical Notes. Readers unacquainted with the Aztec language need not consult it. Those who do may use the tw o volumes side by side as a bilingual edition. The entire project, so far as my own labor is concerned, has been supported by a grant from the Translations Program o f the National En­ dowm ent for the Hum anities— to whom I owe my first debt o f thanks. In particular I have benefited from the good humor and encouragement o f Susan M ango, founder o f the Translations Program, and Martha Bohachevsky-Chomiak, its present director. I am grateful to Elsa Ziehm o f the Free University o f Berlin for her expert consultation in all matters pertaining to Aztec language and history. It was she who read over my shoulder, as it were, saving me from missteps at crucial moments. Errors that remain, need it be said, are my own, not hers. In addition, I have had tw o silent consultants, whose works, posthu­ mously, have been constant guides. Indeed, these works have made the present edition possible. I refer to Walter Lehmann’s German-Nahuatl Geschichte der Königreiche von Colhuacan und Mexico, which broke ground with its careful deciphering o f the manuscript’s crabbed hand; and Primo Feliciano Velázquez’s annotated Spanish version. Códice Chimalpopoca, with its photographic facsimile o f the now-m issing original. A third silent consultant has been the late Thelma Sullivan, whose un­ published transcription and English translation o f the first seven sides o f the manuscript were kindly made available to me by Elizabeth Boone, director o f precolumbian studies, Dumbarton Oaks. To Peter Tschohl o f the University o f Cologne goes credit for having

Preface

rediscovered the ending o f the Codex in the León y Gama copy at the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. As a result, the edition in hand is the first in any language to present the Legend o f the Suns in its entirety. I am grateful to Professor Tschohl for an offprint o f the 1989 paper that announces his find; and I thank M onique Cohen o f the Bibliothèque Nationale for permission to transcribe and translate from the León y Gama manuscript. A long the way, numerous individuals and institutions have answered calls for help. I thank them all, especially R. Joe Campbell, John Ceely, Mary Clayton, Marc Eisinger, Willard Gingerich, and M ichael E. Smith, all o f whom shared unpublished research.

H istory an d M ythology o f the A ztecs

THE

CODEX

C H IM A L P O P O C A

Introduction

In approximately the year 1430, as the new Aztec capital called M exico Tenochtidan consolidated its power and began to make far-reaching con­ quests, its ruling elite decided to bum the old pictographic histories. Ac­ cording to the traditional explanation these accounts contained “false­ hoods” that could have undermined the realm. Presumably the books that replaced them exaggerated the deeds o f the upstart Mexica and codified the legend that the Mexica themselves had founded Tenochtidan, though we may only guess what changes appeared in the new histories or what earlier records, if any, survived to contradict them .1 A hundred years later the books were burned again, this time by Spanish m issionaries w ho, in the wake o f the Conquest o f 1521, rushed to elim i­ nate whatever m ight remind the native people o f their pre-Christian past and m ight thus inhibit the work o f conversion.2 Once again, new histories rose out o f the ashes. And it is this second wave o f history writing, much o f it preserved, that forms the basis for our remarkably detailed, if som e­ what colored, knowledge o f the rise o f Aztec civilization. R evisionist elements in the new histories are not always easy to isolate. Am ong them , evidently, are the numerous references to com ets, eclipses, Cassandra-like oracles, and other omens foretelling the arrival o f the Span­ iards as early as a generation before the fact. More subtle novelties are to be looked for in the treatment o f Aztec religion, which became a subject o f considerable sensitivity after the Conquest. It w ill be noticed that the author o f the Annals o f Cuauhtitian (though not the author o f Legend o f the Suns) repeatedly disparages the old gods as “sorcerers” or even “devils”; w e are given to understand that the “devils” tricked people into making human sacrifices, in opposition to the somewhat Chrisdike deity, Quetzalcoatl.3 But even such mundane matters as the succession o f Mexica kings (ca. 1 3 5 0 -1 5 2 1 ), including their names and the approximate 1. FC bk. 10, ch. 29, section entitled “The Mexica” (p. 191), is the source for the Aztec book-burning tradition. For discussion see Graulich, “Las peregrinaciones,” pp. 311-12 and 347-48; Brundage, A R ain o fD arts, pp. 107-8. 2. The matter is discussed at length by Garcia Icazbalceta, Don fray Juan de Zum árraga , ch. 22 (vol. 2, pp. 87-162). See also notes 5 and 6, below. 3. I am indebted to Louise Burkhart for making this point. For detailed information see Subject Guide: Sorcerers.

Introduction

dates o f their reigns, may have been manipulated by the post-C onquest historians.4 At the very least, it is obvious that there are variations in the record. The discrepancies can be explained, in part, by the com peting claims o f the different city states, each o f which had its own record keepers. W ithin the city o f M exico itself there was rivalry between Tenochtitlan and the decid­ edly weaker, if older, borough, Tlatilolco. Sharing control over the farflung Aztec empire in a kind o f triple alliance were the city o f Tlacopan, just four kilometers w est o f M exico, and the important Acolhua tow n o f Tetzcoco, som e thirty kilometers to the east. Tetzcoco, which had nearly, some would say just, as much power as M exico, maintained its ow n tra­ ditions, often at variance w ith those o f the Mexica. Still w ithin the Valley o f M exico— a highland basin 120 kilometers north to south and half that distance east to w est, centering on the city o f M exico— were such towns as Cuauhtidan, Cuidahuac, and Chaleo Amaquemecan, all o f which pre­ served records that have survived. Outside the Valley, such nadons as Tlaxcallan and the city state o f Cuauhtinchan also bequeathed histories during the early colonial period. Although each chronicler follow ed his own version, there was agree­ ment on a fundamental chain o f events. Tollan, the old imperial capital at the northern edge o f the Valley, was thought to have collapsed in the twelfth or thirteenth century A .D . At about the same tim e, tribesmen from the deserts north o f Tollan were said to have begun migrating south­ ward, gradually establishing or gaining control o f Tetzcoco, Cuidahuac, M exico, and other towns. By the early 1400s the Tepaneca, w hose hom e cities lay in the western part o f the basin, were subduing their neighbors and building a small, regional empire. Led by M exico, or by M exico and Tetzcoco, an allied army beat back the Tepaneca in about 1430. It was then that the old histories were burned and the Mexica inaugurated their glorious era o f expansion. By the tim e Cortes and his men arrived in 1519 the new empire had outposts on the G ulf o f M exico and the Pacific Ocean and as far south as Guatemala. The typical chronicler, in com piling his manuscript account o f these events, added up-to-the-m om ent annals for the post-Conquest years and, in som e cases, began the story w ith the myth o f the four primeval ages, or suns, thus providing his readers w ith what m ight be called a history o f the world. A number o f the new manuscripts, like the Codex Telleriano-Rem ensis, ca. 1563, or the Codex Aubin o f 1576, hark back to a pre-Cortésian style in which a string o f year symbols follow one another in chronological se4. A theory that the succession of Mexica kings (as preserved in post-Conquest chroni­ cles) was adapted to an ahistorical, ritualistic pattern is developed in Susan Gillespie’s The A ztec Kings: The Construction cfRulership in M exica History.

2

A nnals o f Cuauhtidan

quence, each accompanied by pictographs representing noteworthy events. For the convenience o f sixteenth-century readers the scribe adds a running commentary in the alphabetic script learned from missionaries. Possibly som e o f these painted chronicles were adapted from old books that had escaped the autos-da-fé. Fray D iego Durán states emphatically that none did.5 Fray Bernardino de Sahagún, a usually more restrained witness, claims that there were many and that they were available for reference.6 Be that as it may, no certifiably pre-Cortesian history book from the Valley o f M exico has survived to the present.7 A second class o f chronicle, more m odem and more expansive, dis­ penses w ith the pictographs, giving instead the narrative the symbols were supposed to call forth. Incorporating vivid descriptions, conversations, speeches, and song texts, these fuller histories offer a rich sampling o f the old Aztec oral literature, for which the pictographic codices must have served as prompt books. A m ong the prime representatives o f this second category are the Anales de Cuauhtidan (Annals o f Cuauhtidan) o f 1570 and the Leyenda de los Soles (Legend o f the Suns), dated 15588— both preserved in the manu­ script now w idely known as Codex Chimalpopoca.

Annals o f Cuauhtidan In his Monorchia indiana o f 1615 Fray Juan de Torquemada could write o f Cuauhtidan as “a large com m unity with much jurisdiction in those days [the 1530s] and one o f the finest towns at the present time”; similarly, Cortes on the eve o f the Conquest had described the city as both “large” and “beautiful.” 9 Apart from Tetzcoco, Cuauhtidan together with its sub­ urb Tepotzodan was the first oudying district to be m issionized after the fall o f Tenochtidan.10 The well-known Fray Toribio de Benavente, called M otolinia, served am ong the Franciscans stationed in Cuauhtidan, and it was there that M otolinia began w riting his Memoriales, or “H istoria de los indios de la Nueva España,” perhaps as early as 1 5 3 2 ;11 Cuauhtidan, he 5. RITOS, Prólogo, p. 6; DCAL, ch. 2, p. 226. 6. CF bk. 10, ch. 27; or FC Introductory Volume, p. 82. 7. See Glass, “A Survey of Native Middle American Pictorial Manuscripts,” pp. 11-12; Dibble, “Writing in Central Mexico,” pp. 322-23. Both Glass and Dibble base their remarks on Donald Robertson, M exican M anuscript Painting o f the Early Colonial Period. 8. On the dating o f the two works, see 16:26 (side 16, line 26), 16:30, 31:42, 50:54, 75:4, and 12 2 :6 -9 . 9. TORQ, bk. 19, ch. 3, p. 306; Cortes, tercera carta, p. 130. 10. Motolinia, “Historia,” tratado 2, ch. 1; Mendieta, bk. 3, ch. 33, p. 259. 11. Memoriales (ed. O’Gorman), p. 64, n. 3; p. 75, n. 2.

3

A nnals o f Cuauhtitlan

explained, had been fourth among the cities o f the Aztec empire, ranking next after the triple cities o f Tenochtidan, Tetzcoco, and Tlacopan.12 Later, when Sahagún was naming the four Indian linguists w ho had enabled him to prepare his encyclopedic H istoria general, no less than tw o, A lonso Vegerano and Pedro de San Buenaventura, were identified as natives o f Cuauhtitlan.13 Evidently this im posing town— w hose name may be vulgarly Englished as W oodside, Tree Town, or Forestville— shared at least marginally in the post-Conquest renaissance that fostered the brief, golden age o f Nahuatl letters. It comes as no surprise, therefore, that a major sixteenth-century chronicle should have been written from the point o f view o f a Cuauhtitlancalqui, or native o f Cuauhtitlan. But die anonymous author tells more than the story o f his own nation. Drawing upon the records o f Tetzcoco, Cuitlahuac, and Colhuacan, which he acknowledges by name, he builds a comprehensive history o f the Valley o f M exico, with occasional sidelights from towns beyond. H e uses his sources critically, dism issing the reports o f those who “talk much” at 1 7 :4 6 (side 17, line 46); adm itting at 2 :3 that his informants had “trouble remembering”; accepting a Tetzcoco tradition at 3 2 :1 0 , w hile rejecting Tetzcoco data at 4 : 3 1 and 1 2 :5 3 . H e makes an effort to distance him self from the patently fabulous, inserting a circumspect “it is said” wherever a disclaimer seems needed. The result, nevertheless, is a tradi­ tionary account, rich in m ythopoetic as w ell as historical values. Today it is best known for its colorful variant o f the legend o f Topiltzin Quetzalcoatí, priest-king o f Tollan, who became drunk in the company o f his sister, fled in shame, and was changed into the m orning star. Though pausing to spin a yam like the Quetzalcoatl story, or to lay out a genealogy or a tribute list, the work takes the basic form o f a preCortésian xiuhpohualli (year count), w ith the entries arranged in chrono­ logical order, each bearing the number and name o f its corresponding year. Since there are only thirteen numbers by which a year may be known— 1 through 13— and only four names— Flint, H ouse, Rabbit, Reed— there can be no more than 13 x 4, or 52, number-and-name com ­ binations. H ence the cycle that begins 1 Flint, 2 H ouse, 3 Rabbit, 4 Reed, 5 Flint, etc., ending with 13 Reed, begins again w ith 1 Flint after the passing o f 52 years. Near the close o f the work, the author correlates the date o f Cortés5 arrival, 1 Reed, with the date A .D . 1519, enabling the industrious reader to count backward, assigning a Christian date to every entry that has gone 12. “Historia,” tratado 3, ch. 7. 13. CF bk. 2, Prólogo; or FC Introductory Volume, p. 55.

4

Annals o f Cuauhtitlan

before, all the way to the earliest, 1 Reed = A .D . 635. This yields a linear chronology that may be taken at face value for events o f the 1500s and 1400s, since many o f the dates are more or less corroborated by other sources. But the earlier sequences o f the 52-year rounds, or “year bundles,” becom e increasingly artificial, leading back to the creation o f the present sun, in 13 Reed = A .D . 741, and the initial date m entioned above, A .D . 635, which marks the mythical emergence o f tribal ancestors. It must have been accounts such as this, though probably not the one in hand, that prompted Sahagún to write in 1576, “they knew and had records o f the things their ancestors had done and had left in their annals more than a thousand years ago.” 14 The ancestors w ho emerged in A .D . 635, or earlier, are referred to as chichimcca (Chichim ecs), a term that recurs throughout the chronicle in a variety o f contexts, obviously with more than one meaning. In its broadest sense, ‘Chichimec’ refers to any Indian inhabitant o f the Valley o f M exico and o f the adjacent highlands, especially to the north and east, whether Nahuad-speaking or not. M ore narrowly it refers to the rude tribesmen o f the northern deserts w ho migrated into the Valley at the time o f the Toltec collapse, eventually settling Tetzcoco, Cuidahuac, M exico, Cuauhtidan, and other cities. Thus the Toltecs o f Tollan may be contrasted with the chichimeca, even though both groups are Chichimecs in the broad sense. W ith its double-edged connotation o f rusticity and hardihood, the term could be used either contem ptuously, when referring to simple villagers, or prideftdly, when recalling the shared heritage o f migration and conquest.15 As the chronicle opens, Chichimecs (in the narrow sense) com e forth from Chicom oztoc (Seven Cave Place); their supernatural leader, Mixcoati, cremates the old Chichimec goddess Itzpapaloti; and the tribesmen begin their wanderings. The account is unusual in that it has the Chichi­ mecs em erging before the start o f the Toltec era. In fact, the world is still dark at this tim e. In 751 the sun rises, and in 1 Flint (752) the Toltecs inaugurate their first ruler. Exactly fifty-tw o years later, in 804, the Chichimecs are said to be break­ ing up into separate nations. One infers that the Cuauhtitlan people were the parent stock, since the earlier Chichimec chieftains are said to have been Cuauhtitiancalque (the plural o f Cuauhtitiancalqui). The succession o f these Cuauhtitlan rulers is carefully recorded, though the founding o f the city o f Cuauhtitlan is still far in the future. The author pauses now to consider the life o f Topiltzin Quetzalcoad (8 1 7 -9 5 ), w hose disgrace and exile, brought about by sorcerers, paves 14. CF bk. 10, ch. 27; or FC Introductory Volume, pp. 82 (quotation) and 84 (date). 15. For references see Concordance: Chichimecad.

5

Annals o f Cuauhtitlan

the way for the Toltec collapse. Quetzalcoatft successor, Huem ac, also flees in disgrace, and the Toltecs dispand in 1064. In the year 1 Rabbit (1090) the M exica enter the story as marauding wan­ derers, eventually founding their capital, M exico Tenochtitlan, in 1318. Other tribes are hostile to these newcomers. But not the people o f Cuauh­ titlan, w hose friendship w ith the Mexica is one o f the chonide’s persistent themes. M eanwhile the Cuauhtitlancalque have become engaged in a protracted, hundred-years’ struggle with Xaltocan (ca. 1 2 9 7 -1 3 9 5 ), resulting in im ­ pressive territorial gains for Cuauhtitlan. W ith the influx o f sophisticated émigrés from Colhuacan (ca. 1348), the old Chichimec culture o f Cuauh­ titlan is modernized, and the building o f the city o f Cuauhtitlan begins. The death o f the Cuauhtitlan ruler Xaltem octzin, at the hands o f Tepaneca assassins (1408), marks a decline in Cuauhtitlan’s fortunes. Through a policy o f murder and usurpation, the Tepaneca begin to build an empire, terrorizing the entire Valley. Once again the narrative interrupts the xiuhpohuaili format, slow ing its often breathless pace to recount the legend o f the child hero Nezahualcoyotl. We learn here that the boy’s father. King Ixtlilxochitl o f Tetzcoco, has been assassinated by the Tepaneca, who now seek to murder the child. After a hair-raising chase through the countryside, the boy is sequestered in M exico, where, in a vision, he is informed by sorcerers that he has been chosen to put an end to the Tepaneca tyranny. W ith the help o f his men­ tor, the faithful Coyohua, the boy taunts the Tepaneca ruler, Tezozom octli, allows him self to be captured, cleverly escapes, and eventually leads the campaign that crushes the Tepaneca in 1430. By 1432 Nezahualcoyotl has been installed as ruler o f Tetzcoco. M ean­ while, Itzcoatl is serving as king o f Tenochtitlan. And these tw o, follow ing the defeat o f the Tepaneca, begin to hold sway over the Valley o f M exico (together with the city o f Tlacopan, a somewhat inferior third partner, not acknowledged in these Cuauhtitlan annals until the triple-city tribute lists near the end o f the text). The doings o f Cuauhtitlan continue to be m entioned as the annals proceed, but now in the shadow o f the m ighty Mexica o f Tenochtitlan, whose kings become the chronicle’s principal figures: Itzcoatl’s successor, M oteuczom atzin (r. 1 4 4 0 -6 8 ); Axayacatzin (r. 1 4 6 9 -8 0 ); Tizocicatzin (r. 1481—85); Ahuitzotzin (r. 1486—1502); and M oteuczom atzin the younger (r. 1503 until the arrival o f the Spaniards). The chronicle closes with a series o f tribute rolls and a brief recapitula­ tion o f Mexica history, perhaps added by a different author. In sum, a complex and very dense work, enlivened by the myth o f the five suns ( 2 : 2 - 5 2 ) , the Nezahualcoyotl saga ( 3 4 : 3 3 - 3 9 : 5 3 ) , the scandals o f M o-

6

Legend o f the Suns

quihuix ( 5 5 :1 6 —48), the story o f the origin o f the skull rack lords o f Cuitlahuac ( 6 2 :1 1 —6 3 :2 2 ), and, o f course, the famous legend o f Topiltzin Q uetzalcoad ( 3 : 4 9 - 8 : 4 ) . As pure chronicle, the text is significant for its rare histories o f Cuauhtitlan, Cuidahuac, and Xaltocan, as w ell as for its volum inous treatment o f the Tepaneca War, which (as tradition suggests) laid the groundwork for the Mexica empire. And, finally, as eth­ nography, the work offers information on Aztec land tenure, statecraft, the tribute system, the role o f wom en, warfare, religion, and, especially, human sacrifice. (These and other topics can be traced in the Subject G uide.)

Legend o f the Suns It is more than likely that the author o f the Annals o f Cuauhddan had access to pictographic sources in addidon to oral accounts. In fact, at 5 1 :3 1 he speaks o f what had been “painted,” and in a list o f greeting gifts at 2 8 : 2 8 - 3 4 he is apparendy struggling to read picture writing w ithout the aid o f a gloss. But in Legend o f the Suns, the second o f the tw o Nahuad texts preserved in the Codex Chimalpopoca, the reliance on pictures is much more obvious. Here the author speaks to us as though we were looking over his shoulder, w hile he points to the painted figures. “This sun was 4 Jaguar,” he writes; “these people . . . were blown away”; “here’s when . . . ”; “this is when. . . . ” In places the text reads like a sequence o f caprions, as though the unseen pictures could carry the burden o f the tale. Yet the narrative relaxes into an easier style wherever the story im plied by the paintings happens to be already on the author’s lips. The overall effect is o f a knowledgeable traditionalist making his way through a single, wellintegrated work o f m ytho-history. (D espite moments o f awkwardness, Legend o f the Suns is one o f the finest, one o f the purest sources o f Aztec myth that has com e down to the present time. M oreover, it is the only creation epic to have survived in the Nahuad language.) Since the author uses the phrase “we today w ho are Mexica” (79:1), it would appear that he identifies with M exico City; and, certainly, his text, with its focus on Tenochtidan, is a Mexica document. This is not to say that it records an official dogma. M yth fragments preserved in a wide range o f texts, m osdy Spanish, make clear that variants were tolerated. Or, to put the matter differendy, the dogma was flexible w ithin certain lim its. Although isolated myths o f creation are to be found in the various other sources, there are only tw o, in addition to the Legend o f the Suns, that can be called creation epics: the Spanish-language “H istoria de los mexi­ canos por sus pinturas” and the “H istoyre du M echique,” known through

7

Legend o f the Suns

a sixteenth-century French translation o f a lost Spanish original. O f these, the “H istoria” is the more com plete, and since it is remarkably similar to the Legend o f the Suns, it serves as an aid to the interpretation o f the Legend, and vice versa: 16 As the Legend opens, the author declares in a short preamble that he w ill tell “how the earth was established,” a promise he does not fulfill. B u t the “H istoria” explains th at the gods created the earth from the body o f a reptil­ ian monster. A fterward, the god Tezcatlipoca became the sun. The people who lived in the time o f the first sun were eaten by jaguars, and the sun itself was “destroyed.” The people were giants, according to the “H istoria,” and it was Tezcatlipoca in the form of a jagu ar who consumed them after he had been knocked out of the sky by Q uetzalcoatl. Then Q uetzalcoatl became the sun— the second sun. In the tim e o f the second sun, the people were blown away by w ind and changed into monkeys. The sun also was blown away. The sun, actually Quetzalcoatl, was kicked out of the sky by Tezcatlipoca, whereupon the rain god, Tlalocanteuctli, became the third sun. During the time o f the third sun the people were destroyed by a rain o f fire. The fire was sent by Quetzalcoatl. The rain god’s wife, Chalchiuhtlicue, became the next, orfourth, sun. The fourth sun ended as the “skies came falling dow n,” causing a w orld flood. Only one man and one woman survived, having been warned to seek refuge in a hollow log; 17 later, disobeying instructions, this couple ate all the com that had been given to them , roasted fish when they were hungry, and suffered the punishment o f being changed into dogs. W hen the flood waters subsided, the skies were again “established.” The heavens were lifted to theirform er position by Tezcatlipoca and Q uetzalcoatl. During the second year after the flood, the year 2 Reed, Tezcatlipoca drilled fire. Hence the origin of the newfire ceremony, celebrated every fiftytwo years. In order to repopulate the earth, Quetzalcoad descended to the under­ world to fetch the bones o f earlier generations. W ith these the gods cre­ ated a new race o f humans. “The gods created humans as they had been before.” To provide food for the newly created people, Q uetzalcoatl follow s an ant into the interior o f “Food M ountain” and discovers a cache o f com 16. Another comparison of the Legend of the Suns and the “Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas” may be read in Mercedes de la Garza’s “Análisis comparativo,” Estudios de Cultura N áhuatl, 1983. 17. The story of the man and the woman who escaped the flood is missing from the “Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas,” but the couple is mentioned in “Códice Vaticanus 3738,” plate 1.

L egend c f the Suns

kernels; the rain gods split open the m ountain, gaining control over the com and other crops as well. (The myth is not mentioned in the “H istoria” or in any other A ztec source, though it is well known in modern Mexican and Central American folklore.)18 The world has been dark since the flood. The gods now bring forth a new sun from the flames o f the “spirit oven” at Teotihuacan, also a m oon from the less-hot ashes at the flames’ edge. W ith their own blood the gods nourish the sun so that it can rise into the sky. Immediately prior to the creation of the sun, Tezcatlipoca makesfour hundred men and five women; the men are sacrificed to provide the sun with its initial nourishment, but the women survive to play a role later in the story (see below). After the sun has risen, four hundred M ixcoa are bom , then five more M ixcoa, w ho make war on the four hundred in order to give the sun a “drink.” The god Mixcoatl createsfour hundred Chickimecs plus a war party of five to prey on them, “so th at the sun will have hearts to eat.” O f the four hundred M ixcoa only a few survive the massacre, including Xiuhnel and M imich. The surviving Chichimecs Xiuhnel and Mimich are joined by the god Mixcoatl (also called Camaxtle), who himself becomes a Chichimec. A pair o f two-headed deer descend from the sky. A two-headed deer de­ scendsfrom the sky. The pair o f deer becom e women; Xiuhnel (and Mimich?) engage these dangerous women in sexual intercourse, with the result that Xiuhnel is killed and M imich is reduced to tears. M ixcoad, by contrast, acquires a sacred bundle, which he carries with him as his charm, pacifying enemies and making conquests. W hile on the warpath, he subdues the so-called Huitznahua wom en, one o f whom he assaults sexually; this woman, Chimalman, gives birth to the hero Ce Acad. Mixcoatl carries the two-headed deer into battle as his charm, thus making easy conquests. H is enemies, eventu­ ally, seize the deer while he is distracted by one of the five women who had been created ju st before the fifth sun (see above); by Mixcoatl this woman gives birth to the hero C eA catl, i.e., Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl. M ixcoad, his luck gone, is killed by his three hateful brothers, Apanecad, Zolton, and C uilton— three M ixcoa w ho survived the massacre after the creation o f the fifth sun. Seeking revenge, Ce Acad confronts the three brothers and craftily kills them. The episodefinds its parallel not in the “H is­ toria de los mexicanos por sus pinturas” but in the “Histoyre du Mechique”: Mixcoatl, it seems, has three hateful sons, who kill their father when they learn 18. Two modem Nahuat versions from the Sierra Norte de Puebla are published by James Taggart, who compares them with the story in Legend of the Suns (Taggart, N ahuat M yth and Social Structure , pp. 87-97). Twenty variants ranging from central Mexico to El Salva­ dor are cited in Bierhorst, The Mythology a fMexico and Central America.

9

The M anuscript

th at he favors his fourth son, Quetzalcoatl. In revenge, Q uetzalcoatl kills the three brothers. Ce Acatl (Quetzalcoatl) performs an operation o f ritual sacrifice on the brothers5 corpses. In the words o f the “Histoyre”: “Because he introduced the custom of sacrifice, he was held to be a god [by the people ofTollan], whom he taught many good things, [constructing] temples for himself and other [monu­ ments], and he lived as the god of th at country for 160 y ears.” According to the “H istoria” this Ce A catl lived as lord ofTollan and built a g rea t temple; but four years after the temple was finished the god Tezcatlipoca came to him and advised him th at he would have to leave. Proceeding eastward, Ce Acad reaches Tlapallan, where he dies and is cremated. “Historia”: H e proceeds to Tlapallan, where he takes sick and dies. After the departure o f Ce Acatl, i.e., Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl, Tollan is plagued by omens o f doom: a stinking corpse that cannot be m oved, four years o f drought, a litde old woman selling banners, and a prophecy deliv­ ered by the rain gods to the effect that the Mexica are to inherit the land. The ccH istoria” (ck. 11) mentions only the old woman selling banners. M eanwhile the Mexica have set out from Azdan, their point o f origin, and are migrating southward. After passing through the neighborhood o f Tollan, they reach Chapoltepec, suffer hardships in the country o f the Colhuaque, and eventually establish the city o f Tenochtidan. The “H isto­ ria” recounts the migration more fully, telling how the Mexica are guided by their tribal deity Huitzilopochtli. The rulers o f Tenochtidan are named, together w ith the towns that each ruler conquered. First, Acamapichtli, then H uitzilihuid, Chimalpopocatzin, Itzcoatzin, and so forth, down to M oteuczom atzin the younger, in whose time the conqueror Cortés arrives. The “H istoria” covers the same ground, concluding with the events of the Conquest and its afterm ath, down to the year 1529.

The Manuscript Codex Chimalpopoca, or Códice Chimalpopoca, has been catalogued as Colección Antigua no. 159, o f the Archivo H istórico, M useo Nacional de Antropología (under the auspices o f the Instituto Nacional de A ntropo­ logía e H istoria), M exico City.19 Its present whereabouts, however, are in doubt. Apparendy it has been lost since at least 1949.20 19. HMAI, vol. 15, p. 432. 20. HMAI, vol. 15, p. 333. Ojeda Díaz (Documentos sobre Mesoamérica, p. 39, n. 50; quoted in Tschohl, p. 270) writes that the manuscript “fue extraviado por Salvador Toscano en septiembre de 1946, cuando era Secretario del IN AH.” But Angel M. Garibay, in a pub-

IO

The M anuscript

Before being transferred to the Archivo H istórico, the Codex was housed at the library o f the M useo Nacional de M éxico, where Walter Lehmann examined it in 1909 and again in 1926.*21 “In its present condi­ tion,” he w rote, “it is at m ost 22 cm. high and 15 cm. wide. The paper is thin and yellow ed, finely ribbed, longitudinally, at intervals o f about 1 m m., and considerably flawed; thus litde pieces have crumbled away at the edges, especially below.” 22 U ntil the manuscript again becomes available, if it does, the photo­ graphic facsimile published by Primo F. Velázquez in 1945 must be re­ garded as the optim um source. In the 1975 reprint o f Velázquez’s work the plates are reduced to about three-quarters original size, with a slight loss in legibility. The present edition has been based on the facsimile o f 1945— w ith help from the León y Gama copy o f the Codex Chimalpopoca (Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris, ms. FM 312), which preserves the text o f the manuscript’s long-lost side 85. M odem scholarship had been unaware that side 85 was recoverable until the work o f Peter Tschohl, w hose “Das Ende der Leyenda de los Soles und die Uberm ittlungsprob­ leme des Códice Chimalpopoca” appeared in 1989. The forty-tw o folios o f the Codex as it was known to Lehmann and Velázquez make for a manuscript o f eighty-four sides, written front and back, and these are numbered consecutively, 1 through 84. The so-called Anales de Cuauhtidan occupies sides 1—68; the Leyenda de los Soles fills 7 5 -8 4 . Sides 6 9 74, excluded from the Velázquez facsim ile, contain a work in Spanish by the sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century Indian cleric Pedro Ponce de León. Called “Breve relación de los dioses y ritos de la gentilidad,” Ponce’s work is thematically unrelated to the Anales and the Leyenda, which, though by different authors, are both world histories written in Nahuad. The “Breve relación” is a collection o f short notes on Aztec gods, rites o f passage, incantatory m edicine, farmers’ rituals, and other, miscellane­ ous lore.23 In addition to the manuscript’s eighty-four page, or side, numbers, there is an older foliation on the recto sides, clearly establishing that folio 1 is m issing. Thus “side 1” o f the new foliation is really side 3 o f the Codex in licadon o f 1965 (Teogonia e historia de los mexicanos, p. 17), spoke of the Codex as though it were still in the archive: “Este manuscrito se halla en la Biblioteca del Instituto de Antropo­ logía e Historia” (see also note 23, below). My own inquiry of 1985 failed to dear up the question. 21. GKC, 2d ed., p. vii. 22. GKC, p. 2. 23. For editions of Ponced work, see Ponce, “Breve reladón” (1892) and Ponce, “Breve relación” (1953). Angd M. Garibay reprinted the text in 1965, claiming to have corrected the errors of the earlier editions in light of the text in the Codex Chimalpopoca (Garibay, Teogonia e historia de los mexicanos, pp. 17,121-40).

II

The M anuscript

its original state. Nevertheless, the present edition abides by the new num­ bers, follow ing the custom set by Lehmann and Velázquez. Guard leaves, in a different hand, preserve a genealogy o f the family o f the seventeenth-century historian Femando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl; and a latter-day title page, dated 1849, assigns the rubric Códice Chimalpopoca (with a note in a contrasting hand explaining that the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg had so named the Codex in honor o f the early nineteenthcentury academician Faustino Galicia Chimalpopoca, w ho made a pio­ neering attempt to translate it).24 Obviously the manuscript itself, all in a single hand, m ust be a copy o f earlier works. Old marginal glosses have even been swept into the text at 4 8 :5 3 , 4 9 :1 3 , 4 9 :3 5 , and possibly 5 9 : 2 - 3 and 59:43. M oreover, the old, presumably Franciscan, orthography has been converted to a Jesuit style, which did not take hold until the 1590s at the very earliest.25 The sound /w /, as in English Svater5, written u, r, or o in the old style, has become hu\ and the glottal stop, formerly written h or indicated by a circumflex over the preceding vow el, is now indicated by a grave accent. Occasionally, the scribe neglects to make the conversion, and w e find vactli (rather than huactli) at 3 :1 5 and tlahgolyaotzin (rather than tlàçolyaotzin) at 57:34. If the year o f Ponce’s “Breve relación” could be established, the earliest possible date for our manuscript m ight be pushed forward to the period 1610—28. In 1610 Ponce was com m issioned by the archbishop o f M exico to investigate idolatry in the region o f Teutenango (resulting in the “Breve relación”?); and 1628 is the year o f Ponce’s death.26 If the Alva Ixtlilxochitl genealogy preserved in the guard leaves is to be taken as a clue, then the copyist m ight have been the famous historian himself. But although D on Fem ando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl (d. 1650) has often been m entioned as the likely scribe, the troubling fact remains that he does not demonstrate an acquaintance w ith the Codex Chimalpopoca in either his Relaciones or his Historia de la nación chichimeca. Working backward from the time o f Brasseur de Bourbourg and Galicia Chimalpopoca, the manuscript’s history can be sketched w ith only a fair degree o f certainty. The Mexican scholar A ntonio de León y Gama, as evidenced in his work on the Aztec calendar, dated 1792, had the manu­ script in his hands and o f course made the copy already m entioned; and 24. The genealogy and the title page are included in the Velázquez facsimile; the gene­ alogy is transcribed in GKC. For the partial translation by Galicia Chimalpopoca see Anales de Cuauhtitlan (1885). 25. On Jesuit orthography see Bierhorst, Cantares Mexicanos, pp. xi-xiii, 8. 26. Information on Ponce is given in HMAI, vol. 13, p. 83; HMAI vol. 15, p. 356; and Garibay, Teogonia, pp. 16-18. Garibay (p. 17) states that Ponce’s work was composed in 1569; HMAI, vol. 15, p. 677, says it was “probably composed in 1597.”

12

The M anuscript

the Jesuit historian Francisco Javier Clavigero seems to have been aware o f its existence, at least, som e twenty years earlier.27 Both León y Gama and Clavigero evidently had access to the very same document described by Lorenzo Boturini Benaduci in his Idea de una nueva historia general o f 1746: Una historia de los reinos de Culhuacan y M éxico, en lengua Nahuad y papel europeo, de autor anónim o, y tiene añadida una breve relación de los dioses y ritos de la gentilidad, en lengua castellana, que escribió el bachiller don Pedro Ponce, indio cacique beneficiado que fue del Partido de Tzumpahuacan. Está todo copiada de letra de don Fer­ nando de Alba, y le falta la primera foja. (A history o f the kingdoms o f Colhuacan and M exico, in the Nahuad language, on European paper, by an anonymous author; and added to it is a brief relación on the gods and rites o f heathen tim es, in the Spanish language, written by the bachiller D on Pedro Ponce [de León], Indian cacique and cu­ rate, o f the district o f Tzumpahuacan. The w hole is copied in the hand o f D on Fernando de Alva [Ixdilxochid], and the first folio is m issing.) 28 This, w ith its lost first folio, sounds very much like the item named by Brasseur de Bourbourg and later catalogued as ms. 159 at the M useo Nacional de A ntropología. An earlier inventory o f Boturini’s collection adds the inform ation that the manuscript contained forty-three leaves, clinching the identification with ms. 159, which would comprise fortytw o leaves plus (as we now know) one m issing leaf.29 Accepting Boturini’s descriptive title, Lehmann called his edition D ie Geschichte der Königreiche von Colhuacan und Mexico (The H istory o f the Kingdoms o f Colhuacan and M exico). This, o f course, refers only to the first part o f the Codex, which, aptly, had already been dubbed Anales de Cuauhtitlan by the nineteenth-century historian José Fernando Ramirez.30 The title Leyenda de los Soles, for the third part, was put forth by Fran­ cisco del Paso y Troncoso in his edition o f 1903. Confusingly, the entire manuscript has som etim es been referred to as Anales de Cuauhtitlan, the name that actually designates the first o f the three texts. Since the Velázquez edition, however, the nomenclature in 27. On León y Gama and Clavigero see Moreno, “La colección Boturini y las fuentes de la obra de Antonio León y Gama”; also GKC, pp. 12-13, 17. 28. Boturini, Idea, p. 119 (Catálogo, párrafo VIII, no. 13). 29. As established by Tschohl, “Das Ende der Leyenda de los Soles.” See especially pp. 203-4. 30. Velázquez, Códice Chivnalpopoca, p. xi.

13

G uide to the T ranslation

general use has been Códice Chimalpopoca for the w hole com pilation; Anales de Cuauhtitlan for the first part; Leyenda de los Soles for the third. Strictly speaking, neither the present edition nor that o f Velázquez should have been called Chimalpopoca, since the manuscript’s m iddle part, the relación o f Ponce, is not included. But at this w riting I may argue— as Velázquez could not— that the popularity o f his Códice Chimalpopoca, com ­ prising just the tw o Nahuatl works, has given the name a valid second meaning.

Guide to the Translation The English version appearing in this volume is what language scientists call a free translation, as opposed to a lexical or morphemic analysis. But it is not free in the sense that students o f literature apply the term; rather, it attempts to be striedy faithful to the text, unbeautiful where the text is unbeautiful, ambiguous where the text is ambiguous. As for a close lexical analysis, the underlying assumption is that this is unnecessary if the ver­ sion adheres to grammatical rules. My belief is that it does, unless I have been careless, and that the Glossary and Grammatical N otes in the com ­ panion volume provide whatever additional support is needed to make the reading acceptable to specialists in the early 1990s— even if it cannot, at this point, be called definitive. Special features o f the translation are as follows. Paragraphing and subheads. For ease o f reading, the m onolithic copy blocks o f the manuscript have been broken into paragraphs, m ostly short, serving as topical units. Further, to assist readers in finding their way through a complex o f narrative strands, subheads have been inserted, en­ closed in square brackets to show that they are extraneous to the text. Line numbers. Numbers in the left margin, at the beginning o f each paragraph, key the English version to the Nahuatl text as it appears in the manuscript. For example, the number 5 1 :2 0 means that the paragraph in question starts in the twentieth line o f side fifty-one o f the physical paleograph. The reason for this numbering m ethod is that the Codex Chimal­ popoca is so compacdy and messily written that it w ould otherwise be nearly im possible (for those w ho must do so) to compare the transladon with the original. Those w ho are using only the English transladon should find the numbering sufficiendy serviceable, even if references need to be sought w ithin a range o f tw o or three lines o f the cited number (since the English often runs a litde ahead or behind the Nahuad).

14

Guide to the Translation

Word order. Naturally, the textual word order must often be changed in the translation. For example, at 1 : 1 2 - 1 4 the text, literally, has “And then into her hands they fell, w ho ate them, Itzpapalotl, the four hundred M ixcoa, she finished them off. Only W hite M ixcoad, called M ixcoatl the Younger, ran away, escaped from her hands.” To make this understandable I have w ritten, “And then they fell into the hands o f Itzpapalod, who ate the four hundred M ixcoa, finished them off. W hite M ixcoad, called M ix­ coad the Younger, was the only one who escaped, w ho ran away.” The changes should require no com m ent, except for the last tw o verbs, which I have transposed to avoid an andclimacdc word order in English. Under the assumpdon that this is a potential point o f interest, all such cases have been noted in the translation. Christian dates. Throughout the Annals o f Cuauhtidan, native-style dates such as 1 Flint or 8 Rabbit are accompanied by Christian-style equivalents added in square brackets. These follow the native author’s own correlation (see above) and are inserted here, just as Lehmann inserted them in his German edition, to help orient the reader. From the m odem point o f view these dates, especially the early ones, have literary rather than historical value— as Willard Gingerich has recognized in his perceptive study, “Quetzalcoad and the A gon o f Time: A Literary Reading o f the Anales de Cuauhtitlan.” Personal names. Names o f persons have been left untranslated, except in rare cases where the writer seems to be striving for a pun or som e other special effect. The English text preserves the varying forms o f a particular name, such as Tezozom octli, which may be apocopated (Tezozom oc) or enhanced by the honorific suffix -tzin (Tezozom octzin). For further com ­ ments on personal names see Grammatical N otes, sections 3 . 4 - 5 , in the com panion volume. Group names. Since the names o f m ost ethnic, tribal, or national groups have not been Anglicized in the translation, the reader should have som e awareness o f the derivation o f these terms and o f the differences between singular and plural forms. A few examples w ill illustrate the more com m on types: a M exicatl (pi. Mexica, variant pi. M exitin) is a native o f M exico; a C hololtecatl (pi. Choloteca) is a native o f Cholollan; a Cuauhtitlancalqui (pi. Cuauhtitiancalque), o f Cuauhtitlan; an Acolhua (pi. Acolhuaque), o f Acolhuacan. For further particulars see Grammatical N otes, sections 3 . 2 - 3 , in the com panion volume. Place names. Wherever there is a clear indication to do so, variant spell­ ings o f geographical names have been regularized in the translation in order to m inim ize ambiguity. The reader who came upon “Chiapan,” and

15

Guide to the Translation

later “Chiyapan,” m ight wonder if the same place is meant. It is, and the more usual spelling, “Chiapan,” has been adopted throughout the trans­ lation. For the sake o f com pleteness, variant spellings in the paleograph are entered in the Concordance in this volume and, o f course, preserved in the Transcription in the companion volume. The recurring “etc.” The Latin et ceterá appears ffequendy in the An­ nals o f Cuauhddan, evidendy w ith differing shades o f meaning. A t 2 :1 it seems equivalent to “more o f the same,” while at 3 : 2 6 it im plies “and so forth, as stated previously.” Apparendy at 6 : 2 7 it means “et al.” But m ost often, as at 8 : 4 6 and 1 2 :5, it suggests that the author (or the copyist?) is cutting short his source, as if to say that the matter is not worth pursuing or that the story is too w ell known to need retelling.

Annals of Cuauhtitlan

Contents

The goddess Itzpapalod speaks

1 :1

C a. A D . 635: Itzp a p a lo tl instructs the Chichimecs / H er death a t the hands ofM ixcoatl / O rigin o f the sacred bundle The beginning o f the year count

1:22

A D . 6 3 5 -9 3 : The C u au h titlan Chichim ecs depart from Chicom oztoc / They arrive in the country o f C u au h titlan I ccThere was still darkness”

The five suns

2 :2

A D . 6 9 4 -7 5 1 : B eginning c fth e Toltec era / The Colhuaque establish a nation / B irth o f the fifth sun / “A n d it was then th a t lig h t cam e” Early history o f Cuauhtitlan A D . 751 -8 1 6 : M ixcoatl takes leave o f the Chichimecs / They disperse / Itzp a p a lo tl speaks / H u a ctli rides the C u au h titlan Chichimecs The life o f Topiltzin Q uetzalcoad A D . 8 1 7 -9 5 : B irth o f T opiltzin I D eath o f H u a ctli / T opiltzin becomes Tollan’s priest an d ru ler / Sorcerers p u t him to flig h t / H e

2 :5 2

3:49

reappears as the m orning sta r

The fall o f Tollan

8 :4

A D . 8 9 6 -1 0 7 0 : H uem ac rules in Tollan ! H e is disgraced by fem ale sorcerers / Fam ine a n d the beginning o f hum an sacrifice / The Toltecs disperse / H u em afs suicide The M exica reach Chapoltepec

11:15

A D . 1071 -1 2 4 0 : The M exica set ou t fro m A ztla n / The Colhuaque reach Colhuacan / The Cholea arrive f O rigin o f the C uitlahuaca / The M exica are attacked a t Chapoltepec

Cuauhtidan genealogy

13:32

A D . 1240 a n d later: Q u in a tzin o f C u au h titlan m arries a M exica wom an / O rigin o f the w ar again st X altocan / Genealogy o f Q u in a tzin ’s descendants down to the m id-sixteenth century

The M exica in captivity

16 :3 2

A D . 1 2 4 0 -8 6 : The M exica are defeated a t Chapoltepec / The C olhuaque p erm it them to settle a t ccT izacapan” / A tta ck ed by the Colhuaque, the M exica flee I The Cholea are defeated by H uexotzinco / The M exica defeat the Colhuaque

Cuauhtidan’s war against Xaltocan

18:40

A D . 1 2 8 7 -9 7 a n d later: X altocam eca are attacked while qu ail

19

A nn ak c f Cuauhtitlan h u n tin g i W ar begins in earnest / X altocan 3s boundaries are pushed back I A m bush a t the shrine o f the serpentg o d / X altocam eca are exiled

The fall o f Colhuacan

21:46

A D . 1 2 9 8 -1 3 4 8 : H u a ctli o f C u au h titlan takes a Colhua bride / Pounding ofT enochtitlan / H uactW s son predicts the fa ll f Colhuacan / Tezozom octli o f A zcapotzalco begins the C holea w ar / Colhuacan destroyed by in tern al strife / C olhuaque m igrate to C u au h titlan The founding o f the city o f Cuauhtidan

24:37

A D . 1348 an d later: The C olhua newcomers in term arry w ith the C u auhtitlancalque / The C olhua settlem en t becomes th e new city o f C u au h titlan

The massacre o f the Chichim ecs

25:53

A D . 1349 a n d later: The C olhuaque establish new customs in C u au h titlan / Chichimecs are driven ou t Colhuacan restored

26:39

A D . 1 3 4 9 -7 7 : A cam apichtli o f Colhuacan begins the M exico dynasty in Tenochtitlan / M exico an d Cholea begin a “flow er w ar33/ C olhua nobles retu rn to Colhuacan

Cuauhtitlan’s glory

27:45

A D . 1 3 7 8 -1 4 0 6 : Cholea w ar begins in earnest / P yram id tem ple constructed in C u au h titlan / Tepaneca assassinate the ru ler o f C uitlahuac / C u au h titlan fin a lly defeats X altocan / The qu arterin g o f C u au h titlan town / B irth rfN ezahualcoyotl / B irth o f C u au h titlan 3s A yactlacatzin / H u itzilih u itl becomes ru ler f Tenochtitlan O rigins o f the Tepaneca War: the rise o f Toltidan

30:31

A D . 1 4 0 7 -8 an d later: Tepaneca assassinate the ru ler o f C u au h titlan / The T oltitlancalque jo in the Tepaneca a n d rebel again st C u au h titlan / H istory fT o ltitla n down to the m id-sixteenth century

O rigins o f the Tepaneca War: the tyranny o f Tezozom octli

31:43

A D . 1 4 0 9 -2 8 : TezozomoctWs Tepaneca assassinate the ru ler o f Colhuacan / M exico m ake a conquest in Tepaneca territo ry / C him alpopocatzin becomes ru ler ofT enochtitlan / Tepaneca assassinate Ixtlilxoch itl, ru ler cfTetzcoco / Tezozom octli dies / L ist o f his sons an d the kingdom s they usurped / M axtla becomes ru ler o f the Tepaneca / Tepaneca assassinate Chim alpopocatzin ofT enochtitlan an d T lacateotzin rfT latilolco / N ezahualcoyotl driven in to exile / Itzco a tl becomes ru ler ofT enochtitlan w ith M oteuczom atzin as his “g u a ra n to r33

O rigins o f the Tepaneca War: the exile o f Nezahualcoyod Ca. A D . 1 4 1 9 - 2 8 : Young N ezahualcoyotl ofTetzcoco eludes the Tepaneca assassins / Sorcerers designate him the avenger / H e takes his

20

34:33

Contents fir s t captive / W ith his m entor, Coyohua, he visits Tezozom octli an d mocks him / Coyohua an d N ezahualcoyotlfo il Tezozom octli The Tepaneca War: the sack o f Cuauhtitlan

40:1

A D . 1 4 2 9 -3 0 : C u au h titlan ^ vassal towns jo in the Tepaneca an d b u m C u au h titlan / C u au h titlan ’s ru ler com m its suicide The Tepaneca War: Cuauhtitlan joins w ith M exico A D . 1430: C u au h titlan installs a new ru ler / A llian ce w ith M exico a n d Tetzcoco (Acolhuacan) / R ecital o f Tepaneca crimes The Tepaneca War: em bassies to H uexotzinco

42:18

43:13

A D . 1430: The Tepaneca ask H uexotzinco fo r m ilita ry a id I H uexot­ zinco hum iliates em issaries fro m C u au h titlan / C u au h titlan hum iliates Tepaneca em issaries / H uexotzinco join s the allies again st the Tepaneca The Tepaneca War: N ezahualcoyod’s campaign

45:28

A D . 1430: N ezahualcoyotl leads allied troops again st a ll the towns ru led by Tepaneca I A C u au h titlan princess aids the allies in T oltitlan / Tepaneca are exiled I C u au h titlan regains its vassal towns / The allies also conquer the CtM uhnahuaca a n d the X altocam eca

After the Tepaneca War

47:39

A D . 1431: N ezahualcoyotl nam ed ru ler o f Tetzcoco I The T oltitlancalque are punished fo r p lo ttin g again st C u au h titlan f Tenochtitlan fa ils to conquer the C uitlah u aca I Flood in C u au h titlan 48:27

M exico’s glory begins A D . 1 4 3 2 -3 9 : N ezahualcoyotl takes up residence in Tetzcoco / Tepa­ neca retu rn fro m exile / Flood-control project I Tenochtitlan again m akes w ar on the C u itlah u aca / X altocan resettled by different nations I C u au h titlan threatens Ecatepec / The Cholea w ar spreads

49:42

The reign o f M oteuczom atzin the elder A D . 1 4 4 0 -6 8 : M oteuczom atzin becomes ru ler ofT enochtitlan I H e interferes in the ä v il w ar o f the C uitlah u aca I Fam ine / N ezahualcoyotl builds his tem ple / M oteuczom atzin fa ils to seduce the queen o f C oaixtlahuacan I B eginning o f trib u te fro m the coastlands / Chaleo sues fo r peace / C onstruction o f the Chapoltepec aqueduct I W ar o f the children

54:46

The reign o f Axayacatzin A D . 1 4 6 9 -8 0 : D eath o f M oteuczom atzin ! Accession o f A xayacatzin / D eath o f N ezahualcoyotl I N ezah u alpilli becomes ru ler o f Tetzcoco / Scandals qfM oquihuix / W ar between Tenochtitlan an d T latilolco / A xayacatzin receives tw o H u exotzin ca women / H is victory over the M a tla tzin ca a t X iquipilco

57:36

The reign o f Tizocicatzin A D . 1481 -8 5 : D eath o f A xayacatzin fAccession o f T izocicatzin / F irst in a series o f solar eclipses I P yram id ofH u itzilopoch tli begun

21

Annals o f Cuauhtitlan The reign o f A huitzotzin

57:52

A D . 1 4 8 6 -1 5 0 2 : D eath cfT izo cica tzin ¡Accession o f A h u itzo tzin / H e assigns a ru ler to the Cholea / Rebellious C holea are punished / M ass sacrifice fo r the dedication o f the pyram id in Tenochtitlan / E arth shakes / D iverted waters cause flood / Fam ine begins

The reign o f M oteuczom atzin the younger

59:37

A D . 1 5 0 3 -1 7 : D eath o f A h u itzo tzin ! M oteuczom atzin th e younger becomes ru ler ofT enochtitlan / The C holea bu ild a pyram id in T lalm analco / Fam ine ends / Sacrifices in C u au h titlan ! A n executioners* p a rty / F irst appearance o f the com et (or “cloud banner**) / C acam atzin becomes ru ler ofTetzcoco / M oteuczom atzin a n d the skull rack lord On the origin o f the skull rack lords

62:11

H ow the skull rack lords ofC u itlah u ac trace th eir descentfro m M ixcoatl / O n the qu arterin g ofC u itlah u ac / Boundaries established by M ixcoatl

The reign o f M oteuczom atzin the younger, continued

63:22

A . D . 1 5 1 7 -1 8 : M oteuczom atzin takes a H u exotzin ca wom an as his concubine

Four eras

63 :3 6

H istory divided in to fo u r periods: (1) era ofT ollan etc., (2) era o fA zca potzalco etc., (3) era ofT enochtitlan etc., (4) a rriva l o f the Spaniards

Realms, rulers, and tribute

63:41

C a. A D . 1518: L ists o f rulers / T ribu te rolls fo r Tetzcoco, M exico, an d Tlacopan

A short history o f the M exica A D . 1 3 5 0 -1 5 1 8 : Synopsis o f M exica history fro m the reign o f A cam apichtli down to the a rriva l o f the fir s t Spaniards

65:48

[The goddess Itzpapalod speaks: ca. A.D. 6 3 5 ]1 i: i i

i

i

i

i

i

“ . . . a yellow eagle, a yellow jaguar, a yellow snake, a yellow rabbit, a yellow deer. 2 “Shoot to the south, to the southlands, the garden lands, the flower lands. There you must shoot a red eagle, a red jaguar, a red snake, a red rabbit, a red deer. 5 “And when you have done your shooting, lay them in the hands o f Xiuhteuctli, the Old Spirit, whom these three are to guard: Mixcoatl, Tozpan, and Ihuid.2 These are the names o f the three hearthstones.” Thus Itzpapalod taught the Chichimecs. io And when the Chichimecs come, the Mixcoa, the four hundred Mixcoa,3 are in the lead. That’s how they issue forth from Chiucnauhtilihuican [Nine Hills], from Chiucnauhixdahuad [Nine Fields, i.e., the underworld]. 12 And then they fell into the hands o f Itzpapalod, who ate the four hun­ dred Mixcoa, finished them off. White Mixcoad, called Mixcoad the younger, was the only one who escaped, who ran away.4 H e jumped inside a barrel cactus. is And when Itzpapalod seized the cactus, Mixcoad rushed out and shot her, calling to the four hundred Mixcoa,5 who had died. They appeared. They shot her. And when she was dead, they burned her. Then they rubbed themselves with her ashes, blackening their eye sockets. i9 And when their bundle6 was finished being made, they all decorated themselves in a place called Mazatepec.

1. The teachings of the goddess, continued from the missing first folio, are recapitulated in lines 3 :1 6 -2 9 below. 2. The translation follows Lehmann and Velázquez. But Sullivan, plausibly, has “And when you have shot your arrows, place in the hands of Xiuhtecudi [the god of fire], the Old God, the three who are to guard him—Mixcoad, Tozpan, and Ihuid.” 3. For the textual mixcoat read mixcoa or mixcoâ. See GN sec. 1.1. 4. Andclimactic word order reversed in the translation. 5. For the textual mixcoa read mixcoâ. 6. A sacred bundle containing the ashes of Itzpapalod is mentioned in line 50:36 below. See also lines 8 0:10-19.

The beginning o f the year count: A D . 6 3 5 -9 3

[The beginning o f the year count: A.D. 6 3 5 -9 3 ] i

22

i :2 4 ;

25

i :3i

i :37 i:38 i :40

i

44

;

49

i 52

Then the four year counters got started. The first is Reed. The second, Flint. The third, House. The fourth, Rabbit. 1 Reed [635]. This is when the Chichimecs came out o f Chicomoztoc [Seven Caves], so it is told, so it is related in their narratives. The year count, the day sign count, and the count o f each twenty-day period were made the responsibility o f those known as Oxomoco and Cipactonal. Oxomoco means the man, Cipactonal means the woman. Both were very old. And from then on, old men and old women were called by those names. 2 Flint. 3 House. 4 Rabbit. 5 Reed. 6 Flint. 7 House. 8 Rabbit. 9 Reed. 10 Flint. 11 House. 12 Rabbit. 13 Reed. 1 Flint. 2 House. 3 Rabbit. 4 Reed. 5 Flint. 6 House. 7 Rabbit. 8 Reed. 9 Flint. 10 House. 11 Rab­ bit. 12 Reed. 13 Flint. 1 House. 2 Rabbit. 3 Reed. 4 Flint. 5 House. 6 Rabbit. 7 Reed. 8 Flint. 9 House. 10 Rabbit. 11 Reed. 12 Flint. 13 House. 1 Rabbit. 2 Reed. 3 Flint. 4 House. 5 Rabbit. 6 Reed. 7 Flint. 8 House. 9 Rabbit. 10 Reed. 11 Flint. 12 House. 13 Rabbit.7 13 Rabbit [686] was the beginning o f Tetzcoco’s year count, [the be­ ginning of] their Chichimec period. 1 Reed [687] was when Chicontonatiuh (o f Cuauhdtlan) was made ruler. At Quetzaltepec he assumed the rule.8 2 Flint. 3 House. 4 Rabbit. 5 Reed [691]. This was the year the Cuauhtddan Chichimecs arrived in the region, at Macuexhuacan Huehuetocan. It has already been told, al­ ready been mentioned how they came out o f Chicomoztoc and how it was known that the year count o f the Cuauhtidan Chichimecs began in a year 1 Reed. And when these Chichimecs arrived in the year 5 Reed, they were hunt­ ers on the move. They had no houses, no lands, no clothes that were soft goods.9 They just wore hides and long moss.10 And their children were brought up in mesh bags and pack baskets. They ate large prickly pears, barrel cactus, spine silk, sour prickly pears. They suffered much during all the 364 years before they arrived in the country o f Cuauhtidan, and it was then that the dynasty o f the Cuauhti­ dan Chichimecs began and got started. Now, it must be said and it is to be understood: with regard to the 7. Marginal gloss: 52. 8. The translation agrees with Sullivan. See GLOS: tlatocati. 9. For yanm anqui read yamanqui. 10. Tillandsia sp. (Spanish moss).

24

The five suns: A D . 6 9 4 -751

i

54

1

55

above year-time, it was actually in that time, in that year, 1 Reed, while they were still on the road, that they got themselves a ruler.11 During these years that the Chichimecs lived, it is told and related that there was still darkness. There was still darkness, so it is told, because they had no fame yet, no renown. There was no happiness. They were still on the move, etc. 6 Flint. 7 House.

2 :2

[The five suns: A.D. 6 9 4 - 751]

2

5

2

8

2.9 2 io 2 :ii

2, i2 2

.14

2 . i5 2 i6

2

2

i

According to their stories, which they had trouble remembering,12 the old ones knew that the land, or earth, had its beginning and was estab­ lished in the first age. 8 Rabbit [694]. The fourth sun, the sun whose day sign is 4 Wind. 9 Reed. 10 Flint. 11 House. 12 Rabbit. 13 Reed. 1 Flint. 2 House. 3 Rabbit. 4 Reed. 5 Flint. 6 House. 7 Rabbit. 8 Reed. 9 Flint. 10 House. 11 Rabbit. The second age is told and related to be the fifth sun, or age. 12 Reed. 13 Flint. 1 House. 2 Rabbit. 3 Reed. 4 Flint. 5 House. 6 Rabbit. 7 Reed. 8 Flint. The third age, sun five o f 4 Wind. 9 House [721]. At this time the Colhua Chichimecs established their own nation. 10 Rabbit. 11 Reed. 12 Flint. 13 House [725]. Chicontonatiuh rules in Cuauhtidan. The town is at Macuexhuacan. 1 Rabbit [726] is when the Toltecs began. Their year count started in 1 Rabbit. It is said that life had been created four times. So the old ones knew that in the fifth age,13 in the time o f 1 Rabbit, earth and sky were established, and they knew that when earth and sky were established, people had existed four times, life had been created four times. So they knew how each o f the suns had been. And they said that the one they called their god made them, created them, out o f ashes. This they attributed to Quetzalcoatl. 7 Wind is the day sign o f the one who made them, created them. 11. See line 1:38 above. 12. The passage that follows, down through line 2:10, is indeed confusing. A more coherent version of the myth begins with line 2:24 below. 13. The intrusive CCCC, written with an overline in the manuscript, appears misplaced. At 1:13 and 1:17 the same figure means 400.

25

Early history of Cuauhtitlan: A JD. 751 -8 1 6

4 Water is the day sign o f the first sun that there was in the beginning. And its name is Water Sun. All those who were created in its time were swept away by water. All the people turned into dragonfly nymphs and fish. 2 :2 7 4 Jaguar is the day sign o f the second sun that there was, called Jaguar Sun. It happened that the sky collapsed then,14 and the sun did not con­ tinue. It happened at midday. Then there was darkness, and while it was dark, the people were eaten. 2 3i And giants were alive in the time o f this one, and the old people say that their greeting was “D on’t fall!” because whoever fell would fall for good. 2:34 4 Rain is the day sign o f the third sun that there was, called Rain Sun. In the time o f this one it happened that fire rained down, so that those who were there were burned. Also gravel rained down. They say that the gravel we find was strewn at this time. Also the lava stone boiled. And the various rocks that are red were deposited then. 2.39 4 Wind is the day sign o f the fourth sun, the Wind Sun. In its time people were blown away by the wind, people were turned into monkeys. Those who remained, the monkey people, were scattered in the forest. 2 :42 4 Movement is the day sign o f the fifth sun, called Movement Sun, because it moves along and follows its course. And from what the old people say, there will be earthquakes in its time, and famine, and because o f this we will be destroyed. 2:46 2 Reed. 3 Flint. 4 House. 5 Rabbit. 6 Reed. 7 Flint. 8 House. 9 Rabbit. 10 Reed. 11 Flint. 12 House. 13 Rabbit. 1 Reed. 2 Flint. 3 House. 4 Rabbit. 5 Reed. 6 Flint. 7 House. 8 Rabbit. 9 Reed. 10 Flint. 11 House. 12 Rabbit. 13 Reed. 2 .49 They say the sun that exists today was bom in 13 Reed [751], and it was then that light came, and it dawned. Movement Sun, which exists today, has the day sign 4 Movement, and this sun is the fifth that there is. In its time there will be earthquakes, famine. 2

:2 4

[Early history o f Cuauhtitlan: A.D. 7 5 1 -8 1 6 ] 2:52 2:54 2

55

13 Reed [751] is when Chicontonatiuh died in Macuexhuacan. H e had ruled Cuauhtidan for sixty-five years. In the year 1 Flint [752] the Toltecs got themselves a ruler. They took Mixcoamazatzin as their ruler, and he initiated the Toltec rule. Also in this year Xiuhneltzin was inaugurated as ruler o f Cuauhtitlan in 14. For the tla- impersonal verb with specific third-person subject see GRAM sec. 5.9.

26

Early history of Cuauhtitlan: A D . 751 -8 1 6

Ximilco.15 They were there for one year and moved to Cuaxoxouhcan. This was during the era o f the devil Mixcoad, who was still with them at that time. And it was then that Xiuhneltzin set up his boundary markers. Afterward [Mixcoad] sent the Chichimecs away, and they went from town to town. H e took leave o f them, giving them his gear and apparel.16 3:5 2 House. 3 Rabbit. 4 Reed. 5 Flint. 6 House. 7 Rabbit. 8 Reed. 9 Flint. 10 House. 11 Rabbit. 12 Reed. 13 Flint. 1 House. 2 Rabbit. 3 Reed. 4 Flint. 5 House. 6 Rabbit. 7 Reed. 8 Flint. 9 House. 10 Rabbit. 11 Reed. 12 Flint. 13 House. 1 Rabbit. 2 Reed. 3 Flint. 4 House. 5 Rabbit. 6 Reed. 7 Flint. 8 House. 9 Rabbit. 10 Reed. 11 Flint. 12 House. 13 Rabbit. 1 Reed. 2 Flint. 3 House. 4 Rabbit. 5 Reed. 6 Flint. 7 House. 8 Rabbit. 9 Reed. 10 Flint. 11 House. 12 Rabbit. 13 Reed. 3:i2 In 1 Flint [804] the Cuauhtidan Chichimecs got themselves a ruler. Thus began a new Chichimec rule in Cuauhddan. They made Huactli their new ruler in a place called Necuameyocan. 3 is Now, this is the story that was told by the Chichimec old people: 3 i6 When the rule o f the Chichimecs began, a woman named Itzpapalod spoke to them and said, “You must make Huactli your ruler. Go to Necuameyocan and build a thorn house, a maguey house. And there you will spread the thorn mat, the maguey mat. 3 2 o “And then you must go to the east, and there you must shoot. 3 2 i “Likewise to the north, to the desert lands, and there you must shoot. 3 22 “Likewise to the south [should be west?], and there you must shoot. 3.23 “Likewise to the garden lands, the flower lands [i.e., the south?], and there you must shoot. 3:2 4 “And when you have done your shooting and have taken the holy ones, the blue, the yellow, the white, and the red, the eagle, the jaguar, the snake, and the rabbit, etc., then you must put Tozpan, Ihuid, and Xiuhnel to guard Xiuhteuctli, etc. That’s where your captured ones will be cooked. When Huactli has observed his four-day17 ruler’s fast, your captured ones will be needed.” 3 :29 And those Chichimecs who got themselves a ruler are named here: Mix­ coad, Xiuhnel, Mimich, Cuahuicol. And then these: Itzdacoliuhqui, Necuamed, Amimid, Iquehuac, Nahuacan.18And the Chichimec women were Coad, Miahuad, Coacueye, Yaocihuad, Chichimecacihuad, Tlacochcue. 15. Follows Lehmann. Velázquez reads Temilco. 16. In later times Cuauhtitlan Chichimec warriors and ritualists would dress themselves as Mixcoad. See lines 25:47 and 56:25 below. 17. The reading follows Velázquez, who conjectures that the numeral 9 in the manuscript is a copyist’s error for “4,” which would merely reinforce the nahuilhuitl (four days). Accord­ ing to Alva Ixdilxochid, the ruler’s four-day inaugural fast was instituted by Topiltzin. See IXT 1:387. 18. Lehmann reads Iquehuac Nahuacan as one person.

27

The life ofTopiltzin Quetzalcoatl: A T ). 8 1 7 -9 5 3 : 33

3 : 37

3 : 41

3.43

3 :46

3 : 48

And so then they installed a Chichimec prince, who would always lead them. And they made an egret banner for their leader to carry wherever he might go, wherever he might setde, so that he could be seen and they could rally around. This was not to be the place where he would stay. And when that was done, in the very year 1 Flint, the Chichimecs dis­ persed, going everywhere, from one country to the next: Michhuacan, Cohuixco, Yopitzinco, Totollan, Tepeyacac, Cuauhquechollan, Huexotzinco, Tlaxcallan, Tliliuhquitepec, Zacatlantonco, Tototepec. And some o f them turned around and went to Cuexdan, and some went to Acolhuacan. They went in all directions, traveled in all directions. Tepolnextli, Tlancuaxoxouhqui, and Xiuhtochtli, who are said to have taken the lead among those who went to Huexotzinco, were separated in Cuaxoxouhcan by that devil, who took them to different towns. In order to finish the above story, it must be said that it was when Xiuhneltzin was ruling that Cuaxoxouhcan was the seat o f Cuauhtidan. 2 House. 3 Rabbit. 4 Reed. 5 Flint. 6 House. 7 Rabbit. 8 Reed. 9 Flint. 10 House. 11 Rabbit. 12 Reed. 13 Flint.

[The life ofTopiltzin Quetzalcoatl: A.D. 8 1 7 -9 5 ] 3 : 49

3 : 52

3 : 54

3 : 56

4 :3 4 :4

1 House [817]. In that year the ruler o f the Toltecs died, the one who started the dynasty, the one whose name was Mixcoamazatzin. Then Huetzin was inaugurated, and he ruled in Tollan. 2 Rabbit. 3 Reed. 4 Flint. 5 House. 6 Rabbit. 7 Reed. 8 Flint. 9 House. 10 Rabbit. 11 Reed. 12 Flint. 13 House. 1 Rabbit. 2 Reed. 3 Flint. 4 House. 5 Rabbit. 6 Reed [835]. This is when Quetzalcoad’s father died, whose name was Totepeuh. And at this time Ihuitimal was inaugurated, and he ruled in Tollan. 7 Flint. 8 House. 9 Rabbit. 10 Reed. 11 Flint. 12 House. 13 Rabbit. 1 Reed [843]. According to what they tell and what they say, this was when Quetzalcoatl was born, called Topiltzin Priest Ce Acad Quetzalcoad, and his mother they say was named Chimalman. And from what they say about him, Quetzalcoad was placed in his mother’s belly when she swal­ lowed a piece o f jade. 2 Flint. 3 House. 4 Rabbit. 5 Reed. 6 Flint. 7 House. 8 Rabbit. 9 Reed [851]. It was in 9 Reed that Quetzalcoad looked for his father When he was nine: years old and had some awareness,19 he said, “What is my father like? May I see him? May I look at his face?” 19. Anticlimactic word order reversed in the translation.

28

The life ofTopiltzin Quetzalcoatl: A D . 8 1 7 -9 5 4

:

6

4 : 10

4 : 11

4 : 17

4 : 21 4 :22

4 : 25

4 : 27

4 : 29

4 : 30 4.31

4 : 32

“H e’s dead, he’s buried over there,” was the answer. ‘Take a look.” So Quetzalcoad went there. And he looked for the bones. H e dug them up.20 And when he had removed the bones, he went and buried them in the temple mound o f [the spirit] known as Quilaztli. 10 Flint. 11 House. 12 Rabbit. 13 Reed. 1 Flint. 2 House. 3 Rabbit 4 Reed. 5 Flint. 6 House. 7 Rabbit. 8 Reed. 9 Flint. 10 House [865]. In that year Huactli died, who had been ruler o f Cuauhtidan. H e had ruled for sixty-two years. This was the ruler who did not know how to plant edible com. Also, his subjects did not know how to make tilmas. They still wore hides. Their food was just birds, snakes, rabbits, and deer. As yet they were homeless. They just kept going, kept moving from place to place. In 11 Rabbit [866] the lady Xiuhdacuilolxochitzin became ruler, and she had her straw-house in Tianquiztenco. Where it was is now Tepexitenco. And the reason the nation had been left to this lady, they say, is that she was Huacdi’s wife— also she knew how to invoke the devil Itzpapalod. 12 Reed. 13 Flint. 1 House. In 2 Rabbit [870] Quetzalcoad arrived in ToUantzinco. H e spent four years there and built his house o f fasting, his turquoise house o f beams. From there he came out toward Cuexdan, and in order to cross a certain river he built a bridge o f stone that stands to this day, so it is said. 3 Reed. 4 Flint. 5 House [873].21 This was the year the Toltecs went to get Quetzalcoad to make him their ruler in Tollan, and in addition he was their priest. The story o f it has been written elsewhere. 6 Rabbit. 7 Reed [875]. Xiuhdacuilolxochitzin, the Cuauhtidan lady, died at this time. She had ruled for twelve years. 8 Flint [876]. That year Ayauhcoyotzin was inaugurated as ruler o f Cuauhtidan at a place called Tecpancuauhda. 9 House. 10 Rabbit. 11 Reed. 12 Flint. 13 House. 1 Rabbit. 2 Reed [883]. According to stories from Tetzcoco, Quetzalcoad Topiltzin o f Tollan Colhuacan died at this time.22 It was in 2 Reed that Topiltzin, or Ce Acad Quetzalcoatl, built his house o f fasting, his place o f penance, his place o f prayer. Four in number were the houses that he built: his turquoise house o f beams, his house o f redshell, his house o f whiteshell, his house o f quetzal plumes. There he prayed, did penance, and kept his fast. 20. Anticlimactic word order reversed in the translation. 21. Marginal gloss: Ihuitimal died. 22. Marginal gloss: These are not valid here.

29

The life ofTopiltzin Quetzalcoatl: A D . 8 1 7 -9 5 4 : 36

4:37

4 :42

4 : 45

4 : 49

4 : 53

4 : 55

5 :2

5 :4

And just at midnight he would go down to the water, to the place called Water Shrine, or At-the-Water-Weed. And he punctured himself with thorns23 on top o f Xicocotl and Huitzco and Tzincoc and Mount Nonoalco. And he made his thorns o f jade and his needles o f quetzal plumes. And for incense he burned turquoise, jade, and redshcll. And the blood offerings that he sacrificed were snakes, birds, and butterflies. Now, it is told and related that it was to heaven that he prayed, that he worshipped. And the ones he called out to were Cidalinicue, Cidalatonac, Tonacacihuad, Tonacateucdi, Tecolliquenqui, Ezdaquenqui, Tlallamanac, Tlalichcad.24 Well, as they knew, he was crying out to the Place o f Duality, to the Nine Layers,25 which is how the sky is arranged. And so those dwellers yonder knew that the one who was calling to them and praying to them had really been keeping up his humility, keeping up his contrition. What is more, in his life and in his time he introduced great riches, jade, turquoise, gold, silver, redshell, whiteshell, quetzal plumes. And cotingas, roseate spoonbills, troupials, trogons, and herons. In addition he introduced cacao o f different colors and different-colored cotton.26 And he was a great craftsman in all his works: his eating dishes, his drink­ ing vessels, his green-, herb-green-,27 white-, yellow-, and red-painted pottery. And there was much more. And during the time that he lived Quetzalcoad started and began his temple; he put up the serpent columns. But he did not finish it, he did not build it to the top. And in the time that he lived he did not show himself in public. H e was guarded in a chamber that was hard to reach. Many were the places in which the pages who were guarding him had sealed him up. And wherever 23. For the textual onmohuitztlaliliaya read onmohuitztlaliaya. The rite of puncturing one­ self with thorns, or maguey spines, in the wilderness as a devotional offering is described in FC bk. 3, app. ch. 8; and HG bk. 3, app. ch. 8. Cf. line 6 :52 below. 24. The names may be translated Star Skirt, Star Shine, Food Woman, Food Lord, Dressed in Charcoal, Dressed in Blood, Earth Founder(?), and Earth Cotton. Citlala-, eztla -, and tlalla- are here taken to be modified combining forms of citlalin , eztli, and tlalli. See GRAM sec. 7.2. 25. Twelve layers are mentioned in FC 10:169:2. According to HG bk. 10, ch. 29, sec. 1, the lord and lady of duality (Ometeuctli and Omecihuad) were in the topmost of these layers. 26. FC 3 :1 4 :1 3 -2 4 mendons naturally colored cotton that did not have to be dyed and “flower cacao” (see NED: xochicacahuad). 27. “Green-, herb-green” is evidendy a single color (see GLOS: xoxoctic 2). Since “green” can also be blue, the writer needs to make clear that he means green like the grass, not green like the sky (see NED: ilhuicaxoxöhuic 2). I am indebted to the archaeologist Michael E. Smith for advising me that blue-glazed pottery is not found.

30

The life ofTopützin Quetzalcoatl: A D . 8 1 7 -9 5

he was sealed, some o f his pages were there. And that’s where the jade mat was, the plume mat, the mat o f gold. 5 8 Now, it has been told and mentioned that the houses for fasting that he built were four in number. 5 9 Well, it is told and related that many times during the life o f Quetzalcoatl, sorcerers tried to ridicule him into making the human payment,28 into taking human lives. But he always refused. H e did not consent,29 because he gready loved his subjects, who were Toltecs. Snakes, birds, and butterflies that he killed were what his sacrifices always were. s is And it is told and related that with this he wore out the sorcerers’ pa­ tience. So it was then that they started to ridicule him and make fun o f him, the sorcerers saying they wanted to torment Quetzalcoatl and make him run away. 5 is And it became true. It happened. s w 3 Flint. 4 House. 5 Rabbit. 6 Reed. 7 Flint. 8 House. 9 Rabbit. 10 Reed. 11 Flint. 12 House. 13 Rabbit. 5.21 1 Reed [895] was the year Quetzalcoatl died. And it is said that he went to Tlillan Tlapallan in order to die there. 5:22 Afterward, a certain Matlacxochitl was inaugurated as ruler, became ruler o f Tollan. 5 23 Then they tell how Quetzalcoatl departed. It was when he refused to obey the sorcerers about making the human payment, about sacrificing humans. Then the sorcerers deliberated among themselves, they whose names were Tezcatlipoca, Ihuimecatl, and Toltecatl. They said, “H e must leave his city. We shall live there.” 5 27 “Let us brew pulque,” they said. “We’ll have him drink it and make him lose his judgment, so that he no longer performs his sacraments.” 5 28 Then Tezcatlipoca said, “Myself, I say we should give him a way to see his flesh.”30 5 30 They agreed that they would do it. Then Tezcatlipoca went first. He took a two-sided mirror, a span wide,31 wrapped it up. And when he had come to where Quetzalcoatl was, he said to the pages who were guarding him, “Announce to the priest: A young man32 has come to show you, come to present you,33 your flesh.” 28. “Payment” refers to human sacrifice. See also 5:24 below. Compare the “payment” made in the Cantares Mexicanos (see NED: patiuhtli). 29. For the textual àma çiz read cano çiz. 30. Lit., let us give him how he will see his flesh. For quitoz read quittaz. Lehmann, followed by Sullivan, translates “Let us give him his flesh. How shall he see it?” 31. The “span” is a unit of measure equal to about 14 cm. See GLOS: cemiztid. 32. A play on words. “Young Man” (Telpochtli) was another name for the god Tezcatlipoca. 33. Anticlimactic word order reversed in the translation.

31

The life ofTopiltzin Quetzalcoatl: A D . 8 1 7 -9 5 5 : 34

5:36

5 : 37

5:38 5:39

5 :42

5 :43

5 : 45

5 :46

5 : 50

5 : 51

5 : 53

The pages went inside and repeated it to Quetzalcoatl, who said, “What’s that, grandfather page? What’s my ‘flesh’?” Take a look at what he’s brought, and then he may come in.” But he reñised to let them see it. “I must show it to the priest myself,” he said. “Go tell him that.” They went and told him: “H e refuses, and he very much wants to show it to you.”34 “Let him come, grandfather,” said Quetzalcoatl. They went and called Tezcatlipoca. H e entered, greeting him. H e said, “My child,35 Priest Ce Acad, Quetzalcoad, I greet you. And Fve come to show you your flesh.” “You’ve wearied yourself,36 grandfather,” said Quetzalcoad. “Where do you come from? What is this ‘flesh’ o f mine? Let me see it.” “My child, O priest, I, your servant, have come from the foot o f Mount Nonoalco. May it please you to see your flesh.” Then he gave him the mirror37 and said, “Know yourself, see yourself, my child, for you will appear in the mirror.” Then Quetzalcoad looked and was terrified. “If my subjects saw me,” he said, “they might run away.” For his eyelids were bulging,38 his eye sockets deeply sunken, his face pouchy all over— he was monstrous. When he had looked in the mirror, he said, “My subjects are never to see me. I must stay right here.” Then Tezcatlipoca left him and came away.39 And in order to make fun o f him he consulted with Ihuimecad.40 Ihuimecad said, “Let the featherworker Coyotlinahual be the one to

go” 5 : 54

5 : 56

6

:

1

6

:

2

They repeated it to him, that he was to go. “Very well,” said the featherworker Coyotlinahual, “I’ll go see Quetzalcoad.” And so he went. He said to Quetzalcoad, “My child, I say you must go out. Let your subjects see you. And for them to see you, let me dress you up.” H e said, “Grandfather, do it! I’d like to see it.” And so he did it, this featherworker, this Coyotlinahual. First he made 34. Read m itznw ttitüiznequi. Cf. lines 5:34 and 5 :37 above, and 5:41 below. 35. The alternate translation “my prince,” seems less appropriate in light of the usages in FC bk. 6, where the ruler is addressed by subordinates as “child” or even “grandchild” (see FC 6:51:23). At 6 :42 below, Quetzalcoatl’s sister is also addressed as “my child.” 36. A standard greeting to visitors, often translated “Welcome!” 37. Lehmann notes, uTetzcatl is a variant of tezcatl [mirror], especially in the speech of Tetzcoco.” 38. Lit., his eyelids were rounded gready. “Rounded eyelids” ( ixcuatolli mimiltic) de­ scribes the normal condidon per FC 10:101. 39. Andclimacdc word order reversed in the transladon. 40. A “named partner” construction allowed by Andrews (p. 201), evidendy not allowed by Carochi (see CAR 490 or CAROC 86v, GRAM sec. 10.11). Lit., And Ihuimecad [and he] consulted with one another as to if they [might] not be able to make ftin of him.

32

The life ofTopützin Quetzalcoatl: A D . 8 1 7 -9 5

Quetzalcoatl’s head fan. Then he fashioned his turquoise mask,41 taking yellow to make the front, red to color the bill.42 Then he gave him his serpent teeth and made him his beard, covering him below with cotinga and roseate spoonbill feathers. 6 7 When he had prepared it— the way the attire o f Quetzalcoatl used to be— he gave him the mirror. 6 8 Seeing himself, Quetzalcoad was well pleased. At that very moment he went out from the place where he was being guarded. ó 9 Then Coyotlinahual, the featherworker, went to Ihuimecad and said, “I have brought Quetzalcoad out. N ow go!” 6 ij “Very well,” he said. Then he befriended a certain Toltecad, and when they were ready to go, they set off together.43 6 i3 Then they came to Xonacapacoyan44 and lodged with the man who worked the fields there, Maxdaton, the keeper o f Toltecatepec.45 Then they also stewed greens, tomatoes, chilis, fresh corn, and beans. And it was all done in just a few days. 6 i6 There were also magueys there, which they requested from Maxda. In just four days they made them into pulque, then they decanted it. They were the ones who discovered the litde hives o f tree honey, and it was with this46 that they decanted the pulque. 6 2o Then they went to Tollan, to the house o f Quetzalcoad, bringing all their greens, their chilis, and so forth. Also the pulque. When they got there, they tried to enter, but QuetzalcoatPs guards would not let them.47 Twice, three times they turned them away. They were not admitted. Fi­ nally they were asked where their home was. 6 24 “Over at Tlamacazcatepec, at Toltecatepec,”48 they replied. 6:2 5 Hearing them, Quetzalcoad said, “Let them come in.” 6:2 6 They went in. Well, they greeted him, and at last they gave him the greens, etc. And when he had eaten o f it, they urged him once again, giving him the pulque. 41. The Quetzalcoatl mask that Moteuczoma sent to Cortés was a “serpent mask of tur­ quoise mosaic” ( coaxaiacatl, xiuhtica tlachioalli)—FC 12:11:10 and HG. But the descrip­ tion in our text seems closer to the Quetzalcoad masks shown in the pictographic codices, with their long bird bills, sometimes red, set with alligatorlike teeth or merely a pair of serpent fangs, and surrounded by a fringelike beard. The area of the eyes and forehead, either yellow or some other contrasting color, perhaps corresponds to the “front” mentioned here. For a guide to pictorial representations of the deity see León-Portilla, Quetzalcoatl. 42. Word order reversed in the translation. 43. Anticlimactic word order reversed in the translation. 44. Lit., place where onions are washed. 45. Lit., Toltec mountain. 46. Reaà yehuatl in k. 47. Lit., they tried, but Quetzalcoati’s guards would not allow them to enter. 48. Lit., at priest mountain, at Toltec mountain.

33

The life ofTopiltzin Quetzalcoatl: A D . 8 1 7 -9 5

6

28

6:2 9 6:3 0

6

33

6

35

But he said, “N o, I mustn’t drink it. I’m fasting. Is it intoxicating? Or fatal?” ‘Taste it with your finger,” they told him. “It’s piquant.”49 Quetzalcoad tasted it with his finger. Finding it good, he said, “Let me drink, grandfather.” And when he had drunk one draught, the sorcerers said to him, “You’ll drink four.” And so they gave him a fifth draught, saying, ‘T his is your portion.”50 Well, when he had drunk it, then they served all his pages, and they drank five draughts apiece. When the sorcerers had gotten them completely drunk, they said to Quetzalcoad, “My child, may it please you to sing, and here’s a song for you to recite.” Then Ihuimecad recited it for him:

6:38

I must leave51 my house o f quetzal, o f quetzal, my house o f troupial, my house o f redshell.

6:3 9

When he had gotten into a happy mood, he said, “Go get my sister52 Quetzalpedad. Let the two o f us be drunk together.” His pages went to Mount Nonoalco, where she was doing penance, and said, “My child, lady, Quetzalpedad, O fasting one, we’ve come to get you. Priest Quetzalcoad is waiting for you.53 You’re to go be with him.” She said, “All right, let’s go, grandfather page.” And when she got there, she sat down beside Quetzalcoad. Then they served her the pulque. Four draughts and one more, a fifth, were poured for her. And when Yhuimecad and Toltecad had made everyone drunk, they presented a song to Quetzalcoad’s sister. They recited it for her:

6 4i

6

44

6

47

6:4 9

My sister,where are you?54 O Quetzalpedad, let’s be drunk, aÿya ÿya ynye an.

6 so

Having made themselves drunk, they no longer said, “Let us do pen­ ance.” N o longer did they go down to the water. N o longer did they go out to puncture themselves with thorns. From then on they did nothing at daybreak. 49. Lit., indeed it’s a sharp stone(?), indeed it’s a thorn. Perhaps a pun is intended, since “thorn” (hu itztli) is a synonym for pulque. 50. Four draughts were allowed; a fifth was considered the mark of a drunkard (HG bk. 10, ch. 29, section entided “De los mexicanos”). 51. The ya in ticyacahuaz is a nonsense syllable. 52. Lit., elder sister. 53. Read mitzmochialia. 54. Câ tiyanemeyan = can tinem i (where are you?; th cya and yan are nonsense syllables). This is a standard expression in Aztec songs, used to invoke an absent spirit, especially the supreme deity. For parallel passages, see NED: nemi 3.

34

The life ofTopützinQuetzalcoatl: A J ). 8 1 7 -9 5

Well, when dawn came, they were filled with sadness, their hearts were troubled. And Quetzalcoad said, “Alas for me!” And then he sang a la­ ment, composing a song about how he would have to go away. Then he sang it aloud:55

6 53

7 i

7

3

Never56 a portion counted57 in my house.58 Let it be here, ah, let it be here, here.59 Alas. May the realm endure. Alas. There’s only misery and servitude. Never will I recover.60 H e sang aloud the second stanza o f his song:

7 4

Ah, she used to carry me, alas, my mother, ah, Coacueye, the goddess, the noble one. I am weeping, ah.

7 5

When Quetzalcoad had sung, then all his pages were saddened. They wept. And they, too, sang, saying:61

7 s

They made us rich, they, our lords, and he, Quetzalcoad, who shined like a jade. Broken are the timbers, his house o f penance.62 Would that we might see him. Let us weep.

7:ii

And when Quetzalcoad’s pages had sung, he said to them, “Grandfather page, enough! I must leave this city. I must go away. Give the command. Have them make a stone chest.” 7 i4 Then quickly a stone chest was carved. And when they had carved it and it was finished, they laid Quetzalcoad in it. 7 i6 But he lay only four days in the stone chest. When he felt discomfort, 55. Rewritten as I understand it, with vocables italicized, the song text is as follows: aicon pohual[li] ce tonal[li] nocallan ma nican aya hue-ya ma nican-o nican-«» ma-ye ommani ye hue-hua dal\-a hue çan ya cococ dacoyod aie-a ninozcaltiç-a.

56. It is by no means dear that the copyist has stricken “htli,” though it seems to be smudged or blotted in the manuscript. Lehmann reads ayahtli, interpreting this as ayahtle or ay ahtie, in which case the translation might be “Ay, at my house a portion is counted as nothing.” The catchword aya at the bottom of side 6 lends weight to Lehmann's reading. 57. The two characters preceding the word are illegible. The reading on pohual follows Lehmann's guess. 58. Freely, “pulque has never been served (or esteemed) in my house” (?). In a variant of the story, a sorcerer addresses Quetzalcoad, calling the pulque “your portion” ( motonal, FC 3:16:22). 59. The diction of this and the following two sentences has echoes in the Cantares Mex­ icanos. With such phrases mortals leaving the earth express both nostalgia and anguish. 60. Alternate translation: “Never will I sober up.” 61. My reconstruction of the song text: aya techon-^a-cuiltonoca yehuan noteuchuan yehua [i]n quetzalcoad-«» mochalchiuhpopo[ya]hu-« cuahuid iezzocan-« dapa[n] ma tic-yaitzean yehuan ma-n tichocacan ean. 62. Marginal gloss: house of Quetzalcoad.

35

The life ofTopiltzin Quetzalcoad: A .D. 8 1 7 -9 5

7:22

7 25

- 27

7 :32

7 37

7

39

7

43

7 47

7 so 7 52 7

53

he said to his pages, “Enough, grandfather page! Let’s go. Everywhere conceal and hide what we once discovered, the joy, the riches, all our property, our possessions. And his pages did so. They hid it where QuetzalcoatPs bathing place was, at the place called Water Shrine, At-theWater-Weed. Then Quetzalcoad departed. H e got up, called together his pages, and wept over them. Then they set out, heading for Tlillan, Tlapallan, Tladayan.63 And he went looking everywhere, exploring. Nowhere was he satisfied. And when he reached the place he had been heading for, again he wept and was sad. Now, this year, 1 Reed, is when he got to the ocean, the seashore, so it is told and related. Then he halted and wept and gathered up his attire, putting on his head fan, his turquoise mask, and so forth. And as soon as he was dressed, he set himself on fire and cremated himself.64 And so the place where Quetzalcoad was cremated is named Tladayan [land o f burning]. And they say as he burned, his ashes arose. And what appeared and what they saw were all the precious birds, rising into the sky. They saw roseate spoonbills, cotingas, trogons, herons, green parrots, scarlet ma­ caws, white-fronted parrots, and all the other precious birds. And as soon as his ashes had been consumed, they saw the heart o f a quetzal rising upward. And so they knew he had gone to the sky, had entered the sky. The old people said he was changed into the star that appears at dawn. Therefore they say it came forth when Quetzalcoad died, and they called him Lord o f the Dawn. What they said is that when he died he disappeared for four days. They said he went to the dead land then. And he spent four more days making darts for himself. So it was after eight days that the morning star came out, which they said was Quetzalcoad. It was then that he became lord, they said. And so, when he goes forth, they know on what day sign he casts light on certain people, venting his anger against them, shooting them with darts.65 If he goes on 1 Alligator, he shoots old men and old women, all alike. If on 1 Jaguar or 1 Deer or 1 Flower, he shoots litde children. And if on 1 Reed, he shoots nobles. The same with everybody, if on 1 Death. And if on 1 Rain, he shoots the rain. N o rain will fall. 63. Lit., red land, black land, land of burning. 64. Andclimactic word order reversed in the translation. 65. Andclimactic word order reversed in the translation.

36

The fall of Tollan: A D . 896 -1 070 7:54 7:55 7:56

8: 1

8:3 8:4

And if on 1 Movement, he shoots youths and maidens. And if on 1 Water, there is drought,66 etc. So each o f these [day signs] was venerated67 by the old men and the old women o f former times. As for the one called Quetzalcoatl, his entire lifetime was such that he was bom in 1 Reed and also died in 1 Reed, so that his life was counted altogether as fifty-two years. So, it is finished in the year 1 Reed [895]. It was said that Madacxochitl succeeded him and ruled in Tollan.

[The fall o f Tollan: A.D. 896-1 0 7 0 ]

8 :9

8 : 13

8 : 19

8 : 21

8 : 24

8:27

2 Flint. 3 House. 4 Rabbit. 5 Reed. 6 Flint. 7 House. 8 Rabbit. 9 Reed. 10 Flint. 11 House. 12 Rabbit. 13 Reed. 1 Flint. 2 House. 3 Rabbit. 4 Reed. 5 Flint. 6 House. 7 Rabbit. 8 Reed. 9 Flint. 10 House. 11 Rabbit. 12 Reed. 13 Flint. 1 House. 2 Rabbit. 3 Reed. 4 Flint. 5 House. 6 Rabbit. 7 Reed. 8 Flint. 9 House. 10 Rabbit [930]. Ayauhcoyotzin, ruler o f Cuauhtitlan, died in that year. H e had ruled for fifty-five years. Madacxochitzin, ruler o f Tollan, also died then, and Nauhyotzin was inaugurated, succeeding him as Tollan’s ruler. 11 Reed [931]. The Cuauhtidan ruler Necuamexochitzin was inaugu­ rated in that year. His palace was in Tepotzotlan Miccacalco. The reason it was called Miccacalco [At the House o f the Dead] is that lightning struck there, killing noblemen and ladies, and so they changed residence. Nothing was left standing but the Chichimec rulers’ straw-house. They did not dare g o 68 back to their palace. 12 Flint. 13 House. 1 Rabbit. 2 Reed. 3 Flint. 4 House. 5 Rabbit. 6 Reed. 7 Flint. 8 House. 9 Rabbit. 10 Reed. 11 Flint. 12 House [945]. It was the year the Cuauhtidan ruler called Necua­ mexochitzin died. H e had ruled for fifteen years. Also at that time the Tollan ruler, Nauhyotzin, died, and Madaccoatzin was inaugurated, suc­ ceeding him. 13 Rabbit [946]. In that year Mecellotzin was inaugurated as ruler o f Cuauhtidan. His palace was built in a place called Tianquizzolco Cuauhdaapan. 1 Reed. 2 Flint. 3 House. 4 Rabbit. 5 Reed. 6 Flint. 7 House. 8 Rabbit. 9 Reed. 10 Flint. 11 House. 12 Rabbit. 13 Reed. 1 Flint. 2 House. 3 Rabbit. 4 Reed. 5 Flint. 6 House. 7 Rabbit. 8 Reed. 9 Flint. 10 House. 11 Rabbit. 12 Reed. 13 Flint. 66. Read tlahuaqui. 67. Read quitmyotiaya. Cf. line 9 :55 below. 68. The textual yaz should be yazque.

37

Thefaü c f Tollan: A B . 8 9 6 -1 0 7 0 8:30

8:32 8:33

8:35

8:37

8 :38

8 : 46

8 : 50

8:56

9:1

1 House [973]. In that year the ruler o f Tollan, who was called Matlaccoatzin, died. Tlücoatzin was inaugurated as Tollan’s ruler. 2 Rabbit. 3 Reed. 4 Flint. 5 House. 6 Rabbit. 7 Reed. 8 Flint. 9 House [981]. In that year the Cuauhtidan ruler Mecellotzin died. H e had ruled for thirty-six years. 10 Rabbit [982]. In that year Tzihuacpapalotzin was inaugurated as ruler o f Cuauhtidan. His palace was built in Cuauhdaapan. 11 Reed. 12 Flint. 13 House. 1 Rabbit. 2 Reed. 3 Flint. 4 House.69 5 Rabbit. 6 Reed. 7 Flint. 8 House. 9 Rabbit [994]. At that time, in the time o f 9 Rabbit, the Tollan ruler Tlilcoatzin died. And then Huemac was inaugurated, and his official tide became atecpanecatl.70 Many more stories about this are to be heard from a certain book: at the time he was inaugurated he got married, taking to wife a certain Coacueye, a mocihuaquetzqui,71 who received instructions from the Devil at a place called Coacueyecan; it was there that this woman known as Coacue had her home; her buttocks were an arm-span wide, etc.72 And when that occurred, they went to Xicocod and got a high priest, whose name was Cuauhtli. Then they came back and set him up on the mat and throne o f Quetzalcoad.73 Thus he was made his successor, he became the Quetzalcoad o f Tollan: it was he who became priest, succeed­ ing Huemac. Indeed, he became Quetzalcoad. When female sorcerers set out to make fun o f [Huemac] and mock him, [Huemac] cohabited with them. The sorcerer Yaod and the one called Tezcatlipoca, who lived in Tzapodan, were the ones who came there. When they deceived Huemac by changing themselves into women, he did cohabit with them. Then he stopped being Quetzalcoad. It was said that that is how Cuauhdi succeeded him, etc. 10 Reed. 11 Flint. 12 House. 13 Rabbit. 1 Reed. 2 Flint. 3 House. 4 Rabbit. 5 Reed. 6 Flint. 7 House. 8 Rabbit. 9 Reed. 10 Flint. 11 House. 12 Rabbit. 13 Reed. 1 Flint. 2 House. 3 Rabbit. 4 Reed. 5 Flint. 6 House. 7 Rabbit [1018]. Here began the sacrifice o f the human streamers.74 At 69. Marginal gloss: In [4?] House Tollan was destroyed, according to stories from Tetzcoco. Not valid. 70. Marginal gloss: huemac atecpanecad. 71. Defined by Sahagún as “valiant woman” (mujer valiente), the term was applied to women who, having died in childbirth, rose to the sky as ghost warriors and descended at night to haunt the earth. See HG bk. 6, ch. 29. 72. According to the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca, Huemac desired a woman with but­ tocks “four [hand-]sp^ns” wide. This led to a conflict that caused the downfall of Tollan (HTCH secs. 18-32). 73. Lit., Then it was he who came to be set up on the mat and throne of Quetzalcoad. 74. “Streamers” refers to the litde children sacrificed on mountaintops as offerings to the rain gods (FFCC 1:68, FC 2 :4 2 -4 3 ). The marginal gloss simply reads: human sacrifice. See GLOS: tetehuid, dacatetehuid.

38

The fall cfTollan: A D . 896 -1 0 7 0

9 :6

9 : 10

9 : 11

9 : 12

9 : 17

9 : 18

9 : 23

9 : 25

9:27 9 : 28

that time, in the time o f 7 Rabbit, a great famine occurred. What is said is that the Toltecs were seven-rabbited. It was a seven-year famine, a famine that caused much suffering and death.75 It was then that the sorcerers requisitioned Huemac’s own children and went and left them in the waters o f Xochiquetzal and on Huitzco and on Xicocotl, thus making payment with little children.76 This was the first time that the sacrifice o f human streamers occurred. 8 Reed. 9 Flint. 10 House. 11 Rabbit. 12 Reed [1023]. The Cuauhtidan ruler called Tzihuacpapalotzin died at this time. H e had been ruling for forty-two years. 13 Flint [1024]. In that year a Cuauhtidan lady named Itztacxilotzin was inaugurated to govern the nation.77 Her mound and her straw-house were in Izquitlan Atlan. At her side were many ladies who paid her honor. It was in this manner that the Chichimecs attended her, etc. I House. 2 Rabbit. 3 Reed. 4 Flint. 5 House. 6 Rabbit. 7 Reed. 8 Flint. 9 House. 10 Rabbit. I I Reed [1035]. In that year the lady Iztacxilotzin died, having ruled for eleven years. Then Eztlaquencatzin was inaugurated, succeeding her. In Techichco he built himself a new straw-house, or palace house. That is where he started it, and so that is where the rulers’ residence was, etc. 12 Flint. 13 House. 1 Rabbit. 2 Reed. 3 Flint. 4 House. 5 Rabbit. 6 Reed. 7 Flint. 8 House. 9 Rabbit. 10 Reed. 11 Flint. 12 House. 13 Rabbit. 1 Reed [1051]. At that time the Chalca came out o f Xicco:78 the founder Acapol, his wife Tetzcotzin, their children Chalcotzin, Chalcapol, etc. 2 Flint. 3 House. 4 Rabbit. 5 Reed. 6 Flint. 7 House. 8 Rabbit [1058]. In that year there were a great many evil omens in Tollan. Well, it was the same year that sorcerers arrived,79 the so-called ixcuinanme, the female devils. And according to the stories o f the old people, which tell how they came, they issued forth from Cuextlan. And at so-cálled Cuextecatlichocayan [Place Where the Cuexteca Weep] they spoke to the captives they had taken in Cuextlan and made them a prom75. Lit., it was a seven-year famine; at that time (yc oncanin) this one {ye), the famine, afilias people in general, this one hides (i.e., kills) people in general. See NED: da- 2, datia:te. The expression ye tlatlatia could also be translated “this one bums people in gen­ eral.” On the burning sensadon caused by hunger during a famine see HG bk. 6, ch. 8 (FC 6 :3 7 :1 5 -1 9 ). 76. For yea read yea. 77. See AND 293 for examples of this purposive syntax. 78. Marginal gloss: The Chalca left Xicco. 79. Arrived in Cuexdan? According to 9 :4 0 below, they did not reach Tollan until the following year.

39

The fall of Tollan: A D . 8 9 6 -1 0 7 0

9 : 37

9 :40

9 : 44

9 : 50

9 : 55

ise, saying, ccWc arc going to Tollan now. You will go with us, and when we get there, we will use you to make a celebration,80 for there has never been an arrow shoot. And we are the ones who are going to start it81 by shooting you.” When the captives heard this, they wept, they grieved. Then the arrow shoot82 began, and in this way a feast used to be celebrated in honor o f the ixcuinanme at the time o f the so-called Izcalli.83 9 Reed [1059]. It was then that the ixcuinanme arrived in Tollan, bring­ ing their captives with them.84 There were two whom they shot with ar­ rows. Well, the Cuexteca captives were the husbands o f those sorcerers, those female devils. That was when the arrow shoot was founded. 10 Flint. 11 House. 12 Rabbit. 13 Reed [1063]. At this time there were many evil omens in Tollan. At this time, too, was the beginning o f the war that the devil Yaod started. The Toltecs were engaged [in battle] at a place called Nextlalpan. And when they had taken captives, human sacrifice also got started, as Toltecs sacrificed their prisoners. Among them and in their midst the devil Yaod followed along. Right on the spot he kept inciting them 85 to make human sacrifices. And then, too, he started and began the practice o f flaying humans. This was when he sang songs at Texcalapan.86 Then, to start with, he seized an Otomi woman, who was washing maguey fibers at the river, and flayed her. Then he made one o f the Toltecs named Xiuhcozcad wear the skin, and he was the first to wear87 a totee skin.88 Indeed, every kind o f human sacrifice that there used to be got started then. For it is told and related that during his tim e89 and under his authority,90 the first Quetzalcoad, whose name was Ce Acad, absolutely refused to perform human sacrifice. It was precisely when Huemac was 80. Lit., By means of you we are to arrive in the region, by means of you we are to make a feast day. Cf. 9:41 below. 81. Read ticpehualtitihui. 82. Marginal gloss: sacrifice of the ones shot by arrows. 83. The feast of the ixcuinanme is mentioned in FFCC bk. 1, ch. 12. For the twenty-day feasting period, or “month,” of Izcalli see FC bk. 2 and DCAL. Arrow sacrifice is described in RITOS ch. 14. 84. Lit., It was then that the ixcuinanme arrived in Tollan; they arrived in the region by means of (or in company with) their captives. For yea read yea . Cf. 9:35 above. 85. Read quinitlahueltitinenca. 86. The story is fully told in FC bk. 3, ch. 21. During the last days of Tollan the sorcerer mesmerized the people with his singing, causing them to dance near the edge of a gorge at a place called Texcalpan (sic). Many fell and were killed. Flaying, however, is not mentioned in the FC version. 87. Read quimaquiaya. Cf. line 7:56 above. 88. The victim of flaying was called a totee (FC bk. 2, ch. 21). 89. The expected form is ymatiyan. 90. Anticlimactic word order reversed in the translation.

40

The fall of Tollan: A D . 896 -1 0 7 0

io:5

io

9

io

io

io

U

io

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2i

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22

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25

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27

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35

ruler that all those things that used to be done got started. It was the devils who started them. But this has been put on paper and written down else­ where. And there it is to be heard. 1 Flint91 [1064] is when those who had been Toltecs disbanded. It happened in Huemac’s time, when he was ruler. And when they were on their way, traveling, they came to Cincoc. And there at Cincoc, Huemac sacrificed a human streamer, thus making payment. Its name was Ce Coati. And on the road at Tlamacazcatzinco he tried to enter a cave but was unable to do so. Then he left and came to Cuauhnenec, where Huemac’s wife, whose name was Cuauhnene, gave birth. For this reason it is now called Cuauh­ nenec [Place o f Cuauhnene]. Then he left and came to Teocompan [Place o f the Pot Cactus]. There on a pot cactus stood the sorcerer Yaotl, calling together his friends, say­ ing, “Rest here, friends. Let the Toltecs go ahead. You must not go on, O friends.” Well, the ones he called together were: first, Icnotlacad; second, Tziuhmazatl; third, Acxocuauhtli; fourth, Tzoncuaye; fifth, Xiuhcozcatl; sixth, Ozomateuctli; seventh, Tlachquiahuitl Teuctli; eighth, Huetl; ninth, Tecol Teuctli; tenth, Cuauhtli; eleventh, Aztaxoch; twelfth, Aztamamal; thir­ teenth, Icnodacatl’s mother. And the Devil brought together many more o f his poor friends there at Huecompan [At the Great Pot Cactus]. Now, when the Toltecs had gone, the Devil sent forth his friends for the purpose o f settling them in Xaltocan,92 saying to Icnodacad and all the others: “D on’t become arrogant. Remember all the work we did in Tollan. You are to keep on doing it. “You are a poor man indeed, Icnodacad.93 D o not be proud.94 If you people become proud, I will mock you, destroy you, the way I mocked Maxda, who lived at Toltecatepec, who had two daughters, Quetzalquen and Quetzalxilod, whom he kept in a jeweled cage. I got them preg­ nant with twins,95 and they gave birth to two creatures in the form o f opossums. “Likewise I mocked Cuauhdiztac, the keeper96 o f Oztotempan, and Cuauhtli, the keeper o f Atzompan. It was I who destroyed them.” And when the devil Yaod had sent forth his friends in order to estab91. Marginal gloss: Tollan was depopulated. 92. Compare the purposive syntax in lines 9 :1 3 -1 4 . And for confirmation see lines 10:36-37. 93. The name Icnotlacad literally means “poor man.” 94. I follow Lehmann, who reads ma tatlam â. The expected form is ma tatlam at. 95. Read niquincocohuapilhuati. 96. Read tlapiaya. Cf. 7:56 and 9:55 above.

41

The Mexico, reach Chapoltepec: A D . 1071 -1 2 4 0

1 0 :3 9

io

40

io : 4 3

io

49

h :3

ii:5 ii:6

h :h

lish them in Xaltocan, he went and got them settled— down yonder, in Xaltocan. And as for the Toltecs, they went on. They went to Coatliyopan, they went to Atepocadalpan, they went to Tepedayacac. They went to old Cuauhtidan, where they served Atonal, who lived in Tamazolac and was the keeper o f that place. And he governed them to ­ gether with his other subjects. Then the Toltecs departed and went on to Nepopohualco, Temacpalco, Acatidan, Tenamitliyacac, Azcapotzalco, Tedolincan, at the time when Tzihuacdatonac was ruler. There they left two Toltec elders, Xochiololtzin and Coyotzin, who gave the ruler a gold medallion so that they could setde in his territory. Then the Toltecs went on to Chapoltepec, Huitzilopochco, Colhuacan. They went to Tlapechhuacan Cuauhtenco.97 And when they entered a country, some o f them setded down— in Cholollan, Teohuacan, Cozcadan, Nonoalco, Teotlillan, Coaixdahuacan, Tamazolac, Copilco, Topillan, Ayodan, Mazadan, so that they setded everywhere in the land o f Anahuac, where they are today. And 1 Flint [1064] was also the time when all98 the Colhuaque went their own way.99 And their ruler, whose name was Nauhyotzin, was in the lead. 2 House. 3 Rabbit. 4 Reed. 5 Flint. 6 House. 7 Rabbit [1070] is when Huemac killed himself at Chapoltepec Cincalco.100 In the year 7 Rabbit the Toltecs’ years came to a close. For seven years they went wandering everywhere, from place to place, establishing themselves and settling down. The Toltecs existed for 339 years.101 Well, the year 7 Rabbit was when Huemac committed suicide by hang­ ing himself. It was then that he lost hope, there in the cave at Chapoltepec. First he wept, grieving, when he saw no more Toltecs drawing up behind him. Then he killed himself.

[The Mexica reach Chapoltepec: A.D. 1071-1240] h : is

8 Reed [1071]. 9 Flint [1072]. This was when the Colhuacan ruler Nauhyotzin died Nauhyotzin’s son, Cuauhtexpedatzin, was inaugurated, and Nauhyotzin 97. Cf. 11:19. 98. For çe read çë, i.e., cen (all). 99. Marginal gloss: The Colhuaque went by way of another country. 100. Cincalco was the name of a cave at Chapoltepec (HG bk. 12, ch. 9). 101. This probably means from the founding of Tollan to the death of Huemac, as in ZCHIM 1:4, where the span is reckoned as 342 years.

42

The Mexico, reach Chapoltepec: A D . 1071 -1240

died at Coatolco Ayahualolco. The Colhuaque had spent nine years102 at Tlapechhuacan Cuauhtenco.103 And it was there that Cuauhtexpedatzin was inaugurated and became ruler o f Colhuacan. ¡i : 2 i 10 House. 11 Rabbit. 12 Reed. 13 Flint. 1 House. 2 Rabbit. 3 Reed. 4 Flint. 5 House. 6 Rabbit. 7 Reed. 8 Flint. 9 House. 10 Rabbit. 11 Reed. 12 Flint. 13 House. h 23 1 Rabbit [ 1090]. The Mexitin set out from Azdan. a 24 2 Reed [ 1091]. That was the year the ruler Ezdaquentzin died. He had ruled for fifty-seven years. During the time o f Cuauhtexpedatzin o f Col­ huacan, while on the road, a year-bundle feast was celebrated at a place called Xochiquilazco.104 As for the Mexitin, this was the time they arrived at Cuahuitlicacan. h 28 3 Flint [1092] was the year that Ezcoatzin was inaugurated as ruler in Cimapan Tehuiloyocan— the straw-house town in Techichco.105 h 3o This was also the time that Aca died, ruler o f Chaleo when they were still at Xicco. And so then, Tozquehua Teuctli was inaugurated. He ruled for forty years. h 32 4 House. 5 Rabbit. 6 Reed [1095]. In that year the Mexitin reached Tepetlimonamiquiyan [Where Mountains Come Together]. h :3 3 7 Flint. 8 House. 9 Rabbit. 10 Reed. 11 Flint. h 3 4 12 House [ 1101]. At that time the Mexitin reached Tepetlmaxaliuhyan [Where Mountains Divide]. h :3 5 13 Rabbit. 1 Reed. 2 Flint. 3 House. 4 Rabbit. 5 Reed [1107]. In that year the ruler Ezcoatzin died. H e had ruled fo sixteen years. h :3 7 6 Flint [1108]. In that year the ruler Teizdacoatzin was inaugurated, and his straw-house was in Xoloc. h 38 7 House. 8 Rabbit [1110] was when the Mexitin arrived in Coadyayauhc h . 39 9 Reed. 10 Flint. 11 House. n 40 12 Rabbit [1114] is when the Mexitin arrived at Zacatepec. h .41 13 Reed. 1 Flint. 2 House. 3 Rabbit [1118] is when the Mexitin arrived at Tematlahuacalc h 42 4 Reed. 5 Flint. 6 House. 7 Rabbit [1122] is when the Mexitin arrived at Coatepec. U 43 8 Reed. 9 Flint. 10 House. 11 Rabbit. 102. Read chiconnauhxiuhtique, for which the textual 9-xiuhtique is an abbreviation. 103. Cf. 10:51 above. 104. The year-bundle feast, or toximmolpüia (“our years are tied”), marked the end of a fifty-two year cycle. See FC 4:143, 7:25. 105. The translation follows Velázquez. Evidcndy the Cuauhtidan people are still in Techichco, as in 9:21 above.

43

The Mexico, reach Chapoltepec: A X ). 1071 -1 2 4 0

a ;4 4

12 Reed [1127] is when Cuauhtexpedatzin arrived in Colhuacan. And then he sent subjects o f his to live in Ocuillan and Malinalco. 11:46 13 Flint. 1 House [1129]. That was the year the Colhuacan ruler Cuauhtex­ pedatzin died, and Huetzin was inaugurated. And when he was inaugu­ rated there in Colhuacan, the prince Acxocuauhtli, who was the younger brother o f Nauhyotzin, set forth, etc. ii: 5 o 2 Rabbit [1130]. The Xochimilca and the Colhuaque had provoked each other, and [the Colhuaque] chased the Xochimilca and left them at Teyahualco. That was how they drove them away. h 52 3 Reed [1131]. In 3 Reed, while they were still at Xicco, the Chaleo ruler Tozquihua died. Then Acad was inaugurated. All those who are now known as Chalca arrived during his time, etc. i2 : 2 4 Flint [1132]. In 4 Flint the Mexitin came to Chimalcotidan. It was also in 4 Flint that the Chalca Tenanca arrived and obtained land. Island town. Cima. H e conquers, etc.106 12.-5 5 House. 6 Rabbit. 7 Reed [1135]. In 7 Reed the Chalca Mihuaque, who were Huitznahua Chichimecs, arrived, etc. 1 2 .-6 8 Flint [ 1136]. In 8 Flint the Mexitin arrived. 9 House. i2 7 10 Rabbit [1138]. In 10 Rabbit, the Tlahuacan Chalca arrived, travel­ ing with the magician’s staff,107 Mixcoad. Now, in that same year Chalca and other nations arrived together. 12.9 11 Reed. 12 Flint. 12 : io 13 House [1141]. In 13 House the Xochimilca got rid o f the ones who ferried across, who reached Colhuacan.108 i2 :ii 1 Rabbit [1142]. In 1 Rabbit the Xochimilca chased those Colhuaque whom they had conquered and scattered them where they live today. i2 : i3 2 Reed. 3 Flint. 4 House. 5 Rabbit [1146]. The Mexica reach Tollan. i2 : i4 6 Reed. 7 Flint. 8 House. 9 Rabbit [1150]. That was the year the Colhuacan ruler Huetzin died. 106. This seems to mean that the Chalca Tenanca arrived in the region of Lake Chaleo and obtained land when their leader, Cima, conquered an island town. The name Cimatzin, though not in connection with the Tenanca, is attested in ZCHIM 1:54 and HTCH sec. 223. 107. Lit., they and the magician-staff Mixcoad went. In which case the text should read yaque [i]n nahualcuauhtli mixcoatl. The expected form, nahualcuahuitl, seems to mean “sor­ cerer’s staff” at FC 2 :7 7 :9 ; and HMPP (ch. 8) speaks of “una vara de Mixcoad, al cual tenían por dios, y por su memoria tenían aquella vara.” On the interchangeability of cuauhtli and cuahuitl see NED: cuâhuid. 108. Lit., the Xochimilca left him who ferried people hither, who reached Colhuacan. Cf. 1 2:11-13 below.

44

The Mexica reach Chapoltepec: A D . 1071 -1 2 4 0

12

:i7

U

is

i2

2i

i2

:23

i2

24

i2

26

i2

29

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38

i2

40

1 2 .- 4 2

And at that time the Mexitin arrived at Atlidalaquiyan. And when Huetzin was dead, Nonoalcatzin was inaugurated as ruler o f Colhuacan. 10 Reed. 11 Flint. 12 House. 13 Rabbit [1154]. Some say Huetzin died at this time. 1 Reed [1155]. That was when the Mexitin came here to Cuauhtitlan. In 1 Reed the Chaleo ruler Acatl died, and Tlalli Teuctli109 was inaugu­ rated. Here in this vicinity, in 1 Reed, the Mexitin got to Cidaltepec and Tzompanco, where they spent ten years. 2 Flint. 3 House. 4 Rabbit. 5 Reed. 6 Flint. 7 House. 8 Rabbit. 9 Reed. 10 Flint. 11 House [ 1165]. At that time the Mexica were in Ecatepec. 12 Rabbit [1166] is when the Mexitin got to Coaddan. 13 Reed. 1 Flint [ 1168]. The Chalca Tlacochcalca arrived at that time. Yaod ob­ tained [lands]. Then, too, was the beginning o f rulership in Tepeyacac and in Cholollan. 2 House. 3 Rabbit. 4 Reed [1171]. In that year the Colhuacan ruler Nonoalcatz Then Achitomed was inaugurated as ruler o f Colhuacan. 5 Flint [1172]. The Mexitin were in Tolpedac. 6 House. 7 Rabbit [1174]. In that year the Cuauhtidan ruler Teizdacoatzin died. H e had ruled for fifty-seven years. 8 Reed [1175]. It was then that the elder Quinatzin was inaugurated at Techichco, and his palace house was in Tepedapan Tequixquinahuac Huixtompan. 9 Flint [1176] was when the Mexitin got to Chiquiuhtepedapan Tecpayocan. 10 House. 11 Rabbit. 12 Reed. 13 Flint. 1 House. 2 Rabbit. 3 Reed. 4 Flint. 5 House [1185]. In that year the Colhuacan ruler Achitomed died. Then Cuahuitonal was inaugurated as ruler o f Colhuacan. 6 Rabbit [ 1186]. In that year the Mexitin reached Tepeyacac. 7 Reed. 8 Flint 9 House [1189]. In that year the Mexitin reached Pantidan. Then they withdrew to Popodan Acolnahuac. 10 Rabbit. 11 Reed. 12 Flint. 13 House [1193]. Since the Toltecs had disbanded, the Colhuaque ha been on their own for 125 years. 1 Rabbit [1194] was the year the Mexitin arrived in Chapoltepec. 109. Cf. 18:9 below.

45

The Mexico, reach Chapoltepec: A D . 1071 -1 2 4 0

Mazatzin, a ruler o f Chichimecs, was ruling at Chapoltepec at that time. And the priest o f the Mexitin was a certain Tzippantzin. i2 : 4 5 Well, Mazatzin had a daughter named Xochipapalod. And while the Mexitin were in the territory110 o f this ruler, this Mazatzin, they started to make fun o f his daughter. Many tim es111 they carried her o ff while she was asleep.112 And with this they made much fun o f the Chichimecs. h :4 9 Annoyed, Mazatzin left them there and Went away, taking his subjects with him, and they came and setded in Odazpan, etc. i2 : si Now, when the Mexitin arrived at Chapoltepec, the ruler o f Colhuacan was Cuahuitonal. The Tetzcoca say that Huemac, the one who fled Tollan, died at this time. That story is not valid, according to what was said— the narrative about it, the truth about it.113 12 : 5 5 2 Reed. 3 Flint. 4 House. 5 Rabbit. 12.56 6 Reed [1199]. In that year the Colhuacan ruler Cuahuitonal died. Then Mazatzin was inaugurated in Colhuacan. i2:57 7 Flint. 8 House. 9 Rabbit. 10 Reed. 11 Flint. 12 House. 13 Rabbit. 1Reed. 2 Flint. 3 House. 4 Rabbit. 5 Reed. 6 Flint. 7 House. 8 Rabbit. 9 Reed. 10 Flint. 11 House. 12 Rabbit. 13 Reed. 1 Flint. 2 House. 13:2 3 Rabbit [1222]. In that year the Colhuacan ruler Mazatzin died. Then Cuetzaltzin114 was inaugurated in Colhuacan. 13 4 The Tlahuaca landowners, or founders, were: Cuauhdotlinteuctli and Ihuitzin and Tlilcoatzin and Chalchiuhtzin and Chahuaquetzin. These people were indeed Chichimecs. They were driven out o f Xicco, these Chalca o f Tlahuacan, and so they are known as Cuidahuaca, the nobles o f Tizic.115 13.8 4 Reed. 5 Flint. 6 House. 7 Rabbit. 8 Reed. 13 -.9 9 Flint [1228]. In 9 Flint the Tlaxcalteca were besieged, and those who did it were the Huexotzinca when Miccacalcad was ruler and the Acolhuaque when Acolmizdi was ruler.116 i3 : i2 11 Rabbit [1230]. In 11 Rabbit Coatomatzin was inaugurated in Cuidahuac Tizic. b i3 12 Reed. 13 Flint. 1 House [1233]. That was when the Chalca who had been driven out 110. For yntlan read ytlan. 111. Read miecpa. 112. If the verb were concochmanaya, as Lehmann observes, the translation would be “they laid her while she was asleep.” 113. Anticlimactic word order reversed in the translation. 114. The spelling should probably be Quetzaltzin (per Velazquez) or Cuezaltzin (per Lehmann). Sources vary on the name of Mazatzin’s successor (see Garcia Granados, Diccio­ nario: Quetzaltzin). 115. Marginal gloss: origin of the Cuidahuaca. 116. Marginal gloss: war between Tlaxcallan and Huexotzinco and the Acolhuaque.

46

Cuaubtitlangenealogy: A D . 1240 and later

came to Cuitlahuac Tizic. Those who came were the Tlaltecayohuaque, the Mihuaque, the Acxoteca.117 13 : 15 2 Rabbit. i3 i6 3 Reed [ 1235]. At that time the Coihuacan ruler Cuetzaltzin died. Then Chalchiuhdatonac was inaugurated in Coihuacan. At that time the Chololteca were destroyed. Their pyramid was wrecked.118 Huexotzinco’s Miccacalcatl was the one who did it, etc.119 13 . i9 4 Flint [1236]. This was when Coatomatzin, the ruler o f Cuidahuac Tizic, died. U 2o 5 House. 6 Rabbit [1238] was when the Chalca prince Miahuatonaltzin Teuctl went to be inaugurated at Cuidahuac. 13 -.22 7 Reed. 8 Flint [1240]. In that year the Mexitin, when they had already caused much annoyance,120 were surrounded in batde at Chapoltepec. i3 24 And those who made war on them were the Colhuaque, Azcapotzalco, the Xochimilca, and the Coyohuaque. This was when Chalchiuhdatonac ruled in Coihuacan, and Iztac Teuctli ruled in Xaltocan. And at this time they came and notified Quinatzin, the ruler o f Cuauhtidan, that his sub­ jects were to make war. 13 2 8 But he would not consent. H e refused. Immediately he sent messengers to assure the Mexitin that the Cuauhddancalque would not be hostile. 13 30 Cimatecatzintli went in the lead, bringing them quail, turkey eggs, and litde snakes. These were the greeting gifts o f the Cuauhddancalque.

[Cuauhtidan genealogy: A.D. 1240 and later] i 3 32

13

37

Well, the Mexitin had long been friends o f the Cuauhtidan Chichimecs. They had been friends since they had been in Tollan, Atlidalaquiyan, Tequixquiac, Apazco, Cidaltepec, and Tzompanco, and from the time the Mexitin had spent a year in Cuauhtidan, and from the time they had been in Coatidan, etc. They were always friends. Now, as soon as the ruler Quinatzin knew that the Mexitin had been defeated and carried off as prisoners,121 he gave the command that if the Xaltocameca could be found, they were to rescue their captives, who were to be forcibly relinquished. And so it was done. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121.

Marginal gloss: destruction of Chaleo. Lit., they wrecked their temple, i.e., one wrecked their temple. See GN sec. 4.2. Marginal gloss: the Chololteca conquered by Miccacalcatl. Read tlaàmâ. Cf. line 16:36. Anticlimatic word order reversed in the translation.

47

Cuauhtitlan genealogy: A £ ). 1240 and later

i3

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¡3 : 4 7 i3

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13 :52

b

: 54

14

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i4 : 7 i4 :9

i4 i2 i4 i4 i4 i6

When the ruler Quinatzin had rescued them by force, a daughter o f the Mexitin named Chimalaxochtzin was [found to be] a captive o f the Xaltocameca. She was a daughter o f the one called Huitzilihuitzin, who had been made ruler and was governing at Chapoltepec. Now, Huitzilihuitl had become a prisoner in Colhuacan. And this H ui­ tzilihuitzin, so they say, was the son o f Tlahuizpotoncatzin, one o f the Xaltocameca princes, though some say he wäs the son o f the Tzompanco prince Nezahualtemocatzin, etc. Now, when the Mexitin were carried off as prisoners, the seat [of Cuauhtidan] was in Techichco. Well, the ruler Quinatzin gave the order to save them and to go after the Xaltocameca, who had gone to fight at Chapoltepec, and to take back their captives by force,122 and so it was done, [and] there at Iltitlan, in a canal, they were bathing that young woman, the prisoner, whose name was Chimalaxoch.123 Then, when the Cuauhtitlancalque were about to fire on the Xaltoca­ meca, they gave up their captive. And when she had been given up, she was brought before the ruler Quinatzin in Tepetlapan.124 When the ruler saw her, he fell in love with her. Then he wanted to go to her and cohabit with her. But she refused, telling him, “N ot yet, my lord, for I am fasting. That which you desire may be done later, for I am a sweeper, a woman in service.125 The vow I make is for just two years, finished in two more years, my lord. Please give the word to have them prepare for me a little altar o f beaten earth, so that I can make offerings to my god,126 offer up my sacred cup, and do my fasting.” So the ruler Quinatzin gave the order for an earth altar to be made, there at Tequixquinahuac Huitznahuac Huixtompan. When the earth altar was finished, they left the young woman there, and she fasted. And when she had done her fasting, the ruler Quinatzin took her as his wife. And then the young woman gave birth, and she said, “Let the ruler hear that a child has been bom. Let him give it a name.” And the ruler was informed. Then he gave his child a name, saying, “His name will be Tlatzanatztoc [He Rattles the Reeds].” Hearing this, his mother said, “It is because the ruler sired him in the woods and fields, in his hunting grounds, his shooting lands,” etc. 122. Lit., gave the order for them [the Mexitin] to be saved, and also for the Xaltocameca to be chased . . . and for their captives to be relinquished by force. 123. Prisoners who were to be sacrificed were first bathed. See FC 2:130, 155. 124. Tepetlapan is in Techichco. See lines 12:32-33. 125. For sweeping as a religious obligation see FC 2:186, 3 :1 -2 . 126. Read noteouh.

48

Cuauhtitlan genealogy: A D . 1240 and later

N is

And as soon as his child had been bom, the ruler Quinatzin gave the command, laid down his judgment, notifying all the Chichimec nobles, saying that the Xaltocameca were no longer to be their friends. They must never offer their friendship again, must never come to their aid. H 22 And it became true. That is what happened. One day when the Xalto­ cameca were traveling through the woods, they shot at them and brought them to a halt. And this was the beginning o f the Xaltocameca war, in which the Cuauhtidancalque fought against them. And they called the Xaltocameca “black shirts,” the same as the Nonoalca and the Cozcateca. i4 : 2 8 Now, that woman, that daughter o f the Mexitin, gave birth to a second child. But this time she did not send word to the ruler Quinatzin, [asking,] “What shall its name be?” She simply gave it a name on her ow n.127 She called the child Tezcatl Teuctli [Mirror Lord]— the name o f her god, Tezcatlipoca [Smoking Mirror]. i4 3 2 When she had been taken prisoner, this young woman had been carry­ ing a mirror bundled up in a precious cloth.128 And this was the reason for the name Tezcad Teuctli. She did not care for the name o f her first­ born, Tlatzanatztoc [He Ratdes the Reeds]. And so she herself named her second child Tezcad Teuctli, and it was he who became ruler o f Cuauhtidan, etc. 14 38 And when the ruler Quinatzin’s firstborn, the one named Tlatzanatztoc, was grown, his father— who was ruler o f Cuauhtidan— set him up as keeper o f the fields at Tepotzodan. And that’s where Tlatzanatztoc had his children: i4 4 2 The first was Xaltemoctzin, who was taken to Madatzinco. H e died in batde. The second was Quinatzin, whose children will be listed below. i4 4 3 The third was a female, who came and setded in a spot called Chimalpan, which is now a marketplace. It was alongside the palace house, where a pond was. i4 4 6 Already these three are the grandchildren o f Quinatzin. But that young woman who was the sister o f the Mexitin conceived again, and she gave birth to Teozatzin, her third child. Her fourth child was Tochtzin. The fiftii was a female. And these were the children o f Quinatzin. i4 so Now, the above-mentioned grandson Quinatzin, the son o f Tlatzanatz­ toc, became a father, and the children he sired were: first, Ihuidtemoctzin; second, Chahuacuetzin; third, Cuauhizomoca; fourth, Cuecuenod. 14 53 And Ihuidtemoctzin became a father. H e had a son whom he named Quinatzin, who founded the dynasty o f Tepotzodan. His father, the abovementioned Ihuidtemoctzin, petitioned on his behalf when he [the father] 127. Read yneyxcabuil. 128. Lit., green cloth or turquoiselike cloth. Recall Tezcatlipoca’s wrapped mirror, men­ tioned in line 5:31.

49

Cuauhtitlan genealogy: A D . 1240 and later

1 5 .- 4

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i5

24

was taken to Chaleo to be killed in batde. On behalf o f his son he peti­ tioned that he might be worthy o f a little land, that Moteuczomatzin might grant it to him. He was notified accordingly. And it was just for this purpose that he went to war and was killed— so that the descendants o f the elder Quinatzin might rejoice, that they might obtain nobility, lordship, sovereignty, along with the lands they occupied thanks to itheir ancestor, for their father was keeper o f fields,129 etc. A high priest o f Tenayocan, who came to make a report, having escaped captivity in Chaleo, gave the elder Moteuczomatzin the news, etc. And so the elder Moteuczomatzin, who was ruler, looked with favor on Ihuitltemoctzin.130 And then Quinatzin was inaugurated, thus founding the dynasty o f Tepotzotlan. Now, Quinatzin became a father, and the children he had were: First, a daughter, Tzicuiltzin. Second, Cuauhquece. Third, Nanahuatzin, whom Quinatzin put to death for cuckolding him. Fourth, Petlauhtocatzin. Fifth, Acatentehuatzin. Sixth, Aztatzontzin. Seventh, Totee Yatetzin. Tocuiltzin, eighth. [And] numerous ladies. The daughter Tzicuiltzin, who is named above, was the mother o f D on Francisco Carlos Xoconochtzin. Then Aztatzontzin was placed in office, and the one who put him in office was the ruler o f Tenochtidan, Moteuczomatzin by name.131 It was he who gave the order, who made the decision that [Aztatzontzin] was to be ruler o f the Cuauhddan nadon. Well, his father, Quinatzin, on his own initiative, had already explored the matter with [Moteuczomatzin].132 At the time, Achicatzin Tlilpotoncatzin, so n 133 o f Ayactiacatzin, was prince in Cuauhddan. And in Cuauhddan there was a military chief: at that time the tlacateccatl Tehuitzin o f Tepedapan governed the nation.134 When Aztatzontzin was inaugurated, there had been a military chief for eight years. 129. Cf. 14:40. 130. An Ihuitl Tempe is named among the honored war dead in FC bk. 6, ch. 3. 131. This refers to the younger Moteuczomatzin. See lines 59:38 and 59:5 2 -5 4 . 132. Lit., had already investigated it in the presence of [Moteuczomatzin]. The transla­ tion follows Velázquez. 133. For ypiln read ypiltzin. 134. “Para este negocio de ejecutar la justicia había dos personas principales, uno que era noble y persona del palacio, y otro capitán y valiente” (HG bk. 6, ch. 14, parag. 54). See Concordance: dacochcalcad.

50

Cuauhtitlan genealogy: A D . 1240 and later

And while Aztatzontzin was ruler o f Cuauhtitlan, he became a father and sired children. H e had: is 3o First, Quecehuacatzin, whose mother was the daughter o f Ticoctzin, tlacochcalcatl o f Cuauhyacac. is 3i Second, Catlacatzin, whose mother was a freed woman. ¡5:32 Third, Pablo Tlillotlinahual, whom he had with a woman from Tequixquinahuac. H e [Pablo] is [now] a joint parent-in-law with Alonso Cimatzin. is 33 Fourth. H e had this one with a woman from someone else’s house, a sister o f D on Luis de la Vega. is 34 Fifth. Another one with the sister o f D on Luis. Tzipalle was the name. is 35 Sixth. H e had one called D on Pedro Macuilxochitzin with Doña María, a lady o f Huitzilopochco. is :3 7 Seventh. H e sired Ayactlacatzin, bom to the lady Moceltzin, who was a daughter o f Moteuczomatzin. is 39 Eighth. Another bom to Moteuczomatzin’s daughter. D on Juan Xaltemoctzin is the name. is 40 Ninth. Another bom to Moteuczomatzin’s daughter. The name is Don D iego Quinatzin. is 4i Tenth, a female named Tiacapantzin, whose mother was a young slave living in the bird house.135 This lady went off with strangers when the rulers’ daughters were requisitioned. The Marqués136 was the one who requisitioned them when he first arrived in Tenochtitlan. And this lady, they say, lives in Cuetlaxcoac and has had children. is .46 Eleventh. With a native o f Tollantzinco he had137 [a daughter], who is reported to be a lady o f Momoztitlan. 15 -.47 Twelfth and thirteenth. H e had these, reportedly, with a girl from Apazco. Two females sired by him. is 4 9 Fourteenth. With a lady from Azcapotzalco he had another female. is so Fifteenth. With a slave from Tetlanman he had another female. is si Sixteenth. H e had this one with a slave who was a maker o f fermented atole. Now, this child was mistreated138 in Tetzcoco by the mother o f Xaltemoctzin. And when he learned o f it, Aztatzontzin gave the com­ mand 139 for the boy to be kept at Iztacalco, and he was kept by stewards. is 28

135. Or, following Lehmann, “whose mother was Tlacotzintli of Totocalco.” Velázquez would seem justified in rendering tlacotzintli as “young slave,” since the nonapocopated form of the word implies a common noun. For Tenochtidan the bird house ( totocalli or fotocalco) has been variously described as an aviary, a metalworkers’ shop, a zoo, or the ruler’s wardrobe (FC 8 :45, 12:47). The paragraphing in CF bk. 8, ch. 14, implies that it was one of two places where slaves were kept. 136. Cortes. 137. Lehmann reads quichibuilico. 138. Lit., she injured him concubine-wise. The exact meaning is not clear. 139. Following Velázquez I read itencopat, the preterite form of a hypothetical verb itencopati, from itencopa (by his command). Such verbs are treated by Carochi (CAR 462 or

51

Cuauhtitlan genealogy: A D . 1240 and later

:54 ¡ó i

Seventeenth. H e had this one with a native o f Tlaltecayohuacan. Eighteenth, Xonetzin. H e had this Xonetzin with a freed woman who was a beverage maker. i6 3 Now, Quinatzin, the above-mentioned father o f Aztatzontzin, was ruler in Tepotzodan. Indeed, it was he who had founded the Tepotzodan dynasty.140 And this Quinatzin died just when the Spaniards, the Castillians, arrived. H e was just eighty when he died, during Tecuilhuid [June or July] when the Spaniards came out, when the Castillians came out to Tepotzodan.141 At that time the ruler Quinatzin had lived for eighty years.142 16 -.9 And upon the death o f the Tepotzodan ruler, Quinatzin, father o f Aztatzontzin, the above-mentioned D on Pedro Macuilxochitzin, son o f Aztatzontzin, was inaugurated as ruler o f Tepotzodan. H e went and ruled in Tepotzodan, but his palace house was in Tollantzinco. i6 : i4 And when Don Pedro Macuilxochitzin died, the son o f D on Pedro Macuilxochitzin, named D on D iego Necuametzin, was inaugurated as ruler. i6 : 1 6 And when Don D iego Necuametzin, the son, died, the Huitzilopochco lady, Doña María, who had been the mistress o f Aztatzontzin and the mother o f Macuilxochitzin, married D on Luis de Manuel Malomid, son o f Xayocuidahua. And when they got married, it was eighteen years after the Spaniards arrived, in the year 5 Flint, which was A.D . 1536. And when that occurred, Don Luis de Manuel became ruler, all because o f the lady Doña María. i6:24 And just now it was 103 years since the Tepotzodan dynasty was founded— now, [when this] was written, in A.D. 1563, at the end o f the month o f February. 16 -.27 Well, Don Luis de Manuel ruled for twenty-six [years].143 Then Don Francisco Carlos Xoconochtzin was inaugurated as mler o f Tepotzodan, and the year he was inaugurated was A.D. 1561. The summation o f the years has already been given above. H e was succeeded by D on Pedro de San Augustin, 1570.144

is

CAROC 59—59v) and Andrews (AND 360—62). Compare line 17:32, where the copyist wrote ytencopat, then struck the final letter, making ytencopa. 140. Marginal gloss: gobernador of Tepotzodan. 141. Lehmann’s note: “According to Nicolás León, Compendio de la historia general de Mexico (Mexico 1902), p. 249, the Spaniards arrived in Tepotzodan on July 3 [A.D. 1520], which agrees very welhwith the time given here.” 142. Lit., At that time Quinatzin, who was ruler, was provided with eighty. 143. Follows Lehmann. Velazquez reads the figure as 25. 144. This paragraph must be an insertion, added no earlier than 1570. Although line 16:26 gives the time of writing as 1563, line 50:54 implies the date 1544 or 1545. See line 31:42 for the year 1570 given as the time of writing.

52

The Mexico, in captivity: A D . 1 2 4 0 -8 6

[The Mexica in captivity: A.D. 1 2 4 0 -8 6 ] i6 : 3 2

i6 : 3 4

16

4i

16

47

16

48

16

si

16

52

17

5

Here is related the Cuauhtitlancalque elders’ narrative, along with their telling o f how the Mexitin, having been surrounded in battle, were de­ feated at Chapoltepec. It is told and related that when these Mexitin had been at Chapoltepec for forty-seven years, causing a great many upsets and disturbances by playing tricks on people, stealing things, snatching wives and daughters, and playing many other tricks, the Tepaneca o f Tlacopan, Azcapotzalco, [and] Coyohuacan, [as well as the people of] Colhuacan, became angry. Then they got together and decided that the Mexitin were to be taken by siege.145 “Let the Mexitin be defeated,” said the Tepaneca. tcWhat are they doing, they who have come to settle in our midst? Let’s carry them o ff as prison­ ers. So that it may be accomplished, first we’ll have to draw out their men and send them on their way. To make it work, we’ll have a sham batde146 in Colhuacan. We’ll send them ahead, and when they’ve left, we’ll steal the women.” The Colhuaque agreed to it. So that’s what happened. Then they went and called the Mexica to war, to go on ahead and fight in Colhuacan. They said to them, “You’re to make the first attack in a raid for captives on Colhuacan.147 We’re off to war!” Then the Mexica went to batde. The Colhuaque, well prepared, came out to meet them. And as for the Tepaneca, they went and attacked the women at Chapol­ tepec, demolished them, carried them off. And when they had defeated them,148 then they raped them, gratuitously, for already the Mexitin were being destroyed— already [the Mexitin and] the Colhuaque were engaged in battle. Here are the words o f a stanza, heard in a son g:149 With [our] shields turned backward,150 that’s how we Mexica, aho! were destroyed at Chapoltepec, beside the rock.151 Princes were carried off 145. Lit., the Mexitin were to be destroyed right in the middle. 146. Read çannen tiyaotizque. 147. Lit., You are to go attack first in order that you will capture people in Colhuacan. Read anhuetzitihui. 148. Lit., And when they had routed them. Read oquinnumtoyauhque. 149. Lit., Here arc stanza-words that are a song’s means of being heard. 150. In other words, we fled with our shields on our backs (see NED: chimalli I). Note that the song does not quite accord with the author’s story. 151. The translation follows Lehmann, who reads tetla[n] = beside the rock, not tetla = place of rocks, assuming that the reference is to the rock of Chapoltepec. Cf. NED: Chapoltepetitlan, Tepantonco.

53

The Mexico, in captivity: A D . 1 2 4 0 -8 6

to the four directions. In misery went the ruler Huitzilihuid, oh! a banner in his hand: he was stretched out in Colhuacan.152 i7

9

i7 : h i7 i3

i7 : i7

17.-20 i7:2i

¡7 : 2 5

i7

28

And at that time the Xaltocameca went and fought there. And it was said that because the Cuauhtidancalque were old friends o f the Mexitin they went as a group and consoled the Mexitin when they were conquered. This was in the year 8 Flint. And it is said that they were in Contidan for four years— in 9 House and in 10 Rabbit. In 11 Reed [ 1243] the Colhuacan ruler Chalchiuhdatonac sought them out at a time when the Xochimilca were threatening him. And so the Mexica were called together and assembled,153 even those who were just women, if they passed for men. All were sought out. Then they went and made conquests in Xochimilco. It was to get clip­ pings that they gave chase.154 When they were hunting for prisoners, it was only ears that they were stacking up in their bag so that it would be known how many they were capturing. And they were only clipping an ear from one side. After that, the Mexitin were allowed to setde in Tizacapan. And this was in 12 Flint. 13 House. 1 Rabbit [1246]. This was when the Mexitin once again started to an­ noy people.155 Was it not Necoc,156 the Devil, who did it? Litde children were requested; Colhuaque and Mexitin were the contestants, blowing sand at each other. And when they [the children] had been won [by the Mexitin], they were sacrificed; their breasts were cut open. And there was more o f this. Therefore the Colhuaque declared war a second time against the Mexica.157 And then the Mexitin ran away. 9 House [ 1241 ]. The Mexitin are at Contitlan. 10 Rabbit [1242]. The Mexitin at Contidan. It is told and related tha this is when the war with Xaltocan got started, again at Chapoltepec, after 152. The sacrificial victim carried a banner and was stretched over a stone so that his heart could be excised. (The verb tecoc, “he was stretched out,” could also be translated “he was cut,” as in lines 81:35 and 81:36.) 153. Anticlimactic word order reversed in the translation. 154. Lit., For cut things they chased people (>). Read pam pa instead of pan. 155. For peuhqueyyo read peuhque yn. In the manuscript the ‘o’ of yyo is actually a solid blob, which might have been meant as an ‘n \ The extra ‘y’ is perhaps a copyist’s slip. 156. In many of the old manuscripts, as perhaps here, the ‘c’ and the ambiguously curled ‘1’ arc easily confused. Hence the copyist may have seen necoc and written necol. In fact Veláz­ quez here reads necoc, though his translation of the passage does not agree with mine. 157. Lit., declared war a second time for the purpose of fighting the Mexica. Read yc oppayaotlatoque.

54

The Mexica in captivity: A D . 1 2 4 0 -8 6

U

32

17:38

i7

43

17 46

i7 so 17 : 52

17:54

i8 : 2

the defeat o f the M exitin. And it was by com m and158 o f Quinatzin, who was then ruler o f Cuauhtitlan, that the Xaltocan war began. It was he who decided on it, because the M exitin and the Colhuaque did not yet have any power at that time. Although they were angry,159 they had no power. They never made decisions about killing people. And it was the same w ith the Azcapotzalca. They did not yet have any power at the tim e the Xaltocan war began. As yet the nations were unallied.160 11 Reed [ 1243] was when the Mexica were sought out. 12 Flint. 13 H ouse [1245] was the year the M exitin were settled at Atizapan161 by command o f the Colhuacan ruler Chalchiuhtlatonac, after they had succeeded in batde, after they had made conquests in Xochimilco. For the Xochimilca were enemies o f the Colhuaque. 1 Rabbit [ 1246] was when the Colhuaque and the M exitin fought each other. 2 Reed [1247]. This was when Tezcad Teuctli was inaugurated as ruler at the place called Tequixquinahuac Huixtompan. H e succeeded his father, the elder Quinatzin. And as for those w ho talk much, one o f them has said that Tlatzanatztoc and the elder Xaltemoctzin were sons o f Tezcad Teuctli. And according to what he says about him, Xaltemoctzin ruled for nineteen years and was killed by the Tepaneca. This genealogical information cannot be accurate, for the truth about how they are arranged [genealogically] has already been told [above]. In the tim e o f 3 Flint [1248] the ruler Miahuatamaltzin died, and Acayoltzin came to be inaugurated as ruler o f Cuidahuac Tizic. 4 H ouse. 5 Rabbit. 6 Reed. 7 Flint [1252]. This was when the Colhuacan ruler Chalchiuhdatonac tzin died. Then Cuauhtlix succeeded him and was inaugurated as ruler in Colhuacan. 8 H ouse. 9 Rabbit. 10 Reed. 11 Flint [1256]. This was when Acayoltzin died, and Atzatza came to be inaugurated as ruler o f Cuidahuac Tizic. 12 H ouse [1257] was when the Chalca were destroyed. Those who destroyed them were the Huexotzinca, [whose] ruler was Xayacamachan, the Tlaxcalteca, the Totomihuaque, Tepeyacac, [and] Cuauhtinchan. Quehuad was ruler in Cholollan. 158. The copyist wrote ytencopat, then corrected it to ytencopa. Cf. line 15:53. 159. The text is unclear. Read cocoleque? 160. Lit., As yet the nations [or peoples] were all alone. 161. Atizapan is another name for Tizacapan. The passage at hand merely retells the story given above in lines 17:13-27.

55

TheMexica in captivity: A D . 1 2 4 0 -8 6

18:4

13 Rabbit. 1 Reed [1259] was when the Colhuacan ruler Cuauhtlixtli died. Then Yohuallatonac was inaugurated, succeeding him as ruler. is 6 It was in 1 Reed that the Cuauhquecholteca were destroyed. The H uexotzinca, the Tlaxcalteca, the Totom ihuaque, the Tepeyacahuaque, the Cuauhteca, Cuauhtinchan, and the Chololteca surrounded them. is 8 It was also in 1 Reed that the Chaleo ruler Tlalli Teuctli died. Then Toquihua Teuctli162 was inaugurated and ruled in Chaleo. is io 2 Flint [1260]. In that year the Cuahuaque O tom i arrived. They came and settled in Chichimecacuicoyan at the tim e when Tochtzin Teuctli, son o f Tezcatl Teuctli, was prince and governor there. H e allowed them to settle in his territory. But they were w ith him for only fifteen years. Then he sent them to live in a place called Tlacopantonco Xolotliadauhyoc, in Tepotzodan. is : i6 3 H ouse. 4 Rabbit. 5 Reed. 6 Flint. 7 H ouse. [8 Rabbit.] 9 Reed. 10 Flint [1268] is when the warehouse in Cuauhddan was established. is : i7 11 H ouse [ 1269]. In that year the Colhuacan ruler called Yohuallatonac died. Then Tziuhtecatzin was inaugurated and ruled in Colhuacan. 12 Rabbit. 13 Reed. 1 8 .-2 0 1 Flint [1272] is when the Cuidahuac ruler Atzatzam oltzin died and Totepeuh Teuctli was inaugurated. The Chalca dynasty in Cuidahuac Tizic began at this time. is :2 2 2 H ouse [ 1273]. In that year the M exitin were driven out. And so they came and settled in Tlalcocom occo. It was by command o f the Colhuaque, when Tziuhtecatzin was ruling in Colhuacan. 18.25 Afterward, Colhuaque went to conquer the Mexica. But these C ol­ huaque only fell into the hands o f their enemy, w ho w ent and adorned them [as sacrificial victim s], and then those M exitin extracted the hearts o f the Colhuaque, sparing none. i8 : 2 8 3 Rabbit [1274]. In that year Tezcatzin Teucdi drove out the O tom i, sending them to Tepotzodan, to the place called Tlacopantonco Xolodiadauhyoc. And from there the O tom i dispersed. Some w ent to Cincoc. Some went to Huitziltepec and Xoloc, and som e withdrew— back this way— to Cuauhdaapan Tianquizzolco. 18.34 4 Reed. 5 Flint. 6 H ouse. 7 Rabbit. 8 Reed. 9 Flint. 10 H ouse. 18.35 11 Rabbit [1282]. In that year Tziuhtecatzin o f Colhuacan died. Then Xihuidtem octzin was inaugurated and ruled in Colhuacan. is : 3 7 12 Reed. v 13 Flint [1286]. The Colhuaque say that Tezozom octli o f Azcapotzalco was bom at this time. 18 : 38 1 House. 162. Marginal gloss: tochquihua teuctli.

56

Cuauhtitlan’s war against Xaltocan: A D . 1 2 8 7 -9 7 and later

2 Rabbit. In that year the Cuauhtitlan ruler Tezcatl Teuctli died. H e had ruled for thirty-nine years.

[Cuauhtitlan’s war against Xaltocan: A.D. 1 2 8 7 -9 7 and later] i8:4o

3 Reed [1287]. In that year the Cuauhtidan ruler Huactzin was inau­ gurated. H is residence was in Techichco, and that’s where he ruled. is 4 2 The tim e o f 3 Reed was when the Huehueteca were destroyed. They were conquered by the Huexotzinca, the Tlaxcalteca, the Totomihuaque, Cholollan, the people o f Cuauhtinchan, and Tepeyacac. is 4 5 4 Flint. 5 H ouse. 6 Rabbit. 7 Reed [1291] was when Totepeuh, ruler o f Cuidahuac Tizic, died. Then Epcoatzin was inaugurated. is : 4 7 8 Flint [1292], say the Colhuaque, is when Ixtlilxochitzin the elder was bom in Tetzcoco. 18 :48 9 H ouse. 10 Rabbit [1294]. The Cuidahuaca say that Tezozom octli o f tzalco was bom at this time. is . 49 11 Reed. 12 Flint. 13 H ouse [ 1297]. This was the year— when the capital was at Techichco, in the tim e o f the ruler Huactli— that his Chichimec captains were driven out and came away. The first was Maxda; second, Xochipan; third, M ecellod; fourth, Acatzin; fifdi, Tlacuatzin; sixth, Tzohuitzin; seventh, Cuauhdcatzin. These were the ones who came, and they setded in Tecoactonco. 19 i N ow , when these Chichimecs came and setded in that place, a man had already died there, a Chichimec named Tecoad, who had been there first. Encountered were the Chichimecs Huauhquil and Telpoch, who were at Zacadatiltidan, which is now called Tlatilco. They were there already when the Chichimecs who had parted company came and setded in Tecoactonco. i9 7 And then they withdrew. Soon they setded at a second place, called Xallan. They made Xallan their home and stayed there awhile. i9 9 And then they withdrew to a third place, Tlalcozpan, where the house o f D on Juan Yollocamachaltzin stands today. Those who had [previously] com e to setde there were simply driven out. Well, the one who was there, at Izquidan, was a Chichimec named Ixahuatzin, [along with] Yaocotzitzitli [and] Xiyad. And those w ho had withdrawn to Tlalcozpan were Tzonhuitzin and Cuauhdcatzin.163 163. Two of the Chichimec captains named in lines 1 8 :52-53 above.

57

The massacre of the Chichimecs: A D . 1349 and later

i9 i4

Now, when they had been in that place for a w hile, they noticed the Xaltocameca, who were always courting danger to go quail hunting at Quail H ill. Indeed the quail-hunting area belonged to the Xaltocameca. It was their quail hill. i9 i7 Then they conferred with each other, saying, “W ho are these so-called Xaltocameca? Let’s chase them away. They’re going to bother us. They’re bad people, they’re vicious, they’re the ones w ho made war against the M exitin. And in fact our ruler gave the command that the Xaltocameca were never to be our friends.” 164 i9 :2 i So then, right at that sp ot,165 they provoked them , intending to make war on them, until finally they exerted their full force against them. i9 2 2 Now , they had been com ing [there] during the reign o f Quinatzin, and in the reign o f Tezcad Teuctli they were just snatching whatever they saw that belonged to them. They were just making fun o f them. i9:2s Well, they kept remembering how those late rulers had commanded them, that these were to be their enemies. And it was during the tim e o f the ruler Huactzin that the Xaltocan war began in such a way that it really did begin in earnest.166 i9 : 2 8 For it is told and related that the territory, the boundaries, o f the Xal­ tocameca came straight out to: 19: 3o

Acaltecoyan Ocozacayocan Coyomilpan Cueppopan Ixayoctonco Tlilhuatonicac Ixayoc Cidaliniteopan Cotzxipetzco Zoltepec [Quail H ill] Tepemaxalco Cuidachtepetl Temacpalco Cuauhxomolco Huilacapichtepec Odayo Cuauhtepetl Tezonyocan 164. The command had been issued by Quinatzin. See 14:18-22. 165. Read yc niman ye ôcan ÿyn. 166. The earlier beginnings of this war were described in lines 14:22-28.

58

Cuauktitlan’s war againstXaltocan: A D . 1 2 8 7 -9 7 and later

Tlacochcalco Tehuepanco Ecatepec Chiucnauhtlan Tecanman Malinallocan Tonanitlan Papahuacan Ichpochco Tzompanco Their boundaries came together with those o f Xaltenco at Acaltecoyan.167 And then the war started.168 At that time the Chichimecs got together there in Tlalcozpan in order to fight them on all fronts. There was a Chichimec o f Xochicaltidan named Pitzallod. H e was a very big man, and he brought the Xaltocameca to a halt. At the same tim e, they were halted by Chichimecs w ho were in Tehuiloyocan— Totoom id, Tlahuitol, and other Chichimecs. And after a long while, they forced the Xal­ tocameca to give up their boundary, and so the war was pushed back to Tlaltepan. Then the boundary was pushed back to Tlamacazcatepec, which is now Tenexotli [Lime Road], and straight on back to Iztaccoac [and] Tamazolac. There it lasted a good while. They kept a frontier with them at Iyehuacan, Teloloiyacac, [and] Tepanahuilloyan. There the war lasted fifteen years, so it is said. Well, it was fifteen years that went by. And then again the Chichimecs forced the Xaltocameca to give up their boundary. So then the war reached the place called Tezcacoac. It was to that place that the war was carried. Then the Xaltocameca boundaries were set up at Tezcacoac, which has [just] been m entioned, [also at] Tlatlacualloyan, Tepanahuilloyan, Tenopaltitlan, Acocotlan, Teziuhtecatitlan, Nextlalpan, Atizapan, Teopanzolco, Iltitlan, Coacalco, Cuauhtepec. And the boundaries stood there for nine years. And all that while the war went on, the war o f the Cuauhtitlan Chichimecs. And then again they chased the Xaltocameca, until finally the war— the war o f the Chichimecs— was carried to the place called Acpaxapocan. At last the war cooled o ff a little. A t this time the Chichimec Huactzin was ruler o f Cuauhtitlan. Then, when the fighting had been carried to Acpaxapocan, the Chichi167. Lit., They [the Xaltocameca] come together with Xaltenco at Acaltecoyan. 168. Alternate translation: And there the war started.

59

Cuauhtitlan’s war against Xaltocan: A D . 1 2 8 7 -9 7 and later

20

2

is

o i9

20:24

20

20

2

28

:3i

o 38

20:45 2

o 46

2

o 48

mees made war only from time to tim e. And also, the Xaltocameca no longer dared to attack them , because they were afraid o f these Cuauhtitlan Chichimecs. Now, when the war was in Acpaxapocan, many tim es the god o f the Xaltocameca spoke to them in person, the so-called Acpaxapo [Waterweed Mirror], that came forth and appeared in the water there. It was a large serpent, and it had the face o f a wonlan. And its hair was long like women’s hair. And it would let them know, would tell them , what was going to hap­ pen to them: whether they were to take prisoners, whether they were to die, whether they were to become prisoners [them selves]. And it w ould tell them whenever the Chichimecs were going to sally forth, so that the Xaltocameca could com e out to m eet them. Well, the Chichimecs realized this, [and] whenever the Xaltocameca came to make payment, came to make offerings to Acpaxapo, the Chi­ chimecs were waiting for them. There they were, and that’s where the boundary was. And finally, when the Colhuaque had arrived [in the region] and had come forth, they too made war at Acpaxapocan, by command o f princes who were Chichimecs. Totomatlatzin and Cuauhtzoncaltzin were the ones who had authority over them .169 And so the Colhuaque took captives in that place. And w ith these they held their first dedication ceremony, offering three Xaltocameca. It was when the Colhuaque had newly prepared an earth altar for their gods— as will be told below, under the year 11 R eed,170 tw o years before the death o f the ruler Huactli. There w ill be heard the story o f the arrival o f the devils, or sorcerers, when the idolatry o f the Cuauhtitlan Chichimecs got started. And finally, when the elder Xaltemoctzin was ruler o f Cuauhtitlan, in the year 7 Reed, the Xaltocameca were destroyed. The w hole tim e that the war lasted, while the Cuauhddan Chichimecs were fighting against them , adds up to a hundred years altogether. It began when the M exitin were defeated at Chapoltepec, for it is said that this was when the ire o f the Cuauhddan Chichimecs was instilled. And when the Xaltocameca were destroyed, it was in Tecanman that they went to their destruction. When they were already terrified, they sent to M etztitlan to say they would go be servants there. And they sent to Tlaxallan to say they would be servants there. 169. Lit., Totomatlatzin and Cuauhtzoncaltzin were their fathers. 170. See 2 4 :25ff., especially 24:53.

60

Cuauhtitlan’s war against Xaltocan: A D . 1 2 8 7 -9 7 and later

Well, eventually they were asked why and for what reason they wanted to be servants. 2 0 : so They answered, saying, “It’s because our enemies the Cuauhtidan Chichimecs are torm enting us, and we’re about to perish in their hands. It was a long tim e ago that they provoked us and made war against us. The war began in the time o f our fathers.” 21 4 “We’ll have to take a look at them ,” they said. “Fetch them. What are these people like w ho’ve been bothering you?” 2i s Then, with their captives, the Xaltocameca entered M etztitlan and Tlaxcallan. O f which more is to be heard under the year 7 Reed, during the reign o f the elder Xaltemoctzin, the tecpanecatl.171 2i 8 Also at this tim e, when the Xaltocameca nation had been destroyed, the ruler Xaltemoctzin the elder stationed boundary keepers. H e stationed them at Tzompanco, Citlaltepec, Huehuetocan, and Otlazpan. 2i :h By now the boundaries had been pushed back, enlarging the Cuauhtitlan nation. And so these boundaries, these frontiers o f the Cuauhtidan nation are named herewith. 2 i i4 First, where we begin the Mexica road, at a place called Nepopohualco. Then:

20

2

49

i is

Otontepec Cuauhtepec Tlacoc Tehuepanco Ecatepec Tezoyocan Acalhuacan172 Epcoac Tenanitlan Axochtli Toltecatzacualli Chiconcuauhtliiteocal Tlamamatlatl Cihuatlicpac Atehuilacachco Ocelotlixtacan Cuauhquemecan Cuauhtlalpan 171. Xaltemoctzin’s special title is given as atecpanecatl teuctli at 30:32. Hucmac ofTollan was styled atecpanecatl (8:40). For further usages see NED: atecpanecatl, tecpanecatl. 172. Velázquez reads Acolhuacan. MEX 80 treats the two forms as synonymous (Acal­ huacan, anozo Acalhuacan = Acalhuacan, or Acolhuacan).

61

Cuauhtitlan’s war againstXaltocan: A D . 1 2 8 7 -9 7 and later

Papahuacan Tlatlachpanaloyan Miccaapan Xilotzinco Huitzocuitlapillan Atlacom olco Cuezcomahuacan Tenexcalco Huixachcuauhyo-173 Macuexhuacan Tcmamadac TlatzaUan Acatzintdtlan Pachyocan N ochtonco Tatapaco Hucitepcc Mazamican Nopaltepcc Ozomatcpcc Cuahuacatzinco Cuicuitzcacalco Chalchiuhtcchcatitlan Atecomoyan Nacazhueyocan Xoxomalpan Chapolmalloyan Ichpochtetitlan Oztotlaquetzallocan Ahuazhuatlan Tecaxic Tecoac Zoltepec Tepedmaxalco Tcpctitlan 21 2

i

:2 7 28

W hich joins the above-mentioned Nepopohualco. These are the boundaries o f the Cuauhtidan nation; and in order to grow larger in all directions, the Cuauhtidan Chichimecs, by means o f war, did indeed set them up in Xaltocan, as has been told. 173. Suffix missing?

62

The fall of Colhuacan: A D . 1 2 9 8 -1348

And it was the same in Hueipochtlan and Xilotzinco. The same in Tlatzallan and Acatzintlan. 2i 32 There was a battle there at Huecadan Adauhco, when Tollan people confronted the nation. 2i 34 It was the same in Chiapan. By means o f war it was possible to set up a boundary. 2i 35 And it was the same in Cuahuacan. By means o f war it [the boundary] was pushed back during the time that Cozauhquixochid was ruling in Cuahuacan. 2i 36 And even more famous than the Xaltocameca war was the war with the Tepaneca. The Cuauhtidan Chichimecs faced them with great courage. 2i 39 And likewise, Xochilhuid captives from Ecatepec were required in Cuauhtidan.174 2 i : 40 Through the courage o f the Cuauhtitiancalque, their boundaries, as named above, were made good in all directions. 2 i :4 2 And upon the arrival o f the Castillians, when the Marqués del Valle came, the Cuauhtidan nation was destroyed, broken up, so that Tepotzotian, Otiazpan, Citialtepec, and Tzompanco were detached. And Toltitian was also detached from the territory, etc. 21

:3i

[The fall o f Colhuacan: A.D. 129 8 -1 3 4 8 ] 2

i : 46

2i:48 2

1 : so

2 1 .5 1

22

i

1 Rabbit [1298]. 2 Reed [1299]. This was when the Cuauhquecholteca were defeated for the second tim e. They were surrounded again, just as was told above.175 3 Flint [1300] was when the Colhuacan ruler Xihuitltem octzin died. Then Coxcox Teuctii was inaugurated and ruled in Colhuacan. 4 H ouse. 5 Rabbit [1302] was when Epcoatzin, ruler o f Tizic Cuitiahuac, died Quetzalmichin Teuctii was inaugurated. 6 Reed [1303]. In that year it happened one day that the ruler o f Cuauhtidan, w ho was H uactzin, went hunting, and he met a young woman at the place called Tepolco. But he did not know whether this young woman was a lady. Finally he asked her. H e said, “W ho are you? W hose daughter are you? W here do you com e from?” 174. Lit., And also thus, with regard to Ecatepec, for [the feast of] Xochilhuid, they wanted to conquer people with regard to Cuauhtidan. (For “tribute captives” brought from enemy borders as part of Xochilhuid celebrations, see FFCC bk. 1, ch. 14. See also lines 4 9 :3 4 -3 8 below.) 175. See line 18:6.

63

The fall of Colhuacan: A X>. 1 2 9 8 -1 3 4 8

She answered him, saying, “My lord, I live in Colhuacan, and my father is the king, Coxcox Teuctli.” 22 3 “And what does he call you?” he asked. “W hat is your name?” 2 2 :4 “My name is Itztolpanxochi,” she replied. 22 5 Well, when Huactli heard this, he took her hom e w ith him and made her his wife. And Huacdi had children with her. The first was called Cuauhtliipantemoc. The second was Iztactotod. They were bom the grandchildren o f the Colhuacan ruler, Coxcoxtzin Teuctli. 2 2 :9 7 Flint. 8 H ouse. 9 Rabbit. 10 Reed. 11 Flint. 12 H ouse. 13 Rabbit. 1 Reed. 2 Flint. 2 2 :ii 3 H ouse [1313]. This was when Quetzalmichin Teuctli died. Then Cuauhdodi Teucdi was inaugurated and ruled in Cuidahuac Tizic. 22 i2 4 Rabbit. 5 Reed. 6 Flint. 22.13 7 H ouse [1317]. This was when Cuauhdodi Teuctli died. Then Mamatzin Teuctli was inaugurated and ruled in Cuidahuac Tizic. 22:i4 8 Rabbit [1318]. This was the year that M exico Tenochtidan got started. As yet the M exitin built only a few straw huts. There was only a wilderness o f sedges all around when they made their setdem ent. 2 2 .17 9 Reed. 10 Flint [1320]. In that year the Cuauhtidan ruler H uacdi gave the order for his son Iztactotod to lead a war party176 at Xaltocan Acpaxapocan. H e summoned his messengers and said to them , “Go tell my captains Acatzin, Tlacuatzin, Xochipan, and M ecellod, who are in charge there at Acahuacan Tepeyacac. Give them this message: ‘You are no longer in power here at Cuahuacan. Let that boy Iztactototzin be surrounded som e­ place or other. But he mustn’t be thrown to the enemy, he mustn’t be captured. Let them give heed to this. I beseech all my captains.’ ” 177 22 27 Then the message was brought to the Chichimecs w ho were in charge at Tepeyacac. And when they had heard it, they said, “Our ruler has fa­ vored us. Let us do what we can.” 22 3o And right away these Chichimecs sent to Coacalco, taking a message to the Tepaneca. They had ju st178 com e to setde there, in Coacalco, where a certain Xochmid was governing,179 and when Xochmid heard the Chichi­ mecs’ command that they were to [go] w ith them [and] accompany the ruler’s son Iztactotod into batde, then he authorized his Tepanec charges to go to war with this son o f the ruler Huactzin. 22

:2

176. Lit., gave the order for them to accompany his son Iztactotod into batde. See GLOS: yaoquixtia:te.' 177. Lit., ‘You are very much no longer in power here at Cuahuacan. Let them cause people to surround the very young man Iztactototzin somewhere there. Let it not be: let them not throw him in alien hands, let them not cause him to arrive in alien hands. They do very much know something. Indeed I beseech all my captains.’ 178. Read quin huel. 179. Word order reversed in the translation.

64

The fall of Colhuacan: A D . 1 2 9 8-1348

And it was done. They follow ed the ruler’s son Iztactotod to Acpaxapocan, where the Xaltocameca were in the habit o f making payment. 22 38 N ow , when they had appeared, they came forth and made the payment, though indeed it was as they usually came, always dressed for war. Im­ mediately Iztactotod made a take, and as soon as he had gotten his pris­ oner, there was a batde. And on account o f it the Chichimecs Acatzin and Tlacuatzin died, along with eight o f the Tepaneca that Xochmid had sent from Coacalco. And it was all by him self that Iztactotod had taken the prisoner.180 22 43 W hen he had gotten his prisoner, the news was brought to the ruler H uactli, and they told him how ten had died because o f it. 22 45 This upset him, and he gave orders for the war to be intensified, for the Chichimecs to fight hard and not let the Xaltocameca go free. 22.47 Now , when Iztactotod had gotten his prisoner, he sent word to his mother. And then she said to him, “Go see your grandfather, Coxcox Teuctli, the ruler o f Colhuacan. Give him greetings and show him that you have taken a prisoner in Xaltocan.” 2 2 si And Iztactotod heeded his mother, for she was a princess o f Colhuacan. 2 2 52 Then he went with his prisoner to inspire his grandfather, and his Chichimec captains went along as his guards. W hen he got there, he presented himself, offered greetings,181 and explained that he was his grandson. 23 2 “O lord, O ruler,” he said, “I have come from Cuauhtidan to bring you greetings, for I have heard what perhaps is true, that you may have lost a daughter, the departed Itztolpanxochi.” H e continued: “She is my mother, and she has told me that it was you who sired her. And so today I have come before you to bring you inspiration. My father, Huactzin, had a war in Xaltocan. And I w ent there and took a prisoner.” 23 8 H e said to him, “W elcome, my child. It is true that I lost a daughter, from whom you have sprung. Sit down, for you are my grandson. Such as I am, I am old and must die. Here in Colhuacan it is you who w ill be ruler. You w ill be ruler o f the Colhuaque.” 23 i3 And to Iztactotod he was a litde like an oracle the way he spoke. And after hearing this speech, he said nothing. 23 i5 Finally the ruler Coxcox Teuctli withdrew. From within his chamber he sent back a messenger to inform him that he was never to come again, and he was told that he would definitely become ruler, succeeding his grandfather. 23 is W ell, after he had heard these words, he laughed and said, “W hose ruler would I be? For the Colhuacan nation is not to endure. It is to be de­ stroyed and broken up. But I say give this message to the king, my grand22

36

180. Novice warriors usually took prisoners with the help of others. See note to line 37:5 below. 181. Andclimactic word order reversed in the translation.

65

The fall qfColhuacan: A D . 12 9 8 -1 3 4 8

father: Probably it w ill not happen in his lifetim e, and when it does, som e could go to our capital and become our followers there. For our land is so big that from there to Cuauhtcpetl here, takes a w hole day, so w ide is the expanse. And the ruler is my father, H uactzin.” 23 25 Then they took the message to the ruler Coxcox Teuctli. W hen he heard it, he was angry and insulted. H e said, “That little boy, that baby, what is he saying? Ask him what it is that would happen to our nation and w ho would destroy us. Is this a death that is not native? H ow w ould it rise against us? Pox, bloody diarrhea, coughing sickness, fever, and consump­ tion are here, o f course. And o f course we know that the sun m ight be eaten or the earth m ight shake or we m ight have to perform sacrifices.182 H ow is our nation to be destroyed and broken up? W hat is the boy saying? Let him tell it plainly.” 23 :3 4 And then the messengers came back. In anger and amazement they questioned him. 2 3 :3 5 And he answered them. “What is the king worried about?” he said. “Give him this message: It is not by war that the nation w ill be destroyed, no one will bother him, no one w ill make fun o f him anymore.183 The way it w ill happen is that lords and nobles w ill simply becom e agitated and rebel, and their vassals w ill be scattered in foreign lands. The nation w ill become deserted. And that is why I say, when you are destroyed, go to our capital, which lies beyond Cuauhtepetl here. The ruler, I say, is my father. H e w ill be waiting for you, and he w ill give you land.” 23: 4 5 They took the message to the ruler, and w ith that he fell silent, etc. 23.46 11 H ouse. 12 Rabbit. 13 Reed. 1 Flint [1324], This was when the Colhuacan ruler Coxcoxtli died. Then Acamapichtli was inaugurated and ruled in Colhuacan. 23:48 2 H ouse [1325]. According to what the Cuitlahuaca know, this was when the elder Ixtlilxochitl o f Tetzcoco was bom . 23 4 9 3 Rabbit. 4 Reed. 5 Flint. 6 H ouse. 7 Rabbit. 23 : so 8 Reed [1331]. Cuitlahuaca say that at this tim e Tezozom octli was in­ augurated as ruler in Tlalhuacpan.184 23.-51 9 Flint. 10 H ouse. 11 Rabbit. 12 Reed. 23:52 13 Flint [ 1336]. This was the year that Achitom etl killed Acamapichtli, who was ruler o f Colhuacan. And having killed him, Achitom etl was in­ augurated as ruler. This was also when the ruler Achitom etl spoke craftily 182. During solar eclipses prisoners were sacrificed (FC 7 :3 7 -3 8 ). But although the text means eclipses and earthquakes in a literal sense, according to Sahagún the expression teotl qualo tlallolini has the figurative meaning “Something terrifying comes to pass, perhaps war, perhaps the death of the ruler” (FFCC 1:82). 183. Word order reversed in the translation. 184. Tlalhuacpan [the Dry Lands] refers to the realm of the Tepaneca, whose seat was Azcapotzalco. See NED: Tlalhuacpan.

66

The fall of Colhuacan: A D . 1 2 98-1348

to the M exitin.185 Also it was when the elder Tezozom octli was inaugu­ rated as ruler in Azcapotzalco. 24 :s 1 H ouse [1337] was when the ruler o f Cuitlahuac Tizic, Mamatzin Teuctli, died. Then Pichatzin Teuctli was inaugurated. 24:7 2 Rabbit. 3 Reed [1339] was when the Cuauhquecholteca were again defeated and it was the Huexotzinca w ho defeated them , campaigning against them unaided.186 This was when Xayacamachan was ruling in H uexotzinco. 24 9 The year 3 Reed is when the Chaleo ruler Tozquihua died. Then a lord named Xipemetztli was inaugurated as ruler. 24 h And it was in 3 Reed that Tezozom octli o f Tlalhuacpan187 started his war in Techichco, which was filled with Chalca188— the people o f Techichco were counted as Chaleo. That’s where the Chalca boundary, or frontier, was, there in Colhuacan. And this war o f Tezozom octli’s lasted thirty-seven years. As yet the Tepanecatl was acting on his own when he set out for Techichco Colhuacan. As yet the M exitin were not included. 24 i9 4 Flint. 5 H ouse. 6 Rabbit. 24: 2 0 7 Reed [1343] was when the Totomihuaque were defeated. The H ue­ xotzinca campaigned against them unaided, in the time that Xayacama­ chan was ruler. 24: 2 2 8 Flint. 9 H ouse. 10 Rabbit [1346]. This 10 Rabbit is when llancueitl and the ladies who accompanied her went to Coatlichan to get Acamapichtli,189 who had been sent there to be brought up. 24 : 25 11 Reed [1347]. That was the year it came to pass that the Colhuaque were destroyed, were scattered and dispersed in foreign lands, when the people went o ff in all directions. 24 28 When the Colhuaque had been destroyed, their temple and their city sprouted grass. 24 30 In the year 12 [Flint: 1348] Achitom etl, w ho had been ruler o f Colhua­ can, m et his death. As soon as he died, the Colhuaque were destroyed. 24 32 These Colhuaque were not conquered: the way they were destroyed is that they just agitated each other. That’s how they were destroyed. 185. After their defeat at Chapoltepec, when the Mexica begged Achitomed for a place to setde, he craftily sent them to Tizaapan, which was known to be infested with snakes. The story is told in DHIST ch. 4. Notice, however, that this account does not fit in with the information concerning the Mexica and Tizaapan (also called Tizacapan or Atizàpan) given above in lines 17:20 and 17:39. 186. Read quinmixeahuique, as in line 24:21. 187. The same as Tezozomoctli of Azcapotzalco (see 2 4 :4 -5 ; see also 23:51 and accom­ panying note). 188. For chalcayaoyotl read chalcayotl, as in line 27:30. 189. Son of the Acamapichtli who is assassinated in line 24:1 above. He is to become the first ruler of Tenochtidan (lines 26:39-42).

67

The founding c f the city o f C uauhtitlan: A D . 1348 a n d later

And that’s when the Colhuaque, accompanied by the M exicatzinca, came here to Cuauhtidan. It was said that the Colhuacan nation was dis­ persed when Achitom etl died.

[The founding o f the city o f Cuauhtidan: A.D. 1348 and later] 24

37

24 :38

24.-41 24

42

2 4 :4 7

Now, when the Colhuaque were newly arrived here in Cuauhtitlan, it was during [the fifteen “m onths” ] called: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

H uei Tecuilhuitl Tlaxochimaco X ocotlH uetzi Ochpaniztli Teotl Eco Tepeilhuitl Quecholli Panquetzaliztli Atem oztli Tititl Izcalli CuahuitlEhua Tlacaxipehualiztli Tozoztontli H ueiT ozoztli

Thus the Colhuaque stayed for 300 days [for fifteen twenty-day “m onths,” mid-July through mid-May]. And also at this tim e, when the Colhuaque had started making them ­ selves an earth altar, the incom ing elders Cuauhnochtli, Atempanecatl, Xiloxochcatl, Mexicatl, and Tetec Tlamacazqui190 set up their gods, known as Toci and Chiucnauhozomatli and Xochiquetzal. Now, when these Colhuaque had built their earth altar, they petitioned the Chichimec princes called Totom atlatzin and Cuauhtzoncaltzin, w ho governed in Chichimecacuicoyan, sending them a message, telling them, “We have made our settlem ent at the waterside where you allowed us to settle, there in your territory. But what can we take?191 For we are asking, 190. At least some of these names may be titles. See Concordance: cuauhnochtli, atem­ panecatl, tlamacazqui. 191. Lit., But how many portions are there? (reading quezquican for quexcan).

68

The founding of the city of Cuauhtitlan: A D . 1348 and later

please w on’t you help us out with som ething like one little rabbit, a little snake, with which we m ight have just a bit o f a dedication ceremony for the litde earth altar we have made for our gods?” 25 2 And when the Chichimecs heard this, they got together and said, “Ah, that’s where they’re supposed to be. We believe that where they’ve come to setde they’ll eventually be swept away by the water. Indeed, when we allowed them to setde there, we said, ‘Here’s your rampart,’ for these are the people w ho made war on the M exitin and chased them away.192 Now, what are we going to tell them? Should we give them this rabbit, this snake that they’re asking for? They w ould get used to hunting in our gardens.193 That’s im possible. But there’s this: we have a war going on nearby in Xaltocan. Let’s tell them to go get captives there, so that they can become worthy o f receiving our daughters and our lands.” 194 25 i2 And then the Chichimecs told this to the Colhuaque. Indeed, the Chi­ chimecs said, “What would a snake or a rabbit be? Indeed, we have a war nearby. Go there, to Xaltocan. Is it far? W hoever takes captives wins our daughters. We’ll present them to you along w ith our lands. Give heed to this. It’s how you’ll have your dedication ceremony.” 25 is And then the Colhuaque went o ff and made war in Xaltocan. And when the Colhuaque had gotten three captives, the Chichimecs took a great liking to the Colhuaque, and they all became friends. So the Chichimecs gave them their daughters. Also they were given land. 25 24 W hen it was Toxcad,195 the Colhuaque came and celebrated the feast in Cuauhtidan for the first time. They came and made human sacrifices. 25 25 As yet the Chichimecs were not doing this, not making human sacrifices before their gods. Although they were taking captives and would eat them, they just killed them. It wasn’t before their gods. They did not use them for dedication ceremonies, and as yet they had no temples. 25 29 It was at this time that the Colhuaque and the Chichimecs began to build themselves temples. It was then that the town that there is today got started and had its beginning. 25 3 2 And that’s why the town lies in an out-of-the-way spot, because the Chichimecs had been driving the Colhuaque to desperation, thinking, when they setded the Colhuaque there, that eventually they would be flooded and would become weary and would perhaps go o ff somewhere. [But] it was not possible. In that very spot the town o f Cuauhtidan grew up where it is today. 25 3 7 Well, when the Colhuaque were finally settled, the river was still there, 192. 193. 194. 195.

Anticlimactic word order reversed in the translation. Lit., There is this [that] establishes itself: in our gardens they would shoot things. Lit., so that eventually they obtain that we give them our daughters and our lands. Toxcad follows Huei Tozoztli (see line 24:41 above).

69

The massacre of the Chichimecs: A D . 1349 and later

25. 4 3

2 5 :4 9

and when the water would com e, it w ould spread out. Later, however, the river was relocated, because a hundred households were swept away. Those who perished were Toltidancalque. And so the waterway was relo­ cated when Ayacdacatzin came in as ruler. It was he w ho relocated the waterway.196 And finally, as for those Chichimecs w ho had no tem ples, what they had were just arrows that they set up in beds o f hay. They w ould make an earth altar and set up white plume-banners there, and each one would dress him self as M ixcoad. Thus they remembered what the devil Itzpapalod taught them. They always remembered it during [the feast] called Quecholli. And as for the above-mentioned Colhuaque w ho w ent o ff in all direc­ tions, this was when they were scattered and dispersed in alien lands, som e going to Azcapotzalco, Coatlichan, Huexotla, and Cuauhtitlan.

[The massacre o f the Chichimecs: A.D. 1349 and later] 25

13 [House: 1349]. This was the year that H uactli, w ho had been ruler o f Cuauhtitlan, died. Then a stand-in, or substitute, came to be inaugu­ rated in his place. Soon the Colhuaque got themselves a ruler: they wanted to install [Iztactototl,] son o f the ruler H uactli, since they knew he was the grandson o f the above-mentioned Coxcox Teuctli, w ho had been ruler o f Colhuacan. At this time they sheltered him 197 where the house o f the devil M ixcoad was. As yet M ixcoad had the ruler Iztactotod with him in his calpulli tem ple.198 26 5 But eventually the Colhuaque supported him with great honor, hon­ ored the ruler Iztactotod. And they made many arrangements. 2 6 :8 And furthermore, they introduced all the different manufactures, ce­ ramic ware, m atting, pots, bowls, and all the rest. 26 h And it was they who built the town o f Cuauhtidan. And they provided it w ith lands, for the Chichimecs just kept being pushed back. 26 i3 And it was they w ho brought all the idolatry. They brought their many gods. 53

196. This account of the flood and its aftermath is contradicted by lines 4 8 :1 5 -2 6 below. 197. Lit., they straw-housed him. In other words, they put him up in rude quarters in the manner of the Chichimecs. Rulers’ straw-houses are mentioned in lines 4 :19, 8:17, etc. 198. Or: As yet the ruler Iztactototl had [the idol] Mixcoad with him in his calpulli temple. Calpolco, lit., calpulli place, is glossed by Sahagún as Uuna de las casas de oración que teman en los barrios que ellos llamaban calpulli, que quiere decir iglesia del barrio o parro­ quia” (HG bk. 1, ch. 19, parag. 17 and FFCC 1:43:4: calpulco; see also FC 9:63:10).

70

Colhuacan restored: A D . 1 3 4 9 -7 7

And when they had become quite m ingled with the Chichimecs, then they began to make milpa. And at last, peacefully, they began to mark o ff the boundaries o f fields, laying out their calpulli lands. 26 i7 And in later tim es, when all the people had become god worshippers, when Itzcoatzin was ruling in Tenochtidan, still there were many Chichi­ mecs. And then the Colhuaque w ent to M exico to lodge charges against them, because they refused to worship the gods, refused to observe the socalled arrow fast.199 In those days the arrow fast was customary. 2 6 :2 4 On account o f it, they were captured.200 Indeed, they went as prisoners to M exico. And those Chichimecs were these: a certain Xiuhcac from Toltepec, which is now called Xiuhcacco; then PitzallotTs201 grandchildren in Tlalcozpan H ueitoctidan; then C ocod from Cocotidan, and Pipilo, who was also from there, toward Tzicda;202 and others besides. 26 30 Those people went to their death in M exico. So then they were stripped o f their lands, which therefore are known today as Acxoteca lands,203 Mexica lands. And it was the same with their other servant communities. 26 33 Indeed, Maxdaton o f Xallan was likewise killed, and his lands too are now known as Acxodan lands, Mexica lands. 26 34 It was the same with all o f Zoltepec and Cuauhtepec, and others as well that were Mexica lands. 2 6 36 And during this tim e the Chichimecs, w ho were being killed off, who were gradually disappearing and going to their destruction,204 slipped away little by little and settled in M otozahuican and Tlachco.

26

i4

[Colhuacan restored: A.D. 1 3 4 9 -7 7 ] 2 6 .3 9

26

:4 i

13 H ouse [1349]. At this time Acamapichtli was brought to Tenochtitlan, when the woman Ilancueitl went and got him in Tetzcoco.205 1 Rabbit [1350]. It was in 1 Rabbit that the Tenochca got themselves a ruler, when Acamapichtli was inaugurated in Tenochtidan. N ow , it is 199. “Arrow fast” possibly refers to a ceremony performed in Mexico in connection with the worship of Huitzilopochtli. Men who fasted for the occasion cut special reeds and fash­ ioned them into arrows, which were then bundled and offered to the god (FC bk. 2, ch. 33, and HG). 200. Read anoque. 201. Pitzallod was the big Chichimec who stopped the Xaltocameca (line 19:39). 202. On the suffix -copabuic, see NED: -huic. 203. Acxodan was one of the calpulli distrias, or wards, of Mexico (FC 9:12:26, 9:63:11). 204. Anticlimactic word order reversed in the translation. 205. According to line 24:24 he was brought from Coatlichan. Varying sources make llancueid the mother, stepmother, or wife of Acamapichtli. See Garcia Granados, Diccionario, vol. 1, pp. 4 -1 1 .

71

Colhuacan restored: A JD. 1 3 4 9 -7 7

26

:4 5

2 6 .4 6

26

:5 i

26

: S3

2 6 :5 4

27:4 27 :5

27 :9 27.10

27 13 27 : i4 27:i6

27 i9

told and related that his w ife, Ilancueitl, was the one w ho put him in office. Here began the Mexica dynasty. The time o f 1 Rabbit was when the Totom ihuaque were finally de­ feated. It was the Huexotzinca who defeated them. The time o f 1 Rabbit was when Tlahuacan Chalca were driven ou t.206 Departing from Xicco, they withdrew to what is now Chaleo. And they were in Xicco for 212 years, during which tim e the rulers were Pedacalli Teuctli, Tezozom octli, Mamatzin Teuctli,207 and other princes. A lso Chalchiuhtzin, also Ecatzin. 2 Reed [1351] was when the Mixteca were defeated. The people o f Teohuacan defeated them in Mixtlan when Ozom ateuctli was ruler. 3 Flint. 4 H ouse. 5 Rabbit. 6 Reed. 7 Flint [1356]. A t this time Tepaneca w ho are known today as Toltitlancalque came to settle.208 R ight there at the roadside, where they live today, they used to give people lodging and a hot supper. And they had just been provided with a ruler. Later it w ill be told and reported how their dynasty got started. 8 H ouse. 9 Rabbit. 10 Reed. 11 Flint. 12 H ouse. 13 Rabbit [1362]. In that year the Totomihuaque were dispersed. They left their country forever. It was the Huexotzinca w ho conquered them , during the reign o f Tenocelotzin, son o f Xayacamachan. 1 Reed [1363]. This was when the elder Ixtlilxochid was inaugurated as ruler o f Tetzcoco. 2 Flint [1364] was the year the Chaleo ruler Xipem etztli died. Yecad Teuctli was then inaugurated. And then he went to Tenochtidan, where he sired a son named Cuapochtli. 3 H ouse. 4 Rabbit. 5 Reed [1367] was the year the Cuauhtidan ruler Iztactototzin died. H e had ruled for nineteen years.209 6 Flint [1368]. At this time the Cuauhddan nation was inherited by the lady Ehuatlicuetzin, who had been Iztactototzin’s wife. And she, too, lived at the temple o f M ixcoad, which had been the royal residence o f Iztactototzin. 7 H ouse. 8 Rabbit. 9 Reed. 206. Both Lehmann and Velazquez have it that these Tlahuacan Chalca merely separated or split off (from a larger group?). 207. A small superscript numeral precedes each of these first three names. Difficult to read, the numerals seeip to be 1, 3, and 2, respectively. 208. Marginal gloss: The Tepaneca setded Toltidan. 209. Marginal gloss: Not valid Colhuacan Acamapich Nauhyotzin. [This could mean that the glossator does not recognize Acamapichtli and Nauhyotzin as belonging to Colhuacan. Better-known are the Acamapichtli of Tenochddan and the Nauhyotzin of Tollan. See Con­ cordance for locadons in this codex.]

C uauhtitlan’sg lory: A D . 1 3 7 8 -1 4 0 6

27:20

10 Flint [1372]. In that year the Chichimecs killed the lady Ehuadicuetzin. They went and shot her at a place called Callacoayan. The Chi­ chimecs were angry because the Colhuaque had made her a whore. 27: 2 3 11 H ouse [ 1373] was when the Cuauhtidan ruler Temetzacocuitzin was inaugurated, and he resided there at the temple o f the devil Mixcoatl. 27:25 12 Rabbit. 13 Reed. 1 Flint [1376] is when the M exitin and the Chalca began skirmishing.210 As yet they were not taking prisoners or killing each other. It was as if they were just having fun. This is what is called a flower war.211 It was in Techichco Colhuacan, this game o f the M exitin and the Chalca. And it went on for nine years, at the tim e when Colhuacan212 was full213 o f Chalca. 27:3i 2 H ouse [ 1377]. This year Ilancueid has become sad, for Colhuacan lies deserted. The city is sprouting grass. It lies in darkness. For thirty-one years it has had no ruler, only a military chief. 27 3 4 From the tim e that Achitom ed killed Acamapichtli it began to be as if there were just a military ruler. Even though Achitom ed had been inau­ gurated as king, there was nothing left to provide consoladon. And when Achitom ed died, the nadon broke apart. The Colhuaque separated, as has been reported. 27 38 And this Ilancueid, who had come to M exico, was now saddened. She was troubled and felt pity for the nation o f Colhuacan. Then she sum­ moned the princes there in M exico and sent them to Colhuacan.214 27 42 They went off, setting out from M exico. The first was named Nauhyotzin, the second was named M im ichtzin, the third was named Xochitonal, the fourth was named Tlaltolcaltzin. 27:44 And then the above-mentioned Nauhyotzin was installed as ruler in Colhuacan.

[Cuauhtitlan’s glory: A.D. 137 8 -1 4 0 6 ] 27.45 27:47

3 Rabbit [1378]. In that year the Cuauhtidan ruler Temetzacocuitzin died. H e had ruled for only six years. 4 Reed [1379]. In that year Tlacateotzin was inaugurated as ruler. His 210. Read moyayaotlaya. 211. According to Chimalpain, only commoners ( macehualtin ) were killed in the ChalcaMexica flower war; princes {pipiltin) were not killed (ZCHIM 1:79). Variant descriptions of flower war are given in TEZ ch. 96 and Pomar, pp. 41-42. 212. Colhuacan country? As we will be told in the next paragraph, Colhuacan city lies deserted or at least has suffered a decline. 213. Read tentimanca. Cf. 24:13. 214. Marginal gloss: Ilancueid again rallies Colhuacan and installs lord.

73

Cuauhtitlan’s glory: A D . 1378-1406

2 7 :5 0 2 7 : 51 2 7 :5 2

27 : 53

2 8 :3

28: 7

2 8 : 11

28 : 15

28 : 19

28 : 21

28 :25

straw-house was in the same place, where the tem ple o f M ixcoatl was. There he lived as ruler, taking care o f the Cuauhtitlan nation. 5 Flint. 6 H ouse. 7 Rabbit. 8 Reed [1383]. In that year Ilancueid died in M exico. 9 Flint [1384]. Cuitlahuaca say that the Mexica dynasty began at this time, when Acamapichdi was inaugurated. 10 H ouse [1385]. In that year the M exitin and the Chalca finally pro­ voked each other in earnest. It was said that the war began in Techichco, the war o f the Mexica [and the] Tepaneca. At that tim e the flower war was broken off. And this Chalca War lasted seventy-two years altogether. It was in Amaquemecan that it cooled, at the time the war with H uexotzinco began, at the time the Chalca came and joined ranks [with M exico],215 during the reign o f the elder M oteuczom atzin o f Tenochtidan. In the year 10 H ouse the Chaleo ruler Yecad Teuctli died. Then Xapazdi Teucdi was inaugurated, and he ruled for twenty-eight years. In his time it happened that the war spread to Chaleo A teneo, the war o f the M exitin and the Tepaneca [and the] Cuauhtidancalque. N ow , at this time, when there was war in Chaleo, when the Chalca War was just eighty days old, the Cuauhtidan princes Xaltem octzin and Iquehuacatzin took captives. And Iquehuacatzin’s captive was named Xaxama. And at the same time the princes were taking captives the Cuauhtidan Chichimecs were planning where their temple would be, the one that has stood there to this day. And then the captives, the princes’ captives, were used as heart offerings. Now , the way this house o f the devil was built it had five levels,216 and as it was only slowly that it grew larger and was provided with a facing, it took ten years all in all. Later, when the elder Xaltem octzin was ruler, he made his temple [still] larger. What year that was w ill be told [below ]. 11 Rabbit. 12 Reed. 13 Flint. 1 H ouse [1389]. In this year the Cuauhtidan ruler Tlacateotzin died. H e had ruled for eleven years. 2 Rabbit [1390] was when the elder Xaltemoctzin came to be inaugu­ rated as Cuauhtidan’s ruler. H is straw-house was at the Zacacalco [Straw H ouse Place], which is now the monastery. But when he w ent hunting for captives in Chaleo, before he was ruler, he lived at Cimapan Teopan. In that same year Xiuhtepeca, Iyauhtepeca, and Tetelpan people came as immigrants from Cuauhnahuac. The names o f these incom ing Cuauhnahuaca were Quiauhtzin, Coatzin, Xiuhdatonactzin, and M oteizcocopipina. And they came to live in M exico. Their greeting gift was a turquoise 215. Sec 5 2 :1 3 -3 3 below. 216. “Five levels” evidently refers to the wedding-cake style of Mexican pyramid archi­ tecture.

74

Cuauhtitlan’s glory: A D . 1378-1406

crown. [W ell,] it was like a turquoise crown. It isn’t known what was on it, perhaps jade, or else turquoise. A lso there were necklaces, ten neck­ pieces. A lso a jade weaver’s reed. Also a kind o f snake-arm, with som e­ thing like a hand where the head is. Also a jade spindle. Also a turquoise hand. A lso tw o jadestones. 28:34 3 Reed. 4 Flint [1392]. At this tim e the ruler o f Cuidahuac Tizic, called Picha tzin Teucdi, [and others as well] were assassinated by command o f the ruler who handed down the judgment— Tezozom octzin, ruler o f Azcapotzalco. Those w ho w ent to perform the assassinations were Tepaneca. 28 38 And those o f Pichatzin’s nobles who died were: first, Coyotliyacamiuh; second, Tzopallotzin; third, Hueiacatzin; fourth, Cuamamaztzin; fifth, Tlahuahuanqui; sixth, Xiuhtlapoca. 28 4i Anahuacati, ruler o f Tecpan, also m et his death in Cuidahuac at this tim e.217 H e had just fled to a chinampa when the Tecpaneca Cuitiahuaca went in and killed him— not the Tepaneca sent by218 Azcapotzalco’s Tezozom octii. 28.44 5 H ouse [ 1393] was when Tepolitzm aid was inaugurated as ruler in Cui­ dahuac Tizic. It was Tezozom octii o f Azcapotzalco who put him in office. 28 :47 6 Rabbit. 7 Reed [1395]. In that year the Xaltocameca were destroyed at Tecanman, and so they entered M etztidan and Tlaxcallan.219 This was when they immigrated with their captives. It has already been told. It was reported along with the defeat o f the M exitin at Chapoltepec.220 And those who had been made their captives were the Cuauhtidancalque asked about in M etztidan and Tlaxcallan when they were to be spoken o f as to what these enemies o f theirs were like and how they had been captured.221 28.53 N ow , the defeat and exodus222 o f the Xaltocameca occurred during the rule o f the elder Xaltemoctzin o f Cuauhtitian. And at this time Pantictzin Teucdi, Tlaltochtli, Teuctiacozauhqui, and Cincuani were ruling in Xaltocan. 217. Marginal gloss: Tezozomoc of Azcapotzalco ordered the killing of Pichatzin of Cui­ dahuac Tizic. And the one from Tecpan, Anahuacad. And others. 218. Read yn tepaneca yn ytitlanhuan. 219. Marginal gloss: Here they all evacuated Xaltocan and went to Tlaxcallan and to Metzddan. 220. See lines 20:43 and 2 1 :5 -8 . 221. A difficult sentence, which is clarified by the information given above in lines 2 0 :4 9 -2 1 :5 . In other words: the capdves whom the Xaltocameca brought with them to Metztidan and Tlaxcallan were the Cuauhtidan natives of whom we have already heard; it will be recalled that the citizens of Metztidan and Tlaxcallan asked the arriving Xaltocameca to describe, or speak about, the people of Cuauhtidan, who had been enemies to the Xalto­ cameca, and to explain how these particular captives had been taken. 222. Anticlimactic word order reversed in the translation.

75

Cuaubtitlan’s glory: A D . 1378-1406 29

4

2 9 :9

29 : io

29 is

29 is 29 i9 29.-20 29: 2 2 29 24

29

27

29.-31 29 : 33 29: 3 5 29

37

29 38 29 : 39

Well, the war began when the M exitin were surrounded at Chapoltepec. The Cuauhtidancalque were angry that the Xaltocameca w ent to war w ith the others there at Chapoltepec, because the Cuauhtidancalque were friends o f the M exitin. And it was also at this time that the Xaltocameca were destroyed at Tecanman.223 Now , the so-called Huitznahua Xaltocaitieca, along w ith the Ixayoctonca, as well as Totollan, Tlapallan, Tlilhuacan, and Ixayoc, came looking for lands where they could setde. Chalchiuh came as their leader from Ixayoctonco. And the ruler Xaltemoctzin received them gladly. And in that very same year, 7 Reed, the ruler Xaltem octzin gave orders for his boundary keepers to be sent o ff and stationed in Tzom panco, Cidaltepec, Huehuetocan, and Odazpan. To Tzompanco, the tlacateuctli Coyozacatzin went as leader, w ent to be governor. To Cidaltepec, Itzcuintzin went as leader, went as governor. To Huehuetocan, Cuauhchichitzin Tlacateuctzin w ent as governor, newly installed, having previously gone as governor to Odazpan. At this time Chalchiuhtzin was governing in Hueipochdan. Pantli was ruling in Xilotzinco. And when it had finally been accomplished that the boundaries were extended, then the ruler Xaltemoctzin began to increase the size o f his temple, which stood in Cuauhtidan. At the same time that the elder Xaltemoctzin started on his tem ple, he used it to lay out the city o f Cuauhtidan in four quarters.224 It was from this that he patterned it, building it to the four directions from the com ers o f his temple. Thus the city o f Cuauhtidan has four parts. H e built Tequixquinahuac at one com er by having Tepoxacco and Tzompanco bring workers there. H e built Chalmecapan at one com er, having [workers] brought by Cuauhdaapan and Cidaltepec. H e built Nepanda at one com er, having them brought by Tepotzodan and Huehuetocan. H e built Atempan at one com er, having them brought by Coyotepec and Odazpan. And in five years225 the elder Xaltemoctzin’s temple reached the top and was finished. 8 Flint. 9 H ousç. 223. The author seems to forget that he has already reported this in lines 2 8 :4 7 -4 8 . 224. Lit., When the elder Xaltemoctzin started his temple, at the same time it is from this that he established the city of Cuauhtidan as four places. 225. Read macuUxiuhtica.

76

Cuaubtitlan’s ß lory: A X>. 1378-1406

29.40

29 -,4 4 29:46

29:48

29 : so 29 : si 29

52

30 :s

3o

h

10 Rabbit [1 3 9 8 ].226 In that year the people o f Cuauhtinchan were defeated w hile Teucdacozauhqui was ruling.227 Those who conquered them were the M exitin, when Acamapichtli was ruler in Tenochtitlan and Cuauhtlatoatzin was ruler in Tlatilolco. W ith that the kingdom o f Cuauh­ tinchan was permanently destroyed. At this tim e the dynasty o f O ztoticpac got started. Cuetzpalin Teuctli was the one w ho started it. 11 Reed [1399] is when the elder Xaltemoctzin’s tem ple was finished. Its dedication ceremony was celebrated with people from Cuauhtin­ chan.228 The Cuauhddancalque had gone there to get captives. 12 Flint. 13 H ouse. 1 Rabbit [1402]. In that year Nezahualcoyotzin o f Tetzcoco was bom . H is day sign was 1 Deer, so say the Cuidahuaca. 2 Reed [1403]. A year-bundle feast was celebrated. The stories o f the Cuidahuaca say that at this tim e Acamapichtli died and H uitzilihuid was inaugurated. 3 Flint [ 1404]. In this year the one called Ayacdacatzin was bom , who was to be made ruler in Cuauhtidan. H e was bom in the place called Cuauhdaapan Tianquizzolco. H is m other’s name was Xochicozcad. H is father’s name was Xalted. And his grandfather, the father o f his mother, was Cuauhixtli.229 H is great-grandfather was the steward Tozantzin, stew­ ard to the elder Xaltemoctzin. The reason he was named Ayacdacad [Nobody] is that he was bom in the sweating room when no one was present.230 H is second princely name was Xaquin Teuctli, which means ‘ant5. H is actual ruler’s name was Ayac­ dacad. H e was a very rich man. Four times a year he would entertain and provide regalement.231 And he was a true soldier and warrior. The Cuauh­ ddancalque simply asked him to becom e their ruler. W hen he was inaugurated, he was already a warrior, already a captor, having gone to get prisoners in Cuahuacan. And when he had gotten his prisoner etc., he returned to Cuahuacan to live there. [But] those o f Cuauhdaapan w ent and fetched him, for he was a son o f their people, etc. 226. Marginal gloss: The Turk proceeded and stopped in this year, on the day of the Holy Trinity. Great victory. [Cf. gloss at 51:15.] 227. Marginal gloss: Teucdacozauhqui, lord of Cuauhtinchan. War that the Mexica waged against them. 228. As sacrificial victims. Cf. 20:32, 25:18, 25:29. 229. Probably the text should read either inantzin yta quauhixtli or inantzin yta ytoca quauhixtli.

230. Prenatal care and obstetrics were attended to by midwives, who practiced in the sweat bath, or sweating room (FC 6 :1 5 1 -5 2 , 6 :1 5 5 -5 6 , 6:167, 11:191). 231. For concuia read cuicuicaia or cuicuicac, as in line 30:15. In Tenochtidan the custom of entertaining with music and regaling people with food was observed by rich merchants (FC bk. 9, ch. 7) and others of high status (see FC 2 :6 8 :2 -1 1 , 2 :1 3 7 :1 8 -2 8 ).

The rise ofToltitlan: A D . 1 4 0 7 -8 and later

30

3

: i9

o :2 2

30 : 29

They went and established him at Cinpallanalco, and they built him a residence there. In that place, too, he often entertained and provided re­ galement. It was from there that the Cuauhtidancalque fetched him in order to make him their ruler. And all his years were ninety, during the time that he was growing up and when he was ruler, during the tim e that he lived and ruled. This was also the year that the Tenochtitlan ruler Acamapichtli died. Then H uitzilihuitl was inaugurated and ruled in Tenochtitlan. H e was the second to be made ruler o f the Tenochca. At the same tim e, Chimalpopocatzin was installed as tlacateccatl. [W ith] a daughter o f the Cuauhnahuac people, before he was ruler, Chim alpopo­ catzin, who was the younger brother o f H uitzilihuitl, had a son, Itzcoatzin. And the grandfather o f Itzcoatzin was Acamapichtli. And Chimalpo­ pocatzin sired the elder M oteuczom atzin, w hose female forebears were requisitioned in Colhuacan by Ilancueitl. The female forebears o f the Mexica rulers were wom en from that place. 4 H ouse. 5 Rabbit [ 1406]. In this year Tezozom octli o f Cuidahuac Tizic was bom .

[Origins o f the Tepaneca War: the rise o f Toltitlan: A .D . 1407—8 and later] 30: 3i

6 Reed [ 1407]. 7 Flint [1408]. In this year the Tepaneca put to death the elder Xaltem oetzin atecpanecatl w ho was ruler o f Cuauhtidan. H e was hanged by judgment o f Tezozom octli, ruler o f Azcapotzalco. They summoned him craftily, came and invited him to a feast in Tepanohuayan, and they took along many o f his nobles and lords. And when all was ready, Tezozom oedi o f Azcapotzalco killed the ruler o f Cuauhtidan. 30 36 After that, none o f the Chichimec princes in Cuauhtidan dared to be ruler. For nine years Cuauhtidan lay in darkness. N o one was ruler. There was only a military chief. 30:40 At this time the Toltidancalque became enormously proud, making war on the Cuauhtidan nation. The Azcapotzalca, w ho were Tepaneca, incited them all the more. This was by command o f Tezozom octli, ruler o f Azca­ potzalco. Thus they joined forces against the Cuauhtidan nation, because Toltidancalque are Tepaneca. And so it was all the more that the Tepaneca took it upon themselves to com e make war in Cuauhtidan. 3o 48 And this was when a dynasty got started in Toltidan, the dynasty o f the Toltidancalque. 3o 4 9 The first to rule, the one who started the dynasty, was called Cuauhtzin Teucdi. 78

The rise of Toltitlan : A D . 1 4 0 7 -8 and later

3o : so 3 0 : si

31 :4

3i : h

3i i5

3i

2

i

3

i

25

3

i

29

3

i

3

3

i

34

3

i

36

i

The second to rule in Toltitlan was called Xopantzin. The third to rule in Toltidan was called Tepanonoc. As for this Tepanonoc, it was he above all who took it upon him self to incite them against the Cuauhtitlan nation. It was he w ho widened the war, as w ill be heard under the year in which the Tepaneca War was waged. The fourth to rule in Toltitlan was called Epcoad. H e was the son o f Azcapotzalco’s Tezozom octli, w ho came to Toltidan to install him as ruler, w ho indeed is the one, moreover, w ho came and widened the conflict with the Cuauhtidan nation, the war. Here is the one who intensified, who heightened the fury. For this Tezozom octli, this ruler o f Azcapotzalco, desired in his heart to make one o f his children the ruler o f Cuauhtidan. But the Chichimec princes w ould not consent. They disregarded the very jealous Tezozom octli, whose son was not received as ruler o f Cuauh­ tidan, for indeed he had killed the late ruler, the elder Xaltemoctzin. And so, during the tim e o f this Epcoad, who was ruler o f Toltidan, it befell him that after his father, Tezozom octli, had died, then indeed in his time the Tepaneca o f Toltidan were destroyed. The story o f that batde w ill be told presendy. It w ill be heard under the year in which the Tepaneca nation was destroyed,232 when the Toltidan ruler Epcoad died. During his time the people moved away. H e died in batde. N ow , when war and destruction had passed, when the Toltidancalque and the Tepaneca had disbanded, there was no ruler in Toltidan for twenty years, and only gradually did the Toltidancalque, returning, com e back to setde in their country. And subsequendy, after the passage o f the twenty years, a certain Ocelodapan was inaugurated as ruler. And when he died, Acolm izdi, succeeding him, was inaugurated. Only forty days did he rule. H e was assassinated. W hen he was dead, Cidalcoad succeeded him and was inaugurated as ruler. It was in his tim e that the Spaniards arrived. H e was shorn like an otomitl233 on account o f the war in M exico. Then Yohualtonatiuh was inaugurated. It was in his tim e that the Span­ iards arrived.234 Both Cidalcoad and Yohualtonatiuh died o f the smallpox. Then D on Hernando M adalihuitzin was inaugurated as ruler. Then they got rid o f him, and D on A ntonio A colm izton was installed as his successor. And at the death o f D on A ntonio A colm izton, the son,235 then D on Pedro Tlacateuctzin was installed as his successor. 232. See line 45:28 et seq. 233. Refers to the hair style of a high-ranking warrior. See Concordance: daotonxintli. 234. For angico read ahgico. This probably refers to the Spaniards’ arrival in Cuauhtidan territory (see line 16:6), whereas the preceding paragraph must refer to their arrival in Mex­ ico in 1519. 235. Presumably the son of his predecessor. Compare the similar usage in line 16 :17.

79

The tyranny efTezozomoctli: A D . 1 4 0 9 -2 8 3

i

3

i . 40

3

i

39

42

U pon his death D on Gerónimo de los Angeles was installed as his successor. U pon his death D on Gabriel de Tápia Mazacihuad was installed as his successor. N ow is the year 1570. This was written in August.

[Origins o f the Tepaneca War: the tyranny o f Tezozomoctli: A.D. 1 4 0 9 -2 8 ] 3i . 43 i .44

3

3i :4 7

31 :so

32:3

32:6

32:ii 32 : i2

32 is

8 H ouse. 9 Rabbit. 10 Reed. 11 Flint. 12 H ouse [1413]. This was the year the Colhuacan ruler Nauhyotzin died. H e was killed by Tezozom octli, ruler o f Azcapotzalco. Then a certain Acoltzin was inaugurated as ruler and ruled in Colhuacan. 13 Rabbit [1414]. In that year the Chaleo ruler w hose name was Ixapaztli Teuctli died. Then Cuauhnextli Teuctli was inaugurated as Chaleo’s ruler. 1 [Reed: 1415]. In that year, for the first tim e, the M exitin made war in Tepanohuayan. At that time they appropriated what was still only a small amount o f eagle land.236 As yet this was their only possession. In that same year the Cuidahuac ruler Tepolitzm aid died. H e had ruled for twenty-three years. Then Tezozom octli was inaugurated as ruler o f Cuidahuac Tizic. 2 Flint. 3 H ouse [1417]. In that year the Tenochtidan ruler H uitzilihuid died And at that tim e Chimalpopocatzin was inaugurated as ruler o f Tenochti­ dan. Tetzcoca say it truthfully.237 Colhuaque say it in their year count. The year 3 H ouse was the ninth year that there was no ruler in Cuauhtidan. And it was also in that year that the Amaquemecan ruler called Cacamatzin met his death, when there was war in Chaleo. They came and treacherously abandoned him to the Cuidahuaca,238 w ho by this tim e were confronting them ,239 for they too were fighting there at Chaleo A teneo, since the war had been pushed back.240 4 Rabbit [1418]. In that year Tezozom octli was inaugurated as ruler o f 236. Land taken in battle? See GLOS: ^auhdalli. 237. For a change. Tetzcoca traditions are rejected by the author in lines 4:31 and 12:53, and by a glossator at line 8:38. 238. Lit., abandoned him in the presence of and with the knowledge of the Cuidahuaca. See GLOS: -ixpan/-matian. 239. Lit., the Cuidahuaca were confronting it (i.e., Chaleo, the Chalca nation). Cf. 32:27. 240. Pushed back from Techichco to Chaleo Ateneo. See line 28:6. For more on the Cuidahuaca see 32:26-29.

80

The tyranny of Tezozomoctli: A D . 1 4 0 9 -2 8

Cuauhtitlan. H e came from Tlatilolco and was the son o f Cuauhdatoatzin. H e came and founded a dynasty at Huexocalco, came there to build his palace house. 3 2 :2 3 And at this tim e the name o f the ruler o f T latilolco was Tlacateotzin. These people were more boastful than Tenochtitlan. 32 : 2 6 In that same year, 4 Rabbit, the Chalca were driven out when the Tlahuaca241 encountered them , indeed confronted them .242 For incom ing Tlecuilque, Tlilhuaque, and Pochteca had joined their ranks,243 had joined Cuitlahuac. 32:30 5 Reed [1419]. In that year the elder Ixtlilxochitzin, ruler o f Tetzcoco, died. H e did not take sick. The Tepaneca executed him, and it was Tezozom octli, ruler o f Azcapotzalco, w ho handed down the sentence. Ixtlilxochitzin’s nephew, the tlacateccatl Cihuacuecuenotzin, also died at this time. 32: 3 5 Cihuacuecuenotl died because he would have m ounted a war party in Otompan. By dint o f arrows and shields he would have freed his uncle, Ixtlilxochitzin. But when the people o f Otompan heard that Cihuacue­ cuenotl was rallying them to war, they immediately became angry and said, “W hat is Cihuacuecuenod saying? What a scoundrel! W ould any­ on e244 want to make war on his ow n father?” 32 4i W ith that they stoned Cihuacuecuenod there in Otompan, for he was the son 245 o f Azcapotzalco’s Tezozom octli. 32 4 4 And Ixtlilxochitzin o f Tetzcoco died, too. 6 Flint. 7 H ouse. 8 Rabbit. 9 [Reed]. 10 Flint. 32: 4 5 11 H ouse [1425]. In the year 11 H ouse the Azcapotzalco ruler Tezo­ zom octli apportioned tribute labor, apportioned vassals. As for the Tetzcocati, as w ell as Coatlichan, he accordingly took both towns to serve as vassals for him self, counting them as his own. 32 48 And he apportioned the Cuitiahuaca Tizica to Tlatilolco. 33 i And as for the Cuitiahuaca Teopancalca, Atenchicalcan, and Tecpan, he apportioned all three to Tenochtitlan, to whom he allotted them as vassals. 33 4 And when Azcapotzalco’s Tezozom octli had handed down his judgment and made the arrangement, then Tenochtitlan, Tlatilolco, and Azcapo­ tzalco were served by those places for seven years. 33 7 12 Rabbit. 13 Reed [1427]. In that year the Azcapotzalco ruler Tezozom octli died. Cuitiahuaca say that he ruled for 131 years. W hen he finally died, many a sigh was heaved, now that he was gone.246 For while he was still alive, still 241. 242. 243. 244. 245. 246. [which]

Le., the Cuitiahuaca. Sec 1 3 :4 -8 . Lit., encountered i t . . . confronted it (i.e., Chaleo, the Chalca nation). Cf. 32:16. Lit., had entered among them (yntlan hualcallacque). GLOS: calaqui 3. Following Lehmann, read aegin as a contraction of etc ce in. GLOS: ac ce. Grandson per 36:12. Lit., When he died, finally, many [were] their sighs here [i.e., now] in his absence, were made. GLOS: ihiyotl, nican, -tepotzco, damantli.

8I

The tyranny ofTezozomoctli: A T ). 1 4 0 9 -2 8

ruling, w hile it was still in his tim e, he kept setting up his children as rulers o f cities, sending them o ff to rule in distant parts: 3 3 : 14 H e installed the first, named Quetzalmaquiztli, as ruler o f Coatlichan. 33 : is H e installed the second, named Cuauhpiyo, as ruler o f H uexotla. 33 i6 H e installed the third, named Teyollocoa, as ruler o f Acolman. 3 3 : i7 H e installed the fourth, named Epcoatl, as ruler o f Toltidan. 3 3 : is H e installed the fifth, named Quetzalcuixin, as ruler o f M exicatzinco. 3 3 : i9 As his successor he installed the sixth, Quetzalayatzin, as ruler o f Azcapotzalco. Thus he commanded him, saying, “I f I should die, you w ould be my successor. You w ould be ruler here in Azcapotzalco.” 3 3 :2 2 H e installed the seventh, named Maxda, as ruler o f Coyohuacan.247 3 3 :2 3 H e installed the eighth, named Tepanquizqui, as ruler o f Xochim ilco. 3 3 :24 N ow , when Tezozom octli, ruler o f Azcapotzalco, was dead, then his son named M axdaton, w ho was supposed to have ruled in Coyohuacan, came and made him self ruler o f Azcapotzalco, usurping the rulership o f his younger brother, Quetzalayatzin. 3 3 : 3o 1 Flint. This was when the Tenochtidan ruler Chimalpopocatzin was assassinated by the Tepaneca. The Azcapotzalco ruler M axdaton handed down the sentence. 3 3 :3 2 The way Chimalpopocatzin m et his death is that he was dragged. They brought him through the streets. 3 3 :3 3 And as to [why] he was punished w ith death, it is said that he gave advice to Quetzalayatzin, w hose older brother was M axdaton. H e said to him, “Friend, why has your older brother Maxda taken your kingdom away from you? Really, you are the ruler. Your father put all o f you in office before he died.248 So kill this older brother o f yours, this Maxda. H e is ruling your kingdom. The way to kill him is to set up a pavilion and invite him to a feast. That’s where you w ill kill him .” 3 3 :40 W ell, these words were repeated to M axdaton, w ho then sentenced Chi­ malpopocatzin to be killed. It was in Tenochtidan that he m et his death. 3 3 :4 2 N ow , when the Tepaneca assassins came, people were in the process o f carving stone. As they arrived, the Tenochca were about to enlarge the temple o f H uitzilopochtli. 3 3 :4 5 And at this tim e Teucdahuacatzin, tlacochcalcatl o f Tenochtidan, com ­ m itted suicide. It was because he was filled w ith fear when the ruler Chi­ malpopocatzin was killed, thinking that perhaps they were going to make war on the Tenochca, who w ould perhaps be defeated. And so he sacri­ ficed him self by swallowing poison.249 And when this became known, 247. The copyist’s colhuacan is evidently a slip. Cf. 33:26. See also Garcia Granados, Diccionario 1:429-37.

248. Lit., Your father went away having put you (plural) in office. See NED: yauh 4; cf. line 46:45 below. 249. Cf. 4 2 :1 -2 (“committed suicide by swallowing poison”).

82

The exile qfNezahualcoyotl: ca. 1 4 1 9 -2 8

when it was found out, then the Tenochca princes and nobles were angry. And because o f it, the Mexica called a m eeting. They came together and held council and pronounced and decreed that none o f his sons, his nephews, or his grandsons would gain honor and nobility. Rather they w ould belong to them as vassals forever. And that is what happened. For even though his descendants were able warriors and fighters, none gained nobility and honor.250 And at this tim e the Tlatilolco ruler Tlacateotzin made up a story251 that the Mexica Tenochca were going to be attacked. And for this he was put to death. It was the Azcapotzalco ruler, the above-mentioned Maxdaton, w ho handed down the sentence. And it also happened at this time that Maxtlaton, ruler o f Azcapotzalco, caused Nezahualcoyotzin o f Tetzcoco, son o f the elder Ixtlilxochitzin, to go into exile, and he went to live in Atlancatepec, Tliliuhquitepec, Tlaxcallan, and H uexotzinco. And that is where Nezahualcoyotzin sired his children: the first, called Tlecoyotl; also Tliliuhquitepetl; also Tlahuexolod. As for Tenochtidan, w ell, at this tim e in Tenochtidan, challenged by enem ies, Itzcoatzin was inaugurated as ruler. And at the tim e he was in­ augurated, it was the elder M oteuczom atzin w ho was supposed to have been made ruler. [But] it is told and related that he did not want it. H e refused, saying, “I w ill be ruler later. Let it be my dear beloved uncle Itzcoad. I wish to serve as his guarantor, putting the Mexica Tenochca in a state o f readiness for the sake o f their livelihood, and I w ill establish their authority. I do not wish to be ruler. Therefore install me as tlacateccatl. For now, let my dear u n d e252 Itzcoad be ruler. I w ill be going to war, and I w ill provide him w ith lands at the expense o f those nations that sur­ round us.253 A lso in that year, 1 Flint [1428], the Chaleo ruler Cuauhnextli died. Then Caltzin Teuctli, also called Temiztzin— which was one o f his names— came to be inaugurated as ruler, and he ruled in Chaleo.

[Origins o f the Tepaneca War: the exile o f Nezahualcoyotl] H ere is told the story o f Tezozom octli o f Azcapotzalco and how he ruled. 250. Cf. the parallel passage, 66:1 9 -2 3 . 251. Lit., imagined, invented, and declared. The statement is reiterated in lines 6 6 :4 -6 below and rephrased in lines 6 6 :3 2 -3 3 . Note that the oracle of Cuidahuac is put to death for making a similar prophecy in lines 6 1 :5 2 -6 2 :1 1 . 252. Father per 36:2 2 -2 4 . 253. For similar phraseology regarding the nations that surrounded Mexico see FC 8:57:23.

»3

The exile of Nezahualcoyotl: ca. 1 4 1 9 -2 8 3 4 : 34

34

38

34 4 i

34

:48

3 5 :2

3 5 :9

35

i4

35

: i9

What it tells is how rulers hated each other and made war, how the Tepaneca were destroyed, how assassinations got started. It was the Tepaneca w ho were warred against when the hatred set in. Here it w ill be told, and now you w ill hear, how it all came about, long ago, when Tepaneca were destroyed in the war that was made against them. This Tezozom octli, w ho got to be ruler o f Azcapotzalco, had children. [The first] bom was named Tepanquizqui. And the second one that he had was Quetzalmazatl, and the third was named Cuauhpiyotzin. The fourth bom 254 was Epcoatzin. The fifth bom , Chalchiuhtlatonactzin. The sixth, Teyollocoatzin. The seventh, Quetzalcuixin. The eighth was named Quetzalayatzin. The ninth, Maxtlatzin. And then the aforementioned Chalchiuhtlatonactzin got married, tak­ ing a daughter o f Coxcoxtzin from Tetzcoco. It was Techodalatzin’s sister, Cuauhcihuatzin, that Chalchiuhtlatonac took as his w ife. Then Cihuacuecuenotzin was bom . At Cihuacuecuenotzin’s birth, his elder kinsm en255 grew angry, hating their newborn nephew. Enraged, they took him o ff and abandoned him in Mazahuacan, secretly leaving him to die. And when Cihuacuecueno­ tzin’s m other found out about it, she fled to Tetzcoco, and there she stayed. And while she was living there, she got married, taking a man named Zacancatlyaomitl as her husband. N ow , when Tezozom octli found out that his daughter-in-law was mar­ ried in Tetzcoco and that Zacancadyaotl was the one w ho had taken her, he was furious. H e sum m oned256 his captain Tecolotzin and a few others, w ho came along too, and he said to them: ‘T ecolotzin, Chachatzin, Teuctzin, Cihuaxochitzin! From what I know and hear— and this is what I have found out— Zacancadyaomid o f H uexoda has laid the former wife o f your comrade Chalchiuhdatonactzin. H e has slept with her. My princes, hear me! As I stand before you,257 my anger is aroused, I am insulted. “And w ould [I let] one o f my own princes, my own lords lie w ith her? What good w ill it d o 258 that [ruler] w ho gives all the commands?259 Is 254. For tlacatl read tlacat (was bom). 255. Lit., his elder brothers. Perhaps the text means Chalchiuhtlatonactzin’s elder brothers. 256. Read connotz. 257. For can iz ancate read ca in iz ancate, lit., indeed here you are. 258. What good will it d o . . . ?, lit.. Why has he done this? 259. Centlatolhua (Complete command owner, i.e., the king—a term I have not found elsewhere). Lehmann, followed by Velázquez, reads gentlacolhua (half owner—whatever that may mean). In my view Lehmann's reading is untextual. The somewhat odd formation of the second Y is repeated in line 35:34, where it appears as the third character in yxtlilxochitzin.

84

The exile qfNezahualcoyotl: ca. 1 4 1 9 -2 8

he not [to be] our shield slave, our arrow slave? Let Ixtlilxochitl com ­ mand no more! Those Tepaneca whom I authorize are to go kill him in Chicocuauhyocan.” So it became true. It happened. H e m et his death in a pavilion. Well now, when they saw 260 the Tepaneca assassins com ing, they put Ixtlilxochitzin’s sons in a cave in the w oods, and therefore they did not die. These were Nezahualcoyotzin and his older brother Tzontecochatzin. And the ones w ho hid them were, first o f all, Huahuantzin, also Xiconocatzin and Cuicuitzcatzin. And so 261 there were three. That night, when Ixtlilxochitzin was dead, the rescuers, the ones who had hidden them — Huahuantzin, Xiconotcatzin, and Cuicuitzcatzin— brought them out from the cave and took them to Chiauhtzinco by way o f Tetzihuactla. Then they led them to Cuamincan and hid them among the crags. And there they slept a little. Then they hurried them on, bringing them to Teponazco, and in a gorge they hid those princes, Nezahualcoyotl and Tzontecochatzin. And then, in the w hite light o f dawn, they brought them to Otonquilpan. Then Coyohua comes along to supervise, and he takes the princes to Acalhuacan,262 leaving them in the care o f Huahuantzin and Xiconocatzin. Then in Acalhuacan,263 at m idnight, they bring them out and are looking around, and Coyohua finds som e people in a boat. It seems they’ve been sent by Itzcoatzin. Then Coyohua called out to them. H e said, “Hey, brother.”264 They don’t hear him. So he shouts. H e says, “Hey, brothers! Is it you?” Then they called back, they said, “Yes, brother. And are you C o­ yohua?”265 H e said, “Yes, brothers, it is I.” Then they asked, “Brothers, did the children die?” One o f them told what had happened: “My prince Ixtlilxochitzin has becom e a slave.266 And, in Otompan, it is the same w ith Cihuacuecuenotzin, the grandson o f Tezozom octli.” And when he was able to see them in the m idnight darkness, he said to them, ‘T h e children are over there. Let me go get them .” 260. Oquinhualytonque, corrected by Velázquez to oquinhualytaque (they saw them hither). 261. For ipa read ipä. GLOS: ipan. 262. Lit., came and left them in Acalhuacan. 263. Notice that the text seems to have acolhuacan, but acalhuacan in line 35:45 above. Lehmann and Velázquez read both names as acolhuacan, i.e., the region governed by Tetzcoco. But acalhuacan (boat town), perhaps designating a particular place where boats were docked, seems more in keeping here. See note to the translation at 21:16. 264. Coyohua uses the term iccauhtli (younger brother) in addressing the envoys, who in turn address him as tiachacauh (elder brother). 265. Lit., “Yes, it is we, brother. Are you Coyohua?” 266. He has become a slave in the other world, i.e., he has died. See NED: tläcohti 2.

85

The exile cfNezahualcoyotl: ca. 1 4 1 9 -2 8 36

: is

36

:i7

36

-, i s

36:22

3 6 :28 3 6 :30

3 6 :33

36 : 40

37 : i

37

3

37

7

“Good. Bring them along,” they said. “Itzcoatzin sent us here to look for them .” 267 Then they went and got them and put them in the boat. And then they took them away.268 The reason they had made such an effort to search for them is that these were the grandchildren o f Itzcoatzin. All the searchers were sons o f Itzcoatzin, therefore uncles o f Nezahualcoyotzin. And here are the sons o f Itzcoatzin: first, Cahualtzin, and Moteuczomatzin the elder, Tecallapohuatzin, Citlalcoatzin, Cuitlahuatzin, Tzompantzin, Cuauhtlatoatzin, Tzacatzin the elder, Tepolomitzin, Tochihuitzin. These were the ten sons o f Itzcoatzin. Then all the children’s uncles came back to Itzcoatzin. Then Tzontecochatzin is being taken care o f by Xiconocatzin, Cuicuitzcatzin, and Coyohua. And so Nezahualcoyotzin is fooling around. And so he falls into the water there. Well, tradition has it that sorcerers269 came and seized him and carried him to the summit o f Poyauhtecad, there to perform a sacrament. And it used to be told that in that place they anointed him with flood and blaze, 270 charging him: “You shall be the one. We ordain your fate, and by your hand a nation shall be destroyed.” After that, the sorcerers carried him off, bringing him back to exaedy where they had gotten him. And then Nezahualcoyotzin emerged. And when Itzcoatzin saw him, he marveled greatiy and was astonished that Nezahualcoyotzin had reappeared. Now, the way Nezahualcoyod grew, he was already getting bigger and stronger. And so, at Zacadan, then, he took a captive with the help o f others and became a man. He was the second .271 Then he wanted to come into Tenochddan, and he did. Then he also went to Azcapotzalco in order to present his partial captive to Tezozomoctli. Coyohua led the way for Nezahualcoyotzin. Well, this Coyohua was not from Tetzcoco. H e was from another place, called Teopiazco, and he went along to lead the way for Nezahualcoyotzin. And when they’ve arrived in Azcapotzalco, and they’ve entered and announced themselves, 272 then he addresses Tezozomoctli, he says to him: 267. Marginal gloss: prophesies about Nezahualcoyod [evidendy refers to lines 36: 33-39]. 268. Lit., Then they [the envoys of Itzcoatzin] came conducting them. 269. Lit., those who are sorcerers. 270. The figurative expression “flood and blaze” means the spirit of batde or war itself. NED: teoätl/dachinölli. 271. A creditable performance. When novice warriors helped take a captive, as many as six might participate. The principal captor would receive the victim’s torso and right leg. The second received the left leg, while the others had to divide up the arms. FC bk. 8, ch. 21. 272. Entered and announced themselves, lit., entered and said something.

86

The exile cfNezahualcoyotl: ca. 1419-28 37 : i4

37 : i s

37 : i o 3 7 : 22

37 23

3 7 : 25

37.-31

37 33

3 7 :4 4

3 7 : 46

38 : i

“O ch ild , m y s o n !273 O T czo zo m o ctzin ! A p o o r orp h an com es b efore y o u to m ake a g ift. H e g o e s a b o u t here at yo u r d o o rstep , here in M ex­ ic o .274 T h a t’s w h ere h e is su sta in ed .” T h en T e zo z o m o c tli answ ers. H e says to C o yoh u a, “W ell n o w , C o y o h u a , w h a t is this? N eza h u a lco y o d liv es, C oyohu a?” ‘T h e p o o r orp h an liv es rig h t h ere in T en o ch tid a n , O ch ild .” “A n d w h a t is th is, C oyohu a?” said T ezo zo m o ctli. “H e has b ro u g h t m e a g ift? ” B u t th ey g ave h im n o th in g . Just so d id N eza h u a lco y o tzin co m e, and th en h e w en t. T h en h e v o lu n teered fo r th e w ar in C h aleo. A n d th ere N eza h u a lco y o d to o k a p rison er. H e cap tured a w o m a n n am ed C ilim iyau h tzin . T h en , w ith h is p riso n er, h e w en t and sat b efo re T ezo zo m o ctli. C oyoh u a cam e a lo n g , to o , an d w h en h e g o t th ere, h e addressed T ezo zo m o ctli, u tterin g all th e th in g s b y w h ich so rcerers275 are addressed. T h en T e zo z o m o c tli an sw ered h im , sa y in g , “C oyohu a! W hat is this? Is N eza h u a lco y o d alive?” T h en h e ca lled fo r h is cap tain , [w h o cam e accom pan ied by o th e r s,]276 and h e said to th em , “T eco lo tzin ! T eu ctzin ! C ih u axoch itzin ! W h o p u t th e arrow and th e sh ield in th e h ands o f th is N ezah u alcoyod ? Is th is h is d u e, h is lo t, h is charge? R ath er d eer and rabbit are th e prop er gam e fo r th is N eza h u a lco y o d , th is litd e C h ich im ec. A n d w h o is at fault? Is it n o t Itzco a d w h o is at fault? H e m arries h is d au gh ters off*in A colh u acan . W ou ld w e g o and se t u p a d au gh ter o f ou rs in A colhuacan? Isn ’t th e A co lh u a o u r arrow slave, o u r sh ield slave?” S uch w ere th e w o rd s o f T ezo zo m o ctli, w ith w h ich th ey w ere b ein g b riefed . A n d as fo r N eza h u a lco y o d , w h o h ad co m e to g iv e T ezo zo m o ctli h is ca p tiv e, h e w as th ere, b u t h e d id n o t hear w h a t w as b ein g said a b o u t h im .277 M ea n w h ile, C ou gar A rm , F u zzy F ace, B ig D a rt, M an -eater, and M u d h ead ca m e278 to d ep o sit trib u te, and N eza h u a lco y o d w as rew arded w ith w h a t th ey b ro u g h t. A ll h e g o t w as a tilm a. T h en N eza h u a lco y o tzin w en t back to M ex ico . H e w as n o t th ere lo n g b efo re Itzco a tzin gave h im a com m an d , sa y in g , “N eza h u a lco y o tzin ! T h e 273. The ruler Topiltzin is similarly addressed in the passage beginning with line 5:39 above. 274. Now part o f Mexico City, Azcapotzalco is only 8 km from the former center of Tenochtidan. 275. Read tlacatecollo. 276. See 35:1 2 -1 4 . 277. Lit., he did not hear what about him they were being briefed. 278. Lit., went. (The names of the tribute payers, here translated, are Acolmiztli, Ixtomi, Hueiimiuh, Tecuani, and Cuadalad.)

87

The exile of Nezabualcoyotl: ca. 1 4 1 9 -2 8

3 8 :7

3 8 :8

38:ii

38

: i9

3 8 :2 4

3 8 :2 9

3 8 :3 6

Sun and T la lteu ctli have taken p ity o n y o u . S o p ro ceed to A colh u acan . G overn yo u r n a tio n .” A n d it w as th en th a t N eza h u a lco y o tzin w en t to T e tzco co an d w as in ­ augurated. A n d h e liv ed th ere.279 N o w , afterw ard— after a lo n g tim e— T ezo zo m o ctli rem em bered C o y o h iia , and h e issu ed an ord er, sa y in g , “H ave C o y o h u a fetch ed . H a v e h im co m e.” T h en C oyoh u a w as fetch ed , and h e cam e b efo re T e zo z o m o c tli, and w h en h e had arrived in h is p resen ce, h e said to h im , “C o m e h ere, C o y o ­ h ua.” T h en h e said , “L isten , C oyoh u a. H ere is w h y y o u h ave b een called . W h o is th is tru ly bad o n e th a t I have dream ed about? A n ea g le is sta n d in g o n to p o f m e. A jaguar is sta n d in g o n to p o f m e. A w o lf is sta n d in g o n to p o f m e. A rattlesnake is ly in g o n to p o f m e. M y dream terrifies m e. “A n d I say, C oyohu a! d o n ’t le t N eza h u a lco y o d d estro y m e. D o n ’t le t h im lo o k fo r h is fath er, Ix tlilx o ch itl, and h is u n cle, C ih u a cu ecu en o tl. D o n ’t le t h im turn th e flo o d and b la ze280 again st m y so n s w h o are lo rd s and rulers. “A n d th is I say: L isten ! here is th e com m and th a t I g iv e. F or m y so n s w h o are lords and n o b les are to b e fo u n d all arou n d , an d th ey w ill su p p o rt yo u . N o w , th is N eza h u a lco y o d is q u ite a litd e lan d ow n er, o w n s q u ite a few cu ltivated field s. H is lan ds are q u ite so m eth in g . B e h is su ccessor. “I am w ell aw are th a t y o u are very clo se to h im , y o u w h o are b rin g in g h im u p and ed u ca tin g h im . B u t th ere’s th is: g o to m y so n s w h o are lord s and n o b les, w h o w ill g iv e y o u su p p o rt. A n d hear th is: y o u w ill have lan d s, y o u w ill p lan t by th e m e c a t l . 281 Y ou w ill have tw o o r th ree storek eep ers. A n d here’s th is— a dart. L et it p ierce h is n eck . A t daybreak g iv e h im a scru b b in g at th e w a tersid e.282 Perhaps h e has a ccid en tally ch o k ed in h is sleep .283 A n d I w a n t to hear a b o u t it from y o u . N o w g o !” A n d w h en C oyoh u a le ft, h e w en t and sp o k e to N eza h u a lco y o tzin . H e said , ‘T e z o z o m o c tli su m m on ed m e to A zca p o tza lco . O m y ch ild ! O N e ­ zah u a lco y o tzin ! I’m su p p o sed to k ill y o u . H ere is th e d art th a t h e gave m e, th a t Fm su p p o sed to stick in you r neck. I’m to stran gle y o u , an d I’m 279. This report—indeed, the entire passage at hand—seems to contradict the tradition that Nezahualcoyod spent his exile years in the Huexotzinco region and was not installed as ruler of Tetzcoco until 1433. On the exile in Huexotzinco, see 44:29 below; on Nezahualcoyod’s inauguration, see 47:39 and 48:31. 280. I.e., make war on my sons. Cf. 36:36. 281. A certain measure of land (GLOS: mecad 2). Or a cord for measuring land (GLOS: mecad 1). 282. Sahagún mentions corpses disposed of at daybreak (in oaUatvi) and corpses solici­ tously bathed (not scrubbed), sometimes at the waterside (ateneo). See FC 2; 121:22, 4 :4 5 :9 ,6 :1 6 1 :1 5 , 7:17:28. Following Lehmann, the translation here depends upon read­ ing the element -ate- as -aten-. Velázquez reads -ate- (testicles), translating xicatexaxaquallo “estrágale los compañones.” 283. For ca nen read ça nen. GLOS: zannen.

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The exile ofNezahualcoyotl: ca. 1 4 1 9 -2 8 to g iv e y o u a scru b b in g at th e w atersid e. T h ese are th e w ord s o f T ezoz o m o c tli, h is com m an d to m e. Y ou are n o t th e o n ly o n e w h o feels it, so ld ier!” T h en C o y o h u a said to h im , “H a v e n o fear, N eza h u a lco y o tzin , for I am C o y o h u a !284 B e g la d . R ejo ice. A m I n o t g o in g to turn it back o n th is T ezo zo m o ctli? F or I am C o y o h u a !” A n d at th is tim e C o y o h u a m ade his first return trip to A zca p o tza lco . A n d fo r th is p u rp o se, o n ce again , T ezo zo m o ctli se n t285 to have h im fetch ed . E ven a seco n d tim e w ere T ezo zo m o ctli’s m essen gers sen t fo rth . A n d w h en th ey arrived, th ey said , “W ell, n o w , C oyoh u a. W e’ve b een sen t by T e z o z o m o c tz in . H o w are y o u d oing? A b o u t th at com m and h e gave y o u , h o w are th in g s g o in g ? D id it g e t d one?” A n d th en h e sa id , tcW ell, fello w ! I h aven’t b een able to g e t near h im .286 H e ’s alw ays w ith th o se little cap tains o f h is.” T h en th ey also said th is: “C o y o h u a , le t th e o n es w h o are w ith h im take h im o u t fo r so m e recreation , and w h en h e crosses a b rid g e, let th em g iv e h im a kick. H e ’ll have fallen in to th e w ater by accid en t. L et th em take h im u p to a ro o fto p fo r so m e recreation , and le t th em k nock h im over. H e ’ll have a ccid en tally fallen from th e ro o f.” T h en C o yoh u a answ ers. H e says, “A ll rig h t, fello w . L et’s try it. Perhaps w e’ll b e ab le to d o it. I’ll tell th em to g iv e it a try. Y ou w o n ’t b e in form ed a b o u t it u n til th ey ’v e b een able to d o it.” T h en C o y o h u a w en t aw ay. H e w en t to speak w ith N eza h u a lco y o tzin . “N eza h u a lco y o tzin !” h e said . “L isten to th e w ord s o f T ezo zo m o ctli. H e has g iv en m e an oth er com m and . Y ou’re su p p o sed to b e kicked in to th e w ater. A n d th ro w n from a ro o f. Y ou w ill have b een broken to p ieces by a ccid en t. A la s, th ese are th e w ord s o f T ezo z o m o c tli.” B u t o n ce again T ezo z o m o c tli’s orders w ere d efeated . A n d fo r a third tim e th is T ezo zo m o ctli o f A zca p o tza lco su m m on ed C o ­ yo h u a . W h en h e had su m m on ed h im , h e said to h im , “C o m e, C oyoh u a. Pay clo se a tten tio n . I to ld y o u y o u w o u ld p lant you r gardens by th e m e c a t l and y o u w o u ld have storek eep ers. A n d m y so n s w h o are lords and rulers w o u ld g iv e y o u su p p o rt. I to ld y o u th is m any tim es.” A n d th en C o y o h u a says to T ezo zo m o ctli, “W ell th en , m y ch ild , w ell th e n , m y dear. L et m e b rin g h im in , b ecau se I ju st h aven ’t b een able to d o it. K ill h im h ere y o u rself. T h a t w ay y o u w ill have n o d o u b t a b ou t it. I tried ev ery th in g fo r y o u ,287 b u t I ju st h aven’t b een ab le to d o it.” 284. Evidently a play on words. The name Coyohua literally means “coyote owner”; and Nezahualcoyod is “fasting coyote” (see NED: nezahualli). 285. Read huallaihua as in line 54:3 below. 286. Lit., Indeed he just does not arrive beside me anywhere yet. 287. GLOS: nolhuilia:te.

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“W hat’s this?” 288 said T ezo zo m o ctli. “T eco lo tzin ! C h ach atzin ! T eu ctzin ! C ih u axoch itzin ! L et’s h ave h im here! L et it b e d o n e , le t it b e carried o u t as C oyoh u a has sa id .” A n d th en T ezo zo m o ctli said , iCW h en C h ich im ecs are co m in g in to d e ­ liver th eir trib u te— after T epaneca have k illed h im — th ey m u st fetch h im and carry h im o ff.289 Perhaps h e w ill have b een [k illed b y b ein g ] k n ock ed d o w n so m ew h ere.290 T h en C oyoh u a sa id , “V ery w e ll, O ch ild . B u t th e w a y to d o it is fo r N eza h u a lco y o tl to b e m issin g from h is p riso n ca g e,291 an d m ea n w h ile perhaps you r C h ich im ec frien d s292 w ill address y ou : ‘H ey ! Y onder y o u r T epaneca frien d s are k illin g h im !’ B u t y ou r C h ich im ecs w o n ’t b e co m in g to fetch h im after h e has b een k illed .” W ell th en , C oyoh u a w en t o f f to speak craftily to N eza h u a lco y o tl in ord er to fetch h im , h a v in g p rev io u sly in sp ected a ca g e w ith a h o le in it, w h ere h e w o u ld co m e b e im p riso n ed . A n d w h en h e h ad b een fetch ed — after h e had co m e to sp eak w ith h im — th e n , acco m p a n y in g h im , h e to o k h im in . T h en h e w en t to g reet T ezo zo m o ctli. A rriv in g w ith h im , h e w en t to g reet T ezo zo m o ctli. A n d h e w en t and p u t N eza h u a lco y o tzin w h ere h e w as su p p o sed to d ie. W ell, th en th e C h ich im ecs w h o w ere to co m e in w h ere h e w a s, d id co m e in . A n d at n ig h tfa ll, w h en th ey had g o n e , C o y o h u a to o k leave o f N e z a ­ h u a lco y o tl, sa y in g , “M y son ! N eza h u a lco y o tzin ! W h en th e tim e co m es, I k n ow h o w to se t y o u free.” 293

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2 H o u se [1 4 2 9 ]. In th a t year, in a tim e o f en em y co n fro n ta tio n , X iu h co zca tzin cam e, sen t h ere by Itzco a tzin . 3 R a b b it [1 4 3 0 ]. In th a t year th e w ar grew m uch w id er w ith declara288. Read tleço tel. Cf. 37:9, 37:22, 37:32. 289. The proper understanding of this passage, down through line 39:53, depends upon knowing that felons were customarily jailed in the warehouse, where items of tribute were deposited. See FC 8 :4 4 :1 -1 0 . 290. From a rooftop, for example. Cf. 3 9 :9 -1 1 above. 291. Lit., But the way it is to be done is that Nezahualcoyod will no longer be settled in the cage. 292. Lit., uncles, here and in lines 39:41 and 39:42. The term is evidendy figurative, perhaps ironic. I take it to be equivalent to such English expressions as “friends,” “gents,” “guys,” “people.” For comparable “uncles” in the Cantares Mexicanos see NED: dahtli. 293. Lit., Still I know how, in time, to come conduct you (see MOL: iua:nite = dar de mano al preso). Notice that the story seems incomplete. Perhaps the copyist overlooked the continuation, or never received it. There is no rupture in the manuscript as it has come down to us. In fact the blank space following the last word indicates a finis.

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d o n s o f w ar again st th e T epaneca. A t first th ere w ere v icto ries in C uauhd d a n . T h is at th e tim e w h en M axd aton w as ru lin g T ep an oh u ayan 294 and E p co a d w as ru lin g in T o ltid a n . A n d C uau h d d an w as b ein g ru led by T e zo z o m o c tli o f T la tilo lc o , th e so n o f T la ca teo d . A n d at th at tim e, ch al­ le n g e d by en em ies, Itzco a tzin w as ru lin g T en o ch tid a n . A n d T elid w as ru lin g T enayocan. N o w , in C u au h d d an , esp ecially, th ey w ere g o in g o u t to m eet th e T epan eca, to m ake w ar a gain st th em , b ecau se th ey had b een gread y p ro ­ v o k ed . In d eed , T ezo z o m o c tli had assassinated X a ltem o ctzin , w h o had b een C u au h d d an ’s ruler. A n d furth erm ore, T ezo zo m o ctli h ad w a n ted o n e o f h is so n s to b e ruler o f C u au h d d an , and th e C uau h d d an calq u e w o u ld n o t agree to it. T h is in ten sified th e hatred and th e fury. T h u s th e w ar b egan . F or tw e n ty -tw o years th ey k ep t attack in g each o th er. A n d th ey h u rt each o th er badly. T h en at a later tim e th e C uau h d d an calq u e w ere severely attacked, and th e m arket w as p la n ted w ith m agu eys, and it w as m oved to A zca p o tza lco . A n d so th ere w as n o m ore slave m arket in C u au h d d an ,295 sin ce it had b een m o v ed to A zca p o tza lco — and slaves w ere still b ein g so ld th ere w h en th e C asd llian s arrived. A n d from tim e to tim e d u rin g th e w ar, C uau h d d an calq u e w ere b ein g scattered afar. R etrea tin g , th ey w ere esca p in g to C o co tid a n and X onacapacoyan , and it o fte n h ap p en ed th at p eo p le escap ed to T eh u iloyocan . T h ere C u au h d d an calq u e w ere b ein g m istreated and ab used. F urth erm ore, so m e o f th em w ere b ein g la u gh ed at, w o m en w ere b ein g v io la ted , etc. A n d fu rth erm ore, it o fte n h ap p en ed th at C u au hd dan calqu e w h o w an ted to take refu g e in T zo m p a n co , in C id a ltep ec, and in O d azp an w ere m is­ treated th ere. T h en b ecau se o f it th e C u au h d d an rulers w ere co m p letely in su lted . A n d really th e o n ly p lace w h ere C u au h d d an calq u e w ere treated k ind ly w as H u eh u eto ca n , and o n m any o cca sio n s th ey to o k refu ge there. In d eed , d u rin g th is T epaneca W ar all w h o su rrou n d ed th e city o f C u au h d d an b egan to ch an ge sid es, nam ely th e T o ltid a n ca lq u e, th e T ep ozteca, th e C uauhdaapan p eo p le, th e C uah uaq ue, th e T ep o tzo teca , th e C o y o tep eca , th e O d azp an eca, th e C id a ltep eca , and th e T zom p an ca. A n d th en T ollan and A p a zco , th e w h o le G reat L an d .296 A lso X ilo tep ec and C hiapan. A n d th e n , th o se w h o as a g ro u p are k n ow n as th e T epaneca. T h ey all attacked th e city o f C u au h d d an . 294. Tepanohuayan is Tepaneca country, of which the capital is Azcapotzalco. Concor­ dance: Tepanohuayan. 295. Lit., Thus there ( oncanon) in Cuauhtidan one was no longer selling humans. 296. Lit., thus the whole Great Land. Alternate translation: the first [original?] Great Land. The reference is to the northern plains, original home of the Chichimecs who settled in the Valley of Mexico.

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W ell, th e ruler M axtlaton p resen ted g ifts to th e t l a c a t e c c a t l and th e t l a o f each o f th e cities th a t have b een m en tio n ed . H e g a v e th em sh ield s and em b lem s, rallyin g th em to b a ttle, so th a t th ey w o u ld m ake w ar o n th e c ity o f C u a u h titla n .297 A n d it becam e tru e. It h ap p en ed . . N o w , at th is tim e C u au h titlan ’s ruler w as th e T e zo zo m o c w h o h ad co m e from T la tilo lco . A n d it w as d u rin g h is reig n th a t th e T epan eca su cceed ed in cap tu rin g th e city o f C u au h tid an . T h is w as w h en th ey fin ally cam e and broke u p th e so il in th e m arketplace o f th e C u au h titlan calq u e an d p la n ted it w ith m agueys and se t fire to th eir tem p le. A n d w h en th e T epaneca had cap tured th e city o f C u a u h tid a n an d a great m any p rison ers had b een taken, th ey w ere b ro u g h t to A zca p o tza lco . A n d in d eed th ere w ere m any C u au h titlan calq u e w h o w ere sacrificed . A n d u ltim a tely m any w h o d id n o t d ie becam e cap tive servan ts. W h en th e city o f C u au h titlan h ad b een cap tu red , th e C u a u h titlan calq u e perform ed e ig h ty days o f trib u te lab or in T epanohuayan. A n d as fo r th e trib u te g o o d s, th e m anufactured g o o d s,298 th ey o n ly w en t tw ice to d ep o sit th em . T h e first tim e w as w h en th e c ity w as cap tu red . T h e seco n d tim e w as after th e eig h ty days had p assed . W h at th ey d eliv ered in trib u te w ere little w id th s o f clo th a forearm in le n g th , c o u n te d as stream ers.299 E tc. W ell n o w , th is w as w h en th e c ity o f C u au h titlan w as cap tu red an d w h en th e ruler T e z o z o m o c tli300 to o k refiig e at C in co c H u eh u eto ca n . A n d w h en th e c ity w as d estro y ed , th e C u au h titlan calq u e w en t and in fo rm ed h im , w en t and b ro u g h t h im th e n ew s. A n d w h en h e heard th a t th e c ity o f C u au h titlan had b een d estroyed — had b een cap tured — h e d id n o t q u ite b eliev e it. A t th is tim e h e had a servant w ith h im n am ed C o a teq u itl, a lso a T eh u ilacatzin . T h en h e sen t th em back h ere to fin d o u t fo r certain h o w it had h app en ed . T h ey se t o u t from C in co c. T h en th ey saw th a t p eo p le had in d eed d ied , and m any p rison ers h ad b een carried o ff, and T epaneca and T o ltitla n ca lq u e w ere liv in g in th e p al­ ace at H u ex o c a lco .301 c o c h c a lc a tl

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297. Before a campaign rulers would give valuable shields and emblems to military leaders in exchange for their loyalty. See FC 2 :1 1 5 :1 4 -1 9 , 8 :52:15, 8:6 4 :3 1 , 8:65: 10-11, 12:45:27 et seq. 298. According to Sahagun (FC 8 :5 3 :3 6 -3 8 ), “when a city had been captured and destroyed, then the tribute was established according to what was manufactured there” (auh in jcoac oaxioac altepetl in ovmpoliuh, njman icoac modalia, in tequjtl, in dacalaqujlli itech mana [see GLOS: ana:da 1] in dein vmpa muchioa). 299. Small banners used as sacrificial offerings. GLOS: tetehuid. 300. Tezozomoctli of Cuauhddan. See 4 1 :4 -5 above. 301. Tezozomoctli’s palace. See 32:22 above.

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A n d th e ruler T e zo z o m o c d i’s m essen gers w en t im m ed iately to g iv e h im th e n ew s, th a t th e c ity o f C u au h titlan had in fact b een captured. A n d w h en th e ruler T e zo zo m o ctli heard th is, h e w ep t, h e g riev ed , and h e d ism issed th e C u au h tid an calq u e w h o had b een k eep in g h im com pany. T h is w as in th e tim e o f 3 R ab b it. T h en th e C u au h titlan ruler T e zo z o ­ m o ctli to o k to th e road. T h en h e traveled , and h is servants C o a teq u id and T eh u ilacatzin w en t w ith h im . A lo n g th e w ay h e d isp atch ed C o a teq u id , sa y in g , “It w o u ld so m ew h a t b eh o o v e m e to reach p eo p le in M ex ico . T ell it to o u r g ran d u n cles, ou r eld er b roth ers.” 302 In th is w ay h e sen t h im o ff, d eceitfu lly . A n d w h en h e g o t to A tzo m p a n , h e to o k leave o f T eh u ilacatzin , tellin g h im , “P lea se, co m e back and m eet ou r gran d fath er303 C o a teq u id h ere in A tzo m p a n , [and th e tw o o f] y o u are to co m e to m e.” T eh u ilacatzin to o k to th e road , lea v in g th e ruler T ezo zo m o ctli all alon e. A n d in th a t year and in th a t p lace— in A tzom p an — th e ruler T ezo zo m o c­ tli, C u au h tid an ’s ruler, co m m itted su icid e b y sw a llo w in g p o iso n . H e k illed h im se lf b ecau se th e C u au h d d an n a tio n had b o d ily traveled o f f d u rin g h is reig n . A n d th e reason h e w as filled w ith su ch great fear, th e reason h e co m m itted su icid e, is th a t a b so lu tely ev ery th in g w as b urned. T h eir tem p le, w ith its th atch ed ro o f, had b een se t o n fire. N ev er b efo re had th is h ap p en ed . F or th e first tim e th ey had all b een q u ite su ccessfu lly b ro u g h t u n d er a sin g le com m and in ord er to lay sie g e to th e c ity o f C u a u h d d a n .304 In d eed , th e T epaneca and th e m en o f C uauhdaapan cam e co u rtin g d an ger at C hiancuac, and th ey lig h ted a fire at th e straw h o u se .305 A n d th e T ep o tzo teca lig h ted a fire at T lacocou h can . In d eed th ey d estro y ed th e city , and T ezo zo m o ctli im a g in ed th a t C u au h d d an w o u ld n ever rise a g a in ,306 for h is en em ies had su rrou n d ed th e w h o le to w n . T h is is w h y T ezo z o m o c tli co m m itted su icid e, as to ld ab ove.

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A fterw ard , w h en th e C u au h tid an calq u e had som ew h at regain ed th eir co m p o su re, th ey g o t th em selves a [n ew ] ruler. V ery p ru d en d y th ey in 302. Our superiors (GLOS: achcauhdi, colli). But “our grandfather” in line 41:47 be­ low, is a subordinate. 303. A term meaning “grandfather” is used by Topiltzin Quetzalcoad in addressing sub­ ordinates (lines 5:35, 5:38, etc.). 304. Lit., For the first time very ably did they command them all so that in battle they surrounded the city of Cuauhtitlan. 305. The ruler’s residence? See GLOS: zacacalli, zacacaltitlan. 306. Lit., never be again.

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stalled a C h ich im ec p rin ce n am ed T eco co a tzin . In th e p alace at H u ex o calco th ey accom m od ated h im in a m anner b efittin g a ruler, and th ere h e ob served h is ruler’s fast. A n d furth erm ore, th ey d id n o t n o tify M ax d a to n , th e ruler o f A zca p o tza lco . T h e o n ly o n es w h o k n ew o f it w ere th e M exica T en och ca, and it w as th ey w h o gave th e approval. . A n d w h ile h e w as o b serv in g h is ruler’s fa st, h e w as ad orn ed as a H u ex o tzin ca tl.307 T h at’s h o w h e fasted . A n d h e w o u ld p u t o n h is ea g le ta il fea th ­ ers, a lo n g w ith th e leath er b raid 308 th at h e w o u ld tie o n h is head ; a lso h is a m a p a t l a c h t l i earplugs; also h is ea g le labret; h is cu rved lip p in , carried o n h is b a ck ;309 h is fin e, w h ite c u a p p a y a h u a l o t t i n eck lace; also th e w h ite lo in clo th th at th ey p u t o n h im ; and h is braided leath er [fo o t] b ands w ith th e jin g le s;310 also h is sa p o d illa staff. A n d as fo r h is n o b les and cap tain s, each o n e w as ad orn ed th e sam e w ay. T h ey all carried h arp oon sta ffs,311 m acana staffs. T h ey lo o k ed lik e H u ex o tzin ca , and th ey w en t arou n d in th e palace ta lk in g to each o th e r as H u ex o tzin ca . N o w , th e reason it w as d o n e th is w ay is th at th ere h ad b een an o fficia l p ro n o u n cem en t, an officia l d ecisio n , as to h o w th e T ep an ecatl w as to b e w arred again st. It w as n o t w ith o u t cau se th a t th e C u au h titlan C h ich im ecs appeared th is w ay, ad o rn in g th em selves as H u ex o tzin ca . T h e M exica w ere p rivy to it, and so m e o f th e A co lh u a q u e k n ew a b o u t it to o . A n d furth erm ore, th e T epaneca had cau sed m uch su fferin g , fo r th e y had assassinated p eo p le’s rulers o n a great m any o cca sio n s. T e zo z o m o c tli w as th e o n e — as w ell as h is so n M axd aton — w h o h ad co n d em n ed m any rulers to d eath. It w as T ezo zo m o ctli w h o , b y h is com m an d , had k illed th e C olh u acan ruler N a u h y o tzin . A n d h e had also k illed th e T etzco co ruler Ix tlilx o ch itzin th e eld er. A n d h e had k illed P ich acatzin T eu ctli, ruler o f C u id ah u ac T izic . A n d h e had k illed th e ruler o f T la tilo lco , T la ca teo tzin . A n d h e had k illed th e C u au h tid an ruler X a ltem o ctzin th e eld er. A n d h e had k illed th e form er ruler o f T en o ch tid a n , C h im a lp o p o ca tzin . M axd aton had h and ed d o w n th e sen ten ce. 307. Identification with Huexotzinco, Mexico’s traditional enemy, is repeatedly implied in the Cantares Mexicanos. See Bierhorst, Cantares Mañeamos, pp. 29 -3 0 , 40, 452, 466, 490, 511. For a guide to text references see NED: Huexôtzincatl, Huexotzinco. 308. Leather braid is associated with Huexotzinco in CM fol. 73,1. 28. 309. Describing the rulers’ dance attire, Sahagún (HG bk. 8, ch. 9, parags. 2 -3 ) refers to various lip ornaments that were carried ( traían) but not worn (queya no las usan). 310. Bands of leather braid ( tecuecuextlí) hung with litde golden bells were worn on the arm or on the instep (TEZ ch. 99, p. 407; NED: têcuecuextli). 311. Unusual harpoon arrows ( chichiqujlli) were carried by the Huexotzinca warriors who entered Tenochtidan with Cortés (FC bk. 12, ch. 16).

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7

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il

And he had killed the Tlatilolco ruler Cuauhdatoatzin. Maxtlaton had handed down the sentence. And he had put to flight the Tetzcoco ruler Nezahualcoyotzin, along w ith many o f his nobles. Their lords had suffered with them, as has been told in the year-count entries.

[The Tepaneca War: embassies to Huexotzinco: A.D. 1430] 43

: i3

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43 34

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N ow , w hile this ruler Tecocoatzin is holding office challenged by ene­ m ies, Itzcoatzin o f Tenochtidan is also a ruler challenged by enemies. And when these rulers had decided to make war against the Tepaneca, then emissaries, messengers, were sent to H uexotzinco for the Tepanecad to tell o f their scorn, etc., and he told how they were to com e treat their neighbors the Mexica, the Cuauhddancalque, and the Acolhuaque as a mere reed, a mere pebble. 312 Etc. N ow , at this tim e the ruler o f H uexotzinco was Tenocelotzin. And the council house was at Chiauhtzinco, for it is said that this was the way things were in H uexotzinco: they kept m oving the seat o f government, rotating it am ong three places. 313 Well, it was first to H uexotzinco that the ruler o f Azcapotzalco, Maxdaton, sent emissaries asking for aid in batde. They carried many jade neck­ laces, along w ith shields, emblems, etc . 314 Also they went to ask Chaleo, also Chiapan. Everywhere they went they left jade necklaces, etc. And it is told and related that the ruler o f H uexotzinco received their request gladly. And they were stadoned there to await Huexotzinca who were to com e lead them. And these messengers, Maxdaton’s messengers, were under the leadership o f a certain Chalchiuh. And then the Cuauhtidan ruler Tecocoatzin also sent emissaries to H uexotzinco, beseeching the ruler Tenocelotzin. And he used his high officials as his em issaries. 315 312. Ambiguous pronouns make this a difficult passage to read. Evidendy the ones who sent emissaries were the Tepaneca, who spoke for their ruler, the Tepanecad. For other ref­ erences to the ‘Tepanecad” see 24:18 and 42:40 above. For more on the embassy to Hue­ xotzinco see 43:28 et seq. below. 313. Lit., the rulership kept being moved, it appeared in three places the way it was moved. 314. On the shield and the emblem as a military covenant see note to the translation at 41:3 above. 315. Lit., And his elder brothers became his emissaries. The four officials named in the list that follows represent the four quarters of Cuauhtidan town (cf. 2 9 :2 7 -3 8 above).

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4 3 .4 8

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4 4 . 29

T h ese C u au h titlan calq u e th a t h e sen t to H u ex o tzin c o w ere: first, C h ican itz in , th e lo rd p riest o f T equ ixq uin ah uac; seco n d , T z iu h co a tzin o f N e panda; th ird , C o a tzin o f C halm ecapan; fo u rth , th e t l a c o c h c a l c a t l C allaxoch id o f A tem p an H u au h d an . W ell, th ese w ere th e em issaries w h o arrived in H u e x o tz in c o , th e C u au h d d an ruler’s em issaries as n am ed and m en tio n ed a b o v e.316 A n d at last, tearfu lly th ey su b m itted th eir p e titio n . B u t th eir g re etin g g ift w as n o t very p recio u s. S o th ey w ere treated as n o th in g . A n d u ltim a tely th e y w ere p u t in jail to be sacrificed .317 E tc. N o w , w h ile th is w as g o in g o n 318 and calls to arm s w ere b ein g issu ed , th e ruler T eco co a tzin ord ered all th e relatives [o f] th e ca p tiv e servan ts in A zca p o tza lco to g o tell th em th a t th ey sh o u ld g en tly slip aw ay.319 T h ey w ere to m errily tell th e slaveow n ers th ey w o u ld b e g o in g to th eir h o m es fo r a little w h ile. A n d so it h ap p en ed . It becam e tru e. A ll th e ca p tiv es w ere fetch ed . A n d finally, as fo r th o se w h o w ere n o t g iv en p erm issio n , th e y all g o t to g e th e r 320 and fled as a g ro u p .321 T h en M axtiaton sen t fo r d ie cap tive slaves to b e returned. B u t in th e palace at H u ex o ca lco th ey b eat each and every o n e o f th e en v o y s o n th e rum p as a p u n ish m en t.322 In th e co u rtro o m th ey b en t th em o v er a p o le — th ey w ere u p o n it, cu rled around. A s m any m essen gers as th ere w ere, all w ere m istreated in th is m anner, b y b ein g b eaten o n th e rum p. O n a ccou n t o f it, th e T epaneca, at la st, w ere greatly a n n o y ed , etc. N ex t, th e T la tilo lca sen t em issaries to H u ex o tzin c o to b eseech th e ruler T en o celo tzin , and th ese M exica T la tilo lca to ld and revealed h o w th e T e­ paneca had m ade fu n o f everyb od y and had b eco m e ov erp ro u d an d assas­ sin ated m any rulers. F urth erm ore, th e jades and b racelets th a t th e y carried w ere extrem ely p reciou s. A lso th e sh ield and th e em b lem w ere th eir g re et­ in g g ifts, etc. A n d w h en th ey realized th at N eza h u a lco y o tzin w as liv in g th ere, h a v in g b een p u t to flig h t by M axtiaton ’s fath er, T e zo z o m o c tli, th ey su m m o n ed h im to speak in com p an y w ith th em b efore th e H u ex o tzin ca . A n d N e z a ­ h u a lco y o tzin sp ok e even m ore plainly. H e to ld it from th e b eg in n in g : h o w T ezo zo m o ctli had alw ays d eceiv ed p eo p le, and h o w h is so n M a x tia to n w as 316. Read omoteneuhque. 317. Lit., they were jailed in order that they would die. 318. Lit., while already there is this. GLOS: nemi. 319. These were Cuauhtitlancalque who had been enslaved by the Tepaneca. See line 41:11 above. 320. Read çazçen. GLOS: zan cen. 321. Lit., And finally, when they very much were together, all as a group fled, with regard to those who were not given permission. 322. Follows Lehmann. Following Velázquez: they drove a stake into the anus of each and every one of the envoys. See GLOS: tzincuauhtetzotzona:te.

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38

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4 5 :9

ready to d o 323 ju st th e sam e, etc.' T h en at la st, th e crim es o f th e T epaneca co u ld b e clearly seen . T h en th e C u au h tid an calq u e w ere su m m on ed — th e o n es w h o have b een m en tio n ed b y n am e.324 T h ey, to o , p rovid ed v erifica tio n , sw earin g o n th eir an cestry, fo r w h ich th e C u au h tid an calq u e w ere fam ed ,325 and o n th eir [sacred ] arrow s and o n th eir g o d M ix co a d .326 T h ey to ld ev ery th in g . T h ey even to ld h o w th e T epaneca w ere n o t re­ la ted to th em , b ecau se th ey carried th e sto n e slin g .327 A n d furth erm ore, th ey said th ey d id n o t reco g n ize th em b ecau se th eir o n e g o d w as C uecu ex .328 T h ey w ere d ifferen t. It w as fin ally d ecid ed th a t so m e T epaneca sh o u ld b e sacrificed th e r e 329— in p u b lic and at th e fo o t o f th e H u ex o tzin ca g o d , w h o w as C am axd e.330 O n th e ea g le b o w l331 b efo re h im , knives w ere laid . A n d w ith th ese, [th e T epaneca] w ere cu t o p en . N o w , th ese T la tilo lca em issaries w h o had g o n e to H u ex o tzin co w ere all A m axaccalque. T h e first w as C uachayatzin; also th ere w ere A tep o ca tzin , T eca d a to a tzin , and C allatlaxcaltzin ; and N eza h u a lco y o tzin called th em to g eth e r to te ll th em th ey sh o u ld g o spread th e w ord in T liliu h q u itep ec, A tla n ca tep ec, and T laxcallan; and it w as d on e: th ey w en t and ex p o sed th e effro n tery o f th e T epaneca. T h u s it becam e tru e. T h u s it h ap p en ed . N eza ­ h u a lco y o tzin w en t a lo n g as th eir leader. A n d so an agreem en t w as reached for th e H u ex o tzin ca , th e T laxcalteca, and th e T liliu h q u itep eca to co m e to b a ttle, fo r N eza h u a lco y o tzin w as w ell acq u ain ted w ith th e T liliu h q u itep eca , th e p eo p le o f A dan catep ec, th e T laxcalteca, and th e H u ex o tzin ca . A n d so h is avow al th at th e T epaneca w ere to b e w arred a gain st w as g iv en m uch cred en ce. It w as b ecau se o f th is th a t a p act w as m ade. 323. Lit., to be. 324. See lines 43:4 0 —44:5 325. Lit., They, too, verified things, and they addressed people by means of the Cuauh­ tidancalque being known for ancestry. 326. For the arrows and the god, see lines 2 5 :4 3 -4 9 , 2 6 :4 -5 . 327. Sahagún mentions that the non-Nahuad-speaking Madatzinca used the tem atlatl (stone sling, or sling for hurling stones), unlike the Chichimecs, whose weapon was the bow (FC bk. 10, ch. 29, sec. entided “The Quaquata, the Madatzinca, the Toloque”). 328. Cuecuex is associated with the Tepaneca in the eleventh of the twenty songs preserved in the appendix to bk. 2 of Sahagún’s Historia. By contrast, “the Chichimecs . . . had just one god, Mixcoad” (in chichimeca . . . çan ce in jnteouh catea, itoca Mixcoad) (F C 6 :3 4 :3 1 -3 2 ). 329. For oppa mictiUoque read ompa mictilloquc, as in line 45:24 below. 330. Muñoz Camargo relates that as a relic of early Chichimec days, ashes of “Camaxtli Mixcohuad” were kept in Huexotzinco (Historia bk. 1, ch. 7). See also line 50:50 (camaxtle mixcohuatl); and note that the god of the Huexotzinca is named as Mixcoad in line 57:20. 331. Presumably the same as cuauhxicalli (eagle receptacle), described by Durán as a kind of operating table, where the hearts of live victims were excised (DHIST chs. 32-33).

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The Tepaneca War: NezahualcoyotPs campaign: A D . 1430 45

is

4 5 : 2i

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It w as said th at th e C uauhtdtlancalque, th e A co lh u a q u e, and th e M exica had to b e m arked, so th a t n o n e o f th em w o u ld b e m isid en tified and k illed . It w as said th a t th ey had to m u d d y th eir faces and tie a grass strin g arou n d th e h ead , so th at th ey co u ld b e fo u n d and th eir frien d s w h o h ad co m e to h elp th em co u ld reco g n ize th em . W ell, w h en it had b een d ecid ed th a t th e H u ex o tzin ca , th e T laxcalteca, etc. w o u ld b e co m in g a lo n g , th e T la tilo lca and th e C u au h titlan calq u e w ere sen t back first. A s said p reviou sly, T epaneca w ere sacrificed th ere [in H u e x o tz in c o ]— th ey w ere cu t o p en . A fter th a t, Itzco a tzin ’s em issaries se t o u t. H is call to arm s w as m ade in h a ste,332 fo r it had already b een d ecid ed and a n n ou n ced th a t th e T epan eca w ere to b e d efeated .

[The Tepaneca War: Nezahualcoyotl’s campaign: A.D. 1430] 4 5 :2 8

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: 33

4 5 :3 7

4 5 :3 8

4 5 :4 0

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It w as in th e tim e o f 3 R a b b it th at N eza h u a lco y o tzin cam e fo rth , ac­ com p an ied b y H u ex o tzin ca , T laxcalteca, and also C halca. It w as th en th a t N eza h u a lco y o tzin so u g h t o u t th e so n s o f T e zo zo m o ctli in all th e p laces w h ere th ey w ere ru lin g; and co n q u ests w ere m ade in all th o se p laces. T h e w ay N eza h u a lco y o tzin cam e, th e w ay h e ap p roach ed , is th a t h e to o k to th e road in C h aleo. T h en , to b eg in w ith , h e cam e lea d in g th e w ay tow ard T etzco co , and th e very first co n q u est w as in C o a tlich a n . A t th a t tim e Q u etza lm a q u iztli w as ru lin g th ere, and h e m et h is d eath . T h e seco n d place w as H u ex o d a . A t th a t tim e C u au h p iyo w as ru lin g th ere, and h e w as k illed . T h en th ere w ere co n q u ests in a third p lace, A colm an . A t th a t tim e T ey o lco co a tzin w as ru lin g there. A n d T o ltitla n w as th e fo u rth p lace w h ere co n q u ests w ere m ade. A t th a t tim e E p coad w as th e ruler. W h en N eza h u a lco y o tzin arrived th ere, o n a day 1 F lin t, w ith th e H u ex o tzin ca , th e T laxcalteca, and th e C halca, it w as th e T o ltid a n ca lq u e w h o to o k to th e road. A n d at th is tim e a d au gh ter o f [C u au h tid an ’s] ruler T eco co a tzin w as seized and taken in to ca p tivity. S he had b eco m e a lady o f T o ltid a n . S he had b eco m e th e w ife o f th e ruler E p coad . N o w , th is lady, b efore th e w ar b egan , w as p rivy to th e jo in t re so lu tio n th at T epaneca w erç to b e d estroyed . M oreo v er, sh e w as accurately rep ort-

332. The call to arms was made only [by] his act of hurrying [lit., running]. The analysis follows Velázquez. See GLOS: -totocaca.

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The Tepaneca War: Nezahualcoyotft campaign: A T ). 1430

46 6

46 8

46:ii 46 U

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46: 2 i 46: 2 3 46.24 46

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4 6 :3 3

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ing what the Toltitlancalque were saying. Whenever they talked war, she sent word to the ruler Tecocoatzin. And for this reason, when the battle had begun, she was very definitely on the watch. Indeed, she climbed to the top o f Toltitlan’s house o f the Devil. And then this lady all by herself set fire to the thatched roof o f the D evil house and burned it up, etc.333 And the way she was captured is that when prisoners were taken, she, too, was made a prisoner and taken into captivity along with others. It was the Chalca w ho seized her. W ell, they were carrying her off, and she said to the captors, ccW ho is the gentlem an standing here?”— he was wearing a quetzal-feather warbonnet. “That’s the ruler Tenocelotzin,” she was told. “Let me greet him ,” she asked. Then she greeted him and said, “O lord, I am your sister,334 for my father is the king and ruler Tecocoatzin o f Cuauhtidan. H e came and left me here, having suffered torment, having agonized in heart and flesh, etc.” The ruler Tenocelod o f H uexotzinco gave the command for her to be set free. And it was done. W ell, then the Toltidan nation goes away. They’re banished335 to Cuidachtepec and Temacpalco, at the tim e when Telid is ruling in Tenayocan. They’re herded. They’re driven onward. And then they were taken to Azcapotzalco, at the tim e when Maxdaton was ruling there. And a sixth place, Coyohuacan, was laid waste. A seventh place was laid waste— Xochim ilco. Tepanquizqui was ruling there at the tim e. And all the places that were laid waste were ruled by sons o f Tezozom octli, the former ruler o f Azcapotzalco. And w ell did the ruler Nezahualcoyotzin contrive it,336 taking his revenge against them, for Tezozom octli had killed his father, the elder Ixdilxochid. And so, the war was waged. Those rulers who declared it and waged it were Itzcoatzin, Tecocoatzin o f Cuauhtidan, Nezahualcoyotzin o f Tetzcoco, and Tenocelotzin o f H uexotzinco. A long the way,337 the Colhuacan ruler Acoltzin died in batde. The Tepaneca killed him. And it was in Xochim ilco that the war cooled off. The Tepaneca re­ mained there for only a day until they were taken to Tonanixillan, also to 333. 334. 335. 336. 337.

Antidimactic word order reversed in the translation. I.e., ally. GLOS: hueltiuhtli. Lit., they [impersonal] go and banish them. See GN sec. 4.2. GLOS: imati:da Lit., At this time therein, i.e., at this time during [the war]. GLOS: oncan.

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The Tepaneca War: Nezahualcoyotl’s campaign: A JD. 1430

Atltepachiuhcan and Cuauhximalpan, where they spent four years. These were the Tepaneca o f Toltidan, Tenayocan, Azcapotzalco, Tlacopan, and Coyohuacan, along w ith som e o f the Xochimilca, etc. 4 6 :4 0 And, also, from the tim e that the war began, there were a few w ho died among the Tetzcoca [and those of] Coatlichan, H uexoda, and Acolman. 4 6 :4 3 • And by this tim e Cuauhtidan’s system o f fourfold servant com m unities had broken down.338 N ow destroyed was the arrangement made by the elder Xaltemoctzin before he died:339 4 6 :4 6 [1.] Tequixquinahuac. Its servant com m unity had been Tepoxacco and Tzompanco. [2.] Chalmecapan. Its servant community had been Cuauhdaapan and Citlaltepec. 46:47 [3.] Nepanda. Its servant com m unity had been Tepotzodan and H uehuetocan. 46 48 [4. ] Atempan. Its servant com m unity had been Coyotepec and Odazpan. 46:49 W hen the war had finally passed, Cuauhtidan’s ruler thought back on it. This was the tim e when Ayacdacatzin ruled, after the death o f Tecocoatzin. H e thought back. And he did so in anger, seeking revenge for the siege o f Cuauhtidan. Then he apportioned lands, handing them out, giv­ ing them as grants. Then the Cuauhtidan nation was provided w ith lands. It was on account o f the war that the grants came to be made, etc. 47 9 N ow , Tzompanco and Cidaltepec were lands that he apportioned, allot­ ting them to him self alone. At the temple o f the Cidaltepeca the ruler Ayacdacatzin personally assigned these lands to himself. And the emissar­ ies w ho came to mark the boundaries were Tenochca and Tlatilolca. 47 : i3 Then Odazpan was marked off. And after that, Tepoxacco and Tehuiloyocan were marked off. 47 is Finally, communal lands were created,340 and boundaries were marked o ff in all the places that had been conquered. 47: i7 But no boundaries were marked o ff in Huehuetocan, because the H uehuetocameca had been kind to the Cuauhtidancalque when they had fled there during the war. They had helped them very much. Indeed, they had treated the Cuauhtidancalque as members o f their household. 47 22 Here is what is understood from a song on the defeat o f the Tepaneca: 3 Rabbit was the second time the Mexicad confronted the Tepanecad. Twelve years earlier the Tepaneca had performed tribute labor in Tenochtidan, having been conquered in 1 Reed, at which tim e the M exitin put 338. Lit., And by this time Cuauhtidan was broken [as to] the way the towns had been in four places that had been being made its servant communities. Cf. 56:11 below. 339. The quartering of Cuauhtidan is described in lines 2 9 :2 7 -3 8 above, and men­ tioned again in line 56:11 below. 340. Lit., began to be created.

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together what was still just a small piece o f eagle land. But in 3 Rabbit the M exitin increased their eagle land in Tepanohuayan.341 The Colhuaque provide verification o f this report. But Colhuaque also say that the Xochimilca were defeated in 4 Rab­ bit,342 defeated by Nezahualcoyotzin at the time he was inaugurated as ruler. W ell, it was told and recounted that 3 Rabbit [ 1430] was the year the Tepaneca were conquered. This was also when the Cuauhnahuaca and the Xaltocameca were conquered— conquered by Nezahualcoyotzin, Itzcoatzin, and Cuauhtitlan’s Tecocoatzin.

[After the Tepaneca War: A.D. 1431] 4 7 :3 9

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48

5

4 Reed [ 1431]. This was the year Nezahualcoyotzin was inaugurated as ruler in M exico.343 And in that same year, during Izcalli, while the Cuauhtidancalque were celebrating the feast and people were com ing in from towns everywhere, Toltitlancalque344 went to Cuahuacan to speak with the Cuahuacan ruler Xochitlcozauhqui. They told him the Cuauhtidancalque m ight be con­ quered, because they were o ff guard, celebrating their feast. And the Cuahuacan ruler received their petition favorably and declared war against the Cuauhtidancalque. Then they took to the road and came to fight in Cuauhtidan. W ell, none other then the Toltidancalque o f Ahuacatidan came and re­ ported this to Cuauhtidan’s ruler, Tecocoatzin— came and warned him. Immediately he put these Toltidancalque under guard. They were not to leave. If what they said were to be found false, they were to be killed. And in no tim e at all it did prove true: the Cuahuaque Tepaneca came to make war. Very cleverly a trap was laid for them, so that all w ho came here to do batde were made prisoners. Then, during the feast, they were shot w ith arrows. It was thanks to them that the feast was celebrated. After that, the ruler o f Cuauhtidan established lands for the Ahuacati­ dan people. H e gave them a homeland that would provide for their sus­ tenance,345 etc. A lso, an order was handed down that no future attempt 341. On “eagle land” and the conquest of the Tepaneca see 3 1 :5 0 -3 2 :3 above. See also 66:1 (Azcapotzalco) and 6 6 :1 2 -1 3 below. 342. Should be 4 Reed, per 47:39. 343. The ceremony took place in Mexico, but Nezahualcoyod was being inaugurated as ruler of Tetzcoco (IXT 1:543—44). Cf. 48:31 below. 344. This refers to the exiled Toltidancalque. They are not repatriated until line 48:42 below. 345. Lit., a homeland by means of which they would live there.

I OI

Mexico’s glory begins: A D . 1 4 3 2 -3 9

must ever be made to incite these people against the Cuauhtitlan nation.346 The year 4 Reed. A t this time the ruler Itzcoatzin o f Tenochtidan de­ clared war. As yet he could not proceed openly, for he had been inaugu­ rated as a ruler challenged by enemies. 48 : i2 W ell, the ones he called to battle were the Cuidahuaca, w hom he wished to conquer. Campaigning against them all by him self, the Tenochcad waged war for three years. But he did not succeed. H e sim ply gave up. 48 : is And in that same year, 4 Reed, in the tow n o f Cuauhtitlan the river turned and changed course, so that it flow ed into the temilco next to H uexocalco,347 passing through the heart o f the city. 48 : i 7 And after this change, it often happened that things were swept away, and often houses were destroyed as the stream overflowed. And, finally, when the river changed course, a hundred em pty houses were destroyed in Toltidan. When all these houses were swept away, there was no one there— in accordance with the wishes o f the Cuauhtidancalque. For the Tepaneca o f Toltidan now lived in Cuauhximalpan.348 48: 2 3 And then, after the ruler Tecocoatzin had expressed his grief, he ordered that the stream be dug up where the river— which is there today— had turned. The digging w ent on for tw o years. After that, the stream was diverted. 48

: io

[Mexico's glory begins: A.D. 1 4 3 2 -3 9 ] 48:27

5 Flint [1432]. In that year the Tenochtitlan ruler Itzcoatzin was able to come out into the open,349 for he ruled everywhere, over rulers from town to town. H ere, finally, began the glory o f the M exicatl Tenochcad, etc. 48 -.31 6 H ouse [1433]. In that year the ruler Nezahualcoyotzin w ent and es­ tablished him self in Tetzcoco, leaving Tenochtidan. Itzcoatzin had in­ stalled him as ruler, though his inauguration in Tenochtitlan had been under enemy challenge. Only in that year did he go o ff to govern the city o f Tetzcoco. 48 36 The year 6 H ouse was when the Tepaneca were sent back from Tonanitlan and Cuauhximalpan and Atltepachiuhcan, where they had spent four years. First they came and humbled themselves, beseeching the ruler Te346. Lit., And they [impersonal] were ordered that never again were they [impersonal] to want to incite them against the Cuauhtidan nation. For ÿca read yea. 347. Temilco (lit., people’s gardens?) was the name of a body of water in Cidaltepec where Mexican priests came to gather special reeds (FC 2:11 and 74). The significance of the Cuauhddan temilco is not apparent; its location, however, is “next to Huexocalco,” site of the ruler’s palace (see 32:22, 41:34, etc.). 348. They had been relocated after the Tepaneca war. See lines 4 6 :3 5 -4 0 above. For a differing account of the flood, see lines 25:3 7 -4 3 . 349. He was no longer challenged by enemies. See 4 8 :1 0 -1 2 .

102

Mexico’s glory begins: A D . 1432 -3 9

48

45

48:5i 48.54 49

i

49

4

49

. i2

49

: i4

cocoatzin and the Cuauhtitlan nobles and princes: then they were given perm ission to com e setde in their home town, Toltidan. And they were all admonished that if they ever rose up against the Cuauhtidan nadon again, they w ould not be pitied, etc. And with that, they went o ff to be setded in Toltidan. And then the ruler Tecocoatzin apportioned laborers to the Toltitlancalque so that they could divert the river at a place called Tepolnexco. They w ent and diverted it w ith logs. The timbers filled the streambed standing upright, not crosswise, follow ing the course o f the stream, filling it up. And so finally the stream that had turned was closed o ff and relocated. Thus the river today passes into Cidaltepec. In the year 6 H ouse the Cuauhtidan ruler Tecocoatzin died, having ruled for only four years. Cuauhda-Huexocalco is where he ruled.350 7 Rabbit [ 1434]. In that year the people were seven-rabbited: there was fam ine.351 And in that same year the Cuauhtidan ruler called Ayacdacatzin, or Xaquin Teuctli, was inaugurated, and he ruled in Cuauhda-Huexocalco. H ow he was bom and why he was named Ayacdacad has been told above.352 The year 7 Rabbit was when Itzcoatzin o f Tenochtidan again declared war on the Cuidahuaca. H e called out the Tetzcoca, and for tw o years he just waited for these Tetzcoca, w ho were not turning up.353 And when many a M exicad had already died, the Tetzcoca set out and came along to M exico, at which tim e Tezozom octzin was ruler o f Cuidahuac— which had the same ear-stream insignia. The ear streams o f the Cuidahuaca and the Tetzcoca were exacdy alike.354 8 Reed [1435]. In that year there was an influx o f Cuidahuaca who wished to be counted as M exica.355 In the year 8 Reed, moreover, the river was finally diverted, so that it passed into C idaltepec.356 The water course, or waterway, was com pletely reclaimed.357 It was seven years before the waterway was all good again and the setdem ents were dried out. Today where the waterway had been358 is called A itictli [In Waters5M idst]. N ow it is milpa. 350. The name Ayacdacatzin, evidendy an old marginal gloss, has been copied into the text at this juncture. It belongs with line 49:2. 351. Cf. 9 :3 above. 352. 30:5. 353. GLOS: datzto:te, NED: quetza:mo 3 -5 . 354. GLOS: ananacaztli (flowing plumagelike ear decorations), namiqui:mo. 355. Lit., In that year Cuidahuaca came entering in order to be regarded as those who are counted as Mexica. GLOS: toca:mo. 356. In the text this statement is preceded by the disconnected word atl (water), no doubt an old gloss. Cf. 48:53. 357. For onwçmyectillin read ommocenyectili or ommocenyectilia. 358. For ycaca read ycacan.

103

The reign ofMoteuczomatzin the elder: A D . 1 4 4 0 -6 8 49

: i9

49

: 22

49:29

49:34

4 9 :3 6

49 : 39

49:42

The year 8 Reed was when those who are today called Xaltocameca were formed into a settlement: Acolman people, Colhuaque, Tenochca, and O tom i. Just a mixture o f people. But a dynasty was not established until the Spaniards got there.359 By this tim e [8 Reed] the [old] dynasty was com pletely lost, because the Xaltocameca had been destroyed. It was the Cuauhtidancalque w ho had conquered them, and as a result they had emigrated to M etztidan and Tlaxcallan. And when the Xaltocameca had been destroyed, Xaltocan was deserted and no one lived there for thirty-one years. Well, they had finally been pushed back to just Tecanman, for it was there that the Xaltocameca had been destroyed, etc.360 The year 8 Reed was also when the Tenochca and the Tlatilolca came to survey the Mexica lands in Toltepec and Tepeyacac.361 A lso they surveyed what were called the Tlatilolca waters in Cuachilco, which had a boundary in common with Tlachcuicalco and Tozquenidal. In that year, on Xochilhuid, on [a day] 7 Flower, a place for dancing was set up;362 and the Ecatepeca went to Itzcoatzin to ask for protection, explaining that the Cuauhtidancalque, having taken up arms, wanted them [as sacrificial victim s].363 Itzcoatzin granted their request and sent eighty recruits to com e stand guard, etc., and it was along the Lime Road that they came to watch for Cuauhtidancalque. 9 Flint. 10 H ouse [1437]. This was the year the war spread, the war o f the Mexica: it reached Chaleo Ateneo [and] Tlacochcalco. It took forty-three years for the Chalca War to reach those parts. 11 Rabbit. 12 Reed.

[The reign ofMoteuczomatzin the elder: A.D. 1 4 4 0 -6 8 ]

49

46

13 Flint [1440]. This was the year the Tenochtidan ruler Itzcoatzin died. Then the elder M oteuczom atzin, Ilhuicaminatzin, was inaugurated as ruler o f Tenochtidan. And in this same year, eleven years after the death o f the Colhuacan ruler called A coltzin, Xilomantzin was inaugurated as ruler o f Colhuacan. 359. Lit., until the Spaniards got to it [the settlement] when they came [to America]. 360. The events are set forth in lines 2 0 :4 5 -2 1 :8 and 2 8 :4 7 -5 3 above. 361. These are evidendy the conñscated Chichimec lands (see 2 6 :2 4 -3 6 above). 362. The extraneous “7 dias” (7 days) appearing in the text at this point is probably another old gloss (cf. 48:53 and 49:13 above). 363. Cuauhddan’s plans for a Xochilhuid celebradon are mentioned above in lines 2 1:39-40.

104

The reign of Moteuczomatzin the elder: A D . 1 4 4 0 -6 8

It was at the end o f the year 13 Flint that he was inaugurated. 1 H ouse [1441]. In that year Cuidahuaca were engaged in combat, making war on one another: the Atenchicalque were just feuding among themselves, attacking one another. At this tim e Acolm iztli was ruler there. On a day 4 D og, while the war in Chaleo was going on, it happened that Tizica Cuidahuaca went o ff to join the batde. This was when Tezozomoctli was ruler. S o 364 the Atenchicalcad observed him and said, “Ah, the Tizicad has gone o ff to join the batde in Chaleo. W hen he comes back, I w ill have conquered his wom en and children.” Then A colm iztli began his siege. H e made war, attacking the Tizica, who were only children and old people. so 3 W ell, when the Tizica, w ho had gone to batde in Chaleo, came back, Atenchicalque had moved into their territory and setded down. 50.4 Then Tezozom octli sent messengers to Atenchicalcan, saying, “Ask A colm iztli why he w ould treacherously ruin me like this. Consequendy we can offer ourselves in five days. Let him put on his regalia, for I, the T izi­ cad, adorn m yself.” so 8 So the message was brought to the Atenchicalque. But then, tw o days later, the Atenchicalque were attacked during the night, and on the morn­ ing o f 6 Grass they withdrew to Itztapalapan— old wom en, old men, chil­ dren, and young men. There they spent the next day, 7 Reed. so i3 Then they w ent to inform M oteuczom atzin the elder, telling him that they had left their country. It was a certain Cuauhdatoa w ho gave the inform ation, saying, “Esteemed child, O ruler, our neighbor the Tizicad has conquered us. Today is the second day that your subjects have stayed in Itztapalapan. M y esteem ed child, today they have run out o f their ac­ custom ed food,365 for in their haste they left behind all their com . And are you going to abandon them now? Here we are, the Atenchicalque, and we give our nation to you.” so 2 2 Then M oteuczom atzin called for his sons: to begin w ith, Cidalcoatzin, the t l a c o c h c a l c a t l , also Iquehuacatzin, the t l a c a t e c c a t l . And he said to them, “Com e, you lords, you princes. Here is an Atenchicalcad giving us his nation. N ow , if we were to tell Acolhuacan about this, we w ould get littie o f it indeed. So let it be just for us Mexica, together with the Tlatilolca, as w ell as our Four Lords: M exicatzinco, Colhuacan, Itztapalapan, [and H uitzilopochco].366 Let us go by ourselves to lead the Atenchicalque back to their hom eland.” 49:5o

364. For iça read tea. 365. Lit., Today is the second day that your subject has stayed in Itztapalapan; my es­ teemed child, today what he usually eats is indeed no longer anything. For caoctley read ca aoctley.

366. The Four Lords are thus listed in FC bk. 12, ch. 14 ( nauhtecutli). See also lines 6 3 :5 1 -5 2 below.

105

The reign ofMoteuczomatzin the elder: A T ). 1 4 4 0 -6 8

The day o f this conference was 8 Jaguar, and it was on the day 9 Eagle that the Atenchicalque reentered their homeland, at which tim e they w ent and burned the temple o f the Cuidahuaca, which was a house o f the devil M ixcoad. And on this occasion Yaocuixtli o f M exicatzinco was the first to rush to the top o f the M ixcoad, seizing the ashes o f Itzpapalod— what was called the bundle, etc. [The ashes] were contained in tw o [lengths of] quetzal bam boo.367 so : 37 Then Tenochtitlan’s Cidalcoatzin and Iquehuatzin and Axicyotzin and Tenamaztzin spoke to Tezozom octli: “O Tezozom octzin,” they said, “M ix­ coad the younger368 was burned, for you failed to pick up your shield and arrows. N ow , there’s this: Where did you put M ixcoad?369 We m ust take him away. Give him to us.” so : 43 But Tezozom octli, ruler o f Tizic, said, “If I gave up M ixcoad, what would befall my children in times yet to come?” 50 :45 Therefore they arranged for an image o f the devil Teuhcad to be brought forth. This was a god o f Tizic, kept there in a place called Tepixdoco. And this is what the Mexica brought back w ith them. It was this that stayed in Tenochtidan, at the place known as M ixcoatepec. It was not really the image o f the so-called Camaxde M ixcoad. It was just the one named Teohcad [sic]. It had the same costum e as M ixcoad, and this is what the Mexica took it for, thinking it was he. Thus the Mexica were deceived. This happened 104 years ago. si : i 1 H ouse [1441] is when the people o f Oztoticpac were defeated, at which tim e Cuetzpalli was ruler there. Those w ho defeated them were the H uexotzinca, when Tenocelod was ruler in H uexotzinco, and also the Tepeyacahuaque, when Chiauhcoad was ruler in Tepeyacac. si : 6 2 Rabbit. 3 Reed [1443]. The Chaleo ruler Caltzin Teuctli, or Tem iztzin, died a this time. Then Tlaltzin Teuctli was inaugurated, and he ruled for twentyfour years. si : 8 And this was when the Xaltocameca came and sat before Ayacdacatzin so that laborers could be apportioned to the Mexica— they were to per­ form labor, etc. so

3i

367. Lit., Two were the quetzal bamboos by means of which they were contained. Within the sacred bundle of Huexotzinco, by contrast, the ashes of the god Camaxde were contained in a single length of bamboo (“dentro de un cofrecillo de palo hallaron . . . las cenizas” [Muñoz Camargo, Historia bk. 2, ch. 8]). On the origin of the Itzpapalod bundle, with its ashes, see lines 1:1 5 -2 1 above; in lines 8 0 :1 0 -1 9 below, the bundle is said to have con­ tained a flint. Compare the ash-bundle phantom mendoned in line 81:51 below (described in FC bk. 5, ch. 12). • 368. The White Mixcoad. See 1:14 above. 369. The statue is meant. In the preceding lines “Mixcoad,” or “Mixcoad the younger,” evidendy refers to the temple.

io6

The reign qfMoteuczomatzin the elder: A D . 1 4 4 0 -6 8

si : h

si i2 si : i3 si : is

si

20

5i : 2 6

si

29

51 :33

si

37

4 Flint. 5 H ouse. 6 Rabbit [1446]. This was when Xilom antzin370 o f Colhuaca land arrangements.371 7 R eed.372 8 Flint. 9 H ouse. 10 Rabbit. 11 Reed [1451]. In this year snow fell knee deep. It fell for five days. 12 Flint.373 13 H ouse. 1 Rabbit [1454]. At this time the people were one-rabbited,374 while the Chalca War was being fought at Cuauhtenampan; and so it came to an end, because no one was being attacked anymore. And for three years there was hunger. The com had stopped growing. And the year 1 Rabbit was also when Nezahualcoyotzin planned where his tem ple w ould be in Tetzcotzinco. H e came and took up residence in order to consider it, and when he had looked upon it carefully, he began the tem ple. It was finished in thirteen years, built to the top in the year 1 Reed— where a report o f it w ill be set forth.375 2 Reed [1455]. A t this tim e376 Nezahualcoyotzin laid the foundation for his tem ple. A lso, a year-bundle feast was celebrated. And in this second year o f hunger, the famine became much worse. 3 Flint [1456]. A t this time it happened that amaranth was just all that was being eaten. People were dying. This was the third year o f the famine. Painted [in the picture writing] are [what look] like people being eaten by vultures and coyotes. 4 H ouse. 5 Rabbit [1458]. In this year the elder M oteuczom atzin declared war, and consequendy all w ent to Coaixdahuacan to fight the batdes and make the conquests. A t this tim e the great ruler Atonal was ruling there, occu­ pying him self w ith tribute collection from everywhere in the coastlands. N ow , it is said that this Atonal was a remaining descendant o f the Toltecs w ho had lived in Toltitlan Tamazolac,377 from which place they had set out at the tim e o f the Toltec m igration, when they had been disbanded. 370. Lehmann convincingly argues that the original manuscript must have had XiloM ätzjn , which appeared to the copyist as X VM otzjn (the lost ‘o’ masquerading as a calli­ graphic flourish), leading him to write xomatzin. We know from lines 4 9 :47 and 57:2 that Xilomantzin was ruler of Colhuacan at this time. 371. An obscure statement. Word for word the reading is “This was when X of Colhuacan arranged [or established] things for their land.” GLOS: dalia:da 3. 372. Marginal gloss: In 7 Reed on the 2d of January, Granada was won, and the Jews left Castile by way of Sagunto. [The retaking of Granada from the Moors and the expulsion of the Jews occurred in 1492, not 1447 as implied here.] 373. Marginal gloss: In 12 Flint the great Turk, Mohammed, took Constantinople, and the Emperor Frederick died. [In fact Constantinople fell in 1453; Frederick died in 1493.] 374. I.e., there was famine in a year 1 Rabbit. Cf. 9 :3 and 48:54 above. 375. See 53:44 below. 376. For the untranslated yancuican see GLOS. 377. See 1 0 :4 0 -4 3 above.

107

The reign ofMoteuczomatzin the elder: A D . 1 4 4 0 -6 8

And it is said that when Atonal m et his death,378 his w ife was fetched. She was very large. They took her back to M exico Tenochtidan. And the ruler M oteuczom a wanted to go to her and cohabit w ith her. She sim ply fainted. W ell, he did not cohabit with her. si :4 4 And it is said that between th is379 woman’s legs there was polished jade on her private parts, etc. si :4 6 Then the ruler, the elder M oteuczom a, sent her back to gather in the tribute goods from all over. She became a kind o f female tribute collector. By this tim e the city o f Coaixdahuacan had been captured. Then for the first tim e gold, quetzal plumes, rubber, cacao, and other wealth began com ing in; then the Mexica began to feel cheered, thanks to the tribute goods. 52 : i The year 5 Rabbit is when those w ho were defeated by the Tepeyacac people emigrated to M atlatzinco. It was when Chiauhcoad was ruler o f Tepeyacac, and the Cuauhtinchan rulers were Xochicozcad, Tlazolteotl, Tecanmecatl, and Yaopan.380 52:5 6 Reed. 7 Flint [1460]. In that year381 the elder M oteuczom atzin, ruler o M exico, installed Quinatzin in Tepotzodan; and so began the Tepotzodan dynasty. Here there was no official determination on the part o f the Cuauhtidan ruler, Ayacdacatzin.382 52 : io 8 H ouse [ 1461]. All went to batde, all went to make conquests in Atezcahuacan. And H uitzilteuhcatzin o f Colhuacan died at this tim e. 52.13 9 Rabbit [1462]. A t the end o f the year, as yet only secredy, Chalca were com ing to offer themselves, that they m ight join ranks w ith M exico. 52 i5 10 Reed [1463]. In that year Chalca came before the elder M oteuczo­ matzin, ruler o f M exico, to notify him and let him hear that they w ould be going in with M exico. Those w ho came were: first, Necuam ed, and second, Tepozdi the elder. And, secondly, they w ent before Nezahualcoyotzin, ruler o f Tetzcoco. Thus they w ent to give their report in both places, as if to test [the intentions of] those w ho had surrounded their country, Chaleo. 52 2 3 They came to the rulers M oteuczom atzin and N ezahualcoyotzin, saying, “Esteemed child, O lord,383 ruler, now Chaleo and the war are through. 51 :4 0

378. Because he refused to serve Moteuczoma. See lines 6 6 :4 5 -5 0 below. 379. For in k çihuatl read ini çihuatl. 380. The parallel passage in HTCH (fol. 44v [Ms. 54-58, side 45]) makes it clear that the emigrants to Matlatzinco were the Cuauhtinchan people, following their defeat by Chi­ auhcoad of Tepeyacac. 381. For the untranslated ycmmican see GLOS. 382. This matter regarding Tepotzodan, which was within Cuauhddan’s purview, had already been arranged by Quinatzin’s father. See lines 1 4 :5 3 -1 5 :1 3 above. 383. Read totecue. GLOS: teuctli.

108

The reign of Moteuczomatzin the elder: A D . 1 4 4 0 -6 8

52

28

52

33

52 36 5 2 37

52.40

52

44

52

45

52 46 52 4 7 52 48

53

:i

53

2

5 3 :3

Assign us a kingdom. W hat docs your heart require?384 The war is through, and w ith it the realm.”385 M oteuczom atzin replied, ‘T h e boundaries should be just at Cocotidan and N epopohualco and O ztoticpac. So at last you have com e to your senses? Indeed the realm is through. N ow all you have to do is fetch the people.”386 And Nezahualcoyotzin told them, “What you have said is good. N ow , go. G o round up the people. Let the vassals be gathered in. D on’t let them go w ith H uexotzinco.” Then he asked a question, saying, “Is the elder Tepoz />*//*?”387 “N o,” replied the elder Tepoz, “I am not pilli. Necuam etl is p illi” Then in accordance w ith a command o f M oteuczom atzin, he said, “Let Necua­ m etl be dispatched as the emissary.” W ell, it was when M oteuczom atzin had already given them their orders that Nezahualcoyotzin said, “Already the king has told you, T ou ’ve com e to your senses? Indeed it is through.’ N ow round up the vassals.” And when M oteuczom atzin presented them w ith gifts,388 what he gave were: plume tassels389 a neckpiece, a jade necklace, for each one eagle tail feathers for each one gold armbands for each one a gold-skin collar390 for each one gold legbands for each one a load o f twenty tilmas And Nezahualcoyotzin, ruler o f Tetzcoco, gave them: gold earplugs for each one gold armbands for each one a gold-skin collar for each one tw o loads o f twenty tilmas each 384. NED: qu-en 6. 385. Read caye onnalquiça as in line 52:26. 386. GLOS: ana: da, zan oc. 387. P illi means prince, or member of the noble class. 388. Gifts o f obligation? See note to line 41:3 above. 389. The quetzallalpiloni consisted of “dos borlas hechas de plumas ricas, guarnecidas con oro muy curiosas . . . atadas a los cabellos, de la coronjlla de la cabeça q colgauan hasta el pescueço, por la parte de las sienes” (CF bk. 8, ch. 9). Cf. NED: dalpií-oni. 390. Le., a broad, thin ornament of beaten gold, worn around the neck (CF bk. 9, ch. 15).

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The reign o f Moteuczomatzin the elder: A D . 1 4 4 0 -6 8 5 3 :4 5 3 :7

53

:io

53

: i7

53 ; 2 i 5 3 :2 2

23 S3 24 53

53

28

5 3 :3 2

:

5 3 37

53.40

53.44

Then Necuam etl and Tepoztli the elder w ent back to Chaleo. 11 Flint [1464]. The son o f Tetzcoco’s Nezahualcoyotzin, called Nezahualpiltzintli, was bom at this time. And this was also when the young com plants were blown away by the wind, and trees were uprooted. 12 H ouse [1465]. It was in this year that the Chalca actually joined ranks [with M exico]. At this time it came about that the Chaleo ruler Tlaltzin Teuctli died. U pon his death no one was made ruler. And it was after he had died that the war cooled off, and shields and arrows were laid aside. It was in Amaquemecan that the war [finally] cooled. This was when military rule began in Chaleo. For twenty-one years there was military rule. And as for their tribute goods, they delivered them 391 to the place called Tlaltecahuacan. Xocuetzin, who w ent to [assume] his seat at Tlailotlacan, and Cuauhtzipitl were assigned the vassals, etc. The war now shifted: it was carried to H uexotzinco. Some say that Tetzcoco’s Nezahualpilli was bom at this time. And the year 12 H ouse was when conquests were made at Huehuetlan. And in this same year, in Tenochtidan M exico, a communal task force was put together in order to begin building the Chapoltepec aqueduct leading into Tenochdtlan. N ow , the ruler o f Tenochtidan at this tim e was the elder M oteuczom a­ tzin. But it was the ruler o f Tetzcoco, Nezahualcoyotzin, w ho spoke in favor o f the aqueduct. 13 Rabbit [1467]. In that year Nezahualcoyotzin w ent and guided the water, so that it flow ed for the first tim e into Tenochtitlan. And they came and quickened it w ith Tepeyacahuaque, sacrificing them to the water.392 [Up until] then, people were still going to Chapoltepec to draw water. Well, this was the tim e— this was the year— that the Tepeyacahuaque were conquered. It was when Chiauhcoatl was ruler o f Tepeyacac. And the one w ho conquered them was Axayacatzin, before he was ruler [o f M exico]. In Coatepec, Q uetzaltototl was military chief; in Tecalco the ruler was M ozauhqui; and in Cuauhtinchan, Xochicozcatl was ruling when they were defeated at Tepeyacac and at all the [other] places just naçied. 1 Reed. It was in the year 1 Reed that Nezahualcoyotzin’s tem ple was built to the top.393 And when it was topped, he w ent to im plore the elder M oteuczom atzin to grant som e Tzompanca, som e Xilotzinca, and som e Citlaltepeca. These he requested [as sacrificial victim s] for his dedication 391. For concaquià read concalaquia. Cf. 37:47, 3 9 :36,41:20. 392. Lit., And they came and increased it by means of Tepeyacahuaque, who came and died before the water. 393. Construction of the temple is briefly discussed in lines 5 1 :2 0 -2 7 above.

IIO

The reign ofMoteuczomatzin the elder: A D . 1 4 4 0 -6 8

ceremony.394And the Tenochtitlan ruler was obliging. H e granted them, etc. Then word was brought to the Cuauhtidan ruler— M oteuczom atzin sent the messenger— and in this way he was informed that Tzompanca were to be placed under guard. Cuauhtidancalque were to perform the task in Toltidan, in Cuidachtepec, etc.395 This was being done as a favor by the ruler o f Tenochtidan. 54 7 And it became true. The Tzompanca were placed under guard. At the tim e, Teyahualoatzin was governing there. 5 4 :9 And in X ilotzinco, it was when Pantli was ruling. 4 io And when Nezahualcoyotzin had issued the call to arms, and the Tetzcoca Acolhuaque had com e forth to make war, children and young women appeared w ho had climbed to the top o f Cidalteped [H ill o f the Star] and had taken it upon themselves to be eagles and jaguars396 in order to fight the war. 4 i4 This is how it was done: they had everybody backpack all the prickly pears and magueys in that place, and they put them on their shields as emblems, cleverly tying them onto the w ood.397 They were formidable. And during the night they liberated398 the Tzompanca and the Xilotzinca. 4 :i8 W hen m orning came, the Acolhuaque had been turned back399 and were in the water at Citlaltepec.400 They were attacked, then routed. And the Tzompanca and the Xilotzinca went out to engage them, chased after them , and caught them in a rabbit ravine. Seeing this, many o f the A col­ huaque were terrified, for the ravine was on fire, and the flames were rising toward them. 4 25 A t last the Acolhuaque were destroyed. Corpses filled the rabbit ravine, and in fact the brave warriors401 o f the Acolhuaque were finished off. 4 28 By this tim e all the Totonaque and Cuexteca had com e along, wearing no breechcloths, exposing their crotches.402 They had com e to make war in Tzom panco, where at first they displayed the egret banner that guided them and served as their sign. [But] finally they were chased away. 54:2

394. Lit., Tzompanca, Xilotzinca, Citlaltepeca, whom he went to request, by means of whom [as sacrificial victims] he would ceremonially dedicate something. For ica read inca. 395. GLOS: chihua:mo, tequipan. 396. Warriors. 397. Lit., the wood of them, i.e., the wood of the shields. 398. Lit., took them from people [who were guarding them]. Cf. 5 4 :4 -9 above. 399. In place of “had been turned back,” Lehmann and Velázquez give “had strayed off course.” See GLOS: ixcueparmo. 400. Forcing the enemy into water was a favorite tactic (see MEX 58; FC 12:83:25, 12:87:30, 12:117-18; CM fols. 6v:29 and 54v:7). For another “morning after” battle scene, see lines 5 0 :9 -1 3 above. 401. Cf. vei tiacauh cenca oquichtli (a great warrior, a very brave one) (FC 12:87:25). 402. Nothing unusual for Cuexteca, whose nudity was proverbial (see FC bk. 3, chs. 5 -6 ; bk. 10, ch. 29, sec. entided “Cuexteca”).

Ill

The reign of Axayacatzin: A D . 1 4 6 9 -8 0 5 4 :3 3 5 4 :3 4

54.-40

54

:4 3

The war cooled o ff in Otompan and Papahuacan. By that time eagle lands403 had been created, and the lands’ boundaries had been marked o ff at Tizayocan. Indeed, Tizayocan is where the eagle lands were. Today they are Acolhuacan lands. The place used to be an established batdeground. Indeed, it is still there, covered w ith vegeta­ tion.404 Cuauhtidan, Toltidan, and Cuidachtepec were the ones w ho got the eagle lands, etc. This was the year the Chalca dedicated their tem ple. They came to notify M oteuczom atzin, saying, “O esteem ed child, let the Tlacochcalca come back and dedicate the pyramid they left so hurriedly.” And the elder M oteuczom atzin said, “So be it. It is w ell. Let it be done.”

[The reign o f Axayacatzin: A.D. 1469—80] 54:46

2 Flint. 3 H ouse [1469]. In that year the elder M oteuczom atzin died. It wa when the above-mentioned year 2 Flint had drawn to a close. H e had ruled for twenty-nine years. 55 : i Then, during that [year], Axayacatzin was inaugurated as ruler. And it was he w ho conquered the Tlatlauhquitepeca. 5 5 .3 Also in that year Cuappotonqui, w ho became ruler o f Teopancalcan, was bom in Cuitlahuac. 55:6 4 Rabbit [ 1470]. All w ent to war in Cuaxoxocan. 5 Reed [1471]. In that year eagle lands405 were marked o ff in Matla tzinco. Those who governed, who went to take charge, were Cuauhtitlancalque [from] Tequixquinahuac [and] Chalmecapan, [as w ell as] Nepantla’s Tziuhcoatl [and] Atempan’s Tepecomecatl.406 55. h 6 Flint [1472]. This was the second year that lands were marked o ff in M atlatzinco. A lso, Nezahualcoyotzin o f Tetzcoco died at this tim e. Then Nezahualpiltzintli was inaugurated as Tetzcoco’s ruler. And in this same year Cuappotonqui was inaugurated as ruler o f Cuitlahuac Teopancalcan.407 55.16 7 H ouse [1473]. In this year the Tenochca and the Tlatilolca fought each other. It was when Axayacatzin was ruler. And at this tim e M oquihuixtli was ruling in Tlatilolco. The story o f it is here set forth: 403. Lands reserved for battle? GLOS: 2cuauhtlalli. 404. Cf. 24:29 (“their temple and their city sprouted grass”). GLOS: xoxotitimani. 405. GLOS: 2cuauhtlalli. 406. Representingvthe four boroughs of Cuauhtidan. See lines 2 9 :3 1 -3 8 and 4 3 :4 3 48 above. 407. According to lines 5 5 :3 -5 , Cuappotonqui had been bom three years earlier.

12

The reign of Axayacatzin: A D . 1 4 6 9 -8 0

55 -.19 55

55

-.21

26

55 3i

55

33

55: 3 5 55 36 55. 38

55 42

55 48

W hen there was no war [as yet], M oquihuixtli was doing many bad things w ith wom en. A t this tim e the daughter o f the Tenochtitlan ruler Axayacatzin was M oquihuixtli’s w ife. And this lady was telling Tenochtidan everything. All M oquihuix’s secret war talk she was passing on to Axayacatzin. W ell, at this tim e M oquihuixtli was scandalizing the people in many ways. H e was fattening all his wom en until they were huge.408 And as for the lady w ho was Axayacatzin’s daughter, he would thrust his forearm into her crotch and feel inside her body. N ow , it is told that this lady’s vulva spoke out and said to him, ]; he was crowned the day of the battle of Ravenna. [The battle of Ravenna, between French and Spanish forces, was fought in 1512, the same year Selim I became sultan of the Turks.] 444. The plainspoken author seems out of character. His fancy phrase might mean that Aztatzontzin had made an eloquent speech in Tepotzodan (for eloquence compared to the scattering of jewels see FC 6:2 4 8 -4 9 ). As we know from lines 15 :2 0 -2 4 , it was the Tepotzodan ruler Quinatzin who caused his son, Aztatzontzin, to be placed on the throne of Cuauhtidan. Coincidentally (?), Tepotzodan was the site of a famous turquoise mine (CF bk. 10, ch. 28, sec. 1). 445. GLOS: tepehui. Or, if the verb pehua.te (to conquer someone) is meant, the trans­ lation would be “Spaniards made conquests [or took prisoners] in Cuba.” Possibly the state­ ment is an old gloss, mistakenly incorporated by the copyist. 446. Anticlimactic word order reversed in the translation.

20

The reign ofMoteuczomatzin the younger: A D . 1 5 0 3 -1 7

A lso in that year, people w ent to the Totonaque. On account o f the famine, they carried shelled com from Totonacapan. 59.60 1 Rabbit [1506]. In that year Zozollan was decimated on a day 13 Reed. 6 0 .1 A t this tim e the aforementioned Ixtotomahuatzin o f Cuitlahuac Teopancalcan was all aglow 447 that he had been made ruler. This was precisely the year people recovered from the famine, a famine that had caused tor­ ment for just three years. 60.5 2 Reed [1507] is when the year-bundle feast was celebrated:448 it was on a day 8 Reed that the fire drill ignited at Huixachdan.449 6 0 :6 A lso at this tim e, Cuidahuatzin o f H uexoda died. 60 7 And in the city o f Cuauhtidan a round-stone was set up, where striping could occur.450 Well, when it had been set up, it was dedicated with just tw o prisoners from Cuauhtidan, and also seven A totonilca, w ho were pri­ soners o f the M etztidancalque. 6 0 .1 1 As for the prisoners, reportedly when the Cuauhtidancalque performed their dedication ceremony at the round-stone, there was first the ticocyahuacatl M axdatzin, w ho had gotten a prisoner at Ecatepec. Second, there was the valiant warrior Itztoltzin, a native o f Tollantzinco, w ho had gotten a prisoner in the coasdands: it was a child that he had captured. And som eone was brought forth for this purpose by command o f the ruler o f Tepexic. It was a young man, whom they had gone to get by bartering: to fetch the prisoner they had gone and laid out a shield and a load o f twenty blankets. Reportedly, when that ticoctzin, that valiant, took his captive at Ecatepec, the only one w ho died in batde was Yohualpaintzin. 6o : i9 A t this tim e in Ecatepec a party o f executioners had been impounded for eighty days in an executioners’ barracks.451 The taking o f captives oc­ curred when they were o ff on their official errand.452 6o>. 2 i The im poundm ent was during the time that Tolnahuacatzintli o f Tenochtidan was governing in Ecatepec, and in Cuauhtidan the governing tlacateccatl was M acuextzin.453 59

58

447. For omixtonac read onixtonac. 448. Marginal gloss: year-bundle feast. 449. The new fire ceremony at Huixachdan is described in FC bk. 7, chs. 9 -1 0 . 450. The round-stone was a kind of table, where prisoners were sacrificed; in a prelimi­ nary ritual the victims were “striped,” or thrashed, by a fully armed warrior (FC 2 :44:nl7, 2 :1 7 6 :9 -2 6 ,2 :1 9 0 -9 1 ). 451. According to Sahagún, the execudoners themselves were condemned to death if they failed in their mission: “Auja también otra sala del palacio, que llamaua achcauhcalli: en este lugar se juntauan, y residian los achcacauhd, que tenjan cargo de matar, a los que condenaua el señor . . . y si no cumplian lo que les mandaua el señor, luego les condenaua a muerte” (CF bk. 8, ch. 14, para. 4). 452. Lit., when they [impersonal] take capdves is at the time they had gone along having been made official sent ones. 453. Since we know that Aztatzontzin was ruler of Cuauhtidan (see lines 59:38 and 64:7), it would appear that the Cuauhtidancalque were still under the dual leadership of a “prince,” i.e., Aztatzontzin, and a tlacateccatl. See 15:24—28 and cf. 5 9 :7 —8.

121

The reign ofMoteuczomatzin the younger: A D . 1 5 0 3 -1 7

60:24

W hen the aforementioned ticoc yahuacatl M axtlatzin got his captive at Ecatepec, it was follow ing this impoundment in the executioners5 bar­ racks, which were located at a place called Nahuicallocan, or M acuilocotlan. 6o :27 And finally one day [the men in] the executioners5 barracks w ent o ff to Xiuhtlan to perform the assassination. 60:28 Both [he, Maxdatzin, and] Tzonm olcatl o f Tequixquinahuac were cap­ tive takers. It was just the tw o o f them w ho assassinated the ruler, for they caught him in the w oods at night, [where] the ruler was fleeing, sur­ rounded by his nobles and ladies. It was after a full day and night o f travel that they caught up with him. And by this tim e all the M exica, the Tepaneca, the Acolhuaque, etc., had fallen behind.454 60:34 Well, when they arrived in M exico and reported to the ruler M oteuczom atzin, they were granted the haircut, the ear plugs, and the body paint— everything pertaining to the Mexica, as worn by the warrior braves o f the M exica.455 60.-37 But the ruler o f Cuauhtitlan did not w ish this. “Leave w ell enough alone,55 he said. “Let’s not be hated, etc.55 A ll he gave them were their carmine-colored [hair] ribbons,456 etc. 60:40 In this year o f 2 Reed, Teuctepec was decimated. A lso Iztitlan was decimated. 60: 4i And there was an eclipse o f the sun. Also in this year they say that Aztatzontzin w ent to take prisoners in H uexotzinco. The prisoners were taken in Atlixco, at Atzom iatenanco. A z­ tatzontzin captured457 one called M acuilxochitl. And his younger brother, named Totee Iyauhteuh,458 captured the very sibling o f M acuilxochitl, his very brother, w ho was called Tepetl. These were sons o f the Chichimec lord o f A tlixco, and they were princes, etc. 60:4 8 3 Flint [1508]. In that year the cloud banner459 appeared for the first time. It was seen in the east, where the sun com es up, at dawn. 60 : so A lso in that year Tzontem octzin was inaugurated as ruler o f H uexotla. 60 :si A lso in that year people went to take captives at Amilpan in H uexo­ tzinco. All the women were captured on a day 13 Jaguar. 60:53 Also at that tim e, during that year, the Mexica princes o f Tenochtidan 454. Lit., No longer was there one o f the Mexica, the Tepaneca, the Acolhuaque, etc. 455. Lit., the way the warrior braves of the Mexica looked. 456. Warriors with carmine ribbons tied around their topknots are shown in Codex Men­ doza. GLOS: cilia:da, -dacuiaya. 457. Read caçic, as in the following line. 458. The name of Aztatzontzin’s younger brother is written Totee Yatetzin in line 15:17 above. (The names may be regarded as idendcal, if it is kept in mind that y is often written for ¿y, the uh at the end of a syllable is occasionally dropped, and the terminal -tzin in personal names is opdonal.) 459. The cloud banner, much described in the old histories, was evidendy the tail of a comet, said to have been “like a cloud.” See GLOS: mixpamid. See also lines 61:11 and 61:19.

122

The reign of Moteuczomatzin the younger: A X>. 1 5 0 3 -1 7

6 0:55

60:57

6i : i

6i :3

6i 4

6i 6

6i : 9 6i h 6i i2

6i : i6

6i is

6i 2 i

6

i :2 5

and Tlatilolco were given lands in Tehuiloyocan, so that today these are communal lands. The lands were apportioned when M oteuczom atzin was ruler o f Tenochtitlan, and Aztatzontzin was ruler o f Cuauhtitlan. The way the land was given out is that it was in the hands o f the stew ­ ards460 o f Acxotlan. The princes, the nobles, o f Cuauhtidan were not put in charge o f it. As for those w ho were given lands: There was Tzihuacpopocatzin o f Tlatilolco, w hose grant was the Tehui­ loyocan hiU[s>], known today as Tlatilolca lands. Secondly, there was Techodalatzin, whose grant was in the irrigated fields called Atzacualpan [Place o f Impounded Water]; [he was] the lord o f Itztapalapan, etc. Thirdly, there was Tochihuitzin o f M exicatzinco,461 whose grant was o f irrigated fields, also located in the Atzacualpan,462 where the Coatzinca dwelled. And then, reserved for the palace in Tezoncaltitlan, were the Macuiltzinco lands, where the sons o f the tlacochteuctli o f Tehuiloyocan dwelled, in Atzacualpan, there at Cuauhacalddan [Place o f the W ooden Flume]. Thus were the aforementioned princes given lands. 4 H ouse [1 5 0 9 ].463 In that year the cloud banner began to appear in the east.464 And in that same year, lands were again marked o ff in Chaleo. For nine years the people worked the soil there and had food. In the tenth year it just came to an end. 5 Rabbit [1510]. At this tim e a son was bom to Aztatzontzin. Doña Maria, a lady o f Xochim ilco, was the one who gave birth to him, and the child she bore was D on Pedro M acuilxochitl, w ho later ruled in Tepotzotlan. A lso at this tim e, at long last, people were terrified by the cloud banner appearing in the east. It seemed like fire. The people were extremely terrified. And in this year all w ent to war at Icpatepec and Izquixochitepec. The destruction occurred on a day 2 Deer. Ixtotomahuatzin o f Cuitlahuac took a captive there.465 6 Reed [1511] was the year the Tlachquiauhca were destroyed. This 460. For calpixqui read calpixque. 461. Like Itztapalapan (mentioned in the preceding sentence), Mexicatzinco was a mem­ ber o f the nauhteuctli (see GLOS), thus virtually a part of Mexico. 462. For onçô m oni read oncä m uni, as in lines 19:10, 25:9, 25:31. 463. Marginal gloss: the war of Oran [city in Algeria, held by the Spanish from 1509 to 1708]. 464. But apparendy not for the first time. See line 60:48 above. 465. Marginal gloss: Also Granada was won.

123

The reign ofMoteuczomatzin the younger: A T ). 1 5 0 3 -1 7

6i : 2 8

6i : 3 i 6i :3 4

6i :3 7 6i

39

6i : 4 2 6i

43

6i :45

6i :48 6i :so 6i

52

6i : 5 5

was also when a daughter o f M oteuczom atzin’s went to be married in Colhuacan. 7 Flint [1512]. A t this tim e all went to war at Quim ichtlan. A lso in this year a daughter o f the Tenochtidan ruler M oteuczom atzin came to Cuauhtitlan to be married: he gave her to the ruler Aztatzontzin. «And at this time the Cuauhnahuac ruler Itzcoatzin died. W hen for three years no one had ruled, Yaocuixtli succeeded him and became ruler. 8 H ouse [1513]. At this time Tezondaltzin was inaugurated as ruler o f Cuidahuac Tecpan. A lso at this tim e Cuidahuaca w ent to their death in H uexotzinco. Those who died were M izdiim a and Mexayacad, brothers o f the Teopancalcan ruler Ixtotomahuatzin. A lso, the daughter o f M oteuczom atzin in Colhuacan gave birth at this time. 9 Rabbit [1514].466 In this year all went o ff to [make war against] Iztacdalocan. And all w ent o ff to [make war against] M acuilocdan. Cuidahuac’s Ixtotomahuatzin took a captive at Iztacdalocan. 10 Reed [1515]. Nezahualpiltzintli o f Tetzcoco died at this tim e. A lso, Yaocuixtli was inaugurated as ruler in Cuauhnahuac. And, in the same year, the Centzontepeca were defeated on a day 7 Vulture. This was where Ixtotom ahuatzin got his haircut.467 And, in the same year, some H uexotzinca emigrated to M exico Tenoch­ tidan. These were Xayacamachan, Ixtehueyo, M izdiim a, Tezcadpopoca, Iyauhpotonqui, and a woman com patriot o f theirs, etc. And, in the same year, D on D iego Tizaatzin o f Colhuacan was bom . 11 Flint [1516]. In this year Cacamatzin was inaugurated as ruler o f Tetzcoco. 12 H ouse [1517]. In this year M oteuczom a put to death the skull rack lord o f Cuidahuac,468 killing all his sons as w ell. Those w ho performed the executions were Cuidahuaca under orders from M oteuczom a, ruler o f M exico. The reason the skull rack lord m et his death is that he had answered M oteuczom a— w ho had asked him how things ought to be done, saying, “As I see it, the house o f H uitzilopochtli ought to be all gold, and the inside should be jade, w ith quetzal plumes, etc. Indeed,469 it w ould require 466. Marginal gloss: On August 24th the Turk, Selim, conquered Sop[ ]. [Sophi?, i.e., Sofia?] 467. We have been told in lines 61:23 and 61:40 of at least two captives taken by Ixtotomahuatzin. According to Sahagún (bk. 8, ch. 21), the warrior who had taken four became a valiant ( tequihua) and was granted the special haircut of that rank. See also 60:35 above. *. 468. An oracle, who predicted the arrival of the Spaniards (DHIST, TEZ, Concordance: tzompanteuctli). As we learn in lines 6 3 :3 - 7 below, his name was Quetzalmazatzin. 469. GLOS: ca nozo.

124

On the origin of the skull rack lords

tribute from all over Anahuac. It w ould be used for our god. Well, what do you think?” 62 2 A t that, the skull rack lord answered him, saying, “O lord, O ruler, no! Understand that by so doing you would invite the destruction o f your people. And you would offend our hom e, the heavens, for w e are being watched here. You must realize, you must understand: that one is not to be our god, for there’s the lord and master, the owner o f creation. Indeed he is com ing. H e w ill arrive, etc.” 62 9 H earing this, M oteuczom a was enraged. H e said to the skull rack lord, “Begone, and await my command.” And that’s how the skull rack lord and all his sons m et their death.

[On the origin o f the skull rack lords] 62:ii

Reportedly, tzompanteuctin [lords o f the skull rack] is another way o f saying nabualteuctin [magician lords]. Here is their story— o f how these skull rack lords originated, came to be, came into existence.470 They have many accounts o f how sorcerers, or devils, came to deceive people; and in these [accounts] they trace their ancestry to the one called M ixcoad, also known as W hite M ixcoad or M ixcoad the younger.471 In the story about him ,472 so it goes, they [the sorcerers] descended on Colhuacan, etc. Well, [M ixcoad] circled nine times around Anahuac, and no place was pleasing to him. Then he came back;473 and once there, he came traveling along, and at the wayside he w ent in.474 62 : 20 Then he: came to Tecoac, 62 2i came to Zacatzontidan, came to Cuauhyacac, 62 22 came to Tetzcoco, came to Coatlichan, came to Chicualoapan, 62:23 came to Aticpac, on the far side o f [M ount] Cuexomad, came to Tepotoniloyan, 62 24 came to Teyayahualco, 470. GLOS: yauh/nemi. 471. Lit., Many arc their accounts of how sorcerers, devils, came to deceive people; therein they are derived [or they derive themselves] from the one called Mixcoad, the one named White Mixcoad, Mixcoad the younger. GLOS: -itolloca, oncan, ana:mo. 472. Read oncäytolloca (cf. line 62:15: oncan). 473. Came back to the Valley of Mexico? Cf. 62:27 below. 474. Lit., when he went to the wayside, he went in. For onallac read oncaäac. Cf. ocallaquico in line 62:27.

125

On the origin of the skull rack lords

62:25

62:27

62:32

62:34 62

36

62:39 62:40 62: 4 i 62:42 62:43

62:47

came to Omeacac, came to Itzcalpan. And then he reached Atempan. H e came upon the place where the Comalteca were,475 [and] the Maquizteca, at the tim e that Tecoma was ruling, and also M aquiztli. The Comalteca were in Chilpan. N ow , when he had made his entry here,476 he came out into the lake, into the Cuidahuac marshes. And when he got there, he bled him self. H e was on rafts made o f reed. And there a person, a vassal, was bom . And thereafter, wherever [this person] w ent, the one w ho had becom e his fa­ ther, whose name was Terror,477 led the way for him; they were always together.478 And to this living person w ho had been created from his blood-leavings M ixcoad at first gave the name Driblet. And when [Driblet] grew up, he took a wife. And then, one named Raccoon was bom . And when he grew up, he took a wife. Then Spirit Guide was bom . These, the three sons o f the devil M ixcoad, sprang to life and were bom from his own blood. As yet they were not very human. Daybreak had not yet com e.479 And then, those w ho were bom later were already human: Then Zonelteuctli480 was bom . Then Calli Teuctli [H ouse Lord] was bom . Then Pilli Teuctli [Prince Lord] was bom . Then M alintzin, a female, was bom , and she too was a skull rack lord. And then Atzin Teuctli was bom . And then Quetzal Teuctli was bom . And this Quetzal Teuctli was the very one w ho divided the magician lords into four groups, establishing Tizic, Teopancalcan, Tecpan, and Atenchicalcan. Then he. Quetzal Teuctli, ruled them as their lord. And when he died, Malpantzin Teuctli was inaugurated. 475. Mixcoatl’s visit to the Comalteca is briefly described in lines 8 0 :1 7 -2 1 below. 476. We are picking up the story left off in line 62:20. 477. Evidently the Cuidahuaca god Mixcoad was named Terror ( tetzauh ), just as the Mexica god Huitzilopochtli: “auh in Vitzilobuchtli: no mjtoaia tetzauid” (And Huitzilopochtli was also called Terror) (FC 3:5 :3 ). 478. Lit., And thereafter everywhere that he came in order to come forth, he came lead­ ing him, he who came along having become his father, whose name was Terror, who kept accompanying him. 479. Cf. lines 1:54,-55: “During these years that the [early] Chichimecs lived . . . there was still darkness.” 480. Should çonelteuali be read as conelteuctli, i.e., conetl teuctli [Baby Lord]? On the replacement of tl by /, see GRAM sec. 3.7.

126

On the origin of the skull rack lords

62:48 62 so

63

:i

6 3 :3

6 3 :7

63

12

63

i3

63

: i4

63

is

63

: i6

63:17

63 : is

U pon his death, Quetzalmazatzin was inaugurated. This was the one w ho faced the Tenochca when Itcoatzin ruled.481 W hen Quetzalmazatzin died, Tlazolteotzin was inaugurated. Then he went and fetched the daughter o f M oteuczom atzin the elder, called Yohuatzin. And when Tlazolteotzin died, M aquizpantzin, the grandson o f M oteuc­ zom atzin, was inaugurated. And upon his death, Quetzalmazatzin [the second] was inaugurated. It was w ith him that the lineage o f the magician lords came to an end. This one, this Quetzalmazatzin, was [one of] tw o sons o f Yohuatzin. M aquiz­ pantzin was the older [o f the tw o]. And the one w ho was put to death was the one called Quetzalmazatzin.482 Those w hose names have been listed here are all the former Cuitlahuac residents, now passed away, w ho became skull rack lords.483 The first o f these to arrive, M ixcoatl, w ho was called W hite M ixcoad or M ixcoatl the younger, made a circuit o f the lands he claimed, in order to establish his boundaries.484 H e began with: Techichco, then the hom e o f Chalchiuhtamazolin [Jade Toad], then Pantitlan, then Aticpac, then at[>] Xochiquilazyo, then at[>] O coyo, then at[>] the xiuhteteuctin [fire lords], then Techimalco, then Tzitzintepec, then Texcalyacac, then Ayauhcontidan, then Amoxpan, then Nahualliiapan, then the abode o f Iztaccoad, then M izquic, then Xictian, then Acuacualachco, then Cuatizatepec, then Texopeco, 481. On the war between Cuitlahuac and Tenochdtlan see lines 4 8 :1 0 -1 5 and 4 9 :4 -1 4 above. 482. Put to death by Moteuczomatzin the younger. Sec 61:52. 483. Lit., all who pass away having become skull rack lords who were Cuidahuac resi­ dents. On the -hui of mochiuhtihui see NED: yauh 4. 484. Lit., in order to set up boundaries for himself he made a circuit of that which he appropriated to serve as land for himself.

127

Four Eras

63

19

63 20

6 3 : 2i

then Cuacuicuilco, then Tetlpozteccan, then Tlaltetelpan, then M oyotepec, then Techcuauhtitlan, then Tennecuilco, then Teoztoc. There it comes [back] to join Techichco.

[The reign o f Moteuczomatzin the younger, continued: A.D. 1517—18] 63:22 63:25

6 3 :28 6 3 :29

6 3 :32

The year 12 H ouse [1517] was also when they w ent and got Texocuauhtli Totee, w ho represented the D evil, and brought him to M exico. 13 Rabbit [ 1518]. In that year the above-mentioned H uexotzinca w ho had emigrated to M exico— Xayacamachan, M iztliim a, Ixtehueyo, Yauhquem epotonqui, and Tezcatlpopoca— turned toward home. Well, M oteuczom atzin had taken their countrywoman and had made her his concubine. N ow , when it had been three years since they had com e to M exico and they were ready to go, they counseled together, and when they had de­ cided on it, the one called Ixtehueyo said, “Indeed, we com rades485 must flee. We must go tom orrow night.” Then the ruler [M oteuczomatzin] heard about it, etc., and he gave or­ ders for them to be placed under surveillance when the tim e came for them to leave. Then they went o ff to be ambushed in Amaquemecan. W ell, it was for this purpose, then, that they were being trailed, and they were assassinated there at Cuauhtechcac,486 etc.

[Four eras] 63 36 6 3 :37

63:3 8

63:40

At first the seats o f rule were Tollan, Cuauhchinanco, Cuauhnahuac, Huaxtepec, Cuahuacan. W hen it came to an end, there was still rulership in Azcapotzalco, Colhuacan, Coatlichan. Then, when it came to an end, the rule was in Tenochtitlan M exico, Tetzcoco Acolhuacan, Tlacopan Tepanohuayan. Then the Spaniards arrived. 485. See GLOS: icniuhtli. 486. The pass between Iztactepetl and Popocateped (FC bk. 12, ch. 12), on the road from Amaquemecan to Huexotzinco.

128

Realms, rulers, and tribute: ca. A D . 1518

[Realms, rulers, and tribute: ca. A.D. 1518] 63:4i

63.44 63: 4 5 63:46 63:47 63:48 63:49

63:5i

63.52 63: 5 3 63.54 63:55 63 56 63: 5 7 64:i

64:2 6 4:3

64:4

1 Reed [1519]. In the year 1 Reed, at the tim e the Spaniards arrived, when they first came, in the year one thousand five hundred nineteen, A .D . 1519, the rulers o f the nations were [as follow s]: In Tecamachalco, Acuechetzin was ruler. In Tepeyacac, Ixcozauhqui was ruler. In Cuauhquechollan, Calcozamed. In Itzyocan, Nahuiacatl. In Tenanco, Tlacayaotzin. In Amaquemecan, Cacamatzin. In Chaleo, Itzcahuatzin. In Huaxtepec, Tizapapalotzin. In Cuauhnahuac, Yaomahuitzin. In M izquic, Chalcayaotzin. In Xochim ilco, Tlatolcaltzin. Cuidahuac:487 in Aten[chicalcan], Mayehuatzin; in Tizic, Adpopocatzin; in Teopancalcan, Ixtotom ahuatzin; in Tecpan, Cempohualxochitzin. [M exico’s Four Lords:]488 in Itztapalapan, Cuidahuatzin; in Mexicatzinco, Tochihuitzin; in Colhuacan, Tezozom octzin; in H uitzilopochco, H uitzilatzin. In Coyohuacan, Cuappopocatzin. In Tlacopan, Totoquihuatzin. In Azcapotzalco, Teuhdehuacatzin. In Tenayocan, M oteuczom atzin. In Ecatepec, Panitzin. In M adatzinco, M azacoyotzin. In Cempohuallan, D on Juan Tlacochcalcad. In Nauhdan, Coadpopoca. In Tlaxcallan, Xicotencad. In Cholollan, Temetzin. In H uexotzinco, Quecehuad. In Calpan, Teohua. In Chiucnauhdan, Tlaltecad. In Acolm an, Coyoctzin. In Teotihuacan, Mamalitzin. In Otom pan, Cuechimaltzin. In H uexoda, Tzontem octzin. In Coatlichan, Xaquin Teuctli. In Toltidan, Cidalcoad. 487. On the fourfold division of Cuitlahuac see lines 6 2 :4 3 -4 7 above. 488. On the Four Lords allied with Mexico see 50:29.

129

Realms, rulers, and tribute: ca. AJD. 1518

In Tepexic, Ayocuan. In Tepotzotlan, Quinatzin. 64.5 In Apazco, M atíalihuitzin. In Xippacoyan Tollan, Xochitzetzeltzin. 64:6 In Xilotepec, Imexayac. In Chiapan, Acxoyatl. 64:7 In Xocotitlan, O celotzin. In Cuauhtitlan, Aztatzontzin; its Four, Lords489 were Tzom panco, Citlaltepec, Huehuetocan, Otlazpan; its dependencies were Toltidan, Tepexic, Tepotzotlan— these were its great land, its dom inion, its estate. 64 : io Apazco controlled twenty towns, [also?] Tollan controlled [the?] twenty towns.490 Apazco started the dynasty— there was Atlapopocatzin.491 As for D on Juan M adalihuitzin,492 he had a sister in Tezcacoac w ho mar­ ried Aztatzontzin [and] a daughter w ho was the w ife o f Pablo Yaodamin. Those w ho ruled in Tollan were Iztauhyatli, Ixtlilcuechahuac, D on Pedro Tlacahuepantzin. 64 i7 The rulers o f Tetzcoco had this many years: Nezahualcoyotzin, fortytw o years; Nezahualpiltzintli, forty-six years. Here are [tow ns] that were reserved for Tetzcoco: 1. Cuauhnahuac, 2. Adpoyecan, 3. Miacadan, 4. Mazatepec, 5. Tlaquiltenanco, 6. Zacatepec, 7. O lintepec, 8. Ocopedapan, 9. Huehuetlitzalan. 64: 2 2 Names o f “m onths” [in which tribute was deposited?] : 64:23

64

24

64: 2 5 64

:26

Tlacaxipehualiztli [the second “m onth” ] : 400 arrowhead-serpent tilm as.493 400 black wide ones. 400 embroidered-serpent tilmas. 400 fine ones, bordered ones. Etzalcualiztli [the sixth “m onth” ] : 200 eye-spotted cacamoliuhqui skirts.494 Tecuilhuid [the seventh “m onth” ] : 100 flood-painted tilm as.495 100 breechcloths. 489. GLOS: nauhteuctli. 490. Twenty tribes associated with Toiian are listed in Kirchhoff et al., pp. 131-32. For discussion see Davies, pp. 302-12. 491. Ruler of Apazco (see Garcia Granados, Diccionario). 492. Ruler of Apazco when the Spaniards arrived (?, see line 6 4:5 above). 493. Not included among the many decorated tilmas mentioned in FC bk. 8 (especially ch. 8). That source, however, does name the itzmjxicalcoliuhquj (arrowhead . . . ?) tilma and the itzcoaio (blade-serpént) tilma. See FC 8 :7 4 :9 and 8:47:11 (cf. TEZ ch. 87: mantas . . . de culebras Ytzcoayó). 494. GLOS: ixtecuicuiliuhqui, cacamoliuhqui. 495. Sahagún (FC bk. 8, ch. 8) names the teuatl tlachinoltüm atli (flood-and-blaze tilma). On “flood and blaze” see note to line 36:36 above.

130

Realms, rulers, and tribute: ca. A D . 1518 27

29

;30 3i .32

:37

48

. so

Ochpaniztli [the eleventh ‘‘m onth’5] : 400 arrowhead-serpent tilmas. 400 black wide ones. 400 arrowhead-serpent tilmas. 400 pitch-black-roundel flood [tilm as].496 Q uecholli [the fourteenth “m onth” ] : 100 flood-painted tilmas. 100 breechcloths. Panquetzaliztli [the fifteenth “m onth” ] : 200 cacamoliuhqui skirts and huipils [and?] their overdresses[?]. 200 cacamoliuhqui tilmas. Tetzcoco [and] all the realm [of] Nezahualcoyotzin and Nezahualpiltzintli: H uexotla, Coatlichan, Chimalhuacan, Otompan, Teotihuacan, Tepetlaoztoc, Acolman, Tepechpan, Tezonyocan Tetzcoco, Chiauhtla Te­ tzcoco, Chiucnauhdan, Tollantzinco, Cuauhchinanco, Xicotepec, Pandan. Those w ho paid tribute here [i.e., to Tetzcoco?]: Coatepec, Itztapallocan, Papalodan Tetzcoco, Xaltocan, Ahuatepec, Oztoticpac, Axapochco, Aztaquemecan, Tizayocan, Tlallanapan,497 Tepepolco, Coyoac, O ztod, Tladauhyan,498 Achichilacachocan, Tetliztacan, Tliltzapoapan, Tecpan, M ollanco,499 Tanchol, Xococapan, Tamazollan, Teocuauhda, Chamollan, Chicontepec, Teonochdan, Teccizapan, Zozotedan, Xochim ilco, Ahuadan, Cozcatecodan, Ayacachtepec, Tecadan, Xicallanco, Palzoquidan, Cuachicol, Tonallan, Tamaoc, Cozoquendan, Tlapalichcadan, Cihuadan, Tlacotepec, Tziuhcoac, Macuexdan, Tlapacoyan, Tladauhquitepec. Tribute from towns everywhere was divided into three parts, for M ex­ ico, for Tetzcoco, for Tlacopan. The tribute: 3200 [i.e., 8 X 400] Tochpaneca-style500 tilmas, each eight fathoms long. 40 0 [tilmas, as follow s:] m ulticolored tilmas called centzontilmatli,501 496. Or, “pitch-black-swirl [dlmas] of the flood variety” (cf. the flood-painted tilmas of line 64:26). Among the decorated tilmas made by the Cuexteca, Sahagún mentions “las que dize ixnextlacujlolli, pintadas de remolinas, de agua cnxeridos vnas, con otros” (CF bk. Í0, ch. 29, fol. 135v). 497. Several of these names are run together in the manuscript. My reading follows simi­ lar tribute rolls given in IXT 1:334, 1:436, 2:114; cf. IXT 1:382-84. 498. But the punctuation in the text implies that Oztod Tladauhyan (cavern adoratory) is a single place. Cf. Concordance: Oztod. 499. The punctuation in the text implies Tecpan Mollanco, a single place. Elsa Ziehm (personal communication) points out that Tecpan Molonco could mean “ruined palace.” See Concordance: Mollanco, Tecpan. 500. Tochpan is described as a “gran provincia” (IXT 2:107) on the “costa del mar del norte” (IXT 2:15). 501. The varicolored centzontilm atli (myriad tilmas) were made by the Cuexteca (CF bk. 10, ch. 29, sec. entided “Cuexteca”).

13 1

Realms, riders, and tribute: ca. A D . 1518

6 4 .5 3

65

i

65:2 65 3 65:4 6 5:5

65:8 65.10

65 : i3 65 : i4 65 : is 65 : i6

65 : i9 65: 2 0

also cotton tilmas, also bordered [tilm as], also black w ide ones— a hundred o f each. [Thus] the first four hundred. 400 o f the same, known as the second tribute, the second four hundred. 1600 [i.e., 4 X 400] skirts and huipils [and?] their overdresses[?], embroidered ones. 1200 [i.e., 3 X 400] [dlmas, as follow s:] knot [tilm as],502 m ulticol­ ored ones, fine ones— four hundred,of each o f these. 1200 [i.e., 3 X 400] painted ones, ones w ith the jaguar head, ones with the olintecciztli.503 5 bales o f feathers.504 5 bales o f axin.505 20 Cuexteca slaves. Those who worked for the Mexica: H Atecpan, Ixicayan, Tlapallitlan, Tozpantlan, Yeiitzcuintlan, Atlxoxouhcan, Itzmatla,506 Cemacac, Ometlan, Tecolodan, Mazaapan, Cuaxipetztenantlan, Tepetlapan, Coaapan, Cihuateotidan, f Teteltidan, Cuauhtzapotidan, Chinamecan, Cidalpollan, Pantzondan, Tlacoxochida, Itzmada, Teotitían, Chiucnahuac, Olían, Tizapan, f Tlatoloyan, Amatzcalapan, Ichcapedacoda, Cuauhdaacapan, Chiconcoac, Xochiquendan, Iyactecuizodan, Mazadan, Tlazohuallan, Tochm ilco, Cozcacuauhtlan, Tochpan, H A huitzilco, M oyodan, Cuaxipetztecomadan, Tedpozteccan, M icquedan, H Apachicuauhda, Tecomaapan, Tedmopaccan, Miahuaapan, H Totollocan, M iztondan, Patoltetidan, Ayotepec, Cuauhcalapan, O celotepec, 1 Eztecallan, Pollodan, Coyochim alco, Xochim ilco, Cuauhtzapoda, Tolapan, Q uetzalcoatonco, Coadachco, Cuauhcalco, H uiloc, Omacadan, Tozpotonco, Pohuazanco, Papadan, 1 Tlamacazdan, Xochitidan, M ollanco, Xollan, Teuctonallan. Here is how tribute from towns everywhere was divided: 502. A tlalpilli (knot) tilma, with its broad border enclosing a design of five large loops, or knots, is shown on fol. 5 of the Codex Magliabechiano (where it is evidendy mislabeled— see Boone 173: tlalpilli). 503. Lit., movement conch, or movement snail. (Several tilmas with conch designs are illustrated in the Codex Mendoza tribute lists.) 504. Or, “5 X 8000 [ = 40,000] feathers.” 505. Possibly the author is thinking of the Spanish term axi (chilis), rather than the Nahuad axin (a kind of unguent handled in lumps or balls). The Codex Mendoza tribute lists show bales of dried chüis (“cargas de axi seco”) and, on fol. 52, bales of chilis placed next to bales of feathers—as here. GLOS: axin. 506. Note that the name is repeated in line 65:9.

132

Realms, rulers, and tribute: ca. A D . 1518

65 2 i 65: 2 2

65: 2 3 65: 2 4 65: 2 5

65

26

65

27

65 2 8 65:29

65 3o 65 3i 65

32

65 : 33

65:34

7. As for Tenochtitlan M exico, here was its share: 100 eight-fathom [tilm as]. 100 four-fathom [tilm as]. 200 serpent tilmas. 200 cotton tilmas. 400 skirts and huipils are deposited [and] their overdresses[?]. 4 0 0 twist-w oven bands o f fabric are deposited.507 400 bordered ones, [tilmas w ith] colored borders, are deposited. 40 0 breechcloths, fine ones, are deposited. 40 0 red-[painted palm-fiber] mats. Coyote skins are deposited.508 100 ducks.509 100 loads o f m osquito chilis.510 100 loads o f cotton. 100 turkeys. 40 loads o f rabbit [and] deer are deposited. 20 loads o f sea salt— 20. 10 female slaves. '/. As for Nezahualpilli o f Tetzcoco, his share was: 5 twenties o f eight-fathom [tilmas] = 100. 5 twenties o f four-fathom [tilmas] = 100. 10 twenties o f serpent tilmas = 200. 10 twenties o f fine [tilmas] = 200 400 skirts and huipils are deposited [and?] their overdresses[?]. 400 twist-woven bands o f fabric are deposited. 400 bordered ones, [tilmas with] colored borders, are deposited. 40 0 breechcloths, fine ones, are deposited. 400 red-[painted palm-fiber] mats. [Coyote?] skins are deposited.511 100 ducks. 100 loads o f m osquito chilis. 100 loads o f cotton. 100 turkeys. 507. Lit., They deposit twist-[weave] border fabric-lengths. GLOS: cahuia:da, ilacatziuhqui, tlatenzod. 508. Do the skins go with the mats? Here the copyist has separated the two items with a bullet, but not in the parallel passage in line 65:33 below. 509. Possibly duck feathers are meant, or the ducks are to be used for their feathers. In a list of tribute items from the Cuexteca, Alvarado Tezozomoc includes “plumajes que llaman Xomome y chütccpin” (plumages which they call ducks, and mosquito chilis) (TEZ ch. 65, p. 483). See following note. 510. This tiny chüi, writes Hernández, “se llama chiltecpin del nombre de los mosquitos, a los que parece imitar en la pequeñez y en el color” (HERN 1:138). 511. Cf. line 65:25 above.

133

A short history of the Mexico,: A D . 1 3 5 0 -1 5 1 8

6 5:35

6 5:36 65:37

65:38

65: 3 9

65:40

65: 4 2 65 44 65:46

40 loads o f rabbit [and] deer are deposited. 20 loads o f sea salt— 20. 10 female slaves. 7. As for Totoquihuatzin o f Tlacopan, his share was: 50 eight-fathom [tilm as]. 50 four-fathom [tilmas]. 200 serpent tilm as, fine ones. 200 skirts and huipils. 200 coyote-colored cotton [tilm as], fine ones. 200 m ulticolored cotton tilmas. 10 fine breechcloths.512 5 skins— 5 twenties [ = 100]. 5 red-[painted palm-fiber] mats— 100 [i.e., 5 tw enties]. 60 cranes. 60 loads o f m osquito chilis. 60 loads o f cotton. 60 turkeys. 20 loads o f sea salt. 20 [loads of?] rabbit [and] deer.513 10 female slaves. [For?] M oteuczom atzin o f Tenochtidan, Nezahualpilli o f Tetzcoco, and Totoquihuaztli o f Tlacopan: [From?] Quechollan, Tlacoapan, Chiltepec, Poctlan, Oxidan, Ichcadan, Tlecuauhda, Zoyatepec, Tzinacaoztoc, Xalapan, Odaddan, Tochtepec: cacao, 31 loads. achiote, 400 [seeds?], rubber, 5 loads.514

[A short history o f the Mexica: A.D. 135 0 -1 5 1 8 ] 65:48

Their ruler and governor was called Acamapich. And this Acamapich ruled for fifty-four years. And at the expense o f others he appropriated— 512. Should be 10 twenties? 513. Cf. lines 65:26 and 65:34 above. 514. For cr, read cargos (loads), as in line 65:40. Following the five loads of rubber, the manuscript has a short string of symbols evidently representing items of tribute: a stack (of wood?) or bin (of grain?) accompanied by the numeral 10, another stack (or bin?) labeled CCCC ( = 400), three vessels of produce (?), and a single round pot (or twenty-day sign?). The more carefully drawn tribute items in Codex Mendoza may be compared.

134

A short history o f the Mexico,: A D . 1 3 5 0 -1518

he conquered— four towns. The first was M izquic, [then] Xochim ilco, Cuauhnahuac, and Cuidahuac. 65.52 N ow , in those days good dlmas were not made, were not known.515 People had to wear what are today called ayates.516 65 5 5 W hen Acamapichtzin died, H uitzilihuitzin was installed as ruler. And he ruled for ten years. And he pacified, appropriated, and reserved for him self eight towns. The first was Tollan, [then] Cuauhtidan, Azcapotzalco, Chaleo, Otompan, Acolhuacan, Tollantzinco, and Acolman. 66 3 And when H uitzilihuitzin died, Chimalpopocatzin succeeded him and ruled for thirteen years. 66 4 And during that tim e the Tlatilolco ruler, whose name was Tlacateotzin, made up a story that the Mexica Tenochca were going to be attacked.517 And because o f it, this Tlacateotzin was put to death. M axdaton, ruler o f Azcapotzalco, handed down the sentence. 66:9 And he [M axdaton] was also ruler at the tim e five Mexica were put to death in H acochcalco— it was the Chalca w ho performed the execu­ tions— and they broke three canoes to show that they w ould make war on the Mexica. W ell, they did not wish to serve them, they did not wish to go to them on command.518 66 i3 And this frightened Chimalpopoca. And, what is more, he had con­ sulted w ith Tezozom octli’s son Quetzalayatzin, had urged him to have M axdaton, the ruler o f Azcapotzalco, put to death. 66 i6 And when Maxdaton heard about it, he sentenced Chimalpopocatzin to die. The Tepaneca dragged him through all the streets.519 66 i9 This frightened those Tenochca w ho believed that they w ould be con­ quered. And because o f it, the Mexica called a m eeting, came together and held council, pronouncing and decreeing that none o f the sons, nephews, or grandsons [o f the cowardly ones] w ould gain honor. Rather they would belong to them as vassals. 66 2 3 And that is what happened. For even though their descendants were able warriors520 and fighters, none gained nobility and honor. 66: 2 7 N ow , upon the death o f Chimalpopocatzin, Itzcoatzin succeeded him and ruled for twelve years. And this Itzcoatzin retook the Chalca na515. Lit., And at this time, the making of, the knowledge of good tilmas was not yet possessed. 516. Lit., As yet there was only this: people wrapped themselves with what are today called ayates (maguey-fiber cloaks). GLOS: nemi, ayad. 517. The same phraseology is used in lines 3 4 :5 -8 above. 518. Evidendy Azcapotzalco is rebelling against Tenochtidan. On the conquest of the Azcapotzalca (i.e., Tepanohuayan) see 3 1 :5 0 -3 2 :3 and 66:1; on their servitude see 4 7 :2 5 -2 7 . For iyoc see GLOS: ihiyod. 519. The story o f this unusual execution and its aftermath is more fully told in lines 3 3 :2 4 -3 4 :1 0 above. 520. Read yaoquiçaya.

135

A short history o f the Mexico,: A D . 1 3 5 0 -1 5 1 8

tion.521 And he put to death the Tlatilolco ruler called Cuauhtlatoatzin— he, too, for declaring war, just as Tlacateotzin had been put to death for wanting the Mexica Tenochca to be conquered. 66: 3 3 And then he took back, he regained, all the nations named here, the first one being Azcapotzalco, [then] Acolhuacan, Tlacopan, Adacuihuayan, Teocalhuiyacan, M izquic, Cuitlahuac, Xochim ilco, Coyohuacan, M ixcoac, Tetzcoco,522 Cuauhnahuac, Xiuhtepec, Cuezallan, Yohuallan, Tepecuacuilco, Tollan, Cuauhtitlan, Tecpan, H uitzitzilapan. 66: 4 i And when Itzcoatzin died, the elder M oteuczom atzin became ruler, and he was called, his name was, llhuicam ina. H e obtained lordship, sover­ eignty,523 and ruled for twenty-nine years. H e was the first to build, the first to erect, the aqueduct at Chapoltepec.524 66: 4 5 And he put to death a king, the ruler o f Coaixtlahuacan, w ho was called Atonal, after decreeing that he would destroy the Coaixtlahuacan nation. Then began four years during which he wore his hair the way those bar­ barians, those M ixteca, wear their hair.525 And the reason the ruler o f Coaixtlahuacan was put to death is that he refused to serve the M exicatl. 66:5i N ow , this ruler counted up for him self the additional nations here named, including the Chalca nation, which he took possession o f and appropriated: 66:53 Chaleo, Chiconquiyauhco, Mamalhuazyocan, Totolapan, Atltlatlauhyan, Cuetlaxtlan, Cuauhtochco, Coaixtlahuacan, Xiuhtepec, Cuauhnahuac, Quiauhtepec, Huaxtepec, Itzyocan, Yohualtepec, Tlachco, Tepecuacuilco, Tlalcozauhtitlan, Quiauhteopan, Xilotepec, Itzcuincuitlapilco, Tlapacoyan, Chapolicxitla, Tlatlauhquitepec, Yacapichtlan. 67:6 And when M oteuczom a died, Axayacatzin became ruler. And it was for nine years that he ruled. And he conquered the Tlatilolca, etc., along with other nations to be named herewith— as for Tlatilolco, it was when M oquihuix was ruling that the nation was defeated: 67 : io Tlatilolco, Xiquipilco, Tollocan, Tzinacantepec, Tlacotepec, Calimaya, Teotenanco, Tenantzinco, Xochiyacan, Ocuillan, M etepec, O ztom an, Capolloac, Atlappolco, Tlaximaloyan, Xalatlauhco, Cuappanohuayan, O coyacac, Tepeyacac, Tecalco, Cuezcomaixtlahuacan, Matlatlan, O ztoticpac, Tlaollan, Ahuilizapan, Tozcauhtlan, Tototlan, Cuetlaxtlan, Cuetzaloztoc, Mixtlan, Tzapotitlan, M icquetlan, Tochpan, Tenexticpac, Tapatel, Tamomox. 521. Lit., And this one, Itzcoatzin, again counted for himself the nation Chaleo. 522. An error? Acolhuacan (i.e., Tetzcoco) has already been named in this list. 523. Such terminology can apply to an ordinary ruler, as in line 15:7; but here it prob­ ably reflects the increased power of Mexico (see lines 48:2 7 -3 1 ). 524. Lit., the aqueduct that comes standing at Chapoltepec. Cf. NED: yahtihea. 525. Alternate translation: Then began four years during which they [the Mexica] wore their hair the way those barbarians, those Mixteca, wear their hair. (The people of Coaixtla­ huacan were Mixteca; see DHIST ch. 22.)

136

A short history of the Mexica: A D . 1 3 5 0-1518

67 i9

67:22

67

26

67 42

68

9

68 i2

68 : i9

And when Axayacatzin died, Tizocicatzin was inaugurated as ruler, and he ruled for just five years. And he counted up for him self all the nations that are written here: Tecaxic, Tonalliimoquetzayan, Toxico, Ecatepec, Cillan, M adatzinco, M azatepec, Ecatlicuappanco, Tamapachco, M icquedan, Tlappan, Yancuidan, Xochiyedan, Atezcahuacan. And when Tizocicatzin died, Ahuitzotzin became ruler, and he ruled for fourteen years, and he captured the nadons here named— counted up his realm— and the first was Tlappan, [then] Tziuhcoac, M ollanco, Tzapodan, Xaltepec, Tototepec, Xochdan, Amaxdan, Chiapan, Cozcacuauhtenanco, Xollochiyuhyan, Cozohuipillan, Coyocac, Apancallecan, Xiuhdan, Acatliyacac, Acapolco, Totollan, Tecpantepec, Nexpan, Iztacdalocan, Teocuidadan, Teopochdan, Xicochimalco, Cuauhxayacatidan, Coyolapan, Cuauhnacaztidan, Cuetzalcuidapillan, Izhuadan, Cihuadan, Huehuedan, H uitzdan, Xolodan, Mazadan, Huipillan, Tecuantepec, Ayotochcuidadan, Cuauhdan, M izquidan, Tlacotepec, Cuappilollan. And when A huitzotzin died,526 then M oteuczom atzin the second was installed as ruler. And he ruled for eighteen and a half years. And the nadons that he captured, conquered, are named here, beginning with a place called Achiodan, [then] Zozollan, Teuhtepec, Nochezdan, Totote­ pec, Tlanitzdan, Zoltepec, Icpatepec, Izquixochitepec, Quiauhtepec, Chichihualtatacallan, Texodan, Piyazdan, Olían, H uitzdan, Tzinacandan, Tladayan, Yancuidan, Xicotepec, Toztepec, M icquedan, H uexolodan, Tliltepec, Nopallan, Tlalcozauhtidan, Texopan, Itzyoyocan, Caltepec, Panco, Teochiauhtzinco, Teochiapan, Tlachquiauhco, M alinaltepec, Quimichtepec, Centzontepec, Quetzaltepec, Cuezcomaixdahuacan, Zacatepec, Xalapan, Xaltianquizco, Yolloxonecuillan, Itzcuintepec, Izddan. And when M oteuczom atzin was ruling, the Spaniards came here for the first time. They first appeared, arrived, at the place called Chalchiuhcueyecan. And when M oteuczom atzin’s overseers, the Cuedaxdan people, whose leader was the Cuedaxtecad called Pinod,527 became aware o f this and were able to find out about it, they started o ff to visit these Christians. When they saw them , they took them for gods. Later, however, they called them Christians. The reason they said they were gods is that this is what they called their devils 4-W ind Sun,528 Quetzalcoad, etc. 526. For onomic read ontnic as in line 67:6. 527. The translation follows Velázquez, though the text has ytoca cuetlaxtecatl Pinotl (the one called Cuetlaxtecatl Pinotl). Cf. FC bk. 12, ch. 2; TEZ ch. 106. 528. 4 Wind is the name of the second sun (see line 75:16 below), which was Quetzalcoatl himself, according to the Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas, ch. 4. For the prophecy of Quetzalcoatl’s return and his identification with the Spaniards see FC bk. 12,

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A short history o f the Mexica: A D . 1 3 5 0 -1 5 1 8

68: 2 2

68: 3 2

And it was at this tim e that the Christians learned, were told that M oteuezoma was the great ruler yonder in M exico. And then the Christians sent him their greeting gift— with which they greeted M oteuczom atzin— and those w ho carried it were the ones w ho were the overseers there, w ho were the caretakers o f tribute. The first, w hom w e have m entioned, was the Cuedaxtecad named Pinod. The second was Tentlil. The third was Cuidapitoc. And here are the greeting gifts the Chrisdans presented to M oteuczo­ matzin: 529 one green cassock; and tw o capes, one black, one red; and a pair o f shoes; a knife; a hat; also a cap; also a piece o f cloth; also a drinking cup; also som e beads.

chs. 2 - 4 and 16; FC bk. 8, ch. 7; CM fol. 56v; “Códice Vaticanus 3738” fol. 9v: CHIM 62; IXT 2:ch. 1, p. 8; TEZ ch. 107; DHIST 2:chs. 71 and 74. For the story at hand, see especially FC bk. 12, ch. 2, and note that the Spaniards who met the Cuetlaxtlan people were not Cortés and his men (as stated in TEZ and DHIST) but Grijalva’s party, which arrived a year earlier, in 1518. The point is discussed by Orozco y Berra in TEZ, p. 697. 529. Compare the similar list in TEZ ch. 108, p. 690: “sartales de cristalinas cuenta azules . . . una camisa de rúan y unos calzones y alpargates, un sombrero, y de la manera de traer las espadas y dagas se la pusieron con su talabarte. Al cabo le dieron una cajeta de conserva y una bota de vino y bizcocho blanco.” The parallel passage in CF bk. 12, ch. 2, fol. 4v, mentions only “cuëtas de vidro, vnas verdes, y otras amarillas” ( cozcatl, xoxoctic, coztic).

Legend of the Suns

Contents

Preamble The first sun The second sun The third sun The fourth sun Origin o f the new-fire ceremony The restoration o f life The discovery o f com The fifth sun H ow the sun was given a drink Xiuhnel and Mimich Origin o f the sacred bundle Mixcoad and Chimalman The deeds o f Ce Acad The stinking corpse The fall o f Tollan History o f the Mexica

75:1 75:6 75:16 75:25 75:34 76:8 76:18 77:3 77:27 78:24 79:34 8 0 :7 80:29 80:50 81:47 82:14 83:38

[Preamble] 75 i

75: 4

Here are wisdom tales made long ago, o f how the earth was estab­ lished, 1 how everything was established, how whatever is known started, how all the suns that there were began.2 There are 2513 years today, on the 22nd day o f May, 1558.

[The first sun] 75 6

This sun was 4 Jaguar: it was 676 years. These people, w ho lived in the first age, were eaten by jaguars in the tim e o f the suri 4 Jaguar, and what they ate was 7 Straw.3 That was their food. 75 s And it was 676 years that they lived, and thirteen years that they were eaten by the man eaters, destroyed, and finished off. Then the sun was destroyed. And their year was 1 Reed. 75 b And when they began to be eaten, it was on a day sign 4 Jaguar, right when they were being finished off, when they were being destroyed.

[The second sun] 75 i6

This sun is named 4 W ind. These people, who lived in the second [age], were blown away by the wind in the time o f the sun 4 W ind. And when they were blown away and destroyed,4 they turned into monkeys. All their houses and trees were blown away. And the sun also was blown away. 1. For the textual mamaca read momanca. 2. Read in k in tzin tk in izquitetl in amanea tonatiuh. 3. Here and in lines 75:20, 75:30, and 75:41 the ancient people’s foods are designated by calendric names. Similarly, in the Ruiz de Alarcón Treatise on Superstitions, com is called “7 Snake” and squash is “7 Eagle” (RUIZAL 125 and 126; for a guide to figurative names in Ruiz de Alarcón see RUIZA 301-17). Although the foods in our text remain unidenti­ fied, it may be conjectured that these early staples are wild seeds or primitive grains, becom­ ing progressively more like com—as in variants of the myth preserved in “Códice Vaticanus 3738,” “Histoyre du Mechique,” and “Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas” (for dis­ cussion see Moreno, “Los cinco soles,” p. 205). 4. Anticlimactic word order reversed in the translation.

142

The fourth sun

And what they ate was 12 Snake. That was their food. It was 364 years that they lived, and only one day that they were blown by the wind, destroyed on a day sign 4 W ind. And their year was 1 Flint.

[The third sun] This sun is 4 Rain. These people5 lived in the third one,6 in the time o f the sun 4 Rain. And the way they were destroyed is that they were rained on by fire. They were changed into turkeys. And the sun also burned. All their houses burned. And it was 312 years that they lived. But when they were destroyed, it rained fire for only one day. And what they ate was 7 Flint. That was their food. And their year was 1 Flint. And it was on a day sign 4 Rain. And when they died they were children. Therefore today they are called the baby children.

[The fourth sun] This sun is named 4 Water. And for fifty-tw o years there was water. These people lived in the fourth one,7 in the tim e o f the sun 4 Water. And it was 676 years that they lived. And they died by drowning. They turned into fish. The skies came falling down. They were destroyed in only one day. And what they ate was 4 Flower. That was their food. And their year was 1 H ouse. And it was on a day sign 4 Water that they were destroyed. All the mountains disappeared. And the water lay for fifty-tw o years. And when their years were com plete,8 then Titlacahuan gave a com ­ mand to the one called Tata,9 and to his w ife, who was called Nene. H e said to them, “Put aside your cares.10 H ollow out a big cypress, and when it’s Tozoztli [April] and the skies come falling down, get inside.” 5. Inic ei, for inique i. Cf. line 75:35. 6. Ie etlam anti nenca. See following note. 7. Ic nauhtlam anti nenca (lived in the fourth one). The expected form is ic nauhtlam antli nenca. Lehmann writes ic nauhtlamantinenca. 8. That is, when they were to be destroyed (prior to the fifty-two years). 9. Intoca nata. Read itoca tata , following Velázquez, who points out that the form is tata at 76:6. 10. Lit., Don’t care about anything anymore (GLOS: dazoda:da). Following Horcasitas, the free transladon would be “Don’t work anymore” (“An Analysis of the Deluge Legend in Mesoamerica,” p. 195). In modem folkloric variants the man has been trying to clear his

143

Origin of the new-fire ceremony 75:49

75

si

76:2

76: 5 76:7

And so they got inside. Then he sealed them in and said, “You m ust eat only one o f these com kernels.11 A lso your w ife must eat only one.” W ell, when they had eaten it all up, they w ent aground. It can be heard that the water is drying. The log has stopped m oving. Then it opens. They see a fish. Then they drill fire and cook fish for themselves. Then the gods Citlalinicue and Cidalatonac looked down and said, “Gods, who’s doing the burning? W ho’s sm oking the skies?” 12 Then Tidacahuan, Tezcadipoca, came down and scolded them. H e said, “What are you doing, Tata? What are you people doing?” Then he cut o ff their heads and stuck them on their rumps, and that way they were turned into dogs.13

[Origin o f the new-fire ceremony] 76 8 76:io

Now , it was in a year 2 Reed that the skies were [again] smoked. This is how we ourselves exist, how the fire drill ignited. When the sky was established was in a year 1 Rabbit.14 [Yes,] this is h ow 15 the fire drill ignited, when fire appeared [for the new-fire ceremony].16 land, but the trees he cuts down keep rising up again; finally, in one version, a spirit appears to him, saying, “Don’t work anymore, because the world is coming to an end.” See Paredes, Folktales c f Mexico, no. 1 (version told in Spanish by an Otomi of Nahua ancestry in Tlaxco, Puebla); other variants are summarized and discussed in Horcasitas, “An Analysis of the Deluge Legend.” For still further variants see Bierhorst, Mythology o f Mexico and Central America , p. 215. 11. In a modem Nahuad variant from San Pedro Jicora the man, unaccompanied by a wife, loads the hollowed-out log with com and other supplies, then seals himself in: kuakin ya ukalak kuakin umutsákua kual ktpepetx in puerta (when he has entered, then he closes himself in; then he sealed the door thoroughly) (Ziehm, Nahua-Texte 1:136). 12. Why are the gods annoyed? In several of the versions discussed by Horcasitas (see note above) the survivors of the flood give offense because they kindle fire before being told to do so. In other variants the problem seems to be that the survivors have eaten forbidden meat; either the fish represents the inhabitants of the previous world (implying cannibalism) or it is said to be carrion (fit for animals, not humans). In a few of the variants Heaven is annoyed simply because someone has survived a destruction that was supposed to have been total. 13. Read chichime. 14. The author alludes to a story he has not told. Recall that the skies came falling down in line 39:39 above. Afterward, according to the variant in HMPP ch. 5, Tezcadipoca and Quetzalcoad changed themselves into a pair of tall trees and lifted the sky to its present position; when this occurred, “the year was Rabbit.” 15. Read izcatqui in k. 16. The somewhat fuller statement in HMPP ch. 6 has it that Tezcadipoca—in a year “Reed,” the second year after the flood—originated the custom of drawing fire from the fire

144

The restoration of life

76 : i2 N ow , it was dark for twenty-five years.17 ?6 i4Well, it was in the year 1 Rabbit that the sky was established. And when it had been established, the dogs sent up smoke, as m entioned above. And after the fire drill had ignited— after Tezcatlipoca had drilled fire— he smoked the skies once more, and this was in a year 2 Reed.

[The restoration o f life] 76 is

76

22

76 25 76 2 6 76 27 76 3o 76 32

76• 35 76:36 76:38 76

39

And then the gods talked to each other and said, ccW ho w ill there be? Sky has been established, Tlalteucdi has been established. Gods, who w ill there be?” They were sad. Cidalinicue, Cidalatonac, Apanteucdi, Tepanquizqui, Tlallamanqui, H uicdolinqui, Quetzalcoad, and Tidacahuan [were their names]. Then Quetzalcoad went to the dead land, and when he came to the dead land lord, the dead land lady, he said to him, ‘T ve com e for the precious bones that you are keeping. Pve come to get them .” Then he said, ‘T o do what, Quetzalcoad?” And he answered him, “Ids because the gods are sad. W ho w ill there be on earth?” The dead land lord replied, “Very well. Blow my conch horn and circle four times around my precious realm.” But his conch horn was not hollow. Then he summoned worms, w ho hollowed it out. Then bumblebees and honeybees went in. Then he blew on it, and the dead land lord heard him. Then the dead land lord answered, “Very w ell, take them!” But he said to his messengers, the dead land people, “Spirits, go tell him he has to leave them here.” But Quetzalcoad said, “N o, I’m taking them forever.” And then his nagual said to him, ‘T ell them, ‘I’ll leave them [with you].’ ” Then he said to them, he shouted to them,18 “I’ll leave them [with you]!” and he quickly ascended. Then he takes the precious bones. The male bones are in one pile, the female bones are in another pile. Then Quetzalcoad takes them, wraps them up, and comes carrying them off. drill; “and when the flame had been drawn, it was the festival of making many and large fires.” (For descriptions of the ceremony, held every fifty-two years, see FC 4 :1 4 3 -4 4 and FC bk. 7, ch. 9; and note the “year-bundle” feasts, always in 2 Reed, mentioned above in lines 11:25, 29:51, 51:27, and 60:5.) 17. This agrees with HMPP ch. 7, which explains that the sun was created in the twentysixth year after the flood. 18. Lit., to him.

145

The discovery of corn 76 42

7 6 .4 4

76:46

76:47

76:49

76 so

76

54

77:2

Again, the dead land lord said to his messengers, “Spirits, Quetzalcoad is really taking the precious bones away. Spirits, go dig him a pit.” Then they went and dug it for him. So he fell into the pit, stumbled and fell, and quail frightened him and he lost consciousness. Then he spilled the precious bones, and the quail bit into them , nibbled them. And when Quetzalcoad came to, he cried. Then he said to his nagual, “My nagual, how w ill they be?” And he said to him, “H ow w ill they be? They’ve been ruined. Let them go that way.” 19 Then he gathered them together, picked them up, wrapped them. Then he carried them to Tamoanchan. And when he had brought them , the one named Quilaztli, Cihuacoatl, ground them up. Then she put them into a jade bowl, and Quetzalcoad bled his penis on them. Then all the gods, who have been m entioned, did penance: Apanteuctli, H uicdolinqui, Tepanquizqui, Tlallamanac, Tzontem oc, and number six20 is Quetzalcoad. Then they said, “H oly ones, humans, have been bom .” 21 It’s because they did penance for us.

[The discovery o f com] Again, they said, “Gods, what w ill they eat? Let food be looked for.” Then the ant went and got a kernel o f com out o f Food M ountain, and Quetzalcoad met the ant and said, ccWhere did you get it? Tell m e.” 6 But it w on’t tell him. H e insists. Then it says, “Over there,” and it shows him the way. s Then Quetzalcoad changed into a black ant.

77 3 77. 4

77

77

19. Hence the origin of mortality? (an interpretation offered in Bierhorst, Four M asterworks, p. 69; cf. RUIZAL 371). But according to the variant in “Histoyre du Mechique” (pp. 26-27), the bones were those of giants that had formerly inhabited the earth (cf. line 2:31 above); the accident, therefore, explains why people today are small, compared to the giants. Mendieta’s version (bk. 2, ch. 1; adapted in Clavijero, bk. 6, ch. 2) has it that the accident resulted in broken bones of different sizes, thus explaining why some people are tall and others are short. An incantation for treating fractures evidendy alludes to this myth, saying, “ . . . Lord Quail! What are you doing with this Dead Land bone that you’ve splin­ tered, that you’ve shattered? . . . “ ( . . . tecuçoline . . . den dc-aida in micdanomid: in oticpoztec, in odcxamani. . . . ) (RUIZ 163, RUIZA 267-68). 20. Lit., someone’s six, a peculiar but seemingly feasible soludon proposed by Velázquez. Lehmann reads techiquaçeca as a proper name. 21. The translation follows Garibay, Literatura de los aztecas, p. 20 (“¡Dioses nacieron: son los hombres!”). Lehmann has “Gods and men have been bom.” Velázquez’s “Bom are the vassals of the gods” and Gariba/s “Men have been bom of gods” (Epica náhuatl, p. 27) seem incorrect.

146

The fifth sun

77 :9 7 7 :1 0

77 -.il U 77 N

77

77 i6 77.18 77:2o 77

22

77 :24

It shows him the way, and he goes inside. Then they carry it out together. The red ant, it seems, showed Quetzalcoad the way. Outside he lays down the kernels, then he carries them to Tamoanchan. Then the gods chew them and put them on our lips. That’s how we grew strong. Then they said, “What w ill we do with Food Mountain?” Then Que­ tzalcoad went and tried to carry it, tied it with ropes, but he couldn’t lift it. Then Oxom oco counted it out,22 and Oxom oco’s w ife, Cipactonal, also counted its fate. The woman is Cipactonal.23 Then Oxom oco and Cipactonal said, “Nanahuad w ill strike Food M ountain,” for they had counted it out. Then all the dalocs arc summoned, blue dalocs, white dalocs, yellow dalocs, red dalocs. Then Nanahuad strikes it,24 and the foods are stolen by the dalocs.25 The w hite, black, and yellow [com ], the red com , the beans, the ama­ ranth, the chia, the fish amaranth, all the foods were stolen.

[The fifth sun] 77:27

77

:3o

77 :3 2

This sun is named 4 M ovement. We w ho live26 today [have] this one, it’s our sun, though what’s here is [merely] its signification, because the sun [itself] fell into the fire, the spirit oven, at Teotihuacan. It’s the same as the sun o f Topiltzin, Quetzalcoad o f Tollan. And before it was the sun, its name was Nanahuad, whose home was yonder in Tamoanchan. Eagle, jaguar, falcon, w olf.27 6 W ind, 6 Flower: both are names o f the sun. 22. Lit., Then Oxomoco counted things out for it, i.e., Oxomoco counted com kernels to divine the future of Food Mountain (MOL: dapouia:nite = echar fuertes a otro el hechizero o agorero con mayz). 23. The author emphasizes his disagreement with the tradition that Cipactonal is the male, Oxomoco the female (FC 4 :4 :6 : Oxomoco cioad . .. auh in Cipactonal oqujchtli). 24. With lightning. In a modem Nahua variant of this myth, Nanahuad (called Nanawatzin) is the captain of the thunderbolts. See Taggart, N ahuat M yth and Social Structure, p. 90; see also NED: nanahuad 3. For a full list of Middle American variants of the Hidden Com myth, see Bierhorst, Mythology o fMexico and Central America, p. 215. 25. The translation agrees with both Lehmann and Velázquez but seemingly violates Carochi’s rule against naming the agent of a passive verb. See GN sec. 2.2. 26. For tonneimi read tonnemi. 27. These four animals figure in the myth that is about to be told (see 7 7 :4 8 -5 2 below). In the text a small circle with rays, like a miniature sun, appears between the words for “eagle” and “jaguar.”

147

The fifth sun 7 7 : 34 77

:3 5

77 3 7

77 38

77

40

77 42

77: 4 3 77: 4 4

77 47

77 :48 77:49

77 53

77 : 55 78 i

78:4

Now , here is what is called the spirit oven. For four years it burned. Well then, Tonacateuctli and Xiuhteuctli summoned Nanahuatl. They said to him, “You are the one w ho must keep the sky and the earth.” And then he was very sad. H e said, “W hat are they saying? There are gods, and I am a worthless invalid!” They also summoned 4 Flint, the m oon. The ones w ho summoned him were Tlalocanteuctli and Nappateuctli. And so Nanahuad fasts. H e takes his spines and his needles. Then he gives thorns to the m oon, and they do penance.28 Then Nanahuad bathes first. Afterward the m oon bathes. H is needles are plumes, his spines are jade. H e uses jade as incense. And when four days have gone by, they feather Nanahuad, and they chalk him .29 Then he goes o ff to fall in the fire, and 4 Flint meanwhile sings and dances for him like a woman. So Nanahuad went o ff to fall in the fire. But the m oon only went to fall in the ashes. And so he went off. And he was able to grab the eagle and carry it along.30 But he could not carry the jaguar. It just stood next to the fire and jumped over it.31 That’s how it became spotted. At that time the falcon became smoke-colored. At that time the w o lf was singed. These three were unable to go with him. Well, when he got to the sky, Tonacateuctli and Tonacacihuad bathed him. Then they sat him in a quechol chair. Then they adorned his head with a red border. Then he tarries in the sky for four days. And then he appears on 4 Movement. But he spent four days w ithout m oving, just staying in place. Then the gods say, “W hy doesn’t he move?” Then they send the blade falcon, who goes and tells the sun that it has com e to question him. It tells him, ‘T h e gods are saying, ‘Ask him why he doesn’t m ove.’ ” Then the sun said, “Why? Because I’m asking for their blood, their color,32 their precious substance.”33 28. That is, they puncture themselves with the needles, or thorns, in order to draw sacri­ ficial blood. Cf. 4:38 and 6:52 above. 29. Sacrificial victims were customarily smeared with chalk and crowned with feathers (see NED: tïzatl/ihhuid). 30. Hence the origin of the eagle’s dark plumage. See the variant at EC 7 :6:12. 31. Anticlimactic word order reversed in the translation. 32. In Mendieta’s variant (bk. 2, ch. 2) the sun refuses to move until the gods sacrifice themselves (“hasta haberlos muerto y destruido á ellos”). 33. For intlacoca I read intlaçoca[uh], Lehmann reads inin tlacoca and translates the whole phrase, “I’m asking for the noble blood of those who did the damage.”

148

How the sun was given a drink

78 6 78 8 78 9

78:ii 78 h

78 i6

78 : is

78

2

i

Then the gods hold council. And then Tlahuizcalpanteuctli grows an­ gry. H e says, “W ell, why is this? I’ll shoot him! H e must not stay put!” Then he shoots him. But he failed to hit him. M eanwhile the sun is shooting at Tlahuizcalpanteuctli, and he succeeds in hitting him because his arrows are like shafts o f flame. And then the nine layers34 covered up his face. This Tlahuizcalpanteuctli is the frost. Then all the gods get together: Tidacahuan, H uitzilopochtli, and the women Xochiquetzal, Yapalliicue, Nochpalliicue. And there35 in Teotihuacan they all died a sacrificial death. So then the sun went into the sky. And then goes the m oon, w ho had fallen only in the ashes. And when he got to the edge o f the sky, Papaztac came and broke his face with a rabbit p ot.36 And then at a crossroads he m et the tzitzimime, the coleletin, and they said to him, “Come here.” They detained him for a long while, dressing him all in rags. And so it was the sun o f 4 M ovement that appeared at that time. And at that tim e, too, he established nightfall.

[How the sun was given a drink] 78:24

N ow , M ixcoad37 lived for thirty-nine years, and his wife was named Chimalman. 78:26 And Topiltzin had fifty-six years.38 It was in 1 Reed, certainly, that he traveled, that he went away, that he left his city, Tollan. And it was 4 Rabbit when he died, in Tlapallan. 78 30 It was in a year 1 Flint that the M ixcoa were born. The way it happened, 34. “Nine layers” refers to the heavens in line 4:46 above. But it may also refer to the underworld (see NED: chiucnàuhixdâhuad). 35. Read in ye mean. 36. Hence the origin of the supposed rabbit image on the face of the moon. In Sahagim’s variant o f the myth, one of the gods strikes the moon not with a “rabbit pot” but with a rabbit per se (FC 7:7:28). The rabbit pot, tochtecomatl, is mentioned by Sahagùn in a quite different context: it was used as the vessel in a wine-drinking ceremony, in which the singerparticipants were called centzontotochtin, four hundred rabbits, a group of spirits associated with wine (FC 2 :194:3, cf. FFCC 1:24:7). 37. Labeled pictographs in the manuscript at this point show Mixcoad and Chimalman and their son Topiltzin, also the town of Tollan, the mountain Xicococ, and four houses named cohuacalli (serpent house), tcocuitlacalli (gold house), chalchiuhcalli (jade house), and xiuhcallt (turquoise house). Two additional glyphs, both simple squares, are labeled ce tecpatl (1 Flint) and ceAcatl (1 Reed). Immediately above the ceA catl glyph are the words 52 años (52 years). 38. Topiltzin, also called Ce Acad or Quetzalcoad, was the son of Mixcoad and Chimal­ man (see 80:4 3 -5 1 below).

149

How the sun was given a drink

Iztacchalchiuhtlicue gave birth to four hundred M ixcoa, then she went into a cave. And when they had gotten into the cave, their m other deliv­ ered again, and five more M ixcoa were bom . The first is named Cuauhtliicoauh, the second is named M ixcoad, the third is a female named Cuitlachcihuad, the fourth is named Tlotepe, the fifth is named Apanteuctli. 78: 3 8 And when they were bom , they entered the water,?9 put themselves in the water, spent four days in water. And when they came out, M ecitli suckled them. This M ecidi is Tlalteuctli. And so w e today w ho are Mexica are not really Mexica but M ecitin. 79 2 And then the sun commands the four hundred Mixcoa: he gives them darts and says to them, “Here is how you w ill give me a drink, how you w ill serve me”— also a shield. And the darts are precious darts. They have quetzal wings, egret w ings, troupial w ings, teoquechol w ings, roseate spoonbill wings, cotinga wings. “And the one w ho is your m other is Tlalteuctli.” 7 9 :6 But they did not do as they were commanded. They just shot birds, they just played. At that point [the darts] were called bird darts. 7 9 :7 And when they catch a jaguar, they do not give it to the sun. And then, when they get the jaguar, they feather themselves. And w hile they’re feath­ ered, they sleep with women. 79 : i o Then they tipple on pulque and get com pletely drunk, com pletely intoxicated. 79 h And then the sun commands the five w ho were bom last: he gives them thorn darts, gives them a spirit shield, and says, “My children, pay atten­ tion. You must now destroy the four hundred M ixcoa, the ones w ho fail to say, ‘Mother! Father!’” 79 i s Then they put themselves in a m esquite, and seeing them there, they say, “W ho are these people that are just like us?” Then they made war on each other. 79 i7 Then Cuauhtliicoauh went into the tree, and M ixcoatl w ent into the earth, and Tlotepe went into a m ountain. Then Apanteuctli stood in water, and their sister, Cuedachcihuatl, stood in a ball court.3940 79 2o Then they surrounded them. N one o f them were in the m esquite any­ more, they were in hiding, and the tree cracks and splits open on top o f them, and Cuauhtliicoauh comes out from inside the tree. 79 24 And then there’s a shaking o f the earth, and out comes M ixcoatl, w ho had gone into the ground. 39. A newborn infant, bathed by the midwife, was said to “enter” the water (FC 6: 176:24). 40. The narrator seems to be punning on Cuauhdi and tree ( quabuitl), Tlotepe and mountain (tepetl), Apanteuctli and o f an (water place), Cuedachcihuad and tlachco (ball court).

150

Xiuhnel and M imicb 79:25 7 9 . 26 79

27

79

29

And the mountain breaks apart, collapses, 41 and out comes Tlotepe. Then the water chums, and out comes Apanteuctli. And then they conquered them, destroyed them, and served the sun and gave it a drink. And the few who remained came and spoke to them in order to appease them, and said, “We have annoyed you. Go to Chicomoztoc. It’s your cave. Enter. It’s your home. Can it still be our cave? You’ve ruined our cave, our home. We’ll just settle at the cave’s edge.”

[Xiuhnel and Mimich] 79 34

79 37

79 40

79 4 i

7 9 :44 7 9 :46 79 47

79 49

79 so 79 s i

80:i

Then two deer descend [from the sky] , 42 each with two heads. And two o f the Mixcoa, one named Xiuhnel, the other named Mimich, go hunting in the desert lands. Xiuhnel and Mimich chase the deer, trying to shoot them, chasing them all night, all day, finally wearing them out in the evening. Then they tell each other, “Come on, you build your shelter there. I’ll build mine over here. Hah! Those bad ones are coming now.” And then the ones who had been deer passed by, now changed into women. “Xiuhneltzin! Mimichtzin!” they cried .43 “Where are you? Come here. Come drink, come eat.” Hearing this, they said to each other, “Come on, don’t speak to them.” But Xiuhnel did speak to them. He said, “Come here, sister.” And she answered him, “Xiuhneltzin, won’t you have a drink?” And Xiuhnel drinks the blood, and then he lies next to her. But when he had lain with her, 44 then she turned over on top o f him and bit him, breaking open his chest. Then Mimich says, “Alas, my elder brother is eaten.” But the other woman is calling to him. “Man-child,” she says, “won’t you eat?” Mimich doesn’t answer. Then he uses the fire drill and makes fire. And when Mimich had made it, he rushed into it. And the woman ran after him, into the fire. All night she ran after him, still running after him when it was noon. And finally, at noon, a pot cactus descended [from the sky] . 45 The woman fell on top o f it and got stuck. 41. Read huitomi. 42. The variant in HMPP (ch. 8) reads, “hubo un gran ruido en el cielo y cayó un venado de dos cabezas.” 43. Read tzatzitibui, lit., they go shouting. 44. Lit., But when he had laid her. 45. Cf. line 79:35 above.

15 1

O rigin o f the sacred bundle

so :4 so :s

And when he saw that the ogress lay fallen, he shot her repeatedly, then turned around and came back. He .. . f 6 comes crying because his elder brother has been eaten.

[Origin o f the sacred bundle] so : 7

Then those spirits, the xiuhteteuctin [fire lords], hear him, and they go to get the woman, Itzpapalotl. Mimich leads the way. And when they get her, they bum her. so : io And then they all shined forth: first, the blue flint shined. Second, the white flint shined. They took the white one and wrapped it up. Third, the yellow flint shined. They didn’t take it, they just looked at it. Fourth, the red flint shined. And again they didn’t take it. Fifth, the black flint shined. Again they didn’t take it. so i6 But Mixcoad made the white flint his spirit power, and when they had wrapped it up, he backpacked it .4647 8 0 :i 7 Then he goes off to make conquests in a place called Comallan, back­ packing the flint. It’s his spirit power, Itzpapalotl. And when the Comalteca heard about it, they came out to meet Mixcoad, and they laid down food for him, just to appease him. so :2i And then he went to Tecanman, and they also appeased him. They said, “How goes it with the gentleman ? 48 Let him be welcome. Well now, get him some pulque .4 9 1 wouldn’t hack him to pieces here !” 50 so 24 And then he went to Cocyama and made conquests. And when he had conquered in Cocyama, he went to Huehuetocan and conquered again. 46. The text has tlam atzayantibuitz tlatzonilpitibui[t]z tiam achiotm huitz, lit., he comes parting [or separating] something, comes tying something with regard to his hair, comes marking [or designing] something. According to Velázquez, Xiuhnel is separating himself from the woman, also binding and styling his hair. According to Lehmann, he has parted his hair, has swept his tresses into a chieftain’s coif, and is sporting designs on his flesh. Gingerich’s interpretation (in “Three Nahuad Hymns,” p. 218) essentially agrees with Lehmann: “[He comes] parting and tying his hair, painting his face.” Garibay (in Epica náhuatl, p. 22) gives: “va lentamente apartándose, va trenzando sus cabellos, va haciendo el afeite de pintura de su cuerpo” (he goes slowly withdrawing [from the woman], goes braiding his hair, goes applying cosmetic paint to his body). For me the passage is inscrutable. See GLOS: machiyoda:da, matzayana:da, tzonilpia:da. 47. The variant story given in lines 1 :1 5 -1 9 above implies that the bundle contained the “ashes” of Itzpapalod. See also line 50:36. 48. Lit., What does the noble one do? (using the honorific form of ayi:da, to do some­ thing). Cf. NED: chihua:da 2, where similar phrases carry the meaning “What ill befalls?” or “What mishap occurs?” 49. Lit., “Get his thorns,” or “Get thorns for him.” 50. Following Velázquez, I read ma nican niquitzo[l]tili, assuming a playful allusion to the “thorns” (i. e., pulque) of the preceding sentence. Lehmann reads ma nican niquitzotili, which might be given in English as “Let me not cause him to become filthy here!”

152

The deeds o f Ce A catl

And when he had made conquests in Huehuetocan, he went to Pochtlan and conquered once more.

[Mixcoatl and Chimalman] 29

33 34

35

36

38

40

42

43

46 48

And then Mixcoad goes off to make conquests in Huitznahuac. Meeting the woman Chimalman, he lays down his shield and positions his darts and his dart thrower. She just stands there naked, no skirt, no blouse. And having sighted her, Mixcoad shoots her repeatedly. He shot one at her and it just went over her. She ducked. The second time he shot at her, 51 it went by on one side. She just dodged. The third time he shot at her, she caught it in her hand. The fourth time he shot at her, she made it pass between her legs. And when Mixcoad had shot at her the fourth time, he turned around and went away. And the woman ran and hid in a cave, she went into a gorge . 52 And again Mixcoad adorned himself and got darts. And then he went and looked for her again, but he couldn’t find her. Then he killed some o f the Huitznahua women, and the Huitznahua women said, “Let’s go down and get her.” They said to her, “Mixcoad is looking for you. Because o f you, he’s killing your sisters.” And so they fetched her, and she came to Huitznahuac. And Mixcoad went again and met her, and again she stands there, exposing her crotch. And he lays down his shield and his darts. And again he shoots at her. Again a dart went over her, and one passed by her side, and she caught one in her hand, and one went between her legs. After that he took hold o f her, and he lay beside this woman from Huitznahuac, this Chimalman. And with that she became pregnant.

[The deeds o f Ce Acad] so si

Now, when he was being born he gave his mother great pain for four days. And so, he was bom, this Ce Acad. And no sooner has he been bom than his mother dies. And Ce Acad is brought up by Quilaztli, Cihuacoad. When he has grown a litde, he goes 51. Lit., he hurled it at her. GLOS: daxilia:te-da. 52. Read oztotl atlauhcan.

153

The deeds o f Ce A catl

si :3 si :s si :6 8i :7 si 9 si io

si : i4 si : is

si 2o

si 24

si 28 si 3o si :32 si :34

off with his father to make conquests. And he learned war by taking cap­ tives in a place called Xihuacan. Now, Ce Acatl’s uncles, who are o f the four hundred Mixcoa, 53 abso­ lutely hated his father, and they killed him. And when they had killed him, they went and put him in the sand. So Ce Acad looks for his father, asking, “Where’s my father?” Then the king vulture says to him, ‘They’ve killed your father. It’s over yonder that he lies, that they’ve buried him.” So he went and dug him up and put him in his temple, Mixcoateped. Now, his uncles, the ones who killed his father, are called Apanecad, Zolton, and Cuilton, and they say, “How will he dedicate his temple ? 54 If there’s only a rabbit, if there’s only a snake, we would be angry. A jaguar, an eagle, a wolf would be good .” 55 And so they told him this. Ce Acad said—he told them—“All right. It shall be.” Then he called the jaguar, the eagle, and the wolf. H e said to them, “Come, uncles. They say I must use you to dedicate my temple . 56 But you will not die. Rather you will eat the ones I use to dedicate my temple— they’re those uncles o f mine.” And so it was without any real purpose that ropes were tied around their necks. Then Ce Acad summoned gophers. H e said to them, “Uncles, come! We must dig a hole in our temple.” And the gophers scratched away. They dug a hole inside it, and with that Ce Acad entered his temple and came out at the top. Now, while the uncles are saying, “We’re the ones who’ll drill the fire on top,” they’re rejoicing, having seen the jaguar, the eagle, and the wolf all in misery. And when they’ve recovered their presence o f mind, already Ce Acad is drilling the fire. Then his uncles are furious, and off they go, Apanecad in the lead, climbing quickly. But Ce Acad rose up and broke his head with a burnished pot, and he came tumbling down. Then he seizes57 Zolton and Cuilton. Then the animals blow [on the fire]. Then they sacrifice them. They cover them with hot pepper, cut up their flesh a litde. And after they’ve tortured them, they cut open their breasts. 53. Evidently among the “few who remained” after the massacre. See line 79:29 above. 54. A presumed copyist’s error duplicates in iteocal (his temple). 55. An attempt to frustrate the hero. According to the variant in “Histoyre du Mechique” (ch. 10), his antagonists are confident he will be unable to capture these animals. 56. Read noteocal. 57. Read quintzitzquia.

154

The stinking corpse

si :37 si 38 si 39 si 40 si 4 i si 43 si 44 si :46

And then Ce Acad makes more conquests, in a place called Ayodan. When he had conquered, he went on to Chaleo, to Xicco, and con­ quered again. And having conquered, he went on to Cuixcoc, and again he conquered. He went to Zacanco, conquered again, then to Tzonmolco, conquered again. To Mazatzonco, conquered again. To Tzapodan, conquered again. Then he went to Acallan, crossed over the water, and conquered again, 58 and that’s how he got to Tlapallan. There he took sick. He was sick for five days, then he died. Well, when he was dead, they set him on fire, and he burned up.

[The stinking corpse] si 47

si si si

52

s i : 53

si 55 82

2

82

4

Now, in Tollan the people were no more . 59 Huemac was ruler. The second was called Necuamed, the third was Tlaltecatzin, the fourth was called Huitzilpopoca. The four were left be­ hind by Topiltzin when he went away. And the ruler o f Nonoalco was called H u etzin .. . . 60 Now then, an omen came to him: he saw an ash-bundle man , 61 a giant. And it was the very one who was eating people. Then the Toltecs say, “O Toltecs, who is it that’s eating people?” Then they snared it, 62 they captured it. And what they captured was a beardless boy.63 Then they kill it. And when they’ve killed it, they look inside it: it has no heart, no innards, no blood. Then it stinks. And whoever smells it dies from it, as well as whoever does not smell it, who [simply] passes by. And so a great many people are dying. Then they try to drag it away, but it cannot be moved. And when the 58. A presumed copyist’s error duplicates no. 59. For clarity the author might have added: “And here is how it came about.” 60. A blot in the manuscript obscures what may be a tide or other designation following the name Huetzin. 61. See note to the translation at 50:37. 62. For quipia I read qutlpia (see GRAM sec. 5. 2). Evidendy Lehmann has the same idea, translating “Da nehmen sie fest.” 63. Read amotlanetentzotzonyotiai Lit., a boy who does not provide himself with some­ thing to serve as one’s lip hairs. A doubtful translation, possible only if the element ne is taken as a replacement for te (as it seems to be in CAROC 80v:27,30). Following Velázquez, one might read amo tlane tentzotzoyotia, who has no teeth and has filthy lips.

155

The fa ll cfTollan

rope breaks, those who fall down die on the spot. And when it moves, all those who come in contact with it die. It eats them all. 82:7 Well, now that it could be moved, all the young men, old men, children, and young women fixed it up. They tied it with eight ropes. Then they dragged it off. 82 io When they got it to Itzocan, it rose up. And those who were dragging it failed to let go o f the ropes and were simply left hanging. Well, as for anyone who had grabbed a rope and just held on to it , 64 it carried him aloft.

[The fall o f Tollan] 82 i4

Then Huemac played ball. H e played with the dalocs, and the tlalocs said to him, “What do we win?” 82 is Huemac said, “My jades, my quetzal plumes.” 82 i6 And then to Huemac they said, “Likewise, you win our jades, our que­ tzal plumes.” 82 is So they played ball. Huemac won. Then the dalocs were about to switch it, about to give Huemac an ear o f green com; and instead o f their quetzal plumes, the shuck 65 in which the green ear grows. 82: 2i But he did not take it. He said, “Is this what I won? Wasn’t it jades? Wasn’t it quetzal plumes? Well, bring it here!” 82 23 So the dalocs said, “All right. Give him the jades, the quetzal plumes. Fetch those jades o f ours, those quetzal plumes!” Then they fetched them, then they went away. 82:25 Then they said, “Very well. But we are definitely hiding our ‘jades.’ The Toltecs will have to suffer. And for four years.” 82 27 So then it snowed, the snow fell knee deep, and the crops were de­ stroyed. It was in Tecuilhuid [June or July] that it snowed. 82 29 Except that in Tollan, where there was intense heat, all the trees, the prickly pears, and the magueys dried up, and all the stones broke apart and were shattered by the heat. 82 3 i And when the Toltecs are suffering, when they’re dying o f hunger, then they’re sacrificed. Well, perchance if anyone is keeping a litde something for himself, then he buys a litde turkey, makes himself a tamale, and eats. 82 35 Well then, a litde old woman selling banners setties herself at Chapoltepecuidapilco, and whoever buys a banner goes and dies on the stone of sacrifice. 64. Anticlimactic word order reversed in the translation. 65. Read toquizhuatl.

I 56

ThefaU ofTollan

82 37

82 42 82

44

82 45 82

46

82 53 83

i 3

83

8 3 :7

83 9

83

i2

And when the four years o f hunger had passed, the tlalocs appeared in Chapoltepec, where the water is. And milk com—food— is rising to the surface. And there’s a Toltec who is nearby, and he picks up the food, and he feeds on it. And then a tlaloc spirit came out o f the water and said to him, “Hey, fellow! Do you recognize this?” And the Toltec said, “O lord , 66 I do indeed. It’s been a long time since we lost it.” ‘"Very well,” he replied. “Now stay here and let me tell the master.” And he went back into the water. He wasn’t gone long. Then he reappeared carrying an armload o f green com , 67 and he said, “Hey, fellow! Here it is. Give it to Huemac. Now, the gods are asking for the daughter 68 o f Tozcuecuex, 69 for [one of] the Mexitin, for they want to eat her70—for the Toltecs are to go on eating very little, the Toltecs are to be destroyed. There are to be Mexica. And they [the Mexica] are going to give her to them at Jade Whirlpool, at Banner Place.” 71 Then he went to inform Huemac, telling him how the tlaloc had told him what had to be. Then Huemac was sad. He wept and said, “Perhaps it is so. Perhaps the Toltecs are to pass away. Perhaps Tollan is to be destroyed.” Then he sent, he dispatched, to Xicococ two o f his messengers, someone named Chiconcoad, also Cuedachcoad, to go and ask the Mexitin for their daughter Quetzalxotzin, who was not yet grown, who was still a child. So they went to Xicococ and told them, “Huemac sends us. He says, T h e dalocs have appeared, asking the Mexica for a daughter o f theirs.’” Then the Mexica fasted. They mourned her for four days. And when the four days were up, they took her to Banner Place. Her father went with her. Then they sacrificed her. And in that place the dalocs appeared again, to Tozcuecuex, saying to 66. Read totecuyo, i.e., toteucyo. 67. The ink here is too faded for the word to be legible in the Velázquez facsimile, but both Velazquez and Lehmann read elotl or ellotl. 68. Facsimile unclear. The reading follows León y Gama (see following note). 69. Tozcuecuex was the leader of the wandering Mexica, or Mexitin, shortly before their arrival at Chapoltepec (UAH secs. 1—2, 123-26, 136; cf. CHIM 134, 273); when the Mexica were stricken by famine and disease, Tozcuecuex sacrificed his own daughter (UAH secs. 124-25). Here, in a fuller version of the story, we learn that the gods’ request was conveyed to the Mexica by the Toltecs. 70. Or, they would eat her. For the future tense with conditional meaning see GRAM sec. 6.4. 71. The famous whirlpool in the Lake of Mexico, where human victims, jewels, and banners spattered with liquid rubber were offered to the rain gods and other spirits (FC bk. 2, chs. 20 and 25; TEZ ch. 80).

157

H istory c f the M exica

83

83

83

is

:i 8

22

83: 2 4

8 3 :2 7

83

29

83:32

him, “Tozcuecuex, do not be sad. Your daughter is really with you. Open your tobacco flask.”72 And there they placed his daughter’s heart, together with all the differ­ ent foods, and they said to him, “Here is what the Mexica are to eat, for the Toltecs are to be destroyed.” And then it becomes cloudy.73 Then it rains, it pours. For four days it rained. Every day and every night the water is being absorbed. Then all kinds o f plants sprout up, all the herbs and grasses. But their com ing into existence was superfluous when the com sprouted. Well, Toltecs did the planting, and when we arrived in a m onth or tw o, already the com was grown, already it was formed. Now , when the com was formed, it was in the tim e o f the year sign 2 Reed. And it was in 1 Flint that the Toltecs were destroyed. That’s when Huemac went into Cincalco. Then some groups turned back, and som e went on, dispersing every­ where. N ow then, the Mexica are com ing. And setting out at this time are 1. Tezcacoad Huemac, 2. Chiconcoatl, 3. Coatlayauhqui, 4. Cuidachcoad. There are thirteen years. It’s 1 Reed. Well, he [Topiltzin?] left these people in command, these four whose names were— the first man, named Coadayauhqui; the second, named Cuiltachcoad; and the third, named Chiconcoad; and the fourth, named Tezcacoad, w ho is Huemac. And it’s thirteen years that they were in com ­ mand, that they were traveling.

[History o f the Mexica] 83:38 83:40 83 42 83 44

Now , it’s fifty-eight years since they came from Colhuacan, from Azdan, since the M exitin departed. It’s 1 Flint. N ow , here’s when they were at Chapoltepec, still in the tim e o f H uitzilihuid. For forty years they were there. It’s 13 Rabbit. Now , here’s when they were in Colhuacan, in Tizaapan. It’s twenty-five years. Well, when the Toltecs went away in 1 Flint, that’s when the Mexica set out from Xicococ. It was thirty-seven years until they arrived at Chapol­ tepec. And there at Chapoltepec they spent forty years. 72. Read miyeteam. 73. The following Sentence is preceded by the letter ‘o’, which could be the interjection Oh! or a copyist’s error.

i S8

H istory o f the Mexica

Then the Colhuaque hired them as mercenaries, the Xaltocameca having gone and hired them out, and the Mexica came and gathered there in their territory74 and said to them, “FU sleep right here in your territory. Pm going over there.” Then they slept in their territory there. 83 : si It seems that it was only in this manner that they went and guarded them. Well, then the Colhuaque set out, and they m et them and said, “You have entered the homeland o f the Colhua and the Xaltocamecad and the Cuauhtddancalqui, and the Acolhua and the Tenayo and the Azcapotzalcad, as w ell as Cuahuacan and Mazahuacan, also the Xiquipilcad and the Madatzincad and the Ocuiltecad and the Cuidahuacad, the Xochimilcad, and others.” 84 4 The Colhuaque were in command there. They’re the ones w ho captured H uitzilihuid. Then Mexica women and children were stolen. And the other Mexica, escaping, went and gathered themselves at A cocolco, where they spent six days. 84 9 And this is when they landed here in Tenochddan, which was still just a place o f bulrushes, just a place o f reeds, where they suffered hardships for fifty years, and they had no ruler. As yet the Mexica just minded their own business. 84 : i2 There are fifty-one [years]. It’s 2 H ouse. Colhuacan. Tenayocan. Well, here are the Mexica conquests that were made: Colhuacan and Tenayocan, just tw o. 84:i5 [Marginal numeral:] 1 N ow , it was at this tim e that King Acamapichdi became ruler, and he ruled for twenty-one years. Twenty.75 1 Flint.76 Xochim ilco. Cuidahuac. Cuauhnahuac. M izquic. Well, here are the conquests that he made: Xochi­ m ilco and Cuidahuac and M izquic and Cuauhnahuac— Acamapich made conquests in four places. 84 2 i [Marginal numeral:] 2 N ow , here’s when Acamapichtli’s son, named H uitzilihuid, was ruler, and it was for twenty-one years that he ruled. 9 H ouse. Xaltocan. Acolman. Otompan. Chaleo. Tetzcoco. Tollantzinco. Cuauhtidan. Tolddan. Well, here are the conquests that were made. Eight were the nations that H uitzilihuid conquered.

83 47

74. Read anean itlan. 75. This should be “twenty-one,” to agree with the statement just made. Cf. the reiterated numbers in lines 8 4 :2 7 -2 8 and 8 4 :3 1 -3 2 below. 76. In other words, Acamapichdi acceded to the throne in 1 Flint (A.D. 1376) and ruled for twenty-one years. Here and in the following paragraphs the date marks the beginning of the king’s reign.

159

H istory o f the Mexico,

84

[Marginal numeral:] 3 Now , here’s when H uitzilihuitl’s son, named Chimalpopocatzin, was ruler. It was ten years that he ruled. Chaleo. Tequixquiac. Ten years.77 4 Rabbit. Well, here are his conquests. Two were the nations that Chimal­ popocatzin conquered. 84:3o [Marginal numeral: ] 4 N ow , here’s when Acamapichtli’s son named Itzcohuatzin was ruler. And it was thirteen years that he ruled. Thirteen. 1 Flint. N ow , all the places where Itzcoatzin’s conquests were made: Azcapotzalco, Tlacopan, Atlacuihuayan, Coyohuacan, M ixcoac, Cuauhximalpan, Cuahuacan, Teocalhuiyacan, Tecpan, H uitzitzilapan, Cuauhnahuac, Tetzcoco, Cuauhtidan, Xochim ilco, Cuidahuac, M izquic, Tlatilolco, Itztepec, Xiuhtepec, Tzacualpan, Chaleo, Yohuallan, Tepecuacuilco, Cuezallan. 84 38 [Marginal numeral:] 5 N ow , here’s when H uitzilihuid’s son known as Ilhuicam inatzin, the elder M oteuczom atzin, was ruler. And as for how long he ruled, twentynine years is what it was. Twenty-nine. 1 H ouse. N ow , here are the conquests made by the elder M oteuczom atzin: Coaixdahuacan, Chaleo, Chiconquiÿauhco, Tepozdan, Iyauhtepec, Adadauhcan, Totolapan, Huaxtepec, Tecpatepec, Yohualtepec, Xiuhtepec, Quiauhteopan, Tlalcozauhtidan,Tlachco, Cuauhnahuac, Tepecuacuilco, Coadan, Xilotepec, Itzcuincuidapilco, Tlapacoyan, Chapolicxida, Tladauhquitepec, Yacapichdan, Cuauhtochco, Cuedaxdan. 84:48 [Marginal numeral: ] 6 Now , here’s when the one named Axayacatzin ruled, w ho was the grandson78 o f the tw o rulers M oteuczom atzin the elder and Itzcoatzin.79 Twelve years is how long he ruled. Twelve. 4 Rabbit. N ow , all the places o f Axayatzin’s conquests: Tlatilolco, M adatzinco, X iquipilco, Tzinacantepec, Tlacotepec, Tenantzinco, Xochiyacan, Teotenanco, Calimaya, M etepec, Ocoyacac, Capolloac, Adappolco, Cu a . . . . 80 26

77. Velâzquez reads the ambiguously formed figure as 20 but concedes that it ought to be 10. Lehmann reads 10. 78. But ixhuiuhtli may also mean cousin, brother’s son, or sister’s daughter (MOLS: primo . . . ). 79. Implausibly the text combines two traditions regarding the lineage of Axayacatzin. There is no consensus on this king’s relationship to other rulers (see Garcia Granados, D ic­ cionario bio¿fráfico 1:69-80). Various traditions make Axayacatzin the brother of his two successors, Tizocicatzin and Ahuitzotzin (ibid., 2 :282-86). Hence these two are also called grandsons of Moteuczomatzin the elder and Itzcoatzin (see below). 80. The catchword qua in the lower right comer of side 84 (i.e., folio 43v) indicates that the long-lost remainder of the manuscript began with a page starting qua[ ], evidently for quappanohuayan (compare the list of Axayacatzin’s conquests on side 67). The missing text is preserved on sides 121 and 122 of the León y Gama copy, which, as established by Tschohl in his “Das Ende,” completes the Legend of the Suns.

i6o

H istory o f the Mexica

in i

in : 6

121

i3

ni : 2 7

Cuappanohuayan, Xalatlauhco, Tecalco, Tepeyacac, Oztom an, Tlaximalloyan, Ocuillan, Cuezcomatliyacac, Madadan, O ztoticpac, TlaoUan, Ahuilizapan, Tetzapotitlan, Mixtlan, Cuezaloztoc, Cuetlaxdan, Poxcauhdan, M iquedan, Tenexticpac, Tochpan, Tampatd, Cuauhdan, Tamooc.81 [Marginal numeral:] 7 N ow , here’s when [Tizocicatzin], the grandson o f the two rulers Moteuczomatzin the elder and Itzcoatzin, ruled. Five years is how long he ruled. Five. 3 Rabbit. N ow , all the places that this Tizocicatzin conquered: Tonalliimoquetzayan, Ecatepec, Toxico, M adatzinco, Mazahuacan, Atezcahuacan, Cillan, Tlapan, Yancuidan, Tamapachco, Coatlicuauhpechco, Xochiyedan, Miquedan. [Marginal numeral:] 8 N ow , here is when [Ahuitzotzin], the grandson o f the tw o rulers M oteuczom atzin the elder and Itzcoatzin, ruled. Sixteen years is how long he ruled. Sixteen. 8 Reed. And here are the conquests that he made: Tlapan, Tziuhcohuac, M olanco, Tzapodan, Xaltepec, Tototepec, Xalapan, Apancallecan, Xihuacan, Acapolco, Xollochiuhcan, Cozohuipillecan, Acatepec, Cozcacuauhtenanco, Amazdan, Xochdan, Coyocac, Chiapan, Tecpatepec, H uexolodan, Teocuidadan, Xiuhteuczadan, Xicochimalco, Tecuantepec, Coyollapan, Huehuedan, H uipillan, Cahuallan, Iztadan, Nantzintían,82 Comidan, Izhuadan, Cuauhxayacatidan, Iztacdallocan, H uitzdan, Xollodan, Cuauhnacazdan, Mazadan, Mapachtepec, Cuezalcuidapillan, Cuauhdan, Tlacotepec, M izquidan, Cuauhpilollan, Ayotochcuidadan. N ow , here is when the one named M oteuczom atzin, son o f Axayacatzin, was ruler. H ow long he ruled was sixteen years. Sixteen. 11 Reed. And all the places that this M oteuczom atzin made conquests were: Achiodan, Zozollan, N ochezdan, Teuctepec, H uilotepec, Tlanizdan, Zollan, Tzinacandan, Huitzdan, Oxidan, Piyazdan, Texodan, Chichihualtatacallan, Iztacdallocan, Icpatepec, Tladatepec, Amadan, Pipioltepec, Zacuantepec, Nopallan, Tecozauhdan, Hueiapan, Quim ichtepec, M alinaltepec, Tlachquiauhco, Teochiapan, Teoatzinco, Pantepec, Caltepec, Tecpadan, Centzontepec, Quetzaltepec, Cuezcomaixdahuacan, Zacatepec, Xallapan, Xaldanquizco, Yolloxonecuilco, Comaltepec, Atepec, H uexolodan, Tliltepec, Iztidan, M iquizdan, Itzcuintepec. 81. The non-Nahuatl-sounding Tamooc is corroborated by the phonically similar, if not identical, tamuoc in the Codex Mendoza conquest list for Axayacatzin. However, the Anales de Cuauhtitlan has tamooc (see Concordance), raising the possibility that León y Gama may have miscopicd; the ‘a’ and the ‘o’ are sometimes indistinguishable in the Codex Chimalpopoca (compare note 1 above). 82. The León y Gama text has N autzintlan , presumably another of León y Gama’s scribal errors (see preceding note). Codex Mendoza has nantzintían.

i6l

H istory o f the Mexico,

i2 2 6

This is when the Marqués arrived, in the year 1 Reed, forty-tw o years ago from now.83 This one, the one w ho made war, was the second one to enter M exico.84 1 Reed. Forty-two. 11 Reed. 12 Flint. 13 H ouse. 1 Rab­ bit. 2 Reed. 3 Flint. 4 H ouse.85 83. As elsewhere, the particle ye is here translated “ago.” See G LO S:2YE 3. 84. Lit., this one, the one who lays out his dagger, is the second one who enters Mexico. For ye tocomana ic omei in callaquico tnexico read ye[h] tacamana ic ome i[n] in calaquico tnexico. In writing the nonsensical “tocomana,” León y Gama may again have confused the ‘a’ and the co’ (see note 81 above). As for “second one,” Cortes (here called the Marqués) is so designated presumably because he was preceded by Juan de Grijalva, whose arrival a year earlier is described in the Annals of Cuauhtitlan: “And when Moteuczomatzin was ruling, the Spaniards came here for the first time . . .” (see line 6 9:9 et seq. and note 528). O f course, Grijalva did not reach Mexico City, as here implied—if my reading is the right one. The noun taca (dagger) and the transitive verb mana in the sense of to lay out or offer something as an act of war are independendy attested usages (see NED), but the term taca­ mana, though grammatically acceptable, is not elsewhere attested to my knowledge. 85. Tschohl (“Das Ende,” p. 252) reads 4 House as the date 1561. And in fact, if the scribe is writing forty-two years after Cortes’ arrival in 1 Reed (A.D. 1519), the year would have to be 4 House (1561). It is unclear, however, why the sequence of years given here should begin with 11 Reed (1555). In any event, this final paragraph, at least, must have been added after the main composition, which is dated 1558 in line 75:5 above.

Concordance to Proper Nouns and Titles

All personal names in the Codex Chimalpopoca, whether o f supernatural or mor­ tals, as well as all group names and place names (both real and mythical), are entered in this Concordance with a complete list o f occurrences. References to the Codex are by side and line number: for example, 4 5 :1 2 (side 45, line 12). The asterisk (*) identifies a hypothetical or unattested form. Quotation marks enclose an attested form (such as “CHIAPPAN”) that appears to have been mis­ spelled in the paleograph. Abbreviations are as follows: abbrev., abbreviation apoc., apocopated assoc., associated cf., compare g.n., group name (e.g. Chichimecatl, Españoles, Mexicad) lit., literally p.n., personal name (male unless “female” is specified) pc.n., place name, geographical name pi., plural sing., singular Span., Spanish syn., synonym var., variant, variants ACA, var. ACAPOL, p.n. Ruler o f Chaleo. 9 :2 6 (acapol), 11:31

(aca).

Cf. ACATZIN. ACAHUACAN, pc.n. 2 2 :2 2 (acahuacan tepeyacac). ACALHUACAN, pc.n. 2 1 :1 6 ( = ACOLH UACAN?, see note to translation), 3 5 :4 5 , 3 5 :4 8 (?, see note to translation). ACALLAN, pc.n. 8 1 :4 3 . ACALTECOYAN, pc.n. 19:30,36. ACAMAPICHTLI, apoc. var. ACAMAPICH (8 4 :1 9 ), p.n. 1. Ruler o f Colhuacan. 2 3 :4 7 , 2 4 :1 , 2 7 :3 5 .

2. Ruler ofTenochtitlan. 24:25,26:39,26:42 (acamapixtli), 27:53,29:43,51, 30:20,26, 65:48,49,55, 84:15,19,21,30. ACAPOL, see ACA. ACAPOLCO, pc.n. 6 7 :3 4 , 121:17.

Concordance ACATENTEHUATZIN, p.n. 15:17. ACATEPEC, pc.n. 1 21:18. ACATITLAN, pc.n. 1 0 :44. ACATL, p.n. 1 2:1,20. Cf. ACA, ACATZIN. ACATLIYACAC, pc.n. 6 7 :3 4 . ACATZIN, p.n. A Chichimec captain. 1 8 :5 2 , 2 2 :2 2 ,4 1 . Cf. ACA, HUEIACATZIN ACATZINTITLAN, pc.n. 2 1 :2 2 (tlatzallan acatzintlan), 2 1 :3 2 (tlatzallan acatzintlan). ACAYOLTZIN, p.n. 1 7 :5 1 , 1 7 :5 4 (açayoltzin). ACHCAUHTLI, lit., elder brother (sometimes used as a tide, see GLOS: achcauhtli 5). ACHICATZIN TLILPOTONCATZIN, p.n. 15 :24. ACHICHILACACHOCAN (Clavijero per SIM, IXT 1:384: Achichilacazyocan), pc.n. 6 4 :4 0 (achichillacachyocan). ACHIOTLAN, pc.n. 6 7 :4 6 (achiyodan), 121:30. ACHITOMETL, p.n. 1. An early ruler o f Colhuacan. 12:28,36. 2. A later ruler o f Colhuacan. 2 3 :5 2 , 2 4 :2 ,3 ,3 0 ,3 5 , 2 7 :3 4 ,3 6 ,3 7 . ACOCOLCO, pc.n. 8 4 :7 . ACOCOTLAN, pc.n. 2 0 :3 (acocoda). ACOLHUA, pi. ACOLH UAQUE, g.n. 1 3 :1 1 , 3 7 :4 2 , 4 2 :4 4 , 4 3 :2 3 , 4 5 :1 7 , 5 4 :1 1 (tetzcoca acolhuaque), 5 4 :1 9 ,2 4 ,2 6 ,2 8 , 6 0 :3 4 , 8 4 :1 . ACOLHUACAN, var. ACOLIHUACAN (5 0 :2 7 , N E D ), pc.n. 3 :4 2 , 3 5 :4 8 (?, see note to translation), 3 7 :4 0 ,4 1 , 3 8 :5 , 5 0 :2 7 , 5 4 : 3 6 ,6 3 : 3 9 (tetzcoco acolhuacan), 6 6 :2 ,3 6 . See ACALHUACAN. ACOLH UAQUE, see ACOLHUA. ACOLM AN, pc.n. 3 3 : 1 7 ,4 5 : 3 9 ,4 6 : 4 1 ,4 9 : 2 0 (acolman daca), 6 4 : 1 ,3 4 ,6 6 : 2 , 8 4 :2 2 . ACOLMIZTLI, p.n. 1. Ruler o f the Acolhuaque. 13:12. 2. Ruler ofToltidan. 3 1 :28. 3. Ruler o f the Atenchicalque Cuidahuaca. 4 9 :5 2 , 5 0 :1 ,6 . 4. Cougar Arm, a Chichimec. 3 7 :4 7 . 5. See A N TO N IO ACOLM IZTON. ACOLM IZTON, see A N TO N IO ACOLM IZTON. ACOLNAHUAC, pc.n. 1 2 :3 9 (popodan acolnahuac). ACOLTZIN, p.n. 3 1 : 4 7 ,4 6 : 3 4 ,4 9 : 4 8 . ACPAXAPO (Water-weed Mirror), p.n., god o f the Xaltocameca. 2 0 :1 8 ,2 7 . ACPAXAPOCAN, pc.n. 2 0 :9 ,1 1 ,1 5 ,2 9 , 2 2 :2 0 (xaltocan acpaxapocan), 2 2 :3 7 . ACUACUALACHCO, pc.n. 6 3 :1 8 . AC UECH ETZIN, p.n. 6 3 :4 4 .

164

Concordance ACUECUEXATL, name o f a spring in Coyohuacan (FC 8 : 2 : 3 , FC 1 1 :2 5 0 :2 , U A H sec. 282, D H IST chs. 4 8 - 4 9 ) . 59:2 0 ,2 7 ,3 3 . ACXOCUAUHTLI, p.n. 1. 1 0 :17. 2. 11 :4 9 . ACXOTECA, g.n., pi. 1. Chalca group that came to Cuitlahuac Tizic. 13:15. 2. Pertaining to AXCOTLAN (the calpulli in Mexico). 2 6 :3 1 (axcotecatlalli). ACXOTLAN, pc.n., calpulli district in Mexico (cf. AXCOTECA 2). 2 6 :3 4 (axcotlan dalli), 6 0 :5 8 (stewards o f Acxodan). ACXOYATL, p.n. 6 4 :7 . AG USTIN, see PEDRO D E SAN AUGUSTIN. AHUACATITLAN, pc.n. (refers to a part o f TOL1T1LAN). 4 7 : 5 0 ,4 8 : 6 (ahuacaddan chaneque). AHUATEPEC, pc.n. 6 4 :3 8 . AH UATLAN, pc.n. 6 4 :4 3 . A H U A ZH U ATLAN , pc.n. 2 1 :2 6 (ahuazhuada). AH UILIZAPAN , pc.n. 6 7 :1 6 , 121:3. A H U ITZILC O , pc.n. 6 5 :1 3 . AHUITZOTZIN, p.n. 5 7 :5 3 , 58:11,1 4 ,1 8 ,2 1 ,2 9 ,5 1 , 5 9 :3 7 ,6 7 :2 7 ,4 2 . AmCTLI (In Waters’ Midst, cf. N E D adihtic), pc.n. 4 9 :1 8 . ALO NSO CIM ATZIN, p.n. 15:33. AM AQ UEM ECAN, pc.n. 2 7 :5 7 , 3 2 :1 3 , 5 3 :1 5 , 6 3 :3 4 ,4 6 . AM ATLAN, pc.n. 1 21:33. AMATZCALAPAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 0 . AM AXACCALQUE, g.n., pi. (pertaining to Amaxac, a district in Tlatilolco; see FC bk. 12, chs. 3 7 - 4 0 ) . 4 5 :2 . AMAXTLAN, pc.n. 5 9 : 1 3 ,6 7 :3 2 (conquered by Ahuitzotzin). Cf. AM AZTLAN. AM AZTLAN, pc.n. 1 2 1 :1 9 (conquered by Ahuitzotzin). Cf. AMAXTLAN. AM ILPAN, pc.n. 6 0 :5 1 (amillpan). See GLOS: amilpan. AMIMITL, p.n. 3 :3 2 . A M O CH CO (At-the-Water-Weed), pc.n. 4 :3 7 , 7 :2 2 . Cf. NED . AMOXPAN, pc.n. 6 3 :1 6 . AN AH UAC, the world. See GLOS: anahuac, anahuacadalli, anahuad. ANAHUACATL, p.n. 2 8 :4 1 . ANAHUACATLALLI, see GLOS. ANGELES, see G ERO NIM O DE LOS ANGELES. A N T O N IO ACOLM IZTO N, p.n. D on antonio acolmizton, 3 1 :3 6 ,3 7 . APACHICUAUHTLA, pc.n. 6 5 :1 4 . APANCALLECAN, pc.n. 6 7 :3 3 , 121:17. APANECATL, p.n. 8 1 :1 1 ,3 0 . APANTEUCTLI, p.n.

165

Concordance 1. A spirit or deity. 7 6 :2 1 ,5 5 . 2. One o f the MIXCOA. 7 8 :3 8 , 7 9 :1 9 ,2 7 . APAZCO, pc.n. 1 3 :3 5 ,1 5 : 4 8 ,4 0 : 4 5 , 5 5 :5 1 , 6 4 :5 ,1 0 ,1 2 . ATECOMOYAN, pc.n. 2 1 :2 5 . ATECPAN, pc.n. * 1. Water Shrine (“palace” is the usual translation o f TECPAN, but cf. TECCALLI). 4 :3 7 , 7:2 2 . 2. Town controlled by Mexico. 6 5 :5 . ATECPANECATL, an official tide (ydatocatoca) assumed by Huemac when he became ruler o f Tollan (see N E D ). 8 :4 0 . Cf. ATECPANECATL TEUCTLI, TECPANECATL. ATECPANECATL TEUCTLI, tide held by XALTEMOCTZIN 3. 3 0 :3 2 . Cf. TECPANECATL 1. ATEHUILACACHCO, pc.n. 2 1 :1 8 . ATEMPAN, pc.n. 1. One o f the four quarters o f Cuauhtidan town. 2 9 :3 7 , 4 3 :4 7 (atempan huauhdan), 4 6 :4 8 , 5 5 :1 0 . 2. Place visited by Mixcoad. 6 2 :2 5 . ATEMPANECATL 1. An official tide (FC 2 :1 0 0 :1 8 , FC 9 :3 4 :2 3 , Garcia Granados Diccionario 1 : 5 8 - 5 9 , for discussion see FC 9 :4 7 :n .l0 ). 2. P.n. (.>). 2 4 :4 6 . ATENCHICALCAN, pc.n. 3 3 :2 , 5 0 :5 , 6 2 :4 6 , 6 3 :4 9 (aten[chicalcan]). See also CUITLAHUAC ATENCHICALCAN. ATENCHICALCATL or ATENCH ICALQUI (5 0 :1 0 ,2 6 ), pi. A TEN C H ICAL­ Q U E (a division o f the CUITLAHUACA), g.n. 4 9 :5 1 , 4 9 :5 5 (sing.), 5 0 : 4 - 3 3 passim. ATENCO, see CHALCO ATENCO, TETZCOCO ATENCO. ATEPEC, pc.n. 1 2 2:4. ATEPOCATLALPAN, pc.n. 1 0 :40. ATEPOCATZIN, p.n. 4 5 :3 . ATEZCAHUACAN, pc.n. 5 2 : 1 0 ,6 7 : 2 5 ,1 2 1 : 1 0 . ATICPAC, pc.n. 1. Place where M oteuczoma II was reared (Garcia Granados, Diccionario). 2. = 1 (?). 6 2 :2 3 (aticpac cuexomad ytepotzco). 3. = 1 (?). 6 3 :1 3 . ATIZAPAN, see TIZAAPAN. ATLACOMOLCO, pc.n. 2 1 :2 1 . ATLACUIHUAYAN, pc.n. 6 6 :3 6 , 8 4 :3 3 . ATLAN, pc.n. (FC/¡ 9 :1 5 (izquidan ada[n]). See also GLOS: adan. ATLANCATEPEC, pc.n., town in Tlaxcallan (Clavijero per SIM, Gibson Tlaxcala : adangátepec). 3 4 : 1 4 ,4 5 : 6 , 4 5 :1 2 (adancatepec daca).

16 6

Concordance ATLAPOPOCATZIN, p.n., ruler o f Apazco. 6 4 :1 2 . Cf. ATLPOPOCATZIN. ATLAPPOLCO, pc.n. 6 7 :1 3 , 8 4 :5 3 (atlapolco). ATLATLAUHCAN, pc.n. 8 4 :4 3 . ATLAUHCO, pc.n. 2 1 :3 3 (huecatlan atlauhco). ATLITLALAQUIYAN, pc.n. 1 2 :1 6 (atlytlallacyan), 1 3 :3 4 (atlitlalacyan). ATLIXCO, pc.n. 5 7 :4 5 ,6 0 :4 3 ,4 7 . ATLIXYOCAN, pc.n. 5 6 :1 7 (chapoltepec atlixyocan). ATLPOPOCATZIN, p.n. Ruler o f Tizic. 6 3 :5 0 . Cf. ATLAPOPOCATZIN. ATLPOYECAN, pc.n. 6 4 :1 9 . ATLTEPACHIUHCAN, pc.n. 4 6 :3 7 , 4 8 :3 7 . ATLTLATLAUHYAN, pc.n. 6 6 :5 4 . ATLXOXOUHCAN, pc.n. 6 5 :6 . ATONAL, p.n. 1. Ruler o f Toltecs at Tamazolac. 10:42. 2. Ruler o f Coaixtlahuacan, descendant o f the Tamazolac Toltecs. 5 1 :3 6 ,3 7 ,4 1 , 6 6 :4 6 . ATOTONILCA, g.n., pi. 6 0 :1 0 . ATZACUALPAN (Place o f Impounded Water), pc.n. 6 1 :3 ,5 ,8 . ATZATZAM OLTZIN, p.n. 1 8:1,21. ATZIN TEUCTLI, p.n. 6 2 :43. ATZO M IATENANCO, pc.n. 6 0 :4 3 (atlixco àtzomiatenanco). ATZOM PAN, pc.n. 1. 1 0 :34. 2. = 1 (>). 4 1 :4 5 ,4 7 ,4 2 :1 . A U G U STIN , see PEDRO D E SAN AUGUSTIN. AXAPOCHCO (IXT 2 :3 5 , IXT 2 :4 0 , etc.), pc.n. 6 4 :3 8 . AXAYACATZIN, p.n. 5 3 :3 9 , 5 5 :2 ,1 7 ,2 2 ,2 5 ,2 9 ,4 2 , 5 6 :9 ,2 2 , 5 7 : 2 - 3 6 passim, 6 7 :7 ,1 9 , 8 4 :4 9 ,5 1 , 1 21:27. AXCAHUA/TLATQUIHUA, master/possessor, i.e., omnipotent god. Key word: lord and master. 1. Refers to a pre-Conquest deity (FFCC ch. 20: axcaoa . . . datqujoa). 2. Refers to the God o f Christianity (CAROC 55: cemâxcâhuàcâtzindi, cendatquihuàcâtzintli = dueño y señor de toda quanta hazienda ay). 6 2 :7 . AXICYOTZIN, p.n. 5 0 :3 9 . AXOCHTLI, pc.n. 2 1 :1 7 . AYACACHTEPEC, pc.n. 6 4 :4 4 . AYACTLACATL (Nobody) or AYACTLACATZIN, p.n. 1. Ruler o f Cuauhtidan. 1 5 :2 5 , 2 5 :4 2 , 2 9 :5 3 , 3 0 : 5 - 7 (how he got his name), 4 7 :2 ,1 2 , 4 8 :5 3 , 4 9 :2 ,3 , 5 1 :9 , 5 2 :9 , 5 5 :4 1 ,4 3 , 5 9 :5 . Syn. XAQ U IN TEUCTLI. 2. Son o f AZTATZO NTZIN. 15:38. AYAHUALOLCO, pc.n. 1 1 :1 8 (covatolco ayahualolco).

167

Concordance AYAUHCONITTLAN, pc.n. 6 3 :1 6 . AYAUHCOYOTZIN, p.n. 4 :2 9 , 8 :1 0 . AYOCUAN, p.n. 6 4 :4 . AYOTEPEC, pc.n. 6 5 :1 5 . AYOTLAN, pc.n. 1 1 :1 , 8 1 :3 7 . AYOTOCHCUITLATLAN, pc.n. 5 9 : 1 ,6 7 : 4 0 ,1 2 1 : 2 6 . AYOTZINCO, pc.n. 5 9 :2 8 . AZAYOLTZIN (>, see ACAYOLTZIN). AZCAPOTZALCATL, pi. AZCAPOTZALCA (1 7 :3 6 ), g.n. 1 7 :3 6 , 3 0 :4 3 , 8 4 :1 .

AZCAPOTZALCO, pc.n. 10:45,13:24,15:49,16:39,18:38,49,24:4,25:51, 28:37,44,46, 30:34,36,44, 31:5,9,45, 32:32,43,46, 33:5,6,8,21,22,25, 28,31,34:9,12,33,41,37:7,12,38:38,47,39:23,40:22,24,41:12,42:23, 43:29, 44:7, 46:22,27,39, 63:38,53,66:1,8,16,35, 84:33. AZTAMAMAL, p.n. 10:20. AZTAQUEM ECAN, pc.n. 6 4 :3 8 . AZTATZONTZIN, p.n. 15:17,2 0 ,2 8 ,2 8 , 16 :4 ,1 0 ,1 2 ,1 8 , 5 9 :3 9 ,5 3 , 6 0 :4 2 ,4 4 , 5 7 ,6 1 :1 6 ,3 1 ,6 4 :7 ,1 3 . AZTAXOCH, p.n. 10:20. AZTLAN, pc.n. 11 :2 3 , 8 3 :3 8 . CACAMATZIN, p.n. 1. Ruler o f Amaquemecan. 3 2 :1 4 , 6 3 :4 7 . 2. Ruler o f Tetzcoco. 6 1 :5 0 . CAHUALLAN, pc.n. 121:21. CAHUALTZIN, p.n. 3 6 :2 3 . CALCOZAMETL, p.n. 6 3 :4 5 . CALIMAYA (UAH sec. 61, cf. FC 8 :2 :1 2 : callimaia, ZCH IM 1:27: caUiymanyan), pc.n. 6 7 :1 1 (callimayan), 8 4 :5 3 (calliimayan). CALIXTO, Span., Calixto, p.n. 5 7 :3 1 (Calisto). CALLACOAYAN, pc.n. 2 7 :2 1 . CALLATLAXCALTZIN, p.n. 4 5 :3 . CALLAXOCHITL, p.n. 4 3 :4 7 . CALLIIMANYAN, see CALIMAYA. CALLITEUCTLI (H ouse Lord), p.n. 6 2 :4 1 . CALPAN, pc.n. 6 4 :1 . CALTEPEC, pc.n. 6 8 : 3 ,1 2 2 : 1 . CALTZIN TEUCTLI, p.n. 3 4 :3 1 , 5 1 :6 . Syn. TEM IZTZIN. CAMAXTLE, p.n. 1. God o f the Huexotzinca and Tlaxcalteca (M uñoz Camargo bk. 1, chs. 4 and 7). Note: Like CF, CM, H TC H , and U A H , AC gives “camaxtle,” not “camaxtli.” 4 4 :4 9 (see note to the translation). See also CAMAXTLE MIXCOATL

16 8

Concordance 2. = 1 (>). 5 7 :3 1 (ytclpoch camaxtlc). CAMAXTLE MIXCOATL, name assigned by historians to the Chichimec god known variously as CAMAXTLE or MIXCOATL (M uñoz Camargo, bk. 1, ch. 7: camaxtli mixcohuad; cf. H M PP ch. 8: Camasale, or por otro nombre, Mixcoatl). 5 0 :5 0 (camaxde mixcohuad). CAPOLLOAC, pc.n. 6 7 :1 3 , 8 4 :5 3 . CARLOS, Span., p.n., see FRANCISCO CARLOS XO CO NO CH TZIN . CASTILLAN TLACA, see CAXTILTECA. CASTILTECA, see CAXTILTECA. CATLACATZIN, p.n. 15:31. CAXTILTECA, vars. CASTILTECA (2 1 :4 2 ), CASTILLAN TLACA (4 0 :2 5 ), Span., i.e., Castillians, pi., g.n. 16 :6,8. 2 1 :4 2 ,4 0 :2 5 . CE ACATL, p.n. 4 :1 (topiltzin damacazqui çe acad quetzalcohuad), 4 :3 4 (yn topiltzin yn çe acad quetzalcoad), 5 :4 0 (nopiltzin çe acad quetzalcohuad), 1 0 :1 , 8 0 :5 1 ,5 2 , 8 1 : 3 - 3 7 passim. See also QUETZALCOATL 2, T O ­ PILTZIN. See GLOS: ce acad. CEC O A TL, p.n. 10:8. CEMACAC, p e n . 6 5 :6 . CEM POH UALLAN, pc.n. 6 3 :5 5 . CEM POH UALXO CH ITZIN, p.n. 6 3 :5 0 . CENTZONTEPEC, pc.n. 6 8 : 5 ,1 2 2 : 2 . CENTZONTEPECA, g.n., pi. 6 1 :4 4 . CH ACHATZIN, p.n. 3 5 :1 4 , 3 9 :3 3 . CH A H U A C U ETZIN , p.n. 14:52. C H A H U A Q U E T Z IN , p.n. 1 3:6. CHALCA, see CHALCATL. CHALCAITOA:M O, to be called or known as a Chalcad. 12:2. CHALCA M IH U A Q U E, g.n., pi. 1 2:6. See also M IH UAQ UE. CHALCAPOL, p.n. 9 :2 7 . CHALCA TENA NCA , g.n., pi. 1 2:4. See TENA NCO . CHALCATL, pi. CHALCA, g.n. 9 :2 5 , 1 2 :2 ,9 , 1 3 :1 4 , 13:21 (chalcapilli), 1 8 :2 , 18 :2 1 (chalcadatocayod), 2 4 :1 5 , 2 7 :2 6 ,3 0 ,5 4 , 2 8 :2 , 3 2 :2 6 , 4 5 :3 0 , 43, 4 6 :8 , 5 2 :1 4 ,1 5 , 5 3 :1 1 , 5 4 :4 0 , 5 8 :7 (daltecayohuaque chalca), 6 6 :1 1 ; chalcayaoyod = the Chalca War, 2 7 :5 6 , 2 8 :9 , 4 9 :4 1 , 5 1 :1 7 . See also CHALCA M IH U A Q U E, CHALCA TENANCA, CHALCA TLACOCHCALCA, CHALCA TLAH UACAN, CHALCAYOTL, CHALCO. CHALCA TLACOCHCALCA, g.n., pi. 12:24. See also CHALCO TLACOCHCALCO, TLACOCHCALCA. CHALCA TLAH UACAN, i.e., the Chalca o f Tlahuacan, the Tlahuacan Chalca. 1 2 : 8 ,1 3 : 7 ,2 6 : 4 7 . CHALCAYAOTZIN, p.n. 6 3 :4 8 . CHALCAYOTL, Chalca people or Chalca nation. 2 4 :1 4 (see note to the transla­ tion), 2 7 :3 0 .

169

Concordance C H A LC H IU H , p.n. Cf. C H A LC H IU H TZIN . 1. 2 9 :1 3 . 2. 4 3 :3 9 . CH ALC H IU H C O LIU H Y A N (Jade Whirlpool), name o f a whirlpool in the Lake o f Mexico, also called PANTITLAN (see TEZ ch. 80). 8 2 :5 2 . CH ALC H IUH CUEY ECAN (Bemal Díaz, ch. 160: un rio que se dice Chalchocueca; TEZ ch. 32, p. 331: Chalchincuecan, que ahora es San Juan de Ulùa, y la Veracruz; T O R Q bk. 4, ch. 16, p. 386: chalchicoeca; T O R Q bk. 4, ch. 58, p. 473: chalchiuhquaecan; Cortés, 2d letter: chalchilmeca; Lienzo de Jacutácato per GKC 319: Chalchicueyehcan), pc.n. 6 8 :1 2 . CH ALC H IUH TAM AZO LIN (Jade Toad), p.n.(>). 6 3 :1 2 . CHALCHIUHTECHCATTTLAN, pc.n. 2 1 :2 4 . CHALCHIUH TLATO NAC or CHALCHTUHTLATONACTZIN, p.n. 1. Ruler o f Colhuacan. 1 3 :1 7 ,2 5 ,1 7 :1 4 ,4 0 ,5 3 . 2. Son ofTEZO ZO M O C TLI 1. 3 4 :4 5 ,4 8 , 3 5 :1 ,1 5 . CH A LC H IU H TZIN , p.n. Cf. CH A LC H IU H . 1. One o f the Tlahuaca founders. 1 3:6. 2. A ruler o f the Tlahuacan Chalca in Xicco ( = 1?). 2 6 :5 1 . 3. Governor o f Hueipochdan. 2 9 :2 3 . CHALCO, pc.n. 11 :3 0 , 1 2 :1 ,1 9 , 1 5 :2 ,1 0 , 1 8 :9 ,1 0 , 2 4 :1 0 , 2 4 :1 4 (chalco pouhque), 2 6 :4 8 (chalco axcan = present-day Chalco); 2 7 :1 1 , 2 8 :3 ,8 ,2 4 , 3 1 :4 8 ,5 0 , 3 2 :1 5 , 3 4 :3 0 ,3 3 , 3 7 :2 5 , 4 3 :3 2 , 4 5 :3 4 , 4 9 :5 3 ,5 5 , 5 0 :3 , 5 1 :6 , 5 2 :2 3 ,2 6 , 5 3 :6 ,1 1 ,1 6 , 6 1 :1 3 , 6 3 :4 7 (refers to Chalco Tlacochcalco, cf. 5 8 :5 ), 6 6 :2 ,3 0 ,5 2 ,5 3 , 8 1 :3 8 , 8 4 :2 3 ,2 7 ,3 7 ,4 2 . See also CHALCATL. CHALCO ATENCO, pc.n. 2 8 :6 , 3 2 :1 7 , 4 9 :4 0 . CHALCO TLACOCHCALCO, pc.n., see TLACOCHCALCO 2. See also CHALCA TLACOCHCALCA. CHALCOTZIN, p.n. 9 :2 6 . CHALMECAPAN, pc.n. (one o f the four quarters o f Cuauhddan town). 2 9 :3 3 , 4 3 :4 6 ,4 6 : 4 6 , 5 5 :9 . CHAM OLLAN, pc.n. 6 4 :4 2 . CHAPOLICXITLA, pc.n. 6 7 :5 , 8 4 :4 6 . CHAPOLMALLOYAN, pc.n. 2 1 :2 6 . CHAPOLTEPEC, pc.n. 1 0 : 4 9 ,1 1 :7 ,1 3 ,1 2 :4 2 ,4 3 ,5 2 ,1 3 :2 3 ,4 3 ,5 0 , 1 6 :3 3 ,3 5 , 17:1 ,6 ,3 0 , 2 0 :4 3 , 2 8 :5 0 , 2 9 :6 ,7 , 5 3 :2 7 (aqueduct), 5 3 :3 6 , 5 6 :1 7 (chapoltepec adixyocan), 6 6 :4 5 , 8 2 :3 9 , 8 3 :4 0 ,4 6 ,4 7 . CHAPOLTEPECUITLAPILCO, pc.n. (FC 3 :2 7 :2 2 ). 8 2 :3 5 . CHAYACAMACHAN, see XAYACAMACHAN. CHIANCUAC, pc.n. (within the city o f Cuauhddan). 4 2 :1 1 . CHIAPAN, pc.n. K (CF bk. 8, ch. 1, fol. 2; N E D ). Chiappan, 2 1 :3 4 , 4 3 :3 3 ; chiyappan, 4 0 :4 6 , 5 5 :5 2 , 5 7 :4 9 , 6 7 :3 2 ; chiyappâ, 6 4 :6 ; Chiyapan, 1 2 1 :1 9 . Cf. TEOCHIAPAN.

170

Concordance CHIAPANECA, g.n., pi. 5 8 :4 4 (chiappaneca). “ CHIAPPAN,” see CHIAPAN. CHIAUHCOATL, p.n. 1. Ruler o f Tepeyacac. 5 1 :4 , 5 2 :3 , 5 3 :3 8 . 2. One w ho cuckolded Nezahualpilli. 5 9 :1 7 . CH IAUH TLA, pc.n. 6 4 :3 5 (chiauhtla tetzcoco). C H IA U H TZIN C O , pc.n. Cf. TEO CH IAU H TZINC O . 1. Where Nezahualcoyod hid. 3 5 :3 8 . 2. = 1 (?), a town o f Huexotzinco. 4 3 :2 5 (seat o f Huexotzinco government), 5 7 :1 5 ,2 0 , 5 9 :2 4 . 3. A name for the other world (?, N E D ). C H IC A N ITZIN , p.n. 4 3 :4 5 . CH IC H ICUEPO TL, p.n. 5 8 :1 3 . CHICHIHUALTATACALLAN, pc.n. 6 7 : 4 8 ,1 2 1 :3 2 . CHICHIM ECACIHUATL, female p.n. 3 :3 3 . CHICHIM ECACUICOYAN, pc.n. 1 8 :1 1 ,2 4 :5 0 . CHICHIM ECATEUCTLI, tide used by certain kings (NED: chlchîmëcad tëucd i). 6 0 :4 7 (o f Atlixco). CHICHIM ECATL, pi. CHICHIM ECA, g.n. Key word: Chichimec (sing.), Chichimecs (pi.). 1. An aborigine o f the central highlands, a barbarian (for extended discussion see FC bk. 10, ch. 29, pp. 1 7 0 -7 5 ). Note: This category is often difficult to distinguish from 2, below. 1 2 :4 3 ,4 9 , 39:3 5 ,4 1 ,4 3 ,5 0 . 2. A rude tribesman o f the northern part o f the central highlands or one who claims ancestry from such tribesmen (see N E D , FC 9 :8 3 :2 4 , FC 10: 1 9 6 -9 7 , FC 1 1 :2 5 6 , D fflS T ch. 59, p. 449, parag. 9). 1:9,1 0 ,2 4 ,5 5 , 3 :1 5 ,2 9 ,3 2 , 3 :3 4 (chichimecapilli), 3 :3 8 . 3. = 2, especially those w ho setded Tetzcoco. 1 :3 8 (inchichimecayeliz), 3 7 :3 8 (chichimecatontli = litde Chichimec). 4. = 2, especially those who setded Cuauhddan. 1 :4 5 , 3 :3 , 3 :1 3 (chichimecadatocayod), 3:16(?), 8 :1 8 (chichimecadatoque), 9 :1 6 , 1 4 :2 0 , 18:51 (iachcahuan yn chichimeca = his Chichimec captains), 19:2,3,4,6,12,38,39, 41,4 2 ,5 0 , 2 0 :9 , 2 0 :1 0 (chichimecad vaetzin = Huactzin the Chichimec), 2 0 :1 2 ,2 3 ,2 4 ,2 7 ,3 0 ,2 2 :2 8 ,3 0 ,3 3 ,4 1 ,4 6 ,5 3 ,2 4 :4 9 (chichimecapipiltin), 25: 3 —43 passim, 2 6 :1 2 ,1 5 ,2 0 ,2 5 ,3 6 , 2 7 :2 1 ,2 2 , 3 0 :3 8 (chichimecapipiltin), 3 1 :1 2 (idem), 4 2 :2 1 (chichimecapilli), 56 :1 8 ; chichimeca cuauhddancalque, see CUAUHTITLANCALQ UI. 5. = 2, refers to the Cuidahuaca. 13:7. 6. = 2, refers to the Chalca Mihuaque. 1 2 :6 (huitznahua chichimeca). 7. = 2 ? , refers to the Colhuaque. 2 :1 1 . CHICHIM ECATL TEUCTLI, see CHICHIMECATEUCTLI. CH IC OCUAUHYOCAN, pc.n. 3 5 :2 5 .

171

Concordance CHICOM O ZTOC, p en . 1 :2 4 ,4 2 , 79 :3 1 . CHICONCOAC, pc.n. 6 5 :1 1 . CHICONCOATL, p.n. 8 3 :5 ,3 0 ,3 4 CHICONCUAUHTLIITEOCAL, pc.n. 2 1 :1 7 . CH IC O N Q U IYA UH CO , pc.n. 6 6 :5 3 , 8 4 :4 2 . CHICONTEPEC, pc.n. 6 4 :4 2 . *C H IC O N TO N A TIU H , p.n. 1 :3 8 , 2 :1 3 (written “7 tonatiuh”), 2 :5 2 (idem). CHICUALOAPAN, pc.n. 6 2 :2 2 . CHILPAN, pc.n. 6 2 :2 7 . CHILTEPEC, pc.n. 6 5 :4 4 . CHIM ALAXOCH or CH IM ALAXOCHTZIN, p.n. 13:4 2 ,5 2 . CHIM ALCOTITLAN, pc.n. 12:3. CHIM ALHUACAN, pc.n. 6 4 :3 3 . CH IM ALM AN, female p.n., 4 : 2 (chimanan), 7 8 :2 6 , 8 0 :3 0 ,4 9 .

CHIMALPAN, pc.n. 14:44. CHIM ALPOPOCATZIN, p.n. 3 0 : 2 3 ,2 4 ,2 6 ,3 2 :8 ,3 3 :3 1 ,3 3 ,4 1 ,4 7 ,4 3 :6 ,5 7 :4 , 6 6 :3 ,1 4 ,1 7 ,2 7 ,8 4 :2 6 ,2 9 . "CHIM ANAN,” see CHIM ALM AN. CHINAM ECAN, p e n . 6 5 :8 . CHIQUIUH TEPETLAPAN, pc.n. 1 2 :3 4 (chiquiuhtepedapan tecpayocan). CH IU CNA H U AC, pc.n. 6 5 :9 (chiucnauhuac). CHIUCNAUHDCTLAHUATL (Nine Fields), pc.n., refers to the underworld (N ED ). 1:11. C H IU C N A U H N E P A N IU H Q U I (Nine Layers), i.e., the heavens (or the under­ world?). 4 :4 6 (refers to sky), 7 8 :1 1 . CH IUCNA UH O ZO M ATLI, p.n., a supernatural. 2 4 :4 5 . CH IU C N A U H TILIH U IC A N (Nine H ills), pc.n., refers to the underworld (?, cf. FC 3 :4 1 :9 and H G bk. 3, app. ch. 1, parag. 15: chicue tiliuhean = ocho collados). 1:11. C H IU C N A U H TLA N , pc.n. 1 9 :3 4 (chicunauhtla), 6 4 :1 ,3 5 . CHIYAPAN, see CHIAPAN. CH O LOLLAN, pc.n. 1 0 :5 2 , 12 :2 6 , 1 8 :4 ,4 4 , 6 3 :5 7 . CHOLOLTECA, g.n., pi. 1 3 :1 8 ,1 8 :8 . CH RITIAN O TIN, see XPIANOTIN. CIHUACOATL, female p.n., a supernatural. 7 6 :5 2 , 8 1 :1 . CIHUACUECUENOTL or C IH U ACU ECUEN O TZIN, p.n. 1. Rebel son (grandson per 3 6 :1 2 ) o f TEZO ZO M O CTLI 1. 3 2 :3 4 (çihuaquequenotzin), 3 2 :3 5 ,3 9 ,4 0 ,4 2 , 3 6 :1 2 , 3 8 :2 2 . 2. Infant grandson o f TEZOZO M O CTLI 1. 3 5 :2 ,2 ,6 . CIHUATEOTTTLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :7 . CIHUATLAN, pc.h. 6 4 : 4 6 ,6 7 :3 8 . CIHUATLICPAC, pc.n. 2 1 :1 8 (cihuadyicpac).

Concordance CIH U AXO CH ITZIN, p.n. 3 5 :1 4 , 3 7 :3 5 , 3 9 :3 3 . CILIM IYAUHTZIN, female p.n. 3 7 :2 7 . CILLAN, pc.n. 6 7 :2 3 ,1 2 1 :1 0 . CIMA, p.n. 1. 1 2:5. 2. See A LO N SO CIMATZIN. CIMAPAN, pc.n. 1. 1 1 :2 9 (cimapan tehuiloyocan). 2. = 1 (?). 2 8 :2 4 (cimapan teopä). CIMATECATZINTLI, p.n. 13 :30. CIM ATZIN, see A LO N SO CIMATZIN. Cf. CIMA. CINCALCO, pc.n. 1 1 :7 , 8 3 :2 7 . CINCO C, pc.n. 1. 1 0 :7 ,7 , 18:32. 2. = 1 (?). 4 1 :2 4 (cincoc huehuetocan), 4 1 :3 1 . C INCU ANI, p.n. 2 9 :4 . CINPALLANALCO, pc.n. 3 0 :1 4 . CIPACTONAL, female p.n. (but male p.n. per FC 4 : 4 : 6 ) , a mythical character. 1 :2 7 ,2 8 , 7 7 :1 7 ,1 8 ,1 9 . CITLALATONAC, p.n., a spirit or deity. 4 :4 4 , 7 6 :3 ,2 0 . CITLALCOATL or CITLALCOATZIN (3 6 :2 4 ), p.n. 1. Ruler o f Toltitlan. 3 1 :2 9 ,3 3 , 6 4 :4 . 2. Son o f rrZCOATL 1. 36:24. 3. Son o f M O TEU CZO M A 2. 5 0 :2 3 ,3 8 . CITLALINICUE, female p.n., a spirit or deity. 4 :4 4 (çidali ycue), 76:3 ,2 0 . CITLALINTTEOPAN, pc.n. 19:31. CITLALPOLLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :8 . CITLALTEPEC, pc.n. 2 9 :2 0 , 4 8 :5 0 , 4 9 :1 5 (çidaltepecpa = to Cidaltepec), 5 4 :1 9 , 6 4 :8 (as one o f Cuauhtidan’s Four Lords); coupled with TZOM PANCO, 1 2 :2 1 , 1 3 :3 5 , 2 1 :1 1 ,4 5 , 2 9 :1 8 , 4 0 :3 4 , 4 7 :9 ; coupled with CUAUHTLAAPAN, 2 9 : 3 5 ,4 6 : 4 7 . Cf. CITLALTEPETL. CITLALTEPECA, g.n., pi. 4 0 : 4 4 ,4 7 : 1 0 , 5 3 :4 7 . CITLALTEPETL (Hill o f the Star). 5 4 :1 2 (at CITLALTEPEC, cf. 5 4 :1 9 ). COAAPAN, pc.n. 6 5 :7 . COACALCO, pc.n. 2 0 :4 , 2 2 :3 1 ,3 3 ,4 2 . COACUEYE or COACUE (8 :4 5 ), female p.n. 1. One o f the early Chichimec women. 3 :3 3 . 2. Goddess, called “my mother” in song sung by Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl. 7 :4 . 3. Wife o f Huemac. 8 :4 3 ,4 5 . COACUEYECAN, pc.n. 8 :4 4 . COAIXTLAHUACAN, pc.n. 1 1 :1 , 5 1 :3 5 ,5 0 , 6 6 :4 6 ,4 7 ,4 9 , 6 7 :1 , 8 4 :4 2 . COATEPEC, pc.n. 1 1 :4 3 , 5 3 :4 0 , 5 9 :1 5 , 6 4 :3 7 .

173

Concordance COATEQUFTL, p.n. 4 1 :2 9 ,4 1 ,4 2 ,4 7 . See also GLOS: coatequitl. COATTTLAN, pc.n. 1 2 :2 3 ,1 3 :3 6 . COATL. 1. Female p.n. 3 :3 2 . 2. See COATZIN. 3. As common noun, see GLOS. COATLACHCO, pc.n. 6 5 :1 7 . COATLAN, pc.n. 8 4 :4 5 . COATLAYAUHQUI, p.n. 8 3 :3 1 ,3 3 . COATLICHAN, pc.n. 2 4 :2 4 , 2 5 :5 2 , 3 2 :4 7 , 3 3 :1 5 , 4 5 :3 5 , 4 6 :4 1 , 5 7 :5 0 , 6 2 :2 2 , 6 3 : 3 8 ,6 4 :3 ,3 3 . COATLICUAUHPECHCO, pc.n. 121:11. COATLIYOPAN, pc.n. 10:39. COATLPOPOCA, p.n. 6 3 :5 6 . COATLYAYAUHCAN, pc.n. 11:39. COATOLCO, pc.n. 1 1 :1 8 (covatolco ayahualolco). COATOMATZIN, p.n. 13:13,20. COATZIN, p.n. 1. 2 8 :2 7 . 2. 4 3 :4 6 . 3. Cf. COATL 1. COATZINCATL, g.n. 6 1 :6 . COCOTITLAN, p.n. 2 6 :2 8 ,4 0 : 2 9 , 5 2 :2 9 . COCOTL, p.n. 2 6 :2 8 . COCYAMA, pc.n. 8 0 :2 4 (cocyamaa), 8 0 :2 5 (cocyama). CO H UIXCO , pc.n. 3 :3 9 . COLELETLI, see TZITZIMITL/COLELETLI. CO LH UA or COLHUACATL (5 0 :2 9 ), pi. CO LH U A Q U E, g.n., inhabitants o f COLHUACAN 4. 2 :1 1 (chichimeca colhuaque), 1 1 :4 ,1 9 ,5 1 , 1 2 :1 3 ,4 1 , 1 3 :2 4 ,1 6 :4 7 ,5 2 ,1 7 :4 ,2 3 ,2 6 ,3 4 ,4 2 ,4 3 ,1 8 :2 4 ,2 5 ,2 6 ,2 8 ,3 7 ,4 7 ; 2 3 : 1 3 ,2 5 : 50, 3 2 :1 1 (their year count), 4 7 :3 0 ,3 1 (their traditions as source), 4 9 :2 0 , 5 0 :2 9 , 8 3 :4 8 ,5 2 ,5 3 , 8 4 :4 ; refers to the exiled Colhuaque o f Chichimecacuicoyan who founded Cuauhtidan town, 2 0 :2 9 ,3 2 ,3 4 , 2 4 :2 7 —4 8 passim, 2 5 : 1 3 - 5 5 passim, 2 6 :6 ,2 0 , 2 7 :2 3 ,3 8 . COLHUACAN, pc.n. 1. Ancient homeland o f the Mexica (F C 1 0 :1 9 6 :7 : Colhoaca M exico, cf. H M PP ch. 9: Culhuacán). 8 3 :3 8 (in colhuacan in azdan). 2. Name applied to TOLLAN. 4 :3 2 (tollan colhuacan). 3. Reference unclear. 6 2 :1 7 (in mythic times Mixcoad and other devils “de­ scended on Colhuacan”). 4. Town and nation immediately south o f Mexico. 1 0 :5 0 ,1 1 :1 6 ,2 0 ,2 6 ,4 4 ,4 7 , 48, 1 2 :1 5 ,16,27,28,36,37,52,56,57, 13:3 ,4 ,1 6 ,1 7 ,2 4 ,4 4 , 1 6 :4 0 (grouped

174

Concordance with Tepaneca), 1 6 :4 5 ,4 9 ,5 0 ,1 7 :8 ,1 3 ,4 0 ,5 2 ,5 4 ,1 8 :4 ,1 8 ,1 9 ,2 5 ,3 6 ,3 6 ,2 1 : 48,49, 2 2 :3 ,8 ,5 0 ,5 2 , 2 3 :1 2 ,1 9 ,4 6 ,4 7 , 2 4 :1 ,1 6 , 2 4 :1 9 (techichco colhuacan), 2 4 :3 0 ,3 6 , 2 6 :3 , 2 7 :2 8 (techichco colhuacan), 27 :3 1 ,3 2 ,4 0 ,4 1 ,4 5 , 3 0 :2 8 , 3 1 : 4 4 ,4 7 ,4 2 : 4 9 ,4 6 : 3 4 ,4 9 : 4 6 ,4 8 ,5 1 : 1 2 , 5 2 :1 2 , 57:1 ,5 ,9 ,3 9 ,4 1 , 6 1 :2 7 ,3 8 ,4 9 ,6 3 :3 8 ,5 1 , 8 3 :4 2 , 8 4 :1 2 ,1 3 . See COLH UACANTI. COLH UACANTI, to reach Colhuacan (see G N sec. 2.4). 12:11. CO LH U A Q U E, see COLHUA. COM ALLAN, pc.n. 80:18. COMALTECATL, pi. COMALTECA, g.n. 6 2 :2 6 ,2 7 , 8 0 :1 9 . COMALTEPEC, pc.n. 1 2 2 :3 . C O M U L A N , pc.n. 1 21:22. * CONELTEUCTLI, p.n. (?, see note to the translation at 6 2 :4 0 ). CONTECA, g.n., pi., inhabitants o f CO NTLA N, q.v. 5 8 :9 . CO NTITLAN, pc.n. 1 7 :12,28,28. C O NTLA N, pc.n., one o f the original boroughs o f TLALM ANALCO (?, the Conteca were one o f five groups that settled Tlalmanalco per CH IM 165, ZCH IM 1 :4 0 ). 5 8 :7 . COPILCO, pc.n. 1 1 :1 . COTZXIPETZCO, pc.n. 19:31. COXCOXTLI, vars. COXCOX TEUCTLI, COXCOXTZIN, COXCOXTZIN TEUCTLI (2 2 :9 ), p.n. 1. Ruler o f Colhuacan. 2 1 :4 9 , 2 2 :3 ,9 ,4 9 , 2 3 :1 5 ,2 6 ,4 7 , 2 6 :3 . 2. Ruler o f Tetzcoco. 3 4 :4 9 . COYOAC (IXT 2 :1 1 4 ), pc.n. 6 4 :3 9 (coyohuac). COYOCAC, pc.n. 6 7 :3 3 ,1 2 1 :1 9 . COYOCHIM ALCO, pc.n. 6 5 :1 6 . COYOCTZIN, p.n. 6 4 :2 . COYOHUA, p.n. 3 5 :4 5 , 3 6 :1 ,3 ,7 ,3 1 , 3 7 : 9 - 3 2 passim, 3 8 : 1 0 - 1 9 , 3 8 : 3 7 - 4 8 passim, 3 9 : 2 - 5 2 passim. COYOHUACAN, pc.n. 1 6 :3 9 , 3 3 :2 3 (copyist has erroneously written “colhua­ can”), 3 3 :2 6 (coyoacan), 4 6 :2 3 ,4 0 , 5 9 : 2 1 ,6 3 : 5 2 ,6 6 : 3 7 , 8 4 :3 3 . CO YO H UAQ UE, g.n., pi. 13:25. COYOLAPAN, pc.n. 6 7 : 3 7 ,1 2 1 :2 1 (CoyoUapan). COYOMILPAN, pc.n. 19:30. COYOTEPEC, pc.n. 2 9 : 3 7 ,4 6 :4 9 . COYOTEPECA, g.n. 4 0 :4 3 . COYOTLINAHUAL, p.n., god o f featherworkers (H G bk. 9, ch. 18). 5 :5 3 ,5 4 ,

6 : 2 , 10. COYOTLIYACAMIUH, p.n. 2 8 :3 9 . COYOTZIN, p.n. 1 0 :47. COYOZACATZIN, p.n. 2 9 :1 9 . COZAUHQUDCOCHITL, p.n. 2 1 :3 6 .

175

Concordance COZCACUAUHTENANCA, g.n., pi. 5 8 :1 ,4 1 ,4 6 ,1 2 1 :1 8 . CO ZCACUAUH TENANCO , pc.n. 6 7 :3 2 . COZCACUAUHTLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 2 . COZCATECA, g.n. 14:28. COZCATECOTLAN (should be Cozcateuctlan?— the third tow n on fol. 54 o f Cod. M endoza is “Cozcatecutlan”), pc.n. 6 4 :4 4 . COZCATLAN, pc.n. 10:52. CO ZO HU IPILEC AN, pc.n. 1 2 1 :1 8 (Cozohuipillecan, conquered by Ahuitzotzin). Cf. CO ZO HU IPILLA N. C O ZO H U IPILLA N, pc.n. 6 7 :3 3 (conquered by Ahuitzotzin). Cf. CO ZO HUIPILECAN. C O ZO Q U EN TLA N , pc.n. 6 4 :4 5 . CUACHAYATZIN, p.n. 4 5 :2 . CUACHICOL, pc.n. 6 4 :4 5 . CUACHILCO, pc.n. 4 9 :3 2 . CUACUICUILCO, pc.n. 6 3 :1 9 . CUAHUACAN, pc.n. 2 1 :3 5 ,3 6 , 2 2 :2 4 , 3 0 :1 2 ,1 3 ,4 7 :4 4 ,4 4 ,4 7 , 5 5 : 5 2 ,6 3 : 3 7 , 8 4 :2 ,3 4 . CUAHUACATZINCO, pc.n. 2 1 :2 4 . CUAH UAQ UE, g.n., pi. 4 0 :4 3 , 4 8 :2 (cuahuaque tepaneca). CU AH UAQ UE OTOM I, g.n., pi. 18 :1 1 . See also C U AH UAQ UE, OTOM ITL. CUAH UICOL, p.n. 3 :3 1 . CUAHUITLICACAN, pc.n. 11:28. CUAH UITO NA L, p.n. 12:37,53,56. CUAM AM AZTZIN, p.n. 2 8 :4 0 . CUAM INCAN, pc.n. 3 5 :3 9 . CUAPOCHTLI, p.n. 2 7 :1 3 . CUAPPANOHUAYAN, pc.n. 6 7 :1 4 , 121:1. CUAPPILOLLAN, pc.n. 6 7 :4 1 . CUAPPIYO, see CUAUHPIYO. CUAPPOPOCATZIN, p.n. 1. Ruler o f Coatlichan. 5 7 :5 0 . 2. Ruler o f Coyohuacan. 6 3 :5 3 . CUAPPO TO NQ UI, p.n. 5 5 :4 ,1 5 , 5 9 :4 9 . CUATIZATEPEC, pc.n. 6 3 :1 8 . CUATLALATL (Mudhead), p.n. 3 7 :4 8 . CUAUHACALTiTLAN (Place o f the Wooden Flume), pc.n. 6 1 :9 . CUAUHCALAPAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 5 . CUAUHCALCO, pc.n. 6 5 :1 7 . C U AUH CH IC H ITZIN TLACATEUCTZIN, p.n. 2 9 :2 1 . CU A U H C H IN A N C O , pc.n. 6 3 :3 6 , 6 4 :3 6 . CUAUH CIHUATZIN, female p.n. 3 4 :5 0 . CUAUHIXTLI, p.n. 3 0 :3 .

176

Concordance CU AUH IZO M OC A (should be Coaizomoca?, see GLOS: izomoca), p.n. 14:53. CUAUH NA CAZTlTLAN , pc.n. Conquered by Ahuitzotzin, 6 7 :3 7 , 121 :2 4 (Cuauhnacaztlan). CUAUH NACAZTLAN, see CUAUHNACAZTITLAN. CUAUH NA H U AC, pc.n. 3 0 :2 3 (los de quauhnahuac), 5 8 :4 7 ,5 2 , 5 9 :4 4 ,4 5 , 6 1 :3 2 ,4 3 , 6 3 :3 6 ,4 8 , 6 4 :1 9 , 6 5 :5 1 , 6 6 :3 8 , 6 7 :1 , 84:17,1 9 ,3 5 ,4 5 . CU AUH NAHUACA, g.n., pi. 2 8 :2 5 (quauhnahuacan), 2 8 :2 6 , 4 7 :3 6 , 5 7 :1 3 , 44, 5 8 :5 2 . C U A U H N EN E, female p.n. 1 0 :11. CU A U H N EN EC , pc.n. 1 0:10,12. CUAUHNEXTLI or CUAUH NEX TLITEU CTLI, p.n. 3 1 :4 9 , 34 :3 1 . C U A UH NO CH TLI 1. An official tide (for discussion see FC 9 : 4 7 :n l0 ). 2. P.n. (Garcia Granados Diccionario). 3. P.n. (?). 2 4 :4 6 . CUAUH PILO LLAN, pc.n. 121:25. CUAUHPIYO or CUAUHPIYOTZIN, p.n. 3 3 :1 6 (quappiyo), 3 4 :4 4 (quauhpiyotzin), 4 5 :3 7 (quappiyö). C U AUH Q UECE, p.n. 15:15. C U A U H Q U EC H O LLA N , pc.n. 3 :4 0 , 6 3 :4 5 . CUAUH Q UECH O LTECA, g.n., pi. 1 8 :6 , 2 1 :47, 2 4 :7 . C U A UH Q UEM ECAN , pc.n. 2 1 :1 9 . CUAUHTECA, g.n., pi. 1 8:8. CUAUHTECHCAC, pc.n. 6 3 :3 5 . CUAUH TENAM PAN, pc.n. 5 1 :1 6 . C U AUH TENC O , pc.n. 10:51 (tlapechuacan quauhtenco), 1 1 :1 9 (idem). CUAUHTEPEC, pc.n. 2 0 : 5 ,2 1 : 1 5 , 2 6 :3 5 . Cf. CUAUHTEPETL. CUAUHTEPETL, pc.n. Cf. CUAUHTEPEC. 1. Place held by Xaltocan before the war with Cuauhtitlan. 19:33. 2. Place near Colhuacan, held by Cuauhtitlan ( = 1, above?). 2 3 :2 3 ,4 3 . CUAUHTEXPETLATZIN, p.n. 1 1 :17,20,26,44,47. CUAUH TICATZIN, p.n. 1 8 :5 3 , 19:14. C U A U H TIN C H A N , pc.n. 18:3 ,8 ,4 4 , 2 9 :4 4 , 5 2 :3 , 53 :4 1 ; quauhtinchan daca, 2 9 :4 0 ,4 7 . CUAUH TITLAN, pc.n. 1. The nation or country. 1 :39, 1:51 (altepetl quauhtitlan = country o f Cuauhtitlan), 2 :1 3 ,5 3 ,5 6 , 3 :1 3 ,4 8 ,4 :1 2 ,2 8 ,2 9 , 8 :9 ,1 3 ,2 1 ,2 5 ,3 4 ,3 5 ,9 :1 1 , 13, 1 0 :4 0 (huehue quauhtitlan = old Cuauhtitlan), 1 2 :1 9 (nican quauhti­ tlan), 1 2 :3 0 , 1 3 :2 7 ,3 5 , 1 4 :3 6 ,3 9 , 15:22,2 4 ,2 5 ,2 9 , 17:31, 1 8 :17,39,41, 2 0 :1 0 ,3 9 , 2 1 :1 2 ,1 4 ,2 9 ,4 0 ,4 4 ,5 2 , 2 2 :1 8 , 2 3 :3 , 2 4 :3 4 , 2 4 :3 7 (nican . . . quauhtitlan), 2 5 :2 4 ,5 2 ,5 3 , 2 7 :1 5 ,1 7 ,2 3 ,4 6 ,5 0 , 2 8 :9 ,2 0 ,2 1 , 2 9 :2 , 3 0 :3 2 , 35,37,39,42,45,47, 3 1 :1 ,7 (altepetl quauhtitlan), 3 1 :1 1 ,1 4 , 3 2 :1 2 ,1 9 . 2. The town. 2 6 :1 1 (altepetl quauhtitlan), 2 9 :2 7 (where the temple stood),

177

Concordance 2 9 :2 9 ,3 1 (has four quarters), 4 0 :2 4 (where slave market was), 4 0 :4 1 , 48, 4 1 :6 ,1 0 ,1 5 ,2 3 ,2 7 ,3 6 , 4 2 :9 ,1 5 , 4 6 :4 3 (its servant communities), 4 8 :1 5 , 5 6 :1 ,7 ,1 2 ,4 6 (altepetl quauhtitlan), 6 0 :7 . See also CUAUH TITLANCALCAYOTL. 3. Nation or town. 2 9 :5 3 , 4 0 :5 ,7 ,1 1 ,1 3 ,1 6 , 4 1 :3 ,4 ,4 0 , 4 2 :3 , 4 3 :4 ,4 0 ,4 9 , 4 6 :1 5 ,3 2 , 4 7 :1 ,5 ,3 8 ,4 9 ,5 1 , 4 8 :7 ,9 ,4 3 ,5 1 , 4 9 :1 , 5 2 :8 , 5 4 :2 ,3 8 , 5 5 :4 0 , 5 9 :4 ,6 ,3 9 ,5 2 , 6 0 :9 ,2 3 ,3 8 ,5 7 , 6 1 :1 ,3 0 , 6 4 : 7 ,6 6 : 1 ,3 9 , 8 4 :2 3 ,3 5 . CUAUHTTTLANCALCAYOTL, that which pertains to Cuauhtitlan; the Cuauhtitlan nation or people. 2 5 :3 6 (altepetl quauhtitlancalcayotl = the town o f Cuauhtitlan?), 4 2 :4 (people o f Cuauhtitlan), 4 7 : 7 (altepetl quauhtitlancal­ cayotl = nation o f Cuauhtitlan). CUAUHTITLANCALQUI (8 1 :5 3 ), pi. CUAUH TITLANCALQ UE, g.n. 13: 30,32,53, 14 :2 6 , 1 6 :3 2 (quauhtitlancalque huehuetque), 1 7 :1 0 , 2 1 :4 1 , 2 8 :7 ,5 1 , 2 9 :6 ,8 ,4 8 , 3 0 :1 0 ,1 6 , 4 0 : 1 7 - 3 8 passim, 4 1 :7 ,1 3 ,1 6 ,2 6 ,3 8 , 42: 18, 4 3 :2 2 ,4 3 , 4 4 :3 8 ,4 1 , 4 5 :1 6 ,2 3 , 4 7 :1 9 ,2 1 ,4 2 ,4 5 ,4 8 , 4 8 :2 1 ,4 0 , 4 9 :2 4 , 36,38, 5 4 :5 , 5 5 :8 ,5 0 , 5 6 :4 ,2 1 ,2 4 ,3 2 ,3 9 , 6 0 :1 2 , 8 3 :5 3 ; chichimeca cuauhtitlancalque or cuauhdtlancalque chichimeca, 1 :4 1 ,4 4 ,5 2 , 3 :1 2 , 1 3 :3 3 (yn chichimeca yn quauhtitlancalque), 2 0 :7 ,1 4 ,3 8 ,4 1 ,4 5 , 2 1 :1 ,3 0 ,3 9 , 2 8 :1 2 , 4 2 :4 2 . See also CHICHIMECATL 4. CUAUHTLAACAPAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 0 . CUAUHTLAAPAN, pc.n. 8 :2 7 (tianquizçolco quauhtlaapan), 8 :3 6 , 1 8 :3 3 (quauhtlaapan tianquizçolco), 2 9 :3 4 , 30 :1 (quauhapan tianquizçolco), 4 6 : 47; quauhtlaapan daca, 3 0 :1 3 , 4 0 :4 3 , 4 2 :1 0 . CUAUHTLA-HUEXOCALCO, see HUEXOCALCO. CUAUHTLALPAN, pc.n. 2 1 :1 9 . Cf. GLOS: cuauhtlalli. CUAUHTLAN, pc.n. 6 7 : 4 0 ,1 2 1 :5,25. CUAUHTLATOA (5 0 :1 6 ) or CUAUHTLATOATZIN, p.n. (cf. GLOS: cuauhtlatoa). 1. Ruler o f Tlarilolco. 2 9 :4 3 , 3 2 :2 1 , 4 3 :8 , 6 6 :3 1 . 2. SonofIT Z C O A T L 1. 3 6 :2 5 . 3. Emissary to M exico from Cuitlahuac Tizic. 5 0 :1 6 . CUAUHTLI, p.n. (cf. GLOS: cuauhtli). 1. P.n., high priest who succeeded Huemac as “Quetzalcoad” o f Tollan. 8: 47,56. 2. P.n. 1 0 :19. 3. P.n. 10:35. 4. See C U AUH TZIN TEUCTLI. CUAUHTLIICOAUH, p.n. 7 8 :3 5 , 79:1 7 ,2 3 . CUAUHTLIIPANTEM OC, p.n. 2 2 :7 . CUAUH TLIXTLIor CUAUHTLIX, p.n. 1 7 :5 3 ,1 8 :5 . CUAUHTLIZTAC, p.n. 10:34. CUAUHTLOTLI TEUCTLI, or CUAUHTLOTLINTEUCTLI (1 3 :5 ), p.n.

178

Concordance 1. A founder o f Cuidahuac Tizic. 13:5. 2. A later ruler o f Cuidahuac Tizic. 2 2 :1 1 ,1 3 . C U AUH TO CH CO , pc.n. 6 6 :5 4 , 8 4 :4 7 . CUAUHTZAPOTLA, pc.n. 6 5 :1 6 . CUAUHTZAPO TITLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :8 . CU A U H TZIN TEUCTLI, p.n. 3 0 :5 0 . CUAUHTZIPITL, p.n. 5 3 :1 9 . CUAUH TZO NCA LTZIN , p.n. 2 0 :3 1 , 2 4 :5 1 . CUAUHXAYACATITLAN, pc.n. 6 7 : 3 6 ,1 2 1 :2 3 . CUAUHXIMALPAN, pc.n. 4 6 : 3 8 ,4 8 :2 2 ,3 7 , 8 4 :3 4 . CUAUHXOM OLCO, pc.n. 1 9 :33. CUAUHYACAC, pc.n. 1 5 :3 0 ,6 2 :2 1 . CUAXIPETZTECOMATLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 3 . CUAXIPETZTENANTLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :7 . CUAXOXOCAN, pc.n. = CUAXOXOUHCAN (?)• 5 5 :6 . CUAXO XO UH CAN, pc.n. 3 :1 ,4 5 ,4 7 . Cf. CUAXOXOCAN. CUBA, pc.n. 5 9 :4 3 . CUECH IM ALTZIN, p.n. 6 4 :2 . C U ECUEN O TL, p.n. 1 4 :53. CUECUEX, p.n., god o f the Tepaneca. 4 4 :4 6 (see note to the accompanying translation). CUEPPO PAN, pc.n. 1 9 :30. CUETLACHCIHUATL, see CUITLACHCIHUATL CUETLACHCOATL, see CUITLACHCOATL. CUETLAXCOAC, pc.n. 15:46. CUETLAXTECATL, g.n. 6 8 :1 5 ,3 0 . CUETLAXTLAN, pc.n. 6 6 : 5 4 ,6 7 : 1 6 ,6 8 : 1 4 (cuedaxdan daca), 8 4 :4 7 ,1 2 1 :4 . CUETZALCUITLAPILLAN, pc.n. 6 7 :3 7 . CUETZALO ZTO C, pc.n. 6 7 :1 7 . CUETZALTZIN, (should be Quetzaltzin or Cuezaltzin?), p.n. 13:4,16. CUETZPALLI or CUETZPALIN TEUCTLI, p.n. 1. First ruler o f Oztoticpac. 2 9 :4 5 (cuetzpalin teucdi). 2. Later ruler o f Oztoticpac. 5 1 :2 (cuetzpalli). CUEXOMATL, pc.n., a mountain on the northern frontier between Mexica lands and Acolhua lands (EXT 2 :8 4 ). 6 2 :2 3 . CUEXTECATL, pi. CUEXTECA, g.n. 9 :4 3 , 5 4 :2 9 , 6 5 :3 . See CUEXTECATLICHOCAYAN. CUEXTECATLICHOCAYAN (Place Where the Cuexteca Weep), pc.n. (perhaps a nonce name). 9 :3 3 . CUEXTLAN, pc.n. 3 :4 2 , 4 :2 3 , 9 :3 2 (cuexdanpa = from Cuexdan), 9 :3 4 . CU EZALLAN , pc.n. 6 6 :3 9 , 8 4 :3 7 . CU EZALCUITLAPILLAN, pc.n. 121:24.

179

Concordance CUEZALOZTOC, pc.n. 1 2 1 :4. CUEZALTZIN (>), see CUETZALTZIN. CUEZCO M AHUACAN, pc.n. 2 1 :2 1 . CUEZCOM AIXTLAHUACAN, pc.n. 6 7 :1 5 , 6 8 :6 , 122:2. CUEZCOMATLIYACAC, pc.n. 121:2. -ÇUICOYAN, see CHICHIMECACUICOYAN. CUICUITZCACALCO, pc.n. 2 1 :2 4 . CUICUITZCATZIN, p.n. 3 5 :3 3 ,3 7 , 36 :3 1 . CUILTON, p.n. 8 1 :1 1 ,3 3 . CUITLACHCIHUATL or CUETLACHCIHUATL, p.n. 7 8 :3 6 , 7 9 :2 0 . CUITLACHCOATL or CUETLACHCOATL, p.n. 8 3 :5 ,3 1 ,3 4 . CUITLACHTEPEC or CUITLACHTEPETL, p.n. Coupled with TEMACPALCO, 19 :3 2 , 4 6 :2 0 ; assoc, with TOLTITLAN, 5 4 :6 ,3 8 . CUITLAHUAC 1. Pc.n. Note: Cuidahuac was divided into four communities, TIZIC, TEOPANCALCAN, TECPAN, and ATENCHICALCAN (see 6 2 : 4 4 - 4 6 ) . 13: 21, 1 8 :2 0 , 2 8 :4 1 , 3 2 :3 ,2 9 , 4 9 :9 , 5 5 :5 , 5 7 :4 6 (refers to CUITLAH UAC TIZIC), 5 9 :2 8 , 6 1 :2 4 ,4 1 (refers to CUITLAHUAC TEO PANCALCAN), 6 1 :5 2 , 6 2 :2 8 , 6 3 :9 ,4 9 , 6 5 :5 2 , 6 6 :3 7 , 8 4 :1 6 ,1 8 ,3 6 . 2. P.n., see CUTTLAHUATZIN. CUITLAHUAC ATENCHICALCAN, pc.n. 5 9 :3 4 . See also ATEN CH I­ CALCAN. C U niA H U A C A TL, pi. CUITLAHUACA, g.n. 1 3 :8 , 1 8 :4 8 , 2 3 :4 8 ,5 0 , 2 7 :5 2 , 2 8 :4 3 (tecpaneca cuidahuaca), 2 9 :5 0 ,5 2 , 3 2 :1 5 ,1 6 , 3 3 :1 (cuidahuaca tiçica), 3 3 :2 (cuidahuaca teopancalca), 3 3 :9 , 4 8 :1 2 , 4 9 :5 ,1 1 ,1 2 , 4 9 :5 0 (cuidahuaca . . . atenchicalque), 4 9 :5 4 (tiçica cuidahuaca), 5 0 :3 4 (refers to the Tizica), 5 7 :2 9 , 5 9 :1 6 ,3 1 ,4 6 , 6 1 :3 5 ,5 4 , 8 4 :3 . See also

TLAHUACA. CUITLAHUAC TECPAN, pc.n. 6 1 :3 4 ; tecpaneca cuidahuaca, see CUTTLAHUACATL. See also TECPAN 2. CUITLAHUAC TEOPANCALCAN, pc.n. 5 5 :1 5 , 5 9 :4 8 , 6 0 :2 ; cuidahuaca teopancalca, see CUITLAHUACATL. See also TEOPANCALCAN. CUITLAHUAC TIZIC, pc.n. 13:1 3 ,1 4 ,2 0 , 1 7 :5 1 ,1 8 :1 ,2 2 ,4 5 , 2 1 :5 (tiçic cui­ dahuac), 2 2 :1 2 ,1 4 , 2 4 :5 , 2 8 :3 5 ,4 5 , 3 0 :3 0 , 3 2 :6 , 4 3 :2 , 5 7 :4 8 (cuidahuac tizic); cuidahuaca tiçica, see CUITLAHUACATL. See also TIZIC. CUTTLAHUATZIN, var. CUITLAHUAC (FC bk. 8, ch. 1), p.n. 1. SonofIT Z C O A T L 1 .3 6 :2 5 . 2. Ruler o f Huexoda. 5 7 :3 5 , 6 0 :7 . 3. Ruler o f Itztapalapan. 6 3 :5 1 . CUITLAPITOC, pm. 6 8 :3 1 . CUIXCOC, pc.n. 8 1 :3 9 .

l8o

Concordance DIABLO (Devil), see GLOS. DIEGO Q U IN A T Z IN , p.n. 15:41 (D on D iego quinatzin). DIEGO NECUAM ETZIN, p.n. 1 6 :1 6 ,1 7 (D on diego necuametzin). DIEG O TIZAATZIN, p.n. 6 1 :4 9 (D on D iego tiçaatzin). DO M IN G O , see SANTO DO M ING O . ECATEPEC, pc.n. 1 9 :3 4 , 2 1 :1 6 , 6 0 :1 8 , 6 3 :5 4 , 6 7 :2 3 ; ècatepec, 12:23, 21: 39, 6 0 :1 3 ,1 9 ,2 2 ,2 5 , 1 2 1 :9 (Yecatepec). ECATEPECA, g.n., pi. 4 9 :3 5 (ècatepeca). ECATLICUAPPANCO, pc.n. 6 7 :2 4 . ECATZIN, p.n., a ruler o f Tlahuacan Chalca in Xicco. 2 6 :5 1 . Cf. YECATL TEUCTLI. EH UATLICUETZIN, p.n. 2 7 :1 7 ,2 0 . EPCOAC, pc.n. 2 1 :1 7 (epcohuac). EPCOATL or EPCOATZIN, p.n. 1. Ruler o f Cuidahuac Tizic (epcoatzin). 1 8 :4 6 , 2 1 :5 0 . 2. Ruler o f Tolridan (epcoad). 3 1 :5 ,1 6 ,2 0 , 3 3 :1 8 , 3 4 :4 5 , 4 0 :7 , 4 5 :4 1 ,4 7 . ESPAÑOLES, g.n., pi. 16:6 ,7 ,2 1 , 3 1 :3 0 ,3 2 , 4 9 :2 2 , 5 9 :4 3 , 6 3 :4 0 ,4 2 , 6 8 :1 0 . See also GAXÜLTECA. EZCOATZIN, p.n. 11:2 9 ,3 6 . EZTECALLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 6 . EZTLA QU ENCA TZIN or EZTLA Q U ENTZIN , p.n., a ruler o f Cuauhtidan. 9 : 2 1 ,1 1 : 2 5 . EZTLA Q U EN Q U I, p.n., a spirit or deity. 4 :4 5 . FRANCISCO CARLOS X O CO NO CH TZIN , p.n. 1 5 :1 9 ,1 6 :2 8 . GABRIEL D E TAPIA M AZACIHUATL, p.n. 3 1 :4 1 (D on gabriel de tapia maçacihuad). G ERO NIM O D E LOS ANGELES, p.n. 3 1 :4 0 (D on geronimo de los angeles). G RAN ADA , pc.n. 5 9 :3 . See also marginal glosses at 5 1 :1 2 and 6 1 :2 4 . H E R N A N D O , p.n. 5 9 :4 5 (D on hemando [o f Cuauhnahuac]). H E R N A N D O M ATLALIHUITZIN, p.n. 3 1 :3 4 (D on H em ando Madalihuitzin). HUACTLI or H UAC TZIN, p.n. 1. Early ruler o f Cuauhtidan. Vacdi, 3 :1 5 ,1 8 ,2 8 , 4 :1 2 ,2 0 . 2. Later ruler o f Cuauhtidan. Vacdi or vactzin, 1 8 :41,50, 1 9 :27 , 2 0 :1 1 (chichimecad vactzin), 2 0 :3 6 , 2 1 :5 3 , 2 2 :5 ,7 ,1 9 ,3 6 ,4 4 ,2 3 :8 ,2 5 , 2 5 :5 4 , 2 6 :2 . H U A H U A N T Z IN , p.n. 35:3 2 ,3 6 ,4 6 . H U A U H Q U IL , p.n. 19:3.

18 1

Concordance H U A U H TL A N ., pc.n. 4 3 :4 8 (atempan huauhtlan). HUAXTEPEC, pc.n. 6 3 :3 7 ,4 7 , 6 7 :2 , 8 4 :4 3 . H UECATLAN, pc.n. 2 1 :3 3 (huecatlan atlauhco). H UECO M PAN (At the Great Pot Cactus), pc.n.

1 0 :2 2

(hueyconpan).

Cf. GLOS: huei comitl. H U E H U E CUAUHTITLAN (Old Cuauhtitlan), pc.n.. 1 0 :4 0 (in or near TAMAZOLAC). H U EH UETEC A, g.n., pi. 18:43. H U EH U ETEO TL (Old Spirit), epithet o f XIUH TEUCTLI. 1:6. H U E H U E T L A N , pc.n. 5 3 :2 4 , 6 7 :3 8 ,1 2 1 :2 1 . H U EH U ETLITZA LA N , pc.n. 6 4 :2 1 . H UEH UETO CAM ECA, g.n. 4 7 :1 8 . H U E H U E T O C A N , pc.n. 1:41 (macuexhuacan huehuetocan), 2 1 :1 1 , 2 9 :1 8 , 20,36, 4 0 :3 8 , 4 1 :2 4 (cincoc huehuetocan), 4 6 :4 8 , 4 7 :1 7 , 6 4 :8 (one o f Cuauhtidan’s Four Lords), 8 0 :2 6 ,2 7 . HUEIACATZIN, p.n. 2 8 :3 9 . Cf. ACATZIN. HUEIAPAN, pc.n. 121:34. H U E IIM IU H (Big Dart), p.n. 3 7 :4 7 . H UEIPO CH TLAN, pc.n. 2 1 :3 1 , 2 9 :2 3 . HUEITEPEC, pc.n. 2 1 :2 3 . H U EITO CnTLAN, pc.n. 2 6 :2 7 (dalcozpan hueitocddan). H UEM AC, p.n. 8 :4 0 , 8 :40 gloss (huemac atecpanecad), 8 :5 0 ,5 4 , 9 : 6 , 1 0 :2 , 6,8,11, 1 1 :6 ,1 2 , 1 2 :5 4 , 8 1 :4 8 , 8 2 :1 4 ,1 5 ,1 7 ,1 8 ,1 9 ,4 9 ,5 3 , 8 3 :2 ,8 ,2 7 . See also TEZCACOATL. H UETL, p.n., = H U E T Z IN (>). 10:19. H U E T Z IN , p.n. 1. Ruler o f Tollan. 3 :5 1 . 2. Ruler o f Colhuacan. 1 1 :4 8 (huetzi), 12:1 5 ,1 7 , 1 2 :1 8 (huetzi). 3. Ruler o f Nonoalco. 8 1 :5 0 . 4. See H UETL. HUEXOCALCO or CUAUHTLA-HUEXOCALCO, pc.n., site o f the ruler’s pal­ ace in Cuauhtidan town. 3 2 :2 2 , 4 1 :3 4 , 4 2 :2 1 , 4 4 :1 4 , 4 8 :1 6 (huexocaltidan = next to Huexocalco), 5 9 :5 4 (coupled with TLAXOXIUHCO); quauhda huexocalco, 4 8 :5 3 , 4 9 :2 (cf. FC 1 1 :1 7 6 :1 3 : quauhda texcalco = in the wilds). H UEXO LO TLAN, pc.n. 6 8 : 2 ,1 2 1 : 2 0 (HuexoUodan), 1 2 2 :4 (HuexoUodan). HUEXOTLA, pc.n. 2 5 :5 2 , 3 3 :1 6 , 3 5 :1 7 , 4 5 :3 7 , 4 6 :4 1 , 5 7 :1 0 ,3 4 , 6 0 :7 ,5 1 , 6 4 :3 ,3 3 . HUEXOTZINCATL, pi. H UEXO TZINCA, g.n. 1 3 :1 1 , 1 8 :2 ,7 ,4 3 , 2 4 :8 ,2 1 , 2 6 :4 6 , 2 7 :7 , 4 2 :3 7 , 4 3 :3 7 , 4 4 :3 3 ,4 8 , 4 5 :1 0 ,1 3 ,2 2 ,2 9 ,4 2 , 5 1 :2 , 5 7 :1 5 , 45, 5 8 :3 9 , 5 9 :1 4 , 6 1 :4 6 , 6 3 :2 6 ; mohuexotzincachichiuhdnenca, 4 2 :2 7 , 42; mohuexotzincanotzaya, 4 2 :3 8 .

Concordance H U EXO TZINCO , pc.n. 3 :4 0 ,4 4 , 13 :1 8 , 2 4 :9 , 2 8 :1 , 3 4 :1 5 , 4 3 : 1 8 - 4 9 passim, 4 4 :2 1 , 4 5 :2 , 4 6 :1 7 ,3 3 , 5 1 :3 , 5 2 :3 5 , 5 3 :2 1 , 5 7 :1 9 , 5 8 :4 9 , 5 9 : 1 0 ,1 6 ,2 4 ,6 0 :4 2 ,5 2 ,6 1 :3 5 ,6 3 :5 7 . H U IC TLO L IN Q U I, p.n. 7 6 :2 1 ,5 5 . HUILACAPICHTEPEC, pc.n. 19:33. H U ILO C , pc.n. 6 5 :1 7 . H UILO TEPEC, pc.n. 1 2 1 :3 0 (Huillotepcc). H U IPILLA N, pc.n. 6 7 :3 9 ,1 2 1 :2 1 . H U IT Z C O , name o f a mountain. 4 :3 8 , 9 : 8 (huitzcoc = on Huitzco). HUTTZILATZIN, p.n. 6 3 :5 2 . H U ITZILIH U ITL or H U IT Z IL IH U IT Z IN , p.n. 1. Leader o f the Mexica prior to the founding o f Mexico. 1 3 :43,44,45, 17 :7 , 8 3 : 4 1 ,8 4 : 5 . 2. Second king o f Tenochtidan. 2 9 :5 2 , 3 0 :2 1 ,2 5 , 3 2 : 7 ,6 5 : 5 6 ,6 6 : 3 , 8 4 :2 1 , 25,26,38. 3. One w ho cuckolded Nezahualpilli. 5 9 :1 8 . HUTTZILOPOCHCO, pc.n. 10 :5 0 , 15 :3 6 , 16 :1 8 , 6 3 :5 2 . See also 5 0 :3 0 (translation only). HUTTZILOPOCHTLI, p.n., god o f the Mexica. 3 3 :4 5 , 5 7 :4 2 , 5 8 :3 5 , 6 1 :5 8 , 7 8 :1 3 . H UITZILPOPOC A, p.n. 8 1 :49. HUITZILTEPEC, pc.n. 18:32. HUrrZILTEUHCATZIN, p.n. 52:11. HUITZITZILAPAN, pc.n. 6 6 :4 0 , 8 4 :3 5 . H U IT Z N A H U A , g.n. (Aubin per SIM). 1 2 :6 (huitznahua chichimeca), 2 9 :1 0 (xaltocameca ca huitznahua = Xaltocameca who are Huitznahua), 8 0 :4 0 ,4 1 (Huitznahua w om en). HUTTZNAHUAC, pc.n. 1. 1 4 :9 (tequixquinahuac huitznahuac viztopan). 2. 8 0 :2 9 ,4 4 ,4 9 . H UITZO CU ITLA PILLAN, pc.n. 2 1 :2 0 (huitzocuitlapilla). H U ITZT LA N , pc.n. 6 7 :3 9 ,4 9 ,1 2 1 :2 3 ,3 1 . HUDCACHCUAUHYO- (incomplete owing to copyist’s error?), pc.n. 2 1 :2 1 . H UIXACH TLAN, pc.n. 6 0 :6 . HUIXTOM PAN, pc.n. 1 2 :3 3 (tepetlapan yn tequixquinahuac viztonpan), 1 4 :9 (tequixquinahuac huitznahuac viztopan), 17 :4 5 (tequixquinahuac vixtöpa). “ H U IZ T O N P A N ,” see HUIXTOM PAN. ICHCAPETLACOTLA, pc.n. 6 5 :1 0 . ICHCATLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :4 4 . IC H PO CH CO , pc.n. 19:35. IC HPO CH TETITLAN, pc.n. 2 1 :2 6 .

183

Concordance ICNOTLACATL, p.n. 10:17,20; cf. 1 0 :2 4 ,2 7 (play on the name Icnotlacatl, “poor man”). ICPATEPEC, pc.n. 6 1 : 2 2 ,6 7 : 4 8 ,1 2 1 : 3 2 . IHUIM ECATL, p.n., one o f the sorcerers w ho put Quetzalcoatl to flight. 5: 2 6 ,5 2 ,5 3 ,6 :1 0 ,3 7 ,4 7 . m U IT IM A L , p.n. 3 :5 5 . ÍH UITL, p.n. (>). 1. Name o f one o f the three hearthstones. 1 :7 , 3 :2 7 . 2. See IHUITZEN. IHUITLTEM OCTZIN, p.n. 14:5 2 ,5 3 , 15:2,12. IHUTTZIN, p.n., one o f the Tlahuaca founders. 1 3 :5 . Cf. IH UITL. ILANCUEITL, female p.n. 2 4 :2 3 , 2 6 :4 0 , 2 6 :4 4 (ellancueytl), 2 7 :3 1 (idem), 2 7 :3 9 (elancueyd), 2 7 :5 1 (illancueyid), 3 0 :2 8 (yllancueytl). ILH UICAM INA or ILH UICAM INATZIN, p.n. 1. Epithet o f M OTEUCZO M ATZIN 1, q.v. 2. Epithet o f M OTEUCZO M ATZIN 2 (FC 6 :7 1 :7 : jlvicamjna). ILTTTLAN, pc.n. 1 3 : 5 1 ,2 0 :4 . IMEXAYAC, p.n. (>). 6 4 :6 (should be y mexayac?, cf. MEXAYACATL). IQ UEH UAC (3 :3 2 ) or IQUEH UACATZIN, p.n. 1. An early Chichimec. 3 :3 2 . 2. A prince o f Cuauhtidan. 2 8 :1 0 ,1 0 . 3. Son o f M OTEUCZO M ATZIN 1. 5 0 :2 4 (Iquehuacatzin), 5 0 :3 9 . ITZCAHUA or ITZCAHUATZIN, p.n. 5 8 :5 ,1 0 ,1 6 ,1 9 , 5 8 :2 8 (ytzeohuatzin), 5 8 :3 2 , 6 3 :4 7 . rrZCALPAN, pc.n. 6 2 :2 5 . ITZeO ATL (3 4 :2 2 ) or ITZCOATZIN 1. Fourth ruler o f Tenochddan. 2 6 :1 8 , 3 0 :2 5 ,2 6 , 3 4 :1 8 ,2 2 ,2 7 , 3 6 : 2 - 2 9 passim, 3 7 :1 ,3 9 , 3 8 :3 , 4 0 :2 ,1 0 , 4 3 :1 5 , 4 5 :2 5 , 4 6 :3 2 , 4 7 :3 7 , 4 8 :1 0 , 2 8 ,3 3 ,4 9 :4 ,3 5 ,3 7 ,4 3 ,6 2 :5 0 ,6 6 :2 8 ,2 9 ,4 1 , 8 4 :3 1 ,3 2 , 8 4 : 4 9 ,1 2 1 :7,14. 2. Ruler o f Cuauhnahuac. 5 9 :4 5 , 6 1 :3 1 . ITZCUINCUITLAPILCO, pc.n. 6 7 :4 , 8 4 :4 6 . ITZCUINTEPEC, pc.n. 6 8 : 8 ,1 2 2 : 4 . ITZC UIN TZIN , p.n. 2 9 :2 0 . ITZMATLA, pc.n. 6 5 :6 ,9 . ITZOCAN, pc.n., = ITZYOCAN (>)• 8 2 :1 0 . ITZPAPALOTL, female p.n., goddess o f the Chichimecs. 1 :9 ,1 2 ,1 5 , 3 : 1 7 ,4 : 2 1 , 2 5 :4 8 , 5 0 :3 6 , 8 0 :8 , 8 0 :1 9 (refers to fedsh). ITZTAPALAPAN, pc.n. 5 0 : 1 1 ,1 8 ,6 1 : 4 ,6 3 : 5 1 . ITZTAPALAPANECATL, g.n. 5 0 :3 0 . ITZTAPALLOCAN, pc.n. 6 4 :3 7 . ITZTEPEC, pc.n. 8 4 :3 6 . rrZTLACOLIUHQUI, p.n. 3 :3 1 .

184

Concordance ITZTOLPANXOCHI or ITZTOLPANXOCHITL, female p.n. 2 2 :5 , 2 3 :4 . ITZTOLTZIN, p.n. 6 0 :1 3 . ITZYOCAN, pc.n., = ITZO CAN (>). 6 3 :4 5 , 6 7 :2 . Cf. ITZYOYOCAN. ITZYOYOCAN, pc.n. 6 8 :3 . Cf. ITZYOCAN. IXAHUATZIN, p.n. 1 9 :12. IXAPAZTLITEUCTLI, p.n. 3 1 :4 9 . IXAYOC, pc.n. 1 9 :3 1 , 2 9 :1 2 . DCAYOCTONCA, g.n. 2 9 :1 1 . IXAYOCTONCO, pc.n. 1 9 :3 1 ,2 9 :1 4 . IX C O ZA U H Q U I, p.n. 6 3 :4 4 . IX CUINAN , pi. IXCUINANM E 1. A name for H azolteotl, the goddess o f filth (FFCC bk. 1, ch. 12: Ixcuina), so called because there were four Tlazolteotls (FFCC: explanation not given; GKC, p. 77, derives ixcuinan from Huaxtec Maya, with the meaning “female kapok”). 2. PL, refers to a certain class o f female supematurals (i.e., the Tlazolteotls), said to “descend to the earth” (H G bk. 1, ch. 12, parag. 18: Ixcuiname). 3. PL, female devils w ho came from Cuextlan. 9 :3 0 , 9 :3 9 (ixcuiname), 9 :4 0 . DCICAYAN, pc.n. 6 5 :5 . IXTEHUEYO, p.n. 6 1 :4 7 , 6 3 :2 7 ,3 1 . IXTLILCUECHAHUAC, pc.n. 6 4 :1 5 . DCTLILTZIN, p.n., see MATEO IXTLILTZIN. IXTLILXOCHITL or DCTLILXOCHITZIN, p.n. 1. The elder. 1 8 :4 7 , 2 3 :4 9 , 2 7 :9 , 3 2 :3 1 , 3 2 :3 4 (ilxochitzin), 32:3 7 ,4 4 , 3 4 :1 3 , 3 5 :2 3 ,2 9 ,3 4 , 3 6 :1 1 , 3 8 :2 1 , 4 3 :1 , 4 6 :3 0 . 2. The younger. IXTOMI (Fuzzy Face), p.n. 3 7 :4 7 . IXTOTOM AHUATZIN, p.n. 5 7 :3 0 , 5 9 :4 9 ,6 0 :2 ,6 1 :2 3 ,3 7 ,4 0 ,4 5 ,6 3 :5 0 . IYACTECUIZOTLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 1 . IY AUH PO TO NQ UI, or YA UH QUEM EPO TONQUI, p.n. 6 1 :4 7 (yyauhpolonqui), 6 3 :2 7 (yauhquemepotonqui). IYAUHTEPEC, pc.n. 8 4 :4 2 . IYAUHTEPECA, g.n., pi. 2 8 :2 6 . IYEHUACAN, pc.n. 19:47. IZH UATLAN, pc.n. 6 7 :3 8 ,1 2 1 :2 2 . IZQ U1TLAN, pc.n. 1. 9 :1 5 (izquidan ada). 2. = 1 (>). 19 :1 2 . IZQUEXOCHITEPEC, pc.n. 6 1 :2 2 , 6 7 :4 8 . IZTACALCO, pc.n. 1 5 :53. IZTACCH ALCHIUH TLICUE, p.n., 78 :3 2 . IZTACCOAC, pc.n. 19:46.

185

Concordance IZTACCOATL, p.n. (>). 6 3 :1 7 . IZTAC MIXCOATL (White Mixcoatl), see MIXCOATL. IZTAC TEUCTLI, p.n. 13:26. IZTACTLALOCAN, pc.n. Iztacdallocan, 6 1 :3 9 ,4 0 , 6 7 :3 5 ,1 2 1 :2 3 ,3 2 . IZTACTOTOTL or IZTACTOTOTZIN (2 2 :2 5 ), p.n. 2 2 :8 ,1 9 ,2 5 ,3 4 ,3 7 ,4 0 ,4 3 , 4 8 ,5 1 ,2 3 :1 3 ,2 6 :5 ,7 ,2 7 :1 5 ,1 8 ,1 9 . IZTACXILOTZIN, female p.n. 9 :1 4 ,1 9 . IZTATLAN, pc.n. 1 2 1 :22. IZTAUHYATLI, p.n. 6 4 :1 5 (yztauhyatly yxtlilcuechahuac . . . , should be yztauhyatl y yxtlil.. . . > Cf. IMEXAYAC). IZTITLAN, pc.n. 6 0 :4 0 , 6 8 :8 , 122:4. JUAN, abbrev. JU° (see NED: paha). See immediately below; see also SA N JUAN. JUAN M ATLALIHUITZIN, p.n., ruler o f Apazco ( = M ATLALIH U ITZIN 1>). 6 4 :1 2 (D on ju° matlallihuitzi). JUAN TLACOCHCALCATL, p.n. 6 3 :5 6 (don Ju° dacochcalcad). JUAN XALTEMOCTZIN, p.n. 1 5 :4 0 (don Ju° Xaltemoctzin). JUAN YOLLOCAMACHALTZIN, p.n. 1 9 :1 0 (don ju° yoUocamachaltzin). JUDIOSM E, g.n., pi., Span., judios, i.e., Jews. 5 9 :3 . See also marginal gloss at 51 :1 2 . LUIS DE LA VEGA, p.n. 1 5 :3 4 (don luis de la vega), 1 5 :3 5 (don luis). LUIS DE M A N U EL MALOMITL, p.n. 1 6 :1 9 (don luis de manuel mallomid), 1 6 :2 3 ,2 7 (D on luis de manuel). MACUEXHUACAN (macuexhuacan per 2 :1 3 ), pc.n. 1 :41 (macuexhuacan huehuetocan), 2 :1 3 , 2 : 5 2 ,2 1 : 2 2 , 5 6 :5 . MACUEXTLAN, pc.n. 6 4 :4 6 . M ACUEXTZIN, p.n. 6 0 :2 4 . M ACUILOCOTLAN, pc.n. 6 0 :2 7 (macuillocodan). M ACUILOCTLAN, pc.n. 6 1 :3 9 . M ACUILTZINCO, pc.n. 6 1 :6 . MACUILXOCHITL or M ACUILXOCHITZIN, p.n. 1. See PEDRO MACUILXOCHITL. 2. A prince o f Atlixco. 6 0 :4 4 ,4 5 . M A LIH UITZIN, p.n. 5 7 :4 ,7 (mallihuitzin). Syn. M AXIH U ITZIN . M ALINALCO, pc.n. 11:45. M ALINALLOCAN, pc.n. 19:35. MALINALTEPEC*pc.n. 6 8 :5 ,1 2 1 :3 4 . M ALIN TZIN, female p.n. 6 2 :4 2 . “ MALLOMITL,” see LUIS D E M AN U EL MALOMITL.

l86

Concordance M ALOMITL, sec LUIS D E M A N U EL MALOMITL. M ALPANTZIN TEUCTLI, p.n. 6 2 :4 8 . M AM ALHUAZYOCAN, pc.n. 6 6 :5 3 . M AM ALITZIN, p.n. 64 :2 (mamallitzin). M AM ATZIN TEUCTLI, p.n. 1. Ruler o f Cuidahuac Tizic. 2 2 :1 4 , 2 4 :6 . 2. Ruler o f the Tlahuacan Chalca in Xicco. 2 6 :5 0 . M A N U EL, see LUIS D E M A N U EL MALOMITL. MAPACH (Raccoon, see FC 1 1 :9), p.n. 6 2 :3 5 . MAPACHTEPEC, pc.n. 121:24. M A Q U IZPAN TZIN, p.n. 6 3 :3 ,6 . M AQ UIZTECA, g.n., pl. 62 :26. M AQ UIZTLI, p.n. 6 2 :2 7 . M ARIA, p.n. 1. Doña Maria o f Huitzilopochco. 1 5 :3 6 , 16:17,24. 2. Doña María o f Xochimilco. 6 1 :1 7 . M ARQ UES or M A R Q U ES DEL VALLE, i.e., Hernando Cortés (NED: malques). 1 5 :4 4 , 2 1 :4 3 (marques del baile), 122:6. MATEO IXTLILTZIN, p.n. D on mateo ixtliltzin, 5 7 :3 2 , 5 9 :5 0 . MATLACCOATZIN, p.n. 8 :2 4 ,3 1 . M ATLACXO CH ITLo r M ATLACXOCHITZIN, p.n. 5 :2 3 , 8 :4 ,1 1 . M ATLALIHUITZIN, p.n. 1. Ruler o f Apazco (?, = JUAN M ATLALIHUITZIN?). 6 4 :5 (matlillihuitzin— presumed copyist’s error). 2. See H E R N A N D O M ATLALIHUITZIN. MATLATLAN, pc.n. 6 7 :1 5 , 121:2. MATLATZINCATL, pl. MATLATZINCA, g.n. 5 7 :1 1 , 8 4 :3 . M ATLATZINCO, pc.n. 1 4 :4 2 , 5 2 :1 , 5 5 :8 ,1 1 , 5 7 :2 6 , 6 3 :5 5 , 6 7 :2 3 , 8 4 :5 1 ,

121 : 10. M AXALIUHYAN, see TEPETLMAXALIUHYAN. M AXIH U ITZIN , p.n. 5 7 :3 . Syn. M ALIH UITZIN. MAXTLA or M AXTLATON (6 :1 4 , etc.) or MAXTLATZIN (3 4 :4 8 ), p.n. 1. A Toltec o f Topiltzin’s time. 6 :1 4 ,1 7 , 10:29. 2. A Chichimec captain. 18:52. 3. A Chichimec o f Xallan. 2 6 :3 3 (maxdaton). 4. Tepaneca ruler, son ofTE ZO ZO M O C TLI 1. 3 3 : 2 3 - 4 1 passim, 3 4 :1 0 ,1 1 , 48, 4 0 :5 ,4 9 , 4 2 :2 4 ,4 7 , 4 3 :7 ,9 ,2 9 ,3 9 , 4 4 :1 3 ,3 1 ,3 6 , 4 6 :2 2 , 6 6 :8 ,1 6 ,1 7 . 5. One w ho cuckolded Nezahualpilli. 5 9 :1 8 . 6. An official from Cuauhtitlan. 6 0 :1 3 ,2 5 , 6 0 :2 8 (translation only). M AYEHUATZIN, p.n. 5 9 :3 4 ,6 3 :4 9 . M AZAAPAN, pc.n. 6 5 :6 . M AZACIHUATL, see GABRIEL DE TAPIA MAZACIHUATL.

187

Concordance M AZACOYOTZIN, p.n. 6 3 :5 5 . M AZAHUACAN, pc.n. 3 5 :4 , 8 4 :2 , 121:10. M AZAM ICAN, pc.n. 2 1 :2 3 . MAZATEPEC, pc.n. 1. Where early Chichimecs “decorated themselves.” 1:21. 2. Town controlled by Tetzcoco. 6 4 :2 0 . 3. Town conquered by Tizocicatzin ( = 2?). 6 7 :2 4 . M AZATLAN, pc.n. 1 1 :2 , 6 5 :1 1 , 6 7 :3 9 , 121:24. M AZATZIN, p.n. 1. Chichimec ruler at Chapoltepec ( = 2, below?). 12:4 3 ,4 5 ,4 7 ,4 9 . 2. Ruler o f Colhuacan. 1 2 : 5 7 ,1 3 :3 . M AZATZINTAM ALCO, pc.n. 5 9 :3 0 . M AZATZO NCO, pc.n. 8 1 :4 1 . MECELLOTL or MECELLOTZIN, p.n. 1. An early ruler o f Cuauhtitlan. 8 :2 5 ,3 4 (Mecellotzin). 2. A Chichimec captain. 1 8 :5 2 (M ecellod), 2 2 :2 3 (idem). M ECITIN, g.n., pi., variant name for the MEXICA (see FC 1 0 :1 8 9 :6 —10). 7 9 :1 . Syn. MEXITIN. MECITLI, p.n. 78:4 0 ,4 0 . METEPEC, pc.n. 6 7 :1 2 , 8 4 :5 3 . METZTITLAN, pc.n. 2 0 :4 7 , 2 1 :6 , 2 8 :4 8 ,5 2 , 4 9 :2 5 . M ETZTITLANCALQUE, g.n., pi. 6 0 :1 0 . MEXAYACATL, p.n. 6 1 :3 6 . Cf. IMEXAYAC. MEXICATL, pi. MEXICA. 1. G.n. 1 2 :1 4 (migrating Mexica reach Tollan), 1 2 :2 3 (reach Ecatepec), 16: 48 (at Chapoltepec), 16 :5 1 , 1 7 :6 (timexica), 1 7 :1 5 ,2 6 ,3 8 , 1 8 :2 6 , 2 1 :1 4 (mexica ötli = the Mexica road), 2 7 :5 5 (war against the Chalca begins), 3 0 :2 9 , 3 3 :5 1 , 4 2 :4 3 , 4 3 :2 2 , 4 5 :1 7 , 4 7 :2 5 (mexicad), 4 9 : 7 (mexicad), 4 9 :1 3 ,4 0 , 5 0 :2 8 ,4 8 ,5 2 ,5 4 , 5 1 :1 0 , 6 0 :3 3 ,3 7 ,5 4 , 6 5 :4 , 6 6 :9 ,1 2 ,2 0 , 6 6 :5 0 (mexicad), 7 9 :1 ,1 ,8 2 :5 2 , 8 3 :9 ,1 0 ,1 7 ,2 9 ,4 5 ,4 9 , 8 4 :6 ,7 ,1 2 ,1 3 ; mexicadalli, 2 6 :3 2 ,3 4 ,3 6 , 4 9 :2 9 ; mexicadatocayotl, 2 6 :4 4 , 2 7 :5 2 ; Mexica tenochca, 4 2 :2 5 , cf. 4 8 :3 0 (mexicad tenochcad), 3 4 :8 ,2 4 , 6 6 :6 ,3 3 ; Mexica datilolca, 4 4 :2 3 . See also MEXITIN. 2. P.n. (?) or tide (?). 2 4 :4 7 . MEXICATZINCA, g.n., pi. 2 4 :3 5 , 5 0 :2 9 . MEXICATZINCO, p.n. 3 3 :1 9 , 5 0 : 3 4 ,6 1 : 4 , 6 3 :5 1 . MEXICAYOTL, Mexica people or Mexica nation. 5 1 : 5 3 ,6 0 :3 6 .

MEXICO, pc.n. 26:21,24,30, 27:39,41,42,51, 28:28, 31:31, 37:17, 38:2, 41:43, 47:40, 49:8, 52:6,14,16,18, 57:18,22,22, 58:11,27, 59:30, 60: 3 4 ,6 1 :5 5 ,6 3 :24,26,29,64:48,68:24; 122:8; tenochtidan mexico, 53:26, 63:39,65:21; mexico tenochtidan, 22:15, 51:42, 5 6 :4 4 ,6 1 :47. MEXITIN, g.n., pi., variant name for the MEXICA (FC 1 0 : 1 8 9 : 6 - 1 0 ) . 1 1 :2 4 , 27, 1 1 :3 3 (mexiti), 1 1 :3 4 —43 passim, 1 2 :3 —52 passim, 1 3 :2 3 —48 passim,

l88

Concordance 1 4 :2 8 ,4 8 , 16:3 3 ,3 4 ,4 1 ,4 2 , 1 7 : 3 - 4 3 passim, 18:2 3 ,2 8 , 1 9 :19, 2 0 :4 3 , 2 2 :1 6 , 2 4 :3 ,1 9 , 2 5 :6 , 2 7 :2 6 ,2 9 ,5 4 , 2 8 :7 ,5 0 , 2 9 :5 ,8 ,4 2 , 3 2 :1 , 4 7 :2 8 , 4 7 :2 9 (mexiti), 8 2 :5 0 , 8 3 :6 ,3 9 . Syn. MECITIN. MIACATLAN (T O R Q bk. 13, ch. 5: vn Pueblo llamado Miacatlan, de la juris­ dicción de Quauhnahuac, Cabeça de Marquesado), pc.n. 6 4 :2 0 (miyacatla). M IAHUAAPAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 4 (miyahuaapan). MIAHUATAM ALTZIN, see M IAHUATONALTZIN. M IAHUATL (i.e., miyahuad), female p.n. 3 :3 3 . M IAH UATONALTZIN, (erroneous?) var. MIAHUATAMALTZIN (1 7 :5 0 ), p.n. 13 :2 1 (Miahuatonaltzin teuctli), 17:50. MICCAAPAN, pc.n. 2 1 :2 0 . MICCACALCATL, p.n. 1 3 :11,19. MICCACALCO, pc.n. 8 :1 5 (tepotzotlan miccacalco). M IC H H UAC AN, pc.n. 3 :3 9 . M ICQ UETLA N, pc.n. 6 5 :1 3 , 6 7 :1 7 ,2 4 , 6 8 :2 , 1 2 1 :4 (Miquetlan), 121:12 (Miquetlan). MICTECA, g.n. Dead land people, denizens o f the underworld. 76 :3 4 . M ICTLAN (the dead land), pc.n. 7 6 :2 3 . M ICTLANCIHUATL (the dead land lady), female p.n., a spirit or deity. 7 6 :23. M ICTLANCUAUHTLA, pc.n. 5 8 :3 ,4 1 (mictlanquaühtla daca). M ICTLANTEUCTLI (the dead land lord), p.n., a spirit or deity. 7 6 : 2 3 - 4 2 passim. M IH U A Q U E, g.n., one o f five groups that setded Tlalmanalco (CHIM 165, ZCH IM 1 :4 0 ). 1 3 :1 5 , 5 8 :9 ,1 2 ,2 2 ,2 6 . See also CHALCA M IH UAQ UE. M IM ICH or M IM ICH TZIN (2 7 :4 3 , 7 9 :4 3 ), p.n. 1. Member o f the legendary MIXCOA, companion to XIUH NEL. 7 9 : 3 6 - 5 4 passim, 8 0 :9 . 2. O ne o f the early Cuauhtidan Chichimecs ( = 1, above?). 3 :3 0 . 3. A Colhua noble. 2 7 :4 3 . MIMIXCOA, see MIXCOA. M IQ UETLAN , see M ICQUETLAN. M IQ UIZTLA N, pc.n. 1 2 2:4. MIXCOA, see MIXCOATL. MIXCOAC, pc.n. 6 6 :3 8 , 8 4 :3 4 . M IXCOAMAZATZIN, p.n. 1:5 5 , 3 :5 1 . MIXCOATEPETL or MIXCOATEPEC (5 0 :4 9 ), pc.n. 1. A shrine in Colhuacan (FC 2 :2 1 4 :1 6 ). 2. A shrine in Tenochtitlan (cf. FC 2 :172: mjxcoateupan). 5 0 :4 9 . 3. The M ixcoad shrine o f legend. 8 1 :9 . MIXCOATL, pi. MIXCOA or MIMIXCOA 1. G .n., pi., a legendary band o f Chichimecs (in the sense o f CHICHIM ECATL 2). 1 :1 0 ,1 1 ,1 3 , 1 :1 7 (mixcoä), 7 8 :3 0 (mixcoâ), 7 8 :3 2 ,3 5 , 7 9 :2 , 1 4 ,3 6 ,8 1 :4 .

189

Concordance 2. P.n., sing., one o f the Mixcoa, a legendary hero. 1 :1 3 (yztac mixcoatl = White Mixcoad), 1 :1 4 (Mixcoad the younger), 1 :1 6 , 7 8 :2 4 ,3 6 , 7 9 :1 8 ,2 4 , 8 0 : 1 6 - 4 4 passim. 3. Sing., name given to one o f the three hearthstones in early Chichimec times. 1:7. 4. P.n., sing., Mixcoad or Diablo Mixcoad (the devil Mixcoad) (who led the early Cuauhddan Chichimecs) ( = 2, above?). 3 :1 , 2 5 :4 7 (impersonated by ritualists), 2 6 :4 ,5 (temple o f in Cuauhddan), 2 7 :1 8 ,2 4 ,4 8 (idem), 4 4 :4 2 (god o f the Cuauhtidancalque), 5 6 :2 5 (impersonated by warriors). 5. P.n., sing., one o f the early Cuauhddan Chichimecs ( = 2 , above?). 3 :3 0 . 6. = 4, but as worshipped in Cuidahuac. 5 0 :3 4 (mixcoad diablo), 5 0 :4 2 , 44,52 (refers to the idol or statue), 6 2 :1 5 —16 (also called W hite M ixcoad or Mixcoad the younger), 6 2 :3 3 , 6 6 :3 7 (mixcohuad diablo), 6 3 :1 0 , 6 3 : 1 0 — 11 (also called White Mixcoad or Mixcoad the younger). See also CAMAXTLE MIXCOATL, TETZAUH. 7. Sing., pyramid o f Mixcoad in Cuidahuac Tizic, or the sanctuary at the top o f this pyramid. 5 0 :3 5 (decotihuetz yn icpac mixcoad = he rushed to the top o f the Mixcoad), 5 0 :4 0 (odadac yn mixcoad yn xocoyod = M ixcoad the younger was burned), 5 9 :4 6 (ynteocal mixcoad = their temple, Mixcoad). 8. Sing., idol o f the early Chalca (ZCH IM 1:51 and CH IM 146). 12:8. 9. Sing., idol o f the Huexotzinca (see note to the transladon at 4 4 :4 9 ). 5 7 :2 0 . See also CAMAXTLE. MIXTECA, g.n., pi. 2 6 : 5 2 ,6 6 :4 9 . MIXTLAN, pc.n. 2 6 :5 3 ,6 7 : 1 7 ,1 2 1 : 3 . MIYACATLA, see MIACATLAN. MIYAHUATL, see MIAHUATL. M IZQ UIC, pc.n. 5 9 :2 8 , 6 3 :1 7 ,4 8 ,6 5 :5 1 , 6 6 :3 7 , 8 4 :1 7 ,1 9 ,3 6 . M IZQ UITLA N, pc.n. 67:40* 121:25. M IZTLIIMA, p.n. 1. Brother o f IXTOTOM AHUATZIN killed in Huexotzinco. 6 1 :3 6 . 2. Emigrant from Huexotzinco. 6 1 : 4 7 ,6 3 :2 7 . M IZTO NTLAN , pc.n. 6 5 :1 5 . M OCELTZIN, female p.n. 15:37. M OLANCO , see M OLLANCO. M OLLANCO (cf. FC 2:1 9 4 : M olonco; FC 8 :2 : M ollonco; Garcia Granados D iccionario 1 :44: Mollanco; ibid., 3:229: M olango), pc.n. 1. Town that paid tribute to Tetzcoco. 6 4 :4 1 (called Tecpan Mollanco? See note to the transladon). 2. Town that performed labor for Mexico ( = 1?). 6 5 :1 9 , 6 7 :3 1 (conquered by Ahuitzotzin), 1 2 1 :1 6 (Molanco, conquered by Ahuitzotzin). MOMOZTTTLAN, pc.n. 15:47. M ONAM IQ UIYAN, see TEPETLIM ONAM IQUIYAN.

190

Concordance M O Q UIH U IXTLI or M O Q U IH U IX , p.n. 5 5 :1 8 ,2 1 ,2 3 , 5 5 :2 5 (moquihuix), 5 5 :2 7 ,3 2 ,3 9 ,4 8 ,6 7 :1 0 . M OTEIZCOCOPIPINA, p.n. 2 8 :2 7 . M O TEU CZO M A (5 1 :4 3 , etc.) or M OTEUCZO M ATZIN, p.n. Syn. ILH UICAM INA. 1. The elder Moteuczomatzin, ruler o f Tenochtidan. 1 5:4,9,11, 5 0 :2 3 ,5 1 :4 3 , 2 2 :2 4 ,2 9 ,3 9 ,4 0 ,4 4 , 5 4 :3 ,4 1 , 6 3 :2 , 6 7 :6 ; huehue motecçumatzin, 36:24; huehue moteucçomatzin, 2 8 :2 , 3 0 :2 7 , 3 4 :2 0 , 5 1 :3 4 ,4 7 , 5 2 :7 ,1 6 , 5 3 :2 9 , 46, 5 4 :4 3 ,4 6 , 6 3 :1 , 8 4 :4 1 ,4 9 ; moteucçomatzin huehue, 50 :1 4 ; huehue moteucçomatzin ylhuicaminatzin, 4 9 :4 4 ; huehue moteucçomatzin . . . ilhuicamina, 6 6 :4 2 ; (ilhuicaminatzin huehue moteucçomatzin), 8 4 :3 9 ; huehue Moteuczomatzin, 121:7 ,1 4 . 2. The younger Moteuczomatzin, ruler o f Tenochtidan. 1 5 :21,37,39,40, 59: 38, 6 0 :3 5 ,5 6 , 6 1 :2 6 ,2 9 ,3 8 ,5 2 ,5 5 ,5 6 , 6 2 :9 , 6 3 :2 8 , 65 :42, 6 7 :4 3 (ynic orne moteucçomatzin = M oteuczomatzin the second), 68:9 ,1 4 ,2 4 ,2 6 ,3 3 , 1 2 1 :28,29. 3. Ruler o f Tenayocan. 6 3 :5 4 . M O TO ZA H U IC A N , pc.n. 2 6 :3 8 (motoçahuica). MOYOTEPEC, pc.n. 6 3 :2 0 . M OYOTLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 3 . M O Z A U H Q U I, p.n. 5 3 :4 1 . NACAZH UEY O C AN, pc.n. 2 1 :2 5 . N A H U ACA N, p.n. 3 :3 2 . NAHUALLIIAPAN, pc.n. 6 3 :1 6 (nahualliyapan). Cf. CM fol. 33, line 10: nahualapan. * NAHUALTEUCTLI, pi. NAHUALTEUCTIN or NAHUALTETEUCTIN. PL, magician lords (another name for the Tzompanteuctin, see TZOMPANTEUCTLI), 6 2 :1 2 ,4 5 , 6 3 :4 . NAHUIACATL, p.n. 6 3 :4 6 . NA H U IC A LLO C A N , pc.n. 6 0 :2 6 . NAHUITECPATL (4 Flint), a name for the moon. 77:3 8 ,4 6 . N A NAH UA TL or N A N A H U A TZIN , p.n. 1. Spirit w ho split open Food Mountain, 7 7 :1 9 ,2 3 (nanahuad); who became the sun. 7 7 :3 1 ,3 6 ,4 0 ,4 2 ,4 5 ,4 7 (nanahuad). 2. A noble o f Cuauhddan. 1 5 :15 (nanahuatzin). N A N T Z IN T L A N , pc.n. 1 2 1 :22 (Nautzindan). NAPPATEUCTLI, p.n., a spirit or deity, 7 7 :4 0 . “ NATA,” see TATA. NA UH ECATL T O N A T IU H (4-Wind Sun), p.n., a spirit or deity. 6 8 :2 1 . N A U H T L A N , pc.n. 6 3 :5 6 . N A U H Y O TZIN , p.n.

191

Concordance 1. Ruler ofTollan. 8 :1 2 ,2 3 . 2. Early ruler o f the Colhuaque. 1 1:5,16,17,18,49. 3. Later ruler o f Colhuacan. 2 7 :4 2 ,4 4 , 3 1 : 4 5 ,4 2 : 4 9 . NECOC, epithet o f TEZCATLIPOCA (see N E D , cf. FC 3 :1 2 :1 9 : necoc iaotl, FC 6 : 1 1 :3:idem). 17:22. Cf. GLOS: necoc. See also GLOS: diablo. NECUAM ETL, p.n. 1. A Toltec o f Huemac’s time. 8 1 :4 8 . 2. One o f the early Cuauhddan Chichimecs. 3 :3 1 . 3. A Chalca emissary. 5 2 :1 8 ,3 8 ,4 0 , 5 3 :5 . 4. See DIEGO NECUAM ETZIN. NECUAM ETZIN, p.n., see DIEGO NECUAM ETZIN. NECUAM EXOCHITZIN, p.n. 8 :1 4 ,2 2 . NECUAM EYOCAN, pc.n. 3 :1 4 ,1 9 . N EN E, female p.n., a mythical character. 7 5 :4 6 . NEPANTLA, pc.n., one o f the four quarters o f Cuauhtidan town. 2 9 : 3 5 ,4 3 : 4 6 , 4 6 :4 7 , 5 5 :1 0 . Cf. GLOS: nepanda. NEPO PO H UALCO, pc.n. 1 0 :4 4 , 2 1 :1 5 ,2 8 , 5 2 :3 0 . NEXPAN, pc.n. 6 7 :3 5 . NEXTLALPAN, pc.n. 9 :4 6 , 2 0 :4 . NEZAHUALCOYOTL or NEZAHUALCO YO TZIN, p.n. 2 9 :4 9 , 3 4 :1 3 ,1 5 , 3 5 :3 0 ,4 2 , 3 6 :2 2 ,3 2 ,4 2 , 3 7 : 2 - 4 9 passim, 3 8 : 2 - 4 4 passim, 3 9 :1 6 ,1 6 ,3 9 , 44,49,52, 4 3 :1 0 , 4 4 :3 0 ,3 3 , 4 5 :4 ,8 ,1 1 ,2 8 ,3 0 ,3 3 ,4 2 , 4 6 :2 8 ,3 3 , 4 7 :3 3 ,3 7 , 39, 4 8 :3 2 , 5 1 :2 1 ,2 6 , 5 2 :2 0 ,2 4 ,3 3 ,4 1 , 5 3 :1 ,7 ,3 0 ,3 3 ,4 4 , 5 4 :1 0 , 5 5 :1 2 , 6 4 :1 7 ,3 2 (netzahualcoyotzin). NEZAHUALPILLI or NEZAHUALPILTZINTLI, p.n. 5 3 :8 ,2 2 , 5 5 :1 3 , 58: 49, 5 9 :1 8 , 6 1 :4 2 , 6 4 :1 8 ,3 2 , 6 5 :2 8 ,4 2 . NEZAHUALTEM OCATZIN, p.n. 13:47. NO CH EZTLA N, pc.n. 6 7 : 4 7 ,1 2 1 :3 0 . NOCHPALLIICUE, female p.n., a deity. 7 8 :1 4 . N O C H TO N C O , pc.n. 2 1 :2 3 . NONOALCA, g.n., pi. 14:27. NONOALCATEPETL (M ount Nonoalco), pc.n. 4 :3 9 (nonohualcatepec), 5 :4 4 , 6 :4 1 (nonohualcatepec). NONOALCATZIN, p.n. 1 2:16,27. NO NO ALC O, pc.n. 1 0 :5 2 , 8 1 :5 0 . NOPALLAN, pc.n. 6 8 :2 ,1 2 1 : 3 3 . NOPALTEPEC, pc.n. 2 1 :2 3 . OCELOTEPEC, pc.n. 6 5 :1 5 . OCELOTLAPAN, p.n. 3 1 :2 7 . OCELOTLDCTACAN, pc.n. 2 1 :1 8 . O CELOTZIN, p.n. 6 4 :7 .

192

Concordance OCOPETLAPAN, pc.n. 6 4 :2 1 . OCOYACAC, pc.n. 6 7 :1 4 , 8 4 :5 3 . OCOZACAYOCAN, pc.n. 19:30. OCOYO, pc.n. (?). 6 3 :1 4 . O C UILLAN, pc.n. 1 1 :4 5 ,5 7 :1 2 , 6 7 :1 2 , 121:2. OCUILTECATL, g.n. 8 4 :3 . OLINTEPEC, pc.n. 6 4 :2 1 . O LLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :9 , 6 7 :4 9 . OMACATLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 7 . OMEACAC, pc.n. 6 2 :2 4 . O M ETLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :6 . OM EYOCAN (Place o f Duality), pc.n., otherwordly abode o f supematurals. 4 :4 6 (ommeyocan). OTLATITLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :4 5 . OTLAYO, pc.n. 1 9 :3 3 (ödayo). OTLAZPAN, pc.n. 1 2 :5 1 , 2 1 :1 1 ,4 4 (ôdazpan), 2 9 :1 8 ,2 2 ,3 8 , 4 0 :3 4 , 4 6 :4 9 (ödazpan), 4 7 :1 4 (idem), 6 4 :9 (one o f Cuauhtidari’s Four Lords). OTLAZPANECA, g.n., pi. 4 0 :4 4 . OTOMTTL, pi. OTOM I (1 8 :1 0 ), g.n. 9 :5 3 , 18:29,31 (refers to the Cuahuaque Otomi?), 4 9 :2 1 , 5 6 :5 ,4 5 ,4 9 (refers to Tollan, Apazco, Xilotepec, Chiapan, and Cuahuacan). See also CUAH UAQ UE OTOM I, TLAOTONXINTLI. OTOM PAN, pc.n. 3 2 :3 6 , 3 2 :3 8 (otompan daca), 3 2 :4 2 , 3 6 :1 2 , 5 4 :3 3 , 6 4 :2 , 3 3 ,6 6 :2 , 8 4 :2 2 . O TO N Q U ILPA N , pc.n. 3 5 :4 4 . O TONTEPEC, pc.n. 2 1 :1 5 . OXITLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :4 4 , 121:31. OXOM OCO, p.n., a mythical character. 1:2 7 ,2 7 , 7 7 :16,18,19. OZOM ATEPEC, pc.n. 2 1 :2 4 . O ZOM ATEUCTLI, p.n. 1. 1 0 :18. 2. 2 6 :5 3 . O ZTO M A N , pc.n. 6 7 :1 3 , 121:1. OZTOTEM PAN, pc.n. 1 0 :33. OZTOTICPAC, pc.n. 2 9 :4 5 , 5 1 :1 , 5 2 :3 1 , 6 4 :3 8 , 6 7 : 1 5 ,1 2 1 :3 . O ZTOTL (IXT 1 :2 9 3 ), pc.n. 6 4 :4 0 (or O ztod TIatiauhyan? See note to the translation). O ZTOTLAQ UETZALLO CAN, pc.n. 2 1 :2 6 . PABLO TLILLOTLINAH UAL, p.n. 15:32. PABLO YAOTLAMIN, p.n. 6 4 :1 4 . PACHYOCAN, pc.n. 2 1 :2 2 . PA L Z O Q U ll'L A N , pc.n. 6 4 :4 4 (palçoquida).

193

Concordance PANCO, pc.n. 6 8 :4 . PANITZIN, p.n., ruler o f Ecatepec. 6 3 :5 5 . Cf. PANTLI. PANTEPEC, pc.n. 122:1. PANTICTZIN TEUCTLI, p.n. 2 9 :3 . PANT1TLAN (Banner Place), pc.n. 1. A whirlpool in the Lake o f Mexico (TEZ chap. 80, p. 563; FC 2 :4 2 :9 ; FC 2 :8 4 :1 5 ). 12 :3 9 , 8 2 :5 3 , 8 3 :1 1 . 2. = 1 (?). 6 3 :1 3 . PANTLAN, pc.n. 6 4 :3 6 . PANTLI, p.n., ruler o f Xilotzinco. 2 9 :2 4 (in 1395), 5 4 :1 0 (in 1467). Cf. PANITZIN. PANTZO NTLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :8 . PAPAHUACAN, pc.n. 1 9 :3 5 , 2 1 :1 9 , 5 4 :3 4 . PAPALOTEAN (TO RQ , IXT), pc.n. 6 4 :3 7 (papallotla tetzcoco). PAPATLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 8 . PAPAZTAC, p.n. 7 8 :1 8 . PATOLTETITLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 5 . PEDRO DE SA N AU G U STIN , p.n. 1 6 :3 0 (D on Pedro de san augustin). PEDRO MACUILXOCHITL or PEDRO M ACUILXO CH ITZIN, p.n. D on Pe­ dro macuilxochid, 6 1 :1 8 ; D on Pedro macuilxochitzin, 1 5 :3 7 ,1 6 :1 2 ,1 4 ,1 5 ; macuilxochitzin, 16:19. PEDRO TLACAHUEPANTZIN, p.n. 6 4 :1 5 (D on pedro dacahuepantzin). PEDRO TLACATEUCTZIN, p.n. 3 1 :3 8 (don pedro dacateuctzin). PETLACALLI TEUCTLI, p.n. 26 :49. PETLAUHTOCATZIN, p.n. 15:16. PIAZTLAN, see PIYAZTLAN. PICHACATZIN TEUCTLI, vars. PICHATZIN, PICH ATZIN TEUCTLI, p.n. 2 4 :6 , 2 8 :3 6 ,3 8 ,4 3 :2 . PILLI TEUCTLI (Prince Lord), p.n. 62 :41. PINOTL, p.n. 6 8 :1 6 ,3 0 . PIPILO, p.n. 2 6 :2 9 . PIPIOLTEPEC, pc.n. 121:33. PITZALLOTL, p.n. 1 9 :3 9 , 2 6 :2 7 . PIYAZTLAN, pc.n. 6 7 :4 9 ,1 2 1 :3 1 (Piazdan). POCHTECA, g.n., pi. 3 2 :2 9 . POCHTLAN, pc.n. 8 0 :2 7 . POCTEPECA, g.n. 5 7 :1 4 . POCTLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :4 4 . PO H UA ZANC O , pc.n. 6 5 :1 8 . POLLOTLAN, pc.p. 6 5 :1 6 . POLOC (Driblet), name o f the person created by Mixcoad from his ow n blood (cf. MOL: polocad = leavings). 6 2 :3 4 .

194

Concordance POPO TLAN, pc.n. 1 2 :3 9 (popotlan acolnahuac). POXCAUHTLAN, pc.n. 1 2 1:4. POYAUHTECATL, name o f a mountain. 3 6 :3 5 . Q UECEH UACATZIN, p.n. 1 5 :30. QUECEH UATL, p.n. 6 3 :5 7 . Q U EC H O LLA N , pc.n. 6 5 :4 4 . Q UEH UATL, p.n. 18:4. QUETZALAYATZIN, p.n. 3 3 :2 0 ,2 9 ,3 4 , 3 4 : 4 7 ,6 6 :1 5 . QUETZALCOATL, 1. P.n., deity. Creator o f humans, 2 :2 2 ; steals bones to make new race o f hu­ mans, 7 6 :2 2 ,2 2 ,2 6 ,3 6 ,4 1 ,4 3 ,4 8 ,5 4 , 77 :1 ; discovers maize in the mountain, 7 7 :6 ,9 ,1 1 ,1 5 . 2. = 1> 6 8 :2 1 (identified with N A U H EC A TLTO N A TIU H ). 3. P.n., refers to TOPILTZIN. 3 :5 4 —8 :3 (life o f), 4 :1 (topiltzin tlamacazqui ce acatl quetzalcohuad), 4 :3 2 (quetzalcoad topiltzin), 4 :3 4 (yn topiltzin yn ce acad quetzalcoad), 9 :5 7 , 7 7 :3 0 . 4. Tide first held by Topiltzin, then by Huemac, who yielded it to Cuauhtli. 8 :4 8 ,4 9 , 8 :5 0 , 8 :5 5 (quetzalcoatia = he becomes the Quetzalcoad), 9 :5 7 . Q UETZALCO ATO NCO , pc.n. 6 5 :1 7 . Q UETZALCUDO N, p.n. 3 3 :1 9 , 3 4 :4 6 . Q UETZALM AQ UIZTLI, p.n. 3 3 :1 5 ,4 5 :3 6 . Q UETZALM AZATL or Q UETZALM AZATZIN, p.n. 1. A son ofT E Z O Z O M O C T L I 1. 34 :4 3 . 2. A chief lord (or skull rack lord) o f the Cuidahuaca. 62 :49,50 (fought Itzcoatzin). 3. A chief lord (or skull rack lord) o f the Cuidahuaca. 6 3 :3 ,5 ,7 (executed by Moteuczomatzin the younger; see 6 1 :5 2 ). Q U ETZ A L M IC H IN T E U C T L I, p.n. 2 1 :5 1 , 2 2 :1 1 . QUETZALPETLATL, female p.n., sister o f Topiltzin Quetzalcoad. 6 :40,42,49. See also GLOS: quetzalpedad. Q U ET Z A L Q U E N , female p.n. 10:30. QUETZALTEPEC, pc.n. 1. Way stadon o f the migrating Cuauhtidan Chichimecs. 1:39. 2. = 1 , above? 68 :6 (conquered by Ahuitzotzin); 1 2 2 :2 (Quezaltepec, con­ quered by the younger Moteuczomatzin). Q UETZAL TEUCTLI, p.n. 6 2 :4 3 ,4 4 ,4 7 . Q UETZALTOTOTL, p.n. 5 3 :4 0 . Q UETZALTZIN (?), see CUETZALTZIN. QUETZALXILOTL, female p.n. 10:30. Q UETZALXO TZIN, female p.n. 8 3 :6 . QUEZALTEPEC, see QUETZALTEPEC.

195

Concordance Q UIAUH TEOPAN, pc.n. 6 7 :3 (quiyauhteopan), 8 4 :4 4 (quiyauhteopan). Q UIAUHTEPEC, pc.n. 6 7 :2 ,4 8 (quiyauhtepec). Q U IA U H T Z IN , p.n. 2 8 :2 7 (quiyauhtzin). QUILACHTLI, sec QUILAZTLI. QUILAZTLI, var. QUILACHTLI (7 6 :5 2 ), female p.n., a spirit or deity. 4 : 9 (quillazdi), 7 6 :5 2 , 8 1 :1 (quillaztli). QUIM ICHTEPEC, pc.n. 6 8 :5 ,1 2 1 : 3 4 . Q UIM IC H TLA N, pc.n. 6 1 :2 8 . Q U IN AM ETIN, pi., a race o f giants that inhabited the earth in early times (D H IST ch. 2, parag. 14: quíname, IXT: quinamedn), haunted the earth in later times (FC 5, ch. 11: qujnameti). 2 :3 1 . Q U IN A TZIN , p.n. 1. Ruler o f Cuauhtidan. 1 2 :3 2 (huehue quinatzin = the elder Quinatzin), 1 5 :6 (idem). 2. Ruler o f Cuauhtidan ( = 1, above?). 1 3 :2 7 ,3 8 ,4 1 ,4 9 ,5 4 ,1 4 :8 ,1 2 ,1 9 ,3 0 ,3 8 , 46,50, 1 5 :6 (?, see 1, above), 17 :3 1 , 1 7 :4 6 (huehue quinatzin), 1 9 :2 3 . 3. Grandson o f 2, above. 14:43,51. 4. Grandson o f 3, founded Tepotzodan dynasty. 1 5 :1 ,1 3 ,1 3 ,1 6 ,2 3 , 1 6 :3 ,5 , 9,10, 5 2 :6 , 5 9 :4 1 ,6 4 : 5 . 5. See DIEGO Q U IN ATZIN . SAN AU G U STIN , p.n., see PEDRO D E SA N AU G U STIN . SAN JUAN, pc.n., a Chalca community (one o f the boroughs o f Tlalmanalco?). 5 8 :7 (san ju°). SANTO DO M IN G O , pc.n. 5 9 :3 . TAMAOC (cf. Codex M endoza fol. 10: tamuoc, a town conquered by Axayacad), pc.n. 6 4 :4 5 , 12 1 :5 (Tamooc). TAMAPACHCO, pe n. 6 7 : 2 4 ,1 2 1 :1 1 . TAMAZOLAC, pc.n. 10 :4 1 , 11:1 (tamaçollac), 1 9 :4 6 (idem), 5 1 :3 9 (toltidan tamaçolac). TAMAZOLLAC, see TAMAZOLAC. TAM AZOLLAN, pc.n. 6 4 :4 2 (tamacollan for tamaçollan?). TAM O ANCHAN, pc.n. 7 6 :5 1 , 77:1 2 ,3 2 . TAMOOC, see TAMAOC. TAMOMOX, pc.n. 6 7 :1 8 . TAMPATEL, pc.n. 6 7 :1 8 (tapatel), 121:5. TAN CH O L, pc.n. 6 4 :4 1 . TAPATEL, see TAMPATEL. TAPIA, see GABRIEL D E TAPIA MAZACIHUATL. TATA, p.n., a mythical character. 7 5 :4 5 (misspelled “nata?”), 7 6 :6 (tataye = O Tata!).

196

Concordance TATAPACO, pc.n. 2 1 :2 3 . TECALCO, pc.n. 5 3 :4 1 , 6 7 :1 5 , 121:1. TECALLAPOHUATZIN, p ji. 3 6 :2 4 . TECAMACHALCO, pc.n. 63: 44. TECAM AN, sec TECANM AN. TECA NM AN, pc.n. Tecaman, 1 9 :3 5 , 2 0 :4 6 , 2 9 :9 ; tecanmä, 2 8 :4 8 ; tecamman, 4 9 :2 7 ; tecanma, 8 0 :2 1 . TECANM ECATL, p.n. 5 2 :4 . TECATLAN, pc.n. 6 4 :4 4 . TECATLATOATZIN, p.n. 4 5 :3 . TECAXIC, pc.n. 2 1 :2 7 , 6 7 :2 2 . TECCIZAPAN, pc.n. 6 4 :4 3 . TECH CU AUH TITLAN, pc.n. 6 3 :2 0 . TECH IC H C O , pc.n. 1. Where some Cuauhdtlan rulers had their residence. 9 :2 1 , 1 1 :30, 12:32, 1 3 :4 8 ,1 8 :4 1 ,5 0 . 2. A Chalca outpost in Colhuacan. 2 4 :1 3 , 2 4 :1 5 (techichco daca), 2 4 :1 8 (techichco colhuacan), 2 7 :2 8 (idem), 2 7 :5 4 . 3. = 2, above (>). 6 3 :1 2 ,2 2 . TECHIM ALCO, pc.n. 6 3 :1 5 . TECHOTLALATZIN, p.n. 1. A Tetzcoco noble. 3 4 :5 0 . 2. Lord o f Itztapalapan (TO R Q bk. 2, ch. 62, p. 185; IXT 2 :1 4 6 ). 6 1 :3 . TECOAC, pc.n. 2 1 :2 7 (controlled by Cuauhtidan), 6 2 :2 1 (visited by Mixcoad). TECOACTONCO, pc.n. 1 9:1,6. TECOATL, p.n. 1 9 :3 . TECOCOATZIN, p.n. Tecocohuatzin, 4 2 : 2 0 ,4 3 : 1 4 ,4 0 ,4 4 : 6 ,4 5 : 4 4 ,4 6 : 2 ,1 5 , 32, 4 7 :2 ,3 7 ,5 1 , 4 8 :2 4 ,4 5 ,5 2 ; tecoçohuatzin, 4 8 :3 9 . TEC O LLIQ U EN Q U I, p.n. 4 :4 5 . TECO LO TLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :6 . TECO LO TZIN , p.n. 3 5 :1 3 ,1 4 , 3 7 :3 4 , 3 9 :3 3 . TECOL TEUCTLI, p.n. 10:19. TECOM A, p.n. 6 2 :2 6 . TECOM AAPAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 4 . TECO ZAU H TLAN, pc.n. 121:33. TECPAN 1. Palace (M OL). See GLOS: teepan. 2. Pc.n. 2 8 :4 1 , 3 3 :2 , 6 2 :4 6 , 6 3 :5 0 . See also CUITLAHUAC TECPAN. 3. Pc.n. 6 4 :4 1 (paid tribute to Tetzcoco, should be Teepan Mollanco? See note to the translation). 4. Pc.n. ( = 3>). 6 6 :4 0 , 8 4 :3 5 . TECPANCUAUHTLA, pc.n. 4 :3 0 .

197

Concordance TECPANECA, g.n., pi., see TECPANECATL 2.

TECPANECATL 1. An official title (see N E D ). 2 1 :8 (huehue xaltemoctzin tecpanecatl). Cf. ATECPANECATL. 2. PL, g.n. 2 8 :4 3 (tecpaneca cuitlahuaca). TECPANTEPEC, pc.n. 6 7 :3 5 (conquered by Ahuitzotzip). Cf. TECPATEPEC. TECPATLAN, pc.n. 122:1. TECPATEPEC, pc.n. 8 4 :4 3 ,

1 2 1 :2 0

(conquered

by Ahuitzotzin).

Cf.

TECPANTEPEC. TECPAYOCAN, pc.n. 1 2 :3 4 (chiquiuhtepetlapan tecpayocan). TECUANI (Man-eater), p.n. 3 7 :4 8 . TECUANTEPEC, pc.n. 5 9 : 1 3 ,6 7 :3 9 , 121:21. TEH UEH U ELTZIN , p.n. 5 9 :4 4 . TEH UEPANCO, pc.n. 1 9 :34, 2 1 :1 6 . TEHUILACATZIN, p.n. 4 1 :2 9 ,4 2 ,4 6 ,4 8 (tehuillacatzin). TEHUILOYOCAN, pc.n. 1. 1 1 :2 9 (çimapan tehuiloyocan). 2. = 1(?). 1 9 : 4 1 ,4 0 : 3 0 ,4 7 : 1 5 ,6 0 : 5 5 ,6 1 : 2 ,6 1 : 8 (tehuilocan). TEH U IT ZIN , p.n. 1 5 :2 6 , 5 9 :7 . TEIZTLACOATZIN, p.n. 1 1 :3 7 , 12:30. TEL1TL, p.n. 4 0 : 1 0 ,4 6 : 2 0 (tellid). TELOLOIYACAC, pc.n. 19:47. TELPOCH, p.n. 19:4. TELPOCHTLI, epithet o f the god TEZCATLIPOCA (H G bk. 2, ch. 24, parag. 1). 5 :3 3 . Cf. GLOS: telpochtli. TEMACPALCO, pc.n. 1 0 : 4 4 ,1 9 : 3 2 ,4 6 : 2 0 . TEMAMATLAC, pc.n. 2 1 :2 2 . TEMATLAHUACALCO, pc.n. 11:41. TEM ETZACOCUITZIN, p.n. 2 7 :2 4 ,4 7 . TEM ETZIN, p.n. 6 3 :5 7 . TEM ILCO, pc.n. 1. Body o f water in CITLALTEPEC (FC 2 :1 1 ,7 4 ). 2. Way station o f the migrating Cuauhtitlan Chichimecs (?, probably should be XIMILCO; see note to the translation at 2 :5 7 ). 3. Place in the city o f Cuauhtitlan (?). 4 8 :1 6 (see note to the translation). TEM IZTZIN, p.n. 3 4 :3 2 , 5 1 :7 . Syn. CALTZIN TEUCTLI. TENA M A ZTZIN, p.n. 5 0 :3 9 . TENAMITLIYACAC, pc.n. 1 0 :45. TENA NCA , see CHALCA TENANCA. TENA NCO , pc.n. (in Chaleo, see CHALCA TEN A NCA ). 6 3 :4 6 . TENANTTLAN, see TO NAN ITLAN . TEN A N TZIN C O , pc.n. 6 7 :1 2 , 8 4 :5 2 .

198

Concordance TENAYO, g.n. 8 4 :1 . TENAYOCAN, pc.n. 1 5 :9 , 4 0 :1 0 , 4 6 :2 0 , 4 6 :3 9 (a Tepaneca town), 6 3 :5 4 , 8 4 :1 2 ,1 4 . TENEXCALCO, pc.n. 2 1 :2 1 . TENEXOTLI, pc.n. (?, name o f a particular road?), Lime Road (from MOL: tenextli = cal). 1 9 :45 (tenexótli), 4 9 :3 7 (tenexotlica = along the Lime Road). TENEXTICPAC, pc.n. 6 7 : 1 8 ,1 2 1 :4. TENN ECUILCO , pc.n. 6 3 :2 1 . TENOCELOTL or TENO CELO TZIN, p.n. 2 7 : 8 ,4 3 : 2 4 ,4 2 ,4 4 : 2 2 ,4 6 : 1 1 ,1 7 , 3 3 ,5 1 :3 . TENOCHCATL, pi. TENO CH CA , g.n. 2 6 :4 2 , 3 0 :2 2 , 3 3 :4 4 ,4 9 ,5 0 , 4 7 :1 3 , 4 8 :1 3 (tenochcad), 4 9 :2 0 ,3 0 , 5 5 :1 6 , 5 6 :2 ,3 (tenochcad), 5 6 :2 0 , 6 2 :4 9 , 6 6 :1 9 ; yn mexica yn tenochca, 3 4 :8 ,2 4 , 6 6 :6 ,3 3 ; Mexica tenochca, 4 2 :2 5 ; mexicad tenochcad, 4 8 :3 0 . TENO CH TITLAN, pc.n. 1 5 :2 1 ,4 5 , 2 6 :1 9 ,4 0 ,4 2 , 2 7 :1 2 , 2 8 :2 , 2 9 :4 2 , 3 0 :2 0 , 21, 3 2 :7 ,9 ,2 5 , 3 3 :3 ,6 ,3 0 ,4 2 ,4 6 , 3 4 :1 7 ,1 9 , 3 7 :6 ,2 1 , 4 0 :9 , 4 3 :6 ,1 5 , 47: 26, 4 8 :1 1 ,2 7 ,3 2 ,3 4 , 4 9 :5 ,4 3 ,4 4 , 5 0 :3 8 ,4 9 , 5 3 :2 8 ,2 8 ,3 3 , 5 4 :1 ,7 , 5 5 :2 2 , 5 5 :2 4 ( = ruler?), 5 5 :4 2 , 5 6 :1 1 ,1 4 , 5 7 :1 6 ,3 7 ,4 2 ,5 3 , 58 :35,45, 5 9 :2 2 ,3 7 , 6 0 :2 2 ,5 4 ,5 6 , 6 1 :2 9 , 6 5 :4 2 , 8 4 :9 ; M exico tenochtidan, 2 2 :1 5 , 5 1 :4 2 , 5 6 :4 4 ,6 1 :4 6 ; tenochtidan Mexico, 5 3 : 2 6 ,6 3 : 3 9 ,6 5 : 2 1 . TENO PALi'lTLAN, pc.n. 2 0 :3 (tenöpaltidan). TENTLEL, p.n. 6 8 :3 1 . TEOATZINCO, pc.n. 122:1. TEOCALHUIYACAN, pc.n. 6 6 :3 6 , 8 4 :3 4 . TEOCHIAPAN (Codex M endoza fol. 15), pc.n. 6 8 :4 (teochiyappa), 122:1. TEO C H IA U H T ZIN C O , pc.n. 6 8 :4 (teochiyauhtzinco). TEOCOM PAN (Place o f the Pot Cactus), pc.n. 10:13. TEO CUAUH TLA, pc.n. 6 4 :4 2 . TEOCUITLATLAN, pc.n. 6 7 :3 5 ,1 2 1 :2 0 . TEOHCATL, see TEUHCATL. TEO H U A , p.n. 6 4 :1 . TEO HU ACA N, pc.n. 1 0 :5 2 , 2 6 :5 2 (teohuacan daca). TEO N O C H TLA N , pc.n. 6 4 :4 2 . TEOPAN 1. Temple (M OL). See GLOS: teopan. 2. Pc.n. (?) 2 8 :2 4 (cimapâ teopâ). 3. See Q UIAUH TEOPAN. TEOPANCALCA, see CUITLAHUACATL. TEOPANCALCAN, pc.n. 5 5 :4 , 5 7 :3 0 , 5 9 :5 0 , 6 1 :3 7 , 6 2 :4 6 , 6 3 :5 0 . See also CUITLAHUAC TEOPANCALCAN. TEO PANZOLCO, pc.n. 2 0 :4 .

199

Concordance TEOPIAZCO, pc.n. 3 7 :1 1 . TEO PO CH TLAN, pc.n. 6 7 :3 6 . TEO TENA NCO , pc.n. 6 7 :1 2 , 8 4 :5 3 . TEOTEXCALLI, spirit oven (mythical place where the sun was formed; FC 7 : 4 :2 5 ). 7 7 :2 9 (teotexcalco), 7 7 :3 4 . TEOTIHUACAN, pc.n. 6 4 :2 ,3 4 , 7 7 :2 9 , 7 8 :1 5 . TEOTITLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :9 . TEO TLAH UICA (Spirit Guide, see N ED : dahuica), p.n. 6 2 :3 6 . TEOTLILLAN, pc.n. 1 0 :5 2 (teotlilan). TEO ZATZIN, p.n. 14:48. TEOZTOC, pc.n. 6 3 :2 1 . TEPANAHUILLOYAN, pc.n. 1 9 :4 8 , 2 0 :3 . TEPANECATL, pi. TEPANECA, g.n. 1 6 :3 9 ,4 1 ,5 2 , 1 7 :4 8 , 2 1 :3 7 (tepanecayaoyod), 2 2 :3 1 ,3 5 ,4 2 ,2 4 :1 8 (tepanecad),2 7 :1 ,5 5 ,2 8 :7 ,3 8 ,4 3 , 3 0 :3 3 ,4 3 , 46,47, 3 1 :3 (tepanecayaoyod), 3 1 :1 8 (tepaneca yn toltidancalque), 3 1 :2 3 , 3 2 :3 2 , 3 3 :3 1 ,4 3 , 3 4 :3 6 ,3 7 ,4 0 , 3 5 :2 4 ,2 7 , 3 9 :3 6 ,4 2 , 4 0 :4 ,1 2 , 4 0 :4 0 (tepanecayaoyod), 4 0 :4 7 (moçentepanecaytohua), 4 1 :6 ,1 0 ,3 3 , 4 2 :1 0 ,4 0 (tepanecad), 4 2 :4 5 , 4 3 :1 7 , 4 3 :1 9 (tepanecad), 4 4 :2 0 ,2 5 ,3 8 ,4 3 ,4 7 , 4 5 :7 , 14,24,27,49, 4 6 :3 5 ,3 6 ,3 9 (list o f Tepaneca towns), 4 7 :2 2 , 4 7 :2 4 (tepane­ cad), 4 7 :2 6 ,3 6 , 4 8 :2 (cuahuaque tepaneca), 4 8 :2 2 (yn tepaneca yn tolti­ dancalque), 4 8 : 3 6 ,6 0 : 3 3 ,6 6 : 1 8 . TEPANECAYOTL, Tepanec nation. 3 1 :2 0 . TEPANOHUAYAN, pc.n., synonym for Tepanecapan, i.e., the region o f the Te­ paneca (see NED: tepanecapan, see also CH IM 93 and 238). 3 0 :3 5 , 3 2 :1 , 4 0 : 6 ,4 1 : 1 7 ,4 7 : 2 9 ,6 3 : 4 0 (dacopan tepanohuayan). TEPANONOC, p.n. 3 0 :5 1 , 3 1 :1 . TEPANQ UIZQ U I, p.n. 1. Name o f a deity. 76:2 1 ,5 5 . 2. Son o f Tezozomoctli o f Azcapotzalco. 3 3 :2 4 , 3 4 : 4 3 ,4 6 : 2 5 . TEPECHPAN, pc.n. 6 4 :3 4 . TEPECOMECATL, p.n. 5 5 :1 0 . TEPECUACUILCO, pc.n. 6 6 :3 9 , 6 7 :3 , 8 4 :3 7 ,4 5 . TEPEMAXALCO, pc.n. 19:32. TEPEPOLCO, pc.n. 6 4 :3 9 (tepepulco). TEPETITLAN, pc.n. 2 1 :2 7 . TEPETL, p.n. 6 0 :4 6 . Cf. GLOS: teped. TEPETLAOZTOC, pc.n. 6 4 :3 4 . TEPETLAPAN, pc.n. 1 2 : 3 3 ,1 3 : 5 4 ,1 5 : 2 7 , 5 9 : 7 ,6 5 : 7 . TEPETLAYACAC, pc.n. 10:4 0. TEPETLIM ONAM IQUIYAN (Where Mountains Come Together), pc.n. 11 :3 3 . TEPETLMAXALCO, pc.n. 2 1 :2 7 . TEPETLMAXALIUHYAN (Where Mountains Divide), pc.n. 1 1 :34. TEPETZINCO, pc.n. 5 9 :2 9 .

200

Concordance TEPEXIC, pc.n. 60 :15, 6 4 :4 ,9 . TEPEXITENCO, pc.n. 4 :1 9 . TEPEYACAC, pc.n. 1. Town in Puebla region. 3 :4 0 , 12 :2 6 , 1 8 :3 ,4 4 , 5 1 :5 , 5 2 :2 (tepeyacac daca), 5 2 :3 , 5 3 :3 9 ,4 3 ,6 3 : 4 4 ,6 7 : 1 4 ,1 2 1 : 1 . 2. Place north o f Mexico. 1 2 :3 8 , 2 2 :2 2 (acahuacan tepeyacac), 2 2 :2 8 (tepeayacac). 3. Place north o f Mexico ( = 2>). 4 9 :3 1 . TEPEYACAHUAQUE, g.n., pi. 1 8 :7 , 5 1 :4, 53:3 4 ,3 8 . TEPIXTLOCO, pc.n. 5 0 :4 7 . TEPOLCO, pc.n. 2 1 :5 4 . TEPOLITZMATTL, p.n. 2 8 :4 5 , 3 2 :4 . TEPOLNEXCO, pc.n. 4 8 :4 6 . TEPOLNEXTLI, p.n. 3 :4 4 . TEPOLO M ITZIN, p.n. 3 6 :2 6 . TEPO N AZCO , pe n. 3 5 :4 1 . TEPOTONILOYAN, pc.n. 6 2 :2 3 . TEPOTZOTECA, g.n., pi. 4 0 : 4 3 ,4 2 : 1 2 . TEPOTZO TLAN, pc.n. 8 :1 5 (tepotzodan mkcacalco), 1 4 : 4 0 ,1 5 : 1 ,1 5 : 1 3 (tepotzondan), 1 6 : 3 - 2 8 passim, 1 8 :1 6 ,3 0 , 2 1 :4 4 , 2 9 :3 6 , 4 6 :4 8 , 5 2 :6 ,7 , 5 9 :4 0 , 6 1 :1 8 ,6 4 :4 ,1 0 . TEPOXACCO, pc.n. 2 9 : 3 3 ,4 6 : 4 6 , 4 7 :1 4 . TEPOZTECA, g.n., pi. 4 0 :4 2 . TEPOZTLAN, pc.n. 84 :42. TEPOZTLI or TEPOZ, p.n. Huehue tepoztli, 5 2 :1 9 , 5 3 :5 ; huehue tepoz, 5 2 :3 7 ,3 7 . TEQ U IH U A , see GLOS. TEQUIXQUIAC, pc.n. 1 3 :3 4 , 8 4 :2 7 . TEQ U IX Q U INA H U AC, pc.n. 1 2 :3 3 (tepedapan yn tequixquinahuac viztonpan), 1 4 :9 (tequixquinahuac huitznahuac viztopan), 1 5 :3 3 1 7 :45 (tequix­ quinahuac vixtöpa), 2 9 :3 1 (one o f the four quarters o f Cuauhddan town), 4 3 :4 4 (idem), 4 6 :4 6 (idem), 5 5 :9 , 6 0 :2 9 . TETEC TLAM ACAZQUI, see TOTEC TLAMACAZQU1. TETELPAN, pc.n. 2 8 :2 6 (tetelpan daca). TETELTITLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :8 . TETLANM AN, pc.n. 15:50. TETLIZTACAN (cf. EXT 1:384: Tetelyzlacan), pc.n. 6 4 :4 0 (tedyztacan). TETLMOPACCAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 4 . TETLO LINCAN, pc.n. 10:45. TETLPOZTECCAN, pc.n. 6 3 :1 9 (tedpotzteccä), 6 5 :1 3 . TETZAPOTTTLAN, pc.n. 1 2 1 :3 (conquered by Axayacad). Cf. TZAPOTITLAN. TETZA UH (Terror), p.n., alternate name for the god MIXCOATL (in Cuidahuaca legend). 6 2 :3 2 (see note to the translation).

201

Concordance TETZCATLPOPOCA, see TEZCATLPOPOCA. TETZCOCATL, pi. TETZCOCA, g.n. 1 2 :5 3 , 3 2 :1 0 ,4 7 , 4 6 :4 1 , 4 9 :5 ,7 ,8 ,1 1 , 5 4 :1 1 (tetzcoca acolhuaque), 5 9 :9 . See also CHICHIM ECATL 3. TETZCOCO, pc.n. 1:3 7 , 1 5 :5 2 , 1 8 :4 7 , 2 3 :4 9 , 2 6 :4 0 , 2 7 :1 0 , 2 9 :4 9 , 3 2 :3 1 , 44, 3 4 :1 2 ,4 9 , 3 5 :7 ,1 1 , 3 7 :1 0 , 3 8 :7 , 4 2 :5 0 , 4 3 :9 , 4 5 :3 5 , 4 6 :3 3 , 4 8 :3 1 , 35, 5 2 :2 0 , 5 3 :1 ,7 ,2 3 ,3 0 , 5 5 :1 2 ,1 4 , 5 9 :1 9 , 61.: 42,51, 6 2 :2 2 , 6 3 :3 9 (tetzcoco acolhuacan), 6 4 :1 7 ,1 9 ,3 2 ,4 8 , 6 4 :3 5 (teçoyocan tetzcoco), 6 4 :3 5 (chiauhtla tetzcoco), 6 4 :3 8 (papalotla tetzcoco), 6 5 :2 8 ,4 2 , 6 6 :3 8 , 8 4 :2 3 , 35; tetzcoco tlatolli = according to stories from Tetzcoco, 4 :3 1 , 8 :3 8 gloss. TETZCOCO ATENCO, pc.n. 5 9 :2 9 . TETZCOTZIN, female p.n. 9 :2 6 . TETZCOTZINCO , pc.n. 51 :2 1 . TETZIHUACTLA, pc.n. 3 5 :3 7 . TEUCTEPEC, pc.n. 6 0 :4 0 , 121:30. TEUCTLACO ZAUH QUI 1. Rattlesnake, see GLOS: teuctlacozauhqui. 2. P.n., ruler o f Xaltocan. 2 9 :4 . 3. P.n., ruler o f Cuauhtinchan. 2 9 :4 1 . TEUCTLAHUACATZIN, p.n. 3 3 :4 6 . TEUCTLAM ACAZQUI, tide o f a high official (FC 1 2 :1 1 9 :6 , FC 1 2 :1 1 9 :2 8 ), lit., lord priest. 4 3 :4 4 . TEUCTLI, lord (tide used with proper names or in combination with other titles). See APANTEUCTLI, ATECPANECATL TEUCTLI, ATZIN TEUCTLI, CALLI TEUCTLI, etc. See also G N sec. 3.4. Cf. GLOS: teuctli. TEUCTONALLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 9 . TEUC TZIN , p.n. 3 5 :1 4 , 3 7 :3 4 , 39 :3 3 . TEUHCATL (?) or TEOHCATL (?), p.n. 5 0 :4 6 (teuhcatl), 5 0 :5 1 (teohcatl). Cf. H UITZILTEUH CATZIN. TEUHTEPEC, pc.n. 6 7 :4 6 . TEUH TLEHUACATZIN, p.n. 6 3 :5 4 . TEXCALAPAN, pc.n. 9 :5 2 . TEXCALYACAC, pc.n. 6 3 :1 5 . TEXO CUAUH TLITOTEC, p.n., a spirit or deity. 6 3 :2 3 . TEXOPAN, pc.n. 6 8 :3 . TEXOPECO, pc.n. 6 3 :1 9 . TEXOTLAN, pc.n. 6 7 :4 9 , 121:32. TEYAHUALCO, pc.n. (cf. TEYAYAHUALCO). 11:51. TEYAHUALOATZIN, p.n. 5 4 :9 (teyahuallohuatzin). TEYAYAHUALCO, pc.n. (cf. TEYAHUALCO and see G N sec. 1.6: yaya fo r ya). 6 2 :2 4 . TEYOLLOCOA, vars. TEYOLLOCOATZIN, TEYOLCOCOATZIN, p.n. 33: 17 (teyollocohua), 3 4 :4 6 (teyollocohuatzin), 4 5 :3 9 (teyolcocohuatzin). TEYOLLOCOHUA, see TEYOLLOCOA.

202

Concordance TEZCACOAC, pc.n. 2 0 :1 ,2 ,6 4 :1 3 . TEZCACOATL, name or title o f HUEM AC. 8 3 :3 0 (tezcacoatl huemac), 8 3 :3 3 (tezcacoatl yehuatl in huemac). TEZCATLIPOCA, p.n. 1. Deity. 1 4 :3 1 , 7 6 :5 ,1 7 . See also TEZCATL TEUCTLI, TITLACAHUAN, TITLAH UAN. 2. One o f the sorcerers who put Quetzalcoatl to flight (evidently the deity in the role o f a sorcerer). 5:2 6 ,2 9 ,3 1 ,3 9 ,5 1 . See also TELPOCHTLI, NECOC. 3. Tezcatlipoca o f Tzapotlan, one o f the sorcerers who deceived Huemac (same as 1 and 2, above?). 8 :5 3 . TEZCATLPOPOCA, p.n. 6 1 :47 (tetzcatlpopoca), 6 3 :2 7 . TEZCATL TEUCTLI, or TEZCATZIN TEUCTLI, p.n., child named in honor o f the god Tezcatlipoca, became ruler o f Cuauhtitlan. 14:31,34,37, 17:44, 4 6 ,1 8 :1 3 , 1 8 :2 9 (tezeatzin teuctli), 1 8 :39, 19:23. TEZIUH TECATTlLAN , pc.n. 2 0 :3 . TEZONCALT1TLAN, pc.n., place within TLATILOLCO (?). 5 6 :1 9 (teçôcaltitlan; should be teçôcaltitlan?), 6 1 :7 (teçoncaltitlan). *TEZO NTLA LTZIN, p.n. 6 1 :3 5 (teçôtlaltzin; should be teçôtlaltzin?). TEZO NYO CA N, pc.n. 1 9 :3 3 , 2 1 :1 6 (teçoyocan), 6 4 :3 5 (teçoyocan tetzcoco). TEZOYOCAN, see TEZONYO CAN. TEZO ZO M O C (4 1 :5 ) or TEZO ZOM OCTLI or TEZO ZO M O CTZIN, p.n. 1. Ruler o f Azcapotzalco. 1 8 :3 8 ,4 8 , 2 3 :5 1 , 2 4 :5 (huehue tezozomoctli), 2 4 :1 2 ,1 6 , 2 8 :3 6 ,4 4 ,4 6 , 3 0 :3 4 ,3 6 ,4 4 , 31 :5 ,9 ,1 3 ,1 7 ,4 6 , 32:3 3 ,4 3 ,4 7 , 33: 5,8,25, 3 4 :3 4 ,4 1 , 3 5 :9 ,1 2 , 3 6 :1 3 , 3 7 : 8 - 4 5 passim, 38:9,1 2 ,3 9 ,4 2 ,4 6 , 48, 3 9 : 3 - 4 8 passim, 4 0 :1 4 ,1 5 , 4 2 :4 6 ,5 0 , 4 4 :3 1 ,3 5 , 4 5 :3 2 , 4 6 :2 6 ,2 9 , 6 6 :1 4 . 2. Ruler o f Tlahuacan Chalca in Xicco. 2 6 :5 0 . 3. Ruler o f Cuitlahuac Tizic. 3 0 :3 0 , 3 2 :5 , 4 9 :9 ,5 4 , 5 0 :5 ,3 8 ,4 0 ,4 3 , 57 :4 7 . 4. Ruler o f Cuauhtitlan. 3 2 :1 9 , 4 0 :8 ,4 1 :5 ,2 3 ,3 5 ,3 7 ,3 9 ,4 9 ,4 2 :2 ,1 4 ,1 7 . 5. Ruler o f Colhuacan. 5 7 :4 1 , 6 3 :5 2 . TIACAPANTZIN, female p.n. 15:42. TIA N Q U IZT EN C O , pc.n. 1. See U A H sec. 89. 2. 4 :1 9 . TIA N Q U IZZ O LC O , pc.n. 8 :2 6 (tianquizçolco quauhtlaapan), 1 8 :3 4 (quauhtlaapan tianquizçolco), 3 0 :1 (quauhapan tianquizçolco). TICOC YAHUACATL, official title especially applicable to a judge or executioner (FC 8 :5 5 :1 8 ; FC 8 : 6 1 - 6 2 ; FC 8 :7 4 :2 3 ; FC 8 :7 7 :8 ; CF bk. 2, ch. 27, fols. 57v-58; Codex Mendoza fol. 65; TEZ ch. 29, p. 316: Ticoyahuacatl). 6 0 :1 2 , 6 0 :2 4 . TICOCTZIN, p.n. 1. Father-in-law o f AZTATZONTZIN. 15:30. 2. = TICOC YAHUACATL. 6 0 :1 8 .

203

Concordance -T IL fflU IC A N , see CH IU C N A U H TILIH U IC A N . TITLACAHUAN, p.n., alternate name for TEZCATLIPOCA. 7 6 :5 ,2 2 , 7 8 :1 2 . See also TTTLAHUAN. TITLAH UAN (error for TITLACAHUAN?), p.n. 7 5 :4 5 . TIZAAPAN, vars. ATIZAPAN (1 7 :3 9 , 2 0 :4 ), TIZACAPAN (1 7 :2 0 ), pc.n. 1. 1 7 :2 0 (tiçacapan), 1 7 :3 9 (atiçapan), 8 3 :4 2 . 2. = 1 (?). 2 0 :4 (atiçapan). TIZAATZIN, see DIEGO TIZAATZIN. TIZACAPAN, see TIZAAPAN. TIZAPAN, pc.n. 6 5 :9 . TIZAPAPALOTZIN, p.n. 6 3 :4 7 . TIZAYOCAN, pc.n. 5 4 :3 5 ,3 6 ,6 4 :3 9 . TIZIC, pc.n. 1 3 :8 , 5 0 :4 3 ,4 6 , 6 2 :4 6 , 6 3 :5 0 . See also CU ITLAHUAC TIZIC. TIZICATL, pi. TIZICA, g.n. 3 3 :1 (cuitlahuaca tiçica), 4 9 :5 4 (tiçica cuitlahuaca), 4 9 :5 6 , 5 0 :2 ,3 ,8 (nitiçacatl), 5 0 :1 7 . See also CUITLAHUACATL. TIZOC, see TIZOCICATZIN. TIZOCICATZIN (given as Tizoc in IXT, TEZ, and T O R Q ), p.n. 5 7 :3 7 ,4 3 ,5 2 , 6 7 :2 0 ,2 6 ,1 2 1 :9 . TLACAHUEPANTZIN, p.n. 1. Son o f Axayacatzin, died fighting in Huexotzinco (MEX 135, AUB 49, N E D ). 5 9 :1 0 . 2. See PEDRO TLACAHUEPANTZIN. TLACATECCATL, pi. TLATLACATECCA, an official title (for discussion see TLACOCHCALCATL). 1 5 :2 6 , 3 0 :2 3 (modacateccatlalli), 3 2 :3 5 , 3 4 :2 6 (xinechdacateccatlallican), 4 0 :4 9 (dadacatecca), 5 0 :2 4 , 5 9 :7 , 6 0 :2 4 . TLACATEOTL (4 0 :8 ), or TLACATEOTZEN, p.n. 1. Ruler o f Cuauhtidan. 2 7 :4 8 , 2 8 :2 0 . 2. Ruler o f Tlatilolco. 3 2 :2 4 , 3 4 : 6 ,4 0 : 8 ,4 3 : 3 ,6 6 : 5 ,7 , 6 6 :3 2 (datateotzin). TLACATEUCTLI, an official tide (for discussion see TLAC O C H TEUCTLI). 2 9 :1 9 . See also C U AUH CH IC H ITZIN TLACATEUCTZIN, TLACATEUC TZIN TZIN CO PINTZIN. TLACATEUCTZIN, see PEDRO TLACATEUCTZIN. See also TLACA­ TEUCTLI. TLACATEUCTZIN TZIN C O PIN TZIN , p.n. 5 9 :5 5 . TLACATL, king, ruler. See GLOS. TLACAYAOTZIN, p.n. 6 3 :4 6 (dàcayaotzin). TLACHCO, pc.n. 2 6 :3 8 , 6 7 :3 , 8 4 :4 5 . TLACHCUICALCO, pc.n. 4 9 :3 2 . TLACHIHUALE, see GLOS. TLACH Q UIAH UITL TEUCTLI, p.n. 10:19. TLACHQ UIAUH CA, g.n., pi. 6 1 :2 5 . TLAC HQ UIAUH CO , pc.n. 6 8 :4 (dachquiyauhco), 1 21:34. TLACOAPAN, pc.n. 6 5 :4 4 .

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TLACOC, pc.n. 2 1 :1 6 . TLACOCHCALCA 1. See TLACOCHCALCATL. 2. Name applied to one or more Chalca groups (CHIM ). 54 :4 3 . See also CHALCA TLACOCHCALCA. TLACOCHCALCATL, pi. TLACOCHCALCA (4 1 :1 ). 1. O ne o f a pair o f high commanders (the other is the TLACATECCATL), one o f whom must be noble (pilli), the other a non-noble warrior (H G bk. 6, ch. 14, parag. 55; H G bk. 6, ch. 20, parag. 27; sec also AC 1 5 : 2 4 - 2 7 ) — being tw o members o f a group o f four high officials (o f which the other two are TLACATEUCTLI and TLACOCHTEUCTLI) ; in 15th-c. Matlatzinco the dacateccad and the dacochcalcad were, respectively, the 2d- and 3d-ranking officials after the datoani (Zorita, article 18). Note: For further discussion see Piho. 1 5 :3 1 , 3 3 :4 6 , 4 1 :1 , 4 3 :4 7 , 5 0 :2 4 . 2. P.n. See JUAN TLACOCHCALCATL. 3. See TLACOCHCALCA. TLACOCHCALCO, pc.n. 1. Place controlled by Xaltocan. 1 9 :34. 2. Place assoc, with CHALCO ATENCO (see CHIM 279). 4 9 :4 0 , 5 8 :4 (chalco dacochcalco), 6 6 :1 0 . See also CHALCO (re 6 3 :4 7 ). TLACOCHCUE, female p.n. 3 :3 3 . TLACOCHTEUCTLI, one o f a pair o f high executives (the other is the TLACATEUCTLI), one o f whom must be noble (pilli), the other a non-noble warrior (H G bk. 6, ch. 20, parag. 26 )— being tw o members o f a group o f four high officials, o f which the other tw o are TLACOCHCALCATL and TLACATECCATL (H G bk. 6, ch. 20, parag. 28). 6 1 :8 (tehuilocan dacochteuctli). TLAC OC HTZIN, p.n. 5 8 :1 2 . TLA C O C O U H C AN, pc.n., place within the city o f Cuauhtidan. 4 2 :1 3 . TLACOPAN, pc.n. 1 6 :3 9 , 4 6 :3 9 , 6 3 :3 9 (dacopan tepanohuayan), 6 3 :5 3 , 6 4 :4 9 , 6 5 :3 6 ,4 2 , 6 6 :3 6 , 8 4 :3 3 . TLACOPANTONCO XOLOTLIATLAUHYOC, pc.n. 18:15,30. TLACOTEPEC, pc.n. 6 4 :4 6 , 6 7 :1 1 ,4 1 , 8 4 :5 2 ,1 2 1 :2 5 . TLACOTZINTLI, p.n. (>, see note to the translation at 1 5 :42). Cf. GLOS: dacotzintli. TLACOXOCHITLA, pc.n. 6 5 :9 . TLACUATZIN, p.n. 1 8 :5 3 , 2 2 :2 2 ,4 2 . TLAHUACA, g.n., apparendy an alternate name for the CUITLAHUACA (see 1 3 : 4 - 8 ) . 1 3 :4 , 3 2 :2 7 . TLAH UACAN, pc.n., see CHALCA TLAHUACAN. T L A H U A H U A N Q U I, p.n. 2 8 :4 0 . TLAH UEXOLOTL, p.n. 3 4 :1 7 . TLAH UITO L, p.n. 1 9 :42.

205

Concordance TLAHUIZCALPANTEUCTLI, p.n., spirit or deity. 7 :4 3 (translated: Lord o f the Dawn), 7 8 :7 ,9 ,1 1 (this Tlahuizcalpanteuctli is the frost). TLAH UIZPO TO NC ATZIN , p.n. 13:45. TLAILOTLACAN, pc.n. 1. One o f the original boroughs o f TLALM ANALCO (?, the “Tlayllodaque” were one o f five groups that setded Tlalmanalco, see ÇH IM 165, ZCH IM 1:40). 5 3 :1 9 , 5 8 :7 . 2. A borough o f AM AQ UEM ECAN (CHIM 1 8 4 -2 8 2 passim). TLAILOTLAQUE, g.n., pi., inhabitants o f TLAILOTLACAN 1. 5 8 :1 0 ,2 3 ,2 6 . TLALANAPAN, see TLALLANAPAN. TLALCOCOM OCCO, pc.n. 1 8 :23. TLALCOZAUHTITLAN, pc.n. 6 7 :3 , 6 8 :3 , 8 4 :4 4 . TLALCOZPAN, pc.n. 1 9 :1 0 ,1 3 ,3 7 ,2 6 :2 7 (dalcozpan hueytoctidan). TLALHUACPAN (the Dry Lands), pc.n., realm o f the Tepaneca (N E D ). 2 3 :5 1 , 2 4 :1 3 . TLALICHCATL, p.n., a spirit or deity. 4 :4 5 . TLALLAMANAC, p.n., a spirit or deity ( = TLALLAM ANQUI?). 4 :4 5 , 7 7 :1 . TLALLAM ANQUI, p.n., a spirit or deity ( = TLALLAMANAC?). 7 6 :2 1 . TLALLANAPAN (cf. IXT 2:1 1 4 : Tlalanapan), pc.n. 6 4 :3 9 . TLALLITEUCTLI, p.n. 1. Ruler o f Chaleo. 12:20. 2. = 1, above (?). 1 8:9. TLALM ANALCO, pc.n., Chalca capital (D H IST ch. 2, parag. 8). 5 9 :4 2 . TLALOC, p.n. 1. The rain god, the principal rain spirit (FFCC bk. 1, ch. 4 ), called “the mas­ ter” (8 2 :4 6 ). Syn.(?) TLALOCANTEUCTLI. 2. One o f the rain gods. 8 2 :4 3 . 3. PL, daloque, the rain gods. 7 7 : 2 1 - 2 3 , 8 2 :1 4 ,1 5 ,1 9 ,2 3 ,3 8 , 8 3 :9 ,1 3 . TLALOCAN, see IZTACTLALOCAN, TLALOCANTEUCTLI. TLALOCANTEUCTLI, p.n., a spirit or deity. 7 7 :3 9 . Cf. TLALOC 1. TLALO Q UE, see TLALOC 3. TLALTECAHUACAN, pc.n., one o f the original boroughs o f Tlalmanalco (?, the Tlaltecahuaque were one o f five groups that setded Tlalmanalco, see CH IM 165, ZCH IM 1 :4 0 ). 5 3 :1 8 , 5 8 :1 3 . TLALTECAHUAQUE, g.n., pi., one o f five groups that setded Tlalmanalco (CHIM 165, ZCH IM 1 :40). = TLALTECAYOHUAQUE (?). TLALTECATL, p.n. 6 4 :1 . TLALTECATZIN, p.n. 8 1 :4 8 . TLALTECAYOHUACAN, pc.n. Note: 5 8 : 5 - 1 3 implies that Tlaltecayohuacan = TLALTECAHUACAN. 16:1. TLALTECAYOHUÀQUE, g.n., pi., = TLALTECAHUAQUE (?, see also TLAL­ TECAYOHUACAN). 1 3 :1 5 , 5 8 :6 (daltecayohuaque chalca).

206

Concordance TLALTEPAN, pc.n. 1 9 :44. TLALTETELPAN, pc.n. 6 3 :2 0 . TLALTEUCTLI, p.n., lit., earth lord. Note that Tlalteuctli is feminine (see 7 8 :4 0 and 7 9 :6 ). 3 8 :5 (yn tonatiuh yn dalteuctli), 7 6 :1 9 , 7 8 :4 0 (identified with M ecitli), 7 9 :6 (idem). TLALTOCHTLI, p.n. 2 9 :4 . TLALTOLCALTZIN, p.n., a prince o f Colhuacan (should be TLATOLCALTZIN?). 2 7 :4 4 . TLALTZIN TEUCTLI, p.n. 5 1 :7 , 5 3 :1 2 . TLAMACAZCATEPEC, pc.n. 1. 6 :2 4 (figurative usage?). 2. = 1, above (?). 19:45. TLAM ACAZCATZINCO, pc.n. 1 0:9. TLAM ACAZQUI, priest. 4 : 1 , 5 : 3 3 - 4 3 , 6 :4 3 . See TEUCTLAM ACAZQUI, TOTEC TLAM ACAZQUI. See also GLOS: tlamacazqui. TLAM ACAZTLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 9 . TLAMAMATLATL, pc.n. 2 1 :1 8 . TLAN CUA XO XO UH Q U I, p.n. 3 :4 4 . TLANTTZTLAN, pc.n., town conquered by Moteuczomatzin the younger (Carta de don Pablo Nazareo per Garcia Granados D iccionario 1:565: Tlanizdan). 6 7 :4 7 , 1 2 1 :3 0 (Tlanizdan). TLAN IZTLA N, see TLANTTZTLAN. TLANTZANATZTO C, see TLATZANATZTOC. TLAO LLAN, pc.n. 6 7 :1 6 , 121:3. TLAO TO NXINTLI, one w ho is shorn or shaved as an Otomi (FC 1 2 :8 8 :2 ), a high-ranking warrior, possibly the same as a cuachic (shaven head; for details see N ED : otom id 2, cuachic). 3 1 :3 0 . TLAPACOYAN, pc.n. 6 4 : 4 7 ,6 7 : 4 , 8 4 :4 6 . TLAPALICHCATLAN, pc.n. 6 4 :4 6 (dapalychcada). TLAPALLAN, pc.n. 2 9 :1 1 (assoc, with TLILHUACAN), 78 :29, 8 1 :4 4 . See also TLILLAN TLAPALLAN. TLAPALLITLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :5 . TLAPAN, pc.n. 121:11 (conquered by Tizocicatzin), 1 2 1 :1 6 (conquered by Ahuitzotzin). Cf. TLAPPAN. TLAPECH H UACAN, pc.n. 1 0 :5 0 (dapechhuacan quauhtenco), 1 1 :1 9 (idem). TLAPPAN, pc.n. 6 7 :2 5 ,3 0 (conquered by Tizocicatzin and again by Ahuitzo­ tzin). Cf. TLAPAN. TLAPPANECA, g.n., pi. 5 8 :2 ,3 8 . TLAQ UILTENA NCO , pc.n. 6 4 :2 0 . TLATELOLCO (U A H passim but often written TLATILOLCO in Nahuad documents), pc.n. See TLATILOLCO. TLATILCO, pc.n. 19:5.

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Concordance TLATILOLCA, g.n., pi. 4 4 :2 1 , 4 4 :2 3 (Mexica datilolca), 4 5 :1 ,2 3 , 4 7 :1 3 , 4 9 :3 0 , 4 9 :3 1 (datilolca ad), 5 0 :2 9 , 5 5 :1 7 , 5 5 :5 0 (nidatilolcad), 5 6 :3 0 , 6 1 :2 (datilolcadalli), 6 7 :8 .

TLATILOLCO, pc.n. 29:43, 32:20,23, 33:1,6, 34:6, 40:8, 41:5, 43:3,8, 55:18,48, 56:45, 60:54, 61:1, 66:5,30, 67:9,10, 84:36,51. TLATLACHPANALOYAN, pc.n. 21:20. TLATLACUALOYAN, pc.n. 2 0 :2 . TLATLATEPEC, pc.n. 1 21:33. TLATLAUHQUITEPEC, pc.n. (GKC 306: einstmals bedeutender Ort im Ge­ birge nördlich von S. Juan de los Llanos). 6 4 :4 7 , 6 7 :5 , 8 4 :4 6 . TLATLAUHQUITEPECA, g.n. 5 5 :3 . TLATLAUHYAN, pc.n. 6 4 :4 0 (should be O ztod Tladauhyan? See note to the transladon). TLATLAYAN, pc.n., destination o f Quetzalcoad (FC 1 0 :1 7 6 :2 : in dapalla in dadaia). 7 : 3 2 ,6 8 : 1 . See also TLILLAN TLAPALLAN. TLATOANI, king, ruler. See GLOS: datoani. TLATOLCALTZIN, p.n. 1. A prince o f Colhuacan (?, see TLALTOLCALTZIN). 2 7 :4 4 . 2. Ruler o f Colhuacan. 5 7 :9 ,4 0 . 3. Ruler o f Xochimilco. 6 3 :4 9 . TLATOLOYAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 0 . Cf. GLOS: datoloyan. TLATZALLAN, pc.n. 2 1 :2 2 ,3 2 (tiatzallan acatzindan). TLATZANATZTOC (H e Ratdes the Reeds, see 1 4 :1 6 , see GLOS: datzanatza), p.n. 1 4 :15 daçanatztoc), 1 4 :3 5 (idem), 1 4 :3 8 (datzanatztoc), 1 4 :4 1 (dantzanatztoc), 14:51 (daçanaztoc), 1 7 :4 7 (idem). TLAXCALLAN, pc.n. 3 :4 1 , 2 0 :4 8 , 2 1 :6 , 2 8 :4 8 ,5 2 , 3 4 :1 4 , 4 5 :6 , 4 9 :2 5 , 6 3 :5 6 . TLAXCALTECA, g.n., pi. 1 3 :1 0 ,1 8 :3 ,7 ,4 4 ,4 5 :1 0 ,1 3 ,2 2 ,2 9 ,4 2 . TLAXIMALOYAN (N E D ), pc.n. 6 7 :1 3 (daximalloyan), 1 2 1 :2 (daximalloyan). TLAXOXIUHCO, pc.n. 5 9 :5 3 (coupled w ith H UEXO CALCO ). TLAZANATZTOC, see TLATZANATZTOC. TLAZO H UALLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 1 . TLAZOLTEOTL or TLAZOLTEOTZIN, p.n. 1. Ruler o f Cuauhtinchan. 5 2 :4 . 2. Chief lord o f the Cuidahuaca. 6 2 :5 1 , 6 3 :2 . TLAZOLYAOTZIN, p.n. 5 7 :3 4 (dahçolyaotzin). TLECOYOTL, p.n. 3 4 :1 6 . TLECUAUHTLA, pc.n. 6 5 :4 5 . TLECUILQ UE, g.n., pi. 3 2 :2 8 . TLILCOATZIN, p.n. 1. Ruler o f Tollan. 8 :3 2 ,3 9 . 2. One o f the Tlahuaca founders. 13:5.

208

Concordance TLILHUACAN, pc.n. 1. 2 9 :1 2 (assoc, with TLAPALLAN). Cf. TLILLAN TLAPALLAN. 2. Name o f a Chalca community. 5 8 :1 2 . TLILH U AQ UE, g.n., pi. 1. Inhabitants o f TLILHUACAN 1 (>). 3 2 :2 8 . 2. Inhabitants o f TLILHUACAN 2. 58:2 2 ,2 6 . TLILHUATONICAC, pc.n. 19:31. TLILIUH Q UITEPEC, pc.n. 3 :4 1 , 3 4 :1 4 (tliliuhquitepe), 4 5 :6 , 5 7 :2 9 . TLILIUH Q UITEPECA, g.n., pi. 4 5 :1 0 ,1 2 . TLILIUH Q UITEPETL, p.n. (>). 3 4 :1 7 . TLILLAN TLAPALLAN, pc.n. 5 :2 1 , 7 :2 4 (yn tlillan yn tlapallan yn tlatlayan). TLILLOTLINAHUAL, p.n., see PABLO TLILLOTLINAHUAL. TLILPO TO NCATZIN, p.n., see ACHICATZIN TLILPOTONCATZIN. TLILTEPEC, pc.n. 5 9 :8 , 6 8 : 2 ,1 2 2 : 4 . TLILTZAPOAPAN, pc.n. 6 4 :4 1 . TLOTEPE, var. TLOTEPETL, p.n. 7 8 :3 7 , 79:1 8 ,2 6 . T O C H IH U IT Z IN , p.n. 1. Son ofIT Z C O A T L 1 .3 6 :2 7 . 2. Prince o f Mexicatzinco. 6 1 :5 . 3. Ruler o f Mexicatzinco ( = 2, above?). 6 3 :5 1 . TO CH M ILCO , pc.n. 6 5 :1 2 . TO CH PA N, pc.n. 6 5 :1 2 , 6 7 : 1 7 ,1 2 1 : 5 . TOCHPANECAYOTL, pertaining to TOCH PAN (said o f a certain kind o f tilma) (CF bk. 9, cf. 2, fol. 5: vna carga de mantas de tochpanecaiotl). 6 4 :5 0 . TO C H Q U IH U A , see TO ZQ U IH U A . TOCHTEPEC, pc.n. 6 5 :4 5 . T O C H T Z IN , p.n. 1. A child o f Quinatzin and the Mexicatl woman. 14:49. 2. See T O C H T Z IN TEUCTLI. T O C H T Z IN TEUCTLI, p.n., prince and governor o f Chichimecacuicoyan. 18:12. TOCI, female p.n., a supernatural (FFCC bk. 1, ch. 15). 2 4 :4 4 . TO CUILTZIN , p.n. 1 5 :1 7 (coupled with TOTEC YATETZIN). TOLAPAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 6 . TO LLAN, pc.n. (lit., among the rushes, cf. GLOS: tolla). 3 :5 2 ,5 6 , 4 :2 6 , 4 :3 2 (tollan colhuacan), 5 :2 2 , 6 :2 0 , 8:4,11,1 2 ,2 3 ,3 1 ,3 2 ,3 9 ,4 9 , 9 :2 9 ,3 5 ,4 0 ,4 5 , 1 0 :2 6 , 1 2 :1 3 ,5 4 , 1 3 :3 4 , 2 1 :3 3 (tollan daca), 4 0 :4 5 , 5 5 :5 1 , 6 3 :3 6 , 6 4 :6 (xippacoyä tollan), 6 4 :1 1 ,1 5 ,6 6 :1 ,3 9 , 7 7 :3 0 , 7 8 :2 8 , 8 1 :4 7 , 8 2 :2 9 , 8 3 :3 ; see also pictograph following 7 8 :2 3 and note to the translation at 7 8 :2 4 . For g.n., see TOLTECATL 1. TO LLANTZINC O , pc.n. 4 :2 2 , 1 5 :46, 1 6 :1 4 , 5 9 :5 5 , 6 0 :1 4 , 6 4 :3 5 , 6 6 :2 , 8 4 :2 3 . TO LLOCAN, pc.n. 6 7 :1 1 .

209

Concordance TO LNAHUACATZINTLI, p.n. 6 0 :2 3 . TOLPETLAC, pc.n. 1 2 :29. TOLTECATEPEC, pc.n. (lit., Toltec mountain). 6 :1 4 ,2 5 (figurative usage?), 1 0 :2 9 (idem?). TOLTECATL, pi. TOLTECA 1. G.n. (pertaining to Tollan). 2 :1 4 ,5 4 ,5 5 , 3 :5 0 , 4 :2 5 , 5 :1 3 , 9 :4 ,4 7 ,4 8 , 5 4 ,1 0 :5 ,1 5 ,2 3 ,3 9 ,4 4 ,4 7 ,4 9 , 1 1 :8 ,1 1 ,1 4 ,1 2 :4 1 , 5 1 :3 8 ,4 0 (ofTamazolac), 8 1 :5 3 , 8 2 :2 7 ,3 2 ,4 0 ,4 4 ,5 1 , 83 :3 ,1 8 ,2 2 ,2 6 ,4 4 ; cf. tollan daca (2 1 :3 3 ). 2. Craftsman, artisan (N E D ). 4 :5 4 . 3. P.n., one o f the sorcerers w ho put Quetzalcoad to flight ( = 4, below?). 5 : 2 6 ,6 :1 2 ,4 7 . 4. P.n., one o f the 4 00 pulque gods (MAGL 203). 5. SeeTOLTECATZIN. TOLTECATZACUALLI, pc.n. 2 1 :1 7 . TOLTECATZIN, p.n., ruler o f Chiauhtzinco. 5 7 :1 6 ,1 8 , 5 9 :2 4 . TOLTEPEC, pc.n. 2 6 :2 6 , 4 9 :3 0 . TOLTTTLAN, pc.n., 2 1 :4 5 , 3 0 :4 8 ,5 0 ,5 1 , 3 1 :4 ,6 ,1 6 ,2 0 ,2 4 , 3 3 :1 8 , 4 0 :7 , 45: 40,46, 4 6 :4 ,1 9 ,3 9 , 4 8 :2 0 ,4 2 ,4 4 , 5 1 :3 9 (toltitlan tamaçolac), 5 4 :5 ,3 8 , 6 4 :4 ,9 , 8 4 :2 3 . T O L l l l LANCALQUE, g.n., pi. 2 5 :4 0 , 2 7 :1 (Tepaneca w ho are known as Toltitlancalque), 3 0 :4 1 ,4 6 ,4 9 , 3 1 :1 8 (tepaneca yn toltitiancalque), 3 1 :2 2 ,2 5 , 4 0 :4 2 , 4 1 :3 3 , 4 5 :4 4 , 4 6 :1 , 4 7 :4 3 ,4 9 ,5 2 , 4 8 :2 3 (yn tepaneca yn toltitian­ calque), 4 8 :4 5 . TONACACIHUATL, p.n. 4 :4 4 , 7 7 :5 4 . TONACATEPETL (Food M ountain), pc.n. (in myth). 7 7 :5 ,1 4 ,2 0 . TONACATEUCTLI, p.n. 4 :4 4 , 7 7 :3 5 ,5 3 . TO NALLA N, pc.n. 6 4 :4 5 . TONALLUM OQUETZAYAN, pc.n. 6 7 : 2 2 ,1 2 1 :9 . TONANTTLAN or TO NANIXILLAN or TEN A N ITL A N , pc.n. 1 9 :3 5 (tonanytian), 2 1 :1 7 (tenanytlan), 4 6 :3 7 (tonanyxillan— where Tepaneca were ex­ iled), 4 8 :3 7 (tonanytian— where Tepaneca were exiled). TONANIXILLAN, see TONANTTLAN. TO N A TIU H , p.n.. Sun (the deity). 3 8 :4 . See also GLOS: tonatiuh. TOPAN, heaven, the hereafter (N E D , cf. NED : tochân). Key word: our home. 6 2 :5 . TOPILLAN, pc.n. 11:1. TOPILTZIN, p.n. 3 :5 7 (topiltzin tiamacazqui ce acatl quetzalcohuati), 4 :3 2 ,3 3 , 7 7 :3 0 , 7 8 :2 6 , 8 1 :5 0 . See also CE ACATL, QUETZALCOATL 2. T O Q U IH U A TEUCTLI, see T O ZQ U IH U A . TOTEC 1. The victim in a flaying ritual (FC 2 :4 9 :1 2 ). 9 :5 5 . 2. Name or title. See TEXOCUAUHTLI TOTEC, TOTEC IY AUH TEUH , TOTEC TLAM ACAZQUI.

2IO

Concordance TOTEC IYAUH TEUH , var. TOTEC YATETZIN, p.n. 1 5 :1 7 (totee yatetzin), 6 0 :4 5 (totee yyauhteuh). TOTEC TLAM ACAZQUI 1. Name or title o f a priest (in Tenochtitlan?) (FC 3 :6 7 , FC 6 :5 4 ). 2. Name or title o f a religious specialist in Colhuacan. 2 4 :4 7 (tetec tlamacazqui). TOTEC YATETZIN, see TOTEC IYAUHTEUH. TO TEPEU H , p.n. 1. Father o f Quetzalcoatl. 3 :5 5 . 2. Ruler o f Cuitlahuac. 18:21 (totepeuh teuctli), 18:46. TO TEPEU H TEUCTLI, see TO TEPEU H 2. TOTOCALCO, see GLOS. TOTOLAPAN, pc.n. 6 6 :5 4 , 8 4 :4 3 . TOTOLAPANECA, g.n., pi. 5 8 :5 0 (totollapaneca). TO TOLLAN, pc.n. 1. 3 :4 0 . 2. = 1 (?), 2 9 :1 1 , 6 7 :3 4 . TO TOLLOCAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 5 . TOTOM ATLATZIN, p.n. 2 0 : 3 0 ,2 4 :5 0 . TO TO M IH U A Q U E, g.n., pi. 1 8 :3 ,7 ,4 4 , 2 4 :2 0 , 2 6 :4 6 , 2 7 :6 . TO TO N ACA H U IA:M O , to “Totonac” oneself, to come under the influence o f the Totonaca (?, cf. CETO CH H UIA :M O ), freely, to go to the Totonaque (>). 5 9 :5 8 . TOTONACAPAN, pc.n. 5 9 :5 9 . TO T O N A Q U E , g.n., pi. 5 4 :2 9 . TOTOOM ITL, p.n. 1 9 :4 2 (totoomitl). TO TO Q U IH U A TZIN , p.n. 6 3 :5 3 , 6 5 :3 6 ,4 2 . TOTOTEPEC, pc.n. 3 :4 1 , 6 7 :3 1 ,4 7 , 121:17. TO TOTLAN, pc.n. 6 7 :1 6 . TOXICO, pc.n. 6 7 :2 3 ,1 2 1 :1 0 . T O Z A N T Z IN , p.n. 3 0 :4 . TO ZCAU H TLAN, pc.n. 6 7 :1 6 . TO ZCUEC UEX, p.n. 8 2 :4 9 , 8 3 :1 3 ,1 4 . TO ZPAN, name o f one o f the three hearthstones. 1:7, 3 :2 7 . TO ZPANTLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :5 . T O ZPO TO N C O , pc.n. 6 5 :1 8 . T O Z Q U E H U A TEUCTLI, see T O ZQ U IH U A . TO ZQ U ENITLAL, pc.n. 4 9 :3 3 . T O Z Q U IH U A , vars. T O C H Q U IH U A TEUCTLI, T O Q U IH U A TEUCTLI, T O Z Q U E H U A TEUCTLI, etc., p.n. 1. An early ruler o f Chaleo. 11:31 (tozquehua teuctli), 12:1 (tozquivan). 2. A later ruler o f Chaleo. 1 8 :9 (toquihua teuedi), 1 8 :9 gloss (tochquihua teuctli), 2 4 :1 0 (tozquihua).

2

11

Concordance T O Z Q U IH U A N , sec T O ZQ U IH U A . TOZTEPEC, pc.n. 6 8 :1 . TZACATZIN, p.n. 3 6 :2 6 (huehue tzacatzin). TZACUALPAN, pc.n. 8 4 :3 7 . TZAPOTECA, g.n., pi. 5 8 :3 8 . TZAPOTITLAN, pc.n. 6 7 :1 7 (conquered by Axayacatl). Cf, TETZAPOT1TLAN. TZAPO TLAN, pc.n. 8 :5 3 (where the sorcerers Yaotl and Tezcatlipoca lived), 6 7 :3 1 (conquered by Ahuitzotzin), 8 1 :4 2 (place where Ce Acad made con­ quests), 1 2 1 :1 6 (conquered by Ahuitzotzin). TZICTLA, pc.n. 2 6 :2 9 (tzicdacopavic). TZICUILTZIN, female p.n. 1 5:14,19. TZIHUACPAPALOTZIN, p.n. 8 : 3 6 ,9 : 1 2 . TZIHUACPOPOCATZIN, p.n. 6 1 :1 . TZIHUACTLATONAC, p.n. 10:46. TZINACANTEPEC, pc.n. 6 7 :1 1 , 8 4 :5 2 . TZINACANTLAN, pc.n. 6 8 :1 (tzinacadan), 121:31 (Tzinacadan). TZINACAOZTOC, pc.n. 6 5 :4 5 . TZINACATZLAN, see TZINACANTLAN. TZIN CO C, name o f a mountain. 4 :3 9 . TZIN C O PIN TZIN , p.n. 5 9 :5 5 (dacateuctzin tzincopintzin). TZINTEMAZATL, p.n. 5 8 :4 7 . TZIPALLE, p.n. 15:35. TZIPPANTZIN, p.n. 12:45. TZITZIM ITL 1. Ogress (see Bierhorst, M ythology o f M exico a n d C en tral A m erica, pp. 170—72). 8 0 :4 . 2. Creature comparable to a crocodile (AM 68: vel yuhquin tzitzimid = [the crocodile] is like a tzitzimid). 3. PL, demons o f the sky (H G bk. 6, ch. 8, parag. 17: demonios del aire; H G bk. 7, ch. 11, parag. 4: feísimas y terribles y que comerían a los hombres y mu­ jeres; H M PP 234: fleshless females w ho will descend to eat people when the world ends; FC 7 :3 8 and FC 8 :2 : they descend to eat people during a solar eclipse). Cf. TZITZIM ITL/CO LELETLI1. TZITZIMITL/COLELETLI 1. Any o f the women who had died in childbirth and haunted the earth at night (FC 6 :1 6 3 :3 1 ). 7 8 :1 9 . 2. Xoxohuic tzitzimid, yn xoxohuic colelectli = el verde espíritu, el verde genio (R U IZ 74) = verde espiritado y el verde demonio (Sema 321, Sema 322 adds: el verde colelecdi que es algún idolillo embuelto en un emboltorio infernal). TZITZINTEPEC, pc.n. 6 3 :1 5 . TZIUHCOAC, pc.n. (CF bk. 8, ch. 1, fol. 2; N E D ). 5 8 :4 6 (tzicoac), 6 4 :4 6

212

Concordance (paid tribute to Tetzcoco), 6 7 :3 0 (conquered by Ahuitzotzin), 121 :1 6 (con­ quered by Ahuitzotzin). TZIUHCOACA, g.n., pi. 5 8 :2 ,4 0 (tziuhcohuaca). TZIUHCOATL or T ZIU H C O A TZIN , p.n., a leader o f NEPANTLA. 4 3 :4 5 (in 1430), 5 5 :1 0 (in 1471). TZIU HM AZA TL, p.n. 10 :17. TZIU H TECATZIN, p.n. 18:19,24,35. T Z O H U IT Z IN , see T Z O N H U IT Z IN . TZOM PANCA, g.n., pi. 4 0 :4 4 , 5 3 :4 7 , 54:4 ,8 ,1 8 ,2 1 . TZOM PANCO , pc.n. 1 3 :4 6 , 1 9 :3 6 , 2 9 :1 8 , 5 4 :3 0 , 6 4 :8 (one o f Cuauhtidan’s Four Lords); coupled with CITLALTEPEC, 12 :2 1 , 1 3 :35, 2 1 :1 1 ,4 5 , 29: 18, 4 0 :3 4 , 4 7 :9 ; coupled with TEPOXACCO, 2 9 :3 3 , 4 6 :4 6 . TZO M PANTEUCTI, to be a skull rack lord. 6 2 :4 2 . TZOM PANTEUCTLI, pi. TZOM PANTEUCTIN or TZOM PANTETEUCTIN. Lit., skull rack lord (from tzompantli = skull rack; see FC 2 :1 6 6 -7 5 ), i.e., a high official, or oracle, in Cuidahuac (D H IST ch. 50, parag. 14: un gran señor que hubo en Cuidahuac, que llamaron Tzompanteuctli, a quien los de Cuidahuac honraron como a dios, porque les dijo las cosas por venir). Singular, 6 1 :5 3 ,5 5 , 6 2 :2 ,9 ,1 1 ; pl., 6 2 :1 2 ,1 3 , 6 3 :8 . Syn. *NAHUALTEUCTLI. TZO M PAN TZIN, p.n. 3 6 :2 5 . TZONCUAYE, p.n. 10:18. T Z O N H U IT Z IN , p.n. 1 8 :5 3 (tzohuitzin), 19:13. TZO NM OLCATL, p.n. 6 0 :2 9 . TZO N M O LC O , pc.n. 8 1 :4 0 . TZO N PA N C O , see TZOM PANCO. TZO N TEC O C H A TZIN , p.n. 3 5 :3 1 ,4 3 , 3 6 :3 0 . TZO N TEM O C or TZO N TEM O C TZIN , p.n. 1. Spirit or deity. 7 7 :1 (tzontemoc). 2. Ruler o f Huexoda. 6 0 :5 0 , 6 4 :3 . TZOPALLOTZIN, p.n. 2 8 :3 9 . VEGA, p.n., see LUIS D E LA VEGA. XALAPAN, pc.n. 6 5 :4 5 , 6 8 :7 , 1 2 1 :1 7 (Xallapan), 1 2 2:3 (Xallapan). XALATLAUHCO, pc.n. 6 7 :1 4 (xalladauhco), 121:1 (xalladauhco). XALLAN, pc.n. 1 9 :8 ,8 (xalla), 2 6 :3 3 (xallä). XALMIMILOLCO, pc.n. 5 9 :2 9 . XALTEMOCTZIN, p.n. 1. Son o f TLATZANATZTOC. 1 4 :4 2 ,1 5 :5 2 (?). 2. A prince o f Cuauhtidan ( = 3, below?). 2 8 :1 0 . 3. Ruler o f Cuauhtidan. 1 7 :4 7 , 2 9 :1 4 ,1 6 ,2 6 ; huehue xaltemoctzin, 1 7 :47,

213

Concordance 2 0 :3 9 , 2 1 :9 ,2 8 :1 7 ,2 2 ,2 9 :2 ,2 8 ,3 8 ,4 6 , 3 0 :5 , 3 1 : 1 5 ,4 0 : 1 4 ,4 3 : 5 ,4 6 : 4 5 ; huehue xaltemoctzin tecpanecad, 2 1 :8 ; huehuc xaltemoctzin atecpanecatl teuctli, 3 0 :3 2 . 4. See JUAN XALTEMOCTZIN. XALTENCO, pc.n. 19:36. XALTEPEC, pc.n. 5 9 :1 , 6 7 : 3 1 ,1 2 1 :1 6 . XALTEPECA, g.n., pi. 5 9 :2 6 . XALTETL, p.n. 3 0 :3 . XALTIANQUIZCO, pc.n. 6 8 : 7 ,1 2 2 : 3 . XALTOCAMECATL, pi. XALTOCAMECA, g.n. 1 3 :3 9 ,4 2 ,4 6 ,4 9 ,5 2 ,1 4 :2 1 ,2 4 , 25,26, 1 7 :9 , 1 9 :15,16,17,20,29,40, 1 9 :4 3 (xatocameca), 1 9 :5 1 , 2 0 : 2 - 4 5 passim, 2 1 :6 ,3 7 , 2 2 :3 8 ,4 7 , 2 8 :4 7 , 2 9 :1 ,7 ,9 , 2 9 :1 0 (xaltocameca ca huitznahua = Xaltocameca who are Huitznahua), 4 7 :3 6 , 4 9 :2 0 ,2 3 ,2 5 ,2 8 , 5 1 :8 , 8 3 :4 8 ,5 3 . XALTOCAMECAYOTL, the Xaltocameca nation. 2 1 :9 . XALTOCAN, pc.n. 10:2 4 ,3 6 ,3 8 , 1 3 :2 6 , 1 7 :2 9 ,3 2 ,3 7 , 1 9 :2 7 , 2 1 :3 1 , 2 2 :2 0 (xaltocan acpaxapocan), 2 2 :5 1 , 2 3 :8 , 2 5 :1 0 ,1 5 ,1 9 , 2 9 :3 , 4 9 :2 7 , 6 4 :3 8 , 8 4 :2 2 . XAPAZTLI TEUCTLI, p.n. 2 8 :5 . XA Q U IN TEUCTLI, p.n. 1. Ruler o f Cuauhdtlan. 3 0 :6 , 4 9 :2 . Syn. AYACTLACATL, 2. Ruler o f Coatlichan. 5 7 :5 1 (xaquintzin), 6 4 :3 . X A Q U INTZIN, p.n., see X A Q U IN TEUCTLI 2. XAXAMA, p.n. 2 8 :1 1 . XAYACAMACHAN, p.n. 1. Ruler o f Huexotzinco in 1257. 1 8 :2 (chayacamachan). 2. Ruler o f Huexotzinco in 1339. 2 4 :9 ,2 1 , 2 7 :8 . 3. Emigrant from Huexotzinco in 1515. 6 1 :4 7 , 6 3 :2 6 . XAYOCUITLAHUA, p.n. 16:20. XICALLANCO (Xicalanco per FC, CM, IXT, etc.) pc.n. 6 4 :4 4 . XICCO, pc.n. 9 : 2 5 ,1 1 : 3 1 , 1 2 : 1 ,1 3 : 7 , 2 6 :4 8 ,4 9 , 8 1 :3 8 . XICOCHIMALCA, g.n., pi. 58 :5 5 . XICOCHIM ALCO, pc.n. 6 7 : 3 6 ,1 2 1 :2 1 . XICOCOC, pc.n. 1. Way station o f the migrating Mexica. 8 3 :5 ,7 ,4 5 . 2. See XICOCOTL. XICOCOTL, name o f a mountain ( = XICOCOC 1?). 4 :3 8 , 8 :4 6 (xicococ = on or at Xicocotl), 9 : 8 (xicococ = on or at Xicocotl); see also pictograph following 7 8 :2 3 and note to the translation at 7 8 :2 4 (xicococ). XICONOCATZIN* p.n. 3 5 :3 2 ,3 6 ,4 7 , 3 6 :3 1 . XICOTENCATL, p.n. 6 3 :5 7 . XICOTEPEC, pc.n. 6 4 :3 6 , 6 8 :1 .

214

Concordance XICTLAN, pc.n. 6 3 :1 8 . XIHUACAN, pc.n. 8 1 :3 ,1 2 1 :1 7 . XfflU ITLTEM O C TZIN , p.n. 1 8 :3 6 , 2 1 :49. XILOM AN TZIN, p.n. 4 9 :4 7 (xillomantzin), 5 1 :11 (xomotzin), 5 7 :2 ,5 (xillomantzin). XILOTEPEC, pc.n. 4 0 :4 6 , 5 5 : 5 1 ,6 4 : 6 ,6 7 : 4 , 8 4 :4 5 . XILOTZINCA, g.n., pi. 5 3 :4 7 , 5 4 :1 8 ,2 1 . XILOTZINCO, pc.n. 2 1 : 2 0 ,3 1 ,2 9 :2 3 , 5 4 :9 . XILOXOCHCATL, p.n. (?) or tide (?). 2 4 :4 6 . XIMILCO (?, paleography uncertain), pc.n. 2 :5 7 (see note to the translation and cf. TEM ILCO). XIPEMETZTLI, p.n. 2 4 :1 1 , 2 7 :1 1 . XIPPACOYAN, pc.n. 6 4 :5 (xippacoyä tollan). XIQUIPILCATL, g.n. 8 4 :2 . XIQUIPILCO, pc.n. 5 7 :2 7 , 6 7 :1 0 , 8 4 :5 2 . XIUHCAC, p.n. 2 6 :2 5 . XIUHCACCO, pc.n. 2 6 :2 6 . XIUHCOZCATL, var. XIUH CO ZCATZIN, p.n. 1. A Toltec. 9 :5 4 (xiuhcozcatl). 2. A friend o f Yaotl (same as 1?). 1 0 :1 8 (xiuhcozcatl). 3. One w ho was sent by Itzcoatzin. 4 0 :1 (xiuhcozcatzin). XRJHNEL, var. X IU H NELTZIN, p.n. 1. Member o f the legendary Mixcoa, companion to Mimich. 7 9 :3 6 ,3 8 , 7 9 :4 3 (xiuhneltzin), 7 9 :4 6 , 7 9 :4 7 (xiuhneltzin). 2. Early ruler o f Cuauhtitlan (identified with 1, above?). Xiuhneltzin, 2 :5 6 , 3 :2 ,4 7 . 3. One o f the three hearthstones o f the early Chichimecs. 3 :2 7 . 4. One o f the early Cuauhtitlan Chichimecs ( = 1 and/or 2, above?). 3 :3 0 . XIUHTEPEC, pc.n. 6 6 : 3 8 ,6 7 : 1 , 8 4 :3 6 ,4 4 . XIUHTEPECA, g.n., pi. 2 8 :2 5 . XIUH TETEUC TIN, pi. o f XIUHTEUCTLI. Key word: fire lords. 6 3 :1 4 , 8 0 :8 . XIUH TEUCTLI, p.n., a deity, i.e., the fire god (FFCC bk. 1, ch. 13). 1 :6 , 3 :2 7 , 7 7 :3 5 . See also H U E H U E TEOTL. For pi. see XIUHTETEUCTIN. XIUH TEUCZA TLAN , pc.n. 1 21:20. XIUH TLACUILO LXO CH ITZIN, female p.n. 4 :1 8 ,2 8 . XIU H TLA N , pc.n. 6 0 : 2 8 ,6 7 : 3 4 . XIUHTLAPOCA, p.n. 2 8 :4 0 . XIUH TLATO NAC TZIN ,*p.n. 2 8 :2 7 . XIUH TO C H TLI, p.n. 3 :4 4 . XIYATL, p.n. 1 9 :13. XOCHICALTITLAN, pc.n. 19:39. XOCHICOZCATL

215

Concordance 1. Female p.n. 3 0 :2 . 2. Male p.n. 5 2 :4 , 5 3 :4 2 . XOCHIMILCA, g.n., pi. 11:5 0 ,5 1 , 1 2 :1 0 ,1 1 ,1 3 : 2 4 ,1 7 : 1 5 ,4 1 ,4 6 : 4 0 , 4 7 :3 2 , 5 8 :4 8 . See also XOCHMILCATL. XOCHIM ILCO (FC 1 1 :1 4 7 :4 , FC 1 1 :1 5 2 :4 , but often written xochmilco in Nahuatl documents), pc.n. 1. Lakeside town 20 km. south o f Mexico. 1 7 :1 7 ,4 1 , 3 3 :2 4 , 4 6 :2 4 ,3 5 , 59: 28, 6 1 :1 7 , 6 3 :4 9 , 6 5 :5 1 , 6 6 :3 7 , 8 4 :1 6 ,1 8 ,3 6 (xochmilco). See XOCHMILCATL. 2. “San Cristobal Xochimilco, im Distrikt Zacadan des Staates Puebla, auf der linken Talseite des R io Axaxal unterhalb von Zacadan” (GKC 306). 6 4 :4 3 (?). 3. = 1, above (>). 6 5 :1 6 . XOCHIOLOLTZIN, p.n. 1. A Toltec elder. 10:47. 2. Ruler o f Cuidahuac Tizic. 5 7 :4 7 . XOCHIPAN, p.n. 1 8 :5 2 , 2 2 :2 3 . XOCHIPAPALOTL, female p.n. 12:46. X O CH IQ UEN TLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 1 . XO CH IQUETZAL, female p.n., a spirit or deity. 9 : 7 (waters o f), 2 4 :4 5 (wor­ shipped by Colhuaque). 7 8 :1 3 . XOCHIQ UILAZCO , pc.n. 1 1 :27. XOCHIQUILAZYO, pc.n. (>). 6 3 :1 3 . XOCHITITLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 9 . XO CH ITLCOZAUH Q UI, p.n. 4 7 :4 5 . XO CHITONAL, p.n. 2 7 :4 3 . XOCHITZETZELTZIN, p.n. 6 4 :6 . XOCHIYACAN, pc.n. 6 7 :1 2 , 8 4 :5 2 . XOCHIYETLAN, pc.n. 6 7 : 2 5 ,1 2 1 : 1 2 (Xochiyeda). XOCHMILCATL, g.n. 8 4 :3 . See also XOCHIMILCA. XOCHM ILCO, see XOCHIMILCO. XOCHM ITL, p.n. 2 2 :3 2 ,3 5 ,4 3 . XOCHTLAN, pc.n. 5 9 :1 1 , 6 7 :3 1 , 121:19. XOCOCAPAN, pc.n. 6 4 :4 1 . XO CO NO CH TZIN , p.n., see FRANCISCO CARLOS XO C O N O C H TZIN . XOCOTITLAN, pc.n. 6 4 :7 . XO CUETZIN, p.n. 5 3 :1 8 . XOLLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :1 9 (but see note to the transcripdon). XO LLO CH IUH CA N, pc.n. 1 2 1 :1 8 (conquered by Ahuitzotzin). Cf. XOLLOCHIYUHYAN. XOLLOCHIYUHYAN (Garcia Granados D iccionario 1 :4 4 has xolochiuhyan), pc.n. 6 7 :3 2 (conquered by Ahuitzotzin). Cf. X O LLO CH IUH CA N. XOLOC, pc.n. Xolloc, 1 1 :3 8 , 18:33.

216

Concordance XO LO CH IUH YA N, see XOLLOCHIYUHYAN. XOLOTLAN, pc.n. 6 7 :3 9 ,1 2 1 : 2 3 (Xoilotlan). XOLOTLIATLAUHYOC, see TLACOPANTONCO XOLOTLIATLAUHYOC. XONACAPACOYAN, pc.n. 6 : 1 3 ,4 0 : 2 9 . XO NETZIN, p.n. 16:1. XO NTLAN (?), pc.n. See note to the transcription at 6 5 :1 9 . XOPANTZIN, p.n. 3 0 :5 1 . XOXOMALPAN, pc.n. 2 1 :2 5 . XPIANO TIN (written xpianotin or xpianotin), abbrev. for Chri(s)tianotin, i.e., Christians. 6 8 :1 7 ,1 9 ,2 3 ,2 5 ,3 2 . YACAPICHTLAN, pc.n. 6 7 :5 , 8 4 :4 7 . YAHUACATL, see TICOC YAHUACATL. YANCUITLAN, pc.n. 6 7 :2 5 , 6 8 :1 , 121:11. YAOCIHUATL, female p.n. 3 :3 3 . YAOCOTZITZITLI, p.n. 19:12. YAOCUIXTLI, p.n. 1. Warrior o f Mexicatzinco. 5 0 :3 5 . 2. Ruler o f Cuauhnahuac. 6 1 :3 3 ,4 3 . YAOM AH UITZIN, p.n. 6 3 :4 8 . YAOPAN, p.n. 5 2 :4 . YAOTL 1. Enemy (M OL). 2. P.n., one o f the sorcerers w ho contributed to the downfall o f Tollan. 8 :5 2 , 9 :4 6 ,4 9 , 10:1 4 ,3 6 . 3. P.n., leader o f the Chalca Tlacochcalca. 12:25. YAOTLAMIN, see PABLO YAOTLAMIN. YAPALLIICUE, female p.n., a spirit or deity. 78 :1 4 . YATETZIN, see T O TEC IY A U H TEU H . Y A U H Q U EM EPO TO N Q U I, see IYAUHPOTONQUI. YECATEPEC, see ECATEPEC. YECATL TEUCTLI, p.n., Chaleo ruler. 2 7 :1 2 , 2 8 :4 (yeccad teuctii). Cf. ECATZIN. YECCATL TEUCTLI, see YECATL TEUCTLI. YEIITZCUINTLAN, pc.n. 6 5 :5 . YO HUALLAN, pc.n. 6 6 :3 9 , 8 4 :3 7 . YOHUALLATONAC, p.n. 18:5 ,1 8 . YO H UALPAINTZIN, p.n. 6 0 :1 9 . YOHUALTEPEC, pc.n. 6 7 :2 , 8 4 :4 4 . YO H UALTO NATIUH , p.n. 31:3 2 ,3 3 . YOH UATZIN, female p.n. 6 3 :1 (yohuätzin), 6 3 :6 . YOLLOCAM ACHALTZIN, see JUAN YOLLOCAMACHALTZIN.

217

Concordance YOLLOXONECUILCO, pc.n. 1 2 2 :3 (conquered by the younger Moteuczomatzin). Cf. YOLLOXONECUILLAN. YOLLOXONECUILLAN, pc.n. 6 8 :7 (conquered by the younger Moteuczomatzin). Cf. YOLLOXONECUILCO. YOPITZINCO, pc.n. 3 :4 0 . ¿ACACALCO (Straw H ouse Place), pc.n. 2 8 :2 3 . ZACANCATLYAOTL, var. ZACANCATLYAOMITL, p.n. 3 5 :9 ,1 1 ,1 7 . ZACANCO, pc.n. 8 1 :4 0 . ZACATEPEC, pc.n. 1. Way station o f the wandering Mexica. 11:40. 2. Town controlled by Tetzcoco ( = 1, above?). 6 4 :2 0 . 3. = 1, above? 6 8 :6 (conquered by Ahuitzotzin); 1 2 2 :2 (conquered by the younger Moteuczomatzin). ZACATLAN, pc.n. 3 7 :5 . ZACATLANTONCO, pc.n. 3 :4 1 . ZACATLATILTITLAN, pc.n. 19:4. ZACATZONTITLAN, pc.n. 6 2 :2 1 . ZACUANTEPEC, pc.n. 121:33. ZOLLAN, pc.n. 1 21:31. ZOLTEPEC (Quail H ill), pc.n. 19:1 6 ,3 2 , 2 1 :2 7 , 2 6 :3 5 , 6 7 :4 7 ; cf. 1 9 :1 6 (ynçoltepeuh = their quail hill). ZOLTON, p.n. 8 1 :1 1 ,3 3 . ZONELTEUCTLI,” p.n. (62:40: çonelteuctli). See *CONELTEUCTLI. ZOYATEPEC, pc.n. 6 5 :4 5 . ZO ZOLLAN, pc.n. 5 9 :6 0 , 6 7 :4 6 ,1 2 1 :3 0 . ZOZOTETLAN, pc.n. 6 4 :4 3 (çoeotedan).

2

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Subject Guide

References to the Codex are by side and line number. A lowercase cn’ immediately following a number means that the reference includes an accompanying footnote. Adultery, 1 5 :1 6 , 3 5 : 5 - 2 6 , 5 9 :1 8 Agriculture, see Horticulture Alcoholic beverages, see Drunkenness, Plant foods and crops Animal foods: birds, 4 :1 6 ; deer, 4 :1 6 ; fish, 7 6 :1; honey, 6 :1 9 ; rabbits, 4 :1 6 ; snakes, 4 :1 6 , 13:31; turkey tamale, 82:3 4 ; turkey eggs, 13:31 Animal products (see also Animal foods, Featherwork, Quetzal plumes): conch horn, 7 6 :2 8 ; coyote skins, 6 5 :2 5 ; feathers, 6 5 :2 ; redshell, 4:3 5 ,5 1 ; skins, 6 5 :3 2 ,3 9 ; whitesheU, 4 :3 5 ,5 1 Animals (see also Animal foods. Animal products, Birds, Hunting, Sacrifice o f ani­ mals): ant, 3 0 :7 , 7 7 : 4 - 1 0 ; bumblebees and honeybees, 76:31; coyotes, 5 1 :3 2 ; deer, 3 7 :3 7 ,6 5 :2 6 ,3 4 ,4 1 , 7 9 :3 5 -4 1 ; dogs, 76 :8 ,1 5 ; ducks, 6 5 :2 5 , 33; dragonfly nymphs, 2 :2 5 ; eagle, 3 8 :16; fish, 2 :2 6 , 7 5 :39; gophers, 8 1 :2 0 ; jaguars ( ocelotl), 3 8 :1 7 , 7 5 :7 , 7 7 :4 9 , 79 :8 ; monkeys, 2 :4 0 , 75:18; opossums, 10:33; rabbits, 3 7 :3 7 , 5 4 :2 2 , 6 5 :2 6 ,3 4 ,4 1 , 7 8 :17; ratdesnake, 3 8 :1 8 ; vultures, 51:3 2 ; wolf, 3 8 :1 7 , 7 7 :52; worms, 7 6 :3 0 Aqueduct, see Architecture and engineering Architecture and engineering (see also Bridges, Buildings, City planning. Roads) : construction o f aqueduct, 5 3 : 2 4 - 3 6 , 6 6 :4 4 ; construction o f pyramid or (pyramid) temple ( teocalli), 5 : 2 - 4 , 2 8 : 1 5 - 1 8 , 2 9 :2 6 ,2 7 ,3 8 , 5 1 : 2 0 - 2 7 , 5 3 :4 4 , 5 7 : 4 2 - 4 4 , 5 9 :4 1 ; enlarging o f (pyramid) temple, 3 3 : 4 2 - 4 5 , 59: 46; stream diversion, 2 5 : 3 7 - 4 3 , 4 8 : 1 5 - 2 7 ,4 5 - 5 1 , 4 9 : 1 4 - 1 9 , 5 9 : 2 0 21n, 5 9 : 2 6 - 3 3 Banners and streamers, see Comet, Regalia o f war, Ritual acts. Sacrifice o f humans Bathing, see Ritual acts Beverages, see Plant foods and crops Birds (see also Animal foods. Clothing and adornment, Featherwork, Quetzal plumes. Regalia o f war, Sacrifice o f animals): cotinga, 4 :5 2 , 6 :6 , 7 :3 5 , 7 9 :5 ; cranes, 6 5 :3 9 ; eagle, 7 7 :49; egret, 79 :4 ; falcon, 7 7 :5 1 , 7 8 :2 ; heron, 4 :5 3 , 7 :3 6 ; scarlet macaw, 7 :3 6 ; green parrot, 7 :3 6 ; white-fronted parrot, 7 :3 6 ; quad, 1 3 :3 1 , 1 9 : 1 5 - 1 6 , 7 6 :4 5 -4 7 ; quechol., 7 7 :5 4 ; quetzal, 7 :38; roseate spoonbill (tlauhquechol), 4 :5 2 , 6 :6 , 7 :3 5 , 7 9 :5 ; teoquechol, 7 9 :5;

219

Subject Guide trogon, 4 :5 3 ; troupial, 4 :5 2 , 7 :3 6 , 79 :4 ; turkeys, 1 3 :3 1 , 6 5 :2 6 ,3 4 ,4 0 , 75 :2 7 ; king vulture, 8 1 :7 Boats: canoes ( acalli), 3 6 :1 ,1 8 , 5 6 :3 1 ,6 6 :1 1 ; raft, 6 2 :2 9 Bridges, 4 :2 4 , 3 9 :8 Buildings and earthworks (see also Architecture and engineering, Bridges): altar o f beaten earth, 1 4 :6 —9, 2 0 :3 3 , 2 4 :4 3 —2 5 :1 , 2 5 :4 5 ; .calpulli temple, 2 6 :4 , 5 7 :2 1 ; council house ( tlatoloyan ), 4 3 :2 5 ; house ( colli), 1 9 :1 0 , 4 8 : 1 7 —22; house o f fasting, 4 :2 3 ,3 3 , 5 :9 ; house o f penance, 7 :9 ; house o f quetzal plumes, 4 : 3 5 ,6 : 3 8 ; house o f redshell, 4 : 3 5 ,6 : 3 8 ; house o f troupial, 6 :3 8 ; house o f turquoise beams, 4 :2 3 ,3 4 ; house o f whiteshell, 4 :3 5 ; maguey house, 3 :1 9 ; monastery (m onasterio ), 2 8 :2 3 ; palace ( tecpan ), 4 1 : 3 4 ,4 2 : 2 1 , 4 4 :1 5 , 55 :3 4 ; palace (- tlatocachan ), 8 :1 4 ,1 9 ,2 6 ,3 6 ; palace ( tlatocan ), 6 1 :7 ; palace house or ruler’s house ( tecpancalli), 9 :2 2 , 1 2 :3 2 , 1 4 :4 5 , 1 6 :1 3 , 32 :2 3 ; pavilion or straw hut (.xacatti), 2 2 :1 5 , 3 3 :3 9 , 3 5 :2 6 ; platform at base o f pyramid, 5 6 :2 6 ; rampart, 2 5 :5 ; ruler’s residence ( tlatocacalU ), 9 :2 3 , 18:42; straw-house ( zacacalli), 4 :1 9 , 8 :1 7 , 9 :1 5 ,2 2 , 1 1 :3 8 , 2 6 :3 , 2 7 :4 9 , 2 8 :2 3 , 4 2 :1 1 ; sweating room, 3 0 :5 ; (pyramid) temple ( teocaili)y 1 3 :1 8 , 2 4 :2 9 , 2 5 :2 9 -3 0 ,4 4 , 4 1 :9 , 4 7 :1 0 , 8 1 :9 ,2 4 ; (pyramid) temple with ser­ pent columns, 5 :2 ; pyramid temple called “house o f the devil” (tlacatecolocalli), 4 6 :4 ,6 , 59 :4 2 ; (temple) mound, 4 :9 , 9 :1 4 ; thorn house (tzih u a cca lli), 3 :1 9 Burial: in earth (sand), 8 1 :5 ; in stone chest, 7 : 1 3 - 1 6 ; in pyramid temple, 8 1 :9 . For cremation, see Fire. Calendar, see M onths, Time counting and calendrical lore Calpulli: temple o f 2 6 :4 , 5 7 :2 1 ; land held by, 2 6 :1 7 , 5 9 :5 4 Cannibalism, 2 5 :2 7 ; by deity or spirit power, 1:1 3 , 7 9 : 4 9 - 7 Canoes, see Boats Captives, see Sacrifice o f humans, Slavery and servitude. Warfare, Women Caves (see also Emergence from underworld), 3 5 :2 8 ,3 6 , 7 8 :3 3 , 7 9 : 3 3 - 3 4 , 80 : 38; and Huemac, 1 0 : 9 ,1 1 : 1 3 Ceramics: bowls, 2 6 :1 0 ; sacred cup, 14:7; eating dishes, 4 :5 5 ; drinking vessels, 4 :5 5 ; burnished pot, 81 :3 1 ; pots, 2 6 :1 0 ; pottery or ceramic ware, 4 :5 5 , 2 6 :1 0 Ceremonies (see also Ritual acts. Ritual games. Sacrifice o f animals. Sacrifice o f humans): arrow fast, 2 6 :2 3 ; arrow shoot, 9 : 3 6 - 4 4 , 4 8 : 4 - 5 ; new fire, 7 6 :1 1 —18; o f three hearthstones, 1 :1 —10, 3 :2 0 —29; year-bundle feast (toxiu h m olpüia ), 11 :2 5 , 2 9 :5 1 , 5 1 :2 7 , 6 0 :5 (with new fire); Xochilhuid, 2 1 : 3 9 ,4 9 : 3 4 (with dancing) Chalk, see Ritual acts, Rocks and minerals Chastity: daughters kept in cage, 10:31; pubic covering o f jade, 5 1 :4 5 Childbirth, see Ritual acts

220

Subject Guide Children, see Sacrifice o f humans, Warfare Christians, see Concordance: Xpianotin City planning (see also Calpulli), 2 5 : 2 9 - 3 7 , 2 6 : 1 1 - 1 2 , 2 9 : 2 7 - 3 8 , 4 6 : 4 3 - 4 9 Clothing and adornment (see also Regalia o f gods, Regalia o f war) : gold armbands, 5 2 :4 6 , 5 3 :2 ; ayates, 6 5 :5 4 ; bracelets, 4 4 :2 7 ; breechcloths, 5 4 :2 9 , 6 4 :2 6 , 29, 6 5 :2 4 ,3 2 ,3 9 ; gold-skin collar, 5 2 :4 7 , 5 3 :3 ; crown, 2 8 :29; eagle tail feathers, 5 2 :4 6 ; gold earplugs, 5 3 :2 ; hides, 1 :4 6 , 4 :1 5 ; huipils, 6 4 :3 0 ,5 5 , 6 5 :2 2 ,3 0 ,3 7 , 8 0 :3 2 ; gold legbands, 5 2 :4 8 ; Mixteca hair style, 66 :4 9 ; neck­ laces and neckpieces, 2 8 :3 1 , 4 3 :3 1 , 4 1 :3 3 , 5 2 :4 5 ; plume tassels, 52:45; skirts, 6 4 :2 5 ,3 0 ,5 4 ,6 5 :2 2 ,3 0 ,3 7 ,8 0 :3 2 ; Spanish moss used as, 1:47; tilmas, 4 :1 5 , 3 8 :1 , 5 2 :4 8 , 5 3 :3 , 6 5 :2 1 —22,29,37,53; fancy tilmas, 6 4 : 2 3 - 2 9 , 5 0 - 5 3 ,6 5 : 2 4 - 3 8 ; cacam oliuhqui tilmas, 6 4 : 3 0 - 3 1 Cloud banner, see Comet Comet: called “cloud banner,” 6 0 :4 8 ,6 1 :1 1 ,1 9 Communal labor (see also Tribute Labor): to build city, 2 9 : 3 1 - 3 8 ; to build aque­ duct, 5 3 : 2 4 - 2 8 Concubines, see Sexual offenses, Women Cotton, see Plant products Crafts, see Featherwork, Manufactures, Stone carving Crops, see Plant foods and crops Dance, see Ceremonies, Songs Dawn, see M orning star, Sim Death, see Burial, Executions and assassinations, Fire, Sacrifice o f humans, Suicide, Ritual acts, Underworld Devils, see Sorcerers Diseases: bloody diarrhea, 2 3 :3 0 ; consumption, 2 3 :3 0 ; coughing sickness, 23 :3 0 ; fever, 2 3 :3 0 ; pox ( cocoliztli), 2 3 :3 0 ; smallpox ( totom on aliztli), 3 1 :3 3 Divination: with com kernels, 7 7 : 16n Dreams (see also Omens and prognostications), 3 8 :1 6 Dress, see Clothing and adornment Drought, see Rain and drought Drunkenness, 5 : 2 7 - 7 : 1 , 7 9 :1 0 Earth (including Tlalteuctli, “earth lord”): invoked as deity, 38 :5 ; as mother, 7 8 :4 0 , 7 9 :6 ,1 4 ; origin of, 2 :4 , 2 :1 8 , 7 5 :2 ; reestablishment of, 7 6 :1 9 Earthquakes: 2 :4 4 ,5 2 , 2 3 :3 2 , 5 9 : 2 2 - 2 3 , 7 9 :2 4 Earthworks, see Buildings and earthworks Emergence from underworld: 1 :1 0 —11; from Seven Caves, 1 : 2 4 ,1 :42 Engineering, see Architecture and engineering Executions and assassinations (see also Suicide), 2 4 :1 , 2 6 : 3 0 - 3 6 , 2 8 : 3 4 - 4 4 , 3 1 :2 9 ,4 4 , 3 2 :3 0 , 3 4 : 8 ,3 5 : 2 6 ,4 2 : 4 4 - 4 3 : 9 ,5 7 : 1 - 3 , 5 9 : 1 7 - 1 9 , 6 1 : 5 2 -

221

Subject Guide 55, 6 3 : 2 5 - 3 5 , 6 6 : 7 ,9 - 1 2 ,3 0 ,4 5 - 5 1 ; by dragging, 3 3 : 3 0 - 3 3 , 6 6 :1 8 ; by hanging, 3 0 : 3 1 - 3 6 ,5 8 : 3 1 ; by kicking from a bridge, 3 9 :8 ,1 8 ; by knocking down, 3 9 :3 7 ; by piercing the neck and strangling, 3 8 :3 4 —41; by pushing from a rooftop, 3 9 :9 ; by shooting, 2 7 :2 0 —23; by stoning, 3 2 :3 5 —41; cause of, 34 :3 7 ; executioners’ party, 6 0 :1 9 —39 Famine, 2 :4 4 ,5 2 , 9 : 3 ,4 8 : 5 4 , 5 1 : 1 5 - 3 3 , 5 9 :3 2 ,5 9 , 6 0 : 3 - 4 , 8 2 :3 2 ,3 7 Feasts, see Ceremonies, M onths Featherwork (see also Clothing and adornment),' 5 : 5 3 - 6 : 7 ,2 5 : 4 6 Fire (see also Ceremonies): used in battle, 5 4 :2 4 ; destroys buildings, 4 1 :8 , 4 2 :6 ,1 1 ,4 6 : 5 , 50:3 3 ; cremation, 7 :3 1 , 8 1 :4 6 ; drilled, 7 9 :5 3 , 8 1 : 2 5 - 2 8 ; drilled for cooking, 7 6 :1 , 7 6 : 9 - 1 0 (origin o f fire?); god o f (Xiuhteuctli), 3 :2 7 ; gods o f (,xiu h teteu ctin ), 8 0 :8 ; origin o f new fire ceremony, 7 6 : 1 1 17n; and origin o f sun, 77:2 8 ,4 6 ,4 7 ; rain of, 2 :3 5 , 7 5 :2 6 ,3 0 Flaying, see Sacrifice o f humans Flint, 8 0 : 1 0 - 1 8 Flood, 2 5 :4 ,3 5 - 4 3 , 4 8 : 1 5 - 2 2 , 5 9 : 2 0 - 2 1 ,2 6 - 3 3 ; myths of, 7 5 : 3 4 - 4 3 , 7 5 :4 3 -7 6 :7 Foods, see Animal foods. Plant foods and crops Four Lords, see Statecraft Frost (see also Snow), 7 8 :1 1 Games, see Ritual games Gemstones: jade ( cbalch ibu itt), 4 :3 ,3 9 ,5 0 , 5 :8 , 2 8 : 3 0 - 3 3 , 4 3 :3 1 , 4 4 :2 7 , 5 1 :4 5 (covers woman’s private parts), 6 1 :5 8 , 7 6 :5 3 , 7 7 :4 4 , 8 2 : 1 5 - 2 6 (as metaphor for com ); turquoise (.x ib u itl), 4 :2 3 ,3 4 , 7 :3 0 , 2 8 :2 9 ,3 3 , 5 9 :4 0 ; fine turquoise ( teoxiu h tli), 4 :4 0 ,5 0 Giants, 2 :3 1 Gifts o f greeting (see also Gifts o f obligation. Hospitality), 1 3 : 3 0 - 3 2 ,2 8 : 2 8 - 3 4 , 4 4 :2 ; human captive as, 3 7 :1 4 —23,44; o f Spaniards, 6 8 :2 5 ; wom en as (?), 5 7 :1 4 -2 5 Gifts o f obligation: in exchange for fealty (?), 5 2 :4 4 —5 3 :4 ; for right to occupy land, 10:47; for military aid, 4 0 : 4 8 - 4 1 : 3 , 4 3 : 2 8 - 4 0 , 4 4 : 2 0 - 2 9 (called “greeting gifts”) Gods, see Fire, Omens and prognostications, Rain and drought. Regalia o f gods, Sacrifice o f humans, Sky, Sorcerers. See Concordance for names o f specific deities. Gold, see Rocks and minerals Government, see Statecraft Hairstyles, see Clothing and adornment. Regalia o f war Heaven, see Sky

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Subject Guide Honey, see Animal foods Horticulture: chinampas, 2 8 :4 2 ; com uprooted by wind, 53 :9 ; field work, 6 : 1 3 - 1 6 ; gardens or milpas ( m illi), 2 5 :8 , 2 6 :1 5 , 4 9 : 1 4 - 1 9 (in reclaimed riverbed), 5 8 :1 6 ; gardens measured by the m ecatl, 3 8 :3 2 , 39 :2 5 ; irrigated fields ( a m illi), 6 0 :3 ,5 ; planting, 8 3 :2 2 Hospitality (see also Gifts o f Greeting): lodging, 6 :1 3 ; lodging and supper, 2 6 : 5 4 - 2 7 : 3 ; rich man plays host four times a year, 3 0 : 5 - 1 5 ; treacherous invitations, 3 0 : 3 1 - 3 6 , 3 3 :3 9 , 3 5 :2 6 H ouses, see Buildings and earthworks Humans (see also Sacrifice o f humans): creation of, 2 :1 5 ,1 9 -4 0 ; created from ashes, 2 :2 1 ; created from bones, 7 6 : 2 2 - 7 7 : 3 ; created with or from deity’s blood, 6 2 : 3 0 - 3 9 , 7 6 : 5 0 - 7 7 : 3 Hunting: 1 :4 5 , 1 4 : 1 6 - 1 8 , 1 9 :1 5 ,2 1 :5 2 , 2 5 : 7 ,7 9 : 3 7 Incense, see Ritual acts Insects, see Animals, Sacrifice o f animals Jade, see Gemstones Justice, see Legal system Labor, see Communal labor. Tribute labor Land (see also Warfare) : acquisition of, 1 2 : 4 ,2 5 ,1 5 : 7 ,2 3 : 4 4 ,2 5 : 1 1 - 2 4 ,2 6 : 1 2 , 2 9 :1 2 , 4 8 :5 ; apportionment of, 4 6 : 4 9 - 4 7 : 2 2 , 6 0 : 5 3 - 6 1 : 9 ; boundaries of, 1 9 : 2 9 - 5 1 , 2 0 :2 ,5 ,2 8 , 2 1 : 1 2 - 3 5 , 2 6 :1 6 , 2 9 :2 5 , 4 7 : 1 3 - 1 7 , 4 9 :3 2 , 5 2 :3 0 , 5 4 :3 5 , 5 5 :7 ,1 1 , 6 1 :1 2 , 6 3 : 1 1 - 2 2 ; boundary keepers, 2 1 :1 0 , 2 9 :1 7 ; calpulli lands, 2 6 : 1 6 - 1 7 ,3 0 - 3 6 , 5 9 :5 4 ; communal, 4 7 :1 5 , 6 0 :5 5 ; dispute over, 5 8 : 3 - 3 4 ; extent of, 2 3 :2 4 ; hunting grounds, 14:17; “land arrangements,” 5 1 : 1 1 - 1 2 ; loss of, 2 6 : 3 0 - 3 6 , 5 8 :1 6 (farm lands); measure­ ment of, 3 8 :3 2 , 3 9 :2 5 ; ownership of, 1 :4 6 ,1 3 : 4 , 3 8 :2 4 —32, 5 8 :6 ; palace lands, 6 0 :6 ; petition for, 15:3; steward lands, 59 :5 4 ; survey of, 4 9 : 2 9 - 3 4 ; usurpation of, 5 9 :5 2 —58 Legal system: council decides fate o f accused’s relatives, 3 3 : 4 5 - 3 4 : 5 ,6 6 : 1 9 - 2 6 ; criminal charges laid before high ruler, 2 6 : 1 7 - 2 4 ; high ruler adjudicates land dispute, 5 8 : 3 - 3 4 ; punishments (see also Executions and assassinations. State­ craft), 2 6 : 2 4 - 3 6 , 3 3 : 5 1 - 3 4 : 5 , 3 9 : 3 9 - 5 2 (prison), 5 8 :3 0 Lightning, 8 :1 6 ; 7 7 : 22n Lime, see Roads Magicians, see Sorcerers Manufactures (see also Ceramics, Clothing and adornment, Featherwork, Regalia o f war. Mat o f authority, Plant products. Textiles, Tools and utensils): flask for tobacco, 83:15; matting, 26:10, 65:25,32,39; mesh bags, 1:47; mirror.

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Subject Guide 5 :3 1 ,4 5 -5 0 , 6 :8 , 1 4 :3 1 -3 3 ; oil, 55:37; pack baskets, 1:48; rabbit pot, 78:17; ropes, 77:15, 81:20, 8 2 :5 -1 3 ; “a kind o f snake-arm,” 28:32; brought by Spaniards, 6 8 :3 2 —39; stone chest, 7:13—16; stone o f sacrifice, 4 4 :4 9 (“eagle bowl”), 6 0 :8 (round-stone), 8 2 :3 7 Marriage, see Statecraft Mask, see Regalia o f gods Mat o f authority, 3 :2 0 , 5 :8 , 8 :4 7 . For matting, see Manufactures Measurement, units of: cubit ( ceciyacatl), 8 :4 5 ; fathom (m a tI), 6 4 :5 0 , 6 5 :2 2 ,2 9 , 6 5 :2 9 ; forearm ( cem dicpitl), 4 1 :2 1 ; m ecatl, 3 8 :3 2 , 3 9 :2 5 ; span ( cem iztitl), 5 :3 1 Minerals, see Rocks and minerals Months (i.e., twenty-day feast periods): Izcalli, 9 :4 0 , 2 4 :4 0 , 4 7 :4 1 ; list of, 2 4 : 3 8 - 4 1 , 6 4 : 2 3 - 3 0 ; Quecholli, 2 4 :3 9 , 2 5 :4 9 ,6 4 :2 9 ; Tecuilhuid, 1 6 :7 , 5 6 :2 8 , 6 4 :2 6 , 8 2 :2 9 ; Toxcad, 2 5 :2 4 ; Tozozdi, 7 5 :4 8 Moon: origin of, 7 7 : 4 1 - 7 8 : 1 8 Morning star: called Lord o f the Dawn (Tlahuizcalpantecudi), 7 :4 3 , 7 8 : 7 - 1 1 (identified with frost); influence of, 7 : 4 7 - 5 6 ; origin of, 7 :3 7 —4 7 Music (see abo Dance, Songs): conch horn, 7 6 : 2 8 - 3 2 M ythology (see abo Earth, Fire, Flood, Humans, M oon, M orning star. Nightfall, Sky, Sun): Hidden C om myth, 7 7 : 3 - 2 6 ; origin o f the skull rack lords, 6 2 : 1 1 - 4 7 ; Quetzalcoad in the dead land, 7 6 : 2 2 - 5 4 Nagual, 7 6 :3 6 ,4 9 Nightfall: origin of, 7 8 :2 2 Omens and prognosdcadons (see abo Comet, Divination, Dreams, Earthquakes, Famine, Solar eclipse): connected with Venus, 7 : 4 7 - 5 6 ; evil omens in Tollan, 9 :2 8 ,4 5 , 8 1 :5 1 ; military victory predicted, 3 6 :3 3 —40; nation’s dow n­ fall predicted, 2 3 : 1 8 - 4 5 , 5 5 :3 1 (by woman’s vulva), 6 2 : 2 - 9 (by skull rack lord), 8 2 : 5 1 - 8 3 : 3 (by gods); rulership predicted, 2 3 : 1 2 - 1 8 ; serpent deity as oracle, 2 0 : 1 5 - 2 8 Penance, see Ritual acts Picture writing, 5 1 : 3 1 ,6 5 : 47n, 7 8 : 24n Plant foods and crops (see abo Horticulture, Plant products. Plants): amaranth, 5 1 :2 9 , 77 :2 5 ; fermented atole, 15:51; barrel cactus, 1 :49; beans, 6 :1 6 , 77 :2 5 ; beverage, 16:2; cacao, 4 :5 3 , 5 1 :5 2 , 6 5 :4 6 ; chia, 7 7 :2 5 ; chilis, 6 :1 5 , 6 5 : 2n, 6 5 :2 5 ,3 3 ,4 0 , 8 1 :3 4 (hot pepper); com , 4 :1 4 , 6 :1 6 , 5 0 :2 0 , 5 1 :1 9 , 5 9 :5 9 v 7 5 :5 0 , 7 7 :5 ,1 2 ,2 4 , 8 2 :2 0 , 8 2 :4 0 ,4 8 , 8 3 : 2 2 - 2 4 ; Food Mountain, 7 7 : 5 —26; greens, 6 :1 5 , 6 :2 7 ; maguey, 6 :1 7 ; prickly pears, 1 : 4 8 - 4 9 ; pulque, 5 :2 7 , 6 :1 9 , 6 : 2 8 - 7 : 1 , 7 9 :1 0 , 8 0 :2 3 ; spine silk, 1:4 9 ;

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Subject Guide storekeepers or stewards, 3 8 :3 3 , 3 9 :25; tamale, 8 2 :34; tobacco, 83:15; tomatoes, 6 :1 5 Plant products (see also Manufactures, Plant foods and crops): achiote, 65 :4 6 ; axin (?), 6 5 :2 ; cotton, 4 :5 4 , 6 4 :5 1 , 6 5 :2 2 —40; maguey fibers, 9 :5 3 , 6 5 :5 4 (maguey-fiber cloaks called a ya tl)\ prickly-pear leaf pad, 55:35; thorns, 4 :3 7 , 7 7 :4 1 ,4 3 ; tubes o f quetzal bamboo, 50 :3 7 ; rubber, 5 1 :5 2 , 65 :4 6 ; sapodilla staff, 4 2 :3 8 Plants (see also Plant foods and crops. Plant products): barrel cactus (hu ei com itl), 1:14,48; pot cactus ( teocom ití), 1 0 :1 3 ,8 0 :3 ; cypress, 7 5 :47; grasses, 8 3 :21; maguey, 4 0 :2 1 , 4 1 :8 , 5 4 :1 4 , 8 2 :3 1 ; mesquite, 7 9 :15,21; prickly pear ( nop a llt), 5 4 :1 4 , 8 2 :3 0 ; reed (a ca tí), 6 2 :2 9 ,8 4 :1 0 ; sedges or bulrushes ( tolin ), 2 2 :1 7 , 8 4 :1 0 ; trees, 5 3 :9 , 7 5 :1 9 , 8 2 :3 0 Prayer, see Ritual acts Prison, see Legal system Prophecy, see Omens and prognostications Pyramid, see Architecture and engineering. Buildings and Earthworks Quetzal plumes, 4 :3 5 ,4 0 ,5 2 , 5 :8 , 6 1 :5 9 , 7 7 :4 3 , 7 9 :4 ; as metaphor for com , 8 2 : 1 5 - 2 5 ; as tribute, 5 1 :5 1 ; as warbonnet, 4 6 :1 0 . For quetzal, see Birds. Rain and drought: drought, 7 :5 3 , 7 :5 5 , 8 2 : 2 9 - 3 1 ; rain, 5 9 :3 5 , 8 3 :1 8 -2 2 ; rain gods ( tlaloqu e ), 7 7 : 2 1 - 2 3 , 8 2 : 1 4 - 2 7 , 8 2 : 3 7 - 8 3 : 1 5 ; “skies come fall­ ing down,” see Sky Regalia o f gods: head fan o f Quetzalcoad, 6 :3 , 7:2 9 ; mask o f Quetzalcoad, 6 :3 , 7 :3 0 ; o f Mixcoad, 3 :4 , 2 5 :4 7 , 5 0 :5 1 , 5 6 :2 5 Regalia o f war (see also Weapons and shields): act o f adorning or o f putting on regalia ( chichihua ), 5 0 : 7 - 8 , 5 6 :2 4 , 8 0 :3 8 ; banner, 17:8; egret banner, 3 :3 5 , 5 4 :3 1 ; body paint, 6 0 :3 6 ; eagle labret, 4 2 :3 0 ; eagle tail feathers, 4 2 :2 8 ; earplugs, 4 2 :3 0 , 6 0 :3 5 ; ear-stream insignia, 4 9 :1 0 ; emblems or in­ signia ( tla b u iztli ), 4 1 :2 , 4 3 :3 2 , 4 4 :2 8 , 56 :2 5 ; hair ribbon, 6 0 :3 9 ; special haircut, 3 1 :3 0 ( tlaoton xin tli), 6 0 :3 5 ( n ex in tli), 6 1 :4 5 (n e x in tli)\ Huexotzinca style, 4 2 :2 7 ; leather braid tied on head, 4 2 :2 9 ; leather braid with jingles on feet, 4 2 :3 3 ; lip pin, 4 2 :3 1 ; white loincloth, 4 2 :3 2 ; Mexica style, 6 0 : 3 5 - 3 9 ; special necklace, 4 2 :3 1 ; sapodilla staff, 4 2 :3 4 ; warbonnet, 4 6 :1 0 Religion, see Buildings and earthworks, Cannibalism, Ceremonies, Mythology, Regalia o f gods, Ritual acts. Sacred bundles. Sacrifice o f animals, Sacrifice o f humans. Sorcerers Ritual acts (see also Ceremonies, Ritual games, Sacrifice o f animals, Sacrifice o f humans) : arrows set in beds o f hay, 2 5 :4 4 ; bathing o f corpse, 3 8 :4 1 ; bathing o f deity, 7 7 :5 3 ; bathing o f newborn, 7 8 : 38n; bathing o f victim, 13:51 ; self­ bathing, 4 :3 6 , 6 :5 2 , 7 :2 1 , 7 7 :4 2 ; blackening the eyes with ashes, 1:18;

225

Subject Guide bloodletting, 4 :3 7 , 6 :5 2 , 6 2 :2 9 , 7 6 :5 4 ; burning o f incense, 4 :4 0 , 7 7 :4 4 ; self-cremation, 7:3 1 ; cup offering, 1 4:7; fasting, 3 :2 8 (o f ruler), 6 :2 8 ,4 2 , 1 4 : 3 - 7 , 2 6 :2 3 , 4 2 : 2 2 - 2 6 (o f ruler), 7 7 :4 0 , 8 3 :1 0 (o f mourners); feath­ ering, 79 :9 ; feathering and chalking, 77 :4 5 ; feeding the warriors, 5 6 :2 6 ; offerings to serpent deity, 2 0 :2 4 —28; sacrament o f penance ( tlam aceh u aliz r/i), 4 :3 6 , 6 :4 1 ,5 1 , 3 6 :3 5 , 7 6 : 5 4 - 7 7 : 3 , 7 7 : 4 1 - 4 2 ; placement o f plumebanners, 2 5 :4 6 ; prayer to heaven, 4 : 4 5 - 4 9 ; swearing to tell the truth, 4 4 :4 0 ; sweeping, 1 4 :4 Ritual games: ball game ( tla ch tli), 7 9 :2 0 , 8 2 : 1 4 - 1 8 ; sand blowing, 1 7 :2 4 Roads: Lime Road, 1 9 :4 6 ,4 9 :3 8 ; Mexica Road, 2 1 :1 4 Rocks and Minerals (see also Gemstones, Stone carving): chalk, 7 7 :4 5 ; flint, 8 0 : 1 0 - 1 8 ; gold, 4 :5 1 , 5 :8 , 1 0 :4 7 , 5 1 :5 1 , 5 2 : 4 6 - 5 3 : 3 , 6 1 :5 8 ; gravel, 2 :3 7 ; lava stone, 2 :3 7 ; lime, see Roads; red rocks, 2 :3 8 ; sand, 1 7 :2 4 , 8 1 :5 ; silver, 4 :5 1 ; stones, 8 2 :3 1 Rubber, see Plant products Ruler, see Buildings, Omens and prognostications. Ritual acts. Statecraft, Warfare, Women. See Concordance for names o f specific rulers. Sacred bundles: o f Itzpapalod, 1 : 19, 50 : 35 —37, 8 0 : 7—19 Sacrifice o f animals: birds, 4 :42 , 5 : 14; butterflies, 4 :42 , 5 : 14 ; deer; 1 : 1—9 ; eagle, 1 : 1- 9 , 3 :25 . 81 : 14- 16,26 ; jaguar, 1 : 1- 9 , 3 : 25 , 8 1 : 13- 16, 26 ; rabbit, 1 : 1- 9 , 3 : 26 , 2 4 : 54 - 2 5 : 14, 8 1 : 12; snakes, 1 : 1- 9 , 3 :26 , 4 :41 , 5 : 14; 2 5 : 1- 14; 8 1 : 13; wolf, 81 : 14- 16,26 Sacrifice o f humans (see abo Cannibalism, Manufactures, Ritual acts), 4 1 : 12, 5 7 :44 - 46 ; and banners, 8 2 : 35 - 37, 53, 8 3 : 11; beginning of, 9 :48 , 9 : 56 — 10 : 5, 2 5 :25 , 78:14 (sacrifice o f gods); o f children, 9 : 1- 8 , 17 : 23 , 6 0 : 14, 8 3 : 7 ; to dedicate new construction, 2 0 : 32, 2 5 : 12- 2 0 ,2 9 :46 - 48 , 5 3 : 44 54 : 2 , 58 : 35-45 (list o f victims), 5 8 : 50 —5 2 ,6 0 : 7—19 (new round-stone); in time o f famine, 9 : 1, 8 2 : 32 ; by flaying, 9 : 51 - 55 ; heart sacrifice, 17 : 25 , 18 :25 - 28 , 2 8 : 14, 4 4 : 50, 4 5 :24 , 81 : 27 -3 6 (with new fire and chili tor­ ture), 8 2 : 31 - 37 ; human streamers, 9 : 1- 9 ,1 0 : 8 ; opposed by Quetzalcoad, 5 : 11,25 , 9 : 57 ; by shooting, 9 : 32 - 44 ; during solar eclipse, 2 3 : 32 ; with striping, 6 0 : 8 ; during Toxcad, 2 5 :24 ; o f unsuccessful emissaries, 4 4 :4 ,47 ; victim obtained by barter, 6 0 : 16- 17; during Xochilhuid, 2 1 : 3 9 ,4 9 : 3 4 -3 6 Salt, 6 5 : 27 , 35,41 Servants, see Slavery and servitude Sexual offenses (see abo Adultery, Chastity, Women): Huemac’s sensuality, 8 : 3 8 46; warriors have intercourse, 7 9 : 7 - 9 ; scandals o f M oquihuix, 5 5 : 1 9 - 3 8 ; lust o f M oteuczoma the Elder, 5 1 :4 0 —46; Moteuczoma the Younger high­ handedly takes çoncubine, 6 3 :2 8 ; Quetzalcoad drinks with his sister, 6 :4 0 Shell, see Animal products. Buildings and earthworks Sin, see Drunkenness, Sexual offenses

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Subject Guide Sky: as abode o f gods, 4 :4 3 , 7 7 : 5 3 - 5 4 ; collapse of, 2 :2 8 , 75:39,48; as desti­ nation o f Quetzalcoad, 7 :3 9 ; o f nine layers, 4 :4 6 , 7 8 : 1 1(>); origin of, 2 :18; re-establishment of, 76:1 0 ,1 4 ; smoking of, 76 :4 ,8 ,1 5 ,1 7 ,1 9 Slavery and servitude (see also Communal labor, Tribute labor. Women): freed slaves, 1 5 :3 2 , 16:2; escape from, 4 4 : 5 - 1 2 ; pages ( tecpoyotl), 5 : 7 - 7 : 2 3 ; king’s personal servants, 4 1 :2 8 ,4 1 :4 1 ; as refuge for defeated nation, 2 0 : 4 6 2 1 :5 ; servant communities ( h u icallt), 2 6 : 3 2 ,4 6 : 4 3 - 4 9 ; slave market, 40 :2 3 ; slaves itemized in tribute list, 6 5 :3 ,3 5 ,4 1 ; o f war captives, 4 1 :1 4 , 4 4 :7 Snow (see also Frost), 5 1 :1 3 , 5 9 :1 5 ,1 7 , 8 2 :2 7 Solar eclipse, 2 3 :3 1 , 5 7 :1 3 ,3 8 , 5 8 :5 3 ,5 5 , 5 9 :2 , 5 9 : 4 7 ,6 0 :4 1 Songs, 6 :3 8 ,4 9 , 7 :1 ,4 ,8 , 1 7 :5 , 4 7 :2 2 ; “sings and dances . . . like a woman,” 7 7 :4 6 ; o f sorcerer, 9 :5 1 Sorcerers ( tlatlacatecolo ): bring idolatry to Cuauhtitlan, 2 0 :3 7 ; magician lords (;n ah u alteteuctin ) in Cuidahuac, 6 2 :1 2 ,4 5 , 6 3 :4 ; called “devils” ( diablom e ), 3 :1 , 4 :2 1 , 9 :4 2 ,4 6 ,4 9 , 10:3 ,2 0 ,2 1 ,3 5 , 17 :2 2 , 2 0 :3 7 , 5 6 :4 6 , 6 2 :1 5 ; as females, 9 : 3 0 - 4 3 ; impersonate females, 8 : 5 0 - 5 5 ; Huitzilopochtli called “devil,” 5 7 :4 3 ; Itzpapalod called “sorcerer,” 2 5 :4 8 ; in Mexico, 6 3 :2 2 - 2 4 ; Mixcoad called “devil,” 2 6 :4 , 2 7 :2 4 , 2 8 :1 5 , 5 0 :3 4 , 6 2 :1 5 ,3 7 ; Mixcoad called “magician’s staff” (nahualcuauhtli>) 12:8; Mixcoad called “sorcerer,” 56 :2 7 ; aid Nezahualcoyod, 3 6 : 3 3 - 4 0 ; Quetzalcoad called “sorcerer,” 68 :2 0 ; require human sacrifice, 5 : 9 —6 :3 5 (in opposidon to Quetzalcoad), 9 :6 , 17:22; King Tezozomoctli addressed as a sorcerer, 3 7 :3 1 ; god o f Tizic called “devil,” 5 0 :4 6 ; in Tlalmanalco, 59 :4 1 ; in Toltitlan, 4 6 :4 ; and setdement o f Xaltocan, 1 0 : 1 2 - 3 8 Spaniards, see Concordance: Caxtilteca, Españoles, Xpianodn Stars (see also Comet, M orning star, Sun): appeared during solar eclipse, 5 8 :5 3 , 5 9 :2 ,1 2 Statecraft (see also Executions and assassinations. Gifts o f greeting, Gifts o f obli­ gation, Hospitality, Land, Legal system, Mat o f authority, Tribute goods, Tribute labor. Warfare): ally cheated out o f tribute, 5 0 : 2 2 - 3 1 ; ally consoled after defeat, 1 7 :1 0 -1 2 ; daughters given to allies as marriage partners, 2 5 :1 1 , 3 7 :4 0 , 6 1 :2 6 ,3 0 ; privileged allies called “Four Lords,” 5 0 :2 9 , 6 3 :5 1 , 6 4 :8 ; edict o f enmity, 1 4 :1 8 —22, 19:20; emissaries and ambassa­ dors, 1 3 : 2 8 - 3 0 , 4 1 :3 4 , 4 3 : 1 8 - 4 4 : 5 , 4 4 : 1 2 - 1 9 (beaten on the rump), 4 4 : 2 0 - 4 5 : 9 , 5 2 : 1 5 - 5 3 : 7 , 5 5 :3 9 - 4 2 ; high ruler grants dynasty, 1 4 : 5 3 15:13; high ruler selects or inaugurates lesser ruler, 1 5 :2 0 -2 4 , 2 8 : 4 4 - 4 6 , 5 2 : 5 - 1 0 ; enemy idol held captive, 5 0 : 3 7 - 5 1 : 1 ; nepotism, 3 1 : 1 0 - 1 5 , 3 3 : 1 3 -2 4 ,3 7 , 4 0 : 1 5 - 1 8 ; ruler “comes out into the open,” 4 8 :2 7 ; seat o f government rotated among three places, 4 3 :2 7 ; woman establishes dynasty, 2 6 : 3 9 - 4 5 ,2 7 : 3 8 - 4 5 Stewards, see Land, Plant foods and crops, Tribute goods Stone carving (see also Manufactures), 7 : 1 3 - 1 6 , 3 3 :4 3

Subject Guide Suicide {see also Executions and assassinations): by hanging, 1 1 : 6 - 1 5 ; by poison, 3 3 : 4 9 ,4 2 : 2 Sun {see also Solar eclipse) : requires blood, 7 8 : 4 - 5 , 7 9 : 2 - 2 8 ; com ing o f the first dawn, 2 :5 0 , 6 2 :3 9 ; invoked as deity, 3 8 :4 ; sun deity’s head adorned with red border, 7 7 :5 5 ; called “father,” 79 :1 5 ; myth o f four previous suns, 2 : 5 - 1 0 ,2 0 ,2 4 - 4 1 , 7 5 : 3 - 4 3 ; origin o f fifth sun, 2 : 4 2 - 5 2 ; 7 7 : 2 7 - 2 3 Sweathouse or sweating room, see Buildings and earthworks Textiles {see also Clothing and adornment): blánkets ( cuachtli), 6 0 :1 7 ; precious cloth, 14:34; “streamers” o f cloth, 4 1 :2 1 ; twist-woven bands o f fabric, 6 5 :2 3 ,3 1 Time counting and calendrical lore {see also Ceremonies, M onths): o f Cuauhtitlan Chichimecs, 1:24,43; day signs, 2 :5 ,2 3 —51, 7 :4 7 —56, 2 9 :4 9 , 4 9 :5 3 , 5 0 :1 1 ,1 3 ,3 1 ,3 2 , 5 6 : 2 9 ,5 9 : 2 1 ,4 7 ,6 0 : 5 3 ,6 1 : 2 3 , 7 5 :1 4 ,2 3 ,3 2 ,4 2 ; in Tetzcoco, 1:37; o f Toltecs, 2 :1 4 ; tutelaries of, 1 :2 5 —29; origin o f the four year counters, 1 :2 2 Tobacco, 8 3 :1 5 Tools and utensils {see also Ceramics): jade bowl, 7 6 :5 3 ; knives, 4 4 :5 0 ; spindle, 2 8 :3 3 ; weaver’s reed, 2 8 :3 1 Tribute goods: from coastlands, 5 1 : 3 7 ,5 1 : 5 1 - 5 2 (list o f); collectors or stewards of, 1 5 :5 , 3 0 :4 , 5 7 :6 ; woman as collector of, 5 1 : 4 6 - 5 2 : 1 ; divided among triple-alliance members (with lists), 6 4 : 4 8 - 6 5 : 4 7 ; to honor Huitzilopochtli, 6 2 :1 ; payment or deposit of, 3 7 :4 8 , 3 9 :3 6 , 5 3 :1 7 ; schedule o f payment, 4 1 :1 7 —22, 6 4 : 2 2 - 3 1 (with lists); roll o f payees, 6 4 :3 7 —47; from steward lands, 59 :5 4 ; warehouse, 1 8 :1 7 Tribute labor {see also Communal labor, Slavery and servitude): apportioned, 3 2 : 4 5 - 3 3 : 7 , 4 8 :4 5 ; eighty days of, 4 1 : 1 5 —17; granted, 5 3 :2 0 ; per­ formed, 4 7 :2 6 ; requisitioned, 5 1 : 8 - 1 0 ; roll o f payees, 6 5 : 4 - 1 9 Underworld {see also Emergence from underworld), 7 6 :2 2 - 5 0 ; o f nine layers, 7 8 : 11(?) Venus, see M orning star Warfare {see also Gifts o f obligation. Regalia o f war, Ritual acts. Slavery and servi­ tude, Statecraft, Weapons and shields. Women): allies marked for identifica­ tion, 4 5 : 1 5 - 2 1 ; chasing the enemy, 1 1 :51, 1 2 :1 1 , 1 9 :1 8 , 2 0 :7 ; children as warriors, 5 4 :1 2 ; “crazed” warriors after battle, 5 6 : 4 0 - 4 3 ; declaration o f war, 1 6 :4 8 —51, 1 7 :2 6 , 4 0 :4 , 4 8 : 1 0 —12, 5 1 :3 3 , 6 6 :1 1 (by breaking ca­ noes); cars taken as trophies, 1 7 :1 7 -2 0 ; called “flood and blaze,” 3 6 :3 6 , 3 8 :2 3 , cf. 54 : Í 8 —25 (water and fire used as tactics); flower war, 2 7 :2 8 ,5 5 ; informers held hostage, 4 7 : 4 9 - 4 8 : 1 ; to acquire land, 3 2 :2 (eagle land),

228

Subject Guide

3 4 :28 , 4 7 :27 -2 9 (eagle land), 54 : 3 4-39 (eagle land); mercenaries, 8 3 :47 ; night battle, 50 : 10, 56 : 16; pillaging, 5 5 : 50 - 56 :6 , 56 : 39 - 40 ; prisoners taken or rescued, 13 : 37 - 54, 16 :43 , 17 : 7, 2 0 : 31, 2 2 : 36 - 2 3 : 8, 2 5 : 20 , 3 0 : 11- 12, 3 7 : 3 -8 (taking o f a “partial captive”), 6 0 :41 - 47 ; surprise at­ tack, 4 7 :45 - 46 , 4 9 : 50 - 50 :6 ; sham battle to trick enemy, 16 :45 ; squad­ rons o f forty each, 56 : 12- 14; surrounding the enemy, 13 :22 , 16 : 34, 18 :6 —8, 2 1 :47 , 5 6 :2 ; treacherous abandonment o f one’s own leader, 32 : 1217; ululating, 5 6 :48 ; on water, 5 6 : 3 0-37 Weapons and shields (see also Regalia o f war): arrows or darts, 7 :49 , 37 : 36, 3 8 : 34, 53 : 14, 56 : 18, 56 :47 , 78 : 10, 79 : 3,4 , 7, 12, 80 : 31, 39,45 ; bows, 56 : 18; dart thrower (a $ la tl)y 80 : 31 ; harpoon staffs, 4 2 : 36 ; macana staffs, 4 2 : 36 ; shields, 17 : 5, 37 : 36, 4 1 :2 , 4 3 : 32, 4 4 :28 , 53 : 14, 54 : 16, 56 :48 , 6 0 : 17, 79 :4 , 13, 8 0 : 31,45 ; sling, 44:44 Weather, see Frost, Lightning, Rain and drought. Snow, Wind Weaving, see Clothing and adornment. Manufactures, Textiles, Tools and utensils Wind, 53 :9 , 75 : 17,23 Women: abduction or rape of, 12 :45 - 49 , 16 : 37,46 , 16 : 52 - 17 :4 , 4 0 : 33, 8 4 :6 ; who were Chichimecs, 3 : 32 ; as concubines, 55 : 33 - 38, 6 3 : 28 ; as dangerous supematurals, 9 : 28 - 43 , 79 : 3 4 -8 0 : 7 ; as establishes o f dynasty, 2 6 : 39 - 45 , 2 7 : 38 - 45 , 3 0 : 28 - 29 ; o f Huitznahua, 8 0 :29 - 51 ; imitated or impersonated by males, 8 : 50, 77 :46 ; as ladies in waiting, 9 : 16, 2 4 : 23 ; req­ uisitioned by Cortés, 15 :44 ; as ritualists, 14 :2 - 7 ; as rulers, 4 : 17, 9 : 13, 2 7 : 17- 23 ; as sacrificial victims, 13 : 51, 82 :49 —53 ; sister o f Quetzalcoatl, 6 :40 - 53 ; woman as skull rack lord, 6 2 :42 ; in slavery, 15 : 32,41 ,50, 51, 6 5 :27 , 35,41 ; as sorcerers, 9 : 30 ; as spies, 4 5 :47 - 4 6 : 5, 55 :21 - 25 ; woman tribute collector, 51 :46 - 52 : 1; valiant women ( m odbuaquetzqui), 8 :43 ; as war captives, 3 7 : 26 , 4 5 : 44—4 6 : 19, 6 0 : 52 ; as warriors, 17 : 16, 54 : 12; ac­ cused o f whoring, 2 7 : 22 ; work of, 5 7 : 25 , 58:17 Writing, see Picture writing

229

Source Abbreviations

Sources cited in abbreviated form may be accompanied by a page number, as in CAR 500, indicating Carochi, A r te de la lengua m exicana (1892 ed.), p. 500. If the work in question has only one volume, a second number indicates the line. Thus CAR 5 0 0 :2 3 shows that the citation is to be found at line 23. But H ER N 1 :2 0 5 means Hernández, H istoria n atu ral de N u eva España , vol. 1, p. 205; and FC 8 :2 3 :2 is Sahagún, F lorentine Codex (Anderson and Dibble ed., 1st ed.), bk. 8, p. 23, line 2. Wholly numerical citations refer to the Codex Chim alpopoca itself; hence 3 2 :2 1 is side 32, line 21 o f the codex. For complete bibliographic data on all sources, see References. AC AM AND AUB

Annals o f Cuauhtidan (present edition) Kutscher, Brotherston, and Vollmer, eds., Aesop in M exico Andrews, In troduction to Classical N ah u atl Dibble, H istoria de la nación m exicana . . . Códice de 1576 (Códice

CAR CAROC CF CHIM CM DCAL D H IST FC FFCC GLOS

Carochi, A r te de la lengua m exicana (1892 ed.) Carochi, A r te de la lengua m exicana (1983 ed.) Sahagún, Códice floren tin o (1979 ed.) Chimalpain, Relaciones (Rendón ed.) Cantares mexicanos “El calendario antigua,” in Durán, H istoria de las In dias , vol. 1 Durán, H istoria de las In dias , vol. 2 Sahagún, F lorentine Codex (Anderson and Dibble ed.), 1st ed. Sahagún, F lorentine Codex (Anderson and Dibble ed.), 2d ed. Glossary in Bierhorst, Codex Chim alpopoca: The T ext in N ah u atl w ith a

GKC GN

Lehmann, D ie Geschichte der K önigreiche von Colhuacan u n d M exico Grammatical Notes in Bierhorst, Codex Chim alpopoca: The T ext in N a ­

GRAM HERN HG HM AI HM PP H TC H

Grammatical Notes in Bierhorst, A N ahuatl-E nglish D iction ary Hernández, H istoria n atu ral de N u eva España Sahagún, H istoria g en eral de las cosas de N u eva España (Garibay ed.)

A u bin )

Glossary an d G ram m atical N otes

h u atl w ith a Glossary a n d G ram m atical N otes

H andbook o f M iddle A m erican In dian s

“Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas” Kirchoff et al., H istoria Tolteca Chichim eca

2 31

Source Abbreviations IXT MAGL MEX M OL MOLS NED PAR

Alva Ixtlilxochitl, O bras históricas (O ’Gorman ed.) Nuttall, The Book o f the L ife o f th e A n cien t M exicans [Codex Magliabechiano] Tezozomoc, C rónica m exicáyotl. The Nahuad-Spanish section o f Molina’s Vocabulario The Spanish-Nahuati section o f Molina’s Vocabulario Bierhorst, A N aku atl-E n glish D iction ary. Paredes, Com pendio del A r te de la lengua m exicana del P. H oracio Carochi

RITOS R U IZ RU I ZA

“Libro de los ritos y ceremonias,” in Durán, H istoria de las In d ia s , vol. 1 Ruiz de Alarcón, ‘Tratado de las supersticiones” (Paso y Troncoso ed. o f 1953) Coe and Whitaker, A zte c Sorcerers . . . : The T reatise on Superstitions by H ernando R u iz de A larcón

RUIZAL SIM TEZ TO R Q UAH ZCHIM

Ruiz de Alarcón, Treatise on the H eathen Superstitions (Andrews and Hassig ed.) Simeon, D iction n aire de la langue n áh u atl ou m exicaine Tezozomoc, C rónica m exicana Torquemada, M onarquía in dian a Mengin, “U nos annales históricos de la nación mexicana” Zimmermann, D ie R elation en C him alpahinys

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“ Histoyre du Mechique: manuscrit français inédit du XVIe siècle,” ed. Edouard de Jonghe, Journal de la Société des A m éricanistes de P aris, n.s., vol. 2 (1905), pp. 1 - 4 1 . See also Garibay, Teogonia e historia de los mexicanos. Horcasitas, Fernando. “An Analysis o f the Deluge Myth in Mesoamerica.” In Alan Dundes, ed.. The Flood M yth , pp. 183—219. Berkeley and Los Angeles: Uni­ versity o f California Press, 1988. Ixtlilxochitl, Fernando de Alva. See Alva Ixtlilxochitl. Kirchhoff, Paul, Lina Odena Güemes, and Luis Reyes García, eds. H istoria ToltecaChichim eca. Mexico: IN A H , 1976. Kutscher, Gerdt, Gordon Brotherston, and Günter Vollmer, eds. Aesop in M exico: D ie Fabeln des Aesop in aztekischer Sprache ! A 16th C en tu ry A zte c Version o f Aesop>s Fables. Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1987.

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