Historical Atlas of Canada: Volume II: The Land Transformed, 1800-1891 9781442675759

Table of contents :
Contents
Donors
Foreword
Preface
Acknowledgments
Introduction
Canada in the Nineteenth Century
Part One. Extending the Frontier: Settlement to Mid-Century
An Immigrant Population
Expanding Economies
Part Two. Building a Nation: Canada to the End of the Century
Forging the Links
The People
Economies in Transition
Urbanization and Manufacturing
A Changing Society
Notes

Citation preview

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

V O L U M E II E D I T O R I A L BOARD

Peter Ennals Peter G. Goheen C. Grant Head John Mannion Bryan D. Palmer Jean-Claude Robert David A. Sutherland Jean-Pierre Wallot

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF

CANADA Volume II The Land Transformed 1800-1891 R. Louis Gentilcore EDITOR

Don Measner

ASSOCIATE EDITOR

Ronald H. Walder ASSOCIATE EDITOR

Geoffrey J. Matthews CARTOGRAPHER/DESIGNER

Byron Moldofsky

PRODUCTION CO-ORDINATOR

U N I V E R S I T Y OF TORONTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London

For David, Roxanne, Susan; Lily, Michael; Alan, Katherine; Natalie; Corey, Isabella; Alexandre, Felix

www.utppublishing.com © University of Toronto Press Incorporated 1993 Toronto Buffalo London Printed in Canada ISBN 0-8020-3447-0 Get ouvrage est egalement disponible en langue franchise aux Presses de 1'Universite de Montreal.

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Main entry under title: Historical atlas of Canada Includes bibliographies. Partial contents: v. 2. The land transformed, 1800-1891 / R. Louis Gentilcore [editor]. ISBN 0-8020-3447-0 (v. 2) i. Canada - Historical geography - Maps. I. Matthews, Geoffrey }., 1932- . Gin6.SiH581987 9ii'.7i C87-094228-X

The research, cartography, and publication of volume II of the Historical Atlas of Canada have been funded in part by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada

Contents Donors xvi Foreword xvii Preface xix Acknowledgments xxii

INTRODUCTION Canada in the Nineteenth Century R. LOUIS G E N T I L C O R E

1

2

IMAGES OF CANADA

EXPLORATION TO MID-CENTURY

John H. Wadland, Margaret Hobbs

Richard I. Ruggles

Map Images of Canada Table Selected Painters and Photographers Illustrations 1 Ox Team at Clinton, Cariboo Road, BC, photograph by Frederick Dally, 1868 2 Strait of San Juan, watercolour by W.G.R. Hind, ca 1862 3 Through the Rocky Mountains, a Pass on the Canadian Highway, watercolour by Lucius R. O'Brien, 1887 4 Eskimo Camp on the Barren Land, NWT, photograph by J.B. Tyrrell, 1894 5 Peace River at Fort Dun vegan, photograph by Charles Horetzky, 1872 6 Camping on the Prairie, oil by Paul Kane, 1845 7 Ox Train Crossing Dead Horse Creek, photograph by Royal Engineers, ca 1873 8 Winter Fishing on the Ice, watercolour by Peter Rindisbacher, 1821 9 French River Rapids, oil by Paul Kane, 1845 10 Occupation of the Unfortunate Colonists, watercolour by Peter Rindisbacher, 1821 11 View of Cobourg, wood engraving by F.C. Lowe (after Lucius R. O'Brien), ca 1852 12 Among the Islands of Georgian Bay, watercolour by Lucius R. O'Brien, 1886 13 Sunrise on the Saguenay, oil by Lucius R. O'Brien, ca 1882 14 September Afternoon, Eastern Townships, oil by J.A. Fraser, 1873 15 Intercolonial Railway, Matapedia River, photograph by Alexander Henderson, ca 1872 16 Harvesting Hay, Sussex, New Brunswick, oil by W.G.R. Hind, ca 1880

Maps Exploration to Mid-Century Lapie Map, 1821 Arrowsmith Map, 1832 Indian Map, 1833 Back Map, 1833-1834 Arrowsmith Map, 1835 Arrowsmith Map, 1852

3 EXPLORATION AND ASSESSMENT TO 1891 Richard I. Ruggles Maps Exploration and Assessment to 1891 Geology of British North America, after Richardson, 1851 Climate of British North America, after Blodget, 1875 Prairie Levels, after Hector, 1857 Natural Regions of the Prairies, 1857-1859, after Palliser

4 EASTERN CANADA IN 1800 R. Cole Harris, David Wood (Upper Canada) Map Eastern Canada in 1800 Graph Population / Language

6

5 CANADA IN 1891

THE LOOK OF DOMESTIC BUILDING, 1 1

Marvin Mclnnis, Peter J. Usher (native land use)

Peter Ennals, Deryck W. Holdsworth Map Canada, 1891 Graph Folk and Formal Idioms, 1800-1900 Illustrations Main Streets: Okotoks, District of Alberta; Boucherv ', Quebec; Yarmouth, Nova Scotia; Brantford, Ontar Floor Plans and Elevations of Characteristic Houses: orth and West; Ontario; Quebec; Maritimes; Newfounc nd

Map The Land: Native Land Use; Non-Native Land Use Table Major Urban Centres

PART ONE EXTENDING THE FRONTIER: SETTLEMENT TO MID-CENTURY An Immigrant Population JEAN-CLAUDE ROBERT

8

7 THE COMING OF THE LOYALISTS R. Louis Gentilcore, Don Measner, David Doherty Maps Loyalists in Quebec, 1784 Disposition of New Brunswick Loyalists: Former US Residence; New Brunswick Disposition; Out-of-Province Destinations; Remaining Loyalists Loyalist Claimants: Birthplace; Claims for US Losses; Pre-War Occupation; Post-War Residence Six Nations Land Grants First Survey for Settlement (Township i, Cataraqui, Province of Quebec) Disbanded Butler's Rangers The Adolphustown Celebration Graphs Land Grant Proposals, 1783 Loyalists in the Province of Quebec, 1779-1783 Adolphustown Settlement, 1784-1822 Claimants: Filed in Nova Scotia; Filed in London, UK Tables Loyalist Populations, 1778-1791 Census of the Six Nations, 1785

ORIGINS OF THE NEWFOUNDLAND POPULATION, 1836 John Mannion, W. Gordon Handcock Maps Newfoundland Settlements, 1836. Detail: Avalon Pen sula Origins in the British Isles The Southeast Ireland Homeland The Southwest England Homeland Graphs Population Growth, 1800-1836 Population by District and Denomination, 1836 Recorded Marriages in St John's, 1800-1850 Roman Catholic Marriages in St John's, 1801-1850 Known Emigrants to Newfoundland, 1780-1850 Known Passengers to Newfoundland, 1802-1850 Known Origins, 1836: Bonavista Bay; Ferryland Disti

9 TRANSATLANTIC MIGRATIONS, 1831-1 H John C. Weaver, James De Jonge, Darrell Norris Maps Immigration to British North America: 1831-1836; 18 Final Residences: A Sample of Immigrant Farmers in Wellington County: 1831-1836; 1846-1851 Travels of Immigrant J. Thomson Graphs Emigration from the British Isles, 1815-1865 Occupations of Male Immigrants, 1846-1851 Illustrations Grosse lie Monument, photograph by Andre Charbo: Emigrants Embarking at Liverpool

-1851

eau

10

POPULATION IN THE CAN ADAS AND THE MARITIMES TO 1851 Brian S. Osborne, Jean-Claude Robert, David A. Sutherland Maps Population Distribution: ca 1825; ca 1851 Graphs Growth of Cities, 1825-1891 Growth of Provinces, 1851-1891 Male-Female Ratio in Upper Canada, 1824-1851

Population Pyramids Rural Canada West, 1851 Toronto, Hamilton, Kingston, Bytown, and London, 1851 Rural Canada East, 1851 Montreal and Quebec, 1851 Rural New Brunswick, 1851 Saint John, NB, 1851 Rural Nova Scotia, 1851 Halifax, NS, 1851 Prince Edward Island, 1848 Rural Newfoundland, 1857 St John's, Nfld, 1857

Expanding Economies BRIAN S. OSBORNE

11 TIMBER PRODUCTION AND TRADE TO 1850 Graeme Wynn Maps Exports of Forest Products, ca 1850 Volume of Timber Licensed for Cutting, New Brunswick: 1818-1819; 1824-1825; 1828-1829; 1840-1841 Cutting Licences, New Brunswick, 1836-1837,1840-1841 Timber Licences, Tracadie River, New Brunswick, 1831-1832, 1836-1837 Square-Timber Production, 1846. Detail: Upper Ottawa Graphs Timber Exports, 1810-1870 British Timber Duties, 1800-1850 Commercial Structure of the Timber Trade New Brunswick Exports of Forest Products, 1839-1860 Illustrations Major Wood Products Sharpie's and Dobell's Coves, Sillery, Quebec, photograph by John Thomson, 1891

12 AGRICULTURE IN ATLANTIC CANADA, 1851 Robert A. MacKinnon, Ronald H. Walder Maps Field-Crop Production, ca 1851. Newfoundland, 1857 Improved Land, 1851. Newfoundland, 1857 Livestock by Region, 1851. Newfoundland, 1857 Hay Production, 1851. Newfoundland, 1857 Graphs Field-Crop Production, ca 1850 Agricultural Trade, 1851 Net Trade of Agricultural Products, 1825-1861 Livestock by Province, 1851

13 AN ESTABLISHED AGRICULTURE: LOWER CANADA TO 1851 Jean-Claude Robert, Normand Seguin, Serge Courville (seigneurial land rents) Maps Seigneurial Land Rents, 1831 Parish Openings to 1851 Field-Crop Production: 1831; 1844 Wheat Production: 1831; 1844 Oats Production: 1831; 1844 Graphs Villages in Seigneurial Areas: Number, 1831,1851; Population, 1831,1851; Sites, 1815,1831,1851 Farm Animals, 1765-1851 Farms in Saint-Paul Parish, Berthier County, 1831

14 A NEW AGRICULTURE: UPPER CANADA TO 1851 J. David Wood, Peter Ennals (Hamilton Township), Thomas F. Mcllwraith (cleared land, 1842) Maps First Farm Settlers to 1851 Cleared Land, 1842 Horses and Oxen, 1830,1840 Ontario Landscape, 1851 Field Crops, 1851 Advance of Insects, 1810-1856 Wheat Production, 1851 Land Clearing, Hamilton Township, Northumberland County: 1810; 1831; 1851 Kingston-Area Landscape, 1842 Graphs Farm Animals, 1842,1851 Exports of Wheat and Flour, 1825-1849 Average Wheat Yields, 1835-1849 Farm of Benjamin Smith, near Ancaster: 1805; 1838 Illustration Typical loo-Acre Farm, Second Generation

15

18

TRADE TO MID-CENTURY

THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT

David A. Sutherland

Barry Kaye, D. Wayne Moodie, D.N. Sprague

Maps Imports and Exports, 1850-1852 Imports, 1850 Exports, 1850 Newfoundland Lighthouse Duties, 1850 Quebec Exports to Great Britain, 1835, ^50 Graphs Imports from Great Britain, 1800-1820 Trade by Commodity, 1850 Imports, 1820-1850 Exports, 1820-1850 Vessel Destinations, Port of Quebec and Port of Halifax, 1804-1806,1808-1810,1828-1830

16

BY HAND AND BY WATER: MANUFACTURING TO 1851 Ronald H. Walder, David A. Sutherland (Maritime shipbuilding) Maps Employment in Selected Industries, 1851 Skilled Tradesmen, 1851 Montreal Artisans, 1831 Sawmilling, 1831 Grist Milling, 1831 Shipbuilding in Lower Canada: 1810; 1850 Maritime Shipbuilding, 1850 Mill Development in the Don Valley: 1825; 1852 St Johns, Upper Canada, 1792-1820. Detail: Mills along Twelve-Mile Creek Graphs Skilled Trades, 1851 Daily Wages in Dollars, 1854 Upper Canada Grist-Mill Capacity, 1825-1850 Mills in Upper Canada, 1825-1850 Shipbuilding, 1820-1860 Les Forges du Saint-Maurice Workforce, 1831 Illustrations Les Forges du Saint-Maurice, ca 1870, by Bernard Duchesne, 1987 A Grist Mill, drawing by C.W. Jefferys

17 THE FUR TRADE NORTHWEST TO 1870 D. Wayne Moodie, Barry Kaye, Victor Lytwyn Maps Posts, Missions, and Routes Fur Returns, Northern Department, 1869-1870 The Red and Assiniboine Rivers Area Graphs Fur Production, Northern Department, 1821-1870 Hudson's Bay Company Workforce, Northern Department, 1830-1880 The Founding of the Missions, 1818-1870 Number and Value of Furs, 1869 Fur Prices, 1869

Maps The Settlement Belt, ca 18705 Seasonal Activities of the Red River Metis, ca 1870 Ethnic Composition, 1835, 1870 Portion of a Plan of Saint-Andrew's Parish, 1873 Portion of a Plan of the Parish of Saint-Franc.ois-Xa\ :r, ca 1873 Graphs Red River Population, 1810-1870 Seasonal Cycle of the Red River Metis Population Characteristics, 1870

19 THE FUR TRADE IN THE CORDILLERA TO 1857 Robert Galois, Arthur J. Ray Maps Hudson's Bay Company Trading System, 1821-185; Hudson's Bay Company Fur Production: 1828; 1850 Furs Traded by SS Beaver, 1837 Seasonal Native Activity at Fort Simpson, ca 1855 Fort Victoria Area, 1855 Graphs Beaver Pelts Traded, 1825-1852 Furs Traded at Fort Simpson, 1856 Meat and Fish Traded at Fort Simpson, 1837 Movements of Hudson's Bay Company Vessels, 183 Fort Victoria Area, 1855: Agricultural Production; L estock

20 URBAN PLACES TO MID-CENTURY Jean-Claude Robert, David A. Sutherland, Ronald H. W< ler Maps Montreal, 1846. Detail: Saint-Paul Street, 1825 Halifax, 1863: Residences; Businesses. Detail: Water reet Toronto, 1842. Detail: King Street, 1843-1844 Graphs Population Growth, 1800-1850 Occupations, Halifax, 1863 Illustration View of the Port of Montreal, lithograph by Adolphus ourne (after Crehen), 1841

PART TWO BUILDING A NATION: CANADA TO THE END OF THE CENTURY

Forging the Links A N D R E W F. B U R G H A R D T

21

24

FROM SEA TO SEA: TERRITORIAL GROWTH TO 1900

BRITISH GARRISONS TO 1871

Norman L. Nicholson, Charles F.J. Whebell (text) Maps Canada in 1900 Canada: 1791; 1825; 1849; 1873 Alaska Panhandle Boundary Dispute, 1873-1903 San Juan Boundary Dispute, 1846-1874 Oregon Territory Boundary Dispute, 1820-1848 Lake Superior Boundary Dispute, 1826-1842 Maine Boundary Dispute, 1798-1842 Quebec-New Brunswick Boundary Dispute, 1798-1851 Table Chronology of Events, 1713-1898

22 INVASION REPULSED, 1812-1814 William G. Dean Maps Logistics of the War Strategic Thrusts: 1812; 1813; 1814 Graphs Economic Impact, Lower Canada, 1799-1818 The British Naval Blockade: Commercial Impact, 1811-1815; Blockade Vessels, 1812-1815 Tables Military Transport Naval War on the Great Lakes, 1812-1814 Illustration The Battle ofLundy's Lane, watercolour by C.W. Jefferys, 1909

23 UNREST IN THE CANADAS Colin Read Maps The Events in Upper Canada, 1837-1838. Detail: The Invasion of Prescott The Petitions of 1835 The Encounters The Events in Lower Canada, 1837-1838 Location of the Patriotes Claims for Rebellion Losses Graphs Upper Canada Land Grants and Disposition Land Tenure, 1838 Election Results, 1827-1848 Wheat Prices, 1831-1840 Rebel Origins Rebel Occupations Disposition of Arrested Rebels, 1837-1838,1838-1839

William G. Dean Maps The Garrisons, 1760-1871 Montreal Region Quebec City Newfoundland Halifax Manitoba Royal Engineers in British Columbia, 1858-1863 Vancouver Area Niagara Peninsula Kingston Area Graphs Troops and Military Expenses, 1760-1871 Military Establishments, 1760-1871 British Military Expenditures, 1832 Illustrations View of Esplanade and Fortifications of Quebec, watercolour by J. Duncan, ca 1874 (after R.A. Sproule, ca 1832) Music Hall Advertisement, Quebec Mercury, 28 Feb 1870

25 EMERGENCE OF A TRANSPORTATION SYSTEM, 1837-1852 Andrew F. Burghardt Maps Transportation Service, Summer 1837 Scheduled Passenger Service, Summer 1852 Travel Times from Liverpool, England: 1837; 1852 Welland Canal System, 1851 Traffic Volume on London-Area Toll Roads, 1844 Graphs Cargo Origins and Destinations, 1851-1852 Welland Canal Cargo, 1834-1844 Table Average Travel Costs per Mile, 1850 Illustration The Royal Mail, drawing by C.W. Jefferys

26

28

THE RAILWAY AGE, 1834-1891

POLITICS AND PARTIES, 1867-1896

Thomas F. Mcllwraith

Robert Craig Brown, Ben Forster

Maps Railway Construction, 1836-1891 Montreal Overtakes Quebec City: 1853-1861; 1861-1889 The Harbour in Victoria Railway Charters, 1834-1891 Travel in the Maritimes, 1870 Graphs Tonnage and Mileage, 1876-1890 What Time Is It? 1868 Railway Mileage, 1836-1891 Illustrations Fence, Wagon, Telegraph and Railway, and Buffalo Bones, Gull Lake, NWT, photograph, 1884 Victoria Bridge, Montreal, 1878

Maps Federal Election Results: 1872; 1896 Gerrymandering, 1882 Graphs Membership in Parliament, 1867-1896 Profiles of Members of Parliament Acclamations, 1867-1896 The Electorate, 1872,1896 Voting Patterns, 1867-1896 Liberal Party Organization, Kent County, Ontario, i 16-1887 Table Federal Election in Ontario, 1882

27 LINKING CANADA, 1867-1891 Thomas F. Mcllwraith Maps Building the Transcontinental Railway Travel Time from Ottawa: 1867; 1891 Major Trips of the Governor-General, 1873-1877 Illustrations Profile of the Transcontinental Route 'Around the World with Canadian Pacific' (CPR brochure), 1891 Sleeping Car 'Honolulu'

The People J E A N - C L A U D E ROBERT

29

30

E CANADIAN POPULATION, 1871,1891

THE FERTILITY TRANSITION, 1851-1891

Measner, Christine Hampson

Marvin Mclnnis

Maps Population Distribution: 1871; 1891 Graphs Urban Populations, 1851,1871,1891 Urban Centres, 1851,1871,1891 Population Pyramids Canada, 1871 Canada, 1891 Western Canada, 1891 Rural Ontario, 1891 Toronto, Hamilton, Ottawa, London, and Kingston, 1891 Rural Quebec, 1891 Montreal and Quebec, 1891 Rural Maritimes, 1891 Halifax and Saint John, 1891 Rural Newfoundland, 1884 St John's, NFLD, 1884

Maps Overall Fertility Rate: 1851; 1891 Decline in Overall Fertility Rate, 1851-1891 Population Change: 1851-1871; 1871-1891 Graphs Index of Marital Fertility, 1851-1891 Index of Overall Fertility for Selected Countries, 185: 1891 Index of Overall Fertility, 1851-1891 Crude Birth Rate, 1851-1891 Married Women of Child-Bearing Age, 1851-1891 Population Growth, 1851-1891

31

33

THE EXODUS: MIGRATIONS, 1860-1900 Patricia A. Thornton, Ronald H. Walder, Elizabeth Buchanan (kinship linkages) Maps Migration Types, 1871-1891 Migration Rates: 1871-1881; 1881-1891 Biological Kinship Linkages, Northern Ontario, 1889 Canadians in New England, 1900: French; English Selected Occupations of Canadian-Born in the Northeastern United States, 1880 Canadian-Born in the United States, 1880 Graphs Migration Estimates, 18505-19005 Place of Birth, 1861,1891

32

NATIVE RESERVES: NAMES AND DESCRIPTIONS Pierrette Desy, Frederic Castel List of Reserves and Bands Maps Native Population, 1901 Treaty Areas to 1899 Graph Sales of Surrendered Lands in Eastern Canada, 1868-1901

34 NATIVE RESERVES OF WESTERN CANADA TO 1900 Pierrette Desy, Frederic Castel

NATIVE RESERVES OF EASTERN CANADA TO 1900 Pierrette Desy, Frederic Castel Maps Reserves of Eastern Canada Southern Ontario Treaties Lake of the Woods-Rainy River Area North Channel-Manitoulin Area St Clair River Area St Lawrence River Islands Area Cape Breton Island Detail Maps of Reserves

Maps Reserves of Western Canada Southwestern British Columbia Lower Fraser River Area Qu'Appelle River Area Southern Manitoba

35 DISPERSAL OF THE MANITOBA METIS AND THE NORTHWEST REBELLION, 1870-1885 D.N. Sprague, Barry Kaye, D. Wayne Moodie Maps The Northwest in 1885 Metis Population in 1870 The Buffalo Hunts Movement of Troops, 1885 Conflicting Claims to the Saint-Laurent Colony Graphs Seasonal Economic Cycle of the Saint-Albert Metis Metis Population and the RCMP

Economies in Transition C. G R A N T H E A D

36

THE GOLD RUSHES IN BRITISH COLUMBIA, 1858-1881 Robert M. Galois, R. Cole Harris Maps Regional Populations, 1861-1870 Non-Native Population: 1858; 1863; 1870 Population, 1881. Detail: Victoria-New Westminster Area Barkerville Area, 1860-1876 Lower Mainland, 1881 Graphs Placer-Gold Production, 1858-1891 British Columbia Exports, 1872-1890 Male-Female Ratio, 1861-1870 Table Placer Mining in British Columbia, 1876 Illustration Cameronville, Williams Creek, BC, watercolour by E.M. Richardson, 1865

37 CANADIAN FISHERIES, 1850-1900 C. Grant Head, Rosemary E. Ommer, Patricia A. Thornton Maps Atlantic Fisheries: ca 1850; 1874 Seasonal Migratory Fisheries, 1884 The Renewal of the Canadian Banks Fishery, 1871,1891 Lobster Fishery, 1874,1891 Graphs Fisheries Exports, 1874 Value of the Fisheries, 1870-1900 Newfoundland Fisheries Production, 1805-1900 Nova Scotia Fisheries Exports, 1830-1860 Newfoundland Vessel-Based Seal Fishery, 1805-1900 Seasonal Cycle, Twillingate, Newfoundland, ca 1900 Locations of American Bankers, 18703 Value of Lobster Production, 1870-1900 Rise and Fall of the Newfoundland Fishery, 1875-1905 Illustration Dory and Crew Setting Cod Trawl-Lines on the Bank, by H.W. Elliott and Captain J.W. Collins, 1887

38

41

THE FOREST INDUSTRY, 1850-1890

AGRICULTURAL CHANGE IN ONTARK , 1851-1891

C. Grant Head Maps The Sawn-Lumber Industry, ca 1870 Square-Timber Production, 1881 Primary and Secondary Wood Production, 1891 McLachlin Brothers Sawmills and Lumber Yards, Arnprior, Ontario, ca 1900 Gillies Company Log-Supply Areas, 1842-1893 Graphs Exports, 1870 New Brunswick Timber and Deal Exports, 1845-1890 Size of Mills, 1851-1911 Value of Wood-Based Production, 1871,1891 Quebec Sawlog Harvest, 1867-1899 Ontario Square Pine Timber and Sawlog Harvest, 1868-1900 The Camp Cycle Illustrations McLachlin Brothers Sawmill No. 3 Thompson's Mill Process Plan, Longford (Lake Couchiching), Ontario Gang Saw

39

SHIPS AND SHIPPING, 1863-1914 Rosemary E. Ommer Maps Canadian Voyages: 1863-1878; 1890-1914 Peak Tonnage Shipbuilding in the Miramichi Area, 1828-1914 Graphs Saint John Shipbuilding, 1820-1914 Tonnage on Registry, 1820-1914 Birthplace of Windsor Crews, 1848-1914: Officers; Seamen Ships Built and Sold in Miramichi, 18305-1914 Types of Vessels Registered (with illustrations) Tables Canadian Voyages: 1863-1878; 1891-1915

40 AGRICULTURAL CHANGE IN QUEBEC TO 1891 Jean-Claude Robert, Normand Seguin Maps Parish Openings to 1890 Field-Crop Production, 1851,1891 Hay Production, 1851,1891 Oats Production, 1891 Milk Used for Butter and Cheese, 1891,1901 Cheese Factories and Creameries: 1884; 1897 Cercles agricoles, 1893 Farm Mortgages, Champlain Parish, 1867-1879 Land Sales: 1850-1869; 1870-1889 Graph Field-Crop Production, 1850-1890

R. Louis Gentilcore, Don Measner, Darrell Norris Maps Crop Production, 1891 Field Crops, 1851,1891 Hay, 1851,1891 Milk, 1851,1891 Milk-Processing Plants, 1891 Promoting Better Farming, 1884 Graphs Crop Production (excluding Hay): 1851; 1871; 1891 Farm Animals: 1851; 1871; 1891 Fruit Production: 1891; 1901 Imports, 1860-1889 Exports, 1860-1889 Milk-Processing Plants, 1855-1891 Forty Years on a Farm, 1841-1880: Gross Average In< >me; Average Yields; Average Sales Price; Spring Ploug ing and Planting; Summer Harvest; Fall Ploughing

42 HOMESTEADING AND AGRICULTURE ST THE WEST, 1872-1891 James M. Richtik, Don Measner Maps Homesteading Activity, 1872-1891 Cattle, 1891 Wheat, 1891 Crops: 1881; 1891 Red River Area, 1876 Manitoba Crop Production: 1886; 1891 Elevator Storage and Wheat Shipments, 1891 Graphs Homestead Registrations, 1874-1891 Manitoba Wheat Production, 1883-1900 Illustration Sod House, Oxen, and Hay Rack, Killarney, Manitob photograph, ca 1886

43 INTERNATIONAL TRADE TO 1891 David A. Sutherland Maps Trade by Port, 1890 Imports, 1891 Exports, 1891 Newfoundland Steamship Trade, 1890 Graphs Trade by Commodity, 1850,1870,1890 Imports: Destinations, 1850-1900; Origins, 1868-1900 Exports: Destinations, 1868-1900; Origins, 1850-1900 The Trading Fleet, 1868-1900 Exports to Great Britain, 1868-1900 Exports to the United States, 1868-1900

Urbanization and Manufacturing PETER G. GOHEEN

44

48

BANKING AND FINANCE

THE DEVELOPING INDUSTRIAL HEARTLAND, 1871-1891

Ronald Rudin Maps Destination of Capital Invested in Bank Shares, 1891 Assets of Banks by Head-Office Location (Ontario and Quebec), 1861-1891 Graphs Assets of Financial Intermediaries, 1870-1890 Location of Bank Head Offices, 1818-1891 Bank Offices in Operation, 1851-1891 Urban Centres with Banks, 1851-1891 Branch Banks and Head Offices, 1851-1891 Branch Banks and Population, 1851-1891 Bank Assets, 1861-1891 Investment in Bank Stocks, 1871-1891 Bank-Office Openings, 1851-1890 Bank-Office Closings, 1851-1890

45 AN EMERGING URBAN SYSTEM, 1845,1885 Peter G. Goheen Maps Urban Centres and Newspapers: 1845; ^85 Age of Dateline in Winnipeg Free Press, 14 Sept 1885 Datelines of Economic News Items, 1845, *885 Graphs Distribution of Non-Local Economic News Items: 1845; *885 Publishing the News, 1849

46

FROM FIREWOOD TO COAL: FUELLING THE NATION TO 1891 Del Muise, Rosemarie Langhout, Ronald H. Walder Maps Energy Consumption and Transfer, 1891 Wood-Fuel Production, 1871-1891 Sydney, Nova Scotia, Coal Production: 1865; 1891 Refined-Oil Production, 1871,1891 Coal-Gas Production, 1871,1891 Electricity Production, 1891 Thomas Mcllwraith, Coal Merchant, Hamilton Graphs Energy Consumption, 1871-1900 Crude-Oil Production, 1868-1900 Coal in Canada, 1870-1900 Nova Scotia Coal Sales, 1827-1899

47 ELEMENTS OF INDUSTRIAL TRANSITION, 1851-1871 Ronald H. Walder Maps Skilled Trades, 1871 Railways as Manufacturers, 1871 Montreal Industrial Establishments: 1842-1843; 1859-1860 Lachine Canal Industrial Areas: Saint-Gabriel Lock; Basin No. 2 Toronto Industries, 1871 Graphs Skilled Trades by Sector, 1871 Steam Power in Toronto, 1871

Ronald H. Walder, Daniel Hiebert (Toronto clothing) Maps Value of Industrial Production: 1871; 1891 Growth of the Cotton Industry, 1871,1891 Agricultural-Implement Industry, 1871,1891 Industrial Growth in the Grand River Valley, Ontario: 1871; 1891 Women in the Workforce, 1891 The Toronto Clothing Industry, 1891 Graphs Industrial Output, 1871,1891 Farm Implements, 1860-1901 Farm-Implement Production, 1871-1901 Industrial Workforce, 1871,1891

49 SOCIAL CHANGE IN MONTREAL, 1842-1901 Sherry Olson, David Hanna Maps Montreal: 1847; 1861; 1881; 1901 Population Density: 1842; 1861; 1881; 1901 Graphs Selected Occupations and Rent Classes, 1881 Heads of Households, 1881 Rent, 1881 Religion, 1850-1900 Cultural Community, 1844,1861,1881,1901 The City Climbs the Mountain: 1861; 1881 Building Permits, 1847-1901 Growth of Households, 1842,1861,1881,1901 Home Ownership by Occupation, 1842-1881 Illustrations A Scale of Living Space: A Typology of New Housing Dwelling Space and Annual Rents

50 COMMERCE IN THE CORE: TORONTO, 1881 Gunther Gad, Elizabeth Buchanan, Deryck W. Holdsworth Maps Central Business District, 1881 Economic Activity, City of Toronto, 1881 Central Area, 1881 Eaton's and Simpson's Dry Goods Stores: 1880-1883; 1883-1890 Selected High-Order and Low-Order Retailing, City of Toronto, 1881 Graphs Assets of Financial Institutions, 1881 Office Building Occupancy Patterns: Toronto Street; Wholesale District The Wholesale System, ca 1880

A Changing Society DAVID A. S U T H E R L A N D

51

THE PRINTED WORD

John H. Wadland, Margaret Hobbs Maps Newspapers, 1891 Collective Libraries, 1779-1830 Mechanics' Institutes, 1828-1852 Public Libraries, 1891 Regional Spread of Newspapers Graphs Daily Newspaper Circulation, 1872-1900 Sharing the Roles: Editor/Proprietor/Publisher/Printer Growth of Specialized Journals, 1885-1893 Literary Production in Quebec, 1800-1899 Printed Materials in Upper Canada, 1801-1840 Mailing the Newspapers, 1868-1890 Newspapers in Canada: Western Canada, 1864-1891; Ontario, 1813-1891; Quebec, 1813-1891; Maritimes, 1855-1891; Newfoundland, 1864-1891 Montreal Collective Libraries: Period Founded; Type of Library, 1900 Methodist Book Room Publications, Toronto, 1830-1900 Major Libraries, 1891 Table The First Newspapers

52 RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS, 1891 John Webster Grant, John S. Moir Maps Major Denominations, 1891 Catholics, 1891 Anglicans, 1891 Presbyterians, 1891 Methodists, 1891 Graphs Population and Religion, 1851,1871,1891 Religious Adherence, 1891 Table Distribution of Religions

53 DEFINING SACRED SPACE John Webster Grant, John S. Moir Maps Church Buildings, 1891 Western Missions, 1891 Women's Missionary Society, Presbyterian Church, 1890 Glebe Lands, Upper Canada, 1789-1836 A Methodist Circuit, 1829 Methodist Charges, Part of the Toronto Conference, 1899 Catholic Parishes and Institutions, Diocese of SaintHyacinthe, before 1800 to 1900 Graphs Salvation Army Citadels, 1882-1920 Alline's Travels, 1777-1783 Alline's Residences, 1777-1783 Illustration St Paul's Presbyterian Church, Hamilton, 1857

54 EDUCATION: VARIETY AND SEPARAT NESS, 1851-1891 Alison Prentice, Susan L. Laskin, Paul Axelrod, Marta Danylewycz, Alan H. Macpherson Maps Educational Institutions in Canada, pre-i85O-i9OO Schooling in Montreal, ca 1850 Schools and Recruits, Congregation de Notre-Dame 1851-1870; 1871-1890 Newfoundland Schools, Bonavista District, 1891 Schooling in Winnipeg, 1891 Women's Academies and Colleges, Ontario, pre-iSf -1900 Colleges classiques, Quebec, pre-i85O-i9OO Graphs Institutions of Higher Education, pre-i84O-i899 Protestant Primary Schools, Montreal: Schools Oper d, 1821-1852; Size of Schools, 1852

55 THE QUEST FOR UNIVERSAL SCHOOL] sFG, 1851-1891 Alison Prentice, Susan L. Laskin Maps Students in School: 1851; 1881 Female Teachers in the Maritimes: 1851; 1871; 1891 Schools with Blackboards (Canada West): 1856; 1861 1866 Certification of School Teachers (Canada West), 186 Graphs Educational Patterns in Ontario, 1851-1891 School Registrations, 1851-1891 Female Teachers, 1851-1891 Plan and Illustration Hamilton Central School, 1852

56 RESPONSES TO POVERTY TO 1891 Susan E. Houston, Susan L. Laskin Maps Welfare Institutions, Growth in Ontario: 1851; 1871; $91 Welfare Institutions: Toronto, 1890; Montreal, 1863 The Salvation Army Initiative, 1887-1894 Sisters of Providence, 1843-1893 Graphs Social Welfare: A National Overview, pre-i79i-i89C Institutional Care of Children: Protestant Orphans' 1 3me, Toronto, 1853-1891; House of Providence, Kingstc i, 1861-1876; Saint-Alexis Orphanage, Montreal, 186 -1884 Public Care of the Poor: The Halifax Poor Asylum, i 35-1864; The Toronto House of Industry, 1879-1882 Table People Receiving Help from the Sisters of Providenc , 1843-1893

57

58

THE CHANGING FACE OF LABOUR PROTEST

PARADES AND PROCESSIONS

Bryan D. Palmer

Peter G. Goheen

Maps Unions: 18705; i88os Riots, 1820-1875 Strikes: 1820-1859; 1860-1879; 1880-1890 Graphs Location of Unions: 18705; 18805 Characteristics of Riots, 1820-1875 Number and Distribution of Riots, 1820-1875 Strikes by Occupations, 1820-1890 Illustration The Grand Trunk Railway Strike at Belleville, 1877, scratch board by Vivien Brody, 1976

Maps Montreal, D'Arcy McGee Funeral Procession, 13 April 1868, and Saint-Jean-Baptiste Day Parade, 24 June 1872 Saint John, Orange Day Parade, 12 July 1849 Hamilton, 'Nine-Hour Movement' Parade, 15 May 1872 Graph The Parade Season: Toronto, May-Oct 1880; Hamilton, Mar-Nov 1872 Lists Order of Procession, D'Arcy McGee Funeral, 1868 Order of Procession, Saint-Jean-Baptiste Parade, 1872 Order of Procession, Labour Parade, 1872 Some Events of 1872 in Hamilton Illustrations Funeral Procession of the late Hon. Thomas D'Arcy McGee, photograph by James Inglis, 13 April 1868 'Nine-Hour Movement' Parade, 1872

Notes 153

Donors Throughout the history of this project major funding was provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. More recently additional support has come from several corporate and public bodies, without whose help we could not have continued. Of these, the Bank of Montreal has been the most generous of corporate sponsors. The Executive Committee of the Historical Atlas of Canada and the Editorial Board of this volume join in acknowledging with deep gratitude the contributions of these donors.

Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada Government of Ontario Ministry of Colleges and Universities Ministry of Culture and Communications Ministry of Education Ministry of Intergovernmental Affairs

The Birks Family Foundation Hudson's Bay Company University of Toronto Women's Association We also wish to acknowledge with thanks the many individuals who have encouraged us by making donations to the Historical Atlas of Canada and who have thus helped to bring this volume to publication.

Bank of Montreal The previously published volumes of the Historical Atlas of Canada have transformed the spatial and social dimensions of our knowledge of Canada's beginnings and growth in the twentieth century. Now volume II has done as much for the nineteenth century. Those hundred years saw unprecedented and accelerating change all over the world, but few countries were affected more profoundly than Canada. This was the century that saw Canada emerge as a united country occupying half a continent. Railways and telegraphs bound it together physically. Confederation supplied what has proved to be an enduring constitutional framework. And a consciousness of Canadian identity slowly grew, as Canadians became aware of a separate, northern destiny for the country they were building. Fundamental to all these changes was rapid economic growth. That in turn depended on the creation of a stable, efficient, and dynamic financial structure. Here Bank of Montreal led the way throughout the century. We were Canada's first bank. We issued the first effective currency. We helped finance the railways and the farms, and we were bankers to the government of the new Dominion. It is therefore especially appropriate that Bank of Montreal should continue its support for the Historical Atlas with this final volume. Historical maps are magic carpets that allow us to visit bygone times and distant places. But in reading these superbly produced pages Canadians will also be discovering themselves. Matthew W. Barrett Chairman and Chief Executive Officer

Foreword I

Volume II completes the three-volume Historical Atlas of Canada, begun in 1979 with a Major Editorial Grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. The purpose of this At las is to present a clear interpretive insight into events and themes in the historical development of Canada, with a major emphasis on the changing socioeconomic patterns over time in the lives and livelihood of ordinary people. This unique Atlas has proven to be not only a pioneering enterprise but also a pioneering experiment in cross-Canada, collaborative, multidisciplinary scholarship. It is presented to the people of Canada as an indispensable reference work as well as a major research quarry reflecting contemporary views in historical geography, history, and cartography. A notable aspect of volume II is that 50 of its 58 plates were drawn on computers. In itself this is hardly surprising in these days of ubiquitous computerization. The remarkable aspect of this achievement lies in the quality of the plates produced by the new technology, and in the fact that the technology which the Atlas has made use of was available for barely a year before the project's acquisition of it in 1990. Moreover, the quality of the cartography parallels three other most gratifying characteristics of this technological change: efficiency, reliability, and savings in costs. The major initiative propelling the project into an exploration of the new technology was financial. The complete refinancing of the three-volume Historical Atlas of Canada, which was undertaken in 1988, and has been outlined in the Foreword to volume III, fell short of anticipated needs, and impending insolvency threatened to shut down the remainder of the project. It was essential to eliminate the looming deficit and find a way to establish a positive cash flow to support the cartographic preparation of volume II and its publication by the fall of 1993. Thus, during the spring of 1990, for a third time in the life of the Atlas, the costs and benefits of converting to computer cartography were investigated. Recent advances in the software for desk-top publishing had been brought to my attention by my colleague in the Department of Geography at the University of Toronto, D. Aidan McQuillan, and consultation with other colleagues in the department, notably Alan M. Baker and Carl G. Amhrein, along with the departmental computer consultant Siegfried F. Schulte, indicated that it was now technically feasible to achieve high-resolution, highquality cartography which would come close to meeting the meticulous demands of our chief cartographer, Geoffrey J. Matthews, while accurately replicating the high standards of his manual cartography. Negotiations during a series of meetings ultimately led to the acquisition of the systems which produced volume II. At a meeting in Toronto Jack Dangermond, President of Environmental Systems Research Institute, California, learned about the dilemma of the Historical Atlas of Canada and generously offered his mapping software ARC/INFO in return for publicity through the Atlas. A similar agreement was reached through meetings in Toronto with executives of Interleaf Inc., vendors of the desk-top-publishing software Interleaf. Meanwhile, negotiations with the Department of Geography through a committee comprising Carl Amhrein, Alan Baker, L.E. Band, Bill Dean, Vince B. Robinson, and Joseph B.R. Whitney, chair of the department and the committee, along with Siegfried Schulte and Geoff Matthews, led to an agreement through which the department would underwrite the purchase of appropriate hardware for the Atlas. With the knowledgeable help of Carl Amhrein, and most particularly the budget-making and restructuring skills of Joanne Wainman, a business plan with a budget to publish volume n and complete the project was presented to the University of Toronto. Its presidential-vice-presidential approval of the plan in May 1990 made completion of the Historical Atlas of Canada possible. After a thorough investigation of possible hardware and software

alternatives by a combined departmental and Atlas committee throughout the summer, acquisition of the Atlas's operating system was begun in October 1990. The system comprised five Unix workstations, colour and monochrome printers for initial proofs, a digitizer and a scanner for the input of maps, photographs, and artwork, and personal computers for word processing and document transfer. The entire system was incorporated into the computer network maintained by the Department of Geography, which provided backup facilities and additional disk storage for data such as the Department of Energy, Mines, and Resources' National Atlas Information Service (NAIS) digital map data. The elements of this system had been acquired by early 1991, but this was only the beginning of our operations. Months of preparation were necessary to set up, customize, and integrate the two sets of software. This arduous task as well as the hiring of computertrained cartographers was the responsibility of Byron Moldofsky, who is also the project's production co-ordinator. Within a year he had fully transformed the Atlas's cartographic production from a complex manual system to a machine-operated production system. In this he was helped greatly by Dan Desousa, the computer systems analyst whom the Atlas shared with the Department of Geography. The initial assumption that, once the computer-mapping system was set up and running, one cartographer could produce one plate per month as against one plate produced every three months by the manual method has proven to be nearly correct. By actual count the English and French versions of one plate can be produced by manual cartography in 63 working days, whereas the English and French versions of a plate can be produced in 30 working days by computer cartography Actual production, of course, took place after an initial learning stage for each cartographer. The quality, speed, and flexibility of the machine technology not only reduced costs and time but also produced highly gratifying results, as readers may judge for themselves. Many contributed a great deal of time, skill, and knowledge to this project, and their efforts are recorded in the Acknowledgments below. The very special efforts of some individuals and groups merit specific mention. There are three individuals whom I should like particularly to acknowledge: Marcel Pare, translator extraordinaire, whose magnificent translations have contributed so much to both the French and the English editions, and who deserves highest praise for completing this vital work with the assistance of his daughter Helene Pare; Byron Moldofsky, cartographer and production co-ordinator, who made the transformation from manual to computer cartography possible through a persistent, dedicated, and knowledgeable learning process; and Joanne Wainman, whose cheerfully loyal, intelligent, and adroit administration maintained the smoothest possible progress of the project. I should also like to mention the committee comprising Robert G. White, Assistant VicePresident, Finance, University of Toronto, chair; Sheila Brown, Executive Assistant to the Assistant Vice-President, Finance, secretary; Nina Carlisle, Faculty Financial Officer, Arts and Science, University of Toronto; Professor Bill Dean, Director, HAC; Professor Brian S. Merrilees, Deputy Chair, Research Board, University of Toronto; and Joanne Wainman, Administrator, HAC. This committee was very successful in fulfilling its mandate to ensure the financial viability and continued progress of volume II. Finally it is a pleasure to acknowledge the support of our major financial donors, the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, the Government of Ontario, the Bank of Montreal, and the Birks Family Foundation, as well as the many generous and supportive individual donors who deserve our special gratitude for their private commit-

munication stressed in those statements have been substantially enhanced. Thus the Atlas continues to fulfil one of its principal goals in illustrating the need for and the possibility of achieving communication across Canada. Like all historical atlases it can only pretend actually to map the past; in reality it maps the historical consciousness of its own times. It stands nevertheless as an extremely valuable document for future research into historiography as well as a record of the contemporary views of the many Canadian historical geographers, historians, and others involved in its production.

ments despite the pressing financial difficulties of recent years. From our beginning in the 19705 not the least of our supporters and contributors has been the University of Toronto. Through many individuals, groups, and of course committees, vital and at times surprisingly direct support and encouragement have invariably been forthcoming. One excellent example of such help has been that of the University of Toronto Women's Association which generously provided a grant for the purchase of reproduction copies and rights for all of the paintings, drawings, and photographs illustrated in volume II. To all of these individuals and groups I must express our deepest gratitude: Velut arbor aevo. The radical technological change in our cartographic production process has not altered in any way the nature of the project as described in the Foreword to volume I or the raison d'etre explained in the Foreword to volume ill. Indeed, the team-work and com-

Obscurior etiam via ad coelum videbatur quando tarn pauci regnum coelorum quaerere curabant.

William G. Dean University of Toronto, 1993

II

The Historical Atlas of Canada, together with the Canadian Encyclopedia and the Dictionary of Canadian Biography, form a trio of basic reference works that fill a huge gap in our knowledge of Canada. All three draw on research undertaken mainly in Canadian universities during the last quarter-century and all are good examples of the kind of scholarly investigations that have been made across the country, often with the help of public funding. They share another feature, in that each is the product of a collective effort by scholars of different backgrounds who worked together, ironing out their methodological and ideological differences and taking stock of the state of knowledge in their fields. The Historical Atlas stands out, however, in drawing together scholars from many different fields cartographers, geographers, anthropologists, economists, geologists, sociologists, and historians - and with a variety of points of view, to collaborate in producing a plate or a series of plates. As a historian I am convinced of the real need to integrate the spatial dimension with historical processes. All too often we see geography only as a background to historical events. Moving beyond this notion requires reference works that demonstrate relationships between space and time. With the Atlas, our historical reflection gains a precious tool, capable of helping us to deepen and extend our criticism of sources and synthesis of data. Canadian history, like the country, is diverse and fragmented. Our two main historiographical traditions, English and French, barely intersect, often giving different meanings to a particular historical event. In addition to this basic dichotomy, a third tradition is now emerging, that of the history of Canada as seen through the eyes of native peoples. This diversity is fully legitimate. After all, history is not only a field of knowledge with methodological tools and processes, but also a determining component of group identity. As such, it will always be subject to various interpretations. A full under-

standing of Canadian history requires 'meeting-places' where interpretation and historiographical traditions can be confronted and exchanged. The Historical Atlas of Canada is one of these places. Because it has drawn scholars from all regions of Canada, because the interpretations of its authors have been respected, because it has been published simultaneously in English and in French, the composite picture of what I would call a 'working consensus of historical knowledge' will not only be useful to the general reader, but also serve as a stimulus to scholars, raising new questions for historical research. The 19th century was an important formative period for Canada. An old colonial system was forced to adjust to a changing situation. New colonies were added. The Canadian population underwent a profound transformation brought about by immigration and emigration. For the native peoples the century was one of continuous demographic decline, aggravated by the transition r x>m their status of useful allies in commerce, diplomacy, and war to 1 hat of pupils of the state, shunted aside to reserves. Socioeconomic transformations were also profound: for the non-indigenous population they reflected the emergence of an internal market, of industry, and of urbanization with the resulting array of problems and mixed promises. Most of the research used to construct the different plates was carried out especially for this volume, and care was taken to incorporate the results of research in progress. It is with satisfaction that I see this work available, after many years in the making. I hope the reader will benefit as much from its publication as I did in its assembly. Jean-Claude Robert Universite du Quebec a Montreal, 1993

Preface This volume (volume II) now joins and links its companions and predecessors, volumes I and III, to complete the three-volume Historical Atlas of Canada. Volume I, From the Beginning to 1800, treats the worlds of indigenous and European peoples in early Canada. Volume in, Addressing the Twentieth Century, deals with the much changed human geography of the country from 1891 to 1961. Volume n, The Land Transformed, links the first and third volumes, emphasizing the transformation of a thinly populated, marginally viable group of colonies in 1800 to the consolidated Canada of the 18905, poised for industrial expansion. The bridging nature of volume n also extends to the method of presentation. The central concern remains economic and social change but the evidence is cast in a different mould. The treatment by regions in volume i is replaced by an emphasis on themes or topics, reflecting both the country's development in the 19th century and the preferences of recent research in this area, an approach that is continued and intensified in volume III. The thematic organization in no way diminishes the importance of regions, which do indeed persist and take on new forms in the 19th century. But in most instances their presence and development are, we believe, best revealed by mapping the data thematically and letting the results speak for themselves. The editorial and cartographic organization for creating each of the volumes in the Historical Atlas of Canada followed the granting of funds by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada in 1979. For volume n the most pressing task was to enlist the active support of Canadian scholars with particular interests in the geography and history of Canada in the 19th century. The process was set in motion by the appointment of an editorial board to assist in the conceptualization and assembly of the volume. Taking part in our earliest deliberations were Peter Ennals (Mount Allison University), Peter G. Goheen (Queen's University), John Mannion (Memorial University of Newfoundland), D. Wayne Moodie (University of Manitoba), Alison Prentice (Ontario Institute for Studies in Education), Jean-Claude Robert (Universite du Quebec a Montreal), and Jean-Pierre Wallot (National Archivist). At a later stage the withdrawal of Wayne Moodie and Alison Prentice was followed by the addition of C. Grant Head (Wilfrid Laurier University), Bryan D. Palmer (Simon Eraser University, later Queen's University), and David A. Sutherland (Dalhousie University). The first concern of the editorial board was to draw up an essential outline of the volume, and then to identify possible authors for a number of the plates. The board members reviewed early plates and themselves assumed the authorship of some plates. The broad lines of dialogue that would develop between authors and editors were first discussed and laid out in board meetings. The very real contribution made by the board in guiding the course of the volume is gratefully acknowledged. At the board's request, another means of assisting the authors of the plates was instituted. An advisory mapping committee was assembled to help authors in the preparation of the first drafts of their plates. Convened by Grant Head, the group drew on the talents of a number of eminent cartographers, including Jacqueline Anderson (Concordia University), Jean Carriere (Universite du Quebec a Montreal), Henry W. Castner (Queen's University), Jean Raveneau (Universite Laval), Louis Skoda (Canadian Cartographica, Cotquitlam, BC), and Clifford Wood (Memorial University of Newfoundland). The group performed a valuable service, initiating authors, both geographers and non-geographers, into the mysteries of transforming data into maps. Fundamental to our operations from the very beginning, and continuing in various forms to their conclusion, was the presence of a

core working group. Intended originally to co-ordinate and facilitate the collection of data and to prepare preliminary maps, the group became in fact the volume's engine of growth. To the checking and use of data received from other sources new responsibilities were added: collecting new data; redrawing preliminary maps and groups of maps (many times); consulting with authors (again many times); stepping in when necessary to produce plates; and once the work was delivered to the cartographers, verifying the accurate transfer of data files to final plates. Core operations were first organized by Darrell Norris (State University of New York College at Geneseo), who laid the basis for some of our later work. Grant Head also contributed to establishing early procedures. The initial core group was put on a firm foundation with the addition of our two associate editors. Don Measner and Ronald H. Walder became the essential core working group in 1983 and 1984. Their abilities in both cartography and historical geography proved indispensable assets to the strengthening and completion of volume n. The heart of the volume was provided by the authors of the plates. A total of 56 scholars from across Canada agreed to make a contribution, each taking on the responsibility for a plate, or plates, or part of a plate. Both the identification of the plate and the planning and assembly of its material began in consultation with authors. The informative plate texts, presenting a background for and tying together the plate elements, are their work. The participation of all authors was generously and freely given, none receiving financial remuneration beyond small amounts for research assistance and necessary travel. In the words of the editor of volume i, the At las does indeed emerge as the 'gift of Canadian scholars to the people of Canada.' In addition to providing a historical-geographical record of an important topic in the development of 19th-century Canada, each of the plates in the volume is designed to 'tell a story,' bringing together on the maps a variety of information bearing on its subject. The story of the plate, in turn, is part of a larger story, presented as a major theme or section in the volume. Each section is preceded by an essay intended to serve as the reader's guide to the plates. The essays draw attention to the relationships of the plates to one another and to the theme of which they are a part. The writers of the essays, each of whom is also a plate author, are to be commended for placing their knowledge and experience at the disposal of our readers, helping them to put in perspective what might otherwise appear as disparate phenomena. Finally, an introductory essay addresses the relationships of the themes to one another and to the subject of the volume - the historical geography of Canada in the 19th century. Throughout its own history volume II has benefited from the support and encouragement of the executive committee of the Atlas. Special thanks are due to the director of the project. Drawing on his nautical skills, William G. Dean has proved an able and worthy captain, guiding each volume through its own series of challenges and hazards. The arrival of volume II safely in port celebrates the completion of a long voyage for which he helped chart and maintain the course. We also owe him specific debts for compiling and editing the end notes and organizing illustrations for selected plates in volume n. Another member of the executive committee who has been a pillar of strength is co-ordinating editor John Warkentin whose support has been available at every step of our operations - in conceptualizing plates, in discussions with authors, in commenting on the texts, in critical readings of the At las essays, and in reviewing plate designs and materials. Welcome criticism has also come from a large number of academic colleagues, in conferences, informal meetings, and correspon-

dence. Their suggestions, solicited or volunteered, were considered and acted upon, in one way or another. Among those who showed interest were Frederick H. Armstrong, Andrew H. Clark, John Clarke, Michael P. Conzen, Serge Courville, C.J. Houston, Frank C. Innes, Douglas McCalla, Thomas F. Mcllwraith, Marvin Mclnnis, Alan G. Macpherson, D. Wayne Moodie, Fernand Ouellet, Alison Prentice, Hugh Prince, K.G. Pryke, John H. Wadland, Jean-Pierre Wallot, C.FJ. Whebell, and Graeme Wynn. A particularly appropriate acknowledgment is extended to a number of scholars who submitted material in good faith and joined us in the preparation of manuscript plates. Unfortunately an uncompromising production schedule forced upon us by a lack of funds prevented the inclusion of these plates in this volume. Their omission in no way reflects on their quality or suitability. I emphasize my own personal regret at this unfortunate turn of events. It is only fitting that the work at least be recorded here. Accordingly, these plates and their authors are listed in the end notes. Readers desiring further information on the topics covered may contact the authors directly. The role of the editor is fairly well indicated by the foregoing acknowledgments. The maintenance of proper communication with a large number of individuals and groups made continuing demands on my time, energy, and inclinations. Fortunately the task was lightened by the understanding and support of Mary Gentilcore, to whom I remain especially indebted. The kindness of hosts across the country is also acknowledged. The opportunity to meet so many colleagues in so many places had its own set of rewards, including a heightened appreciation of their work and of the settings in which it was produced. The preparation of our manuscript, arduous and time-consuming as it was, still awaited the final production of the plates. From its inception the Atlas project has been extremely well served by a talented cartographic staff guided and directed by chief cartographer Geoffrey J. Matthews. For volume n he continued his role as the designer of each plate, imaginatively converting an assortment of maps, variously arranged, into a coherent whole, illuminating the subject of the plate. As indicated in the Foreword, the manual cartography used in volumes i and ni has been replaced here by a computer-assisted system, thrusting this volume into the forefront of modern cartography. The demands of the new technology have produced a new set of rules and procedures, ably devised and applied by the production co-ordinator, Byron Moldofsky, and skilfully executed by the cartographic team. Links between map making and editorial processes were strengthened by the contribution of several people. Particularly

worthy of mention is Joanne Wainman whose secretarial work for the volume she cheerfully fitted in with her many other tasks as the project's administrator. At the University of Toronto Press Joan Bulger applied her finely honed skills in copyediting to texts and maps. Encouragement and sound advice came regularly from George Meadows, president and publisher of the Press, Bill Harnum, vice president, Scholarly Publishing Division, and Peter Scaggs, production consultant. Readers should be reminded that the publication of this volume in English has been accompanied by the production of a companion volume in French. As for volumes i and m, the French edition has been produced by Les Presses de 1'Universite de Montreal, under its director, Marie-Claire Borgo, with the assistance of production manager Roger LeGarrec. Translation from English to French was the responsibility of the incomparable Marcel Pare who brought to this volume the same accuracy and beauty of language that so distinguished his previous work for the Atlas. In the area of toponymy Maurice Saint-Yves continued his useful role as toponymic adviser for the French text. Louise Desjardins-MacGregor carefully copyedited and compared the final rendering of French and English texts. Jean-Claude Robert, author and editorial board member, generously took on the additional burden of co-ordinating translation for the French edition in Montreal. In realms of gratitude our largest debt is to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. The very existence of the Atlas undertaking is a tribute to the generosity, understanding, and encouragement of this unique Canadian institution. I would also record my own personal debt to the other institutions that have helped sustain this volume. My academic home, McMaster University, has been a tolerant, supportive, and understanding friend. My alma mater, the University of Toronto, has been a true 'mother ever dear/ nurturing our beginnings and supporting our growth, through difficulties, to the end. I have no doubt that everyone involved in the creation of the Historical Atlas of Canada, from its beginnings in the 19705 to the appearance of this volume in 1993, will join me in celebrating its conclusion. We have been given a rare opportunity to speak together in large numbers to the people of Canada about their country. We know that readers will appreciate the diversity of talents and procedures brought to the task. May they find, too, that we have been loyal to the subject.

The publication of this bridging volume of the Historical Atlas of Canada is a major event both in Canadian book publishing and in the annals of Canadian cartographic history. The production of volume ii introduces the computer as a cartographic tool, an accomplishment that has created an enormous revolution in the timehonoured science of cartography. The publication of this volume also brings to completion a project of immense research, meticulous scholarship, and trend-setting cartographic presentation. In a world of rapid technological change the era of manual cartography that created the earlier volumes of the Atlas must draw to a close. It is a sad footnote to progress that the artistic and technical skills of the many cartographers who produced those volumes will most certainly be lost. On a personal note, the publication of this Atlas will also bring to a close my own long and productive cartographic career. The Historical Atlas of Canada is the jewel of all the atlases I have designed and produced. At the beginning of this project I was granted the luxury of creative freedom, and for this expression of confidence I have always been thankful to the director of the project, Bill Dean, the executive committee, and the principal editors of each volume. Maintaining creative direction has allowed me to exercise continuity of design and style throughout the three volumes and especially

during the transformation from manual to computer cartography in volume ii. Early in my career I discovered that atlas production is anything but straightforward. Each new map presents a different set of technical and aesthetic problems that must be defined and mastered. The peaks of inspired design are tempered with the monotony of endless editing and checking. This is the nature of complex cartography. In this volume the base scribing and colour separations for eight plates were produced by manual cartography, but the map type and the texts were added by computer. All the other plates were created entirely by computer. Technical specifications such as the weight of lines, the symbols, and the colour schemes were common for all three volumes, but the challenge has been to retain the style and appearance of the manually produced maps in those produced by computer. This volume reflects that transition. After the project's financial restructuring in 1990 we were very fortunate to be able to rehire some members of the original cartographic team whose past experience with the project has been invaluable. The success of this volume rests equally on the shoulders of those veteran members of the computer team, Byron Moldofsky, Mariange Beaudry, and Ada Cheung, and the new arrivals to the project, Gerald Romme and Paul DeGrace. They coalesced into a

R. Louis Gentilcore McMaster University, 1993

close, genial, hard-working unit who met every challenge and deadline. My special appreciation is extended to production co-ordinator Byron Moldofsky, who mastered the computer-mapping technology with confidence, and who not only guided the team through the digital map-production processes, but managed to keep the Atlas firmly on its impossibly tight schedule. Thanks to Daniel Poirier, Hedy Later, Dorothy Woermke, and Diane Ferguson who completed the production of the remaining manual spreads, and to Jane Davie for her undivided support all these years. The machines were kept running at speed by Dan Desousa and we thank him for his unruffled technical support and general computer wizardry. Finally my appreciation to Joanne Wainman who put aside her administrative

duties and budget vigilance whenever she could to assist the cartographers when production deadlines became critical. A project so extensive, so complex, and of such long duration gives rise to a special way of life for those closely involved in it. We have lived in the shadow of the Historical Atlas of Canada every day for the last 14 years; now, with the realization that the project is finally complete, we feel a strong sense of loss, but a loss tempered by our pride in what has been achieved. Geoffrey J. Matthews University of Toronto, 1993

Acknowledgments EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE William G. Dean, Director Jean-Pierre Wallot, Co-Ordinating Editor John Warkentin, Co-Ordinating Editor Geoffrey J. Matthews, Cartographer / Designer R. Cole Harris, Editor, volume I R. Louis Gentilcore, Editor, volume ii Donald Kerr, Editor, volume III Deryck W. Holdsworth, Editor, volume III George Meadows, President and Publisher, University of Toronto Press Bill Harnum, Vice-President, Scholarly Publishing, University of Toronto Press ADMINISTRATION Joanne Wainman, Administrator James F. Walker, Administrative Assistant, 1979-83 SECRETARIES Heather Kislenko Joan Parker Rosanna Wan Darlene Watson CORE WORKING GROUP Don Measner Ronald H. Walder C. Grant Head Darrell Norris, 1979-81 ADVISORY MAPPING COMMITTEE

C. Grant Head Jacqueline Anderson Jean Carriere Henry W. Castner

Jean Raveneau Louis Skoda Clifford Wood RESEARCH ASSISTANTS AND ASSOCIATES

Paul Axelrod Anne Bailey Michael Barkham Anne Marie Becker Kelly Beuhler Celine Bouchard Ann Bousfield-Erb Mireya Campbell Frederic Castel Susan Charles Lewis Code Alan Conter Brian Curtis Marta Danylewycz Malcolm Davidson Christina De lulio Louise Delisle David Doherty Richard Elgood Melinda Fairbrother Kirsten Franklin Robert Galois Monica Guetre Ian Godet Janine Grant Christine Hampson Cheryl Hoffmann Phillip Hollett Timothy Ingenkamp Robert Jeffrey Barbara Konyi Rosemarie Langhout Suzanne Lapointe Susan L. Laskin Barbara Leathers Alain Ledoux Victor P. Lytwyn John McDermid

John McDermid David MacKenzie Michael MacKenzie Robert MacKinnon Debra McNabb William Magney Lourdes Meana William Mocsan Sylvain Monette Roger Moyer Robert Nahuet Peter Neo Franchise Noel Danielle Noiseux Zulkifli Nordin Jay Nuttall Rebecca O'Leary Jeffrey Orr Patricia Orr Kevin Parent David Pelly Donna Porter Tom Quinlan Jennifer Reid Bradley Rudachyk Terry Sanderson Ronald Sawatsky Gilles Senecal Ah Lian Sim Maria Skoulas Edward Tompkins Debra Trim Kenneth Turner Susan Ugarenko Peter Vietgen Jennifer Waywell Deborah Wells Judith Wiesinger CARTOGRAPHIC PRODUCTION CARTOGRAPHER/DESIGNER

Geoffrey J. Matthews

PRODUCTION CO-ORDINATOR Byron Moldofsky

CARTOGRAPHERS Mariange Beaudry Ada Cheung Paul DeGrace Diane C. Ferguson Hedy Later Byron Moldofsky Daniel E. Poirier Gerald J. Romme Dorothy E. Woermke COMPUTER SYSTEMS ANALYST Dan Desousa UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS Joan Bulger, Editor TOPONYMIC ADVISER

Maurice Saint-Yves TRANSLATION FRENCH EDITION

Marcel Pare with the assistance of Helene Pare in consultation with Jean-Claude Robert Maurice Saint-Yves and with the collaboration of Marc Charron Evelyne Clouet Louise Desjardins-MacGregor Yvan Dupuis Bernard Pare ENGLISH EDITION Mariange Beaudry Susan Gentilcore

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

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INTRODUCTION

Canada in the Nineteenth Century The 19th century was a special time for Canada, for it was then that the country was brought together politically, in a series of events marking the culmination of almost four centuries of European involvement in the northern part of North America. The profound revolution in the century was the transformation of forest and grassland into farmland, accompanied by the growth of commercial centres in widely separated clusters of settlement. The changes were physical, economic, and social. Native populations were pushed aside in the frenzy to take up huge areas of 'empty' land. The new technology of the railway revolutionized transportation, making it possible to tie together an entire continent. Towns and cities grew and, connected by the railways, played an essential role in the continuing transformation of the countryside and the organization of Canadian life. The human geography of northern North America, to the iQth century, was the product of a large number of lengthy sequences of contact, penetration, and utilization, first by the aboriginal population, extending back thousands of years, followed by Europeans, in the next few hundred years. The mapping of these encounters was begun in vol i, the predecessor of this volume. Most of the topics that volume brought to light are continued here. Basic to their consideration was the role played by Europeans, who were mainly concerned with extracting 'products' for markets at home. Extraction began with the fisheries in the i6th century, followed by the fur trade in the next two centuries. In both exploitations the French and the English were the main players. At first they vied with one another in searching out shorelines adjacent to the best fishing grounds. Then, with the move to the interior, they competed on a continental scale for the two elements essential to their endeavours: the control of drainage basins and the formation of alliances with native populations. On the threshold of the 19th century, after 300 years of the European presence, economic livelihood still depended on extraction. Even the oldest and most developed area, the St Lawrence valley, had grown up as the main supply base for the fur trade. Geographically the main achievement of the Europeans was the penetration of the large land mass that was then British North America (BNA). By the turn of the century the northern part of the continent had been crossed from east to west and every major part of it had been connected with the country's organizing centre in the St Lawrence valley. This feat was made possible by a number of factors: the availability of water routes, especially the Great Lakes system and Canada's east-west rivers; the assistance of native populations, who shared their knowledge of the land, learned long before the Europeans came; and, operating throughout, the persistent spur to all exploring ventures, the lure of the fur trade. With exploration came an appreciation of the country's fundamental geography. To the vastness of the territory, the ruggedness of the terrain, and the harshness of the long winters was added the presence of a people, little understood, so closely associated with the land as to be considered, and treated, as part of it. Something of the sense of wonder and the challenge of the new land that were experienced by the country's European explorers was captured by the renderings of 19th-century artists and photographers. Their reading of the scenery, with its emphasis on rugged terrain, bright light, and varied colours, revealed unique landscapes to a country struggling to attain a political shape of its own. The movements across the continent and the work of selected 19th-century landscape painters and photographers are presented on pi i. These artists travelled extensively within the country, accumulating impressions of its different regions. The topographical artists who preceded the construction of the railway and the invention

of photography were primarily water colourists with military training. The easy portability of their medium made it possible for these artistic pioneers to endure often harsh conditions in fulfilling their role. Their job was to record the terrain over which they travelled, to make it comprehensible to viewers at home. The engineers, surveyors, generals, politicians, and settlement agents who depended upon such pictorial data would interpret it for their own practical purposes. So would many others, since images made by these artists were published and in print well before mid-century. In Victorian Canada original paintings appealed to collectors because of their uniqueness. Original photographs, however, were valuable to the photographer only if the prints made from them were sold over and over again. Photography was distinguished by its novelty, speed, and realism. It was used by the advertising industry, fostered tourism, and produced the family album. By way of the stereograph it brought geography lessons into the front parlour on Saturday nights. Shortly after Confederation half-tone plates could be used to reproduce paintings of political events and landscape views in books, magazines, and newspapers. Distributed by rail, even to remote places, the photograph revolutionized the visual understanding of Canada by a people whose huge country, up to then, could only be imagined from words and engravings. By the early 19th century the European's map of Canada had been unrolled for much of the vast country. However, in contrast to the known areas whose scenery was being recorded and transmitted by artists, the unknown still bulked large. Most of the Arctic shore was known only to the Inuit and even they hardly ventured into the Arctic archipelago; to the south vast stretches of territory away from the main waterways remained to be filled in. Mercantile interests continued their search for wealth in the unmapped wilderness. The rivalry between the Hudson's Bay Company operating out of Hudson Bay and the North-West Company and others operating out of Montreal spurred new forays into the interior. The establishment of new posts, farther and farther inland, slackened only with the union of the companies in 1821. Subsequent activity from 1821 to 1851 is summarized on pi 2. The various explorations shown were sponsored by the Hudson's Bay Company and the British Admiralty. Their motives remained the same as those which had attracted Europeans from the beginning: the extension of trade and the search for a water route - the elusive Northwest passage - to the Pacific Ocean. By mid-century the frontier of the unknown was rolled back almost 1600 km to latitude 77° N. The central figure in most of the journeying in the difficult terrain of the Arctic was Sir John Franklin, both during his lifetime and for many years after his death. Franklin's expeditions, whose routes are shown on pi 2, produced a mystique all their own. Long stretches of the Arctic shoreline were charted, more lives were lost than on any other journeys of exploration, and a tantalizing mystery was left behind for the Victorian world to ponder. Franklin's last Arctic expedition, the best equipped to that time, left Britain in May 1845. Some men died on board ship. Franklin himself died on 21 June 1847. The expedition's ships, locked in ice west of King William Island, were abandoned by the surviving 106 men. All of them died on a perilous overland trek southward. The disappearance of Franklin and his crew generated a massive hunt for survivors, perhaps the most elaborate and persistent search in history. Although the search itself was fruitless (except for a few skeletons found in 1856), it did yield a rich by-product. An impressive amount of new exploration and re-exploration led to numerous new maps and charts, produced right to the end of the century. The mapping of coastlines, rivers, and heights of land was a continuation of what had gone on before. Increasingly, however, obser-

vation was being made by another kind of 'explorer/ one trained in scientific enquiry. Lands that had been 'explored' were now being 'assessed' for settlement and their potential for use. With the expiration of the Hudson's Bay Company's exclusive licence in 1857, the lands that had been their domain for over 200 years could now be appraised for a new set of economic activities, especially agricultural colonization. The major thrusts were into the western interior, beginning with two expeditions, one British and one Canadian (pi 3). The British expedition was led by John Palliser (1857-60) with the geologist James Hector as its leading scientific member. Among the materials included in the expedition's journals and reports was a splendid map of the West, extending from Lake Superior to the Pacific Ocean. Along with major physical features such as rivers, hills, and mountains, natural regions, defined by a combination of topographic detail, type of bedrock, and vegetation cover, were presented on maps for the first time. The Canadian expedition (1857-8), under the sponsorship of the Province of Canada, was led by G. Gladman, geologist H.Y. Hind, and surveyor S.J. Dawson. Their accomplishments complemented and paralleled those of the Palliser expedition. Hind's own narrative, still an impressive accomplishment, was the first geographic handbook of the West (specifically the Red River, Assiniboine, and Saskatchewan drainage basins) complete with maps and illustrations, some in colour. A major player in the promotion of scientific exploration was the increasingly prestigious government agency, the Geological Survey of Canada. Founded in 1842 to assess the geological base for a minerals industry, the Survey's work expanded dramatically after Confederation. Expeditions multiplied (pi 3), reporting on not only the country's geology but also its climate, botany, zoology, and anthropology. Among the many accomplished explorer-scientists associated with the Survey were G.M. Dawson, who mapped extensive areas in British Columbia and the Yukon and produced a detailed study of the Haida people, and J.B. Tyrrell, who made two epic trips across the subarctic Barrens, filling in major voids on maps of the North. By the end of the century the reconnaissance geology of most of the country was well known. So was a good part of its geography - physical, economic, and cultural. Not only the geology of Canada but also topography, soils, drainage, vegetation, animal life, climate, possibilities for mining and agricultural development, and glimpses into the lives of some of its native peoples - all were recorded in the Survey's laboriously collected and carefully written reports. Exploration and assessment and renderings by artists throughout the 19th century provide one glimpse into the country's unfolding geographical knowledge. The fuller unfolding which follows reveals other dimensions: demographic, economic, and social. Two 'snapshots' (pll 4, 5) at either end of the century serve as prelude. By 1800 the disparate white settlements of BNA, none of them very large, had appeared at irregular intervals over great distances between the Atlantic Ocean and the western mountains. Almost all were in the eastern part of the continent. Their distribution is shown on pi 4 (which also appears as a concluding plate in vol i). A small population, scattered precariously across a vast territory, would seem to have offered scant prospects for future growth. Fish and fur were the colonies' major exports as they had been for the preceding three centuries. Although most of the people were farmers, they were hard pressed both to feed themselves and to satisfy the demands of local markets. Set against these seemingly dim economic prospects was a major cultural achievement, the stubborn survival of the French-speaking population decades after the Conquest of 1760. Planted 200 years before, the French-speaking settlements now contained 200 ooo people, a major element in the human geography of BNA. Another potent factor with far-reaching consequences was the British presence. Tied to its colonies administratively, economically, and militarily, Britain continued to be an active and indispensable player in all aspects of development in the century ahead. Compared with the thinly populated and economically limited colonies in 1800, Canada in the 18905 had emerged as one of the world's recognizable large countries, stretching across a continent, tied together by transportation and communication systems. The territory had become a unified federal nation within the British Empire, comfortably at home in the 19th-century world of railways, factories, and a well-developed, export-oriented agriculture. The

major elements of the country's geography in 1891 are summarized on pi 5 (which appears again as one of the introductory plates in vol m). Growth in population, economic activity, and political status was the result of a new and more sustained utilization of resources, the most important of which was land. These new developments began in what had been the western part of the province of Quebec. Upper Canada was the first British colony planted in the interior. Its unique location, astride one path of American westward expansion, made it the critical battle area in the War of 1812. To its strategic significance was soon added an awareness of its potential. Flat land, good soils, a long growing season, and adequate rainfall added up to the most attractive physical base for agriculture in BNA. By the mid-igth century Upper Canada had been transformed from a wilderness settlement, providing corn and pork for the fur trade, to the major exporter of agricultural produce from the colonies. Joined by a revitalized agriculture in Lower Canada, the Great Lakes-St Lawrence area continued to grow as the commercial hub of the new country. Tied to an increasingly commercial agriculture, urbanization proceeded further and faster than in any other part of the colonies. Like the St Lawrence-Great Lakes settlements, the Red River settlement well to the west on the threshold of the Great Plains had begun as a food base for the fur trade. Here the emergence of a commercial agriculture, delayed by the continuation of the fur trade and long marooned by poor accessibility, was spurred on by the coming of the railway and new technologies in farming. The prairie West, destined to be the bread basket of Canada, was being made ready for the enormous expansion to come. Beyond, in British Columbia, new resource frontiers, based on minerals, timber, and fish, would succeed and submerge the fur trade of the past. A striking feature of Canada's geography, even at the end of the 19th century, was the small area occupied by commercial agriculture and its associated activities. The non-indigenous population, largely European in origin, continued to occupy small blocks and ribbons of territory, overwhelmed spatially by vast areas to the north and to the west. Here 'other' economies prevailed. Traditional livelihoods, based on hunting and fishing for subsistence, were carried on by the surviving aboriginal populations. Their numbers in 1891 were approximately 100 ooo, only 2% of the non-indigenous population to whom their lands to the south had been surrendered to make way for the century's new agriculture. Human landscapes are dynamic: land becomes subdivided; old structures are removed; new additions and new uses are imposed; and much of the material evidence may be lost or blurred. However, the cumulative effect is an important record of human habitation which documents material progress and changes in cultural attitude. The emergence of vernacular landscapes, such as those suggested on pll 5 and 6, makes a contribution to a region's geography as important as topography or vegetation. In short, human landscape features are one means of summarizing many dimensions of the economic and social history of the new society. The non-indigenous ecumene, shown on pi 5, created its own new cultural landscape, spanning both the continent and the period of settlement. From its beginnings in the 17th century the taking up of land by Europeans required a means of allocating land and keeping track of property rights. The forms of territorial units surveyed and utilized included the seigneuries of Lower Canada (illustrated in Historical Atlas of Canada, vol i, particularly on pll 51 and 52) and a variety of counties and townships in other provinces. (The inception of the Ontario township is shown on pi 7 in this volume.) Eventually, the land-survey unit became the lot in the eastern settled parts of Canada, and the square-mile section (or a portion or multiple of that unit) in the western provinces (pi 42). The property lines of these lots, integrated with the road systems that provided access, have been a main determinant of Canada's cultural landscape. In Upper Canada, to the middle of the 19th century, the chief alignments of townships and lots were to the shores and banks of lakes and major rivers, still the primary means of access. From 1858, beginning north of the Lake Nipissing-French River line in Canada West, a system of 6-mile-square townships, divided into 36 sections, and aligned to cardinal directions (like those of the congressional townships in the United States), was begun, ultimately marching

Canada in the Nineteenth Century

5

westward (in several variant forms and with a great gap in the Canadian Shield) to the Rocky Mountains. After 1870 implementation of this pattern across the prairies came under the Dominion Lands Survey. In British Columbia, an entirely separate colony until 1870, a number of types of survey, mainly rectilinear and cardinal-orientated, covered the coastal lowlands and the plateau areas of the southern interior, but the prairie township pattern was used in the Peace River district and in those major valleys selected as routes by railways. Since field boundaries, farmstead locations, local roads, and many urban settlements largely conform to the land-survey pattern of their own region, these 'lines on the land' truly form the basic web for southern Canada's varied landscape tapestries. Accompanying the imposition of survey lines was the transition from pioneering to town and city building. A selection of domestic building methods and architectural styles in use by 1891 is presented in pi 6. The great variety of structures, both old and new, can only be suggested. The same is true for variations that emerged in the different regions of the country. Differences in terrain, cultural antecedents, economic orientation, and institutional frameworks produced landscapes that were materially different in site and layout, in house size and building form, and in their townscapes. One may readily contrast the form and appearance of a Maritime rural settlement with that of a Newfoundland outport, a seigneurial long lot, and an Ontario concession line. One could go further and identify distinctions within regions. In the Maritimes, for example, the Acadian settlement landscape can be distinguished from that introduced from New England. Similarly the boom-town rawness of mining towns such as Barkerville stand in vivid contrast to the transplanted Ontario farmhouses of British Columbia's Fraser valley. But such distinctions are beyond the scope of the plate. This geographic glance across the igth century (pll 1-6) serves as an introduction to the substance of this volume. What follows is an unfolding of the country's historical geography in maps, by topic and time. To begin, for the first half of the century, two subjects are presented - population and economic activity - each of vital importance in the country's subsequent evolution. For the geographer a reliable map of population distribution is an indispensable document in the study of society. The most telling commentary on a place is made by the fact that people have chosen it for their home and livelihood. The resulting distribution of chosen places is a summation or end-product of a multitude of choices. Once in place, that distribution becomes a major element in subsequent changes. In this volume a number of plates (including pll 4,10, and 29) show population distributions in 1800, in the 18205, at mid-century, and in 1871 and 1891; they provide essential and revealing points of departure for the study of Canada in the 19th century. The rapid growth of population in the first half of the 19th century 'was the result of two important processes - external migrations and natural increase,' writes Jean-Claude Robert in his introduction to the section 'An Immigrant Population.' Four plates illustrate the process and its results. Two are case studies. The first deals with the arrival of American Loyalists, the first major influx of a European population into what was then the 'western frontier,' beyond settled BNA. A complementary plate in vol i (pi 32) depicts the similar, and larger, thrust into new lands (particularly New Brunswick) in Atlantic Canada. Another series of arrivals is summarized in the second case study, the establishment of a permanent population in Newfoundland, after almost three centuries of seasonal and temporary migrations. The major cause of population growth, the trans-Atlantic migrations of the period, mapped on pi 9, could be inserted between the two population maps on pi 10. These maps, like the Roman god Janus, look backward and forward, summarizing what has gone before and setting the stage for what is to come. Economic development and population change went hand in hand. An ever-increasing population generated demand for a whole array of goods and services. The fur trade had retreated to the northern and western parts of BNA; the principal export staples came from fish, forests, and farms. 'The nature of this resource base and the evolution of an appropriate system of exploiting it are central to an interpretation of this period,' writes Brian S. Osborne in his intro-

6

Introduction

duction to the section 'Expanding Economies/ The resource base is mapped in a series of plates dealing with timber and agriculture in the Maritimes and the Canadas. The continuing emphasis on staples production for the overseas market is summarized in the plate on trade. The export economy based on fish, wood, wheat, and flour also spurred urban growth, as exemplified in the older cities of Montreal and Halifax and the growing town of Toronto. Beyond the older lands of BNA lay the 'new lands' of the West, the frontier of agricultural settlement in late 19th-century Canada. Resource exploitation by Europeans, however, had begun more than 200 years before. The fur trade had spawned a pattern of French and English trading posts before 1760 and in the early 19th century resulted in the establishment of an agricultural base for the trade, the Red River Colony. For the next 50 years, as the fur trade declined, the Red River outpost lived out the 'old order,' combining a limited agricultural land use with the traditional buffalo hunt. Colonists farmed, hunted, fished, traded, and worked for the Hudson's Bay Company. Wound together on the same spool with population and the economy is another thread, that of political development. In the 19th century 'the central problem for British North America was not so much the acquisition of territory, as the integration of territories which had already been acquired,' writes Andrew F. Burghardt in his introduction to the next section, 'Forging the Links.' The plates in this section span the century, illustrating not only the bringing together of territory but also a number of critical events impinging on the integration process. The War of 1812, for example, turned aside American efforts to detach a vital part of Canadian territory. Another threat to unity and integration, the rebellions of 1837-8, was not only put down but was followed almost immediately by the political union of the Canadas, an important step on the road to Confederation. Through war and rebellion and political and economic trials, the retention of territory and its continuing organization were both maintained and strengthened. Two institutions played a critical role: the British garrison and a developing transportation system. Both are mapped. The building of the transcontinental railway dramatically summarizes the incredibly difficult but ultimately successful union of politics and territory across the breadth of a continent before the end of the century. Political developments spanning the century relate to themes in both parts of this volume. Accordingly what follows in Part n is a resumption of subjects presented in Part i. The first is population. The dominance of immigration before the 18505 was now overshadowed by its opposite, emigration. For the first time in the history of the young country more people departed than arrived. The 18705 and 18805 'marked a low tide for immigration and a rise in emigration to the United States,' writes Jean-Claude Robert in his introduction to the section 'The People.' After 1871 the most important component of population growth was natural increase, analysed in a separate plate on fertility. From 1871, not only to the end of the century but also to the mid-2oth century, there was not a single decade in which population increase from net migration exceeded that from natural increase. From 1871 to 1891 population numbers increased from 3.7 million to 4.5 million; net migration loss (the excess of emigrants over immigrants) climbed to a startling 300 ooo with Canadian-born populations joining recent immigrants in the exodus. Where did these people go? The plate on migration answers the question. Most destinations were a short trip away, to border states and towns in the United States. In one short period, 1881-5, almost 400 ooo made the trip. Another vital element in the country's population geography is presented on a series of plates dealing with the indigenous population. From the 18205 to 1891, as Euro-American cultures were increasingly thrust upon indigenous peoples, their numbers decreased from about 175 ooo to 100 ooo. Their distribution changed even more dramatically. The westward movement of white settlement forced the formal surrender of native lands to the Canadian government. In the 19th century a series of treaties moved Indian populations to specified reserves of land. This massive rearrangement of territory not only altered the country's geography but also laid the basis for continuing cultural conflict. Its most visible examples were the resistance of the Metis in Manitoba in 1869, followed

by a dispersal of the population and their rebellion in the area of the Saskatchewan River in 1885. Two points can be made about the economic base on which population growth depended. The first is that the extraction and export of primary resources - from forestry, fishing, farming - continued to sustain the economy. At the same time, as C. Grant Head points out in his introduction to the section "Economies in Transition/ agriculture 'was by far the largest component of 19th-century economic production. Even by 1890 when its contribution had begun to wane, its percentages of provincial gross production are impressive/ The second half of the 19th century also witnessed a decided shift in commercial orientation from the trading system of the St Lawrence organized for overseas trade to one tied more and more closely to the rest of the country and to the United States. The changing direction of trade may be taken as a major indication of Canada's assuming its own place in a continental geography. The plates in this section highlight some of the more important elements of this development: the emergence of minerals as a new staple, foreshadowed in the gold rushes in British Columbia; the persistence of the fisheries, with the addition of new products to the traditional cod economy; the replacement of the old square-timber trade by a sawn-lumber industry; the persistence, for a time, of shipbuilding and shipping as a mainstay of the Maritime economy; the shift to a mixed agriculture in Quebec and Ontario, with increases in productivity and specialization in production; and the beginning of commercial agriculture in the West, setting the stage for the last great land rush in North America. The new economic geography included two closely allied and propelling forces. Urbanization and manufacturing were the hallmarks of 'a society emerging from its parochial colonial origins and in the process of growing into a modern industrial nation/ writes Peter G. Goheen in his introduction to the section 'Urbanization and Manufacturing/ The first cities were places for collecting products to be shipped overseas to metropolitan centres in European mother countries. In the early igth century these collecting and distributing centres were joined by a growing net of urban centres serving a maturing agricultural settlement. In a third phase, most evident in the latter part of the century, cities were linked by increasingly efficient transportation systems. Some elements associated with and responsible for this growth were presented in the population and economic plates in the foregoing sections. Here urban places them-

selves are shown, together with the beginning of the country's industrial revolution. Basic to both phenomena were two others the changing nature of industrial energy sources and the spread of financial control by the chartered banks. By the end of the century Canada's major urban centres were poised for rapid growth. Montreal, Canada's largest city, led the way, followed by Toronto, making the move from a regional to a national centre. The onset of urbanization made a profound impact on Canadian society. Urban values were replacing those long associated with rural livelihoods. The society was shifting 'from the fragmentation and disorder of the frontier to the cohesiveness and stability of longterm settlement/ writes David A. Sutherland in his introduction to the last section of this volume, 'A Changing Society.' Included in these changes and contributing to them was the increasing role of institutions. Sects became churches; education in the home moved into the school; assistance to the poor by individuals and families was taken over by organizations; and the state emerged as the premier social force. A number of plates illustrate this development. In education and social welfare formalized schooling appeared, promoted by governments and financed by local taxes, and public measures were adopted to relieve distress and suffering. A variety of associations emerged, fostering relations within many diverse groups. In religious life the Protestant Irish banded together in fraternal organizations, celebrating fellowship and ritual outside church congregations. In the secular world labourers and craft workers strove to improve their working conditions, by protest and by organization. Social stirrings in the late 19th century touch on complex matters, only partly understood. The forms and patterns we have mapped suggest the mixture that was present. Powerful thrusts were jostling the status quo. New forces had been unleashed. Institutionalization, centralization, industrialization, and commercialization were now part of the new geography of the land. In this volume the vital elements of this geography - population growth, economic development, political evolution, and social change - are addressed in maps. The form makes its own singular contribution to the study of Canada, inviting the attention of all who would probe its geographical and historical mysteries. R. LOUIS G E N T I L C O R E

Canada in the Nineteenth Century

7

IMAGES OF CANAGE Authors: John H. Wadland, Margaret Hobbs

During the igth century many artists travelled within Canada, recording their sense of its diverse landscapes. A young Swiss immigrant, Peter Rindisbacher, recorded his arrival aboard the ship Wellington at Fort Churchill in 1821, following this with a series of detailed images tracing his overland travels to the Red River colony. Paul Kane and W.G.R. Hind crossed the country before the arrival of the railway and the land survey, representing the land in works which were both sensitive to the native inhabitants and also reflective of the changes attending the arrival of another culture. Born in Ontario and essentially self-taught, Lucius R. O'Brien became the first president of the Royal Canadian Academy (RCA) in 1880. J.A. Fraser, also a charter member of the RCA, emigrated from England in 1858 after receiving instruction at the South Kensington School. O'Brien was trained as a civil engineer while Fraser began by tinting photographs in the Montreal studio of William Notman. Their emergence as professional landscape painters paralleled the evolution of the technologies which launched their careers. The locations of the O'Brien works shown on this plate suggest a relationship between his fascination for the railway and the views he captured. Both O'Brien and Fraser lived in the East where topography, light, and colour differed dramatically from the West to which they travelled on the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR). On the way they created regional images of the country which strongly affected the perception of Canadians for the next two generations, before the Group of Seven.

HISTORICAL ATLA OF CANADA

PLATE 1

Eraser and O'Brien are known to have copied the work of photographers like Alexander Henderson and Frederick Dally. Henderson chronicled the construction of the Intercolonial Railway and took views of the West after 1885, before establishing the photography department of the CPR. Dally took up photography in 1866 and by 1870 had created an extraordinary portfolio documenting coastal and interior British Columbia. Charles Horetzky, an immigrant of Polish and British extraction, learned photography from a group of amateurs in Moose Factory. As an exploratory engineer on the CPR Survey from 1871 to 1881 he pioneered the use of collodion dry-plate technology. Employing the more cumbersome wet-plate process, the Royal Engineers photographed the length of the 49th parallel in two separate expeditions between 1858 and 1874. Images in the far North include those captured by the box camera of J.B. Tyrrell during his tenure (1881-98) with the Geological Survey.

VOLUME II

EXPLORATION TO MID-CENTURY Author: Richard I. Ruggles

The European exploration of the north in the igth century built on the legacy of the preceding 300 years. By 1851 several missing pieces of the Arctic archipelago and coastline had been charted, but in this hostile, uncompromising territory the northern hinterland, away from the shores and rivers, remained unknown. Adversity accompanied every expedition, and the north, with its cold, ice, lack of food, rough water, mountains, muskeg, and mosquitoes, continued to take its toll. The major players remained the British Admiralty and the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC). The former continued England's centuries-long search for a Northwest Passage, sending expeditions westward across land and along sea lanes to define much of the Arctic shore. After the loss of John Franklin and his crew in the heart of the archipelago in 1845, British explorers narrowed their focus to sea quests for their lost comrades. The HBC, in turn, continued its search for geographical information, as exemplified by the peregrinations of Peter Dease and Thomas Simpson, but also lent support to Admiralty expeditions. Other HBC activity was concentrated in the west, on the Mackenzie River and along routes to the Pacific, with the Liard and Peel rivers through the Cordillera emerging as the chosen routes of access. The long-attempted integration of the Pacific watershed with the Mackenzie District occurred when Robert Campbell journeyed downstream from the Yukon-Pelly junction to Fort Yukon at the confluence of the Yukon and Porcupine rivers in 1851. For some years the HBC lost interest in northern Quebec and Labrador, but in 1828 it renewed exploration and began to build posts from the newly established Fort Chimo at Ungava, hoping to bring the area into its marketing system. Erland Erlandson and John McLean helped delineate the major waterways from Fort Chimo southeast to Hamilton Inlet.

LAPIE MAP, 1821 An intriguing part of the cartographic record

were attempts, of whicjh this is one example, to merge known features with supposed straits and hypothetical routes of early adventures.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 2

In 1833 Captain George Back of the Royal Navy and surgeon-naturalist Richard King sought a land route across the Arctic Barren Lands in an attempt to determine the fate of the missing 1829 John Ross expedition and to pursue the survey of the Arctic coast in the quest for a Northwest Passage. Back's exploration of 1833-4 not onty produced new geographical knowledge that made possible improvements in Arrowsmith's map, but also contributed scientifically valuable observations of wildlife, magnetic effects, and the aurora borealis.

VOLUME II

EXPLORATION AND ASSESSMENT TO 1891 Author: Richard I. Ruggles

The search for survivors of the Franklin expedition continued to motivate Canadian exploration in the latter part of the igth century. The British Navy, Lady Franklin's private search groups, various American parties sponsored by scientific societies, public subscriptions, whaling enterprises, and overland journeys by employees of the HBC sought out the shores, straits, and inlets of much of the southern Arctic and of many of the Queen Elizabeth Islands. During the search significant additions were made to the store of scientific and geographical knowledge of the northern part of North America. British maritime activity was concentrated on both sides of the major passage from Lancaster Sound west through M'Clure Strait. To the south both naval and private expeditions completed the coastal mapping of Victoria, Prince of Wales, and Somerset islands and Boothia Peninsula. Francis L. McClintock and Allen W. Young circled King William Island, where the Franklin party had perished. Venturing farthest north was the British Navy's George S. Nares who dispatched sledge parties over the ice towards the Pole and along the north coasts of Ellesmere Island and Greenland. This northern series of straits and basins was also the setting for most American activity. But it was the most experienced player in the north, the HBC, which gathered the first definite information on the fate of the Franklin expedition when John Rae reached reached Pelly Bay from Repulse Bay in 1854. The HBC followed with a voyage down the Back River to the Arctic coast by James Anderson and James G. Stewart. Other HBC treks, such as those by Roderick MacFarlane, Warburton Pike, and James Mackinlay, were made to further the fur trade.

The first geological map of a large part of Canada was prepared by Sir John Richardson in 1851 to accompany his book on his search for the Franklin expedition. The map, based on observations made during his earlier expeditions in the western interior and the north, commencing in 1819, includes two geological units, 'Metamorphic or Primitive Rocks' and 'Fossiliferous Rocks from the Silurian strata upwards/ depicting for the first time the boundaries of the Canadian Shield.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 3

Through the second half of the century much of the more southerly regions of Canada and the Mackenzie-Yukon systems were re-explored and examined by the discerning eyes of scientific personnel attached to British, colonial, and, later, Canadian expeditions. The most important investigations occurred on the Great Plains and in the Cordillera south of the Peace River, and along the arc of the Precambrian Shield from the Athabasca River to the north shore of the St Lawrence. The first large-scale scientific expeditions focused on the southern plains; the John Palliser and Henry Y. Hind surveys of 1857-60 added major information on their hydrography, terrain, vegetation, soils, climate, and geology. After Confederation the Geological Survey of Canada (GSC) was the leading national agency to examine the rock and mineral foundation of the new country, and also the complicated network of waterways and terrain features. The GSC published reports based on data gathered by its surveyors as they advanced along rivers, across lakes, and over rock surfaces, marsh, and muskeg, and also prepared detailed geological and mineral reconnaissance studies for large blocks of • the country, especially in the west.

In 1857 James Hector, a geologist with the Palliser expedition to the Canadian plains, examined, described, and mapped three boldly marked levels, the first application to the western interior of the geomorphic terms, first, second, and third prairie levels.

The composite temperature and predpibfHfn map, published in 1875, is based on many maps prepared by the American Loren Blodget. Blodget's maps were the first to use isotherms and isohyets to illustrate climatic patterns for annual, winter, and summer conditions for Canada as a whole.

VOLUME II

EASTERN CANADA ca 1800

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 4

POPULATION/LANGUAGE

After the American Revolution British North America fell back on the heart of the 17th-century position in North America - the Gulf of St Lawrence, Acadia, and the St Lawrence valley - plus, in the north, the territory of the Hudson's Bay Company and, in the east, Newfoundland. The principal inshore fisheries in the northwestern Atlantic and the fur route from Montreal to the northern edge of the Great Lakes and on to the northern plains remained in British control. The long-contested Ohio valley and the rich agricultural lands of the upper Mississippi, which the French had begun to settle late in the French regime and the British had officially reconnected to the lower St Lawrence in 1774, passed to the United States. The struggle between Britain and France for North America had ended as few could have foreseen. Britain had lost most of her original position in North America and had gained France's. At the end of the i8th century fish and furs were still the principal exports of the territory that had become British North America. The fishery clung to the Atlantic shore, the techniques of catching and processing cod little changed from the i6th century. The French migratory inshore fishery was now largely confined to northern and western Newfoundland, and the English

migratory fishery was almost at an end, replaced by residents. The Montreal-based fur trade extended up the Ottawa River and far beyond, challenging the Hudson's Bay Company and drawing HBC traders inland. But most people in British North America lived on farms and had no connection with these export trades. Their farms provided a large part of their material requirements and, perhaps, some surplus for sale. Some trade linked town and countryside, and some agricultural products were exported, but few farms were primarily commercial ventures. The local agricultural economy permitted population growth and supported farm families that were weakly integrated within the international economy. The export economy of the fur trade and the cod fishery, managed in the towns and generating much of their prosperity, bound fur-trading posts and fishing settlements to trans-Atlantic markets. Superimposed on a contorted coast and rockbound interior, these different economies shaped the settlement geography of what is now eastern Canada in 1800. People lived in patches of isolated settlement and no one town, unless it were London, England, dominated the entire area. Experiences and prejudices were very different. Almost 200000 French-speaking people, many generations Canadian and making up some 60% of the population of the seven British North American colonies, lived along the lower St Lawrence together with perhaps 25 ooo English speakers who had come after the conquest. Acadian refugees lived along the south shore of the Gulf of St Lawrence. Loyalists and others newly arrived from the United States made up the principal population of Upper Canada and the Atlantic colonies where there were also a few Highland Scots and Germans. English and Irish fishermen, many of them temporary residents, lived in Newfoundland. There were native people in each colony.

VOLUME II

CANADA, 1891

Authors: Marvin Mclnnis, Peter J. Usher (native land use)

In 1891, five years after British Columbia was linked to eastern Canada by rail, the country was still rather fragmented. Vast stretches of territory separated pockets of settled areas where agricultural activity supported most of the people. Southern Ontario and southern Quebec, which were better integrated than the rest of the country, had three-quarters of the Canadian population, and their principal cities were founded on a prosperous agricultural economy. A commercially viable farming community had begun in Manitoba. In the Maritime Provinces and in eastern Quebec, where the population was much more thinly scattered and the agricultural economy less successful, fishing and forestry still played an important role. The vast Precambrian Shield was only beginning to yield timber and mineral wealth and the abundant resources west of the Rockies were still largely untapped. Beyond the settled south and its contiguous resource frontier traditional fur trading and fisheries shaped the contact between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples. From a southern Canadian perspective the north was a vast and unknown country. Missions, whaling stations, and fur-trading posts were the only white colonial outposts. From the perspective of the native peoples life still revolved around seasonal limits of resources, although they adapted their traditional way of life to include fur trading.

By 1891, though Canada was heavily dependent on its agricultural base, the country had taken major strides in the direction of becoming a modern, urbanized, industrial nation. Canadians had taken advantage of the industrial technology of the time to establish factories to produce goods for domestic consumption and to equip towns and cities with up-to-date amenities. The prosperous agricultural economy of Central Canada, especially Ontario, sustained a substantial urban development. In addition to Montreal and Toronto, a network of smaller commercial and manufacturing towns and cities had emerged. Outside this region there were only five cities with any manufacturing presence. The Maritime Provinces, with a much weaker agricultural and resource base, had made a not entirely successful attempt to integrate with the Central Canadian market, and both Saint John and Halifax had some industrial capacity. In British Columbia a resource economy gave rise to resourceprocessing manufacturing in Vancouver and Victoria. Winnipeg acted as gateway to the developing prairie west.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 5 Canada in 1891 was still a thinly populated land. More than one-quarter of the population of almost five million were urban dwellers (places with over i ooo people), yet only Montreal (219 ooo) and Toronto (181 ooo) had populations greater than 70 ooo. Most of the non-indigenous population lived in cities, towns, and farms within a southern band of agricultural settlement that had almost reached its limits in eastern Canada but which was still expanding rapidly on the central and western Prairies. At the margins of the agricultural frontier in the eastern provinces, and just beginning to expand in British Columbia, were areas of forest exploitation. Much of the population along the Atlantic coast was oriented to the fishing economy. The disparate regions of European settlement in Canada were bound together by a transcontinental railroad and a growing number of branch lines, supplemented sometimes by inlandwaterway steamship lines, to outlying agricultural and resource communities. Some 100 ooo indigenous people were spread unevenly across Canada. The northward and westward advance of the resource frontier was accompanied by the formal surrender of Indian lands to the Crown, usually through the signing of treaties. Where this process had already occurred, Indians were confined to small reserves of land and their activities off the reserves were severely constrained, especially where land was taken up for agriculture by the non-indigenous population. To the north, however, Indians and Inuit continued to live as mobile hunting and fishing bands, using large tracts of land and water with few effective restrictions, although non-native activity - fur-trade posts in the sub-Arctic, whaling stations in the Arctic, and missions - reoriented native land use and trade and provided focal points for settlement of the indigenous people.

VOLUME II

THE LOOK OF DOMESTIC BUILDING, 1891 Authors: Peter Ennals, Deryck W. Holdsworth In 1891 the built landscape of Canada's settler society encompassed a wide variety of structures old and new. As cultural mixing occurred throughout the century, various house-building approaches gave way to a few regional prototypes. Their histories followed a typical sequence in which various immigrant housing forms, many of them based on old world folk-culture types, were tested and refined in response to regional and local experiences. Whereas old dwellings had been simple in plan, typically consisting of one to three multi-purpose rooms, vernacular housing (as this new dwelling type came to be called) provided a more complex floor plan emphasizing a lifestyle lived in functionally specific rooms, eg, kitchen, bedroom, and parlour. During the 19th century the nature and form of the vernacular dwelling became more standardized and international, as pattern-books gained currency and mass-produced design components, such as doors and trim, revolutionized the technology of construction. Thus, the vernacular designer was able to mimic the style of the elite who employed architects to reproduce aesthetically correct high-style designs. In this way ordinary people sought to use housing to display taste and social achievement. Distinctions also increased between houses in rural and urban areas, reflecting differences in class, the exposure to new ideas, and the requirements of municipal fire and other regulations. Despite these many differences, regional types evolved both in towns and in rural areas. By the end of the century the built landscapes of Newfoundland, the Maritimes, Quebec, Ontario, and the West could be distinguished from one another.

MAIN STREETS The juxtaposition of buildings in smaller urban place? frequently produced a characteristic townscape, a visual profile or signature that was regionally distinct. Arrayed along a typical 'main street' were manufacturing establish:i I'll' 1 - commercial and institutional buildings, ri-.iik'iii i-.. ,inj iilliiT innip.Mii.'in- i>l the iniSHicipal apparatus. Even when expressed as a composite of a larger reality the streetscapes, as shown here, with their accumulations of structures spanning several years, attest to a dynamic process of growth. There was still no cohesiveness or planning control in the design of Canada's urban places. Instead, towns developed organically by integrating a complex matrix of individual economic, political, and aesthetic decisions.

NORTH AND WEST A regional design idiom had yet to emerge in Ihis area of new settlement- Diversity and flux marked its house-building history in the igth century. The landscape was a disconnected patchwork ol log dwellings, sod dugouts or stamped-earth huts, and vernacular farm cottages built by migrants from Ontario and adjacent American states. In British Columbia only Victoria could claim an established AngloAmerican settlement landscape; hastily built false-fronted shacktowns and log houws marked the resource frontier that predominated elsewhere.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

ontario Initially pioneers reproduced folk housing based on Scots and Irish hall-and-parlour variants, though rendered in one or other of the log-construction techniques carried to Ontario by Loyalists and other settlers from the New York and Pennsylvania frontier Early in the century the style of vernacular housing became one of the many ways by which people expressed their material and social success. In (he second half of the century, following heavy immigration from the British [sles, an explosion of building introduced the Gothic revival and other features, replacing, in the process, most of the earlier folk housing. The use of more ex pensive building materials such as brick and stone and manufactured stylistic elements differentiated social classes in both rural and urban areas.

PLATE 6

QUEBEC By the beginning ot the ii^th century Quebec's domestic buildings displayed a visually distinct folk idiom l Germ.iny. Act ol Dominion: British Columbia entered Dominion of Canada as sixth province Award of Arbitration; San Juan waler boundary settled Acl of Dominion: Prince Edward Island became seventh province

1827 Galladn-Addmglon negotiation extended joint Brin'sh-Anwriom occupalkm of the Oregon TemliMy intk-hnitt-K Ni^uii.LhLHL^ under Treaty of Ghent retired settlement ol buundary between New Brunswick and Maine to arbitration by the King of the Netherlands 1831 Award of arbitrator not attxplcd by either Britain or tnt- United States I&40 Acl of Union: United Upper and Lower Canada into Province of Gin-ida. Provinces renamed Canada Rflst and Canada West 1842 Ashburton-Webster Treaty: Settled boundaries still undefined by Treaty ol 1783: between Canada Bast and New Hampshire, New Brunswick flmi M.nn. and behveen Canada West and Minnesota IS46 Ort-gon Boundary Treaty: extended 49th parallel to Pacific excluding Vancouver's laland. Northern area called New Caledonia. A British - appointed commission tailed lo wt lie the d upu I? over the boundary between Canada and Now Brunswick 1B49 Vancouver's hland established as a Crown Colony

VOLUME II

INVASION REPULSED, 1812-1814 Author: William G. Dean

In June 1812 the United States declared war on Great Britain and promptly invaded Upper Canada. The root of this war lay as much in the American-Indian conflict along the northwestern frontier as in American-British maritime rivalry in the previous decade. After three years of fighting British, Canadian, and Indian forces, the United States had lost territory along its east coast, in the west, and on the Pacific coast. Even the few American military and naval successes could not begin to outweigh the economic stranglehold of the British blockade. The weight of British sea power determined the outcome of the war, with the United States unable to achieve its war aims. Negotiations begun by President James Madison in 1812 ultimately concluded in 1814 with the restoration of the pre-war situation. In surviving the military might of the United States Canadians discovered the essentials of nationhood. Lacking a navy, American strategy was based on a quick land war to be concluded before British reinforcements could cross the Atlantic. The Americans also expected that Canadians would not fight. The British, exhausted by their wars with Napoleon, relied entirely on defensive measures and a naval blockade. In order of priority the American objectives were Quebec, Montreal, Kingston, and Niagara. Quebec had never been taken without naval support, but Montreal was vulnerable through the welltrodden Champlain corridor. The Americans, lacking effective military leadership and hampered by reluctant New Englanders, failed to take Montreal, and simply wasted their strength in unco-ordinated thrusts on the Canadian perimeter.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 22

Military logistics determined victory or defeat as much as army manoeuvres and individual bravery. The Americans retained the advantage of internal (protected) transport and communications versus the long trans-Atlantic crossing for the British. British soldiers, supplies, and equipment, necessarily funnelled up the St Lawrence, were vulnerable to attack, especially between Montreal and Kingston. Throughout the war troops, munitions, and provisions were transported by water routes. In rainy or thaw periods roads became quagmires; winter travel over icy surfaces was easier. Meagre agricultural output in Canada made the United States the most important source of food, fodder, and military stores for the British. Three major smuggling routes were used: across the St Lawrence at Prescott, the back trails of the Champlain corridor, and by sea to Nova Scotia from New England.

VOLUME II

UNREST IN THE CANADAS Author: Colin Read

The abortive uprisings in the Canadas in 1837-8 had many causes, among them the essentially oligarchic nature of the government established by the Constitutional Act of 1791. The assemblies of the two Canadas had little power vis-a-vis the Colonial Office, the governors, and the appointed legislative and executive councils. As political power was circumscribed, so too was economic and social life. To the extent that the rebels came together to improve their lot, their movements were 'associational' and modern in character. Such movements were increasingly common in the western world of the igth century, which saw the growth of and resistance to industrialism and the penetration of capitalism into the countryside. Yet history was not on the side of the Canadian rebels. In Upper Canada, where the rebellion reflected certain national or ethnic tensions, most of the population, regardless of origin, opposed or stood apart from it. In Lower Canada the 'loyalists' were more the forces of officials, merchants, and the English-speaking community than of the population at large; to the extent that it pitted francophone against anglophone the rebellion was 'communal' and pre-modern in character.

The rebellions were little planned. Louis-Joseph Papineau and a coterie of professionals evidently led the Lower Canadian revolt while skilled workers as well as professionals were important in the Upper Canadian risings. Hostilities began in Lower Canada in mid-November 1837, spreading quickly through much of the district of Montreal. In the risings of 1837-8 the rebels, concentrated in largely rural-oriented villages and towns, were put to flight by regular troops and volunteers from Montreal, supported by a few small garrisons of regulars in the countryside and by volunteers from several anglophone settlements. The loyalist repression was harsh, reflected by the fact that the claims for losses in the rebellion from Lower Canada were to be more than twice those from Upper Canada. Although less violent, conflict in Upper Canada, with its longer, more exposed frontier, was scattered over a wider territory. Sparked by events in the lower province where most of the regular troops had been sent, William Lyon Mackenzie, Charles Duncombe, and others organized shortlived musterings, only to be put to flight by the militia and volunteers. The Upper Canadian skirmishes helped produce raids from across the border by Canadian refugees and American sympathizers, as in the Prescott invasion. Though easily routed, the raiders put the Canadas in jeopardy, raising the spectre of a British-American war.

The rebellions occurred after several years of short harvests. Wheat was the principal crop of the Canadas, but as yields dropped, prices soared. Upper Canada remained a wheatproducing area. In Lower Canada, however, the pattern of farming was changing dramatically. Beset by serious problems, including exhausted soils, attacks by insects, and now economic difficulties, farmers moved in large numbers from wheat to other crops, such as oats, barley, rye, and fodder crops (see pi i3).Vexed questions relating to land were part of the general discontent. In Lower Canada established parishes faced a crisis of overpopulation with insufficient land locally available for new farms. In more recently settled Upper Canada the government had squandered the province's patrimony. The existence of Crown and clergy reserves and a profligate land policy meant that little land was available from the Crown for increasing numbers of settlers, leaving many feeling that they were at the mercy of speculators.

PLATE 23

VOLUME II

BRITISH GARRISONS TO 1871 Author: William G. Dean

A lengthy military presence, French and British, exercised a powerful influence on the making of Canada. In British North America the British garrisons constituted a good deal more than a military force. Along with their civil, fire, and police duties they strengthened local and regional economies and were the centre of colonial social life; they fostered artistic, musical, and theatrical activity and introduced and developed a variety of sports ranging from horse racing to ice hockey. From 1760 to 1906 British military expenditures on garrisons, fortifications, posts, barracks, canals, roads, and mapping and charting formed the bulwark of the defence of Canada. For years after the conquest in 1760 military authority persisted, including the British use of the existing Canadian militia organizations to help administer the colony. Even after the American War of Independence (1775-83), British governors encouraged the continuation in Lower Canada of New France's military institutions at the expense of the British taxpayer. Of greatest importance to the whole colonial economy over the long run were the regular British expenditures. These included the annual British parliamentary grant for the support of the civil administration, annual salaries of Indian Department officers, half-pay pensions to retired officers, army purchases of locally produced flour, pork, feed, and fodder, and a wide range of other military expenditures, both for routine operations and for capital works. These expenditures represented the largest single income to the colony, and in the early days were the only source of ready cash.

Army, ordnance, and commissariat expenditures are detailed for a single unexceptional year, 1833. They illustrate the 17 categories of expenditures directly related to the garrisons, not including the British parliamentary expenditures for civil authorities or the Indian Department. The Largest amounts, as expected, fall into the 'ordinary' category of pay and allowances. The total of £351 818 was not an unusual sum per annum. Al this time the military expenditure represented over one-half of the civil revenue. As immigration increased through the iglh century, civil revenues grew dramatically and by 1871 had far surpassed military expenditures.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

This graph summarizes and reflects changing political relations between the British and the Americans throughout the no-year existence of the British garrisons. Expenditures significantly in excess of the numbers of soldiers were generally directed to defensive works canals and major fortifications.

PLATE 24

The invasion of Quebec in 1775-6 and the invasions of 1812-14 confirmed the British belief that the United States would be the aggressor in any war. Thus British defensive measures in Canada focused on the need to build or strengthen fortifications and depots at strategic points along the water-based communication system. These defensive positions were the key posts for small garrisons of British regulars for over 100 years. From time to time during this period when insurrection or war threatened, as in 1837 and during the American Civil War (1861-5) and the Fenian raids, the garrisons were reinforced. Meanwhile defence depended on local militia trained and stiffened by garrison regulars. This remained the British military policy in Canada until the Treaty of Washington (1871) settled British and American differences. After 1871, except for one imperial garrison (Halifax) and one naval base (Esquimalt), the British withdrew their armed forces from Canada.

VOLUME II

EMERGENCE OF A TRANSPORTATION SYSTEM. 1837-1852 Author: Andrew F. Burghardt

An adequate system of transportation developed very slowly in British North America. Most of the population lived next to shorelines and rivers, and people and freight moved by water. In 1812 the only stage runs were around the St Lawrence rapids and Niagara Falls, from Montreal to Quebec, and from Quebec to Boston. By 1837 steamboats ran daily, from April to November, between Montreal and Quebec, between Prescott and Kingston, and from Kingston to Toronto, Niagara, and Oswego. Elsewhere boats ran at best three times a week. Macadamization of roads began in 1837, making scheduled stage runs possible. Daily coach service (except Sundays) existed only between Montreal and Prescott and north of Toronto. A traveller from Britain could reach Montreal via Boston sooner than Quebec. A trip from Toronto to London, Ontario, cost a labourer one month's wages. Except for migration, travel was beyond the means of most people. The pre-rail transport network, dominated by the steamboat, reached its climax in 1852. The linear Quebec-Windsor corridor was in place. The deepening of the St Lawrence canals by 1848 completed the water transport network. The cut at Burlington Bay had opened up Hamilton Harbour; the Chambly Canal opened the Richelieu to Lake Champlain; St Anne's Canal tied in the Ottawa River; and the Welland Canal linked Lakes Ontario, Erie, and Huron. In addition to the expected centres - Montreal, Quebec, Toronto, Halifax, and Saint John - the major nodes included Hamilton, the principal land-water interchange, and Kingston, the boat centre par excellence. Pictou and Arichat, NS, Shediac, NB, and Cobourg, Port Hope, and Chatham in Canada West (Ontario) were enjoying their zenith as transportation centres. The only true feeder network of stage lines developed west of Hamilton. One integrated system had been organized: William Weller's Royal Mail from Niagara to Montreal.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 25

Although averaging 40 days in 1837 the ocean crossing between England and Halifax varied according to weather conditions. Connections between the Maritimes and the Canadas were poor, except through the United States, where networks were developing rapidly. By 1852 the steamboat had cut the crossing to an average of 12 days westbound. The isochrones parallel to the shorelines indicate the difficulty in moving away from the main travel corridors. The northeastern United States functioned as the gateway into Canada West from both Montreal and the Maritimes. In 1844 Boston had been selected as the mail depot for British mail to the Canadas. In 1849 the telegraph was extended from Maine to Halifax, so that news from the Maritimes and Britain reached Montreal and Toronto through the American system. By 1852 a Montrealer could reach Niagara by train more quickly and cheaply through Albany than along Lake Ontario. The St Lawrence estuary was a transportational backwater.

VOLUME II

THE RAILWAY AGE. 1834-1891 Author: Thomas F. Mcllwraith The railway symbolized mobility and politics in Canada for more than 70 years. It was a focus of speculation and investment and a major outlet for inventive genius. Construction of the Grand Trunk Railway was the centrepiece of the economic boom of the 18503; another burst of energy in the 18708 produced the Intercolonial Railway, a financially embarrassing but geopolitically vital link between central Canada and the Maritimes. The Canadian Pacific Railway line to British Columbia played the same role a decade later. Hundreds of railway charters were granted in Canada before 1891, as entrepreneurs vied to serve the major transport corridors, complement navigation on the Great Lakes and the Maritime coasts, and fuel the ambitions of growing cities. Most lines were consolidated into a few large corporations during the i88os. The railway may have appeared a panacea, but it was in fact simply one more layer of transport technology, joining the telegraph, water navigation, and road transport in an increasingly complicated mixture of communication modes. Telephones were appearing in the i88os, and automobiles, aircraft, and radio lay not far in the future.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 26 The Victoria Bridge across the St Lawrence River at Montreal officially opened in 1860. It provided the final link in the Grand Trunk line between Lake Huron and Riviere-du-Loup and was a critical element in the achievement of Confederation in 1867. The paddle-wheel steamer and timber raft passing under the bridge reperesent the older water-borne system that railways were complementing and challenging..

The North Shore Railway (1853), was Quebec's attempt to continue as Canada's St Lawrence entrepot into the railway era. But Canada was developing a North American focus. When the railway finally opened two decades later, Quebec lay at the end of a branch line from Montreal, the burgeoning national transport hub.

Before 1860 railway track in British North America was commonly laid to the unusual gauge (width between rails) of 5'6", intended to discourage American participation in colonial overseas trade. Several hundred miles of cheap, low-capacity narrow-gauge (3' or 3'6") track was laid into remote areas after 1870. Virtually all track was converted to the standard American gauge of 4'8l2/" by 1881, allowing for the unrestricted transfer of freight cars from line to line; only Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island failed to conform. Standard time was devised by the Canadian railway engineer Sir Sandford Fleming, and replaced local, solar time on 18 Nov 1883 (pi 27). It made train travel more convenient and operation safer. By standardizing time and track gauge the railway moved beyond parochialism and became a truly continental enterprise.

When it was 12:00 (sun time) in Montreal, all points along the railway west to Toronto were also 12:00. Westward from Toronto it was 11:39, northward 11:37. Travellers changing at Toronto had to be careful not to miss connections.

By 1870 traditional coastal transport in the Maritimes was being supplemented by railway shortcuts overland. This amphibious pattern varied seasonally. By 1890 an internal railway network, focused westward towards central Canada, overwhelmed the sea-oriented relationships that had stood for generations.

VOLUME II

LINKING CANADA, 1867-1891 Author: Thomas F. Mcllwraith

Nations take pride in epic events - revolutions, wars, or some great collective sacrifice. Canada built a railway, a mari usque ad mare, proclaiming a national identity. Railways represented the height of technological ingenuity in the nation's fledgling days. The rail line overland to the Pacific Ocean was the elusive Northwest Passage in a terrestrial disguise, subduing the divisiveness of distance with speed, comfort, and reliability. The railway moved residents, and products, from place to place where once only native peoples and explorers had trod. Its builders were conquerors of heroic stature. Land communication, without interruption, was a promise of Confederation. By 1880 private and public money had created several thousand kilometres of railroad throughout southern Quebec and southern Ontario. Transcontinental investors bought into these central routes in hope of using their immediate income to offset lean returns from the long stretches to the Pacific and Atlantic shores. Although routes through the United States were often more attractive, Canada's determination to take its place as an independent nation decreed that the line between Halifax and Vancouver be entirely within its borders.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 27

Nearly five miles of preliminary surveys were undertaken for every mile of railway built between Halifax and Vancouver. Established American lines and water routes were bypassed in due course, and various Canadian routes fell to secondary status as plans developed. The profile demonstrates the challenge of breaching the Cordillera, and also of penetrating i 100 miles (i 800 km) of Precambrian Shield. These epic struggles overshadowed even the achievement of bridging major rivers: the Miramichi, St Lawrence, Ottawa, Red, Columbia, and Fraser. Canada's transcontinental railway thus comprised numerous segments, completed between 1854 and 1887, linked end to end. Major gaps were gradually closed, in northern New Brunswick (1876), across the Ottawa River (1881), on the island of Montreal (1882), north of Lake Superior (1885), and through the Cordillera (1885). But the Straits of Georgia (to Vancouver Island), Northumberland (to PEI), and Cabot proved unbridgeable, and a truly transcontinental railway was not achieved.

During his posting as Governor-General of Canada between 1872 and 1878 the Earl of Dufferin was determined to witness the young nation firsthand, from coast to coast. But only by passing through the United States was it practical for his party to reach Manitoba and British Columbia. His itinerary heightened awareness of the national significance of an all-Canadian railway route. The circuitous nature of his travels in the Atlantic region aroused similar sentiments.

VOLUME II

POLITICS AND PARTIES. 1867-1896 Authors: Robert Craig Brown, Ben Forster The first thirty years of Confederation saw the solidification of a national political system through the agency of the Conservative and Liberal parties. Party lines were not firm in the early years, a state of affairs inherited from the past and exacerbated by Confederation. Traditionally the parliamentary representative had a powerful loyalty to his constituents; he calculated political issues in terms of their benefit to his riding. In their efforts to gain or maintain constituencies both parties used patronage and public works to reward supporters and engaged in chicanery as well as blatantly illegal acts such as bribery and impersonation in getting votes. These practices permeated political life, though less so after Liberals introduced the secret ballot, same-day voting, and other reforms in 1874. The period from Confederation to 1896 was the era of Conservative political hegemony at the federal level, though the struggle for electoral advantage between Conservatives and Liberals (or Reformers) was intense. An adequate majority in the House of Commons required dominance in Ontario and Quebec, or dominance in one of the two central provinces and good representation elsewhere. The first 'normal' election after Confederation, in 1872, showed the narrow balance between the parties. The Pacific Scandal led to Conservative defeat in the election of 1874, but depression, weaknesses in the Liberal party and government, and the National Policy of tariff protection returned the Conservatives to power. Until 1896 the Liberals - nationalist, North American, and free-trade in tendency - were unable to overcome a Conservative dominance based on a Quebec-Ontario coalition, the calculated use of patronage and electoral instruments, and the appeal of a British, defensive, nationalist sentiment.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PROFILES OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT

PLATE 28

Members of Parliament and senators were an elite, chosen from occupational groups with high prestige. The members' levels of postsecondary education, including the clerking and articling of lawyers, were also high, particularly given the relative youth of the first Parliament. By 1896 few politicians had both provincial and federal experience.

Competition between parties also expressed itself in constant cries from party leaders for a itself in constant cries from party leaders for a more structured, permanent organization at the constituency level. The case of Kent County, Ontario, illustrates that, even late in the democratic authority remained unclear.

VOLUME II

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The People The population of British North America doubled from 2.5 million in 1851 to 5 million by 1891. The four original provinces that formed Canada in 1867 - Canada East (Quebec), Canada West (Ontario), New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia - had a combined population of 2.3 million in 1851; 40 years later Canada had three more provinces and a territory - Manitoba, British Columbia, Prince Edward Island, and Rupert's Land - and its population reached 4.8 million. The geographical distribution of the population confirms the westward progression already apparent in 1851 (pi 29). In 1891, 51% of Canadians were living west of the Ottawa River. Regional variations were important. Together the two largest provinces, Ontario and Quebec, accounted for 75% of the total population (44% and 31% respectively), while the Maritimes had 18%. The West had only 7%, with Manitoba accounting for 3% and British Columbia and the North-West Territories 2% each. Population growth was not constant or regular. Migration was particularly sensitive to the economic cycle. A sudden depression could bring immigration to a virtual halt and also trigger an exodus from Canada. Conversely, in times of prosperity both immigrants and Canadians would choose to stay. The pace of growth decreased after Confederation. The onset of economic depression in 1873 marked a low tide for immigration and a rise in emigration to the United States. As a result, in the 18705 and i88os population growth fell to little more than 1% per year. Differences prevailed from province to province. Ontario had the highest rate of increase, as it had during the first half of the century; its population grew by 122% between 1851 and 1891. Other provinces experienced smaller increases, ranging from 63% to 67%. It is difficult to understand changes in Canada's population without considering the overwhelming presence of its neighbour to the south. The population of the United States had increased from 23 million in 1850 to 63 million in 1890,10 times that of Canada. American influence was pervasive, and it was most strongly felt economically and politically. At the end of the American Civil War Canadians were apprehensive, concerned that the victorious Union Army, almost one million strong, might be poised to strike at Canada because of British support given to the Confederate States. But the United States had other preoccupations and its army was soon disbanded. However, a group of Irish activists, the Fenians, planned actions against Canada. For a while American authorities were only too happy to look the other way. Although the motley force was easily repelled, the threat helped to bring about Confederation. American influence, however, was predominantly economic. Later in the century, when its urbanization and industrialization were in full swing, the United States drew people from all parts of the western world; many Canadians were easily swept along in the tide. Canada's economic context changed from one decade to the next, but the onset of depression in 1873 divides this 4O-year period into two parts. Following the crisis caused by the abandoning of imperial preferential tariffs in the 18405 came the boom years of the 18503. The Grand Trunk Railway between Toronto and Montreal opened officially in 1856 and the Victoria Bridge across the St Lawrence River at Montreal in 1860. At the same time trade reciprocity with the United States compensated for markets lost in Britain. For instance, declining exports of square timber to London were replaced by increasing quantities of sawn lumber shipped to the United States. The outbreak of the Crimean War in 1854 had a positive effect on the economy. Prosperity continued into the i86os. The American Civil War created export opportunities for agricultural and industrial products needed for the American market. For instance, the growing Montreal boot-and-shoe industry was kept busy filling military orders for the United States. The 18705 brought

a significant change, marked by the first major post-Confederation depression. Its effects were felt to the end of the century. The introduction of the National Policy in 1879 did not reverse the economic trend but it did stimulate industrial development. Prosperity, however, did not return until the late 18905. The combined effect of these factors on the Canadian population during the last four decades of the century was a negative migratory balance, with more people leaving the country than were entering. More than one million Canadians emigrated to the United States between 1850 and 1890. Estimates vary but no one disputes the vast scope of the movement. At the same time immigration from the British Isles had begun to taper off, and remained low through the 18705. In the late 18405 arrivals can be estimated at 43 ooo per year; for the period 1852-9 the figure dropped to 24 500, and in the 18605 it reached a low of 15 600. During the 18805 total immigration increased again, reaching an annual average of 85 ooo. At the same time the internal migrations already apparent in the earlier part of the century continued. People were moving to frontier areas, in search of better or more land, and to the large cities, especially Montreal and Toronto. After 1870 population growth was primarily the result of natural increase. A gradual decline in birth and mortality rates affected all western countries. Fertility tended to diminish, significantly reducing the number of births. This transition accompanied the rise of the urban-industrial society, but it also occurred in the rural population. Migration to the United States was not new. It had taken place in Lower Canada in the early part of the century. People would move to the United States temporarily to work as loggers in the woods and then return to Canada. At the same time, with the British immigration surge after 1815, a consistent proportion of immigrants chose to go to the United States. This migration worked both ways; Americans also settled in the Maritimes, in Ontario, and in the Eastern Townships of Quebec. Later in the century there was a constant circulation of artisans back and forth across the border. But in the 18705 and i88os the migration to the United States reached levels high enough to create in some Canadian circles fear of major population losses. Yolande Lavoie estimates that from 1840 to 1940 approximately 2.8 million Canadians emigrated to the United States, with 1.3 million leaving between 1850 and 1890. Other estimates for the latter period are as high as 2.3 million. The out-migration affected the whole country (pi 31). Quebec, the Maritimes, and Ontario all sent people south. In the 18705 and 18805 about a third were from Quebec at a time when that province contained a third of the Canadian population. During the second half of the century the exodus suggested a Canadian economy that was not capable of supporting its own population. This was true only in part. The United States with its explosion of urban and industrial growth did exercise a powerful attraction. Faced with limited prospects at home, frequently linked to agriculture in new regions, the young turned to a country whose new industrialism promised a different way of life. The slower settlement of the Canadian West is often seen as a factor in the exodus to the United States. However, people in the East would have been hesitant to go as far as the plains when urban and industrial alternatives were available nearby. Also, recent research demonstrates the rapid saturation of the newly opened agricultural settlement areas in eastern Canada, suggesting the existence of an optimum level of population density. Before fertility could be adjusted, surplus rural population had either to leave the region or to concentrate in the villages or towns. All across Canada elites were deeply disturbed by the out-migration. Dubbed an 'exodus' in the Maritimes and a 'haemorrhage' in

Quebec, it predicted a dark future for the country. The best-known response was the National Policy. Its three components - tariffs, settlement of the West, and a transcontinental railway - held the promise of improved economic development. But its effects were mitigated. To be sure, cities such as Montreal and Toronto benefited from the tariff. The protected market did permit the expansion of manufacturing, as the rise of textile industries in the 18705 demonstrates. However, the supply of labour constantly exceeded the demand and many Canadians moved to the United States to find employment. Immigration did not stop altogether. In fact, the steady flow of immigrants led to the perception that emigrant Canadians were being replaced by immigrants from abroad. Immigration is estimated at between one and two million during the period 1851-91. The majority of the immigrants were from the British Isles; after the i86os the proportion of Irish declined in favour of English and Scots. There was also a 'Canadian' component in immigration since some expatriates did return from the United States. Finally, towards the end of the century non-British immigrants, mostly Germans and Scandinavians, increased, but the overall percentages were not significant until the turn of the century. However, their concentration in some parts of the West or in the large cities increased their visibility. Immigrants settled in every region of Canada but the vast majority chose Ontario. In 1871, while more than 93% of the inhabitants of Quebec and almost an identical percentage of Nova Scotians were Canadian-born, this was true of only 73% of Ontarians and 86% of New Brunswickers. In 1891 the overall pattern was the same, with two differences: Ontario with 81% of its population Canadian-born had a lower proportion of immigrants but was still the main target of immigration; in the four other provinces over 93% of the population was Canadian-born. The Ontario figure is consistent with the decline of immigration during this period. Canada's initial immigration 'policy' cast a wide net. At first its main objective was to keep out paupers who might become a drain on the country. In reality there was little selection, reflecting the era's laissez-faire ideas. Later some racist dimensions were added. In 1885, after the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway, the Chinese Immigration Act was passed restricting the entry of Chinese by imposing a head tax on each Chinese immigrant. The other component of the National Policy was a commitment to attract farmers; the country had had quite enough of unemployed labourers in its cities. As in the first half of the century the population was very mobile, both within and between provinces. Settlement expanded from the central core to outlying areas that were more or less fit for cultivation or could support non-agricultural activities such as fishing or logging. Until the end of the i88os rural expansion remained significant, but after this the growth of cities - particularly large cities such as Montreal and Toronto - led the way. Urbanization had become a force. Urban numbers more than doubled, from 13% of the total population in 1851 to 30% in 1891. Urban growth now exceeded that in rural areas. In intercensal percentage changes in rural and urban populations, the latter was regularly two to five times higher in the period 1851-81. Ontario's agricultural frontier remained active throughout the period, its location shifting gradually north and west. Eventually movement continued to western Canada. In Quebec, in reaction to emigration to the United States, an organized colonization movement created new agricultural parishes on the fringes of the Laurentians and the Appalachians and in the Lower St Lawrence. But colonization parishes were no match for the attraction of the United States or, at a later date, of the cities. Since natural increase is an important component of population growth, the controlling demographic processses have to be taken into consideration. The classic theory of demographic transition in western culture explains the population increase beginning around 1750 as a result of a declining death rate combined with a birth rate that remained high. Gradually the birth rate also declined as some form of birth control was adopted. The theory may be questioned but it identifies the two central elements in population change birth rate and mortality. This evolution is linked with industrialization in a number of ways and numerous hypotheses have been

78

Building a Nation: Canada to the End of the Century

advanced to explain it. The notion of fertility, that is, the number of births per i ooo women of child-bearing age (15-49), adds some insight into the process of population change (pi 30). Between 1851 and 1891 fertility in Canada decreased by 17%. But this average masks regional variations: the Ontario rate declined by 24% but the decline in Quebec was only 9%. At the same time there were pronounced spatial variations within each province. The major explanations advanced for the decline in fertility are urbanization, literacy, and the maturity of agricultural settlement. Increased longevity among adults does not seem to have had a very significant impact. However, infant mortality is a different matter; it was quite high in the 19th century, declining only after 1900. There were persistent differences between Quebec and Ontario, both in fertility and in infant mortality, giving rise to the notion of two distinct childbearing cultures. Quebec had larger families and a higher rate of infant mortality which declined very slowly. Differences in nutrition and levels of poverty are insufficient explanation for the contrast in the two areas; the cultural differences need to be better understood. The presence of the native population became more apparent in the second half of the century, compared to earlier times. Estimating their numbers for the period is difficult, considering the dearth of studies. In 1871 there were probably 100 000-125 ooo native people, about half in British Columbia; the census of 1901 recorded 93 460 Indians and Inuit and 34 481 Metis. These figures are probably underestimated. During the first half of the century the responsibility for relations with the native people passed from military control to the civilian administrations. In the transfer paternalism, condescension, and coercion replaced negotiation. The native people became subjects of the Crown. In the 18305 Lieutenant Governor Sir Francis Bond Head proposed that, since they were bound to disappear, the native people should be encouraged to concentrate in specific areas and be left alone, after relinquishing their claims to land. In the wake of the controversy that followed, the Bagot Commission in 1842 suggested a policy that would come to dominate the rest of the century, emphasizing the assimilation of the native people into an agricultural society. The first Indian Act of 1850 sanctioned the change of status, legislating that the Indians themselves could no longer define who was to be considered an Indian - something that neither the French nor the British Crown had ever considered. The assimilationist bias was clear in the very title of the 1857 legislation, 'Act for the Gradual Civilization of the Indian Tribes in the Canadas.' The final objective was the gradual disappearance of the reserves on which native people were being placed (pll 32-34). Each Indian, once the process of assimilation was completed, would become the proprietor of a farm, with an individual title. In this context religion was a powerful assimilationist force, this policy aptly referred to as 'the Bible and the plough' approach. However, the reserves were to be maintained while this goal was being achieved. In the 19th century the native people faced a bleak situation. Their longtime demographic decline was compounded by the persistence of epidemics in the country. Living conditions were difficult. The activities on which their livelihood depended were severely reduced and the depletion of game forced them to go long distances in search of food. The situation varied across the country. In the Maritimes reserves were insufficient and their establishment led to controversy. In Quebec, under relatively stable economic and population conditions, around 230 ooo acres were set aside as reserves by 1850. The same stability did not exist in Ontario, where the proximity of the United States and a burgeoning new settlement created continuing demand for land. In the West the main problems were the decline of the buffalo herds, the effect of the Indian policy of the United States which resulted in the flight of Indians to Canada, and the continuing epidemics. All contributed to a general decline in the population of the native people. With the purchase of Rupert's Land and its annexation to Canada without native consent the systemization of reserve policy continued (pi 34). Since land was vested in the Crown, it had to be surveyed and properly allocated. A series of treaties was signed in the 18705, parcelling out land and establishing reserves. These treaties were perceived differently by the Canadian government and the Indian nations. On behalf of farmers the Canadian government

wished to extinguish all claims and open up territory to agriculture. The Indian nations thought that they had agreed to an alliance which provided protection in return for concessions on the use of land. Metis people posed a different problem (pi 35). Created by the fur trade, this new population of mixed native and European ancestry grew rapidly in the West. Because of the European element in their ancestry, they were more immune to disease. However, the decline of the buffalo herds and the advance of the agricultural frontier pushed them inexorably towards a crisis. A major danger signal was the division of their land by government surveyors. By the i86os, as more and more white settlers entered their region, the stage was set for the final drama. The Metis had settled on narrow

river lots similar to those in the seigneuries of Lower Canada. These properties were not taken into account; instead the land was surveyed and laid out in square lots. The uprising of 1869-70 ended with the Manitoba Act (1870). But promises were not kept, difficulties continued, and the Metis began to leave, some for the United States, and others for the banks of the Saskatchewan River. In 1885 the situation deteriorated with the continued advance of white settlement, and finally rebellion broke out again. The population geography of the West, changing dramatically in response to cultural conflict, points up the larger changes that were part of the country's evolving geography in the 19th century. J E A N - C L A U D E ROBERT

The People

79

THE CANADIAN POPULATION, 1871,1891 Authors: Don Measner, Christine Hampson Canada in 1891 had attained a population of approximately 4.8 million, a doubling of its numbers since 1851. The rate of increase varied both by decade and by region. In the central and eastern provinces a substantial growth of over 50% from 1851 to 1871 fell off to an increase of only 21% from 1871 to 1891. By contrast, in the new farmlands of the West dramatic increases occurred in the latter period, setting the stage for major growth to follow. By 1871 the main areas of population concentration were well in place. Three-quarters of the country's inhabitants lived in the southern parts of Quebec and Ontario, almost all of them (over 90%) in areas occupied in 1851. In the Maritimes as well increases reinforced the existing pattern, a coastal distribution inherited from earlier in the century. In the West population had begun to spread westward, beyond Manitoba, following the newly built railway lines. The population was predominantly rural. At the same time the rate of urban growth had surpassed that in rural areas. In urban centres with at least i ooo inhabitants population increased from 23% of the total population in 1871 to 33% in 1891, with much of the growth in larger centres. In 1891 over 38% of urban residents lived in centres with populations over 25 ooo.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 29 The population of Newfoundland (not mapped) grew at the same general rate as in eastern and central Canada, from 102 ooo in 1851 to 202 ooo in 1891. The settled area, well established by 1836 (see pi 8) remained restricted to the 'necklace of communities' tied to the coastal fishery.

VOLUME II

THE FERTILITY TRANSITION, 1851-1891 Author: Marvin Mclnms

An outstanding feature of social change in the latter half of the igth century, not just in Canada but among most European populations, was the beginning of a dramatic decline in human fertility, the so-called Fertility Transition. By 1890 the decline was just getting underway in many countries but Canada made an early start, preceded only by France and New England. The fertility decline in Canada appears all the more dramatic because at mid-century birth rates were generally very high. However, they had already begun to fall in some of the earliest settled counties of Ontario and in the anglophone areas of the Eastern Townships of Quebec. In both francophone Quebec and the more recently settled areas of Ontario fertility was high because high proportions of women married and the levels of marital fertility were commonly near thehhhhh attainable maximum. By 1891 fertility had been sharply reduced in most of Ontario through a combination of reduced marital fertility and the postponement of marriage. The fall was less pronounced in the cities than in the rural areas because part of the decline in the cities had already taken place by 1851. The decline in rates of marital fertility is the hallmark of the Fertility Transition. The 1851-91 period shows the emergence of two childbearing cultures in Canada. In francophone Quebec fertility remained virtually unchanged at levels that were high by international standards. In Ontario the decline in marital fertility began early, was quite pronounced, and in many districts was reinforced by a fall in the proportion of women who married.

The index of overall fertility is an inter-

nationally comparative measure devised by the European Fertility Project (see end note). It should be interpreted as a pure number without precisely determinate bounds. In contrast to the crude birth rate, it controls for variations in the sex and age composition of the populations. It is estimated as the product of two component indexesof- the an index of marital fertilityofand an index proportion of women childbearing age who are married.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 30 The Fertility Transition was essentially a fall in the fertility of married women. The index of marital fertility can be thought of as the child-bearing measure of married women expressed as a percentage of the fertility those women would have at the uncontrolled, biological maximum rate. An index of 0.500, then, represents marital fertility at half the maximum attainable rate. If two-thirds of women 15-49 years of age were married (in this approximation we can ignore the small amount of illegitimate fertility), the index of overall fertility would be 0.335. The county distribution of the index of marital fertility in 1891 is shown on pi 29 of vol in.

The transition to lower birth rates in Canada came in a period in which net migration turned outward. Net gains through migration occurred until about 1860. For the remainder of the century considerably more people emigrated (almost all to the United States) than immigrated. The growth of Canada's population slowed appreciably at a time when, in terms of population, Canada was still a very small country. By 1891, with a population of only 4.8 million, it was about the same size as Sweden and the Netherlands and a little smaller than Belgium. Canada's population was only 7.5% of that of the United States. After 1871 large losses of population from rural districts were common. Natural growth was still high enough that outmigration could be large, more than 15% of initial population in a decade, and yet the population continued to increase. The outmigration was massive. An increasing number of rural districts were experiencing actual declines in population.

Change in population is represented in terms of its component sources in order to gain some idea of whether migration or natural increase was the predominant force. Rates of natural increase, although falling, were still fairly high so that, in the absence of migration, district populations would grow appreciably (by 25% to 50%) over a two-decade period.

VOLUME II

THE EXODUS: MIGRATIONS. 1860-1900

Authors: Patricia A. Thornton, Ronald H. Walder, Elizabeth Buchanan (kinship linkages)

The flow of population to and from Canada changed dramatically in the second half of the igth century. British immigration fell off rapidly; at the same time emigration from Canada, overwhelmingly to the United States, rose sharply. The i88os were to become known as the time of 'the exodus.' The immigrant stream, although diminished, still flowed. For a large number of European immigrants, however, Canada was merely a way-station on the road to the American frontier; all provinces lost population to the United States. From the Maritimes young single males and females from farm or traditional-craft families in coastal areas strongly tied to a declining commercial economy emigrated to the major ports of New England. A high rate of natural increase in rural Quebec, coupled with limited agricultural opportunities, forced many French Canadians south to the mill towns of New England. With most of its agricultural land occupied, rural Ontario lost young men to Detroit and Chicago, or to the agricultural and lumbering frontiers in the western United States. Coinciding with entry and exodus, large numbers of people were also moving from one part of the country to another, as colonization of rural areas came to an end and industrialization and urbanization gathered momentum. In the 18705 some interior parts of Canada were still experiencing frontierward inmigration, although in smaller numbers than in the preceding decades. Much of this originated from more densely settled rural areas, which were also losing young people to the emerging cities and industrial towns. By the i88os frontierward migration had almost ceased and out-migration was occurring on a massive scale towards the highly centralized industrial heartland and its resource hinterlands.

In the late 19th century the lack of unoccupied land in southern Ontario pushed migration northward. One destination was the north shore of Lake Huron where sufficient pockets of good land could be acquired to settle family members in close enough proximity to counter the risks and hard work of opening a frontier. Kin networks originating in eastern and central North America and consisting of aging parents and maturing sons, unmarried siblings, married siblings with families, and even more distant relatives were re-established, creating a tightly knit web of kinship relationships and a strong regional sense of community.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 31 Calculations based on the differences between expected and actual populations have been used to estimate intercensal net migrations by age and sex groups (see end notes). The totals, converted to rates, are mapped for the decades 1871-81 and 1881-91. Distinct regions of Canada are identifiable in terms of migration levels and the age-sex profiles of migrants. The vast majority of rural counties, along with many smaller cities outside the industrial heartland, experienced massive out-migration of young, adult, childless males and females. Peripheral agricultural and resource-frontier regions were characterized by in-migration of both men and women of all ages, but increasingly they also experienced countervailing out-migration of young adults. Six counties, almost exclusively in the urban industrial heartland, experienced massive in-migration of men and women of all ages. Many cities, even those experiencing heavy outmigration, also witnessed in-migration of young single women.

VOLUME II

NATIVE RESERVES OF EASTERN CANADA TO 1900 Authors: Pierrette Desy, Frederic Castel

In the igth century the systematic creation of reserves transformed the human geography of native British North America and sanctioned the regulation of native populations that had begun in the previous century. Treaties and reserves would mark the territorial confinement of most of them, except for northern peoples who slowly came to settle around trading posts. The Royal Proclamation of 1763 had redefined the territory of New France, creating a smaller province of Quebec and a wide expanse of Indian land where native people 'should not be molested or disturbed in the Possession of such Parts of our Dominion and Territories ...' At the same time the Proclamation asserted the authority of the Crown to extinguish titles by formal agreements. The actual creation of reserves varied greatly before the 18503. In the Maritimes licences were granted but lands were not surveyed and squatting became a problem. In Upper Canada the situation was more explosive with the arrival of the Indian allies and refugees and the opening of settlement after the American War of Independence. Treaties were made and various reserves created. By mid-century the expansion of economic activities had markedly increased the pressure on Indian land. In 1867 the newly created federal government became responsible for 'Indians and Lands reserved for the Indians,' and 119 reserves were then transferred to federal jurisdiction by the original provinces.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

Spurred by mineral discoveries north of Lake Huron and Lake Superior, the Robinson-Huron and Robinson-Superior treaties, signed in 1850, set the stage for the future creation of reserves. From this time on, treaties would include standard provisions: once-and-for-all expenditures, annuities, reserve lands, and aboriginal hunting and fishing rights.

PLATE 32

Numbers and capital letters, eg 12A, indicate official reserves. Lower-case letters indicate lands other than reserves, or reserves that had been surrendered before the adoption of the official numbering system, and are used for map location only. See plate 33 for identification of all reserves.

The dates in red and the boundaries on the map of southern Ontario refer to the pre-Confederation treaties that provided specific reserve tracts, payment of goods or currency, or annuities in return for the conveyance of lands to the Crown.

VOLUME II

NATIVE RESERVES: NAMES AND DESCRIPTIONS Authors: Pierrette Desv, Frederic Castel

Native populations declined throughout the 19th century as a result of increasing contact with non-native populations. With expanding settlement and resource exploitation came devastating epidemics of influenza, smallpox, cholera, measles, and scarlet fever, particularly in the western and northern frontier regions of the county.

NATIVE POPULATION 1901

ONTARIO ROBINSON-HURON TREATY

Year of initial grant is 1850, unless otherwise noted, and linguistic group is Ojibwa. 1. Magnettawan (Maganattawan), 8 670-8 647 2. Henvey Inlet, 24 930-24 930 3. Point Grondin (Pointe Grondines), 10 100-10 100 4. Whitefish River, 20 120-10 600 5. Spanish River, 28 000-28 000 6. Whitefish Lake, 43 755-43 755 7. Serpent River, 27 480-27 480 8. Mississagi River, 9 500-5 636 9. Dokis, 30 300-30 300 10. Nipissing, 80 640-80 640 11. Wanapitei (Wahanapitae, Wahanapitaping), 2 560-2 560 12. Thessalon, 23 983-2 307 13. French River, 6 440-6 440 14. Garden River, 130 000-24 126 15. Goulais Bay (Batchewananny Bay), 157 440. Surrendered for #15A ISA. Goulais Bay, 1879, n.a.-l 595. Portion of original #15 15B. Whitefish Island, 20-20 (part of #15). Surrendered 16. Parry Island, 1853,19 000-19 000 17. Shawanaga, 8 475-8 475 17A. Naiscoutaing, 2 650-2 650 17B. Shawanaga, 1877,178-178 18. Temogaming (Temagami), 64 000-64 000

MANITOULIN ISLANDS (and other areas)

The Manitoulin Islands and islands on the north shore of Lake Huron were set apart in 1836 as a reserve for Ottawa, Ojibwa (Chippewa), and other native peoples who wanted to settle there. The Manitoulin Islands were surrendered in 1862 and the following reserves were set apart. Linguistic groups are Ottawa and Ojibwa. 19. Cockburn Island, 864-864 20. Sheshegwaning, 5 000-5 000 21. Obidgewong, 732-732 22. West Bay, 8 399-8 399 23. Sucker Creek, 1 665-1 665 24. Sheguiandah, 5 106-5 106 25. Sucker Lake, 599-599 26. Manitoulin Island [Wikwemikong], 105 300-105 300

NEW BRUNSWICK (continued) 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. b

NATIVE RESERVES: EASTERN CANADA NEWFOUNDLAND

15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

NOVA SCOTIA

20. 21. 22. 23.

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. c

a

Conne River settlement, 1870, Micmac, n.a.

1.

Middle River [Wagamatchook], 1827, Micmac, 4 500-650 Whycocomagh, 1827, Micmac, 2 070-1 555 Escasoni, 1834, Micmac, 2 800-2 800 Malagawatch, 1827, Micmac, 1 500-1 200 Chapel Island, 1827, Micmac, 1 281-1 281 Bear River, 1827, Micmac, 1 600-1 600 Cegumcega Lake (North) [Kedgemakooge], n.d., Micmac, 400-400 8. New Liverpool Road, n.d., Micmac, 572-572 9. Cegumcega Lake (South) [Kedgemakooge], n.d., Micmac, 615-615 10. Ponhook Lake (Liverpool Road), n.d., Micmac, 200-200 11. Medway Road, n.d., Micmac, 10-10 12. Wild Cat, n.d., Micmac, 1 150-1 150 13. Grand Lake [Shubenacadie], 1827, Micmac, 1 000-1 000 14. Indian Brook [Shubenacadie], 1827, Micmac, 1 790-1 790 15. Sambro, n.d., Micmac, 300-300 16. Ingram's River, n.d., Micmac, 325-325 17. Beaver Lake, n.d., Micmac, 100-100 18. Ship Harbour Lake, n.d., Micmac, 500-500 19. Pennall's, 1827, Micmac, 100-100 19A. New Germany, n.d., Micmac, 953-953 20. New Ross, 1827, Micmac, 1 000-1 000 21. Gold River (2 portions), 1827, Micmac, 900-1 041 22. Franklin Manor, n.d., Micmac, 1 000-1 000 23. Pomquet and Afton, n.d., Micmac, 525-525 24. Fisher's Grant (Pictou Harbour), 1874, Micmac, 50-50 24A. Fisher's Grant, 1874, Micmac, 89-73 24B. Fisher's Grant, 1876, Micmac, 11-11 24C. Fisher's Grant, 1888, Micmac, 30-30 25. Marguerite River, n.d. Micmac, 50-2 26. Port Hood, 1827, Micmac, n.s. 28. Sydney Harbour, 1882, Micmac, 2-2 29. Cariboo Marsh, 1882, Micmac, 650-650 a Areas in western Cape Breton, 1834, Micmac, n.a. Lands purposely reserved according to Surveyor General (project abandoned) 27. Millbrook, 1886, Micmac, 35-35 30. Minister Lake (Cow Bay/Coal Harbour), 1880, Micmac, 44-44 31. Chapel Island (A) [Merigonish Harbour], n.d., Micmac, 30-30 31A. Mooley's Island (B) [Merigonish Harbour], n.d., Micmac, 5-5 32. Cambridge (Cornwallis), 1880, Micmac, 10-10 33. Yarmouth, 1887, Micmac, 21-21 34. St Croix, n.d., Micmac, 263-263 35. Horton, n.d., Micmac, 423-423

PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND

1. 2. 3.

Lennox Island, n.d., Micmac, 1 230-1 320 Morell, 1846, Micmac, 204-204 Scotch Fort, n.d., Micmac, 140-140

NEW BRUNSWICK

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. a

Indian Point, 1805, Micmac, 750-100 Eel Ground, 1789, Micmac, 3 033-2 682 Eel River, 1847, Micmac, 400-220 Red Bank (Miramichi), 1783, Micmac, 10 000-3 797. Detached from #7 (previously one single reserve) Part of #10, n.d., Malecite, n.a. Not shown on map Indian Village (French Village) [Kingsclear], 1814, Malecite, 500-460 Red Bank, 1783, Micmac, 6 914- 2 353. Detached from #4 North-West Miramichi, 1783, Micmac, 20 000. Sold

d e f

Big Hole Tract, 1805, Micmac, 8700-6303 Tabusintac, 1802, Micmac, 9 035-8 077 Saint-Basile (Edmundston), 1897, Malecite, 800-722 Pabineau (Nipisiguit), 1841, Micmac, 1 000-1 000 Renous, n.d., Micmac, 100-100 Pokemouche, 1804, Micmac, 2 600-2 477 Burnt Church, 1802, Micmac, 240-2 058 Pointe au Moreau, 1807, Micmac, 1 400. Amalgamated with #4 Richibucto, 1805, Micmac, 4 600-2 022 Buctouche, 1810, Micmac, 3 500-352 Botsford, n.d., Micmac, n.a.-202 The Brothers (Islands), 1838, Micmac/Malecite, 10-10 Canous River (Kanus), n.d., Passamaquoddy (Malecite), 100-100 Tobique, 1801, Malecite, 16 000-5 706 Great Bend, n.d., Malecite, n.a.-900 Sainte-Croix, 1881, Malecite, 200-200 Woodstock, 1851, Malecite, n.a.-200. Compensation for the loss of Maductic (f) St Mary's, 1867, Malecite, 3-3 Gould Island, 1895, Micmac, n.a.-16 Oromocto, 1895, Malecite, 125-125 Fort Folly, 1840, Micmac, 62-62 Big Cove (Indian Island), n.d., Micmac, n.a.-lOO Aboushagan, n.d., Micmac, 200-200 Aukpaque (Ekougrahog), 1779, Malecite, 500. Abandoned Indian Island, 1779, Malecite, 200 St Anne's Point, 1779, Malecite, 7 Maductic, 1807, Malecite, 200. Taken over by squatters; residents moved to Aukpaque

QUEBEC 1. 2. a.

Restigouche, 1853, Micmac, 9 600-9 600 Maria, n.d., Micmac, n.a.-416 Manicouagan, 1853, Montagnais, 70 000. Exchanged for Betsiamits (#3) 1861 3. Betsiamits [Bersimis], 1861, Montagnais, 63 100-63 100 4. Viger, 1853, Malecite, 3 685. Reserved for natives from Tobique; surrendered 1869 b Peribonka, 1853, Montagnais, 16 000. Exchanged for Ouiatchouan (#5) 1856 c Metabetchouan, 1853, Montagnais, 4 000. Exchanged for Ouiatchouan (#5) 1856 5. Ouiatchouan (Pointe-Bleue) [Mashteuiatsh], 1856, Montagnais (and Abenaki?), 23 000-3 779 6. Cacouna, 1891, Malecite, 0.44-0.44. Later became #22 7. Lorette [Wendake], 1794, Hurons (Wendat), n.a.-26 8. Quarante Arpents, 1742, Huron, 1 352-1 352 9. Roquemont (Cabane d'automne), 1853, Huron, 9 600-9 600 10. Crespieul, 1894, Abenaki, 8 374-8 374 11. Becancour [Wolinak], 1708, Abenaki, 2 000-148 12. Pierreville [Odanak], 1700-1701, Abenaki, 1 820-1 538 12A. Durham Lands, 1805, Abenaki, 8 907-8 907. Informal leases (1825-52) for 99 years to non-natives 13. Coleraine, 1853, Abenaki, 2 722. Surrendered 1882 14. Caughnawaga [Kahnawake], 1680 (1762), Iroquois (mainly Mohawk), 12 625-12 625 15. Saint-Regis [Akwesasne], 1755 (1783), Iroquois (and Onondaga from the East), 14 350-6 886 d Dundee Lands, 1792, Iroquois, 18 605. Progressively leased; surrendered 1888 16. Oka [Kanesatake], 1717, Iroquois/Algonquin, Nipissing, n.a. Title not vested by Crown e Kettle Island, 1839, Iroquois/Nipissing/Algonquins. Lands illegally leased out by the governments, which recognized native claims in 1839 17. Doncaster, 1853, Iroquois, 18 500-18 500 18. Maniwaki, 1853, Algonquin/Nipissing, 45 750-44 708 19. Temiscamingue [Timiskaming], 1853, Ottawa/ Algonquin, 38 400-15 590 20. lies du Saint-Laurent, n.d., Iroquois, n.a. Amalgamated with #15 by end of 19th century. Not shown on map 21. Whitworth, 1855, Malecite, 438-438 22. Former #6 23. Weymontaching, 1853, Attikamek/Algonquin, 14 000-7 403 24. Coucouache, 1853, Attikamek/Algonquins, 380-380 25. Escoumains, 1892, Montagnais, 97-97 f Manowan, (Manouane), 1853, Attikamek, 1 906-1 906 g Archambault, (1876), 3 200. Proposed as a reserve 1876 by the Surveyor General (project abandoned)

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

SAUGEEN PENINSULA

The Saugeen and Owen Sound Reserve was set apart in 1836 and surrendered for sale in 1854, at which time a number of smaller reserves were set apart. a Indian Strip, 1836, Ojibwa, n.a. Surrendered 1851 b Newash, 1854, Ojibwa, 10 000. Surrendered 1857 c Caughnawaga Tract, 1854, Iroquois. Surrendered 1857 27. Cape Croker, 1854, Ojibwa, 15 586-15 586 28. Chief's Point, 1854, Ojibwa, 12 280-12 280 29. Saugeen, 1836, Ojibwa, 9 020-9 020 29A. Hunting Reserve, 1896, Ojibwa, 3 800-3 800 d Colpoy's Bay, 1854, Ojibwa, 6 000. Surrendered 1857

SOUTHERN ONTARIO

a 30. 31.

Beausoleil Island, 1842, Ojibwa. Surrendered 1856 Christian Islands, 1856, Ojibwa, 13 300-13 300 Gibson [Watha], 1881, Algonquin/Nipissing/Iroquois 25 582-25 582 b Coldwater and the Narrows (Orillia), 1830, Ojibwa/ Pottawatomi, 9 800. Surrendered in 1836 32. Rama, 1838, Ojibwa, 1 600-2 000 33. Georgina Island, n.d., Ojibwa, 3 574-3 574 33(l).Thorah Island, 1856, Ojibwa, 4-4 34. Scugog, 1843, Mississauga (Ojibwa), 800-800 35. Mud Lake [Curve Lake], 1898, Mississauga (Ojibwa), 1 664-1 664 36. Rice Lake (Hiawatha), 1834, Mississauga (Ojibwa), 1 120-1 860 36A. Islands in the Trent Waters, 1818 and 1893, Mississauga (Ojibwa), n.a. 37. Alnwick, 1836, Mississauga (Ojibwa), 3 048-3 282 37A. Sugar Island, 1899, Mississauga (Ojibwa), 100-100 38. Tyendinaga, 1793, Mohawk, 92 700-18 600 c Burying Ground (in Thurlow Township), n.d., Mississauga, 428-n.a. 39. Golden Lake, 1870, Algonquin/Nipissing (Ojibwa), 1 560-1 560 d Grand River (Ouse) Tract, 1784, Mohawk/Cayuga/ Onondaga/Tuscarora/Oneida/Seneca (which comprise the Six Nations), and Delaware, etc, 694 910. In 1847 the 200 000 acres that remained unsold were returned to the Crown in exchange for #40 40. Six Nations, 1847, Six Nations, 20 000-49 696 40A. New Credit, 1847, Mississauga (Ojibwa), 6 000-6 000 41. Oneida, 1840, Oneida, 5 271-4 620 42. Caradoc, 1819, Chippewa (and Muncey), 15 360-10 800 43. Stony Point (Aux Sables), 1827, Chippewa (Ojibwa), 2 650-2 550 44. Kettle Point, 1827, Chippewa (Ojibwa), 2 446-2 224 45. Sarnia, 1827, Chippewa (Ojibwa), 10 280-4 943 46. Walpole Island, 1831, Pottawatomi/Chippewa (Ojibwa), 40 480-40 480 e Moore (Lower Reserve/St Clair), 1827, Chippewa, (Ojibwa), 2 575. Exchanged for Enniskillen reserves (#fl and #f2) 1842 fl Enniskillen, 1841, Chippewa, 100. Sold illegally by Government 1866 f2 Enniskillen, 1842, Chippewa, 300, Sold illegally by Government 1866 47. Orford (Moravian), 1793, Delaware (Muncey), Moravian (and Mohican), 51 160-3 010 59. Cornwall Island, n.d., Iroquois (Mohawk), 2 050-2 050. See Saint-Regis [Akwesasne] (Quebec, #15) g Nutfield (Glengarry) Tract, n.d., Iroquois, ceded in 1847. See Saint-Regis [Akwesasne] (Quebec, #15) h Shawanoe, 1796, Pottawatomi, 7 680. Land eventually sold i Huron Church (Sandwich/Knagg's Creek), 1790, Huron, (Wyandot)/Chippewa (OjibwaJ/Pottawatomi/ Ottawa, 1 078. Land sold 1800 j Huron (Anderdon), 1790, Huron (Wyandot)/ Chippewa (Ojibwa) /(and Shawnee/Delaware), 24 000. Sold between 1836 and 1892. Chippewa left for Walpole Island (#46) 1848. Wyandot surrendered the remaining land between 1853 and 1892 and renounced their Indian status in 1881 k Point Pelee, Chippewa (Ojibwa). Band moved to Walpole Island (#46) 1856 1 River Credit, n.d., Mississauga (Ojibwa), 8 400. Surrendered between 1820 and 1834 m Twelve Mile Creek, 1806, Mississauga (Ojibwa), 1 420. Surrendered 1820 n Sixteen Mile Creek, 1806, Mississauga (Ojibwa), 1 120. Surrendered 1820

ROBINSON-SUPERIOR TREATY

Year of initial grant is 1850 and linguistic group Ojibv 48. Michipicoten, 178-178 49. Gros Cap, 11 017-10 180 50. Pic River, 800-800 51. Pays Plat, 605-605 52. Fort William, 21 260-14 500 53. Red Rock, 468-468 54. Mclntyre Bay, 585-585 55. Gull River, 9 825-9 825 56. Island Point, 135-135 57. Jackfish Island, 362-362 58. Long Lake, 612-612

TREATY No. 3 (NORTHWEST ANGLE TREATY)

Year of initial grant is 1873 and ethno-linguistic group is Ojibwa, unless otherwise noted. 10. Little Forks (Kiche-Ko-Kai), 1 920-1 920 11. Manitou Rapids (Kitchekaik), 5 736-5 736 12. Long Sault No. 2 (Nesotai), 5 046-5 046 13. Long Sault No. 1 (Mado-Beness), 6 366-6 366 14. The Bishop (Hungry Hall No. 1), 3 982-3 982 15. Paskonkin (Hungry Hall No. 2), 2 300-2 300 15M. Wild Lands Reserve, 24 348-20 771 16A. Rainy Lake, 1876, Metis, n.a. 160-160 16D. Rainy Lake (North Chatelaine), Metis, 11 200-11 200 17A. Rainy Lake (Niacatchewenin), 3 711-3 711 17B. Rainy Lake (Wah-shis-Kino), 2 439-2 439 18B. Rainy Lake (Ojibwa), 4 586-4 586. Later amalgamated with #16D and #16A; the three formed a new #16A in the 20th century 18C. Rainy Lake, 3 861-3 861 21(1). English River (Grassy Narrows), 10 244-10 244 21(2). Wabauskang, 8 042-8 042 22A1. Lac des Mille Lacs, 3 750-3 750 22A2. Seine River, 8 476-8 476 23. Sturgeon Falls, 6 825-6 825 23A. Seine River, 2 003-4 345 23B. Seine River, 1 996-2 235 24C. Kawaiagamot (Kawaiagamak/Sturgeon Lake), 5 948-5 948 25D. Neguaquon Lake (Lac-la-Croix), 15 355-15 355 26A. Rainy Lake, 4 850-4 850 26B. Rainy Lake, 2 640-2 640 26C. Rainy Lake, 2 737-2 737 27(1). Wabigoon Lake, 12 872-12 872 27(2). Eagle Lake, 8 882-8 882 28. Lac Seul (Lonely Lake), 49 000-49 000 29(1). Islington, 20 954-20 954 29(2). Swan Lake, 3 277-3 277 29(3). One Man's Lake, 668-668. Not shown on map 30. Agency Reserve (Sabaskasing), 640. Never confirmed as an Indian reserve 31A. Naongashing, n.a.-l 280 31B. Lake of the Woods, 726-726 31C. Lake of the Woods (Birch Island), 800-800 31D. Big Island, 915-915 Originally in two parts. Western part amalgamated with #31H in 20th century. Second part remained independent 31E. Big Island, 1 920-1 920 31F. Big Island, 875-875 31G. Lake of the Woods, 275-275 31H and part of 31G. Lake of the Woods, 2 381-1 541 31J. Shoal Lake, 1 280-1 280 32A. Whitefish Bay, 4 865-4 865 32B. Yellow Girl Bay, 4 454-4 454 32C. Sabaskong Bay, 1 280-1 280 33A. Whitefish Bay, 3 091-3 091 33B. Northwest Angle, 3 299-3 299 34. Lake of the Woods, 641 -641 34A. Whitefish Bay, 1 529-1 529 34B1. Shoal Lake, 640-640 34B2. Shoal Lake, 426-426 34C(1) Northwest Angle, 1 959-1 261 34C(2). Northwest Angle, 750-750 35A. Naongashing, n.a.-l 280 35B. Obabikong, 1 760-1 760 35C. Sabaskong Bay, 1 920-1 920 35D. Sabaskong Bay, 1 280-1 280 35E1. Little Grassy River, 2 240-2 240 35E2. Little Grassy River, 640-640 35F. Sabaskong Bay, 1 280-1 280 35G. Big Grassy River, 8 960-8 960 35H. Sabaskong Bay, 640-640 35J. Lake of the Woods, 3481-3481 36. Buffalo Point, n.a. 37(1). Big Island, 1 946-1 946 37(2). Islands, Lake of the Woods, n.a.-2 839 37(3). Rainy River (Pokawasans), 3 687-3 687 37A. Shoal Lake, 1 920-1 920 37B(l).Northwest Angle, n.a.-840 37B(2).Lake of the Woods, n.a.-262 37C. Northwest Angle River, 690-690 38A. (Near) Rat Portage, 8 000-8 000 38B. (Near) Rat Portage [Kenora], 5 289-5 289 38C. The Dalles, 8 064-8 064 38D. Lake of the Woods (Kenora Camping Grounds), n.a. 39. Shoal Lake (West Shore), 1 031-1 031 39A. Shoal Lake (Northwest Shore), 8 415-8 415 40. Shoal Lake (Northwest Shore), 6 759-6 759 41. Agency Reserve, Fort Frances, 1876, n.a.-170

SALES OF SURRENDERED

LANDS IN EASTERN CANADA

NATIVE RESERVES: WESTERN CANADA For Treaties 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, and 7 the areal extent of the reserves or granted land is expressed in square miles as recorded in official reserve schedules.

TREATY No. 1 (STONE FORT TREATY)

Year of initial grant is 1871 unless otherwise noted. 1. St Peters, 1877, Saulteaux/Cree, 80.0 1A. St Peters Fishing Station, Saulteaux/Cree, 0.2 IB. Peguis, Saulteaux/Cree, 117.34. Situated in Treaty 2 area 1C. Peguis Fishing Station, Saulteaux/Cree, 1.54. Situated in Treaty 2 area 2. Roseau River, Ojibwa, 20.86 2A. Roseau Rapids, 1904, Ojibwa, 1.25 3. Fort Alexander, Ojibwa, 31.84 a Portage La Prairie, Ojibwa, 53.12. Band split up and moved to reserves #4, #5, #6 in 1876 4. Brokenhead River, Ojibwa, 21.90 5. Sandy Bay Lake Manitoba (White Mud River), Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 19.0 6. Long Plain (Short Bear), Ojibwa (and Sioux?), 16.90 7. Swan Lake (Yellow Quill), Ojibwa (and Sioux?), 15.06 8. Hamilton Crossings (Indian Gardens), Ojibwa, 1.0 8A. Portage La Prairie (Lot 14 and Lot 99), 1898, Sioux, 0.211 b Metis Children's Land Grant, 2188

TREATY No. 2 (MANITOBA POST TREATY)

a b 43. 44. 45. 46. 48. 49.

Big Island, Ojibwa, 3.7. Moved to #44 Dog Head Island, Ojibwa, 1.7. Moved to #44 Big Jackhead, Ojibwa, 4.20. Treaty 5 Fisher River, Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 21. Treaty 5 Waterhen River, Ojibwa, 7.20 Dog Creek, Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 14.80 Sandy Bay [Little Saskatchewan], Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 5.0 The Narrows (St Martin Lake), Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 6.30 50. Fairford, Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 18.30 51. Crane River (Broken Fingers), Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 12.40 52. Ebb & Flow, Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 16.90 57. Birdtail Creek, Sioux, 10.75. Did not sign Treaty 2 57A. Hay Lands, 1894, Sioux, 0.5 58. Oak River [Sioux Valley], Sioux (and Cree?), 15.25. Did not sign Treaty 2 59. Oak Lake, Sioux (and Cree?), 4. Did not sign Treaty 2 60. Turtle Mountain, Sioux, 1. Did not sign Treaty 2 61. Riding Mountain House, Saulteaux (Ojibwa) (and Cree?), 8.75 61 A. Clear Water Lake, Ojibwa (and Cree?), 1.15 Temporary Hay Lands, Ojibwa (and Cree?), 0.25. Not shown on map 62. Waywayseecappo (Lizard Point), Ojibwa, 39. Surrendered 1900 62A. Fishing Station, 1894, Ojibwa/Sioux, 0.49. Surrendered 1900 63A. Valley River, 1894, Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 18.13 67. Rolling River (South Quill Indians), Ojibwa/Cree, 20 68. Pheasant Rump (Moose Mountain), Assiniboine, 36.6. Surrendered 1901 69. Ocean Man (Moose Mountain), Assiniboine 37.0. Surrendered in 1901 70. White Bear (Moose Mountain), Cree/Ojibwa/ Assiniboine, 44.9

TREATY No. 4 (QU'APPELLE TREATY)

Year of initial grant is 1874 unless otherwise noted. 63. The Gambler, Ojibwa, 1.21 64. Gabriel Cote, Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 56.50 65. The Key, Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 38.0 65A. Dawson Bay (Mouth of Shoal River), Cree, 1.50 65B. Dawson Bay (Steep Rock Point), Cree, 3.55 65C. Swan Lake (Woody and Birch Rivers), Cree, 3.03 65D. Dawson Bay (Dog Island), Cree, 0.43 65E. Dawson Bay (1 /2 mile west of Shoal River), Cree, 0.08 66. Keeseekoose, Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 28.60 - Temporary Hay lands, n.d., n.a. Not shown on map 66A. Pine River (Pine Creek), Ojibwa, 14.30 71. Kakeesheway (Ochabowace), Cree, 82.60 72. Kahkewistahaw, Cree, 73.0 72A. Kahkewistahaw Fishing Grounds, Cree, 0.15 73. Cowessess (O-Soup), Cree, 78.0 73A. Little Bone (Leech Lake), Cree, 10.90 74. Sakimay (Mosquito), Cree, 33.90 74A. Shesheep, Cree, 5.60 b Piapot, Cree, n.a. Original reserve of #75 75. Piapot, ca 1890, Cree, 53.98 75A. Hay Lands, Cree, 4.48 76. Carry the Kettle, Assiniboine, 73.21 78. Standing Buffalo, Dakota, 7.60. Did not sign Treaty 4 79. Pasquah Fishing Lakes, Ojibwa/Cree, 60.15 80. Muscowpetung, Ojibwa/Cree, 59.50 80A. Fishing Grounds at Long Lake, Ojibwa/Cree, 2.23 SOB. Hay Lands, Ojibwa/Cree, 0.72 81. Peepeekeesis, Cree, 41.60 82. Okanese, Cree (and Ojibwa), 22.36 83. Star Blanket, Cree, 21.50 84. Little Black Bear, Cree, 46.50 85. Muscowequan (Muscowekwan), Ojibwa/Cree, 36.0 a Last Mountain, Cree/Ojibwa, 108.0. 'For possible occupation of natives coming from the south.' Natives fled to Gordon (#86) for safety from soldiers 1885. Never surrendered 86. (George) Gordon, Cree/Ojibwa (and Metis), 48.0 87. Day Star, Cree, 24.0 88. Kawakatoose (The Poor Man), Cree, 42.50 89. Yellow Quill [Fishing Lake], Saulteaux, (Ojibwa)/Cree, n.a. 90. Yellow Quill [Nut Lake], Saulteaux, n.a.

of initial grant is 1875 unless otherwise noted. Black River, Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 3.10 Hole or Hollow Water River, Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 5.20 Loon Straits (Loon Creek), (Saulteaux, Cree), 1.77 Blood Vein River, Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 5.20 Berens River, Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 11.20 Little Grand Rapids, Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 8.75 Pekangekum [Pikangikum], Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 3.50 Poplar River, Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 5.90 Norway House, Cree, 16.70 Pine River, Cree, n.a. Cross Lake, Cree, 10.90 Cumberland House, Cree, 6.29 The Pas, 1895, Cree, 10.0. Relocated 1917; new reserve called Stony Point (shown on map) 21A. Pear Islands Lake, Cree, n.a. 21B-K. For Pas Band, Cree, 2.70

The land-sales branch of the Canadian Department of Indian Affairs was responsible for the sale of native lands surrendered to the Crown. For several decades following Confederation most of the land listed for sale was in Ontario, where there was great pressure to exploit lands rich in forest and mineral resources, or with suitable agricultural potential.

TREATY AREAS TO 1899

TREATY No. 6 (FORTS CARLTON AND PITT TRE1

Year of initial grant is 1876 unless otherwise noted. 91. Kinistino, Saulteaux (Ojibwa), 15.06. Treaty 4 I 94. Moose Woods [White Cap], Sioux, 5.80 j 94A. Wahpaton, Sioux, 3.75 95. One Arrow, Cree, 16.0 96. Okemasis, Cree, 44.0. Combined with #97 97. Beardy. Combined with #96 98. Chacastapasin (Pettyquaw), Cree, 24.0. Surrendered 189 99. Muskoday (John Smith), Cree (plus a few Metis), 37.40 100. James Smith (Fort-a-la-Corne), Cree, 27.80 100A. Carrot River for Cumberland Indians, Cree, 65.0 101. Sturgeon Lake (William Twatt), Cree, 34.50 102. Paddling (Pettyquawky) [Muskeg Lake], Cree, 42.0 103. Mistawasis, Cree, 77.0 104. Ahtahkakoop's (Atakakup), 67.17 105. Flying Dust (Meadow Lake), Cree, 14.0 106. Montreal Lake (William Charles), Cree, 23.0 106A. William Charles and James Roberts (Little Red River), Cree, 56.50 107. Young Chippewayan, Chipewyan, n.a. 108. Red Pheasant, Cree, 38.0 109. Mosquito, Assiniboine, 36.0 110. Grizzly Bear's Head, Assiniboine, 36.20. Combined with #111 111. Lean Man. Combined with #110 112. Moosomin, Cree (and Saulteaux), 23.0 112A. Hay Lands, Cree, 2.0. For #112 and #115 113. Sweet Grass, Cree, 61.13 113A. Strike-him-on-the-back, Cree, 3.32 113B. Hay Lands for #113 and #113A, Cree, 2.0 114. Poundmaker, Cree, 30.0 115. Thunderchild, Cree, 24.0. Surrendered 1908 115A. Thunderchild, Cree, 8.24. Surrendered 1908 116. Little Pine & Lucky Man, Cree, 25.0 117. Witchekan Lake, Cree, n.a. 118. Kenemotayoo [Big River], Cree, 46.35 119. Seekaskootch, Cree, 60.0 120. Makaoo, Cree, 22.0 120A. Hay Lands, Cree, n.a. 121. Ooneepowhayoos [Unipouheos Frog Lake], Cree, 33.0 122. Puskeeahkeewenin [Puskiakiwenin], Cree, 46.0 123. Keheewin (Blue Quill), Cree, 28.0 125. Pakan, Little Hunter and Blue Quill [Saddle Lake], Cree, 115.0 125A. Cache Lake, 1897, Cree, 14.0. Amalgamated with #115 126. Bear's Ears (Muskegwatic/Wahsatenow), Cree, 12.25 127. Blue Quill, Cree, n.a. Eventually included in #125 128. Pakan (James Seenum) [White Fish Lake], Cree, 17.50 132. Michel Callihoo, Iroquois/Cree, 40.0 133. Alexis, Assiniboine, 23.0 133A. White Whale Lake (Wabamun), Assiniboine (and Cree?), 32.70 133B. Wabamun, Assiniboine (and Cree?) 134. Alexander Cree, 41 a Alexander, Cree, n.a. 135. Stony Plain (Tommy la Potac/Enoch la Potac), 1884, Cree, 30.29 136. Paspaschase, Cree, 39.90. Surrendered 1888 137. Samson, Cree, 61.50 138. Ermine Skin (Ma-me-o-Beach), Cree, 61.50 138A. Pigeon Lake (fishing reserve), 1890, Cree, 7.78 139. Bobtail's [Montana], Cree, 31.50 141. Cheepoostequahan (Battle River, Sharp Head, Wolf Creek), Cree, 42.4. Surrendered 1897

TREATY No. 7 (BLACKFOOT TREATY) Year 142. 143. 144.

of initial grant is 1877 unless otherwise noted. Bear's Paw, Assiniboine Jacob, Assiniboine Chiniquy, Assiniboine #142, #143, #144 eventually amalgamated into one reserve called Stony, Assiniboine, 109.0 145. Sarcee, Sarcee, 108.0 146. Blackfoot, Siksika (Blackfoot), 470.0 147. Peigan (Eagletail), Peigan, 181.40 148. Blood, Blood, 546.76 148A. Timber Limit for #148, 1883, Blood, 6.50 147B. Timber Limit for #147, Peigan, 11.50 146C. Timber Limit for #146, Blackfoot, 26.50 a Agency Reserve at Fort Macleod, n.a.

COWICHAN AGENCY 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30.

Beecher Bay (11), 1877, Songish, 779 Chemainus, Halalt band (2), 1877, Cowichan, 427 Chemainus, Lyacksum band (3), 1877, Cowichan 1 840 Chemainus, Penelakut band (4), 1877, Cowichan, 2 332 Chemainus and Sickameen (4), 1877, Cowichan, 3 084 Comox (3), 1876, Comox, 378 Cowichan, Quamichan, Comiaken, Clem-clem-a-lits, Hamutzen, Somenos, Koksailah, Kipahlas, and Kanipsin bands (8), 1877, Comox, 6 022 Cowichan Lake (1), 1887, Cowichan, 130 Esquimau (1), 1850, Songish, 47 Nanaimo (6), 1850 and 1876, Cowichan, 638 Nanoose(l), 1876, Cowichan, 209 Qualicum (1), 1876, Puntlatch, 197 Saanich (13), 1850 and 1877, Songish 3 318 Songhees (4), 1850-63, Songish, 259 Sooke (4), 1850, Songish, 167

KWAKEWLTH AGENCY

99. 100.

101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106.

FRASER AGENCY

107.

35. 36. 37. 38.

108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115.

31. 32. 33. 34.

39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. a 53. 54. 55. 56. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. b

Cheam (2), 1879, Cowichan, 1 273 Chilliwack, Skwah band (4), 1879, Cowichan, 853 Chilliwack, Skway band (1), 1879, Cowichan, 538 Chilliwack, Kwawkwaw-a-pilt band (1), 1879, Cowichan, 155 Chilliwack, Squiala band (2), 1879, Cowichan, 324 Chilliwack, Ahtsalitz band (1), 1879, Cowichan, 52 Chilliwack, Skul-kayn band (2), 1879, Cowichan, 169 Chilliwack, Ya-kwe-a-kwi-oose and Skul-kayn bands (1), 1879, Cowichan, 745 Chilliwack, Soowali band (1), 1879, Cowichan, 1 140 Reserve in common for Chilliwack Indians, 1879, Cowichan, 160 Reserve in common for Skwah, Skwahla, Kwaw-kwaw-a-pilt, Squiala, Skway, and Aht-salitz bands (1), 1879, Cowichan, 1 158 Coquitlam (2), n.d., Cowichan, 209 Douglas (13), 1881,1884,1897, Lillooet, 2 372 Harrison River (7), 1881-4, Cowichan, 3 280 Homalco (6), 1888, Comox, 1 402 Hope (4) 1879, Cowichan, 1 600 Katzie (5), 1879-98, Cowichan, 842 Klahoose (10), 1888-1900, Comox, 3 355 Langley (8), 1879-99, Cowichan, 1 524 Matsqui (4), 1879, Cowichan, 1 075 Musqueam (3), 1879, Cowichan, 458 New Westminster (2), 1879, Cowichan, 49 Ohamil (2), 1879, Cowichan, 629 Pemberton (5), 1881, Cowichan, 1 224 Popkum (1), n.d., Cowichan, 381 Semiahmoo (1), 1887, Semiahmoo, 392 Seshelt (25), 1876-1900, Seshelt, 2 112 Skawahlook (2), 1879, Cowichan, 196 Squamish (28), 1876-7, Squamish, 6 691 Sliammon (6) 1888, Comox, 4 713 Squawtits (2), 1879, Cowichan, 433 Sumass (7), 1879, Cowichan, 1 388 Sumass, Lakahahmen band (4), 1879, Cowichan, 636 Tsawwassen (1), 1878, Cowichan, 604 Yale (9), 1879-81, Cowichan, 940 Yale, Union Bar band (7), 1879-80, Cowichan, 1 294 Seabird Island, 1879, Cowichan, 4 511. Common reserve for Hope, Ohamil, Popkum, Squawtits, Skawahlook, Yale, and Union Bar bands

68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85.

BABINE AGENCY

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

Blackwater (4), 1892, Carrier, 537 Fort George (4), 1892, Carrier, 3 095 Fraser Lake (5), 1892, Carrier, 4026 Hagwilget (12), 1891, Gitksan, 6 201 Hazelton (4), 1891-8, Gitksan, 3 791 Kisgegas (1), 1898, Gitksan, 2 415 Kispaiax (3), 1891-8, Gitksan, 4 916 Kitseguecla (3), 1891, Gitksan, 3 732 Kitwangar (8), 1891-3, Gitksan, 4 275 Kuldoe (1), 1898, Gitksan, 446 McLeod Lake (1), 1892, Sekans, 286 Necoslie (7), 1892, Carrier, 2 875 Stony Creek (6), 1892, Carrier, 7 488 Tache (5), 1892, Carrier, 3 224 Trembleur Lake (5), 1892, Carrier, 1 875

86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95.

Adams Lake, Sahhaltkum band (8), 1877, Shuswap, 7 188 Ashcroft (4), 1881, Shuswap, 5 550 Bonaparte (6), 1878,1881,1890, Shuswap, 6 114 Boothroyd, Chomok band (6), 1878, Ntlakyapamuk, 1 384 Boothroyd (4), 1878, Ntlakyapamuk, 174 Boston Bar (7), 1878, Ntlakyapamuk, 628 Cook's Ferry (19), 1889, Ntlakyapamuk, 9 467 Deadman's Creek (1), 1877, Shuswap, 20 134 Kamloops (5), 1877, Shuswap, 33 379 Kanaka Bar (4), 1878, Ntlakyapamuk, 509 Lytton (27), 1878, 1881,1886, Ntlakyapamuk, 10 292 Nicomen (16), 1878-95, Ntlakyapamuk, 2 986 Lower Nicola (13), 1878, Ntlakyapamuk, 31 191 Upper Nicola (8), 1878-89, Ntlakyapamuk, 30 888 Neskainlith Halaut (3), 1877, Shuswap, 6 996 North Thompson and Canoe Lake (4), 1877, Shuswap, 3 239 Okanagan (10), 1877-8, Okanagan, 29 790 Oregon Jack Creek (7), 1878, 1881, 1886, Ntlakyapamuk, 2381 Osoyoos (2), 1877, Okanagan, 32 169 Penticton (4), 1877,1887,1893,1894, Okanagan, 48 694 Little Shuswap Lake (Knaut), (5), 1877, Shuswap, 7 840 Lower Similkameen, (14,13 after 1893), 1878,1884,1888, 1893, Okanagan, 19 872 Upper Similkameen (9), 1878,1888,1893, Okanagan, 6 404 Siska Flat (7), 1878, Ntakyapamuk, 559 Skuppah (4), 1878, Ntlakyapamuk, 268 Spallumcheen (4), 1877-93, Ntlakyapamuk, 9 680 Spuzzum (6), 1877, 1878,1884, Ntlakyapamuk, 456 Lower Nicola, Spuzzum, Boston Bar, Boothroyd, Siska, Upper Similkameen in common (3), 1878, 6 276

KOOTENAY AGENCY

96. 97. 98.

Kootenay (6), 1884-7, Kootenayan, 37 471 Lower Kootenay (1), 1884, Kootenay, 1831 Shuswap, Kinbasket's band (1), 1884, Shuswap, 2 759

Fort Rupert, Kwakewlth band (7), 1886, Kwakiutl, 259 Gilford Island, Tsahwaw-ti-neuch band (1), 1886, Kwakiutl, 63 Gilford Island, Ah-kwaw-ah-mish band (1), 1886, Kwakiutl, 1 Gilford Island, Kwaw-waw-i-nuck band (8), 1886, Kwakiutl, 789 Klaskino (3), 1889, Kwakiutl, 115 Knights Inlet, Tanockteuch and Ahwaheettlala bands (4), 1886, Kwakiutl, 568 Laichkwiltach, Kahkahmatsis band (1), 1886, Kwakiutl, 329 Laichkwiltach, We-way-akum and Kweahkah bands (5), 1886, Kwakiutl, 325 Laichkwiltach, We-way-akay band (6), 1888, Kwakiutl, 2 016 Mahteelthpe (4) 1886, Kwakiutl, 145 Nahkwockto (17), 1882-8, Kwakiutl, 717 Nahwitti (5), 1886, Kwakiutl, 8606 Nimkeesh (5), 1884-6, Kwakiutl, 402 Quatsino (16), 1886-9, Kwakiutl, 924 Quawshelah (2), 1882, Kwakiutl, 716 Tumour Island (1), 1886, Kwakiutl, 27 Village Island (5), 1886, Kwakiutl, 57

NORTHWEST COAST AGENCY

116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. c d e

124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132.

Bella Bella (13), 1882, Heiltsuk, 2 972 Bella Coola (4), 1882, Bella Coola, 4 007 Kemsquit (2), 1882, Bella Coola, 930 Kitasoo (2), n.d., Tsimshiam, 1 354 Kitimat (4), 1889, Haisla, 907 Kitkahta (4), 1889, Tsimshian, 705 Kitlathla (19), 1882,1891,1893, Tsimshian, 4 640 Kitlope (3), 1889, Haisla, 352 Kitselas (9), 1891-1893, Tsimshian, 3 275 Kitsumkelum (3), 1891, Tsimshian, 1 246 Kitselas, Kitsumkelum, and others (1), 1901, Tsimshian, n.a. Kokyet (6), 1882, Tsimshian, 399 Massett (16), 1882, Haida, 1 871 Nass River (33), 1881, 1888, Gitksan, 15 544 Owekano (3), 1882, Heiltsuk, 1 761 Skidegate (9), 1882, Haida, 1 613 Tsimpsean, Metlakatla band (4), 1882-4, Tsimshian, 413 Tsimpsean, Port Simpson band (10), 1881-2, Tsimshian, 2 019 Tsimpsean, Metlakatla and Port Simpson bands (10), 1881,1884,1888, Tsimshian, 57 893 Lakelse (1), 1893 (partly), Tsimshian, 156

WEST COAST AGENCY 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138.

139.

KAMLOOPS-OKANAGAN AGENCY

TREATY No. 5 (LAKE WINNIPEG TREATY) Year 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21.

PLATE 33

TREATY No. 5 (continued) 24. Red Rock River, Cree, n.a. 27. Birch River, Cree, 8.40 28. Shoal Lake, Cree, n.a. Cancelled 1895. Not shown on map 28A. Shoal Lake, Cree, 3.50 29. Red Earth, Cree and Saulteaux, 4.23 29A. Red Earth (Carrot River?), Cree Saulteaux, 3.19 30. Pas Mountain, Cree, n.a. Not shown on map 31. Moose Lake, Cree, n.a. Surrendered in 1893; exchanged for #31A, #31B, #31D, and #31E 31A. Moose Lake, 1895, Cree, 0.70 31B. Moose Lake, 1895, Cree, 0.23 31C. Moose Lake, (Big Island), Cree, 4.4 31D. Moose Lake, 1895, Cree, 4.27 31E. Moose Lake, 1895, Cree, 0.31, Not shown on map 32. Chemawawin [Chemahawin], Cree, 4.75 33. Grand Rapids, Cree, 7.26

140. 141. 142. 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151.

Checkleset (7), 1889, Nootka, 260 Clayoquot (10), 1889, Nootka, 540 Clayoquot, Kelsemart band (4), 1889, Nootka, 229 Clayoquot, Ahousaht band (12), 1889, Nootka, 704 Clayoquot, Manhauset band (3), 1889, Nootka, 132 Esperanza Inlet, Nuchatl-itz band (9), 1889, Nootka, 208 Esperanza Inlet, E-hatisaht band (5), 1889, Nootka, 143 Hesquiat (5), 1886, Nootka, 606 Kyuquot (16), 1889, Nootka, 607 Nitinat (17), 1890, Nootka, 1 797 Nootka (11), 1889, Nootka, 527 Nootka, Matchitlacht band (6), 1889, Nootka, 127 Ohiet (13), 1882, Nootka, 2 672 Opetchisaht (4), 1882, Nootka, 523 Pacheena (4), 1882, Nootka, 432 Seshart (9), 1882, Nootka, 1 429 Toquart (5), 1882, Nootka, 421 Uchucklesit (2), 1882, Nootka, 575 Ucluelet (9), 1882,1889, Nootka, 472

WILLIAMS LAKE AGENCY 152. 153. 154. 155. 156. 157. 158. 159. 160. 161. 162. 163. f 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 171. g 172.

Alexandria (3), 1881, Chilcotin, 1 848 Alkali Lake (14), 1881-95, Shuswap, 8 347 Anaham (2), 1887, Chilcotin, 9 922 Anderson Lake (4), 1881, Lillooet, 504 Bridge River (2), 1881, Lillooet, 9 761 Canim Lake (2), 1887, Shuswap, 4 560 Canoe Creek (7), 1884-95, Shuswap, 16 429 Cayoosh Creek (2), 1881, Lillooet, 1 152 Clinton (2), 1881, Shuswap, 1 073 Dog Creek (4), 1881, Shuswap, 1 371 Fountain (6), 1881-6, Lillooet, 1 864 High Bar (1), 1881, Shuswap, 2 924 Kluskus (4), 1901, Carrier, 1 858 Lillooet (5), 1881, Lillooet, 1 743 Nemaiah Valley (4), 1899, Chilcotin, 1 257 Pavilion (3), 1881, Shuswap, 4 136 Quesnel (4), 1881, Carrier, 1 687 Seton Lake (6), 1881, Lillooet, 2 437 Soda Creek (2), 1881, Shuswap, 5 210 Stone (2), 1887, Chilcotin, 4 245 Toosey (3), 1881, Chilcotin, 6 352 Ulkatcho (1), 1901, Carrier, 4 340 Williams Lake (15), 1881-94, Shuswap, 4 612

VOLUME II

NATIVE RESERVES OF WESTERN CANADA TO 1900 Authors: Pierrette Desy, Frederic Castel

In 1870 Canada acquired the North-Western Territory from Britain and Rupert's Land from the Hudson's Bay Company. Negotiations with the native peoples began almost immediately and from 1871 to 1877 seven treaties were signed, surrendering lands and creating reserves. The treaties covered all of the most promising areas for white colonization in the West, ranging across the future Prairie Provinces, from Lake Superior to the Rocky Mountains. The basic terms, set out in Treaties i and 2, included the allocation of 160 acres per family of five, an annuity of $3.00 per person (later increased to $5.00), and one school per reserve. The first seven treaties were negotiated prior to the opening of the Prairies to commercial agriculture and the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway. The surrender of land continued with a new group of numbered treaties at the turn of the century. Treaty 8 (1899,1900), the most comprehensive yet signed, covered one-half of Alberta plus parts of British Columbia and the Mackenzie District. The last numbered treaty, no. 11, was signed in 1921. It signalled the 20th-century discovery of oil at Fort Norman, yet another resource attracting white encroachment, and led to the loss of native claims in the rest of the Mackenzie District.

As a result of the large number and small size of native reserves in British Columbia, bands rather than individual reserves are identified on the map above. A band is recognized by the government as a group of native people for whom the government has set aside lands, including reserves, for their common use or benefit. British Columbia bands and reserves are shown ca 1900; territorial changes are not indicated.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

A major preoccupation of government agents in the igth century was to make a farmer out of every Indian. The ideology of the time viewed cultivated land as a cornerstone of civilization, an idea given particular force by the enthusiasm for commercial agriculture in western Canada. Together with the Christian religion and the English language, the adoption of farming was seen as the basis for the assimilation of native populations. What was being proposed was a complete cultural transformation. Traditional bison hunters who had ranged over vast stretches of grassy plains were being asked to settle on a given piece of land and grow crops. Insufficient thought was given to the problems inherent in such a fundamental change. In addition, the 'tools' for becoming a successful farmer were not provided; agricultural education was instituted but its application was neglected; equipment sent by governments was inadequate and/or arrived late; seed varieties provided, mainly corn and seed potatoes, were either unsuitable or insufficient. Surprisingly, some native people, such as the Blackfoot and the Cree in Alberta, did become successful ranchers or farmers. In British Columbia the treatment of reserve lands was different from that in the rest of Canada. Land was granted to individual groups or even families. Thus, reserves were numerous but small, the province arguing that a migratory life-style did not require large tracts of land. The situation persisted even after 1871, when native people came under federal jurisdiction and asked for the same terms as those granted to native people in the prairies.

PLATE 34

VOLUME II

DISPERSAL OF THE MANITOBA METIS AND THE NORTHWEST REBELLION. 1870-1885 uther D.N.Sprague,Bayyy Kaye,D.wayne Moodie

For the Metis, the mixed-blood population created by the western fur trade, the late igth century brought a series of conflicts caused by the ever-increasing white immigration. The Red River rebellion in 1870, ending with a Canadian statute creating the province of Manitoba, in part as a homeland for the Metis, did not solve the problems. Continued harassment by newcomers and refusal by the Canadian government to recognize Metis land claims led to dispersals. Some left for the Dakota and Montana territories in the United States, but most migrated north and west along the trails they had used as hunters or freighters for the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC), settling at locations in the Northwest similar to the lands they left behind. The most common destination was near the forks of the Saskatchewan River, southwest of Prince Albert. There, and at a score of less preferred destinations, they established river and lakefront homes, recreating the pattern of long lots in the old Red River settlement. Indeed, the Metis communities that emerged in the late 18705 and early i88os resembled the old Red River parishes even to the extent of newcomers relocating next to their former nearest neighbours.

Prior to 1870 the major concentrations of Metis peoples outside the Red River country were located around missions in the Fort Edmonton area in Alberta District. They included both French Metis, especially at Saint-Albert, Lac-Sainte-Anne, and Lac-la-Biche, and British Metis, especially at Whitefish Lake, Victoria, and Prince Albert. The main groups were primarily buffalo hunters who also planted gardens and engaged in other minor agricultural activities. The most important hunt was the organized 'Edmonton Hunt,' engaged in almost exclusively by French Metis, at times joined by variable numbers of Cree and Assiniboine. An organized hunt was conducted by British Metis out of the Wesleyan mission at Victoria. Other groups represented more extreme adaptions either to nomadism and hunting (the 'hivernants') or to sedentary living and agriculture.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

Among the causes of conflict with Canada and its Dominion Lands policy was the pattern of Metis resettlement. At Saint-Laurent, for example, the district had been laid out by the Department of the Interior in 1879 according to the rectangular pattern prescribed by Canada's homestead law of 1872. At the time of the survey persons already settled were accommodated on long lots, but the bulk of the migration from Manitoba occurred over the next four years. As a result, new arrivals 'squatted' on vacant river frontage according to their own informal survey, but contrary to Canadian law. Moreover, some found themselves on land reserved for others. Since 1882 Canada had been reserving huge blocks of territory (10 million acres in all) for promoters forming 'colonization companies.' In the vicinity of Saint-Laurent the recipients of such Crown patronage called themselves the Prince Albert Colonization Company. The Metis petitioned repeatedly for a new survey; Canada kept refusing. Early in 1884 the settlers decided to launch a more vigorous protest following their old leader, Louis Kiel. His appearance in Saint-Laurent in June 1884 prompted the Government of Canada to undertake a quiet but comprehensive enumeration of all 'North West Half Breeds.' By August Canada knew that approximately 500 men were likely to take up arms if their grievances were not remedied. The government responded by sending troops to the Northwest.

PLATE 35 CONFLICTING CLAIMS TO THE SAINT-LAURENT COLONY

By February 1885 Canada had agreed to fit the irregular lots into portions of the rectangular survey, and to accept certain 'squatters' as homesteaders potentially eligible to claim free grants after three additional years of residence and work on the land. Neither measure met the Metis demand for titles or accommodated families on lands reserved for the Prince Albert Colonization Company. Consequently, the Saint-Laurent Metis formed their own government under Louis Kiel - in effect, separating from Canada. Canada's response was to mobilize militia from as far east as Nova Scotia. After a fatal clash between Metis cavalry and Canadian police at Duck Lake on 26 May 1885, several thousand militia were sent west over the financially troubled (still unfinished) Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR). The swift and successful conclusion of the conflict against the Metis rebels in May was followed by a fresh infusion of subsidy for the CPR in July. With that assistance the railway reached a spectacular conclusion early in November, one week before the hanging of the rebel leader at Regina on 16 Nov 1885.

VOLUME II

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Economies in Transition Agriculture dominated Canada's economic activity in the latter part of the iQth century, providing somewhere around 30% of its Gross National Product (GNP) (table i). The manufacturing and service sectors vied with one another for second place; both grew in their share of the GNP through the period, virtually matching agriculture by 1890. A large part of both the manufacturing and service sectors, however, continued to rely heavily upon the processing of primary resources. In 1870, for example, grist milling accounted for 18% and the wood-products industries for at least 14% of all manufacturing. Forest-based production, so firmly established in the first half of the century, did not diminish, though its operations intertwined with farming and milling. When all forest products including square timber (pine and hardwoods), sawlogs for deals, planks and boards, and firewood are considered, forest resources and their processing may have accounted for up to 20% of the total economy. The fishery and the fur trade, despite their continued presence over large areas, their importance in the export market, and their distinctive life ways, made only minor contributions to total Canadian production. While the dominance of agriculture was declining and the manufacturing and service sectors were growing, there were no major shifts from one sector to another; this period was one of adjustments and transition. The Great Transformation (see Historical Atlas of Canada, volm) would come in the 2Oth century. If shifts among the major sectors were gradual and difficult to discern, changes within each major sector were more rapid and clearer. In agriculture, for example, the first half of the century had been characterized by a strong emphasis on wheat, but by the last third of the century wheat played a lesser role, and it would not come into prominence again until the 2Oth century. Attention focused on cattle, and more and more the grain crops, along with hay, were produced for animal feed. In response to changing export opportunities, barley replaced wheat, and milk production increased to meet export demands for cheese. Within the fisheries there were new products and new areas were fished. Newfoundland developed an important sealing industry to supplement her traditional and increasingly heavy dependence on inshore cod. Through the last half of the century Nova Scotia moved away from the mackerel, Table 1 Estimates of Canadian Gross National Product Sector percentages, selected years

1851

Agriculture Fishing and trapping Mining Forest operations Manufacturing Construction Service Other

1870

1890

1920

F

F

U

F

U

U

32 1 1 14 18 4 19 12

33 1 1 10 19 3 21 12

38 1 1 2 20 5 23 11

27 2 1 7 24 5 27 9

27 1 2 2 25 4 30 8

21 1 3 1 25 4 34 12

Totals may not add to 100% because of rounding. F Calculated from O.J. Firestone, 'Development of Canada's Economy, 1850-1900, in Trends in the American Economy in the Nineteenth Century, Studies in Income and Wealth, vol 24, National Bureau of Economic Research (Princeton, I960), pp 217-52. All primary forest products are included in 'Forest operations.' U Calculated from M.C. Urquhart, 'New Estimates of Gross National Product, Canada, 1870-1926: Some Implications for Canadian Development,' in S.L. Engerman and R.E. Gallman, eds, Long-Term Factors in American Economic Growth, National Bureau of Economic Research (Chicago, 1986), pp 9-94. Primary forest products harvested on farms are included in 'Agriculture.'

herring, and inshore cod fisheries towards the cod of the offshore banks, developing the schooner fishery that has become so firmly a part of Canadian imagery. Concurrently a major commercial salmon-canning industry arose in British Columbia. This period saw the strong growth of the manufacturing components of the forestbased sector. The export trade in heavy sawn pieces (deals) that had begun before mid-century continued to grow and the production of planks and boards increased markedly as this thin-lumber industry became oriented strongly to the export market. In the latter part of the period wood-using industries expanded to supply an increasingly national domestic market. Other natural-resource industries were minor; the fur trade had run its course and a nationally important minerals industry was yet to come. The grand movements in the resource economy from 1850 to 1890 were the result of the accumulated decisions of thousands of entrepreneurs large and small. As the population grew and as larger urban places developed, opportunities for sales at home expanded, particularly for the agricultural sector. Beyond this national selfsufficiency were export opportunities for the so-called staples. The staples hypothesis of Canadian historiography suggests that it was the production for export of fish, fur, timber, wheat, and later minerals that provided vital revenues for Canadians and propelled the expansion of the total economy. The year 1870 provides a glimpse of the export trade midway in our period. The contributions of forest and farm were of similar magnitude and clearly dominant. Forest-based production consisted largely of square timber, deals, planks, and boards, with the last two thin-lumber products of greatest importance. Planks and boards were exported mainly to the United States: square timber and deals went almost exclusively to the United Kingdom. Agriculture provided a wide variety of export products and in 1870 wheat and its flour were still dominant. Barley was not far behind and live horses and cattle were the most important animal exports. The animals went to the United States, as did the barley, while wheat and flour continued to be exported to their traditional market in the United Kingdom. In 1870 total exports were fairly evenly divided between the United States and the United Kingdom, with little going elsewhere. But over the next two decades both products and markets changed. By 1890 large exports of cheese, deals, and live cattle reinstated the United Kingdom as Canada's major export market; these were reinforced by the continuance of a square-timber trade and the development of a market in Britain for Canada's Pacific salmon. The United States remained a strong market for Canadian planks and boards, for barley for brewing, for a variety of minerals, and for horses, but it no longer imported Canadian cattle. By 1890 the once-dominant Canadian export trade in wheat and flour had practically disappeared. In 1870 or 1890 Canadians might have recognized some of these generalizations about products and markets. But generalizations ignore differences from place to place. Variations over space exceeded changes over time. Accordingly the plates of this section, while they do address temporal change, draw special attention to spatial patterns. The minerals industry was a small component of national economic activity, but it flourished briefly in this period in particular areas. Petroleum supported a small refining industry in southwestern Ontario. Coal from Cape Breton Island gained important United States markets during the American Civil War, fell back after the repeal of the Canada-United States Reciprocity Treaty in 1865, and then began a steady and substantial climb as it gained a protected central Canadian market in the i88os. In the 18705 gold was mined

or oak trunks and hand-hewing them into square stock. What we now think of as the forest industry goes beyond the primary harvest of sections of the trunks to include their sawing into lumber within a mill, a process equivalent to the milling of wheat into flour. Some estimates of forest production include all these stages, others do not. Firewood for heating, transportation, and factory power is often considered an agricultural rather than a forest product since much of it came from farm wood lots. If it is added to other forest products, the contribution of the primary forest industry may well be doubled. The importance of the forest industry (narrowly defined) to a provincial economy was highest in New Brunswick, even in 1890 when it was already in decline there (table 2); indeed its products still provided nearly 75% of that province's value of exports. The contribution of the forest sector to economic activity was next highest in Quebec, and then in Ontario. The growth segment of the industry during the period was in sawn lumber. This sector had shown its strength first in New Brunswick as early as the 18405 in the vigorous trade in deals with the United Kingdom, then in Quebec which provided both deals for the British market and planks and boards for the American; in Ontario the production of sawn lumber tripled between 1850 and 1870, stimulated largely by demands for high-quality pine in the northeastern United States. In the 18703 and i88os forest production rose swiftly in importance in British Columbia as sawmills and then the railway reached the giant trees of the lower Fraser River valley. The New Brunswick forest industry, kept alive through the deals trade and a shift down the scale in the quality of the trees harvested from pine to spruce, grew sluggishly. For a while a shipbuilding industry provided a supplementary activity (pi 39). Indeed, at times wooden shipbuilding in New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Quebec equalled and even exceeded the wooden sailing-vessel construction of the United Kingdom, where the switch to iron and steam that would transform the fleets of the North Atlantic was well underway. Many of the new wooden vessels built in Canada were loaded with deals and then both ship and cargo were sold in Liverpool. While wooden-ship construction and sales assisted the economy through the use of local forests and local labour, the continued operation of the vessels created earnings over a longer period. But with the rapid encroachment of iron and steam the ocean ships and shipping of Maritime Canada disappeared. Agriculture, as has already been emphasized, was by far the largest component of 19th-century economic production. Even by 1890 when its contribution had begun to wane, its percentages of provincial gross production are impressive (table 2). Regionally agriculture's contribution varied markedly. In Newfoundland, throughout the native north, and for much of the century on the Pacific coast, agriculture was much less important, but in Ontario and Quebec it was pervasive. Even in the Maritimes, where forest and fishery con-

on a small scale in Nova Scotia and Ontario. Nowhere, however, did mineral extraction have as much impact as in British Columbia. There the relatively quiet fur trade of the first half of the century was boisterously supplanted in 1858 by the arrival of thousands of gold-rush prospectors (pi 36). With production climbing rapidly, transportation to the interior was improved, quick-built camps were perched on the hillsides, trees and soils stripped off to trace outcrops, and gravels churned and washed. Annual production reached approximately $4 million within five years. This intense but short-lived frenzy of activity changed landscapes and the patterns of development. By 1870 the lower Fraser River valley was becoming a focus for salmon canning, logging, and agriculture. By the mid-i88os, in the southern parts of a province that had long been settled by a native population, a new economy, more broadly based and linked to the rest of the continent by a railway, was being developed by an increasingly diverse population. The other end of the country also displayed a strong regional character that departed from national averages. In Atlantic Canada the fisheries (pi 37) were vitally important despite their meagre contribution to the overall Canadian Gross Domestic Product (GDP). In Newfoundland they were the basis for more than 60% of the colony's economic activity (table 2) and in 1884 provided more than 90% of its exports. Even in Nova Scotia, where agriculture provided 18% of the Gross Provincial Product (GPP) at the end of that same decade, fisheries made up 7%, contributed nearly half of the value of exports, and dominated the economic activity of large sections of the Atlantic coast. Newfoundland and the northern Gulf of St Lawrence continued an earlier emphasis on cod and the inshore fishery, exporting largely to traditional southern European markets. Nova Scotia and parts of New Brunswick had developed local inshore fisheries during the first half of the century. Some ports, however, had been sending larger vessels to more distant grounds off Labrador and in the Gulf of St Lawrence, competing there with the much larger fleets from New England. For a good part of the century neither Nova Scotia nor Newfoundland paid much attention to the Grand Banks (whose waters continued to support 20 000-30 ooo French and New England fishermen each summer), but from the mid-i87Os Nova Scotians, adapting American technology in vessels and gear, developed their own banks fishery that would peak a half-century later in the Bluenose era. It was in these years, too, that the lobster fishery began to make a significant economic contribution. The forest industry (pi 38) dominated large areas of Canada stretching from New Brunswick through Quebec to Ontario. Characteristically it filled areas in between, and spread north from the edges of, the agricultural lands. Its sequence of development was similar to agriculture. In the primary stage only a part of the tree was harvested and cleaned up for further processing. In the squaretimber trade this meant taking only the best lower portions of pine

Table 2 Estimates of Gross Value Added by Provinces, 1890 Sector percentages Fishing and Agriculture trapping Newfoundland Prince Edward Island Nova Scotia New Brunswick Quebec Ontario Manitoba Saskatchewan, Alberta, and NWT British Columbia CANADA

Mining

Forestry

Manufacturing

3.1 4.3 5.6 11.8 7.5 6.7 3.0

15.0 14.2 20.1 20.0 27.6 24.6 12.5

5.2 5.4

9.3 23.4 23.9

11.7 44.7 18.1 20.4 22.9 30.0 55.4

63.7 5.7 7.0 4.7 0.7 0.4 0.7

6.5 — 6.1 0.2 0.6 0.4 —

42.3 12.3 27.4

1.0 8.4 1.6

9.2 1.2

6.9

Transportation

Personal and professional services

Domestic trade

Government

*

*

*

*

*

2.1 4.0 9.8 3.7 5.4 0.7

0.7 3.6 2.9 2.4 2.1 2.0

17.0 19.8 15.7 14.8 14.1 9.9

9.2 11.5 11.6 15.1 12.7 12.2

2.1 3.4 3.1 4.6 3.6 3.6

5.2 5.0 4.9

3.1 3.1 2.3

12.4 14.2 14.7

9.3 12.3 13.0

12.4 6.9 4.0

Construction

*Not available for Newfoundland Percentages for Newfoundland calculated from D. Alexander, 'Economic Growth in the Atlantic Region, 1880-1940,' Acadiensis 8,1 (1978): 47-76.

96

Building a Nation: Canada to the End of the Century

All other percentages calculated from A.G. Green, Regional Aspects of Canada's Economic Growth (Toronto, 1971): table B-l. All primary forest products are included in 'Forestry.'

tributed very significantly, agriculture was still the basic primary economic activity. Farm-produced products permeated other sectors of the economy too: grist milling, for example, still accounted for nearly 10% of the value of manufacturing in Ontario in 1870. Variations in the intensity and character of agricultural activity from place to place were marked. PI 40 shows the expansion of rural settlement and a remarkable increase in production as Quebec's changing agriculture, based on oats and hay and livestock, focused on the feeding of a burgeoning urban population. One of Canada's most intensively productive agricultural areas was that on the plains stretching for some 60 km southeast of the country's largest city, Montreal. Through most of the iQth century, however, the largest areas of developed high-quality agricultural lands, favoured by soils and climate, were those between the lower Great Lakes in Ontario (pi 41). In the 18705 and i88os they provided nearly half of all of Canada's agricultural production. Though the area was heavily cropped in wheat during the 18505, the emphasis in much of it had shifted to feed crops, animals, and animal products; a number of regionally important specialties also developed. By the end of the period these new activities were accompanied by increasing attention to land improvements, mechanization, and agricultural education. The beginnings of what would be the most dramatic changes in the country took place on the lands of the western interior. Early in the 19th century agriculture had made only a minor contribution to the economy of the native populations of the region, but at mid-century agriculture was, along with the buffalo hunt, one of the basic supports of the Metis. The areas farmed at Red River were tiny in comparison to the vast lands over which the bison ranged, but they provided both subsistence and provisions for the fur trade. As new settlers swept in after 1870, balances changed and the area, with but a small fraction of its lands in production even by 1890, developed one of the most agriculturally focused economies of Canada (pi 42). It reproduced the Ontario agricultural industry of an earlier period without most of Ontario's supplementary activities. This new West made wheat a part of its agriculture right from the start, and the last two decades of the 19th century can be seen as ones of farm-making. The base was being laid for the Prairies' role as the country's prime wheatland in the 2Oth century. A comparison of the two plates on trade (pll 15 and 43) reveals the many changes in the Canadian economy. Accompanying growth was a shift in spatial patterns. Canada's external trade had always flowed through a few major ports, but in 1850 many smaller ones also participated; in 1890 these had been swallowed up by the giants. In the rest of the economy the balances between major cities had shifted westwards. Halifax and Quebec City had become comparatively less important, Montreal and Toronto more so, reflecting both the sources of new products and the impact of railways. By 1891 Montreal was Canada's railway capital; assisted by the shift of ocean shipping from sail to steam and channel dredging through Lake Saint-Pierre, it was the country's chief focus of trade. Toronto also grew as a railway node, exporting farm and forest products and importing manufactured goods. Far from erasing regional distinctiveness, economic growth from 1851 to 1891 had in some ways intensified differences from place to place. In this period Canada may be seen as composed of six major economic regions each with its own distinctive pattern of economic activity and products. 1 / The most clearly drawn of Canada's economic regions may be defined by high levels of agricultural production. This region was composed of two units. The first, lying between Lakes Ontario, Erie, and Huron, yielded nearly half of the country's field crop and animal production, feeding its own and other parts of the country and sending much produce to markets abroad, largely in the United Kingdom. The second, smaller but still highly productive, was the fertile plain lying south and east of Montreal, which was focused strongly upon feeding the city of Montreal. 2 / A second economic region, based on moderate levels of agricultural production, was highly fragmented and widely dispersed over the country. It spread from the edges of the two main agricultural cores towards the margins of the settled lands. Included were

eastern Ontario, much of settled Quebec beyond the Montrealfocused core, the Saint John River valley, the Chignecto isthmus, and the north shore of Nova Scotia. The farm-making districts of the eastern Prairies could also be added to the mix. The agricultural landscapes of this region were not uniform: they ranged from the buckwheat fields of the Saint John valley to the apple orchards of Annapolis, from the dairy farms of eastern Ontario to the wheatlands of the Prairies. 3 / A third large and distinctive region was characterized by an emphasis on the fisheries. Clearly present a century or more before, it had now been enlarged to include not only Newfoundland and its waters but also the Gulf of St Lawrence and the Atlantic-facing coast of Nova Scotia around to the Bay of Fundy. Potato-based subsistence agriculture was common throughout, but virtually everywhere food imports were also necessary. The region's markets were distant and distinct. Newfoundland continued to send cod to southern Europe while much of Nova Scotia looked directly southwards to the West Indies and the United States. 4 / Overlapping and spreading beyond the agricultural regions was a fourth major economic region, one of forest harvests. It had its own local agriculture, resembling in many ways that of the regions dominated by the fisheries, with hay and potatoes and high levels of imports. 5 / Beyond all these, to the north and to the west, was a vast thinly populated land, one largely of native lifeways entwined with the remnants of the fur trade. 6 / And finally on the Pacific a region of mixed but dynamic economies was growing swiftly, tied through the technology of steam transportation by sea and by land to distant centres in central Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States. In addition to changing spatial patterns the 19th century also witnessed massive testing of the limits of the Canadian natural-resource base. Early resources were being depleted and new ones were found to take their place. Agriculture had flourished in the rich, newly planted soils of the Great Lakes-St Lawrence lowlands, only to be beset in time by problems of low soil fertility, erosion, and attacks by insects and disease. Wave after wave of axemen and sawyers moving down the scale of timber quality removed virtually all of the original pine from Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Quebec, and Ontario. Fires among the slash may have removed as much as was commercially harvested. Much of the hardwood resource had also been burned during agricultural clearing, though sometimes the process of clearing yielded potash and sometimes square timber. In 1890 the commercial-forest resource of eastern Canada was probably at an alltime low, waiting for the redefinition of the industry with spruce and fir as the new forest staples in the 2oth century. In the West the assault had begun on the great cedars and spruce of the Pacific Coast. Other examples of the spirit of the age can be cited. In the 18505 and i86os the Cariboo gold rush had local but profound impacts. By 1891 the beaver was an insignificant part of the fur trade. The Atlantic fishery underwent major shifts of species and of fishing grounds which even today are not very well understood. Viewed from a long-term perspective, the Canadian economy in the period 1851-91 was one of transition, of a slow shift from the harvesting of primary resources on the one hand to the manufacturing and service sectors on the other. During the first half of the century national economic productivity owed its strength predominantly to agriculture and forest harvesting. Manufacturing was focused on the second-stage processing of the products of farm and forest, the mills located at points suited to the efficient handling of the primary products, largely by water. The manufacturing of consumer goods was confined to small craft-like shops. By 1891 large urban places had formed a symbiotic relationship with sprawling factories that had moved increasingly into the making of farm machinery, transportation equipment, and clothing. In large part the introduction of steam technology had facilitated this transition. Steam power made it possible to bring together large pools of urban labour and manufacturing plants and to assemble raw materials by railway at the factories. The railways then extended the markets by making possible the distribution of the products to an enlarged national market. C. G R A N T H E A D

Economies in Transition

97

THE GOLD RUSHES IN BRITISH COLUMBIA, 1858-1881 Authors: C. Grant Head, Rosemary E. Ommer, Patricia A. Thornton

The extension of placer mining into the northern Cordillera transformed its social, economic, and political life. Over 30 ooo people participated in the Fraser River gold rush of 1858, disrupting and displacing indigenous and fur-trade societies. The colony of British Columbia was established to impose administrative order on this sudden influx. After 1858 mining expanded further inland. Important discoveries were made in the Cariboo region late in 1860 and another major rush followed. With Williams Creek as the principal focus, population and gold production peaked in 1863. Despite other discoveries, including those at Kootenay in 1864, Big Bend in 1865, Omineca in 1870, and Cassiar in 1873, the Cariboo remained the heart of the mining economy. Mining in the interior required construction of new transportation links with the coast. The Cariboo Wagon Road, from Yale to Barkerville, became the system's central artery, supplemented by trails to other areas. Placer mining also stimulated the growth of commercial and supply centres, primarily on the coast. Their relatively stable population contrasted with the highly mobile and overwhelmingly male societies of the mining areas.

The location of mining fluctuated with gold discoveries and the application of new techniques. After the early rush more capital intensive methods, notably those based on hydraulic power, caused old areas to be reworked. Roads, trails, and settlements reflected the shifting pattern of mining. Barkerville emerged as the principal town and the Cariboo Wagon Road, completed in 1865, oriented transportation through Quesnel. Although other settlements enjoyed brief prominence, and many miners lived on their claims, Barkerville retained its primary position.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

REGIONAL POPULATIONS, 1861-1870

PLATE 36

In 1881, with construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway under way, the lower mainland already contained steam-powered, export-oriented saw mills on Burrard Inlet and salmon canneries on the Fraser River, elements of an emerging industrial resource economy. Agriculture, however, was hampered by the cost of land clearing, limited markets, and inadequate transportation. Despite a system of roads and trails, the Fraser River was the principal commercial artery and New Westminster the only urban centre.

About 1881 the population of British Columbia fell to its lowest level in several centuries. The decline in the native population caused by diseases, firearms, and alcohol - exceeded the increase in non-natives. Native peoples remained in the majority (about 53%), their distribution reflecting the interaction of the fur trade, gold rushes, missionary activity, and resource industries with traditional settlement patterns. In much of the province there were few if any non-natives. The majority (76%) of 'whites and Asians' lived around the Strait of Georgia where, in contrast to gold-mining districts, the population was youthful, sexually more balanced, economically diverse, and relatively stable. Victoria, the largest town, was the provincial capital and principal commercial centre. The Chinese population (9%) was culturally isolated and overwhelmingly male (28:1). Most Chinese were labourers in resource industries or railway construction; a few were domestics, laundrymen, or merchants.

VOLUME II

CANADIAN FISHERIES, 1850-1900 Authors: C. Grant Head, Rosemary E. Ommer, Patricia A. Thornton

FISHERIES EXPORTS

The well-established merchant-directed fishery, concentrating upon cod taken close to shore, continued to dominate the economy and society of much of coastal Newfoundland and the Gulf of St Lawrence. Along the Atlantic coasts of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick a mixed-species fishery developed with the growth of resident populations. In both Nova Scotia and Newfoundland certain districts fitted schooners for summer fishing trips into the Gulf and to the coast of Labrador. In addition, vessels from the United States and France took massive hauls from the same fish stocks and from the offshore banks. By the 18703 and i88os new directions in the development of the fisheries appeared. The Americans and Nova Scotians withdrew from the fishery at Labrador, leaving it to the Newfoundlanders. The Americans gave up the Gulf mackerel fishery, devoting more attention to their codfishery on the banks. The French shore-based operation of northern Newfoundland, once important in training sailing-ship crews, now stagnated as the navy turned to steam. Yarmouth, Shelburne, and Lunenburg outfitted schooners and the era of the Bluenose, the dory, and the trawl-line began; increasingly they competed with the Americans and the French for the cod of the banks. Seals and lobsters added significantly to the coastal economy of particular areas. In Atlantic Canada fish, agriculture, wood, and a variety of other resources formed the basis for a well-developed occupational pluralism.

The lobster fishery arose with dramatic rapidity in the 18705, raising fears that lobsters would become extinct locally. The market for the canned product was divided mainly between Great Britain and the United States; live lobsters were shipped almost exclusively to the United States. The main map (1874) suggests the economic significance of this new 'fishery.'

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

1874

PLATE 37

The core of Atlantic Canadian life was the summer inshore codfishery, supplemented by resources from other seasons or other places. The great summer migration of men, women, and children from certain Newfoundland ports 'down north' to the coast of Labrador (echoes of the i/th-century English fishery at Newfoundland) was one example; the mid-March exodus of thousands of men north to the icefront in the vessel-based seal 'fishery' was another. The Twillingate cycle demonstrates this integration of seasonal, local, and distant resources.

The British cod fishery on the Grand Banks had disappeared early in the century, while that of the United States intensified with a change from fishing with single lines from the vessel itself to using bottom-set trawls (lines of baited hooks several kilometres long) and lightweight, mobile dories. During the 18705 the French, who already used the trawls, added the dory, while a number of Nova Scotian and Newfoundland ports adopted the complete combination - fast schooner, dory, and trawl-line - that would become a legend in Atlantic Canada.

VOLUME II

THE FOREST INDUSTRY 1850-1890 Author: C. Grant Head

The square-timber industry peaked in the i86os. Although it continued to provide important exports in subsequent decades, it focused increasingly on Ontario and had a large hardwood component. The major growth sector of the forest industry was sawn lumber, which developed strongly in New Brunswick with the production of deals for the British market, followed after mid-century in Ontario and Quebec with the production of planks and boards for both domestic and American markets. With this sustained attack on the forest, the quantity and quality of the preferred white pine declined, first in New Brunswick, then in Quebec, and finally in Ontario. The concentration of sawmills reflected, in part, the accessibility of white pine. At mid-century (see pi 16) the mills were concentrated on the lower reaches of the St Croix and Saint John rivers in New Brunswick, the Saint-Maurice and tributaries to the lower St Lawrence in Quebec, and in counties along the northern shore of Lake Erie in Ontario. By 1870 the main focus in Ontario and Quebec was the Chaudiere Falls at Ottawa-Hull. Much of the production from New Brunswick mills moved to market from seaports, whereas most of Ontario's and Quebec's output went by canal barge to the major wholesale market at Albany, New York. Railway transport was used along certain links, becoming more widespread towards the end of the century.

The harvesting of logs was a winter operation followed by the transport of logs to mills during the spring run-off. Entrepreneurs in the lower reaches of a major watershed were well placed to extend their harvesting upstream to tap the most desirable timber. The Gillies operation in the Ottawa valley is one example. Gillies' mills in 1842 (i) gathered logs from the Clyde River watershed. From 1862 to 1873, with a mill at Carleton Place (2), the firm held exclusive licence to logs from over 300 square miles of the upper Mississippi River watershed. In 1873 the operation acquired a mill at Braeside on the Ottawa River, opening up the potential of the entire upper Ottawa watershed. In 1893 (3) the firm held more than a thousand square miles of crown timber licence.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 38 The increasing size of the forest industry's operations was reflected in the multiplication of mill capacity and the industry's visible dominance of the local landscape. The central machine in use in the mill in the last half of the century was the gang saw, which sawed as many as four logs into 1" boards at each pass. Logs and lumber moved efficiently over rollers from one stage to another, and piling grounds for freshly sawn lumber covered large areas. As concern for stream pollution mounted, sawdust burners appeared, towering over the mill towns. Complementing the strongly growing export industry in sawn lumber was a rising wood-based manufacturing sector. By 1891 a sash, door, and blind (shutter) industry was concentrated in Montreal and Quebec City with other important centres in Ottawa, Amherst, and Winnipeg, all linked to national markets by the railway. Furniture and cabinetry production settled firmly into factories in Toronto and smaller communities in southwestern Ontario.

VOLUME II

SHIPS AND SHIPPING, 1863-1914 Author: Rosemary E. Omrner

The sailing-ship industry of Atlantic Canada flourished between the iSaos and the i88os. The initial impetus for the trade (except in Newfoundland) was the Napoleonic blockade of the Baltic which forced the United Kingdom to seek other sources of timber for its navy and merchant marine. Preferential tariffs for British North American timber stimulated colonial production and sale of masts, deals, and, increasingly, wooden ships. After the tariff was removed in 1842, shipowners began deploying their vessels themselves in the international carrying trades, expanding their activities as a world commodities market (centred on the United Kingdom and with a secondary centre on the northeast coast of the United States) developed after 1850. By 1867 the eastern Canadian sailing-ship fleet was the third largest in the world (after the United Kingdom and the United States). However, as the technology of steam became increasingly cost-efficient - first on short hauls, then on longer voyages - the sailing-ship industry of Atlantic Canada went into decline.

Crews were hired in the ports that vessels traded in, and were therefore international. Officers, however, were drawn heavily from the areas around the ports of registry, reflecting the owners' desire to maintain control over their investments.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

SAINT JOHN SHIPBUILDING

The transfer or sale of vessels to the United Kingdom was a dominant feature of the sailing-ship industry. Developing out of the early timber trade, the building and sale of vessels brought economic prosperity, particularly in the 18505 and i86os, to places like Saint John, Yarmouth, Windsor, Charlottetown, and the Miramichi area.

plate 39

During its heyday the shipping industry was not monolithic: different ports specialized in different rigs and vessel sizes, or in different marketplaces for the vessels they sold, or in different uses for their vessels. Nor did all the ports of registry peak or decline at the same time; such fluctuations depended on the kinds of vessels they built and the purpose to which these were put. Saint John and Yarmouth concentrated on barques and ships for the carrying trade; Newfoundland and Halifax on schooners; and other ports, more closely tied to the sale of vessels, on brigs and brigantines. In later years Halifax continued to build sailing ships for the fishery and the related West Indies trade after the world carrying trade had gone over to steamshipping. Saint John and Yarmouth, however, which had concentrated on the carrying trades, began disinvestment in the 18703.

VOLUME II

AGRICULTURAL CHANGE IN QUEBEC TO 1891 Authors: Jean-Claude Robert, Normand Seguin

The agriculture of Quebec in the latter part of the igth century was marked by a continuation and acceleration of the shift that began in the 18303 (see pi 13) towards a mixed-farming economy. Between 1851 and 1891 the number of farms in Quebec larger than 10 acres rose from approximately 80 ooo to 125 ooo. The increase points to the vitality of the rural population; at the same time an ever-increasing rural exodus demonstrated Quebec's inability fully to absorb its burgeoning numbers. Another feature of Quebec's agriculture was the persisting contrast between new areas where land was still available and older, fully occupied areas, particularly along the St Lawrence River and in the greater Montreal region. Changes in the rural landscape to 1891 were the result of the pressure of settlement pushing to the southeast and extending the frontier in other areas: on the north bank of the St Lawrence, along the lower St Lawrence and Saguenay rivers, as well as in the Ottawa valley. More intense settlement activity in the north modified regional balances. By 1891 the growth and distribution of crop production in the southern and northern parts of Quebec had produced two agricultural types, divided by a line running across the end of Lake Saint-Pierre to Trois-Rivieres and Drummondville. To the north settlement and agriculture remained dispersed. In the south, concentrated around the central Montreal area, production was more intensive and more closely oriented to major markets.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 40

Quebec's leading crops were oats and hay. The distribution of oats in 1891 is synonymous with the extent of Quebec agriculture. This crop, together with hay, was ubiquitous. Wherever land could be worked, wherever a crop could be raised, one or the other, or both, would be found. Hay and oats were the only crops suitable for marginal areas, but they were also significant as cash crops near the cities and in the vicinity of lumber operations. The two crops provided a firm foundation for agricultural change. Towards the end of the century they made possible the most dramatic new development in the rural economy, the growth and diffusion of butter and cheese production. Geared to markets both at home and overseas, butter and cheese were the fastest-growing agricultural products in the province in the i88os and 18905.

Appearing in the 18705, the cerdes agricoles

attempted to introduce training programs for farmers. Located in the parishes and financed partially by the provincial government, the organization met with limited success. Its impact was most strongly felt away from the major agricultural areas.

The making of cheese in factories spread to Quebec from New York State in the i86os, reaching impressive levels of production and distribution in the 18805 and 18905. Up to 80% of Quebec cheese was exported, mostly to Great Britain. The butter output, larger in volume, was produced mainly for the domestic market.

VOLUME II

AGRICULTURAL CHANGE IN ONTARIO, 1851-1891 Authors: R. Louis Gentilcore, Don Measner, Darrell Norris

Agriculture in Ontario in the latter part of the igth century experienced changes similar to those in Quebec earlier in the century. The emphasis on wheat declined, especially after the 1850s. Not only did wheat pests and soil exhaustion continue to take their toll; increasingly, cattle, either for beef or dairy products, became an attractive substitute for wheat. The map of crop production in 1891 summarizes agricultural activity. The area between the Great Lakes contained a distinctive mix of crops. Wheat was still strong, particularly on the newer lands; oats was the dominant grain in most places; barley was prominent north of Lake Ontario; special crops such as corn, tobacco, peas, and beans were part of a diversified agriculture in the southwest; a major fruit culture was emerging in the Niagara peninsula. Eastward a distinct agricultural boundary separated eastern Ontario from the rest of the province. Here farms had adopted a hay-oats complex similar to that of Quebec. Although the complex existed throughout the two provinces, its dominance from eastern Ontario eastward suggests a major divide in the agriculture of central Canada. Responding to and promoting changes in farming was a strong agricultural education system. The Ontario Agricultural College, founded in the 18703 in Guelph, encouraged far-reaching changes, including new practices in dairy feeding. On the map below patterns of enrolments and graduate placements emphasize the growing focus on a diverse and productive agriculture in the area between the Great Lakes.

The graphs are based on available data for British North America in 1851 and for the eastern provinces in the Dominion of Canada in 1871 and 1891.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 41

By 1881 the production of cheese was the fastest-growing component of Ontario's agriculture. The first cheese factories were introduced in the 18605. There were over a thousand in the 18903, producing in that decade threequarters of Canada's factory cheese, 80% of which was exported. At the same time, in terms of total production cheese contributed substantially less than two other products in the animal sector, namely butter and beef cattle, both directed largely to the domestic market.

For the purposes of compatibility the production units of all crops have been converted to bushels equivalent in food value (calories) to bushels of wheat. Animal numbers have been converted to animal 'units' based on feed requirements. Butter and cheese have been converted to pounds of milk. Apple-equivalent bushels are the relative value of the fruit compared to that of apples. See end notes for further details.

VOLUME II

HOMESTEADING AND AGRICULTURE IN THE WEST, 1872-1891 Authors: James M. Richtik, Don Measner

By the 18705 a new kind of settlement had appeared in the West, replacing the old order based on fur-trading posts and river-lot farms (pll 17, 18). The new emphasis was on the use of land for commercial agriculture. By the early 18705 most of Manitoba had been surveyed into townships six miles square (9.6 km2) and sections one mile square (1.6 km2). Hand in hand with the survey went the granting of homesteads by the Canadian government. The homesteader was required to pay a fee of $10 for entry and to maintain a three-year period of occupancy and cultivation to qualify for a patent. In the early 18705 almost all homesteaders took land as near Winnipeg as availability permitted, with the largest concentration on silty soils south of Lake Manitoba. By 1880 the homesteading frontier was just reaching the present western „ boundary of Manitoba, with the main westward thrust along proposed railway routes near the American border and north of the Assiniboine River. The greatest expansion occurred in the early i88os when settlement followed the proposed railway routes into Saskatchewan, particularly extending onto the prairie along the finally approved transcontinental route through Regina. The settlement nodes of 1884 served as foci for further settlement. In spite of the large number of homestead entries, the only new areas opened up were along the transcontinental railway north of Cypress Hills, along the new railway line north of Calgary, and in the Lethbridge coal-mining area.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

HOMESTEADING ACTIVITY 1872-1891

PLATE 42

The expansion of the occupied area during the i88os coincided with increases in crop and animal production, setting the stage for the massive increases to follow. Before 1891 crop production was concentrated in Manitoba, the area first settled. The emphasis was on wheat as the export crop, with smaller acreages devoted to animal feeds such as hay and oats for horses and cattle for the potential export of beef and dairy products. Cattle distributions in 1891 also point to a rising beef-cattle industry on the ranching frontier in southern Alberta. Wheat acreage continued to increase in the late i88os, particularly in the heavily settled districts of Manitoba and along railway lines. Grain-elevator capacity to handle the increased production was another factor favouring wheat growing, and by 1891 an economy based on vertical elevators had spread throughout Manitoba and to the larger centres west along the transcontinental railway. The export of wheat in 1876 from the area around Winnipeg established the reputation of Manitoba wheat and began the process of making the prairies the bread basket of the empire. By 1891 significantly larger shipments of wheat were transported almost entirely through Winnipeg and eastward Superior. along the Canadian transcontinental railway to Lake

VOLUME II

INTERNATIONAL TRADE TO 1891 Author: David A. Sutherland

Following Confederation railroad construction, implementation of protective tariffs, and industrialization combined to foster the growth of internal Canadian trade. Nevertheless, the new Dominion remained highly dependent on external trade. Between 1850 and 1891 imports tripled and exports rose four times over. Most of that expansion came prior to 1874. Thereafter, mainly because of negative trends in the international economy, Canadian trade stagnated. Ontario and Quebec persisted as the focal point of trade, together accounting for approximately three-quarters of Canada's imports and exports. Montreal continued to rank as the largest port but Toronto was catching up, in part because trade was increasingly moving not along the St Lawrence River but across the Great Lakes. Ports on Canada's Atlantic coast failed to keep pace, and on the Pacific Vancouver had yet to emerge as a major entrepot. Canada's most important trading partners remained the United Kingdom and the United States. Their combined share of all goods moving in and out of Canada exceeded 80%. Manufactures still made up over half the value of Canada's imports while staples, notably wood, wheat, fish, and meat, led Canadian exports. As for the balance of trade, the value of imports chronically ran ahead of the value of exports. Increasingly commodities were being moved by rail but waterborne transportation continued to prevail. Trade retained much of its old seasonal rhythm but goods now moved with increasing speed, in large measure because small, slow, sail-powered craft were giving way to larger, faster, metal-hulled, and steam-driven vessels.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 43

Newfoundland trade was not reported on a port-by-port basis for the inbound and outbound flow of goods. Steamship tonnage was reported however, and it reveals that these vessels, which dominated the island's overseas trade, preferred to use St John's rather than the multiplicity of outports found around the coast. The red arrows indicate the general extent of these coastal areas.

VOLUME II

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Urbanization and Manufacturing Towns have been a part of the European occupation of the land since the first permanent settlement in what was to become Canada. By the beginning of the 19th century urban life at St John's, Quebec, and Montreal, among other places, was well established. The creation of new urban foundations was to be one of the most characteristic activities of the century. The old habit of anchoring the frontier with a town continued as settlement pushed beyond the narrow band of Maritime shorelines and the St Lawrence-Great Lakes littoral: from the Maritime interior to peninsular Ontario, the Prairies, and the Pacific the founding of towns accompanied permanent settlement everywhere. In older settled regions, such as the seigneurial lands of the St Lawrence, the intensification of commercial life and the rise of industry in the countryside spawned new urban places. By the end of the century a dense matrix of urban places marked the vast spread of permanent white settlement across Canada, from the shores of the Atlantic Ocean to Vancouver Island. The characteristic urban place was a village or small town undistinguished by any easily identified attribute from its neighbours or from hundreds of other places more distant. These towns housed most of the urban population of the 19th century. Their presence marked the 19th century as a different period from the i8th: in earlier times colonial urbanism had expressed predominantly the need of a mercantile imperial system for North American outposts to help manage international trading networks or defend the region. A few substantial cities, isolated from each other and often from their immediate North American surroundings, and defined by their links with Europe, served these purposes. The 19th-century experience was very different. The most important impulse contributing to urban life no longer emanated from Europe; it was to be found instead in the commercial vitality of the Canadian countryside. The survival and prosperity of most towns rested on their ability to serve the needs of the surrounding population: the commerce and industry on which the livelihood of the ordinary 19th-century town relied catered directly to, and arose immediately from, the harvest and handling of local resources. The dependence of a town on its local region, which was immediate and crucial, marked an important change that was to affect the whole dynamic of urbanism in the 19th century. Henceforth Canadian urbanization was to be understood primarily with reference to the Canadian context rather than through the filter of European, imperial design. Nevertheless, the imperial impulse survived into the 19th century in an almost instinctive urge to plant towns strategically in settlement schemes thought to have military or political importance. Significantly, many such plans failed to mature, attesting to the outmoded logic of their design. Late in the century the idea of planting organized urban life by design was adopted by the Hudson's Bay Company and the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR), two of the largest organizations operating in Canada, when they found themselves with huge tracts of land and with a motive to encourage their settlement. The CPR made no little plans, and succeeded in implanting an impressive number of townsites across the Prairies. Even such a powerful organization as this, however, could not guarantee that its plan would mature according to its own wishes. There were many proposals for creating an orderly overall pattern of urban settlement during the 19th century, but the forces creating urbanization did not adhere to such designs. The 19th century has been said to be the age of great cities, and much scholarly attention has focused on the very largest cities that emerged in Canada in this period. Montreal was the queen of Canadian cities (even as Toronto heralded itself as the Queen City), a

position recognized in the appellation metropolis. The metropolitan thesis, extensively applied to Canadian urbanism, posits that relations among cities are organized from the top, the control centre for the whole extensive network of communications among cities. The leading city is the locus of decisions which will influence the organization of economic activity throughout the whole area over which institutions in the principal city exercise power. Montreal's reach in the late 19th century has been considered to extend at least to the limits of Canada. Its influence has been defined by several factors: by the organization of communication systems - the postal network, railway, and telegraph - focusing on it; by its rank as the leading industrial city of the country; by its pre-eminence as a port from which international trade flowed; and by the influence of many of its institutions throughout the land. Viewed through the prism of metropolitanism Montreal, which had been the leading city of the mercantile period, emerged from the collapse of the commercial era of imperial preference to become the economic capital of an urbanizing and industrializing nation in the last decades of the century. The logic of the urban system, according to this thesis, rests with the control functions organized from the highest level. Montreal enjoyed a unique position as the premier city of 19thcentury Canada, but it shared the impressive statistics of its growth with other Canadian cities. More remarkable, however, than the growth of individual cities was the increase in the proportion of the total population living in urban places. The urbanization of the Canadian population during the 19th century, one of the most impressive social phenomena of the time, created a dramatic increase in the number of urban places and an unprecedented and sustained rate of increase of the population of many individual cities and towns. Urbanization measures the collective behaviour of a system of cities. The figures for Canada, excluding Newfoundland, show a steady increase in the proportion of the growing population that resided in urban places. In 1851 the figure stood at a modest 13%; by 1881 it had risen to 23%; and by 1901 it was 35%. These dry figures signal the dramatic process of social and economic change which the nation's population was experiencing. We must pause first, however, to recognize that while the trend in every region of the country was similar, there were important regional variations. Regionalism in 19th-century Canada was a fundamental characteristic of life which influenced urbanization as it did every important development. The manner in which the culturally distinct, historically isolated, and economically non-complementary colonial societies which comprised the British North American colonies circa 1800 created a framework for their collective development and the extension of their social and political influence across a continent stands as an amazing achievement of their 19th-century experience. The distinctiveness of regional identities, in areas both of long-established European settlement and of new colonization, was an inescapable context of life in every area, but so too were the new social forces which impinged on life in every society peopled from Europe and which marked the 19th century as so distinct from earlier periods. Urbanization was one of the universalizing processes whose impact was general but also particular; it was to be measured in Canada not only in terms of national trends and statistics but also through its particular regional expression. It is striking that the population urbanized more rapidly in many regions of new settlement than in those areas where societies and towns were long established. In Canada the best illustration of this can be seen in comparing the experience of Manitoba and the Mari-

times after mid-century. In 1881, when Manitoba could boast only a few thousand inhabitants, its population was already more urbanized (at 15%) than that of Prince Edward Island or Nova Scotia and almost as urban as New Brunswick's. By 1891 none of the Maritime provinces was as urbanized as Manitoba (at over 23%). At mid-century Quebec was narrowly the most urbanized region of what became Canada, but at 15% urban its lead over what became Ontario was slight. The population of both provinces subsequently urbanized more rapidly than that of any other part of the country, with Ontario taking the lead by 1861. In 1891 Ontario's population was 35% urban whereas Quebec's, at just under 29%, stood slightly below the Canadian average. In that year the province of British Columbia boasted the most urbanized population in the country, at over 42%. The regional variation in urbanization was a matter of the rate rather than the process itself. The steady proportionate shift of population in the disparate regions indicates the existence of institutions of economic and social co-ordination whose influence was increasingly felt across the nation. The role of the banks as agents controlling the management of assets and their allocation among competing borrowers in the various regions was crucial (pi 44). In the decades after Confederation control over banking became ever more highly centralized in the principal cities of Quebec and Ontario, notably Montreal and Toronto. The principal banks in these cities engaged in stiff competition with each other even as they absorbed formerly independent banks with headquarters in hinterland cities. From these two centres emanated the principal decisions leading to the westward movement of capital associated with the settlement and economic development of new regions. The flow of public information in the form of published news in the press of the nation provides a measure of the co-ordination and standardization of a vital commodity on which public education and perception relied: communications (pi 45). By 1885 there existed a certain measure of commonality in the availability of information about Canada in every region of the country. This reflected the need, as perceived by editors and opinion leaders, for a broad exchange of information, and a growing interest by the ever-enlarging proportion of the population that comprised the reading public in a national communications network. The institutions of social coordination, as represented by the press, had a vital role to play in creating a standardized marketplace of information and ideas on which urbanization on a national scale rested, and indeed considerable national feeling as well. The process of urbanization implies integration, which in turn relies on the effective management and allocation on an increasing scale of resources - human and non-human - necessary for organized economic and social life. Clear evidence of the changing scale at which the inputs to production were becoming organized is seen in the energy used in manufacturing (pi 46). The nature of resources used as industrial energy sources changed during the century, and the availability of local sources became less critical in the locational decisions affecting industry. The iron and steel industry, which first developed an integrated operation in Nova Scotia, could only briefly rely on local sources of energy and had to extend its search for coal as it did for ore. In 1895, when modern iron-making commenced in Ontario, at Hamilton, the coal came from Pennsylvania and the ore from Minnesota. Industry usually originated as an offshoot of the rural economy; it relied on the resources of the land and was highly localized in the various regions. At mid-century the leading industries reflected this varied resource endowment. The importance of wood, leather, and metal as raw materials for manufacturing as late as 1870 is striking, especially in non-metropolitan Ontario and Quebec where the greater proportion of the industrial labour force was still to be found (pi 47). The industrialization of the countryside can be interpreted as a response to the increasing commercialization of agriculture and the early development of export markets for even such humble manufactured commodities as ash. The close tie between manufacturing and exports is perhaps nowhere clearer than in shipbuilding. In Quebec City, where it was a major activity, ships that were not

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Building a Nation: Canada to the End of the Century

built for British owners were nevertheless probably constructed to carry the timber of the export trade. The rationalization of the location of manufacturing across Canada can be seen by 1891 when an industrial heartland had clearly emerged, in the region from Windsor to Quebec (pi 48). The two provinces across which this concentration stretched accounted for by far the greatest proportion of the total value of manufacturing output. By 1900 this figure stood at 82%. In the decades after Confederation the Maritimes' share of total value of manufacturing declined, just as the region's economy began to be controlled increasingly from outside the area, and especially from Montreal. It is a commonplace of late 19th-century experience that industry created the great cities. Industrial growth equalled urban growth, a correlation that held true in Canada, where Montreal and Toronto were the largest cities and the two most important industrial centres. Winnipeg, on its way to becoming the third city of the Dominion, was also growing as an important centre of industry. Industry was based on entrepreneurship which often had local roots. In the principal cities it contributed significantly to the emergence of a substantial and well-to-do entrepreneurial class which was determined that its new status would be appropriately reflected in the landscape. The creation of bourgeois residential landscapes in Montreal provides a fine reflection of the class consciousness of this urban group (pi 49). Social distinctions, often finely graded, were deliberately incorporated into the cityscape in an unmistakable manner that would be understood immediately by even the casual observer. A bourgeois city was in the process of creation. The claims of business to exclusive possession of the centre of the city - the emergence of a special district of commerce, the central business district - also reflected this group's power as the pre-eminent source of growth in the late decades of the century. Long-established cultural institutions, including churches and social clubs, which had given the heart of the city a distinctive ceremonial status began to vacate the area, confronted with economic competition from business interests for the land. In Toronto this process was well underway by the i88os (pi 50). The flight from the city centre in the face of competition from business changed forever the social valuation of the space, which until that time had been available with relatively little restriction to all who wished to claim it for ceremonial purposes. Now business began to see it as its special preserve and to wish to protect its large new investments in the area from any activities perceived as disruptive. The institutions which remained, such as government and the church, by and large accepted the claims of business to the area. The control of territory in the cities has always been a central fact of social life there. Since the first appearance of inhabitants on the streets, the social geography of the towns has been a matter of negotiation among contending parties, each of which has had its own interests and ideals. One of the favourite forms of demanding recognition was to process through the central streets of the city. It was a flexible ritual, equally suited to occasions of creating rule or misrule - to celebrating order or inciting disorder. The streets of the city were by tradition available to almost all inhabitants and for nearly any purpose. Across the Canadian regions the process has varied little, although the groups themselves have'differed greatly. The mixture of cultures, ethnicities, and political persuasions which colonial cities hosted made for an unstable brew. By modern standards the distinctions may seem subtle: we must, however, understand the significance of these small differences for 19th-century populations. In Saint John Irish Catholic confronted Irish Protestant in a volatile mix which exploded into public discord on commemorative occasions when raw nerves were irritated. One such instance occurred on 12 July 1849, the anniversary of the Battle of the Boyne (pi 58). The social geography of the city was never on clearer public display than when Protestant Orangemen marched through the centre of the city and into a Catholic neighbourhood with the symbols of their allegiance both visibly and audibly displayed. Celebrations of consensus as well as contention marked the ceremonial heart of the city, the central streets. In Montreal the occasion of the funeral of a leading public figure, Thomas D'Arcy McGee,

called forth just such a demonstration (pi 58). The inhabitants participated en masse in an enormous procession. Society was present in every degree, identified by institutions and affiliations to which distinct social rankings were attached. The status of each of these participating groups can be read from the order of march assigned to the various groups in the procession: the closer to the funeral carriage the marcher was placed the higher was his status. It was an impressive demonstration of solidarity in honouring a local leader; it likewise provides an unusually clear reading of the social standing of the very many participating groups in the city.

The great city of the late 19th century was the most significant artifact of a society emerging from its parochial colonial origins and in the process of growing into a modern industrial nation. The consequences of urbanization and industrialization, twin forces of social change operating in post-Confederation Canada, were most fully on view by the end of the century in Canada's largest cities. They presaged the 2Oth century when the influence of these forces would be diffused to the ends of the land. PETER G. G O H E E N

Urbanization and Manufacturing

117

BANKING AND FINANCE Author: Ronald Rudin

Financial institutions exist to mobilize the savings of individuals who are interested in receiving some return for their surplus capital. Once collected, this capital is then made available to others who require funds to carry out some venture. In 19th-century Canada there were various types of financial intermediaries. The Post Office Savings Bank operated by the federal government constituted the only effort on the part of the state to take a direct role in mobilizing the capital of individual Canadians. Indirectly the state was involved in providing the legislation that made possible the existence of insurance companies, mortgage and loan societies, and chartered banks. The most important financial intermediary was the chartered bank. Although other intermediaries grew in importance in the course of the century, banks still controlled roughly half of the assets of financial institutions in 1880. The number of banks in operation continued to grow throughout most of the iSoos in a manner that was consistent with the growth of competition in most sectors of the economy. In the last decades of the century, however, this situation changed as monopoly capitalism began to set in. The number of banking corporations was reduced because of both failures and amalgamations. In this process of consolidation the number of banks with head offices in the Maritimes was reduced, and the concentration of financial power in Montreal and Toronto became particularly pronounced.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 44 The chartered banks facilitated the movement of capital from one region to another through investments that were made in bank shares. The banks raised a significant percentage of their loanable funds through the marketing of such shares, resulting in the physical movement of capital as investors sent their funds to institutions with head offices scattered across Canada. In 1891 most regions of the Maritimes were tied to Halifax, sending considerably more funds to that centre than to either Montreal or Toronto. Montreal's hinterland extended across Quebec to eastern Ontario. Toronto drew capital from the rest of Ontario, but Montreal was still the major financial centre in Canada, drawing more capital from the west than did Toronto.

By the end of the 19th century the savings of individual clients had become the principal means by which banks financed their operations. The savings of individuals were mobilized through the establishment of bank offices across Canada. The number of branches in operation grew more rapidly than the population as the banks competed to tap the savings of Canadians. At midcentury most branches were in Ontario as the banks sought the savings of its farmers. This situation changed with the opening of branches in Quebec as a result of the revival of its agriculture, and in the West where settlement was just beginning. Not surprisingly, most of the branches in this period were controlled by banks with head offices in Montreal.

The financial power of Montreal and Toronto is reflected in the ability of banks with head offices there to attract considerably more capital from other regions than local residents sent to banks with headquarters elsewhere. By contrast, Quebec City and Halifax were centres in relative decline where local residents exported more capital than was attracted by banks with head offices there.

VOLUME VOLUME II II

AN EMERGING URBAN SYSTEM, 1845,1885 Author: Peter G. Goheen

During the second half of the igth century Canada experienced increases in the number and size of urban centres and an increase in the proportion of the total population which was urban. Urban centres were, and remain, the foci of communications linking them to other towns and cities and to the regions they serve. In their capacity to influence the complex networks of communication cities define their relationships with each other and their relative significance within hierarchically structured information networks. In the igth century newspapers were the principal source for current public news, both economic and social. All the major newspapers were edited and published from the principal cities of Canada. On these maps place names found in newspapers in 1845 and 1885 are used to identify sources of non-local economic information. The frequency with which a place was mentioned allows one to quantify the relative importance of distant places as sources of useful information in the newspapers.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 45

Newspaper circulation can be used to define the limits of the regions served by the cities where they were published. In 1845 Montreal enjoyed unrivalled access to information flows in the colonies, and her leading newspapers, which carried business items, circulated over a large area. Information circulated through channels that were defined by the technology of the day; for example, in 1849 the telegraph had not yet supplanted the horse and the river boat. The routes by which information flowed can be established by noting the sources given and the dates of publication of news articles. For important events, such as a great fire or a riot, many newspapers carried the story. The paths that the news travelled and the delay in its receipt define the position of urban centres within a communication network and thus suggest an urban hierarchy. The three cases shown in the chart at the lower left, reveal that news travelled through different channels and at varying speeds.

VOLUME II

FROM FIREWOOD TO COAL: FUELLING THE NATION TO 1891 Authors: Del Muise, Rosemarie Lanehout, Ronald H. Waldei

For much of the igth century forest resources provided cheap, widely available fuel. Water-powered milling and manufacturing and sail-powered transport, despite their importance, made up only a small fraction of total energy consumption, compared to the use of wood for heating and cooking. The clearing of land for agriculture and the growth of urban places soon exhausted accessible wood-fuel resources particularly near major urban centres. With increasing industrialization, technological advances in heating systems and the engines of transport and industry demanded increasingly large quantities of a more uniform and more concentrated energy source. Contributing less than 10% of total energy production at Confederation, coal surpassed wood fuel as the nation's leading energy source by the end of the century. Coal provided the essential fuel for both the expanding railway network and the growing iron and steel industry, the twin cornerstones of the country's industrialization. Unfortunately Canada's highquality coal resources were located on the periphery of industrial development. Early growth of the coal industry in Nova Scotia was built on exports to the east coast of the United States. Despite the hopes and promises of Confederation, the absence of any colonial or national industrial strategy contributed to subsequent underdevelopment. In the latter part of the century the developing industrial heartland of central Canada became dependent upon cheap supplies of American coal easily accessible from the Appalachian region of the United States. Canada's eastern and western coalfields were relegated to supplying mostly regional needs.

Although crude oil was in great demand for refined fuel products such as kerosene, the rapid exploitation of oil around Petrolia, Ontario, made only a small contribution to the country's total energy demands. Following an initial oil boom in the i86os a large number of refineries sprang up across southwestern Ontario, particularly in the London area (Middlesex East). With industry consolidation in the i88os the Imperial Oil Company emerged as the dominant producer, eventually concentrating its refinery operations in Sarnia.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 46

Among the maritime coalfields Sydney's reserves were the largest and most intensively mined. Although initially focused on the harbour, by the end of the century Glace Bay and a number of other satellite communities dominated production. From 1827 to 1857, under the British firm The General Mining Association, coal capacity was expanded and markets opened in New England. During the lo-year period following the Reciprocity Treaty of 1854, output increased fivefold. However, Confederation forced reorientation towards central Canada and local demand proved more important in the long run. In western Canada coal deposits in Alberta and in the interior of British Columbia were consumed largely within the region, fuelling an expanding railway network and urban growth. During the second half of the century the coalfields of Vancouver Island found a substantial export market on the American west coast.

The growth and consolidation of urban centres, together with technical advances in the second half of the century, encouraged the development of rudimentary urban energy systems based on coal gas and electricity. Piped in from local gas works, coal gas provided a fuel for lighting and for some industrial processes. Electric-light works, developed in the i88os with the invention of the dynamo, were situated at local water-power sites and powered nearby lighting systems.

Within Canadian cities coaldistribution systems centred on coalyards located on the waterfront or along rail lines. From here horse-drawn wagons delivered orders placed with merchants such as Thomas Mcllwraith of Hamilton, Ontario.

VOLUME II

ELEMENTS OF INDUSTRIAL TRANSITION, 1851-1871 Author: Ronald H. Walder At mid-century there was a transitional period between the dispersed, rural, small-scale production by artisans prevalent during the era of mercantilism and the centralized, urban, largescale production in factories that prevailed during the decades following Confederation. Still dominated by enterprises engaged in the primary processing of agricultural and forest resource staples, the Canadian industrial landscape was undergoing a shift towards the increasing production of consumer and producer goods. A number of elements combined to facilitate this transforation. External political events and government trade policies fostered prosperity in the market for agricultural and forest staples. Immigration and the growth of population in urban centres provided workers and a growing market for manufactured goods. Skilled tradesmen and entrepreneurs were already successfully operating modest manufacturing enterprises that provided a basis for operations at a grander scale. The development of the railway system made possible the dependable, year-round distribution of manufactured goods to a wider and more complex national market-place. Enormous expenditures on railways provided a pool of new capital to support industrial expansion. Railways were, in themselves, among the first large-scale, well-integrated industrial complexes. They required large capital outlays for construction, expansion, maintenance, and repair and they employed a highly skilled workforce particularly in the metal trades. Railways also created private-sector manufacturing opportunities for the production of machinery and parts. The adoption of steam technology and advanced labour-saving machinery made possible the concentration of manufacturing in larger production units.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

RAILWAYS AS

PLATE 47

VOLUME II

THE DEVELOPING INDUSTRIAL HEARTLAND, 1871-1891 Authors: Ronald H. Walder, Daniel Hiebert (Toronto clothing)

With Confederation came the expectation of a prosperous industrial economy, to be achieved through tariff protection and the economic opportunities promised by the development of the Canadian West. Despite depressions during the mid-iSyos and early 18905, the Canadian economy produced moderate but steady growth in the decades following Confederation. Although the industrial economy was still dominated by primary production of resource staples, considerable expansion and diversification also occurred in the secondary manufacturing sector. By 1891 there was a clearly developing industrial heartland centred in southern Ontario and in and around Montreal. These regions possessed a large population base, capable industrial entrepreneurs, a powerful service sector, location at the centre of a well-developed transportation system, and proximity to a burgeoning economic power to the south. Secondary manufacturing in the heartland developed on several fronts. Meat packing, butter and cheese production, agricultural implements, and railway equipment indicate expansion fostered by a continuing emphasis on resource staples. Sugar refining, cotton textiles, and musical instruments were new developments in consumer goods dependent on tariff protection. With an existing core of metal-products industries and a skilled labour force southern Ontario specialized in producer goods such as agricultural implements and factory machinery. Capitalizing on a large, cheap labour pool, Montreal's development was oriented towards labour-intensive manufacturing of consumer goods such as textiles, clothing, and shoes. From a regional economy rooted in mercantilism the Maritimes developed a highly dispersed community-based system of manufacturing and entrepreneurship. Despite early success in sugar refining, cotton textiles, and iron and steel, its manufacturing base declined in the face of competition from the developing industrial heartland in central Canada.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 48

The government's chief instrument for industrial development was the National Policy tariff of 1879. For established, regionally successful industries such as the production of agricultural implements, the tariff added a marginal advantage over imports and an opportunity for expansion in the Canadian market. During the i88os the agricultural-implement industry grew strong enough to export some of its products to the United States and overseas. For new, less-developed industries facing foreign competition, such as cotton textiles, the tariff provided opportunities for immediate large-scale development in the domestic market. Although the industry boomed during the early i88os, over-expansion necessitated later mergers and consolidation. In another development foreign firms opened branch plants in Canada to avoid the tariff.

The factory system of production had profound effects on the composition of the workforce. From 1871 to 1891 the number of women workers tripled. By 1891 they comprised 20% of the workforce not including the large numbers employed as domestic servants. In manufacturing women occupied the lowest-paying jobs in the production of textiles, tobacco, shoes, clothing, and matches, and in printing shops. They often worked long hours under poor conditions executing simple, repetitive tasks. Taking jobs in order to help support their working-class families, most female workers were between 12 and 24 years of age, and many worked only until they married.

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SOCIAL CHANGE IN MONTREAL, 1842-1901 Authors: Sherry Olson, David Hanna

In the early igth century Montreal looked ahead to its role as the pre-eminent middleman and shipper for British North America. Population growth was moderate but steady, from 18 800 inhabitants in 1821 to 40 400 in 1842. The old order passed in the 18503. Montreal was at the heart of a new railway system linking the Atlantic coast with Ontario and the American midwest. The growth of financial services and large-scale industrialization followed. Population soared. French Canadians from the rural areas and Irish immigrants from abroad poured into what soon became Canada's leading industrial city. Overnight the formation of industrial districts established the framework of class segregation, forming residential patterns that would persist into the next century. On these maps common occupations identify five levels of social class, each with a distinct pattern of rentpaying capacity, as shown for 1881. Labourers outnumbered any other occupation, but merchants and professionals, who paid higher rents, outweighed blue-collar workers in the housing market. After 1842 the city unfolded like a flower out of Old Montreal. In each surge of growth all classes occupied new territory. By the end of the century we see an orderly gradient between the mountain and the river. Culturally the balance between populations of French and British origins shifted to a French majority, but the balance between Catholics and Protestants remained rather stable.

Like other North American cities, Montreal grew in boom-and-bust fashion, as is evident from the numbers of building permits issued each year. Population is shown by the number of households. In the first interval (1847-61) numbers doubled; in the second (1861-81) they almost trebled; by 1901 they had almost doubled again.

In the years 1861-1901 the city crept up the slope of the mountain. The wealthy led the climb. The bar of colour for each rent level shows what percentage of the households lived above and below an elevation of 30 metres, the Dorchester Street terrace. A street of houses was an exacting sieve for social class. The professionals doctors, dentists, lawyers, and notaries - were moving out of Old Montreal, occupying handsome streets like Dorchester and Sherbrooke (west), Saint-Denis, Saint-Hubert, and Berri. They clustered in Place Viger (1861), then in Saint-Louis Square (1901). New dwellings, built in the boom of the 18705, commanded annual rents ranging from less than $40 to more than $1 200. Most streets had only two or three types of dwellings, stacked as shown, most of them duplex units. The cubes shown below are proportional to the space in the dwelling unit.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 49

As the city spread out, it also piled up into dense concentrations. The density in populous working-class neighbourhoods reached 4 ooo households/km2 in 1861, 8 ooo in 1881, 12 ooo in 1901. Since the average household was five people, local densities approached 60 000 people/km2. By 1901 there were population peaks in the shoe-factory district of SaintJacques and in Saint-Jean-Baptiste , and a wall of high densities north of the Lachine Canal, with sharp peaks in Saint-Henri. In the foreground is Pointe-Saint-Charles with its railway shops, the biggest employer in the city.

Home ownership fell from 21% to 15% of all households between 1842 and 1881. Owning a home was a privilege of merchants and professionals, one no longer accessible to the working class. Tenancy became a distinctive feature of Montreal among North American cities, and contributed to the mobility of households. Every year on i May half of Montreal moved, down the street or around the corner.

VOLUME II

COMMERCE IN THE CORE: TORONTO, 1881 Authors: Gunter Gad, Elizabeth Buchanan, Deryck W. Holdswortl

With a population of 86 400 Toronto was the second-largest city in Canada in 1881. It was the political capital of Ontario; it contained important educational and religious institutions; and it was an important financial, wholesaling, and manufacturing centre. Urban development began to fill the area defined by the city boundaries: the Don River in the east, Bloor Street in the north, and Dufferin Street in the west. In the east and west the builtup area was fragmented and laced with large estate lots or institutional properties that would be more intensively developed later on. Most of the area south of Front Street was also at a stage of transition between empty lots on landfill and future development. A central business district about 900 by 900 metres in size had swamped the civic core laid out by the colonial government in 1797. Radiating out from it were four commercial axes, three of which (Yonge Street, King Street East-Kingston Road, and Queen Street West-Dundas Street) were long-established overland routes between Toronto and other places. These commercial axes were lined by high-order retail stores, low-order functions, and residences above and sometimes between stores. Low-order functions such as grocers, butchers, bakers, chemists, or 'hotels' (taverns) were found not only along the commercial axes but also on many street corners throughout the city. Factories appeared in different parts of the city, including the railway corridor along the waterfront, on the perimeter of the central business district, and in the central business district itself. Although large in terms of employment, printing, clothing and shoemaking firms occupied small areas and were usually integral parts of retail or wholesale firms.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

EATON'S AND SIMPSON'S

PLATE 50

DRY GOODS STORES

The central business district coincided with the most intensively developed part of the city, its principal street lined with three- and four-storey buildings. Beginning in the 18505 many shopkeepers had separated their residences from their businesses; in 1881 the central business district contained almost no residential population. The high-order functions constituting the central business district were unevenly distributed. Retailing occurred in an axial pattern along King and Yonge streets; wholesaling, together with several office-based functions, was found south of King Street; multi-tenant office buildings clustered northeast of the KingYonge intersection. Manufacturing activities such as printing, jewellery-making, and clothing production occurred throughout the central business district. Public offices complemented the business subareas: the customs house was in the wholesale district; the post office, the courts, and the Inland Revenue office were part of the office cluster northeast of King and Yonge, where most of the mortgageloan companies, lawyers, real estate agents, and architects had their offices. The more thinly developed fringe of the central area of the city contained a mix of land uses. Many high-order public or semi-public buildings occupied substantial areas, for example, the Parliament Buildings, St James' Cathedral, the Metropolitan Methodist Church, and St Michael's Cathedral.

Wholesaling, an important component of Toronto's economy, had developed close to the waterfront and the railways. Imported goods were received via Montreal and New York, cleared through the customs house, and stored in the wholesale warehouses. Most wholesalers occupied their own or rented buildings; a few rented space in multiple-occupancy buildings. The chartered banks, catering to long-distance trade, had their Toronto head or branch offices here. Other functions integral to the wholesale trade, including transportation and fire insurance companies, commercial and credit agencies, telegraph offices, and shipping and cartage companies, occupied commercial buildings in the wholesale district.

VOLUME II

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A Changing Society In the 19th century Canadian society moved on from the fragmentation and disorder of the frontier to the cohesiveness and stability of long-term settlement. Inevitably the process featured major differences from place to place. In 1860, for example, backwoods districts such as Ontario's Haliburton County possessed a pace and style of life that contrasted vividly with the cosmopolitan bustle found on Montreal's St James Street. Moreover, not all Canadians were destined to enjoy a common experience. Some, like those of native or African ancestry, would be denied the opportunity to share what contemporaries liked to call progress. Others, for example conservative elements within the Mennonite community, rejected the option of joining the mainstream of change. Nevertheless, certain broad generalizations can be offered about the evolution of Canadian society through the tumultuous years bounded by the last phase of the war against Napoleon at the beginning of the century and the inauguration of the so-called Laurier boom at the end of the century. Some of the elements of social change, including population, settlement, and political events, have been dealt with in preceding sections of this volume. Here we begin with a survey of what might be termed Canada's first great knowledge 'revolution,' which involved a dramatic growth in the amount of reading material available to the people. In 1800 few households contained more than the family Bible. Three generations later most people had ready access to books, newspapers, pamphlets, and tracts, as well as private correspondence exchanged with friends and family who might be scattered over the face of the globe. Various expressions of this development are illustrated in pi 51. Newspapers dominated the spread of the written word. They had existed since the 17605 but until the 18205 they remained small, localized, derivative, and largely inaccessible. Appearing but once a week, confined to the largest urban centres in each colony, and offering little more than advertising, official announcements, and news from abroad, these papers were read only by the urban gentry. During the second quarter of the 19th century, however, newspapers evolved into an articulate expression of colonial self-consciousness, offering a rich array of community news and comment. Publishereditors such as Toronto's George Brown and Halifax's Joseph Howe used their papers to campaign for improvements ranging from the introduction of responsible government to the construction of railways. By the i88os the press had evolved into a truly mass medium. Steam-powered production machinery, cheap newsprint, telegraph communications, a comprehensive rail network, and efficient postal delivery combined to create the penny-a-copy urban daily which made information gleaned worldwide available to more and more Canadians. In addition to such metropolitan giants as the Toronto Globe, late 19th-century readers had access to numerous other newspapers, ranging from rural weeklies to special-interest papers catering, for example, to various religious denominations, temperance advocates, businessmen, and members of the Canadian labour movement. For those whose curiosity ran beyond what could be found in newspapers and magazines, there were books which, over time, became available in growing numbers and at ever lower prices. By mid-century Canadian publishing had risen to the status of big business, thanks mainly to an escalating demand for school texts. Unfortunately Canadian titles were overwhelmed by material pushing in from abroad. Dime novels prevailed but reputable authors such as Charles Dickens also enjoyed popularity. Travelling salesmen and later book stores in the towns supplied Canadians with much of their reading material but libraries gradually emerged as a complementary source of information. For most of the century these institutions operated on a subscription basis and thus were available

only to the affluent, or to members of organizations such as the Mechanics' Institute, the InstitutW canadien, or local Sunday schools. In the i88os, however, Ontario pioneered with the creation of the public or 'free' library. Spread of the printed word, especially when disciplined by middle-class control of most sources of public information, was seen by Canadian opinion makers as one of the great triumphs of the Victorian age. A parallel sense of achievement pervaded contemporary discussion of 19th-century trends in church affairs. An overview of what was happening in selected aspects of organized religion is provided by pll 52 and 53. The era of pioneer settlement, which persisted into the 18405, posed major challenges to the faithful. Clergy were scarce and those willing to serve on the frontier often suffered from exhaustion, depression, and alcoholism. Poverty, isolation, and the fragmentation bred by ethnic barriers and sectarian differences all delayed the establishment of a cohesive congregational life. Moreover, through most of the second quarter of the century, British North America was racked by partisan conflict as Roman Catholics and Protestant dissenters sought to deny Anglican claims to function as an established church modelled on the traditions of England. By the 18505, following the introduction of responsible government, church and state were largely separated. Controversy persisted over government support for Roman Catholic 'separate schools' but otherwise Canadians came to accept the notion that government should have no favourites among the prevailing multiplicity of Christian denominations. Tension also eased because of changes in the character of those religious denominations which had once existed only on the fringes of polite society. For example, Canadian Methodists, who began with a reputation for catering to the lowest common denominator in terms of emotional self-indulgence, evolved in response to general trends towards greater social stability and increased affluence. Open-air 'camp meetings' where lay preachers stirred souls through the use of fire-and-brimstone rhetoric gave away to polite Sunday services presided over by university-educated male clerics. At the century's end Methodist churches in centres such as Toronto had become imposing cathedrals, with organs, paid choir masters, and congregations often drawn from the elite of the city. A parallel shift of identity occurred among Roman Catholics, especially in Quebec. Once viewed by colonial officials as merely the crude expression of a decaying peasant culture, Roman Catholicism achieved a remarkable revitalization especially during the second half of the 19th century. Vigorous recruitment of clergy, success in the establishment of teaching and charitable orders, and above all a genius for establishing itself as the champion of ethnic nationalism allowed Roman Catholicism to become an entrenched component of the Canadian identity. By the i88os religious activity in Canada focused not on denominational in-fighting but rather on enthusiastic efforts to purge society of unbelief and sin. Foreign and frontier missions were one expression of that evangelical zeal. In Quebec emphasis was placed on the consolidation of the church's influence over education and welfare institutions. Across English Canada Christian commitment tended to generate demands for legislated morality, most notably in the insistence that the liquor trade should be criminalized. Such militancy gained strength from the fact that by the end of the century over 95% of adult Canadians professed at least nominal adherence to some form of organized Christianity. Comprehensive statistics are not available on the number of people who joined fraternal societies but current research suggests that in the 19th century there was steady growth in the popularity of these organizations. Embracing well-known and enduring bodies

like the Masons and the Orange Order, as well as localized and relatively ephemeral entities such as Halifax's Poor Man's Friend Society, voluntary associations of men and later women played a major role in shaping the Canadian experience. First and foremost fraternities provided a setting for people to get together for conviviality in the form of food, drink, and conversation. Club-house activity, early on concentrated in places such as taverns, soon came to be complemented by parades and picnic outings or excursions to visit brethren in neighbouring communities. Initially an antidote to the rootlessness of frontier life, over time fraternal connections primarily became a way for those in early adulthood to build the associations needed to advance their careers. The better organized clubs also offered security in the form of mutual benefits such as money to compensate for job loss or pay for a decent funeral. Ritual, regalia, and quasi-secrecy remained common features of Canadian fraternities. A few of these societies were home grown but those with high prestige tended to be branches of British and American entities. Some had been set up explicitly to serve a particular constituency, most often one defined in ethnic or denominational terms. The Women's Christian Temperance Union is an example of fraternalization designed to serve an ideological cause. The extent to which clubs crossed class lines remains a matter of dispute but we now can say that groups such as the Masons and the Orange Order had both white-collar and blue-collar members. The Orange Order is particularly interesting because it demonstrates how fraternities adapted to changing circumstances in Canadian life. Beginning as a colonial transplant structured to serve the needs of immigrant Irish Protestants, by the 18405 it was actively recruiting the native-born of various ethnic backgrounds. As part of its struggle to gain legitimacy and also facilitate the integration of Irish immigrants into their new homeland, the Orange Order engaged in partisan politics. Orangemen, usually acting in support of entrenched Tory-Protestant interests, often turned elections into episodes of protracted violence. As well, Orange parades held on 12 July to commemorate Protestant military triumphs in 17th-century Ireland regularly deteriorated into rioting between Orangemen and their Roman Catholic neighbours (pi 58). By the 18705, however, Orange leaders were responding to the growing demand for order by insisting that their members forsake both violence and public drunkenness. Mounting pressure to embrace the conventions of ascendant propriety meant that by the end of the century the Orange Order had buried its tumultuous past. In this century Canada also came to expect that most people should know how to read and write. At the beginning of the 19th century literacy had been confined to a minority but by the 18905, except in isolated communities, most adults could understand and use at least simple texts. This achievement came about largely as a result of the creation of mass public schooling (pll 54 and 55). In the i8th century British North America had regarded schooling as a private matter. Children were taught at home or sent out for instruction, usually to the home of a male teacher. Because of the costs involved only the children of the affluent, and particularly boys, received even a rudimentary education. By the 18205, however, rising expectations among people of modest means, allied with a growing concern about the alleged prevalence of vice and sedition among the poor, generated demands for schools and for government subsidies which would facilitate the enrolment of destitute children. During the 18505, after more than two decades of haphazard experimentation, colonial society began to acquire the elements of a public system of education. Innovation came earliest and most extensively in Upper Canada. Drawing upon models pioneered in Germany and Ireland, reformers established a structure featuring compulsory taxation, a standardized curriculum, uniform procedures for the training and licensing of teachers, and centralized inspection. Beginning in the 18705 children were obliged to attend school or face authority in the person of the truant officer. By the end of the 19th century the school had become an integral component of growing up in Canada. For urban children it meant passing through a hierarchical series of grades in large brick buildings equipped with central heating, electric lights, and indoor plumbing. For middle-class children primary-level instruction was followed by attendance at a high school or in French Canada a clas-

134

Building a Nation: Canada to the End of the Century

sical college. Rural children and the urban poor had cruder facilities and few opportunities. Worst off were the youth of black and native families, who had to put up with racially segregated schools which often shut down for months because of a lack of operating funds. Teachers in the lower levels of this burgeoning education bureaucracy increasingly tended to be young women, often hired because they could be paid less than men. Outside Quebec debates over education primarily focused on whether public funds should be used to support separate schools for Roman Catholics. By the 18705 that issue had largely been resolved, with the result that most provinces, at least in urban areas, possessed some version of educational duality. Religion also played an important role in higher education. The second and third quarters of the i9th century saw the founding of many small denominational colleges designed to satisfy the growing demand for an educated clergy. Initially open only to males, by the 18705 Protestant institutions had begun to admit women. Chronic underfunding and mutual jealousy meant that most of these institutions of higher education remained mired in parochialism and mediocrity. The transformation of education was paralleled by developments in welfare (pi 56). Those in need, which through the 19th century tended to be defined as an inability to secure the means of survival, included recently arrived immigrants, those sick in body or mind, the elderly and the very young, single mothers with young children, and others victimized by lack of work. The extent of poverty cannot be established with any certainty, but research shows that it was pronounced in both rural and urban areas and tended to be worst in winter and, of course, during periods of economic recession. Destitution initiated responses which were often cruel. Beggars and vagrants regularly faced imprisonment or expulsion from the local municipality. Alternately, at least in the Maritimes, indigents were dumped indiscriminately into the local Poor House or 'sold' to a master who agreed to provide room and board in return for domestic service. Such arrangements frequently exposed the poor to disease, cold, malnutrition, and physical abuse. By mid-century welfare policy began to be reshaped by humanitarian innovations. Government slowly assumed greater responsibility for certain categories of the poor, notably the insane, who came to be housed in specialized asylums. Private philanthropy also became more active. Colonial-era soup kitchens that had been set up from time to time to deal with short-term problems gave way to ongoing institutionalized forms of assistance. Orphanages proliferated, along with many homes designed to accommodate the particular needs of groups such as the deaf, the blind, unwed mothers, and inebriates. In Roman Catholic communities the church assumed responsibility for an ever-expanding network of facilities for the poor. Among Protestants leadership was exercised on an interdenominational basis by a laity that included both men and women. Gradually these private-sector initiatives won subsidies from municipal and provincial authorities. Undercutting achievements in the realm of welfare was the Victorian preoccupation with distinguishing the 'deserving' from the 'undeserving.' Poverty, especially among the able-bodied, continued to be seen as the by-product of alcoholism and sloth. Thus those seeking welfare faced deterrents, including demands for physical labour and authoritarian rules designed to intimidate and humiliate those on relief. The poor resisted, using a wide variety of tactics all the way from duplicity to flight. They also learned to integrate philanthropy into the rhythm of their lives, as in the case of parents who used orphanages as temporary places of refuge for their children during periods of unemployment. Life expectancy remained relatively low in mid-i9th-century Canada. Contemporaries thought it natural for most people to die before they reached their 6oth year. But outbreaks of mass epidemic disease, particularly cholera, generated demands for improvement. Accelerated government intervention into the lives of ordinary people in the name of public health often proved controversial. By-laws banning livestock from downtown areas, closing outdoor privies, and confining persons suffering from contagious diseases to their homes caused great inconvenience, especially to the urban poor. Resistance to authority sometimes took violent form, as in the antiinoculation riots in Montreal during the smallpox epidemic of 1885.

Workers preferred the possibility of disease to the probability of losing income because of medical complications arising out of accepting the preventive measures promoted by bourgeois doctors. The class alienation which surfaced on that occasion was a longstanding characteristic of Canadian society. As early as 1816 labour militancy had prompted the authorities in Nova Scotia to label collective bargaining as a criminal conspiracy. During the 18305 and 18405 coal miners and canal builders employed tactics ranging from work stoppages to riots and arson in an effort to resist employer exploitation. The years leading up to Confederation featured an unprecedented eruption of strikes, spawned by inflation and the opportunities generated by labour scarcity. The mid-Victorian era also saw spontaneous direct action supplemented by the emergence of organizations designed to improve the lot of workers. Early unions, which flourished particularly among urban artisans, doubled as fraternal societies. Their role in promoting self-help through financial savings and the popularization of non-violent or 'rational' recreation gradually won them a large degree of middle-class acceptance. For example, it became commonplace for Confederation-era parades to include large contingents of craftsmen marching together behind banners which proclaimed their collective importance for the achievement of economic development (pi 58). Responding to these trends, in 1872 the Canadian Parliament passed legislation which established the full legality of trade unions. Nevertheless, employer resistance to collective bargaining persisted, especially during the industrial-urban expansion of the early to mid-i88os. Capitalists became particularly anxious when workers began flocking into a new model union imported from the United States, the Knights of Labor. Preaching the then radical message that all workers, regardless of level of skill or gender, should belong to one common labour organization, the Knights drew in as much as two-thirds of Ontario's wage labour force. Such militancy evoked from government conciliatory gestures including the enactment of factory and workmen's compensation legislation. Meanwhile employers fought back with harassment and intimidation, even though the Knights professed to seek no more than a partnership between capital and labour. In the end the Knights were defeated, mainly as a result of the onset of hard times. But their appearance pointed to the later emergence of a powerful Canadian labour movement. The controversy generated by contrasting demands for a 'living wage' and a 'living profit/ while significant, did not imply a breakdown in Canadian social order. If anything, events were moving in the opposite direction. A perspective on late-Victorian social norms can be obtained by considering 19th-century trends in the behaviour of crowds. In 1838 large numbers of people turned out in cities across the colonies to celebrate Queen Victoria's coronation. The

'rude' and 'respectable' elements of the community, however, celebrated in isolation from one another. Popular activity focused on the beef and beer distributed free of charge by local officials. Although blood sports and duelling were very much part of 'genteel' behaviour, it was thought to be improper for the various ranks of society to participate together in recreation or entertainment. Fifty years later, on the occasion of the Queen's Golden Jubilee, the focus of celebration had become the street parade. Marchers and spectators turned out in abundance but now disorder was held to a minimum. The large numbers of women and children in the crowds testified to the expectation that the festivities would not deteriorate into a riot. Perhaps most indicative of change was the fact that frock-coated merchants now mingled with cloth-capped mechanics in a mutual display of civic pride. Parades were not the only occasion when people got together in large numbers. At the low end of the cultural spectrum was the circus, with its clowns, acrobats, and freak shows. At the upper end were musical and theatrical performances featuring stars imported from abroad. In between flourished a miscellaneous array of team sports, religious revivals, business exhibitions, temperance rallies, and political assemblies. For sheer mass and grandeur nothing in the Iate-i9th-century cultural repertoire matched funerals held to mark the demise of eminent citizens. A case in point was the impressive procession mounted for the assassinated Thomas D'Arcy McGee (pi 58). In another example, 15 ooo Montrealers turned out to honour the passing of Bishop Ignace Bourget at a requiem mass celebrated by 400 clergy, with a choir of some 700. As the hearse moved towards the site of entombment, 4 ooo marched in procession, moving down streets lined with tens of thousands of citizens. The whole affair passed off peacefully, providing a vivid demonstration of the extent to which decorum was becoming an integral component of Canadian popular culture. Canadians in the late 19th century liked to boast that their society embodied an ideal compromise between British reserve and American exuberance. While more rhetorical than analytical, such observations did point to the fact that the century had seen Canada evolve from its European inheritance towards an adoption of North American innovation. Much of the work in shaping a Canadian identity had been left to agencies other than the national government. Churches, schools, the press, fraternal orders, unions, philanthropists, entertainers, and others all helped to define what it meant to be a Canadian. The resulting personality had its flaws, notably those associated with racial, class, ethnic, and gender prejudice. But against that was an emerging sense of community, a commitment to improvement, and a capacity for positive adaptation to change. DAVID A . S U T H E R L A N D

A Changing Society

135

THE PRINTED WORD Authors: John H. Wadland, Margaret Hobb;

In 19th-century British North America the tasks of daily survival were all-consuming, leaving little time for cultural pursuits. The vastness of the land and the inhospitable terrain were formidable impediments to the movements of people, goods, and ideas, and travel was slow. Before 1850 a newspaper sent by steamship from London (England) might reach London (Ontario) in six weeks. But what could it tell its readers about Canada? In the 17505 Halifax brought the country into the information age with the establishment of the first press, the first indigenous newspaper, the first published advertisement, the first post office, and the first bookstore. While ships, canoes, and stagecoaches could move newspapers and books between the colonies, rapid duplication of the Halifax experience throughout British North America showed there was no substitute for a local press, a local bookstore, and a reading room or library. Early colonial newspapers benefited financially but suffered intellectually from their dependence on government or religious patronage. Invariably the most independent newspapers were those based in major urban centres, where there was a large market. As the century advanced, published political and economic opinion became more sophisticated as the relationships between advertising and circulation strengthened. But the partisan preoccupations of mid-century continued. Printer, publisher, editor, and owner were often united in one person, serving Canadians the printed fare they most loved, the tangle of contentious debate.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

The largest and most powerful publishing operation in Canada in the igth century was the Methodist Book Room in Toronto, originally established in 1829 to produce a church newspaper, the influential Christian Guardian. Separated from the newspaper in 1843, the Book Room broadened its publishing list to include a more eclectic mix of text and trade books. After 1879 its new director, William Briggs, nurtured a stable of well-respected Canadian authors and began an agency to serve several prominent British and American publishers. Among those apprenticed in the Book Room were Thomas Allen, John McClelland, and George Stewart, who would leave to create their own publishing companies.

LITERARY PRODUCTION IN QUEBEC

PLATE 51

The first public libraries in Canada, here termed 'collective libraries/ were privately organized and funded. The immediate precursor to today's public library was the British-born Mechanics' Institute, which first appeared in British North America in St John's, Newfoundland, in 1827. Supported initially by membership fees and modest government grants, the institutes were voluntary local educational associations for workers. As formal school facilities were developed, the institutes abandoned their teaching function, becoming libraries serving, not workers, but the emerging middle class. In Ontario the institutes were so popular that provincial legislation converted them into public libraries in 1895. If a rural Ontario library was housed in the Mechanics' Institute, its equivalent in rural Quebec was found in the church hall. Parish libraries gained strength with the church pressure to circulate des bons livres and to counter the influence of the Instituts canadiens, founded in Montreal in 1844 and spreading to 50 centres thereafter. The Instituts were havens for intellectual discussion and animated political debate. They often maintained libraries containing a rich array of secular, often controversial publications, including newspapers, accessible to all members. After their demise, as a result of church pressure, many of their holdings were transferred to urban libraries.

VOLUME II

RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS, 1891 Authors: John Webster Grant. John S. Moir

During the igth century denominational affiliation was an important factor in helping people place themselves within society. Religious adherence affected the whole range of social contacts, status in the community, and political allegiance. Membership in a particular denomination was usually determined in one of two ways. Most commonly, where churches were able to reach those who had belonged to them elsewhere, there was a continuity of affiliation. This was the case for Roman Catholics, for most Scottish Presbyterians, and for a fair number of Anglicans. It was particularly the case where members of an ethnic group congregated together. Just as the religio-social structure of Quebec perpetuated French Catholic immigration to New France, so religio-ethnic block settlement shaped the 19th-century demographic landscape of British North America. In contrast to those who maintained religious traditions, other settlers, especially from frontier areas of the American colonies, had become indifferent or hostile to organized Christianity before their arrival, or else the denominations to which they had belonged did not provide services quickly enough. Such people were often caught up by aggressive movements of religious revival, such as the New Light movement in the Maritimes but more especially Methodism in Upper Canada and Newfoundland. Soon after its introduction Methodism became the strongest denomination in Upper Canada, a relative position further strengthened after 1851.

The number of Catholic adherents approximated the number of Protestants, the latter divided more or less equally among Methodists, Presbyterians, and Anglicans, followed at a considerable distance by Baptists and Lutherans. At the same time distributions by census subdivision reveal a relatively uniform distribution of the major denominations except for Catholics in Quebec.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 52

Although each of the major Protestant denominations contained formal or informal divisions or traditions, including Low Church and High Church Anglicans, at least five separate Methodist churches, more than half a dozen Presbyterian churches, and four distinct strains of Baptists, religious organization in British North America showed a strong tendency towards institutional union, contrasting sharply with the great multiplicity of sectarian groups in the United States. By the close of the igth century virtually all Methodists and Presbyterians had joined into unified Canadian denominations co-extensive with the political federation of Canada and connected to their European and American mother churches by sentiment rather than by constitution. Major evidences of the church-state connections inherited by the Roman Catholic, Anglican, and Presbyterian churches had also disappeared.

VOLUME II

DEFINING SACRED SPACE Authors: John Webster Grant, John S. Moir

With increased settlement the early isolation of frontier existence gave way to greater social contacts and services in which religious institutions played a central role. The institutions organized both space and time to attract, hold, and increase membership. The definition of sacred space took form on the landscape with the appearance of church buildings. Protestant denominations, in particular, built churches in great numbers. Between 1851 and 1891 rates of increase in the number of Protestant churches exceeded rates of growth of both the major Protestant denominations and the population as a whole. Church size also emphasizes the difference between Protestants and Catholics. Quebec had relatively small numbers of churches, each serving fairly large congregations. Beyond church buildings the denominations organized their environments in other ways. After the Revolutionary War in the United States the Church of England in Upper Canada, striving for establishment as a state church, received donations of rectory or glebe lands to assist in its support; the practice, vigorously opposed by other denominations, did not survive the unrest of the 18303. In Nova Scotia the Great Awakening, an 18th-century North American religious revival, was spread among New England 'planters' by a local itinerant preacher, Henry Alline. Religious fervour, reinforcing the political impact of the American Revolution, destroyed the colony's numerous Congregationalist churches and promoted growth of the Baptist communion in the Maritimes.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

WOMEN'S MISSIONARY SOCIETY

PLATE 53

Presbyterian Church, 1890

The extension of church activities in the igth century was accompanied by increasing institutional control. The Roman Catholics of Quebec set the pace with the involvement of religious orders in schools, hospitals, and refuges. Developments in the diocese of Saint-Hyacinthe emphasize the high level of spatial organization attained by the church, especially in the latter part of the century. In anglophone Canada Methodists preceded other Protestants in the appointment of full-time officials to promote religious education, missions, and eventually social welfare. The concern for structure appeared early in the century with the establishment of a unique form of spatial organization. Pioneer Methodist itinerants, sent out annually in pairs, were each expected to preach around a monthly 'circuit' of isolated homes and schoolhouses. As population density increased, appointments were made for three years, with one minister to a circuit, and the provision of a furnished parsonage.

VOLUME II

EDUCATION: VARIETY AND SEPARATENESS, 1851-1891 Authors: Alison Prentice, Susan L. Laskin, Paul Axelrod, Marta Danylewycz, Alan H. Macpherson

In the late i8th and early igth centuries most children were educated by families. They attended schools only briefly and their schools were generally small, domestic, and ephemeral. The denominational affiliation of a school or academy was that of its teacher or teachers. The map of mid-igth-century Montreal displays the institutional variety that this early approach to education produced. Of the schools that could be located, equal numbers were Protestant and Roman Catholic. Where gender could be traced, girls', boys', and mixed schools emerged in roughly similar proportions. That more than one-quarter were 'charity' schools suggests segregation by class and there is evidence that Montreal schooling was also divided along ethnic , lines. Differentiation by class, ethnicity, and gender remained characteristic of much 19th-century Canadian education. There were separate schools for black and indigenous children and for the poor, and the sexes were often educated separately. Religious segregation was endemic. In Newfoundland the latter meant separate publicly supported schools for Anglicans, Roman Catholics, and Methodists. Elsewhere dual public school systems, divided along Catholic-Protestant or Catholic-'non-sectarian' lines, were generally the rule. And even after Manitoba abolished state-supported Catholic schools, nearly one-half of the educational institutions in the city of Winnipeg retained their denominational character.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PROTESTANT PRIMARY SCHOOLS, MONTREAL

PLATE 54

Denominational interests combined with those of the state to produce the earliest colleges and universities, many of which welcomed adolescents as well as young adults. Students were selected not only by wealth, class, and race, but also by gender, since the professional training such institutions provided was intended for men. In contrast to the denominationalism and exclusiveness of most elite colleges and universities, some provincial normal schools offered less advanced but relatively inexpensive and nominally non-sectarian education to both men and women who were willing to train as teachers. For all their separateness, Canadian institutions of higher learning shared one common feature: their urban orientation. Generally clustered in the larger cities and towns, they drew young people into urban life and made them missionaries of metropolitanism. Their message, however, was generally a message of differences. These educational institutions seemed to be saying that Canadians were either Catholic or Protestant, French or English, male or female. The ultimate distinction they made was between those who were privileged to enter their doors and become highly educated and those who were not.

VOLUME II

THE QUEST FOR UNIVERSAL SCHOOLING, 1851-1891 Authors: Alison Prentice, Susan L. Laskin

Separation in schooling both masked and was a reaction against a powerful thrust towards uniformity. Dissatisfied with the uneven, family-oriented, and highly idiosyncratic formal education experienced by most children and also worried by what they believed was a related rise in juvenile idleness, political agitation, and crime, educational reformers turned increasingly to the state. Sectarian, political, ethnic, and class rivalries, they argued, would disappear in tax-supported schools as these came under the control of provincial and local governments. Reduced work opportunities for the young complemented a rising tide of propaganda favouring more and better government schooling. Family or local poverty and new industrial employment for children meant uneven patterns of change but, overall, increasing enrolment and attendance suggest growing acceptance of the school as the normal week-day environment for the young. Also increasingly accepted was the employment of women teachers in community schools. Here too change was uneven, with frontier regions poor in resources and rapidly expanding cities appearing to lead the way. The Catholic School Commission of Montreal made that city an exception to the general rule for urban centres; it favoured schools for boys and male teachers. The general trend almost everywhere else, however, was towards co-educational public schooling and a predominantly female teaching force in elementary schools.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

As pressure mounted to provide schooling for more and more children - and also perhaps in response to the new 'softer' pedagogy in which persuasion and reasoning were intended to replace the use of force in the school room - school boards looked increasingly to women teachers. There were sometimes great battles waged as local communities debated the pros and cons of 'females' and whether or not they were capable of instructing older pupils and boys, and keeping order. In the end it was probably economy that most often won the day, since a woman teacher could be engaged in most localities for as little as half the wages of a man.

Increased enrolment and attendance were not the only goals of government school reformers. They also promoted a reformed pedagogy that undermined traditional relations between teachers, pupils, and communities. School architecture both symbolized and facilitated change. From one-room rural schools to innovative urban structures housing assistant teachers, their principals, and several hundred children, the message was the same: spatial segregation by age and gender; the placing of pupils in controllable rows with teachers at the front; and the organization of the whole into hierarchies of achievement and reward. The blackboard too stood for reform. With blackboards teachers could command pupils' attention; without them schools were suddenly inadequate. Equally vital to the enterprise were the training of teachers in normal and model schools and their certification and inspection, increasingly by provincial authorities.

PLATE 55

'The building is commodious, well ventilated, and delightfully situated, and adjacent to it are the respective playgrounds and gymnasiums for the male and female scholars ... All drink of the same fountains of mind-invigorating knowledge, and judging from the happy faces and cleanly appearance of the whole, we should say that none have partaken in vain.' (Hamilton press notice, 1853)

VOLUME II

RESPONSES TO POVERTY, TO 1891 Authors: Susan E. Houston, Susan L. Laskin

Poverty was a common experience in immigrant communities. Initially most families made do with a minimum of material possessions. Faced with illness, accident, bereavement, or unemployment, one turned first to family, kinfolk, and neighbours; failing that one became dependent upon the community. By mid-century changes in land policy, economic instability, and the massive Irish immigration had taken their toll. Dependency appeared most acute and unsettling in towns and cities. Prominent citizens and their wives organized charitable societies, founded institutions, and devised and administered welfare strategies financed substantially by public funds. Attention focused on the moral character of the poor, however, rather than on their cold feet or empty stomachs, and prostitutes and juveniles became popular targets of reform. Industrial capitalism altered significantly the scale and nature of dependency but this tradition of private-public philanthropy was not replaced by a safety-net of social security until well into the next century.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 56

Religious faith lay at the heart of 19thcentury charity. Aided by public funds, female religious orders expanded Roman Catholic institutions inside and outside Quebec. Invariably the other, 'public/ institutions were explicitly Protestant, not secular, and reflected evangelical enthusiasm for moral and social reform and the salvation of the poor.

The establishment of social-welfare institutions followed a common pattern across the country. As a last resort jails sheltered the desperately ill and impoverished. As towns grew into commercial cities, so general refuges for the poor were supplemented by more specialized institutions in response to the complexity of urban social problems. One of the earliest specialized charities catered to dependent children. Despite the intentions of their founders and the fact that they were commonly called 'orphanages/ these institutions frequently helped families over a crisis by temporarily caring for their children. An unduly harsh winter or an economic recession compounded the difficulties of making ends meet; thus urban poorhouses typically provided fuel and food to a growing non-resident population as well as shelter for relatively few of the destitute. Charitable donations failed to keep pace with the need so that provincial and municipal grants soon exceeded private contributions.

VOLUME II

THE CHANGING FACE OF LABOUR PROTEST Author: Bryan D. Palmer

In 19th-century Canada conflict was common. In the early part of the century riots were a major form of protest, erupting during elections, on festive occasions, and in protest against figures of authority. Relatively spontaneous, yet governed by a disciplined and directed sense of grievance, rioters expressed and acted out the tensions of the age. Many riots were job-related, especially in the 18305 and 18405 when the timber trade and canal construction flourished. French and Irish timber workers battled one another for work on the Ottawa River during the Shiners' Wars (1837-45), just as Protestants and Catholics clashed on the canals. Many riots grew out of local farmers' resentment towards these newcomers, who displayed little respect for their property. But workers did not always fight among themselves or against farmers. When contractors on canal construction sites or, later, on the developing railway lines could not pay their labourers, workers sometimes resorted to violent protest. Innovations such as steam dredges or even the commonplace wheelbarrow, which threatened to displace unskilled labour, often led to riotous acts of destruction. Riots, then, were sometimes a form of collective bargaining, albeit a rough and often violent one, a defensive reaction to particular developments, rather than an aggressively organized demand for improvements in wages or working conditions.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

Working-class protest was most clear-cut in the case of the strike or the employer lockout. In contrast to the riot, the strike was more likely to be co-ordinated and to last beyond the immediate moment of protest, and also less likely to be violent. As the economy expanded after mid-century, with the factory system increasingly dominating economic life in central Canada, labour-capital conflict escalated and rivalries within the working class decreased. Unskilled timber and canal workers gave way to new kinds of labourers and skilled tradesmen, employed in new work settings. For them the riot was an inappropriate form of protest. They adopted the strike, demanding better conditions, higher wages, and some measure of control over their work; as well, they resisted pay cuts and opposed 'tyrannical bosses.' The increase in the number of strikes in the 18705 and 18805 was accompanied by increasing organization among workers. The strike by engineers for the Grand Trunk Railway in 1876-7 was, to be sure, marked by crowd actions not unlike the riots of an earlier epoch, but it was the 1872 parade of workers in Hamilton, striking for a nine-hour day (see pi 58), that set the stage for many future labour protests.

PLATE 57 With the consolidation of the new industrial society workers experimented with ways of protecting their workplace interests. Prior to 1850 labour organization was almost entirely a local phenomenon, restricted to skilled workers. Early unions, formed by craftsmen who often laboured in small shops, were as much social and cultural associations as defensive economic organizations. International unions, originating in the United States and the British Isles, appeared in the 18503. An American organization, the Knights of Labor, formed in Philadelphia and moved into Canada after 1881. For the first time Canadian workers could join a labour organization that was simultaneously a trade union, political reform body, secular church, and fraternal lodge. Along with international and local unions, the Knights of Labor and its counterpart in the Maritime provinces, the Provincial Workmen's Association, signalled the rise of a new labour movement.

VOLUME II

PARADES AND PROCESSIONS Parades and processions held in the streets of Canada's 19th-century towns and cities were major features of social, political, religious, and civic life. The (our examples illustrated here involve the funeral of a public figure, the celebration of a Catholic national holiday, the commemoration of a historic event by a fraternal association, and a labour demonstration (or changes in working conditions. One of Ihe century's most impressive street processions marked the funeral of Thomas D'Arcy McGee, a leader of Ihe movement for Confederation, assassinated in Ottawa on 8 April 1868. McGix-'s funeral was planni-d and conducted as a formal public event. Governments - federal, provincial, and municipal-sent representatives of their executive and legislative branches. The professions marched along with members of national, religious, and social organizations. The ritual incorporated services in the leading parish churches of both the Irish- and French-Catholic communities of Montreal. The procession passed through the principal central streets, proclaiming symbolically McCee's status as a leading public figure. In contrast, (he Sa i nt-Jean-Bapt isle Parade of 24 June 1872, marking a very popular occasion among the francophone population, lacked such general official participation and moved _ beyond French Montreal only briefly.

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF CANADA

PLATE 58 Parades frequently resulted in the breakdown of civic order. On 12 July 1849 Saint John, NB, experienced one of the century's worst riots. Protestant-Catholic tensions exploded into death and destruction during an Orange Day Parade. In consequence, such processions were banned from the city's streets. The urban parade served many purposes. In May 1872 an extremely well-organized and orderly parade proceeded through the principal thoroughfares of Hamilton, and past the leading places of employment. Designed to enforce the demand of organized labour in the city for a nine-hour working day, the parade demonstrated the potential of such public demonstrations to attract attention without creating disorder.

VOLUME II

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Notes CE

The Canadian Encyclopedia. 2nd ed. 4 vols. Edmonton: Hurtig, 1988

Measurement of agricultural products

CO

Colonial Office (London)

CPR

Canadian Pacific Railway

For the purposes of comparability in this volume the production units of crops have been converted to bushels equivalent in food value (calories) to bushels of wheat. Wheat was chosen as the common unit as all crops except beans and peas show smaller values when expressed in wheat-bushels (eg, a bushel of barley by volume is 0.8 of a wheat-bushel by caloric content). There was a problem in setting a figure for the caloric content of hay as each type of hay has a specific caloric content per unit of weight, and the type of hay grown is not known. The figure 19.2 wheat-bushels per ton of hay is a somewhat arbitrary one. It is the approximate value used by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization in calculating the food value of hay for the present-day underdeveloped countries.

DCB Dictionary of Canadian Biography. 13 vols published. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1966HAC Historical Atlas of Canada. 3 vols. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987-93 HBC Hudson's Bay Company

Crop

Unit of measurement

Conversion constant to wheat-bushels

Barley Beans, peas Buckwheat Corn Oats Potatoes Rye Turnips Wheat Hay

Bushel Bushel Bushel Bushel Bushel Bushel Bushel Bushel Bushel Ton

0.800 1.036 0.627 1.000 0.662 0.229 0.897 0.100 1.000 19.200

NAC National Archives of Canada PRO Public Record Office (London) Documents published by the federal government have been printed by the King's Printer or the Queen's Printer unless otherwise specified. Titles of government documents and the names of government departments may have changed over time.

Census data Data enumerated for a given census year normally apply to that year. Where production figures are given, however, they are normally derived from the previous year. For further discussion of the censuses see Drummond (1987) and Pomfret (1981). Drummond, Ian M. Progress without Planning: The Economic History of Ontario from Confederation to the Second World War. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987. AppB Pomfret, Richard. The Economic Development of Canada. Toronto: Methuen, 1981. Especially pp 47-9

For comparability numbers of animals as recorded in the censuses were converted into animal units, based on feed intake. Here the common comparative was a mature horse, considered one animal unit. The values assigned are somewhat arbitrary as the exact mix between young and old animals is not known.

Animal

Conversion factor to animal units

Nineteenth-century currency and rates of exchange

Mature horses Colts, fillies Horses Milk cows Work oxen Cattle Heifers, calves Other horned cattle, calves Sheep Swine

1.000 0.500 0.875 0.800 0.800 0.525 0.500 0.250 0.100 0.200

The first Canadian coins were not issued until late in 1858, and the government of Canada did not begin to issue monetary notes until 1866. Up to this time, and for some years after, the principal currency and means of exchange were at first French and Spanish coins and later British and American coins. Notes issued by local chartered banks had become an important part of the money system after 1820. The British North American monetary system was based on an officially designated currency called the Halifax currency, which rated the Spanish dollar at 5 shillings. The Halifax currency became for the most part the standard in which accounts were kept. Some confusion arose, however, when some preferred the New York standard, which rated the Spanish dollar at 8 shillings. In addition, accounts in Lower Canada had used livres franqaises ancien cours, which related to the Paris currency of livres tournois, of which 9 were the equivalent of 10 ancien cours. In Halifax currency 24 livres ancien cours equalled £1. Post-revolutionary French coins also became legal tender in Lower Canada in 1819, but the union of Lower and Upper Canada in 1840 resulted in the retention of the Halifax system with adjustments in the ratings assigned to coins. The fixed relationships may be tabulated as follows (McCalla, p 246; McCullough, p 292, table 43): £1 (all currencies) = 20 shillings = 240 pence i livre = 20 sols (sous) = 240 deniers (d) $1 = loo cents £1 Halifax currency = $4.00 £1 New York (or York) currency = $2.50 £1 Halifax currency = 24 livres franqaises ancien cours (or livres courantes franchises) The fluctuating relationships were: £1 sterling = ca £1.111 Halifax currency (to 1820) £1 sterling = ca £1.217 Halifax currency (from 1820) £1 sterling = ca $4.8667 (from 1858) Because there are so many unknowns, clear uncomplicated conversions are not always possible. Legislation in 1853 incorporated the pound, dollar, shilling, pence, and cent as units of Canadian currency. This was a first step towards a common currency based on the decimal system. In 1871, despite the objections of the banks, an act was passed which provided uniform currency for Canada and established legal currency in Manitoba. The denominations were to be the dollar, cent, and mill. Pounds, shillings, and pence were no longer accepted as an alternative method of accounting. In 1875 the Uniform Currency Act was extended to the Northwest Territories and in 1881 to Prince Edward Island and British Columbia. McCalla, Douglas. Planting the Province: The Economic History of Upper Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993. App A McCullough, A.B. Money and Exchange in Canada to 1900. Toronto: Dundurn Press / Charlottetown: Parks Canada and the Canadian Government Publishing Centre, 1984 Shortt, Adam, and Arthur G. Doughty. Canada and Its Provinces. Toronto: Glasgow, Brook, and Co, 1914. Vol 5, pp 273-6

Reported butter and cheese production on farms and in factories has been converted into pounds of milk. Reported amounts of milk needed to produce a pound of butter or cheese varied widely. For this volume a pound of butter, produced on a farm or in a factory, has been converted to 27 pounds of milk, while a pound of cheese is considered to be the equivalent of 10.56 pounds of milk. Where only the value of butter and cheese production was given (1891 factory production), the average selling price used for a pound of butter was $0.20 and the average selling price for a pound of cheese was $0.0925. These figures were used to calculate 1891 butter and cheese production. The data do not include milk consumed on farms in the form of whole milk. The relative market price for fruit was used to determine a fruit production constant based on bushels of apples, the most commonly grown fruit in eastern Canada. Market prices at the peak season for each fruit in the Niagara fruit-growing areas of Ontario were averaged.

Fruit

Unit of measurement

Conversion constant to apple-bushels

Apples Cherries Peaches Pears Plums Grapes

Bushel Bushel Bushel Bushel Bushel Pound

1.0 4.0 3.0 1.0 2.0 0.03

Canada. Census. 1901. Vol 3, tables 44-52 Morrison, F.B. Feeds and Feeding: A Handbook for the Student and Stockman. Ithaca, NY: Morrison, 1956 Ontario. Sessional Papers. Various years St. Catharines Standard. 1890,1900 US Department of Agriculture. Nutritive Value of American Foods in Common Units. Agricultural Resources Service. Agricultural Handbook no. 456.1975 Watt, B.K., and A.L. Merrill. Composition of Foods: Raw, Processed and Prepared. US Department of Agriculture. Handbook no. 8. Rev 1963

)&3,

PLATE 1 Images of Canada JOHN H. WA D L A N D Canadian Studies Program, Trent University MARGARET HOBBS Women's Studies Program, Trent University The authors are deeply indebted to the following for their assistance in the preparation of this plate: Andrew Birrell, Franc.ois-Marc Gagnon, Fernand Harvey, Joy Houston, Joan Murray, Hellen Ostler, Mary Jane Penfold, Dennis Reid, Alan Toff, Helle Viirlaid, John Warkentin. Special thanks are accorded Joan Schwartz for permission to use her unpublished research to identify the locations of Frederick Dally photographs. On this plate we trace the movements of some representative 19th-century landscape painters and photographers, using as our points of reference published evidence of their work. The topographical artists who preceded the railway and the photograph were primarily watercolourists with military training. The easy portability of their medium reflected their role and the often harsh conditions they endured. Their job was to document the terrain over which they travelled, to give it definition comprehensible to analytical viewers at home. The engineers, surveyors, generals, politicians, and settlement agents depending upon such pictorial data would interpret it for their own practical purposes - but so would many others, since images made by such artists were published and in print well before mid-century. Later survey and expeditionary artists like W.G.R. Hind reached artistic maturity simultaneously with the birth of commercial photography and the railway. Hind had studied art in England and Europe before coming to Canada and he brought to the oils and watercolours which chronicle his extensive travels across Canada an eye for microscopic detail. He shared Paul Kane's fascination for indigenous peoples, whom both men clearly regarded as integral parts of the wilderness landscapes they most loved, but Hind was equally at ease painting the pastoral and maritime scenes pictured on this plate. Chromolithographs by Hind were published as early as 1863, to illustrate his brother's book of their joint Explorations in the Interior of the Labrador Peninsula. Professional artists - those who made a living by painting - often required institutional patronage. Both Peter Rindisbacher and Paul Kane were sustained at intervals by the HBC and its officials. Lucius R. O'Brien and J.A. Fraser were commissioned by William Van Home to make views for the CPR. Like the topographic artists, Paul Kane made sketches, often in watercolour, in the field. These he brought back to his studio as the raw material for larger oil paintings. As these paintings were often revised to accommodate the aesthetic tastes of their buyers, it is the sketches which we often turn to for more dependable representations of the land and the native people. After the arrival of the collodion wet-plate the portrait photograph became a commonplace, ensuring the success of commercial houses like William Notman's studio in Montreal. Notman hired aspiring young painters like Fraser to colour his photographs - indeed, the Notman Studio was to late 19th-century landscape artists what Grip would become for the Group of Seven. Fraser organized sketching expeditions for the other Notman artists during the i86os and in 1867 he was involved in founding the Society of Canadian Artists. After moving to Toronto in 1868 to establish the Notman and Fraser Studio, he joined with O'Brien, T. Mower Martin, and others to form the Ontario Society of Artists in 1872. Many of these 'railway artists,' as they later became known, were charter members of the Royal Canadian Academy at its founding in 1880. The first president of the Academy was O'Brien, an Ontario-born civil engineer who did not take up painting seriously until he was 40. He travelled from one end of Canada to the other, by train, by wagon, by canoe, and on foot, frequently camping under the night sky, usually sketching from nature. Nevertheless he included in Picturesque Canada (1882), of which he was art editor, some images that he himself had made by copying photographs originally taken many years earlier by Benjamin Baltzly, Frederick Dally, Charles Horetzky, and others. Fraser occasionally did the same thing, duplicating and embellishing photographs for publicity pictures commissioned by the CPR. Thus images have turned up in publications or on posters as 'true' representations of places an artist may never have been. By the end of his career O'Brien was taking his own photographs in the field during the summer and working up oil paintings based upon them in the warmth of his studio during the winter. On this plate we have identified places painted by O'Brien and later reproduced and published, in order not only to document O'Brien's attempts to grasp the whole of Canada and give it definition, but also to demonstrate the growing capacity of the printing press to bring individual landscape works by this extraordinary painter to a wider public. Martin attempted several years later to duplicate the success of Picturesque Canada, preparing 77 landscapes which were printed in colour in Wilfred Campbell's book Canada (1907). However, they never captured the imagination of the public, whose tastes, by the turn of the century, were being revolutionized by the very advances in photography which had made reproduction of the paintings possible. By then a new generation of artists, particularly painters like Homer Watson who were touched by the Barbizon school and Impressionism, felt compelled to leave the realistic depiction of the land to the photographers. Developments in photography have proved extremely difficult to map. The route of the contingent of Royal Engineers responsible for photography for the North American Boundary Commission, traced on pi 3, demonstrates that one can find documentary images which, in sequence, hold large expanses of Canada fixed in time and in the eye of the cameraman. Humphrey Lloyd Hime, who travelled with Henry Youle Hind on the Assiniboine and Saskatchewan expedition of 1858, and Alexander Henderson, whose camera captured the newly constructed Intercolonial and Canadian Pacific railways, have left us invaluable photographic images of the vast territories they traversed before the imposition of the land surveys which would redefine landscape and culture forever. This plate emphasizes photographic activity in British Columbia. As the new western terminus of the CPR after 1885 it provided an exotic destination for the eastern

154 Notes

tourist armed, by 1888, with George Eastman's Kodak box camera. The rugged topography of the province also provided incentives to modernize conventional survey methods. One must imagine Benjamin Baltzly, working for the Geological Survey of Canada in the summer of 1871, hauling the 500 pounds of paraphernalia associated with collodion wet-plate technology through the valley of the Thompson River. He not only had to expose and develop his glass plates on site but also to concoct from toxic chemicals his own emulsions. Charles Horetzky, who worked on the CPR survey throughout the 18705, pioneered the use of the collodion dry-plate process in similar terrain, simplifying travel by reducing his apparatus to camera, plates, and tripod. In the 18905 the Rocky Mountains challenged Edouard Deville, Surveyor General of Canada, to adapt an existing European technique, photogrammetry, to carry the Dominion Land Survey from the western edge of Alberta to the Pacific Coast. Deville's method of photogrammetry was also employed by the Alaska Boundary Commission Survey (1893-5) to define the British Columbia border adjacent to the Alaska Panhandle. In addition to tourists and surveyors, anthropologists were drawn to the far west by the wide diversity of indigenous linguistic groups to be found along the coast and in the interior. Photographers like Edward Dossetter and Frederick Dally have left a rich and evocative record of their encounters with native people, documenting in exquisite detail the complexities of their cultures and their relationships to land and sea before the arrival of the railway. Locations for which we have images photographed by Dally between 1866 and 1870 are identified on the plate. It is common for contemporary critics to be critical of 19th-century realist landscape painting, partly because many modern practitioners of the genre have made it a sentimental cliche. But what should be clear from this plate is that, while the majority of artists and photographers attempting to capture the diversity of Canadian terrain were foreign born and frequently foreign trained in formal conventions like the sublime and the picturesque, in going into the new land they attempted not only to absorb the wilderness of which they had had no previous experience, but to reshape their perceptions, to begin the arduous process of finding a new visual language truly capable of expressing this place they would call home. Victorian class distinctions were attached to paintings and photographs. Original paintings appealed to the wealthy because they were unique: no print could be made that would reproduce the touch, the manual application of colour by the artist. The aesthetic sensibility of potential purchasers remained a major obstacle to innovation by artists throughout this period. The original photograph, however, was valuable to the photographer only if the prints made from it were sold over and over again. Photography was distinguished by its novelty, by its speed, and by its realism. It fostered the advertising industry and promoted tourism. It brought immortality through the family album. By way of the stereograph it lured unsolicited geography lessons about Africa and Asia into the front parlour on Saturday nights. Shortly after Confederation the half-tone plate could reproduce paintings, political events, and landscape views in books, magazines, and newspapers. These in turn could be shipped by rail to progressively more remote destinations, revolutionizing the visual understanding of Canada by a people whose huge country had largely been imagined from words and engravings. The following table briefly chronicles the development of new technologies in the 19th century. Readers are encouraged to juxtapose this information with that on the plate, to establish relationships between painting and photography, on the one hand, and, on the other, the revolution in the visual perception of landscape which new printing technologies brought to the reading public of 19th-century Canada.

A checklist of developments in the visual arts and in photographic, printing, and transportation technologies

1826 1839 1851 1853 1856 1860 1865 1867 1869

1870 1871 1872 1873 1876 1878 1880 1882 1886 1887 1888

Steel, copper, and wood engravings were printed in Canada throughout the 19th century, but photomechanical processes gradually displaced them. Photography, printing, and railway travel combined to explode the conventions of visualization. First evidence of commercial lithography in Canada Invention of the daguerreotype and calotype Invention of the collodion wet-plate photographic process (used by Frederick Dally, Alexander Henderson, and the Royal Engineers on the North American Boundary Commission) Completion of the St Lawrence and Atlantic Railroad The first commercial coloured lithograph printed in Canada by Fuller and Benecke of Toronto (a reproduction of Paul Kane's The Death of Big Snake) Completion of the Grand Trunk Railway Founding of the Art Association of Montreal Canada Classified Directory (Toronto: Mitchell and Co, 1865-6) lists more than 360 photographers First appearance of the collodion dry-plate photographic process in Canada (used by Charles Horetzky) Founding of the Society of Canadian Artists in Montreal First commercial appearance of half-tone screen photo engravings. Processes patented in Canada by William Augustus Leggo included granulated photography, leggotyping, and photolithography, examples of which appeared in The Canadian Illustrated News (1869-83), Sandford Fleming's The Intercolonial (1876), and George Monro Grant's Ocean to Ocean (1872) First issue of Opinion publique Establishment of the Dominion Lands Survey Founding of the Ontario Society of Artists Completion of the Toronto, Grey and Bruce Railway Completion of the Intercolonial Railway Development of the gelatino-bromide dry-plate photographic process Founding of the Royal Canadian Academy, Lucius R. O'Brien, president Publication of Picturesque Canada with 500 wood engravings, Lucius R. O'Brien, art editor Beginning of CPR transcontinental passenger service First photogrammetric surveys in Canada conducted by W.S. Drewry and J.J. McArthur using techniques pioneered in Canada by Edouard Deville George Eastman introduces the Kodak No. i camera incorporating roll film. This was followed in 1889 by the Kodak No. 2 camera incorporating celluloid

roll film. Both used a dry gelatin emulsion. This camera was used by Joseph Burr Tyrrell in his work on the Geological Survey. It was also available to tourists who now had a simple method of recording their personal travels. First issue of The Dominion Illustrated (1888-93) 1891 Photogravure illustrations appear for the first time in a Canadian daily newspaper (The Globe) Illustrations 1 Frederick Dally. Ox team at Clinton, Cariboo Road, B.C. 1868. Photograph. Glenbow Archives, Calgary. NA-674-38 2 William G.R. Hind. Strait of San Juan. Ca 1862. Watercolour on paper. McCord Museum of Canadian History, Montreal. M473 3 Lucius R. O'Brien. 1832-1899. Through the Rocky Mountains, A Pass on the Canadian Highway. 1887. Watercolour on paper. Private collection, Toronto. Photograph courtesy of Art Gallery of Ontario 4 J.B. Tyrrell. Eskimo camp on the barren land, N.W.T. 18 Aug 1894. Photograph. National Archives of Canada, Geological Survey of Canada Collection. PA-O5O939 5 Charles Horetzky. Peace River at Fort Dunvegan, October 4,1872.1872. Photograph. National Archives of Canada, W.J. Topley Collection. PA-9244 6 Paul Kane (1810-1871). Camping on the Prairies. 1845. Oil. Stark Museum of Art, Orange, Texas. 31.78/156, POPiS 7 Royal Engineers, George Dawson / North American Boundary Commission. Ox train crossing Dead Horse Creek, on their way West. Ca 1873. Photograph. National Archives of Canada, Dr Thomas Millman Collection. PA-74645 8 Peter Rindisbacher. Winter Fishing on the Ice of the Assynoibain and Red River. 1821. Watercolour with pen and black ink on paper. National Archives of Canada. C001932 9 Paul Kane (1810-1871). French River Rapids. 1845. Oil/ Stark Museum of Art, Orange, Texas. 31.78/159, POP22 10 Peter Rindisbacher. Occupation of the Unfortunate Colonists within sight of a mass of ice 0/5700 cubic [metres?], June 30,1821.1821. Watercolour and ink. National Archives of Canada. 01905 11 Frederick C. Lowe, after Lucius R. O'Brien. View ofCobourg. Ca 1852. Wood engraving on paper. From Anglo American Magazine (Toronto), 2 (Feb 1853). Metropolitan Toronto Reference Library, J. Ross Robertson Collection. T 18073 12 Lucius Richard O'Brien. Canadian 1832-1899. Among the Islands of Georgian Bay. 1886. Watercolour on paper. 26.7 x 39.4 cm. Art Gallery of Ontario, Toronto. Bequest of Mrs Florence L. Cody, 1951. T 260 i 13 L.R. O'Brien. Sunrise on the Saguenay. Ca 1882. Oil on canvas. National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa. 113 14 J.A. Fraser. September Afternoon, Eastern Townships. 1873. Oil on canvas. National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa. 18159 15 Alexander Henderson. Intercolonial Railway. On the Matapedia River. Ca 1872. Albumen print. National Archives of Canada, Sir Sandford Fleming Collection. PA-O22O71

16 W.G.R. Hind. Harvesting Hay, Sussex, New Brunswick. Ca 1880. Oil on commercial board. National Archives of Canada, Ottawa. 0103003 Selected bibliography PAINTING

Bell, Michael. Painters in a New Land. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1973 Bovay, E.H. Le Canada et les Suisses, 1604-1974. Fribourg, Switzerland: Editions universitaires, 1976. This study contains a catalogue of the work of Peter Rindisbacher. Gagnon, Franc.ois-Marc. 'Painting and Sculpture.' In Paul-Andre Linteau et al. Quebec: A History, 1867-1929. Toronto: Lorimer, 1983. Pp 292-302, 552-63 Harper, J. Russell. William G.R. Hind, 1833-1889. Ottawa: National Gallery of Canada, 1976 Harper, J. Russell, ed. Paul Kane's Frontier, including Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971 Hind, Henry Youle. Explorations in the Interior of the Labrador Peninsula, the Country of the Montagnais and Nasquapee Indians. 2 vols. London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts and Green, 1863 - Narrative of the Canadian Red River Exploring Expedition of 1857 and of the Assiniboine and Saskatchewan Exploring Expedition of 1858. 2 vols. London: Longman, Green, Longman and Roberts, 1860 Josephy, Alvin M. The Artist Was a Young Man: The Life Story of Peter Rindisbacher. Fort Worth, Texas: Amon Carter Museum, 1970 Lavallee, Omer. Van Home's Road: An Illustrated Account of the Construction and First Years of Operation of the Canadian Pacific Transcontinental Railway. Montreal: Railfare Enterprises, 1974 McMann, Evelyn de R. Royal Canadian Academy of Arts: Exhibitions and Members, 18801979. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1981 Murray, Joan. Ontario Society of Artists: 100 Years. Toronto: Art Gallery of Ontario, 1972 Rees, Ronald. Land of Earth and Sky: Landscape Painting in Western Canada. Saskatoon: Western Producer Prairie Books, 1985 Reid, Dennis. Lucius R. O'Brien: Visions of Victorian Canada. Toronto: Art Gallery of Ontario, 1990 - 'Our Own Country Canada': Being an Account of the Principal Landscape Artists in Montreal & Toronto, 1860-1890. Ottawa: National Gallery of Canada, 1979 Thibault, Claude. L'art du paysage au Quebec, 1800-1940. Quebec: Musee du Quebec, 1978 Walker, Doreen E. 'Some Early British Columbia Views and Their Photographic Sources.' The Beaver (Summer 1983), 44-51 Willistead Art Gallery of Windsor. William G.R. Hind: A Confederation Painter in Canada, text by J. Russell Harper. Windsor: The Gallery, 1967 PHOTOGRAPHY AND THE PICTORIAL PRESS

Birrell, Andrew J. Benjamin Baltzly: Photographs and Journal of an Expedition through British Columbia. Toronto: Coach House Press, 1973 - 'Fortunes of a Misfit: Charles Horetzky' Alberta Historical Review 19 (Winter 1971): 9-25 Cavell, Edward. Journeys to the Far West: Accounts of the Adventurers in Western Canada, 1858-1885. Toronto: Lorimer, 1979. This study contains many fine examples of images captured by Dally, Dossetter, and others. Deville, Edouard. Photographic Surveying: Including the Elements of Descriptive Geometry and Perspective. Ottawa: Survey Office, 1889

Fleming, Sandford. The Intercolonial: A Historical Sketch of the Inception, Location, Construction and Completion of the Line of Railway Uniting the Inland and Atlantic Provinces of the Dominion, with Maps and Numerous Illustrations. Montreal: Dawson Brothers, 1876 Grant, George Monro. Ocean to Ocean: Sandford Fleming's Expedition through Canada in 1872. Toronto: J. Campbell, 1873 Grant, George Monro, ed. Picturesque Canada: The Country As It Was and Is. Illustrated under the supervision of L.R. O'Brien, with over 500 engravings on wood. 2 vols. Toronto: Belden Brothers, 1882. Picturesque Canada was released in 36 parts between Jan 1882 and Sep 1884; gathered, bound copies were not available until 1884. Green, Lewis. The Boundary Hunters. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1982 Greenhill, Ralph, and Andrew J. Birrell. Canadian Photography, 1839-1920. Toronto: Coach House Press, 1979 Hart, E.J. The Selling of Canada: The CPR and the Beginnings of Canadian Tourism. Banff: Altitude Publishing, 1983 Horetzky, Charles. Canada on the Pacific: An Account of a Journey from Edmonton to the Pacific by the Peace River Falls and of a Winter Voyage along the Western Coast of the Dominion that Remarks on the Physical Features of the Pacific Railway Route and Notations of the Indian Tribes of British Columbia. Montreal: Dawson Brothers, 1874 - 'Report on Explorations from Douglass, Gardner and Dean Inlets, Eastward in the Cascade Mountains.' In Sandford Fleming, Report on Surveys and Preliminary Operations on the Canadian Pacific Railway up to January, 1877. Ottawa: MacLean, Roger and Co, 1877. Pp 137-44 Huyda, Richard J. Camera in the Interior, 1858: H.L. Hime, Photographer. The Assiniboine and Saskatchewan Exploring Expedition. Toronto: Coach House Press, 1975 Inglis, Alex. Northern Vagabond: The Life and Career of J.B. Tyrrell. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1978 Koltun, Lilly, ed. Private Realms of Light: Amateur Photography in Canada, 1839-1940. Toronto: Fitzhenry and Whiteside, 1984 McKenzie, Karen, and Mary F. Williamson. The Art and Pictorial Press in Canada: Two Centuries of Art Magazines. Toronto: Art Gallery of Ontario, 1979 Martin, William T. Mower, and Wilfred Campbell. Canada. London: A. and C. Black, 1907 Moritz, Albert. Canada Illustrated: The Art of Nineteenth Century Engraving. Toronto: Dreadnaught, 1982 Parker, George L. The Beginnings of the Book Trade in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985 Pringle, Allan. 'William Cornelius Van Home, Art Director, Canadian Pacific Railway.' Journal of Canadian Art History 8, no. i (1984): 50-79 Schwartz, Joan M. 'The Past in Focus: Photography and British Columbia, 18581914.' BC Studies 52 (Winter 1981-2): 5-15 - The Photographic Record of Pre-Confederation British Columbia.' Archivaria 5 (Winter 1977-8): 17-44 Schwartz, Joan M., and Lilly Koltun. 'A Visual Cliche: Five Views of Yale.' BC Studies 52 (Winter 1981-2): 113-28 Triggs, Stanley G. 'Alexander Henderson: Nineteenth-Century Landscape Photographer.' Archivaria 5 (Winter 1977-8): 45-59 - William Notman: The Stamp of a Studio. Toronto: Art Gallery of Ontario and Coach House Press, 1985

PLATE 2 Exploration to Mid-Century RICHARD I. RUGGLES Geography, Queen's University Hudson's Bay Company explorers The depiction of the HBC explorers' routes is based on extensive research in the Hudson's Bay Company Archives of the Provincial Archives of Manitoba, especially on manuscript maps, post journals, and correspondence with company headquarters in London, and between posts. MACKENZIE AREA

Bell, John (1799-1868) CE i: 200; DCB 9: 42-3 Black, Samuel (1780-1841) CE i: 235; DCB 7: 78-9 Campbell, Robert (1808-94) DCB 12:155-6 McBeath, Adam Alan Cooke and Clive Holland, The Exploration of Northern Canada, 500-1920: A Chronology (Toronto: Arctic History Press, 1978), p 172 McLeod, Alexander Roderick (1782-1840) DCB 7: 569-70 McLeod, John (1788-1849) DCB 7: 570-1 McPherson, Murdoch (ca 1796-1863) DCB 10: 541; 11: 570; 12:156 ARCTIC AREA

Dease, Peter Warren (1788-1863) DCB 9:196-9 Rae, John (1813-93) DCB 12: 876-9; Dictionary of National Biography (DNB) (London: Smith, Elder, 1885-1901) 16: 594-6 Simpson, Thomas (1808-40) DNB 18: 279-80; Encyclopedia Canadiana (EC) (Ottawa: Canadiana Co, 1957-8) 9: 317 QUEBEC AREA

Erlandson, Erland (ca 1790-1875) DCB 10: 272-3 Hendry, William Cooke and Holland, p 154 McLean, John (1798-1890) CE 2: 275; DCB 11: 569-70 Other British explorers Austin, Horatio (1801-65) DCB 9:11-13 Back, George (1796-1878) CE i: 158; DCB 10: 26-9 Beechey, Frederick William (1796-1856) CE i: 195; DCB 8: 70-2 Cormack, William (1796-1868) CE i: 517; DCB 9:158-62 Franklin, John (1786-1847) CE 2: 838-9; DCB 7: 323-8 King, Richard (ca 1810-76) DCB 10: 406-8 Lee, Thomas Cooke and Holland, p 178 M'Clure, Robert (or McClure) (1807-73) CE 2:1257; DCB 10: 454-5 Ommanney, Erasmus Cooke and Holland, pp 184-5; DNB Suppl i: 47-8

Notes

155

Parry, William Edward (1790-1855) CE 3:1623; DCB 8: 683-6 Richardson, John (1787-1865) CE 3:1868; DCB 9: 658-61 Ross, James (1800-62) CE 3:1887; DCB 9: 691-4 Ross, John (1777-1856) CE 3:1887-8; DCB 8: 770-4

Supposed explorers

de Fonte, Bartholomew (active 1640) DCB i: 677 Maldonado, Lorenz Ferrer (active 1588) Cooke and Holland, p 25; DCB i: 676

Further readings

Back, George. Narrative of the Arctic Land Expedition to the Mouth of the Great Fish River. London: George Murray, 1836 Berton, Pierre. The Arctic Grail: The Quest for the Northwest Passage and the North Pole, 1818-1904. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1988 Farley, A.L. Atlas of British Columbia: People, Environment, and Resource Use. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1979 Klemp, Egon. America in Maps, Dating from 1500 to 1856. New York: Holmes and Meier, 1976 Morton, Arthur S. A History of the Canadian West to 1870-1. 2nd ed. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1973 The National Atlas of Canada. 4th ed, rev. Ottawa: Department of Energy, Mines and Resources and Information Canada / Toronto: Macmillan, 1974 Pelly, David F. Expedition: An Arctic Journey through History on George Back's River. Toronto: Betelgeuse Books, 1981 Rich, Edwin Ernest. The History of the Hudson's Bay Company, 1670-1870. 2 vols. London: Hudson's Bay Company Record Society, 1958-9 Ruggles, Richard I. A Country So Interesting: The Hudson's Bay Company and Two Centuries of Mapping, 1670-1870. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1991 Schwartz, Seymour I., and Ralph Ehrenberg. The Mapping of America. New York: Abrams, 1980 Taylor, Andrew. Geographical Discovery and Exploration in the Queen Elizabeth Islands. Geographical Branch, Department of Mines and Technical Surveys, Memoir 3. Ottawa, 1955 Thomson, Don W. Men and Meridians: The History of Surveying and Mapping in Canada. Vol. i. Ottawa, 1966 Verner, Coolie, and Basil Stuart-Stubbs. The North Part of America. Don Mills, Ont: Academic Press, 1979 Warkentin, John, and Richard I. Ruggles. Manitoba Historical Atlas: A Selection of Facsimile Map Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969. Winnipeg: Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba, 1970

PLATE 3 Exploration and Assessment to 1891 RICHARD I. RUGGLES

Geography, Queen's University

General exploration BRITISH EXPLORERS Adams, William (d 1890), captain of the whaler Arctic Alan Cooke and Clive Holland, The Exploration of Northern Canada, 500-1920: A Chronology (Toronto: Arctic History Press, 1978), p 234 Belcher, Edward (1799-1877) CE i: 199; DCB 10: 42-3 Bellot, Joseph-Rene (1826-53) DCB 8: 79-81 Collinson, Richard (1811-83) DCB 11:198-201 Griffin, Jane (Lady Franklin) (1792-1875) DCB 10: 319-20 Inglef ield, Edward Augustus (1820-94) Dictionary of National Biography (DNB) (London: Smith, Elder, 1885-1901) Suppl 22: 904-5; The Encyclopedia Americana (EA) (Danbury, Conn: Grolier, 1991), 15:174 Jago, C.T. Cooke and Holland, pp 196,206 Kellett, Henry (1806-75) CE 2:1130; DCB 10: 396-7 Kennedy, William (1814-90) DCB 11: 470-1 McClintock, Francis Leopold (1819-1907) CE 2:1256 Nares, George Strong (1831-1915) CE 3:1426; EA 6: 247 Osborn, Sherard (1822-75) DCB 10: 561-3 Richards, George Henry (baptized 1819-96) DCB 12: 892-3 Young, Allen William (1827-1915) DCB 10: 320; 12: 955 HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY EXPLORERS The depiction of HBC explorers' routes is based on extensive research in the Hudson's Bay Company Archives of the Provincial Archives of Manitoba, especially on manuscript maps, post journals, and correspondence with company headquarters in London, and between posts. Anderson, James (1812-67) DCB 9: 5-6 MacFarlane, Roderick (1833-1920) DCB 9: 6; 10: 276; Cooke and Holland, pp 213, 220 Mackinlay, James Cooke and Holland, pp 262,297, 318 Pike, Warburton (ca 1861-1915) Encyclopedia Canadiana (EC) (Ottawa: Canadian Co, 1957-8)8: 205 Rae, John (1813-93) DCB 12: 876-9; DNB 16: 594-6 Stewart, James Green (1825-81) DCB 11: 854-5 AMERICAN EXPLORERS Fisher, Elnathan B., captain of a whaler Cooke and Holland, p 230 Greely, Adolphus Washington (1844-1935) Dictionary of American Biography (DAB) (New York: Scribner's 1957) Suppl i: 352-5 Hall, Charles Francis (1821-71) CE 2: 954; DCB 10: 327-9 Hayes, Isaac Israel (1832-81) DCB 11: 393-4 Kane, Elisha Kent (1820-57) CE 2:1126-7; DCB 8: 448-50 Schwatka, Frederick (1849-92) DCB 12: 954-5; DAB 8: 481-2 Spicer, John O., captain of a whaler Cooke and Holland, p 244

Scientific expeditions

Bell, Robert (1841-1917) CE i: 201

156 Notes

Boas, Franz (1858-1942) EA 4:118 Drexler, Charles Cooke and Holland, p 218 Gordon, Andrew Robertson (1851-93) Cooke and Holland, p 252; DCB 12: 382-3 Hector, James (1834-1907) CE 2: 976 Hind, Henry Youle (1823-1907) CE 2: 988; EC 5:128 Hind, William G.R. (1833-89) CE 2: 988; EC 5:128 Kennicott, Robert (1835-66) DAB 5: 338-9 Palliser, John (1817-87) CE 3:1610; DCB 11: 661-4

Geological Survey of Canada LAND-AREA RECONNAISSANCE Dawson, George Mercer (1849-1901) CE i: 573-4 Dowling, Donaldson B. (1858-1925) Cooke and Holland, p 264 McConnell, Richard George (1857-1942) EC 6: 240 Ord, L.R. Morris Zaslow, Reading the Rocks: The Story of the Geological Survey of Canada 1842-1872 (Ottawa: Department of Energy, Mines and Resources and Information Canada / Toronto: Macmillan, 1975), p 120 Richardson, James (1810-83) EC 9: 21 Tyrrell, Joseph Burr (1858-1957) CE 4: 2205 Vennor, Henry G. (1840-84) DCB 11: 898-900 WESTERN CANADA EXPEDITIONS Macoun, John (1831-1920) CE 2:1280-1 Ogilvie, William (1849-1912) CE 3:1561 Selwyn, Alfred Richard Cecil (1824-1902) CE 3:1977 Spencer, J.W. (1851-1921) Zaslow, pp 116,133 EASTERN CANADA EXPEDITIONS Cochrane, A.S. (d 1894) Zaslow, p 136 Low, Albert Peter (1861-1942) CE 2:1247 McOuat, Walter (1842-75) Zaslow, p 124

Missionary journeys, Eastern Canada

Babel, Father Louis-Francpis (1826-1912) Cooke and Holland, p 227 Petitot, Father Emile (1838-1917) Cooke and Holland, p 224

Geology of British North America

Hall, Stanley. A New General Atlas. London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown and Green, 1830. PI 45 Richardson, John. Arctic Searching Expedition: A Journal of a Boat Voyage through Rupert's Land and the Arctic Sea in Search of the Discovery Ships under Command of Sir John Franklin, with an Appendix on the Physical Geography of North America. 2. vols. London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longman, 1851

Climate of British North America

Lorin Blodget's climatology maps were originally compiled and published in 1857. The map on this plate is based on the 1875 publication by Walling, who used Blodget's 1857 maps. Blodget, Lorin. Climatology of the United States, and of the Temperate Latitudes of the North American Continent. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1857. Isotherm map facing p 210; isohyets (precipitation) map facing p 220 Walling, H.S. Tackabury's Atlas of the Dominion of Canada. Montreal, Toronto, London: George N. Tackabury, 1875. Pp 98-101

Prairie levels

Palliser, John. The Journals, Detailed Reports, and Observations Relative to the Explorations by Captain Palliser ... during the years 1857,1858,1859 and 1860. London: Parliamentary Papers, 1863. Pp 6-13 - Papers Relative to the Exploration by Captain Palliser of That Portion of British North America Which Lies Between the Northern Branch of River Saskatchewan and Rocky Mountains. Presented to both Houses of Parliament by Command of Her Majesty, June 1859. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1859,1860. Repr New York: Greenwood Press, 1969

Natural regions of the Prairies, 1857-1859

Hector, James. 'Physical Features of the Central Part of British North America, with Special Reference to its Botanical Physiognomy.' Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, new series, 14, no. 11 (1861): 216-22, 230-4 Palliser, Papers Relative to the Explorations by Captain Palliser. 1859,1860

Further readings

Baird, Patrick D. Expeditions to the Canadian Arctic. Repr from The Beaver (Winnipeg: HBC) no. 279 (Mar 1949): 44-7; no. 280 (June 1949): 41-7; (Sep 1949): 44-8 Belcher, Sir Edward. The Last of the Arctic Voyages: Being a Narrative of the Expedition in H.M.S. 'Assistance,' under the Command of the Captain Sir Edward Belcher, C.B., in Search of Sir John Franklin, During the Years 1852-53-54.2 vols. London: Lovell Reeve, 1855 Berton, Pierre. The Arctic Grail: The Quest for the Northwest Passage and the North Pole, 1818-1904. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1988 Carriere, Gaston. Explorateur pour le Christ: Louis Babel, o.m.i., 1826-1912. Montreal: Rayonnement, 1963 Chapman, J.D., A.L. Farley, R.I. Ruggles, and D.B. Turner, eds. British Columbia Atlas of Resources. Vancouver: British Columbia Natural Resources Conference, 1956 Hind, Henry Youle. Narrative of the Canadian Red River Exploring Expedition of 1857 and of the Assiniboine and Saskatchewan Exploring Expedition of 1858. 2 vols. London: Longman, Green, Longman and Roberts, 1860 Houston, C. Stuart, ed. Arctic Ordeal: The Journal of John Richardson, SurgeonNaturalist with Franklin 1820-1822. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1984 Kupsch, W.O., and W.A.S. Sarjeant, eds. History of Concepts in Precambrian Geology. Geological Association of Canada, Special Paper 19. Ottawa, 1979 Markham, Albert H. A Whaling Cruise to Baffin's Bay and the Gulf of Boothia ... London: S. Low, Marston, Low and Searle, 1875 Morton, Arthur S. A History of the Canadian West to 1870-1. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1939; repr 1973 The National Atlas of Canada. 4th ed, rev. Ottawa: Department of Energy, Mines and Resources and Information Canada / Toronto: Macmillan, 1974

Petitot, Emile. 'Geographic de 1'Athabaskaw-Mackenzie et des grands lacs du bassin arctique.' Societe de Geographic (Paris) Bulletin. Ser. 6, no. 10 (1875): 5-42,126-83, 242-90 Rich, Edwin Ernest. The History of the Hudson's Bay Company 1670-1870. 2 vols. London: Hudson's Bay Record Society, 1958-9 Ruggles, Richard I. A Country So Interesting: The Hudson's Bay Company and Two Centuries of Mapping, 1670-1870. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1991 Spry, Irene M. The Palliser Expedition: An Account of John Palliser's British North American Expedition 1857-1860. Toronto: Macmillan, 1963 Taylor, Andrew. Geographical Discovery and Exploration in the Queen Elizabeth Islands. Geographical Branch, Department of Mines and Technical Surveys, Memoir 3. Ottawa, 1955 Thomson, Don W. Men and Meridians: The History of Surveying and Mapping in Canada. Vols i, 2. Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1966,1967 Wallace, Hugh N. 'Geographical Explorations to 1880.' In Morris Zaslow, ed. A Century of Canada's Arctic Islands: 1880-1980. Ottawa: Royal Society of Canada, 1981. Pp 15-32 - The Navy, the Company and Richard King: British Exploration in the Canadian Arctic, 1829-1860. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1980 Warkentin, John. The Western Interior of Canada: A Record of Geographic Discovery 16121917. Carleton Library no. 15. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1964 Warkentin, John, and Richard I. Ruggles. Manitoba Historical Atlas: A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612. Winnipeg: Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba, 1970 Wonders, William C. 'Unrolling the Map of Canada's Arctic.' In Zaslow, ed. A Century of Canada's Arctic Islands. 1981. Pp 1-14

PLATE 4 Eastern Canada in 1800 R. COLE HARRIS Geography, University of British Columbia DAVID WOOD Geography, York University

prices reported in annual reports of the provincial departments of mines. Canada. Census. 1891. Vols 3, 4 - DBS. Canadian Mineral Statistics, 70 Years, 1886-1952. Reference Paper No. 68.1957 - Sessional Papers. No. nA. 1892. App A Lewis, Frank D., and Marvin Mclnnis. 'Agricultural Output and Efficiency in Lower Canada, 1851.' Research in Economic History 9 (1984): 45-87 MISSIONS As far as possible, the missions shown represent permanent posts. Beech, H.P. A Geography and Atlas of Protestant Missions. Vol 2. New York: Student Volunteer Movement for Foreign Missions, 1903 Carriere, Gaston. Histoire documentaire de la Congregation des missionaires oblats de Marie-Immaculee dans I'Est du Canada. Part 2. Vol 9. Ottawa: Editions de 1'Universite d'Ottawa, 1970 Champagne, Claude. Les debuts de la mission dans le Nord-Ouest canadien: mission et eglise chez Mgr Vital Grandin, o.m.i., 1829-1902. Ottawa: Editions de 1'Universite Saint Paul, 1983 Levasseur, Donat. Histoire des missionnaires oblats de Marie-Immaculee: essai de synthese. Vol i: 1815—1898. Montreal: Maison^provinciate, 1983 Musee du Quebec. Le grand heritage: I'Eglise catholique et la societe du Quebec. Vol 2. Quebec, 1984 FUR-TRADING POSTS

Many thanks to Arthur J. Ray (History, University of British Columbia) for providing the information on fur-trade posts south of 60°. Hudson's Bay Company Archives. A 74/1. 'Annual Reports, Outfit 1891 Contents' - A12/L 58/2 fo. 21. NMap showing the Position of the Trading Establishments of the Hudson's Bay Company' The National Atlas of Canada. 4th ed, rev. Ottawa: Department of Energy, Mines and Resources and Information Canada / Toronto: Macmillan, 1974. Pp 79-80. Information from original research files of P.J. Usher Ray, A.J. The Hudson's Bay Company and Native People.' In WE. Washburn, ed. History of Indian-White Relations. Vol 4 of Handbook of North American Indians, ed W.C. Sturtevant. Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1988. Pp 335-50 - The Canadian Fur Trade in the Industrial Age. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990. Information from original research files of Arthur J. Ray WHALING STATIONS

This plate is a slightly revised version of pi 68 in HAC, vol I. The content of this plate has depended upon the expertise and advice of Conrad E. Heidenreich, Mario Lalancette, Victor P. Lytwyn, John Mannion, D. Wayne Moodie, and Graeme Wynn. The data on settlement and the fisheries in Newfoundland are drawn from vol I, pll 25-7, and from the Newfoundland census of 1797 (PRO, CO 194/40). The data on settlement and trade in the Maritimes are derived from vol I, pi 32. The data on settlement and fisheries in the northern and western gulf of St Lawrence are drawn from vol I, pi 54. The population of Lower Canada is based on the estimate in vol I, pi 46. The distribution of settlement and the extent of cleared land in Lower Canada are derived from Joseph Bouchette, A Topographical Description of the Province of Lower Canada ... (London: Faden, 1815). The distribution of English-speaking settlers in Quebec is a considered estimate - as much as can be done until this matter is the subject of a specialized study. Fur routes are generalized and simplified, and are not intended to show exact locations. Nor does the plate attempt to show all trading posts (for a more comprehensive distribution of posts in much of this territory see vol I, pi 62). The distribution of native people is derived from vol I, pi 69, from sources mentioned in the notes for that plate. The small native populations in the Canadian Shield cannot be usefully shown at the scale used on this plate and have been omitted. Estimates of the size and distribution of population in Upper Canada are based on Lieutenant Governor Simcoe's correspondence (E.A. Cruikshank, ed, The Correspondence ofLt Governor Simcoe, 5 vols [Toronto: Ontario Historical Society, 1924]), the militia returns, and the civil secretary's papers (NAC, RG 5 626). The following have been helpful: county histories; Robert Gourlay's Statistical Account of Upper Canada ... (London: Simpkin and Marshall, 1822), abridged and with an introduction by S.R. Mealing (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart 1974); and the dates of township survey given in W.G. Dean and G.J. Matthews, Economic Atlas of Ontario (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1969). Data on trade in Upper Canada have been derived in part from Douglas McCalla, 'The "Loyalist" Economy of Upper Canada, 1784-1806,' Histoire sociale / Social History 16 (1983): 279-304. William G. Dean prepared the information on roads and settled areas in the United States from Charles O. Paullin, Atlas of the Historical Geography of the United States (Baltimore: Hoen, 1932), pll 6oE, 76C, 138J.

PLATE 5 Canada in 1891 MARVIN McINNIS Economics, Queen's University PETER J. USHER P.J. Usher Consulting Services, Ottawa This plate was first published as pi i in HAC, vol III. Non-native land use AGRICULTURE, FISHING, FORESTRY, MINING

Net agricultural output by county was estimated from census data, supplemented by data on market prices, using a complex procedure involving a FORTRAN algorithm of more than 300 lines. The general form of the procedure and the motivation for its particular steps are discussed by Lewis and Mclnnis (1984) in the context of estimates made for Quebec counties in 1851. Manufacturing and forestry output were drawn directly from the census, although it must be noted that the reported number of pine logs cut in Essex County, Ontario, is far too large when compared with related data and has been adjusted. Mineral production was based on quantities of output reported in Dominion Bureau of Statistics (DBS), Reference Paper no. 68 (1957), converted to values in some instances and

The National Atlas of Canada. 1974. Pp 87-8. Information from original research files of P.J. Usher Native land use The National Atlas of Canada. 1974. Pp 87-8. Information from original research files of P.J. Usher

The land unexplored by Europeans Adjustments to the sources below were made on the advice of W.G. Dean, University of Toronto; Richard I. Ruggles, Queen's University; and Alan Cooke (deceased). Ruggles, Richard I. 'Exploration from Hudson Bay.' HAC. Vol I, pi 58 - 'Exploration in the Far Northwest.' HAC. Vol I, pi 67 The National Atlas of Canada. 1974. Pp 71-8

PLATE 6 The Look of Domestic Building, 1891 P E T E R E N N A L S Geography, Mount Allison University DERYCK W. HOLDSWORTH Geography, Pennsylvania State University In spite of efforts to create a major machine-readable data base (the Canadian Inventory of Historical Buildings) it has not been possible so far to carry out a comprehensive detailed mapping of the thousands of buildings surviving from the 19th century. While some efforts have been made to formulate an appropriate classification system for house types which might be used in this process, there remains a good deal of disagreement on the principles of such a typology. Moreover, such an exercise risks overlooking the existence and the extent of a wide assortment of very ordinary 19thcentury buildings that have not survived or that were not documented by contemporaries. The research for this plate arose from a careful reading of the existing literature on Canada's architectural history, coupled with extensive field observation. However, in the absence of a more scientific basis for analysis, the treatment is necessarily impressionistic. Hall and parlour The term hall refers to the 'great room' found at many scales in English housing during the medieval period and thereafter. This room was a multipurpose space in which cooking, dining, domestic manufacture, and sleeping took place. It should not be confused with the entry spaces or passage ways that are often called halls in the modern dwelling. Further readings Butterfield, David K., and Edward M. Ledohowski. Architectural Heritage and the Brandon and Area Planning District. Winnipeg: Department of Culture, Heritage and Recreation, 1984 Ennals, Peter, and Deryck W. Holdsworth. 'Vernacular Architecture and the Cultural Landscape of the Maritime Provinces: A Reconnaissance.' Acadiensis 10 (Spring 1981): 86-105 Gowans, Alan. Building Canada: An Architectural History of Canadian Life. Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1966 Lessard, Michel, and Huguette Marquis. Encyclopedic de la maison quebecoise. Montreal: Les Editions de 1'homme, 1974 MacRae, Marion. The Ancestral Roof: Domestic Architecture of Upper Canada. Toronto: Clarke, Irwin, 1963 Mannion, John J. Irish Settlement in Eastern Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974 Mills, David. The Development of Folk Housing in Trinity Bay, Newfoundland.' In

Notes

157

John J. Mannion, ed. The Peopling of Newfoundland: Essays in Historical Geography. St John's: Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1977 Rempel, John I. Building with Wood and Other Aspects of Nineteenth-Century Building in Ontario. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1967 Segger, Martin, and Douglas Franklin. Victoria: A Primer for Regional History in Architecture. Watkins Glen, NY: American Life Foundation, 1979 Wonder, William C, and Mark A. Rasmussen. 'Log Buildings of West Central Alberta.' Prairie Forum 5 (1980): 197-217

PLATE 7 The Coming of the Loyalists R. LOUIS GENTILCORE Geography, McMaster University DON ME ASNER Historical Atlas of Canada DAVID DOHERTY Ministry of Colleges and Universities, Government of Ontario The authors acknowledge with thanks the assistance of Darrell Norris. Loyalists in Quebec, 1784 NAC. Haldimand Papers. MS 21828. P 141. 'Return of Disbanded Troops and Loyalists Settled upon the King's Lands in the Province of Quebec in the Year 1784' Disposition of New Brunswick Loyalists Gates, Lillian F. Land Policies of Upper Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968 Wright, Esther Clark. The Loyalists of New Brunswick. Fredericton: Clark Wright, 1955. The data for the maps were compiled from the list of New Brunswick Loyalists, pp 253-345Loyalist claimants Brown, Wallace. The King's Friends: The Composition and Motives of the American Loyalist Claimants. Providence, RI: Brown University Press, 1965. The data for the maps were compiled from the statistical tables, pp 287-345. Six Nations land grants Johnston, Charles M., ed. The Valley of the Six Nations: A Collection of Documents on the Indian Lands on the Grand River. Toronto: Champlain Society, 1964. P 52 (Indian census) PRO. Six Nations land grant map. London. 1792. Reproduced in R. Louis Gentilcore and C. Grant Head. Ontario's History in Maps. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984. P 84 Wright, Ronald. Stolen Continents: The Americas through Indian Eyes since 1492. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1992 First survey for settlement Geiger, Dorothy. 'Ontario's First Township: John Collins Survey of October 27,1782 of the six mile square Township in the Province of Ontario [sic] near the ancient Fort Frontenac.' Original map in PRO. London. Unpublished notes by author Gentilcore, R. Louis, and Kate Donkin. Land Surveys in Southern Ontario. Cartographic Monograph no. 8. North York: York University, 1973 Disbanded Butler's Rangers 'Notes from Niagara.' Niagara Peninsula Branch Newsletter. Niagara-on-the-Lake: Ontario Genealogical Society, 1985 The Adolphustown celebration United Empire Loyalists, Centennial Committee, Toronto, Ont. The Centennial of the Settlement of Upper Canada by the United Empire Loyalists, 1784-1884: The Celebrations at Adolphustown, Toronto and Niagara, with an Appendix Containing a Copy of the U.E.L. List Preserved at the Crown Lands Department at Toronto. Toronto: Rose Publishing, 1888. Repr Baltimore: Baltimore Genealogical Society, 1969. The map data on residence of the Loyalists were compiled from App B. Land grant proposals, 1783 Gates, Land Policies of Upper Canada. 1968. Pp 11-23 NAC. Haldimand Papers. Ms 21829. Pp 62-3 Loyalists in the Province of Quebec, 1779-1783 NAC. Haldimand Papers. Mss 21769,21770, 21826,21827,21828, 21829 Adolphustown settlement, 1784-1822 Norris, Darrell A. 'Household and Transiency in a Loyalist Township: The People of Adolphustown, 1784-1822.' Histoire sociale / Social History 8, no. 26 (Nov 1980): 399475 Loyalist populations, 1778-1791 The number of 'settled refugees' and 'total settled' varies from source to source. The table gives a sample of the data as presented in various sources.

Further readings Cruikshank, Ernest A., ed. The Settlement of the United Empire Loyalists on the Upper St Lawrence and the Bay ofQuinte, 1784: A Documentary Record. Toronto: Ontario Historical Society, 1934. Repr 1966 Moore, Christopher. The Loyalists: Revolution, Exile, Settlement. Toronto: Macmillan, 1984 Walker, W. James St G. The Black Loyalists: The Search for a Promised Land in Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone 1783-1870. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992

PLATE 8 Origins of the Newfoundland Population, 1836 JOHN MANNION Geography, Memorial University of Newfoundland W. GORDON HANDCOCK Geography, Memorial University of Newfoundland Thanks are due to Howard Brown, Provincial Archives of Newfoundland and Labrador (PANL), St John's; Margaret Holmes, Dorset Record Office; Gary McManus and Cliff Wood, Department of Geography, Memorial University; Maura Mannion, St John's; and Edward Tompkins, NAC, Ottawa. Newfoundland settlements, 1836 PANL. Census of Newfoundland, 1836 Origins in the British Isles The homeland origins of the Newfoundland immigrants were determined from a wide range of sources located in England, Ireland, and particularly in St John's, Newfoundland. The leading sources are the parish registers in St John's; other parish registers prior to 1830; obituaries and miscellaneous lists and references in Newfoundland newspapers, 1810-1900; the registry of wills, 1830-70; administration bonds (GN5/2A/1); and headstones. Because the English generally settled earlier than the Irish, and because they were not as numerous in or near St John's from 1800 to 1850, surviving data on English places of origin are not as plentiful as for the immigrant Irish. Devon Record Office, Exeter. Parish Collections, Registers and Poor Law Dorset Record Office, Dorchester. Parish Collections, Registers and Poor Law Great Britain. British Parliamentary Papers. Emigration. Vols 10-12:1842-50. Shannon: Irish University Press, 1968 PRO. Prerogative Court of Canterbury. Wills Population growth, 1800-1836 PRO. CO 194. Governor's Returns on the Inhabitants and Fisheries at Newfoundland, 1800-50 Recorded marriages in St John's, 1800-1850 PANL. Anglican, Congregational-Presbyterian, Methodist-Wesleyan Parish Registers, St Johns, 1800-50 - Roman Catholic Registers, St John's. Baptisms, 1802-50. Marriages, 1800-50 Further readings Handcock, W. Gordon. 'English Migration to Newfoundland.' In John J. Mannion, ed. The Peopling of Newfoundland: Essays in Historical Geography. St John's: Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1977. Pp 15-48 - 'Soe long as there comes Noe Women': The English Origins of the Newfoundland Population. St John's: Breakwater, 1989 - The West Country Migrations to Newfoundland.' Bulletin of Canadian Studies 5, no. i (1981): 5-24 Mannion, John J. 'Old World Antecedents, New World Adaptations: Inistioge Immigrants in Newfoundland.' Newfoundland Studies 5, no. 2 (1989): 103-75 - 'Patrick Morris and Newfoundland-Irish Immigration.' In Cyril J. Byrne and M. Harry, eds. Talamh an Eisc: Canadian and Irish Essays. Halifax: Nimbus, 1986. Pp 180202 Mannion, ed. The Peopling of Newfoundland. 1977. Repr 1986

PLATE 9 Transatlantic Migrations, 1831-1851 J O H N C . WEAVER History, McMaster University J A M E S D E J O N G E Canadian Parks Service, Ottawa DARRELL NORRIS Geography, State University of New York, Geneseo Immigration to British North America: 1831-1836; 1846-1851 The data for these maps are based on assorted reports and despatches sent by the colonial administrators to the CO and often published in British Parliamentary Papers. Some minor fragments of information were unpublished and scattered throughout the original correspondence of the CO in the appropriate series: for Canada, CO 42; for New Brunswick, CO 188; for Newfoundland, CO 194; for Nova Scotia and Cape Breton Island, CO 217. Regardless of the final destination or form, data and estimates were assembled by the executive officers of the colonial governments from newspapers' accounts of ships and passengers arriving or from the reports of the emigration agents located in major ports. The British Parliament began to publish more or less routine reports on emigration in the mid-i83os; some reports contained data for prior years. Because the titles of these reports changed over time and some reports were not part of a series, a complete listing of sources used would be excessively long. Abbreviated titles for published reports can be found under the heading 'emigration' in British Parliamentary Papers. Great Britian. British Parliamentary Papers: General Index to Accounts and Papers Printed by Order of the House of Commons and the Papers Presented by Command, 1801-1853. Shannon: Irish University Press, 1968 Final residences: Wellington County Historical Atlas of the County of Wellington, Ontario. Toronto: Historical Atlas Publishing Co, 1906. Pp 10-71. The data are derived from biographies of original settlers whose final residences were in Wellington County. Travels of immigrant J. Thomson Preston, Richard A., ed. For Friends at Home: A Scottish Emigrant's Letters from Canada, California and the Cariboo. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1974 Emigration from the British Isles, 1815-1865 This graph is based on the work of Helen Cowan.

158 Notes

Cowan, Helen I. British Immigration to British North America: The First Hundred Years. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1961 - British Immigration before Confederation. Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1968 Occupations of male immigrants, 1846-1851 This graph was prepared from the reports compiled by A.C. Buchanan, the chief emigration agent at Quebec. They appeared in British Parliamentary Papers among the returns from Canada for 1846-51. Because the British government was interested in the numbers who left the United Kingdom, Buchanan's count included those adult males who died at sea or in quarantine. Further readings Adams, William Forbes. Ireland and Irish Emigration to the New World from 1815 to the Famine. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1932 Akenson, Donald Harman. The Irish in Ontario: A Study in Rural History. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1984 Elliot, Bruce S. Irish Migrants in the Canadas: A New Approach. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1988 Erickson, Charlotte. Invisible Immigrants: The Adaptation of English and Scottish Migrants in Nineteenth Century America. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1972 Mannion, John. Irish Settlements in Eastern Canada: A Study of Cultural Transfer and Adaptation. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974 Martell, J.S. Immigration to and Emigration from Nova Scotia, 1815-1838. Halifax: Public Archives of Nova Scotia, 1942

P L A T E 10 Population in the Canadas and the Maritimes to 1851 BRIAN S. OSBORNE Geography, Queen's University JEAN-CLAUDE ROBERT Histoire, Universite du Quebec a Montreal DAVID A. SUTHERLAND History, Dalhousie University Population distribution: ca 1825; ca 1851 Dots are plotted in a random rather than a uniform manner, with greater concentration along lakes and rivers, based on historical evidence. Because aggregate values are used, the exact location of the settlers is unknown. It is not known whether or not there was a clustering around parish churches in Lower Canada, and even the location of most parish churches is unknown. Accordingly, the exact location of parish boundaries in Lower Canada has been assumed. A random location is more plausible than a clustering around assumed parish centroids. The ca 1825 map reflects 1821 data for Upper Canada, 1824 data for New Brunswick, 1825 data for Lower Canada, and 1827 data for Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island. Canada. Census. 1851. Vol i, Census by Ages, pp 112-505 Lower Canada. Census. 1825 NAC. RG 5/626. Population of Upper Canada. 1821,1831,1851 New Brunswick. Census. 1824,1851 Newfoundland. Census. 1857 Nova Scotia. Census. 1827, table i; 1851 Prince Edward Island. Census. 1848 Growth of cities, 1825-1891 Canada. Census. Various census years Censuses of individual provinces. Various census years. Summarized in Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 4 Simmons, J., and Geoff Dobilas. 'The Population of Urban Nodes.' HAC research report. 1980 Growth of provinces, 1851-1891 Urquhart, M.C., and K.A.H. Buckley, eds. Historical Statistics of Canada. Toronto: Macmillan, 1965. Series A 2-14, 'Population of Canada, by Province. Census dates, 1851 to 1976' Male-female ratio in Upper Canada, 1824-1851 The graph reflects the data in the censuses although there is a large upward shift in the single year between 1841 and 1842. The census of 1842 is considered faulty. Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 4. Census of Upper Canada, Annual 1824-42, table 4; 1848, table 4; 1851 Population pyramids The population pyramids for eastern Canada are shown for the individual provinces and are broken down into major urban areas and other parts of each province. No consolidation of provincial data was feasible because the age groups for the data were generally different. Sources for the data used in constructing the population pyramids are the same as those used for the maps of population distribution, above. Further readings Bouchette, Joseph. The British Dominions in North America ... London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, Green and Longman, 1832. Vol 2, ch 11 Campbell, Duncan. History of Prince Edward Island. Charlottetown: Bremner Brothers, 1875 Clark, Andrew Hill. Three Centuries and the Island: A Historical Geography of Settlement and Agriculture in Prince Edward Island, Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1959 McGregor, John. British America. Edinburgh: Blackwood / London: Cadell, 1832. Book 4 - Historical and Descriptive Sketches of the Maritime Colonies of British America. London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown and Green, 1828. Chs 1-8 Martin, R. Montgomery. The British Colonies: Their History, Extent, Condition, and Resources. London and New York: London Printing and Publishing Co, 1851- . Vol i, book 4 - History of the Colonies of the British Empire... From the Official Records of the Colonial Office. London: Wm. H. Allen and George Routledge, 1843. Book 3

- History of Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, the Sable Islands, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, the Bermudas, Newfoundland, &c. &c. London: Whittaker, 1837. Ch 3 Meacham, J.H., and Co. Illustrated Historical Atlas of the Province of Prince Edward Island. Philadelphia: Meacham, 1880. Repr Oshawa: Maracle Press, 1973 Stewart, John. An Account of Prince Edward Island, in the Gulph of St. Lawrence, North America ... London: Winchester and Son, 1806

P L A T E 11 Timber Production and Trade to 1850 GRAEME WYNN Geography, University of British Columbia Selected glossary Agent The go-between in the importing country between the shipper (abroad) and the importer .Balk, or baulk A piece of timber 4" x 4" (10.1 x 10.1 cm) cross-section and above; also known as great timber Board A piece of lumber usually less than 3" (7.6 cm) thick Broadaxe An axe with a blade of up to 12" (30.5 cm) in cutting edge, the handle usually offset to facilitate working, 'hewing to the line' Deal Any thick plank, historically of 3" (7.6 cm) thickness or more. Length varied, as did width, but usually more than 7" (17.7 cm) wide and 6' (1.82 m) long. A short deal was a deal end. Lumber Mainly a North American term for any kind of sawn wood. The term, however, does get into the British manual of trade practice and nomenclature. Square timber (occasionally squared timber) Timber cut out of the logs as they lay felled in the forest, squared to a rough four sides with the broadaxe Timber, sawn or split; and timber not sawn or split The British customs classification for all wood goods for the last century Timber berth An allotted area in the pineries obtained from the government on a timber licence. Also timber limit Timber hewer The employee taking off the slabs to square timber Timber licence From the 18205 the government gave timber cutters annual licences. This system still obtains, the timber cutter having no title to the land on which the timber in his berth stands. Timber lines The lines marked on the log to be followed by the hewer Ton timber Term in the Maritime Provinces for square timber Lower, A.R.M. Great Britain's Woodyard: British America and the Timber Trade, 17631867. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1973. The glossary is based on pp 251-3. Exports of forest products, ca 1850 Canada. Journals of the Legislative Assembly. Schedule of Documents Relative to the Supervisor of Cullers' Accounts. 1847-8. Vol 6, app AA - A Return of the Quantity of Lumber Shipped and Cleared from Places below Quebec. 1849. Vol 8, app AA Canada. Sessional Papers. No. 3.1869. Minutes of Evidence. 2nd Report of Select Committee on the Timber Trade. Vol 8. Evidence of J.W. Dawson, Esq. The Canadas, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island. Journals of the Legislative Assembly. App. Import and export tables New Brunswick. Journals of the House of Assembly. Customs House Returns, 1847 - Port of Saint John. An Account of Staple Articles, the Product of this Province and the British Fisheries exported at this Port... 1845,1846. App, p ccliv - Port of Saint John. An Account of Staple Articles, etc. 1846,1847. App, p ccxxxiv Provincial Archives of Prince Edward Island. RG i. Vol 19. Prince Edward Island Blue Book. 1847,1848 Public Archives of Nova Scotia. RG 2. Vol 47. Nova Scotia Blue Book. 1847 Volume of timber licensed for cutting, New Brunswick Provincial Archives of New Brunswick (PANE). Crown Lands Office petitions (Timber). 1818-19.1824-5 (formerly RNA/Cio/i). 1836-7 (RNA/Cn/9). 1840-1 (RNA/Cn/113). All now in RG 10 RSiO7 Wynn, Graeme. Timber Colony: A Historical Geography of Early Nineteenth Century New Brunswick. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1981. P 37, maps pp 38-9 Cutting licences, New Brunswick Baillie, T. An Account of the Province of New Brunswick... with Advice to Emigrants. London: I.G. and F. Rivington, 1832 - Report of Progress, i Aug 1829. In CO 188/39 The Gleaner and Northumberland Schediasma (Chatham) 11 Oct, i Nov, 8 Nov 1831 Wynn. Timber Colony. 1981. P 37 Timber licences, Tracadie River, New Brunswick Wynn. Timber Colony. 1981. P 56 PANE. Rex/PA Surveyor General 13 (1832). Statistics Square-timber production, 1846 Canada. Journals of the Legislative Assembly. Schedule of Documents Relative to the Supervisor of Cullers' Accounts, 1847-8. Vol 6, app AA Timber exports, 1810-1870 Lower. Great Britain's Woodyard. 1973. P 31, Graph 5, 'The Rise and Fall of the Square Timber Trade: The Exports of a Century, 1810-1910' British timber duties, 1800-1850 Bliss, Henry. On the Timber Trade. London: Ridgeway, 1831 Potter, J. The British Timber Duties, 1815-1860.' Economica, new series 22 (1955): 12236 Wynn. Timber Colony. 1981. P 31, Graph 2.1 'British Tariffs on Imported Timber, 18001850' Commercial structure of the timber trade Wynn. Timber Colony. 1981. P 119, fig 5.2. The quintessential, hierarchically structured mercantile landscape of the timber trade was most fully developed in the Saint John Valley.'

Notes

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New Brunswick exports of forest products, 1839-1860 Albion, Robert G. Forests and Sea Power: The Timber Problem of the Royal Navy, 16521862. Harvard Economic Studies, vol 29. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1926 New Brunswick. Journals of the House of Assembly. 1821-7,1847. Apps - Miscellanea Blue Books of Statistics. Annual import/export tables. 1839-60 University of New Brunswick Archives. Crown Lands Letterbook C Wynn. Timber Colony. 1981. P 56, fig 3.1, Timber Sketch of the Tracadie River, 1831-2 and 1836-7' Major wood products Drawings by Graeme Wynn Further readings Gillis, S. The Timber Trade in the Ottawa Valley, 1805-54.' Manuscript report no. 153. Ottawa: National Historical Parks and Sites, nd Head, C. Grant. 'An Introduction to Forest Exploitation in Nineteenth Century Ontario.' In J. David Wood, ed. Perspectives on Landscapes and Settlement in Nineteenth Century Ontario. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1975. Pp 78-112 McCalla, D. 'Forest Products and Upper Canadian Development 1815-1846.' Canadian Historical Review 68, no. 2 (1987): 159-98

P L A T E 12 Agriculture in Atlantic Canada, 1851 ROBERT A. MacKINNON Social and Environmental Studies, University College of the Cariboo/Kamloops RONALD J. WALDER Historical Atlas of Canada See 'Measurement of Agricultural Products,' p 153, for the conversion of all crops to caloric values. Field-crop production, ca 1851. Newfoundland, 1857 Improved land, 1851. Newfoundland, 1857 Livestock by region, 1851. Newfoundland, 1857 Hay production, 1851. Newfoundland, 1857 Field-crop production, ca 1850 (graph) Livestock by province, 1851 (graph) New Brunswick. Population Returns and Other Statistics of the Province of New Brunswick for the Year. 1851 Newfoundland. Abstract Census and Return of the Population of Newfoundland. 1857 Prince Edward Island. Census. 1848 Public Archives of Nova Scotia (PANS). Census. 1851. General abstract and manuscript schedules. RGi. Vol 453, microfilm Agricultural trade, 1851 Net trade of agricultural products, 1825-1861 Nova Scotia. Journals of the Legislative Assembly. 1825-61. Apps. Import and export tables PANS. Miscellanea Blue Books of Statistics. CO 221.1825-61 Provincial Archives of New Brunswick. Miscellanea Blue Books of Statistics. CO 221. 1843-1858 Provincial Archives of Prince Edward Island. Miscellanea Blue Books of Statistics. CO 231.1823-1861 Further readings Bitterman, K.R. The Hierarchy of the Soil: Land and Labour in a Nineteenth Century Cape Breton Community.' Acadiensis 18,, no. i (Autumn 1988): 33-55 Clark, Andrew Hill. Three Centuries and the Island: A Historical Geography of Settlement and Agriculture in Prince Edward Island, Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1959 Ganong, William F. 'A Monograph of the Origins of Settlement in the Province of New Brunswick.' Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada. 2nd series 10, Section II (1904): 3-185 Gentilcore, R. Louis. 'The Agricultural Background of Settlement in Eastern Nova Scotia.' Annals, Association of American Geographers 46, no. 4 (1956): 378-404 Haliburton, Thomas C. An Historical and Statistical Account of Nova Soctia. 2 vols. Halifax: Joseph Howe, 1829 Hornsby, Stephen J. 'Staple Trades, Subsistence Agriculture, and Nineteenth Century Cape Breton Island.' Annals, Association of American Geographers 79, no. 3 (1989): 411-34 Johnston, J.F.W. Report on the Agricultural Capabilities of the Province of New Brunswick. Fredericton: J. Simpson, 1850 Landry, Nicolas. 'Uexploitation agricole a Caraquet: etude basee sur le recensement de 1861.' Acadiensis 20, no. 2 (Spring 1991): 145-57 MacKinnon, Robert. 'Farming the Rock: The Evolution of Commercial Agriculture around St. John's, Newfoundland, to 1945.' Acadiensis 20, no. 2 (1991): 32-61 - The Historical Geography of Agriculture in Nova Scotia, 1851-1951.' PhD thesis, Department of Geography, University of British Columbia, 1991 MacKinnon, Robert, and Graeme Wynn. 'Nova Scotian Agriculture in the "Golden Age": A New Look.' In Douglas Day, ed. Geographical Perspectives on the Maritime Provinces. Halifax: Saint Mary's University, 1988. Pp 47-60

160

Notes

PLATE 13 An Established Agriculture: Lower Canada to 1851 JEAN-CLAUDE ROBERT Histoire, Universite du Quebec a Montreal NORMAND SEGUIN Centre de recherches en etudes quebecoises, Universite de Quebec a Trois-Rivieres SERGE COURVILLE Geographic, Universite Laval We wish to thank Alan Center, Robert Nahuet, Franchise Noel, and Danielle Noiseux who ensured accuracy in the collection of the data. Seigneurial land rents, 1831 Bouchette, Joseph. A Topographical Dictionary of the Province of Lower Canada. London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, Green and Longman, 1832 Courville, Serge. 'Rente declaree payee sur la censive de 90 arpents au recensement nominatif de 1831: methodologie d'une recherche.' Cahiers de geographie du Quebec 27, no. 70 (1983): 43-61 Parish openings to 1851 We have used the opening dates of Catholic parish registers and/or the opening dates in the Protestant Registry Centres as an indication of the beginning of continuous settlement in a territory. Le Canada ecclesiastique: annuaire du clerge. Montreal: Beauchemin, 1917 La Rose, Andre. Les registres paroissiaux du Quebec avant 1800. Quebec: Ministere des Affaires culturelles, 1980 Lovell's Province of Quebec Directory for 1871. Montreal: John Lovell, 1871 Magnan, Hormisdas. Dictionnaire historique et geographique des paroisses, missions et municipalites de la province de Quebec. Arthabaska, Que: L'Imprimerie d'Arthabaska, 1925 Noel, Franchise. The Establishment of Religious Communities in the Eastern Townships of Lower Canada 1799 to 1851.' MA thesis, McGill University, 1976 Roy, Pierre-Georges. Inventaire des registres de I 'etat civil conserves aux Archives judiciaires de Quebec. Beauceville, Que: L'Eclaireur, 1821 Field-crop production: 1831; 1844 Wheat production: 1831; 1844 Oats production: 1831; 1844 See 'Measurement of Agricultural Products,' p 153, for the conversion of crops to caloric values. Canada. Legislative Assembly of the Province of Canada. Summary by Districts and Counties of the Enumeration Returns of the Residents of Lower Canada and of Other Statistical Information Obtained during the Year 1844 ... Montreal: Stewart Derbishire and George Desbarats, 1846. App D Lower Canada. Census and Statistical Returns of The Province of Lower Canada. 1831,1844 - Journals of the Legislative Assembly. 1832. App Villages in seigneurial areas: 1815; 1831; 1851 Courville, Serge. Entre ville et campagne: lessor du village dans les seigneuries du BasCanada. Quebec: Les Presses de 1'universite Laval, 1990 Dechene, Louise. 'The Seigneuries.' HAC. Vol I, pi 51 Farm animals, 1765-1851 Canada. Censuses, 1665-1871. Statistics of Canada. Vol 4. Ottawa: J.B. Taylor, 1876.1765, table 2.1784, table 3.1831, table 4.1844, table 7.1851, table 10 Farms in Saint-Paul Parish, Berthier County, 1831 The data are not precise enough to be sure that all the land belonging to an individual is situated in the same parish. Even if this were the case for the majority of individuals, which we doubt, the graph remains pertinent. Lower Canada. Nominal Census. 1831. Saint-Paul Parish, Berthier County Further readings Courville, Serge. 'La crise agricole du Bas-Canada: elements d'une reflexion geographique.' Cahiers de geographie du Quebec 24, no. 62 (1980): 193-224; 24, no. 63 (1980): 385-428 Courville, Serge, and Normand Seguin. Rural Life in lyth Century Quebec. Historical booklet 47. Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1989 Dechene, Louise. 'Observations sur 1'agriculture du Bas-Canada au debut du XIXe siecle.' In Joseph Goy and Jean-Pierre Wallot, eds. Evolution et eclatement du monde rural. France-Quebec, XVlF-XXe siecles. Paris: Les Presses de 1'Ecole des hautes etudes en sciences sociales / Montreal: Les Presses de 1'Universite de Montreal, 1986. Pp 189-202 Dessureault, Christian. 'Crise ou modernisation: la societe rurale maskoutaine durant le premier tiers du XIXe siecle.' Revue d'histoire del'Ameriquefranqaise 42, no. 3 (1989): 359^87 - 'L'egalitarisme paysan dans 1'ancienne societe rurale de la vallee du Saint-Laurent: elements pour une reinterpretation.' Revue d'histoire de I'Amerique franchise 40, no. 3 (1987): 373-407 Greer, Allan. Peasant, Lord and Merchant: Rural Society in Three Quebec Parishes 1740184.0. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985 Le Goff, T.J.A. The Agricultural Crisis in Lower Canada, 1802-1812: A Review of the Controversy.' Canadian Historical Review, 55, no. i (1974): 1-31 Lewis, F, and Marvin Mclnnis. The Efficiency of the French-Canadian Farmer in the Nineteenth Century.' The Journal of Economic History 40 (1980): 497-514 McCallum, John. Unequal Beginnings: Agriculture and Economic Development in Quebec and Ontario until 1870. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980 Mclnnis, Marvin. 'A Reconsideration of the State of Agriculture in Lower Canada in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century.' Canadian Papers in Rural History 3 (1982): 9-49 Michel, Louis. 'Endettement et societe rurale dans la region de Montreal au dixhuitieme siecle: premieres approches et elements de reflexion.' In Frangois Lebrun and Normand Seguin, eds. Societes villageoises et rapports villes-campagnes au Quebec et dans la France de I'ouest XVIF-XX* siecles. Trois-Rivieres: Centre de recherches en etudes quebecoises, 1987. Pp 171-81

Ouellet, Fernand. Economic and Social History of Quebec, 1760-1850. Toronto: Gage / Ottawa: Carleton University, 1980 Paquet, Gilles, and Jean-Pierre Wallot. Lower Canada at the Turn of the Century: Restructuring and Modernization. Canadian Historical Association booklet no. 45. Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1988 Wien, Thomas. 'Les travaux pressants: calendrier agricole, assolement et productivity au Canada au XVIII6 siecle.' Revue d'histoire de I'Amerique frangaise 43, no. 4 (1990): 535-58

P L A T E 14 A New Agriculture: Upper Canada to 1851 J. DAVID WOOD Geography, York University PETER ENNALS Geography, Mount Allison University THOMAS F. McILWRAITH Geography, University of Toronto We would like to thank our research assistants Robert Wood and Patricia Orr for their help, Janet Allkin for preliminary drawings, Michael Boyer for the data on insects, Douglas McCalla for help with the text, and S. Ross for the original sketch of a typical farm. 'Cleared' land did not always mean 'ready for a crop,' nor did 'under culture' or 'cultivated' necessarily mean more than removing trees and using that land for pasture. It was common, once trees were removed, to harrow the rough, stump-littered ground and broadcast seeds. The faulty census of 1842 introduced new categories and used the terms 'improved' and 'occupied.' The 1848 census used the more meaningful terms 'under crops,' 'in pasture,' and 'wild.' First farm settlers to 1851 Information for some townships came from the historical introduction to the county atlases originally published in the 18705 and 18805, or from Gourlay 1822. Gourlay, Robert F. Statistical Account of Upper Canada. London: Simpkin and Marshall and J.M. Richardson, 1822 Cleared land, 1842 This was the first map produced during the early stages of the HAC project. Two versions - one with township boundaries and one without - were distributed at a seminar in 1975 to demonstrate the opportunities inherent in the thematic mapping of historical material. Four years later the Atlas officially began. The symbols for cleared land are allocated within each township by a mathematical randomizing procedure prepared by Siegfried Schulte in the Department of Geography at the University of Toronto. Upper Canada. Census. 1842. Table 7, p 138 Horses and oxen, 1830,1840 Oxen were much cheaper to buy and to maintain than horses; they were generally less upset by biting insects, and steadier and often stronger under harness; and finally they could also provide meat. The data were extracted from statistics on draught animals in the province (horses three years and older, oxen four years and older). This was the decade in which most parts of the province swung from using predominantly oxen to horses. Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 4. Census of Upper Canada, 1830, table 3; Census of Upper Canada, 1840, table 2 Ontario landscape, 1851 Canada. Census of the Canadas 1851-52. Board of Registration and Statistics. Quebec: John Lovell, 1853. Vol 2. Agricultural Census, Upper Canada, table 7 Field crops, 1851 Wheat production, 1851 Canada. Census 1851-52. Vol 2, app 11 Advance of insects, 1810-1856 The Hessian fly was first noticed near Quebec in the 17905 (according to Mrs Simcoe). Farmers planting wheat on the largely uncleared frontier were likely to escape the insect pests for about two decades. Hind, H.Y. Essay on the Insects and Diseases Injurious to Wheat Crops. Toronto: Bureau of Agriculture and Statistics, 1857 Land clearing, Hamilton Township, Northumberland County: 1810; 1831; 1851 Clearing wooded land was slow and exceedingly laborious. A good estimate places the average rate for clearing at about 1.5 acres per man per year. Clearing could be speeded up by having more men working, and by using a team of oxen to haul felled trees to a pile for burning. Ennals, Peter. 'Land and Society in Hamilton Township, Upper Canada, 1797-1861.' PhD thesis. University of Toronto, 1978 Russell, Peter. 'Forest into Farmland: Upper Canadian Clearing Rates, 1822-1839.' Agricultural History 57, no. 3 (1983): 326-39 Kingston-area landscape, 1842 NAC. National Map Collection. Col. John Oldfield. 'Plan of the Country between the Rivers St. Lawrence and Ottawa and the Rideau Canal Reconnoitred ... under the direction of Col. Oldfield, K.H., Commander Royal Engineers in Canada.' 1841. Coloured ms in eight sections 189 x 291 cm. Scale i" to i mi Farm animals, 1842,1851 Prior to 1840 a simple classification of animals was used, distinguishing among horses, oxen, cows, and other cattle. The 1842 census enumerated horses, neat cattle, sheep, and swine. Apparently oxen as a class were fading in importance. Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 4. Census of Upper Canada, 1842, table 8; Census of Upper Canada, 1851-2, table 7

Exports of wheat and flour, 1825-1849 Mcllwraith, Thomas F. The Logistical Geography of the Great Lakes Grain Trade, 1820-1858.' PhD thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1973 Average wheat yields, 1835-1849 Although wheat was the dominant crop (the Census of 1851 estimated it occupied at least 20% of the land in crops) and there was a wheat belt in the central half of the province by the 18405, productivity was variable. Frosts could be damaging and, as crop land expanded, depredations by insects and disease increased, especially before the acceptance of the hardier Red Fife strain of wheat. The substantial fluctuations in the Dunnville record, although based on a relatively small acreage, were probably representative not only of wheat but of all crops. Archives of Ontario. Unnamed farm diary from the Dunnville area Canada. Census 1851-52 Farm of Benjamin Smith, near Ancaster: 1805,1838 Benjamin Smith's informative diary comments on crops, personnel, farm activities, and occasionally the weather, and makes a rare reference to a political event. In the 'farm team' we have attempted to identify the number of workers in the farm enterprise, including the owner. In some cases it is unclear if a named worker was seasonal or full-time. The allocation of time to different activities was seldom clear in the diaries. Apparently some common activities, like haying and cleaning the barn, escaped mention. Knowledge of farming procedures was applied to make sense out of the numerous overlapping references. With a sizeable farm team more than one activity would normally be under way on most days. In 1805 Smith was a pioneer farmer; by 1837 his was a large farming operation that had expanded onto adjacent lands. Archives of Ontario. Benjamin Smith diaries, 1799-1849 Typical loo-acre farm, second generation This sample farm could have been one of the farms in southern Hamilton Township in 1851. There were still stumps in some back fields, as well as two acres of surface water and about twenty acres of uncleared forest. The fences were split cedar rails in the 'snake' pattern. Later surveys provided broader lots more efficient to manage from a central farmstead. (For survey patterns see notes for pi 7.) Further readings Armstrong, F, H.A. Stevenson, and J.D. Wilson, eds. Aspects of Nineteenth Century Ontario. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974 Brown, R. Craig, ed. The Illustrated History of Canada. Toronto: Lester and Orpen Dennys, 1987. Chs 3, 4 Canadian Papers in Rural History. 7 vols. Many articles on early Ontario Gentilcore, R. Louis, and Kate Donkin. Land Surveys in Southern Ontario. Cartographica Monograph no. 8. North York: York University, 1973 Gentilcore, R. Louis, and C. Grant Head. Ontario's History in Maps. Ontario Historical Studies Series. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984 Hall, Roger, William Westfall, and L.S. MacDowell, eds. Patterns of the Past: Interpreting Ontario's History. Toronto: Dundurn, 1988 Johnson, J.K., ed. Historical Essays on Upper Canada. Carleton Library no. 82. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1975 Johnson, J.K., and E.G. Wilson, eds. Historical Essays on Upper Canada: New Perspectives. Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1991 Keane, David, and Colin Read, eds. Old Ontario: Essays in Honour ofJ.M.5. Careless. Toronto: Dundurn, 1990 McCalla, Douglas. 'The Internal Economy of Upper Canada: New Evidence on Agricultural Marketing before 1850.' Agricultural History 59, no. 3 (1985): 397-416 Mcllwraith, T.F. 'British North America, 1763-1867.' In Robert D. Mitchell and P.A. Groves, eds. North America. The Historical Geography of a Changing Continent. Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1987. Pp 220-52 Wood, J. David, ed. Perspectives on Landscape and Settlement in Nineteenth Century Ontario. Carleton Library. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1975

P L A T E 15 Trade to Mid-Century DAVID A. SUTHERLAND History, Dalhousie University Imports and exports, 1850-1852 Imports, 1850 Exports, 1850 Trade by commodity, 1850 Vessel destinations, Fort of Quebec and Fort of Halifax Most of the information on this plate was drawn from CO files, notably the so-called Blue Books which were compiled regularly after the Napoleonic wars. Additional detail was obtained from the Sessional Papers issued by the imperial Parliament and also by the various colonies in British North America, and the Journals of the Legislative Assemblies of the colonies. Records are particularly incomplete for the period before 1820. A considerable amount of intercolonial trade and trade with the United States went unreported through the first half of the igth century. Exports here include foreign foods which were later re-exported. Home-built vessel tonnage sold abroad was excluded by contemporaries in their calculation of colonial trade. Canada. Sessional Papers. 1851 PRO. CO 47,193,199, 217,221,231 Quebec exports to Great Britain, 1835,1850 Martin, R.M. History of the Colonies of the British Empire. London: W.H. Allen, 1843 Shortt, Adam, and Arthur G. Doughty. Canada and Its Provinces. Vol. 5 Toronto: Glasgow, Brook and Co, 1914 Imports from Great Britain, 1800-1820 Great Britain. Sessional Papers. Vol 12,1820. Vol 17,1821 Public Archives of Nova Scotia (PANS). RG i. Vol 306

Notes

161

Imports, 1820-1850

PANS. Blue Books. RG 13. Vol 41. Totals have been revised for Prince Edward Island because trade was reported in local currency. This has been converted to sterling at a rate of £1 local currency = £0.67 sterling. Exports, 1820-1850 PANS. Blue Books. RG 13. Vol 41. Totals revised for Prince Edward Island. In addition, for the period 1822-8 totals for exports have been revised to eliminate the value of ships, which is not included in values for other provinces. Further readings Clark, Andrew H. Three Centuries and the Island: A Historical Geography of Settlement and Agriculture in Prince Edward Island, Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1959 Lower, Arthur R.M. Great Britain's Woodyard: British America and the Timber Trade. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1973 McCalla, Douglas. The "Loyalist" Economy of Upper Canada, 1784-1806.' Histoire Sociale / Social History 16, no. 32 (1983): 279-304 McCallum, John. Unequal Beginnings: Agriculture and Economic Development in Quebec and Ontario until 1870. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980 Ouellet, Fernand. Economic and Social History of Quebec, 1760-1850. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1980 Paquet, Gilles, and Jean-Pierre Wallot. Lower Canada at the Turn of the Century: Restructuring and Modernization. Canadian Historical Association booklet no. 45. Ottawa, 1988 Ryan, Shannon. 'Fishery to Colony: A Newfoundland Watershed, 1793-1815.' Acadiensis 12, no. 2 (1983): 34-52 - Fish out of Water: The Newfoundland Saltfish Trade, 1814-1914. St John's: Breakwater, 1985 Saunders, Stanley A. The Economic History of the Maritime Provinces. Fredericton: Acadiensis Press, 1984 Tucker, Gilbert N. The Canadian Commercial Revolution, 1845-1851. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1964 Tulchinsky, Gerald. The River Barons: Montreal Businessmen and the Growth of Industry and Transportation, 1837-1853. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977 Wynn, Graeme. Timber Colony: A Historical Geography of Early Nineteenth Century New Brunswick. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1981

P L A T E 16 By Hand and by Water: Manufacturing to 1851 RONALD H. WALDER Historical Atlas of Canada DAVID A. SUTHERLAND History, Dalhousie University The authors gratefully acknowledge the help of Gregory S. Kealey, Memorial University of Newfoundland; Christopher Andreae, Historica Research, London; Felicity Leung, Parks Canada; Colin Duquemin, St Johns Outdoor Studies Centre, Niagara South Board of Education; Richard Rice, McGill University; Robert Sweeny, Montreal Business History Project; Andre Berube, Parks Canada. Most early 19th-century manufacturing took place in buildings categorized as either mills or manufactories. Mills were structures in which water-powered machinery processed agricultural or forest staples into semi-finished products such as flour, wool, and lumber. Manufactories were usually labour-intensive workshops employing skilled artisans to produce finished goods such as furniture, barrels, agricultural tools, clothing, and shoes. Early in the century most manufactory workshops were small, primitive structures housing a single artisan with, perhaps, one or more apprentices. Such shops would spring up anywhere local prosperity created a demand for finished goods. In more remote areas in the process of being settled watermills were usually small, rectangular structures, reflecting Georgian architectural influences and built with readily available local materials. Mill technology, which usually employed an overshot or undershot water-wheel, was simple. Often one power site or structure would host a combination of uses as is shown on the maps of mill development in the Don Valley. Mills normally operated seasonally, being greatly affected by both production cycles and climate; floods, ice jams, and fires frequently damaged or destroyed them. Sawmills, providing lumber for basic shelter, were usually the first manufacturing structures to appear in a newly settled area. On the expanding settlement fringe these were small, roughly made wooden structures, utilizing a vertically reciprocating saw blade and sometimes designed to be portable. By mid-century large milling operations were built to meet growing British and American demands for sawn forest products such as planks, boards, and deals (see pi 11). Sawmills were followed closely by grist mills which processed the local grains. Early structures on the settlement fringe were small and rectangular and contained only one pair of millstones producing coarsely ground grain. Because of the heavy weight of the millstones and other processing equipment grist mills became substantial structures built with heavy timbers and often stone. The implementation of elevating devices, utilizing gravity to process flour, necessitated the construction of mills three or four storeys high. Water-wheels were often covered or incorporated within the main structure, and in the winter the space was heated to keep the wheel free from ice. As the agricultural hinterland gained in prosperity, increasingly efficient technology improved the capacity of the grist mills. The well-positioned merchant millers of Ontario, who shipped local and American grains to the protected British market, were especially quick to improve their mills. Theirs became the largest and most advanced structures, using six or more pairs of millstones to produce various grades of flour. The rise in the number of mills and the average number of operating pairs of millstones as recorded in tax-assessment records illustrates the expansion of gristmill capacity throughout the first half of the century, and reflects the millers' response to the increasing production of Ontario wheat. Although saw and grist mills dominated the pre-industrial manufacturing landscape, there were significant numbers of other mill and manufactory types established by mid-century. Carding mills cleaned and prepared wool for home spinning

162

Notes

and weaving. Fulling mills would then clean and soften the homemade cloth for conversions to clothing. Often associated with grist mills, distilleries and breweries utilized surplus or inferior grains to brew spirits or beer for local consumption. The potash industry quickly developed into a thriving manufacturing and export activity during the period and was an important source of cash income for settlers actively clearing land. Ashes from burnt hardwood trees were taken to potasheries to be reduced to alkali salts for use in Britain in the manufacture of soap, textiles, and glass. Tanneries, frequently associated with sawmills, which were the source of bark for tannin, were also prevalent throughout the colonies, converting animal hides to leather for local production of boots, shoes, harnesses, and other leather goods. These relatively simple hand crafts took place in any kind of rudimentary structure. Although few in number, iron foundries were important to the development of a strong colonial economy. Most early iron works contained small furnaces that refined local ore deposits for local needs such as kettles, cauldrons, and other containers; agricultural and forestry tools; ovens and stoves; milling and ship's equipment; raw iron for use by blacksmiths; and even military equipment. Charcoal produced from hardwood forests was the chief furnace fuel, while water power drove associated machinery. Nineteenth-century blast furnaces were distributed widely within British North America, but few lasted more than 10 years. Failures were common largely because of technical problems in smelting and an inability to reach beyond local markets. The building of wooden ships was an important manufacturing activity, especially in Lower Canada and the Atlantic Provinces. While there were a few important centres of concentrated production such as Quebec City, Saint John, and Halifax, considerable shipbuilding took place in many of the small harbours, coves, and inlets throughout the region. In villages and towns merchants often encouraged shipbuilding to complement their involvement in related activities such as lumbering and commercial trade. Large shipyards, located in major centres, were well-integrated manufacturing complexes housing several small manufactories specializing in different aspects of vessel construction, such as a forge, carpentry shop, sawmill, and sail loft. Employment in selected industries, 1851 Skilled tradesmen, 1851 Skilled trades, 1851 The Canadas. Census. 1851 New Brunswick. Census. 1851 Nova Scotia. Census. 1851 Prince Edward Island. Census. 1848 Montreal artisans, 1831 Lower Canada. Census and Statistical Returns of the Province of Lower Canada. 1831. Statistics compiled by the Montreal Business History Project Sawmilling, 1831 Grist milling, 1831 Lower Canada. Census and Statistical Returns. 1831 Upper Canada. Journals of the House of Assembly. 1831. App. Upper Canada Assessment Returns, 1831 Shipbuilding in Lower Canada: 1810; 1850 Rice, Richard. 'Measuring British Dominance in Shipbuilding in the Maritimes, 17871890.' In Keith Matthews and Gerald Panting, eds. Ships and Shipbuilding in the North Atlantic Region. St John's: Memorial University, 1978 Maritime shipbuilding, 1850 Matthews and Panting, eds. Ships and Shipbuilding. 1978 New Brunswick. Census. 1851 Nova Scotia. Census. 1851 Prince Edward Island. Census. 1848 Mill development in the Don Valley: 1825; 1852 Ontario. Department of Planning and Development. Don Valley Conservation Report. Toronto, 1950 St Johns, Upper Canada, 1792-1820 Duquemin, Colin K. A Short History of St. Johns West. Outdoor Studies Pamphlet no. 3. St Johns Outdoor Studies Centre, Niagara South Board of Education. 1980 Daily wages in dollars, 1854 Monro, Alexander. New Brunswick: With a Brief Outline of Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island. Halifax: Richard Nugent, 1855. P 382 Upper Canada grist-mill capacity, 1825-1850 Mills in Upper Canada, 1820-1860 Upper Canada. Journals of the House of Assembly. 1826-51. App. Upper Canada assessment returns Shipbulding, 1820-1860 PRO. BT 107. Data compiled by Richard Rice Les Forges du Saint-Maurice workforce, 1831 Berube, Andre. Technological Changes at Les Forges du Saint-Maurice, 1729-1883.' Historical Metallurgy Notes 76, no. 853 (1979) Canada. Les Forges du Saint-Maurice 1729-1882:150 Years of Occupation and Operation. Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1980 NAC. RG 31. Ai, pp 2295-8 Further readings Cross, Michael S., and Gregory S. Kealey, eds. Pre-industrial Canada, 1760-1849. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1982 Donald, William J.A. The Canadian Iron and Steel Industry: A Study in the Economic History of a Protected Industry. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1915 Fram, Mark, and John Weiler, eds. Continuity with Change: Planning for the Conservation of Man-Made Heritage. Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1984 Harris, R. Cole, and John Warkentin. Canada before Confederation: A Study in Historical Geography. Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1974

Innis, Mary Quayle. The Industrial Development of Ontario 1783-1920.' In J.K. Johnson, ed. Historic Essays on Upper Canada: New Perspectives. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1989 Leung, Felicity. Grist and Flour Mills in Ontario: From Millstones to Rollers 17805-18805. Parks Canada, History and Archaeology Series, no. 53. Ottawa: National Historic Parks and Sites, 1981 McCallum, John. Unequal Beginnings: Agriculture and Economic Development in Quebec and Ontario until 1870. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980 Ontario. Sessional Papers. Vol 25, part 9, No. 85, Session 1893, 'Iron Making in Ontario.' Toronto: Queen's Printer, 1893

Portion of a plan of St Andrew's Parish, 1873

PAM. Hg 614.11 gbbe., series i. No. 14. The Plan of River Lots in the Parishes of St. Andrews and St. Clements.' The parishes were surveyed by A.H. Vaughan and the plan is dated Nov 1873. Portion of a plan of the Parish of Saint-Franc.ois-Xavier, 1875 PAM. Hg 614.11 gbbe., series i. No. 22. 'Plan of River Lots in the Parish of St. Franqois-Xavier.' The parish was surveyed by George McPhillips and the plan is dated i Jan 1875.

Population characteristics, 1870

Douglas, Thomas (Lord Selkirk) (1771-1820) DCB 5: 264-9

P L A T E 17 The Fur Trade Northwest to 1870

Canada. Sessional Papers, no. 20.1871. P 91

D. WAYNE MOODIE Geography, University of Manitoba BARRY KAYE Geography, University of Manitoba VICTOR LYTWYN Geography, University of Manitoba

Morton, W.L. 'Introduction.' London Correspondence Inward from Eden Colvile, 1849. London: Hudson's Bay Record Society, 1956 Sprague, D.N., and R.P. Frye. The Genealogy of the First Metis Nation. Winnipeg: Pemmican Publications, 1983

We would like to thank the staff of the Hudson's Bay Company Archives, Provincial Archives of Manitoba.

P L A T E 19

Posts, missions, and routes The Red and Assiniboine rivers area

The Fur Trade in the Cordillera to 1857

Further readings

The data on fur-trade posts are derived from the Hudson's Bay Company Archives (HBCA). Provincial Archives of Manitoba (PAM). HBCA. B 239/^/1-3. Minutes of Council, Northern Department The data on missions are derived largely from the following sources: Boon, T.C. The Anglican Church from the Bay to the Rockies. Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1962 Carriere, Gaston. The Early Efforts of the Oblate Missionaries in Western Canada.' Prairie Forum 4, no. i (1979): 1-26 Dempsey, Hugh A., ed. The Rundle Journals 1840-1848. Calgary: Historical Society of Alberta, 1977 Grant, John Webster. Moon of Wintertime: Missionaries and the Indians of Canada in Encounter since 1534. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984 Klaus, J.E The Early Missions of the Swan River District.' Saskatchewan History 17, no. i (1964): 60-76 Morice, A.G. History of the Catholic Church in Western Canada. 2 vols. Toronto: Musson, 1910 Nute, Grace Lee, ed. Documents Relating to Northwest Missions 1815-1827. St Paul: Minnesota Historical Society, 1942

ROBERT GALOIS Geography, University of British Columbia A R T H U R J . RAY History, University of British Columbia

Fur returns, Northern Department, 1869-1870 Fur production, Northern Department, 1821-1870 Number and value of furs, 1869 Fur prices, 1869

Provincial Archives of British Columbia (PABC). Columbia District and New Caledonia. Fur Trade Returns. Mss A/B/2O/V3A - New Caledonia. Post accounts. 1828-1831. Mss A/B/2O/N42 Provincial Archives of Manitoba (PAM). Hudson's Bay Company Archives (HBCA). Columbia District, Abstract & Disposal of Returns, Outfit 1850, B 239/11/5 - HBCA. Fort St James Journals. B 188/3/12 & 13

Fur returns of the Northern Department, including quantity, value, and prices, are found in HBCA. PAM. HBCA. B 239/11/1-3

Hudson's Bay Company workforce, Northern Department, 1830-1880

Goldring, P. 'Papers on the Labour System of the Hudson's Bay Company, 18211900.' Vol i. Manuscript report no. 362. Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1979

Further readings

Morton, A.S. A History of the Canadian West to 1870-71. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1939. Repr 1973 Ross, Alexander. The Red River Settlement. London: Smith, Elder, 1856

P L A T E 18 The Red River Settlement BARRY KAYE Geography, University of Manitoba D. WAYNE MOODIE Geography, University of Manitoba D.N. SPRAGUE History, University of Manitoba We would like to thank the Provincial Archives of Manitoba, the Hudson's Bay Company Archives, and Victor Lytwyn.

The settlement belt, ca 18705

Hudson's Bay Company trading system, 1821-1857

For surveys of posts operating during this period see the following: Barry, J. Neilson. 'Early Oregon Country Forts: A Chronological List.' Oregon Historical Quarterly 46, no. 2, (1945): 101-11 Ross, Lester A. 'Early Nineteenth Century Euroamerican Technology within the Columbia River Drainage System.' Northwest Anthropological Research Notes 9, no. i, (1975): 32-50 University of British Columbia. Special Collections. Mss. F.W. Laing. 'Colonial Farm Settlers on the Mainland of British Columbia, 1858-1871.' Provides information on the precise location of a number of posts For HBC activities in the Cordillera see vols 3, 4, 6, 7,10,13,18,19,23, 28, 29, and 32 of the Hudson's Bay Record Society (HBRS) series. For information on individual posts see various issues of the B.C. Historical Quarterly, the Oregon Historical Quarterly, and the Pacific Northwest Quarterly.

Hudson's Bay Company fur production: 1828; 1850

Furs traded by SS Beaver, 1837 Movements of Hudson's Bay Company vessels, 1837

PABC. WH. McNeill. 'Fur Trade Journal of the Beaver.' Mss A/B/2O.5/B38 PAM. HBCA. Fort Simpson Journal, B 201/3/3 Rich, E.E. Fort Vancouver Correspondence, 1825-1838. HBRS, vol 4. London: HBRS, 1941

Seasonal native activity at Fort Simpson, ca 1855 Furs traded at Fort Simpson, 1856 Meat and fish traded at Fort Simpson, 1837

Data for the native annual rounds were extracted from the Fort Simpson Journals for the period 1852-7. Information on furs and country foods are from the Fort Simpson Journals 1836 and 1857. Great Britain. Hydrographic Office of the Admiralty. 1856. Chart 2426, map of Fort Simpson, surveyed 1853 PAM. HBCA. Fort Simpson Journals. 1837.1852-7. B 201/1/7 & 8. Coverage incomplete

Fort Victoria area, 1855. Agricultural production; livestock

Lamb, W. Kaye. The Census of Vancouver Island, 1855.' British Columbia Historical Quarterly 4 (1940): 51-8. PABC. Colony of Vancouver Island. Land Sales. Annual Reports. Abstract of Victoria Land Register. Dec 1854. Mss C/AA/3O.7/1 - J.D. Pemberton. The South Eastern Districts of Vancouver Island.' Map CM/W125

The distribution of settlement and the extent of cultivated land are derived from the parish plans drawn by Dominion land surveyors during the 18703. Provincial Archives of Manitoba (PAM). Hg 6i4.ngbbe., series i

Beaver pelts traded, 1825-1852

Seasonal activities of the Red River Metis, ca 1870 Seasonal cycle of the Red River Metis

Cullen, Mary K. The History of Fort Langley, 1827 to 1896.' Canadian Historic Sites, Occasional Papers in Archaeology no. 20. Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1979 Mackie, Richard. 'Colonial Land, Indian Labour and Company Capital: The Economy of Vancouver Island 1849-1858.' MA thesis, University of Victoria, 1984 Meilleur, Helen. A Pour of Rain: Stories from a West Coast Fort. Victoria: Sono Nis Press, 1980 Morton, Arthur S. A History of the Canadian West to 1870-71. 2nd ed. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1973 Pethick, Derick. S.S. 'Beaver': The Ship That Saved the West. Vancouver: Mitchell Press, 1970 Rich, Edwin E. The History of the Hudson's Bay Company, 1670-1870. London: HBRS, 1958-9. Vol 2, pp 563-786 Smyth, David. The Yellowhead Pass and the Fur Trade.' BC Studies no. 64 (Winter 1984-5): 48-73

The seasonal activities of the Metis are derived from the following sources: Giraud, Marcel. The Metis in the Canadian West. 2 vols. Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1986 Hargrave, J.J. Red River. Montreal: J. Lovell, 1871 Kaye, Barry. 'Some Aspects of the Historical Geography of the Red River Settlement from 1812 to 1870.' MA thesis, University of Manitoba, 1967 Ross, Alexander. The Red River Settlement: Its Rise, Progress and Present State... London: Smith, Elder, 1856

Ethnic composition, 1835,1870 Red River population, 1810-1870

Canada. Sessional Papers. 1871. No. 20, p 91. Manitoba census returns PAM. HBCA. E 5/1-11. The River Settlement Census Returns'

PAM. HBCA. Fort Simpson Journal. B 2Oi/a/8

Further readings

Notes

163

P L A T E 20 Urban Places to Mid-Century JEAN-CLAUDE ROBERT Histoire, Universite du Quebec a Montreal DAVID A. SUTHERLAND History, Dalhousie University RONALD H. WALDER Historical Atlas of Canada Major assistance in plotting the location of residences and businesses in Halifax was provided by Bradley E.S. Rudachyk while he was a graduate student at Dalhousie University. Montreal, 1846. Saint-Paul Street, 1825 Adams, John. Map of the City and Suburbs of Montreal... 1825 Archives du seminaire de Quebec. Fonds Verreau. Jacques Viger. 'Livre de depouillement du Recensement fait de la Cite en 1825' - Fonds Verreau. Jacques Viger. Tablettes statistiques du comte de Montreal, 1825.' 017 Bernard, Jean-Paul, Paul-Andre Linteau, and Jean-Claude Robert. 'La structure professionnelle de Montreal en 1825.' Revue d'histoire de I'Amerique franqaise 30, no. 3 (1976): 383-415 Cane, James. Topographical and Pictorial Map of the City of Montreal. 1846 Doige, Thomas. An Alphabetical List of the Merchants, Traders and Housekeepers Residing in Montreal. Montreal: James Lane, 1820 Groupe de Recherche sur 1'histoire du port de Montreal. Travaux d'amenagement du Havre de Montreal, 1830-1850. Montreal, 1982 Mackay, R.W.S. The Montreal Directory for 184.6-7. Montreal, 1846 Halifax, 1863: Residences; Businesses. Water Street The map showing places of residence is a survey of occupations by residence, selected to illustrate differentiation by social class. The map showing places of business surveys workplace location for major occupations, as well as sites of prominent institutions and land reserved for military purposes. The map of Water Street shows the pattern of land use in the central business district, along with a profile of occupational clustering and the mix of building materials in a mid-Victorian city. City Atlas of Halifax, Nova Scotia. Halifax: Provincial Surveying and Mapping Company, 1878 The Halifax, N.S. Business Directory for 1863. Halifax: L. Hutchinson, 1863 Me Alpine's Halifax City Directory. Halifax: D. McAlpine, 1869-70 Public Archives of Nova Scotia. Map Collection. 'City of Halifax, 1866.' V, 6/240

dean of the Graduate School, then principal of University College, University of Western Ontario. From 1951 to 1960 he was the first editor of the Canadian Geographer, which he helped to found. An able administrator, he was also a dedicated scholar whose PhD thesis on the boundaries of Canada, its provinces, and territories, later published as Boundaries of the Canadian Confederation (Toronto: Macmillan, 1979), remains one of the definitive statements on that subject. Canada in 1900 The National Atlas of Canada. 4th ed, rev. Ottawa: Department of Energy, Mines and Resources and Information Canada / Toronto: Macmillan, 1974. Pp 85-6 The National Atlas of Canada, 5th ed. Ottawa: Department of Energy, Mines and Resources, Geographical Services Directorate, 1982. 'Canada - Territorial Evolution 1867-1981' Nicholson, Norman L. The Boundaries of Canada, Its Provinces and Territories. Geographical Branch Memoir 2. Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1964 Canada: 1791; 1825; 1849; 1873 The National Atlas of Canada. 1974. Pp 83-4 Alaska Panhandle boundary dispute, 1873-1903 Nicholson. The Boundaries of Canada. 1964. Pp 38-54 Paullin, Charles O. Atlas of the Historical Geography of the United States, ed J.K. Wright. Baltimore: Hoen, 1932. PI 96, map A White, James. 'Boundary Disputes and Treaties.' In Adam Shortt and Arthur G. Doughty, eds. Canada and Its Provinces: A History of the Canadian People and Their Institutions. Toronto: Glasgow, Brook and Co, 1914-17. Vol 8, part 3, map facing p 918 San Juan boundary dispute, 1846-1874 Paullin. Atlas of the Historical Geography of the United States. 1932. PI 96, map C White. 'Boundary Disputes and Treaties.' 1914-17. Vol 8, map facing p 870 Oregon Territory boundary dispute, 1820-1848 Paullin. Atlas of the Historical Geography of the United States. 1932. PI 93, map C White. 'Boundary Disputes and Treaties.' 1914-17. Vol 8, pp 839-71 Lake Superior boundary dispute, 1826-1842 Ontario. Northwestern Ontario: Its Boundaries, Resources and Communications. Toronto: Hunter, Rose, 1879 Paullin. At las of the Historical Geography of the United States. 1932. PI 91, map B White. 'Boundary Disputes and Treaties.' 1914-17. Vol 8, map facing p 894

Toronto, 1842. King Street, 1843-1844 Cane, James. Topographical Plan of the City and Liberties of Toronto. New York: Sherman and Smith, 1842 Lewis, Francis. The Toronto Directory and Street Guide. Toronto: H. & W. Rowsell, 1843

Maine boundary dispute, 1798-1842 Paullin. Atlas of the Historical Geography of the United States. 1932. PI 91, maps A, C; pi 93, map D White. 'Boundary Disputes and Treaties.' 1914-17. Vol 8, map facing p 782

Population growth, 1800-1850 MONTREAL Lower Canada. Censuses. 1825,1831,1844 Robert, Jean-Claude. 'Montreal 1821-1871: Aspects de 1'urbanisation.' These 3e cycle, Ecole des hautes etudes en sciences sociales / Paris 1,1977. Pp 166-72

Quebec-New Brunswick boundary dispute, 1798-1851 Ganong, W.G. 'A Monograph of the Evolution of the Boundaries of New Brunswick.' Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada. 2nd series, vol 7, section 2 (1901): 139-449

HALIFAX Nova Scotia. Censuses. 1817,1827,1838,1851 TORONTO Lemon, J., and J. Simmons. A Guide to Data on Nineteenth Century Toronto. Toronto. Class Notes Series. University of Toronto, Department of Geography Further readings Acheson, Thomas W. Saint John: The Making of a Colonial Urban Community. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985 Adam, G. Mercer. Illustrated Toronto: The Queen City of the West. Toronto: McConniff, 1891 Armstrong, F.H. The First Great Fire of Toronto, 1849.' Ontario History 53, no. 3 (1961): 201-21 - 'Metropolitanism and Toronto Re-Examined 1825-1850.' Canadian Historical Association, Historical Papers. 1966. Pp 20-40 - 'The Rebuilding of Toronto after the Great Fire of 1849.' Ontario History 53, no. 4 (1961): 233-49 Buggey, Susan. 'Building Halifax 1841-1971.' Acadiensis 10, no. i (1980): 90-112 Fingard, Judith. The Dark Side of Life in Victorian Halifax. Potter's Lake, NS: Pottersfield Press, 1989 Goheen, Peter G. Victorian Toronto, 1850-1900: Pattern and Process of Growth. Chicago: University of Chicago, Department of Geography, 1970 Linteau, Paul-Andre, and Jean-Claude Robert. 'Land Ownership and Society in Montreal: An Hypothesis.' In Gilbert A. Stelter and Alan F.J. Artibise, eds. The Canadian City: Essays in Urban History. 2nd ed. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1984. Pp 3956 Stelter and Artibise, eds. The Canadian City. 1984 - Shaping the Urban Landscape: Aspects of the Canadian City-Building Process. Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1982 Sutherland, David. 'Halifax Merchants and the Pursuit of Development, 1783-1850.' Canadian Historical Review 59, no. i (1978): 1-17

P L A T E 21 From Sea to Sea: Territorial Growth to 1900 NORMAN L. NICHOLSON Deceased CHARLES F.J. WHEBELL Geography, University of Western Ontario Before he died in Nov 1984 Norman L. Nicholson had provided maps and other research materials along with written advice on how to use them for this plate. During his varied career Professor Nicholson had been successively director of the Geographic Branch in Ottawa and chairman of the Geography Department, assistant

164 Notes

P L A T E 22 Invasion Repulsed, 1812-1814 WILLIAM G. DEAN Geography, University of Toronto Thanks are due to Frank Jones (deceased), former curator, Military Museum, Dundurn Castle, Hamilton, and Hugh F. Dean, Burlington, for their encouragement, and to Robert Stacey for permission to reproduce the watercolour The Battle of Lundy 's Lane, by his grandfather, Charles W. Jefferys. Logistics of the war The map on logistics for the War of 1812 attempts to illustrate the overwhelming superiority of the 'internal' supply lines of the American armies over the 'external' supply lines of the British armies. The United States had a relatively large population (over 7 ooo ooo), and its national strength in terms of manpower, commerce, manufacturing, and agricultural output was more than 12 times that of the provinces of British North America (BNA). Transportation routes on rivers, roads, seas, and lakes were denser and provided shorter, and thus quicker, lines of communication and supply for the Americans. However, as the British naval blockade tightened during the war, various land and water routes were severely disrupted. Chesapeake Bay, in particular, was for a time completely cut off. The British transatlantic communication and supply routes were open to attack on the ocean, and were particularly vulnerable along the St Lawrence waterway. Moreover, break-of-bulk points at Quebec, Fort William Henry, Montreal, Kingston, and York meant long delays in transshipment. Men and supplies were transferred from ocean-going ships to schooners, bateaux, Durham boats, or cargo canoes for river or lake transport, or to wagons for overland travel. On the average rates of travel in BNA were slower than in the United States. The relatively small population of the Maritimes and the Canadas (fewer than 500 ooo) meant extremely limited resources of food, fodder, and transportation for the British commissariat. Thus, most supplies had to be shipped across the Atlantic or obtained from the United States. Smuggled food (largely cattle) and ammunition from the New England states, which had opposed the war from the start, became a major source of supply for the British. Bouchette, Joseph. Map of the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada with the Adjacent Parts of the United States of America. London: Faden, 1815 Cappon, Lester J., Barbara B. Petchenik, and John H. Long, eds. Atlas of Early American History: The Revolutionary Era 1760-1790. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1976. Pp 2-5, 20-1 Everest, Allan S. The War of 1812 in the Champlain Valley. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1981 Paullin, Charles O. Atlas of the Historical Geography of the United States. Ed J.K. Wright. Baltimore: Hoen, 1932. PI 78,136 Stanley, George F.G. The War of 1812: The Land Operations. Canadian War Museum Publication no. 18. Toronto: Macmillan, 1983

Steppler, G.A. '"A duty troublesome beyond measure": Logistical Considerations of the Canadian War of 1812.' MA thesis, McGill University, 1974 Tanner, Helen Hornbeck. Atlas of Great Lakes Indian History. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986. Maps 20,21

Strategic thrusts: 1812; 1813; 1814

In three seasons of offensive warfare the Americans made little inroad into BNA. Instead, they lost territory in Maine, in the Mississippi valley, and Fort Astoria in the Oregon territory. The fragmented and scattered segments of maps on this plate reflect the uncoordinated tactical actions of the American troops. Most of the tactical actions are shown on the yearly map segments. Since it is impossible to locate every action on maps at these scales, only the principal border actions are shown. There were, of course, many actions elsewhere, such as numerous American Indian engagements in the American territories as well as British raids in Chesapeake Bay and in the New Orleans area. Berton, Pierre. Flames across the Border, 1813-1814. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1981 - The Invasion of Canada, 1812-1813. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1980 Hitsman, J.M. The Incredible War of 1812: A Military History. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965 Lossing, Benson J. The Pictorial Field Book of the War of 1812 ... New York: Harper, 1868 Stacey, Charles P. 'An American Plan for the Canadian campaign: Secretary James Monroe to Major General Jacob Brown, February, 1815.' American Historical Review 46 (1940-1): 348-58 Stanley. The War of 1812.1983 Tucker, Glenn. Platoons and Patriots: A Popular Account of the War of 1812. 2 vols. Indianapolis: Bobbs, Merrill, 1954

Economic impact, Lower Canada, 1799-1818

Values are expressed in pounds, BNA currency, which were rated as £1 ooo BNA currency to £900 sterling. Registered tonnage of merchant ships clearing Quebec customs fell off spectacularly in this period because it was necessary to retain agricultural products, lumber, and other goods at home in order to feed and house the British troops. Only furs continued to be exported through Quebec as the bulk of movement of wartime commerce was up the St Lawrence River. Christie, Robert. A History of the Late Province of Lower Canada, Parliamentary and Political, from the Commencement to the Close of Its Existence as a Separate Province: 1791 to 1841. Vols i, 2. Quebec: T. Carey, 1848 MacNutt, W.S. The Atlantic Provinces: The Emergence of Colonial Society, 1712-1857. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1965. Ch 6 Shortt, Adam. 'The Economic Effect of the War of 1812 on Upper Canada.' In Morris Zaslow and Wesley B. Turner, eds. The Defended Border: Upper Canada and the War of 1812. Toronto: Macmillan, 1964. Pp 296-302

The British naval blockade, 1811-1815

The object of the naval blockade was the destruction of commerce. This was effected not by fighting but by having enough naval vessels patrolling off-shore to intercept all outgoing or incoming commercial vessels. Naval records in the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, England, estimate the numbers of British blockading vessels patrolling the American coast from 1812 to 1815 to be as follows: July 1812,23; July 1813, 57; Dec 1813,72; Nov 1814,121; Jan 1815,136. The War of 1812 saw the final flourish of privateering. This was the practice of outfitting commercial vessels with guns and enlarged crews and then sending them off to prey on enemy commercial vessels on the high seas; privately owned vessels became, in effect, an auxiliary navy. There were unknown hundreds of American privateers as well as unofficial pirates roaming the oceans throughout the War of 1812. The Maritime provinces armed 49 privateers, which made 207 recorded captures. Adams, Henry. The War of 1812. Ed. H.A. DeWeerd. Washington: The Infantry Journal, 1944. Pp 150-62,238-53 Albion, Robert G., and Jennie B. Pope. Sea Lanes in Wartime: The American Experience, 1775-1941. New York: Norton, 1942 Forester, C.S. The Age of Fighting Sail: The Story of the Naval War of 1812. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1956 Mahan, Alfred T. Sea Power and Its Relations to the War of 1812. 2 vols. Boston: Little, Brown, 1905 Pearsall, A.W.H., historian, National Maritime Museum, Greenwich. Personal communication regarding numbers of Royal Navy vessels on the blockade at various times Snider, C.H. Under the Red Jack: Privateers of the Maritime Provinces of Canada in the War of 1812. London: Hopkinson, 1928

Military transport

Times and distances on this table were calculated from travellers' reports in numerous secondary sources. The principal vehicles for water transportation included the following: Bateau A flat-bottom boat 9-im (30') long, used for river transport. The bateau was equipped with a mast and a square sail, but mainly propelled by a four- or five-man crew poling with iron-shod poles against the riverbed Durham boat Larger than the bateau, 12.2m (40') to 137m (42') long, with a beam of 4.5m (15'), a rounded bow, steered by a rudder, and propelled by a square sail or by poling Schooner A two- or three-masted fore- and aft-rigged sailing vessel ranging from 12 to 500 tons displacement, used on the Great Lakes, the St Lawrence River, and the Gulf of St Lawrence Voyageur canoe A cargo canoe about 6m (35') long, paddled by seven to nine men, and with a carrying capacity of 20 to 25 tons Dunbar, Seymour. A History of Travel in America, Showing the Development of Travel and Transportation ... 4 vols. Indianapolis: Bobbs, Merrill, 1915 Encyclopedia Canadiana. Ottawa: Grolier, 1958. Articles on bateaux, vol i, p 338; Durham boats, vol 3, p 324 Guillet, Edwin C. Early Life in Upper Canada. Repr Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1963 Harmon, Daniel W. A Journal of Voyages and Travels in the Interior of North America ... New York: Allerton, 1922

Naval war on the Great Lakes, 1812-1814

The total numbers of British and American vessels on the Great Lakes and Lake Champlain are listed for each year of the war. The reason for providing totals only is

that during this period, although it was possible to distinguish vessels by their rig, their size was difficult to estimate. Tonnages given varied not only according to British and American practices but also over the time period. Similarly, different-sized vessels carried different sizes and numbers of muzzle-loading long guns (cannon) or carronades. When all of the guns mounted on one side of a vessel were fired simultaneously, it was called a broadside. The weight of a broadside was the total weight of iron missiles fired from a vessel at one time; thus, the heavier the broadside, the more potential damage to an enemy vessel nearby. The totals present only a general idea of the relative naval effectiveness of each side. At the outbreak of war the vessels were largely converted merchant vessels, but later they were specially built near the sites where they would be used. Towards the end of the war a massive race in naval construction was under way at Kingston and at Sackets Harbor on Lake Ontario. The warships completed or under construction by the end of the war were larger and more heavily armed than Admiral Nelson's flagship Victory. Everest. The War of 1812 in the Champlain Valley. 1981. Ch 11 Roosevelt, Theodore. The Naval War of 1812. Vols i, 2. New York: Putnam. 1883 Thatcher, Joseph M. 'A Fleet in the Wilderness: Shipbuilding at Sackets Harbor.' In R. Arthur Bowler, ed. War along the Niagara: Essays on the War of 1812 and Its Legacy. Youngstown, NY: Old Fort Niagara Association, 1991. Pp 53-9 Zaslow and Turner, eds. The Defended Border. 1964

Illustration

Charles W. Jefferys (1869-1951). The Battle ofLundy's Lane. 1909. Watercolour on paper. 47.7 x 70.2 cm. Courtesy of the City of Toronto Archives. A75-6i

Further readings

Burt, Alfred L. The United States, Great Britain and British North America from the Revolution to the Establishment of Peace after the War of 1812. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1940 Coffin, W.F. 1812, The War and Its Moral: A Canadian Chronicle. Montreal: J. Lovell, 1864 Dunlop, William. Tiger Dunlop's Upper Canada ... Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1967

P L A T E 23 Unrest in the Canadas COLIN READ

History, University of Western Ontario

Thanks are due to Terry Sanderson for his research assistance and C. Grant Head for his sound advice, and in particular to Don Measner and Ronald H. Walder for compiling data and preparing maps and graphs.

The events in Upper Canada, 1837-1838 The invasion of Prescott The events in Lower Canada, 1837-1838

The 'rebel' areas in Upper Canada provided widely varying numbers of insurgents in Dec 1837. Only the major musterings and routes of the rebels and their opponents during the conflicts have been recorded. Most notably, the abortive raid by Robert Nelson and several hundred men across the border near Lake Champlain, 28 Febi Mar 1838, has been omitted, as have the shortest-lived musterings of patriotes along the Richelieu in Nov 1838 and the various movements of the forces commanded by Sir John Colborne in securing the upper Richelieu after the dispersal of the patriotes. NAC. RG 8, C series. British Military and Naval Records - RG 5, Ai. Upper Canada Sundries

The petitions of 1835

Thanks are due to Ben Forster, University of Western Ontario, who provided the data for this map. Upper Canada. Journals of the House of Assembly. 1835. Protective Duties Petition, pp 10-39

The encounters

NAC. RG 8, C series. British Military and Naval Records - RG 5, Ai. Upper Canada Sundries

Location of the patriotes

Bernard, Jean-Paul. Les rebellions de 1837-1838: les patriotes du Bas-Canada dans la memoire collective et chez les historiens. Montreal: Boreal, 1983

Claims for rebellion losses

Great Britain. Parliamentary Papers. First Report of the Commissioners on Rebellion Losses in Canada. App. 1849. Vol 18, pp 221-61

Upper Canada land grants and disposition Land tenure, 1838

Lucas, Sir C.P., ed. Lord Durham's Report on the Affairs of British North America. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1912. App B, p 59

Election results, 1827-1848

Thanks are due to Elwood Jones, Trent University, who provided data from his own research on the elections in Upper Canada. One should note that party lines were fluid, especially in Upper Canada. Cornell, Paul. The Alignment of Political Groups in Canada, 1841-1867. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1962 Lower Canada. Journals of the House of Assembly. 1827-35 Upper Canada. Journals of the House of Assembly. 1829-37

Wheat prices, 1831-1840 PRO. CO 42. Vol 476, p 281

Rebel origins Rebel occupations

Calculations of origin are based on 890 Lower Canadian rebels arrested or active in the period from late 1837 to mid-i838 and on 943 arrested or active from late 1838 to early 1839. The figures for the Mackenzie and Duncombe rebels are 236 and 180, respectively. Origins were not specified in the sources. Attempts were made, using

Notes

165

surnames, to ascertain whether rebels were French Canadian or not. For Lower Canada 'English' means born in the United Kingdom, Ireland, or the United States. Calculations of occupation are based on 775 Lower Canadian rebels arrested or active from late 1837 to mid-i838 and 868 from late 1838 to 1839. The figures for the Mackenzie and Duncombe rebels are 446 and 181, respectively. Both graphs deal with rebels; patriote raiders are not included. David, L.O. 'Liste des personnes inculpees dans 1'insurrection de 1837 au Canada.' In L.O. David, ed. Les gerbes canadiennes. Montreal: Librairie Beauchemin, 1921. Pp 160-83 Great Britain. Sessional Papers. 1840. Vol 32, pp 397-415 Linteau, P.-A., ed. 'Les patriotes de 1837-1838, d'apres les documents J.-J. Girouard.' Revue d'histoire de VAmerique franqaise 21, no. 2 (1967-8): 281-311 Read, Colin. The Rising in Western Upper Canada, 1837-8: The Duncombe Revolt and After. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982 Stagg, Ronald John. The Yonge Street Rebellion of 1837: An Examination of the Social Background and a Re-Assessment of the Events.' PhD thesis, University of Toronto, 1976

Young, Richard J. Blockhouses in Canada, 1749-1841: A Comparative Report and Catalogue. Occasional Papers in Archaeology and History no. 23. Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1980

Disposition of arrested rebels, 1837-1838,1838-1839

Royal Engineers in British Columbia, 1858-1863

The smallest segment of the graph represents 273 prisoners, the largest 885. The 1838-9 segment for Upper Canada represents those arrested in the patriote raids. Great Britain. Sessional Papers. 1840. Vol 32, pp 397-415 PRO. CO 42. Vol 476, pp 383-93

Further readings

Blanchette-Lessard, Lucie, and Nicole Daigneault Saint-Denis. 'Groupes sociaux patriotes et les rebellions de 1837-38: ideologies et participation.' MA thesis, Universite du Quebec a Montreal, 1975 Fauteux, Aegidius. Patriotes de 1837-38. Montreal: Les editions des dix, 1950 Greer, Allan, and Leon Robichaud. 'La rebellion de 1837-1838 au Bas-Canada: une approche geographique.' Cahiers de geographic du Quebec 33, no. 90 (1989): 345-77 Martyn, J.P. 'Upper Canada and Border Incidents, 1837-38: A Study of the Troubles on the American Frontier following the Rebellion of 1837.' MA thesis, University of Toronto, 1962 Ouellet, Fernand. Lower Canada, 1791-1840: Social Changes and Nationalism. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1980 Read, Colin, and Ronald J. Stagg, eds. The Rebellion of 1837 in Upper Canada. Ottawa: Carleton University Press for the Champlain Society, 1985 Rumilly, Robert. Papineau et son temps. Vol i: 1791-1838. Montreal: Fides, 1977 Schull, Joseph. Rebellion: The Rising in French Canada - 1838. Toronto: Macmillan, 1971 Senior, Elinor Kyte. Redcoats and Patriotes: The Rebellions in Lower Canada, 1837-38. Canadian War Museum Historical Publication no. 20. Stittsville, Ont: Canada's Wings, 1985

P L A T E 24 British Garrisons to 1871 W I L L I A M G . DEAN Geography, University of Toronto Special thanks to the following individuals for their help on this plate: Dr Roger Sarty, historian, Directorate of History, National Defence Headquarters, Ottawa; librarians Joan Winearls, University of Toronto, and John Burtniak, Brock University; archivists Betty Kidd and Edward Dahl, Cartographic and Architectural Archives Division, NAC, Ottawa; historians from the Parks Service, Environment Canada, in particular Ronald J. Dale, Ontario region, Marc Lafrance, Quebec region, and W.D. Naftel (and staff), Maritimes region.

The garrisons, 1760-1871 Military establishments, 1760-1871

Stations, posts, and outposts were places occupied temporarily or over a long period by soldiers of the British garrisons in Canada from 1760 to 1871. In the early igth century a station was defined as a 'headquarters post.' These posts were moved from time to time, but permanent British stations were constructed at Halifax and Quebec. Posts were defined as military bases, including grounds and buildings occupied by a detachment of regular soldiers. An outpost was a small detachment at a distance from the main body of an army or garrison. A few of the places listed were ordnance properties where no soldiers were posted. Because of cartographic considerations the stations, posts, and outposts depicted on the map are limited to those current in the 18303, about the mid-point of the presence of the British garrisons in Canada, but the graph of military establishments represents the whole period from 1760 to 1871. Posts in US territory not shown in green are the Western posts that, along with two posts on Lake Champlain, were abandoned by the British between 1794 and 1796. Some of these, including Castine, Detroit, Eastport, and Michilimackinac, were recaptured by the British during the War of 1812. Bourne, Kenneth. Britain and the Balance of Power in North America, 1815-1908. London: Longmans, 1967 Cadieux, P.-B., and Real Fortin. Les constructions militaires du Haut-Richelieu. SaintJean-sur-Richelieu: Editions mille roches, 1977 Fillmore, Stanley, and R.W. Sandilands. The Chartmakers: The History of Nautical Surveying in Canada. Toronto: NC Press, 1983 NAC. Record group 8. British Military and Naval Records (1954). C series II. 'Nine Returns.' Vol 34. General Report on Barracks in Canada. 1864. Capt R. Harrison - MG 12, WO 55, Vol 1558. Part 6. Report on Military Lands. 1856 - Vols 386-9. Stations and Posts - Vols 511-98. Posts and Barracks. 1786-1870. Duration of posts from LieutenantColonel Cruikshank's index - Gother Mann. Report Relative to His Survey of Forts, Harbours, etc., from Carleton Island to Michilimackinac, to Lord Dorchester, Oct. 29,1788. General inventory. Vol 4 Stewart, Charles H. The Service of British Regiments in Canada and North America: A Resume.' 2nd ed. Department of National Defence Library Publications no. 2. 1964. Ottawa, mimeo Thomson, Don W. Men and Meridians: The History of Surveying and Mapping in Canada. 2 vols. Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1966-7

166 Notes

Quebec City Halifax

The Ordnance was that branch of the 19th-century British army which supplied military stores and materiel, and which bought, sold, and managed military property (land, barracks, etc) as well as providing artillery. The maps of the garrison towns of Halifax and Quebec clearly indicate the varying and substantial spatial impact of military property. Canada. Department of Militia and Defence. Report of the Halifax Military Lands Board, 1915. Ottawa, 1916 Lacelle, Claudette. Military Property in Quebec City, 1760-1871. Occasional Papers in Archaeology and History no. 57. Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1982 NAC. Cartographic and Architectural Archives Division. W.W. Holloway. Plan of Ordnance Property of Quebec. 1847 Detachments of the Royal Engineers engaged in surveying, mapping, and construction significantly influenced the development of many areas of Canada. From 1858 to 1863 the Columbia Detachment of the Royal Engineers compiled and printed at least 20 maps of parts of the new colony of British Columbia. Their major tasks, besides military peacekeeping, were exploring, surveying, and road building. Their surveys of wagon roads and trails included Hope to Lytton, Clinton to Williams Creek, Douglas to Lillooet, Hope to Similkameen, and the trail from Bentinck Arm to Williams Creek. They also made cadastral surveys of 11 townsites, principally New Westminster and Sapperton. Draper, W.N. 'Pioneer Surveys and Surveyors in the Fraser Valley.' B.C. Historical Quarterly 5, no. 3 (1941): 215-20 Farley, A.L. The Historical Cartography of British Columbia.' PhD thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1960 NAC. Cartographic and Architectural Division. Port Moody Sheet: West of Seventh, East and West of Coast Meridian. Sectional map, 3 miles to i inch. Sheet 10. Rev to 8 Jan 1913 Thomson. Men and Meridians. 1966-7. Vols i, 2 Woodward, Frances. The Royal Engineers' Mapping of British Columbia: 18451906.' Western Association of Map Libraries, Information Bulletin 7, no. 3 (1976): 28-42

Troops and military expenses, 1760-1871

This graph was compiled from the Monthly Returns of Strength reported by the British army to the War Office in London from 1758 to 1865. The maximum monthly number of all ranks reported was counted as the greatest number of troops in each of the two commands (the Maritime provinces and the Canadas) for that year. Military expenses were calculated from a variety of parliamentary reports. To these were added the costs of capital works along with the years of supporting individual soldiers in British North America. NAC. Record group 8. British Military and Naval Records (1954). C series. MG 13, WO 17. Monthly Returns of Strength. Vols 1489-1569. Canada. 1758-1865 - Vols 1570-1580. British Provincial and German Troops Serving in Canada. 1776-86 - Vols 2241-2293. Newfoundland. 1812-65 - Vols 2356-2412. Nova Scotia. 1807-65

British military expenditures, 1832

The table, derived from the British Parliamentary Papers, elaborates on the extent of military activities in Canada and their expenditures. British military expenditures were crucial to the economic life of the colony. They supported the civil administration; in addition, through their allowances to half-pay personnel, their purchases of food, fodder, transportation, and labour, and payment of garrison-related expenditures, they introduced coinage directly into the economy. Hitsman, J.M. 'Please Send Us a Garrison.' Ontario History 50, no. 4 (1958): 189-91 Paquet, Gilles, and Jean-Pierre Wallot. Patronage et pouvoir dans le Bas-Canada (17941812): un essai d'economic historique. Montreal: Les Presses de 1'Universite du Montreal, 1973 Philip, John. The Economic and Social Effects of the British Garrisons in the Development of Western Upper Canada.' Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records 41, no. i (1949): 37-48 Preston, Richard. 'Military Influence on the Development of Canada.' In Hector J. Massey, ed. The Canadian Military: A Profile. Toronto: Copp Clark, 1972. Ch 2 McCalla, Douglas. The "Loyalist" Economy of Upper Canada, 1784-1806.' Histoire sociale / Social History 16, no. 32 (1983): 279-304 Woodward, Frances. The Influence of the Royal Engineers on the Development of British Columbia.' British Columbia Studies 24 (Winter 1974): 3-52

Illustration

Duncan, John D. (1806-1881) DCB 11: 284-6 Sproule, Robert A. (1799-1845) DCB 7: 823-4

Further readings

Dreyer, F. Three Years in the Toronto Garrison, 1847-1850.' Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records 57, no. i (1965): 29-38 Hitsman, J.M. Safeguarding Canada, 1763-1871. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968 Roy, R.H. The Canadian Military Tradition.' In Massey, ed. The Canadian Military. 1972. Ch i Senior, Elinor K. British Regulars in Montreal: An Imperial Garrison, 1822-1854. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1981 - Roofs of the Canadian Army, Montreal District, 1846-1870. Montreal: The Society of the Montreal Military and Maritime Museum, 1981 Stacey, Charles P. Canada and the British Army, 1846-1871: A Study in the Practice of Responsible Government. Rev ed. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1963 Stanley, George F.G. Canada's Soldiers, 1604-1954: The Military History of an Un-Military People. 3rd ed. Toronto: Macmillan, 1974 Whitfield, Carol M. Tommy Atkins: The British Soldier in Canada, 1759-1870. Occasional Papers in Archaeology and History no. 56. Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1981

P L A T E 25 Emergence of a Transportation System, 1837-1852

Provincial Archives of British Columbia. Maps by Waddington (nd; 1863); Pemberton (1857; 1861); Patterson (1872); Harris (1881); Richards (1886); the War Department (1887-8); Keen (1890). Also bird's-eye views (1878; 1889); and 'Sketch of Camosun' (nd)

ANDREW F. BURGHARDT Geography, McMaster University

Railway charters, 1834-1891 Some 520 statutes, representing more than 200 different railway corporations, were enacted in Upper Canada (later Ontario) between 1834 and 1891. Approximate routes are mapped for lines not built. Information comes from the statutes of Upper Canada (1834-40), the Province of Canada (1841-66), the Province of Ontario (1867-91), and the Dominion of Canada (1867-91).

Gratitude is expressed to Darrell Norris for his careful research and collection of data on the canal systems. Transportation service, Summer 1837 The map was compiled from data in local newspapers of the time and from published sources. Aiton, Grace. 'Communications - Trail, Portage and Rivers in the Early Days of New Brunswick.' Collections of the New Brunswick Historical Society no. 19 (1966): 47-51 Evans, Reginald D. Transportation and Communications in Nova Scotia 1815 to 1850.' MA thesis, Dalhousie University, 1936 Guillet, Edwin C. Pioneer Travel in Upper Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1933 Haliburton, Thomas C. History of Nova Scotia. 2 vols. Halifax: Joseph Howe, 1829. Repr Belleville, Ont: Mika, 1973 O'Neill, Paul. A Seaport Legacy: The Story of St. John's, Newfoundland. Erin, Ont: Press Porcepic, 1976 Parker, William Henry. The Geography of the Province of Lower Canada, in 1837.' PhD thesis, Oxford University, 1958 Taylor, Mary L. Traffic on the St. John River.' Collections of the New Brunswick Historical Society no. 16 (1961): 24-36 Scheduled passenger service, Summer 1852 This map was constructed from a large number of local and county histories, notices and advertisements in newspapers, the sources listed above, and the following: MacKay, Robert W.S. The Canada Directory. Montreal: Lovell, 1851 Martell, J.S. 'Intercolonial Communications, 1840-1867.' In George A. Rawlyk, ed. Historical Essays on the Atlantic Provinces. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart 1967. Pp 179-206 Munro, Alexander. New Brunswick: With a Brief Outline of Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island. Halifax: Nugent, 1855. Repr Belleville, Ont: Mika, 1972 Perley, Moses H. Handbook of Information for Emigrants to New Brunswick. Saint John: Chubb, 1854 Smith, William Henry. Canada, Past, Present and Future: Being a Historical, Geographical, Geological, and Statistical Account of Canada West. Toronto: Maclear, 1851 Travel times from Liverpool, England: 1837; 1852 Travel times were extracted from the sources listed for the maps above. The isochrones are based on a few key points such as Montreal and the Atlantic ports. Known travel times were used to extend the lines along rivers and coasts. Times for various distances inland were estimated from the overland travel rates of the time.

Travel in the Maritimes, 1870 Directory for New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island and Newfoundland for 1871. Pp 131-2, 668-9 Tonnage and mileage, 1876-1890 This graphing procedure was adopted in the absence of ton-mile data. Canada. Sessional Papers. 1876-91 What time is it? 1868 Travelers' Official Railway Guide, for the United States and Canada. New York: Pratt, 1868 Railway mileage, 1836-1891 Andreae (1976) gives the total picture, while Lavallee (1963; 1972) thoroughly covers broad- and narrow-gauge trackage. Andreae. 'Historical Atlas of the Railways of Canada.' 1976 Lavallee, Omer S.A. Narrow Gauge Railways of Canada. Montreal: Railfare Enterprises, 1972 - The Rise and Fall of the Provincial Gauge.' Canadian Rail no. 141 (Feb 1963): 22-37 Further readings Currie, A.W. The Grand Trunk Railway of Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957 Irwin, Leonard B. Pacific Railways and Nationalism in the Canadian-American Northwest, 1845-1873. Philadelphia, 1939. Rev ed New York: Greenwood Press, 1968 Landon, Thelma C. The Invention of Standard Time/ Canadian Geographic no, no. i (1990): 74-81 Stevens, George R. Canadian National Railways: Sixty Years of Trial and Error (18361896). Vol i. Toronto: Clarke, Irwin, 1960

P L A T E 27 Linking Canada, 1867-1891 THOMAS F. McILWRAITH Geography, University of Toronto

Welland Canal system, 1851 Guillet. Pioneer Travel in Upper Canada. 1933

The research assistance and advice of Christopher Andreae and Susan Knox are gratefully acknowledged.

Traffic volume on London-area toll roads, 1844 Molson, John (1787-1860) DCB 8: 630-4 Simcoe, John Graves (1752-1806) DCB 5: 754-9 Weller, William (1799-1863) DCB 9: 825-6

Building the transcontinental railway Corporate histories of the Canadian Pacific, Grand Trunk, and other lines provided much of the evidence for this map, with precise alignments taken from topographic maps. Information on surveys, alternative routes, and dates of completion came from legislation and published sources. Transborder details have been compiled from the sources cited below and various corporate histories. Andreae, Christopher. 'Historical Atlas of the Railways of Canada.' Unpublished ms maps. 1976 Berton, Pierre. The National Dream: The Great Railway, 1871-1881. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1970 Lavallee, Omer S.A. Van Home's Road: An Illustrated Account of the Construction and First Years of Operation of the Canadian Pacific Transcontinental Railway. Montreal: Railfare Enterprises, 1974 Mcllwraith, Thomas F. Transport in the Borderland,' In Robert Lecker, ed. A Borderland Anthology. Toronto: ECW Press, 1991. Pp 54-79 Wilgus, William John. The Railway Interrelations of the United States and Canada. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1937

Canada, Province of. Journals of the Legislative Assembly. 1845. App, letter A, nos 2, 3,4, 5/7 Cargo origins and destinations, 1851-1852 Canada, Province of. Journals of the Legislative Assembly. 1852. Tables of Trade and Navigation. No. 8, p 27; no. 9, p 28 Welland Canal cargo, 1834-1844 Canada. Province of. Journals of the Legislative Assembly. 1835-45. Tables of Trade and Navigation Average travel costs per mile, 1850 Travel costs were calculated by averaging fares advertised in 13 newspapers from across Upper Canada in 1850.

P L A T E 26 The Railway Age, 1834-1891 THOMAS F. McILWRAITH Geography, University of Toronto The research assistance and advice of Christopher Andreae and Murray Matheson are gratefully acknowledged. Railway construction, 1836-1891 The vast array of sources from which this information has been gleaned has for years languished as an unpublished manuscript and set of maps compiled by Christopher Andreae. The belts of influence are scaled to represent 15 miles (24 km) on each side of a line, a recognized range for railway impact in the horse-and-wagon era. Andreae, Christopher. 'Historical Atlas of the Railways of Canada.' Unpublished ms maps. 1976 Montreal overtakes Quebec City: 1853-1861; 1861-1889 Young, Brian J. Promoters and Politicians: The North Shore Railway in the History of Quebec, 1854-85. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978 The harbour in Victoria Twelve maps, from about 1850 to 1890, have been consulted in compiling the landfill details, all of which have been presented on a redrawn version of the 1980 map by Keen.

Travel time from Ottawa: 1867; 1891 Published schedules for railways and ships were used to establish the travelling time where public common-carrier transportation was available. For regions beyond the reach of these services the journals and accounts of more than 200 travellers were analysed. Some of these trips had occurred as much as a century earlier/while others took place during the 2oth century. If the methods used (canoe and foot, mainly) were the only ones available in 1867 or 1890, the experience was not considered to be out of date. For each date the data were consolidated on a large base map, permitting days of travel to be accumulated from route to route. A system of reference points resulted, each identified by the number of days of travel from Ottawa. The isochrones (lines of equal time-distance from Ottawa) were interpolated through these points. Trip times tend to be optimistic, as travel and exploration commonly took place in seasons of favourable weather. There was, however, a great deal of variability, reflected in the broadening generalization of the isochrones towards the extremities of the country. The following published timetables and newspapers were consulted: British Columbian (New Westminster). 3 July 1867 Halifax Citizen. 20 Oct 1866 The Manitoban (Winnipeg). 11 Apr, 13 June 1874 New Brunswick Reporter (Fredericton). 28 June, 5 July 1867 Quebec Mercury. 21 July 1867 Saint John Morning News. 24 June 1867 Travelers' Official Railway Guide, for the United States and Canada. New York: Pratt, June 1868 Winnipeg Free Press. 30 Sep 1890 The more important traveller accounts are as follows: The Beaver. Publ by the HBC. 1935-80. About 35 articles consulted

Notes

167

Cooke, Alan, and Clive Holland. The Exploration of Northern Canada, 500 to 1920: A Chronology. Toronto: Arctic History Press, 1978 Hanbury, David T. Sport and Travel in the Northland of Canada. London: Edward Arnold, 1904 Morse, Eric W. Fur Trade Canoe Routes of Canada, Then and Now. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968 Papers of the Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba. Winnipeg Pike, Warburton. The Barren Ground of Northern Canada. London: Macmillan, 1892 Sheldon, Charles. The Wilderness of the Upper Yukon. Toronto: Copp Clark, 1911 Simpson, Alexander. The Life and Travels of Thomas Simpson, the Arctic Discoverer. London: Bentley, 1845. Repr Toronto: Canadian Heritage Series Library Edition, 1963 Spry, Irene M. The Palliser Expedition: An Account of John Palliser's British North American Expedition, 1857-1860. Toronto: Macmillan, 1963 Thomas, Lewis G., ed. The Prairie West to 1905. Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1975 Tyrrell, Joseph B. Across the Sub-Arctics of Canada. London, 1898. Repr Toronto: Coles Facsimile Edition, 1973 Wallace, W. Stewart. John McLean's Notes of Twenty-Five Years' Service in the Hudson's Bay Territory. Toronto: Champlain Society, 1932 Wallace, W. Stewart, ed. 'Sir Henry Lefroy's Journey to the North-West in 1843-4.' In Royal Society ofCanada, Proceedings and Transactions. Series 3, 32, section 2 (1938): 67^6 Zaslow, Morris. The Opening of the Canadian North, 1870-1914. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1971

Major trips of the governor-general, 1873-1877

Dufferin, Frederick Temple Blackwood, Marquis of (1826-1902) CE i: 632 Dufferin, Marchioness of. My Canadian Journal 1872-78. London, 1891. Repr Toronto: Coles Facsimile Edition, 1971 Leggo, William. The History of the Administration of Dufferin. Montreal: Lovell, 1878 Stewart, George. Canada under the Administration of the Earl of Dufferin. Toronto: RoseBelford, 1878

Profile of the transcontinental route

White, James. Altitudes in Canada. Ottawa: Commission of Conservation, 1915

'Around the World with Canadian Pacific'

CPR. 'Annotated Time Table.' Corrected to 19 July 1892

Sleeping car 'Honolulu'

Drawings by J.A. Shields, Montreal. Reprinted with permission from Lavallee, Van Home's Road (1974), p 255

P L A T E 28 Politics and Parties, 1867-1896 ROBERT CRAIG BROWN History, University of Toronto BEN FORSTER History, University of Western Ontario We thank Malcolm Davidson and David Mackenzie for their valuable assistance in preparing this plate.

Federal election results: 1872; 1896

The election results for the 1872 and 1896 general elections were compiled from the official election returns and the following sources: Beck, J. Murray. Pendulum of Power: Canada's Federal Elections. Scarborough: PrenticeHall, 1968 Gemmill, J.A., ed. The Canadian Parliamentary Companion. Ottawa: J. Durie, 1897 Johnston, J.K., ed. Canadian Directory of Parliament 1867-1967. Ottawa: Public Archives of Canada, 1968 Morgan, Henry J., ed. The Canadian Parliamentary Guide. Montreal: Lovell, 1873 Scarrow, H.A. Canada Votes: A Handbook of Federal and Provincial Election Data. New Orleans: Hauser Press, 1962 Swainson, Donald. The Personnel of Politics.' PhD thesis, Department of History, University of Toronto, 1969 The returns were checked and corrected against voting behaviour as recorded in the following: Canada. House of Commons. Journals. 1873. Election, 1872. Return, pp xi-xx - Journals. 1897. Election 1896. Vol 32, Return

Gerrymandering, 1882

Gerrymander. 'Manipulate the boundaries of (a constituency etc.) so as to give undue influence to some party or class': Concise Oxford Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), p 494 Material on the gerrymandering of seats in the Niagara region of Ontario was gathered from the official election returns for 1882, and from the following: Canada. House of Commons. Official Report of Debates. 1882. Vol. 12, pp 1403-10 - Statutes of Canada. 1882. Pp 38-43 Dawson, R.M. 'The Gerrymander of 1882.' Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science i, no. 2 (1935): 197-221

Membership in Parliament, 1867-1896

Data on members were derived from the same sources as for 'Federal election results: 1872; 1896' above. By-election results are found in the following: Cote, N. Omer, ed. Political Appointments, Parliaments and the Judicial Bench in the Dominion ofCanada 1867 to 1895. Ottawa: Thoburn, 1896. Pp 178-285 - Political Appointments, Parliaments and the Judicial Bench in the Dominion ofCanada 1896 to 1917. Ottawa: Low-Martin, 1917. Pp 121-94

Profiles of members of Parliament

Johnston, ed. Canadian Directory of Parliament. 1968 Morgan, ed. Canadian Parliamentary Guide. 1873.1897 Swainson. 'The Personnel of Politics.' 1969

168 Notes

Acclamations

Data on acclamations were compiled from the published election results for the various years.

The electorate, 1872,1896

The census data were compared with the Official Election Returns. Putting aside the imperfections of census material, this comparison is somewhat anachronistic; in addition, the 1891 population data by sex and group ages used age 20 as the first year of an age group, rather than 21. For these and other reasons these graphs reflect trends rather than absolutes. Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 2, table 7; vol 4, Census of PEI, table 3 - Census. 1891. Vol 2, table i Forster, B., M. Davidson, and R. Craig Brown. The Franchise, Personators, and Dead Men: An Inquiry into the Voters' Lists and the Election of 1891.' Canadian Historical Review 67, no. i (1986): 17-41

Voting patterns, 1867-1896

The provincial voting patterns in 1867 and 1896 were compiled from the Official Election Returns and from the following: Beck. Pendulum of Power. 1968 Scarrow. Canada Votes. 1962

Liberal Party organization, Kent County, Ontario, 1886-1887

Information on the organization of the Liberal Party in Kent County in the year leading up to the 1887 general election was gathered from the report on the hearing on the contested election in that constituency. Canada. House of Commons. Journals. 1888. Vol 22, App 2, p 12

Further readings

Canada. Electoral Atlas of the Dominion of Canada as Divided for the Revision of the Voters' Lists Made in the Year 1894. Ottawa: Government Printing Bureau, 1895 Cartwright, Sir Richard. Reminiscences. Toronto: Briggs, 1912 Garner, John. The Franchise and Politics in British North America 1755-1867. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1969 Heggie, Grace F, comp and ed. Canadian Political Parties, 1867-1968: A Historical Bibliography. Toronto: Macmillan, 1977 Lewis, Roderick, comp. A Statistical History of All the Electoral Districts of the Province of Ontario since 1867. Toronto: Queen's Printer, 1969 Preston, William T.R. My Generation of Politics and Politicians. Toronto: Rose, 1927 Quebec. Repertoire des parlementaires quebecois. Quebec: Bibliotheque de la Legislature, service de documentation politique, 1980 Robins, W. Robins' Political Chart ofCanada: A Complete Map of the Dominion by Electoral Districts. Toronto: Miles, 1879. Map no. i (1874) Ward, Norman. The Canadian House of Commons: Representation. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1950 - 'Electoral Corruption and Controverted Elections.' Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 15, no. i (1949): 74-86

P L A T E 29 The Canadian Population, 1871,1891 DON ME ASNER Historical Atlas of Canada CHRISTINE HAMPSON Geography, Brock University

Population distribution: 1871; 1891

The rural population was based on census-subdivision areas. Reference was made to other dot-distribution maps, to county atlases, and to present-day medium-scale topographic maps to help ensure that the placement of dots within census subdivisions was as accurate as possible. For Quebec the 1951 census-subdivision map boundaries were carried backward to 1871 in order to determine the census-subdivision boundaries for 1871 and 1891. Because the 1871 census year was arranged geographically by both census division and subdivision, it was used as the base year. Subdivision-population remainders of less than 300 were added to an adjacent subdivision so no numbers were dropped in any one province. For incorporated areas urban-centre populations were drawn from the census, and for unincorporated areas from a research report on the population of urban nodes prepared for the HAC project. Incorporated areas with a population of fewer than i ooo were considered rural and added to the rural population for the surrounding census subdivision. The populations of unincorporated urban nodes of more than i ooo were subtracted from the population of the surrounding census subdivisions. Native people were underenumerated in both the 1871 and the 1891 censuses, especially in the West. The distribution of native people may be seen on pll 32, 33, 34, 35, and 36. Canada. Census. 1871. Vol i, table i - Census. 1891. Vol i, table 2 Newfoundland. Census. 1884 Urban populations, 1851,1871,1891 Urban centres, 1851,1871,1891 Canada. Various censuses. Urban populations Simmons, J., and G. Dobilas. The Population of Urban Nodes, 1871-1951.' Unpublished HAC research report. 1980

Population pyramids

The population pyramids were constructed from census data that give the population by sex and grouped ages. For comparability with population data at mid-century (pi 10) some age groups were consolidated. The male-female ratio is indicated for each age group on each pyramid. In each age group the larger population (male or female) was divided by the smaller population, multiplied by 100, and then rounded to the nearest whole number. Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 2, table 7 - Census. 1891. Vol 2, table i Newfoundland. Census. 1884

Further reading

Walling, H.F. Tackabury's Atlas of the Dominion of Canada. Montreal, Toronto, London: Tackabury, 1875

P L A T E 30 The Fertility Transition, 1851-1891 MARVIN McINNIS Economics, Queen's University The research assistance of Richard Tillman and Heather M. Tremble is gratefully acknowledged.

Fertility indexes

The indexes of fertility used here were formulated by the Office of Population Research of Princeton University for use in the European Fertility Project and are extensively discussed in Coale and Watkins (1986). The index of marital fertility (Ig) is the ratio of estimated fertility of married women 15 to 49 years of age to the fertility those women would exhibit if they reproduced at the same rates as Hutterite women (who have the highest known age-specific rates of fertility). The index of nuptiality (Im) is the proportion of women married at each age group weighted by the standard Hutterite fertility rates. The product of those two factors (Ig • Im) is the index of overall fertility, If. The estimation of these rates for 1891 is discussed more fully in HAC, vol III, notes to pi 29. The same rates shown there are used on this plate. Estimates for 1851 are made on the assumption that child-survival factors were unchanged between 1851 and 1891. The little direct evidence that exists appears to support this assumption. Canada. Census. 1891. Vol 2 Coale, Ansley J., and Susan Cotts Watkins, eds. The Decline of Fertility in Europe. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986

Population change: 1851-1871; 1871-1891

These maps attempt to show the same sort of accounting for population change as was presented in HAC, vol III, pi 28. Space limitations here required a consolidation into two-decade periods. Natural increase was calculated on the basis of births estimated for the fertility indexes described above, and of deaths estimated in two segments. Adult deaths were calculated from a single, fixed set of survival ratios from Bourbeau and Legare (1982). Deaths of infants and children under five years of age were based on 1891 county-specific survival ratios estimated for the purpose of constructing the fertility indexes described above. The composition of population change is based not on absolute rates of change but on natural components. A county with lower fertility and an older population structure would thereby have a lower rate of natural increase, and consequently the predominant contribution to population change would be more likely to be migration. Canada. Census. 1851-2, vol i.1891, vol 2 Bourbeau, Robert, and Jacques Legare. Evolution de la mortaliteau Canada et au Quebec, 1831-1931. Montreal: Les Presses de 1'Universite de Montreal, 1982

Further readings

Beaujot, Roderick, and Kevin McQuillan. Growth and Dualism: The Demographic Development of Canadian Society. Toronto: Gage, 1982 Henripin, Jacques. Trends and Factors of Fertility in Canada. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, 1972 Keyfitz, Nathan. The Growth of Canadian Population.' Population Studies 4, part i (1950): 47-63 McDougall, Duncan M. 'Immigration into Canada, 1851-1920.' Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 27, no. 2 (1961): 162-75 Thornton, Patricia. The Problem of Out-Migration from Atlantic Canada, 1871-1921: A New Look.' Acadiensis 15, no. i (1985): 3-34

P L A T E 31 The Exodus: Migrations, 1860-1900

the denominator to calculate rates. This assumed that migration among the very young and very old was negligible. In the absence of registration of vital statistics in Canada at the time, life-table estimates of lo-year survival factors were used, based on Bourbeau and Legare (1982). In light of the acknowledged significantly higher mortality in Quebec than in the rest of Canada at this time, especially among infants, the Bourbeau and Legare estimates for Quebec for 1871 and 1881, respectively, were used for that province and their estimates for Canada were used for Ontario and the Maritimes. Newfoundland was ignored because the data were not comparable. The unit of measurement was the census division in 1871,1881, and 1891. In a few cases in Ontario and Quebec, boundaries were modified or adjacent divisions aggregated to ensure geographic continuity throughout the 2O-year period. Bourbeau, Robert, and Jacques Legare. Evolution de la mortalite au Canada et Quebec, 1831-1931. Montreal: Les Presses de 1'Universite du Montreal, 1982 Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 2, table 7 - Census. 1881. Vol 2, table 8 - Census. 1891. Vol i, table 6; vol 2, table i Thornton. The Problem of Out-Migration from Atlantic Canada.' 1985

Biological kinship linkages, northern Ontario, 1889

The data from which the kinship linkages were derived were collected as part of a much larger project designed to explore the importance of 19th-century kinship relations in Ontario to individual permanence within townships and to geographical mobility (Buchanan, 1989). Included in the study were all persons arriving in the townships of Day, Bright, and Bright Additional in Algoma East between 1879, when the area was opened for settlement, and 1939, after which most social-welfare programs began to be universally available in Canada. Of greatest importance for this map were the manuscript censuses of 1881 and 1891 for the study area, and the manuscript censuses of 1861 and 1871 for the places of origin of those who migrated from southern Ontario to the study area. Cases of members of families originating elsewhere had to be treated individually. The manuscript censuses are a reliable source of basic data about individuals and their relationships within their families. Other sources are land records; newspaper announcements of births, deaths, marriages, and obituaries; along with cemetery inscriptions. Less complete, reliable, or accessible records for the area were civil registrations, directories, county atlases, and church records. The local Tweedsmuir Village History (compiled by the Women's Institute) and local residents who were direct descendants of many of the original settlers helped in the resolution of ambiguities or with anomalous data in the records. Data from such sources were consolidated into family-group record sheets. These genealogical sheets provided an individual's life history within the context of the family of orientation (parents, siblings, grandparents) and the family of procreation (spouse and children). The year of arrival in the study area and the year of death within the study area or of departure to another destination were also used. Thus it became possible to identify all individuals present in the study area for any given year in the context of their local kinship network. Buchanan, Elizabeth. 'In Search of Security: Kinship and the Farm Family on the North Shore of Lake Huron, 1879-1930.' PhD thesis, McMaster University, 1989

Canadians in New England, 1900

Faucher, Albert. 'L'emigration des Canadiens francais aux XIXe siecle: position du probleme et perspectives.' Recherches sociographiques 5, no. 3 (1961): 277-317 Paquet, Gilles, and Wayne R. Smith. 'L'emigration des Canadiens francais vers les Etats-Unis 1790-1940: problematique et coups de sonde.' L 'actualite economique 59, no. 3 (1983): 423-53 United States. Census. 1900. Vol i, part i, table 34

Selected occupations of Canadian-born in the northeastern United States, 1880

United States. Census. 1880. Vol i (Population), table 31

Canadian-born in the United States, 1880

United States. Census. 1880. Vol \ (Population), table 27

Migration estimates, 18505-19005

Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 4, tables for 1851,1861,1871 See also 'Migration rates: 1871-1881; 1881-1891' above.

PATRICIA A. THORNTON Geography, Concordia University RONALD H. WALDER Historical Atlas of Canada ELIZABETH BUCHANAN University of Toronto Schools

Canada. Census. 1861. Vol i, table 3 - Census. 1891. Vol i, table 5

Migration types, 1871-1891

Further readings

Thornton, Patricia. The Problem of Out-Migration from Atlantic Canada, 1871-1921: A New Look.' Acadiensis 15, no. i (1985): 3-34 Widdis, Randy W. 'Scale and Context: Approaches to the Study of Canadian Migration Patterns in the Nineteenth Century.' Social Science History 12, no. 3 (1988): 269303

Migration rates: 1871-1881; 1881-1891

Estimates of net migration between censuses always grossly understate the extent of movement, identifying only the net balance of migrations. Moreover county-level data often disguise opposing economic and demographic processes occurring within the county. This is a particular problem in counties that include both old and newly settled regions, rural and urban parts, and agricultural and industrial areas. The method we used to calculate intercensal net migration is termed cohort analysis. By this method net migration was calculated as the difference in the total number of people in each age group from one census to the next, less those who died in the interim. Given the age and sex structure of the population in a census year and a comparable age structure for the same population 10 years later, survival factors were used to project forward from the first census the number expected to have survived until the next census. The difference between the expected and the actual populations provided an estimate of net migration for each age and sex group. These estimates were then added together to give the total net migration and converted into rates by dividing the estimates by the average of the base populations for the two censuses. For reasons of reliability only those born before the initial census and younger than 60 were used to calculate net migration, although the total population was used in

Place of birth, 1861,1891

Bouchard, Gerard. 'Family Structures and Geographic Mobility at Laterriere, 1851!935-' Journal of Family History 2, no. 4 (1977): 350-69 Elliot, Bruce S. Irish Migrants in the Canadas: A New Approach. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1988 Houston, Cecil J., and William J. Smyth. Irish Emigration and Canadian Settlement: Patterns, Links and Letters. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990 Hudson, John C. 'Migration to an American Frontier.' Annals of the Association of American Geographers 66, no. 2 (1976): 242-65 Keyfitz, Nathan. The Growth of the Canadian Population.' Population Studies 4, no. i (1950): 47-63 Layoie, Yolande. 'Les mouvements migratoires des Canadiens entre leur pays et les Etats-Unis au XIXe et XXe siecles: etude quantitative.' In Hubert Charbonneau, ed. La population du Quebec: etudes retrospectives. Montreal: Boreal, 1973. Pp 73-88 McDougall, Duncan M. 'Immigration into Canada, 1851-1920.' Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 27, no. 2 (1961): 162-75 Paquet, Gilles. 'L'emigration des Canadiens franqais vers la Nouvelle Angleterre, 1870-1910: prises de vue quantitative.' Recherches sociographiques 5, no. 3 (1964): 319-70 Studness, Charles M. 'Economic Opportunity and the Westward Migration of Canadians during the Late Nineteenth Century.' Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 30, no. 4 (1961): 570-84 Vicero, R.D. 'Immigration of French Canadians to New England, 1840-1900: A Geographical Analysis.' PhD thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1968

Notes

169

P L A T E 32 Native Reserves of Eastern Canada to 1900 PIERRETTE DESY Histoire, Universite du Quebec a Montreal FREDERIC CASTEL Geographic, Universite du Quebec a Montreal We wish to thank Darryl Stonefish, Delaware Nation Council, Stephen J. Augustine, Big Cove Band Council, and Rejean O'Bomsawin, Conseil de bande d'Odanak, for their help. The assistance of Ronald H. Walder is gratefully acknowledged. The bibliography that follows lists sources for native reserves of eastern Canada on which this plate has drawn. Aborigines Protection Society. 'Report on the Indians of Upper Canada, by a SubCommittee of Aborigines Protection Society.' London, 1839 Beaulieu, Jacqueline. Localization of the Aboriginal Natives in Quebec: Land Transactions. Quebec: Ministere de 1'energie et des ressources, 1986 Brody, Hugh. Maps and Dreams. Boston: Faber and Faber, 1981 / Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1983 Brown, C, and R. MacGuire. Indian Treaties in Historical Perspective / Historique des traites avec les Indiens. Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, 1973 Canada. Department of Energy, Mines and Resources. Indian and Inuit Communities and Languages. Ottawa, 1980 - Department of Indian Affairs. Map of the Dominion of Canada Showing Indian Reserves. By W.A. Austin. Ottawa, 1891 Canada, Province of. Journals of the Legislative Assembly. 1844-5. App EEE, part i. Report on the Affairs of the Indians of Canada Clifton, James A. A Place of Refuge for All Time: Migration of the American Potawatomi into Upper Canada 1830 to 1850. Ottawa: National Museums of Canada, 1975 Daniel, Richard C. History of Native Claims Processes in Canada: 1967-1979. Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, 1981 Daugherty, W.E. Maritime Indian Treaties in Historical Perspective. Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, 1983 Francis, Daniel. A History of the Native Peoples of Quebec, 1760-1867. Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, 1983 Fumoleau, Rene. As Long as This Land Shall Last: A History of Treaty 8 and Treaty 11 1870-1939. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1973 Gentilcore, R. Louis, and C. Grant Head, eds. Ontario's History in Maps. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984 Henderson, William B. Canada's Indian Reserves: Pre-Confederation. Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, 1980 Hickerson, Harold. The Chippewa and Their Neighbors: A Study in Ethnohistory. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1970 Hodge, F.W., ed. Handbook of Indians of Canada. Ottawa: King's Printer, 1913 Howley, James P., ed. The Beothucks or Red Indians, the Aboriginal Inhabitants of Newfoundland. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1915. Repr Toronto: Coles Facsimile Edition, 1974 LaForest, Marie W. 'Indian Land Administration and Policy in the Maritime Provinces (Nova Scotia and New Brunswick) to 1867.' Office of Native Claims. Ottawa, 1978. Unpublished ms Leighton, Douglas. The Manitoulin Incident of 1863: An Indian-White Confrontation in the Province of Canada.' Ontario History 57 (1975): 113-24 McGee, H.F. The Native Peoples of Atlantic Canada: A History of Ethnic Interaction. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1974 McMillan, Alan D. Native Peoples and Cultures of Canada. An Anthropological Overview. Vancouver: Douglas and Mclntyre, 1988 Miller, James R. Skyscrapers Hide the Heavens: A History of Indian-White Relations in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1989 Morrison, R. Bruce, and C. Roderick Wilson, eds. Native Peoples: The Canadian Experience. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1986 Patterson, E. Palmer. The Canadian Indian: A History since 1500. Toronto: Collier Macmillan, 1972 Savard, Remi, and Jean-Rene Proulx. Canada derriere I'epopee: les autochtones. Montreal: L'hexagone, 1982 Schmalz, Peter S. The Ojibwa of Southern Ontario. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991 Stagg, Jack, and Maura Giuliani. 'Anglo-Indian Relations in North America to 1763 and an Analysis of the Royal Proclamation of 7 October 1763.' Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, Ottawa. 1981. Unpublished ms Surtees, Robert J. 'Indian Reserve Policy in Upper Canada, 1830-1845.' MA thesis, Carleton University, 1966 Thomson, Don W. 'Early Surveys of Indian Reserves.' In Men and Meridians. Vol 2: 1867-1917. Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1967. Pp 277-86 Upton, Leslie F.S. Micmacs and Colonists: Indian-White Relations in the Maritimes, 17131867. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1979 Weslager, Clinton A. The Delaware Indians' Westward Migration. Wallingford, Penn: Middle Atlantic Press, 1978

P L A T E 33 Native Reserves: Names and Descriptions PIERRETTE DESY Histoire, Universite du Quebec a Montreal FREDERIC CASTEL Geographie, Universite du Quebec a Montreal The assistance of Ronald H. Walder is gratefully acknowledged.

List of reserves and bands

For the sources from which the reserve and band listing was created see the notes for pll 32 and 34.

Native population, 1901

Canada. Census. 1901. Vol i

170

Notes

Treaty areas to 1899

Canada. Department of Indian and Northern Affairs. Indian Treaties, Revised Map, October 1977. Ottawa, 1977

Sales of surrendered lands in eastern Canada, 1868-1901

Canada. Sessional Papers. 1868-1902. Department of Interior and Department of Indian Affairs. Annual Reports Further readings Charbonneau, Hubert. 'Trois siecles de depopulation amerindienne.' In Louise Normandeau and Victor Piche, eds. Les populations amerindiennes et inuit du Canada: aperqu demographique. Montreal: Les Presses de 1'Universite de Montreal, 1984. Pp 28-48 Lefroy, Captain J.H. 'On the Probable Number of the Native Indian Population of British America.' In Proceedings of the Canadian Institute. Toronto: Hugh Scobie, nd Leslie, John. Commissions of Inquiry into Indian Affairs in the Canadas, 1828-1858. Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, 1985 Miller, Virginia. The Decline of the Nova Scotia Micmac Population.' In P. Desy and J. Frideres, eds. Canada / Nations amerindiennes au Canada. Montreal: Culture, 1983. Pp 107-20 Morrison, William R. A Survey of the History and Claims of the Native Peoples of Northern Canada. Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, 1984 Piche, Victor. 'Estimation de la natalite des Indiens du Canada.' Universite d'Ottawa, 1975. Unpublished ms Piche, Victor, and Louise Normandeau. 'Grandeur et misere de la demographie: le cas des autochtones.' In Normandeau and Piche, eds. Les populations amerindiennes et inuit du Canada. 1984. Pp 16-27 Urquhart, M.C., and K.A.H. Buckley, eds. Historical Statistics of Canada. Toronto: Macmillan, 1965. Series A75-H3

P L A T E 34 Native Reserves of Western Canada to 1900 PIERRETTE DESY Histoire, Universite du Quebec a Montreal FREDERIC CASTEL Geographic, Universite du Quebec a Montreal We wish to acknowledge with thanks the assistance of Helen McNab, Gordon Band Office, and of Ronald H. Walder. Except for lands conceded to the Manitoba Metis (Metis Children's Land Grant), all the areas shown on this plate are reserves. See the list of reserves and their descriptions on pi 33. The bibliography that follows lists sources for the native reserves of western Canada on which this plate has drawn. The principal source has been the Schedule of Indian Reserves in the Dominion (1902), to which we have added the reserves that disappeared or were annulled before the end of the century. These were identified from earlier lists of reserves, in particular the Schedule Describing Various Indian Reserves in Manitoba, Keewatin and the North West Territories (1877), as well as maps of the period. For cartographic sources we consulted the collection of the NAC, Cartographic and Architectural Sector; the work of Nelson (1889); and the Report of the Royal Commission on Indian Affairs for British Columbia (1916). The boundaries of the numbered treaties are taken from the revised map of Indian Treaties (1977). Canada. Indian Treaties: Revised Map, October 1977. Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, 1977 - Report of the Royal Commission on Indian Affairs for the Province of British Columbia. 4 vols. Ottawa, 1916 - Schedule Describing Various Indian Reserves in Manitoba, Keewatin and the North West Territories. Ottawa: Department of the Interior, 1877 - Department of Indian Affairs. Schedule of Indian Reserves in the Dominion. Ottawa, 1902 Crowe, Keith J. A History of the Original Peoples of Northern Canada. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1991 Daugherty, Wayne E. Treaty Research Report: Treaty One and Treaty Two. Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, 1983 Drucker, Philip. Culture of the North Pacific Coast. San Francisco: Chandler, 1965 Flanagan, Thomas. Metis Lands in Manitoba. Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1991 Madill, D. B.C. Indian Treaties in Historical Perspective. Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, 1981 - Select Annotated Bibliography on Metis History and Claims / Bibliographie annotee choisie sur I'histoire des revendications des Metis. Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, 1983 - Treaty Research Report: Treaty Eight. Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, 1987 McFeat, Tom, ed. Indians of the North Pacific Coast: Studies in Selected Topics. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1966 McQuillan, D. Aidan. 'Creation of Indian Reserves on the Canadian Prairies 18701885.' Geographical Review 70, no. 4 (1980): 380-95 Nelson, John C. Descriptions and Plans of Certain Indian Reserves in Manitoba, Keewatin and the North-West Territories. Ottawa: Department of Indian Affairs, 1889 Price, Richard, ed. The Spirit of the Alberta Indian Treaties. Montreal: Instirut de recherches politiques, 1980 Sealy, Bruce D. Statutory Lands Rights of Manitoba Metis. Winnipeg: Manitoba Metis Federation Press, nd Taylor, John Leonard. Treaty Research Report: Treaty Six. Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, 1987 Thomson, Don W. 'Early Surveys of Indian Reserves.' In Men and Meridians. Vol 2: 1867-1917. Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1967. Pp 277-86

P L A T E 35 Dispersal of the Manitoba Metis and the Northwest Rebellion, 1870-1885 D.N. SPRAGUE History, University of Manitoba BARRY KAYE Geography, University of Manitoba D. WAYNE MOODIE Geography, University of Manitoba Thanks are due to Victor Lytwyn for his help with the research for this plate.

The Northwest in 1885

Canada. Sessional Papers. 1885. No n6e. Papers and Correspondence in Connection with Half Breed Claims and Other Matters Relating to the North West Territories - Sessional Papers. 1886. Vol 6, no. 8a. Vol 10, nos 36, 363

Metis population in 1870

Populations of the missions in the Fort Edmonton area are estimates from various sources as no accurate census exists. Butler, WE The Great Lone Hand. London, 1872 Canada. Sessional Papers. 1889. No. 17. Vol 22, part 13. Map Shewing Mounted Police Stations & Patrols through the North-West Territories during the Year 1888 Provincial Archives of Manitoba. Red River Census. 1870. MG 2 63

The buffalo hunts Seasonal economic cycle of the Saint-Albert Metis

An hivernant, or winterer, was the most nomadic of the Metis. According to Marcel Giraud (1986, vol 2, p 402), the hivernants followed 'a purely nomadic life, ignoring the custom of concentrating temporarily in established localities that had been characteristic of their predecessors. These winterers were on the move at all times of the year, and not only, as their name might seem to indicate, in winter months.' Giraud, Marcel. The Metis in the Canadian West. 2 vols. Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1986

Movement of troops, 1885

Boulton, Major Charles A. Reminiscences of the North West Rebellions. Toronto: Grip, 1886. App, pp 499-531 The National Atlas of Canada. 5th ed. Ottawa: Department of Energy, Mines and Resources, 1987. 'The Northwest Campaign, 1885'

Conflicting claims to the Saint-Laurent colony

Sprague, D.N. Canada and the Metis, 1869-1885. Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1988. Map, p 159

Metis population and the RCMP

NAC. John A. Macdonald Papers. Pp 148, 567 North-West Mounted Police. Reports. 1874-81. Opening up the West. Repr Toronto: Coles, 1973 - Reports. 1882-5. Settlers and Rebels. Repr Toronto: Coles, 1973

Further readings

Barren, F. Laurie, and James B. Waldram, eds. 188$ and After: Native Society in Transition. Regina: Canadian Plains Research Centre, 1986 Beal, Bob, and Rod Macleod. Prairie Fire: The North-West Rebellion of 1885. Edmonton: Hurtig, 1984 Ens, Gerhard. 'Dispossession or Adaptation? Migration and Persistence of the Red River Metis, 1835-1890.' Canadian Historical Association, Historical Papers (1988): 120-44 Flanagan, Thomas. Riel and the Rebellion: 1885 Reconsidered. Saskatoon: Western Producer Prairie Books, 1983 Friesen, Gerald. The Canadian Prairies: A History. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984 Mailhot, PR., and D.N. Sprague. 'Persistent Settlers: The Dispersal and Resettlement of the Red River Metis, 1870-1885.' Canadian Ethnic Studies 17, no. 2 (1985): 1-30 Moodie, D. Wayne. The St. Albert Settlement: A Study in Historical Geography.' MA thesis, Department of Geography, University of Alberta, 1965 Oppen, William A., ed. The Riel Rebellions: A Cartographic History. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1979 Payment, Diane. Batoche, 1870-1910. Saint-Boniface: Les editions du ble, 1983 Stanley, George EG. The Birth of Western Canada: A History of the Riel Rebellion. London: Longmans, Green, 1936 - Louis Riel: Patriot or Rebel? Canadian Historical Association Booklet no. 2. Ottawa, 1954

P L A T E 36 The Gold Rushes in British Columbia, 1858-1881 ROBERT M. GALOIS Geography, University of British Columbia R. COLE HARRIS Geography, University of British Columbia

Regional populations, 1861-1870 Non-native population: 1858; 1863; 1870 Male-female ratio, 1861-1870

Canada. Sessional Paper no. 10.1872. H.L. Langevin. British Columbia: Report by the Hon. H.L. Langevin, Minister of Public Works Local newspapers: Barkerville Cariboo Sentinel New Westminster British Columbian Victoria Daily Colonist PRO. CO 60. Correspondence Inward from British Columbia. 1858-71. Published in part in British Parliamentary Series. Vols 21-4. Canada series. Shannon: Irish Universities Press, 1969-70 - CO 64. Blue Book for the Colony of British Columbia - CO 305. Correspondence Inward from Vancouver Island. 1849-66

- CO 478. Blue Book for the Colony of Vancouver Island Provincial Archives of British Columbia. Governor, Colony of British Columbia. Report to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Blue Book. 1861-70

Population, 1881

The principal source is the manuscript rolls of the Nominal Census of 1881. Several other sources have been used to determine the location of individuals, such as voters' lists, city and regional directories, assessment rolls, and gold-commissioners' records. Canada. Census. Nominal Census of 1881. Districts 187-91. NAC. 013284-5 (microfilm)

Barkerville area, 1860-1876

Galois, Robert. 'Gold Mining and Its Effects on the Landscapes of the Cariboo.' MA thesis, University of Calgary, 1970

Lower mainland, 1881

Thanks to Margaret North, Department of Geography, University of British Columbia, for assistance with estimating vegetation patterns. Information on population and economic activity is derived primarily from the Nominal Census of 1881. British Columbia. Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works. Annual Reports. 187581 - Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works. 'Map of New Westminster District, B.C., 1876' Canada. Nominal Census of 1881. District 187

Placer-gold production, 1858-1891

British Columbia. Minister of Mines. Annual Report. 1901. P 921. Placer-gold production is determined 'by the returns sent in, by the banks and express companies, of gold transmitted by them to the mints and from the returns sent in by the Gold Commissioners and Mining Recorders. To these yearly amounts one third was added (for the years 1858-1878)... one fifth (for the years 1879-1895 and 1898-1899) which amounts are considered to represent approximately, the amount of gold sold of which there is no record.'

British Columbia exports, 1872-1890

Canada. Sessional Papers. Blue Book. 1870. Published in Langevin Report. 1872 - Sessional Paper no. 1.1881. Tables of the Trade and Navigation of the Dominion of Canada for the Fiscal Year Ending 3Oth June, 1881.' Pp 672-3

Placer mining in British Columbia, 1876

British Columbia. Minister of Mines. Annual Report. 1876

Illustration

Richardson, Edward M. (i839-no record after 1865) DCB 9: 656-7

Further readings

Bowen, Lynne. Three Dollar Dreams. Lantzville, BC: Oolichan Press, 1987 Fisher, Robin. Contact and Conflict: Indian-European Relations in British Columbia, 17741890. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1977 Harris, R. Cole, and John Warkentin. Canada before Confederation: A Study in Historical Geography. New York: Oxford University Press, 1974. Ch 7 Higginbottom, Edward N. 'The Changing Geography of Salmon Canning in British Columbia, 1870-1931.' MA thesis, Simon Eraser University, 1988 Phillips, Paul. 'Confederation and the Economy of British Columbia.' In W George Shelton, ed. British Columbia and Confederation. Victoria: University of Victoria, 1967 Trimble, William J. 'The Mining Advance into the Inland Empire.' Bulletin of the University of Wisconsin no. 638 (1914)

P L A T E 37 Canadian Fisheries, 1850-1900 C. GRANT HEAD Geography, Wilfrid Laurier University RXDSEMARYE. OMMER History, Memorial University of Newfoundland PATRICIA A. THORNTON Geography, Concordia University This plate is the result of the assembly of material from a wide variety of sources, with the help of many people. We particularly acknowledge the extensive assistance of Ronald H.Walder.

Atlantic fisheries: ca 1850; 1874 Locations of American bankers, 18705

For the Canadian provinces landings are compiled from the Fisheries Statistics of Canada (1874). For Newfoundland they are from the 1874 Census. For the vesselbased Labrador fishery see Gosling (1910, pp 410-14). The data on American vessels in the Gulf of St Lawrence are from the Halifax Commission (1878). The mapped banking voyage of 1879 is from Goode (1887, vol i, pp 161-4). The graph of the banks is from Hiller and Ommer (1990, app 2). Material on the French fishery based at SaintPierre is from La Morandiere (1966, vol 3, pp 1347-8). The value of this fishery (ca $1.5 million) is very much an estimate, based most directly on an 1881 French harvest of 27 378 700 kg (Innis 1954, p 383), valued at $4 per imperial quintal. Exports from Saint-Pierre, always much lower, probably do not include the harvest of the metropolitan bankers even though they used Saint-Pierre as a base (La Morandiere, 1966; Newfoundland, Fisheries reports). The census of 1881 reports the fisheries labour force separately as that on boats, on vessels, and on shore. High proportions of men on vessels suggest banking; large proportions in boats with few shoremen suggest the resident fishery; while similar proportions in boats but with larger proportions of shoremen suggest the traditional merchant-controlled fishery. All of Newfoundland has been put into this last class. Production data for Nova Scotia and New Brunswick are taken from their 1851 censuses. Values for Nova Scotia are calculated from the volume of fish landed. Data on Quebec exports are taken from the Journals of the Legislative Assembly of Canada (1852-3). For Newfoundland we have used the capacity of fishing boats, taken from the Newfoundland census of 1845,to distribute the approximately $2.5 million value of cod exported annually, 1845-50. The Gulf of St Lawrence and banks fisheries are impossible to quantify precisely.

Notes

171

See Innis (1954), Gosling (1910), McFarland (1911, pp 170-4), and 'Annual Report of Pierre Fortin' (Canada, 1860, pp 139,145). For American production see Sabine (1853, p 64) and Gosling (1910, p 375). The value of production of the approximately 150 American vessels in 1852 is estimated to be about $275 ooo. In 1852 there were said to be 6 500 Newfoundland fishermen there who could be calculated to produce about $1.2 million from fish sales. The value of the French shore-based fishery of the northern coast off Newfoundland is calculated from the 1857 estimate of 265 ooo quintals given by Hind (1877, p 165). For the American banks fishery we have used the statistics of McFarland (1911, pp 170-4). For the French banks and Saint-Pierre-based fishery we have employed a variety of sources, including Innis (1954, p 378) and 'Report of Pierre Fortin' (1860). In addition, there was a metropolitan France-based banks fishery (La Morandiere, 1966, vol 3, p 1126). The Newfoundland vessel-based Labrador fishery stretched from the Strait of Belle Isle to Cape Harrison in 1852, north 100 miles to Hopedale by 1863, north 180 miles to Nain in 1866, and northwards still thereafter. In 1875 there were 400 vessels involved. The catch is tallied with that of the home ports. The fishery based at Saint-Pierre in 1866 comprised 50 vessels from France employing 1689 men who were fishing on the Grand Banks and drying fish at Saint-Pierre; 94 vessels from France employing 2 053 men fishing on the Grand Banks and salting aboard ship; 160 vessels from Saint-Pierre employing 2 082 men who were fishing on the Grand Banks and drying at Saint-Pierre; and 599 boats employing i 463 men in a local inshore fishery. Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 4. Census of Nova Scotia, 1851, p 239. Census of New Brunswick, 1851, p 230 - Census. 1881. Vol 3, table 27 - Journals of the Legislative Assembly of Canada. 1852-3. Quebec exports - Sessional Paper no. 12.1860. Report of the Commissioner of Crown Lands. App 33. 'Annual Report of Pierre Fortin ... Expedition of the Protection of the Fisheries, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, during the Season of 1859' - Sessional Papers. 1874. Report of the Minister of Marine and Fisheries. 'Fisheries Statistics of Canada' Goode, George Brown. The Fisheries and Fishing Industries of the United States. Section 5. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1887 Gosling, William G. Labrador: Its Discovery, Exploration, and Development. London: Rivers, 1910 Hiller, J.K., and R.E. Ommer. 'Canada-France Maritime Boundary Arbitration: Historical Framework.' Department of External Affairs and Justice. 1990. Unpubl ms Hind, Henry Youle. The Effect of the Fishery Clause of the Treaty of Washington ... Halifax, 1877 Innis, H.A. The Cod Fisheries: The History of an International Economy. Rev ed. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1954 La Morandiere, Charles de. Histoire de la peche franqaise de la morue dans I'Amerique septrionale. Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose, 1966 McFarland, Raymond. History of the New England Fisheries. New York, 1911 Newfoundland. Census. 1845 - Census and Return of the Population, &c, of Newfoundland & Labrador, 1874. St John's, 1876 - Journals of the Legislative Assembly. Fisheries reports Sabine, Lorenzo. Report on the Principal Fisheries of the American Seas. Washington: Armstrong, 1853 United States. Halifax Commission, 1877. Washington, 1878. 'Return of the United States Mackerel-Fishing Vessels and Their Catch in 1873 ...' Vol i, pp 222-5

Seasonal migratory fisheries, 1884 Newfoundland vessel-based seal fishery, 1805-1900

Macgregor. 'Report on Trade and Commerce of Newfoundland for the Four Years Ending June 30,1906.' Table 7 Newfoundland. Census and Return of the Population, &c, of Newfoundland & Labrador, 1884. St Johns, 1886

The renewal of the Canadian banks fishery, 1871,1891

Balcom, B.A. History of the Lunenburg Fishing Industry. Lunenburg: Lunenburg Marine Museum Society, 1977 Canada. Census 1871. Vol 3, table 26 - Sessional Paper no. nA. 1892. Fisheries Statistics of Canada Newfoundland. Census. 1884 - Journals of the House of Assembly of Newfoundland. Customs returns

Lobster fishery, 1874,1891 Value of lobster production, 1870-1900

Canada. Sessional Papers. Fisheries Statistics of Canada. Various years Newfoundland. Census. 1891 Templeman, Wilfred. 'The Newfoundland Lobster Fishery: An Account of Statistics, Methods and Important Laws.' Newfoundland, Fisheries Research Bulletin no. 11. 1941

Fisheries exports, 1874

Canada. Sessional Papers. 1875. No. 4. Tables of Trade and Navigation, table 4 Halifax Commission. 1878 Ryan, Shannon. Fish Out of Water: The Newfoundland Saltfish Trade, 18x4-1914. St John's: Breakwater, 1986. Table 31

Value of the fisheries, 1870-1900

Canada. Sessional Papers. Fisheries Statistics of Canada. Various years - Sessional Papers. 1880-1. No. 11, suppl 2. Value of Computed Consumption of Fish by the Indian Population. P 269

Newfoundland fisheries production, 1805-1900

Halifax Commission. 1878. Vol 2, app i MacGregor. 'Report on Trade and Commerce of Newfoundland, 1906.' Table 6

Nova Scotia fisheries exports, 1830-1860

Nova Scotia. Journals of the House of Assembly of Nova Scotia. Various years PRO. CO 221. Miscellanea Blue Books of Statistics. Nova Scotia and Cape Breton

Seasonal cycle, Twillingate, Newfoundland, ca 1900

Tizzard, Aubrey M. On Sloping Ground. Memorial University of Newfoundland, Folklore and Language Publications, Community Studies no. 2, St John's, 1979

172

Notes

Further readings

Canada. Sessional Papers. Annual Reports of the Minister of Fisheries Ommer, Rosemary E. From Outpost to Outport: A Structural Analysis of the Jersey-Gaspe Cod Fishery, 1767-1886. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queens University Press, 1991 Samson, Roch. Pecheurs et marchands de la bale de Gaspe au XIXe siecle. Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1984

P L A T E 38 The Forest Industry, 1850-1890 C. GRANT HEAD

Geography, WilfridLaurierUniversity

Thanks are due to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and Wilfrid Laurier University Office of Research for assisting in the funding of a deeper study of the historical geography of Ontario's 19th-century sawn-lumber industry. Christina Kerr assisted in research, and both Pamela Schaus of the Department of Geography, Wilfrid Laurier University, and Ronald H. Walder drafted many of the maps for this plate.

The sawn-lumber industry, ca 1870

The values of sawmill production are by census district. The area under Crown timber licence is compiled from the Timber Lands Maps' in New Standard Atlas ... of Canada (1875) supplemented by a licensing plan for the Saint-Maurice River watershed, produced by Guy Gaudreau and on file with the Groupe de recherche sur la Mauricie, Universite du Quebec a Trois-Rivieres. Export flows have been estimated largely on the basis of data in Canada, Sessional Papers (1871,1872). Statements about products transported on the canals have been supplemented by American import data to 30 June 1871 from United States of America, House Executive Document. The general flows of products distributed to lake ports are based on the ratios given in Sessional Papers (1867), for the year ending 30 June 1867. There were inconsistencies of 25% or more between the Canadian and American data sources so the flow maps should be used only for a general view. The division of sawn lumber into deals and planks and boards, and the flow of these two materials from the St Lawrence region to British and American markets, respectively, were also difficult to establish. Additional sources were Sessional Papers (1867), app 2O-(h), which counted deals produced in five districts of Ontario and Quebec, such ratios being applied to 1871 exports of deals for Quebec; and the extant private papers of deal producers such as Hamilton Brothers at Hawkesbury (Archives of Ontario) and the Gilmours at Ironside on the Gatineau (NAC); and the 1871 manuscript census schedules for the SaintMaurice area, as compiled in table 22 of Rene Hardy et al. (1980). Data on exports of square timber are taken from Sessional Papers (1872), app 3. Archives of Ontario. Private papers of Hamilton Brothers, Hawkesbury Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 3, table 33 - Sessional Papers. 1867. Report of the Commissioner of Crown Lands - Sessional Papers. 1867. App i. Tables of Trade and Navigation. Table 11 - Sessional Papers. 1867. App 2O-h. Abstract of the Number of Pieces of All Lumber - Sessional Papers. 1871.1872. Report, Returns, and Statistics of the Inland Revenues of the Dominion of Canada for the Fiscal Years Ending 30 June 1870,1871 - Sessional Papers. 1872. App 3. Tables of the Trade and Navigation for the Year Ending 30 June 1871. General Statement of Exports (for each province) Hardy, Rene, et al. L'exploitation forestiere en Mauricie: dossier statistique, 1850-1930. Carder no. 4. Groupe de recherche sur la Mauricie. Trois-Rivieres, 1980 NAC. Private papers of the Gilmours, Ironside on the Gatineau. MG 28-III-6 New Standard Atlas of the Dominion of Canada ... Montreal and Toronto: Walker and Miles, 1875 United States of America. House Executive Document 1871. 42-2. Serial no. 1512. Table 3

Square-timber production, 1881

Canada. Census. 1881. Vol 3, table 26, Products of the Forest

Primary and secondary wood production, 1891

Primary wood-using industries included were sawmills and lath mills. Secondary wood-using industries included were cabinet and furniture; sash, door, and blind; cooperage; and trunk and box making. Canada. Census. 1891. Vol 3, table i, Details of Industrial Establishments

McLachlin Brothers sawmills and lumber yards, Arnprior, Ontario, ca 1900 McLachlin Brothers sawmill no. 3

NAC. Cartographic and Architectural Archives Division. 'McLachlin Bros. Sawmills and Lumber Yards, Arnprior, Ontario, Canada. August 1905.' No. 259. Chas. E. Good, Civil Engineer, Montreal and Toronto, Canada, and London, England

Gillies Company log-supply areas, 1842-1893

Archives of Ontario. Map division. 'Plan of the Licensed Timber Berths of the Upper Ottawa Territory in the Province of Ontario.' 10 Feb 1868. Signed A.J. Russell, Ottawa NAC. Cartographic and Architectural Archives Division. 'Plan of the Timber Limits on the River Ottawa and Tributaries.' May 1893. A. Charest, Ottawa Ontario. Sessional Papers. 1868-9. No. 6. Licensing for Upper Ottawa Territory Whitten, Charlotte. A Hundred Years A-Fellin'. Ottawa, 1943

Exports, 1870

Canada. Sessional Papers. 1872. App 3. Tables of the Trade and Navigation for the year ending 30 June 1871. General Statement of Exports (for each province)

New Brunswick timber and deal exports, 1845-1890

McClelland, Peter D. The New Brunswick Economy in the Nineteenth Century.' PhD thesis, Harvard University, 1966. Tables 33, 34

Size of mills, 1851-1911

Canada. Census. 1851-1901 New Brunswick. Census. 1851.1861 Nova Scotia. Census. 1851.1861

Value of wood-based production, 1871,1891 Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 3, table 3 - Census. 1891. Vol 3 Quebec sawlog harvest, 1867-1899 Quebec. Documents de la session no. 8. 'Rapport du Commissaire des terres forets et pecheries pour les douze mois expires le 3Oe juin 1901.' App 14. 'Etat comparatif des bois manufactures...' Ontario square pine timber and sawlog harvest, 1868-1900 For this graph standard logs (of 200 feet board measure) were converted to approximate cubic feet of square timber by multiplying the numbers of standard logs by 20. Ontario. Sessional Papers. 1868-1901. Annual Reports of the Department of Crown Lands The camp cycle Visser, Marjorie. The Patterns of Forest Exploitation in Ontario in the Latter Half of the Nineteenth Century.' BA thesis, Department Geography, Wilfrid Laurier University, 1981. Figure 13, compiled from shanty books in the uncatalogued C. Beck Collection, now housed in the Simcoe County Archives, Minesing, Ontario Thompson's Mill process plan, Longford (Lake Couchiching), Ontario NAC. Mossom Boyd Papers. MG 28-IH-i. Vol 394. Annotated plan of Thompson's Mill at Longford near Lake Couchiching, Ontario, sketched on site in 1876 by Mossom Boyd, the Bobcaygeon lumberman Gang saw Canada Lumberman 4 (15 Feb 1884): engraving on p 61. Engraving slightly modified for reproduction at this scale. The gang saw was manufactured by William Hamilton Manufacturing Co, Peterborough, Ontario. Further readings Cowan, Alan Ward. 'Canadian White Pine Trade with the United Kingdom, 18671912.' MA thesis, Carleton University, 1966 Defebaugh, James Elliot. History of the Lumber Industry of America. Chicago, 1906 Hardy, Rene, and Normand Seguin. Foret et societe en Mauricie: la formation de la region de Trois Rivieres, 1830-1930. Montreal, 1985 Head, C. Grant. 'An Introduction to Forest Exploitation in Nineteenth Century Ontario.' In J.David Wood, ed. Perspectives on Landscape and Settlement in Nineteenth Century Ontario. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1975 Lower, A.R.M. Great Britain's Woodyard: British America and the Timber Trade. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1973 - The North American Assault on the Canadian Forest: A History of the Lumber Trade between Canada and the United States. Toronto: Ryerson, 1938 Williams, Michael. Americans and Their Forests: A Historical Geography. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988

P L A T E 39 Ships and Shipping, 1863-1914 ROSEMARY E. OMMER History, Memorial University of Newfoundland The data for this plate are drawn from the computer files of the Atlantic Canada Shipping Project, which are now in the Maritime History Archives at Memorial University of Newfoundland. Canadian voyages: 1863-1878; 1890-1914 The data in the tables show the average annual number of Canadian voyages between the regions specified during each period. A zero in the table indicates less than one voyage per year during the time period. Alexander, David, and Rosemary E. Ommer, eds. Volumes Not Values: Canadian Sailing Ships and World Trade. St John's: Maritime History Group, Memorial University of Newfoundland (MUN), 1979 Fischer, Lewis R., and Gerald E. Panting. Change and Adaptation in Maritime History: The North Atlantic Fleets. St John's: Maritime History Group, MUN, 1985 Fischer, Lewis R., and Eric W. Sager. Merchant Shipping and Economic Development in Atlantic Canada. St John's: Maritime History Group, MUN, 1982 Fischer, Lewis R., and Eric W. Sager, eds. The Enterprising Canadians: Entrepreneurs and Economic Development. St John's: Maritime History Group, MUN, 1979 Ommer, Rosemary E. The Decline of the Eastern Canadian Shipping Industry, 18801895.' Journal of Transport History 5 (1984): 25-44 Peak tonnage Shipbuilding in the Miramichi area, 1828-1914 Saint John shipbuilding, 1820-1914 Tonnage on registry, 1820-1914 Ships built and sold in Miramichi, 18305-1914 Matthews, Keith, and Gerald E. Panting, eds. Ships and Shipbuilding in the North Atlantic Region. St John's: Maritime History Group, MUN, 1978 Sager, Eric W, and Gerald E. Panting. Maritime Capital: The Shipping Industry in Atlantic Canada, 1820-1914. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1990 Birthplace of Windsor crews, 1848-1914 Ommer, Rosemary E., and Gerald E. Panting, eds. Working Men Who Got Wet. St John's: Maritime History Group, MUN, 1980 Sager, Eric W. Seafaring Labour: The Merchant Marine of Atlantic Canada, 1820-1914. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1989 Types of vessels registered Drawings of the various rigs were taken from Armour and Lackie, Sailing Ships of the Maritimes (1975), app: 'Rigs.' Examples of actual vessels of the same rigs include: Topsail schooner: Kelso, 80 tons, built at Souris, PEI, 1867. Length 72.5' x 22.0' x draft 8-35'

Tern (three-master) schooner: Walter Holly, 273 tons, built at Gardiner's Creek, NB, 1888.131.6' x 31.2' x 10.6'. Compare with the modern schooner Bluenose, 154 tons, built at Lunenburg, NS, 1921.130.2' x 27.1' x 10.1' Brigantine: Mary E. Ladd, 148 tons, built at Meteghan, NS, 1861. 90.0' x 24.0' x 12.0' Brig: Tantramar, 386 tons, built at Sackville, NB, 1863.117.0' x 28.5' x 17.2' Barquentine: Royal Harrie, 482 tons, built at Hopewell, NB, 1872.137.7' x 32-°' x ^-9' Barque: Breadalbane, 224 tons, built at Baddeck, NS, 1854.101.2' x 21.4' x 13.1' Ship: County of Yarmouth, 2 154 tons built Belliveau's Cove, NS, 1884. 242.0' x 46.6' x 24.0' Armour, Charles A., and Thomas Lackie. Sailing Ships of the Maritimes. An Illustrated History of Shipping and Shipbuilding in the Maritime Provinces of Canada 1750-1925. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1975 Matthews and Panting. Ships and Shipbuilding in the North Atlantic Region. 1978 Further readings Parker, John P. Cape Breton Ships and Men. Aylesbury, Eng: Hazell, Watson and Viney, 1967 - Sails of the Maritimes: The Story of Three- and Four-Master Cargo Schooners. Halifax: Maritime Museum of Canada, 1960 Sager, Eric W, and Lewis R. Fischer. 'Atlantic Canada and the Age of Sail Revisited.' Canadian Historical Review 68, no. 2 (1982): 125-50 - Shipping and Shipbuilding in Atlantic Canada, 1820-1914. Historical Booklet no. 42. Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1986 Wallace, Fred W. Wooden Ships and Iron Men. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1924

P L A T E 40 Agricultural Change in Quebec to 1891 JEAN-CLAUDE ROBERT Histoire, Universite du Quebec a Montreal NORMAND SEGUIN Sciences humaines, Universite du Quebec a Trois-Rivieres We would like to thank Alan Conter, Alain Ledoux, Robert Nahuet, Franchise Noel, and Danielle Noiseux who ensured accuracy in the primary collection of data for this plate. For conversion values for agricultural products see 'Measurement of Agricultural Products,' p 153. Parish openings to 1890 We have used the opening dates of registers for Catholic parishes as an indication of continuous occupation of a territory, and similarly for Protestant parishes the opening dates of Protestant registry centres where they exist. Le Canada ecclesiastique. 1917 LaRose, Andre. Les registres paroissiaux du Quebec avant 1800. Quebec: Ministere des affaires culturelles, 1980 Lovell's Province of Quebec Directory for 1871. Montreal: Lovell, 1971 Magnan, Hormisdas. Dictionnaire historique et geographique des paroisses, missions et municipalities de la province de Quebec. Arthabaska, Que: Imprimerie d'Arthabaska, 1925 Noel, Franchise. 'The Establishment of Religious Communities in the Eastern Townships of Lower Canada 1799 to 1851.' MA thesis, Department of History, McGill University, 1976 Roy, Pierre-Georges. Inventaire des registres del'etat civil conserves aux Archives judiciaires de Quebec. Beauceville: L'Eclaireur, 1921 Field-crop production, 1851,1891 Hay production, 1851,1891 Oats production, 1891 Canada. Census. 1851. Vol 2, pp 70-165 - Census. 1891. Vol 4, table 2 Milk used for butter and cheese, 1891,1901 Cheese factories and creameries: 1884; 1897 Canada. Census. 1891. Vol 3, table i. Vol 4, tables 3, 7 - Census. 1901. Vol 3, tables 49, 50, 51 Quebec. Documents de la session. 1895. No. 3. 'Beurreries et fromageries de la province de Quebec' Cercles agricoles, 1893 Quebec. Documents de la session. 1893. No. 2. 'Cercles agricoles' Farm mortgages, Champlain Parish, 1867-1879 The map was drawn by Christian Denis, Archives de 1'enregistrement, District de Champlain. Land sales: 1850-1869; 1870-1889 Quebec. Ministere des terres et forets. Archives de la colonisation Further readings Bouchard, Gerard. 'Co-integration et reproduction de la societe rurale: pour un modele saguenayen de la marginalite.' Recherches sociographiques 29, nos 2-3 (1988): 283-310 Courville, Serge, and Normand Seguin. Le monde rural quebecois au XIXe siecle. Brochure historique no. 47. Ottawa: Societe historique du Canada, 1989 Hamelin, Jean, and Yves Roby. Histoire economique du Quebec, 1851-1896. Montreal: Fides, 1971 Hardy, Rene, and Normand Seguin. Foret et societe en Mauricie, 1830-1930. Montreal: Boreal, 1984 Lewis, F, and Marvin Mclnnis. The Efficiency of the French-Canadian Farmer in the Nineteenth Century.' The Journal of Economic History 40 (1980): 497-514 Little, J.I. Nationalism, Capitalism and Colonization in Nineteenth-Century Quebec. The Upper St Francis District. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1989

Notes

173

McCallum, John. Unequal Beginnings: Agriculture and Economic Development in Quebec and Ontario until 1870. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980 Mclnnis, Marvin. 'A Reconsideration of the State of Agriculture in Lower Canada in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century.' Canadian Papers in Rural History 3 (1982): 9-49 Seguin, Normand. 'Uagriculture de la Mauricie et du Quebec, 1850-1950.' Revue d'histoire del'Ameriquefranqaise 35, no. 4 (1982): 537-62 - La conquete de sol au XIXe siecle. Montreal: Boreal, 1977

P L A T E 41 Agricultural Change in Ontario, 1851-1891 R. LOUIS GENTILCORE Geography, McMaster University DON MEASNER Historical Atlas of Canada DARRELL NORRIS Geography, State University of New York, Geneseo For conversion values for agricultural products see 'Measurement of Agricultural Products,' p 153.

Crop production, 1891

Canada. Census. 1891. Vol 4, table 2

Field crops, 1851,1891 Hay, 1851,1891 Milk, 1851,1891

Canada. Census. 1851. Vol 2, pp 4-65 - Census. 1891. Vol 4, tables 2, 3,7

Red River area, 1876

Morton, Arthur S. 'History of Prairie Settlement.' In W.A. Mackintosh and W.L.G. Joerg, eds. Canadian Frontiers of Settlement. Toronto: Macmillan, 1938. Vol 2, pp 46-7, map

Elevator storage and wheat shipments, 1891

The average capacity of railcars carrying grain was calculated at 1100 bushels. It was assumed that all surplus wheat for each census subdivision was shipped through Winnipeg. Canada. Census. 1891. Vol 4, table 2 Winnipeg Grain and Produce Exchange. Annual Report. 1891. Pp 25-31

Homestead registrations, 1874-1891

Canada. Sessional Papers. 1902. Report of the Department of the Interior, p xii

Manitoba wheat production, 1883-1900

Canada. Sessional Papers. 1883-1900. Exports Manitoba. Department of Agriculture. Crop Reports. 1883-1900

Further readings

Tyman, John L. By Section, Township and Range. Brandon, Man: Assiniboine Historical Society, 1972 Warkentin, John. 'Western Canada in 1886.' Papers Read before the Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba. Series 3, no. 20 (1965)

P L A T E 43 International Trade to 1891

Milk-processing plants, 1891

DAVID A. SUTHERLAND History, Dalhousie University

Promoting better farming, 1884

For the period prior to Confederation information was gleaned from the Sessional Papers issued by various colonies within British North America. After Confederation research focused on the Sessional Papers issued by the Dominions of Canada and Newfoundland. After 1867 interprovincial trade could not be readily traced. Export totals include foreign goods re-exported by Canada. Where data appeared in pounds sterling a dollar conversion factor of £1 to $5.00 was used.

Canada. Census. 1891. Vol 3, table i. Vol 4, tables 3, 7 - Census. 1901. Vol 3, tables 49, 50, 51 Ontario. Sessional Papers. 1891.1893.1894. Report of the Bureau of Industries Ontario. Sessional Papers. Annual Report of the Agricultural College. 1880-4

Crop production: 1851; 1871; 1891 Farm animals: 1851; 1871; 1891 Fruit production: 1891; 1901 Canada. Census. 1851. Vol 2, pp 4-65 - Census. 1871. Vol 3, tables 22, 23, 24 - Census. 1891. Vol 4, tables 2, 3, 4 - Census. 1901. Vol 2, tables 11,19

Imports, 1860-1889 Exports, 1860-1889

Statistical Yearbook of Canada. Ottawa, 1901. 'Agricultural Statistics,' pp 98-102

Forty years on a farm, 1841-1880

'Walter Riddell day-books.' Ontario Agricultural Commission no. 4. Toronto: C. Blackett Robinson, 1881. App G, pp 130-6

Further readings

Ankli, Robert E., and Wendy Millar. 'Ontario Agriculture in Transition: The Switch from Wheat to Cheese.' Journal of Economic History 42, no. i (1982): 207-15 Drummond, Ian. Progress without Planning: The Economic History of Ontario from Confederation to the Second World War. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987 Jones, Robert L. A History of Agriculture in Ontario, 1613-1880. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1946 Little, J.I. 'The Wheat Trade and Economic Development in Upper and Lower Canada.' Acadiensis 11, no. i (1981): 141-51 McCalla, Douglas. Planting the Province: The Economic History of Upper Canada, 17841870. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993 McCallum, John. Unequal Beginnings: Agriculture and Economic Development in Quebec and Ontario until 1870. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980 Mclnnis, R. Marvin. Perspectives on Ontario Agriculture, 1815-1830. Gananoque: Longdale Press, 1992 Reaman, George Elmore. A History of Agriculture. Toronto: Saunders, 1970

P L A T E 42 Homesteading and Agriculture in the West, 1872-1891 JAMES M. RICHTIK Geography, University of Winnipeg DON MEASNER Historical Atlas of Canada We thank Maria Skoulas, Barbara Schmidtke, Katherine Richtik, and Steven Richtik for research assistance. For conversion values for agricultural products see 'Measurement of Agricultural Products,' p 153.

Homesteading activity, 1872-1891

NAC. Homestead Grant Registers

Cattle, 1891 Wheat, 1891 Crops: 1881; 1891 Manitoba crop production: 1886; 1891

Canada. Census. 1881. Vol 3, tables 23, 24 - Census. 1891. Vol 4, tables 2, 3 - Census of Manitoba. 1885-6. Table 15 - Census of the North-West Territories. 1884-5. Table 15

174

Notes

Trade by port, 1890 Newfoundland steamship trade, 1890

Canada. Sessional Papers. 1891. Tables of Trade and Navigation Martin, R.M. History of the Colonies of the British Empire. London: W.H. Allen, 1843 Prowse, D.W. A History of Newfoundland. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1985

Imports, 1891

Canada. Sessional Papers. 1901. Trade and Commerce. No. 10, 5

Exports, 1891

Canada. Sessional Papers. 1901. Trade and Commerce. No. 10, 6

Trade by commodity, 1850,1870,1890

British Columbia. Sessional Papers. 1871 Canada. Sessional Papers. 1851.1871.1891 New Brunswick. Journals of the House of Assembly. 1851 Newfoundland. Journals of the House of Assembly. 1871.1891 Nova Scotia. Journals of the House of Assembly. 1851 Prince Edward Island. Journals of the House of Assembly. 1851.1871

Imports: destinations, 1850-1900; origins, 1868-1900 Exports: destinations, 1868-1900; origins, 1850-1900

Data compiled from Sessional Papers, Journals of the House of Assembly, and CO Blue Books for various jurisdictions, 1851-1901. Data for 1899 and 1900 are missing for Newfoundland. Exports for Ontario and Quebec do not include the value of ships built at Quebec for sale in Britain.

The trading fleet

A profile of the fleet serving Canadian ports, 1868-91, excluding Newfoundland. Canada. Sessional Papers. 1869-92

Exports to Great Britain, 1868-1900 Exports to the United States, 1868-1900 Canada. Sessional Papers. 1868-1901

Further readings

Acheson, T.W. 'The National Policy and the Industrialization of the Maritimes, 18801910.' Acadiensis i, no. 2 (1972): 3-28 Alexander, David. 'Newfoundland's Traditional Economy and Development to 1934.' Acadiensis 5, no. 2 (1976): 56-78 Bertram, G.W. 'Economic Growth in Canadian Industry, 1870-1915: The Staple Model.' In W. Thomas Easterbrook and M.H. Watkins, eds. Approaches to Canadian Economic History. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1967. Pp 74-98 Chambers, E.J. 'Late Nineteenth Century Business Cycles in Canada.' Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 30, no. 3 (1964): 391-412 Drummond, Ian M. Progress without Planning: The Economic History of Ontario from Confederation to the Second World War. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987 Graham, Gerald S. The Ascendancy of the Sailing Ship, 1855-1885.' Economic History Review 9, no. i (1956): 74-88 Masters, D.C. The Reciprocity Treaty of 1854: Its History, Its Relation to British Colonial and Foreign Policy. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1963 McCalla, Douglas, and Peter George. 'Measurement, Myth, and Reality: Reflections on the Economic History of Nineteenth-Century Ontario.' Journal of Canadian Studies 21, no. 3 (1986): 71-86 Mclnnis, Marvin. The Changing Structure of Canadian Agriculture, 1867-1897.' Journal of Economic History 42, no. i (1982): 191-8

Nelles, H.V. The Politics of Development: Forests, Mines and Hydroelectric Power in Ontario, 1849-1941. Toronto: Macmillan, 1974 North, Douglas C. 'Ocean Rates and Economic Development 1750-1913.' Journal of Economic History 18, no. 4 (1958): 537-55 Sager, Eric W., and Gerald E. Panting. Maritime Capital: The Shipping Industry in Atlantic Canada, 1820-1914. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1990

Ottawa Daily Citizen Quebec Morning Chronicle Saint John Morning News Toronto Globe Victoria Daily British Colonist Goheen, Peter G. 'Communications and Urban Systems in Mid-Nineteenth Century Canda.' Urban History Review 14, no. 3 (1986): 235-45

P L A T E 44 Banking and Finance

Archives of the following newspapers were consulted: Toronto Colonist, 1845, and Toronto Globe, 1885; Montreal Gazette, 1845 and 1885; Quebec Gazette, 1845, and Quebec Morning Chronicle, 1885.

RONALD RUDIN

Publishing the news, 1849

Datelines of economic news items, 1845,1885

History, Concordia University

This plate could not have been completed without the help of Professor Jacqueline Anderson of the Department of Geography, Concordia University.

Destination of capital invested in bank shares, 1891

All data on maps and graphs relevant to capital invested in Canadian bank shares were derived from the lists of shareholders that were regularly submitted to the government of Canada and published in the Sessional Papers (1871-91). These lists indicate every individual owning stock in a chartered bank together with the place of residence of the shareholder. The information regarding the residence of the investor made it possible to trace the movement of funds from particular cities or regions to the head offices of the banks as well as the source of funds for each head office. Canada. Sessional Papers. No. 13,1872. No. 11,1873. No. 22,1875. No. 22,1882. No. 2, 1891

Assets of banks by head-office location, 1861-1891

The information pertaining to the assets of Canadian banks came from the Canada Gazette, while that relevant to branch banking was taken from various sources. Bankers Almanac and Register for 1881. New York, 1881 Bankers Almanac and Register for 1890. New York, 1890 Canada. Canada Gazette. Various years - Sessional Papers. 1871-91 Canada Directory. Montreal, 1851 Merchants' and Bankers' Almanac for 1861. New York, 1861 Merchants' and Bankers' Almanac for 1871. New York, 1871

Assets of financial intermediaries, 1870-1890

Neufeld, E.P. The Financial System in Canada. Toronto, Macmillan, 1972. Pp 612-17

Branch banks and population, 1851-1891

Urquhart, M.C., and K.A.H. Buckley, eds. Historical Statistics of Canada. Toronto: Macmillan, 1965. P 14

Further readings

Conzen, Michael. 'Capital Rows and the Developing Urban Hierarchy: State Bank Capital in Wisconsin, 1854-1895.' Economic Geography 51 (1975): 321-38 Frost, J.D. 'The Nationalization of the Bank of Nova Scotia.' Acadiensis 12, no. i (1982): 3-38 Rudin, Ronald. 'Banking en frangais.' Canadian Historical Review 67 (Sep 1986): 414-15

P L A T E 45 An Emerging Urban System, 1845,1885 PETER G. GOHEEN Geography, Queen's University The assistance of Cheryl Hoffmann was invaluable during the research for this plate.

Urban centres and newspapers: 1845; 1885

Maps of population distribution were compiled through HAC research. The population of urban centres used the population tables of the censuses of Canada. The sizes of some of the smaller urban centres were based on the work of Simmons and Dobilas (1980). Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 4: Lower Canada. Census. 1844, table i. 1851-2, table i New Brunswick. Census. 1851, table i Newfoundland. Census. 1857, table i Nova Scotia. Census. 1851, table i Upper Canada. Census. 1842, table i. 1851-2, table i - Census. 1881. Vol i, table i Simmons, J.W., and G. Dobilas. 'The Population of Urban Nodes, 1871-1951.' Unpublished HAC research report. 1980 Newspaper archives in 14 cities and towns were consulted for mentions of local, distant, and foreign places and for the non-local economic news items printed. The method of content analysis employed is discussed in Goheen (1986). 1845 Halifax Morning Chronicle Kingston British Whig Montreal Gazette; La Minerve Quebec Gazette Saint John Morning News St John's Times and Commercial Gazette Toronto British Colonist Yarmouth Courier and Colonial Farmer 1885 Brantford Daily Courier Halifax Morning Herald Hamilton Daily Spectator Kingston Daily British Whig London Free Press Manitoba Daily Free Press Montreal Gazette; La Minerve

Reports on three major events (the Toronto fire, 7 Apr 1849; the Montreal riot and burning of the Parliament Buildings, 25 Apr 1849; and the Saint John Orange Day parade and riot, 12 July 1849) were traced through the newspapers for the places indicated.

Further readings Goheen, Peter G. The Changing Bias of Inter-Urban Communications in Nineteenth Century Canada.' Historical Geography 16, no. 2 (1990): 177-96 Simmons, James W, Michael P. Conzen, and Donald Kerr. The Emergence of the Urban System.' HAC, vol III, pi 10 Spelt, Jacob. Urban Development in South Central Ontario. Carleton Library Series no. 57. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1972

P L A T E 46 From Firewood to Coal: Fuelling the Nation to 1891 DEL MUISE History, Carleton University ROSEMARIE LANGHOUT History, Carleton University RONALD H. WALDER Historical Atlas of Canada We gratefully acknowledge the help of Thomas F. Mcllwraith and the late David F. Walker in preparing this plate.

Energy consumption and transfer, 1891

Canada. Census. 1891. Vol 3, table 5 - Sessional Paper no. 5. 1892. Vbl 5, table i Nova Scotia. Journals of the House of Assembly. 1891. Department of Mines. Annual Report Urquhart, M.C., and K.A.H. Buckley, eds. Historical Statistics of Canada. Toronto: Macmillan, 1965. Series N, Q Walker, David F. 'Transportation of Coal into Southern Ontario, 1871-1921.' Ontario History 63 (1971): 15-30 ENERGY CONVERSIONS Johnson, Allen J., and George H. Auth, eds. Fuels and Combustion Handbook. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1951 Mankin, Guy. Power Handbook on Fuels. New York: Power, 1934 National Atlas of Canada. 5th ed. Ottawa: Department of Energy, Mines and Resources, 1978. 'Canada-Energy' Steward, F.R. 'Energy Consumption in Canada since Confederation.' Energy Policy 6, no. 3 (1978): 239-45

Wood-fuel production, 1871-1891

Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 3, table 25 - Census. 1891. Vol 4, table 5

Sydney, Nova Scotia, coal production: 1865; 1891

Nova Scotia. 1865.1891. Annual Mines Reports

Refined-oil production, 1871,1891

Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 3, table 43 - Census. 1891. Vol 3, table i Walker, David F. 'Ontario's Oilfields and the Industrial Development of Sarnia.' Unpublished paper, Department of Geography, University of Waterloo, nd

Coal-gas production, 1871,1891

Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 3, table 47 - Census. 1891. Vol 3, table i

Electricity production, 1891

Canada. Census. 1891. Vol 3, table i

Thomas Mcllwraith, coal merchant, Hamilton

Middleton, Dianne, and David F. Walker. Thomas Mcllwraith: Hamilton Coal Merchant and Forwarder, 1871-1892.' Unpublished paper, Department of Geography, University of Waterloo, nd Penny-postcard order-card collection. 1878-86. In the possession of Thomas F. Mcllwraith, Department of Geography, University of Toronto

Energy consumption 1871-1900

Steward. 'Energy Consumption in Canada.' 1978 Urquhart and Buckley, eds. Historical Statistics. Series Ni7O-i9O

Crude-oil production, 1868-1900

Urquhart and Buckley, eds. Historical Statistics. Series 0,19-25

Coal in Canada, 1870-1900

Canada. Sessional Papers. 1871-1901. Tables of Trade and Navigation Nova Scotia. 1870-1900. Annual Mines Reports

Nova Scotia coal sales, 1827-1900

Nova Scotia. 1827-1900. Annual Mines Reports

Notes

175

Further readings

Canada. Royal Commission on Coal, 1946. Ottawa, 1947 Dales, J.H. Hydro-Electricity and Industrial Development in Quebec, 1898-1940. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1957 Denison, Merrill. The People's Power: The History of Ontario Hydro. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1960 Gerriets, Marilyn. 'The Impact of the General Mining Association on the Nova Scotia Coal Industry, 1826-1850.' Acadiensis 21, no. i (1991): 54-84 Gray, F.W. 'Fifty Years of the Dominion Coal Company.' Dalhousie Review 22, no. 4 (1942-3): 461-9 McCann, L.D. 'The Mercantile-Industrial Transition in the Metal Towns of Pictou County, 1857-1931.' Acadiensis 10, no. 2 (1981): 29-64 MacDonald, C.O. The Coal and Iron Industries of Nova Scotia. Halifax: Halifax Chronicle, 1909 Martell, J.S. 'Early Coal-Mining in Nova Scotia.' Dalhousie Review 25, no. 2 (1945-6): 156-72 Muise, D.A. 'The General Mining Association and Nova Scotia's Coal.' Bulletin of Canadian Studies 6/7, no. 2 (1983): 71-87 Nelles, H.V. The Politics of Development: Forests, Mines and Hydro-Electric Power in Ontario 1849-1941. Toronto: Macmillan, 1974 Phelps, Edward. 'Foundations of the Canadian Oil Industry, 1850-1866.' In Edith G. Firth, ed. Profiles of a Province: Studies in the History of Ontario. Toronto: Ontario Historical Society, 1967. Pp 156-65 Purdy, Gordon A. Petroleum: Prehistoric to Petrochemicals. Vancouver: Copp Clark, 1957 Schwartzman, David. 'Mergers in the Nova Scotia Coal Fields: A History of the Dominion Coal Company, 1893-1940.' PhD thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1953 Tillman, David A. Wood as an Energy Resource. New York: Academic Press, 1978 Walder, Ronald H. 'The Utilization of Wood as an Energy Resource in Ontario.' MA thesis, Wilfrid Laurier University, 1982

P L A T E 47 Elements of Industrial Transition, 1851-1871 RONALD H. WALDER

Historical Atlas of Canada

The author acknowledges the invaluable help of John Willis, Gregory S. Kealey, and Christopher Andreae in the formulation of this plate.

Skilled trades, 1871 Skilled trades by sector, 1871

Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 4, table 13

Railways as manufacturers, 1871

Craven, Paul, and Tom Traves. 'Canadian Railways as Manufacturers, 1850-1880.' In Historical Papers. Vancouver: Canadian Historical Association, 1983. Pp 254-81

Montreal industrial establishments: 1842-1843; 1859-1860

MacKay, Robert. Montreal Directory for 1842-43. Montreal: Lovell, Gibson and MacKay, 1843 MacKay, Mrs R.W. Stuart. MacKay's Montreal Directory 1859-60. Montreal: Owler and Stevenson, 1860

Lachine Canal industrial areas

Canada. Census. 1871. Industrial ms census Hopkins, Henry W. Atlas of the City and Island of Montreal, Including the Counties of Jacques Cartier and Hochelaga. Montreal: Provincial Surveying and Publishing Co, 1879. NAC. NMC-51470 NAC. Sketch of the Hydraulic Property at St. Gabriel Lock, Lachine Canal. Ca 1857. NMC-19062

Toronto industries, 1871

Canada. Census. 1871. Industrial ms census Irwin, W. Henry, compiler. Robertson and Cook's Toronto City Directory for 1871-72. Toronto: Daily Telegraphy Printing House, 1871

Steam power in Toronto, 1871

Canada. Census. 1871. Industrial ms census

Further readings

Cross, Michael S., and Gregory S. Kealey, eds. Canada's Age of Industry. Readings in Canadian Social History, vol 3. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1982 Gilmour, James M. The Spatial Evolution of Manufacturing: Southern Ontario 1851-1891. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982 Goheen, Peter. Victorian Toronto 1850-1900. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970 Hamelin, Jean, and Yves Roby. Histoire economique du Quebec, 1851-1896. Montreal: Fides, 1971 Katz, Michael S. The People of Hamilton, Canada West: Family and Class in a MidNineteenth-Century City. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1975 McCalla, Douglas. Planting the Province: The Economic History of Upper Canada 17841870. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993 McCallum, John. Unequal Beginnings: Agriculture and Economic Development in Quebec and Ontario until 1870. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980 Norrie, Kenneth H., and Douglas Owram. A History of the Canadian Economy. Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1991 Pentland, H. Clare. Labour and Capital in Canada, 1650-1860. Toronto: Lorimer, 1981 Pomfret, Richard. The Economic Development of Canada. Toronto: Methuen, 1981 Sager, Eric W, and Lewis R. Fischer. 'Atlantic Canada and the Age of Sail Revisited.' Canadian Historical Review 93, no. 2, (1982): 125-50 Tulchinsky, Gerald J. The River Barons: Montreal Businessmen and the Growth of Industry and Transportation, 1837-1853. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977 Willis, John. The Process of Hydraulic Industrialization on the Lachine Canal 1840-1880: Origins, Rise and Fall. Vols i, 2. Hull: Environment Canada / Parks Canada, 1987 Young, Brian, and John A. Dickinson. A Short History of Quebec: A Socio-Economic Perspective. Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman, 1988

176 Notes

PLATE 48 The Developing Industrial Heartland, 1871-1891 RONALD H. WALDER Historical Atlas of Canada DANIELHIEBERT Geography, University of British Columbia The author gratefully acknowledges the assistance of Michael Hinton, Concordia University, and Kris Inwood, University of Guelph.

Value of industrial production: 1871; 1891 Industrial output, 1871,1891

In any examination of the Canadian pattern of manufacturing the primary sources are the decennial censuses. However, the 1871 and 1891 censuses present problems for several reasons. Statistical inaccuracies exist in varying amounts for different parts of the country. Comparing 1871 and 1891 data by census districts is difficult because the district boundaries vary between the two census years, particularly in parts of Quebec and Ontario. Moreover, the production categories were organized according to a simple listing suited to the staples-oriented manufacturing that dominated Canadian production until the late igth century. Industries were categorized according to the predominant material of the end product. Where products contained more than one material, categorization was difficult, and these industries were then placed in the 'other' category. For a review of the decennial censuses and the problems in their use see Drummond (1987) and Pomfret (1981). Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 3, table 55 - Census. 1891. Vol 3, table i Drummond, Ian M. Progress without Planning: The Economic History of Ontario from Confederation to the Second World War. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987. AppB Pomfret, Richard W.T. The Economic Development of Canada. Toronto: Methuen, 1981. Ch4

Growth of the cotton industry, 1871,1891

Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 3, table 53 - Census. 1891. Vol 3, table i

Agricultural-implement industry, 1871,1891

Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 3, table 28 - Census. 1891. Vol 3, table i

Industrial growth in the Grand River valley, Ontario: 1871; 1891

Pecuniary strength, the statistic used to illustrate structural change in manufacturing, reflected the net worth or capital strength of a firm as estimated by the credit-rating service of Dun, Wiman and Company. The measure was estimated by subtracting total liabilities from total assets. Beginning in 1864, the company issued yearly and later quarterly assessments of even the smallest of manufacturers and merchants. As a proprietor's personal assets and liabilities were often included in the calculation, the relative net worth of some firms was distorted. Early volumes did not provide coverage for all regions but by the 18705 coverage was virtually complete. Dun, Wiman and Company. The Mercantile Agency Reference Book and Key for the Dominion of Canada. Montreal: Dun, Wiman, Jan 1871 - The Mercantile Agency Reference Book Containing Ratings of the Merchants, Manufactures and Traders Generally throughout the Dominion of Canada. Montreal: Dun, Wiman, Sep 1891

Women in the workforce, 1891 Canada. Census. 1891. Vol 3, table 2

The Toronto clothing industry, 1891

The 1891 map of garment production in Toronto reveals the two elements of the garment industry in that era. Skilled tailors and dressmakers made custom clothing for those who could afford their services. Such custom shops were small, usually storefront, operations, located on busy streets throughout the city to maximize access to the market. A few of these were classified as 'merchant tailors' in the business directory; these were larger operations, often employing a handful of tailors, who sold goods off the rack which were then carefully fitted to the customer. There was also a growing complex of garment manufacturers and wholesalers in the downtown area who produced ready-made clothing. Beeby, Dean. 'Industrial and Manufacturing Growth in Toronto, 1880-1910.' Ontario History 76, no. 3 (1984): 199-232 Canada. Report of the Royal Commission upon the Sweating System in Canada. Ottawa, 1897 Hiebert, Dan. 'Discontinuity and the Emergence of Flexible Production: Garment Production in Toronto, 1901-1931.' Economic Geography 66, no. 3 (1990): 229-53 Toronto City Directory, 1891. Toronto: Might's Directories, 1891

Farm implements, 1860-1901

Canada. Sessional Papers. No. 10.1903. Vol 4 Phillips, William G. The Agricultural Implement Industry in Canada: A Study of Competition. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1956. P 55, table 56-6 Urquhart, M.C., and K.A.H. Buckley, eds. Historical Statistics of Canada. Toronto: Macmillan, 1965. Series 0376-407

Farm-implement production, 1871-1901

Canada. Census of the Canadas. 1861. No. 13, Upper Canada Return of Mills, Manufactories, etc. Vol 2, pp 226-53. No. 14, Lower Canada Return of Mills, Manufactories, etc. Vol 2, pp 256-83 - Census. 1871. Vol 3, table 28 - Census. 1881. Vol 3, table 29 - Census. 1891. Vol 3, table i - Census. 1901. Vol 3, table 16

Industrial workforce, 1871,1891

Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 3, table 55 - Census. 1891. Vol 3, table 2

Further readings

Acheson, T.W. The National Policy and the Industrialization of the Mar itimes.' Acadiensis i (Spring 1972): 3-28

Cross, Michael S., and Gregory S. Kealey, eds. Canada's Age of Industry, 1849-1896. Readings in Canadian Social History, vol 3. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1982 Gilmour, James M. The Spatial Evolution of Manufacturing: Southern Ontario 1851-1891. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1972 Hamelin, Jean, and Yves Roby. Histoire economique du Quebec, 1851-1896. Montreal: Fides, 1971 Linteau, Paul-Andre, Rene Durocher, and Jean-Claude Robert. Quebec: A History, 1867-1929. Toronto: Lorimer, 1983 McCann, L.D. 'Living a Double Life: Town and Country in the Industrialization of the Maritimes.' In Douglas Day, ed. Geographical Perspectives on the Maritime Provinces. Halifax: Saint Mary's University, 1988. Pp 93-113 - 'Metropolitanism and Branch Businesses in the Maritimes, 1881-1931.' Acadiensis 13, no. i (1983): 112-25 Norrie, Kenneth H., and Douglas Owram. A History of the Canadian Economy. Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Canada, 1991

P L A T E 49 Social Change in Montreal, 1842-1901 SHERRY OLSON Geography, McGffl University DAVID H ANN A Geographic, Universite du Quebec a Montreal We thank Stephen Hertzog, Robert Lewis, Lourdes Meana, Morris Portnoff, and Steve Passudetti for their research assistance, Dianne Hanna and Lourdes Meana for preparing base maps, and Paul-Andre Linteau for first suggesting the tax rolls as a source. We thank, too, the archivists of the municipalities of Montreal, Westmount, and Outremont for help with sources. Data for the maps and graphs, except where otherwise indicated, were taken from the rental valuations of the City of Montreal tax rolls, feuilles de route, for 1847,1861, 1881, and 1901. The tax rolls for annexed suburbs were also included. Suburbs annexed before 1892 (Hochelaga, Saint-Jean-Baptiste, Saint-Gabriel, and Coteau Saint-Louis) were added to the 1881 street segments, bouts de rue, while the 1901 bouts de rue included the suburbs of Saint-Henri, Saint-Cunegonde, Westmount, Cote SaintPaul, Saint-Louis du Mile-End, and Maisonneuve. Methods of compiling the tax-roll data on occupations of heads of households and annual rent paid, as well as the method of segmenting and categorizing streets by rental groups are described in Hanna and Olson (1983), pp 259-63. More detailed descriptions of this research analysis of Montreal's demographic growth, housing, social class, and social structures is found in Olson, Hanna, and Thornton (1985). Hanna, David, and Sherry Olson. 'Metiers, loyers et bouts de rue: 1'armature de la societe montrealaise, 1881 a 1901.' Cahiers de geographic du Quebec 27, no. 71 (1983): 255-76 Olson, Sherry, David Hanna, and Patricia A. Thornton. 'Partage social et partage de 1'espace a Montreal, 1847 a 1901.' Rapport d'etape du 31 mai 1985 ou Fonds FCAR Quebec. Projet 84 EQ. Unpublished ms, Department of Geography, McGill University

Montreal: 1847; 1861; 1881; 1901 Heads of households, 1881 Rent, 1881 Religion, 1850-1900

Each of the occupations or occupation groups selected was represented by a statistically verifiable sample of household heads who reported that occupation at the time of municipal tax evaluation. Lovell's Montreal Directory 184.2. Montreal: Lovell, 1842 Montreal. Municipal tax rolls. Various years

Population density: 1842; 1861; 1881; 1901 Growth of households, 1842,1861,1881,1901 Home ownership by occupation, 1842-1881 Montreal. Municipal tax rolls. Various years

Selected occupations and rent classes, 1881

Rental values were manipulated in logarithmic transformations and grouped in multiples. Street segments or bouts de rue average 100 households, with a minimum of 30.

Cultural community, 1844,1861,1881,1901

Canada. Census. 1871. Vol 4. Census of Lower Canada, 1844, tables 2, 3. Census of Lower Canada, 1860-1, tables 2, 3 - Census. 1881. Vol i, tables 2, 3, 4 - Census. 1901. Vol i, tables 9,11,14

The city climbs the mountain: 1861; 1881

Rent classes were based on the median annual rent in dollars, from the municipal tax rolls.

Building permits, 1847-1901

Estimates for 1842-55 are derived from the 1842 and 1844 censuses and from an annual sampling, by David Hanna, of the assessment-roll increases in new houses. Estimates for 1856-61 were based on Sandham (1870), and for 1862-1901 on the Annual Reports of the Inspector of Buildings for Montreal. Montreal. Annual Reports of the Inspector of Buildings for the City of Montreal. 1862-1901 Sandham, Alfred. Ville-Marie, or, Sketches of Montreal, Past and Present. Montreal: Bishop, 1870. P 200

A scale of living space: a typology of new housing

For this composite streetscape of 1881 actual houses were selected according to annual rents and photographed. The photomontage was used by Carmen Jensen for her drawings of the houses. Dimensions were calculated in feet. Canada. The Royal Commission on the Relations between Capital and Labour in Canada. Ottawa, 1889. Pp 258-65

Further readings

Hanna, David. 'Montreal, A City Built by Small Builders: 1867-1880.' PhD thesis, McGill University, 1986 Hoskins, Ralph. 'Workers at the Grand Trunk Railway Shops.' Cahiers de geographic du Quebec 33, no. 90 (1989): 323-44 Lewis, Robert. The Segregated City: Residential Differentiation, 1861-1901.' MA thesis, McGill University, 1985 Olson, Sherry. 'Occupations and Residential Spaces in Nineteenth-Century Montreal.' Historical Methods 22, no. 3 (1989): 81-96 Pfantz, W, ed. Charles Booth on the City: Physical Pattern and Social Structure. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967

P L A T E 50 Commerce in the Core: Toronto, 1881 GUNTER GAD Geography, University of Toronto ELIZABETH BUCHANAN University of Toronto Schools DERYCK W. HOLDSWORTH Geography, Pennsylvania State University We wish to thank Victor Russell and the staff of the City of Toronto Archives for their unfailingly cheerful support.

Central business district, 1881 Central area, 1881

At the core of the late 19th-century city was a district in which high-order business functions crowded together. Many notions of the central business district (CBD) involve a narrow range of functions, such as retail and private offices, although some definitions include wholesale activities (eg, Ward, 1966). The approach on this plate has been to map what are hypothesized to be high-order retail and service functions in late 19th-century Toronto (especially dry goods stores, banks, and wholesale firms). In addition, functions that are not expected to be located in the CBD, like manufacturing establishments, were mapped in order to identify the CBD in a negative way. This approach led to more probing, since dry goods stores appeared throughout the city along commercial axes, and several kinds of manufacturing activities were highly concentrated in the city centre. After mapping a wide range of business types and after considering both the relative absence of a residential population and the fairly high intensity of development, the CBD boundaries shown on the plate were arrived at. The boundaries contain a small residential population largely living in hotels, on some of the upper floors of commercial buildings (especially as caretakers), and in small houses tucked away in some of the back streets and alleys. A high intensity of development is indicated by a continuous frontage of three- and four-storey buildings. There are three differences between the retail streets inside the CBD and the commercial axes. First, the buildings in the CBD were three or four storeys, while those on the commercial axes were usually only two or two-and-a-half storeys. Second, the owners of the stores along the commercial axes generally lived above their shops, while almost no store owner could be identified as living above a retail store on the King Street axis within the CBD, and only about a quarter of the store owners along Yonge Street within the CBD seemed to live above shops. Third, the high-order retail stores along the commercial axes did not include any of the large retail establishments that were found in the CBD. A crucial element of the CBD are high-order retail stores. For Toronto in 1881, 511 of these establishments were identified by means of the Classified Business Directory section and cross-checked in the Alphabetical and Street Directory sections of the Toronto Directory for 1882. Cross-listings were eliminated. The following directory headings were used to identify high-order retail stores: Dry Goods; Fancy Goods; Millinery; Merchant Tailors; Clothiers (Second Hand); Hatters and Furriers; Ladies' Furnishings; Gents' Furnishings; Hardware, House Furnishings; Paints, Oils, etc; Crockery, Glassware, etc; Watchmakers and Jewellers; Booksellers and Stationers; Photographers; Music Dealers. Table i shows the number of high-order retail establishments and other high-order functions according to major sub-areas of the city. In order to retain visual clarity not all firms or establishments of CBD functions are shown on the map. Only 191 of the 207 high-order retail stores in the CBD are shown. Of the 145 wholesalers in the CBD 102 locations are shown. Of these 97 were wholesale firms which occupied an entire building as owner-occupier or tenant; 5 locations shown account for 12 wholesale establishments. With the exception of banks and mortgage-loan companies, individual office establishments are not shown on the map, since offices were generally accommodated in multi-tenant buildings. The map shows 60 office buildings with a (gross) floor space of 5 ooo ft2 (465 m2) or more. Printing and related functions are indicated by 40 locations accommodating 55 of the CBD's 68 firms. The map shows the spatial pattern of selected functions; it is not a land-use map. Apart from omitting some establishments which overlap in location, the map omits some high-order functions and all low-order functions. For instance, shoe and boot retailers were not mapped, because the categories in the Toronto Directory do not allow one to differentiate among retailers, wholesalers, and manufacturers, nor do they allow one to differentiate between a cobbler and a large retail store. The 'regionalization' or conceptual division of the CBD has been arrived at by a block-by-block analysis of the combination of high-order functions without, however, relying on any numerical decision tools. The CBD can first be divided into three subareas of high density in terms of building fabric and high-order functions at the core, and five lower-density sub-areas which form a CBD fringe. The focal part of Toronto's CBD in 1881 was the stretch of King Street between Church Street and Bay Street (high-order retail, offices, printing). This short axis was very intensively developed and was lined with high-order retail shops. However, above and between stores were offices, printing establishments, and other production units (especially the garment-production facilities of retailers) and small wholesale establishments. On the north side of King Street East there was a particularly strong presence of offices and printing firms. The second high-density sub-area was the 'offices, printing' cluster centred on Toronto Street and Adelaide Street just to the north of King Street East. The third high-density sub-area was the central part of the wholesale district (wholesale, offices, printing). Here there were 70 of the 145 CBDbased wholesale firms. The outer zone of the CBD included a peripheral part of the wholesale district.

Notes

177

Table 1 Distributions of Selected High-Order Functions Number of establishments

Type of business

CBD

High-order retail stores Wholesale firms Commission merchants2 Office-based activities Banks Mortgage-loan companies Insurance companies3 Stock brokers Law firms4 Accountants5 Architects Civil engineers and surveyors Real-estate and

207 145 101

incnran^o arronfc^

Real-estate agents5 Insurance agents5 Transportation companies and agents6 Printing and related businesses7 Hotels8

Centralarea fringe1 42 6 6

Elsewhere

Total for city

262 4 1

511 155 108

4 3 8

12 32 64 19 165 17 36

12

9

21

m 22 9

l

in 23 16

12 31 64 19 161 14 26

29 68 46

1

2

7

i 38

30

3 114

71 198

1 Area outside CBD boundary but within central area 2 Includes manufacturers' agents 3 Includes Toronto-based Canadian companies and foreign companies whose chief agency in Canada was in Toronto. Also included are provincially chartered companies and branches of companies based in other Canadian cities. In many cases several insurance companies were administered from one office, including the offices of insurance agents. In 1881 the 64 companies were based in 43 insurance offices. A few of these overlapped with the insurance agents listed below. 4 'Barristers, attorneys, solicitors, etc' according to the Toronto Directory for 1882 5 There was a lot of overlap among accountants, insurance agents and real-estate agents. Double-counting has been avoided in this table. A new category, real estate-insurance agents, has been created. 6 Includes express companies, cartage agents, agents for railways and shipping lines, customs brokers, and the Great NW Telegraph Co. Double-counting has been avoided. 7 Includes printers, bookbinders, electrotypers and stereotypers, engravers, envelope manufacturers, law stationers, lithographers, and paper manufacturers. Double-counting has been avoided. 8 Excludes lunch and dining rooms, restaurants, and saloons

The major retail axis along King Street between Church and Bay had three extensions, King Street East, King Street West, and Yonge Street north of King. These shared a number of features. High-order retail stores were very important, but the other CBD functions were either totally absent or very weakly represented. In the last CBD sub-area (offices, printing, scattered), the area on King Street West and north of it between Yonge and Bay, there were some offices and printing firms. The CBD was surrounded by a zone of mixed land use. In most of this central-area fringe there were substantial clusters of residential dwellings, sometimes mixed with factories, hotels, and a variety of institutions. These institutions, however, were mostly high-order ones, including the top level of the provincial administration, together with the high courts of the province of Ontario. The leading churches and the city's only synagogue were here, as were several of the major schools in the city. The southern part of the central-area fringe was dominated by transportation, transportation-related, and manufacturing functions. Building density was low here, open storage frequent, and there was also a great amount of vacant land. Goad, C.E. Insurance Plan of the City of Toronto, Ontario. Vol. i. Montreal: Goad, 1880 Toronto Directory for 1882 ... Toronto: Might, 1882 Ward, D. The Industrial Revolution and the Emergence of Boston's Central Business District.' Economic Geography 42 (1960): 152,171

Economic activity, City of Toronto, 1881 DEVELOPED OR BUILT-UP AREA Within the boundaries of the City of Toronto two development intensities are shown: fully developed land and semi-developed land. Because of generalization fully developed land includes some vacant lots or some large lots with small buildings. Vacant lots or groups of lots are shown only when they are larger than 250 ft2 (76 m2). Semi-developed land consists of large private or public lots of at least 250 ft2 (76 m2) or 1.4 acres (0.58 ha) with a low building coverage. Semi-developed lands also include areas where scattered development occupies less than 50% of the surface. The fully developed and semi-developed lands within the city boundaries were determined with the help of Goad's 1880 Insurance Plan and 1884 Atlas of the City of Toronto and the Toronto Directory for 1882. Development in the areas outside the City of Toronto boundaries was taken from a manuscript map compiled by Harris and Luymes.

and small, artisanal establishments. Residences above, behind, and between commercial establishments were also part of these commercial axes. Most of the commercial functions mentioned could also be found scattered throughout more residential areas of the city. The commercial axes, however, were the only areas with any concentration of high-order retail functions outside the CBD. A street section was classified as a commercial axis if a minimum density of 4 of the 511 mapped high-order retail stores were present over a stretch of i ooo feet (305 m). INDUSTRIAL SITES The census of 1881 reveals that there were 870 'industrial establishments' in the City of Toronto in 1880-1. Unfortunately there are no systematic data sources documenting the size of individual industrial establishments in terms of employment, capital, or output. The only convenient way of separating small and large establishments was by determining the amount of land they individually occupied. A total of 100 industrial sites above a threshold of 5 ooo ft2 (465 m2) were identified. Canada. Census. 1880-1. Vol 3, pp 323-496 Canton, Isobel 'The Subdivision Process in Toronto, 1851-1883.' In G.A. Stelter and A.F. Artibise, eds. Shaping the Urban Landscape: Aspects of the Canadian City-Building Process. Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1982. Pp 200-31 Goad, C.E. (1884) Atlas of the City of Toronto and Vicinity ... Toronto: Goad, 1884 - Insurance Plan of the City of Toronto. Vol 1.1880 Harris, R., and M. Luymes. Detailed (intermediate) map of the built-up area of Toronto, ca 1881. Toronto: University of Toronto, Robarts Research Library, Map Room, nd. Unpublished ms - The Growth of Toronto, 1861-1941: A Cartographic Essay.' Urban History Review / Revue d' histoire urbaine 18, no. 3 (1990): 244-55 Toronto Directory for 1882

Eaton's and Simpson's dry goods stores: 1880-1883; 1883-1890

Eaton's was established at the southwest corner of Yonge Street and Queen Street (no. 178 Yonge) in 1869. Hemmed in by Simpson's to the south in 1881, Timothy Eaton acquired 190-6 Yonge Street, a few doors north of Queen Street, in 1882-3, and opened a store at the new location in Aug 1883. In 1886 the Eaton store was extended to Queen Street in an L-shape, and by 1890 it was extended again to James Street. Robert Simpson established a dry goods store at 184 Yonge Street (a few properties north of Queen Street) in 1872. In 1881 Simpson's moved south along Yonge to nos 174-6, directly next to Eaton's, and in 1884 Simpson's expanded north into the old Eaton's store at 178 Yonge Street (Santink, 1990, pp 62, 78, 92, 95-6). Gad, G., and D.W. Holdsworth The Emergence of Corporate Toronto.' HAC, vol III, pi 15 Goad, C.E. Atlas of the City of Toronto and Vicinity ... 1884 - Atlas of the City of Toronto and Vicinity ... 2nd ed. Toronto: Goad, 1890 - Insurance Plan of the City of Toronto. Vol 1.1880 Santink, Joy L. Timothy Eaton and the Rise of His Department Store. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990

Selected high-order and low-order retailing, City of Toronto, 1881

The map shows two radically different city-wide distribution patterns of retail stores. The 124 high-order stores are located in the CBD and along commercial axes while the 486 low-order grocery stores are scattered throughout the city. Four categories of high-order stores are represented: hardware; crockery and glassware; paints, oils, etc; and watchmakers and jewellers. Altogether 501 grocers were identified on the basis of the Toronto Directory for 1882, of which 496 were mapped. Toronto Directory for 1882

Assets of financial institutions, 1881

Financial institutions were an important part of the multifaceted production and control centre which Toronto had become by the 18703 and i88os. There were 'four pillars' of the financial arena: the chartered banks, the insurance companies, the mortgage-loan companies (or 'loan companies and building societies' as they were officially called), and a fledgling stock-trading business. The companies on which the graph is based were those chartered federally or about which the federal government collected information. Neufeld, E.P. The Financial System of Canada: Its Growth and Development. Toronto: Macmillan, 1972 BANKS 'No returns' were indicated for the three Prince Edward Island banks and the Bank of British Columbia. For the latter, assets for the end of 1881 were reported in Canada Gazette 4 Feb 1882:1135. For the PEI banks estimates had to be made. Canada. Department of Finance. 'Statement of Banks under Charter, for the month ending December 31,1881.' Supplement to Canada Gazette. Jan 1882 QUEBEC SAVINGS BANKS Canada Gazette. 14 Jan 1882. P 986 MORTGAGE-LOAN COMPANIES (LOAN COMPANIES AND BUILDING SOCIETIES) Of the 99 mortgage-loan companies listed 18 did not file returns and therefore assets had to be estimated using pro-rated 1891 figures or other means. The data on the graph includes the Credit Fonder Franco-Canadien for which assets were obtained from Canada Gazette (1882). Canada. Department of Finance. 'Statement of the Affairs of Loan Companies and Building Societies in the Dominion of Canada for the Year 1880, as furnished by them to the Department of Finance, 23rd September 1880.' Sheet attached to Canada Gazette. 31 Dec 1880. Held at the Robarts Research Library, University of Toronto - Canada Gazette. 4 Mar 1882. P 1320

STREETCAR LINES Lines in existence and under construction in 1881 are shown.

INSURANCE Canada. Superintendent of Insurance. 'Report of the Superintendent of Insurance of the Dominion of Canada for the Year Ending 3ist December, 1881.' Sessional Papers. 1883. No. 12

COMMERCIAL AXES Several main streets between the CBD and the city boundaries were lined with stores of all kinds, hotels (saloons, pubs), workshops of tradesmen (eg, plumbers, builders),

Only 11 of the 60 private office buildings in the CBD were occupied by a single owner or tenant; the vast majority of office buildings were multiple-occupancy buildings.

178 Notes

Office-building occupancy patterns: Toronto Street; wholesale district

The larger of these accommodated up to 25 tenants. Individual offices were small, rarely comprising more than 10 men. The graph contrasts four sample buildings located on Toronto Street in the 'offices, printing' sub-area with four sample buildings in the core of the wholesale district (wholesale, offices, printing sub-area). Onethird of the offices in the Toronto Street sample buildings were law firms. Architects, mortgage-loan companies, and insurance companies also accounted for a considerable share of office establishments. A key component of the small office area centred on Toronto Street was the group of mortgage-loan companies. Little is known about the linkages in this sub-area. However, the clustering of lawyers, architects, civil engineers, real-estate agents, and insurance agents points to a potentially interlocking set of businesses engaged in the development and transfer of real estate. There were, however, other important components of this sub-area: the courts together with the legal profession, several offices of the federal government (Post Office, Inland Revenue, Indian Affairs), and a wide range of other offices, including most of the relatively new life-insurance companies. By 1881 the Toronto Street area had emerged as a general office district. It is worth remarking that at this time Toronto had no financial district. The two financial subsystems, the banking system and the mortgage-loan system, were part of the wholesale district and a general office area. Toronto Directory for 1882 ...

The wholesale system, ca 1880

The import and wholesale process consisted of five different steps: acquiring the goods abroad, shipping insured goods to Canada, warehousing the goods, financing the exchange of goods, and selling the goods to retailers (Cosgrove, 1971, pp 49-63). These five steps involved three separate but interactive flows of goods, people, and money. The diagram describes the relatively straightforward flow of foreign goods through the major ports of entry in North America to the Toronto wholesaler and on to the retailer for subsequent sale to consumers in the cities and the countryside of Ontario, together with the more complex flows of credit, payment, and other information flows related to buying, selling, shipping, and financing. The wholesale district was the spatial focus of a far-flung system. There was not only a tight concentration of wholesale houses but also an equally strong concentration of the services needed to orchestrate the flow of goods from many different places to the residents of Ontario and the newly emerging western Canada. Banks, marine- and fire-insurance companies, transportation companies and agencies, credit-reporting services, customs brokers, the more important telegraph offices, and the Customs House were part of an intricate spatial complex. Cosgrove, D.E. 'Dry and Fancy Goods Wholesaling in Nineteenth Century Toronto.' Master's research paper, Department of Geography, University of Toronto, 1971 McCalla, D. The Upper Canada Trade: A Study of the Buchanan Business. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1979

Further readings

Careless, J.M.S. Toronto to 19x8: An Illustrated History. Toronto: Lorimer / Ottawa: National Museums of Canada, 1984. Pp 109-47 Gad, G., and D.W. Holdsworth. 'Building for City, Region, and Nation: Office Development in Toronto 1834-1984.' In V.L. Russell, ed. Forging a Consensus: Historical Essays on Toronto. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984. Pp 272-319 - 'Streetscape and Society: The Changing Built Environment of King Street, Toronto.' In R. Hall, Laurel Sefton MacDowell, and W. Westfall, eds. Patterns of the Past: Interpreting Ontario's History. Toronto: Dundurn, 1988. Pp 174-205 Masters, D.C. The Rise of Toronto, 1850-1890. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1947

P L A T E 51 The Printed Word JOHN H. WADLAND Canadian Studies Program, Trent University MARGARET HOBBS Women's Studies Program, Trent University The authors are deeply indebted to John Wiseman, Fernand Harvey, and George Parker for their assistance in the preparation of this plate.

Newspapers, 1891

This map identifies communities in which newspapers survived until 1891. Almost invariably the most independent newspapers were those based in major urban centres, not because their occupants were more intelligent but because they constituted the densest consumer market. As time passed, the symbiotic relationship between advertising and circulation strengthened. Advertisements consumed between onethird and two-thirds of the space in any given newspaper; by 1900 big-city dailies generated 75% of their revenues from advertisements. In 1891 there were 101 dailies in Canada, of which 36 were Conservative, 35 Liberal, and 30 Independent. Beaulieu, Andre, and Jean Hamelin. La presse quebecoise des origines a nos jours. Quebec: Les Presses de 1'universite Laval, 1973-9, Vols 1-4 Boylann, Heather, compiler. Checklist and Historical Directory of Prince Edward Island Newspapers, 1787-1986. Charlottetown: Provincial Archives of Prince Edward Island, 1987 The Canadian Newspaper Directory. Montreal: McKim, 1892 Ellison, Suzanne, compiler. Historical Directory of Newfoundland and Labrador Newspapers, 1807-1987. St John's: Memorial University of Newfoundland Library, 1988 Gilchrist, J. Brian, ed and compiler. Inventory of Ontario Newspapers, 1793-1986. Toronto: Micromedia, 1987 Harper, J. Russell. Historical Directory of New Brunswick Newspapers and Periodicals. Fredericton: University of New Brunswick, 1961 MacDonald, Christine. Historical Directory of Saskatchewan Newspapers, 1878-1983. Regina and Saskatoon: Saskatchewan Archives Board, 1984 Manitoba Library Association. Manitoba Newspaper Checklist with Library Holdings, 1859-1986. Winnipeg: Manitoba Library Association, 1986 Smith, Ruell. Canadian Newspapers in the University of British Columbia Library. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Library, 1974

Strathern, Gloria. Alberta Newspapers, 1880-1982: An Historical Directory. Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1988 Tratt, Gertrude E.N. A Survey and Listing of Nova Scotia Newspapers, 1752-1957. Halifax: Dalhousie University Libraries and Dalhousie University School of Library Services, 1979

Collective libraries, 1779-1830 Mechanics' Institutes, 1828-1852 Public libraries, 1891 Montreal collective libraries

The public library as we understand it did not exist before the end of the 19th century. The first public-access libraries in Canada date from the Quebec Library of 1779. We call such institutions collective libraries because they served groups of people who had need of specific books. They might be owned jointly by shareholders who formed an association with the express purpose of organizing a library, or they might be established as adjuncts to professional bodies, such as a bar association or medical society, or they might be subscription libraries supported by membership fees and bequests. The immediate precursor of the public library was the Mechanics' Institute. Mechanics' Institutes originated in Britain in 1823 as voluntary educational associations of apprentices and labourers looking for ways to expand their skills in an increasingly technical world. The York Mechanics' Institute was established in 1830. Two years later the York Typographical Society, predecessor of the oldest trade union in Canada, was founded. Presumably the printing and allied trades would have been moving forces in the creation of the Institutes. Their workers were both literate and highly skilled in the increasingly technical sphere of communication. By 1895, when provincial legislation effectively converted them into public libraries, there were in Ontario approximately 300 Mechanics' Institutes, of which over 30% contained more than i ooo volumes each. Parish libraries in rural Quebec reflected ultramontane pressure to oppose the Instituts canadiens. The first Institut canadien was founded in Montreal in 1844 and was emulated in over 50 centres thereafter. The Instituts were havens for intellectual discussion and animated political debate and often maintained libraries containing a rich array of secular, often controversial, publications, including newspapers. When the Church triumphed, stamping out most of the Instituts by 1885, the library of the Montreal Institut canadien was amalgamated with the famous Mercantile Library after being purchased by the Fraser Institute. In 1891 the Fraser Institute could circulate 30 ooo volumes. In the 19th century 165 libraries (21 of them parish libraries) were founded in Montreal alone. Although few were large and few survived intact into the 2Oth century, their holdings were gradually consolidated and continued to serve the community. For example, the Cabinet de lecture paroissial de Montreal (1857) absorbed the ultramontane-inspired CEuvre des bons livres (1844), and together they constituted the backbone of the Bibliotheque Saint-Sulpice (1915), which evolved into the Bibliotheque nationale du Quebec (1967). On our maps neither parish nor Sunday school libraries have been included, but it should not be assumed that they were always small or that their titles were invariably sectarian. Only the principal libraries of the universities and classical colleges appear in our analysis. The latter are particularly important; Yvan Lamonde has shown that between 1856 and 1881 they contained almost 50% of the volumes held by all educational institutions in Quebec, including universities, academies, ecoles normales, and ecoles modeles. Were it possible to map all school, township, parish, convent, seminary, Sunday school, trade union, hospital, personal, business, and travelling libraries across the country, one would be struck at once by the extraordinary number of institutions housing books and by their widespread distribution. Still, urban centres contained the largest and most cosmopolitan collections, while the population remained predominantly rural. Bain, James. 'Public Libraries in the Dominion of Canada.' In Weston Flint, ed. Statistics of Public Libraries in the United States and Canada. Office of Education, Circular of Information no. 7. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1893. Pp 205-13 - The Public Libraries of Canada.' In J. Castell Hopkins, ed. Canada: An Encyclopedia of the Country. Toronto: Liscott, 1899. Vol 5, pp 207-11 Bow, Eric C. 'The Public Library Movement in Nineteenth Century Ontario.' Ontario Library Review 66 (Mar 1982): 1-16 Bruce, Lome. 'Public Libraries in Ontario, 1882-1920.' Ontario History 77 (June 1985): 123-49 Canada. Dominion Bureau of Statistics. Annual Survey of Education in Canada, 1928. Ottawa, 1930 Coughlin, Violet L. Larger Units of Public Library Service in Canada: With Particular Reference to the Provinces of Prince Edward Island, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1968. Pp. 28-39 Curtis, Bruce.' "Littery Merritt," "Useful Knowledge" and the Organization of Township Libraries in Canada West, 1840-1860.' Ontario History 78 (Dec 1986): 265-311 Greer, Allan. The Pattern of Literacy in Quebec, 1745-1899.' Histoire sociale / Social History 11 (1978): 295-335 Lamonde, Yvan. Les bibliotheques de collectivites a Montreal (i7e-i9e siecles). Montreal: Bibliotheque nationale du Quebec, 1979 Lamonde, Yvan, ed. L'imprimeau Quebec: aspects historiques (i8e-20e siecles). Quebec: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture, 1983 Ontario. Department of Education. Special Report of the Minister of Education on the Mechanics' Institutes. Toronto: Robinson, 1881 Payne, Michael, and Gregory Thomas. 'Literacy, Literature and Librarians in the Fur Trade.' Beaver no. 313 (Spring 1983): 44-53 Rhees, William J. Manual of Public Libraries, Institutions and Societies in the United States and British Provinces of North America. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1859 Ryder, Dorothy. 'The Red River Public Library, June 1822.' Papers of the Bibliographical Society of Canada 22 (1983): 16-55

Daily newspaper circulation, 1872-1900

Rutherford, Paul. A Victorian Authority: The Daily Press in Late Nineteenth Century Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982. P 5

Sharing the roles: Editor/proprietor/publisher/printer

The Canada Directory for 1857-58. Montreal: Lovell, 1857. Pp 114°~5

Notes

179

Growth of specialized journals, 1885-1893

Canada. Department of Agriculture. The Statistical Year Book of Canada, 1894. Ottawa, 1895.P 1029

Literary production in Quebec, 1800-1899

Tellier, Sylvie. Chronologic litteraire du Quebec. Quebec: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture, 1982

Mailing the newspapers, 1868-1890

The glue cementing the Confederation of 1867 may have been overtly political, but without major railways and the federal Post Office Department (1868) there would have been no vehicle for transmitting the opinions of the free press so essential to sustaining informed debate. A government decision enacted in 1882 exempted newspapers and periodicals from postage. In rural constituencies it was not uncommon for editors to plagiarize verbatim from a variety of urban dailies. By the mid-i84os the telegraph, reinforced after 1876 by the telephone, had begun to move regional and national information to the desk of the editor; in 1866 the transatlantic cable linked Canada to Britain, ensuring the rapid transmission of international news. Linen rag paper had been supplied locally since the early iSoos, but by 1866 newsprint was used. Once photogravure was introduced in the 18905, the number of pages printed grew exponentially. Canada. Canada Official Postal Guide, 1891. Ottawa, 1891 - The Statistical Year Book of Canada, 1891.1892. P 251

Methodist Book Room publications, Toronto, 1830-1900

In the igth century most printing, publishing, and bookselling enterprises were Canadian-owned, but in English Canada inequitable British and American copyright laws and the small home market conspired to prevent Canadians from becoming major players, at least until 1885 when Canada joined the Berne Convention. In 1879 William Briggs assumed the direction of the Methodist Book and Publishing House (after 1919 Ryerson Press), which had been established in 1829 to produce the Christian Guardian, the most influential newspaper in Upper Canada. Egerton Ryerson, the founding editor, published and sold religious books through the Methodist Book Room. After 1843 it separated from the Guardian and broadened its publishing list to include a more eclectic menu of trade and text books. Briggs made the company the largest and most powerful publishing operation in the country by nurturing a stable of well-respected Canadian authors and by initiating an agency business to serve several prominent British and American publishers. Parker, George L. The Beginnings of the Book Trade in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985 Wallace, W. Stewart. The Ryerson Imprint: A Checklist of the Books and Pamphlets Published by the Ryerson Press since the Foundation of the House in 1829. Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1954

Further readings

Bain, James. 'Canadian Libraries.' Library Journal 25 (Aug 1900): 7-10 Beaven, Brian P.N. 'Partnership, Patronage and the Press in Ontario, 1880-1914: Myths and Realities.' Canadian Historical Review 64 (Sep 1983): 317-51 Benn, Carl. The Upper Canadian Press, 1773-1815.' Ontario History 70 (1978): 91-114 Bernatchez, Ginette. 'La societe litteraire et historique de Quebec, 1824-1890.' Revue d'histoire de I'Amerique franqaise 35 (1981): 179-92 Blanchard, Jim. 'Anatomy of Failure: Ontario Mechanics' Institutes, 1835-1895.' Canadian Library Journal 38 (Dec 1981): 393-8 The Canadian Book of Printing: How Printing Came to Canada and the Story of the Graphic Arts, Told Mainly in Pictures. Toronto: Toronto Public Libraries, 1940 Canadian Library Journal. Special issue on library history 38 (Dec 1981) de Bonville, Jean. La presse quebecoise de 1884 a 1914: genese d'un media de masse. Quebec: Les Presses de 1'universite Laval, 1988 Fauteaux, Aegidius. The Introduction of Printing into Canada. Montreal: Rolland, 1930 Fleming, Patricia Lockhart. Upper Canadian Imprints, 1801-1841. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1988 Garry, Lorraine Spencer, and Carl Garry. Canadian Libraries in Their Changing Environment. Downsview: Centre for Continuing Education, 1977 Gundy, H. Pearson. Book Publishing and Publishers in Canada before 1900. Toronto: Bibliographical Society of Canada, 1965 - Early Printers and Printing in the Canadas. Toronto: Bibliographical Society of Canada, 1965 Hardy, E.A. The Public Library: Its Place in Our Educational System. Toronto: Briggs, 1912 Hayne, David M. 'Quebec Library History: A Survey.' Canadian Library Journal 38 (Dec 1981): 355-61 Hulse, Elizabeth. A Dictionary of Toronto Printers, Publishers, Booksellers and the Allied Trades, 1798-1900. Toronto: Anson-Cartwright, 1982 Kesterton, W.H. A History of Journalism in Canada. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1967 Klinck, Carl F., ed. Literary History of Canada. 2nd ed. 3 vols. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1976 Lamonde, Yvan. 'Social Origins of the Public Library in Montreal.' Canadian Library Journal, 38 (Dec 1918), 363-70 Lovell's Province of Ontario Directory of 1871. Montreal: Lovell, 1871 Loveridge, D.M. A Historical Directory of Manitoba Newspapers, 1859-1978. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1981 McNally, Peter E, ed. Readings in Canadian Library History. Ottawa: Canadian Library Association, 1986 Morton, Elizabeth H. 'Library History of Canada: A Panoramic Survey.' Library History Review i (Dec 1974): 65-98; 2 (Mar 1974); 82-106 Rowell's American Newspaper Directory: Containing a Description of All the Newspapers and Periodicals Published in the United States and Territories, Dominion of Canada and Newfoundland, and of the Towns and Cities in Which They Are Published, Together with a Statement or Estimate of the Average Number of Copies Printed by Each Publication Catalogued. 40 vols. New York: Rowell, 1869-1908 Tod, Dorothea, and Audrey Cordingley. 'A Bibliography of Canadian Literary Periodicals, 1789-1900.' Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada. 3rd series. 26, section 2 (1932): 87-96 Tremaine, Marie. Early Printing in Canada. Toronto: Golden Dog Press, 1934 Wallace, W. Stewart. The Ryerson Imprint: A Checklist of the Books and Pamphlets Pub-

180

Notes

lished by the Ryerson Press since the Foundation of the House in 1829. Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1954 Wiseman, John A. 'Phoenix in Flight: Ontario Mechanics' Institutes, 1880-1920.' Canadian Library Journal 38 (Dec 1981): 401-5 - 'Silent Companions: The Dissemination of Books and Periodicals in Nineteenth Century Ontario.' Publishing History 12 (1982): 17-50

P L A T E 52 Religious Denominations, 1891 JOHN WEBSTER GRANT Church History, Victoria University in the University of Toronto J O H N S . MOIR History, University of Toronto

Major denominations, 1891

The circles on this map are proportional in size to the total population of a county, or district in the West. Where a major city is located in a county, the circle represents the population of both the city and the county (eg, London-Middlesex). Canada. Census. 1891. Vol i, table 4

Population and religion, 1851,1871,1891

Successive unions of smaller groups resulted in the formation of the Presbyterian Church in Canada in 1875 and of the Methodist Church in 1884. Figures for 1851 and 1871 represent totals of these groups. Canada. Census. 1871. Vol i, table 2. Vol 4. Census of Upper Canada, 1851-2, table 2; Census of Lower Canda, 1851-2, table 2; Census of Nova Scotia, 1851, table 2; Census of Prince Edward Island, 1871, table 2 - Census. 1891. Vol i, table 4

Religious adherence, 1891

The graph on religious adherence was compiled from the data in the 1891 census, which gave the resident population by census subdivision for different religious groups. The population of each religion in a census division was placed in a size category. These population categories were then added by province and the results shown on the graph. Canada. Census. 1891. Vol i, table 4

Further readings

Grant, John Webster. The Church in the Canadian Era. Vol 3 of A History of the Christian Church in Canada. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1972. Rev ed. Burlington, Ont: Welch, 1988 Handy, Robert T. A History of the Churches in the United States and Canada. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976 Moir, John S. The Church in the British Era. Vol 2 of A History of the Christian Church in Canada. 1972 Rawlyk, George A., ed. The Canadian Protestant Experience, 1760 to 1990. Burlington, Ont.: Welch, 1990

P L A T E 53 Defining Sacred Space JOHN WEBSTER GRANT Church History, Victoria University in the University of Toronto J O H N S. M OIR History, University of Toronto

Church buildings, 1891

Canada. Census. 1891. Vol 2, table 9

Western missions, 1891

Grant, John Webster. Moon of Wintertime - Missionaries and the Indians of Canada in Encounter since 1534. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984 See also notes for pll 5 and 17.

Women's Missionary Society, Presbyterian Church, 1890

MacGillvary, Janet. The Story of Our Missions. Toronto: Women's Missionary Society of the Presbyterian Church in Canada, 1915. Map opp p 298

Glebe lands, Upper Canada, 1789-1836

Glebes are agricultural lands, owned by a congregation, whose produce or rental provides financial support for incumbent clergy. The controversial Church of England glebe lands, averaging 400 acres per parish, were those assigned to 44 churches by an order-in-council under Sir John Colborne on 15 Jan 1836 (13 additional patents for lands were prepared but never signed). The creation of these was the culmination of the decision in the Constitutional Act of 1791 to create an Anglican establishment in Upper Canada. The provision for making clergy reserves was another and related feature intended to provide income for the Church of England during the early period of settlement. Of the glebe lands patented in 1836, some three-quarters were taken from the clergy reserves in contravention of the Colonial Office intent to establish glebes in addition to clergy reserves. Canada, Province of. Journals of the Legislative Assembly. 1849. App. Statement of Lands Set Apart for the Endowment of Churches in Upper Canada ... Great Britain. British Parliamentary Papers, various dates

A Methodist circuit, 1829

The routes shown were reconstructed using 19th-century maps and a description of the circuit by Carroll (1871). The exact route between stops is not known. Carroll, John. Case and His Contemporaries ... Vol 3. Toronto: Methodist Conference Office, 1871. Pp 199-201 NAC. Cartographic and Architectural Division. Major Baron de Rottenberg. Map of Principal Communications in Canada West. 1850. NMC 12437. Sheet 3

Methodist charges, part of the Toronto Conference, 1899 Based on a chart in the United Church Archives

Historical Atlas of the County of Wellington, Ont. Toronto: Historical Atlas Publishing Co, 1906 Illustrated Historical Atlas of the County ofHalton, Ont. Toronto: Walker and Miles, 1877 Illustrated Historical Atlas of the County of Peel, Ont. Toronto: Walker and Miles, 1877 United Church Archives. Toronto Conference. List of Circuits and Appointments. 1899. MM6C M565M Catholic parishes and institutions: Diocese of Saint-Hyacinthe, before

1800 to 1900

We are indebted for these maps to Franchise Noel, History, University of Waterloo. Only those institutions run by a religious order are shown. Although there was a school in every parish, the schools shown are those run by nuns or brothers. Towards the end of the century the trend was to replace lay teachers by nuns or brothers. Generally the first religious order to establish itself in a parish was a female teaching order. The male orders did not start settling in the diocese until the last two decades of the century. Data are based on various church archival materials and the following: Grise, Jacques. Les candles provinciaux de Quebec et I'eglise canadienne 1851-1886. Montreal: Fides, 1979 Hamelin, Louis-Edmond. 'Evolution numerique seculaire du clerge catholique dans le Quebec. Recherches sociographiques 2 (1961): 189-242 Noel, Franchise. 'Catholic Institutions in the Diocese of Saint-Hyacinthe.' Unpublished ms map St Denis, P. Dominique de. L'eglise catholique au Canada / The Catholic Church in Canada. Montreal: Les editions Thau, 1956 Salvation Army citadels, 1882-1920 Moyles, R.G. The Blood and Fire in Canada: A History of the Salvation Army in the Dominion, 1882-1976. Toronto: Martin Associates, 1977. App E, pp 270-81 Alline's travels, 1777-1783 Alline's residences, 1777-1783 Beverley, James, and Barry M. Moody, eds. The Life and Journal of the Rev. Mr. Alline. Hantsport, NS: Lancelot Press, 1962 St Paul's Presbyterian Church, Hamilton, 1857 Photograph of a lithographed poster by William Thomas (1855) found in St Paul's Church Archives Thomas, William (1799-1860) DCB 8: 872-8 Further readings Bumstead, J.M. Henry Alline, 1748-1784. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971 Grant, John Webster. The Church in the Canadian Era. Vol 3 of A History of the Christian Church in Canada. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1972. Rev ed. Burlington, Ont: Welch, 1988 Handy, Robert T. A History of the Churches in the United States and Canada. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976 Moir, John S. The Church in the British Era. Vol 2 of A History of the Christian Church in Canada. 1972 Rawlyk, George A., ed. The Canadian Protestant Experience, 1760 to 1990. Burlington, Ont: Welch, 1990 Wilson, Alan. The Clergy Reserves of Upper Canada: A Canadian Mortmain. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968

P L A T E 54 Education: Variety and Separateness, 1851-1891 ALISON PRENTICE History and Philosophy, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education SUSAN L. LASKIN Toronto PAUL AXELROD Social Science, York University MARTA DANYLEWYCZ Deceased ALAN G. M ACPHERSON Geography, Memorial University of Newfoundland The many archivists and librarians who assisted us are too numerous to list, but we acknowledge, on behalf of the late Marta Danylewycz, the special help of Sister Florence Bertrand of the Archives of the Congregation de Notre-Dame, Montreal. Special thanks are due to her, as well as to the staff of the library in the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education. Because the boundaries distinguishing levels of schooling were indistinct in the igth century, it is difficult to be precise regarding the various institutions that offered higher education in Canada prior to 1891. In addition, the institutional frameworks for advanced study reflected religious, ethnic, and regional differences. The following institutions were selected for inclusion on the maps that chart aspects of higher education in Canada as a whole, in Ontario, and in Quebec. UNIVERSITIES

Universities were institutions that had charters, usually provided by a provincial legislature, and offered bachelor's and possibly master's degrees in the arts and sciences initially to men; women were not admitted until the 18705 (Mount Allison, in Sackville, NB) and the 18805 (most others). In the igth century most but not all universities had denominational connections. In some cases theological, medical, or law schools were affiliated with these institutions, although the association of professional schools with universities, as well as doctoral programs in the arts and sciences, were chiefly products of the 2oth century. COLLEGES The larger and more prestigious colleges were intended for young men and also had provincial charters. All were the creation of denominational interests and many had preparatory schools which took in quite young boys. Many of the men's colleges were interested in preparing young men for teaching or the professions, and some of these ultimately became universities. Others, such as Albert College, the Methodist Episcopal college in Belleville, Ontario, or Upper Canada College in Toronto, did not aspire to or achieve this transition. These either faded from the scene or evolved into

private primary and secondary schools, as provincial regulation increasingly defined the levels of schooling in the latter decades of the 19th century. WOMEN'S COLLEGES AND ACADEMIES

Like the men's colleges, the larger and more successful of the women's seminaries usually had denominational connections. They could not offer bachelor's or master's degrees and so created their own, sometimes certifying their graduates as 'mistresses of liberal arts' or of 'arts and science.' Some of the Protestant women's academies, such as Alexandra College in Belleville or Mount Allison in Sackville, were associated with a comparable men's college. Roman Catholic academies, in Quebec and elsewhere, were run by women's religious orders, such as the Congregation de Notre-Dame. Some universities provided advanced standing to graduates of these schools. Ultimately, ambitious women students were drawn into the orbit of the universities and, as provincial regulation increased, the women's academies and colleges either disappeared or became private secondary schools. NORMAL SCHOOLS

Created by provincial departments of education, the centrally located normal schools focused on the training of teachers, but they also provided opportunities for some young men and women to acquire learning more advanced than that available in local common and parish schools. Sometimes called the 'colleges of the people/ and for the most part co-educational, they were often used as stepping-stones to more advanced professional training in universities. Indeed, Quebec's first English-language normal school was attached from the beginning to McGill University. In French Catholic Quebec the two provincial normal schools accepted young men only, leaving the training of women teachers to the prestigious convent academies, which received small subsidies from the government for performing this task. GRANDS SEMINAIRES

Le grand seminaire de Quebec perhaps qualifies as the first institution of higher learning in Canada, dating as it does from 17th-century New France. It was the only French Canadian institution offering formal theological training until the creation of the Grand seminaire de Montreal in the 18405. In 1866 the Grand seminaire de Quebec formally affiliated with the new Faculte de theologie at Universite Laval. Between 1860 and 1890 several more grands seminaires were created in Quebec. Serving the needs of local dioceses, however, they lacked the status of the elite Montreal and Quebec seminaires. Students were unlikely to qualify for the priesthood in the province without having studied for a minimum of one year at one of the latter institutions. COLLEGES CLASSIQUES

Like the colleges and academies that young women and men attended in Protestant or English Catholic circles, the colleges classiques of Quebec were institutions of higher learning in the sense that they provided more advanced instruction to individuals who sought training beyond that provided in ordinary parish schools. For boys only, the colleges were ultimately the choice of professionally oriented adolescents who planned to go on to university. Girls with similar interests studied in Quebec's many convent academies, for only in the 2Oth century were French Catholic women admitted to Quebec's French universities. Eventually, like some of the English Protestant colleges, the colleges classiques became essentially secondary schools, but the level of education they provided was generally more advanced than that provided in other secondary institutions. COLLEGES INDUSTRIELS

While colleges classiques directed students towards the liberal professions, the majority of colleges industriels initially set out to prepare young men for the world of business and industry. However, by the 18705 the auricular lines between the two types of institutions had blurred. Both sought and secured government grants for classical training which were higher than those offered for industrial education. Educational institutions in Canada, pre-i85O-i9OO Audet, Louis-Philippe. Histoire de I'enseignement au Quebec, 1608-1971. Montreal: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971 Harris, Robin. A History of Higher Education in Canada, 1663-1960. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1976 Masters, D.C. Protestant Church Colleges in Canada: A History. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1966 Ontario. Department of Education. Report of the Minister of Education. 1896. App. The Universities of Canada: Their History and Organization, with an Outline of British and American University Systems Shook, Lawrence K. Catholic Post-Secondary Education in English-Speaking Canada: A History. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971 Schooling in Montreal ca 1850 Protestant primary schools, Montreal, 1821-1852 Huguet-Latour, L.A. Annuaire de Ville Marie. 1863 Lower Canada. Department of Public Education. Annual Report. 1853. Report of the Superintendent of Education for 1852 - Department of Public Education. Annual Report. 1855. Report on Public Education in Lower Canada, 1854 Lovell's Montreal Directory. Montreal: Lovell, May 1852, May and June 1853, May and June 1854 Schools and recruits, Congregation de Notre-Dame: 1851-1870; 1871-1890 Archives of the Congregation de Notre-Dame, Montreal Danylewycz, Marta. Taking the Veil: An Alternative to Marriage, Motherhood, and Spinsterhood in Quebec, 1840-1920. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1987. See especially pp 75-6, tables 8, 9. Newfoundland schools, Bonavista District, 1891 Newfoundland. Census. 1891. Electoral District of Bonavista. Table i, section B; table 2, sections B, C - Report of the Public Schools of Newfoundland under Methodist Boards for the year ending Dec 31,1888. St John's, 1889 - Report of the Roman Catholic Schools of Newfoundland for the year ended 31 Dec 1892. St John's, 1893

Notes

181

Schooling in Winnipeg, 1891

Ontario. Department of Education. Annual Reports. 1871,1881,1891 Upper Canada. Department of Education. Annual Reports. 1851,1852,1861

Women's academies and colleges, Ontario, pre-iSso-igoo

The figures for the total population of each province were drawn from the censuses of Canada. The relatively low registration in a province such as British Columbia may be accounted for, at least in part, by the fact that population totals included First Nation peoples whose children were rarely found in school. Barman, Jean. 'The West Beyond the West: The Demography of Settlement in British Columbia.' Journal of Canadian Studies 25, no. 3 (1990): 5-18 Canada. Census. 1851-2, vols i, 2.1860-1, vols i, 2.1870-1, vols i, 2, 3.1880-1, vols i, 2.1890-1, vols i, 2

Manitoba. Department of Education. Annual Report. 1891. Education Institutions in Winnipeg Hodgins, J. George. The Establishment of Schools and Colleges in Ontario, 1792-1910. Toronto: King's Printer, 1910

Colleges classiques, Quebec, pre-iSso-igoo

Galarneau, Claude. Les colleges classiques au Canada fran^ais (1620-1970). Montreal: Fides, 1978 Lower Canada. Chief Superintendent of Schools. Annual Reports. Various years Quebec. Chief Superintendent of Schools. Annual Reports. Various years

Further readings

Axelrod, Paul, and John G. Reid, eds. Youth, University and Canadian Society: Essays in the Social History of Higher Education. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1989 Barman, Jean, Yvonne Hebert, and Don McCaskell, eds. Indian Education in Canada. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1986. Vol i Bennett, Paul W.' "Little Worlds": The Forging of Social Identities in Ontario's Protestant School Communities and Institutions, 1850-1930.' EdD thesis, University of Toronto, 1991 Dufour, Andree. 'Diversite institutionnelle et frequentation scolaire dans 1'Ile de Montreal en 1825 et en 1835.' Revue d'histoire de I'Amerique franqais 41, no. 4 (1988): 507-35 Dumont, Micheline, and Nadia Fahmy-Eid, eds. Les couventines: I'education desfillesau Quebec dans les congregations religieuses enseingnantes, 1840-1960. Montreal: Boreal, 1986 Fahmy-Eid, Nadia, and Micheline Dumont, eds. Mattresses de maison, maitresses d'ecole: femmes, famille et education dans I'histoire du Quebec. Montreal: Boreal, 1983 Heap, Ruby, and Alison Prentice, eds. Gender and Education in Ontario: An Historical Reader. Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press, 1991 McCann, Phillip. 'The Politics of Denominational Education in the Nineteenth Century in Newfoundland.' In William W. McKim, ed. The Vexed Question: Denominational Education in a Secular Age. St John's: Breakwater, 1988. Pp 30-59 Prentice, Alison L., and Susan E. Houston, eds. Family, School and Society in Nineteenth-Century Canada. Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1975 'Religion, art et education au XIXe siecle dans 1'Outaouais franc.ais.' Cultures de Canada fran