Hispanics in the Workplace [1 ed.] 9781452253442, 9780803939448

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HISPANICS IN THE WORKPLACE

O T H E R R E C E N T V O L U M E S IN T H E SAGE FOCUS EDITIONS 8. Controversy (Third Edition) Dorothy Nelkin 41. Black Families (Second Edition) Harriette Pipes McAdoo 64. Family Relationships in Later Life (Second Edition) Timothy H. Brubaker 89. Popula r Music and Communication (Second Edition) James Lull 133. Social Research on Children and Adolescents Barbara Stanley and Joan E. Sieber 134. The Politics of Life in Schools Joseph Blase 135. Applied Impression Management Robert A. Giacalone and Paul Rosenfeld 136. The Sense of Justice Roger D. Masters and Margaret Gruter 137. Families and Retirement Maximiliane Szinovacz, David J. Ekerdt, and Barbara H. Vinick 138. Gender, Families, and Elder Care Jeffrey W. Dwyer and Raymond T. Coward 139. Investigating Subjectivity Carolyn Ellis and Michael G. Flaherty 140. Preventing Adolescent Pregnancy Brent C. Miller, Josefina J. Card, Roberta L. Paikoff, and James L. Peterson. 141. Hidden Conflict in Organizations Deborah M. Kolb and Jean M. Bartunek 142. Hispanics in the Workplace Stephen B. Knouse, Paul Rosenfeld, and Amy L. Culbertson 143. Psychotherapy Process Research Shakd G. Toukmanian and David L. Rennie 144. Educating Homeless Children and Adolescents James H. Stronge 145. Family Care of the Elderly Jordan I. Kosberg 146. Growth Management Jay M. Stein 147. Substance Abuse and Gang Violence Richard E. Cervantes 148. Third World Cities John D. Kasarda and Allan M. Parnell 149. Independent Consulting for Evaluators Alan Vaux, Margaret S. Stockdale, and Michael J. Schwerin

150. Advancing Family Preservation Practice E. Susan Morton and R. Kevin Grigsby 151. A Future for Religion? William H. Swatos, Jr. 152. Researching Sensitive Topics Claire M. Renzetti and Raymond M. Lee 153. Women as National Leaders Michael A. Genovese 154. Testing Structural Equation Models Kenneth A. Bollen and J. Scott Long 155. Nonresidential Parenting Charlene E. Depner and James H. Bray 156. Successful Focus Groups David L. Morgan 157. Race and Ethnicity in Research Methods John H. Stanfield II and Rutledge M. Dennis 158. Improving Organizational Surveys Paul Rosenfeld, Jack E. Edwards, and Marie D. Thomas 159. A History of Race Relations Research John H. Stanfield II 160. The Elderly Caregiver Karen A. Roberto 161. Activity and Aging John R. Kelly 162. Aging in Rural America C. Neil Bull 163. Corporate Political Agency Barry M. Mitnick 164. The New Localism Edward G. Goetz and Susan E. Clarke 165. Providing Community-Based Services to the Rural Elderly John A. Krout 166. Religion in Aging and Health Jeffrey S. Levin 167. Clinical Case Management Robert W. Surber 168. Qualitative Methods in Aging Research Jaber F. Gubrium and Andrea Sankar 169. Intervention s for Adolescent Identity Development Sally L. Archer 170. Destructive Behavior in Developmental Disabilities Travis Thompson and David B. Gray 171. Latent Variables Analysis Alexander von Eye and Clifford C. Clogg

HISPANICS IN THE WORKPLACE Stephen B. Knouse Paul Rosenfeld Amy L. Culbertson editors

i j v SAGE PUBLICATIONS

^ I International Educational and Professional Publisher - S Newbury Park

London

New Delhi

Copyright © 1992 by Sage Publications, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. For information address: SAGE Publications, Inc. 2455 Teller Road Newbury Park, California 91320 SAGE Publications Ltd. 6 Bonhill Street London EC2A4PU United Kingdom SAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd. M-32 Market Greater Kailash I New Delhi 110 048 India

Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Main title under entry: Hispanics in the workplace / Stephen B. Knouse, Paul Rosenfeld, Amy L. Culbertson, editors. p. cm.—(Sage focus editions; 142) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8039-3943-4 (cl.)—ISBN 0-8039-3944-2 (pb) 1. Hispanic Americans—Employment. I. Knouse, Stephen B. Π. Rosenfeld, Paul. ΙΠ. Culbertson, Amy L. IV. Series. HD8081.H7H59 1992 92-2709 331.6'368073—dc20 CIP 94 10

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2

Sage Production Editor: Judith L. Hunter

Contents

Acknowledgments 1. Hispanics and Work: An Overview STEPHENB. KNOUSE, PAUL ROSENFELD, and AMY L CULBERTSON

vii

1

PARTI: Employment Factors 2. Hispanic Work Force Characteristics ARTHUR R.CRESCE

9

3. Hispanic Earnings and Employment in the 1980s CORDELIA W. REIMERS

29

4. Acculturation of Hispanics GEORGE DOMINO

56

5. Cognitive and Motivational Bases of Bias: Implications of Aversive Racism for Attitudes Toward Hispanics JOHN F. DOVIDIO, SAMUEL L GAERTNER, 75 PHYLLIS A. ANASTASIO, and RASYID SANITIOSO

PART Π: Problems at Work 6. Litigated Employment Discrimination Cases Based on National Origin: Comparison of Hispanic National Origin to All National Origin Cases HELEN N. LAVAN

109

7. Occupational and Economic Stressors Among Immigrant and United States-Born Hispanics RICHARD C. CERVANTES

120

PART ΙΠ: Mentoring Support Systems for Work 8. The Mentoring Process for Hispanics STEPHEN B. KNOUSE

137

9. Mentoring for the Hispanic: Mapping Emotional Support JACK DAVIS and EDUARDO S. RODELA

151

PART IV: Hispanic Women and Work 10. Walking on Eggshells: Chicanas in the Labor Force DENISEA. SEGURA

173

11. The Psychological Experience of Puerto Rican Women at Work ALBA N.RIVERA-RAMOS

194

PART V: The Hispanic Experience in Government and Private Work Sectors 12. Hispanics in the Military PAUL ROSENFELD and AMYL. CULBERTSON

211

13. Hispanic Representation in the Federal Government: Lessons From the Navy's Equal Employment Opportunity Enhancement Research Program JACK E. EDWARDS, MARIE D. THOMAS, and REGINA L BURCH

231

14. Culture and Identity Among Hispanic Managers in an Anglo Business BERNARDO M. FERDMAN and ANGELICA C. CORTES Name Index Subject Index About the Authors

246 278 285 288

Acknowledgments

The idea for this book began when the senior editor was a summer research faculty in 1989 with the Navy Personnel Research and Development Center (NPRDC). The original intention was to put together a book on equal opportunity issues in the work setting. In searching through the literature, however, it quickly became obvious that no books had been written specifically on Hispanics and work. Thus the task became clearly defined. In putting together this book, we are indebted to a number of our colleagues. At NPRDC, the work of Patricia J. Thomas and Dr. Jack E. Edwards, who previously have been involved in Hispanic research for the Navy, inspired us to learn more about Hispanics and work. Also the continued support of our NPRDC colleagues Paul Magnusson, Marie Thomas, Stephanie Booth-Kewley, John Kantor, and David Alderton is greatly appreciated. In addition we would like to thank staff members at the Defense Equal Opportunity Management Institute, in particular Captain Jose Torres, who provided valuable insights while the senior editor was a summer faculty researcher there in 1990. And we would like to acknowledge the logistical support of Dr. Dorothy Griest, Dean Jan Duggar, and Dr. Bill Roe of the College of Business of the University of Southwestern Louisiana; and Dean David Manuel of St. Mary's University. Also many thanks to our dear friend and associate Dr. Bob Giacalone of the University of Richmond .

vii

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Hispanics in the Workplace

Of course we have a special appreciation and thanks for the moral support and devotion that Ten, Jessica, and Andrea Knouse; Julia Ann and Bernard C. Knouse; Mary Sellen; Mark Jackson; Fran and John Culbertson; Abraham and Judes Rosenfeld; and the Shanske family have given us during this extended endeavor.

1

Hispanics and Wbrk An Overview

STEPHEN B. K N O U S E PAUL R O S E N F E L D AMY L. C U L B E R T S O N

Research on Hispanics and work is surprisingly scarce. In comparison a casual examination of the literature on women and work reveals a large number of articles and books (see, for example, the annual series by Larwood, Gutek, & Strombeig, 1986). This is not unexpected, considering the size of the female labor force, the rise of feminism, and other factors. Moreover, a variety of woik-related publications has been written on other minorities, such as African Americans and Asian Americans (see, for example, Wilson & Weissinger, 1986). Yet curiously, very few articles and almost no books have been written on Hispanics and work, apart from labor or demographic statistics (e.g., Bean & Txenda, 1987; Boijas & Tienda, 1982). One possible reason may be the size of the Hispanic component of the United States population which, despite increasing 53% during the 1980s, is still only 9% (Stone & Castaneda, 1991). Another reason may be the underrepresentation of Hispanics in jobs of power and status in America (Arbona, 1989) that in turn provide the recognition and affluence that Americans historically have associated with success. In short, Americans do AUTHORS' NOTE: The opinions expressed are ours. They are not official and do not represent the views of the Navy Department. 1

2

Hispanics and Work: An Overview

not see Hispanic Rockefellers and Carnegies who have captured the American dream and hence the attention of America. Still another reason may be a perception of the Hispanic culture and of the Spanish language as foreign to the English heritage and language of the larger American culture (Korzenny & Schiff, 1987). Consequently Hispanics may be viewed by themselves, as well as other Americans, as "outsiders" (Mainous, 1989). This situation is changing rapidly, however. For one thing, the size and power of the Hispanic work force is growing (Cattan, 1988). With their high birthrate and immigration rate, Hispanics will surpass African Americans to become the largest United States minority early in the 21st century. The power of this rapidly expanding group is beginning to attract serious attention from business persons, such as marketers and advertisers and, most importantly, employers. Although Hispanics still lag behind the non-Hispanic majority in overall measures of economic affluence, some indication has been given that Hispanics have made economic gains. While 2.3% of Hispanics in 1980 had pretax earnings above $50,000, the figure had risen to 9.2% in 1988 (Munoz, 1990). With increased affluence will likely come more power and status in the workplace. As an increasingly significant part of the American labor force, Hispanics face major problems. One is the language problem, which may range from relatively minor differences in accents to major communication difficulties if English is a Hispanic worker's second language (Chiswick, 1988; Korzenny & Schiff, 1987). A second is the problem of lower educational attainment for many Hispanics—lower even than for other minorities (Stolzenberg, 1990). While the annual high school graduation rate in 1988 was 82% for non-Hispanic whites and 75% for African Americans, it was only 55% for Hispanics (Kelley, 1991). Lower education is linked to fewer job skills and in turn to a concentration of Hispanics in lower status jobs that pay poorly. A third is the problem of biculturalism—how to deal with acculturation into the larger Anglo American culture in order to enjoy its benefits but at the same time not lose one's Hispanic identity and the important values associated with one's Hispanic roots (Padilla, 1980). While they face significant problems, Hispanics possess several unique characteristics (Marin & Marin, 1991) that may offer special advantage in the workplace. For example, strong family values are prevalent even among Hispanics who have become highly acculturated into the larger American society (Keefe, 1980; Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, Marin, & PerezStable, 1987). This culture-specific value calledfamilism can provide a deep and extensive support network for dealing with the many problems in the

KNOUSE, ROSENFELD, and CULBERTSON

3

work environment. Many Hispanics also feel an obligation toward their families for the support they have received (Sabogal et al., 1987). Hard work and subsequent success allow Hispanics all along the work spectrum from migrant workers to "Chuppies" (Chicano Upwardly Mobile Professionals) to be able to provide financial assistance and work support as a means of reciprocating what they have received from their families and larger community network (Griffith & Villaciencio, 1985; Torres, 1990). Hard work and achievement thus serve to honor their families and their cultural heritage (Gould, 1982). A particularly important yet highly misunderstood Hispanic value is "machismo." Unfortunately "machismo" has come to connote arrogance and male pride and emotionality to many Anglo Americans. In reality, however, true machismo signifies duty and loyalty and strong bonds of honor in Hispanic culture. These traits are, of course, highly valued in the business world, as are Hispanics' overall loyalty toward in-groups, a characteristic known as allocentrism (Marin & Marin, 1991). As Hispanics continue their dramatic growth and as organizational worksettings focus increasingly on cultural diversity, many questions remain regarding Hispanics and work that need to be addressed. The chapters that follow provide an initial basis for formulating answers. One set of questions is the extent to which Hispanics as a group are truly homogeneous. Are there many common traits underlying Hispanic subgroups, such as Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cuban Americans, and Hispanics from Caribbean nations, or is subgroup diversity the major common factor? Are earnings and occupations similar or different for these subgroups? The chapters on census data and employment may provide insight. A second set of questions concerns special problems that Hispanics face in the workplace. What problems do they encounter, and how do they deal with them? The chapters on acculturation, bias, employment discrimination, and stress address these special problems. A third group of questions concerns the support systems available to Hispanic workers. Who is available to provide help? What are the connections? How are these systems used? The chapters on mentoring are relevant here. A fourth set of questions focuses on the role of Hispanic women. What are the unique problems that Hispanic females face? How does the working role of Hispanic women fit with their traditional family role? The chapters on Chicanas and Puerto Rican women provide some clarification of these roles and their impact in the workplace.

4

Hispanics and Work: An Overview

A final group of questions covers Hispanic work experiences in various organizational settings. What is available in the workplace? How do Hispanics view themselves and their relationships with other workers in the organization? What degree of progress have Hispanics made in military and government sectors, and what challenges do they still face? The chapters on Hispanics in government and in the private sector provide a perspective on these issues. This book represents a first step in shedding some light on these and other questions about Hispanics and work. At the least, we hope that it will provide a groundwork for examining these issues in more detail. Most important, we hope that this book will serve as a catalyst for inspiring new research on the increasingly important topic of Hispanics and work. References Arbona, C. (1989). Hispanic employment and the Holland typology of work. Career Development Quarterly, 37,257-268. Bean, F. D„ & Tienda, M. (1987). The Hispanic population of the United States. New York: Russell Sage. Boijas, G., & Tienda, M. (Eds.). (1982). Hispanics in the U.S. economy. New York: Academic Press. Cattan, P. (1988). The growing presence of Hispanics in the U.S. work force. Monthly Labor Review, 111, 9-14. Chiswick, B. R. (1988). Hispanic men: Divergent paths in the U.S. labor market. Monthly Labor Review, 111, 32-34. Gould, S. (1982). Correlates of career progression among Mexican-American college graduates. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 20,93-110. Griffith, J., & Villaciencio, S. (1985). Relationships among acculturation, sociodemographic characteristics and social supports in Mexican American adults. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Science, 7,75-92. Keefe, S. G. (1980). Acculturation and the extended family among urban Mexican Americans. In A. M. Padilla (Ed.), Acculturation (pp. 85-110). Boulder, CO: Westview. Kelley, D. (1991, February 20). Minorities still playing academic catch-up. USA Today, p. 7D. Korzenny, F., & Schiff, E. (1987). Hispanic perceptions of communication discrimination. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Science, 9, 33-48. Larwood, B., Gutek, Α., & Stromberg, H. (Eds.). (1986). Women and work: An annual review. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Mainous, A. G. (1989). Self-concept as an indicator of acculturation in Mexican Americans. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Science, 11,178-189. Marin, G., & Marin, Β. V. (1991). Research with Hispanic populations. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Munoz, D. L. (1990, January 19). Myths, facts, reality on "The Hispanic decade of the 80's." La Prensa San Diego, pp. 1-2.

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5

Padilla, A. M. (Ed.). (1980). Acculturation: Theory, models, and some new findings. Boulder, CO: Westview. Sabogal, F., Marin, G., Otero-Sabogal, R., Marin, Β. V., & Pfirez-Stable, E. J. (1987). Hispanic familism and acculturation: What changes and what doesn't? Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 9,397-412. Stolzenbeig, R. M. (1990). Ethnicity, geography, and occupational achievement of Hispanic men in the United States. American Sociological Review, 55, 143-159. Stone, Α., & Castaneda, C. J. (1991, June 12). Vietnamese population surges: Up 135% Census reveals. USA Today, p. 3A. Torres, D. L. (1990). Dynamics behind the formation of a business class: Tucson's Hispanic business elite. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Science, 12,25-49. Wilson, J., & Weissinger, T. (Eds.). (1986). Black labor in America. Westport, CT: Greenwood.

PARTI

Employment Factors

1

Hispanic W?rk Force Characteristics ARTHUR R. C R E S C E

Introduction The Hispanic population in the United States includes a wide diversity of peoples with a common language and other common cultural experiences. Many governmental programs and data collection efforts focus on the Hispanic population as though it were a monolithic group of people. In reality each of the population groups included in the Hispanic population (Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Central or South American, and other Hispanic groups) can differ greatly from each other on a variety of social and economic characteristics. Diversity among Hispanic subgroups will be a major theme of this chapter, along with comparisons between the Hispanic and the white, not Hispanic populations. In this chapter I will touch on the following topics: 1. the growth of the Hispanic population and, in particular, the Hispanic labor force 2. the degree of labor force participation among Hispanics 3. a comparison of social and economic characteristics of the civilian labor force between the Hispanic and white, not Hispanic populations and among Hispanic subgroups I will use the March 1989 Current Population Survey (CPS) as the main data source.1 The CPS is a monthly labor force survey of approximately 54,000 households. The March sample was chosen because it contained more 9

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Hispanic Work Force Characteristics

demographic detail than the samples in other months and the Hispanic households in the March sample were doubled to provide more reliable data. The 1980 1-percent Public-Use Microdata Sample (PUMS) will provide data not available from the March 1989 CPS. The PUMS files are subsamples of actual census computer records, with appropriate precautions taken to ensure confidentiality. Users can purchase these files and create tabulations not available from printed reports or perform sophisticated statistical analyses. The PUMS file chosen for this analysis is a 1% sample of the total population. I will limit discussion to Hispanics in the civilian labor force2 because the CPS limits coverage of persons in the armed forces only to those who live off post or with their families on post. Rosenfeld and Culbertson, however, will cover Hispanics in the military elsewhere in this volume. Some definitions of terms and additional explanations are now in order. Persons of Hispanic origin in the CPS are those who indicate that their origin is Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Central or South American (Spanishspeaking countries), or some other Spanish origin. Those reporting "Other Hispanic" origin are persons whose origins are from Spain, or those identifying themselves as Spanish, Spanish American, Hispano, Latino, and so on. The "white, not Hispanic" population will be the comparison group for this chapter. The white, not Hispanic population provides a clearer contrast than does the total non-Hispanic population, which contains black, American Indian and Alaska Native, and Asian or Pacific Islander populations. The Census Bureau uses the term white, not Hispanic rather than Anglo because Anglo does not clearly define the white, not Hispanic population. Persons not of Hispanic origin, especially those not of English origin, do not necessarily see themselves as Anglo and in fact may object to the use of this term. Because this term generally has been used as the equivalent of white, not Hispanic, the use of Anglo in other chapters of this book and white, not Hispanic in this chapter refer to the same group. The labor force data in general will represent the situation as of March 1989 without any seasonal adjustment. I will make some use of annual average data produced by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) when analyzing trends. I will, however, show annual average data only for the total population and total Hispanic population. Growth of the Hispanic Population As of March 1989, the Hispanic civilian noninstitutional population3 was 20.1 million and was 8.2% of the total civilian noninstitutional population.

CRESCE

11

Table 2.1 Total and Hispanic Population by Type of Hispanic Origin: April 1980 and March 1989 (numbers in thousands) March 1989 CPS

Origin Total population Hispanic origin Mexican Puerto Rican Cuban Other Hispanic Central or South American Other Hispanic Not of Hispanic origin

Civilian Noninstitutional Population

Percentage of Total

243,685 20,076 12,565 2,330 1,069 4,111 2,544

100.0 8.2 5.2 1.0 0.4 1.7 1.0

1,567 223,609

0.6 91.8

1980 Census1 Civilian Noninstitutional Population

Percentage of Total

Percent­ age Change 1980-1989

222,461 14,458 8,654 1,983 799 3,022

100.0 6.5 3.9 0.9 0.4 1.4

9.5 38.9 45.2 17.5 33.8 36.0

2 2

208,003

2

2

93.5

2

2

7.5

NOTE: 1. Data as of April 1,1980. 2. In the 1980 census, the Hispanic question did not have a "Central or South American" category. SOURCES: March 1989 Current Population Survey and the 19801-percent Public-Use Microdata File.

In 1980, Hispanics made up 6.5% of the total civilian noninstitutional population. Overall the total population grew by 9.5% between 1980 and 1989, while the Hispanic population grew by 38.9%. Each of the Hispanic population groups experienced strong growth (see Table 2.1). The Hispanic civilian labor force constituted about 7.4% of the total civilian labor force, an increase over the 5.7% share in 1980. Looked at in another way, the Hispanic civilian labor force grew by 52.4% between 1980 and 1989, while the non-Hispanic civilian labor force grew by 17.3% (see Table 2.2). The large increase in the Hispanic labor force, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics projections (Fullerton, 1987), will probably continue. As a result Hispanics will have a greater share of the total labor force by the year 2000. The Bureau's projections show that during the period 1986-2000 the Hispanic labor force may grow from 8.1 million to 14.1 million—a 74.1% increase. As a result of this growth, the Hispanic share of the total labor force may be 10.2% in 2000, compared with 6.9% in 1986 and 7.4% in March 1989. The impact of this growth is all the more significant because immigration—both documented and undocumented4—will play a significant role.

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Hispanic Work Force Characteristics

Table 2.2 Percent Hispanic of the Total Civilian Labor Force 16 Years and Over by Sex: March 1989 CPS and 1980 Census (numbers in thousands)

Sex

Total Civilian Labor Force

Hispanic Civilian Labor Force

Percent Hispanic of Total

122,078 66,887 55,191

9,077 5,464 3,613

7.4 8.2 6.5

104,102 59,658 44,444

5,957 3,574 2,383

5.7 6.0 5.4

March 1989 CPS Both sexes Male Female 1980 Census1 Both sexes Male Female

NOTE: 1. Data obtained from 1980 Census 1-percent Public-Use Microdata Sample. SOURCES: March 1989 Current Population Survey laid the 19801-percent Public-Use Microdata File.

The English language skills, education, and work experience of these immigrants will have a significant impact on the labor market and on their economic success. Labor Force Participation Participation Rates by Age and Sex Figure 2.1 and Table 2.3 show the labor force participation rates (the percentage of persons in the labor force) by sex for the Hispanic population 16 years old and over by type of Hispanic origin and the white, not Hispanic population. Overall, no significant difference is seen between the rates for Hispanics and the white, not Hispanic population 16 years and over. The rate for Hispanic men, however, is higher than that for white, not Hispanic men. The rate for Hispanic women is lower than that for their white, not Hispanic counterparts. As will be discussed in the following sections of this chapter, the higher participation rate for Hispanic males does not translate to lower unemployment rates or higher percentages in better paying jobs. Among the Hispanic subgroups, Central or South Americans have the highest labor force participation rates and Puerto Ricans have the lowest.

Figure 2.1. Labor Force Participation Rates by Qpe of Hispanic Origin and Sex: March 1989

SOURCE March 1989 Cumnt Population Survey.

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Hispanic Work Force Characteristics

Table 2.3 Labor Force Participation Rates for the Hispanic Population 16 Years and Over by Age, Type of Hispanic Origin, and Sex: March 1989 CPS

Age and Sex

Total Hispanic Mexican

Puerto Rican

Central White or South Other Not Cuban American Hispanic Hispanic

Both Sexes 16 years and over 16-64 years 16-24 years 25-54 years 55-64 years 65 years and over

66.2 70.5 61.7 76.4 53.1 11.3

67.8 71.4 62.6 78.1 48.4 9.8

54.2 57.7 52.4 61.7 45.9 6.4

62.3 73.8 60.4 80.1 63.9 15.9

73.5 76.0 69.5 79.1 68.6 18.9

62.3 70.1 50.8 77.5 57.9 10.0

65.7 76.7 68.5 83.7 56.3 12.2

80.1 84.5 73.7 90.7 70.1 16.9

82.2 86.2 76.2 92.7 66.0 13.7

69.6 72.9 62.0 78.3 63.1 (B)

76.3 85.9 (B) 93.1 (B) 29.3

85.4 87.2 76.8 90.9 (B) (B)

72.2 80.9 62.2 89.9 (B) (B)

75.4 85.4 71.5 93.1 68.3 17.3

52.4 56.4 48.8 62.0 39.4 6.8

52.7 55.8 47.9 62.4 34.8 6.1

41.7 45.1 45.0 47.6 32.1 (B)

49.1 61.6 (B) 66.5 50.3 6.6

61.7 64.5 59.9 68.0 (B) (B)

53.2 60.1 38.3 66.2 (B) 7.2

56.8 68.3 65.5 74.4 45.4 8.7

Males 16 years and over 16-64 years 16-24 years 25-54 years 55-64 years 65 years and over Females 16 years and over 16-64 years 16-24 years 25-54 years 55-64 years 65 years and over

B. The denominator of the rate was too small to provide a reliable estimate. SOURCE: March 1989 Current Population Survey.

When the rates for these groups are compared by sex, relatively high sampling error prevents me from making the same statements, except for Central or South American women. Low educational attainment may be an important factor discouraging Puerto Ricans from entering the labor force. In addition, Newman (1978) and Bean and Tienda (1987) suggest that the concentration of Puerto Ricans in New York and their concentration in such

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15

declining occupations as operatives and clerical workers has led to low labor force participation. In comparing participation rates among groups, the reader must keep in mind that the age structure underlying these rates can have an important impact on the overall rate. For example, a population highly concentrated in younger ages associated with lower participation rates (for example, ages 16-24) will tend to have a lower overall participation rate than that for an older population with relatively greater concentrations in age groups associated with higher participation rates (for example, ages 25-54). Thus it is important to control for age when comparing participation rates. Table 2.3 shows participation rates by broad age group and sex for the Hispanic population by type of origin and for the white, not Hispanic population. This more detailed look at labor force participation reveals some interesting patterns. For example, Central or South Americans do not have the highest rate for the prime working age group (25-54). For the age group 16-24, Mexican and Central or South American men have rates that are not significantly different (76.2% and 76.8%, respectively). Mexican origin, Cuban, Central or South American, and "Other Hispanic" men in the 25-54 group have relatively high rates, but the differences among these rates are not statistically significant. Among women 16-24, Central or South American women have the highest rates. Breaking down participation rates by age also shows that Puerto Ricans do not always have the lowest participation rates for every age group. Puerto Rican men and women have the lowest percentages in the civilian labor force for the prime working ages (25-54). Among those in the youngest age group (16-24), however, both Puerto Rican and "Other Hispanic" men have the lowest percentage in the labor force. Nativity and Ability to Speak English Data from the 1980 1-percent Public-Use Microdata Sample (PUMS) provide some valuable insights into labor force participation of the Hispanic population by nativity and ability to speak English. Table 2.4 shows that for all Hispanics combined, the labor force participation rate is higher for foreign-born Hispanics than for native-born Hispanics. This difference is due mainly to Hispanic foreign-born males who have a participation rate about 5 percentage points higher than that for native male Hispanics. The higher rate for foreign-born5 Hispanic men by type of Hispanic origin is consistent with the hypothesis that economic factors play an extremely

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Hispanic Work Force Characteristics

Table 2.4 Labor Force Participation Rates for the Hispanic Population 16 Years and Over by Nativity, Ability to Speak English, and Sex: April 1980 Nativity and Ability to Speak English by Sex

Total Hispanic

Mexican

Puerto Rican

Cuban

Other Hispanic1

All persons Both Sexes Males Females

62.3 76.3 48.8

63.7 78.3 48.9

53.5 69.0 39.5

64.7 77.4 53.6

63.0 75.0 52.6

Native-Bom2 Both Sexes Males Females

74.1 49.0

61.2

63.8 76.3 51.5

54.5 63.2 46.2

57.6 62.2 52.9

61.7 73.1 51.5

62.1

63.7 81.6

43.6

52.9 72.3 36.1

65.5 79.3 53.7

64.2 76.7 53.6

Nativity

Foreign-Bom2 Both Sexes Males Females

78.6 46.2

Ability to Speak English Speak English not well or not at all Both Sexes Males Females

55.0 76.6 37.5

57.8 79.9 36.6

38.3 62.3 23.7

53.1 71.3 40.9

58.6 76.5 46.6

Speak English well or very well Both Sexes Males Females

64.5 76.3 52.7

65.6 77.8 52.8

57.8 70.4 45.2

71.7 80.3 62.9

64.1 74.6 54.4

NOTES: 1. Includes Central and South Americans and other persons of Hispanic origin. 2. For the Puerto Rican population, Native in this table means born in the United States mainland or in a United States possession. Foreign-Born means Puerto Ricans born in Puerto Rico. SOURCE: 1980 1-percent Public-Use Microdata File.

i m p o r t a n t role in i m m i g r a t i o n . T h u s the i n c e n t i v e f o r f o r e i g n - b o r n H i s p a n i c s t o m a x i m i z e their l a b o r f o r c e participation will b e q u i t e strong. F o r M e x i c a n a n d P u e r t o R i c a n origin f e m a l e s , t h e participation rates a r e m u c h l o w e r f o r those n o t b o r n in the U n i t e d States t h a n f o r t h o s e w h o a r e U n i t e d States b o r n . O n e m i g h t h y p o t h e s i z e that traditional sex-role attitudes

CRESCE

17

have acted to depress female participation. Ortiz and Cooney (1984), however, provide evidence that such attitudes or beliefs do not necessarily affect labor force participation behavior of foreign-born Hispanic women. They suggest that educational attainment probably plays a much more important role in affecting participation. One other important factor affecting labor force participation for females is ability to speak English. Table 2.4 shows that the participation rates for all Hispanic women who do not speak English well or at all is substantially below the rates for their counterparts who speak English well or very well. Poor English language skills appear to be a strong deterrent to labor force participation for Hispanic women but not universally for all Hispanic men. Puerto Rican and Cuban men with poor English language skills have lower participation rates than do Puerto Rican and Cuban origin men with superior English language skills. The same is not true for Mexican and "Other Hispanic" (a combination of Central or South American and other Hispanics) men. Boijas and Tienda (1985) show similar results using the 1975 Survey of Income and Education. Perhaps Mexican and "Other Hispanic" males with poor English language skills compensate for this liability by working in agricultural occupations or certain types of service or laborer occupations in which English skills are not important requirements. Puerto Rican and Cuban men, on the other hand, are much more concentrated in large urban areas and may not have access to the same types of jobs. Comparisons of Participation Rates Over Time Bean and Tienda (1987), using data from the 1960, 1970, and 1980 Public-Use Microdata files, compare labor force participation rates for Hispanics over time. They needed to make a number of assumptions and approximations to estimate the Hispanic population in the 1960 census because no overall identifier of Hispanic origin and its component groups was present. The 1970 census was the first one to include a self-identification question allowing respondents to indicate that they were of Hispanic origin or descent. The 1980 and 1990 censuses included similar types of questions, but the formats and question wordings changed, and they were asked of all persons rather than of a sample of the population. Bean and Tienda show that from 1960 to 1970 the rate for Hispanic men 16-64 years dropped from 85.6% to 81.9%. The 1970 and 1980 rates were the same—81.9%. By contrast the rate for white, not Hispanic men was lower in 1970 (85.4%) than in 1960 (88.5%), and the 1980 rate was even lower

18

Hispanic Work Force Characteristics

(84.6%). In all three censuses, foreign-born Hispanic men had higher rates than did native-born Hispanic men. The same was true for white, not Hispanic men. Among Hispanic men, Puerto Ricans, whether born in the United States mainland or in Puerto Rico, experienced declining rates from 1960 to 1980 (Bean & Tienda, 1987, p. 290). Both Hispanic women and white, not Hispanic women 16-64 years experienced large increases in labor force participation from 1960 to 1980. Foreign-born Hispanic women, however, unlike their male counterparts, did not have a consistently higher rate than native-born Hispanic women for each census period. The rate was higher for foreign-born Hispanic women than native-born Hispanic women in 1960—37.2% versus 33.1%. The rates were about the same in 1970—41.2% and 41.1%, respectively. In 1980, however, the rate for foreign-born Hispanic women was lower—50.6%, compared with 54.3%. Among specific Hispanic subgroups, Mexican and Puerto Rican origin women born in the United States had rates consistently higher than those for Hispanic women born in Mexico and Puerto Rico, respectively (Bean & Tienda, 1987, p. 290). I noted this same difference in the previous section, using data for persons 16 years and over and cited some possible reasons for the difference. The March 1989 CPS shows that the participation rate for Hispanic men 16-64 years old is 84.5%—an increase from the 81.9% reported by Bean and Tienda from the 1980 census. The participation rate for white, not Hispanic males is only slighdy higher in 1989 (85.4%) than in 1980 (84.6%). The 1989 participation rates for Hispanic and white, not Hispanic men were not significantly different. Hispanic women have experienced an increase in their labor force participation rates from 52.6% in 1980 to 56.4% in 1989. White, not Hispanic women also have had a significant gain in labor force participation, increasing from 57.9% in 1980 to 68.3% in 1989. Social and Economic Characteristics of the Hispanic Work Force The social and economic characteristics shown in Tables 2.5 through 2.7 reflect the underlying theme of diversity among Hispanic groups. These tables also show significant differences between the Hispanic and white, not Hispanic work force populations. As stated in the tide, I will focus on the characteristics of the population 16 years and over in the labor force; that is, persons who are either employed or unemployed and looking for work.

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Table 2.5 Age of the Hispanic Civilian Labor Force by Sex: March 1989 CPS (numbers in thousands) Central White Total Puerto or South Other not Hispanic Mexican Rican Cuban American Hispanic Hispanic

Age Both sexes Total, 16 years and over Percentage 16-24 years 25-34 years 35-44 years 45-54 years 55-64 years 65 years and over Median age

9,077 100.0 22.3 34.1 22.6 13.1 6.7 1.3

5,477 100.0 24.6 34.2 22.8 12.2 5.3 0.9

869 100.0 21.2 32.6 24.4 11.9 9.1 0.8

569 100.0 13.1 22.8 22.8 21.2 15.0 5.1

1,432 100.0 22.3 36.2 21.4 12.8 6.2 1.1

729 100.0 13.4 39.6 20.2 15.1 9.6 2.1

96,272 100.0 16.8 28.2 24.9 16.5 10.4 3.2

33.0

32.2

33.8

41.1

32.9

34.1

36.9

5,464 100.0 22.9 34.6 21.8 12.8 6.6 1.4

3,390 100.0 25.1 35.3 22.0 11.7 5.1 0.9

499 100.0 19.0 32.5 23.8 13.8 9.7 1.2

339 100.0 12.7 20.9 24.7 21.4 13.9 6.5

828 100.0 24.1 35.6 19.6 12.6 7.3 0.8

408 100.0 15.4 41.0 19.3 14.0 8.0 2.3

53,010 100.0 15.8 28.6 24.8 16.6 10.9 3.4

32.7

31.7

34.5

41.4

32.5

33.1

37.1

3,613 100.0 21.4 33.3 23.7 13.5 6.9 1.1

2,087 100.0 23.9 32.5 24.2 13.1 5.6 0.7

370 100.0 24.2 32.7 25.3 9.2 8.3 0.2

231 100.0 13.7 25.6 20.2 20.9 16.6 3.0

604 100.0 19.9 37.1 23.8 13.1 4.6 1.6

321 100.0 11.0 37.8 21.3 16.4 11.8 1.8

43,261 100.0 18.0 27.8 25.0 16.5 9.7 2.9

33.5

32.9

32.8

40.6

33.4

35.5

36.6

Males Total, 16 years and over Percentage 16-24 years 25-34 years 35-44 years 45-54 years 55-64 years 65 years and over Median age Females Total, 16 years and over Percentage 16-24 years 25-34 years 35-44 years 45-54 years 55-64 years 65 years and over Median age

SOURCE: March 1989 Current Population Survey.

20

Hispanic Work Force Characteristics

Table 2.6 Educational Attainment of the Hispanic Population by Labor Force Participation and Sex: March 1989 Central or White not Total South Other HisPuerto Amer- HisHis­ panic Mexican Rican Cuban ican panic panic Educational Attainment of Persons 25 Years and Over Males Percentage completed Less than 12 years 12 years 1 or more years of college

45.7 27.6 26.8

54.4 26.8 18.8

37.5 30.8 31.7

26.5 26.4 47.1

34.3 26.0 39.7

28.3 33.1 38.6

12.6 37.6 49.8

Females Percentage completed Less than 12 years 12 years 1 or more years of college

36.3 33.6 30.1

44.4 32.7 22.9

26.1 34.3 39.6

25.3 32.2 42.5

29.6 34.3 36.0

20.0 38.0 42.0

9.3 44.1 46.6

Educational Attainment by Labor Force Participation for Persons 25-64 Years In Civilian Labor Force Males Percentage completed Less than 12 years 12 years 1 or more years of college

45.5 27.8 26.8

54.0 27.1 19.0

37.0 31.3 31.8

26.6 27.3 46.2

34.4 25.6 40.0

27.8 33.4 38.8

11.9 37.8 50.4

Females Percentage completed Less than 12 years 12 years 1 or more years of college

36.4 33.5 30.2

44.5 32.4 23.1

26.2 34.4 39.4

25.3 32.3 41.9

29.4 34.0 36.6

20.3 38.1 41.7

8.8 44.1 47.1

Not in Civilian Labor Force Males Percentage completed Less than 12 years 12 years 1 or more years of college

55.1 24.0 20.8

59.5 23.2 17.3

62.9 21.0 16.1

(B) (B) (B)

(B) (B) (B)

(B) (B) (B)

31.3 35.8 32.9

Females Percentage completed Less than 12 years 12 years 1 or more years of college

61.7 26.4 11.9

70.8 21.4 7.8

58.1 29.4 12.5

32.2 31.6 16.3

40.6 33.5 25.9

45.0 40.0 15.0

23.8 46.2 30.0

B. Base of percent is too small to provide a reliable estimate. SOURCE: March 1989 Current Population Survey.

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21

Age The Hispanic work force overall is younger than the white, not Hispanic work force, regardless of sex. For example, the median age of the male Hispanic work force is 32.7, while that for the male white, not Hispanic work force is 37.1. The corresponding medians for Hispanic and white, not Hispanic females are 33.5 and 36.6, respectively (see Table 2.5). As expected, Cubans, regardless of sex, have the highest median age among Hispanic groups. In fact the Cuban work force is older than the white, not Hispanic population, regardless of sex. Educational Attainment I am focusing in this section on the population 25 years and over to see the educational attainment of those who usually have completed their formal schooling. Table 2.6 shows that Hispanic males have a much higher percentage completing less than a high school education (45.7%) than do white, not Hispanic males (12.6%). Male Hispanics also have much lower percentages completing only a high school education (27.6% versus 37.6%) and completing at least one year of college (26.8% versus 49.8%). Within the Hispanic population the percentage of males completing less than 12 years of school is much higher than the percentages completing only high school or at least one year of college. The percentage completing only high school, however, is not significantly different from the percentage completing at least one year of college. Hispanic women experience similar educational differences with white, not Hispanic females. Hispanic females in general, however, have higher educational attainment levels than Hispanic men. Among Hispanic males 25 years and over, those of Mexican origin have the highest percentage completing less than 12 years of school (54.4%). Apparent differences are seen among Hispanic men in the percentage completing only a high school degree, but these differences are not statistically significant. Mexican origin men clearly have the lowest percentage completing one or more years of college (18.8%). Comparisons of the educational attainment of persons 25-64 years old by labor force participation in Table 2.6 illustrates the potential impact of education on participation. I have focused on persons 25-64 years old (a) to limit analysis to persons who in general have completed their formal schooling and (b) to leave out the population 65 years and over who have low labor force participation because of retirement. Table 2.6 shows that Hispanics and white, not Hispanic persons not in the labor force usually have educational levels lower than those for persons in

22

Hispanic Work Force Characteristics

Table 2.7 Selected Economic Characteristics of the Hispanic Civilian Labor Force: March 1989 CPS (numbers in thousands) Selected Economic Characteristics Percent Unemployed Both sexes Males Females Occupation Employed males Percentage Managerial and Professional Specialty Technical, Sales, and Administrative Support Service Occupations Fanning, Forestry, and Fishing Precision Production, Craft, and Repair Operators, Fabricators, and Laborers Employed females Percentage Managerial and Professional Specialty Technical, Sales, and Administrative Support Service Occupations Farming, Forestry, and Fishing Precision Production, Craft, and Repair Operators, Fabricators, and Laborers Median Earnings in 1988 Males with earnings Year-round, full-time workers Females with earnings Year-round, full-time workers

Total Puerto Hispanic Mexican Rican

Central or South White AmerOther not Cuban ican Hispanic Hispanic

7.8 7.8 7.8

8.5 8.3 8.8

9.1 12.1 5.0

6.1 6.4 5.7

6.2 4.6 8.3

6.0 6.7 5.1

4.3 4.6 3.9

5,036 100.0 12.1

3,109 100.0 8.7

439 100.0 10.6

317 100.0 25.2

790 100.0 18.7

380 100.0 17.4

50,556 100.0 29.1

14.5

12.0

22.3

25.3

13.1

20.1

20.2

17.7 7.7

17.7 11.1

21.2 0.3

10.2 1.6

19.0 3.3

17.6 2.2

7.9 3.8

19.3

19.8

20.2

15.2

19.3

18.1

20.1

28.6

30.7

25.4

22.5

26.5

24.7

19.0

3,331 100.0 14.9

1,904 100.0 12.8

351 100.0 20.0

217 100.0 22.3

554 100.0 13.4

305 100.0 19.3

41,568 100.0 28.3

38.4

36.8

43.3

43.1

34.0

47.3

45.5

24.1 1.4

24.6 1.9

18.1

17.1 0.8

30.4 1.1

21.4 1.3

15.7 1.0

3.1

3.0

2.9

2.4

3.1

3.7

2.1

18.2

20.9

15.7

14.3

18.1

7.0

7.5

$13,773 $12,245 $16,008 $17,628 $15,110 $16,009 $22,250 $17,851 $16,977 $19,964 $22,293 $17,976 $18,847 $28,259 $9,220 $8,141 $11,259 $12,012 $9,936 $12,175 $11,399 $14,837 $13,587 $16,999 $15,938 $14,883 $16,574 $18,115

SOURCE: March 1989 Current Population Survey.

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23

the labor force. For example, Hispanic and white, not Hispanic males and females 25-64 years not in the labor force have higher percentages completing less than 12 years of school. They also have much lower percentages completing at least one year of college than do persons in the civilian labor force. These relationships hold for males and females in each Hispanic group for whom data can be shown, with three exceptions: The differences in educational attainment for Mexican origin males and Cuban females completing less than 12 years of school and Mexican origin males completing at least one year of college are not statistically significant. Unemployment According to data in the March 1989 CPS, the unemployment rate (not seasonally adjusted) is much higher for Hispanic males (7.8%) than it is for white, not Hispanic males (4.6%). The same is true for Hispanic women compared with white, not Hispanic women (see Table 2.7). Among Hispanic males, Puerto Ricans have a much higher unemployment rate than do Cuban, Central or South American, and "Other Hispanic" men. Among Hispanic women, however, Puerto Rican women have a lower unemployment rate (5.0%) than do Mexican origin women (8.8%). Over the period 1980-1989, the Hispanic unemployment rates have shown wide swings, reflecting the changing United States economy. Figure 2.2 shows average annual unemployment data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Except for the 1988 rate, the 1989 average annual rate for Hispanics represents the lowest point during this period, compared with 10.1 % in 1980 and the high points in 1982 and 1983—about 14%. During the economic expansion following the recession of 1981-1982, however, Hispanic unemployment rates have experienced sporadic improvements. For example, from 1983 to 1984 the annual average rate dropped by three percentage points from 13.7% to 10.7%. Between 1984 and 1986 the rate dropped by only one tenth of a percentage point, and this difference was not significant. The decrease of 1.8 percentage points between 1986 and 1987 (from 10.6% to 8.8%, respectively) was significant. The decline in the rates between 1987 and 1988 was statistically significant, but the decline in the rates between 1988 and 1989 was not significant. Figure 2.2 also shows annual average unemployment rates for the total population over the same time period. These data show that the unemployment rates for Hispanics were consistently higher than those for the nation as a whole. The pattern of unemployment rates over time for the Hispanic population and the total population, however, was quite similar.

Hispanic PopulaUon

4

6

8

10

12

14

11180

11J82

11.7

11J83

9.8

.

11NU

Year

••••••••••,,'!:.T. •..."""

11/85

7.2

1fNJ8