Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin) 0 85883 321 2

Table of contents :
Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin)......Page 1
Contents......Page 3
1.1 Introduction......Page 5
2. HISTORICAL ASPECTS......Page 15
2.1 History of the study of Tok Pisin.......Page 17
2.2 External history of Tok Pisin.......Page 37
2.3 The status of Tok Pisin and attitudes towards it.......Page 67
2.4 Internal development of Tok Pisin.......Page 77
2.5 Writing systems and the orthography of Tok Pisin.......Page 169
2.6 Etymologising and Tok Pisin......Page 179
3. THE NATURE OF TOK PISIN......Page 223
3.1 Tok Pisin and the census.......Page 225
3.2 Variation in Tok Pisin.......Page 235
3.3 Good and bad pidgin: nogut yu toktok kranki......Page 277
4. THE GRAMMAR AND PHONOLOGY OF TOK PISIN......Page 295
4.1 Phonology: substratum elements in Tok Pisin phonology.......Page 297
4.2 Phonology: intonation in Tok Pisin.......Page 311
4.3 inflectional morphology of Tok Pisin.......Page 337
4.4 Syntax of Tok Pisin.......Page 343
4.5 The lexical system of Tok Pisin......Page 425
5. TOK PISIN AND ITS RELEVANCE TO THEORETICAL ISSUES IN CREOLISTICS AND GENERAL LINGUISTICS......Page 443
5.1 Tok Pisin and its relevance to theoretical issues in creolistics and general linguistics.......Page 445
6. ISSUES AND PROBLEMS......Page 487
6.1 Current attitudes to Tok Pisin.......Page 489
6.2 Current use and expansion of Tok Pisin: Tok Pisin as a literary language.......Page 497
6.3 Current use and expansion of Tok Pisin: Tok Pisin in the mass media.......Page 519
6.4 Current use and expansion of Tok Pisin: teaching and Tok Pisin.......Page 537
6.5 Current use and expansion of Tok Pisin: effects of Tok Pisin on some vernacular languages.......Page 541
6.6 The scientific study of Tok Pisin: the writing of descriptive Tok Pisin grammars.......Page 559
6.7 The scientific study of Tok Pisin: Tok Pisin dictionary making: theoretical considerations and practical experiences.......Page 579
6.8 The scientific study of Tok Pisin: language planning and the Tok Pisin lexicon.......Page 597
6.9 The future of Tok Pisin.......Page 667
REFERENCES......Page 671
INDEX......Page 707

Citation preview

PACIFIC LINGUISTICS Series C - No. 70

HANDBOOK OF TOK PISIN (NEW GUINEA PIDGIN) S.A. Wurm P. MUhlhausler eds

LANGUAGES FOR INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION IN THE PACIFIC AREA PROJECT OF THE AUSTRALIAN ACADEMY OF THE HUMANITIES, PUBLICATION No. 1

Published under the auspices of the Union Academique Internationale

Department of Linguistics Research School of Pacific Studies THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY

Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors. Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70, iv + 729 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.cover ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

PACIFIC LINGUISTICS is issued � hrough the Linguistic Circle of Canberra and consists of four series:

EDITOR: S.A. Wurm

SERIES SERIES SERIES SERIES

A B C D

-

Occasional Papers Monographs Books Special Publications

ASSOCIATE EDITORS: D.C. Laycock, C.L. Voorhoeve, D.T. Tryon, T.E. Dutton EDITORIAL ADVISERS:

B.W. Bender

K.A. McElhanon

University of Hawaii

David Bradley

University of Texas H.P. MCKaughan

A. Capell

P. MUhlhliusler

La Trobe University

University of Hawaii

University of Sydney

Linacre College, Oxford G.N. O'Grady

Michael G. Clyne

Monash University

S.H. Elbert

University of Victoria, B.C. A.K. Pawley

K.J. Franklin

K.L. Pike

W.W. Glover

E.C. Polom�

G.W. Grace University of Hawaii

Malcolm Ross

University of Hawaii

University of Auckland

Summer Institute of Linguistics Summer Institute of Linguistics

University of Michigan;

Summer Institute of Linguistics University of Texas

University of Papua New Guinea

M.A.K. Halliday

Gillian Sankoff University of Pennsylvania

University of Sydney

W.A.L. Stokhof

E. Haugen

Harvard University

A. Healey

National Center for

Language Development, Jakarta; University of Leiden

L.A. Hercus

B.K. T'sou Murdoch University;

Nguyen Dang Liem

E.M. Uhlenbeck

John Lynch University of Papua New Guinea

J.W.M. Verhaar Gonzaga University, Spokane

Summer Institute of Linguistics

Australian National University

University of Hawaii

University of Hong Kong

University of Leiden

Published with financial assistance from the Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany All correspondence concerning PACIFIC LINGUISTICS, including orders and subscriptions, should be addressed to: The Secretary PACIFIC LINGUISTICS Department of Linguistics Research School of Pacific Studies The Australian National University G.P.O. Box 4, Canberra, A.C.T. 2601 Australia. Copyright

©

The Authors

First Published 1985 Typeset by Sue Tys

Printed by A.N.U. Printing Service

Bound by Adriatic Bookbinders Pty Ltd

Maps drawn by Theo Baumann, Department of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University. The editors are indebted to the Australian National University for assistance in the production of this series. This publication was made possible by an initial grant from the Hunter Douglas Fund.

National Library of Australia Card Number and ISBN 0 85883 321 2

TAB LE OF CONT ENTS page

1 . INTRODUCT ION 1.1

1

Introduction

S.A. WURM and P. MUHLHAUSLER

3 - 11

2 . H I STORICAL ASPECTS

13

2.1

Hi story of the study of Tok Pisin

P. MDHLHAUSLER

15- 3 3

2.2

External hi story of Tok Pisin

P. MUHLHAUSLER

35-64

2.3

The status o f Tok Pisin and attitudes towards it

S.A. WURM

6 5- 7 4

2.4

Internal development o f Tok Pisin

P. MUHLHAUSLER

7 5- 166

2.5

Writing systems and the orthography o f Tok Pisin

2.6

Etymologis ing and Tok Pisin

S.A. WURM

167 - 1 7 6

P. MDHLHAUSLER

17 7-219

Don LAYCOCK

223-231

3 . THE NATURE OF TOK PISIN

221

3.1

Tok Pisin and the census

3.2

Variation in Tok Pisin

P. MDHLHAUSLER

2 3 3- 2 7 3

3.3

Good and bad pidgin : nogut yu toktok kranki

P. MUHLHAUSLER

2 7 5- 2 9 1

4 . THE GRAMMAR AND PHONOLOGY OF TOK PISIN 4.1

Phonology : substratum e lements in Tok Pisin phonology

29 3 Don LAYCOCK

295-307

S.A. WURM

309- 3 3 4

4.2

Phonology : intonation in Tok Pisin

4.3

Inflectional morphology o f Tok Pisin

P. MDHLHAUSLER

3 3 5 - 340

4 .4

Syntax of Tok Pisin

P. MDHLHAUSLER

341-421

4.5

The lexical system of Tok P i s in

P. MUHLHAUSLER

4 2 3-440

5 . TOK PISIN AND ITS RELEVANCE TO THEORETICAL ISSUES IN CREOLI ST�CS AND GENERAL LINGUISTICS 5.1

Tok Pisin and its re levance to theoretical issues in creoli s tics and general l inguistics

441 P. MDHLHAUSLER

6 . I SSUES AND PROBLEMS

443-483 485

6. 1

Current attitudes to Tok Pisin

6.2

Current use and expans ion of Tok Pisin : Tok Pisin as a l iterary language

Julie PIAU and Susanne HOLZKNECHT

iii

Don LAYCOCK

48 7-49 3 495-515

iv page Current use and expansion of Tok Pisin : Tok Pisin in the mass media

Jeff SIEGEL

517-533

6.4

Current use and expansion o f Tok Pisin: teaching and Tok Pisin

Tom DUTTON

5 3 5 - 5 37

6.5

Current use and expansion o f Tok Pisin : e f fects of Tok Pisin on some vernacular languages

Malcolm ROSS

5 39 - 5 56

P.

MVHLHAUSLER

557-575

p.

MtiHLHAUSLER

5 7 7-593

6.3

6.6 6.7

The s cient ific study of Tok Pisin : the writing of de scriptive Tok Pisin grammars The scientific study o f Tok Pisin : Tok Pisin dictionary making: theoretical considerations and practical experiences

6.8

The scientific study of Tok Pisin : l anguage planning and the Tok Pisin l exicon

6.9

The future of Tok Pisin

P. MUHLHAUSLER

595-664

Don LAYCOCK

665-668

REFERENCES

669- 704

INDEX

705 - 7 2 5

Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors. Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70, iv + 729 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.cover ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

S .A .

1.1.1

1.1

I NTRODUCT I ON

Wurm

and P. Muhlhausler

GE N E RAL REMARKS

New Guinea Pidgin , now o fficial ly known as Tok Pisin by Papua New Guinea government decree , has been known by a number of names including Neo-Melanes i an , Melanesian pidgin , Tok Boi , and others . Many of these names have corne to be associ ated with particular stage s in the deve lopment of the language . The most neutral name for the language would be New Guinea Pidgin , and thi s was in fact the name originally chosen to appear in the t itle of this book and to be used in it when talking of the language . It is a general term which would refer not only to various stages in the historical development of the l anguage , but also to the social and regional varieties or dialects of it encountered in present-day papua New Guine a . Howeve r i n recogni tion of the virtual ly universal use b y Papua New Guineans o f the name Tok Pi sin for the language , and in deference to the decision of the Papua New Guinea gove rnment giving this name official status , the name Tok Pisin w i ll in gene ral be used in this book to refer to the l anguage . Study of various aspects of Tok Pisin , both linguistic and sociolingui stic , has been a concern of the Department of Linguistics in the Research S chool of Pacific Studie s , Australian National Univers ity , s ince the late 1950s , and this concern has grown and deepened very significantly during the quarter century which has s ince pas sed . Most members of the Department have contributed extensively to our knowledge o f matters relating to Tok Pisin , more particularly S . A . Wurm , P . Muhlhausler , T . E . Dutton , and D . C . Laycock . Since the inception i n 1961 o f the Department ' s major international publication series Paci fi c Lingui s t i cs ( o f which the p resent b ook constitute s a numbe r in the series C : books ) , a range of public­ ations dealing with various aspects of Tok Pisin has been published , be it as separate publ i cations , or in volumes containing collect ions of contributions by several authors . The most important of these are T . E . Dutton ' s Conversational New Guinea Pi dgin ( Paci fi c Linguisti cs , D- 12 , 197 3 ) , which is accompanied by a set of nine cassette s , S . A . Wurrn , ed . New Guinea area l anguages and language study , vol . 3 : Language, cul t ure, soci e t y , and the modern world ( Paci fi c Lingui sti cs , C-4 0 , 19 7 7 , i n two fascicles ) , which contains a l arge number of contributions on Tok Pi sin by a variety o f authors , and Peter MUhlhau s ler, Growth and structure of the l exi con of New Guinea Pidgin ( Paci fi c Linguistics , C-5 2 , 1979) . In the course of the Department ' s growing interest in studies re l ating to Tok pisin , and the appearance of an increasing number of publications on aspects of the l anguage by s cholars associated with the Department , be i t in Pacifi c Linguis ti cs or e lsewhere , the i de a of producing a handbook of Tok Pisin gradual ly started taking s hape . I t was envisaged that such a handbook should include in a single l arge volume discussions of many relevant factors about the origin and deve lopment of the language , i ts nature and characte ri stics , i ts use , role and functions ove r the years in the changing society of what is today Papua New Guinea ,

S . A . Wurm and P . MUhlhaus ler , eds Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pi dgin) , 3 - 1 1 . Paci fic Linguisti cs , C -70 , 1984 © S . A . Wurm and P. Muhlhausler Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. "Introduction". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:3-11. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.3 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

3

4

S . A . WURM and P . MUHLHA USLER

along with di scussions of a number of other matters of interest to persons wishing to gain gene ral in formation about the l anguage . With the publication of major studies o f aspects of New Guinea Pidgin in Pacific Lingui stics , such as the ones mentioned above , views conce rning what should be included in the envisaged hand­ book of Tok Pisin underwent many changes , and for a long t ime the actual prepar­ ation of s uch a handbook was put to one side because of the f luid situation sur­ rounding the nature , role and functicns of Tok pis in in the years before and after the gaining of independence of Papua New Guinea . Late in 1979 , the Australian Academy of the Humanities suggested the e stab­ li shment of a maj or Academy proj ect concerned with the infl uence of Engl i sh and other metropoli tan l anguages in the Pacific area over the last 200 years (which inc luded l anguages of the area i tself s uch as Indonesian , Tagalog , etc . ) , with the 1988 bi centenary in mind . This was adopted by the Academy in 1980 as an official Academy pro j ect , with S . A . Wurm as i ts director , and was submitted in 1981 to the Inte rnational Union of Academi es for sponsorship and acceptance . The proposal , whi ch was supported by the British Academy in the framework of the Inte rnational Union of Academie s , gained acceptance and in 1 982 when it was adopted unanimously as a major proj ect under the auspices of that august international academic body . At the s ame t ime , Paci fi c Linguistics was official ly designated by the Inte rnational Union of Academies as the outlet for the publi cation of a se ri es o f compendia volumes envisaged to appear in the framework of this inter­ national academic pro j ect , which at the same time was officially given its present title , Languages for i ntercul t ural communication i n the Pacifi c area . When the envisaged pro j e ct was first discussed between members of the Department of Li nguistics and the Australian Academy of the Humani ties , the idea of producing a handbook of New Guinea Pidgin , to constitute the first of the planned compendia volumes to appear within the framework of the pro j ect , was again di scussed , and work on its preparation and compi lation was embarked on . The work was carried out in close col l aboration between scholars associated with the Department of Linguistics in the Research S chool of Pacific Studies , in the manner which has been characte ristic of the activities of the Department for many years , and i t has a lso entailed wide inte rnational collaboration involving in particular Oxford Unive rsity , to which Peter Muhlhaus ler has been attached for a number of years . The re sult is a book which constitutes a coherent discussion of many aspects relating to Tok Pisin , rather than a l arge collection of disparate , indi­ vidual papers . The findings laid down i n thi s book reflect the work o f the generation of lingui sts who did most o f the work in days before the 1975 independence o f Papua New Guinea. Its main purpose is not to produce linguistic theory but something which has its feet firmly in the area and society from where the underlying data were taken and it is hoped that it wil l constitute a point of departure among future gene ral works on indigenous l i nguistics in the Pacific area . The book addres ses itse l f t o a wider audience than specialist linguists and has been written in l anguage which should be generally inte l ligible for readers without special l in guistic training , as a refe rence book helping them to under­ s tand better the history o f Tok Pisin and i ts roots . The book may also constitute a basis for language planning and for the production of more up-to-date teaching mate rials rel ating to the l anguage and i t may , in general , serve the purpose of a compendium or reference work on Tok pisin as a language , as we l l as on language­ linked concerns associated with Tok Pisin .

INTRODUCTION

1.1.2

5

P I DG I N LANGUAGES

Tok Pisin is a member of the c l ass of l anguages common ly called pidgins . Again , the s imple labe l ' pidgi n ' is a cove r term for a variety of linguistic phenomena . Mos t commonly , pidgin language s are defined by two sets of c riteria . On the social side , we find that pidgins arise as media of communication between dif ferent speech communities , typi cally an outside community ( e . g . traders , soldie rs , colonisers ) and local communities . By definition , pidgins do not have native speakers and both their l i fe span and their functions are limited . This means that pidgins come into being for a specif i c reason and are used as long as they are usefu l in a contact s ituation . They disappear when one party of the contact learns the language of the other party or when the social conditions which favoured the use of a pidgin ( such as trade , labour , recruiting , war) disappear . In a few cases , pidgins continue to be used over a prolonged period in which case the likelihood of creolisation , i . e . that children wil l grow up speaking the pidgin as the i r first language and using it as a fully-f ledged language , is great . P idgins do not embrace the full set of functions that normal languages have . They are used primarily as a means of exchanging information . They are not used as a means of se l f -expression , transmitting deeper emotions or as a means of social integrat ion between the various parties using the pidgin . I n fact , the des ire for continued non-intimacy ( e . g . between Europe ans and colonial people s ) is one o f the social forces that c al ls pidgins into being . This does not mean , howeve r , that pidgins cannot develop into l anguages ful fi l ling such functions . The case of Tok pisin i s one which i llustrates the continued functional expansion and structural growth of a pidgi n . The l ingu i stic nature of pidgins is s t i l l hotly debated . There i s widespread agreement , however , that pidgins must be seen as the result of l inguistic contact . Typical ly , the language o f the ' aggressor ' co�nunity provides the bas i s of its lexicon . In the case of Tok Pisin we f ind that about three-quarters of its lexi­ cal base s are related to English. Influence from the local l anguages ( substratum languages ) is mani fested at a l l leve ls of the language , particularly in its sem­ antics and its phonology . Whi l st contact and ' mixing ' accounts for much of the structure o f a pidgin , language-independent forces are also operative in shaping a pidgi n . Thus , there appears strong evidence that l anguage-independent intuitions about linguistic simplicity motivate speakers in a l anguage contact situation to choose s impl e structures and to ignore compli cated ones . As a result , even pidgins whose development is histor i cally unrelated ( such as the portuguese-based Papia Kristang of Malacca and Kriol of Northern Australia) show some striking structural simil arities . Pidgin languages are usually classified with regard to their lex­ ical affiliation . Thus pidgins whose l exicons consist primarily of English­ derived lexi cal bases are r e ferred to as Pidgin Engl i sh .

1.1 . 3

T H E STATUS OF TOK P I S I N V I S-A-V I S OTHER P I DG I NS

Tok Pisin belongs to the group of languages labe l led pidgin English. The three most important areas where Pidgin English is spoken are we st Afric a , the China Coast and Melane s i a . Wes t African pidgin English is sti l l expanding and growing in Nige ri a , Dahomey and the Cameroons and a number of studies have become avai lable in recent years ( S chneider 19 70 , Todd 1 9 74 ) . Chinese pidgin English had i ts greate s t importance during the nineteenth century . Today it appears to be restricted to a small number of speakers in Hong Kong ( c f . Bauer 19 74 ) and Si ngapore ( cf . p latt 1 9 75 ) . It is an example of a pidgin that has come to the end of i ts l i fe cycle and is being replaced by more developed standard language s .

6

S . A . WURM and P. MUHLHA USLER

Me lanesian varieties of P idgin English are the youngest of this group of l anguages . They developed in various areas o f the Paci fic , primarily as a result o f the l abour trade and plantation e conomy. The most important varieties were found in the plantations where Melanesian workers were employed ( in Queensland , Samoa , New Caledonia) and the principal recruiting areas ( New Hebrides , Solomon I slands , New Guinea ) . Viable pidgins have only survived in the latter three areas : Bichelamar in the New Hebrides , Solomon I s lands Pi j in , or Pi j in ( sometimes cal led Neo-Solomonic in the l i terature ) in the Solomons and Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea. Though these languages share much of the ir early history , they have since deve l­ oped along di fferent lines and are no longer easily mutual ly inte l ligible (Muhlh ausler , Bennett and Tryon 1979) . Tok Pisin in particular has a number of characteristics which are not shared by Bichelamar and Solomon I s l ands P i j in : in i ts vocabulary , a significant number of bases is borrowed from Tolai and related Melanesian l anguage s , whi lst German has been the source of vocabu lary in a number of technical areas such as carpentry and building. Tok Pisin also is the only variety of Melanesian Pidgin English which has a very s igni ficant number of first­ l anguage speakers . Apart from the varieties of Pidgin Engl ish just mentioned , a few others wi l l bri efly b e enumerated : another important variety of Paci fic Pidgin Engl ish i s Hawaiian Pidgin ( Da Kine Talk) which exi sts i n a number of subvarieties (Carr 1972 ) . Recent wars in south-East Asia have led to the short-l ived emergence of Korean Bamboo English (Algeo 1960 ) , Japanese Pidgin English ( Goodman 196 7 ) and Thai and Vie tnamese varieties of P idgin Engli sh. There are indications that many of the English creoles spoken in the Caribbean have a pidgin past ( Cassidy 197 1 ) and this may also be the case with North Amer ican Black Engl ish .

1.1.4

TOK P I S I N AN D OTH E R L I NGUE FRANCH E I N PAPUA NEW GU I N EA

Papua New Guinea is an area of extreme linguistic diversifi cation . Over 750 different languages and many more dialects are spoken within its boundaries. In this context , mu ltilingualism and the use of lingue franche have been dominant for a long time . In pre-colonial Papua New Guinea , the problem of intertribal communicat ion was overcome in two ways : fir s t , through the institutionalisation of b i lingualism ( and sometimes multilingualism) in restricted areas : i . e . some or all membe rs of a vil lage community would speak or unders tand the dialects or lan­ guages of adj acent vil lages . Knowledge of other languages and dialects faded out with distance. In addit ion , multi l ingualism was also correlated with social posi tion , the ' big men ' ( traditional leaders) often exhibiting extraordinary gifts of l anguage whi ch enabled them to negotiate with adj acent tribes and which was part of their inventory of rhetoric skil l s . A case study of traditional bi­ lingualism is found in Salisbury 1962 . Whi l st bil ingual i sm was restricted to short distances in geographical space , the s econd phenomenon , tradit ional trade languages , was f ound in contexts which required communication across greater distances . The most famous trade l anguage in Papua New Guinea is the Hiri Trade Language ( see Dutton and Kakare 197 7 ) . It was used by members of the Motu tribe ( settled in the Port Moresby area) on their annual trading expedi tions (Hiri) to the Kerema area of the Gul f Province . Another , as yet virtually undocumented , trade lingua franca is Sias s i , which is reported to have been in use in the Astro l abe Bay area . The beginnings of lingue franche of wider regional and general importance came about only with the establishment of colonial administration and European mi ssions. The result o f the se contacts was the development of two phenomena : first , mis sion l i ngue franche and second , pidgins derived from European languages .

INTRODUCTION

7

The question of miss ion lingue franche has been dealt with in detail by a number of writers ( e . g . McE lhanon 197 9 ) . What happened , as a rule , was that each mission se l ected a language c losely connected with the locality where it estab­ lished i tse l f , such as Jabem, Kate or Gedaged , adopting this as its contact medium , rathe r than making a careful investigation into the social and linguistic factors which might determine the choice o f a suitable l inguistic medium. Whi lst some suc cess was achieved in spreading miss ion l ingue franche in seve=al areas of Papua New Guinea , the very number of those l anguages and the divergent aims of the missions made i t impos s ible for any o f these lingue franche to become accep­ ted inter-regionally or even general ly . Equa l ly important was the fact that mi s s ion language s , from the i r very beginnings , were in competition with other lingue franche , in particular varieties of Pidgin Eng lish . The resu l t of European colonisation on the linguistic picture was twofold. An early result was the introduction o f a ' foreign ' pidgin , Coastal Malay , to­ gether wi th the importation of Malay l abourers into German New Guinea ( Se i ler 1982 ) . Coastal Malay was of considerable importance in the government stations and plantations o f the northern New Guinea mainland in the early days of German administration but ceased to be of influence after 1900 . Another early l ingua franca , in Papu a , was Police Motu , a pidgin based on the Motu language o f the Port Moresby area . It became establ ished before the turn of the century , as a l ingua franca used by the local pol ice force of what was then B ritish New Guinea ( Dutton 1982a and forthcoming) wh�ch is why it was orig­ ina l ly known as ' Police Motu ' . It was bel ieved until recently that it was a direct descendant o f the H iri Trade Language ( see above) and , in the l ight of this be lie f , was remaned 'Hi ri Motu ' in recent years . However , research by T . E . Dutton has shown that Police Motu was not directly derived from this l anguage . There is evidence that the Motu possessed a simplified version of their own l anguage which they employed in communicating with foreigners other than their Hiri trading partners ( Taylor 1978) . This simpli fied l anguage may have played a part in the deve lopment of Police Motu . Of interest is the very close structural similarity between Tok P is in and Police Motu , which may suggest that relexification of pidgin English as spoken by the first poli cemen , with vocabul ary items from Motu (or s implified Motu ) , may we l l have played an important role in the origin and development of Police Motu ( Dutton 1 9 7 8 ) . Once it had developed , Pol ice Motu spread rapidly as a general l ingua franca and became the unofficial language of the administration , through mos t of what was the Territory of Papua , i . e . the southern part of present-day Papua New Guinea . Between World Wars I and I I , official government pol icy , which dis­ courage d the speaking of Pidgin Engl ish , and the exclusive use of Police Motu by the pol ice force and the administration , resulted in the temporary e limination of pidgin Engl i sh from that area . Police Motu continued flourishing and expanding the area of i t s currency for a number of years after World War I I , but in the 195 0s-6 0s started to recede more or less rapidly before Pidgin English and lost i ts dominance in many areas . Even more important were varieties of pidgin English which were used as contact l anguages between Europeans and indigenes . Pidgin English in Papua appears to bear c lose resemblance to that spoken in Queens land on the cane fields , on the Torres Strait islands and Cape York Peninsula ( Landtmann 19 2 7 , Laade 1967) . Howeve r , both the government in Papua and the mi ssions adopted pol icies aimed at ousting Pidgin Eng li sh , encouraging the use of Police Motu and local languages , or Engl i sh . I n German New Guinea , on the other hand, the pidgin Engl ish which was al ready found in some areas - a result of early European visits and trade and

8

S . A . WURM and P . MUHLHA USLER

labour contacts with Samoa - gained importance in a relatively short time and was firmly established as a territory-wide lingua franca by 1914 . Both because of i ts closer links with Samoan Pidgin ( Muhlhausler 1975d , 1976 , 1978b ) and because of i ts influence from Tolai and German , its l inguistic properties differed con­ siderably from the variety of Pidgin English in what was then the Territory o f Papua . New Guinea Pidgin ( now cal l ed Tok P i s i n ) subsequently took over the functions of virtually all other lingue franche and , for some speakers at least , the function of the i r original first language as we ll .

1.1.5

THE STATUS O F TOK P I S I N V I S-A- V I S THE O FF I C I AL LANGUAGES

In spi te o f the fact that Tok Pisin has had behind it the logic of everyday use , it was never e levated to the status of an official l anguage . Instead , both Germany and Australia insi sted on the use of the i r own languages (German and Engl i sh respective ly) as o fficial language s . However , neither o f the colonial powers was successful in making the i r respective language a l ingua franca . German was known to a very small number of indigenes onl y , sometimes , particularly around mi s sion posts , in a pidginised variety ( c f . Muhlhau s ler 1980a ) . Similar l y , English remair.ed the l anguage o f the expatriates and a very sma l l number o f Papua It is only in most recent times that New Guineans unt il we l l after World War I I . Eng li sh has become a more widely used l ingua franca. However , both its functional domains (technologica l , hi gher education , higher administration ) and social dis­ tribution ( the educated , secondary and tertiary students ) have remained restricted and so have not led to a decrease in the use of Tok Pisin. I t seems clear that Tok Pisin , English and the local vernaculars are in complementary distribution from the point of view of their communicative functions in present-day Papua New Guinea . However , the status of Tok Pisin has been the topic of sometimes heated debate ( Dutton 1976 a , McDonald 1976 ) . The effe cts of the se debates on the status o f Tok P isin have not been very signifi cant and have not resulted in i ts being awarded the status of a national l anguage , though the adoption of i ts present official name , Tok P isin , is a step on the road towards i ts pos s ible higher o fficial status , to replace that of i ts being the unofficial national language of Papua New Guinea today.

1 . 1 .6

THE SOC I AL ROL E OF TOK P I S I N

Pidgin languages , according to Hall ( 1962 ) , come into being for certain social reasons and either grow or fade away with changing condi tions . Tok P isin is the typi cal example o f an expanded pidgin , i . e . one which began in a narrowly defined social context and gradually expanded to other function s . Through the course of i ts history Tok Pisin expanded i ts functional domain from that of a trade l anguage used between Europeans and indigenes , a plantation l anguage , an intertribal lingua franca , mission language , l anguage of the administration and parliament , to the first language or primary l anguage for a growing number of speakers . In contrast to other pidgins , Tok Pisin has not remained a l anguage of in­ equality , or one restricted to domains involving inequality , but has become a language for upward social mobility and participation in pol i tical and economic power . In recent years it has become a symbol of cultural and national identity for many .

INTRODUCTION

9

The position of Tok Pisin is enhanced by the fact that a standard orthography and some degree of standardisation in i ts vocabulary are avai l able . In addition , it is increasingly used in mass communication , both oral and printed , and a body of literature , including short storie s , poetry and drama , is developing .

1.1.7

TOK P I S I N AND I TS S P EAK ERS

According to 1971 census figures Tok Pisin was spoken by about 700 , 00 0 persons over the age of ten , out o f two mi l lion . Those census figures further indicated that it was spoken as the home language by 6 7 , 0 00 male s and 2 5 , 000 female s , a fact which reflected the growing importance of Tok Pisin in the urban areas . The population of papua New Guinea has since grown to wel l over three mil lion , and the number of speakers of Tok Pisin is over half that figure . D . C . Laycock , in his contribution on Tok Pisin and the census ( 3 . 1) , addresses himself to some o f the relevant questions in this connection . From i ts very beginning , Tok Pisin has been a l anguage of the male popula­ tion , learnt on plantations and government stations by enterpri sing young men , whi lst most females have remained in their home vil lage s . The 1971 figures still indicate a dominance o f mal es ( 4 86 , 000 against 247 , 000 female s ) . However , as the quest ion was ' Can this person speak simple Pidgin? ' , the widespread passive know­ ledge of Tok Pisin among females in more recently opened up areas may have been ignored . Apart from sex , knowledge of Tok Pisin is also determined by geographical factors : Tok Pisin was , unti l recently , spoken mainly in the former Trust Territory of New Guinea . A knowledge of Tok Pisin was ( and still i s ) much less common ly found in the former Papua area , though in a number of areas inc luding Port Moresby and the Southern Highlands Province , it has become the predominant lingua franca and is moving in that direction e lsewhere . Tok Pisin was spoken fi rst in the large New Guinea I s lands in the north-east , subsequently in the coastal areas of the north-eastern mainland and only in the last 40 years of i ts 1 00 years of history has it become a lingua franca in the Highlands . It may not be long before the H i ghl anders wi l l be the nume rical ly dominant group o f Tok Pisin speakers and this may lead to a wider spread of some of the lexi cal and syntactic peculiarities of Highlands Tok Pisi n . It has been mentioned that Tok Pisin has become the first l anguage o f a num­ ber of children . This creolisation ( the term used when a pidgin becomes a first language) is encountered mainly in the large urban centres . I t i s also found in some rural areas of the Manus , Madang and East Sepik Provinces . The transition from s econd to first l anguage Tok P i sin is often gradual , re flecting gradual change s in the social environment rather than abrupt ones .

1.1.8

S P READ AND TRANSMI SS ION O F TOK P I S I N

For the maj ority o f speakers Tok Pisin remains a second l anguage . The age at which i t i s acquired depends on the geographic location and the degree to which Tok Pi sin has become institutionalised in a community . This means that closer to gove rnment posts or urban centres , Tok Pisin is usually acquired at an earlier age . Today , most chi ldren l earn the language in their home vil lage , o ften before school age . In e arlier days , and still in some remote areas , Tok Pisin used to be , or i s , learnt during indentured labour on the plantations or European stations .

10

S . A . WURM and P . MUHLHA USLER

In both case s , the language is l earnt informally . Formal instruction in Tok Pisin i s restricted to the Tok Pisin s chools run by various mi ssions . A smal l number of Papua New Guineans from what used to be Papua also learn Tok Pisin in courses at the Unive rsity o f Papua New Guinea .

1.1.9

ATT I TUDES AN D POLI CIES

Few l anguages have been at the centre of such prolonged controversy and debates as has Tok Pisin . As wi th most controversies , misunderstandings and polemics have been common and it therefore seems necessary to dispel some of the mi sconceptions unde rlying the debate about Tok Pisin here . In the previous page s , an attempt has been made to provide a positive char­ acteris ation of the language . To this may be added now a brief discussion of what Tok P i sin is not . Firstly , there are a number o f misconceptions about i ts linguistic nature . It is not the case , as has often been assumed , that Tok Pisin is a substandard variety of Eng lish , i . e . a broken and debased form of it . Nor is it true that Tok P i sin has no grammar , that it is infinitely more ambiguous than other lan­ guages or that its l exicon consists of only 50 , 100 or 300 words . At least , this has not been the case for the last 50 years or more . There is evidence that Tok Pisin started off as a rather imperfect and rudimentary l anguage towards the end of the l ast century , but this is certainly no longer so in the present-day s itu­ at ion . It is a dangerous simpli fication to say that i ts vocabulary is basically English . This view can only be maintained i f one be lieves in an outmoded concept of lexi cal borrowing . Nor is the grammar of Tok Pisin j ust Me lane sian : it wi l l b e shown that mixing o f l anguages and independent development can be found a t all leve l s o f the language and that any s ingle explanation fai ls to fully character­ i se the l inguistic character of Tok Pisin . Other misconcept ions about the nature of Tok Pisin concern its social status . It has been charged that Tok Pisin re flects outmoded race-relations and colonial oppress ion . Agai n , these charges were j us ti fied at a much earlier stage in the deve lopment o f the language . Since then , the former vehicle of exploitation and order-giving has become the vehicle of national sel f-determination and indepen­ dence . Simi larly , most charges that Tok Pisin cannot handl e a given topic prop­ erly must be seen in a sociocultural perspective . Languages serve the communica­ tive needs of a speech commun ity , and Tok Pisin is no exception . It is an adequate lingui stic medium for those areas which the majority of i ts speakers wish to di scuss . It grows in expressive power as it i s put to use in new functions , such as describing aspe cts of modern technology or higher education . In evaluating the relative power of English and present-day Tok Pisin one must not make the mi stake of assuming that the mere existence of a word such as ' nuclear fission ' or a phrase such as ' theory of relativity ' means that most speakers of Eng l i sh can free ly talk about the concepts underlying them. Instead , the growth of vocab­ ulary mus t be seen against the background of conceptual deve lopment of a speaker or speech community . Once speakers of Tok Pisin can handle a new concept , they wi l l find an adequate term for it , be it through borrowing or be it by employing the language-internal means of word-formation . These processes have been dis­ cussed by Peter Muhlhausler in his con tribution on l anguage planning and the Tok Pi sin lexi con (6 . 8 ) . Many of the above misconceptions have their roots in a status concept of l anguage , i . e . they i gnore that languages are in a continuous state of change and

INTRODUCTION

11

that Tok Pisin i n particular has changed both i ts linguistic character and its social functions a number o f times in i ts short history .

1. 1.10

SOME AIMS O F THE P RESENT BOOK

Our present knowledge and unde rstandi ng o f Tok Pisin is still far from com­ p lete and it has been demonstrated over and over again that any closer look at the language has required the revis ion of many established ideas he ld about i t . Thus , the present handbook aims at providing a detailed summary of research which has been carried out to date , as wel l as giving an evaluation of such research in the light o f new findings . Whi l st the writers have attempted to avoid technical lan­ guage , the u se of modern linguistic terminology could not be entirely avoided in al l places . The subject matter of the book has been arranged in such a way that histori­ cal aspects concerning Tok Pisin are dealt with first in a number of chapters , to be fol l owed by chapters discussing the nature of the l anguage in general , largely from an external point of view . These are in turn fol lowed by chapters dealing with the internal nature and grammar of Tok Pisin . This series of chapters is concluded with a di scussion o f Tok Pisin and i ts relevance to theoreti cal i s sues in creo li stics and general lingui stics . These chapters are followed by chapters devoted to current problems and to some topics l inked with the current use and functions of Tok Pisin , which in turn are fol lowed by chapters devoted to problems of the s cientific study of Tok Pisin and language planning . The book concludes with a chapter devoted to proj ecting the possible future of the language .

S P E C I AL THANKS The editors are especially grateful to their many colleagues for ready advice and assistance during the compilation of the volume , and would like to give the ir particular thanks to Sue Tys , whos e typesetting has enhanced the book , to Lois Carrington for assistance in compiling the bibliography and the index , and also to Malcolm Ros s , whose technical ski l l s were so wil l i ngly lent to the initial setting up o f computer programs for these l ast two s ections . Thanks are also due to Jackie MUhlhausler for her assistance with proofreading and general advice . Thanks are also expressed to the Foreign Office of the Federal Republ i c o f Germany for financial assistance for thi s pub l ication .

2.

HISTORICAL ASPECTS

Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. "Introduction". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:3-11. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.3 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

2 .1

H I STO RY O F T HE STUDY O F TO K P I S I N P. Muhlhau s l er

2 . 1.1

I NTRODUCT I ON

As one of the central aims of the present handbook is to summarise the re­ sults o f research into this language it seems appropriate to begin with a brief overview o f the motives , methods and phases in its study . This task is facili­ tated greatly by research carried out in recent years , in particular Laycock ' s summary of Tok P i sin studies ( 19 7 0d) and the publ ication of the Bibli ography of pidgin and creol e languages as we l l as the preliminary results of work carried out in the Department o f Language at the University o f Papua New Guinea ( McDonald 1 9 7 5 ) and the Anthropos Institute ( Z ' graggen 1976) . The Bibliography of pidgin and creol e languages ( Reinecke et al . eds 1 9 7 5 ) contains brief abstracts of a large number of minor artic les and materials on this l anguage and it is for this reason that l i ttle reference wi l l be made to such studies in the present summary . However , in spi te of the value of the publi cations statement on the hi story of Tok Pisin studies is called point of avai lable bibliographies is around 1970 and b) numerous materials , in particular miss ion materials and Plantation Pidgin which suggest the need to re-evaluate ( cf . also Mosel and Mlihlhausler 1982) .

2 . 1.2

just mentioned , a new for s ince a) the cut-off the author has located mate rials on Samoan some earlier statements

MOT I VES I N THE STUDY O F TOK P I S I N

As has been pointed out by a number o f writers , most recently by Bickerton ( 1976) , the field of pidgin and creole studie s was regarded ( until very recently ) a s being marginal to the wider field o f lingui stics . This lack o f serious scien­ tific studies of pidgins and creoles is encountered in the case of Tok Pisin , though recent research by McDonald of the Tok Pi sin Research Unit of UPNG and the present author at the Australian National University has led to the discovery of a number o f valuable older research material s . Thus , i t seems warranted to say that Tok pis in is one of the best documented pidgins . S ti l l , the documentation of i ts l ingui stic past is not as complete as one would wish e specially since the value of much of the olde r work on this l anguage is diminished by the motives unde rlying its compilation and by the rather blunt analytic tools used in its descriptions . The motives underlying work on Tok Pisin can be labe l led as follows : a) The des ire of the writer to amuse his audience with anecdotal observations about a ' quee r ' variant of English . b) Pedagogical motive s , in particular the des ire to teach Tok P isin to expatriate s . c ) S c ientific interest i n the structure and social role o f the language .

S . A . Wurm and P . Muhlhaus l e r , eds Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pi dgin) , 1 5 - 3 3 . Pacific Lingui stics , C- 70 , 1984 . © P . Muhlhausler

Mühlhäusler, P. "History of the study of Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:15-33. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.15 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

15

16

P . MUHLHA USLER

d ) Di scussing the merits o f Tok Pisin as an official language , its use in education , etc . The f irst motive is the one most frequently encountered in the shorter state­ men ts on Tok Pisin such as are found in numerous popular articles , travel books , diaries written by expatriates and newspapers such as the prewar Rabaul News . A longer monograph with this expres sed aim is that by Churchi l l ( 1911) who remarks : Beach-la-mar is an amusing speech ; in this brie f treatise we have studied it with a gaiety of enj oyment which it would be a s hame not to have expre ssed . Prior to Church i l l ' s monograph a number of German and Engl ish writers had expres sed a simi lar view . Names that come to mind are the much- cited travel writer Baron von Hesse Wartegg ( 1920 : 5 2 - 54 ) , Daiber ( 190 2 : 254-256) and Hernsheim ( 1883 : 10 2 ) . Ve ry o ften , Tok Pi sin i s used as a lite rary device illustrating the ' primitive­ nes s ' of i ts speakers rather than an object of study per s e . This tradition o f writing about Tok pisin without much knowledge and insight continues , though in recent years anecdotal accounts have come to be replaced by more s erious asse ssments . Instead of giving an exhaustive account of such popular writings , some common ideas found in many of them ( often being handed down for generation s ) will be i l lustrated by means of a number of quotations . It is hoped however , that a full er history of popular accounts of Tok Pisin and the pre j udices contained in them will be written , once the materials have been located and prop­ erly catalogued . Some of the often-repeated myths about Tok Pisin in such accounts include : a) Tok Pisin is a hotch-potch of words from many sources . quotations i llustrate thi s :

The following

The pidgin-English a s spoken i n these days i s about the most atrocious form of speech perhaps one could find in any corner of the globe . It is neither one thing or the other. Consisting of a mixture of Samoan and Chinese here and there , with an occas ional word of Malayan , i t is conglomeration truly worthy ( Editorial Rabaul Times , October 16 , of the tower of Babe l . 19 25 . ) pidgin , which is a completely unscientific and apparently spontaneous arrangement of words and phrase s , is used by mi ll ions o f people . ( R . W . Robson in The Australian sol di ers pocket book , August 1943 . ) I t wi l l be a we lcome change to speak a language , a real l anguage , instead of this hybrid conglomeration of crudities known in the aggregate as pidgin . (Pacific Islands Monthl y , July 1945 : 24 . ) b) Tok Pisin is just ' Comic Opera Talk Talk ' ( Robe rtson 19 7 1 : 13 ) . Most popular accounts of Tok Pisin contain a number of real or imagined examples of Tok Pisin to i l lustrate thi s point . The fol lowing two passages represent thi s point of view : This " Pidgin " ! S ince publ ication o f my note i n last issue , quite a number of good friends have sent in some startling examples of lingual ingenuity. The best comes from the Editor of a Metropolitan daily - a man , otherwi s e , o f unblemished reputation - but as this is a family j ournal of unchallenged respectability , we must firmly refuse to print it . Here ,

HISTORY OF THE STUDY OF TOK PISIN

17

however , are two , direct from New Guine a , which have been passed by the censor : A European Lady : " Big fel la missus he put water belong stink along him. " In other words , the average whi te woman is be st remembered by the natives owing to her use of perfume . A Piano : "Big fe lla bokus ( box) you fightem he cry . " This is highly ingenious - particularly the description of keyboard action . ( Pacific Islands Mon thl y , September 16 , 1 9 30 . ) A resident of Townsville sends me more lively examples o f "pidgin . " Thi s i s how a New Guinea boy s ays : " You ' re bald ! " : " Grass belong coconut he no more stop . " "Picaninny is a "baby " ; " deewhy" is a " tree " - " piccaninny belong deewhy " therefore i s " frui t . " " Copper" is a covering , such as a roo f ; therefore " copper be long ' and , " for fingernail , is quite ingenious . " Lik l ik " is " small " ; " lik l ik too much" is " smaller" ; " l ik lik plenty too much" is "very small . " ( Paci fi c Islands Mon thl y , December 16 , 1 9 30 . ) Underlying many such statements about Tok Pisin is a distinctly racist attitude towards the indigenous speakers of the language . The following remarks by Daiber ( 1902 : 5 4 ) are representative of many made later : Translation : Thus the whi te man attempted when he settled upon the palm­ shaded islands of the South Seas , to bring English as a common language to the multilingual black native s , with which they could communi cate with the whites as well as among one another . But the childish son o f the wilderness was not yet ripe for abs tract linguistic concepts . He transformed the language in h is own ways , intermingled it with his own expres s ions and ( author ' s translation) the quaint Pidgin English was created . This quotation illustrates another preoccupation of many popular writers , name ly thei r desire to demonstrate that Tok Pisin deve loped as a result of certain quirks of hi story rather than out of a need for communi cation whi lst maintaining social inequality . Thus , one myth about the origin o f Tok Pi sin encountered in the popular l i te rature is that Tok Pisin was invented by the Germans , e i ther in order to prevent the indigenes from using German ( cf . Reed 1943 : 2 7 1 ) or because they were unable to pronounce its guttural sounds ( He lton 1940 : 5 ) . Another widely held belie f is that Tok Pisin was brought to New Guinea by Chinese indentured laboure rs . These views have been discussed in detail by Muhlhausler ( 19 78d and 1979c) . S ince popular and anecdotal accounts of pidgin form a large percentage of the older sources on this language , investigators have to rely on information gleaned from them for the reconstruction of earlier stages of this language . Although a time-consuming task , valuable data can be found among care less presen­ tations and obvious misrepresentations . Muhlhausler ( 1979 c) has found these sources o f particular help for the reconstruction of the lexical component o f Tok Pisin , but there are indications , as given by Sankoff ( 19 7 6 ) , that some insights into earlier stages of syntax can also be gained from them . The literature about Tok Pi sin designed to entertain is complemented by a second set of materia l s , name ly pedagogical materials . Again , the usefulne ss of these materials to the lingu i st ( and the language learne r ) varies . The general impression gained from a review of Tok pisin teaching materials ( i . e . materials teaching Tok pis in as a second language ) i s that , with very few exceptions , those writers who knew the language best knew little about writing down its rules or

18

P . MUHLHAUSLER

the principles o f language teaching , whi l st some of the technically more sound pedagogical grammars are characterised by a lack of ins ight into the structure s of the language . There are some exceptions . In particular , Dutton ' s audio­ l ingual course in Tok Pisin ( 1 9 7 3 ) is based on an intimate knowledge of the lan­ guage and its speakers and a thorough understanding of second-language teaching . The deve lopmen t of rel iable materials which could be used for teaching Tok Pisin as a second language was hampere d , as were l ingui stic description s , by the negative attitudes prevail ing throughout the colonial period in Papua New Guinea and , in addition , by certain assumptions both about Tok Pisin and language learning proce sses on the part of tho se who provide pedagogical gramma rs and course materials . The l earning of Tok Pi sin by speakers of English is a rela­ tively recent phenomenon . Previously it was usually as sumed that Tok Pisin is a s imp l ified and corrupted form of English and to produce ' pidgin English' one needed only to speak a sort of baby talk " l iberally besprinkled with - em and reduplication , and ignoring all syntax . " ( c f . comments by Wedgwood 1954 : 7 84 ) , and with certain lexical items such as were felt to be appropriate to a pidgin situ­ at ion . This attitude was generally not shared by the survivors of the abortive French attempt to colonise New Ireland , e . g . Mouton ( cf . B iskup 1 9 7 4 ) and the German coloni sers . German settlers made s erious efforts to learn Tok P i sin before written grammars were available , and i t was genera l ly learnt by the Germans orally in their dealings with the native s , i . e . i t was learnt in the restricted set of contexts in which i t was used , with the results that many German speakers acquired an exce l lent working knowledge untainted by English habits of speech . However , the hostile attitude of the German administration towards Tok Pisin ( c f . MUhlhausler 1 9 7 5b) prevented serious work on materials which could help newcomers to acquire the language quickly. I t appears that no phrase books and vocabularies o f the kind provided for wes t African Pidgin English in the Cameroons ( von Hagen 19 1 0 ) , were made avai lable for New Guinea . However , newcomers from Germany found some guidance in accounts of Tok Pisin such as that by Schnee ( 1904) , which out­ lines the e ssentials of i ts grammar and lexicon and Friederici ( 19 1 1 ) . The latter exp l i citly state s that he wishes to supplement Schnee ' s sketch with further remarks which would be of use to those "who would like to inform themse lves about pidgin Eng l i sh before their j ourney to the South sea" ( author ' s translation) . However , on page 9 5 Friederici remarks that proper Tok Pisin should be learnt in one ' s dealings with natives and that grammatical sketches compiled by Europeans could at best be supplementary to this . ( For more comments on Friederici ' s article see McDonald 1 9 7 7 . ) Whi l st the learning o f Tok Pisin by the German settlers through dealings with the indigenous population was moderately satis factory , the need was fel t , part­ icularly by the Catholic miss ion who had adopted Tok Pisin as a medium in the 1920s , to have at hand teaching materials for newcomers from Germany . Thus , the first compl ete course for German missionaries was written in 1930 (Borchardt : Anlei tung In many ways , this course was a step backwards . zur Erlernung des Tok Boi ) . Borchardt , like many scholars at the time , held that a pidgin l anguage is a com­ binat ion of native syntax and European vocabulary . Thus his course is based almost entirely on Bley ' s Kuanua grammar ( 19 12 ) . This assumption had two conse­ quences : rules of Tok P i sin which reflected independent developments or transfer from English were neglected , and the meaning o f lexical items was characterised as being c lo ser to Engli sh than was actually the case . Borchardt ' s course was based on the grammar translation method with the gramma tical categories used being those o f the class ical European l anguages . This de cis ion further weakened the course mate rials . The use o f this and s imilar book s has resulted , in the meantime ,

HISTORY OF THE STUDY OF TOK PISIN

19

in the development o f a special miss ion dialect of Tok Pisin which is at variance with the l anguage spoken by the indigenous populat ion . Borchardt translated his course into English in the early 1930s . However , i t appears to have remained unknown outside the archdiocese o f Rabaul and only to have been used by mi ss ionaries . Pedagogical motives also prompted a smal l group of Divine Word miss ionarie s ( Alexishafen) to compile dictionaries and grammars of Tok Pisin , as they had come to realise on the occasion of a conference in Marienberg in the l ate 1920s that few of the missionaries had the necessary understanding o f the language to carry out mi ssion work in i t . S chebesta ' s grammar (which I have not as yet seen) , and dictionary and van Baar ' s vocabulary and later enlarged dict ionary were some of the results of this conference . The dictionary work is impressive , not only because of the wealth of materials but also because of a number of remarks about variation , the use of individual entrie s , etymologie s , etc . An interesting side e ffect of these e fforts by the Alexishafen mis s ionaries was a number of aids designed to help New Guineans to acquire a reading knowledge of Tok Pisin , among them a comic strip P i g t e J pig­ tai l . Most of the Alexishafen materials were written in the German language and appear to have had l i ttle influence outside the mission sphere . Such was the situation of the English-speaking settlers in the new Trust Territory , that no teaching aids were avai lable to them , a fact which is mentioned and deplored in several editorials of the Rabaul Times , for instance that of December 1 7 , 1 9 3 7 : A handbook of pidgin would be invaluable to everybody providing it was comprehensive , and was compi led by someone who had a real knowledge of the matter , and one who knew at least one native language to guide him. If such a handbook gave us the origin of Pidgin words , the way such words could be interpreted to mean the many things they often do , the reason for the curious construction of phrases , and the e lements of native psychology , a newcomer might learn in a few months what it would take him as many years to l earn . The call for pedagogical grammars and other teaching materials fel l on deaf ears during peacetime and they only became available to speakers of English as a result of World War I I , i . e . under the pressures for e f fective communication and propa­ ganda during the war . American soldiers were taught Tok Pisin by the aud�ol ingual me thod , based on Hal l ' s structuralist analysi s of this l anguage (Hall et al . 1942 ) , whilst many Australians learnt it from booklets such as those by He lton ( 19 4 3 ) and Murphy ( 19 4 3 ) . The l atter were written by laymen and , whilst providing valu­ able sociolingui stic informat ion , often fell short of adequately characteri sing the syntax and lexi con o f the language . In addition , they did not constitute works of any pedagogical value . The e ffects o f the war on the teaching of Tok Pi sin were not lasting. After 1945 the majority o f expatriates did not l earn Tok P i s in in any formal way but continued to use their variety of broken Engli sh when dealing with the indigenes . The s ituation only changed j us t before the achievement of self-government for Papua New Guinea . The wind of change blowing in the country in the late 1 960s and early 1970s resulted in the appearance of a number of courses in this language . The sudden des i re to have teaching materials resulted in the publication of mat­ e rials which otherwi se might not have seen the light of day . For the use of anthropologists and fieldworkers two courses teaching Highlands and Lowlands Tok Pisin respectively were publ ished ( Wurm 19 7 1a, Laycock 1970c ) , consisting mainly o f notes on grammar , a long l i s t o f useful phrases and texts . Whi l s t lacking in

20

P . MUHLHAUSLER

pedagogical sophi stication, these courses proved to be of considerable value to linguistical ly sophi sti cated academi cs . At the same t ime Litteral ' s Programmed course in New Guinea Pidgin ( 1969) for members of the Summer Institute of Lin­ gui stics and missionaries provided a less technical introduction to the language . The principal drawback of thi s course l ies in i ts orientation towards linguistic structures rather than socially relevant language . As pointed out by Laycock ( 1 970b : 4 7 ) : The user of thi s book will not be able to ask his way to even the most primi tive vil lage toi let ; and the entire vocabulary o f sex and i ts organs is also l amentably absent . A second course which appeared in the same year , Thomas ' Learning Pi dgi n , put out by the Australian Broadcasting Commi ssion for its broadcast Tok Pisin course , teaches a far more useful body of language , but fall s short in i ts pedagogical approach as well as containing several vague and incorrect statements about Tok Pisin . However , even with these shortcomings , Thomas ' course ful fi lled an urgent need and must be regarded as one of the factors contributing to a more ready acceptance of Tok P is in by the expatriate communi ty . Finally , the year 1969 saw yet another course in Tok P isin , name ly Mihalic ' s Introduction to New Guinea Pi dgin . Though des i gned for l earners of Tok Pisin , it is primarily a brief reference book . Its main virtue s are the relevance o f the language materials to communication in Papua New Guinea and the avoidance of unwarranted generalisat ions about Tok Pisin . Further notes on these three courses can be found in Laycock 1970b and Tomasetti 1970 . Teaching aids for private tuition and instruction by radio were supplemented in the l ate 1960s and early 1 970s with materials accompanying the adult education courses of the Department of Education in Port Moresby . A number of such book­ l ets , entitled " Tok Pisin" and written by Healey , appeared between 1969 and 197 1 . They diffe r from earlier teaching material s in that they are much more compre­ hensive and desi gned for use by a teacher in a classroom situation . The method advocated is basically a grammar translation method ; however , grammatical exer­ cises are supplemented with an impressive amount of sociolinguistic informat ion . The main drawback of these books is a lack of organisat ion , and an o ften confusing treatment o f points of grammar , reflecting the author ' S lack of background in l ingui stics and methods o f language teaching. However , Healey ' s materials would s t i l l make good supplementary reading to the more formali sed courses by Litteral ( 19 69 ) and Dutton ( 19 7 3 ) . The demand for more sophist icated teaching materials continued to increase and resul ted in the publication in 1 9 7 3 of two courses designed explicitly for the teaching of Tok Pisin to Europeans , namely those of Dutton ( 19 7 3 ) and Sadler ( 19 7 3 b) . Both courses are based on the grammar and vocabulary of Mihal i c ( 19 7 1 ) though Dutton , i n particular , supplies additional observations about the l anguage and i ts us e . A comparison between the content offered in the two courses has been made by Frankl in ( 1 974 : 56-63 ) . Frankl in ' s observations need to be supple­ mented with notes on the methods and techniques employed in these two course s . I shall first consider Sadler ' s cour s e . The method used i s one outlined by Nida ( 19 5 7 ) , namely the learning of a l anguage in a field s ituation with the help of an unski l led native informan t . Because of the limitations of the informant­ teache r the discus sion of grammar and vocabulary needs to be comprehensive , expl icit and systematic . Unfortunately Sadler ' s course fal ls down badly on these points . Further drawbacks o f the course are the lack of sociocultural inform­ ation , and the un j usti fied stress on production ski l l s rather than comprehension ski l l s . With regard to the l atter point Sadler repeats the mistakes of many of his forerunners : in that the aim of l anguage learning is seen as being able to

HISTORY OF THE STUDY OF TOK PISIN

21

speak the language rather than t o comprehend and meaningfully interact i n i t . The emphasi s on production brings with i t the danger that Tok Pisin i s used by the whi te learner for one-way communication , i . e . to give orders and instructions rather than to learn from the Tok Pisin-using community .

These shortcomings are not encountered in Dutton ' s course . In fact , Dutton ' s Conversa tional New Guinea Pi dgin must be seen a s a major breakthrough and it can only be hoped that the author , who himse lf has taught the course many times to various groups of learners , will incorporate his experience in a revised version soon . Dutton ' s method i s audiolingual and is appropriate mainly to language lab­ oratory teaching on an intensive or semi-intensive s cale . Language ski l ls are bui l t up in a control led manner by grading of gramma tical structure s and by means of carefully devi sed dri l l s . A strong point of the course is its relevance to eve ryday- l i fe situations in papua New Guinea , i ts presentation of culturally relevant vocabulary and notes on the social context in which the l anguage i s used . However , with Tok P i sin ' s continued functional expansion and with Papua New Guinea being an i ndependent nation , some of the texts may have to be revised in future editions . The main drawback of Dutton ' s course is probably h i s fairly strict adherence to the audiol in gual method whi ch may become tedious for inte l l i gent learners . However , as the course is a short one in comparison with audiol ingual courses in other languages , this criticism is not serious . In my opinion , a certain amount of dril ling is es sentia l , particularly with adul t learners . A final strong point of Dutton ' s course i s the availability of tapes for private study . It must be stressed, however , that an experienced teacher cannot eas i ly be replaced by tape s . Dutton 19 76b di scusses how h i s course can be expanded to promote communicat ive competence among the learners . Teaching materials for speakers of languages other than Engli sh or German have not been avai l able unt i l very recently . In particular , no materials for Papua New Guineans , apart from some unpub lished mi ssion texts , were available . In 1973 the first course designed to teach Tok Pisin to adult Papua New Guineans ( particularly i l l i terates from newly opened up areas) was made avai l able ( Sadler 1 9 7 3 a) . The method used is the direct method , i . e . the teacher uses Tok Pisin for instruction from the beginning , moving from words and phrases for actions in the classroom to common s ituations outside . The book i s designed in a way which requires only minimal teaching experience from the instructor . As yet , no report about the use of the book in an actual classroom s ituation has come to my atten­ tion . However , I suspect that some of the advantages of the use of the direct method would be neutrali sed by the fairly rigid and unimaginative organi sation of the contents . I t must be hoped that empirical research in the ways in which Tok Pisin is acquired informal ly by Papua New Guineans on plantations , towns or patrol posts wi l l result in new insights into how Tok P i s in is be st taught in such a s i tuation . Sadler ' s book i s an interesting experiment , neverthe less . This conclude s the d iscussion of the history of pedagogical grammars and textbooks in Tok pisin . The fol lowing section will deal with more theoretically oriented research into the language .

2. 1 . 3

L I NGU I ST I C DESCR I PT I ONS OF TOK P I S I N

Descriptive work i n Tok P isin has been carried out for two principal reasons : first , in order to provide a foundation for pedagogical grammars and teaching materials and second , in order to settle certain controversies in l inguistic theory .

22

P . MUHLHAUSLER

Wi th regard to the former motive one finds a number of ' strai ghtforward ' descriptions , beginning with Brenninkmeyer ' s grammatical sketch of Tok Pisin spoken i n the Baining area o f New Britain ( 1 924) . Though the description i s made within a strictly conventional ( ' classical ' ) framework and therefore tends to be unenl ightening , Brenninkmeyer ' s " Einfuhrung ins Pidginengl isch" contains a large number of sample sentences which appear to be an accurate representation of Tok Pisin spoken in the Baining area at the t ime . (A very interesting set of data supplementary to Brenninkmeyer ' s are the Tok Pisin equivalents in Thurnwald ' s Baining f ie ldnotes , a preliminary draft of which has been compiled by Carrington at the A . N . U . ) Borchardt ' s Kleine Tok-Boi Grammatik ( 1926) has less grammatical detail than Brenninkmeyer ' s , but contains some interesting insights into the aspe ctual system of Tok pisin in the mid- 1920s , a result of i ts not being fitted into the straitj acket of traditional gramma r . The grammar later became the basis of Borchardt ' s Tok Pi sin course . Unfortunately I am in no position to comment on Schebesta ' s pidgin grammar , but if i t is anything like his dictionary it should constitute an important piece of evidence about Tok Pisin in the 19 30 s . Hall 194 3 a constitutes a maj or breakthrough in the description o f Tok Pisin as it was the first attempt to provide a comprehensive account of the language us ing modern descriptive technique s . I t sti l l has to be considered a standard reference work for thi s l anguage , in spite of the fact that it exhibits certain shortcomings due to the methods and theoretical orientation current at the time it was written . Thus , i t is a descript ion of the ' overall pattern ' of Tok Pisin , an abstraction from the various subsystems of the language , and it therefore creates a false impress ion of homogeneity which in actual fact is not found . The argumentation used by Hall that Tok Pisin as spoken by Europeans constituted valid data for such an ove rall des cription cannot be subscribed to in ful l ; it certainly seems dangerous to give such a prominent position to European Tok P i sin ( Tok Masta) . Hall ' s structural ist approach also accounts for shortcomings in his treatment o f word­ formation ( see di scuss ion by Muhlhausler 1978a) . However , it is easy to criticise a book written 40 or more years ago and for i ts time i t was an excellent piece of work ; moreover , much o f it remains vali d . The next maj or grammatical description of Tok P i s in i s that of Mihalic ( 19 5 7 ) ( and the revised version of 1 9 7 1 ) . Mihalic bases his description on Hall 1943a and Schebesta ' s grammar as wel l as his own observations . Both the 1957 and the 1971 version are written for laymen . Thi s h a s l e d t o a lack o f prec i sion in a number o f areas of grammar , although the numerous examples make good many of the shortcomings and the book remains a standard reference work for l ingui stically unsophisticated learners and speakers of Tok Pisin . However , as Tok P isin has been undergoing a number of changes in recent years , particularly in the urban areas and in the context o f creol i sation , a revision of certain areas of the grammar , such as relativisation and complement­ ati on , seems necessary . The addition of new constructions , such as embedded que stions or adversative clause s , would also be des irable . Two comprehensive descriptions of Tok P i sin are those by Laycock ( 1 970c) and Wurm ( 1971a) . Both arose out of courses designed for fieldworkers in Tok Pisin , but Wurm ' s account of H i ghlands Tok P i sin in particular takes more the form of a reference gramma r . Wurm states his a i m as providing " a reasonably systematic sketch of some of the most important structural features of Pidgin , including remarks on some of the characte ristics of Highlands Pidgin" ( 1971a : 3 ) . He exceeds this goal , however , and his treatment o f parts o f Highlands Tok Pisin grammar , such as the aspect and tense system , remains a valuable source of information about this variety of Tok Pi sin at a t ime when it appears to have been maximal l y divergent from coastal varie ties . Both Wurm ' s and Laycock ' s gramma rs include transcribed texts from a number of speakers and local ities .

HISTORY OF THE STUDY OF TOK PISIN

23

The most recent descriptive account o f Tok Pisin is that b y Bauer ( 1974 ) . This analysis suffers from the autho r ' s lack of firsthand experience with Tok Pisin , and an inconsistent descriptive framework . The first factor has led Bauer to accept both suspect data and reliable recordings on a par , whi lst the second factor accounts for his attempt to write an ' overal l pattern ' grammar of Tok Pisin which includes apparently unrelated varieties of Pidgin English such as Kiwai Pidgin of Papua . As it is , Bauer ' s description is of value only to those who have an intimate knowledge of Tok Pisin and who are able to distinguish between genuine insights and unwarranted general isations . A detailed discussion of Bauer ' s Tok Pi sin grammar is found in a review article by Muhlhausler ( 1978c) . All treatments of grammar di scussed so far were done within either trad­ itional , ad hoc , or structural frameworks of description . Whi l st these model s facilitate the treatment o f a large part o f Tok Pi sin grammar with limited resources , this tends to be done at the cost o f ins ights into some l e s s obvious aspects of the language . New trends in the description of Tok Pisin can be observed from the early 1960s . However , new de scriptive frameworks , such as the transformational­ generative mode l or various mode l s aiming at explaining variation , have forced l inguists to pay attention to small subparts of Tok Pisin grammar rather than its grammar as a whole . An early attempt to deal with Tok pisin in a trans formational framework i s an article b y Hooley ( 19 6 2 ) . Hooley ' s principal purpose i s t o use a pre-Chomskyan ( Harris) type of trans formational de scription to discover areas of grammar where Tok Pisin differs from Engl i sh , his gene ral conclusion being that Tok Pisin and English are indeed close ly re lated structurally . However , as pointed out by Turner ( 1966 : 206f . ) , his conclusions are hardly warranted in view of his rather blunt analytical too l s and the restricted body of evidence considered . A further weakness of Hooley ' s approach is that he compares two static abstract mode l s , ignoring both variation in Tok Pisin and its diachronic deve lopment . Another article inspired by the work of Harris is one dealing with a con­ trastive analysis of Tok Pi sin and Engli sh ' morpheme sequence classe s ' ( Dingwal l 1966 : 39-6 1 ) . As the author hims e l f notes , the logical s implicity of the model used goes paired with i ts inability to account for many aspects of real language . Neverthel es s , Dingwal l ' s article deserve s more attention than it appears to have received hithe rto. Another attempt at a trans format ional-generative description by Young ( 19 7 1 ) has not been made available t o a wider audience and I have not seen a copy of it . It appears , however , that a static generative model of de scription imposes severe limitations on those working with Tok Pisin . The criticisms made agains t it include that it i s inappropriate for dealing with l inguistic variation and that it forces the investigator to sweep under the carpet of ' lingui stic performance ' data which are of direct relevance to the shape and development of l inguistic rul e s , s uch as those relating to speaker s ' strategies . As a resul t , many of the studies carried out in the more recent past fol low a l inguistic paradigm which admi ts quantitative analyses and sociolinguistic dat a . Much o f this criticism cannot be appl ied t o Wool ford ' s Duke University ph . D . ( 19 7 7 ) Aspects of Tok Pisin gramma r. This thesis i s based on extended fieldwork and a thorough knowledge of recent developments in syntactic theory . The mode l of description used is similar to that of Chomsky ' s revised standard theory , a theory wel l sui ted to the discussion of near-surface level syntax and to a com­ parative study of Tok Pisin and English .

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P . MUHLHA USLER

Some more recent papers concerning aspects o f phonetics and phonology include Bee ' s account of interference between Usarufa and Tok Pis in ( 19 7 2 : 69-95 ) . Bee ' s analysis does i l lustrate the l imitations of both in formant tests and the predic­ tive power o f contrastive analys is , as we l l as the danger of testing outside an adequate situational context . Her study is important in that it constitutes the first comprehensive study of substratum inf luence in any part of Tok Pi sin grammar . As yet , few aspects of Tok Pisin sound system are wel l documented and both Pawley ' s account of epenthetic vowels ( 19 7 5 ) and Tetaga ' s study of prenasalisation ( 19 7 1 ) are welcome exceptions . These features are variable in Tok Pisin phonology , and both Pawley and Tetaga consider a number of l ingu istic and social factors which could account for such variation . No conclusion is reached in e i ther case as this would have required the analysis of a considerable amount o f additional data . Pawley ' s tentative conclus ion , that the delet ion of epenthetic vowe l s appears to b e stylistic , i . e . determined by the rate of the utterance , is true mainly of Urban pidgin . Tetaga ' s demonstration that prenasalisation is a feature mos t common among older speakers of non-Me l anesian languages and his prediction that prenasal isation is on the way out has to be taken with care , particularly as Tok Pi sin is increasingly becoming the language of non-Me lanes ian-speaking highlanders . An attempt to present an exhaustive account of Tok Pisin ' s segmental phonol­ ogy is that by Litteral ( 19 7 0 ) . In spi te of its use o f suspect constructs such as ' phoneme s ' , thi s study is very valuable and it is to be deplored that it was never publ ished . A recent M . A . ( Technical University Berlin) by Pi shwa ( 19 7 7 ) contains a chapter on Tok Pisin ' s sound system . Whi l st it uses data from Laycock 1970 and Litteral 1969 , the post SPE ( Sound Pattern of English) framework used provides new insights into the nature of this part of Tok Pisin grammar .

A group of studies by Sankoff and a number of her associates are concerned with the question of l inguistic change and development of Tok Pisin , particularly wi th regard to creolisation in the urban centres of Papua New Guinea . Although the creo l is ation of Tok Pi sin may be a special case among creole languages in as much as it has fol lowed a prolonged period of stabi lisation and expansion of second- language Tok Pisin, the case stUdies at hand are still of great importance for a better understanding of language change in general . Language s change either as a result o f contact or because of various as yet only part ial ly understood internal pressure s . Sankoff concerns hers e l f mainly with the latter . She aims at providing functional explanations for the development of a number of grammat ical devices in Tok P i sin , namely the change of the adverb ba i mb a i to the tense marker ba i ( Sankoff and Laberge 1 9 7 3 ) , the development of the relative clause marker ya out of the adverbial h i a ( Sankoff 1975a and Sankoff and Brown 1976) , and most recently the cliticisation of pronouns ( Sankoff 1976a, 1 9 7 7 ) . The studies are important in that they involve a return to a functionalist approach to l anguage , i . e . they no longer exclude - as required by both structuralists and trans form­ ationalists - ' performance ' factors , such as the strategies speakers adopt in order to meet certain communicative requirements . These studies by Sankoff al low s ignificant insights into the forces underlying the l ingui stic change and devel­ opment of Tok Pisin. Similar quest ions are raised in an often-quoted but never published paper by Labov ( 19 7 1 ) . He examines , among other things , how the reduction in form inf lu­ ences the communicative potential of various pidgins and creoles , including Tok Pisin . The paper contains some valuable observations about the tense-aspect system of the language . One o f the tools for discovering ongoing trends in the deve lopment of lan­ guages is quantitative analys is . This figures prominently in the articles j us t

HISTORY OF THE STUDY OF TOK PISIN

25

mentioned as wel l as i n several others written at about the same time , inc luding Wool ford ' s treatment of the conditions underlying the variable presence of the predicate marker i and Lattey ' s account of object deletion ( both 197 5 ) . The last two papers il lus trate the suitability of implicational scal ing to data from pidgins and creoles . However , the results are based on a fairly limited set of data and must be regarded a s prel iminary explorations rather than solutions to some very complex prob lems . The same must be said of Smeall ' s analysis of the predicate marker i ( 19 7 3 ) . A prel iminary quant itative study is in a working paper by MUhlhaus ler on the grammatical category of number in Tok Pisin ( 1 97 5a) . More data on number , using better data and more refined techniques have since been published ( Muhlhausler 1981a) . Deve lopmental studie s on other aspects of Tok Pisin grammar deal with causatives ( Muhlh ausler 1 979d) and complementation ( Wool ford 1979) . A summary of deve lopmental studies on Tok Pisin is given by Sankof f ( 19 7 9 ) whi lst Muh lhausler 1 9 80b discusses the wide implications of ' gradual creolisation ' to the fie ld of creole studie s . It appears that studies of Tok Pisin based on a dynamic framework of de scription promise to result in significant advances in the study of thi s l anguage . Before turning to other topic s , mention must be made of a number of smaller linguistic studies . An early analysis o f Tok Pisin ' s lexi con ( mainly restricted to the lexical inventory) is contained in a paper by Hall ( 1 94 3b) . An important article by the same author is his discussion of innovations and change s in Tok Pisin between 1943 and 1954 (Hall 196 6 ) which demonstrates the incipient deve lopment of an urban variety o f the l anguage . In the same year , a brie f note on yes and no in Tok Pisin , illustrating the ' yes , we have no bananas ' usage of the two words , appeared (Hall 19 5 6 ) . This article deals with sentence-que stions and their answers onl y , and does not consider the u s e of yes/no after wh-questions ( see Muh lhausler 1979 c : 300-30 1 ) . Many o f Hall ' s l inguistic writings on Tok Pisin between 1942 and 1955 are summa rised in his defence of the l anguage ( 1 955) . A detailed critical review of this book is that by Morgan ( 1 956 : 368- 3 74 ) . Final l y , a prel iminary discussion of ergative aspects of Tok Pisin is given by Heringer ( 1 966 ) . Since thi s que stion is poten tial ly of great theoretical interest it is hoped that it wil l receive further tre atment soon .

2 .1.4

STUDI E S I NTO TOK P I S I N ' S ROL E I N E DUCAT I ON

E f forts to spread educat ion among the populat ion of Papua New Guinea were begun only relatively recently and research into educational policies , in particu­ lar language pol icies , is sparse . The impression gained from the large body of writings on the ques tion of the use of Tok Pisin in education is that untested assumptions about the relative merits of Tok Pisin and English prevai l and that genuine research into the problem is only at its beginnings . Among the first to raise the que st ion of language and education was Grove s in his "Native education and cultural contact in New Guinea" ( 19 3 6 ) . Groves argues strongly against the introduction of English , a view which he expressed in several places after the Second World War , when he was Director of Education . The quest ion of language choice in educat ion became topical after World War I I , and the merits and deficiencies of Tok Pisin as a l anguage for primary school instruction have since been widely debated . A comprehensive summary of the dis­ cus sion up to 19 5 5 , as we l l as detailed arguments for the use of Tok Pisin, are

26

P . MUHLHAUSLER

contained in a number of papers by Dietz ( 1 955 ) . Dietz lists a number of insti­ tutions where Tok Pisin has been used with succe ss and concludes that " P idgin is an adequate medium of instruction at all leve l s and in all fields . " ( 19 5 5 : 3 ) . Dietz ' s views are also shared by Hal l ( 1 954a and 1955a) . A more balanced account is presented by Wedgwood ( 1954) , who argues that English is not suitable as an initial medium of instruction but should be taught as a second language . Di scussion about the pros and cons of Tok Pisin in education flared up again in 1969 on the occas ion of a sympos ium on Pidgin and Nation Building at which Smith ( 1 969 ) presented a detailed discussion of a numbe r of factors which have often been neglected in the heat of debate . His paper contains some valuable insights into the language problem and can be regarded as programmatic for research into th is question . Gunther ( 1 969) , on the other hand , made a strong plea against the use of Tok pisin , his main argument being that it was not a ' real ' language since it could not be used for se lf-expression or in functions other than basic communicat ion . Though famil iar with the linguistic and socio­ l ingui stic research of the period , Gunther gives the impression of being unfam­ i l i ar with the degree of structural and functional sophi stication of Tok Pisin at that time . Thus , as his premi ses can be shown to be in need of considerable revision , his argument remains unconvincing . A number of partic ipants at the 1973 conference on Tok Pisin again took up the question of Tok pis in in education . Of these , Litteral provided the most detailed theoretical argument as well as proposals for the implementation of Tok Pisin teaching policies ( cf . Litteral 1974 and 1975 ) , whilst both Frankl in ( 19 7 5 ) and Staalsen and Strange ( 19 7 5 ) provided badly needed data on the actual use o f Tok Pisin in teaching s i tuations and cross-cultural communication . with the publication of a two fascicle volume on the sociolinguistic situation in the New Guinea area (Wurm , ed . 1 9 7 7 ) a number of important articles on both the teaching of and te aching in Tok Pisin have become available to the wider pub l ic , including thos e by Olewale ( 1 977) , Healey ( 19 7 7 ) , Dutton ( 19 7 7 ) and Carrington ( 19 7 7 ) . Dutton ' s inaugural l ecture ( 1 976a) contains many arguments in favour of extending the use of Tok Pisin to secondary and tertiary education . The letters , int e rviews and statements arising from the ensuing national language debate have been edited by McDonald ( 19 7 6a) , thus providing a fascinating insight into pre­ vai ling attitudes towards the use of Tok Pisin . As yet , the question of Tok Pi sin ' s merit in education , particularly higher education , remains unsettled , though it appears that at present the facts would favour the u se o f Tok Pisin in an ever-widening context of teaching s ituations .

2.1.5

STUD I ES I NTO TH E ETHNOGRAPHY OF S P EAKI NG

Whi l st the quest ion o f Tok Pisin in education remains controversial , mainly because the large number of factors which need to be considered present ample scope for disagreement , descriptions of the use of Tok Pi sin in everyday communi­ cation and in a number of special contexts are much less dependent on the observ­ ers ' personal convictions . Again , though the ethnography of speaking of Tok Pisin i s better documented than that of most other pidgins and creole s , there is still a shortage o f in-depth stUdies in the field . I t is impos s ib le to present a full review of shorter notes and art icles on thi s topic here ; however , such a review is included in Muhlhau s ler 1979c and 1979a . Some important early studies concerned with the role of Tok Pisin in German times were made by Friederici ( 19 1 1 ) , Jacques ( 19 2 2 : 96f . ) , Neuhauss ( 19 1 1 : 1 2 1 ff . )

HISTORY OF THE STUDY OF TOK PISIN

27

and Schnee ( 1904 : 299ff . ) , and these studies , together with numerous remarks in trave l books and newspapers , provide valuable data on the early history of Tok Pisin . Of particular importance is Neffgen ' s article on Samoan P lantation pidgin ( 19 1 5 ) , which deals with the Samoan language situation at a time when most of the plan tation workers came from the New Guinea are a . A survey of the Pidgin English included in the l i terature on Samoa has been written by Muhlhausler ( 19 78d) . Documents re l ating to the social position of Tok Pisin in the years between the wars have until recently been considered rare ( cf . Laycock 1970 : 108) . However , recent research at the Australian National University has brought to l ight a numbe r of important documents concerning the use of Tok Pisin during this period . These supplement the two major sources , name ly Mead ( 19 3 1 ) and an outstanding sketch by Reed ( 19 4 3 : 2 6 7 - 2 9 1 ) , as we l l as Reinecke ' s survey of printed sources ( 19 3 7 : 7 2 7 - 7 7 1 ) . The social position of Tok Pisin during the Second World War , in particular its use in communication between the warring parties and the indigenous popula­ tion , has been the topic of a number of smaller studie s , two particularly inter­ e sting one s being by Clark ( 1 955) and Luke ( 1945 ) . The role of Tok pisin in the army in Papua New Guinea is the topic of two wel l-documented articles by Be l l ( 19 7 1 and 197 7 ) . Notes on the social context in which Tok Pisin is acquired as we l l as a di scuss ion of its role vis-a-vi s English are given by Ruhen ( 1963 and 1976) . It is interesting to observe that the author has undergone a complete change from rather negative to a sympathetic view of Tok pis in in his second article . A number of stUdies dealing with more restricted aspects of the use of Tok Pisin have appeared in recent years . Its use in the House of Assembly is di scussed in a paper by Hull ( 1968) and its role in agriculture is discus sed by Scott ( 19 7 7 ) . Scott ' s art i cle contains interesting remarks on referential de ficiencies of the language and the negative impact of an impoverished version of Tok Pisin on agricul­ tural progress . The role of Tok Pisin in pub l i cations is discussed briefly by Baker ( 19 4 4 : 2 7 1- 2 7 4 ) , though a much better-documented discussion is that by Turner ( 1960 : 54-64) . More recent remarks on l i terary and printed Tok Pisin as wel l as its role in community development have been made by Piniau ( 19 7 5 ) , Mihalic ( 19 7 7 ) and Laycock ( 19 7 7 a) , a s wel l a s S iegel ( 1981 , 198 3 , 1984 ) . Mission recognition of Tok Pisin has been slow , and this lack of recognition has resulted in the neglect of studies concerned with the use of the language by the missions . Apart from some minor articles and notes , discussed by Muhlhausler ( 19 7 9 c) , the only maj or summary to appear for a long time was that by Holtker ( 19 45 ) . However , a number of other accounts have recently been published , in­ cluding Mihali c ' s account of Tok pisin in the Cathol i c Church ( 19 7 7 ) , Neuendorf ' s survey o f teaching in Tok Pisin by the various denominations ( 19 7 7 ) and Renck ' s statement about the pol icies of the Lutheran Church ( 19 77 ) . A number of studies concerned with the role of Tok Pisin in the global context of papua New Guinean l i fe , in particular its role as a vehicle for promoting nationhood , have appeared since the end o f World War I I . An early example , fore­ shadowing developments after the end of World War I I , is an article by Bateson ( 19 4 4 ) . The status of Tok Pisin in the mid 1950s is discus sed by Hall ( 1966 ) , whilst the role of Tok P i sin in nation-bui ld ing is discussed in a number of articles by Wurm ( 1966 , 1 969 and 1 9 7 7 ) . Wurm strongly advocates the use of Tok Pisin as a national language , pointing out the advantages of such a move . At the same t ime he considers the necessity of preserving both the local language s and Engl ish as vehicles of communication in a number of contexts not covered by Tok Pisin . A useful general survey of the s ituation with regard to Tok Pisin in the

28

P . MUHLHA USLER

late 1960s was made by Wol fers ( 19 7 1 ) . A survey of Tok Pisin ' s status , empha­ sising the growing importance of the language , i s that by Laycock ( 1969) . Another account of the status of the l anguage was publ ished by Cape l l in the same year ( 1969) . A comprehensive survey by Bauer ( 1 975) , purporting to deal with the sociocultural function and development of Tok Pisin , fails to achieve this goal mainly because of his uncritical acceptance of earlier writings and its ' static view ' o f the l anguage which fai l s to bring out the drastic changes over the last 2 0 years . A popular but we l l documented account of the role of Tok P i sin in pre­ independence Papua New Guinea i s that by Brash ( 1 9 7 5 ) . A topic touched upon by a number of the writers just mentioned is that of Tok Pisin being a colonial rel i c , or more precisely , a manipulative tool belonging to an outmoded social system . A study by Sankoff ( 1 976b ) contains a number of pertinent remarks on the role o f Pidgin in express ing non-egalitarian relation­ ships . With Tok Pisin having become a language of self-expression ( as is docu­ mented by a growing body of Tok Pisin l i terature which Laycock has analysed in detai l ( 19 7 7 a» and for the assertion of pol i tical aspirations ( cf . Noel 1975) , the regimented character of relations between speakers of Tok Pisin has been con­ side rably relaxed . However , as has been pointed out by Scott ( 19 7 7 ) and Muhlhausler ( 1 97 7 f ) , Tok P isin continues to be used as a means of social contro l , be i t only for the fact that publications i n this language are almost entirely contro l l ed by the governmen t and mi ss ions ( Lynch 1979) . Practical problems with the l anguage and i ts role in Papua New Guinean society include i ts growing diversification , as well as questions of standard­ isation , planning and spe l l ing reform . Whi l st most earl ier writers subscribed to a view that Tok Pisin was fairly homogenous , more recently there has been a growing realisation that Tok P isin is just a cover term for a variety of di fferent ' lects ' . This was first pointed out by Laycock ( 1969 : 12 ) and subsequently elaborated upon by Muhlhausler ( 19 7 5e and 197ge ) . Whi l st most writers are now in agreement that there are a number of structural properties which set apart the four main varieties distinguished in folk taxonomy ( i . e . Tok Masta, Bush Pidgin , Urban Pidgin and Rural P idgin ) , no exhaustive study of the l inguistic character of the continuum along which these sociolects are ranged has yet been made . There are however indications of certain breaks in inte l l i gibi lity both between Urban and Rural Tok Pisin ( c f . Wurm, Muhlhausler and Laycock 1 9 7 7 ) and between Tok Masta and the other varieties of Tok P isin ( cf . Hall 195 5 a : 18ff . ) . The l ex i ca l properties o f the principal varieties o f Tok P isin have been di scussed by Muhlhausler ( 19 7 9 c ) . To date , however , these varieties have been discussed with reference to abstract sociolects rather than to a l inguisti c con­ tinuum. Reasons for this include the fact that the study of variation in Tok Pi sin i s only just beginning and that , because Tok Pisin i s not the first language of most of its speakers , attention must be paid to factors such as substratum influ­ ence . The possibil ity of a continuum developing between Urban Pidgin and New Guinean Engl i sh has been raised by Bickerton ( 1 975a) , though no case study has yet been made . Variation in Tok Pisin has been studied not only from the view­ point of social dimensions but also with regard to stylistic variation . The presence of special secret registers of the language has been dis cussed by Aufinger ( 194 8/49 ) , whi l st Brash ( 19 7 1 ) has drawn attent ion to the " imaginative dimensions in Melanesian pidgin" , in particular the use of figurative expre ssions ( tok p i k s a ) . A survey of the registers found in Tok Pisin has been made by Wurm and Muhlhaus ler ( 19 8 2 ) . A special case of variation is that provided by creol isation , i . e . the pro­ cess by which Tok Pisin becomes the first language of a speech community , involving

HISTORY OF THE STUDY OF TOK PISIN

29

signi ficant changes in linguistic structure . An article by S ankoff and Laberge ( 19 7 3 ) discusses the deve lopment of tense marking among first language speakers o f Tok Pisin , and the data collected by S ankof f have served as the basis o f a lengthy theoretical di scuss ion by Labov ( 19 7 1 ) . As pointed out by Bickerton ( 1975b and 1976) Tok Pisin must be regarded as a special case among the creoles of the world , in that i ts creolisation occurs only afte r a long period of expan­ s ion and restructuring and not from an undeve loped incipient pidgin . I t is for thi s reason that the structural change s accompanying creoli sation in Tok Pisin are gradual rather than sudden , and that the chi ldren growing up speaking Tok Pisin as their first language appear largely to develop tendencies already en­ countered in second-language Tok Pisin , rather than to introduce completely new structures . Thi s is also confirmed in investigation of the creoli sed Rural pidgin of Manus I s l and carried out by Muhlhaus ler ( 19 7 7b) . The study of chi ld language acquisition of Tok Pisin has been begun by Lang ( 19 7 6 ) . Further work in the field of creolisation is to be encouraged , s ince , although the findings for Tok Pi sin may not be generali sable to other creole s , they wi l l undoubtedly contribute substantially to an unde rstanding of language change . Linguistic change can be observed not only in creoli sed Tok Pisin but also in the diachronic deve lopment o f the language from its early beginnings as a rudimentary j argon to i ts present-day sophisti cation . However , studies of lan­ guage change are still hampered by a lack of dat a , particularly syntactic data , though studies by Sankoff and Brown ( 1976) and Sankof f ( 1976a ) indicate that a careful screening of earlier data may we ll enable detailed studies of Tok Pisin ' s diachronic development . The position with regard to the lexicon i s much better , as most earlier work was concerned with the lexical properties of the language . A de tai led account of the development of both the lexical inventory and word­ formation in Tok Pisin is given by Muhlhaus ler ( 1979c ) . Many of the older diachronic or historical studies were concerned with the quest ion of Tok Pisin ' s origin , in particular i ts relationship to other pidgins such as Chinese Pidgin English and Queensland Pidgin English . As yet , linguistic documentation o f this factor i s sparse. External evidence for Tok pisin ' s origin on the Queensland plantations has been proposed by a number of authors including Wurm ( 1966 ) and Laycock ( 1 970d) . Sal i sbury ( 19 6 7 ) objects to this hypothesis however , both because the number of New Guineans involved in the Queensland Labour Trade was fai rly insignificant and because of the prior presence of Pidgin English in the New Guinea are a . Sali sbury ' s article also contains interesting remarks on the paral lels between the stabi lisat ion of Tok Pi sin today in remote areas and the deve lopment of a stable pidgin in New Guinea in the l880 s . Hall ( 19 5 5a : 3 3 f . ) appears to give support to the Queensland hypothesis , though in later writings ( e . g . 1966 : ll 8f . ) he seems to support the view which derives Tok Pisin from a kind of Proto-Paci fi c-English , which subsequently developed into a Proto­ Pidgin-English . The debate about the origin of Tok pis in was revived by Muhlhausler ' s claim ( 1 976 and 1 9 7 8d ) that many of the structural and lexical properties of Tok pis in are the result of the employment of New Guineans on the German plantations of Samoa . Whi l st the Samoan plantations are certainly not the only source of Tok pis in it is beyond doubt that they have played a much mere important role in its formation than previously assumed ( c f . Re inecke 1 9 3 7 : 7 3 6 ) . Further indications of other in fluences may come from Clark ' s present research into the early history ' of the Pacific varieties of Pidgin and Creole English ( Clark 1 9 7 7 ) , and Mose l ' s work on l inguistic aspects of Tolai and Tok Pisin ( Mosel 1978) . At present a study of Queensland Plantation Pidgin is being prepared by Dutton and Muhlhausler and an analysi s of the hitherto relatively unknown Papuan pidgin English has appe ared (Muhlhausler 1978b ) . Whilst many detail s remain to be filled in , i t has

30

P. MUHLHA USLER

become clear that single-cause explanations such as that of relexi fication are inappropriate as explanations of the origin and hi story of Pacific Pidgin English . I n s tead , present-day Tok pisin must be regarded as the result of a large number of dive rse l inguistic and social forces ; interestin g , though not entirely con­ vincing , accounts of this relationship are given by Johnston ( 1 971) and Heitfeld ( 19 7 9 ) .

2 .1.6

LEXICOGRAPH Y AND LEX I COLOGY

The belief that external social conditions lead to the development of pidgin languages accounts for a fair proportion o f lexicographical and lexicological s tudies o f Tok P i s�n . Early vocabularies of varieties of Pacific Pidgin English are those by Ray ( 190 7 ) of Pidgin English recorded in the Torres Straits and Churchi l l ' s Be ach-la-Mar vocabulary ( 19 11) . Only the latter contains materials taken directly from Tok Pisin , together with items from related varieties of Pacific P idgin Engl i sh . Perhaps the earliest dictionary o f Tok Pisin has only recently been dis­ cove red by Mosel . I t i s a handwritten draft for a grammar and dictionary of the language , the vocabulary part comprising about 500 lexical entries . Unfortunate ly , it is not dated , but the title Pi dgin-Englisch von Deutsch Neuguinea sugge sts that it was written before 19 14 . The fact that variant pronunciations are given in phonetic transcriptions makes Dempwolff ' s vocabulary a very important document . More comprehensive vocabularies were to appear only after German colonial administration had come to an end . As in the case of syntactic description s , the Cathol i c missions were the main force behind the developing tradition of diction­ ary making in Tok Pi sin . The only study containing fairly exhaustive information on Tok Pisin lexi­ cography i s that by Laycock ( 19 7 7 c ) . The absence of information as to the author , place and year of publ icat ion of many vocabularies and dictionaries makes such a study a dif ficult one . Very useful bibl iographical information about mis s ion publ icat ions has recently been provided by Z ' graggen ( 1976) . The first dated vocabulary , comprising about 1000 entries , is ascribed to Brenninkmeyer . I t i s dated 2 1/9/25 and consists o f one-word Tok Pisin entries with a very short German and English translation . A simi larly basic vocabulary is an undated German-Tok Pisin ascribed to Borchardt and presumably a predecessor o f the more comprehensive Tok-Boi Worterbuch by the same author ( 19 26 ) . This dictionary-l ike work contains about 1200 entries in Tok Pisin with a German and English trans lation , numerous example sentence s , remarks on variable pronunciation , as we l l as monol ingual (Tok Pisin ) explanations of many lesser known terms . I t appears to represent Rabaul and Manus Pidgin . Further works written within the archdiocese of Rabaul include Kutscher ' s German-Tok Pisin vocabulary and two versions of a detailed Tok pis in-English and English-Tok pis in dictionary by Dahmen ( 1949 and 195 7 ) . I have only seen the enlarged 1957 edi tion which takes the form o f an encyclopedic dictionary in which Tok Pisin entries are explained in the language itse l f and i l lustrated with sample sentences , in addition to providing Engli sh equivalents o f the dictionary entries . Dahmen ' s dictionary in particular is a source of information about many aspects of Tok Pisin and it must be deplored that it has never been publ i shed for use by a wider audience . The writing of Tok Pi sin vocabularies and dictionaries by the Alexishafen miss ionaries began somewhat later than that of the Rabaul mi ssionaries . According to private letters and miss ion circulars made avai lable to me by Father Z ' graggen ,

HISTORY OF THE STUDY OF TOK PISIN

31

the first dictionary compi led o n the New Guinea mainland was van Baar ' s German­ Tok Pisin vocabulary ( undated - possibly 1930) , which both in scope and format has the character of a prel iminary inventory . Fol lowing a meeting of the SVD missionaries in Marienberg in 1 9 30/31 a resolution was adopted which re commended that van Baar should complete his dictionary pro j e ct . The outcome ( a German­ pidgin dict ionary) was completed before 1938 ( Z ' graggen , personal communication) and gives the impression of being a thorough piece of lexicographical work . Again , this dictionary was regarded as the predecessor of a larger dictionary , whose preparation was de layed for many years . In the meantime Father Schebesta was independently preparing a dict ionary , and proposals for spel l ing and content were being circulated for comment . The outcome of Schebesta ' s work was a dictionary ( "Worterbuch mit Redewendungen" , undated) which was far more comprehensive than anything that had appeared earl ier . The worterbuch contains numerous example s , idiomatic expressions , remarks on variable pronunciation and neologisms and is an invaluable document of the state of Tok Pisin ' s lexicon in the late 1930 s . A revised version o f this dictionary appe ared shortly after the Second World War ( S chebesta and Mei ser 194 5 ) , the main di fference be ing that the glosses were provided in English and that a number of new lexi cal items , refle cting the increased use of Tok pisin in the mission con­ tex t , were added . Wh i l st the vocabularies and dictionaries mentioned so far were never printed , Father Mihalic ' s Grammar and di ctionary of Neo-Melanesian ( 19 5 7 ) was the first work de signed for a wider audience . In more than one respect it can be regarded as a s ummary of all the dictionary work carried out by the Alexishafen ( SVD) mis sionarie s . In addition it contains new entries and the spel l ing conforms with the 1954 standard spe l l ing . For many years , this dictionary remained the stand­ ard reference work on Tok P isin . The revised edition ( 19 7 1 ) being enlarged , contains the results of dict ionary work carried out by the Vunapope/Rabaul Cathol ic missionaries and as such includes the knowledge and work of both schoo l s . It is intended for the use of laymen but contains valuable materials for the l inguist . It remains the mos t comprehensive dictionary of Tok Pisin . As the l anguage has undergone s ignificant change s , including a considerable expansion of its lexicon , in recent years , a maj or revis ion is at present being prepared. Litt l e dict ionary compilation has been carried out outside the Catholic mi ss ions . A number of vocabularies and phrase books for the use of soldiers did appe ar during the Second World War , however , of these that by Helton ( first edit ion 1 9 40 ) is the most comprehensive , whil s t others , such as Ostrom ' s ( 19 4 5 ) , are very restricted in scope . Hall ' s (et al . ) Melanesian Pidgin phrasebook and vocabulary ( 1 943) , published for the United States Armed Forces , is more re liable than the others examined by the author , but again l imited in scope . A special status is occupied by the various editions of Murphy ' s Book of Pidgin Engl ish ( first edit ion 194 3 ) , since i t contains useful cultural information on many lex ical entrie s . Steinbauer ' s trilingual Tok pisin-German-English dictionary ( 1969) contains l itt le that is not l isted by Mihalic , as its aim was to include only those words wh i ch were in general use . The etymological information provided is o ften of dubious re l iabi lity and the example sentences seem contrived . Lexicographical data gathered on Manus Is land and in the New Guinea Highlands form the backbone o f Smythe ' s Tok pis in-Engl ish dictionary . Due to the premature death of i ts author it was not completed . The manuscript contains many valuable observations , however , particularly on Manus Tok Pisin . Balint ' s Sports dictionary ( 1969) , on the other hand , must be regarded as one of the maj or disasters in dictionary making for Tok Pisin . I t is ful l o f

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inaccuracie s , inconsi stencies and downright howlers . Balint ' s attempt to create neologisms in the field of sport terminology is , however , interesting , in as much as it i l lustrates some of the mechanisms used in vocabulary extension . Balint ' s second pro j ect , discussed by Balint ( 19 7 3 ) , is an encyc lopedic dictionary of Tok Pisin . It is not clear at this point whether it wi l l appear in print , though there certainly is the need for a monolingual Tok Pisin dictionary de signed for the use of Papua New Guinean s . A comprehensive sc ientific dictionary of the language , simi lar to the one prepared by Cassidy and Le Page for Jamaican Creole ( 19 6 7 ) , would be most we lcome . However , this would need intensive teamwork over a prolonged period of time , additional fieldwork and a c lose scrutiny of exi sting mate rials . Whi l s t lexicography is concerned mainly with the compilation of re ference works , lexicology studies words and other lexical items with regard to promoting an understanding o f the structural and social dimensions of the l anguage . In the study o f Tok pisin , concern with the origin of i ts vocabulary figures prominently . An e arly s tudy devoted mainly to this problem is that by Nevermann ( 1929 : 2 52 - 2 5 8 ) , who examines a number of possible sources of Tok Pisin ' s vocabulary , including cases of syncretism . Hall ( 1943b) again looks at the composition of the vocabulary as we l l as at some aspects o f word- formation in Tok Pisin . Hall ' s discussion of the names of parts o f the body is an early example of the l inguistic treatment of a seman ti c field . A more up-to-date version of this paper is found in Hall 1955a : 90-99 . Among more recent lexical studies one has to distinguish between those con­ cerned wi th etymologies and composit ion of the lexicon , such as Roosman ' s ( 19 7 5 ) treatment of Malay words in Tok Pisin or remarks on lexical items of German origin by Muhlhausler ( 1975b) and Heitfeld ( 1979 ) , and those dealing with Tok pisin ' s derivational lexicon , such as tho se by Muhlhaus ler ( 19 7 5 c , 1978a and 1979c) . These studies document the amazing ' power ' of the derivational lexicon of this language , a power which may be of importance in future vocabulary planning ( c f . WUrm , Muhlhausler and Laycock 1977 and Lynch , ed . 1975 ) . Higher level lexical items , in particular idioms involving parts of the body , have also been the sub j ect o f studies by McElhanon ( 19 7 5 ) , McElhanon and Barok ( 19 7 5 ) and Todd and Muhlhausler ( 19 7 8 ) .

2 .1.7

CONCLUS IONS AND OUTLOOK

This concludes this brief review of maj or studies on Tok Pisin . The ir very number has made it impossible to discuss every individual publ ication in detai l . However , reference to many o f the works quoted will be made in this handbook . With regard to the future of Tok Pisin studies it seems important that , after many years of neglect , Tok P i sin has now moved to the centre of interest , not only for l inguists concerned with the New Guinea are a , but also for general l inguistics . A reflection of this fact is the growing number of younger s cholars who are writing theses on this l anguage . My own thes i s , " Growth and structure of the lexicon of New Guinea Pidgin" (Australian National University) was completed in 1976 . E l len Woolford's thesis on "Aspects of Tok P isin grammar" ( Duke Univers ity) was submi tted in 19 7 7 . A thesis dealing with sociolinguistic aspects o f Tok Pisin was submitted by Valerie Heitfelt at Essen University ( 19 7 8 ) . Tok Pisin features prominently in Bauer ' s disse rtation on Pidgin English ( Regensburg University 1 9 7 3 ) , and the proposed thesis on relativisation by Gai l Dreyfuss ( University of Michigan) .

HISTORY OF THE STUDY OF TOK PISIN

33

The setting up o f a Hiri Motu and Tck Pisin Research Unit ( c f . Dutton 1976a) at the Univers ity o f Papua New Guinea raises hopes that young Papua New Guinean scholars wi l l soon be engaging in studies of the languages which are the country ' s most important lingue franche . At the same time , Tok Pisin studies continue to be one of the long-term pro j ects of the Department of Lingui stics at the Research School of Pacific Studies of the Australian National University . Moreover , a number of overseas universities have shown a fresh interest in Tok pisin in the wake of the recent expans ion of pidgin studies as a whole . However , I want to conclude this survey on a cautious note . The optimism generally shown with regard to the role of Tok pisin in promoting progress in general l inguistics , in particular the development of a new dynamic and socio­ linguistic mode l of language , can only be j ustified i f continued research is carried out into the multitude of aspects of Tok Pisin ' s grammar which at present are only poorly understood . Amongst the projects which should prove particularly worthwhile would be : 1) chi ld language development in creolised Tok Pisin ; 2 ) the study of speech errors ; 3) a study of the pragmatic aspects of communication in Tok Pisin;

4) a study o f the developing Tok Pi sin English continuum in urban areas ; 5 ) further scrutiny of unpubl i shed sources on the earlier stages o f the language , including private letter s , diaries and court reports ; 6 ) studies o f the deve lopment o f grammatical structure ; 7 ) studies on substratum influence ; 8) studies on the standardisation of Tok Pisin gr�ar (as pioneered by Wurm 1978) . This wil l require money and manpower as we l l as the wi l l ingness of investiga­ tors to carry out fieldwork and to live in the areas where the l anguage is used . The potential contribution of the study of Tok pis in to general linguistics seems enormous , particularly as one can observe , in situ , deve lopments which have only been postulated by l ingu i stic historians . Now that the straitj ackets of static lingui stics have been cast o ff and more realistic mode l s of l ingui stic description have become available , the chances that this wil l indeed happen are better than eve r .

Mühlhäusler, P. "History of the study of Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:15-33. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.15 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

2.2

EXTE R NA L H I STORY O F T O K P I S I N P. Miihlhau s l e r

2.2.1

I NTRODUCT I ON

The study of lingui stic change is concerned with two aspects of language deve lopment : i ts internal history ( i . e . changes in the structure of a l anguage through time) and its external history ( i . e . changes in its socio-economic envir­ onment and the way in which these bring about lingui stic change s ) . However , although the existence o f a causal connection between the external and internal history of a l anguage may appeal to one ' s intuition , few meaningful statements about such a relationship are to be found . Thus , we do not yet have an adequate mode l of this relationship and it has been suggested by a number of scholars that it may be both intricate and elusive . In particular , we have no certainty about what factors in the external history of a language are decis ive in shaping i ts internal change . I t can be said , however , that with increasing interest in pidgins and creoles this si tuation i s changing , and that there is a real chance that the study of these languages wi l l result in valuable insights into the relationship between the ex­ ternal and internal histories o f languages in general . There are a number of reasons why pidgin and creole studies can make these contributions : a) The rate of internal change in these languages has been much faster than in any other language . The last hundred years in the hi story of Tok Pisin can be said to be equivalent to more than 1000 years of the l inguistic history o f ' natural ' language s . b ) The same ' acceleration ' i s also found in their external history . The historical ci rcumstances which gave birth to pidgins and creoles were more drastic and more damaging to the continuity of traditions than events found in the external history of most other language s . c) Processes which have been postulated in hi storical linguistics on speculative grounds can be observed in situ in many of these language s . As Tok P i sin is carried to new remote areas the contact s ituation whi ch led to i ts existence is repeated over and over again . The study of the marginal varieties of a pidgin can give us direct evidence about pidginisation and stabil isation of a j argon as we l l as the external proce sses which led to these l inguistic changes . In spi te o f these promising outlooks our present knowledge i s l imited . Tok Pisin , barely 100 years old , poses a number of difficult problems to the l inguist qua historian . We have insuf ficien t knowledge o f i ts development , e specially during the first decade s . In those years it was a despised language and l ittle attention was paid to i t by l inguists and other s cholars . The l i ttle documentary evidence we have from this period is found mainly in travel accounts , logbooks

S . A . Wurm and P . Muhlhausler , eds Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pi dgi n) , 3 5 - 64 . Paci fic Li ngui sti cs , C-70 , 1984 . © P . Muhlhausler

Mühlhäusler, P. "External history of Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:35-64. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.35 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

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and diarie s . The author has carried out a long search through such old documents and he is convinced that there is sti l l a lot which remains to be rediscovered . Another factor which has hampered research into the history of Tok Pisin has been insufficient clarity about the geographical area of i ts origin . It now seems certain that historical investigation into this l anguage cannot remain restricted to the New Guinea area . In fact , very little of its earl iest history took place in New Guinea and even much of i ts subsequent history through to 1914 has to be traced to locations such as Samoa , Fij i , Queens land and New Caledonia . Furthermore , Tok Pisin cannot be studied in isolation from the world wide phenom­ enon of pidgin English and quite definitely not wi thout reference to other Paci fic varieties . Next to having to solve the numerous problems of observational adequacy the historian of l anguage also needs a de scriptive framework . Robert A . Hal l , one of the founders o f scholarly pidgin studies , has proposed that pidgins are different from other languages in that they have a l i fe cycle : they come into existence for a specific reason, last as long as the situation which cal led them into being and then go out of use (Hall 1962 ) . They survive in some special cases and become creoli sed , i . e . acquire native speakers. It has been noted earl ier that Tok Pis in i s in many regards exceptional among pidgins and there are a number of factors which make Hall ' s life-cycle mode l less suitable for this language . The main ob j ections are that Hall ' s mode l fai l s to take into account the dynami c aspects of pidgins , in particular their continued shift of soc ial function and their abi lity to cope wi th wider and wider situational contexts . Secondly , Hall appears to ignore the fact that the development of a pidgin such as Tok P is in does not proceed in a s ingle cycle but in a number of cycle s , that early and late stages of thi s cyc le can coexist in geographical ly adj acent areas and that creol isation by no means signals the end of the l i fe cycle of a pidgin . There is sufficient evidence to prove that Tok Pisin was creolised and subsequently repidginised several times during its history . Thus , a model to simulate the deve lopment of Tok Pisin would have to be considerably more complex . TWo model s concerned with the deve lopment of Tok Pisin are those by Todd ( 19 74b) and Muhlhausler ( 19 7 4 ) . Both mode l s are an attempt to characterise sig­ nificant phases in the l inear deve lopment of Tok Pisin through time . The phases introduced by Todd are : a) initial phase b) nativisation phase c) phase in whi ch pidgin undergoes increased pressure from the lexical source language d ) ' post creole continuum ' Muhlh ausler arrives at a very similar c lassi fication di stinguishing five stages including : a) b) c) d) e)

' j argon ' phase incipient stabi lisation nativi sation creol isation depidginisation and decreolisation

Although these classifications improve Hall ' s li fe-cycle model , they are at too high a level of abstraction to be regarded as true mirrors of the deve lopment of Tok Pisin as a whole . Their main weakness , as with Hall ' s mode l , l ie s in their being unable to cope with non-linear deve lopments in the hi story of Tok Pisin , a weakness which has been acknowledged by Muhlhausler who made the point that the

EXTERNAL HISTORY OF TOK PISIN

37

diachronic deve lopment of Tok Pisin i s found synchronically a s we proceed from the urban centres o f New Guinea to the remote ' Bush-Pidgin ' - speaking areas . More seriously , the important aspect of geographical movement of the language during various stages of i ts development is not covered by these two mode l s . Recent research on Samoan Plantation Pidgin by the author ( Muhlhausler 1976) sugge sts that areas other than New Guinea were of great importance in the stabilisation of this pidgin . Before proposing any alternative model , however , the external history of Tok P isin as far as it i s known , wil l now be told in chronological orde r .

2.2.2

T H E P E R I O D B E FORE 1 860 : PAC I F I C JARGON ENGL I SH

2.2.2.1

I ntroduct i on

Thi s period can be characterised as one of incipient contact between Europeans and Pac i fi c I s landers . The locality of this contact is the Pac i fic Ocean between the Tropics o f Cancer and Capricorn . The area of New Guinea and the i s l ands of the Bi smarck Sea featured very marginal ly in these contacts and thus this period will be d iscussed in less detail than the subsequent developments . The relationship between the varieties of broken English developed in various parts of the South Seas during this period i s only very indirectly related to present-day Tok P i sin . A l inear representation of the deve lopment of Tok Pisin would be a gross oversimplification . The most reliable source for the hi story of early Pacific Pidgin English i s Reinecke 19 3 7 . Other use ful in formation can be found in Lentzner 1 88 1 , Schuchardt 1889 and Church i l l 1911 . The view mos t commonly proposed is that contact s between Europeans and South Sea I s lande rs took place in a numbe r of partially overlapping waves each of which can be associated with a dominant economic activity . The three main ' wave s ' before 1860 were : a) the whaling period beginning at the end of the 18th century b) the sandalwood trade , dominating the l830s c ) the trepang or beche-de-mer trade in the l840s and l850s . Churchi l l has pointed out that the duration of contact between Europeans and I s l anders increase s as we move forward in time . Trepang fishing in particular demanded long shore stays from the European traders . The importance of thi s activity i s reflected in the current name for New Hebridean Pidgin English Bis lama ( from beche-de-mer) .

2.2.2.2

T h e soci o-econom i c cond i t i on s i n the earl y contact peri od

For purposes o f comparison with later stages in the development of Pacific pidgin Engl ish it seems convenient to deal wi th the external nature of the contact situation under a number of headings . A detai led discussion of parameters rele­ vant to the determination o f the nature of the sociolinguistic context can be found in Muhlhausler 197 4 . I t includes statements about the nature of the contact , its duration , numbers involved and regional mobi l i ty associated with the contact , among othe r factors .

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2.2.2.3

T h e nature of contact

Contact during this period was restricted to occas ional visits to a number of Paci fic i slands by European trading vesse l s . The main purpose of these visits was to e s tablish trading relations with the native population , ranging from short cal l s to replenish food and water supplies to prolonged stays involving sandal­ wood and trepang trading. Indigenes who were wi l l ing to serve on board the ve ssels were recruited , thereby sati sfying the continued demand for crew and reducing the costs incurred by the ships ' owners . Although in practice the Europeans tended to ' be in a superior position due to thei r advanced technology , the parties involved in the trade re lations were meeting on equal te rms . Trade relations were the only area of common interest . Beyond this , the de sire of each party to maintain the ir identity was predominant . The wish to remain on non-intimate terms was reinforced by distrust on both side s . The i slanders , suspicious o f the Europeans and often aware o f unpleasant encoun­ ters in the past , remained basically hosti le . The vis itor s , on the other hand , were convinced of the treacherous character and the cannibalistic tendencies of the native popu lation . Little interest was shown in their customs and traditions ; the obj ect ive was to acquire the maximum number of trade goods in the shortest possib le time . Contact was generally re stricted to the coastal areas of the larger is lands . In some areas regular trade connections be came institutional ised and it is in these p l aces that we have to look for " foci in the evolution of some mongrel dialec�s" ( Churchill 19 l1 : 8) . In other areas the limited nature of the contact encouraged nothing but the most rudimentary form of broken English and it is probable that sign language was often used . The second focus for the evolution of a more sophist icated pidgin was on board the ves sels . Pacific I slanders signed on to trading and whal ing ships , where they communicated with the crew in a l ingo consi sting of broken Eng lish and words from their own languages ( cf . Reinecke 193 7 : 5 3 4 - 5 35 ) . Because of the diverse origin of the ships ' crews many di fferent pidgin traditions met in thi s way . In contrast to later stages , the initial phase is not characterised by any large scale movements of populations . I slanders serving on board European vesse l s , and Europeans deserting to the is lands and l iving among the natives are the exception rather than the rule . Nor was there much desire among the i slanders to use Pidgin English in communication with neighbouring tribe s . Thus , forms of broken English were spread over the Paci fic by European vesse l s alone .

2.2.2.4

Numbers i nv o l ved i n the contact s i tua t i on

Unfortunately we have no reliable source at present which could tel l us the numbe rs of people involved in these trading relations . It is certain that the numbe rs were smal l and that those members of the native communities who spoke a bit of broken English were a sma l l minority . Reports from areas which had trade contacts but no labour recruiting support this view .

2.2.2.5

Languages i nvol ved i n the contact s i tu a t i on

A distinction has to be drawn between the deve lopment of ad hoc j argons and that of stable pidgins . Whinnom ( 19 7 l ) and other scholars have argued convincingly that stable pidgins can only develop in a situation where more than two languages

EXTERNAL HISTORY OF TOK PISIN

39

are involve d . In the case of an ad hoc j argon intermediate between two languages , the pressure of the source language upon thi s j argon continues to influence its gramma tical structure . The early contact period was characterised by such a linguistical ly unstable situation . Increase in contact resulted in a closer approximation to the English mode l rather than a more stable pidgin . Remarks about the l inguistic abil ity of the South Sea islander s are all to the account that " X spoke a l i ttle English" , "y spoke good English" and so on . Thus the deve lopment of the various contact j argons has to be represented as : English X native language

English X native l anguage

I

I

Jargon English I

Jargon English I I

and not : English X native l anguage

I

Jargon Engl ish I

English X native l anguage

X

I

I

Jargon English I I

pidgin English Summa rising , one can s ay that the result of culture contact in the first stage was a number of unstab� varieties of j argon Engl ish in various parts of the Pacific Ocean . For these j argons to survive it was necessary that thei r cause , the various trade activities , should continue . Where this was not the case the j argon stage was the end of the l i fe-cycle .

2.2.3 2.2.3.1

THE P E R I O D B ETWE EN 1 860 and 1 883 : STAB I L I SAT I ON I n troduct i on

By 1860 a new motive in the deve lopment of Pacific pidgin English emerged , name ly that of the plantation system and the associated labour trade or ' black­ birding ' . A further minor mot ive at this point was German trade in the Pacific islands . Much of the discuss ion about the importance of the plantations in the deve lopment of Tok Pisin has centred around the sugar plantations in Queens l and . Much less attention has been paid to the other important plantation areas in the Paci fic of New Caledonia , Fij i and , above all , Samoa ( but cf . Muhlhaus ler 1978d) . To determine the relative importance of these ' loci ' it is necessary to take a closer look at the labour trade and population movements in the Paci fic during this period as well as the role of the plantation in general .

2.2.3.2

T h e i nf l uence o f the pl an tat i on s

The importance o f the plantations i n the development o f pidgin languages can hardly be stressed enough , for it is here that the trade j argon was changed most readily into a stabilised pidgin . In addition the plantations acted as the main catalyst in the nativisation of pidgins . The main social function of the plantations was that of giving group identity to people from geograph ically dif ferent areas and a multitude of l inguistic back­ grounds . The forces responsib le for the moulding of such a community also gener­ ated conside rable pressure for e ffective verbal communication .

40

P. MUHLHAUSLER

That pidgin English was chosen in response to these pressures was the result o f a number of factors . The indentured labourers working in the plantations of Queensland , Samoa or New Caledonia found their home language of little or no use . The only l inguistic medium shared by a sub stantial number of labourers was what l i ttle broken English they may have picked up back home or on board the recruiting vesse l s . This knowledge would then be reinforced by the continued use of broken Engl i sh in the i r dealings with the whi te overseers and their workmates . This continued use of Pidgin English on a plantation then resulted in the disappearance of a number of fluctuations found in the idiolects of individual workers and in the development of certain norms accepted by all members of the new lingui stic community . The new norm also served as a mode l for l ingui stic performance to all newcomers . For most indentured labourers life on the plantations meant a break with their pas t . people who had grown up in the traditions of thei r native i s land were suddenly brought into contact with western technologies and the capitalist system . This forced culture contact must have left a deep impression on every­ body involved. At the same time it became necessary to interpret the new social and economi c realities through l anguage . The deve lopment of plantation pidgins demonstrates this effort to make use of an inadequate means of l inguistic communi­ cation to come to grips with a totally new experience , an effort made more dif­ ficult by the Europeans ' aloofness and their reluctance to instruct the black labourers in the functioning of European technology and society . Pidgins at this stage were a means of theorising about an only partly understood reali ty . The stab i l isation of Pidgin English on the plantations was also promoted by the ghetto character of these locations . With the exception of Fij i , contact between plantat ion labourers and the peoples l iving outside the plantations was s l i ght . The status of the plantation workers vis-a-vis that of the indigenous population was low . In the initial years of the plantation system in Samoa , for instance , Samoans held ' blackboys ' in contempt and at the same time were terrified by rumours of their cannibal i sm . Under these conditions intimate contact could not take place . Simi lar ly , there was l i tt le contact between the b lack ( Melanesian) workers and the white plantation owners , the whi tes maintaining a strict social distance . The use of pidgin rather than standard English was regarded as a we lcome instrument to maintain such class distinctions . Despite this , the Europeans ' speech continued to serve as a mode l in the extension of the pidgin . The main function of plantation pidgins was as a means of communication between b lack peoples from different areas and i ts use in communication between b lack and whi te was re stricted to the giving and receiving of orders . Apart from serving as catalysts for the stabilisation and nativisation o f pidgin , the plantations also promoted the rapid spread of the stabil ised pidgin to the main recruiting area . After the completion of their contract most labourers were returned to their horne i s l and to which they brought , apart from material goods of western origin , a fair knowledge of Pidgin English . The prestige of the returned labourers among the ir people was considerable and a knowledge of Pidgin Engl i sh in particular was considered highly desirable . We have a number of reports suggesting that the Pidgin English o f the returned labourers was learnt eagerly by the next generation of young men intent on going to serve their term on the plantations . Thus stabilisat ion of pidgin was spread rapidly over the recruiting areas in the Pacific . I t remains to be seen how much New Guinea and the New Guinea islands were influenced by this development . However , before examining the hi storical data , a last function of the plantation system needs to be mentioned , name ly that o f creoli sation of pidgin on the plantations . We know that not only men but also women were recrui ted as workers for the plantations ,

EXTERNAL HISTORY OF TOK PISIN

41

the latter mainly for such j obs as carrying copra . The proportion of women among the indentured labourers was never very high , but it was sufficient to lead to marriages on the plantations . The following numbers of workers were recorded in Queensland ( Reinecke 1 9 3 7 : 760) : date

males

females

1868 1871 1876 1881 1886 1891 1901 1911 1921

1 , 536 2 , 25 5 4 , 93 8 5 , 974 9 , 11 6 8 , 498 8 , 380 1 , 404 1 , 350

7 81 170 373 921 745 3 80 335 537

total 1 , 54 3 2 , 3 36 5 , 108 6 , 348 10 , 0 3 7 9 , 24 3 8 , 760 1 , 7 39 1 , 887

These figures only give the actual black population for every year , but not the number of new recruits . It clearly demonstrates the pol icy of the Queensland plantations , attacked by Jung ( 1885 : 29 6 ) , to recrui t a very small number of women , a policy which created a number of social problems and had to be revi sed in later years . The pol icy o f the German plantations in Samoa , on the other hand , was to maintain a reasonable proportion in the relative repre sentation of the sexes ( Jung 1885 ) . The figures avai lable are conflict ing and incomplete . Thurnwald mentions that for the year 1905 199 men were recruited from New I re land for Samoa and about 1 5 0 women for both Samoa and German Micronesia ( Thurnwald 1910 : 616 and 618) . Although we have reports that birth control was exercised by many married couples in the German plantations in New Guinea , i t is reasonable to expect that some fami lies wi th children were found on the plantations (particularly in Samoa ) from the beginning , and that the chi ldren grew up speaking pidgin as the i r first language . It i s certainly true that a fair number of such mixed marriages took place on the Samoan plantations in later years . The question whi ch now arises is what influence this creolised pidgin had on the subsequent development of the language . The evidence is that the inf luence was limited by a number of factors . In contrast to the plantations i n the west Indies , the plantation workers were not permanent residents of the area in which they worked and were shipped back when their contracts expired . Thus , at no t ime can we expect a large population of creoli sed pidgin speakers . More significantly , whatever l ingui stic innovations occurred in the creolised speech of the children were of l i ttle importance for the plantation community as a whole and , in order to communicate with adults , children had to stick to the norms of the adul t community . The situation appears to have been s imi l ar to that observed by the author in various parts of present­ day Papua New Guinea : the innovations made by children who grow up speaking pidgin as their first language are l argely given up once they grow up . Even communities who have been using pidgin as a first l anguage for several generations do not differ sign ificantly in the i r usage from other groups who use pidgin as a second language . The pressure for e fficient communication is stronger than that for lingui stic and structural sophistication . It appears that true and rapid creol­ i sation and accompanying structural change is only found in s ituations where whole populations have been permanently moved . Having made these general remark s about the importance of the plantation system for the development of pidgin Engli sh in the Paci fi c are a , I sha l l now turn to the examination of more concrete data involving the plantations .

42

P . MVHLHAUSLER

2.2.3.3

Tok P i s i n and the Paci f i c p l anta t i on s

The role of the Pacific plantations , and i n particular that of the Queensland sugar plantations , in the development of Tok Pisin has been the topic of a long debate . In one of his earlier writings on pidgin , Wurm ( 1966 : 5 3 ) states : New Guinea Pidgin came into being as the direct result of the use o f indentured native labour on the sugar cane planta­ tions of North Queens land , from approximate ly the middle of the last century to the first years of the twentieth . These native s , who were brought to Austral ia by the so-cal led "black­ birders " , sailors who were engaged in the special activity of providing native labour for the plantations , were large ly from the New Britain and Solomon Islands areas , with a prom­ inent part of them from northern New Britain . The language of many of the latter was Tolai . However , an examination of some hitherto inacces s ible documents has led another scholar , Salisbury ( 1967) , to a refutation of Wurm ' s statement . Salisbury argues that the number of New Guineans , and in particular those from later German New Guinea , on the Queensland sugar plantations was negligible . Very few Tolai went as labourers to Queensland - my own guess would be less than a hundred . Most labourers came from the New Hebrides and the Solomons . Attention turned to the New Guinea I s lands only in early 1883 . Sali sbury continues to point out that recruiting of labour from New Guinea for the Queensland plantations came to an end when the German government s topped re­ cruiting from i ts territory except for the plantations of the Deutsche Hande ls­ und Plantagengesel l schaft in Samoa. Recruiting from British New Guine a , partic­ ularly the Louisiade archipelago , continued a fter 1884 , and it appears that what l i ttle Pidgin English is reported from the area of Papua bears close resemblance to Queensl and Plantation ( Kanaka) Pidgin ( c f . Dutton 1980 ) whilst differing sig­ nificantly from the varieties found in former German New Guine a . Salisbury ' s arguments seem t o b e conclusive enough t o exclude the possibil ity of strong direct influence of Queensland Plantation Pidgin on Tok P isin . However , it will be demon strated be low that such influence could have been exercised by a number of less direct routes . The main plantation areas in the Paci fic , apart from Queensland , were Fij i , New Caledonia and Samoa , and the recruiting areas for these plantations were essentially the same as those for the Queens land plantations . In chronological order the recruiters concentrated their efforts on : a) b) c) d) e)

the Loyalty I slands and the New Hebrides in the early 1860s Banks Islands in 1868 santa Cruz in 1870/7 1 Solomon Islands from 1872 to 1883 ( source : Reinecke 1 9 3 7 : 7 3 3 ) New Ireland in 1883

only two o f the three above-mentioned areas were important for the further stab i l i sation and development of Pidgin English , name ly New Caledonia and Samoa. In Fij i , there was intensive contact between the imported labourers and native Fi j ians which led to the deve lopment of a variety of Pidgin Fij ian and i ts spread back to some recruiting areas . Pidgin English was found only among those workers who had close contact with Europeans , such as dome stics ( c f . Reinecke 1 9 3 7 : 7 36 ) . The theme i s treated in detail in Siege l ' s forthcoming thes i s " P lantation l anguages in F i j i " .

EXTERNAL HISTORY OF TOK PISIN

43

New Caledonia , i n Re inecke ' s op�n�on , must b e regarded as one of the main centre s in the formation of Bichelamar . Significant numbers of New Caledonians were brought to the Queensland plantations but the annexation by France in 1853 and the subsequent estab l ishment of plantations led to a labour shortage and labour was then imported from other islands . Jargon English was spoken on the i sland before the arrival of the French and the import of labour from other areas resulted in the adoption of pidgin English as the medium of communi cation on the plantations . Extensive samples of this l anguage are reproduced in Lentzner 1 881 : 1 5 3- 1 5 4 . The growing influence of the French and the influx of large number s of whites led to the gradual disappearance of Pidgin Engli sh which was replaced by pidgin French , possibly by a process referred to as relexi fication . Although Reinecke ( 19 3 7 : 7 3 6 ) c laims that " the settlement of Melane sians by German plantation interests in Samoa was probably too small and remote to have much e ffect on the deve lopment of Beach-l a-mar" , new material gathered by myself suggests a different picture , particularly regarding the influence of the Samoan plantations on the deve lopment of the New Guinea variety of Pidgin English . The deve lopment of plantations in Samoa by German interests began in the late 1860s and Melanesian labour was imported from 186 7 to 191 2 . A stable plantation pidgin is attested for the e arly 1880s ( c f . Schuchardt 1889) , a pidgin whose express ions "hardly differ from those used in the western Pacific" ( Re inecke 1 9 3 7 : 7 3 7 ) . More about the importance of Samoan Plantation Pidgin to the development of Tok Pisin wi l l be said below. The development o f stable pidgins on the Pacific plantations and in the principal recrui ting areas around 1 880 , as wel l as their l inguistic relationship to one another and earlier forms /of pidginised English , can be represented , tentative l y , in the following diagram : Chinese pidgin Engl ish I I

�

Pacific Jargon Engl ish -

Queensland P lantation � pidgin Engli sh

..- -,'

-

�/

!

I I

/

' ,' ", " ...... ..... ....... , " .... " .... Samoan Caledonian ' '' " ..

New Plantation Pidgin Engl ish A -

/

-I- � � -

Papuan P idgin �-' g l ad j , spoon > d j ebun . Cf . al so Eng . fig > Ma b i g , fork > Ma bo r k and Po po r k , etc. Consonant clusters are often split up by inter­ calated vowe ls , as in Eng . ink > Ma f n i k , September > Tr s e pe temb e r ; other such intercalations were probably made but masked by the observe rs ' transcriptions of the c lusters as such . The kind of phonetic/phonological adaptations characte ristic of the j argon stage are clearly i l lustrated by the following letter discussed by Schuchardt ( 1889 : 16 0 ) . Its writer is a native from Rarotonga who is a teacher in the New Hebride s . S Okotopa , 1 7 , 1880 . Misi Kamesi Are lu Jou no kamu ruki mi Mi no ruki iou Jou ruku Mai Poti i ko Mae tete Vakaromala mi raiki i tiripi Ausi parogi iou i rukauti Mai Poti mi nomoa kaikai mi angikele nau Poti mani Mae i kivi iou Jamu Vari kot i iou kivi tamu te pako paraogi mi i penesi nomoa te Pako Oloraiti Ta , Mataso .

82

P. MUHLHAUSLER

The same letter in conventional Engli sh spe l l ing looks as follows : Mr . Comins , ( How) are you? You no come look me ; me no look you ; you look my boat he go Mae today . Vakaromala me like he s leep house be long you , he look out my boat . Me no more kaikai , me hungry now , boat man Mae he give you yam very good ; you give some tobacco belong me [ dative ] , he finish , no more tobacco . All right . Ta , Mataso .

Contemporary evidence from incipient bush varieties of Tok pis in ( de scribed , confirms that transfer of indigenous pronunciations for ins tance by Bee ( 1972 » i s one of the principal strategies mani feste d in 'the j argon stage . There i s l i ttle evidence t o con fi rm Hall ' s ( 1966 : 2 5ff) contention that the " reduction in pronunciation" characterising j argons led to anything l ike a compromise between the sound systems of the languages in contact . As a result of the variation and insensitivity of j argon speakers for the sound patterns of their interlocutors , misunderstandings , mishearing and non­ communication must have been frequent .

2.4.3.3

Morphol ogy

Most pidginists would agree that the loss of inflectional and derivational affixes is perhaps the most outstanding single feature of pidgins . Goodman ( 19 7 1 : 2 5 3 ) , for example , states : One feature which is virtually unive rsal to these languages gene rally c lassi fied as pidgins and creoles is the drastic reduction o f morphological complexity and irregularity. One must be careful , however , not to confuse these properties with an ' identification tag ' for such languages . Lack of morphology i s also found in languages other than pidgins . A detailed di scussion of some theoretical questions involved can be found in Muhlhausler 1974 : 84-92 . For the purpose of this dis­ cussion I shal l restrict mysel f to the findings regarding Jargon English be fore 1884 . Again, a distinct ion has to be made between the j argon spoken by the European sailors and j argon of the South Sea I slanders . The data indicate that verb morphology was most consistently omitted by speakers o f the lexifier language . This may have been a feature of the special re giste r o f foreigner talk used by the sailors to address ' natives ' . Ferguson ( 19 7 5 : 10) , stUdying pres ent-day English foreigner talk , has found that " the third s ingular present su ffi x , past tense markers , progress ive - ing , future wi l l and perfect hcrve . . . -en o f verbs are omitted . " What is found in Jargon English i s a tense-less/time- less verb whi ch i s invariable in all pos itions . The verbal paradigm typically found can be i llustrated as fol lows : Jargon Engli sh

m i go yu go h i m go we go you g o de go

gloss

I go� went� am going� have gone you go, went, are going, have gone he goes, went, is going, has gone we go, went, are going, have gone you go, went, are going, have gone they go, went, are going, have gone

Only very rare exceptions are found , both for European speakers and for i slanders .

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

83

Much less agreement is found with noun s . Though no instance of possessive 's could be found and though the plural -s i s dropped in most texts , the general loss of plural -s is by no means a feature of the Europeans ' speech . It can be argued , however , that -s did not have any grammati ca l function in the speech of the indigenes , and was merely a fossilised lexi cal property in forms such as mas i s match, matches, a s i s ashes or bo i s boy, boys. That there was no consistency in the use of plural - s in the foreigner talk used at the time is confirmed by the data and corroborated by a test which I ad­ ministrated to a group of Australian students . I found that , whilst more than 90% of third person singular -s was deleted , plural -s was de leted in only 40% o f the case s . There was also considerable variation i n the use of pronouns . I t appears that the re was no consistent distinction between singular and plural pronouns , nor any strict division between first and second person pronoun s . I n addi tion , a numbe r of variant forms appear in roughly equivalent functions . This is not surprising . The loss o f the singular/plural distinction is a result of the oper­ ation of language- independent L2 deve lopment , whereas the i l l-defined boundaries between individual pronouns reflect the fact that they were learned in their pragmatic setting rather than in a classroom s ituation . After all , in giving commands , Engli sh we frequently refers to second person singular and plural .

2.4.3.4

Syn tax

According to Zo l l er ( 1 891 : 41 4 ) : According to my observations in foreign countries there are three stages in the mastery of foreign languages . The firs t , lowest stage which is virtually unknown in our educated Europe but which is much more common than the second stage in the intercourse between whi te people with the members of the coloured race s , merely comprises a more or less limited knowledge of the lexicon . ( translation mine) This quotation i s o f great relevance for an understanding of the nature of j argon syntax . Grammar , i t must be remembered , is the re flection of many different parameters , including cultural traditions , natural discourse structuring strat­ egies , bui lt-in word order universals and more ( see , for instance , Givan 1 9 7 9 ) . In the j argon context , most cultural ( and hence unnatural ) strategies tend to be abandoned in favour of strategies for getting the message across . This means that speakers attempt to equate sequence s of elements with their s emantic order ( iconicity) , they restrict themse lves to main clauses , resort to repetition and so forth . There also remains a considerable amount of fluctuation , both inter­ individual and intra-individua l , and i t is therefore impossible to speak of a social grammar and d i fficult even to identify consistent individual grammars . The nature o f Tok Pisin as spoken in the Duke of York is lands in the 1870s and 1 880s is i l lu strated in the following texts from Brown ( 1908) : The chief who accompanied us round the island noticed this and said : " M i ss i ona ry no come M a t u p i t , a h ! Topu l u he no come . M i s s i ona ry come , oh ! Topu l u h e come . He go house be l on g Ma t u p i t . " ( p . 93 ) Here I was interrupted several times by them saying : " Oh , D uke o f York ma n h e t a l k gammon be l ong ( i . e . to ) you ,

84

P . MUHLHAUSLER

p l en ty g ammon , p l en t y too much gammon . Wha t fo r ma ke f i gh t ? No ma ke f i gh t . P a t e , pate , pa t e (No , no , no) . N o ma ke f i gh t . " ( p . 1 2 2 ) D Oh ma n b e l ong s a l t wa t e r he f i gh t ma n be l ong bush . He ka i ka i ( eat ) h i m . H e catch h i m bone he g o be l ong s pea r . A I I s ame t h i s fe l l ow p I ace" . Which last sentence means , such is the custom here .

(p. 125)

I t was quite strange to-day a s w e passed b y some of the vi l lages to hear Tuki te l l me , in the most unconcerned manne r pos s ible , of events that had taken place there : " Tha t fe l l ow p l ace h e ka i ka i ( eat ) t h ree fe l l ow-man be l ong

me ; a no t h e r day me ka i ka i four me n be l ong h i m . Fou r fe l l ow-man me ka i ka i ( eat) " , he said again , laughing quite

pleasantl y , and in a most se lf-satisfied manner as he held (p. 147) up his four fingers . About three o ' clock I went on shore again , and went up the village to Tom ' s house , where I found that he had pre­ pared a large present of taro , pumpkins , cocoanuts , bananas , and a large pig. He said : " Th i s i s you r s . Duke

of York man he te l l you that I wou l d f i gh t you . I s t h i s f i g h t i n g? W i l l t h e t a ro f i gh t you? W i l l t h e bananas f i g h t you? W i l l t h e p i g f i gh t you? No , no , me no f i gh t you , me p l e n t y I i ke you" , etc . , etc . I made him a few

presents in return , and then we went to another chief ' s house , where we got another present minus the pig; and so again from a third chie f , for al l which I made a suitable return . Tom came on board in the evening to say good-bye , and said several times to me : "M i s s i ona ry , s u ppos e you

h u n g ry you come h e re to t h i s p l ace b e l ong me . P l e n t y t a ro , h e s top h e re , f u l l , f u l l , me g i ve h i m you . Boa t be l ong you , he go down , s i nk w i t h ta ro , banana s , and yams . Su ppose you hung ry come h e re ; me ve ry good f e l l ow , yes , me good fe l l ow . " Whether he was such a very good fe l low or not I could not te l l , but he treated us ve rI well . (p. 141)

Whereas a nunilier of grammatical features appear t o foreshadow later stages in the development of Tok Pisin ( the use of the anaphoric pronoun he which appears as a predicate marker in subsequent stages , for instance ) , the overall impre ssion of this text is that we are not dealing with a fixed language . There is consid­ erable variation in : a) The basic word orde r .

ka i ka i .

Next t o m e ka i ka i men one finds men me

b ) The marking of word clas ses .

fou r fe I I ow- me n .

Next to fou r men one finds

c) The treatment of complex utterance s , such as i f . . . then sequence s . Next to concatenation , as in m i s s i ona ry no come Topu l u he no come , one finds Su ppose you h u n g ry come h e re with s uppose if overtly marked . d) Expressions translating very include me p l e n t y I i ke you and

me very good f e l l ow .

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

85

other sal ient features o f these examples include the oh utterance initiall y , the use of an indigenous negator pate next to English-derived no and the considerable proportion o f sub j ect less and otherwise incomplete constructions . S imilar lin­ gui stic features are found in another early text , a conversation between a Buka tribesman and a European recruiter : " Me I i ke boys" the white man said to the black man , " p l en t y ka i ka i ( food) , no f i gh t ( thrashing) ? " the b lack recruits ask . " Ye s , p l e n t y ka i ka i a n d no f i gh t " , the white man answers . " Wh a t you pay me ?" , the owner of a s l ave or the tribal chief asks . " On e fe l l ow a n i kow ( an axe) " , the recruiter replie s . ( Ribbe 1903 : 2 2 3 , translation mine ) The following l ingui stic features are present in this conve rsation : a) The presence of the plural - s in the speech of the recruite r . b ) Incomplete sentence s . c ) The lexical item a n i kow , i llustrating heavier borrowing from local languages at the beginning of the l ife cycle . d) The question wh a t you pay me ? The preferred word order in Tok pisin is yu pe i m m i wa nem , with the wh-pronoun appearing ques tion- f inal ly . Another early example from the Duke of York area is quoted by Hernsheim ( 1883 : 50 ) : " Befo re me know noth i ng , now m i s s i ona ry t h i s p l ace , me know - a l l " . Apart from the widespread absence of preposition s , this example i l lustrates yet again the iconicity of early Tok Pisin : the sequence of the e lements of a sentence mirrors the sequence of events in the real wor l d . The scanty data avai lable make i t difficu lt t o assess the role of the differ­ ent forces involved in shaping the syntax of Tok pisin at this early stage . How­ ever , i t would seem that neither substratum nor superstratum syntax have been involved to a significant extent . The very nature of the syntax al so excludes a relexif ication explanation . It would seem that what l ittle syntax there is 6 tends to reflect unive rsal strategies for discourse structuring rather than gramma rs of individual l anguage s , or common denominators . '

2.4.3.5 2.4.3.5.1

T h e l ex i con Genera l remarks

The distinction between the lexical and syntactic component of j argon varieties is rather difficult to draw . It appears fair to say that the distinc­ tion , in some case s at least , is non-existent . The very first rudiments of broken Eng l i sh , as spoken by some of the is landers , were a list of fos s i l ised idioms , whose internal structure , whatever i t may have been in English , was no longer re l evant for the derived j argon . The vocabulary of the j argon predece s sors of Tok pisin can be approached from two complementary points of view , first i ts reduction in size in comparison with i ts source languages and secondly the breaking down of lexical structures found in i ts source languages . The third approach , that of tracing back indivi­ dual words to thei r source language s , is dealt with in the chapter on etymolo­ gis ing ( 2 . 6 ) .

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P . MUHLHAUSLER

2.4.3.5.2

Reduc t i on i n s i z e

Compared with the lexical inventories of i ts source l anguages , particularly with that of Engl ish , Paci fic Jargon Pidgin , including the varieties spoken in the New Guinea are a , was extremely impoverished . Churchill ( 19 1 1 : 1 2 ) remarks that here "we find the irreducible minimum which is felt to underlie al l the re finement of vocabulary" . Estimates as to the number of lexical i tems needed for minimal communication vary . Cassidy ( 1 971 : 2 1 3 - 2 1 5 ) gives a l i s t of about 100 items arrived at from comparative evidence and theoretical speculation . He wri tes : The next necessity would be to name things ( cf . something above) , especially trade objects , again with gestures ( food , water) or by exhibiting and naming them (mirrors , axes , c loth , etc . ) . These last would be in the ' outside ' language ; local foods and products unfami l i ar to the outsiders would first have the native names ( e . g . ananas ) , later perhaps outside ones (pineapp le) . Trade obj ects sought by the outsiders would probably take outside names (pepper , gold , sandalwood) which the insiders would have to learn in order to trade in them. Names for local trade obj ects would vary according to their region or origi n , hence be the least general or predictable part of the pidgin lexi con . But apart from trade ob j ects there would have to be names for certain essential things or concepts - among the most basic : Natural materials (water , stone , fire , etc . ) ; Physi­ ography ( mountai n , rive r , sea , etc . ) ; Time ( yesterday , month , midday , etc . ) ; Numbers ( at least to ten , and some multiple s ) ; Weights and Measures ( bundle , j arfull , arm ' s-length , etc. ) ; Co lors ( black , white , and a few more of broad range ) ; Peop le, kinship ( father , s ister , son , child , chie f , hunte r , etc . - a ! arge group) ; Body parts ( head , hand , heart , eye s , teeth , skin - a l arge group) ; Weapons, utensi ls ( spear , gun , stool , pot , hamme r , bottle - a very large group) ; Clothing ( shoes , shirt , dress , bracelet , e tc . ) ; Feods ( general word , meat , oi l , sugar , beve rage , etc . ) ; Anima ls, birds, plants, fish; Bui ldings ( house , door , cart , bridge ) ; Emotion, morality ( fear , j oy , lying , theft ) . The number of words used currently in these and other cat­ egori es would depend on the degree of communication e s tabl i shed , but even the most e lementary trade could hardly be carried on wi thout words for t imes , place s , quantities , and the things being traded : nominal ideas . S imilarly certain verbal ideas would have to be expressed : Thought, communication (know , say , name , forget , etc . ) ; Bodily motion ( walk , stand , come , e t c . ) ; Physical. action ( do , give , eat , cut , look , strike , fasten , etc . - a very large group ) ; Fee lings ( want , l ike , wonder , distrust , etc . ) . The idea of equating need not at fi rst require formal expression : things can be associated wi th properties by simple juxtaposition without a copul a . ( In English-based creoles when a copul a i s used it is not nece s sarily be ; stand, stay, sit , and other words may be made to serve . The sense for this goes back very far : Romance estar, essere, etre , etc . < Lat . stare , and Germanic *standan- , both < IE *s ta- . pidginized reductions of estar and stand could meet again i n the coincidence of sta . )

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

87

The relationship of modification would soon demand expres­ sion , not necessari ly in terms of adj ectival or adverbial words : formal marking of the parts of speech as in ful l lan­ guages should not be expected - on the contrary , functional shift without change of form. Basic modifying ideas would include : Size (bit , long , wide , thick , deep, etc . , and their contraries) ; Quality ( good , strong , heavy , hot , quick , sweet , etc . , and their contraries ) ; Condition, manner ( i ll , as leep , dead , wet , hard , etc . , and their contraries ; also b lind , deaf , dumb , crippled , etc . ) ; Shape ( round , long-and-thin , straigh t , flat , wavy , etc . , many with contrarie s ) ; Posi tion, direction (high , far , seaward , upstream , at-cente r , above , etc . , and their contraries - a large group ) ; Time ( right-now, in-a-while , afte r , always , etc. ) . Once pidgins were estab l ished , the next step would no doubt be toward re finements or e l aborations , to sharpen distinctions and avoid confusion . Actual figures for Pacific Jargon English are given by a number of writers . The lowest e stimates are those for the New Hebride s . Speiser ( 191 3 : 9 ) c laims that the "mutilated English" spoken there contained hardly more than 50 words , whi l st Jacomb ( 1914 : 9 1 ) puts the figure at " no more than a hundred words . " Genthe ( 190 8 : 10) sugge sts around 300 lexical bases in use for SPP spoken in the l880s whi lst Church i l l ( 19 1 1 ) " who unfortunately drew his vocabulary from various printed sources instead of setting down the words he had actually heard used , gives about 300 words" ( Reinecke 1 9 3 7 : 764) . However , these estimates are of limited re levance since none of them is based on an actual word count and since , furthermore , the si ze of the lexical inventory must have di f fered from locality to locality with changing requirements for verbal communi cation . The small number of lexical bases reflects a) the restricted range of topics which required verbal communication and b) a conscious or unconscious attempt on the part of speakers of English to reduce their vocabulary by selecting unmarked lexical items or items which , in the i r opinion , were readily unde rstood by their partners in transaction ( c f . Whinnom 19 7 1 : 99 and Ferguson 1975) . It is important to stress that considerable variation was found in these diminutive lexicons , depending on the inventiveness and experience of individual speakers , the composit ion of the groups using Jargon English and other factor s . An interesting example is given by Sche l long ( 1934 : 97-98) : Diary entry October 1886 , visit of the cutter " Le l ia" in Finschhafen : For me the presence of the ' Le l ia ' in the harbour meant a great anthropological gai n , for the coloured crew was composed of people from the most diverse islands of the South Seas . Among the eigh teen members of crew seven dialects were spoken ; no wonder that the people made use o f neutral idiom , pidgin-English . What Engl i sh means t o the educated world , becomes pidgin for these blacks . Some words o f thi s pecul iar language can be traced back to words f rom F i f i n ne was native vernaculars , e . g . f i f i n ne for woman. developed from wa aw i ne of the New Hebridean native , and waw i n of New Britain and now this word i s also used by the solomon Islande r instead of his u rau or kakawe or s s i n a ngo and by the inhabitant of Green I s land instead of his t aho ( a ) l . The tribe that happens to have the numerical superiority in th e encounter of people from several island groups , is

88

P. MUHLHAUSLER l ike ly to gain l inguistic superiority as wel l . Captains and mates are amused by this confusion of languages , hear this or that strange word and occasionally employ it instead of the Eng l ish equivalent . Thus , on our cutter q u i l l eq u i l l e i s always used for quick , ka i ka i instead of eat , bu l makau instead of meat , and s o on . ( t rans lation mine)

2 . 4 . 3 . 5. 3

' B rea k i ng down ' a l ex i con

Jargons and pidgins are typically characteri sed as impoverished and broken­ down versions of their lexifier language s . 8 Howeve r , there have as yet been few attempts to make explicit what is meant by these labe l s . The notion of impover­ ishment has been as sociated with the reduction in s ize of a lexical inventory when compared to the lexi fier language of a j argon or pidgin . Whilst the loss in referential potential i s most striking , it must be kept in mind that the reduc­ tion in s ize of the lexicon of English also involves the loss of stylistic choice , geograph i cal ly and social ly determined variants , and other non-referential sem­ antic in formation . 9 There is no unambiguous s tatement about what is meant by ' breaking down ' with regard to the lexicon . I sugge st that those perceived distortions occurring when lexical items of English origin are used by the learners in a j argon context can be associated with a wholesale loss of lexi cal information , the loss of in­ formation about lexical relatedness leading to the disappearance of internal structure of the lexicon . The fact that the speakers of Pac i fi c Jargon English be longed to a number of di f ferent groups , the most important d istinction being that between native speakers of English and the islanders , makes it impossib le to write a lexical grammar . Instead , I wi l l point out the k ind o f proce sses involved i n breaking down the lexicon of English , leaving aside the que stion as to how these processes are realised in the speech of individuals . This approach is further j usti fied by the general instab i l ity of the various contact j argons , exhibiting "a quality of tentativeness and a process of mutual l inguistic adj ustment through exploita­ t ion of all the language practices at hand . " ( Goodman 1967 : 43 ) . Lexical items can be regarded as the repository of a vast amount of inform­ ation , both unpredictable basic information and that derived from bas i c inform­ ation by regular lexical processes . Lexical information i s acquired by native speakers of a language over a long period of time and this process cannot be re­ peated unde r the adverse learning conditions characterising the deve lopment of j argon s . Thus , wh ilst some of the lexical in formation is restructured to suit the phonetic and semantic habi ts of the learner , most of it i s lost , only that needed to achieve the minimal aim of having at one ' s disposal a few names for obj ects and actions remaining . Thi s constitutes a small and sometimes distorted subset of the lexical in formation contained in the lexical items of the lexi fier language . The loss of phonological in formation man i fests itse l f in the fol lowing ways , among othe rs : a) The loss of syllables preceding the main stress : thi s can be i l lus­ trated by lexical items from Jargon Eng lish such as b a ka tobacco, k ru t recrui t, pos suppose, n a p enough .

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN b)

89

The loss of consonant clusters : examples include te5 i n station� kapen captain , and mata master. More commonl y , epenthetic vowel s appear between the consonants constituting clusters i n the lexi fier language .

c) The loss of phonological distinctions : typical ins tances involve some highly marked English sounds such as [ 9 ] and [ J ] which are rendered as [ t ] and [ 5 ] respectively , the los s of distinction between voiced and voice less consonants , and the reduction of the Eng l i sh vowe l system to one distinguishing from three to five vowel s ( c f . Muhlhausler 1974 : 76-7 7 ) .

2 .4 . 3 . 5 .4

Lex i ca l expan s i o n i n J a rgon E n gl i sh

The lexical inventory of Jargon English, though extremely restricted , suf­ ficed as the basis of verbal interaction in the equally restricted situational contexts in whi ch it was use d . It appears that when new expressions were needed they were borrowed from e i ther English or a local vernacular , since me chanisms for the expans ion of the l exicon from internal resources were nearly always absent . Even such a basic mechanism as circumlocution , vigorous ly present during the deve lopment of more stable pidgins , is not real ly documented for Pacific Jargon English. No traces whatsoever o f a productive derivational lexicon are found . The dependence on outside sources for structural enrichment of any kind can be regarded as the l ingui s tic equivalent of the dependence of these j argons for thei r survival on the continuation of the social context in which they were use d . I t is i n thi s sense that one can refer t o a j argon a s a ' parasitic system ' with­ out any l i fe of its own ( cf . Samarin 1971 : 120) .

2.4.3.6

The j argon stag e : s ummary

As speakers of a j argon do not constitute a single language community with social norms for grammar and lexicon , we find many individual differences in the strategies employed in cross - l inguistic communication . On the part of the white visitors or settlers the use of stereotyped foreigner talk versions as we l l as universally-motivated s implifications of English are encounte red . Both rel iance on substratum grammar and lexicon and universally motivated second- language strategies are found among indigenous speakers of j argon varietie s .

I t appears that relexification o f earlier pidgins such as Chinese Pidgin English was a minor source of l anguage development . Adlexification , on the other han d , was the principal source of lexical enrichment . The se lection of common core features is virtual ly absent in the grammar of the varieties examined , but appears to have played a cons iderable role in the lexicon ( see chapter on ety­ mologising ( 2 . 6» . Hi storical continuity between earlier j argons spoken in Samoa and the New Guinea area and later stable varieties of SPP and Tok Pisin is low and restricted mainly to the di ffus ion o f a smal l number of lexical items . These provided the building b locks out of whi ch more stable varieties were bui lt , under the pres sure for more permanent and varied communi cation in the plantation context .

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THE STAB I L I SAT I ON STAGE

2.4.4 2.4.4.1

I n trodu c t i o n

Stabi l isation of a pidgin language i s the result o f the development o f social ly accepted l anguage norms . Such norms develop when none o f the languages in contact serves as a target language . Whinnom sugge sts ( 1971 : 9 1 - 1 1 5 ) that stable pidgins are not like ly ever to have arisen out of a simple bilingual sit­ uation . Instead , they owe their stabi l ity to the fact that a j argon ( secondary hybrid) is used as a medium of intercommunication by people who are not speakers of the original lexi fier language . For Tok Pisin this means that the first stabilisation occurred among the ethnically and linguistically diverse plantation workers on the Samoan plantations of the Deutsche Handels- und Plantagenge sell­ s chaft , and subsequently on the plantations belonging to various German firms in the Bi smarck Archipelago and the New Guinea mainland . The reasons for the emergence of a stable pidgin first on Samoa and later in New Guinea and the adj acent islands control led by Germany can be sought in a num­ ber o f new s ituational stimul i , including : a) the institutionalisation of Tok Pis in as a means of communication between speakers of diverse language backgrounds ; b) the plantations providing a certain degree of continuity in the transmis s ion of this language ; c) the partial withdrawal of English as a mode l language during German control ; d) the deve lopment of certain standards of correctness as Tok Pisin became a prestige language . On the lingui stic side , stabilisation is characteri sed by a gradual reduction of variabil ity and the deve lopment of syntactic and lexical structures independent of a speaker ' s first l anguage or other individual l anguage learning strategies . Thus , a stable pidgin acquires a stable language community and social norms to which its members conform. The deve lopment of grammatical stabi lity is a gradual process and is achi eved at different points in time in diffe rent parts of grammar . Moreover , the stabili sat ion of Tok Pisin can still be observed synchronically in the transit ion f rom unstable bush to stable rural varieties ( see chapter on vari­ ati on ( 3 . 2 » . Though detailed case studies are not avai lable at present , one would expect that stabili sation would follow the lines sugge sted by Salisbury ( 1967 : 46 ) : The Pidgin recorded be fore 1881 is of simple s entences only and is not entirely reliably recorded , yet the variety of forms used does suggest a l ack of standardisation . Among the Siane of the Eastern Highlands in 1952 I observed the change from there being only one or two Pidgin speakers in each village of two hundred , to there being twenty or more . In the first s it­ uation each speaker has idiosyncracies and gets away with unstandard ( "bad" ) Pidgin as no one can check him, and his idiosyncracies may be copied . With twenty speakers idiosyncra­ s ies are scorned and standardisation is the rule . By 196 1 a majority of Siane spoke Pidgin and used it among themse lves as the most e fficient means of communi cation on certain topics . I would interpret the 1881 New Britain situation as similar to the Siane situation of 1952 , and would expect standardisa­ tion to have occurred rapidly after .

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91

The stabi l isat ion o f Tok P i s i n was greatly promoted b y the widespread absence of the English ' mode l ' in i ts formative years on the German-controlled plantations of Samoa and New Britain , and the acceptance of Tok Pis in as an inde­ pendent l anguage by many Germans . As observed by Friederici ( 19 1 1 : 95 ) : We learn our Pidgin English mostly f rom our black boys , since they have made this j argon themselves and wi l l continue to do so . For even the Pidgin Engl i sh i s a living language , which develops and whi ch has dialects ; and nobody will be able to avai l themselve s properly of this language , i f they labour under the impress ion that it can be learnt from another European . ( also Bateson 1944 : 1 3 7 ) Having outlined the general setting and characteristics of stab i l ised Tok Pisin , I shall now turn to i ts grammatical and lexical properties .

2.4.4.2 2.4.4.2. 1

Stabi l i s a t i on of g ramma r P ron u n c i a t i o n and phonol ogy

Data concerning the phonological properties of early stabilised Tok Pisin are fairly s carce and the prevailing convention o f us ing Engl ish orthography does little to help the analyst . There is general agreement , however , that at the phonetic leve l , a great deal of variation was found and , by and large , accepted . Schnee ( 1904 : 304) remarks , for instance : One and the same pidgin-English word is pronounced quite dif­ ferent by natives from di fferent regions , depending on whether the consonants of a word are found in the kanaka language in quest ion or not . In the dialects spoken in the Blanche Bay ( near Herbe rts hohe ) the consonants c , f , h , s , z as wel l as the English th are missing . Since , in addition , most of the natives find it d i f fi cult to pronounce consonants in sequence , many words are mutilated to a degree that they become unintel­ l igible . ( trans lation mine) Over the years , however , variations whi ch greatly interfered with inte l lig­ ibi lity be came considerably reduced and it would not be true to say that indig­ enous speakers simply used the i r own phonology when speaking Tok P isin . Thus , a comparison of Tolai phonology with Tok P isin as spoken by Tolais exhibits consid­ erable d i f fe rence s . Mosel ( 1980 : 2 3) mentions that the phoneme /s� which is absent in Tolai , has been introduced as a separate phoneme in the Tolais ' pidgin . Secondly , Tok Pisin exhibits the distinction between lax and tense vowe l s which i s absent in patpatar-Tolai language s . Simi lar evidence i s also given on the Tok pis i n spoken by Usarufa speakers (Bee 19 7 2 ) . Whi le phonological norms experienced considerable stabilisation in indigenous Tok pisin , the gap between this variety and that spoken by native speakers o f English remained and , t o some extent , exists even today . Whereas the u s e o f English syntax and lexicon i s widely frowned upon , the use of English o r almost­ English pronunciation is generally accepted . More detai ls about this que stion are given in Wurm , Laycock and Huhlhausler 1 984 .

92

P . MUHLHAUSLER Phonological rules have two principal causes : a ) they reflect language change and divers i fication over time ; b) they reflect strategies for the optimalisation of production ( sometimes referred to as ' natural phonological proces ses ' ) .

Because o f the relatively shal low time-depth , time-related linguistic change s ( such as typically emerge when the language is transmi tted f rom one generation to another) do not play a maj or role . Thei r role is further diminished by the very strong tendency of speakers of a pidgin to favour strategies optimalising perception , i . e . strategies which aim at the invariance of lingui stic forms and a one-to-one relationship between meaning and form . As a consequence we get (Kay and Sankoff 1974 : 62 ) : Shallowness of phonology ( in the generative sense ) or restricted morphophonemi cs and lack of allophony ( in the structural sense ) . Contact vernaculars seem to show less distance between their deep and surface phonological rep­ resentations than do natural l anguages . In fact , it seems a use ful working hypothesis , doubtless overstated , that phonology in pidgin languages cons ists only in a set of systemat ic phonemes which provide unde rlying representations that are the same as their surface representations . There are no phonological rules that accomplish deep alternations such as those in good� better� best� or the less deep alter­ nations such as those be tween the first vowels in nation� national : that i s , there are no such alternations to be accounted for . Further useful observations about the sound system of Tok Pisin , relevant to the question o f the nature of an emergent stable phonemic system , can be found in a number of places , particularly in Hall 1955a : 52-61 .

2.4.4.2.2

Morphol ogy

A distinct ion must be made between inflectional morphology , marking word class membership or grammati cal categories such as number or gende r , and deriva­ tional morphology which serves to create new lexical material . Only inflectional morphology wi l l be considered here , with derivational questions be ing dealt with unde r the lexi con . few .

As is the cas e with other pidgins , examples of infle ctional morphology are This is due to a number of factors , including : a) the great flexibility in word class membership ( c f . Muhlh ausler 1 9 7 8 a) ; b) the relative ly fixed word order which makes morphological word class marking redundant ; c ) the strong tendency to express grammatical categories by means of fully stres sed adverbs ( e . g . time adverbs for tense ) , quanti fiers ( e . g . for p l en t y or a l l to expre ss plurality) and other existing lexical words .

Some inflectional morphology did deve lop during Tok Pisin ' s stabilisation stage , however . Most noticeably, the elements - pe l a/- fe l a ( from fe l low) and - i m ( from him) , previously found in a number of surface functions , became restricted to a few we l l defined occurrences :

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

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( 1 ) - pe I a In Jargon English this element was found variably in a number of positions in the surface structure of sentences , such as following nouns , preceding nouns and following adj ective s . In stabilised Tok Pis in , as recorded in the years after 1900 , its occurrence appears to be re stricted to two functions : a) As a marke r of monosyl labic attributive ad ject ives as in :

t u pe l a l a pun smo l pe l a dok t a g ut p e l a ka i ka i

two o ld men the little doator, mediaal orderly good food

but not o f polysyllabic attributive adjective s , a fact observed by Friede rici ( 19 1 1 : 105 ) but interpreted correctly only by Brenninkmeyer ( 19 2 4 : 9- 10 ) :

p l en t i kumu l l i kl ik p i k i n i n i

many birds of paradise little ahild

At the same time , the convention that - pe l a does not appear after attributive numerals if they precede units of currency become s estab lished , as can be seen from the fol lowing examples from Brenninkmeyer ( 19 24 : 18) :

m i ba i m l ong t r i mak

but : t r i pe l a s t i k t a bak

I bought it for three marks three stiaks of tobaaao

b) As a marker of plurality with the f irst and second person pronoun m i pe I a we ( excl . ) and Y'Jpe I a you (pl . ) . The form empe I a they i s found i n a very small numbe r o f sources but i s generally replaced with the em 0 1 plural inheri ted from SPP .

(2)

-

im

H i m , found in a number o f positions i n Jargon English , has become phono­ logi cally dif fe rentiated , em being used as third person singular pronoun and - i m as a suffix to verbs having an ob j e c t . The exceptions to the latter convention , i . e . verbs such as ga tlO and ka i ka i , are also e stab l i shed by around 1920 . I t appears that the distinct ion between verbs which are compulsorily marked b y - i m and others which can use either l on g or - i m to mark transitivity also dates to this phase , though a more detailed investigation is needed to confirm thi s . Both inflect ional and derivational morphology are basical ly lacking in early stabil ised Tok pisin , though other mechanisms to express the concepts , signalled by morphological variation in the source languages , are beginning to emerge .

2.4.4.2.3

Syn tax

During stabilisation we can observe the gradual emergence of fixed conven­ tions for word orde r , by far the most widely accepted being the sub j ect-verb­ obj ect ( SVO) orde r . Very few operations are found which change the order of elements in the few basic construction type s and add or subtract from them. Thus the basic structures o f questions , commands and statements are the same , being di fferentiated by intonational means alone . Compare :

yu k i s i m p i s y u ki s i m p i s? yu k i s i m p i s !

you aaught the fish did you aatah the fish ? aatah the fish!

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P . MUHLHAUSLER

Together with the e stabli shment of a fixed word orde r , separate grammatical word classes begin to emerge . There i s a class of nominals appearing in the sub­ j e ct and ob j ect position , verbs appearing in the predicate , and so on . The class membe rship of items is reinforced , as we have seen , by a numbe r o f morphological characte ristics . At this point i , the introducer o f the predicate , should also be mentioned ; its main function at this time appears to be to reinforce the syn­ tactic information already expressed through invariable surface structure of e lements . The need to express possibi lities , contingencies and similar ideas is met by the emergence of a number of sentence qualifiers . Kay and Sankof f ' s statement that in a pidgin such "propositional quali fiers will appear in surface structure exte rior to the propositions they qualify , or not at a l l " ( 1974 : 64 ) is con firmed by the data available for early stab i li sed Tok Pisin . Thus we find temporal deixis accomplished by optional sentential adverbs

( b a i mba i for future , p i n i s for past , and nau or � for present ) , as in : ba i mba i m i kambek mi kambek p i n i s m i kambek

I wi l t return I (have) returned I return3 am returning3 have returned3 wi l l return3 etc.

othe r aspectual information i s also expressed by sentence adverbs . A long l i st of examples is found in Brenninkmeyer 1924 : 2 3-24 , some of which will be quoted here : iterative : intensive : wish : adver sative : frustrative :

m i go p l a n t i t a i m h e tok p l a n t i i g u t y um i go ma s k i , yu me k i m y u go n a t i n g

I go many times he talks a lot let us go Ivhy don 't you do i t ? you went i n vain

Whereas in earlier Jargon English varie ties a number of strategies were employed in negation , including double negatives and negation of individual con­ sti tuents , only one such strategy is encountered in stable Tok Pisin : the negation of entire sentences by means of inserting no direct ly afte r the predicate intro­ duced by i as in :

em i no l a i k kambek

he does not want to come back

In general , the syntactic possibi lities of early stab i l i sed Tok Pisin are very much the same as encountered in other pidgins at a comparable stage of develop­ ment : it would seem that they are universally motivated rather than due to any external influence s . This explanation gains in weight i f we consider that a) mate rial which was present in earlier individual j argons i s fi ltered out , b) grammatical constructions not present in English ( e . g . p lacement of negative) appear , and c) some considerable di ffe rences exist with substratum grammars ( cf . Mosel 1979) . It appears that the maximum unit of grammar in the early stages of stabil­ isat ion was a simple sentence or at least a unit of grammar roughly corresponding to i t . Thurnwald ( 19 1 3 : 97 ) remarks : There are , with few exceptions , only re lationships between words , hardly any between sentence s . Each sentence stands for a complete thought , and one sentence wi l l follow the next sentence without conj oining or subordination . ( trans­ lation mine)

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

95

Thi s means that the mos t common way of expressing relationships between sentences i s s imple j uxtaposition , as in :

no ma n i yu no kam

if there is no money� you won ' t come

yu l uk a u t l ong l ek b i l ong yu , ba i mba i yu no k a t i m

take care so that you won ' t cut your leg

In s uch constructions the i coni c ordering provides the connection . However , over the years s imple concatenation is gradually replaced by more complex ways of dis­ course structuring, and conjoining as well as embedding becoming more powerful device s . sentence coordinators are the con j unctions n a u and/or and t a s o l but . Whilst these are documented very early , the preci s e sequence in which various abbrevi­ atory devi ce s used in coordinate sentences emerge has not yet been documented. My general impress ion is that the most common type i s :

i predicate becoming NP n a u NP i predicate i predicate nau NP I 2 2 I under condi tions of identical predicates , as in : NP

man i l u k i m p i k n a u mer i i l uk i m p i k

the man saw the pig and the woman saw the pig

man nau me r i i l u k i m p i k

the man and the woman saw the pig

becomes Other deletion processes appear to be less favoured . Coordination of verb phrases in particular appears to be problematic , s ince some of the early Tok P i s in speakers have a nominative-accusative system and others an ergative one . The ques tion whether the sentences and

em

kam na l u k i m p i k

he came and saw the pig

em

ka t i m d i wa i na pundaun

h e cut the tree and it fe l l down

are grammatical or not has not been fully settle d . with regard to embeddin g , a number of interesting case studies have become available in recent years , in particular Sankoff and Brown ' s ( 19 7 6 ) s tudy of cer­ tain relative c lauses and Woolford ' s ( 19 79b) study of complementisers . An out line It seems of the f indings is given by Sankof f 1979 , where detai ls can be found . that , as a gene ral principle , complex constructions appear first in those cases wh ich are most natural ( typical l y , where there i s agreement with chi ld language deve lopment) and are subsequently extended to cover more complex case s . This means that rules of complex sentence formation begin in an extremely narrow gram­ matical context , the context restrict ions being only gradually l i fted . Another typical feature of complex sentence deve lopment is that much of the grammatical complexity i s the result o f reanalysis o f already existing less complex sentence s . Thus , the deve lopment of the complementiser se that i s favoured by an earlier construction , as in :

em i tok s e : ka i ka i i red i pinis

he talks says : food is ready

whi ch became reanalysed as :

em i tok , se ka i ka i pinis

red i

he said� that the food was ready

96

P . MUHLHAUSLER

Another instance il lustrating this principle i s that of if-sentences . In very early examples of Tok Pisin we find s imple j uxtaposition next to subordination marked by means of s a pos if, as in :

no mon i no kam

if you have no money you do not come ( Samoan Plantat ion Pidgin)

s a pos wan t a i m moa yu l a i k p u l i m g ras b i l on g kaka r u k a i g i v i m y u pa i ppe l a moa

if you pu l l out the chicken feathers again, I sha l l give you five more (strokes) (Tok Pisin around 1900)

At the same t ime , s a pos acts as an introducer of wishes as in :

s apos i b i l ong m i s a pos i g a t s a n t e t e

I wish it was mine I wish the sun would shine today

It seems conceivable that the use of s a pos as a con j unction developed out of an earlier verb or sentential adverb s a pos the speaker wishes , simi lar to the deve lopment of ma s k i never mind, the speaker is not opposed to into the con junc­ t ion ma s k i although. However , we must remember that stabilisation means , in the first instance , the limitation of free variabi lity and that such developments as have j ust been discussed already announce the next stage , that of grammatical expansion . I wi ll therefore discuss other cases furthe r below and concentrate for the remainder of this section on the emergence o f stable conventions . Two areas where these can be seen particularly clearly are the emerging pronoun systems and the conventions for prepos itions . The pronoun system of e arly stabilised Tok Pisin contrasts with its pre­ deces sors of the j argon phase in its stabi lity , and in that the Me lanesian way of pronoun-re ference has replaced the earlier English system or mixtures between English and Melanesian systems . It also clearly distinguishes between singular and plural pronouns . It can be regarded as a compromi se between the various systems in use previously , though the loss of the distinction between obj ect and subject forms must be regarded as a s igni ficant simpli fication . It appears that a distinct ion was only made in the third person singular , i . e . h i vs . h i m/em, a fact mentioned by both Thurnwald ( 19 1 3 : 97 ) and Brenninkmeyer ( 19 24 : 12 ) . This simpli fied new pronoun system took the following form , which has remained the ' standard ' unti l today :

mi yu em m i pe l a yum i y u pe l a ( em) o l

I, me you ( sg . ) he, him, she, her, it we ( excl . ) we ( incl . ) you ( pl . ) they

The possessive pronoun , unlike in Engl ish , Tolai and some of the e arlier versions of Jargon English , is fonned by means of the preposition l ong or b i l on g preceding the set of personal pronouns . No conventions for the signalling of reflexive pronouns are reported . Brenninkmeye r ( 19 2 4 : 14 ) remarks : " the reflexive pronoun i s the same a s the per­ sonal pronoun , and can only be recognised by i ts intonation" ( translation mine) . One of his examples is :

J u d a s i h a ngama p , n a u i da i

Judas hanged himself and died

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

97

Demonstrative pronouns are also formed b y adding emphasis markers , such as em (preceding) and ya ( fo l lowing ) , rather than using separate forms , such as d i s pe l a , a form which Brenn inkmeyer ( 19 24 : 15 ) regards as an innovation .

2.4.4.2.4

The l ex i co n

stabili sation i n the lexicon man i fests i ts e l f i n a number of ways , including : a) the emergence of norms as to what constitutes a lexi cal item of the language ; b ) the crystall isation of preferred norms of lexi cal variants ; c) the deve lopment of l exical field structures . In addit i on , one can observe throughout Tok Pisin ' s stabili sation phase a steady increase in the number of lexical items in common currency . However , such lexical increase i s mainly dependent on external borrowing rather than on internal word­ formation devi ces . ( a ) Clark ( 19 7 7 and e l sewhere ) distinguishes the following features which are based mainly on lexical evidence : worldwide pidgin features , S ino-Paci fic fea­ tures and south-western features . Whe reas during the j argon phase the lexicon was influenced by al l these traditions , addi tions to the lexicon during Tok Pisin ' s stabilisation s tage are restricted to the pidgin-speaking communities of German Samoa and German New Guinea . Very few o f the additions from Samoan , Duke of York -Blanche Bay languages , German and Malay (discussed in the chapter on etymolog i s ing ( 2 . 6 ) ) are encountered in other Paci fic varieties of Pidgin Engl ish . We are now dealing wi th clearly separate pidgins . ( b ) Lexical norms in pidgin languages are determined by the internal coherence of the pidgin-using communities and the role of superimposed l anguage s . In the case o f Tok Pisin the absence of i ts original lexi fier language Engl i sh through­ out mos t of i ts stab i lisation greatly promoted the establishment of independent lexical norms . Thus , more o ften than is usual for pidgins , one encounters di f­ ferences in phonological , syntacti c and semantic information of Tok P i s in lexical items and their related English etymons . Examples include : ( 1 ) Phonological dif ference s , e . g . : Tok P i sin

from English

gloss

pa ram b i l as b r i ke n seken

fathom j1ash bi l ly can shake hands

fathom, measure ornament bi l ly can make peace

Some o f these di fferences can be described in terms of regular corre spondence s , as shown by Laycock ( 19 70c : xi i f f ) . However , the number of forms which cannot be accounted for in this way remains large and thus underl ines the relative absence of the Engli sh mode l . ( 2 ) Morphological informat ion : The inability of Tok P i sin speakers to recognise morphological boundaries in the lexi cal items of i ts various lexifier languages is mani fested in a number of ways in the lexicon :

98

P . MUHLHAUSLER

a) P lural forms are borrowed particularly in those cases where the noun concerned refers to entities which are usually observed in the quantities larger than one . However , the restructured items are neutral with regard to the grammatical category of number . Some examples are : Tok P i sin

from

gloss

an i s mas i s

ants matches

ant, ants match, matches

b) Compounds of the lexifier languages are typically reinterpreted as s imple bases . Examples are numerous , and only a few will be l isted here : Tok Pisin

from

gloss

b i i i nat s i mbum ko l ta t ra u s e l men s i t ka swe I

betelnut jib-boom coal-tar tortoise she l l main-sheet castor oil

bete lnut jib-boom tar tortoise main sheet castor oil

c) Word as we l l as morpheme boundaries of the lexi fier l anguage are no longer re fle cted in a numbe r of lexical bases . Fusion of two or more word-leve l lexical items is found in : Tok Pisin

f rom

gloss

ba i mb a i namb i s tud i r l ego sekan tasol

by and by on the beach too dear let go shake hands that 's a l l

soon beach expensive to let go to make peace only, but

More examples are l is ted in Hal l 1943b : 195 . ( 3 ) Syntactic informat ion : Di f fe rences in syntacti c information can be i llustrated with two phenomena , a) dif ferences in the cases associated with verbs , and b) differences in the position of adj ectives vi s-a-vis noun s . The former diffe rence i s i l lustrated with the following examples : Tok P i sin

English

m i ka t i m p epa l ong S I S I S m i k a t i m s i s i s l on g pepa

I cut the paper with the scissors *I cut the scissors at the paper

m i s i n i so t l ong t i s a t i s a i sot l ong m i s i n

the mission is short of teachers *the teachers are short for the mission

m i g i v i m mon i l ongen ml g i v i m em l on g mon i

I gave money to him *I gave him for money

maket i pu l a p l ong p i pe l p i pe l i pu l a p l ong make t

the market is fu l l of peop le *the people are fu l l on the market

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN Tok Pisin

Engl i sh

mi pu l i ma p i m kap l on g t i m i p u l i ma p i m t i l ong kap

I fi l led the cup with tea I poured tea into the cup

m i l a i n i m tok p i s i n l ongen em i l a i n i m mi l ong tok p i s i n

I learnt Tok Pisin from him he taught me Tok Pisin

99

As regards adj e ctives , Tok Pisin makes a difference between those which precede and those which follow nouns . The position of Tok Pisin adj ectives is not predictable either on the basis o f historical information ( there are maj or di fferences between Tok Pisin and its sub- and superstratum languages as pointed out in the chapter on theoreti cal issues ( 6 . 3 . 2 ) ) nor on language internal grounds . Rather , i t appears to be largely lexicali sed . The subdivision c an be i llustrated with the fol lowing examples : ad j e ctives preceding nouns

adjectives fol lowing nouns

b i kpe l a l ongpe l a raunpe l a wetpe l a yangpe l a

daun g i aman ka i s ma l oma l o ke l a

big long round white young

low false left soft bald

Further in formation about these restrictions , as we l l a s idiosyncratic morphological information with adj ective base s , is given by Wurm ( 1971a : 53-56) .

( 4 ) Semantic in formation : The emergence of stable conventions about the meaning of lexical items inde­ pendent of those found in the l exifier l anguage is a further sign of Tok Pisin ' s status as an in dependent l inguistic system . Thus , Salisbury ( 1967 : 47 ) remarks with regard to lexical items of Tolai origin that " Another index of naturalisation is the shift of meaning of Tolai terms away from their Tolai meanings ." Examples , other than that of t amb u discussed by Salisbury , include : Tolai

Tok Pisin

mao tubuan

mau tubuan

ripe� mature wooden mask� carving

umben b i rua kamb a n g panganga r

net ( in general) enemy� warrior lime to be in a position for copu lation ( o f female)

ripe banana o ld woman� mask of o ld woman ubene fishing net v i rua victim� human flesh kabag whi te� lime pagaga r to be open

However , whi l st conventions about the central meaning o f most lexical items began to emerge relat ively early during Tok Pisin ' s stabilisation , a fai r amount of latitude and vagueness is found with regard to less central areas of meaning . Reed ( 19 4 3 : 280) observe s : " No native can be expected to have more than a very l imi ted numbe r of associations with his pidgin vocabulary . " The deve lopment of stri cter conventions about the meaning of lexi cal bases can be observe d , however , in a number of s ituational contexts where the language had become fully institutionali sed. Thus , for instance , on the plantations a number of wel l-defined technical terms developed , including :

100

P . MUHLHAUSLER

Tok Pi sin

glos s

mek pepa f i n i sta i m s a nde k r i s mas lain nubo i o l bo i h a u s smok be l o ka i ka i be l a bek bosbo i

to sign a labour contract to finish one ' s indenture to pool one 's wages period of twe lve months labour line newly indentured labourer experienced labourer copra dryer signal for lunch break signal for resumption of work after lunch native supervisor

Next to the emergence of lexical norms for individual i tems we find a second mani festation of lexical stabilisation , i . e . the emergence of tightly structured lexi cal fields . As suggested by the last example , such field structures can be expected in those areas where the language is most firmly institutionalised . The importance of the development of s emant ic fields lies in there being a way of organising the lexical material borrowed from a number of sources , thereby reconci ling the frequently conflicting semantic information ' picked up ' from these source s . An example of such a developing semantic field is that of enumeration . Many number systems are found in the geographic area of Papua New Guinea . Decimal number systems are widespread in the Me lane sian languages spoken in the area where Tok Pisin stab i l i sed . This facilitated the adoption of the English system of counting , though not without certain change s . Reed ( 1943 : 2 82 ) observes : The system of enumeration in pidgin is a clear example of linguistic syncretism under the impact of culture contact . And we may also observe herein signi ficant cultural adjust­ ments by the natives toward European institutions of economics and f inance . The cardinal numbers from one to ten are patently of English derivation : wan , t u , t r i , fo r , fa i f , s T klS , s e fen , e t , na i n , and t�n ; but with numbe rs above ten , the native pattern of grouping numbers more frequently occurs . Thus e leven is wa n fe l a ten wan , twe lve wa n fe l a ten t u , and so on to twenty , which is t u f� l a t � n . Di f ferent conventions for counting emerged in other areas and are sti l l found with s ome very old speakers . One of these is the quinary system, using English cardinal numbers one to four and names of bodyparts for the nuniliers five and ten ( c f . also Murphy 1973 : 35 ) . Here fol lows a comparison of two counting systems : 1 2 J 4 5 6 7

8

9 10

decimal system

quinary system

wanpe l a t u pe l a t r i pe l a pope l a pa i pe l a s i k i s pe l a s evenpe l a e t pe l a na i n pe l a wanpe l a t en

wanpe l a t u pe l a t r i pe l a pope l a wanpe l a wanpe l a wan p e l a wan pe l a wanp e l a wa n pe l a

han han han han han l ek

na na na na

wanpe l a t u pe l a t r i pe l a pope l a

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

101

A se cond example of emerging lexi cal structures is that of kinship terms in It appears , howeve r , that stable conventions existed only stabi li sed Tok Pisin . with regard to the central meaning of kinship terms , whi lst considerable latitude was - and still is - found with regard to the more peripheral aspects of meaning . Though a number of items appearing in this field have English cognates , their s emanti c information has been restructured : Tok Pisin

central meaning

t umbuna papa mama kanda re smo l mama s mo l papa b ra t a s usa

grandparent, grandchild father mother maternal uncle or aunt paternal aunt paternal uncle sib ling of the same sex sibling o f the opposite sex

Next to processes concerned wi th organi sing and consolidating the existing lexicon , one also finds , in s tabilised Tok Pisin , the first traces of lexical productivity , mainly in the form of conventions regarding the use of circumlocu­ tions and lexical phras es . writers have commented on ci rcumlocution in Tok Pisin either in order to i llustrate an amusing facet of its lexicon or to make more serious attempts to demonstrate how speakers try to overcome the shortage of lexical items . Both views underline the desperate need for new names for the multitude of new obj ects encountered in the contact with European colonisers . Circumlocution l ie s on the boundary between lexi con and syntax . The majority of examples quoted i l lustrate the ir ad hoc characte r , i . e . attempts by members of the indigenous popUlation to come to grips with a new obj ect , using known lexical items and syntactic rules . That many of the ci rcumlocutions should not be re­ garded as lexical items has been pointed out by Turner ( 1960 : 58-59 ) : There is a legend as old as Jespersen ' s Language , i ts nature , development and ori gi n that the Pidgin word for piano is b i g fe l a bok i s y u fa i t - i m i k ra i . This is a de scription , not

a word , comparable with des criptions of things unfami l iar to ourselves in a Pidgin to English glossary , e . g . John J . Murphy in The book of Pidgin English defines l a p l a p length of cloth worn around the waist like a ki lt. If pianos become common in New Guinea , they will borrow the word piano. The instability o f ci rcumlocutions , i . e . their syntactic rather than lexical character , i s demonstrated by the different forms which des criptive phrases for the same obj e ct take in the mouths of different speakers . As regards the name for a piano , Baron von Hesse-Wa:rtegg ( 1902 : 5 3 ) reports the form " b i g fe l l ow box s pose wh i teman f i gh t h i m he c ry too much " , where Daiber writes in the same year ( 1902 : 2 5 5 ) : All in all , the b lack does not lack a certain sense of humour . His description of the first piano brought to the German South It was a papuan who , horrified , told Seas is also delightful . o f b i g fe l l ow box , wh i te fe l l ow ma s t e r f i gh t h i m p l e n t y too much , he c ry ( o f the big box which the white man beats so much that it screams ) . Since that time the piano has been cal led in Pidgin-English box b e l ong c r y , that is screaming box or screaming trunk. ( translation mine)

102

P. MUHLHAUSLER

Later one finds " b i g f e l l ow bokkes , s u ppose m i s s i s he f i g h t h i m , he c r y too much" ( Friede rici 1911 : 100) , b i g f e l l ow box , s top house , s uppose you f i gh t h i m , h i m c ry ( reported for SPP by Nef fgen in the Samoan Times , 2 7 March 1915) ; Shel ton­ Smith ( 19 2 9 ) mentions the more like ly version of f i g h t i m bok i s moos i k for to p lay the piano , more recently Mihalic ( 1969a : 39 ) mentions the form h i m b i g fe l l a box , s u ppose you f i gh t h i m , he c r y , without claiming the authenticity of this version and , lastly (but perhaps not finally) , Balint in his 1969 dictionary lists the form b ikpe l a bok i s b i l on g k ra i t a i m yu pa i t i m na k i k i m em . Many o f the early cumbersome circumlocutions disappear as soon as the concept expressed becomes more common . Examples of their replacement with lexical items borrowed up to 1920 include : reported circumlocution

lexical replacement

gloss

smok b i l on g g ra u n rot b i l ong wara kom b i l o ng s u t i m k a i ka i l ong mau s s u s u b i l o ng dua i s ne k b i l on g wara d i wa i b i l on g ra i t i m pe pa

das ( Eng . ) tobon ( Tol . ) b a re t ( Mal . ) gabe I ( Ger . )

dust ditch eating for>k

gumi ( Ge r . ) ma I eo ( Tol . ) b I a i s t i k ( Ger . )

rubber> eel penci l

go

Some shorter circumlocutions were conventionali sed , however , and are still in use in pre sent-day rural Tok Pisin , including : Tok Pisin

literal t ranslation

gloss

s i t b i l on g b i nen rop b i l on g s u pekpek b i l on g l am

shit of bees string of shoe faeces of lamp

honey shoe lace soot

Such shorter lexical ph rases may we l l have been the point of departure for a development of a genuine word-formation component in this language . These matters wi l l be di scussed under the heading of lexical deve lopments in expanded pidgin .

2.4.4.2.5

Concl u d i n g remarks on stab i l i sa t i on

A stabi l ised pidgin , in the technical sense , is a pidgin which is governed by social ru le s and conventions in a l imited domain of human discourse . I t s primary function i s that of a tool for exchanging information ( re ferential func­ t ion) rather than of expressing the full range of individual fee l ings and rela­ tionships between individuals and society as is the case in more complex languages . Because of i ts limited functional range a stabi lised pidgin is reduced in its lexicon and its grammati cal possibi l ities when compared to languages spoken natively or pidgins used for more complex purposes . In New Guinea stab i l i sation first occurred in the New Britain-Duke of York area in the late 1880 s , but is still an ongoing process in the most remote parts of the New Guinea interio r . Thus , texts recorded a t many different points i n time can be use d to i l lustrate the character of this language . I have chosen three texts i llustrating different aspects of the use of stable Tok Pisin :

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

103

Text 1 ) court ev i dence Given at Kokopo in a murder case , possibly about 1912 , Rei chskolonialamt Records , vol . 29 f f . , earliest example of Tok Pisin used in a court case :

B e l l be l on g me h o t me 1 i ke f i gh t a l l the s ame p l ace be l ong me , me make h i m a l l t he same p l ace be l on g me , me shoot h i m f i n i sh one f e l l ow ma s te r , now me l i ke d i e beh i n d . Me 1 i ke s hoot pas t t i me you , b y and by me d i e , you ca t ch h i m o t h e r fe l l ow ma n . Me no l ook h i m good t h a t fe l l ow mas t e r , me shoot h i m be l l be l on g h i m he b i g fe l l ow , I th i n k me shoo t h i m ma s te r Ko l be . Eye be l on g me too d a rk me n o l ook h i m good . Me now d i e . ( I Was very angry, I wanted to fight (as is the custom) in my vi l lage, I acted as is customary in my vil lage; I shot one European dead, and now I am ready to die . First I shoot you, then I die and you catch the other man. I did not recognise this European properly, I shot him, he had a big be l ly, perhaps I shot master Ko lbe . I was b lind, I did not recognise him. Now I die . } Interesting lingui stic features include : a ) The use of s tandard Engli sh spe lling by German officials , proving that no standardised spe l ling for Tok pisin had been developed by the German administration as c laimed by Hall ( 19 59a : 2 2 ff) . b) The use of the idiomatic expressions B e l l be l ong me hot I was angry and eye be l on g me too d a r k I was b lind (physically or metaphoric­ ally) , i llu strating the carry-over of indigenous semantics ( for a detailed discussion see Todd and Muhlhausler 1978) . c) variable use of tense and aspect markers suggesting that this part of Tok Pisin grammar had not ful ly stabilised. Future or events occurring afte r other events are signall ed variably by means of b y - an d-by sentence initially or behind sentence finally. Note that some sentences are tense less and aspectless in this text .

Text 2 ) wri tten Tok P i s i n The earl iest example of a letter written in Tok pisin by a New Guinean , dating from about 191 3 , was found in Koloniale Rundschau ( vol . 4 , 1912 : 504-505) . The writer is Tividele from New Hanover . Firs t , the original letter followed by an attempt by the German author of the article to transcribe the letter into , what he calls , " readabl e Pidgin-English " .

Ma s t a Va i tman T i v i de l e mi i s p i k i u l og ma n i bo l og mi l og t a i n bo l og m i p i po . I f i n i sh ( 2 5 ) t u pa l a t e n mu n na pa i p . M i l a i k paba i i u g i vem i l og e n , papa i m i kam bek . M i vok ma n i bo l og pa i m s am t i g bo l og m i , s amt i g bo l og m i i s t a p l og pepa p i po m i k i ss i m . I p i n i s t a so l . Ta s o l me tok i m i u l og gem i p i n i s . Pos you no l a i k , i u g i v i m i t u paou bo l og pa i m samt i g . M i nogot samt i g bo l og go pe l es , papa i m i g i v i m kandare man bo l og m i l og pe l es . M i tok i u o l os em m i l a i k s ave tok bo l og t u . Namem i u no kan g l v l m m i o l osem . I p i n i s . G u t ba i m i go . S i a ra m i go l og gem .

104

P . MUHLHAUSLER

Ma s te r Wh i tema n T i v i de l e me s peak you be l on g money be l ong me l ong t i me be l on g me b e fo re . I f i n i sh ( 2 5 ) two fe l l ow ten moon now f i ve . Me l i ke b y a n d bye you g i ve h i m me b e l ong h i m , by and bye me come b ac k . Me wo rk money be l on g pay some th i ng be l ong me s ome t h i ng be l ong me he s t op be l ong pape r b e fo re , me catch h i m . I f i n i sh , t h i s i s a l l . That i s a l l me t a l k h i m you be l ong h i m I f i n i s h . S u ppose you n o 1 i ke , you g i ve h i m me 2 pound be l on g pay h i m some t h i n g . Me no got some th i ng be l on g go p l ace , b y and bye me g i ve h i m cou n t ry ­ m e n be l ong me be l ong p l ace . Me t a l k you a l l t h e s ame , me 1 i ke s ave ta l k be l ong you . Neve rm i nd you no can g i ve h i m I f i n i s h . Good bye me go . S i a r a me me , a l l the s ame . go be l on g h i m . Interesting lingui stic features include : a) The spe l l ing i llustrates both the influence of standard English spe l l ing and the considerable amount of phonological restructuring Tok Pisin had undergone in the mouth of indigenes by that time , e . g . in paba i from by and bye , pos from suppose , pe l es from p lace and k i s s i m from catch him. b) The spel ling further i l lustrates that the word boundaries made by indigenous speakers differ considerably from those commonly recog­ nised by European speakers . Compare i s p i k i u ( present standard spelling i s p i k y u ) predicate marker speak you and t u pa l a two with examples from the previous text , such as he b i g fe l l ow predicate marker big ad j e ctive ending , and me s hoot h i m ma s te r Ko l be I shoot transi tivity marker master Kolbe . c) We can obse rve the emergence of formal marking of grammatical sub­ ordination , in the form of the complementisers paba i ' introducer of coming events ' and o l osem that .

Text 3 ) narra t i on The speaker is Fritz from Ali Island , Wes t Sepik Province , about 7 5 years of age when the recording was made in 19 7 3 .

Na b ru d e r e m t u i s t a p wanta i m . M i s t a p l ong k u k t u , m i s ta p l o ng t i s a t u , o ra i t , m i bos i m 0 1 bo i t u , g i v i m ka i ka i . Na pater o l ta i m i stap l on g h e l p i m s k u l t u , i wokaba u t go S u a i n kam bek U l a u . Sapos i go Yakam u l i go , m i , m i h o l i m k i , o l g e t a k i b i l on g rum b i l on g pate r m i ho I i m . Pa t e r i l a i k g o we , em i go , o l g e t a p a t e r l a i k i go we , 0 1 i go i kam bek , m i g i v i m bek k i , k i b i l on g r um . H a u s b i l on g pa t e r i g a t t u pe l a rum , wanpe l a rum s pa i se s i ma , wan p e l a r um b i l on g s l i p . (And a re ligious Brother also stayed there at the same time. I stayed there as cook, I also stayed there as teacher, we ll, I supervised the indigenous workers, I gave them food. And the priest always helped with the schoo l, he walked to Suain and returned to Ulau. If he went away to Yakamul, I had the keys, I held all the keys for the priest 's rooms . If the priest wanted to go somewhere, he went and if a l l the priests wanted to go, they then came back, I returned the keys, the keys to the rooms . The priest 's house had two rooms, one room Was the dining room, one room was the bedroom. )

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

105

Interesting linguistic features include : a) Optional plural marking by means o f 01 indigenous workers .

( from a l l ) as in 01 bo i

b) Complete sentences but few subordinate sentence s ; instead , juxta­ position is used, sometimes reinforced by discourse structuring elements such as o ra i t we l l . c ) Adjectives and transitive verbs marked by the suffixes - pe l a and - i m respective l y . d) Some German items such a s b ru d e r re ligious Brother and pa t e r priest i n the stable core lexicon . S pa i se s i ma dining room , on the other hand , is an ad hoc loan . e ) Re latively stable syntax with little variation in word orde r . f ) The use o f loans o r circumlocutions rather than compounding to express the concepts of dining room and bedroom . Compare s pa i ses i ma and rum b i l ong s l i p with the more recent forms h a u s ka i ka i ( or r u m ka i ka i ) and h a u s s l i p ( r um s l i p ) . The above texts only i llustrate some of the sal ient properties of stabi l ised Tok Pisin . A fuller picture can be gained by consulting one of the early gramma rs of the language discussed in the chapter on the hi story of research ( 2 . 1 ) .

2.4.5 2.4.5.1

EXPAN S I ON STAGE I n troduct i on

The realisation that pidgin languages can be c lassified in terms of the i r structural complexity i s a relatively recent one and it appears that the study of Tok P i sin was instrumental in the qualification of earlier statements such as : For a language to be a true pidgin , two conditions must be met : its grammatical structure and its vocabulary must be sharply reduced . . . , and also the resultant language must be native to none of those who use it . (Hall 1966 : x i i ) A pidgin , however , i s so limited , both lexically and struc­ tural ly , that it is suitable only for special i zed and l imited communicat ion . ( DeCamp 1971a : 16 ) Uneasiness with such definitions was voiced by Samarin ( 19 7 1 : 1 1 7-140) and MUhlh ausler ( 19 7 4 : 14-18) and subsequently by others particularly Todd ( 19 74 c : 4 ) . Todd di stinguishes between stable and restricted pidgins and another type : Clearly distinguishable from this type of pidgin is what I call an ' expanded ' or ' extended ' pidgi n . This is one which develops in a multilingual area , which proves extremely useful in inter-group communication and which , because of its usefulness , is extended and utilized outside the range of i ts original use . . . . They di ffer from restricted pidgins in that , in them , we see the emergence of new languages with the potential to grow and spread or to disappear i f their usefulness as a means of communication comes to an end .

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P. MVHLHAUSLER

The importance o f these new de finitions l ies in their separating the processes of creolisation and internal expansion , thus acknowledging that a pidgin can achieve a high degree of structural sophistication without being a native language . The deve lopment of Tok Pisin from a stable but simple pidgin in the 1910s into the complex language of the 1960s and 1970s il lustrates the principle that expansion of the social functions of a language results in its structural expan­ s ion . It appears that this expans ion occurred , by and large , without any sig­ nificant amount of creolisation . The first stimulus for the expansion of Tok Pisin was the gradual ' pacific­ ation ' of New Guinea . In i ts wake , intercommuni cation across tribal boundaries became important , f irst on the government stations but subsequently in the paci­ fied areas as a whole . Tok Pisin became nativised; that is , i ts primary function shi fted from vertical communicat ion between colonisers and colonised to horizontal intertribal communication . A second important stimulus for the expansion of Tok Pisin was the decis ion by a growing number of mi ss ionary groups to use Tok Pisin as a mi s s ion lingua franca . The first official policy favouring the use of Tok P isin was that of the Catholi c miss ion s in the mid- 1920s , whi le the Lutheran miss ions only adopted the language in the 1960s . The result of these mission policies was that the domain of non-traditional religion became firmly associated with Tok Pisin , culminating in the pUbli cation of the Nupela Testamen ( New Testament) in 1969 . Mission in­ volvement with Tok P i sin at the same t ime re su lted in a fair amount of s tandard­ isation and vocabulary planning . The Second World War and the years immediately thereafter brought a third stimulus . During the war , large-scale propaganda campaigns in Tok Pisin were carried out by both the Japanese and the a l lied force s . Mi l lions of leaflets were dropped ove r the country , and Tok Pisin was used in radio broadcasts for the first time . The war also created the need for scientific descriptions of the l anguage on which language teaching programs could be based . The years fol lowing the war brought two important new deve lopments : first , the opening up of the New Guinea Highlands and the spread of Tok P isin into this most popul ated part of New Guinea; and , second , the gradual breaking down of social barriers between expatriates and indigenes . The status o f Tok Pisin was changed from that of a low-caste language to one promoting equality and democrat­ i sation of the society and it emerged as the language of local government . A number of Tok P i sin newspapers aimed at spreading democratic ideas also began to appear after 1 94 5 . In addition , Tok Pisin was taught in a number of government and miss ion schools . To sum up , the fol lowing general tendencies can be observed during Tok Pisin ' s expansion : a) Beginning with a mere communicative function , Tok Pi sin gradual ly began to be u sed for integrative and expressive purposes . I t became the symbol of a new culture and i ts speakers began using i t to express their inner feel ings and desires . Without being a native language , it became the principal l anguage for many of i ts speakers . b) Tok Pisin was used in an ever-increasing number of domains , such as re ligion , economy , agriculture , education , aviation , modern warfare , and parliamentary transact ions .

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

107

c ) Tok Pisin began to be used in the media , including radio broad­ casting , pamphlets , newspapers , books and , more recently , films and plays . d) Tok Pisin today no longer is supplementary to the traditional vernaculars but is beginning to take over the ir functions , thus leading to the functional and structural de cline of vernaculars in some areas . From the above remarks it follows that a significant proportion of Tok Pisin ' s grammatical and lexical expansion was de liberate and man-made . This is discussed in the chapter on language planning ( 6 . 8) . Although a clearcut boundary between man-made ( conscious) and uncons cious deve lopments cannot be drawn , the present chapter will be concerned mainly with those deve lopments that resulted spontaneously from pressure for more efficient communication across a wider range of topics and in an increasing number of language functions .

2.4.5.2

Phonol ogy

Whereas the deve lopments in Tok Pisin ' s lexicon and grammar have received much attention in recent years , comparatively l i ttle is known about the develop­ ment of i ts sound patterns . Admi ttedly , the difficu lty in obtaining accurate historical information is great in this are a . Nevertheless , a thorough examin­ ation of avai lable data is likely to yield a fairly accurate picture and the fact that both more and less deve loped varieties of the language are spoken in present­ day Papua New Guinea would make the testing of hypotheses in this area fairly easy . My own tentative examination o f se lected data suggests the following changes during the last 50 years (with expans ion commencing around 1930 and acce lerating considerably after 1960) : a) a steady increase in phonological dis­ tinctions ; b) the emergence o f phonological rules , and c ) the increasing use of former free pronunciation variants for s tyl istic purposes . I wi l l now discuss these developments . a) Increase in phonological distinctions : Since no s ingle norm of pronunciation is found in stabili sed Tok Pi sin one can only compare varieties as spoken by individual s or groups with the more widely established norms of pronunciation of extended pidgin . It must be remembered , however , that even in extended Tok Pisin , substratum-derived and other variations in pronunciation continue . In the absence of detailed evidence a l l statements must remain very general . The vowe l inventory of T9k Pisin as given in earlier grammars ( e . g . Borchardt 1930) is a s imple five -vowe l system . e

a

0

u

This vowe l system is still widespread in the New Guinea interior and in some coastal areas . Note that all these vowe ls are short or hal f-long . In some coastal areas a ten -vowel system is encountered . It is not clear in what order the new vowe ls were added but there is evidence that thi s ten -vowel system was preceded by a seven -vowel system of the form : o

e a

u

108

P . MUHLHAUSLER

Laycock ( 1970c : xiii) characterises the ten-vowe l system as follows : The orthography of Pidgin recognises only five vowe l symbol s , a e i o u , and in Highlands Pidgin perhaps only five vowe ls occur in the language . In coastal forms of pidgin , however , two contrasting pronunciations are often encountered for each written vowe l symbol ; these are given be low . Note that all vowe ls in Pidgin are short , or at most half- long , and that the differences between them are (with the exception of [ a ] and [ a ] ) di fferences of quality , not quantity . The fol lowing chart sets out the ten vowel distinctions recognisable in coastal varieties of Pidgin . To these , some Pidgin speakers who have learnt English add an e leventh , as a thi rd pronunciation of o . This is [ � ] , as in English court ( P idgin kot ) . The bulk of Pidgin speakers , however , pronounce this vowel a s [ 0 ] o r [ u ] . ·

Example s :

a

[ a ] in hat [ a · ] in h a t

e

[e) [EJ

in we t in bet

wait ; similar t o French e i n ete bench ; s imilar to Austral ian English bed

[i) [ L]

in n i l in p i s

nai l ; similar to French i in pique fish ; s imilar to Australian English kiss

o

[0] [u]

in ko l in dok

co ld ; similar to 0 in French ro le dog ; similar to Australian English dog

u

[u] [u]

in s us u breast ; similar to ou in French fou in pu l paddle ; similar to Australian English pu l l .

hot ; similar to Australian English cut hard ; similar to Australian Eng lish heart

Contrasts i n vowel length are also encountered with many speakers . However such contrasts are used for emphasis and other stylistic purposes rather than for distinguishing lexical meanings . As regards consonants , irrespective of a Tok Pisin user ' s native language , a number of distinct ions which were not encountered in earlier Tok pisin are now widely made . These inc lude a distinction between [ 5 ] and [ t ] , [ p ] and [ f ) , and [ 1 ] and [ r ] in that orde r . The consonant system of expanded Tok Pisin can be summarised as fo llows ( less common distinctive consonants in brackets) :

Plos ive Nasal Fricative S ibilant Affricate Tri l l Lateral Aspiration

Unvoiced voiced Voiced Unvoiced voiced Unvoiced Unvoiced Voiced Voiced Voiced Unvoiced

Labial p

b m

Labiodental

Dental

t

Palatal

d

f

5 r 1

Laryngeal

9

n

v

Velar k I)

( !)

More re levant information is given in the chapter on phonology ( 4 . 1 ) .

(h)

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

109

In addition to an increase in the absolute number of meaning distinguishing sound segments we also find individual sounds in an increasing number of environ­ ments . Whereas in older varieties of Tok pisin , distinctive sounds tended to be restricted to the most natural environments , in extended Tok Pisin distinctions are upheld in more di fficult envi ronments as we l l . Thus , whereas word-final nasals tend to get neutralised in many earl ier varieties of the language , we now find that they are kept apart by most speakers . b) Emergence of phonological rules : Pidgin languages and second languages in general are governed by strategies for the optimalisation of perception , i . e . strategies promoting the ideal of one form one meaning and one meaning one form . This mean s that rules which promote the ease of production tend to be suppres sed in the early stages of deve lopment . It is only in a community of fluent second- l anguage speakers that such rules have a chance of gaining wider acceptance . Greater fluency also promotes a second deve lopment , name ly the gradual relaxat ion of the s trict phonotactic restri ctions found in early pidgins . Let us discuss this second point first . A good example is epenthetic vowel s . In stabil ised Tok Pisin we encounter a very strong preference for a CVCV word structure . Words containing three or more syl lables and syl lables containing consonant clusters are very rare and generally dis favoured . However , a longitudinal study of the Tok Pis in lexicon clearly shows a qui te dramatic increase in lexical items which violate these conditions in later years . Let us consider an example . Early records suggest that English straight became either t i ret or s i t i r e t in Tok Pisin . Records around 1930 report s t e re t whereas in mos t recent times s t re t is freely found in the lan­ guage . The role of epenthe tic vowels in such forms is discussed in an article by pawley ( 19 7 5 ) . A second phonotactic restriction concerns voiced plosives . Whereas o lder varieties of Tok Pisin re flect the Melanesian practice of pronouncing the sounds [ b ] , [ d ] and [ 9 ] with a strongly nasal ised onset (making them s ound like [ mb ] , [ nd ] and [ ngg ] respectively ) , a recent study by Tetaga ( 19 7 1 ) demonstrates the dec l ine of thi s practice among younger speaker s . He observes that the use o f prenasalisation is now regarded as a social marker of backwardness . More about this social dimension wi l l be said be low . Summing up , i t can be stated that the phonological structure of Tok Pis in words has become increasingly complex in recent years and is likely to become even more so in the future . The relaxation of phonological re strictions appears to be directly responsible for the increasing number of phonological rule s , in particular rules which al low speakers to de-emphas ise marginal semantic inform­ ation and rules for allegro pronunciation . Again , only a very sketchy i l lustra­ tion of ongoing changes can be given . In e arlier varieties of Tok Pisin the di fference of emphasis on stressed and unstressed syl lab le s was very smal l ( c f . Wurm 1977d : 5 1 3 ) . More recently , there has been some significant change . A we l l-known example is the phonological reduction of a number of grammati cal words and morphemes , e . g . the deve lopment from ba i mba i ' future ' to bamba i , b a ba i , ba i , ba and ba ( c f . Kay and Sankoff 1 9 7 4 ) and - fe l a ' ad j ective ending ' to f l a and f l a ( c f . Lynch 1981) . No study o f the operation of phonological rules in fast spoken di scourse is available at presen t . It is hoped that thi s and other aspects of Tok pisin phonology wil l receive close attention soon .

1 10

P . MVHLHAUSLER

c ) Use of variants for stylistic purposes : There are two principal sources for the emergence of registers of style in a developing pidgin language : a) borrowing from external source s , and b) back­ s liding , i . e . the use of deve lopmentally earlier forms in special stylistic functions . A comprehensive picture of these proce sses is given by Wurm and Muh lh ausler ( 1982 ) and only some brief comments on the second aspect can be made here . Advanced speakers of Tok Pisin can be observed to ignore their usual dis­ tinct ion between [ 5 ] and [ t ] , [ p ] and [ f ] , and [ 1 ] and [ r ] for special stylistic effects , mainly to portray a hi l lbilly mental i ty . The same mentality i s also suggested by their using epenthetic vowels and prenasalised plos ives . To what extent backsliding is resorted to is not known at present , however .

2.4.5.3

Morphol ogy

Grammatical words which are phonologically reduced have a strong tendency to develop into affixe s ( c l itics ) . Thus , Sankoff and Laberge ( 19 7 3 ) describe the deve lopment of the sentential adverb ba i mba i ' future marker ' to a verbal prefix ba- with the same meaning . Another case , documented in detail by Sankoff ( 19 7 7b ) , is that of the development of anaphoric pronouns into the predicate marker and verbal clitics . The fol lowing chart ( Sankoff 1977b : 65 ) i l lustrates thi s deve lop­ ment : 100

� u ID

90

on

300

80

c � 0 c

70 60

�

m � 0 �

50 40

�

0 ID � m � C ID U � ID �

oo

ID U c ID � c

30 20 10

ID 00

Year

0 I

1880

I

1900

I

1920

I

1940

I

1960

I

1970

I

1970 ( chi ldren)

T i me course of the s ucces s i v e cl i ti ci s a t i o n of i a n d em

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

111

The type of constructions refe rred to by Sankoff are :

man man or man and man

c ome he come i kam em i kam

t he t he t he t he

man man man man

came came } came came

1 2 3

It is conceivable that em i may in future become phonologically reduced to yield a prefix of the type found in a hypothetical *man m i kam where m i - fulfi l s the role of the present-day predicate marker i .

2.4.5.4

Syntax

The emergence o f numerous new constructions in extended pidgin , its acquisi­ tion of a complex grammar in a timespan of l ittle over 5 0 years has attracted considerable attent ion , and a number of detailed studie s of individual construc­ t ions is availabl e . The three most important aspects of expansion in the syn­ tactic component are : a) the sources of gramma tical innovations b) the ability of adult second- language speakers to drastically restruc­ ture their grammar c) paralle l i sms between pidgin expansion and other forms of language deve lopment . These issues have been dealt with in some detai l e lsewhere in this volume ( chapter on theoretical issues ( 6 . 7 ) ) . I wi l l therefore only briefly remind the reader that available evidence sugge sts that : a) Syn tactic innovation appears to be l anguage-internal and derived from universal principle s of l anguage deve lopment . Borrowing is a minor factor and restricted by general principles . b) The dramatic restructuring began to occur a long time before there was any s ignifi cant creolisation . It also appears that in the initial years second- l anguage learning by children was not a strong facto r . c) There are s ignifi cant parallelisms between pidgin expansion and other kinds of second-language deve lopments but di fferences with first-language deve lopment . The ove rall process of syntactic expansion can be split up into the following subcomponents : a) the emergence of compulsory grammatical categories ; b) the development of embedding and overt signalling of embedded constructions ; c) change s in word order for grammatical and styli stic reasons ; d) the deve lopment of di scourse structuring device s . More wi l l now be said about categories a) to c ) . Unfortunately , the nature of Tok Pisin discourse grammar is not suffi ciently known to warrant an inclusion in our discussion . ( a ) Compul sory grammatical categories During its stabilisat ion stage Tok Pisin corresponded to the widely used characteri sation of pidgins as tense less and numbe rless languages , though in later years tense , aspect and number could be expressed optionally by means of sentential

112

P . MUHLHAUSLER

adverbs and other stressed words . This means that the semantic content associated with such grammatical markers could be expressed perfectly we l l where nece ssary . The reason for making these categories increasingly obligatory can thus not be referential requi rements . Rather , the introduction of obligatory and redundant categories must be seen as decreasing the context sensitivity of the language and at the same t ime making up for the loss of perceptive power caused by the deve l­ opment of phonological rules . An additional reason is provided in Labov ' s dis­ cussion of the emergence o f tense markers ( 1971b : 70 ) : In tracing the development of tense so far , i t appears that the es sence is a stylistic one . There is no basis for arguing that tense markers express the concept of temporal re lations more clearly than adverbs of time . What then is the advantage that they offer to native speakers , the advantage which native speakers seem to demand ? The most important property which tense markers possess , which adverbs of time do not , is their sty l i stic flexibi lity . They can be expanded or contracted to fit in with the prosodic requirements of al legro or lento style . exce llent summary of the deve lopment of the sentential adverb b a i mba i into the ob ligatory preverbal aspect marker ba i is given by Sankoff and Kay ( 19 7 4 ) :

An

That ba i has been undergoing a transi.tion to the status of a future marker is supported by hi storical data indicating the anteriority of ba i mba i , with subsequent reduction through b ' mba i and b ' b a i to ba i ( b a i and ba) , a process now almost gone to completion . A continuation of this process has led to further reduction ( as is clear from the children in our sample) to b . Ba i has be come a highly redundant , obligatory marker for fluent present day speakers . The marker status of ba i for the children in our sample is also indicated by the reduced stress it receives in their speech , compared with adult speech . A shift in the position of ba i with respect to the verb also appe ars to have taken place in the past , though fluent second l anguage speakers now show no difference from native speakers in this regard . Further work on the behavior of various kinds of embeddings which c learly affect the ba i ­ movement rule for all f luent present-day speakers , may also help to clari fy the history of this change . It is obvious that change in the status of ba i was wel l under way prior to the existence o f a large number o f native speakers ; native speakers appear to be carrying further ten­ dencies whi ch were already present in the language . We are not arguing that the presence of native speakers creates sudden and dramatic changes in a l anguage , but rather that their presence may be one factor in influencing directions in l anguage change . To get the full impact of this quotation it helps to compare the following sentence spoken by a middle- aged speaker from a remote rural area , wi th the one recorded by Sankoff of a young speaker in an urban are a :

Ba i em kam bek na i s t a p n a ka i ka i n a k i s i m wa ra ( re corded

by Muhlhausler)

( Fut . ) she come back and ( predicate marker) stay and eat and fetch water.

She wi l l come back and stay and eat and fetch water.

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

113

Pes p i k i n i i a ba i y u go l o ng wok , - ba i y u s ta p i a na . ba i y u s t a p l ong b an i s kau b i l ong m i na ba i ta i m m i da i . ba i y u l uka u t i m . You, first son, wil l go and work in, - you ' l l remain here and you ' l l stay on my catt le farm and when I die you ' l l look after it. A second grammatical category studied b y Mu hlha us ler ( 198la) i n considerable detail is that of plural marking . Its development from the j argon to the expan­ s ion stage can be summari sed as follows : a) Jargon stage : no formal means of marking plurality . b) Stabilisation stage : 0 1 ( from English a l l ) is used as a plural pronoun . In the following text , spoken by a very old speaker near Dagu a , plural is indicated only with the first pronoun of a s entence , otherwise the third person s ingular pronoun i is used . with some nouns plurality is implied by the context :

S i aman i kamap . ma s ta .

Nambawan s amt i ng b i po d i s pe l a g ra u n no g a t

The Germans arrived.

no g a t mas t a . kama p . I

At first this land had no Europeans .

0 1 i raun n a t i ng l kamap l on g Wa l i s ,

It had no Europeans. They (predicate marker) sailed about and they arrived on Walis, they arrived. l g i v i m ma s k e t l ong ma n b i l on g Wa l i s . they gave guns to the men of Walis . c) Early expansion stage : plural redundant with pronouns and animate nominals . Indicated by means of 0 1 or various quanti fiers , as in the following text spoken by a middle-aged speaker from near Maprik :

H i toktok l o ng £l p i po l i ns a i t l ong p I es , toktok l ong ro t 0 l ong I speak to the people in the vil lage� I talk about roa� and

01

s k u l samt i ng . save schoo ls and so on. health-;- they

s i n d a u n n a t i ng .

n o b i n wok l ong h e l t , noga t , £l i They didn 't do anything about their

Na £l i no s ave t ro i mwe pekpek l on g b u s .

just sat around. And they did not used to throw away their excrements in the bush .

0 1 i s a ve s i nd a u n wan t a i m 0 1 pekpe k . They used to live with their excrements . The l ast form i l lustrates the variable use of plural 0 1 with inanimates . This feature , together with the redundant use of 0 1 together with other quantifiers characterises the following stage :

114

P. MUHLHAUSLER d ) Late expansion stage : the following examples were recorded wi th young second-language Tok pisin speakers :

o l geta m i pe l a 0 1 man all we ( incl . ) pl . man

=

all us men

0 1 wanwan t a so l 0 1 i s ta p na 0 1 E r i ma 0 1 s ampe l a 0 1 man t u 0 1 i da i p l . a few only they stayed and pl . Erima people pl . man also they died

na p l a n t i 0 1 b i kpe l a ma n 0 1 i da i o l ge t a . and many pl . big pl . man they died entire ly . (And only a few Erimas were left and some of them also died, and a large number of 'big men ' (important people) was lost . ) The notions of early and late expansion stage in the above examples are abstrac­ tions . In reality , grammatical expansion is a continuous process . I t s outcome in the area of plural marking are implicationally ordered developmental continua of the type : plural marked e arlier

plural marked later

with humans C with animates C with countable e with masse with abstract entities entities entities in sub j ect e direct ob j ect c indirect obj e ct e oblique case position for instance . Thi s means that speakers who have compul sory plural marking with nouns after prepositions ( oblique case ) wi l l also have such plural marking with indirect and direct ob j ects and subj ects . The development of plural marking in Tok Pisin appears to be motivated by universal factors and not by the presence or absence of l inguistic mode l s . S ince this kind of phenomenon is characteristic of syntac­ tic deve lopment in any pidgin I wi l l spel l out the argument in more detai l . Studies of the linguistic input in the formative years of Tok Pisin have shown that plural marking by means of the -s affix was a widespread feature of Paci fic Engli sh Foreigner Talk . However , morphological plurali sation was not transferred as a grammatical rule into the deve loping indigenous varieties of Tok Pisin ; it is only reflected in fossilised lexical items such as a n i s ant , kas card or b i s bead. Later in i ts deve lopment Tok pis in was yet again exposed to a European lan­ guage with morphological plural marking , German . The German plural ending -en i s still found in lexical items such as h eb s en pea , ka topen potato , b i ne n bee , s i r s e n cherry and bonen bean. This is the complete list of items , since the plural marker has become totally lexi calised and was never added to any word of non-German origin . At roughly the same time , contact with Tolai was intensive . Some observers argue that thi s contact changed the character of Tok Pisin from a s impl i fied European to a Melanesian l anguage ( c f . Sal isbury 1967 ) . One way of forming plurals in Tolai is by means of reduplication . However , with the exception of

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

1 15

the somewhat dubious examples of s i ps i p sheep and meme goat ( for both of which unredup licated forms are also documented ) , thi s pattern did not catch on in Tok Pisin . The plural marker which Tok Pisin eventually acquired was 0 1 , derived from the third person plural pronoun 0 1 , a development reminis cent of plural marking in a number of other pidgins and creoles ( c f . Mu hlh ausler 1981a) . The two quest ions one would like to ask about the data just presented are : a) Why didn ' t Tok Pisin borrow grammar from its contact languages when i ts speakers c learly had access to them? b) Why do gramma tical rules such as - s pluralisation not get borrowed until very late in the deve lopment of the language? Affixation to signal plurality o f nouns , as in English or German , c learly conforms to the principle that plural forms should , from the point o f view of the ease of perception , be longer than singular one s . However , affixes are less accessible than free forms . Since the optimali sation of perception characterise s the early development of a pidgin , one would not expect affixes t o b e borrowed unti l the pidgin is structurally and functionally comparable to a first language . It is for this reason that the free form 0 1 ( in earlier varieties the perceptually even more prominent form o l t u g e t a ) emerges in Tok Pisin, and that neither English -s nor German -en had a good chance of being borrowe d . A s econd important argument why German and English plural affixes did not get borrowed is the followin g : if a pidgin develops plural marking , it wi l l appear first in the most natural environment ( animates in subj ect pos ition) and then spread to less natural ones . We find that the lexical items containing Engl i sh or German plural affixes do not provide a favourable envi ronment for the spread of a plural rule . The que stion remains , why reduplication was not borrowed from Tolai as a plural-signalling devi ce , since it would have con formed to the requirements of constructional iconicity as well as ease of perception . To thi s I do not have an answer . As Tok Pisin develops , more grammatical cate gories are likely to emerge and existing categories which are optional at present ( such as tense) , may become obl i gatory . Let u s now turn to the second aspect of grammaticalisation , however . (b) Embedding and signal l ing of embedded constructions The emergence of sentence embedding and the formal marking of embedded sen­ tences has been discussed in a useful overview by Sankoff ( 19 7 9 ) . Detailed studies of individual case s have been made by Sankoff and Brown ( 19 76 on rela­ tivisation) and woolford ( 1979b on complementat ion) . Thei r findings support the fol lowing general principles : a) with increasing age , Tok Pisin i s becoming grammatically more complex in the sense that embedding and even multiple embedding are commonly encountered in the speech of younger speakers . b) There is a growing tendency to mark embedded sentences by such means as relativisers and complementi sers . c) Markers of embedded structures originate by means of re­ interpreting exi sting forms . d) There appears to be a natural order in which complex sentences emerge in a developing pidgin . Howeve r , many details remain

1 16

P . MUHLHAUSLER

i l l-understood at present and the notion of ' natural syntax ' is not beyond disput e . I will i llustrate these points with data on the development of complementa­ tion in Tok Pisin . I have chosen complementation because it has featured promin­ ently in recent theoretical di scussions ( e . g . Washabaugh 1975 , 19 7 9 ) and in the de scription of Tok Pisin . The structure of sentential complements in expanded Tok pisin can be traced to a numbe r of sources , inc luding : a) sentence adverbials o l s em and ba i mb a i b ) preposit ions , i . e . l ong and b i l ong c ) verbal concatenation as in se Two o f these ,

paba i

and o l osem were encountered in a letter written in 1913 :

m i l a i k paba i i u g i vem i l og e n m i tok i u o l osem m i l a i k sa ve tok b o l og i u

I want you to give i t to me I am tel ling you that I want to know your opinion

It is not c lear from these written examples whether paba i sentence adverbials or already complementisers . Compare :

M i tok i m y u o l osem : M i l a i k s a ve tok Mi t ok i m y u , o l osem mi l a i k save tok

and o l osem were sti l l

I te ll you thus : I want to know your opinion. I te l l you that I want to know your opinion.

The fact that subject and object pronouns are not formally distinguished in Tok Pisin is the principal source of this ambiguity in written language . Unfortunately , no systematic study of the use of o l sem among speakers of di fferent age groups has been made . Whi l st the time at which o l s em became a complementiser remains un­ certain, there is no doubt that it is widespread among second- l anguage speakers nowadays . The case of ba i mba i is better evidence that complementisers were around be fore 1920 , s ince this form almost exclusively appears sentence initial ly in Tok Pisin . The above sentence must there fore be interpreted as fol lows : s

----VP -NP I �s PN V I

mi

,1., 1\ ..t; � ;l\ Comp

S

NP

I

PN

I

iu

V

I

g i ve

NP

I

mi

PP

I

l og en

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

1 17

Evidence from the development of complementisers out of prepositions may be regarded as support for the ' localist hypothesis ' claiming that " the extens ion of the use of case s from marking local and concrete relationships to the ir use in marking abstract or syntactic rel at ionships " ( Washabaugh 1975 : 6 ) is a regular and unive rsal process . The knowledge that prepositions often develop into complement­ isers is old , and a thorough discuss ion of some cases can be found , for instance , in Paul 1970 : 3 70ff . ( originally 1880) . The use of l on g as a complementi ser is documented in examples such as :

0 1 i no t i ng t i ng l ong 01 i l u s i m b i kp e l a man i

they are not aware of the fact that they are losing a lot of money

i rong l on g m i s i na r i i wok i m p l a n t i s k u l

it is wrong that missionaries construct many schoo ls

The hi storical development of this type of complementation appears to be one in which the formal marking of the embedded sentence has deve loped very gradual l y . I n the earliest grammar o f Tok Pisin ( Brenninkmeyer 19 2 4 ) only complementa­ tion without complementi sers is documented , as in :

i g u t y u m i go

i t is good for us to go, let us go

As l ate as 1971 Wurm ( 19 7 1a : 77 ) wrote that " noun c lauses in Pidgin have no distinguishing characteristi cs , and precede ( as subject) or follow ( as obj ect) other clauses without a con j unct ion . " I t must be taken into consideration , how­ ever , that Wurm i s referring to Highlands Pidgin , which in some ways is less developed than the corresponding coastal varieties . The earliest example of the use of l on g as complementi ser, which has come to my attention i s found in Hall 1943a : 62 :

k i a p i no l a i k l ong m i l ong me k i m t a i m

the kiap does not want me to get myself indentured

I t would be gross ly simpli stic , however , to simply s tate that more and more instances of the l ong complementiser are encountered as the language develops . In actual fact , a l arge number of intervening factors , some of which are discussed by wool ford ( 1979b) , are also operative : a)

l ong is used diffe rentially after di fferent verbs , as the fol lowing data ( Wool ford 1979b : 1 1 5 ) indicates : Percent use of l on g preceding the complements of : Speaker G. P. K.

Age 50 35-40 21

laik

lai kim

g i aman

want ( intr . )

want ( tran s . )

pretend

0 ( 0/ 1 7 ) 0 ( 0/1 3 ) 0 ( 0/5 3)

0 ( 0/4) 100 ( 1/1) 0 ( 0/2 )

100 ( 3/ 3 ) 100 ( 1/ 1 ) 0 ( 0/5 )

tok i m tell

50 ( 1/2 ) 50 ( 1/ 2 ) 0 ( 0/3)

b) there may be social and sex-preferential differences ; c) the range o f l ong is encroached upon by other competing complementisers in the speech o f some us ers of Tok Pisin . The technical aspects of l on g grammaticalisation are discussed by Woolford ( 19 7 9b ) and wi l l not be repeated here . A l ast instance of complementi ser development in Tok Pisin is the regram­ maticalisat ion of serial verb s . The best known case is the development of se , originally used as an independent verb , into a complementiser fol lowing verbs of saying , proclaiming , etc . The putative development must have taken place in four steps :

118

P . MUHLHAUSLER

a) s e becomes collocational ly restricted , i . e . it is used only together with other verbs of similar s emantic content , as in :

em i t ok i s e

he said, was saying

b) the i j oining the two verbs is dropped because of the semantic s imi l arity of the concatenated verbs :

em i tok s e : m i l a i k kam

he said: I want to come

c ) sentences in which the speaker is non-core ferential with the agent of the reported event neutralise the distinct ion between direct and indirect speech :

em i tok s e papa i g a t sik

he said: the father is i l l o r he said that the father was i l l

d) s e is reinterpreted as a complementiser following certain verbs rather than an independent verb in concatenation . Conventions for the treatment of pronouns in the embedded sentence are introduced at the same time :

em i tok se em i l a i k kam

he said that he 'd like to come

In Tok Pisin , s e i s found after a very small numbe r of verbs onl y . However , in another pidgin , Cameroonian Pidgin English , its use has been extended to such a degree that " l a proposit ion introduite par s e peut se trouver apre s n ' importe que l verbe . " ( Feral 1980 : 2 7 9 ) . Comparative evidence from west African Pidgin and other pidgins suggests that there i s a highly restricted set of possibi l ities for grammatical expansion , though there tend to be competing possibil ities for signalling such re lationships as relativisat ion and complementation . It is interesting to obs erve that in dif­ ferent varieties of Tok Pisin , pretty wel l all these possibi lities are tried at one point or anothe r . Only some of them get selected for use in the wider pidgin speaking community , however . The importance of mapping such unsucce s s fu l devel­ opments together with the one s that eventually make the day cannot be overestim­ ated ( cf . Muhlhaus ler 1982c) . ( c ) Word orde r changes Only a few basic word orders are encountered in s tabi lised Tok Pisin . Whi ls t these are adequate for this stage , an expansion of communicative and stylistic funct ions cal l s for additions to this sma l l l i st . There appear to be two reasons for adding new conventions for word orde r to a pidgin grammar : a) to delineate the s cope of gramma tical particles such as negators or aspect markers , and b) to al low the movement of semanti cally prominent material into prominent syntactic pos it ions . Both proce sses have not been studied in any detai l and my remarks here have to be taken with caution . Two examples of ( a) are the movement of the future marker ba i from a sentence­ initial position closer to the verb it modifie s , and also a tendency for the plural marker to move closer to the noun where it modi fies complex noun phrases as when 01 s ampe l a man ' plural some men ' becomes s ampe l a 01 ma n . A third hitherto rare phenomenon is the use of the former sentence negator no as a constituent negator , as in em i l u k i m no me r i he saw no women instead of the more common no g a t me r i em i l u k i m there is no woman that he saw. The s econd development (b) is i llustrated by the gradual emergence o f movement trans formations which shift parts of utterances into focus as i n :

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT IN TOK PISIN p l a n t i snek m i l u k i m

1 19

lots of snakes I saw

as against the unmarked

m i l u k i m p l a n t i s ne k

I saw lots of snakes

This development may involve the reinterpretation of forme r free variants ( associ­ ated with individual rather than social grammars ) as meaning-distinguishing forms . All in al l , the principle that diachronic and developmental s tudies of syn­ tactic phenomena tend to be neglected in historical linguistics also goes for the study of Tok Pisin . In spite of a number of valuable des criptions of small areas of grammar , a detailed account of the overal l trends has still to be made .

2.4.5.5 2 .4 . 5 . 5 . 1

Expa n s i on of t he l ex i con I n trodu cti on

Inflect ional and derivational morphology are the first victims when language contact leads to the deve lopment of a new pidgin , and appear to be the last deve l­ opments in pidgin expansion . In fact , there are a good number of creoles that do not have e i ther gramm ati ca l agreement or word-formation device s . The fact that Tok Pisin today has powerful language - internal means of extending its lexicon makes i t a spe cial case . As with syntax , the sources of Tok Pisin ' s lexical productivity appear to be almost entirely language -internal ( reinterpretation of existing constructions) or universal . At the time when word- formation became prominent , Tok P isin was used by speakers of a very large number of different languages and the importance of i ts original main substratum languages ( Tolai and rel ated vernaculars) had declined very considerably . Moreover , as has been shown by Mosel ( 1 979 ) , Tolai influence in Tok Pisin ' s productive lexicon is very small indeed . The development of word- formation in second- l anguage Tok P is in can be summarised as follows : a) Jargon s tage : no productive word- formation . b) Stab i l is at ion stage : use of circumlocution to express new ideas , a very small number of compounds at word leve l . c ) Early expansion stage : increase o f word- level compounds . As a rule the surface structure of derived lexical items is rela­ tively close to the ir putative deep structure ( e . g . g u t t a i m ( from g u t pe l a t a i m good time) peace or l u k b u k ( from l u k i m b u k t o look a t a book) to read. d) Late expans ion s tage : strong tendency to derive word- level rather than phrase-level lexical items , increasing discrepancy between lexical surface structures and related deep structure s , l exical programs becoming increasingly productive . The three general tendencies of lexical expansion are : a) the development of more and more abstract patterns of word- formation ; b) a deve lopment from phrase- l eve l to word-leve l derived lexical items ; c) a tendency towards greater derivational depth . These three tendencies wil l now be i llustrated . No exhaustive account of Tok Pisin ' s lexi cal expansion wi l l be given here , however , as this has been done in Muhlh ausler 1 979c .

120

P. MUHLHAUSLER

2.4.5.5.2

Quant i ta t i ve g rowt h of l ex i cal produ cti v i ty

stabil ised Tok P isin had l i ttle or no resources for creating new words from internal resources . Present-day fluent adult Tok pisin has about 2 5 programs or patterns involving multifunctionality ( de rivation by means of changing lexical category ) , about 25 programs o f compounding , and about a dozen programs which use reduplication to create new lexical items . Remarks on the sequence in which these programs appeared can be found in Muhlh ausler i 979c : 2 7 3-283 . It appears that : a) Programs requiring no change in form are favoured in the early stages of expansion . However , as the language develops, multi­ functionality is replaced and supplemented by other means of word formatio n . b) In the cas e of compounds those which are formally mos t similar to syntactic constructions ( syntactic compounds in B loomfield ' s c l as s i fi cation o f compounds 1 9 3 3 : 2 3 3 ) appear first while asyn­ tactic compounds , requiring more complex lexical programs , appear l ate r . Thus , compounds of the type b l a kbo i b lack boy are found before those of the type w i nma s i s gas lighter , i . e . matches which have wind , which require an interpretation in terms of a complex paraphrase . c) Contrary to widely found views as to the importance of redupl i­ cation in pidgin format ion , grammatically relevant redupli cation and lexical reduplication are developmentally lat e . d ) Not al l development s in the derivational lexicon survive . There is a lot of experimenting and competition , and a number of formerly vigorous lexical programs have a l l but disappeared from present-day Tok Pi sin . I f it was true that pidgins are maximal ly simpl e languages then one would expe ct lexi cal programs to operate with no exceptions right from the beginning . However , a closer look at the data reveals a very different picture . Lexical programs begin in a very restricted context ( defined both by lingui stic conditions and social needs for new lexical items ) and only gradually extend to a larger number of cases . Thus , the situation where we have lexical regularities of great generality is only found late in Tok Pisin ' s expansion stage . Let us i l lustrate this type of ' lexical di ffusion ' ( the j umping of a rule from one lexical form to the next rather than its applying s imultaneously to a formal ly defined c lass of i tems) with an actual example . The earliest documented type of Tok Pi sin compound is that of the type adj . + N ( e . g . b l a kbo i ) related to a syntactic phrase ad j . + N . The emergence o f fixed collocations o f this type can be observed a s early as the j argon phase , where we find :

b i g food wh i te man

feast European

though an increasing numbe r o f such examples are only recorded after 1900 in both Tok P i sin and the closely related variety of Samoan Plantation Pidgin . The most common word-level compounds in use at the time include :

b l a kbo i n u bo i o l bo i wa i tman

b lack indentured labourer freshly indentured labourer labourer having served a three year term European

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

121

A great increase o f compounds o f this kind i s found in Borchardt 1926 , who lists the fol lowing :

b i knem b i kp l e s b i k r um b i ktaun b l akbo i b l uston h a i wa ra h a twok

etc .

fame main land ha l l city� town (Rabau l) native labourer antiseptic flood� tide toil

Also commonly used at thi s time are compounds referring to the names o f the days of the week :

wande t ude t r i de poday pa i pde

Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday

Apart from compounds at word leve l , lexical phrases involving adje ctives+pe l a and a noun are also found in the period before 1925 , for instance :

wa i t pe l a smo l pe l a smo l pe l a b l akp e l a

ma s t a dokt a mun boi

European medical orderly new moon b lack labourer

Such lexi cal phrases continue to be the sole forms for a number of common concepts , i llustrating that referential needs alone do not decide whether a phrase or a word- level compound is used . In present-day Tok Pisin , however , they have been replaced with wa i tma s t a , smo l dok ta , s mo l mu n and b l a kbo i respective l y . The sequence in which these replacements occurred is discussed , in some detai l , by Muhlh ausler ( 19 79c : 2 7 9 ff . ) . I t emerge s , among other things that : a) In the initial phase , many structurally similar compounds were borrowed from English , i . e . superstratum influence reinforced this deve lopment in the Tok pis in lexi con . b) For a long t ime only strictly syntactic compounds are formed . However , late in Tok Pisin ' s expansion we begin to encounter ad j . �N compounds related to noun phrases , where the adjective appears after the noun in syntax . An example is l e pma n i spare money� savings related to man i l ep or ma n i i l ep money which is left and not * l e p ma n i or * l eppe l a ma n i .

2.4.5.5.3

P h rase- l ev e l to word- l ev e l change

In the above examples we have already noted that some present-day word- level compounds originated in syntactic phrases or longer constructions . The rep lace­ ment of o lder circumlocutions with more recent compounds can be i l lustrated with examples such as :

122

P. MUHLHAUSLER form recorded before 1945

form recorded in present-day Tok Pisin

gloss

l am wok abaut ma n k i b i l ong mas t a mek i m h a r i ap h a t pe l a wa ra man i pepa wa ra b i l ong s k i n

wokabau t l am ma n k i ma s t a ha r i ap i m h a twara pepama n i s k i nwa ra

hurricane lanter>n se!'Vant (male) to speed someone up soup, hot water paper money sweat

Let us consider one instance of ' downshifting ' in more detail , name ly lexical Lexical phrases of the form man b i l on g items involving the noun man man, person. Vint expressing someone who usua lly does what is referred t o b y the verb are documented in fai r numbers for the mid-1920s , including :

man b i l ong s i ngaut man b i l ong s l i p man b i l ong s t i l

noisy person, beggar s leepy, lazy person thief

The only word-level items at this point are s u tman policeman and s u t b o i indigenous hunter. For the mid- 1930s the authors of the Worterbuch mi t Redewendungen remark ( p . 5 3 ) that " - ma n as the suffix of verbs forms agent nouns" ( translation mine ) . Howeve r , only a few word- leve l items are listed :

wa sma n s i kma n d a i ma n s t i l man

watchman patient dead, dying man thief

Phrase-level items listed in the Worterbuch include :

ma n man man man

b i l ong b i l on g b i l ong b i l on g

toktok s a ve pa i t p ret

talkative per-son wise, know ledgeable person warrior, fighter fearful person

No additional word-level i tems are documented until 195 7 . l i sts the fol lowing additional examples :

savema n t rabe l man l e sman

wise person troub lesome person, fOr>nicator lazy person

Other forms a re only documented as phrase-leve l items . new word- level i tems :

ho I i ma n s i nman pan i man

At this stage Mihalic

Mihalic ( 19 7 1 ) lists some

a saint a sinner a joker

My own observations con firm that the trend towards word- leve l derivations continues and that a numbe r of items which were recorded as phrase- level items in Mihal i c 1971 are now being supplemented by word- level items , examples being :

pa i tman p retman b i l i pman

fighter, warrior easi ly frightened person be liever

Downward shift in size level was also observed with a number of other lexical programs .

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

123

The tendency of lexi cal derivation t o take place at word leve l is further demonstrated by the gradual appearance of compounds containing more than two morph­ emes , such as :

woksa veman ma uspasma n s u s oksman

2.4.5.5.4

speaialist dumb person someone wearing shoes and soaks, white aol lar worker

I ncrease i n deri vat i on a l depth

While a large number of lexical programs are encountered in expanded Tok Pisin , there i s one powerful restriction to their use : only one lexical program can be applied to a lexical base at any given time . This means , among other things that : a) No instrumental verbs can be derived from nominal compounds . Thus , whi le there is a form sa r i p i m to aut with a grassknife derived from s a r i p grassknife , no form *g rasna i p i m can be derived from g ra s n a i p grassknife. b) No intensifying reduplications can be formed from denominalised verbs . Thus , whereas k i l k i l i m to hit with forae can be derived from k i l i m to hit , no form * b r umb rum i m can be derived from b r um i m to sweep , since this i s a complex lexical item , i . e . a verb derived from the lexical base b rum broom. c) No compounds involving more than two components are found . Thus , whereas man man plus me r i woman can be combined to form manme r i or mer i ma n people and where as s i kma n or s i kme r i patient are doc­ umented , no form * s i kmanme r i siak people is permitted. A number o f progres sive second- l anguage speakers of Tok Pis in have begun to ignore these restrictions , though only in a very smal l number of instances .

2.4.5.5.5

Lex i cal d i ffu s i on or p reprog rammed expan s i on

My observations so far have suggested that the growth of Tok Pisin ' s deriva­ tional lexicon , whilst governed by some general principles , was haphazard in that l i ttle could be predicted about the ways in which individual rules extended to more and more lexical items . However , there are indications that a more detailed analysi s could reveal a l arge number of universal ly motivated subregularities and that the growth of the lexi con i s largely predictable . This can be i l lustrated with the deve lopment of morphological causatives . Generally speaking , one can distinguish the following types of causative encoding in natural languages : a ) lexical isation , as in Engl ish ki l l b ) periphrastic causative s , as in to make die, to make appear c ) morphological causatives , as in to frighten, to enlarge , or Tolai vama t ( va=causative prefix + ma t =die ) to ki l l B . O . As i n Engl ish and Tolai , all three types o f causative encoding are found in present-day Tok Pisin . Examples are : a) k i l i m to ki l l b ) mek i m man i s i ng a u t to make a person shout c) woka ba u t i m ma n to make a person walk

124

P . MUHLHAUSLER

Whi l st not all details are known , it appears that in pidgin expansion l exical , periphrastic and morphological causative marking always emerge in that order and that , moreover , the order in which morphological causatives are der­ ived from various word classes i s the fol lowing : earli er ( less marked?)

V

int . stative

I

V

int . -s tative

1I

pundaun i m to fe ll

Ad ·

b i k i m to en large

V

d r i n g i m to make drink

tr .

late r (more marked? )

p i n i s i m to finish

N

�

to slice ( no examples in Tok Pis in)

I wi l l now demonstrate that this hierarchy , and not the gramma tical patterns of substratum or superstratum languages , determines the deve lopment of morpholog­ ical causatives in Tok pis in , in particular that : a) at the time of maximum contact between English and Tolai , very l ittle borrowing occurred; b) the pidgin that was spoken at this time cannot be described in terms of a common core grammar . These findings would not have emerged if the traditional static comparative method had been applied in determining the relationship between Tok Pisin and Tolai . I f present-day expanded Tok Pi sin i s compared with Tolai , one can point out a number of amazing s imi lari ties in the ways in which morphological causatives are formed in the two languages . My findings strongly suggest that , in determining the role of substratum influence in pidgins and creoles , the base of comparison must be dynamic developing systems and not static abstractions . The following data sup­ port such an argument : ( 1) Jargon st age ( pre- 1 880) During the j argon stage only a few lexicalised causative s , such as k i l to ki l l and b reak to break , are found . The absence of periphrastic and morphological causatives can be accounted for by developmental factors . The fac t that one is dealing wi th a one -word or two-word grammar at thi s stage means that constructions o f the type me k i m NV to cause N to do what is expressed by v are automatically exc luded , in spi te of the fact that such periphrastic causatives were found in most if not all linguistic systems in contact . The lack of morphological caus­ atives can be explained in terms o f the general principle that inflectional and derivational morphology are late deve lopments , i . e . they are the first victims of language contact and the last features to be restored . ( 2 ) Stabilisation stage ( 1900-1920) As the language deve lops , more lexicali sed causatives such as cut to cut� to cause to be cut and move to move s . th. are added . The fi rst instances of peri­ phrastic causatives are found in Tok Pisin ' s direct predecessor , Samoan Plantation Pidgin ( cf . Muhlhausler 1978d) . Examples include :

yu mek i m sam wa ra i bo i l m i mek i m kabora i d ra i

bring some water to the boi l I dried the copra

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

125

A s sentences with s imple ernbeddings become increasingly common , so the u s e of periphrastic causatives becomes more widespread . By around 1900 the idea of causativity could be unambiguous ly encoded in the language and , i f one assumes that simplicity of expression and optimal decodability were the main forces in the development of pidgins and creoles , one would expect the development to have ended at this point . This , however , was not the case . ( 3 ) Expansion stage ( 1900 to present) The structural expansion during this phase is characterised by a drastic increase in referential potential during its f irst half and by a signifi cant increase of non-re ferential potential in later years . The development of morph­ ological causatives i s an instance of the latter type of expansion , for , as we have seen , the referential demands o f Tok Pisin speakers were fully met by the periphrastic construction . This is rather s imi lar to the deve lopment of tense In present-day Tok Pisin , morphological marking di scussed by Labov ( 19 7 1b) . causatives are styli stic variants of the equally widespread periphrastic causa­ tives . The first morphological causatives made their appearance in the late 1910s and early 19 20s , at a time when contact with Tolai was intensive , and were of the type pre fix mek- + V . This must be regarded as a direct calque o f Tolai va + V. Compare : Tok Pisin

Tolai

ma t vama t ma ranga vama ranga

to die to ki l l d� to make dry

s a ve meksave pas mekpas no i s me kno i s

to know to make know, inform �� obstructed to fasten, tie up to shake, tremb le to make tremb le, shake

In spite of the productivity of this pattern in Tolai it did not catch on in Tok pisin , and the above examples are the only ones found today . Their status is that of lexi calisations . The reasons for this absence of carry-over from Tolai seem obvious . In the deve lopment o f morphological causative s , non- stative verbs ( no i s ) , adj ectives ( p a s ) and transitive verbs ( s ave) are latecomers . As the mek­ causativisation i s not appl ied to stative verbs , the hierarchy is violated . The new pattern i s premature since it does not fit in wi th the natural developmental tendencies of pidgin language . The absence of Tolai substratum influence in other parts of Tok P i sin grammar has been discussed by Mosel ( 19 7 9 ) . The use of the same lexical base in a number of grammatical functions ( zero­ derivation) is a widespread phenomenon in pidgins and creoles ( c f . Muh lhau s ler 1 9 7 8 a) and is a l so used for causativisation in English , as in :

to walk a horse to burp a baby to start a car

to make a horse walk � �� a b� �� to make a car start

Whi l st this method is used in some related Pacific pidgins and creoles ( e . g . Torres Strai ts Pidgin) , i t is not found in Tok Pisin. Instead , the transitivity marker - i m is used to signal causativisation . Whi l st this is found in neither Tolai nor English , it is a widespread feature of many natural l anguages . Its use in Tok Pisin i l lustrates the principle that even second-language speakers of a pidgin have access to universal resources for its expansion . The first morphological causative ending i n - i m i s found around 1910 , raus i m to throw out derived from r a u s to be outside ( from German r a u s ) . By 1926 we get

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a number of additional l exicon entries pertaining to the context of giving and receiving orders in a colonial setting . They include :

bek bo i l h a r i ap 1ai t

to to to to

bek i m bo i 1 i m ha r i ap i m laitim

be back boil hurry be bright

to to to to

return s . th . boi l s . tho make S . O . hurry light S. tho

The above four items violate the postulated developmental hierarchy . The only explanation I can give for this is that one is dealing with an instance of prag­ matic considerat ions upsetting the natural tendencies of language deve lopment . From 1926 onwards the development closely fol lows the natural hierarchy . In the mid-1 9 30s a number of stative intransitive verbs undergo morphological causa­ tivisation :

sl ip s t ret o ra i t pinis

to s leep, be horizontal straight aU right finished

51 i pim s t ret i m o ra i t i m pi nisim

to to to to

make lie doum s traighten mend, repair finish

Shortly a fterwards the f irst morphological causatives are derived from true adj ec­ tive s , i . e . those be longing to the smal l set that can appear in attributive posi­ tion . They appe ar in the following order :

bikim ko l i m sot i m sw i t i m t ru i m raun i m s t ret i m

to to to to to to to

make big, enlarge make coo l shorten make fee l pleasant make come true make round s traighten

From the early 1960s onward more and more non-stative verb bases undergo causa­ tivisation . The pattern appears to be on its way towards ful l productivity .

no i s i m sanap i m pundau n i m wokabau t i m pa i rap i m goh e t i m

to to to to to to

make make make make make make

noise stand up, erect faU doum walk be lch advance

The fi rst causative derived from a transitive verb base was found in 1973 :

dok t a i d r i ng i m s i kman

the doctor makes the patient drink

Next to the as yet i l l-understood impact of pragmatic factors on the evolving deve lopmental hierarchy of causative markin g , the appearance or non-appearance of new morphological causatives i s also determined by a number of l anguage- internal restrictions on productivity . These include : a) Words ending in - [ i ] cannot take the causativiser - i m . This excludes the forms * s amba i i m to make help , * k ra i i m to make cry and *da i i m to make die , in spite of the Tolai mode l vama t cause to die, ki l l . b) The ideal word-length i n stabi lised and early expanded Tok Pisin is two syllables . words with three or more syllab les are in­ creasingly unacceptable the greater the number of syl lables . Thi s explains the absence of *wokaba u t i m to make walk in a l l but the most progressive lects of this language .

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c ) The restriction on multiple derivation which implies that Tok Pisin word bases cannot undergo more than one morphological pro­ cess at a time . Th is means that no causatives can be derived from reduplicated verbs or adj ective s , from compounds or from verbs or adjectives derived from another word-class . This re­ striction would exclude a derivational chain such as k r u g u t crooked , k ru k rugut very crooked and k r u k rug u t i m t o make very crooked� to crush. Whi le the ful l extent of the preprogramme d nature of lexical expansion and the complex interplay between universal tendencies , language-specific restrictions and pragmatic factors is not yet ful ly understood , there can be no doubt that the growth of Tok Pisin ' s der ivat ional lexicon over the last 50 years obeys , to a very s i gnifi cant extent , certain l aws and principle s . The findings for Tok Pisin are of re levance not only for a comparison with other expanding pidgins but also for our understanding of developing word formation in first- and second- language learn ing in general and the loss of word- formation capacity in aphas i a .

2.4.5.6

Styl i st i c expan s i on

Samarin ( 19 7 1 : 12 2 ) remarked that most pidgins are impoverished wi th regard to the i r stylistic devices : This is to say that a speaker of pidgin , as a normal human being in a normal society , can be expected to have more than one code-variety for di fferent uses . The pidgin , on the other hand , is not normal , and when a person is speaking a pidgin he i s limited to the u se of a code with but one level or style or key or registe r , to cite some terms used for this aspect of the organization o f language . ( One might speak here of a ' monostratic ' , ' monoclaval ' or ' monotonic ' code . ) In other words , he does not have the rich variety of language style s from which to choose whatever is appropriate to the context , s ituation , or person (or people) to whom he is talking . This characterisation i s certainly not applicable to expanded Tok P isin . Instead , one o f the principal effects of gramma tical expansion of Tok Pisin i s that it provided structural and l exical alternatives which could b e employed for s ty l i s tic purposes . The ful l set of s tylistic resources available to present-day second- l anguage speakers has been discussed by Wurm and Muhlh ausler ( 19 8 2 ) . Some examples are also given in the chapter on present-day varieties ( 3 . 2 ) . Let i t suffice t o point out that the ' terrible monotony ' ( Mead 19 3 1 : 149) which character­ i sed the language of the 1920s has s ince been replaced by an amazing richness of stylistic flexibility, which makes Tok Pi sin an extremely powerful means of com­ munication in the mouth of a ski l led speak e r . The challenges posed by the use o f the language i n new areas o f discourse , new media and new functions h a s been answered by a sustained vigorous growth of i ts resources .

2.4.5.7

Expan s i on : summa ry

The expansion of Tok Pisin has involved a dramatic increase in structural complexity . An examination of the newly developed s tructures suggests that they

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have sprung from internal resources rather than from borrowing. standing structural innovations are as fol lows :

The most out­

a) Derivational depth as deve loped - mainly through embedding . b) Gramma tical categories such as tense and number have be come compulsory ( Sankoff and Laberge 1973 and Muhlhausler 1981a ) . c) The language has acquired a word-formation component which enables speakers to create new names for new things ( c f . MUhlhaus ler 1979c) . d) The l anguage deve loped mechanisms for structuring dis course , such as focusing device s , pro- forms , and a complex set of deictic markers . e ) Stylistic di fferentiation deve loped . The result of expansion to date has been characterised by Wurm in the fol lowing words ( 19 7 7d : 5 l l ) : Pidgin shows the characteristics of a fully developed creole l anguage : a comparatively rich vocabulary and quite complex grammar , a great flexibi lity o f express ion with highly devel­ oped and versatile idiomatic usages , a considerable range of possibil ities of word- formation and the creation of new lexical items through processes inherent in the language itse l f , and the adequacy of the language for the expression of all aspects of Papua New Guinean l i fe in its present transitory stage between the traditionally indigenous and the westernized . The comp lexities of expanded Tok Pisin are best i l lustrated with some actual language example s .

Exampl e 1 ) Rural Tok Pisin as spoken b y a 2 5 year old man . The following extract from a descript ion of a fight on a plantation told by Wi l liam from Lumi i llustrates how the stylistic resources of the l anguage are exploited in a vivid description :

Nau bos bo i i kam t ro i mwe han l ong m i pa s t a i m . T ro i mwe h a n l o ng m i pas t a i m n a u , e m i tok : A , y u l a i k i m d i s pe l a ? ( gesture showing f ist) M i k i rap , m i g i v i m wa n pe l a , o ra i t , n a n a rape l a b r a t a ya , em i g i v i m wanpe l a l ongen . Em i pu l i m n a i s a n a p n a o m i tok i m 0 1 : H a n i n o nap l on g y u m i , i na p l on g yum i p i n i s . O ra i t , yum i k i s i m s t i k . Na 0 1 l a i n ya , 0 1 l a i n b i l ong m i wok l ong pa i n i m 01 s t i k y a . M i t a s o l m i g o p u l i m wanpe l a hap man gas i s t a p l ong pa i aman . I s t a p l ong pa i aman n a u , n a d i s p e l a bosbo i sanap i s t ap n a u . M i t ro i mwe s t i k l ongen , t ro i mwe s t i k l ongen , l on g s o l b i l ongen y a . Em i p i l i m em , n amba t u , em i h o l i m s t i k b i l ong m i . M i pe l a i wok l ong pu l i m , p u l i m , p u l i m , em i s t rong , em i s t rong , i go go go n a u , m i go wok l ong ho l i m s t i k i g o o l sem . M i g o k l os t u l ongen n a u , m i t ro i mwe wan p e l a han l ongen nau , em i wok l ong sotw i n o l sem : a , a , a , a , a . M i t ro i mwe wanpe l a han l onge n . Em i s o tw i n nog u t t ru ya , i p i l i m n a u , or a i t . Na t u pe l a bo i ya . Em i l uk i m t u pe l a pa i t wan ta i m ma s t a . Ma s ta ka i ka i i m bua i s t re t . O ra i t , ma s t a l a i k me k i m save l on g t upe l a 1 i k l i k bo i b i l on g m i ya . . . .

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[ Now, first the bossboy came and thrust his fist at me . He thrust his fist at me and said: "Hey, do you want this ? " I got up, I gave him one, then another mate gave him one too. He pul led him up again and told them (= his mates) : "Hands are not enough for us, for us to do the job properly, O . K . , let 's get sticks . " And the group here, my group got busy looking for sticks . I alone went and got a piece of hibiscus timber which was next to the boy who looks after the copra dryer. I Was next to him and this bossboy was standing there . I hit him with the stick, hit him with the stick on his shoulder. He fe l t it and on the second hi t he took hold of my s tick. We were busy pul ling, pu l ling, pu l ling; he kept on and on, it lasted for a long time, and I also kept holding the stick. Then I went up to him, I thrust my fist at him, he Was panting real ly hard: "A, a, a, a, a . " He fe l t i t . We l l, two boys here . He noticed that they were fighting with the European . The European had a mouthfu l of b lood. We l l, the European wanted to teach my two litt le boys a lesson . . . . ] Some interesting points about this text are : a) v a : this is used both as postnominal emphasiser and as a marker of embedded sentence boundaries . Note that emphatic obj e cts can be found sentence initial l y . b ) wok l on g : this ' marker o f continuous addition to Tok Pisin grammar . Note combined with others to form complex l o n g ho 1 i m s t i k i go o l s em I set out

aspect ' is a fairly recent that this marker can also be verb phrases as in m i go wok to keep ho lding the s tick.

c) The use of metaphorical expressions such as ka i ka i bua i to chew bete lnut = to b leed out of one 's mouth. d) Redundant use of the plural marker 01 and the use of 01 with mass nouns such as 0 1 l a i n group of people.

Examp l e 2 ) A text from Born , formerly Stephansort , a vi llage that began to use Tok pisin around 1900 . The speaker is about 30 years o f age :

Tumbuna 0 1 i b i n toktok o l sem o l geta p i s b i 1 0n g so l wa ra 0 1 go a n t a p l on g p I es n a 0 1 i s i ngs i ng n a t a i m 0 1 i s i ng s i ng p i n i s 0 1 i go bek l on g so l wa ra . D ra i t , 0 1 i s ta p , na t a i m 0 1 manme r i ronewe p i n i s 0 1 i go a n t a p l on g s i ng s i ng . [ The ancestors told us that a l l the fish of the sea would come ashore and dance and when they had finished dancing they would go back into the sea. We l l, they stayed, and after a l l the people had gone they would come ashore and dance . ] The fol lowing points are of particular intere s t : a) b i n : ' past tense ' . In recent years tense has become a widespread feature of Tok pisin, in addition to the long-established category of aspect . Tense is one of the few innovations that can be ascribed to direct borrowing from English . b) o l s em : this adverb , meaning thus , is used as a complementiser . In other varieties the preposition l ong on, in, along is found in the same funct ion . Signall ing of embedded sentences is the result of internal deve lopment .

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c ) t a i m : the noun time i s used as the conjunction when allowing the embedding of time clause s . d ) manme r i : the Tok Pisin express ion for people i llustrates the additive type of compound . Other compounds corresponding to this pattern are papamama parents , s u soks footwear , na i p t am i ok cutting instruments , and many others . Apart from this very basic type of compounding , other types are also found .

Exampl e 3 ) Extract from undated letter written to Wantok newspaper around 19 7 3 :

Dea r F r i e nds , P 1 i s m i 1 a i k i m y u fe 1 0 ma s t b r i n g t i ng em d i s fe 1 0 wa r ry b 1 0ng m i l on g n ews - pape r . O r a i t n a o l s em wonem l ong 01 C a u nc i 1 b 1 0n g m i fe 1 0 i h o 1 i m f i n i s t ufe 1 0 mee t i ng b 1 0n g na 0 1 i g a t wa n fe 1 0 toktok ye t o l s em 0 1 i 1 a i k raus i m 0 1 C a t ho l i c M i s s i on b 1 0ng 0 1 i no ken mo r u s s i ng a i r s t r i p o r p 1 es pa 1 u s mo r l on g W i r u i . P 1 i s m i y e t na 0 1 a r fe 1 0 man me r i t u m i fe 1 0 i no h a r i m k i 1 i a em wh a t nem w rong o r m i xt ake , o r reason b 1 0n g 0 1 C a t ho l i c M i ss i on 0 1 i no n a f l ong i u s s i n g p 1 es pa 1 u s h i a r . [ Dear friends, Please I would like you to print this worry of mine in your newspaper. We l l why has our aounai l he ld � meetings and why do they have a discussion about the faat that they would like to prevent the Catholia Mission from using the airstrip, i . e . p laae for aerop lanes a t Wiriu. Please, I myse lf and other people too, we do not real ly understand what wrong or mistake or reason there might be so that the Catho lia Mission aan no longer use this airstrip. Note the fol lowing points : a) em : anaphoric pronoun after transitive verbs in ma s t b r i n g t i n g em sugge sts the deve lopment of new clitics of the kind discussed by Sankoff ( 19 7 7 c) . b)

l ong and o l sem are both used as complementi sers .

c) 0 1 : use of pluraliser in 0 1 C a u n c i 1 the aounai l and 0 1 C a t ho l i c M i ss i on the Catho lic Mission. d) The use of synonyms or near synonyms as in em wh a t nem w rong o r m i x t a ke used a s a stylistic means o f communi cating across lectal boundaries ( c f . Muhlh ausler 1979f) . e) The multiple embedding of sentence s . Additional texts i llustrating expanded Tok Pisin can be found in Dutton 197 3 . A collection of annotated Tok Pisin texts is in the early stages of planning ( Muh lh aus l e r , forthcoming) . Such additional texts are l ike ly to confirm what has been the main mes sage of this section : that the expansion of a pidgin is triggered off by external pressures for communi cation but that it develops almost exclusive ly from internal resources along universally motivated line s . This then concludes the discuss ion o f the deve lopmental continuum a s found wi th s econd- language speakers . Extended Tok Pisin has undergone further modifi­ cations , howeve r . On the one hand , renewed intensive contact with Engl ish has led to considerable restructuring ( i . e . changes rather than added complications

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o f grammar ) . O n the other hand , changing social patterns have led t o the devel­ opment of communities where Tok Pi sin is used as the first l anguage . These two deve lopments wi l l be discussed in the remainder of this chapter .

2.4.6

TH E POST - P I DG I N STAGE

2.4.6 . 1

I nt rodu c t i on

The discussion of this stage wi l l be shorter and more general than that o f the previous stage , s ince a linguistic characterisation of anglicised post-pidgin (urban ) varieties of Tok pisin has already been given e l sewhere in this book ( 3 . 2 . 3 . 4 . 5 ) . In addition , a detailed study of the beginnings of this variety has been made by Hal l ( 19 5 5b : 91-109 ) . Linguistically , by a post-pidgin variety we understand a pidgin language which , after a period of relative linguistic independence , has come under renewed vigorous influence from i ts original lexifier language . This influence manifests itse l f in the restructuring and/or replacement of earli er lexicon and grammar in favour o f patterns from the superimposed ' targe t ' l anguage . Whi le English has most of its hi story , a tic contact throughout favour the development

been available as a model for speakers of Tok Pisin for numbe r of powerful social forces prevented c loser linguis­ i ts expansion phase . The social factors which prevent and of post-pidgin varieties include :

a) Social distance between pidgin speakers and others . In a colonial situation with rigid strati fication ( indigenes versus expatriates) , a knowledge and use of the social ly superior code does not bring with it any tangib le benefits . Thus , the development of post-pidgin Tok Pisin gained impetus only in post-war papua New Guinea and became widespread in the years immediately preceding se lf-government and independence . b) The functions in which a pidgin and i ts ' lexifie r ' l anguage are used . Many linguists make a distinction between a coordinate bilin guali sm where each language is reserved for a we l l defined set o f social functions , and compound bilingualism where the func­ t ional range of two or more systems overlaps . Whereas the former type promotes the lingui stic independence of the sys tems used , the latter encourages language mixing and restructuring . In the case of Tok Pisin and English , the fact that Engl i sh was taught in mos t parts of Papua New Guinea after the Second World War was not a s i gnificant l inguistic influence on Tok pisin , since func­ t ionally the two languages remained separate , the former in the c lassroom and a very smal l set of official transactions , the latter in all other sphe res o f non-traditional l i fe , with the local vernaculars continuing to be used for traditional contexts . c) The symbol i c value of Tok Pisin . The l inguistic purity of the language is also dependent on speakers ' attitude s , such as the view that Tok Pisin is a symbol of national unity and independence . As h as been shown in the chapter on attitudes ( 2 . 3 ) , many speakers have highly ambivalent views , i . e . whil st supporting the idea of a lingui stically pure Tok Pisin they also acknowledge the role of English as an instrument of social advancement and communication with the outside wor l d . For many , borrowing Engl ish lexicon and structures s ignals sophi stication and modernity.

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A more comprehensive discussion of these and other factors i s given in the chapter on Tok P i si n ' s external deve lopment ( 2 . 2 ) .

2 .4 . 6 . 2

Code swi t ch i n g and code mi x i n g

The relatively close l inguistic relationship between Tok P isin and Eng lish means that lexical and grammatical material can frequently be identi fied across both languages . Thi s constitutes a considerable problem when analysing speech samples of post-pidgin Tok Pisin . Contrary to the widely held view that It w i l l be agreed , I think , that anyone who speaks a language A , knows that h e i s speaking A , and not a dif ferent language B . . . . At any one time a speaker knows what language he i s speaking . He can never claim to be speaking two languages at once , or a fusion of two languages . (Biggs 1972 : 14 4 ) Speake rs of anglicised varieties of Tok P isin appear t o be doing precisely thi s . In the following texts we can see both code-switching (usually occurring at gram­ matical boundarie s ) and identi fication of words across the two languages . Cap­ i ta l i se d texts re fer to Eng lish , capital ised i talics to instances which be long to both systems simultaneously . Al l these texts were recorded among students of the University of Papua New Guinea in 1976 .

Exampl e 1) A political debate Nesone l i s o l sem , o l geta man i mas save l ongen y a . Wanpe l a s am t i n g t u ya , SAM PIPEL 0 1 i POL I T I CALLY M I N D E D na m i pe l a s a mpe l a o l sem y upe l a i BIN MAN I PULATED BY OT HE RS . . . .

A nationalist like this� everyone should know about him. And something e lse� some people who are poli tiaal ly minded and some people like you and me have been manipulated by others . . .

0 1 i KEN do WHATEVE R THEY WANT TO . Em na u , m i save . 0 , I D ON ' T L I KE T H E M . SO WHAT , l a k i t ru na m i kam . . .

They aan do whatever they want. I know . Oh� I don ' t like them. what� just as we l l I aame . . . .

0 1 Mo robe i a u t i m t i ket

The people in the Morobe distriat voted his party out on the grounds that he didn ' t unders tand ( the sit­ uation) . He didn ' t know what was going on beaause he hadn ' t read this paper.

b i l o ngen l on g wa nem ON THE G R OUN DS THAT em i no UNDER­ STANDIM. Em i I GN O RANT BIKOS em i no r i t i m d i s pe l a pepa .

Now So

Examp l e 2 ) Conversation about the movie Planet of the Apes Na wanpe l a n a rape l a man i tok : " WHAT D I D YOU SAY ? " , na em i tok , d i s pe l a APE i toktok , na em i t ok : " NO , N O , I T ' S ME . I SA I D I T . WHAT D I D HE SAY , T H E BASTARD ? " Em ALL THE OT H E R AP E S , THEY DON ' T TAL K , BUT TH I S ONE CAN TAL K n a HE G OT H I MS E L F I NTO T ROUB L E , d i s pe l a APE y a .

And another man said: "What did you say ? "� and he said� this ape who was talking� he said: "No� no� it 's me . I said it. What did he say� the bastard?" AU the other apes� they don ' t talk� but this one aan talk and he got himse lf into troub le, this ape .

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Exampl e 3 ) Conversation Long mon i ng ya , m i KAM L ET l on g k l a s ya .

This morning I was late fop clas s .

Mek i m wanem na y u LET?

What did you do so you wepe late ?

M i pe l a i s pa k l ong n a i t T I L L TWO O ' C L O C K

We dPank duping the night until two o 'c lock.

BULSIT .

Bu l lshi t .

H ON E STLY .

Honestly .

Yupe l a i s pa k l ong h a u s b i l on g husat?

In whose poom did you dPink ?

Lon g RUM b i l ong Russ e l .

In Russe l ' s poom.

A , Russe l i wok i m y u pe l a .

I see, Russe l tpeated you .

Yu h us a t h u sat ?

You and who e lse ?

C h a r i es , l s i do r , y u m i pe I a n a wan t a i m t amb u b i l on g em .

Us, ChaPles, Isidop and his cousin.

Hamas kat e n ?

How many captons ?

Wan , n a WAN SMOL BAKADI .

One, and a sma I I Bacapdi .

It is those words and constructions that can be identified across both systems which have the best chance of be coming more widely adopted in Tok Pisin . However , i t must be stressed that all l an guages are open systems and pidgins even more so than older established ones . Thus , the quest ion as to whether a word or construc­ tion is pidgin or not ( cf . Healey 1 9 7 5 ) often does not arise for i ts speakers and should not be approached too rigidly by l inguists .

2.4.6.3

Some t h eo ret i ca l observ a t i ons on m i x i n g

Linguistic systems in contact can influence one another in a number of dif­ ferent ways , the fol l owing characteristics of mixing being the most re levant ones to pidgin deve lopment and re structuring : a) A d istinction must be made between a mechanical mixture and fusion . In the former case borrowed elements can be unique ly assigned to one or the other system , in the latter a new construction can be assigned to neither or both simultaneously . We have just seen that , under conditions of code-switching , doubl e assignment is common . As has been i l lustrated in the chapter on variation , the deve lopment of a new thi rd system is also a common result of language contact in the post-pidgin stage . However , l ingui sts have considerable di fficulties in identifying and describing such new systems . b) An important point di scus sed in the sect ion on expansion was that grammar can only be borrowed/integrated if it is in agreement with deve lopmental trends already found in a pidgin . This means that the syncretic capacity of deve loping pidgins is very low , other than at the lexical leve l . Thus , in spite of a common view that pidgins are mixed language s , they are , for the most part of their lingui stic history , almost impervious to mixing . Mixing becomes easier , howeve r , when a pidgin is greatly extended , as in the case of Tok Pisin.

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c) As a general rule , the abi lity o f a language to incorporate materials from other language s is inversely related to its in­ ternal coherence . This means that messy l anguages are good mixers and vice versa. In the light o f these observations , contact between Tok Pisin and English is unl ikely to result in a smooth transition between the two systems . Because gram­ matical expansion promoted a highly regular and e conomical grammar , any outside inf luence must be expected to be more disruptive than in cases where old , and therefore more irregular , l anguages such as English are influenced by another lan­ guage . On top of the culture-related semantic barriers against language mixing we can also expect considerable mechanical ( gramma tical) barriers . The development of post-pidgin varieties proceeds in spite of such barriers , however . Because o f the social prestige attached to English and constructions borrowed from English , speakers are willing to put up with a more ambiguous , less structured and less e f ficient language . It is true that such a situation is not beyond repair . However , at present , the di fficult j ob o f merging English struc­ tures with Tok Pisin is solved mainly by individuals and small groups of speakers rather than at the leve l of the entire speech community . It is in this area that lan guage planners wi l l find their most urgent task . Some of the problem areas wi l l now be briefly examined .

2.4.6.4

Changes i n t he phono l ogi cal component

Influence o f English at the level o f phonology has remained s light and with the largescale withdrawal of European schoolteachers this situation is not l ikely to change . There is no exhaustive study , though a number of change s , mainly at the individual leve l , have been observed . a) Laycock ( 1 970c : xi i ) reports that " some Pidgin speakers who have learnt Engl ish add an e leventh ( vowe l ) , as a third pronunciation of o . This is [ � ] , as in English court ( pidgin kot ) . " I have found l ittle evidence for a spread of this pronunciation , however . b ) Whe reas Laycock ( 1970c : xv) states that English [ dz ] as in June is usually pronounced s , the English pronunciation i s becoming increasingly common , as in j o i n i m to join , j e l e s jealous , j em germ. More dramatic than the addition of such marginal sounds to the sound inventory of Tok P i sin is ' the ongoing restructuring o f a large number of words in the direction of thei r Engl ish etymon s , a process which is greatly facili tated by the addition of new consonant combinat ions , in particular medial consonant clusters . c) Since medial clusters tend to be restored before final clusters , however , we find new irregularity in Tok Pisin ' s derivational lexi con as a result . Consider : expanded Tok Pi sin

b i h a i n - b i ha i n i m

behind

po i n

point

to fol low

- po i n i m

to point at

post-pidgin Tok Pi sin

b i h a i n - b i h a i nd i m

behind

po i n

point

to fo l low

po i n t i m

to point at

This means that there are now exceptions to the general rule of expanded Tok Pisin that a trans itive verb i s formed simply by adding - i m to the intransitive stem . Note that there is as yet no new simple rule in anglicised Tok Pisin, for at least

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

135

some intransitive verbs can end in a consonant cluster , e . g . r i fand to refund and komen t to comment . The presence of s uch consonant clusters affe cts yet another rule , that o f reduplication . In stead of the former ho l i m to hold , ho l ho l i m to hold tight ly , we now have h o l d i m to hold and ho l ho l d i m to hold tight ly . d) Another far-reaching consequence of restructuring under the impact of an Eng l i sh model is described by Hall ( 1955b : 95-96) . Under the impact of Australian pronunciation , Tok P i sin [ e ) is variably re­ placed by r aj ] in words such as l ongwe far and nem name. Because of the frequency of this replacement a numbe r of back-formations have arisen , inc luding keke for ka i ka i food , l ek for l a i k to like and t u l e t for t u l a i t dawn . Note that as a result a number of potentially annoying homophones have emerged , as l ek already means leg and t u l et too late.

2 .4 . 6 . 5

Changes i n t he morpho l ogi cal compone n t

The two principal results of l anguage contact at the morphological leve l are the variable appearance of English -ing after Tok Pisin verbs and the plural -s after nouns . Both cases involve far-reaching change s in the grammar of the lan­ guage . The affix - i ng is found in two principal contexts : a)

In unintegrated longer phrases or borrowed abstract nouns such as :

s t end i ng kom i t i ekt i ng s i aman ekaun t i ng m i n i ng

s tanding commi ttee acting chairman accounting meaning

Whereas the first two examples cannot be integrated properly , Tok Pisin speakers have two ways of dealing with introduced abstract nouns : they treat - i ng the same way as - i m or they regard - i ng as an integral part of the word stem . As a result we now encounter two competing verbs to mean in Tok Pisin : m i n { i m} and m i n i n g { i m } . This example confirms that , in the case of post-pidgin development , forms rather than meaning+ form tend to get borrowed. b) English -ing is equated with the transitivity marker - i m . In addition , for some speakers , the English meaning ' continuous action ' is also signalled by -ing. A particularly valuable source of examples of this are written texts . The fol lowing are extracts from unpubli shed letters to Wantok newspaper :

mon i 0 1 i y u s i m l ong ma k i ng rot

money they use for constructing roads

mi t i n g o l osem l ong d raw i ng p l ag b i l on g Pa g i n i

I was thinking of designing a flag for Papua New Guinea

0 1 me r i mek i m 0 1 ka i n wok

women do all sorts of jobs such as driving cars .

d r a i v i n g ka r

The last example i l lustrate s the variable use of - i m and - i ng by the same write r . Whereas in all the above examples a straight­ forward � m- i ng correspondence can be demonstrated , in the fol lowing example - i n g appears where normal expanded Tok Pisin would have no transitivity marker :

me no man be l on g spea k i n g E n g l i sh

I am not a person who speaks English

136

P . MUHLHA USLER

d i s pe l a i m i ng o l osem wanpe l a b u n g be l ong 0 1 me r i

this means a gathering of women

Again , the effe cts of borrowing a morphological affix can have wide r , non-local consequence s in other parts of grammar . The case of the plural affix - s is of considerable theoretical importance and wi l l therefore be dealt with in some detai l . It supplements what has been said about the deve lopment of plural marking earlier in this chapter . I n the current literature on pidgins and creoles there i s widespread con­ fusion be tween expansion of the deve lopmental type and restructuring of pidgins or creole s when they come into renewed contact with their former lexi fier lan­ guage s . A numbe r of writers argue that the kind o f linguistic processes leading to both restructured and expanded varieties are very much the s ame . The data on pluralisat ion certainly do not confirm thi s . Instead they indicate , as has been suggested by Bailey ( 19 7 7 ) , that mixing of systems of comparable complexity leads to unnaturalness . Before di scussing this point any further I want to present some data on , as one of my in formants put i t , i g a t s i ng u l a r na p l u r a l i kam i n s a i t l on g namb a t r i Tok P i s i n , i . e . the adoption of Engl ish plural marking in Urban Tok Pi sin . The f irst one to draw attention to this phenomenon was Hall ( 19 5 5b : 99-100 ) . Hal l documents plural - s for the following lexical items :

bep i s des d re k t a s yams y i as k reps ma i 1 s pauns p ra i s i s s i l i ngs t a i ms w i ks

babies days directors yams years crabs mi les pounds prices shil lings times weeks

Whi l st Hall does not provide information on the grammatical environment in which these forms were found , it seems c lear that the presence of the plural - s is not determined by the degree of animacy of a noun . My own data suggest that the presence or absence of plural - s is neither determined by the animacy hierarchy nor by the grammatical environment nor , in the case of written Tok Pisin , by spe lling . The fol l owing data were taken from letters written in anglicised Tok Pisin . Sentences by the same writer are grouped together : ( 1 ) wok b i l ong ka i n ka i n gavame n

0 1 man ( subj ect) wanem g avamen ( di rect ob j ect) l on g Af r i ca n ka n t r i s ( 2 ) b i l on g m i pe l a 0 1 me r i

p l an t i me r i wo k o l sem t a i p i s , p o s t o f f i ce c l e rk , n u rses , rad i o a n nounce r na sampe l a wok moa 0 1 Pa c i f i c I s l a nd

the work of various government officials men what government officials ? in the African countries of us Women many women work as typis ts� pos t office clerks� nurses, radio announcers and in other jobs Pacific Is landers

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN ( 3 ) s ampe l a b oy s

0 1 me r i s k u l man k i g o l ong h a i s ku l s l ong 0 1 boys o l ge t a kant r i s 01 i l a i k i m man n a me r i c i t i s ens 01 p i po l b i l ong n a r a fe l o kant r i s b i l on g d i s pe l a t u pe l a s t ej e s b i po y u g i v i m ka i n po i n t s 0 1 s ku l me r i i s ave p u l i ma p i m spes b i l ong 0 1 boys p u t i m b oy s wanta i m me r i hev i m s ep e r e t ha i s ku l s l on g b oy s

some boys the schoolgirls go to the high­ schoo ls to the boys all countries appreciate both their male and female citizens peop le from other countries of these two stages earlier on you gave a number of arguments the schoolgirls take up the p laces for the boys put the boys with the girls have separate highschoo ls for the boys

( 4 ) 0 1 ge l s ( sub ject) m i pe l a 01 g i r l ( subj ect)

girls we girls have sexua l intercourse with girls

( 5 ) d i a f r i en d s

o l geta evange l i s , B i b l e t i s a , p a s t o rs , wa i tm i s i n 0 1 d i s pe l a l a i n

dear friends a l l evange lists3 Bib le teachers3 pastors and white missionaries this group of peop le

l i k l i k l a i n boys na g i r l s h e l p i m f r i e nds l on g d res i m c u t s o r wo unds 01 l ap u n ( subj ect)

a small group of boys and girls he lp your friends to dress cuts or wounds old peop le

p i 1 a i l ong 01 g i r 1

(6)

137

Whi l st I could adduce numerous further examples of the emergence of -s plural marking in Urban Tok P isin , the above data seem suffi cient to show that : a) The emergence of - s does not fol low any of the hierarchies that determine p luralisat ion in the non-anglicised dialects of Tok P isin . b) Both - s plurals and 0 1 plurals are found with recent loans ( g i r l s , p a s t o r s , 0 1 v i s i to r ) and both encodings are found s imultaneous ly with nouns ( 0 1 cou n c i l l o r s ) . On the other hand , plural - s can also be attached to some old established lexical items , such as yams yams and y i a s years . There is a great deal of variability even ' with individual speakers . c) Whi l st in many cases the functions are old and the forms new ( as in gavamen government officials , s ta fs b i l on g h a i s k u l the staff of the highschoo l or 0 1 b i s n i s g r u ps a business-group ) , there are cases where both form and function are new in mesolectal Tok Pisin . Even in those cases , English grammar may not be the only source . Summing up these findings , one can say that the kind of mixing processes found when two l inguistic systems o f comparabl e complexity are in contact are quite different from those resulting from contact between a developing pidgin and othe r language s . In the former case , borrowing appears to be by and large un­ restricted and free to increase the unnaturalness of the developing mesolect , whereas in the latter case borrowing is highly selective and restricted by univer­ sal principles of language development .

P . MUHLHA USLER

138

A last subtle change in the morphology o f Tok Pisin results from borrowing English adj e ctives . In the more traditional varieties of the language , all mono­ syllabic adj ectives preceding the noun take the suffix - pe l a , e . g . b i g pe l a big , l ongpe l a long. This regular pattern is gradually eroded in post-pidgin varieties of the language by the introduction of English monosyllabic adj ectives as in : recently introduced monosyllabic adj ectives

em i f r i ka n t r i m i g a t ron g n amba ya em i k i s i m 1 0 ma k 0 1 pa t i s i pe n i ma s we r i m f u l d res d ra i wa i ma s g i v i m d i m l a i t l on g 0 1 manme r i i wokabout l on g rot

2.4.6.6

gloss

it is a free aountry I have got the wrong number she got low marks all partiaipants must wear ful l dress drivers mus t have dimmed lights when people are walking on the road

Syn tact i c changes

While the syntax o f individuals can exhibit considerable influence from Engli sh , there are still few syntactic innovations which have gained wider cur­ rency in post-pidgin varieties of Tok Pisin. This may have to do with the fact that syntacti c development up to the end of the expansion stage fol lowed a c losely defined deve lopmental program and that deviations from i t are paid for by consid­ erable complications . However , an even more like ly explanation is that syntactic change s , to a greater degree than phonological , morphological and lexical change s , are below the level of awarenes s for most speakers and are therefore i l l-suited to s ignalling soci al group membership or sociopsychological factors . I t is there­ fore not surprising that many of the syntactic changes also involve some percep­ tually more prominent lexical change , such as the addition of new grammatical words . Let us now consider some of the more common deve lopments : ( 1 ) New prepositions

Expanded Tok pi sin has three prepositions : l ong ' general locative ' , b i l on g ' of, posse ssive ' and wan ta i m ' wit h , comitative ' , which appear t o have emerged i n that orde r . N o prepositions were added because , according t o Traugott ( 19 7 4 ) , such additions would have been more highly marked and second ly , because the j ob carried out by preposit ions in English is equally efficiently carried out by verb chaining in Tok Pisin ( cf . Given 19 79 on the typological differences between prepos it ion and verb chaining language s ) . The addition of numerous new preposi­ tions is thus like ly to be in conflict with the unfolding deve lopmental program and w i th the e stab lished alternative of verb chaining . Compare : replacing expanded Tok Pisin

recorded new preposit ion

Rural

glos s

0 1 i pa i t egens l ong

0 1 i pa i t i m egen s i m

the fight agains t their enemies

me r i y a i wokabaut e k ro s l on g rot

me r i y a i wokab a u t k ros i m rot

this woman arossed the road

i no s t re t l ong l a i k b i l ong p i po l ov Papua New Gu i nea ( Poroman ,

b i l ong

this is not aorreat in the views of the peop le of Papua New Guinea

en i m i

December 1 9 7 3 )

b i rua

INTERNAL DEVEWPMENT OF TOK PISIN

recorded new preposition

replacing expanded Tok Pisin

gloss

Haus ov Assemb 1 i

b i l on g

House of Assemb ly

em i gat moa wa r i l ong mi

em i gat mo wa r i w i n i m mi

he has got more worries than I

ten tu t r i

ten m i n i t k l ok

ten to three

d i s pe l a b r i s ac ro ss l ong r i va

b r i s ya i b ru k i m w a r a

pa i n i m t r i

1 39

a bridge across a river

( 2 ) New conjunct ions ( complementisers) Whereas during the expansion of Tok Pisin most new complementisers arose through the reinterpretation o f existing grammar , such items are widely borrowed from Engl i sh in angl icised varieties . Examples on record include : ( a) Causal conj unctions : Traditional l ong wanem is frequently replaced by b i kos and less frequently by other con j unctions . Some speakers al so put the b i kos sentence be fore the main sentence , though i t is not clear whether this is due to in fluence from English .

Em i go p i n i s l ong Peop l e ' s P rog ress Pa rty , t ha t ' s beca u s e gavma n i g i v i m p l e n t i man i l on g i l e k t o re t b i l on g em .

He joined the People 's Progress Party because the government had given lots of money to his e lec­ torate.

0 1 Ho rob e a u t i m t i ke t b i l on g en l ong wanem on t he g rounds t ha t em i no unde r s t and i m b i kos em i n o r i t i m d i s pe l a pepa .

The Morobe people voted his party out because he did not understand them because he had not read this paper.

Be cause s a po s peop l e i m i x ba i mba i i gat mo re t rabe l b i ha i n .

Because if peop le mix� there wi l l b e troub le later on.

(b) Embedded questions : Whereas questions cannot be embedded in expanded Tok pisin , many speakers of anglici sed Tok Pisin copy the English method of doing this , as in : post-pidgin varieties

expanded Tok Pisin

gloss

H i gat wa r i l on g how c a r go cu l t i g e r a p p l ant i .

H i g a t wa r i o l sem : wok bembe i k i rap p l a n t i o l sem wanem ?

I am worried about how the cargo cul ts have increased in significance .

M i l a i k s a ve l on g hau m i ken d u i m d i s pe l a samt i ng .

H i l a i k save ba i mi mek i m o l s em wa nem .

I wou ld like to know how I can do it.

Y u l uk i m hau 0 1 i s i nd a u n .

Yu l uk i m 0 1 i s i ndaun o l sem wa nem .

See for yourse lf how they live .

( c) I f- sentences ( conditional sentences ) : In stab i lised and expanded Tok Pisin the i f-sentence always precedes the main s entence , and the fact that the sequence of sentences mirrors the sequence

P. MUHLHAUSLER

140

o f events talked about is one of i ts many cases of iconic encoding ( constructional iconicity) . It promote s the ease of perception and the overal l naturalnes s of the language . In some varieties of Tok Pisin , particularly written ones , this is no longer the case , and there are strong indications that the change started with translations o f English texts . Examples from written Tok Pisin ( in the i r original spel ling) include :

Ma s k i s a pos s amp e l a b u s p i pa l no k l i a g u t yet .

It doesn ' t matter if some bush­ dwe l lers are not as yet we l l informed.

0 1 ma s k l i a g u t l on g d i s pe l a s a pos 0 1 l a i k s i n da u n l on g d i s pe l a kant r i .

They have to understand this if they want to live in this country .

( both from Niu5 bilong Yumi , 15 october 1972 ) ( 3 ) Comparatives

Expanded Tok Pisin expresse s the concept of the English comparison of adjec­ tives by means of the verb w i n i m to surpass .

e m i b i kpe l a w i n i m m i

he i s big, surpasses me

=

he i s bigger than me

However , in anglicised varieties , the English more +ad j ective i s becoming increas­ ingly common , as in :

01

t ok 0 1 i mo i mpot e n l on g y u .

0 1 mer i i mo s t rong l ong 01 ma n .

They said they were more important than you. Women are stronger than men.

( 4 ) The re lativi ser h u s a t

Contrary t o English the relativisers that have emerged i n expanded Tok Pisin ( we and ya--ya) can stand both for human referents and others . However , in anglicised varieties of the language , one increasingly comes across the re lativ­ i ser h u s a t which refers to humans onl y , as in :

Op i s a em i ma n h u s a t i gat g u t p e l a t ren i n .

An officer is a man who has good training.

M i s t e r Pau l lang ro h u s a t i b i n a s k i m s a pos g avman ken ra u s i m t upe l a b i s n i sman .

Mister Paul Langro who asked whether the government could deport two businessmen.

(both from articles in Poroman , December 1 9 7 3 ) Th i s brief l ist o f examples emphasises that few of the syntactic additions increase the refe rential power of the language . In the majority of case s , such innovations are supplementary to existing forms of expression and often in viola­ tion of them or o f the deve lopmental trends of expanded Tok P is in . It can be expected that continued borrowing o f Engli sh syntax could considerably worsen communication problems and make the l anguage harder to learn for second-language speak ers .

2.4.6.7

Changes i n t he l ex i con

Because o f their prominence , lexical i tems used by a speaker are most l ikely In other words , to be assoc iated with social and other extralingui stic categories . the easiest way to s ignal membership of the group of sophisticated urban dwel lers

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

141

and the educated classes i s to borrow from or restructure in the direction of the English lexi con . In addition , because of language transmission problems in the postwar years , many members of the younger generation have not had ful l access to traditional varieties of Tok Pisin and therefore simply have to rely on Engli sh . The influence of English on the lexicon can be summed up in two points : a) exi sting Tok Pisin items are made formally and semantically more simi lar to their English etymons ; b) lexi cal items which are apparently or genuine ly of non-English origin are replaced by others of English origin . It is o ften argued that additions to and change s in the lexicon do not have a great ove ral l effec t on the nature of a language . Thi s , in the case of Tok Pisin , is patently untrue . Because in expanded Tok Pisin a highly structured lexicon had developed , changes from outside are quite l ikely to affect e stablished structure s . Some o f these changes will be considered here , though a ful ler account is given by Hall ( 1955a) and Muhlhaus ler ( 19 79c) .

2.4.6.7.1

Areas of con fl i ct i n phono l o g i cal propert i es o f l ex i ca l i tems

Many i tems of Engli sh origin are di fficult to integrate into Tok Pisin either because they violate phonotactic restrictions or e l se add to the existing high degree of homophony . The first area of conflict thus are loans with more than three syllable s , such as kompet i s i n eompetition , d i ve l opmen deve lopment , d i mo k r e t i k demoeratie or andad i ve l op underdeveloped, which were a l l encountered in radio broadcast s . While such words could be said to anticipate the eventual admission of longer words into Tok pisin , they remain problematic when i t comes to stre ss placement . Another drawback of s uch words is that they cannot serve as the bas is of derivations ending in - i m such as d i mok ret i k - *d i mo k r e t i k i m to make demoeratie. One o f the ma jor results of increased borrowing has been the drastic increase in homophones , a fact which has led observers to remark on the dangers to the commun icative e fficiency of Tok Pisin : To add to this numbe r [ of homophones ] incautiously could wel l overload the language with forms that sound the same but have different meanings , and all who have to translate into Pidgin should be aware of this danger . ( Laycock 1969 : 1 3 ) These dangers can b e i llustrated with examples such a s the fol lowing ( re cent added meanings capi tal i s ed ) : Urban Tok Pis in

from English

sip s em we t sev i m sek i m pos wot l ek kot bis bot

ship� jib� JEEP, sieve, CHIEF shame, SAME to wait, white, WEIGHT TO SERVE, to save to shake� TO JACK, TO CHECK post, FORCE word, WARD LAKE, leg COAT, eourt BEACH, beads BOARD� boat

142

P. MVHLHAUSLER

Urban Tok Pisin

from English

pas s l ek l ip st i I sel pak

fast, TO PASS s laok, SELECT lip, leaf, TO LEAVE still, to steal, STEEL she l l, sai l, CELL to fuok, TO PARK (a oar), PARK

I f the lack of phonological contrasts in some of the less developed varieties is taken into account , the number of homophones is even more striking . The lack of a distinction be tween voiced and voi celess initial stops , for instance , would result in cases such as : Tok pisin

from English

pis k l as

beaoh, beads , fish, peach, piss, feast, peace class, olutoh, glass

The mechanisms for disambiguation are undoubtedly there , particularly in the linguistic and extra-l inguistic context . However , because of the ad hoc nature of many of these innovations , serious misunderstanding can arise . Actual examples include the case of the member of the House of Assembly who explained that he was " l e s l on g tok tok l on g s i t n a t i ng " which was translated as tired of talking to a bunch of shits rather than the intended tired of talking to empty seats . Had the honourable gentleman used the estab l ished item s i a seat rather than the English loan , no ambiguity would have arisen . Wurm , in the ANU Reporter of 27 February 1976 ( p . l ) comments on a couple of other cases : A Government publi cation , for example , could quote a ' Board of Management ' which would be written in the Angli­ ci s ed vers ion of pidgin as bot ov me n e sme n To village rs , this would , at best , mean a boat and a man with the words , bot (boat in non-Anglici sed pidgin ) and men (man) , connected by two syl lables completely unintel ligible to them. In a Government technical paper on agriculture written in Anglici s ed pidgi n , the word n u rs e r i , meaning in Engl ish or Anglici sed pidgin , a place where seedlings such as coffee beans are raised , was taken by the small rural coffee­ growers to whom the publi cation was directed , to mean some­ thing to do with hospi ta l. The broad interpretation by many of the coffee-growers was probably that the n u rs e r i was some place to take s ick plants . .

Many simi lar observations can be made . The only systematic study of thi s phen­ omenon ( Frankl in 1975) underlines that considerable confusion can result from the pro l i feration of such homophones . I t has been argued that context wil l in most case s disambiguate utterances containing such homophones . In other instances a more permanent type of repair , therapeutic reorgani sation o f the lexicon , takes place , creating new lexical norms in the more advanced social varieties . Examples include : Rural Tok Pisin

me k i m duim

to do to entioe, seduoe

l a ng p I a i , pa l a i

fly lizard

Urban angl icised Tok Pisin

du i m j e l es i m

to do to seduoe

p I a i , pa 1 a i 1 i sed

fly Uzar>d

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

Rural Tok Pisin

pas i m ab rus i m

t o dress� wear to pass

kros- i m b ru k- i m

to sWear at to cross

143

Urban anglicised Tok Pisin

pas- i m d re s we r- i m

to pass to dress to wear

k ros - i m swe r l ong

to cross to swear at

The problem with such repai r is that it does not spread to the entire speech community thus threatening the former unity of the l anguage .

2.4.6.7.2

Lex i ca l add i ti on s and repl acements

The continued need for more referential power in post-pidgin varieties of Tok Pisin is met , unlike in expanded varieties , mainly by borrowing from English. It i s difficult to give a reliable e stimate of the number o f new lexical items that have entered the l anguage in recent years , as many of them are ad hoc loans , and as different norms have emerged among different groups of speakers . There can be no doubt howeve r , that this influence has been very considerable and wi l l continue t o b e so for some time . Detai l s have been discus sed b y Muhlhausler ( 1 9 79c : 29 2 f f ) and , instead of repeating these arguments , a brie f text will serve to i llustrate the kind of phenomena we are dealing with :

M i pe l a i kam l on g Ma dang na d i s pe l a j o u rney ( 1 ) ya i t e k i m ( 2 ) m i pe l a about ( 3 ) twe l v ( 4 ) hou r s ( 5 ) b i kos ( 6 ) m i pe l a i took off ( 7 ) l ong twe l v n a m i pe l a a r r i ve ( 8 ) a round ( 9 ) twe l v l on g n a i t l on g Mad a ng . Long mon i n g n a u , m i wan t a i m wa n pe l a t ambu b i l on g m i , m i t u pe l a i b i n go l ong b a s s top ( 10 ) , we t i m A i r N i ug i n i ka r na u , m i pe l a we t i m i s top ( 1 1 ) a round s even o ' c l oc k n a u , bas ( 12 ) i kam , k i s i m m i , m i pe l a i go a n t a p l ong Ma d a ng epot ( 1 3 ) , i go t j ek i n ( 14 ) , go t j e k i n n a u , 0 1 i tok i m m i o l sem m i n o m i r i kon fem i m ( 1 5 ) s i t ( 16 ) b i l on g m i nau . 0 1 i tok i m m i we t . [ We came to Madang on this journey and it took us about twe lve hours because we s tarted at twe lve noon and we arrived at twe lve midnight in Madang . In the morning� I and a relative of ·mine went to the bus stop to wait for the Air New Guinea coach� we wai ted and it was around seven o 'c lock that the bus came� it fetched us� we went up to Madang airport� we checked in when they to ld me I had not reconfirmed my seat . They t o ld me to wait . ] Whereas one expe cts to come across loans from English in a text on plane trave l , there are many ' unnecessary ' loans in this above story by a student from It would be almost incomprehensible to a the University of Papua New Guinea . speaker of a rural variety . The fol lowing observations can be made about the lexical properties of thi s text : ( 1 ) j o u r ney : ad hoc loan replacing wokaba u t . ( 2 ) i tek i m m i it took me : idiom borrowed f rom English instead of m i pe l a i wok a b a u t i na p n aua we trave l led for n hours . ( 3 ) abo u t : ad hoc loan instead of postposed s amt i n g , as in t r i hau samt i ng about three hours .

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P. MUHLHA USLER

( 4 ) twe l v : instead of wan pe l a ten t u (widely used) . ( 5 ) h o u rs : Engl ish plural - s after abstract noun ( see section on morphology) . ( 6 ) b i kos : instead o f l ong wanem (widely used) . ( 7 ) took off : phrasal verb in past tense , ad hoc loan , very difficult to reconci le with e stablished Tok Pisin grammar . ( 8) a r r i ve : ad hoc loan replacing kama p . ( 9 ) a rou n d : replacing samt i n g as in ( 3 ) . ( 10 ) b a s s top : recently borrowed compound , widely known . ( 1 1 ) s top : instead of s t a p . ( 1 2 ) b a s : replacing e arlier less di fferentiated ka r (widely used) . ( 1 3 ) e po t : Engl ish compound becoming root in Tok pisin , replacing p I es ba l us (widely u sed in urban varietie s ) . ( 14 ) t j ek i n : no word for this concept in other varieties ; however , the borrowing of phrasal verbs remains problematic . ( 15 ) r i kon fem i m : new concept , the borrowed item violates existing conventions of word length - not analysab le into components in Tok Pisin. (16) s i t : istead o f s i a , increasing the homophony of Tok Pisin .

2.4.6.7.3

Bo rrowed p hrasal verbs

In the rural varieties of Tok Pisin , phrasal verbs borrowed from English are treated either as unanalysable wholes or reanalysed as verb chains . The two types are i l lustrated as follows :

baga ra p i m rot i baga rap

to cause the road to be ruined ( here the entire stem is repeated in i ts intransitive form)

but

h a i s i map p l a k i a p to cause the j1ag t o b e hoisted up ( here only the ap i s repeated indicating that i t i s interpreted as a separate intransitive verb)

Recent loans usually end up as unanalysed wholes , thus adding to the list of In addition , some of the verbal particles , excess ive ly long words in the l anguage . s uch as t ru < through and a u t < out can be confused with existing adj e ctive s or In many case s verbs in this case t ru true, definitely so and a u t to be outside. Tok Pisin a lready has a grammatical means of expressing the idea carried by the verbal parti cle in English . Compare : recent loan

expected form in expanded Tok Pi sin

gloss

m i l a i k s a po t i m n a GO TRU

mi l a i k s t rong i m i w i n pinis

I would like to support it so it goes through

em i O P E N I M AP hote l

em i ope n i m h ot e l i op

He opened up a hote l

no i s ya i WE K I M em AP

no i s ya i me k i m em i k i rap

The noise woke her up

m i pe l a TOOK O F F

m i pe l a i l u s i m p i n i s p I es b a l u s

We took off

0 1 i n o s ave L U K A FT E R l on g ma ke t

0 1 i no s a ve l ukaut i m

They do not look after the market

maket

The above examples confirm the general principle that complex lexical items are more difficult to integrate than simpl e one s .

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

2.4.6. 7.4

145

Lex i ca l su ppl e t i on

Many words i n expanded Tok p i s i n are accounted for b y one of the numerous programs for the formation of complex word s . Whereas people with little access to English continue to make maximum use of these programs , borrowing by speakers of anglicised varieties frequently takes the form of unnecessary loan s , i . e . loans which could be expressed more e conomically by existing means . I f such borrowing continues , many existing patterns of word- formation could become riddled with exceptions , so that instead of regular patterns we wi l l find numerous cases of suppletion . This will greatly reduce the learnab i lity o f Tok Pisin . This loss of regularity can be illustrated by the fol lowing examples : ( 1) Abstract nouns in Tok Pisin are almost always derived from adj e ctives or verbs . Thi s principle has been violated in the following observed cases of lex­ ical borrowing :

expanded Tok Pisin

bek i m

t o answer

bung i m

t o gather

h a r i ap

to hurry up

s ub i m

to shove

t i ng t i ng

to think

hev i

heavy

pe i m

to pay

vot

to vote

b i kpe l a

big

post-pidgin Tok Pisin

be k i m

bek i m

the answer

to answer

bung

ko l e kt i m

gathering place

h a r i ap

speed

s ub i m

to gather

h a r i ap

to hurry up

s ub i m

to shove

force

t i ng t i n g

idea

h ev i

weight

pe

pay� wages

vot

e lection

t i ng t i ng

to think

ansa

the answer

bung

gathering p lace

spi t

speed

pos

force

aidia

idea

wa i t

hev i

heavy

weight

pe i m

to pay

vot

to vote

wes

wages

b i kpe l a

bik

big

size

i l e ksen

e lection

sa i s

size

( 2 ) Compounding is a powerful mechanism of word- formation . Apart from providing greater regularity it also enables speakers to signa l less-central concepts . Whereas the central concepts of Tok Pisin tend to be s ingle roots , compounds and longer lexical phrases encode more marginal concepts . Borrowing words from English can thus negatively affect the constructional iconism of Tok Pisin word formation . Some examples are :

Rural Tok P i sin

literal translation

Urban Tok Pisin

gloss

s mokba 1 us b unba 1 u s g l as ba l u s

smoke p lane skeleton plane glass p lane

s e t p l en h e l i kopta h e l i kopta

jet p lane he licopter he licopter

w i 1 ka r sen ka r

wheel- cart chain-car

w i l be ro katap i l a

whee lbarrow caterpil lar

sw i tmu l i so l mu l i

sweet lime soU!' lime

o r i ns l emen

orange lemon

146

P. MUHLHA USLER

Rural Tok Pisin

b i khangre b i k g r a un b i kma n

l iteral translation

big hunger big "land big man

Urban Tok Pisin

gloss

femi n men l e n sip

famine main "land ahief

The emergence of a l arge number of exceptions to a previously regular pattern of compounding is further i llustrated in the fol lowing examples involving compounds referring to activitie s : Rural Tok pisin

wok wok wok wok w ok wok wok

sku l gaten kot prin l uk a u t ma r i ma r i am i

Urban Tok Pisin

English

ed i kesen eg r i ka 1 sa j as t i s p r i n t i ng t rast i s i p sari t i d i fen s

eduaation agriau"lture justiae printing trusteeship aharity defenae

More examples and a further discussion of this question will be found in the chapters on language planning and that on good and bad Tok Pisin , where consider­ ations other than the purely structural wi l l also be taken into account . ( 3 ) Violation of basic category membership . word class membership in expanded Tok Pis in i s ruled by much stricter conventions than is the case in languages such as English . It is based mainly on semantic criteria . All other things being equal :

a) touchable and countab le entities are re ferred to by nouns ; b) a small class of basic qualities (big, small , good , bad , etc . ) is referred to by adj e ctive s ; c ) qualities and actions are referred to by verbs . Such conventions mean , among other things , that English abstract nouns commonly corre spond to verbs or adj e ctives in expanded Tok Pisin . This regularity has been conside rably upset by the large-scale introduction of abstract nouns which were borrowed together with their English derivational suffix , as in :

amenmen anaun semen kompet i sen i ns t i tusen ' i l eksen

amendment announaement aompetition institution e"leation

As a re sult expanded Tok Pisin 0 1 i vo t they are voting is replaced by i g a t i l e ksen there is an e "leation. Another resul t is the increasing number o f back­ formations of the type i l e ksen i m to e "leat someone or irregular derivational word pairs s uch as i l e k t to e "leat and i l e ksen e "leation. It is obvious that this const itutes a considerable complication when compared with previous vot to vote , vot i m to vote for someone and vot e "leation. Many more examples of this and other types of lexical ' interference ' and conflict could be adduced . However , even the small range o f cases discussed here should have amply demonstrated that borrowinq lexical material means more than j ust adding to an unstructured list and that continued change in this area of Tok Pisin could resu lt in a drastic re structuring of the entire language .

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

2.4.6.8

147

The post- p i dg i n stage : summary

The post-pidgin stage is characterised by both functional and linguistic expansion o f Tok Pisin . Whi l st its functional expansion is in the direction of those areas of discourse which are most closely related with new urban (post­ colonial) ways of life , its structural expansion is influenced heavi ly by borrow­ ing from English in an at least partly diglossic si tuation . The most outstanding characte ri stics of this s tage , which is still very much in progres s , are : a) The emergence of a new se cond- language variety of Tok Pis in only partially inte l l igible to speakers of other varieties . b) While there is no continuum of constructions intermediate between English and Tok pi sin , English influence is fe lt in al l components of grammar . c) Because of the highly structured nature of traditional Tok pisin , this language has a re l ative ly low syncretic capacity . In many instances loans cannot be integrated without destroying existing patterns . d) Many of the innovations encountered among urban speakers s t i l l have an a d hoc character and are inte l l igible only t o Engl ish-Tok Pisin bilinguals . It wi l l be intere sting to see which norms emerge among urban Tok Pisin monolinguals . e ) In contrast to previous stage s , the growth of the language is no longer sub j e ct to general principles of l anguage expansion . Conse­ quently , the eventual outcome of prolonged contact with English is di fficult to predict on linguistic grounds alone . Again , the discuss ion of this stage in Tok Pisin ' s history will be i l lustrated with an annotated text .

Text : Narration by 20 year old student from the University of Papua New Guinea . " Da r u o l s em wanem 7 " " 0 , wan p e l a g u t pe l a p l es , l i k l i k t a u n . " " Em na u , y u m i kama p l ong Da r u , n a u , em n a u , samt i n g ya i s t ap . " " M i t i n g Namb a i i s a ve l u a u t i m y u . " " Ma n , D a r u n a u , y u ken tok , samt i ng i s ta p . " " Na u d i s pe l a t a i m m i k am n u pe l a ya , n a m i no n a p raun , n a b i kos m i l a i k t ra i i m l on g pa i n i m p l es b i l on g s l i p ya , b a t l ak i , t a i m m i l a i k k a m m i tok i m b ra t a b i l ong m i n a e m go toksave l on g b ra t a l ong s t e s en ya na r i ng i kam l ong fade rs l on g h a p h i a l o ng b u k i m s i t b i l ong m i n a 01 i s ave o l s em b a i m i kam . So whe n I came , m i kam s t re t pund a u n l on g epo t , m i go l uk i m , I pay h a l f t he p r i ce , s uppose t o be f i f t y n a m i pe i m twe n t i fa i v . I b roug h t f i f t y K i na j u s t t o pay fo r t h a t p l a ne b u t 0 1 i h a p i m p ra i s na 0 1 i g i v i m twen t i fa i v na m i l us w i th twen t i fa i v , 0 n a u s h i t , m i amama s p i n i s . " [ Why Daru ? " ( name of town and i sland) "Oh, it ' s a good place, a little town. " "That ' s right, we arrived in Daru, right, there were lots of attractive women. " "I was under the impression that Narribai was looking after you. "

148

P. MUHLHAUSLER

"Man, Daru at that time, you have to admit, there real ly were women . " "When I first arrived, I wasn ' t able to stro l l around, because I wanted to try to find a p lace to s leep, but lucki ly, when I first thought of going there, I mentioned it to one of the (religious) brothers and he info�ed a brother on this station and he rang up the fathers over there to book a seat for me and so they knew that I Was coming. So, when I went, I had just got off at the airport, I went to see them, I paid half price, it Was supposed to be fifty and I paid twenty­ five . I brought fifty Kina jus t to pay for that p lane, but they halved the price and they returned twenty-five and there I was with twenty-five, oh shU, I was real ly happy . " ] The above passage i llustrate s a number o f characteristics o f anglicised Tok Pisin , as we l l as code switching between English and Tok pisin. That code switch­ ing can be pinpointed is an indication that one is not dealing with a post-pidgin continuum . Note the fol lowing characteri stics : a) The use of samt i n g something for women (which i llustrates the tok bok i s hidden or secret register) . b) Use o f borrowed subordinating con j unct ions b i kos , whe n , and the coordinating conj unction b a t . c ) Use o f Engl ish plural - 5 in fade rs . d) A l arge proportion of recently borrowed lexical items , including epot airport for p l es b a l us , b ra t a for b rude r religious brother and b u k i m s i t to book a seat . ( In traditional Tok Pisin s i t means leftovers, ashes, faeces. ) e) Use of Engl i sh counting system rather than the traditional Me lanes i an one , that is , the use of twen t i fa i v instead of t u pe l a

ten fa i v .

Examples such as this underl ine the central message of this section , that renewed contact with English has caused considerable changes in the character of Tok P i s in over a relatively short t ime . Many of these change s have led to gram­ matical complications and contradictions . It is too early to predict whether the se wi l l be repaired in future s econd-l anguage varieties or whether i t wi l l result in dis integrat ion and language death .

2.4.7 2.4.7. 1

CREOl I SAT I ON I n troduct i on

The lingui stic hi story of Tok Pisin sketched so far has been concerned with varieties spoken by second- language speakers and it has been stressed again and again that the changes and e laborations made by this group are of considerable theoretical intere s t . Howeve r , a study of the much smaller group of first-language Tok Pisin speakers also offers considerable insights into the human l anguage capacity . As noted earl i e r , a creole i s a pidgin that has become the native language of a speech community . Because creolisat ion can take place at any stage in the l i fe cycle of a pidgin , di fferent types of creolisation have to be distinguished. One type occurs when an uns table j argon i s adopted as a first language , as , for

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

149

instance , in the plantation context in the West Indie s , where large immi grant groups were forced to form new societies . Because there were no dominant indig­ enous languages on these plantations , the j argon had to become the first l anguage of the s econd generation . This k ind of creolisation involves considerable re­ structuring and repairing on the part o f the first-generation creole speakers . The second type of creolisat ion is that which occurs after stab i l i sation and expansion. In this cas e , the transi tion from s econd to first l anguage is gradual , involving bilingual ism and gradual rather than sudden replacement of local ver­ nacular s . Because o f the contract. labour system ( in opposit ion to the slave labour system in the west Indie s ) , the social context for the firs t type of creolisation has a lways been rather restricted in the so?th-west Pacific . There are examples of intermarriages between New Guineans from various areas on the Samoan planta­ tions , and children grew up in Samoa speaking as their first language a pidgin closely re l ated to Tok Pisin . When I interviewed two of these creole speakers they had virtually forgotten the language , and they used English and Samoan as the ir principal means of communicat ion . The main reason for such a language shift is the l imited us efulness o f Samoan Plantation Pidgin in Samoan society . No viable creole can deve lop in a social vacuum , no matter how natural or ingenious the l inguistic innovations of first- l anguage speakers . In Papua New Guinea , creolisation of Tok Pisin is found in a numbe r of social settings , the most important ones being urban areas , non-traditional rural sett le­ ments , and occasionally in t raditional villages . In the towns of Papua New Guinea intertribal marriages are common and , according to the latest available statisti cs , there are tens of thousands of house­ holds where Tok Pisin is the principal language . Creol isation in the urban context is rather rapid . Howeve r , the English-language s chool system also constitutes a maj or influence , and the norms of Tok Pisin in the towns are still influenced by the very l arge numbe r of second-language Tok Pisin speakers . After World War I I , population movement from the interior to the coast and the introduction of new cash crops such as the oil palm resulted in the establ i sh­ ment of non-traditional rural settlements whe re Papua New Guineans of different origins would form a new community . One such community is Hoskins on New Britain ; anothe r is Malabang on Manus I s l and . When I studied Malabang Tok Pisin in 1974 , the second generation of native speakers was growing up . As contacts with the outside world are frequent , l inguistic deve lopments are regulated and checked by the fact that communication with s econd-l anguage speakers remains one of the principal functions o f the language . Thu s , only young chi ldren were found to be significantly ahead in their l anguage deve lopment ; I have observed adults actively discouraging chi ldren from using forms which they considered too progressive . Creolisation in traditional villages is often paired wi th the gradual disap­ pearance of the traditional vernaculars , s ince the latter are fe lt to be useful in fewer and fewe r functions and domains . As new technologies find the i r way to the vil lages and as communication with the outside world becomes more important , many of the smaller vernaculars experienge structural and functional dec line . The more useful Tok Pisin becomes , the earlier it is learned ; the age of learning is a true continuum, and the distinction between first- and s econd- language learning is becoming blurred. Our understanding o f creolisation in Tok Pisin is far from complete and wil l remain so as long as no detailed longitudinal studies o f this process are forth­ coming . The absence of any rel iable data on chi ld language deve lopment in these

150

P . MUHLHAUSLER

varieties is particularly regrettab le . The observations made on the fol lowing pages will therefore remain highly tentative and probably quite unrepresentative of Tok Pisin creolisat ion as a whole .

2.4.7.2

Deve l opments i n phonol ogy

Virtually nothing is known about phonological aspects of Tok Pisin creolisa­ tion . Whi le it is gene rally acknowledged that creole speakers are more fluent than s econd-language speakers , the various parameters of this fluency have not as yet been isolated , nor is it known whether there are genuine qualitative differ­ ences as compared with fluent Tok pisin as spoken by second-l anguage speakers . I have observed considerable di fferences in the tempo of first generation creole as spoken by children when compared to the pidgin of their parents in a number of locations . Recordings made of children playing were virtually unintel­ l igible to their parents , i t would seem primarily because of their more ' advanced ' phono logy . However , older children typically conformed more closely to the norms of adult second-language speakers . This means that many of the expected intro­ ductions of natural phonological processes actually occur in creolisation but are late r filte red out for communicative reasons . This process is comparable to chi ldren in other societies learning to conform to adul t standards by suppre s s ing many o f the natural processes encountered in early child phonology . However , in the case of Tok Pisin , such oppression must be even greater as adult phonology is clearly considerably less natural than that of ' ordinary ' l anguages . Longi­ tudinal studies are badly needed in this area . Another question which has received no answers to date is that of sound symbolism . It could be argued that children who begin to speak a pidgin as their first language typically face an acute shortage of words , especially words relating to linguistic functions such as self-expression or social integration ( i . e . func­ tions predominant in early childhood) , and that they must create new words . Un­ fortunate ly , the area of spontaneous word creation by children is virtually ignored both in ordinary languages and pidgins/creoles , in spite of the fact that a study of such creations could throw light on the question of neces sary or arbitrary re lat ionship between sound and meaning . Again , the survival chance of such words i s very low in the case of Tok Pisin because of lack of reinforcernent by adult second-language speakers .

2.4.7.3

Devel opmen t s i n i nfl ecti onal morphol ogy

Most of the changes encountered in expanded Tok Pisin and described in the section on morphology in the de scriptive chapter are also encountered in creolised Tok Pisin . As a general rule , the developments begun in second-l anguage varieties are carried on and accel erated in the creolised ones , i . e . in the area of inflec­ tional morphology the changes are mainly of a quantitative nature . This can be i l lustrated with further data on the behaviour o f the plural marker 0 1 . Arguing from what is widely maintained in the theoretical l iterature on creolisation I set up the fol lowing hypotheses : a) plural marking will become categorical in all environments , i . e . it i s s emantically determined; b) the position of the plural marker in the noun phrase will be come fixed;

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

151

c ) di fferences in surface form w i l l always b e associated with dif­ ferences in meaning ; d) semant ic plural wil l be marked in parts of the sentence other than the noun phrase . None o f these predictions were borne out in ful l . Moreover , i t appears that di f­ ferent solutions to the problems of plural marking are found in the three creol­ i s ed varieties o f Tok Pisin examined , i . e . those of Malabang ( Manus Island) , Yip ( on the Keram River) and urban Lae ( data recorded by Sankoff and Laberge ) . Un­ fortunate ly , the texts examined were not of suffi cient length for a detai led syn­ tactic analysis such as the one undertaken here , and elicitation and formal interviews were only used in Malabang . Howeve r , the following generalisations can be made with confidence : ( a ) Plural marking remains variable for all creoli sed varieties examined ; the only instance of categorical plural marking was that of animate sub j ects in Malabang Tok Pi si n . Sti l l , plurals wi thout 0 1 are i n the minority i n all semantic environments o f the varieties examined . My own fee ling is that the trend towards a categorical marking of the semantic plural is b locked by the fact that 0 1 is a relatively stressed free-standing formative and not an unstressed affi x . Thus , i ts use in con texts where the idea of plurality is subordinate would seem s lightly unexpected ( for instance , in con structions such as l u ka u t i m p i k to hunt pigs , h uk i m p i s to catch fish , etc . ) . It seems that the choice of 0 1 as a plural marker was not an entirely fortunate one because of the difficulty of reducing this form to a phonologically reduced affix . (b) My data suggest that the pos ition of 0 1 in the noun phrase i s not fixed in creol i sed Tok Pisin and that variation is found not only across creolised varieties in di fferent local ities but also within the speech of individual speakers . However , the favouri te form i s the one i n which 0 1 appears at the beginning o f a noun phrase . Compare the following data : a) Speakers from Yip aged between 8 and 1 2 :

0 1 adj . N o l d i s pe 1 a 1 a i n

adj . 0 1 N

0 1 adj . 0 1 N

d i s pe l a l i k l i k 0 1 t umb una

0 1 n a rape l a 0 1 t umbuna

this group

those little grandchi ldren

many dogs

aU the fish

o l geta 0 1 p i s

0 1 p l a n t i dok

the other grandchi ldren

b) Speakers from Malabang ( first generation Tok Pi sin speakers aged 25-35) :

d i s pe l a 01 man

01 d i s pe l a l a i n

this group

these people

five hund:t>ed spirits

big men

0 1 fa i vhandet ma s a l a i 0 1 1 oka 1 p i pe 1

b i kpe l a 0 1 man

the local peop le

c) Speakers from Lae ( chi ldren recorded by Sankoff in 1 9 7 1 ) :

0 1 ad j . N

s ampe l a 0 1 man

some men

adj . 0 1 N

0 1 adj . 0 1 N

0 1 d i s pe l a man

0 1 d i s pe 1 a 0 1 man

these men

0 1 s ampe l a man

some men

these men

152

P. MUHLHA USLER

More fixity is found with some prenominal modifiers , such as o l geta al l , which is always followed by 0 1 and 1 0ka l local , which is always preceded by 0 1 . It is not clear to me to what extent the position of 0 1 is linked to certain lexical i tems . ( c) Whi l e the principle of one form-one meaning is realised to a greater degree in creoli sed Tok pis in than in other varieties , I have not been able to find any consistent di fference in meaning between , for instance , 0 1 s ampe l a man some men and s amp e l a 0 1 man some men . I would predict , however , that , unless speakers sett le for one o f these two alternative s , a difference in meaning wi l l develop in creoli sed Tok Pisin. (d) The predict ion that plurality will be marked in parts of the sentence other than the noun phrase is partly fulfilled in Malabang creole Tok pisin , where a kind of agreement between plural noun sub j ects and redup licated verbs is developing ing . Examp les o f this construction are : a) 0 1 p i k i n i n i i p i l a i p i l a i

the chi ldren are p laying

as against b) c) d) e)

wan pe l a p i k i n i n i i p i l a i *wa n pe l a p i k i n i n i i p i l a i p i l a i p l an t i man i l a i n l a i n 0 1 manme r i i b ungb ung

a child is p laying a child is playing many men were lined up the people gathered

In conclusion , the following generalisations can be made about morphological deve lopments in Tok Pisin ' s creolisation phase : a) The di fferences between non-creol ised and creol i sed Tok Pisin dre s light rather than drasti c . b ) Whi lst there i s a definite tendency for rules t o become more productive ( and less restricted by environmental conditions ) , the endpoint of maximum s implification has not yet been reached . c) The amount of redundancy found in creolised Tok Pisin is not s igni ficantly greater than that found in late expanded Tok Pisin.

2.4.7.4

Syn tacti c devel opments

A small numbe r of Tok Pi sin syntactic constructions has been studied in i ts creolised varieties , notably by Sankoff and wool ford . At thi s point their findings are limi ted by the following factors : a) the i r re strict ion to urban varieties of creol ised Tok Pisin ; b) the lack of genuine longitudinal data ; c) less than re liable sampling te chniques for quant itative analysis . These shortcomings , to a large extent , are inherent in the sub j ect matter and not the fault of the fie ldworker. However , it would seem wise not to draw too many conclusions from the findings so far . tion :

Of the areas of syntax studied , the following ones deserve particular attena) complementation b) re lativisat ion

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

153

c ) the behaviour o f the predicate marker ( clitics) d) aspect markers e) passive s . ( a ) Complementation The deve lopment of comp lementisers in creolised Tok pis in is seen as a con­ tinuation of ongoing change in second-language expanded varietie s . Wool ford ( 1979b : 1 2 2 ) stre sses that " al l the changes . . . are quite ordinary processes of l an guage change . There is nothing involved that is unique to creolization . " Thi s assessment is basical ly confirmed by my data on complementation in Malabang cre ol ised Tok Pisin . Agai n , the additional complementisers we that , and s a pos for . . . to have developed out o f the existing forms we relativiser and s apos if as in :

d i s pe l a m i n we i o l s em wanpe l a b i kpe l a man l on g wa ra

this meant that there was a big man by the river

mi l a i k s a pos d i s p e l a boto l i p u l ap

I would like this bottle to be ful l

( b ) Re lativisation Sankoff and Brown ' s 1976 study o f the emergence o f i a . . . i a bracketing as the relative c lause marker again sugges ts that this phenomenon originated in adult second-language discours e : We can now re late this deve lopment to the creolization process . First , we know that the existence of creole speakers of Tok P i sin in any s igni ficant numbers can be dated no earlier than the mid-1950 ' s ; and we have five c le ar cases of i a-marked relatives attested from more than a decade earl ier . Certainly there is no reason why fluent s econd-language speakers of Tok P isin could not have made the transfer between stages 2 and 3 in the use of i a . That they indeed did so is confirmed by the adults in our sample , who have this usage we l l estab lished in their speech and have not l earned it from the i r children . ( p . 66 3 ) Howeve r , the authors make the point that creole speakers are responsible for the very rapid spread of this construction : But i t is also c lear that the rapid SPREAD of the i a bracket­ ing rule . . . is a recent phenomenon , characteristic o f that community which uses Tok Pisin as i ts primary language . ( p . 66 4 ) A second relativiser , we , i s encountered i n some second-language varieties o f Tok Pisin though it is only documented where s ignificant numbers of creole speakers are found and i ts use appears to be restricted to areas such as Manus where creolisat ion is particularly important . Some examples recorded at Malabang vil lage among third generation creole speakers are :

d i s pe l a p i k i n i n i we i no b i n go l on g s k u l

this chi ld who did not go to schoo l

Em i p i l i m s p i a we em i s u t i m n a k l os t u ba i em i l a i k da i n a e m i s i ng a u t i go l on g p I es , em s i ng a u t i m s ampe l a man we em kam k l os t u

He fe lt the spear that hi t him and he was on the point of dying and he shouted to the vil lage, he shouted at some men who had come near

154

P . MUHLHA USLER

( c ) Predicate marking The gramm a r of the Tok Pi sin ' predicate marker ' remains i l l-understood and attempts by leading experts on Tok pisin ( e . g . Wurm 1978) to fully account for observed usage have met only limited succes s . The reasons for this include the fact that i ts presence or absence is partly conditioned by phonological factors , though the tendency to be merged with following high vowel s is often overridden by other factors ( c f . Smeall 1975) , in particular substratum influence ( cf . Frank l i n , forthcoming) , and also that i i s used for stylistic rather than strictly gramm atical purposes by many speakers . Even so , there appears to be considerable variation in second-language speakers ' use of i , and one would expect such in­ consi stent input to be regularised by first gene ration creole speakers . That this is indeed the case is supported by observations made by Sankoff ( 19 7 7b : 7 1 ) o f children in Lae and nearby areas : This leads us to the main di fference between adults and children at stage IV. As indicated in Figure 1 , both groups h ave les s i - in noun- sub j ect sentences than do Hall ' s Stage I I I sub j e cts in the 1930s . But the children have even fewer than the adults . This looks l ike a reversal of the earlier trend , cliticization of i - , which as far as our present indi­ cations go , seemed to have reached a peak in the 1930s . Smeal 1 ( 19 7 5 ) and Wool ford ( 19 7 5 ) have shown the complex syn­ tactic and phonological conditioning of i - de letion in our 1971 data , and Woolford ' s comparison of these data with mate rials collected by Wurm in the l ate 1950s indicates that i - was more frequent then , than at the 1930 date indicated in Figure 1 . I do not discuss this conditioning here , but it appears that ( a) it is not totally related to current em­ c liticization , i . e . i - is dropping out a l i ttle more rapidly than em is coming i n ; and ( b ) it represents a further complex­ ity in the children ' s grammar , where i , having lost first its semantic and then syntactic wei ght , could undergo morpho­ phonologically conditioned de letion . And it is in phonology in gene ral that children appear most significantly to differ from adult speakers o f Tok Pisin at present ( e . g . the diffe r­ ences in stress documented in Sankoff and Laberge 1 9 7 3 ) . However , there is no categorial absence of i in any of the creolised varieties s tudied and the gradual loss o f this syntactic marker is yet another ins tance of a trend begun in s econd- language Tok Pisin being continued in first-language varieties . To conclude I would like to quote a brief passage recorded among s econd generat ion native speakers at Malabang on Manus I s land :

Em i s t a p ( 1 ) na ( 2 ) s u t i m em l on g d i s pe l a s p i a na d i s pe l a ma n kamau t i m ( 2 ) d i s pe l a s p i a l ong Wa rabe , em y e t i kama u t i m ( 1 ) l ong s k i n b i l on g e n . . . t a i m em k i rap ( 2 ) l ong k i l i m d i s pe l a man b i l on g Howa i ron ( 1 ) b i ha i n i go ( 1) i n s a i t l on g wa np e l a l i k l i k wa ra na t a i m t u pe l a i go daun l ong d i s pe l a wa ra b a i k i rap ( 2 ) n a sw i m ( 2 ) i go ( 1) i n s a i t l on g l i k l i k h u l l i k l i k h u l l ong d i s pe l a wa ra we wa ra we l on g d i s pe l a man i ran ( 1 ) i go ( 1 ) daun l ong e n . [ He stayed and h e shot him with this spear an d this man removed the spear from Warabe. he himself removed i t from his body . . . when he got up to ki l l this man from Howa he ran and afterwards he went to a smaU river and when the two of them had reached the river he got up and SWam to a litt le ho le near the river where this man had run to. ]

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

(1) (2)

155

i present where also present in expanded Tok Pisin; i absent where expected in expanded Tok Pisin .

Some tentative observations emerging from thi s text are that ( a) i is lexically conditioned by certain verbs ( ron run , go go , etc . ) , (b) not deleted when in emphatic statements and likely to be deleted when in the environment of high vowe l s ; s imi lar condi tions also pertain to s econd-language varietie s . ( d) Aspect marking The principal aspect markers of Tok Pisin whose role in creolised varieties has been studied are save ' habitual ' , s t a p ' continuous ' and ba i ' future and/or irreali s ' . Again , there appear to be no great differences between second-language and creole varieties . Lazar-Meyn ( 19 7 7 ) dis cusses a number of changes in the use of s t a p and s a ve over t ime but is unable to associate such change s directly with creolisat ion . Similar findings were made for b a i by Sankoff ( 1979 : 29 ) : In Tok pisin , b a i mb a i has been reduced to one syllable for most contemporary speakers , and creole speakers often pro­ nounce it simply [ ba ] ( S ankoff and Laberge 1 9 7 3 ) . In addi­ tion , it has moved from sentence- initial pos ition , as in ( 5 ) , to preverbal posit ion , used redundantly with all verbs marked for future , as in ( 6 ) : ( 5 ) BA I em kam bek na i s t ap na ka i ka i na k i s i m w a r a . ( Fut . ) -she-come-back-and- (pred . mkr . ) -stay-and-eat-and -fetch-water She wi l l come back and stay and eat and fetch water. ( from Muhlhausler 1979 : 5 ) Note that the verbs s t a p , ka i ka i , and k i s i m are unmarked . In ( 6 ) , however , excerpted from a story I recorded as told by an e i ght-year-old creole speaker of Tok Pisin , all verbs are marked with b a i : ( 6 ) Pes p i k i n i n i i a BA I yu go l ong wok ,

BA I y u s t a p i a n a BA I y u s t a p l on g b a n i s kau b i l on g m i n a BA I t a i m m i da i BA I y u l u k a u t i m . -

You, first son, wi l l go and work in, - you ' l l remain here and you ' l l stay on my cattle farm and when I die you ' l l look after it.

Ba i i s also used in the apodosis of conditionals , as in ( 7 ) : ( 7 ) S a pos y u no l u s i m m i , BA I m i k i k i m y u na u . ( creole speaker If you don ' t let me go, I ' l l kick you. J . P . , age 1 5 , recorded by S . Laberge ) . The transition from adverb to auxiliary would seem to have taken place prior to the 1960 ' s , though a careful historical study has not yet been carried out . Looking for differences between pidgin and creole speakers in the sample of people we recorded in 197 1 , Laberge and I found no difference s pertaining to placement of ba i or to its redundancy . We were , however , able to show that the creole speakers used more phonologically reduced forms , and tended to unstress it s ignificantly more than pidgin speak ers . A much broader data base is needed be fore the nature of creolisation in such constructions can be grasped.

156

P. MUHLHAUSLER

( e ) Passivisation pidgins and creoles are often characterised as l anguages that l ack full passives , i . e . pass ives where the semantic agent is expre ssed as in English , e . g . the postman Was bitten by the dog. Instead , as pointed out by Markey and Fodale ( 19 8 3) : In contrast to a general lack of " full " passive s , creoles frequently attest rampant lexical diathesis , or notional passivization ; e . g . Engl . dial . this steak eats good. In both notional and truncated passives , the semantic agent remains unexpres sed . Lack of full passives is also diag­ nostic of pidgins , even those that are deve lopmentally refined , e . g . Tok Pisin, which , while it lacks ful l passive s , attests both truncated passives and lexical diathesis : 0 1

i ko l i m n em b e l ong em J i s as ; mek i m p i n i s ( o ra i t ) .

In mos t varieties of Tok P i sin even notional passivisation is extreme ly rare , constructions such as dua i 1 0k l on g i n sa i t the door is locked from the inside being the exception rather than the rule . As yet , the emergence of such construc­ tions has not been studied . However , it appears that one would find a gradual growth in the number of lexical i tems which can undergo this process . Whi l s t it is not extended to all verbs in any of the varieties I have s tudied , it is most widely used in Malabang creolised Tok Pisin . Compare : Malabang Tok Pi sin

expected form i second­ language expanded varieties

gloss

k 1 os i a i n p i n i 5 m i b 1 es p i n i 5 pik i ki l pinis hos i s a do l p i n i s

01 01 01 01

the c lothes are ironed I am blessed the pig was ki l led the horse is saddled

a i n i m k l os p i n i s b l es i m m i p i n i s ki l im pik pinis sado l i m hos p i n i s

Note that these cases di ffer considerably from Hooley ' s ( 1962) characterisation of an a lleged pass ive construction in Tok Pisin , the principal difference being that Malabang Tok Pisin can passivise verbs which only appear as transitive verbs with an - i m ending in other varieties . The case of sado l to be saddled further indicates that passivisation can apply to verbs that have been derived from nom­ inal base s . This wi l l be further discussed in the section on lexical developments .

2.4.7.5

Lex i ca l devel o pments i n c reol i sed Tok P i s i n

From the dis cuss ion of creolisation so far i t has become clear that changes in first- language varieties have a survival chance only if they do not lead to communication breakdown be tween firs� and second- language speakers . This means that the most successful innovations of creolised Tok Pisin are those which con­ t inue existing trends or reinterpret existing structures rather than those which are entirely new . Thu s , although many qualitatively different innovations may occur , their survival chance is limited . with regard to the lexicon , one cannot expect the addition of many new bases , though some borrowing to fill in refer­ ential gaps is in evidence . Note that this borrowing is restricted , as a rule , to relatively marginal vocabulary and that i ts source is neighbouring languages with whose speakers such topics may be discussed more readily than with speakers from further away . Thus , in Malabang Tok Pisin one finds a number of lexical additions in the area of plant and animal names , including :

INTERNAL DEVEWPMENT OF TOK PISIN

Malabang Tok Pisin

des criptive phrase provided by informants

gloss

pehe l u

l i k l i k b i n a t a n g i o l sem s t a r

firefly

goha

p i s i n i s ave p u t i m b i kpe l a k i a u l ong g ra u n

bird which lays big eggs on the ground

rama i

b i k pe l a p i s i n o l s em kaka r u k

big bird like a chicken

peau

s a k b i rua

kind of man-eating shark

ma l uam

i ka i n we I p i s

kind of whale

men ua i

b i kpe l a p i s i n

eagle

ka l a l a ua i

ka i n b a t a p l a i

kind of butterfly

ma l a

b i knem b i l on g s e l

generic name for she l l

157

The main mechani sm for lexical expansion in creolised Tok Pisin is the use of already e stablished patterns for the formation of lexical items to generate new name s , as are needed when the language is used in the ful l set of functions required of a human l anguage . This is manife sted ( a) in the increased productiv­ ity of e stabli shed lexical programs and , more importantly , ( b ) in the re laxation of the principle which bars mUltiple derivation . Thus , lexical rules operate with fewer exceptions ( i . e . they are s impler) and apply recursively . Increased lexical productivity as encountered in Malabang Tok Pi sin includes the fol lowing cases : ( a) The derivat ion of further abstract nominal s from verb or adj ective base s , as in : Malabang Tok P i sin

gloss

no ken gat S OT b i l ong wara

there won ' t be a SHORTAGE of water

i g a t p l an t i HAR I M b i l on g tok pisin

there are many DIALECTS of Tok Pisin

ma s k i m i g a t ST I NG nog u t

although I have a bad INFECTION

i g a t p l an t i ka i n KOL I M b i l ongen

there are many different N�S for i t

RA I T b i l on g m i i no k l i a t umas

my

KAR I M b i l on g d i s pe l a me r i i h a t t ru

the ACT OF CHILDBIRTH is very painful for this woman

D I L I M b i l ong y u i no s t re t

your WAY OF DEALING (cards ) is not correct

e m i l u k i m RON b i l on g o l geta p i s

he looked at the MOVEMENT of the fish

WAY OF WRITING i s not very clear

(b) The derivation o f causative verbs from intransitive verbs and adjective s . It has been shown above that only a small numbe r o f forms are encountered in second­ language varieties of the language . In creolised Tok Pisin of Malabang this rule has become virtually exceptionless , new forms encountered including : Malabang Tok Pi sin

gloss

wara i ST I N G I M 0 1 p l a n g

the water makes the p lanks rot

d i s pe l a ka i ka i i SW I T I M ma u s b i l on g m i

this food gives my mouth a pleasant taste

158

P. MUHLHA USLER

Malabang Tok Pisin

gloss

me r i i BON I M p i k i n i n i

the woman gave birth to a child

em

he is busy making a piece of wood round

wok l on g RAUN I M d i wa i

mer i i SMAT I M em yet

the girl do l led herself up

I t is intere sting to note that Malabang Tok Pisin now exhibits the same lexical productivity in this part of the lexicon as Tok Pisin ' s original principal sub­ stratum language Tolai . A static comparison of the two language s would suggest direct substratum influence . Howeve r , a developmental approach such as the one given in this chapter clearly identi fies causatives in creolised Tok pis in as the endpoint o f long independent deve lopment o f a lexical rule and not as borrow­ ing . The comparison of arbitrarily chosen states is particularly mis leading in the case of pidgins and creoles . ( c ) The derivation of verbs derived from nouns referring to instruments includes : Malabang Tok Pisin

gloss

em i b i n go A K I S I M pa i awut

he went to cut firewood with an axe

P O K I M ka i ka i

to eat food with a fork

S E N I M kago

to lift up loads with a chain

mi ma s LET I M t ra u s i s b i l on g m i

I must fasten my trousers with a belt

b i n KOS I M rot

man

mi mas S OK I M l ek b i l ong s i a

he found his way by means of a compass ( kos ) I have to put a wedge ( sok ) under the leg of the chair

( d ) A number of new compounds are formed by using the exi sting lexical program which converts phrases of the type N i Vint into compounds of the type ( Vint + N ) Vint , its use having been extended from that involving nouns referring t o body part s , as in be l i s i peacefu l, contented or ha n b r u k having a broken arm . Other examples include : Malabang Tok Pi sin

gloss

d i s pe l a p i es i MAN SOT n a u

this vi l lage is short of peop le, has few inhabitants

em

he went fishing, but he returned empty-handed (his fishing line was empty)

go h u k , t a s o l em i LUSROP

Other new compounds involving parts of the body are : Malabang Tok Pisin

gloss

0 1 i s i n d a u n L E KPAS

they sat with crossed legs

m i S I KH ET l on g s a n

I got dizzy in the sun

N U S P AS

having a b locked nose

AS PAS

unab le to defecate, constipated

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

159

Next to such examples of greater lexi cal productivity one finds the large­ scale abolit ion of certain lexical constrai nts . For instance , the disappearance of the constraint speci fying that words should not cons i st of more than two morph­ emes can be seen in the fol lowing examples observed in spontaneous conversations : Malabang Tok pi sin

gloss

nekta i i m hanka p i m ko l s i s e l i m p i n i s ta i mma n b i kh e t pa s i n

to tie a necktie around someone to put handcuffs on to cut with a cold chise l returned labourer stubbornness

More important , and hardly ever observed in non- creolised varieties , is the high incidence of mUltiple derivation , i . e . the operation of lexical programs on der­ ived lexi cal items , as in : a) de rivat ion of abstract nouns from derived verbal s :

huk

-+

kuk

-+

hook

h uk

-+

kuk i m

-+

to go fishing

to boil, cook

huk

fishing

to cook some thing

0 1 Ha i l an s i gat n a rape l a KUK I M b i l ong s a k s a k

the Highlanders have a different COOKING METHOD for sago

b) derivation of abstract nouns from redupl icated verbs : -+

hol i m

-+

ho l ho l i m

to grasp, hold fast

to hold -+

l uk i m

to look, watch

-+

l uk l uk i m

to gaze, stare

pa i p i g u t l ong H O LHOL I M b i l ongen

the pipe is good with regard to its HANDLING QUALITIES

me r i i g u t l ong L U KL U K I M b i l ongen the girl i s real ly very good­ looking

c) reduplicat ion of derived ve rbal s :

smok

-+

sak

-+

bag

k ru g u t

crooked

s mok i m

-+

to smoke (coconuts)

smoke

sak i m

-+

krugut i m

-+

to fi l l in bags

-+

to crush

smoksmok i m

to smoke thoroughly

saksak i m

to fil l many bags

k ru k rugut i m

to crush to little pieces

It is important to note that many of the change s in the lexicon do not relate to an increase in referential power of the language but provide new linguistic style s . Thus , where second-language Tok Pisin has several ways of expressing the concept ' a person associated with a certain ob j ect or activity ' , Malabang creolised Tok Pisin has developed yet another . Compare : second-language Tok Pisin

Malabang creol i sed Tok pisin

gloss

Ma n u s ma n , s u nam Ma n u s me r i , me r i s unam ma n b i l ong s mok i m pa i p ma n b i l on g s mok i m b r u s s p akman

poma n u s p i ma n u s popa i p pob rus pospak

a a a a a

true Manus man true Manus woman pipe smoker cigar smoker habitual drinker

P . MUHLHA USLER

160

2.4.7.6

Creol i sa t i o n : s ummary

Whi lst detai led studies remain to be carried out on most aspects of creol i s a­ t ion of Tok P i sin , the following general tendencies appear to be characteristic of thi s stage : a) Grammati cal categories such as tense and aspect be come obligatory and redundant . b) Rules favouring the optimali sation of production appear . Phono­ logi cal reduction is mani fested in greater overal l fluency and styli sti c variab i l i ty . c ) Multiple embedding in syntax and cyclic application o f word­ formation rules i s increasingly common . d) Existing rules of word-formation are exploited more ful ly . e ) Rules catering to the non-referential functions of Tok Pisin ( e . g . discourse structure rule s , rules providing stylistic synonyms , e tc . ) are becoming common . Again , some salient aspe cts of different varieties of creol ised Tok Pisin will be i l lustrated with texts .

Text 1 )

Creolised Rural Tok Pisin

The following text represents Tok Pisin as spoken in the non-traditional rural settlement o f Malabang. I ts speaker is a first generation native speaker of Tok P i s in :

Tupe l a k i l i m p i k na m i pe l a ka r i m i kam na i hev i t r u , b i i i i kpe l a t ru , o ra i t , em m i pe l a i ka r i m i kam l ong b r i s . Na t upe l a ya n a m i pe l a i wok i m wa n rot , m i pe l a wok i m wa n pe l a rot . Tupe l a i no l a i k i m m i pe l a l ong go tambu l o na t u pe l a i b r uk i m l on g b r i s n a i b r u k , t upe l a b r i s i b r uk , t u pe l a i b r ukb ru k , o ra i t , na t u pe l a i pundaun l ong wa ra , n a t upe l a ya i go h a i t p i n i s ha i t p i n i s , na m i pe l a pa i n i m mek i m . Tupe l a w l n l m t r u , t upe l a y a w i nw i n i m wa ra n a t upe l a kam a n t a p . [ These two ki l led the pig an d we ( excl . ) carried i t and it was very heavy, rea l ly huge, we l l, this one we carried toward the bridge . And these two and us were walking along the same path, we were walking along one path. The two did not want us to go down and the two broke a bridge so that it was broken, two bridges were broken, two were broken, we l l, and the two dived into the water, and the two hid, they were hidden, and we were busy looking for them. The two conquered it. these two really conquered the river and the two appeared again. ] The grammatical complexity of the above passage can be seen in the fol lowing constructions : a) em m i pe l a i k a r i m it was carried i l l ustrates change in basic word order for focali sing. b) wa n ro t /wanpe l a ro t same road i l lustrates variable deletion of adj ective suffix - pe l a for styli s ti c purposes .

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

161

c ) Reduplication o f the verb or repetition of verb phrase with dual subj ects appears , as in t u pe l a i b r uk b r u k , t upe l a i go h a i t p i n i s ha i t p i n i s . ( This type of concord has been observed many times in Malabang Tok Pisi n . ) d)

Text 2 )

l a i k i m m i pe l a l on g wanted that we i llustrates the use of the preposition l ong as complementi ser , a deve lopment also found in non- creoli sed varieties of Tok pisin . Creolised Rural Tok Pi sin

The following text by Yangol , about nine years of age , was recorded at Yip , a non-traditional administrative and s chool centre on the Keram river. Note that Yango l ' s s chool language is Engl ish and that his topic is the non- traditional Jack and the Beanstalk ( recorded in 1 9 7 3 ) :

Mama ho l i m em na pu t i m em i n s a i t l ong b i kpe l a pot na han gama p i m a n tap n a em i s ta p na em i kam k i l im d i s pe l a man p i n i s na me r i b i l ongen i kuk i m na u . Man ya i k i rap na kaun t i m ma n i b i l ongen n a d i s pe l a ma n i b i l on g en ka r i m i kam a u s a i t ka u n t i m i s ta p s t i l p i n i s . D i s pe l a man ya em i k i rap ya ron t a s o l i kam daun v a , ma n i b i l ongen va , em se l i kam daun l ong mama b i l ongen i go g i v i m em n a em tok � a i em i go bek na em i kam gen l ong mama ya na em i tok i m y u , y u y a n g fe l a t ru ya kam o l sem b a i m i k i l i m y u m i mek i m wonem l ong y u n a u mama d i s pe l a man e m i s i nd a u n wa n t a i m e m i s t a p e m i kam n a u n a g u r i a i m h a u s b i l ongen n a t o k mama . . . . [. . . His ( i . e . the giant ' s ) wife took hold of him and put him inside a big pot and hung it up and he was there and he had come to ki ll this young man his wife was 'cooking ' . The giant got up and counted his money and he carried this money outside and he was counting it unti l he had finished. This boy got up and ran down (and took with him) this money, he came sai ling down to his mother, gave it to her and said to her he was going back and he came again to this (giant ' s ) wife and she said t o him, you little boy, have you come for me to kil l you? What sha l l I do with you now ? The woman ' s husband who lived with her was there and h e came and h e made his house shake and he said: Wife . . . . ] .

Again , we are dealing with a text of considerable grammatical complexity and lin­ gui stic sophistication . The following aspects deserve special mention : a) The frequent use of ya as a sentence bracketing device . b) Some borrowing from Engli sh , e . g . po t instead of sos pen pot . c ) There are some referential problems caused b y the u s e o f mama to refer to both mother and wife ( common a lso in second- language varieties) and man to refer to boy and giant . d) The form g u r i a i m to make tremb le, shake uses an existing program of word- formation but ignores the restriction common to s econd­ language varieties that the causative ending cannot be attached to verbs ending in a vowel . e ) The use of several aspect markers with a single verb to express shades o f meaning difficult to express in s econd- l anguage varieties .

162

P . MUHLHA USLER

f ) Frequent omiss ion of the predicate marker i . g) Change o f word order for emphasi s , as in d i s pe l a ma n i b i l ongen ka r i m i kam he aarried this money towards .

Text 3 ) Creoli sed Urban Tok P i sin Lae :

This i s an extract from a story by John P . recorded by Gi llian S ankoff in

Em t upe l a , o l osem t u pe l a me r l l a , t u pe l a i tok ; em , teve l me r i , em , - l on g n a i t na . . . t eve l me r i sanap a re re l ong haus n a em i h a r i m , em tok s ( em) : "Tuma ra mon i ng , hap n a i t yet yu k i ra p , o ra i t , ( y u ) k i ra p i m m i , o ra i t , m i pe l a i go l ong , - ( o l o) sem i go . . . l on g , - n amb i s na m i pe l a go h u k . Nau , teve l me r i ha r i m p i n i s . N a t upe l a me r i i go 5 1 i p n a u , l on g n a i t em t eve l me r i i kam nau , em i g i ama n i m em : " O ra i t ( y u) k i rap , m i kam p i n i s . " Tupe l a k i rap nau , t u pe l a i go , em i t i ng me r i t ru . Tupe l a i go , i go k i s i m kanu na t upe l a i go , i g o i go na u ; n a me r i t r u i a em i wok - h uk . Em i wok l on g/go p u l i m p i s n a teve l me r i i wok l ong ka i ka i f i s . [ The two, we l l these two women, they were talking; she, the spirit woman, she ' " at night the spirit woman s tood out­ side the house and heard one of the (real) women say : Tomorrow morning when it is s ti l l dawn you ge t up, we l l , and y o u wake m e up, we l l we go, wel l , we go to the beaah to fish. Then the spirit woman had got the message . The two women went to s leep, during the night the spirit woman aame and deaeived her (the one of them) : A l l right, get up, I have aome . The spirit Woman and the real woman got up, they go, s he ( the real woman) thought she (the other one) was a real woman . They went, they fetahed a aanoe and went a long way, and the real woman did the fishing . She Was fishing and the spirit woman was eating the fish. ] Whi l st there are no s i gns of heavy re liance on borrowing in thi s text ( thus attenuating the di fference between urban and rural varieties of the language ) , the following points deserve spe cial mention : a) Redundant use of the dual marker t up e l a . b ) Phonologi cal reduction o f o l ( o ) s em that, thus in several places . It seems likely that abbreviated o l s em ( sem) will be ident i fied with the complementiser se . c) Use of sentence bracketing device va . here .

Also used as emphasiser

d) Variable deletion of the predicate marker i . In a l l the above texts the differences between first- and second-language varieties were quantitative rather than qualitative . At this point no reliable records of more advanced creole varieties spoken by younger children are avai l­ abl e . Our understanding of creoli sation of Tok Pisin is still in its infancy . One must hope that the fol lowing tasks will receive closer attention in coming years : a) Longitudinal studies of creole acquis ition . b ) Determination o f referential and other possible de fi ciencies in first generation creole .

16 3

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

c) Detai led studies of phonological reduction and sound symbolism . d) I nvestigation of diffe rences between chi ld and adult creolised varieties and problems of mutual intelligibi lity .

TH E I NTE RNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK P I S I N : CONCLUS I ONS

2.4.8

The a i m of this chapter has been to sketch the linguistic deve lopment of Tok Pisin from its earliest beginnings to the present . For this purpose a model dis­ tinguishing a number of di fferent stages was proposed , some of them on a develop­ mental continuum ( from less to more complex systems) and some along a restructur­ ing one ( structural change s not leading to greater lingui stic power) . The development of Tok Pisin can be represented as follows : j argon stage ( 1 )

l !

stabilisation stage ( 2 ) deve lopmental dimension

expansion stage ( 3 )

l creoli s ation

( Rural )

•

post-pidgin s tage ( 5 )

( 4 ) � [ post-creole ( Urban)

( 6) 1

� restructuring dimension It is obviously quite impossible to give an exhaustive account of all the devel­ opments in this l anguage since a detailed account of one s ingle aspect would require many pages . Howeve r , I hope to have captured some of the more salient deve lopments and underlying principles . At the same time I have attempted to point out areas where further research is badly neede d . The two principal questions asked have been that o f the nature o f linguistic changes and that o f the ir origin . wi th regard to the forme r , I would like to recapitulate some changes using the following reconstructed utterances : 1 1 English :

(Thepe ape many sma l l poads on this is land enabling people to go to its intePiop and ppoduae goods whiah advanae oup aountpy . )

j argon :

P l en t y l i t t l e road a l on g i s l a nd . You f e l l ows can go i ns i d e . fe l l ows wo r k . A l l r i gh t . H i m p l en t y good .

stab i l i sed pidgin :

P l a n t i rot i s t a p l on g a i l an h i a . Yupe l a ken go i n s a i t l ong a i l a n . Y upe l a ken wok i m s amt i ng . S apos y u wok i m , o r a i t , y upe l a ken mek i m k i ra p ka n t r i b i l ong yum i .

expanded pidgin :

I g a t p l an t i rot l on g d i s fe l a a i l a n l ong go i ns a i t l ongen . ken wok i m samt i ng i k i rap i m ka n t r i b i l ong y u m i .

You

Y u pe l a

post-pidgin : I got p l en t i roads i s top l on g a i l a nd h i a l on g go i n s a i t l ongen .

Y u fe l a ken wok i m s amt i n g i getap i m kant r i b i l ong a s .

creole :

Lo tese l a a i l an i g a t p l a n t i 0 1 l i k l i k rot 1 0 go i n s a i t 1 0 ' n , n a wok i 0 1 samt i we k ra p i ka n t re bo l o y um i .

I sha ll omit the post-creole s tage as this has not yet really emerged . It i s particularly dif ficult t o forecast the changes re sulting from contact between a fully fledged creolised Tok P i sin and English ( cf . MUhlhausler 1982 for general comments ) .

P . MUHLHAUSLER

164

We can sum up the gramma tical properties of these stages as follows : j argon :

one- or two-word sentences , tendency towards cvcv word-structure , no deictic markers , referentially impoverished , numerous holo­ phrastic expressions ;

stabili sed pidgin :

gradual emergence of s impl e sentence structures , some shal low embedding , consonant c lusters are be coming more common ;

expanded pidgin :

complementisers and relativisers emerge , development of a productive word-formation component , discourse-structuring devices ;

post-pidgin : dis integrat ion of lexical and grammatical structures as a result of unsystematic borrowing , considerable increase in abnatural gramma r; creole :

complex ( multiple) embedding in syntax and multiple derivation in wo rd-formation component , numerous stylistic device s .

As regards the origin of l inguistic structure s , the fol lowing generalisations can be made with regard to morphosyntactic phenomena ( including derivational morphology) : s tage

so urce of innova tions

j argon

great individual differences drawing variably from sub- and superstratum gramma r , foreigner talk registe r , linguistic universals and other pidgin traditions

stabi lisat ion

almost exclusively universal grammar , selective borrowing from sub- and superstratum grammars

expansion

almost exclusively internal deve lopment , i . e . reinterpretation of exi sting structures , universal program of second-language development and discourse-derived structures basically s ame as expansion stage , though apparently greater role of unive rsa l sources

pos t-pidgin

borrowing from former lexifier l anguage , l anguage mixing

The deve lopments in other components of gramma r ( e . g . phonology and discourse) appear to be ' governed by different principles , though litt le is known about these at present . It should also be remembered that in many instances we are dealing with a consipracy between more than one source , the most common combinations being : a) b) c) d)

superstratum and universal tendencies ; substratum and unive rsal tendencie s ; substratum and superstratum influence ; a combination of a l l three factors .

Littl e has been said about the ultimate causes of the phenomenal deve lopment of Tok pis in over the last hundred years , though there can be l i ttle doubt that it was promoted primari ly by the immense pressures for communication between people who did not share a language or a culture . That such a development could take place among those who are often labe l led ' primitive s ' and ' stone Age men ' clearly invalidates the notion that there is any direct l ink between cultural and l in­ gui stic sophistication . Moreove r , the fact that this development oc curred among

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF TOK PISIN

165

second-language speaking adults ( in most cases , long before any creole speakers emerged) serious ly chal lenges the notion of a criti cal age for language learning and rule changing creativity . I wi l l conclude my remarks on the internal development of Tok Pisin with some guesses as to i ts future . The principal factors involved here are : a) b) c) d)

its continued usefulness as a second l anguage ; the in fluence of Engl ish ; the growth of the creole community ; language planning and other human involvement ( this wi l l be dealt with under a separate heading , see chapter on language planning ( 6 . 8» •

( a) Languages , and pidgins in particular , depend on their continued usefulness to a community of speakers . The ir l inguistic sophistication is directly re lated to such factors as the functional range of the l anguage , domains of use , social standing and so forth . The growth of Tok Pisin up to very recently happened in the context of rapid expansion of the external use of pidgin and growing numbers In future , one can foresee some functional decline of the language o f speakers . in favour of English and regional vernacular l i ngue franche , as we l l as much slower growth , or even decrease , in the numbers of speakers . While this may not a f fect the structure of the language for some t ime , in the lor.g run it could contribute to s tructural de cline and u ltimate language death . ( b ) The use of English in functions and domains previously occupied by Tok Pisin has led , in recent years , to considerable structural change s , some of them de­ serving the label ' structural breakdown ' . At present English influence is found mainly in urban areas and this has led to the compartmentalisation of Tok Pisin into mutually no longer ful ly inte l l igible sociolects rather than the structural decline of the whole language . ( c ) Urbani sation and the e s tabl ishment of more and more non-traditional rural settlements h ave counteracted in part the above developments . It is in the mouth of creole speakers that Tok Pisin has acquired i ts greatest structural sophistica­ tion and stability . If the number of first-language speakers were to grow , a point may be reached where first- language varieties rather than second-language ones become the accepted standard . Everything points to the conclusion that it wi l l be the human factor which wil l decide whether Tok Pisin wil l continue to grow and develop , or disappear within a few generations . In the latter case it is unlikely that it w i l l be re­ placed by an�thing possessing the s tructural consistency and learnab i lity o f expanded or creol i sed Tok Pisin .

NOTES 1.

I t i s not c lear to what extent child and adult language learning and acqui­ sition diffe r . I t is certain , however , that the conventional boundary , sexual maturation , is not very clearly linked wi th the capacity to drasti cally change and restructure grammars ( c f . Steinberg 1982 : 14 5 ) .

2.

Thus , Freyberg ( 19 7 5 : 35 ) observes that "we generally find that even readers who regularly use the most recent forms of expression are still able to

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understand the olde r forms , whe reas the rural people are not so like ly to understand the newer modes of expres sion . " 3.

Examples of heavily germani sed Tok P i sin and relexified Pidgin German are di scussed in Muhlhausler 1 9 7 7a : 63 f f ) .

4.

It i s interesting that a number of writers have remarked that German i s very di fficult to pronounce for the islanders and that for thi s reason , Germany was forced to continue the use of ' Engli sh ' in i ts colonie s .

5.

Whi l s t there i s clearly no direct historical l ink with New Guinea Tok Pisin here , the strategies adopted by the users of j argons are in all like l ihood very s imilar .

6.

The quest ion whether j argons have fixed grammatical structures i s dealt with in some detail by Labov ( 1971a) .

7.

Thus , Whinnom ( 1 971 : 101) notes : "Naive language learning . . . concentrates on acquiring lexemes with scant regard to pronunciation or grammar . "

8.

For further discuss ion c f . Agheyi s i 19 7 1 : 3 1- 34 .

9.

The fact that even a small inventory o f lexical items can be made to go a long way has been observed by several writers , for instance Jacomb ( 1914 : 9 1 ) who writes on e arly Bichelamar : " Probably the vocabulary o f the ordinary speaker of P idgin-Engl i sh consi sts of not many more than a hundred words , but those words are made go a long way . Many gradations of meaning are added by changed intonation and facial expression . "

10 .

Some early texts have the variant g a t h i m . However , it appears that this form was subsequently merged with the phonetically simi lar ka r i m to carry , as can be seen in present-day forms such as ka r i m pen to have or carry pain.

11.

The only one o f these utterances on actual record i s that found i n expanded Tok P i sin .

Mühlhäusler, P. "Internal development of Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:75-166. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.75 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

2.5

WR I T I N G S YSTEMS AND T H E ORTHOGRAPHY OF T O K P I S I N S . A . Wurm

2.5.1

GENE RAL REMARKS

This chapte r is concerned with the nature , deve lopment and history of the writinq systems used for rendering Tok Pisin in writing and with the various attempts at the creation of orthographies , or standard spel l ing systems , of Tok Pisin ove r many years . Since the beginning of Tok Pisin in what is today papua New Guinea in the 1880s ( Muhlhaus ler 1976) , Tok Pisin has been reduced to writing first only very sporadically in public announcements such as warnings , directives , etc . , and with gradually increasing frequency as time wore on , though i ts use in writing had remained very restricted unti l after the turn of the century when missionaries , in particular in what was then German New Guinea, took a very active interest in the que stion of creating orthographies for Tok pis in - then called simply Pidgi n . Unti l that t ime , Tok Pisin words had l argely been spelt i n accordance with the spe l l ing of the English words from which they were derived, which involved some misinterpretation such as the writing of he for the Tok Pisin particle i , which is of Austronesian origin . However , with the early development and stabilisat ion of Tok Pisin taking place in an area in which the dominant l anguage was Ge rman , not English , pressure from the English spel ling system in writing Tok Pisin was comparative ly weak , and i t must be taken into account that in contrast to the attitude of English speakers towards Tok Pisin or other varieties of Engl ish-based pidgins , German speakers largely recognised Tok Pisin as a language in its own right and separate from English , and did not regard it simply as a bastardised form of Engl ish , which has been the common attitude towards Engl ish-based pidgins in areas in whi ch the dominant l anguage is English . Howeve r , the c lose simi larity between much of the lexicon of Tok Pisin and that of English was recognised by those concerned with the creation of the earliest standardised Tok P isin orthographies , and this fact le ft very clear marks on the orthographic systems created by them. This tendency has persisted unti l today and is strongly in evidence in all standardised Tok Pisin orthographies created and propo sed to date . Thi s meant that even if the creators of standardised Tok Pisin orthographies attempted to make strong allowances for the specific nature of Tok Pisin phonology , they also paid very much attention to the English origin of Tok P i s in words {n devising standardised spel l ings for them , even i f the features reflected in the Engl i sh spe lling of such words were absent from the Tok pis in phonological shapes of these words . One very typical feature of this kind is the distinction between the voiced and voi ce le s s stops b and p , d and t , and 9 and k in many cases according to the spel l ing of the English word from which a Tok pisin word may be derived , even though the actual pronunciation of the Tok Pisin word is at variance with that of the English word in this respect . Final s tops are usually voice less in Tok Pisin and the spe lling dok , and in some varieties o f Tok Pisin even tok , wi l l be

S . A . Wurm and P . MUhlhausle r , eds Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin) , 1 6 7 - 1 76 . Paci fi c Lingui s ti cs , C-70 , 1984 . © S . A . Wurm

Wurm, S.A. "Writing systems and the orthography of Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:167-176. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.167 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

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phonolog i cally correct for dog rather than the spe l l ing d og . Initial dental stops tend to be voiceless in Tok Pisin , but whenever an Engl ish source word has an initial d , standard orthographies tend to propose the use of initial d in the Tok Pisin words derived from them, even though the initial dental s top is phonologic­ ally t in such words , such as d i s pe l a ( pronounced t i s pe l a ) which i s derived from English this fe l low. At the same time , distinguishing voiced and voiceless stops in Tok Pisin spe l ling in accordance with the spel l ing of the English source words , and other instances of fol lowing the English spe l l ing as a mode l rather than rendering the Tok Pisin phonological shape of the words , has the advantage of giving greater cl arity to written Tok Pisin : Tok pis in has a very large number of homonyms , many of them attributable to the conversion of phonologically di fferent English source words into a single phonological shape in Tok Pi sin . This does not constitute a very serious problem in spoken Tok Pisin , because s ituational contexts and the embedding of such words into utterances accompanied by a range of extra- l inguistic clues makes the distinction between the various meanings o f homophonous Tok pis in words a s imple matter i n most instance s . However , the determination of the spec­ ific meaning of a given written Tok Pisin word , for which other homographi c forms with di ffe rent meanings exis t , may tend to be much more difficult in many instan­ ces than the corresponding s i tuation involving spoken Tok Pisin . Because of thi s , a decrease in the homography of Tok Pisin words certainly contributes to di sam­ biguating written Tok Pisin . Good examples of thi s in the latest standardised orthography of Tok Pisin are the following : the spel ling as dok of the Tok P i s in word for dog and tok for the word for speech, language ( derived from Engl i sh talk) , though both these Tok Pisin words are generally pronounced alike in Tok Pisin as tok ; the spe lling hot of the Tok P isin word for hot and h a t of the Tok pis in word for hard , though both are pronounced as h a t ; the spe l l ing as j i p of the Tok Pisin word for English jeep and as s i p of the Tok P isin word for ship , though both are pronounced alike in Tok Pisin as s i p ; the spe l l ing as p i s of the Tok pisin word for fish , and as b i s for the Tok Pisin word for beads , though both are generally pronounced a like as p i s . I n spel ling systems devised during the period in which English had become the dominant language , another factor prompting the imitation o f English ortho­ graphic principles in writing Tok Pisin made itse l f fel t . The view was largely he ld by members of the Australian Administration who were concerned wi th education and with admini stration in general , that Engl i sh features of Tok Pisin spe l ling systems might make it easier for indigenous Tok Pisin speakers to learn Engl ish subsequentl y , and to spe l l i t correctly . Also , the view was held by some members o f the administration that an increasing influence of English upon Tok Pisin , beginning with its spel l ing system , might lead to Tok Pisin eventual ly becoming English anyway - a deve lopment which would have been welcomed by many such ex­ patriates who vi ewed Tok Pi sin with very low esteem indeed . A third factor had a qui te decisive influence upon the nature of the spe l l ing and form of the spel l i ng systems and o rthographies devised for Tok Pisin unt i l 1955 : the designers o f s uch individual orthographies were guided b y the assumption that de cis ions concerning their shape were exclusively a matter for European speakers of Tok Pisin . The designed spe l l ings for Tok Pisin words generally re­ flected the ways in which European speaker s of Tok Pisin pronounced the language who , as has been pointed out above , yielded in this to pressure from Engl i sh ortho­ graphic principles . Some allowances were made for what such European speakers of Tok P i sin might have regarded as the local pronunciation of Tok P is in words . In addition , in the case of several missions , spe l ling habits developed from the writing of vernacular language s exerted pressure on the spel l ing systems which such miss ions devised for writing Tok Pisin .

WRITING SYSTEMS AND THE ORTHOGRAPHY OF TOK PISIN

2.5.2 2.5.2.1

169

H I STORY OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF STAN DARD TOK P I S I N ORTHOGRAPH I ES The per i od u nt i l 1955

Some remarks have already been made above ( sect ion 2 . 5 . 1 ) on the early period of the des igning of spe l l ing systems and orthographies for Tok Pis in and on fac­ tors and circumstances impinging upon such activities in the early days , in par­ ticular on the fact that the dominant language was German , not English , though some pressure from Engl i sh and Engli sh orthographic principles was present in the deve lopment o f spel ling systems for Tok Pisin. It has been pointed out that the deve lopment of Pidgin spe l ling systems and orthographies in the early days rested generally with mi ss ions . For example , we l l before World War I , mi ssionaries of the Roman Catholic Society of the Divine Word ( SVD) devised a spe l l i ng system and orthography for Tok Pisin , which was used quite extensively in the activities of that mission , but also adopted by the German Administration ( Hall 1966) . It had qui te a long l i fe in the framework of It embodied to a very large extent the principles mentioned the Catholic mi ssions . above ( sect ion 2 . 5 . 1 ) , regarding attitudes towards some approximation to Engli sh spe l l ing as far as the consonants were concerne d , though the five vowe l symbol s a , e , i , 0 , U represented sounds according t o German usage . The view was very strongly held by the creators of th i s spe l l ing system that the German speakers ' pronunciation constituted the model to be followed in the spel l ing of Tok Pis in words of Eng lish or1g1n . It was recogn ised by its creators that the Tok Pisin pronunciation o f local speakers tended to be at variance with the pronunciation suggested by the spel ling of the words as designed , but the view was held by them that the local indigenous speaker ought to be taught to pronounce Tok Pisin according to its de signed spe l l ing and that , in all cases , the European pronunci­ ation of Tok Pisin words was decisive . After Alexishafen near Madang, which in those days was the headquarters of the SVD miss ion , th is SVD spel l i ng system was named the Alexishafen spe ll ing . Its use was quite widespread , but it was not fol lowed by miss ionaries of other denom­ inations , and in other parts of what is today Papua New Guine a , even Cathol i c miss ionaries devised spel ling sys tems which differed from the Alexishafen spe l ling in various ways and to varying extents , and even in underlying phi losophies . So for in stance , SVD mi ss ionaries in the Rabaul area of New Britain held the view , wh i ch was s upported by administration education o fficial s , that Tok Pisin was very predominantly , and originally , a language used by the indi genous population and that therefore spe l ling systems devised for it should reflect the pronunciation of Tok Pisin as u sed by local indigenous speakers . This view which was directly opposed to that held by the creators of the Alexishafen spelling, led to the abandonment of the principle of fol lowing the English spel ling principles re gard­ ing the di stinction between voiced and voice less stops in the spel l ing of Tok Pisin words , and to some other qui te fundamental di ffe rences from the Alexishafen spe l l ing , including differences in vowel representation . Another system , devised by the Methodist Mi ss ion in Rabaul for writing Tok pisin , fol l owed the principles adopted for the writing of vernacular Austrones ian languages o f Me lane s i a . Features i n which this system deviated particularly strongly from the other systems mentioned above were the use of k for both 9 and k sounds and the adoption of 9 for representing the sound of ng in sing for whi ch , in the other Tok Pisin o rthographic system , ng or Q had been adopted . Also the sound repre sented by y in English and in most other Tok Pisin orthographic systems was represented by i (Hall 1955a) . with more and more missions and other agencies creating their own spe lling systems and orthograph ies for writing Tok Pisin in the years unt i l the mid 1950s , the systems multiplied and by the mid 1950s , a very large number were in actual

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use , amongst them nine ma jor systems . The various missions , di fferent news media and different government departments all had their own spel lings , which in part were greatly different from each other . No attempts at creating a s ingle standardised Tok Pisin spel l ing through a col­ laborative e f fort involving the various agencies themse lves were made , and repeated attempts by the Department of Education of the Administration in the late 1940s and early 1 9 50 s did not produce results because the users of the various spel ling sys tems showed no interest in cooperating in these efforts and in compromi sing , largely because of lack of interest and unwi l l ingness to get involved in such an exerci s e . At the same time , the view was held by many Europeans involved in using varying Tok P i sin spel ling systems that pidgin was only corrupt English anyway and that there was no reason to waste time and effort on devising a general standard orthography for i t . At the same t ime , a l l parties concerned seemed t o s lowly move towards the view in the early 1950s that the basis of Tok Pisin spe l ling systems and ortho­ graphies should be the way in which local indi genous speakers pronounced the lan­ guage , rathe r than the ways in which European speakers of i t pronounced i t . How­ ever , in practi ce , a cl ear division deve loped over this i ssue between missionary agencies and news media and government departments . The former largely adopted the principle that recent loan words from English had to be respelt in the orth­ ograph ies used by them so as to re flect the actual Tok Pisin pronunciation . How­ ever the latter tended to spe l l such recent English loan words according to Engl ish o rthography .

2.5.2.2

The period from 1 9 55 u n t i l 1969

In the year 1955 the administration o f what was then the Territory of Papua New Guine a , through i ts Department of Education , decided that the time had come for serious official steps to be taken towards the standardisation of the spel l ing sys tems and orthographies used for Tok Pisin. The background to -this attitude by the administration was the official approval in that year by the Minister for Te rritorie s in Canberra , of the use of Tok pisin in what was then the Territory of Papua and New Guinea. This approval had been given on the understanding that the purpose of the approval was to serve the aim of furthering the teaching of all chi ldren in administratively control led areas of Papua New Guinea to read and write Engl ish , that Tok Pisin was to be used exclusively as a medium of instruc­ t ion and that only in schools in areas where it was in general use , and that the production of primers , readers and textbooks in Tok Pisin was not to be permitted to pre j udice or limit the production and distribution of simi lar teaching materials in English for the use in all phases of school work . In connection with thi s approval , the Minister also approved that a regional form of Tok Pisin be selected which was to be adopted as the standard form of Tok Pisin for the Territory o f Papua New Guinea , that a linguistically sound s tandard­ i sed orthography be adopted for Tok Pisin , that a Tok Pisin grammar and dictionary be prepared and published and that school primers , readers and textbooks in Tok Pi sin be prepared for publicat ion . These ministe rial approvals followed the recommendations , in March 19 5 5 , of the use of Tok Pisin offi cial ly in the Territory of Papua and New Guinea by the Education Advisory Board and the Committee on Languages , which were under the auspices of the Department of Educat ion . Upon the recommendation by the Director of Education to the Admini strator of the Territory of Papua and New Guinea that these suggestions be adopted , approval for them was given by the Minister for

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It was against the background of these o f ficial actions Territories in Canberra . that the events outlined be low took place . Als o . R . A . Hall of Corne l l University , who had devoted many years of study to questions of Tok Pisin , pub l i shed detai led orthographical proposals for Tok pisin in that year (Hall 1955d) , based on his analysis of the phonology of Tok Pisin . His proposals were adopted as the basi s of scholarly activities aimed a t producing a standardised Tok Pis i n orthography . T . Dietz and L. Luzbetak were engaged by the Admini stration of the Territory of Papua and New Guinea to carry out extensive consultations wi th missions and edu­ cation and s chool authorities in the Te rritory for this purpose and to undertake the neces sary scholarly work aimed at the creation of such a standardised ortho­ graphy . The task of the two l ingui sts was a very difficult one , because whi le they received a considerable number of constructive suggestions from the miss ions and agencies approached , there was in general l ittle support for thei r work from the various mis s ions which were uti l is ing Tok Pi sin to a great extent in the ir work , and they also met with considerab l e opposit ion from some quarters . However , Dietz and Luzbetak succeeded in devising a new Tok Pisin orthography which was re flecting essentially the pronunciation of Tok Pisin by indigenous speakers using the variety of Tok pisin as encountered in northern coastal areas of the Territory of Papua and New Guinea , with the form met at Madang given the greatest conside ration . The orthography was not entirely based on the phonemic structure of Tok Pi sin as represented by i ts northern coastal variety , which led to some di fficulties with i t , as di scussed be low . Th is proposed orthography and spe l ling system received approval from the Director of Education and the Administrator of the Territory of Papua and New Guine a , and was also · approved by the Minister for Territories in Canberra . Sub­ sequently , it was decreed to constitute the standard Tok Pisin orthography in an offi cial publication issued by the Department of Education ( Department of Education 1956) and was used , with a few minor changes , in Mihali c ' s Tok Pisin grammar and dictionary which was publ i shed a year later ( Mihalic 1 9 5 7 ) . In the beginning , various miss ion bodies strongly res isted the introduction of this new Tok Pisin orthography . The reasons for thi s resi stance were in part traditionalism and in part rivalries between the mi ssions . L. Luzbetak who , as has been mentioned above , was one of the two l inguists engaged by the administra­ tion to work on devising the new standard Tok P isin orthography , and F . Mihalic , the author of the new Tok Pisin grammar and di ctionary , were both members of the Catholic Mi s s ion , which may have contributed s i gnifi cantly to the re sistance of other miss ions to the new Tok Pisin orthography . However , the miss ions gradually moved towards the adoption of i t , at l east on the New Guinea mainland , and it appeare d , at · l east for the short period of about two years , that the spe l ling system and orthography of Tok Pisin was moving towards quite widely adopted stand­ ardi sation . Neverthe l es s , a numbe r of missions and other agencies were continuing to use Tok P isin orthographies of their own design and there was some quite pro­ nounced criticism of features of the new Tok Pi sin orthography which reflected the Engl i sh spe l l ing of Tok Pis in words derived from English , with these spe l l ings being quite conside rab ly at variance with the way in which such words were pro­ nounced by indigenous speakers of Tok Pisin . An example of this was the use of final nk in word such as s t i nk rotten and p l a n k board which , whi le spe lt l ike the English words from which the Tok pisin words were derived , were actual ly pronounced s t i ng and p l an g . Ironi cally , the standardisation proce ss involving the orthography o f Tok P isin which had been introduced by the administration , was ruined by the adminis­ trat ion i tse l f . The various administrat ion departments and the Europeans active in them had shown a very pronounced lack of enthusiasm in adapting to the standard orthography , but nevertheless moved , though rather reluctantly and grudgingly , in

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the dire ction o f adopting it , bowing in this to the o fficial backing given to the new standard Tok Pisin orthography by the administration . Re asons for this reluc­ tance were diverse . Inertia and general lack o f interest were certainly amongst them , but also the fact that a mission had played a s ignifi cant part in the devi­ sing of the new Tok Pisin orthography constituted an important reason in the light o f the frequently not overly positive attitude of administration officials towards mis s ionary activities in the Territory . In addition , many Europeans in the Territory of Papua and New Guinea did not regard Tok Pisin as a language in its own righ t , but only as a corruption of English and could not see why i t was neces­ sary to worry unduly about how to spel l what they regarded as a contemptible and rather ridiculous j argon . The mis informed and unrealistic pronouncement of the United Nations Trusteeship Council of 195 3 , which urged Australia to immediately abolish and prohibit the use of Tok Pisin in the Territory of Papua New Guinea , is likely to have constituted a s trong encouragement to many Europeans who har­ boured such views and showed attitudes as mentioned above towards the newly devised It was not uncommonly fe lt by European standardised orthography of Tok Pisin . o f fi ce rs in the administration circles in the Territory that Tok Pisin would soon cease to exist as a result of the impact of English , considering the ins istence of the administrat ion afte r 1953 that the use of English be encouraged in a l l pos sible instances . In the l ight o f the se attitudes , i t be comes understandable that in adminis­ tration agencie s , in which European officials reluctantly adapted to the use of the new standardised Tok Pi sin orthography , no serious attempt was made to ensure that the indigenous employees , whose task it was to carry out the official trans­ l ating and writing work in Tok Pisin , used the o fficially adopted standard Tok pisin orthography . In addition to the background reasons for this atti tude as ment ioned above , the view held by many o f the European admini stration officials was apparent ly that , s ince Tok Pis in was the language which the indigenous speakers knew be st , they should , and ought to , know how ·to spel l it . This attitude , though comp lete ly in error ( see below) , demon strated a complete change from earlier attitudes on the part o f Europeans , as referred to before in this chapter , accor­ ding to which Europeans had taken the view that the European pronunciation was to be regarded as decisive for how a Tok Pisin word was to be spe lt . The attitude of the administrat ion official s , and as has been mentioned be low , of missions to regard the indigenous speaker of Tok Pisin as the arbiter of how a Tok Pisin word ought to be spe lt constitutes in itse l f a very interesting shi ft in attitudes on the part of Europeans in this matter when compared with earlier days . The indigenous employees working in the various administration departments were largely. unable to use the new standardised Tok Pisin orthography for a var­ iety of reasons . The most important of these reasons was that they did not know i t . The wording of the approval by the Minister for Territories in Canberra re­ garding the u se of Tok pis in in education excluded the teaching of Tok Pisin as a language in a l l government schools and in consequence also in all school s e ligible for government finance and subs idy . In addition , in spi te of the approval quoted above , the u se of Tok Pisin as a medium of instruction , including l iteracy , in such schools was virtual ly banned as a matter of policy around that time . The only schools in which Tok Pisin was taught or instruction in Tok Pisin given were non- subs idised substandard schools administered by various missions as an annexe to the government-subsidised English language schools which were under their auspice s . Translators and writers o f Tok Pisin employed by the administration obviously required a high proficiency in English , which such s chools could not impart to their pupils and , as a result , such indigenous employees in administra­ tion departments had all been through an education process in which English had been employed exclusive ly . Having had no formal training in Tok Pisin , they did

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have a native proficiency of Tok pisin , but n o familiarity with the new standard­ i sed official orthography , except that some of them may have been vaguely fam i liar with it from publicat ions which they might have seen . At the same time , indig­ enous employees of admini stration departments and other agencies such as media services came from di f ferent parts of Papua New Guinea and in consequence used diffe rent varieties of Tok Pi sin : In the mid 1950s , dialect diversi fication of Tok P i sin was sti l l qui te strongly in evidence , though in subsequent decades local dialect d i f ferences tended to be reduced and to disappear as a result of increasing mob i lity of the population . As a result of the regional differences of Tok Pisin which they wrote tended to show a numbe r of spe l l ing features reflecting features of the pronunciation of their respective Tok Pisin dialects . The free rein given to such indigenous employees in administration depart­ men ts with regard to how they spelt Tok Pisin in writing , had however one inter­ esting result : re cent English loan words in Tok P i s in were very generally spe lt by them according to the ir Tok Pisin pronunciation , although , in some instances , such indigenous employees tended to include English spel lings into thei r written Tok Pisin , even in cases of Tok P isin words which were not recent loans from English . The result of the apathetic and lax attitude on the part of the European administrat ion o fficers , as mentioned above , towards the ways in whi ch the indig­ enous employees spelt Tok Pisin in writing , was a proli feration of diverse Tok Pisin spel l i ng systems in areas outside the mi ssionary sphere and resulted in even greater chaos in Tok Pisin spe l l ing systems than had existed before . At the same t ime , some of the miss ions which had , with some reluctance , adapted their ways of writing Tok Pisin to the rules laid down in the standard Tok Pisin orthography guide lines , gradually started modi fying it largely to approx­ imate the i r spe l l ing systems to the indi genous pronunciation of Tok Pisin in the northern coastal variety of i t , in particular as it was heard in the Madang are a . The Lutheran Mi ssion went about quite systematically i n this and devised a modi­ fied standard Tok P isin orthography for their own use . These modifications were brought about l argely by pressure upon the Lutheran Mis sion and Church by indig­ enous Tok Pi sin speakers who were l i te rate in the language . One of the change s , for instance , resulted from the insistence of such indigenous Tok Pisin speakers that the distinction between ng as in sing and ngg as in finqer , which was a feature of the standard Tok Pisin orthography as decreed by the admini stration , be abol i shed and that both be written as ng only . though the indigenous speakers recogni sed the di f ference in the i r pronunciation and the fact that they clearly constituted a phonemic contrast in Tok pisin , but took the attitude that there was no need to distinguish between these two phonemical ly distinct sounds in writing the language . The fact that such sugge stions coming from indigenous speakers of Tok Pisin were adopted by the Lutheran Miss ion , though they contravened e stab l i shed l in­ gui stic principles , also accentuates the shi ft in European attitudes towards the role to be played by indigenous speakers of Tok Pisin in determining features of Tok Pisin orthography , which has al ready been referred to above with regard to European administration o fficials . At the same t ime , the abovementioned sugge s­ tions by native speakers o f Tok P isin show that the views which were held then , and are sti l l being he ld today , by the majority of l ingui sts , according to which newly created spe l ling systems for languages had to indicate all phonemic distinc­ tions found in the l anguage for which they were to be used , are in error. These suggestions appear to indicate that in practical orthographies , phonemic distinc­ tions with a low functional load need not be indicated . Alternative ly , practical orthographies may wel l bene fit from incorporating subphonemic distinctions in some instances - this has been clearly shown in the case o f a practical orthography

1 74

S . A . WURM

devised for the Ayiwo language o f the Ree f Islands in the santa Cruz Archipelago at the eastern extremity of the Solomon I slands chain , which had largely been devised and developed by indigenous speakers of the language , which the present writer has been studying (Wurm , Bwakolo and Moyiy�, forthcoming) . The mod ified orthography incorporating sugge stions as mentioned above was adopted o fficially by the Lutheran Miss ion for their publications and constitutes the orthography used in the Tok Pisin translat ion of the New Testament , which was first pub l ished in 1968 and became the largest and most circulated book pub l i shed in Tok Pisin to that date : 40 , 000 copies of the 861-page book were sold within nine months of i ts publication . It has certainly contributed to acquainting speakers of Tok P i sin with the modi fied standard Tok P isin orthography used in i t .

2.5.2.3

The peri od s i nce 1 969

As has been mentioned above , the influence of the modi fied standard Tok Pis in orthography used in the translation of the New Testament made itse l f fe lt as a res ul t of the wide circulation of the book amongst many indigenous speakers of Tok Pisin who had acces s to the book , and who tended to adapt at least some of the ir spe l ling habits in Tok Pisin to the New Testament spe l l ing . At the same time , most pub li shers o f l i terature in Tok P isin , such as the Bible Society , the New Guinea branch of the Summer Institute of Linguistics , the Creative Training Centre at Nobonob in the Madang Province , the Christian Leadership Training Col le ge , the Kristen Pres in Madan g , Wantok Pub li cations in Wewak , etc. , but rather importantly , not the Government Printer and the Department of Information and Extension Service s , adopted the mod i fied standard Tok Pisin orthography used in the New Testament , which led to a further proli feration of this type of Tok Pisin orthography amongst Tok P isin speakers . In the l ight of thi s , it was decided in November 1969 to take further steps in attempting to arrive at a standardi sed Tok P isin spel ling system and ortho­ graphy . Meetings of experts concerned with the standardisation of Tok pis in orthography were cal led and a Tok P isin Orthography Committee set up under the j oint chairmanship of F . Mihalic , the author of the original s tandard orthography Tok Pisin grammar and d ictionary ( Mihalic 195 7 ) and J . S ievert , one of the chi e f translators and editors o f the Tok P i s i n New Testament . The purpose of thi s committee was to ful ly standardise the spelling system and orthography of Tok Pisin and to attempt to persuade al l publish ing agencies of the then Territory of Papua and New Guinea to voluntarily cooperate in this venture . At the meetings in which the he�ds of seven government departments , three univers i ty professors , linguists from the Summer Institute of Linguistics , translators , indigenous j ourn­ al ists and broadcasters , four indigenous members of the then Papua New Guinea House of Assemb ly , and various mi ssionaries took part , the Tok Pisin spe l ling system employed in the New Testament was unanimous ly recogni sed as the norm for the spe l ling system and orthography of Tok Pisin to be used universally in writing and publishing in the language , and it was sugge sted that the dialect used along the north coast of main land New Guinea be chosen as the standard for a High Tok P i sin . At the same t ime it was decided not to try to resort to a decree for the adoption of these proposals , because it was felt that all agencies involved in the writing of Tok Pisin in the country would recognise that it would be in their own interest to cooperate in this matte r . I n 1970 the Orthography Committee approached government departments and other agencies repeatedly , strongly suggesting the adoption of the proposed orthography

WRITING SYSTEMS AND THE ORTHOGRAPHY OF TOK PISIN

175

b y them. However i n the absence o f official enforcement , the proposals of the Orthography Committee were large ly disregarded in government departments and other agencies , which continued using their own varied Tok Pis in orthographies and spe l l ing systems . The reasons for these attitudes may have been local tradition­ al ism and inertia , and perhaps also the fee ling on the part of some people in the government departments and other agencies that may not have been wel l disposed towards mi ssionary activities , that the Tok Pisin orthography proposed by the Orthography Committee constituted a miss ionary spelling . At the same t ime , the pub lication of a new edition of Mihalic ' s Tok Pis in grammar and dictionary appeared in 1971 ( Mihalic 1 9 7 1 ) and in this the New Testament spe l ling was employe d . At the same t ime , other teaching and simi lar materials aimed at European s , which were published in Papua New Guinea and also in Australia ( e . g . Dutton 1973) , also used this orthography , and it had also been employed in teaching courses in Tok P isin held at the Austral ian National Univer­ sity in Canberra . Thi s has led to an increased acceptance of and adaptation to this Tok P i sin orthography amongst Europeans . The poli tical events in papua New Guinea during the last de cade , culminating in the independence of the country in 19 7 5 , resul ted in the gradual disappearance of Europeans who had been in the country for a long time and who had been the main exponents of the negative att i tude towards Tok Pisin as mentioned in thi s chapter and e l sewhere in this publicat ion . They are being replaced by new Europeans who do not have the biased attitudes typical of mrulY o f this vanishing group of former Europeans in the country . Many of these new Europeans take Tok Pisin seriously as a foreign l anguage and study it as such , getting acquainted with it through its new standard orthography . Many members of thi s new generation of Europeans in Papua New Guinea are persons who play an intensely active role on the Papua New Guinea scene ove r short periods and thereby contribute significantly to the pro­ l i feration of the acceptance of the new Tok Pisin orthography . A new enlarged and revised edition of Mihal ic ' s Tok Pis in grammar and dictionary is in prepara­ tion , and will put a new major reference work , using the new standard Tok pisin orthography , into the hands of those seeking in formation on the language . Official acceptance of this orthography by government agencies in Papua New Guinea is still lackin g , but may be expected to be officially forthcoming in the wake of the of ficial acceptance of the name ' Tok Pisin ' for the l anguage by the government to replace i ts traditional de signation as ' Pidgin ' . The continued use of th is new Tok pisin orthography in pub l ications of wide circulation such as the weekly newspaper Wantok ( supported by the Catholi c Church ) , which has a circulat ion of over 10 , 000 copies , ensures that Tok Pisin materials uti li s ing this orthography are frequently seen by indigenous Tok Pisin readers . Howeve r , there have been deve lopments involving Tok Pisin in recent years which constitute a counterbalance to the general acceptance of the new standard­ i sed Tok Pisin orthography . One of these is the strong deve lopment of two distinct Tok Pisin sociole cts , rural and urban ( Muhlhausler 1975e) . Of these , the rural sociolect constitutes a continuation of general Tok pisin , whe reas the urban sociolect shows very strong influence from English without at the same time becoming more readily intel l igible to speakers of English . Thi s sociolect which tends to become rather more fluid in its structure and vocabulary than the rural sociolect , incorporates a large number of recent English loans and there is an incl ination by some indigenous speakers of it to introduce Engli sh spe l l ing habi ts into writing i t . Another , perhaps even more important factor i s constituted by the gradual appearance of Tok Pisin l iterature in the form of plays , poems , songs , and stories written by

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indigenes o f usually high , mainly terti ary educational leve l . Such writers tend to use their own varie ties of Tok Pi sin , and even if the language in which they write i s very close to the High Tok Pisin as exemplified by the New Testament and other major translations of S cripture which have s ince been prepared , the spe l l ing systems which they employ tend to reflect local and sometimes idiosyncratic pro­ nunciation habits of the writers . This indigenous Tok Pi sin dialect l iterature is very popular amon g indigenous speakers of Tok Pisin and constitutes a powerful factor mi l i tating against the general adoption of the new standard Tok Pisin orthography by i ts readers .

An interesting study of varying spe l ling habits by post-secondary students at the Admini strative College in Port Moresby in recent years provided by Carrington ( 1983) shows that , whi le a number o f students more or less closely fol lowed the standard orthography in their writing o f Tok pisin , a considerable numbe r of them deviated from it in various , often quite idiosyncratic , ways . I t is di f fi cult to predict how far , in the absence of of ficial government directives , the new standard Tok Pisin orthography is likely to become more or less generally accepted and used in the writing of Tok Pi sin in future . This quest ion , which ties up closely with the roles likely to be played by the language in Papua New Guinea in years to come , remains unsolved . While it is l ike ly that European users of Tok Pi s in employ the new standard orthography more and more in writing it, it remains to be seen how far this orthography will gain general acceptance amongst the indigenous users of the language in writing .

Wurm, S.A. "Writing systems and the orthography of Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:167-176. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.167 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

2.6

ETYMO LOG I S I N G AND TO K P I S I N1 P . Miih lhau s l e r

The methods o f classical etymology . . . are not directly appli cable to non-conventional languages such as creole s . . . . ( R . Wood 197 2 , quoted from Edwards 1974 : 5 )

2 .6 . 1

I NTRODUCT ION

In a lingui stic framework o f description where synchronic investigation is regarded as methodically prior to di achronic inve stigation ( i . e . the prevai ling paradigm derived from Saus sure and Chomsky ) , there is l i tt le room for etymological studies . The decline of such studies has been recently discus sed by Malkiel ( 19 7 5 : 101-120) and proposals were put forward to restore etymological research to a posit ion neare r to the core of lingui stics . With the renewed emphasis , in the most recent past , on developmental and hi storical aspects of language ( e . g . Bailey 1980a , b ) there i s hope that a reassessment o f this neglected subfield of lingui st ics is imminen t . I t i s like ly that pidgin and creole l anguages , where mixing at the lexical level is particularly intricate , will provide the point o f departure for more sophisticated mode ls of etymological research . The main arguments against an etymological approach to language include : a) That most researchers are misled by the ' etymological fall acy ' , i . e . the be lief that the meaning of words can be determined by investigating their origin . b) That it hinges on chance-dis coveries , flashes of imagination and accidents . c) that i t is a time-consuming process yielding few insights re levant to other areas of lingui stics . I fee l that the only criticism that stands up to c loser inspection is that etymologising remains a very time-consuming business . All other weaknesses can be mended and I do not see why a we l l-developed theory of etymology could not provide vital information to researchers in many areas of language change .

2.6.2

ETYMOLOG I S I NG FOR P I DG I NS AN D CREOLES

perhaps the most important single lesson that can be learnt from the study of pidgins and creo les is that their linguistic history is in direct confl ict with the simpl i stic Stammbaum or family tree mode l of language development and language re lationships . In a family tree mode l , the origin of a lexical item is traced back by following a path such that nodes lower down are conne cted to nodes higher up by a single line . Thus , the origin of the Tok Pi sin word be l b e l ly, seat of emotions would be represented as follows :

S . A . Wurm and P . Muhlhaus ler , eds Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pi dgin) , 1 7 7 - 219 . Paci fic Linguistics , C-70 , 1984 . P . Muhlh ausler ©

Mühlhäusler, P. "Etymologising and Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:177-219. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.177 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

177

178

P . MUHLHA USLER

�ael; ' . bael , �all. bely Anglo-S axon

bag, skin

Middle-English

Modern English

�e l l Y

English

P.E.

b

Me lanesian P . E . [ e1 e]

Tab l e 1 The fami ly tree mode l ,

Tok P i s in [ be 1 ]

and the impl ied be l i e f that lexical items from a

pidgin or creole language can be traced back to a s ingle source , is s t i l l widely A recent examp l e i s Bollee ( 1980) who e stablishes that in the French ' found . The creoles of the Indian Ocean 96 . 7 % of the vocabulary is of French origin . principal problem of etymology according to he r , and writers subscribing to a s imi l ar v i ew , indigenous)

i s that of tracing the non-European lexi cal back to i ts African

sources .

is given by H a l l

(or

A family tree f o r pidgin English s imi lar to t h e o n e above

( 1961 : 4 14) :

179

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN

. �h :::::: t

PROTO-P I DGIN ENGLISH C

En g l i ,h l

'-

Amer�can

e

West African languages

i

PE

PE

� c�

PE

PE

GU

/;7 \ �:�:�::!: ! !� ::< j PE

Australian

cen ral At lantic

West Af

South Seas

PE

New

n Negro

��

l

Indian

a and

Bri tish

Creoles

So lomon I s lands

Taki-Taki

n

Me lanes i an PE

Neo-Me lane s i an

( = Tok p i s in )

PE

Tab l e 2

Etymological rese arch in Tok p i s in has also centred around the que stions of

relative proportion of English lexi cal mate rial and the origin of non-English

items .

Typical studies are those de s i gned to determine the relative percentage

of lexi cal material of dif ferent origins . fol lowin g :

Thus S a l i sbury

Words derived from Eng l i sh Tolai

other New Guinea languages Ge rman

Laycock

( 1 970d : l l S )

Malay

English Tolai

1 1% 6% 3% 1%

Lat i n

' mixed language '

i t is in

A realistic count of the vocabulary

other New Guinea languages

Ma lay German

finds the

79%

finds that " though pidgin i s a

fact s omewhat l e s s hybrid than i s Engl i sh " . give s the following f i gure s :

( 1 967 : 46 )

77% 11% 6% 1% 4% 3%

Laycock g o e s on to remark that t h e actual token frequency o f lexical items o f

di f fe rent origin may vary conside rably with a chosen speech style or speech topic .

He , like Sal isbury , does not go into the problem o f changes at di fferent develop­ mental stage s . Thus , vocabu lary of German origin may have accounted for as much as 20% o f a l l types in some varie t i e s around 1 9 2 0 ( c f . Muhlhaus ler 1 9 7 5 b ) and

lexi cal i tems from other New Guinea languages appear to have been of considerable The criticism that such percentage counts importance in some areas i n the 1 9 3 0 s .

P. MUHLHA USLER

180

are abstract ideal isations i s not the most important ob j e ction to traditional

Much more serious i s that word counts o f etymologi s in g for Tok Pisin , howeve r . the type j u st d i scussed ignore the mixed character o f the language , whi ch mani­

fests i tse l f not j ust in the compos ition of the vocabulary as a whole but within

individual lexical i tems .

Re search into the sociohistori9al context of the development of Tok Pisin

sugge sts that a simple tree diagram o f family re lat ions i s i nadequate .

Instead

we mus t conceive of a much more complex network of mutual and non-mutual influ­ ences such as is represented here :

Pac i f i c Jargon English \ I \ \

\

Queen s l and P l antation

_

--

-- -

\

-

\

- -

-

" -

- _

-- --------"""

4

•

TP

SPP

.....

./

./ .// /

I / � ./ ..... � / + ,. ..... sp�=----I /,s--

\

Pidgin

English _ _ _

II I

.,.. ,

,,

" ---

\ ':£

/

/

"

/

/

...... / "

/

/

/

,

,

�T JI.

......

......

Chine se Pidgin English Tolai and related languages

German

direct lingui stic influence

indirect o r weak linguistic influence

mutual inf luence between varieties Tok Pisin ( New Guinea Pidgin English) S amoan Plantation Pidgin Engl i sh

Tabl e 3

L i ngui s t i c i n fl uences on Tok P i s i n a round 1 9002 These inf luences can be reali sed within a s ingle lexical item.

the lexical i tem Tolai :

be l be l ly, seat of emotions ,

bal a

be l ly, seat of emotions

}

Samoan Plantation Pidgin

Early Tok Pisin

I

present-day Tok Pi sin

Taking again

we find that it relates to :

English :

be l ly

be l e be 1 3 be l ly, seat of emotions

The main problem of Tok Pisin etymologising can thus be seen as determining Subordinate to this are the degree of mixture within individual lexical items .

the question of t ime-bound changes [ i t must be assumed that the etymologi c a l a f f i l iation o f a lexical item may n o t b e the same a t d i f ferent stages in the development of a pidgin , as the inventory of a lexi con at any given time is the

re sult o f part i a l transmiss ion and partial reborrowing ] and the embedd ing of etymologising into a wider framework o f sociohistorical studi e s .

181

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN

MULT I PLE ETYMOLOGI E S ( L E X I CAL HYBR I D I SAT I ON )

2.6.3

Before attempting to a s s i gn Tok P i s i n lexical items to the i r languages o f

origin ,

the question o f mu ltiple origins must be di scussed in further detai l .

As

the lexicon is the most arbitrary leve l of grammar , a developing pidgin can , from a purely l inguistic point of view , borrow from any language in a contact s i tuation .

What actually happens i s often determined by social factors , ferential st atus .

rather than another include a) language s , b )

in particular ,

di f­

Lin guistic factors favouring the adoption o f one lexical form the accidental s im i l arity of lexical i tems across

e ase o f pronunciat ion ,

be concerned mainly with factor

(a) .

and c )

icon i c i ty .

In this s e ction we will

The fact that Tok Pi sin developed in a mult i l ingual contact s i tuation i s

re f le cted i n the vi gorous pres ence of ,

Edwards

firstly , multilevel syncre t i sms

(cf.

1974 : 5 ) , i . e . cases whe re phonological , syntactic and semanti c aspects o f

lexi cal i t ems can be traced to di fferent source s , and se condly cases where lexical

items as a whole have to be ass igned to more than one source simultaneously cal conflations ) .

( lexi­

One type o f mul ti leve l syncretism involves items which contain

a Melanesian form but have been in part ad j usted to a European

A pos sible example i s the predicate marker

i,

( English)

mode l .

tamba ra n i l i m l i mb u r the ghos t Tolai a taba ran i l i ml i b u r ( c f .

as in

went on a stro l l , whi ch closely corre sponds to Mosel 1980 : 1 2 7 ) . H i storical evi dence s ugge sts that the Me lane s i an use of the predicate marker was reinforced by the anaphoric Engl ish pronoun he and the Engl i sh copula is and in some more advanced varieties of Tok Pisin i is used l ike the Engl i s h copula .

A lexical example i s the attempt by the Catho l i c mi s s i on in the Rabaul area to ve st Tolai words with new doctrinal meaning. Thus k u r k u rua beads� necklace has come to mean rosary and Tolai tema t a n member of a different tribe has come to mean heathen in Tok Pi sin . In another type of lexical syncretism , Engl i sh forms are used in a

or who l ly ) a)

b)

c)

d)

Mel ane s i an funct ion .

A few examples are :

( partly

Ye s or y e s a ( from yes sir ) after negative que s t ions is used to negate , as in Y u no l a i k kam? Yes , m i no l a i k kam . Don ' t you

want to come ?

No .

Most Tok Pisin verbs ,

l ike the i r Melanesian equivalents ,

are

neutral with regard to inception and complet ion of intention vs . non-intention . Thus , r ed i can mean to prepare onese lf and to be ready and l us i m can mean to get rid of and to lose .

Redup l i cated verbs such as wa swas to bathe and toktok to talk do not re f l e ct English foreigner talk but must be regarded as calques from Tolai where redupli cation in verbs s i gnals intrans­ i t i vi ty . Calquing i s also evident in longer idioms ,

my bel ly is heavy = I am sad. cussed in Todd and Muh lhausler 1 9 7 8 .

m i i hev i

such as

be l b i l on g

Such idioms are dis­

Lex ic al con f l at ion h a s been d i s cussed b y a numbe r o f writers

(e. g.

Cas sidy

1966 : 2 11-215 ; Valkhoff 1966 : 2 2 3-240 ; Edwards 1974 : 1-26) and it has been shown for

many lan guage s that part ial s im i larity of form and meaning o f di stinct lexical items in the source language ( s ) can lead to the i r con f l at ion in a pidgin . Le Page 1974 : 49 ) characte r i se s the l i ngui s t i c ' encounte r ' leading to thi s deve lopme nt as fo llows :

182

P . MUHLHAUSLER

Contact s ituations are bound to involve a good deal o f

explorat i on b y both speaker and heare r , which w i l l inevi tably result in s ome lucky and many fruitless s al l i e s . The lucky

on e s are likely to be immediately rein forced by the partici­

pants , each eager to snatch at means o f commun i cation ;

the

unlucky one s are unlikely to be often repeate d .

Coincidence

b i lity o f survival in the emergent pidgin code .

A lexical

of form with some s imilarity o f meaning between items from

two codes wi ll mean that such i tems w i l l have a high proba­ examp l e would be English

dirty and Twi do t i j o intly giving

rise to some pidgin forerunner o f Jamaican creole d o t i .

We f i nd a numbe r o f d i f fe rent types o f this phenomenon :

( a ) Two phonologic a l ly and semantically re lated l exical items of En g l i sh or1g1n The exi stence of this proce s s was are subsumed under a single one in Tok P i s in . pointed out first by Brenn inkmeye r ( 19 24 : 2 3 ) : " S ometimes , s imi larly sounding words are wrongly taken t o be a s ingle on e ,

e tc . "

( autho r ' s trans lation ) .

con f l at ion inc lude :

ban i s

bas i s b i l as i m

a s in : pu l l- ful l ,

derived from b oth fence and bandage , the shared s emanti c elements o f the s e two lexical i tems suggesting a bas i c meaning

of

something which is put around something e lse ;

translated by Smythe ( n . d . ) as a p lace where things have to sugge sts a dual etymology involving both passage and basis ; i s usually considered to be derived from Engl ish

eve r ,

i t s use in the verbal chain

has led the authors of the

g i aman

catch-fetch , work-walk ,

Other i tems which are the l ikely result of such

flash.

tok b i l a s i m to ridicule

go ,

How­

Worterbuch mi t Redewendungen ( n . d . ) to b less ;

to as sume a se cond etymology

to deceive, be mistaken is most probably related to Austral i an gammon in the same meaning . However , a number o f

English

European writers have expressed the opinion that i t is also

understood as containing e lements o f meaning from German and sermon , re ferring to the al leged agents or ins trument o f deceit re spe ctively

(cf.

Clark 1 9 5 5 : 9 ) .

More examples are l i sted in MUhlhausler 1 9 79 c : 2 19 f f . (b)

The numb�r o f lexical items which can b e derived equally we l l from German or

Eng l i sh is quite large , and it can be assumed that many o f them are the re sult

o f conflat ion , in particular s ince the phono logical structure o f stab i l ised Tok P i s in provides for the neutralisation of a numbe r of d i f ferences in the pronunci­ ation of German and English , such as the treatment of word- final stops . Consider the fol lowing : Tok Pi sin

ais a nka as bet ga t en hama mas rip s ade l

related Ge rman word

Ei s Anker Arsch Bett Garten Hammer Mast Ri ff Sat tel

related Engl i sh word

ice anchor arse bed garden hamner mast reef saddle

glos s

ice anchor arse, reason, origin bed, shelf garden hammer mast, flagpo le reef saddle

183

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN Numerous additional e x amples have b e e n pointed out in Steinbauer ' s dictionary ( 19 6 9 ) . Altogeth e r , we are dealing with around 75 items , at the t ime of German-Engl ish contact ( 1 884- 1 9 20 ) . (c)

or 10% of the lexi con

Conflation of lexi c al i tems of Me lanes ian and European origin is l e s s frequent ,

though it is d i f f i cult to dete rmine to what extent chance simi l arity in sound and

mean ing may h ave i n f luenced the s e lection of the basic inventory of Tok Pisin . Edwards

( 1974 : 4 )

argues that the corre spondences in sound and meaning may have

been rather haphazard and qui te spurious in some ins tance s . African Pidgin English he ob s e rve s :

Speak ing about We st

The most obvious form o f lexical pidginization i s found when

one

( or more )

Afri can forms b lended with one

( o r more )

European

forms , resulting in a new restructured pidgin i tem . The parent forms need not have been closely analogous i n form or meaning .

From our

( di s ad ) vantage point ,

three centuries removed , African

and English forms often appear to have fallen together in un­ One thing seems cl ear , however : pidgin­ predi ctable ways . i zat ion was a highly se lective proce s s .

The need for pre c ise

phonological congruence was o ften superseded by the immediate semanti c requirements of the speech community .

A necessary

condition governing the s e le ction and uniting of parental i tems was that crosscultura l , even multicultural , communi cation

be furthere d .

Th i s could occur when roughly analogous form­

meaning combinat ions and sememes ) culture s .

( semi- synonyms ,

sharing se lected sounds ,

occured in the traditions of e ach of the contact

That a number of Tok P i s i n lexical i tems exhibit s imilarities with i tems

from both English and local languages was first pointed out by Nevermann

253-254) :

( 19 2 9 :

Some Pidgin words which at first glance appear to be Engl i sh

have , word

however ,

only a chance simi l arity to it . Thus , the Tolai has nothing to do with eaptain but is native . Pu s i eat also seems not to be connected with English pussy but is probab ly Samoan . The word for woman , ma r i or m e r i , which i s usual ly derived from the name Mary , popular among

k i ap ehief

s a i lors , seems to me to be connected rather with the Tolai word ma r i to love or ma r i pretty, beautifu l , if it i s not to ,be derived f rom

married.

( author ' s translation)

Th i s quotati on c learly i l lustrates the re luctance o f lingui sts at the time

to acknowledge the po ssibi l ity that a lexical item may be the re sult o f conflation , The pos sibi l i ty o f and the ir consequent i n s i s tence on s ingle ' true ' etymologie s . con f l at ion was acknowledged l ater , howeve r , by Bateson ( 1 944 : 1 3 8 ) who argued a s follows : In a few case s , a s ingle word may combine both Engl i sh The word 1 i k l i k , meaning sma l l , for and native roots . example i s such a hybrid between the Engl ish little and i k i l i k , the word for sma l l in the l anguage of Rabaul .

Apart from

me r i woman

and

1 i k l i k sma l l

a number of other lexical bases are strong

candidates for this type of lexi cal con flat ion :

184

P . MUHLHA USLER

Tolai

a t i p thatched roof b a l a be l ly, bowe ls b u l i t sap rok rok frog v a t emphas iser noko midrib of sago momo to drink

An

Engl ish

on top be l ly b lood croak croak yet nook, node more more

Tok Pi sin

a n t a p on top, roof be l be l ly, seat of emotions b l u t , b u l u t , b u l i t b lood, sap, g lue rokrok frog

y e t emphasis er,

yet

nok midrib of sago or feather momo lots (mostly used in connection with drink)

examp le involving a New Guinea mainland language and Engl ish i s

ation used to attract the attention of members of the other sex ,

n an s e i

' exclam­

effeminate man ' wh i ch appears to be related to both Yakamul nan s e i sweetheart and Engl i sh nancy . Rough ly analogous combinations o f form and meaning can also be pointed out

in cases s uch as : Tolai

1 0k tak tun dur kap

to push through t o take t o cook, bake dirty to carry, take

Unfortunate ly ,

English

Tok P i s i n

l ok i m to lock with a key t e k i mwe to take away tan i m to stir food dot i dirty ka r i m to carry, take

lock take turn, done dirty carry

data about the use of Tok P i s in by the indigenous popu lat ion

is very s carce and one can only speculate about the pos s ible extent of lexical

conflation . More than two sources appear to have been involved i n some instance s . A particularly intriguing case of lexical conflation i s that of sanga p liers, hand

of crayfish, forked post, s lingshot which appears to be related to German Zange p li ers , Malay t i a n g forked branch and Australian English s h a n g h a i s lingshot . ( d)

Conflation of Malay and Melanesian lexical items .

A Malay origin or at least partial Malay origin has been claimed for a large

number of Tok Pi sin lexical items in a paper by Roosman ( 19 7 5 ) . Laycock ' s un­ pub l i s hed remarks on the pre final and final versions of thi s paper form the bas i s o f t h i s di scuss ion . In a numbe r of cases ,

the meaning of cognate forms i s very di fferent in Malay

Examples are Malay ho rma t honour which Roosman claims to be one o f and Tok P i s i n . the sources o f Tok P i s i n amama s to rejoice , Tok P i s i n k a l ang earring i s said t o be Laycock points out that a more likely source for related to Mqlay ka l a ng circle .

amama s

i s a New I re l and language and that

ka l ang

in Tolai and related New I re land lan guage s .

in the meaning

earring is found

A se cond prob lem , whi ch i s o f a more general nature , concerns the fact that a numbe r of Malay words were borrowed in a l l likel ihood not from Malay speakers

but from En gl ish and German , where these items had become f i rmly e stablished at the t ime of contact with Melanesian languages i n New Gu inea . They inc lude the i tems kapok kapok ( tree ) , nanas pineapple ( from German Ananas) and mango mango . The

' centra l que s t ion of etymology '

( Laycock)

of

' Which group did the Tok

P i s i n speakers get a word from?' is not really considered by Roosman , though he must have rea l i s ed that the mere presence o f cognates i s no evidence for actual borrowing at some point i n the past . (e)

Con f lat ion of lexical items originating from dif ferent Melanesian language s .

What goes for Malay goes even more for the closely related Me lan e s i an lan­ guages spoken in the areas where Tok P i s i n carne into being . As pointed out by Mo sel ( 19 7 8 : 25 ) :

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN . . .

185

due to the lack o f sufficient data from a l l languages

whi ch were probably involved i n the deve lopment of the Tok P i s in lexi con , we can only show the guage ( s )

possible source lan­

and exclude others , but we cannot d e finitely state

that any Tok Pi sin word is exclus ively borrowed from a Thus ,

speci fic Patpat ar-To lai language .

the mere fact that a word can be traced back to Tolai is no guarantee

that it was actual ly borrowed from Tolai . Tok P i s in

glos s

A few examples inc lude :

indigenous languages

atap

roof� thatch

Tolai :

etep at i p

bua i

bete lnut

Tola i :

b ua i

Mioko :

Labe l : bua i Lamas sa : b ua i

b ue i Mioko : b ue Molot : bua Pal a :

bu l i t

sap� g lue

Tol ai : Mioko :

Molot :

bul i t bul i t bul i t

}

gloss

kunai grass thatch

bete lnut

}

sap of certain trees� g lue

Tab l e 4

The presence o f l exi cal i tems with mUltiple etymologi e s thus poses a number

o f problems . accompany , a)

They are related to the fact that pidgins are the result of , or

the gradual acculturat ion o f a group of speakers .

To be more pre c i s e :

There are s i gn i ficant cultural and l ingui stic di fferences between

the groups i n contact which are only part ially bridged in the pidgins at the beginning of the i r l i fe are rather initial phas e s . Many writers ( e . g . S i lverstein 1 9 7 2 ) crude makesh i ft tongues . have remarked o n the di f ferences in grammar and lexicon to b e found

w i thin a group of pidgin u s ers .

Multiple etymologi e s can re f le ct It cannot be as sumed that speakers this cultural and l i ngui s t i c gap . and hearers share a lexical item in the same way that native speakers in a we l l -de fined speech commun ity do . Thus , wi th a number of words , i t is impossible to determine what i s the central and what the derived ' metaphori cal ' meaning unless reference is made to the speak er . Tok P i s i n s a l a t is related to both German Sal at lettuce For a Ge rman missionary to and Me lane s ian s a l a t stinging nett l e .

b)

use this word to mean stinging nettle would be a metaphor . For a Papua New Guinean the s ituation would be exactly the reverse . Acculturation i s an ongoing proce s s and etymologies must be seen It may be against changes in lingu i s ti c and social structure .

true that the word a i s ice was borrowed from both German and English at s ome t ime in the past . Howeve r , pres ent-day speake:r"s o f Tok

P i s in p robab ly did not get this form from an older generation o f speakers b u t borrowed i t di rectly from English . The extent to

wh ich reborrowing and normal transmi s s ion shape the vocabulary o f a pidgin a t any given stage in i ts deve lopment i s n o t we l l under­ s tood .

Howeve r , we can assume a considerable amount of discon­

t inuity in i ts transmi s s ion which invalidate s any attempts at

186

P . MUHLHAUSLER

drawing straight unbroken l ines between present-day forms and the i r hi storical sources ( c f . Muh 1haus1er forthcoming) . The idea o f ' synchron i c etymologies ' thus appears t o b e a rather attractive notion for a pidginist creo 1 i s t .

PHONOLOGI CAL CHAN GE

2 .6 .4

Tok Pisin began as a second language learnt by adults in an impe rfect learning

context and fits the following characterisation given by Harrison for Negro English ( 1 8 84 : 2 2 3 ) :

"Negro English is an e ar language altogether bui l t on . . .

e rror of ear,

a mishearing" .

Mishearing accounts for a number of phenomena in Tok Pisin ,

otos i s ,

an

for instance the

merging o f complex Engl ish con struct ions i nto s ingle lexical s terns in Tok pis i n . Compare :

Engl i sh

tortoise s he l l bi l ly can guard of honoUl' that 's a l l I do not know

Tok Pisin

gloss

t rause 1 b r i ke n ka tuana tasol a i dono

tortoise bi l ly can guard of honoUl' but; that i s a l l to not know

Such e xamples i l lustrate why " i t is often the case that Engl i sh words which

the n atives have made palatable to thems e lves are mistaken by m i s s ionaries and

other Europe ans for native words"

( S chuchardt 1 9 7 9 ,

translation pp . 2 4/2 5 ) .

Fail­

ure to identify the Engl i sh or German origin o f a Tok P i s in lexical i tem i s a very common phenomenon among the le xicographers and analysts of this language . Landtmann ( 19 2 7 : 46 1 ) , writing about Kiwai I s land Pidgin , assigns the i te m g a s intestines t o words that are " uncertain a s t o the i r derivation" . She lton-Smith ( Rabaul Times 24 May 1 9 2 9 ) reports a personal experience with this phenomenon : About a fortni ght afte r

I considered that I had mastered

the l angu age , as does everyone a fter a fortni ght .

master was I that I d i s covered a ' pidgin '

So much a

word that no one

had heard be fore , not even the Gove rnment interpreters . was

chacun

and meant

to make peace .

It

I was al lowed to e n j oy

pride in my discovery for several days , unti l someone pointed

out that my profound etymological dis covery was nothing more than

shake hands pronounced i n native fashion ' s ha k u n d ' .

More drastic than the resu lts o f mishearing are some o f the natural phonet-

010gi ca1 proce sses ( c f . S tampe 1 9 7 3 ) , i . e . processes facil itating pronunciat ion . Such processes are found both w i th children and adult second-language learners .

Whi l st they are extreme ly common in the early s tages of the development of a

pidgin , the i r survival in late r stages depends on the avai lability and social status o f the original 1 ex i fi e r language , as well as how such changes a f fe ct per­ ception . Thus , we find that a process such as vowe l epenthes is

c lean

-

k i l i n)

( straight

-

s i t i re t

has a high survival rate because it does not drastically a f fe ct

or

pe rcepti on . Redupl icat ion , on the other hand , as in mechanic becoming mekmek or n i kn i k or onion be coming an i a n i , tends to disappear as a pidgin develops . Only in a few cases have drasti cally restructured lexical items survived . These pose special problems for etymological s tUdies .

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN

An

187

example o f how both perception and production strategie s can conspire

during pidginisation to h ide the Engli sh origin of a Tok Pisin word is the lexical item abus anima l, edib le meat, side dish. In Mihalic 1971 its origin i s given as Gaze l l e , i . e . Tolai or a closely related language . Howeve r , consider the possi­

b i l ity of the source of this item being Engl i sh

animals . The trans i tion from animals to abus can be described in a numbe r of highly natural proce s se s : a)

b)

c)

1

u because a n i mus ;

becomes

yie lds

o f the i r close acoustic s imi l arity .

the least prominent syllable i s l o s t ,

to yield

This

amu s ;

the more h i gh l y marked nasal i s replaced with a homorgan ic stop , to yield

abus .

The author has to con fess that this pos s ibi l i ty only occurred to him when

h i s 2 1 -month-old daughter be gan to refer to animals as

ab u s .

SEMANT I C CHAN GE

2.6.5

As i s t h e case with phonetological change s ,

the most drastic divergences

from the lexi fier language in the s emant i c area can be found i n the early stages

of the deve lopmen t of a pidgi n , or when a word is newly borrowed . The pressure from the lexi fier language will bring i t closer to i ts etymological meaning over

t ime .

The extent to which seman t i c restructuring can occur is i l lustrated by the

recently borrowed word j e l es

( from English jealous ) . In formants i n d i f ferent areas to fight with, to have sexua l intercourse with and to te l l a Only o n e group o f in formant s , i n a n urban are a , gave a meaning jealous.

gave i ts mean ing a s

secret.

As mo st dictionar ie s o f Tok P i s in are highly normative and b i ased toward etymological purity , the true extent of semantic developments is probably much

Few insights about the naturalne s s o r otherwi s e greater than commonly admitted. of such seman t i c changes can be gained unt i l t h e meaning u s e d by actual speake rs o f the language rather than dictionary makers has been inve s t i gated more ful l y .

A s econd area of s emantics wh ich requires further attention by the student of Tok P i sin etymo lo gi s i n g is that of doub l ettes , i . e . cases where a single word from a source language has become two s eparate words in Tok P i s i n . The extent o f

this phenomenon again i s concealed by the normative pr act i ce s o f lexicog raphers . we l l known cases include : gloss

English '

Tok P i s in

kas kat

p laying cards, luck ( identification) card

monkey

man k i mon k i

young boy, unmarried man monkey

nai l

ne l nil

fingernail nai l, thorn

pi l low

p i 10

pil low wooden headrest

hobe l hoben

carpenter ' s p lane screwdriver

card

German

Hobel p lane

p e ro

188

P. MUHLHAUSLER

THE ETYMOLOGI CAL STATUS OF COMPLEX AND DE R I VE D I TEMS

2.6.6

There is con siderable uncertainty as to whether words derived from , or com­

posed o f , o rlgln .

socks man

lexical bases related to English words should be regarded as of English

k l i n pa i a fire which cleans purgatory o r s u soks ma n shoe and whi te co l lar worker qual i fy as items o f English origin or not? The

Thus , do =

=

common practice in the past has been to give

an a f fi rmative answer .

However ,

this may j ust be one of the many mani festations of the view that pidgins do not have a l i f e of the ir own but are paras i t i c upon e i ther a substratum o r super­ stratum language .

Thus we find in Miha lic ' s di ct ionary

( 19 7 1 ) entries such as :

s a k i m ( E . sack him) to sack s . th. � to bag� to put in a bag pu l s e n ( E . pu l l chain) a z ipper� a hookless fastener pa i ra p ( E . fire up) to exp lode

S imi larly Ste inbauer and

( 1969 ) opts for an Engl i sh origi n of d ra i wa r a low tide� ebb

d r i pman pi lgrim� wanderer.

Th i s practice is widespread in lexicographi cal s tUdies of other pidgins and

creoles .

Thu s , Bollee

( 1980 : 7 1 ) include s among the 96 . 7% words of French origin

in Seyche l l e s " creole neologi sms formed out of French lexi cal mate r i a l " ( author ' s Th i s practice raises a number o f problems , however , inc luding : trans lat ion) . a)

b)

c)

It b lurs the distinction between clearly borrowed lexical items

renkot raincoat , calques from English such as ma n k i s p a na monkey wrench and internal word formation as manifested in man k i ma s t a indigenous man in European emp loyment . such a s

I t ignores the poss ibi l i ty that compounds may have been borrowed An example

no t directly from English but via other languages . is

l u kbuk

from Tolai

(E.

look book ? ) which in all like l ihood was borrowed

l u kbuk to read.

It does not de al adequately w i th calques from local languages and

other instances of lexical con f lation .

The most important ob j ect ion , however ,

i s that the independence and vigorous

creativity of a language such as Tok Pisin is s imply ignored . Consequently , in my ( unpub l i s hed) revision of Mihal i c ' s dictionary I have opted for giving an English origin of a complex word only where direct borrow i ng i s l ikely .

2.6.7

TH E ' ETYMOLOGI CAL FALLACY ' AND TOK P I S I N

Lyons ( 19 7 7 : 2 44) has characte r i se d common be l i e f that the meaning of words Th i s view contrasts w i th the origins " . lexeme i s , in princip le , synchron i c a l ly

the etymological fallacy as fo llows : " the can be determined by inve s t i gating the i r widely accepted one that " e tymology o f a i rrelevant . "

( Lyons

197 7 : 24 4 ) .

There are a number of reasons why thi s is not nece s s ar i ly so in a pidgin such

as Tok Pi sin . A first counterargument is that the deve lopmen t of Tok p i s in has not been a continuous one . Instead of be ing passed on from generation to gener­ ation , words whi ch are marginal to the language get borrowed again and again from othe r languages . Let us i l lustrate this with a simple example . It would seem i l le gitimate t o trace back present-day Tok P i sin b i bee to b i documented for Paci fic Pidgin English be fore 1900 . I n s te ad , one would have to say some thing like :

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN be fore

189

1900 b i bee was borrowed from Engl ish ;

between 1900 and 1960 the form b i nen , from German Bienen , was u se d ; after 1960 b i bee was yet again borrowed from Engl i sh .

The extent to which Tok P i s in i tems have been reborrowed rather than transmitted in a straightforward fashion is not known , but probably quite s ign i ficant .

A second argument concerns the continuous res tructuring of semantic and

phonological in formation to bring Tok Pisin lexi cal items closer to the i r putative Tok P i s i n-English is the semantic area for the or genuine etymological source . fol lowing items :

expanded Rural

e arly stab i l i s ed

Tok P i s in

Tok pis in

Urban Tok p i sin

harim

h i rim

ban i s

ba n i s

ban i s

pe l e s

p I es

p I es

har im

sme l i m pi l i m

sme l i m

I i s ten i m

fen i s

v i l es

Sa nde wi k ho I i d e

Sande wik

Sande

pe i m

pe i m

pe i m

ba i

ba i

im

Tab l e 5

im

spen t i m

gloss

to hear to sme l l to fee l to listen to bandage fence p lace vil lage sunday week ho liday to pay to buy to spend

These examples i l lustrate the operation of l anguage -external rather than language- internal pressures a f fecting the narrowing and spe c i a l i s at ion of meaning . In at least three cases , those o f ba n i s , pe l e s and p e i m , it does not seem legit­ imate to trace the urban form d i re ctly back to early stab i lised Tok P i s i n . Whereas present -day p I e s and v i l e s are cle arly re lated to Engl i sh p lace and vil lage , i t wou ld seem absurd to t race back v i l e s to e arly stab i l i s ed Tok p i s in pe l e s , in I spi te of the fact that this item i s a syncretism o f these two Engl i sh word s .

am not even s ure whether present-day p I e s can be traced back to earlier p I e s , because the semant i c narrowing experienced by this item appears to be due to re­ newed contact wi th Engl i sh . Eng l i sh etymologies are re levant in yet another are a ,

pe j orati ve meaning .

that of items with

The fol lowing statement is perfectly reasonable when app l ied

to the stable Tok Pisin spoken in remote rural areas : Why then ,

I wonde r , do speakers o f English de sc ribe Pidgin

as be i ng full o f insulting word s , though they mu st be aware of the fact that these words which bear formal resemblance to insulting words i n English , have perfectly harml e s s meanings in pidg in .

(Wurm

1967 : 9 )

Educated urban papua New Guineans are now found e i ther to avoid i tems which

resemble Eng l i sh e xple t i ve s ,

such as

baga rap ruined

or b u l s i t i m

to deceive , or

to use them in the full awareness of the connotations they have in Tok P i s in ' s lex i fi e r language :

190

P. MUHLHAUSLER

Shifts o f meaning occasionally take place unde r the influ­

ence of English ,

espe c i a l ly in re spon se to ridicule or dis­

approval such a s that expressed by speakers of Eng l ish toward

Neo-Me l anesian words or meanings which diverge from those o f

Engli sh .

( H a l l 1 9 5 5 b : 10 5 )

The numbe r o f lexi cal items thus affected i s s igni ficant ,

examples being :

lexi cal item

rab i s baksa i t p i sop s a ra p

interpretation in

interpretation in

Rural Tok P i s in

poor, destitute back to depart quickly to be si lent, quiet

In these and simi l ar ins tance s ,

some important

Urban Tok P i s in

rubbish, worthless backside to piss off to shut up

the continued presence of the l e x i f ie r lan­

guage promotes a special type o f inter lingual word-t aboo

( cf . Haas 1 9 6 4 ) .

Final l y , we can observe , in the h i story of Tok P i s in , a gradual change from independent word-format ion types to borrowed ones . Thus , a raincoat in c l a s s i cal

Tok P i s i n is kot ren , whereas in many present-day varieties it i s renkot . My fee l i ng i s that only the latter i tem should be assigned an Engl i sh e tymology . should n o t b e related d i re c t ly t o earlie r

ko t ren ,

n o r should t h i s item ,

reasons outlined abov e , be directly related to English

raincoat .

for

It

The growing impo rtance of English as a contact language has also weakened

An example is b l a kbok i s flying fox ( the trans­ b lack box) . Under the impact of Eng l i sh flying fox and most recently p l a i foks flying fox ( the word foks fox be ing a very recent some trad i t i onal folk-e tymologi es .

lat ion of the folk-etymology being loan ) .

We are not dealing w i th a continuous development here e ither ,

sense c an the development ,

b l a kbok i s to p l a i foks flying fox to b l akbok i s .

in Tok p i s i n ,

a s a mirror image of that from English

from

and in no

be regarded

The data j u st presented not only i l lustrate that the etymo logical f a l l acy

i s no fall acy i n Tok Pisin and that , moreover , statements such as " once an ety­ mology , always an e tymology " do not apply to languages with an intens ive contact h i story , in particular where borrowing between lexically related languages i s involved.

2.6.8

FOL K-ETYMOLOG I ES I N TOK P I S I N

By folk-etymology we understand : . . .

an invented explanation of why a certain form means what

i t does ,

and the invention , no matter how far - fetched , usually

turns somehow on the s ame sort o f vague simi l arity o f shape which unde r lie s metanalysis and reshaping . ( Hockett 1 9 5 8 : 2 8 8 )

The above quotation points to the fact that folk-e tymologi s i ng i s closely

associated with the derivational lexi con o f a language , in particular compounding . S i nce word-formation proces s e s emerge late in the development of Tok P i s in , most folk-e tymologi es are of very recent origi n .

The extent t o wh ich folk-e tymologi sing i s found i n Tok P i s in i s not quite clear , though it seems certa in that the number of examples used in actual speaking i s much greater than suggested i n available di ct ionarie s . Its importance is in­ ve rsely correlated with a speaker ' s knowle dge o f and identification with s tandard

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN forms of English .

19 1

As no fu ll study of th is phenomenon in Tok Pisin is available ,

I sha ll restrict myse l f to remarks on a numbe r of points which would seem to

dese rve closer attent ion .

2.6.8. 1

T h e ro l e of fo l k - etymol ogi s i n g i n t h e devel opment of a deri vat i onal l ex i con

The deve lopme nt of new grammat ical structures out o f the l imited structural

resources o f an incipient pidgin often proceeds by way o f grammatical reanalys is ,

i . e . exi sting surface structures are re interpreted in a way that provides alter­ native gramm at ical analys i s . Thus i n Tok P i s i n , an utterance such as :

em i tok o l s em : t umo ra k i a p b a i kam

He said: tomorrow the patro l officer wi l l come

i s interpreted as

em i tok , o l sem t umo ra k i a p b a i kam

i.e.

the adve rb i a l

o l s em thus

He said that the patro l officer wi l l come tomorrow

is re inte rpreted as a complement iser

S imi l ar proce s s e s are also found i n t h e lex i con .

The i t e m

that.

s u tma n

( from

Schut zmann police constab le) was inte rpreted as s u t shoot and man man , i . e . somebody who shoots. This i s one of the first compounds documented for Tok pis in

Ge rman

and this particular inst ance o f folk-e tymologi s ing may we l l have been an important factor in the deve lopme nt of V + N agentive type compounds .

S imi larly , folk-e tymology converting Ge rman B u ffel buffa lo to b i kb e l big b e l ly may have triggered off the deve lopment of an ad j e ctive + noun type of com­ pound relatable to a paraphrase

' N has what is expressed by adj . N ' .

A s l i ghtly more complex case is that o f compounds of the type a s + N meaning ' o riginal o r authoritat ive N ' a s i n a s p l es home vi l lage� p lace of origin or a s l o fundamenta l law� constitution. The vigorous development o f this type of compound was he lped greatly by the rei nterpretation , on the part o f Tok P i s i n speaker s , o f a number o f d i f ferent Engl ish forms as Engl ish

archbishop Ash Wednesday yesterday

a s foundation� authority .

Tok P i si n

Compare :

as - b i sop authoritative bishop a s - t r i nde important Wednesday a s - t e t e origin of today

The grouping together o f words with partial semantic and phono logical sim­

i l arities i s frequently found with cases o f multifunctiona l i ty , lexical it ems in more than one grammatical category .

i .e .

the use of

Whi l st the categorial di f ferences are retained after borrowin g , the close semantic and phono logical s imil arity may result in the inte rpretation o f two lexical items as being derivationally re lated . The fol lowing cases were observed : a)

Tan done as in ka i ka i i t a n the food is done i s interpreted as being re lated to tan i m , originally to turn , so that t a n i m ka i ka

b)

S a k i m to shake

i s now interpreted by many speakers o f Tok P i sin as to turn or stir the food thereby causing it to be done ; this e xample has a l re ady been reported by Brenn inkmeyer ( 1 924 : 2 3 ) .

i

is o ften interpreted as being related to s a k sack s ince in the context o f f i l l ing copra into bags , shaking is one of the main activi ties .

Thus

into sacks by shaking them.

s a k i m kabora ( ko p r a ) to fi l l copra

P. MUHLHA USLER

192 c)

B e l o be l l

the verb

derived .

i s considered by some speakers to be the base from which

be l o i m to b low

as in

be l o i m hon to b low the horn

is

d)

Engl i sh

e)

S ome speakers are reported to regard the noun p i sop bishop as be ing derived from the verb p i sop to piss off because of the habit

f) g)

2.6.8.2

judge and charge have fallen together in Tok P i s in and the and s a s i m to judge or charge someone are re ­ garded as being derived from the noun sas judge . verbs

s a s to judge

of some e cclesiastical dignitaries to only pay brief visits to

outlying areas . English

preach and priest have both become p r i s , and are thought

of as be ing an instance o f an intransi tive verbal being derived from a noun bas e .

P l et

appears t o be derived from both English

the intransitive verbal

p l e t flat

like a p late .

plate and flat , and being

is often interpreted as

The p reserv a t i o n of German -deri ved l exi cal materi al

The disappearance o f lexical i tems derived from German i n more recent var­

ieties of Tok P i s in has been commented upon by a numbe r of writers

see Muh lhausler 1 9 7 9 c : 24 2 ) .

etymology . and b i kbe l

Next to the already d i scussed examples of

Ge rman

buffalo we f ind :

( for a survey

Many of those that survived are supported by folk­ Tok P i s i n

s u tman police constable

re interpreted as

blaistik pl ast i k

( b l a i ) stick plastic (when used to refer

Schubkarre whee lbarrow

s u pka r

shove car

Wal fish wha le

we l p i s

oi l fish

Bleis tift penci l

2.6.8.3

or

to a biro)

Es tab l i s h ed vers u s ad hoc fol k -etymol ogi es

A characte ristic o f Tok P i sin folk-etymologi e s is that they tend to be found

mainly in the less developed s e cond-l anguage varie t i e s of the language and in those furthe st removed from Eng l i s h . In many case s observed i n s tances of folk­

etymologi e s reflect individual l earning strategi es rather than communa l usage . Thus , the ma j ority of Papua New Guineans would not interpret s e l f gavman self government as s e l kamb a n g lime gourd nor would they inte rpret bo l het bald as h e t o l sem bo l head like a bal l . On ly a few examples , such a s the interpretation o f s i ken poks chickenpox a s s i k i n poks skinpox , have gained wider currency . Quite o ften , folk-etymologies are made up in the course of word play , as the fol lowing forms I noted among first-language speakers :

p ra i me r i s k u l p ra i me r i s k u I p ra i man s k u l

primary schoo l was re interpreted as schoo l for frying girls and contrasted with schoo l for frying boys .

such

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN

19 3

A similar word game is the reanalysis of the lexical base ka nda re re lative on the mother ' s side as kan female genitals + the ' cranberry formative ' d a re and the cre ation of kokd a re male genitals + da re for relative on the father 's side .

2.6.8.4

Ge s ta l t-character i s t i c s of compounds

Folk-etymologies provide an interestin g argument f o r the separation o f lexi­ con and syntax . Compounds should not be seen as being trans formationally derived from unde rlying sentence s , but rather as having a Gestalt meaning.

For i n s tance , the meaning contained i n related par aph rases i s at best indir­ ectly related t o the ' Ge s talt ' meaning of derived lexical items . Consider , for

example , the compounds

l u s l a i n to take leave , pa i p sme l c lay pipe

and

5 1 i ngsut

On asking i n fo rmants for the meaning o f these items the author was given two alternatives in each cas e , these bein g :

s lingshot .

l us l a i n

to take leave

pa i p sme l c lay pipe

s l i ng s u t s lingshot

mek i m o l sem s i p i l u s i m l a i n man i l us i m l a i n

ship casting off the mooring lines man leaving the labour line

pa i p i g a t g u t pe l a sme l pa i p 0 1 i wok i m l on g sme l

the pipe has a good sme l l pipe made out of cement

y u s u t i m s i l i n g l ongen 51 i ng b i l ong s u t i m p i s i n

you shoot shi l ling pieces with it s l ing for shooting birds

Tabl e 6 The

' underlying ' paraphrases di f fe r both as regards the syntactic relat ions they Howeve r , th i s does not a ffect the exhibit and the l exi cal i tems they contain . Di f ferences basic function o f these compounds as names for certain ob j e ct s . between speakers are found not only i n the ways in wh ich they relate derived lexical items to paraphrase s , but also , as regards whether they regard a word as a compound o r not .

Because o f Tok Pi sin ' s close l inks w i th English it has borrowed a large

Di fferent speakers may have qui te di f fe rent intu­ number of English compound s . itions about the degree of transparency of such items , a fact which does not a f fe ct the way in wh ich they u s e these i tems as names for actions or things . Thus , the correct u s e of terms such as pa i aw u t firewood, renbo rainbow or d ra i dok drydock is not dependent on a speak er ' s knowledge of the lexical bases wut wood , bo bow or dok dock , ' though an increasing number of speakers is now becoming aware that these i tems can be interpreted as compound s .

No r does the reinterpretation o f certain English bases a s compounds o r semi­ compound s change the i r basic character as names as , for ins tance , in w i n d u a -

w i ndo wind-door - window

or the use of h a u s p i ta l house pital for hosp i ta l hospita l . In the l i ght o f these observations i t must be argued that t h e relation between

derived lexical i tems and re lated paraphr ases is indirect rather than direct , that the function of such paraphrases is that of providing assoc iative frames rather than generative devices and that derived or morpho logically motivated lexical i tems contain unpredictable i nformation found neither in related bases nor suit­ able for description in terms o f rule s .

194

P. MUHLHAUSLER

2.6.8.5

Fo l k-etymol og i s i n g i n name- g i v i ng

An area in wh ich folk-etymologis ing is ve ry much al ive is that of proper name s , particularly the name s of Europeans . Thus a European whose name is Bruce is o ften referred to as Ma s t a B r us the European who smokes tobacco , Les is iden­ t i fied with Tok P i s in l e s lazy and Jack with sek shake or cheque. A we l l -known examp l e involving the name of a Papua New Guinean is that of the par l i amentarian P i t a L u s whom I heard saying Nem b i l on g mi Lus t aso l mi no I us my name is Lus but

I am not at a loss.

2.6.8.6

Fol k-e tymo l o g i s i ng in t h e cargo movements

A v e r y important ,

unde rstoo d ,

although h i therto ne ither well des cribed n o r p roperly

dime n s i on o f folk-e tymologis ing i s encounte red in the context o f cargo H e re we find deliberate attempts on the part o f speak e r s o f Tok p i s in activit ie s .

to reconstruct the true meaning of lexical items , and to deve lop a secret language

wh ere a l l lexical items are used in their true meaning . The pos s e s s i on of such a se cret vocabulary is con s i dered to constitute an instrument of pol i tical and re l i ­ gious pow e r .

Two factors : the wide spread be l i e f that t h e miss ionaries l ied about the ' t rue meaning ' of many of the i r lexical i nnovat ions , and the fact that " the natives actually , and quite frequently , impute secret meanings to pidgin words and sen­ tence s in the s ame , or a s im i l ar way , a s they are accustomed to do with their own

vernacular language s " s e cret vocabulari e s .

( Au finger 1949 : 1 1 7 ) , are instrumental in the development o f

Thus S chwartz

( 19 5 7 : 1 5 6 f f )

d i s cusses the developme nt of new

s e c ret meanings for certain doctrinal terms in the Pal iau movement I s l and ,

refe rring to the widespread be lie f that :

of Manus

The mi s s ion l i ed too about what is called Imperno and

Purgatorio .

The miss ion explained these in Neo-Me lanesian

as f i re belong marsalai .

e rature o f the mi ss ions , spi r i ts o f the bush .

Outside o f the Neo-Me lanesian lit­ the word marsalai denotes malevolent

The folklore o f the old culture is

peopled w i th the s e demons .

They could cause the death o f

human beings . Missionaries had told their converts not t o bel ieve i n marsala i , but they had a l s o borrowed the word to t ranslate the dev i l s and the demons of Chr i s t i anity . cal l ed this talk about fire be long marsalai a l ie .

Paliau

Imperno

was simply the ground in which one was buried when one die s . Christ was buried in the ground , then H i s think-think ascended to Heaven after three day s . I t i s this way wi th all men . Your body went into the ground and your mind-soul went back to God . As for Purgator io , another " fire" in which men were supposed to pay for the i r minor s i ns after death , this was also a l ie of the mi s s ionary . This Purgatorio is the house

calaboose into which the government put people who had done I t was n o t a f i re , i t was not in Heaven , and i t some wron g . had nothing t o d o with mars alai . This was the mi s s ion ' s way of avoiding talking about the coercive power of the governmen t .

Folk-etymologi s ing o f this type i s not restricted t o doctrinal terms , howeve r , and the l i s t o f expressions colle cted b y Schwartz includes other eXfu�ples such as :

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN Tok Bok i s

195

special meaning in

expression

o ra i t

ordinary meaning

all right, healthy

to be equa l to the white man in te�8 of knowledge, goods, etc.

ka s t em h a u s

customs house

a shed for receiving and handling goods in trade with other vi l lages

K i ng Be r ra

Canberra

mythical king of the land of cargo

mep

m�

graveyard

p ra i s

price, prize

reward, cargo

star

star

turnstile in the vil lage gate having reference to heaven

Paliau movement

Tab l e 7 The deve lopment o f special vocabularies by various cargo movements was and st i l l is qui te widespread . There are regional d i f fe rences and rapid replacement

of old secret terms w i th new ones , partly in order to prevent outsiders from

getting to know the secret language but mainly because the search for the true

meaning brings with it a very large number of wrong interpretat ions . ence between the lite ral and the se cret

though it may go unno ticed by the outside r , standings .

The d i f fer­

' real ' meaning can be quite dras t i c ,

thus leading to far-reaching mi s under­

It can be seen from the cases di scussed that folk-e tymo logies not only pro­ vide comi cal re l i e f to the l ex i cographer and lexicologist but that the i r study raises a numbe r of important que st ions of a theore tical nature .

SOME SHORTCOM I NGS OF P RACT I CAL ETYMOLOG I S I NG FOR TOK P I S I N

2.6.9 2.6.9.1

I nt rodu c t i o n

Etymologising for a language such a s Tok p i s i n involves a number o f theoret­ Given the extent of the d i f ficulties and i ca l problems and practi cal obstac l e s .

the fact that most dict ionary compi lers have not been trained lexicographers o r Howeve r , we find a number of harm­ l inguists the results a r e surpris ingly good. ful tendenc�es which I would b r i e fly l ik e to discuss here for the bene fit o f future comp i lers o f etymological dictionaries o f the language .

2.6.9.2

T h e ' i f i t i s exot i c i t mu s t be Tol a i ' pri nc i p l e

·

As pointed out by Mosel ( 19 80 : 2 3 f f ) , a number of lexical items commonly l i sted as of Tolai or Gaze l l e origin cannot pos sible come from this source . Two

important types o f words are : a)

Words which contain the sound and

[5]

which i s not found in Tolai or

ba l u s bird me l i sa barracuda , l i st ed in Mih a l i c 1 9 7 1 , and mosong fluff s us u breasts for whi ch To lai has been given as the source by

the Duke-o f-York language .

and other lexi cographers .

This exclude s the items

P. MUHLHA USLER

196 b)

Words containing no prenasalisat ion be fore voiced stops . ne ither

rabun ridge of house

nor

abus anima l

( 19 80 )

the latter item

gives a number of other lexical items which have been wrongly

traced back to Tolai or closely related languages ,

including

fruit , ka rapa maize , pu i naked and a rowa to steer around.

pu i

Thus ,

can be of Gaz e l le

origin ( as assumed by Mihalic 1 9 7 1 ) , moreove r , also contains the sound [ 5 ] .

Mosel

�

h a s already been remarked upon .

a i l a tree with edib le

The German origin o f

A possible Engl i sh etymo logy for

a rowa

over and abus animal h a s been shown above to b e related t o Engl i sh animals .

is

all

Mos e l ' s research has he lped to determine what items did not originate in the

Gaze l l e Peninsula or neighbouring areas , but further rese arch is neces sary to

determine positive ly the origin of a numbe r of i tems .

2.6.9.3

' D i achron i c pur i sm '

This term refers to conscious or uncon scious att empts on the part o f miss ion­ ary lexi cographers to find an innocuous source for Tok Pisin words derived from

En g lish four-letter words or , unknown origin .

fail ing this ,

to s imply c l a s s i fy such words as o f

A good example o f diachron i c purism in etymologis ing is the derivation o f

baga rap t o b e ruined, tired

from English bankrupt , a s i s done i n the Wo rterbuch mi t Redewendungen ( around 19 3 5 ) , or from a non-exis tent beggared up as is done

by Schebe sta and Me i s e r

( 19 4 5 ) , who comment on the i r etymology :

beggar is transi tive but here the e ffect is taken" .

Engl i sh to bugger up does not appear before Mihalic 19 5 7 . etymo l ogie s are found for other lexical items . Compare : lexical item

kan kok sit

Engl ish

glos s

female genitals male genitals ashes, faeces W�

e tymon

cunt cock shi t

S imi l ar puri fied

Etymons l i s ted in :

W�

cock ?

" In Engl i sh to

The correct derivation from

SM

not

l isted

M7 1

ST69

E

E* E

?

Worterbuch mi t Redewendungen

=

SM = S chebesta and Me iser 1 9 4 5 M7 1 = Mihalic 1 9 7 1

ST69 *E

=

=

Ste inbauer 1969

En g l i sh

Tab l e 8

Such etymologising can have s ide e f fect s , in particular when used as the Thus , in devising a standard b a s i s o f a quas i -etymo logi cal writing system . spe l l ing system for Tok P i s in , the Alexishafen authors of the Worterbuch mi t Redewendungen sugge st that it should closely fol low Eng l i sh pronunc iation . How­ eve r , whi l st they s pe l l Tok Pisin [ h a n ] hand as h a nd , they do not restore the final consonant in [ ka n ] fema le genitals , since its Eng l i sh ori gin is not ack­ nowledge d .

197

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN

2.6.9.4

Fanci fu l e tymo l ogi es

A s pointed out by Malk iel

d i s cover i e s ,

( 19 7 5 : 105 ) , etymologi s ing i s dependent o n chance

f l ashes of imagination , and lacunary records ,

expect unfortunate gue sses next to lucky discove ries .

and hence one can

In the history of Tok Pisin ,

a number of rather un l ikely etymologies have been give n . As some of them are s t i l l quoted , particularly in the context o f exposing all eged de fi ciencies of the language , a brief di scuss i on seems i ndi cated . ( a)

p u s p u s ( to copulate , redupli cated form pus to push ) . Church i l l ( 1 9 1 1 : 30 )

En gli sh

s i gnalling intransi tive verb , remarks on this item :

from

The most ridiculous word in the j argon i s the name of love .

Lest the readier smile at the absurdity obscure the pity o f it all ,

I would revive a note which I made i n a forme r paper

"a cat ,

a white she l l ,

(Ameri can Journal of Phi l ology , XXI X , 3 6 ) : In Du f f ie ld ' s New I re l and vocabulary (Proceedings of the Royal Society of Queenslan d , I , 1 1 5 ) pus-puss is de fined as a de l i cate word" .

Grabner ' s "Neu-Meck lenburg"

I n S tephan and

( the same is land)

i t is c i ted in

the phrase " b imeby she puss -puss plenty" as covering every

outward exhibition of a f fection , static and kineti c . Such , too , is my recollect ion of the word from an earlier date in the s ame w i ld archipe lago .

The student of e thics will find

herein a s t r iking dis closure o f the j e j unity o f the inte l­

lectual o r spiritual deve lopment o f these savages when the i r

f i rst need o f a term f o r the a f fections , possibly the i r f i r s t dis covery o f the exis tence o f such emotions , i s awakened by seeing a rude sailor petting a cat , al iens both .

( b ) pekpek ( t o excrete, defecate from Tol a i pekapeke ) . For this item Aufinger ( 1949 : 1 1 8 ) proposes the fol lowing un l ikely explanation : The word "bekbek" for defecat ion is probably derived from the habit o f the natives along the beach to ease thems e l ves along the water-l ine , thus forming a l ine o f many backs , expre s sed by the redup l i c ation "bekbek " .

According to Shelton-Smith in the ( c ) b ung (market , from Tolai b u n g market day ) . Rabaul Times of 24 May 1 9 2 9 " the native mark et is b un t , but beyond those there I t i s unlikely that Ge rman bunt colourful had anything are few German words . " to do with this word .

(d)

senke l bo i (a single man living off the community, male ' spinster ' ) .

re lates t h i s i tem to German

Miha l i c

schenken to give a present , apparently because the

type o f person r e fe rred to depends on presents from other members of the commun ity . Howeve r , a much more likely explanation is that we are de aling wi th a variant of

s ke l ma n , s ke l bo i unmarried man

dict ionary . (e)

kanaka .

Mihal i c ,

( from Engl i sh

single ) also l i s ted in Mihal i c ' s

in addition to a F i j ian orlgln

art i c le on Tok P i sin in

( 19 7 1 ) , also ment ions ,

Wantok ( August 1 9 7 3 ) a connection with Engl ish cane

in an

hacker , s ince a large number o f men were employed in the Queensl and cane fields . Th i s etymology i s unlike ly , however , s ince cane hacker is not a very common

expre s s i on in Queen s l and Engl ish and since only very few papua New Guineans ever se rved in the Queens land c ane fie lds .

198

P . MUHLHA USLER

The tendency to identify un-English- sounding words with Tolai etymons has The opposite tendency , to identify already been d i s cus sed in a previous section .

English-sounding Tolai words with Engl ish origins , accounts for such etymologies as :

mumut large bushrat

from English

It

marmot rather than Mioko mumut

s a l a t stinging nettle from German salat than Melane s i an s a l a t nettle.

Howeve r ,

shou ld also be mentioned .

or English

salad rather

lexical syncretism may have been operative i n some o f the examples j u s t

ment ioned .

Fina l l y , in a very small number of case s , the lexicographer ' s inability to The best identify word boundar ies resul ted in entries for non-exi stent words .

example for Tok P i sin is a s a to be rich in, to abound first mentioned i n Schebesta None o f the and Me i s er 1945 and later l i s ted again by Mihal ic 1957 and 197 1 . authors provides an etymology , but there can be l i ttle doubt that we are dealing

a s ya the origin of fol lowed by the emphasiser y a , and that sentences d i s pe l a p I e s i a s a b i l ong 01 n a t n a t this p lace is just fi l led with mos­

here with such as

I have and I have never had a pos­

quitoes must be interpreted as this p lace is the origin of mosquitoes . asked many i nformants whether they knew the word

i tive response nor have I seen this

writ e r .

2.6.9.7

' word '

asa

in any text written by an indigenous

Conc l u s i on s

Shortcomings can be expected i n any etymological work , particularly when there is no long- standing etymological tradition and when the number of s cholars involved is diminutive . a)

b)

Future work should concentrate on the fol lowing aspects :

Provi sion should be made for discontinuity in lexical transmi s s ion .

A cl earer di stinction should be made between the source from which an item was borrowed and i ts ult imate source ,

to create . c)

i.e.

it makes sense

v i rgo virgin as Latin , but not that o f k r i e t S imi larly , b u l makau catt le should be traced back to

to give the source a

F i j ian or F i j ian pidgin but not to Engli sh

bu l l-and-cow.

Greater attention should be paid to the language -internal lexical creativity of Tok P i s i n .

Having made these general points , the rest of this chapter will con s i s t mainly o f a discuss ion o f lexi cal items derived from languages other than Tok P i s i n ' s

princ ipal lexi f i er l an guage , English .

2 . 6 . 10 2 . 6 . 10 . 1

SOURCES O F TOK P I S I N LEXI CAL I TEMS I n troduct i on

In tracing the origins of Tok Pisin ,

it is es sent i a l to pay close attention

to the sociocultural context in which this language developed , for i t i s a ne ces­ sary condition for an etymology to be supported by reasons why a lexical item This is partic­ should have been borrowed from one rather than another language . u l arly so in the case of Tok P i s in , where the principal lexifier languages them­ selves are o ften h i s torically related and hence exhibit a l arge percentage o f The sociohistorical setting not only determined which languages shared cognates .

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN were pos s ible l exi fier languages but , more importan tly , hi story o f the language .

199

at which point i n the

I nformation about the relative percentage of lexical

items from various sources in present-day Tok Pisin is unlikely to reveal much about the o rigin of the language .

Ideally , we would like to know for each lexical

item at what point i n t ime i t is first documen ted in Tok Pisin and (where applic­ able)

at what point i t dropped out o f the language ,

o f speakers .

There can be no doubt that ,

as used by the fluent ma j ority

in the brief span o f

100 year� there has

been con s i derable fluctuation in the indigenous and Ge rman content in the lexi con of Tok Pisin .

Our knowledge of the dynamics of the lexical inventory is s t i l l

rather l imi ted and certainly quite insuffi cient t o derive strong c laims about the contact h i story in the formative years of the language . alphabe t i cal orde r ,

h i s to ri cal setting .

2 . 6 . 10 . 2

I shall now d i s cus s ,

in

the sources of the Tok Pisin lexicon and the i r known socio­

Afri can l an gu ages

Between

1 885 and 1914 Ge rmany contro l l ed parts o f Africa and the Pac i f i c .

Colonial admi nistrators were transferred from one colony to another and small

contingents o f the i ndigenous po l i ce force of German New Guinea were taken to Ge rman East Africa for some time . S ome Tok P i sin words , including me r i woman and

kan a ka uncivi lised bush-dwe l le r ,

are documented for Cameroons Pidgin Engl ish ( Loreto Todd , personal commun i cation ) . The only Tok Pisin word o f pos s ible African origin is s a n guma secret murder committed by orders from sorcerer or

sorcerer , which may be rel ated to Bantu and pidgin Bantu ( Fanakal o ) s a n goma witch doctor . Howeve r , i t must be noted that the first l i sting of this item is in the Worterbuch mi t Redewendungen which was published around 1935 , i . e . a long time after contacts with Afri ca had ceased .

A derivation from the Monumbo

secret murder therefore seems more l ike l y .

2 . 6 . 10 . 3

s a n g uma

Ch i n es e and C h i nese P i dg i n Engl i sh

In the e arly years o f Ge rman colonisation a substanti a l number of Chinese workers was recrui ted to work on the plantations o f Kai s e r-Wi lhelms land . After

1900 a second wave o f Chinese migrants settled around Rabaul and other centres in

the B i smarck Archipelago. By 1914 about 1 , 400 Chinese lived i n German New Guinea , most o f them around Rabaul , at the t ime the focal area for the spread o f Tok Pis i n . Whereas the 'indentured Ch inese plantation workers were recruited from the Dutch East I ndie s and therefore spoke Malay , mo s t of the free Chinese brought with them some k i nd o f pidgin English . I have been told by old timers in Rabaul that both Tok Pisin and Chinese Pidgin Engli sh were used in Rabaul for a considerable time . The influence o f Chinese and Chinese Pidgin En g l i sh on Tok Pisin has not yet been ful l y e stab l i she d . I t can be documented best i n the names for certain vegetables , quoted from Wu 1 9 7 7 : 10 5 3 : Chinese names

Choi Sum Kai Choi Kai Lum Lau Pak Ong Choi Pak Choi

Sung Choi

Pidgin names

T o i Tum Ka i To i Ka i L u n Lau P a k Kan g k u n g ( Ka ngo) Pak To i Sa l a , Les i s

Eng l i sh names

Chinese Chinese Chinese turnip Chinese Chinese lettuce

cabbage mustard broccoli watercress cabbage

P. MUHLHA USLER

200

pidgin names

Chinese name s

Tao S i ka Tung Ka Ta ro b i l ong S a i na M i n Ta i

. . . Tao See Kua

Tung Kua

Wu Tau Yin S a i

The i tem

mas k i never mind

Chinese Pidgin English .

English names

beans of several kinds a kind of squash 'winte r ' melon taro Chinese oe lery

may also have found i ts way into Tok Pisin via

It is not clear to what extent Chinese pidgin English inf luenced the j argon

u s ed by wh alers and trepang f i she rmen operating in parts of the B i smarck Archipel­ ago in the 1 850s and 1 860 s , nor is it clear how much lingui stic continuity there is between these early j argons and late Tok P i sin .

2 . 6 . 10 . 4

F i j i an

I n f luence from Fi j ian came in two forms : a)

b)

Mi s s i onary activity predating German coloni sation . evange l i st s were of F i j ian origin . Recruiting to the F i j ian plantations .

Many o f the

Few Papua New Gu ineans ever

went to F i j i , but othe rs may have learnt words of F i j ian origin on the plantations o f S amoa and Queens land f rom other workers who had been to F i j i . Mihalic ( 1 9 5 7 ) l i s t s the following i tems : d i na u

debt , l ot u worship , l a p l ap loinoloth , t a l a ta l a protestant and t a ro Lap l a p is almost certainly not of F i j ian orlgln . Another taro. item which can be traced back to F i j i ,

spoken there ,

At present ,

is

b u l makau cattle .

i.e.

the Pidgin which was

little is known about the social and lingui s t i c impact of F i j ian

evange l i sts and i t may we l l turn out that a F i j ian origin can be attributed to

s ome of those lexical items for which no etymological in formation is available at present .

2 . 6 . 10 . 5

German

Ge rman terms were borrowed not only during the German colonial period but

also up to the S e cond Wor ld War when most of the missionaries were s t i l l of German

orlgln . In most instances we are de aling with direct borrowing from German , though in some cases ( documented by Muhlhausler 1 9 7 7 a ) , there was contact with

Pidgin German .

The borrowing o f German lexical items was a case of adlex i fi cation rather than re lex i fication , i . e . German provided new words in addi tional semantic f i e lds . The most common ones wi l l be l i s ted below . A d i s t inct ion has t o b e made between ad hoc loans and loans which gained

wide r currency . The fact that almost 1 5 0 items of German origin were found by the author to be l i s ted in various dictionari e s and vocabularies compi led after the te rmination of German control indicates a f ai r degree of institutiona l i s ation Here fo llows an exhaustive l i s t of lexical items of German origin , o f the se loans . arranged in s emantic groups . For each i tem no more than three sources are given , for which the following abbreviat ions are used :

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN BO

BR

CH

DA

H43

H55a

H55b H59

Dahmen 1 9 5 7

Hall 1943a Hall 1955a H a l l 1 955b H a l l 1 9 59 a

H a l l 1 9 66

SM

S chebesta and Me i s e r 1 9 4 5

KU

ST

otherwi s e ,

Borchardt 1 9 3 0

Brenn inkmeyer 1 9 2 4 Church i l l 1 9 1 1

H66 M5 7 M7 1

VB WR

was culled ,

201

Kut sche r n . d .

Miha l i c 1 9 5 7

Mih a l i c 1 9 7 1

Ste inbauer 1 9 6 9

van B a a r n . d . a

Worterbuch mi t Redewendungen n . d .

e i ther the author and the year o f the pub l i cation from wh ich an item o r the local ity where it was found by the author during fie ldwork

between 1 9 7 2 and 1 9 7 4 w i l l be provide d .

The spe l l ing o f a l l i tems is based on Of the principles laid down in the Standard Neo-Melanesian orthography ( 19 56 ) . the above sources those o f B renninkmeyer , Borchardt , Dahmen and Kutscher represent the use of Tok Pi sin of the New Guinea I s lands , particularly New Britain and

Manus , whereas those of S chebe sta and Me i se r , van Baar and the

Redewendungen re f lect the mainland variety .

Worterbuch mi t

I tems l i s ted by Steinbauer 1 9 69 ,

Dahmen 1 9 5 7 and Mihalic 1 9 7 1 are s t i l l widely used in areas of former German contro l . (1)

terms for bui ldin g ,

Tok P i sin

ambos bank b a i s an ge b i ge l a i se n bor i m

ele

faden gumi h a rke hobe l ka i 1 ke l e ki t k l ama kupus laim l aten ma i s i l me ta nit pende l reken s a p fe n sange s e re

carpentry and new crafts

from German

Amboss Bank Beiss zange B ii geleisen bohren El l e Faden Gummi Harke Hobel Keil Kel l e Ki t t Klammer Kuhfuss Leim Latten Meissel Meter (das) Ni e te Pendel Rechen Zapfen Zange Schere

source

SM , M5 7 WR , SM , M7 1 Al i , Manus Ali SM , M7 1 Al i Ali ST , M7 1 WR ST , M7 1

DA , ST , M7 1

M5 7 , M7 1 ST , M7 1 SM, Smythe ( n . d . ) KU , B R

ST , M7 1 WR

DA , M7 1 ST , M7 1

KU KU

WR KU H55b , KU , DA

Al i , Alexishafen

English

anvi l bench, pew pincers flat-iron to dri l l something yardstick thread rubber, tube rake p lane wedge trowel putty c lamp crowbar glue batten, board chise l yardstick rivet pendulum rake pin, pivot pliers scissors

202

P . MUHLHAUSLER

Tok Pi sin

s i kme 1 5 1 05 spa i s s p a ren sw i n ge s upka r ter w a s awage

from Ge rman

Sa gmehl Schloss Speis Sparren Zwinge Schubkarre Teer Wasserwaage

( 2 ) schoolroom terms

source

Vunapope

Dagu a , Manus BR

Dagua , M7 1

Manus , M7 1 ST , M7 1

WR

Vunapope , Dagua

Eng l i sh

sawdust padlock mortar, cement rafter clClllTp whee lbarrow tar water- level

The Ge rman numbers 1-10 were known to many o f the author ' s older informants on the New Guinea mainl and , other loans inc lude :

a bese ba1 a i s t i p bi 1t b 1 0k g r i pe l k a ra i de ma 1 e n s nul pede r punk s i n ge n S su 1 e s t i ma s t r a fe tafe 1 t i nte tok do i t s

ABC Blei s ti ft Bi l d Block Gri ffel Kreide malen Null Feder Punkt singen Schule Stimme S trafe Tafel Tinte Deutsch

Al i

BR , DA , M57 WR Manus

DA , ST , M7 1

KU , DA , ST ST , M7 1

DA DA

DA , KU WR , M7 1

Al i , Vunapope SM ST , M7 1

DA , KU , Manus DA , BO

Dagua , Al i , Manus

( 3 ) terms u s ed in the domestic context

ananas auto bonen buter dose es i k gabe 1 g u ruken heb s en kane ka tope 1 kese k u ken ma 1 s a i t p u s koman sa i tung s a rang 5 im s i r sen soken s pa i s e s i ma

Ananas Auto Bohnen But ter Dose Essig Gabel Gurken Erbsen Kanne Kartoffel Kase Kuchen Mahl zei t Putzpomade Zei t ung Schrank Zimt Ki rschen Socken Speisezimmer

ST , M7 1

Al i , Manus

BR , DA , BO

BR , DA , WR

Ali DA , ST , M7 1

BR , KU , H 5 5b

BR , DA , Rabaul KU , ST , M7 1 WR A l i , Vunapope DA KU , DA Kramer-Bannow 1 9 1 6 WR , DA B R , DA H 5 9 , M7 1 KU M57 , M7 1 ST , M7 1 Al i

a, b, c lead-pencil picture pad of paper s late-pencil chalk to paint, draw zero pen fu l l s top, point to sing schoo l me lody, tune punishment b lackboard ink German language

pineapp le motor car beans butter, avocado tin, box vinegar fork cucumber peas jug potato cheese cake 'bon appetit ' boot polish newspaper cupboard, shelf cinnamon cherries socks dining room

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN Tok P i s i n

s p i ge l s p i na t te p i k (4)

Spi egel Spina t Teppi ch

mi ss ion and doctrinal terms

ba i k t e n bal sam beten b rude r buse e rem i t g r i s got h a i ten kape l a ke l ek k i rke m i n i s t ran pa l me n pa te r p i r i s ta segen s ve s t a va i rau

( 5)

from Ge rman

beichten Ba lsam beten Bruder Busse Eremi t Griiss Got t Hei den Kapel le Kelch Ki rche ministrant Pal men Pater Priester Segen Schwester weihrauch

terms used in the po l i ce force

gever hauman

Gewehr Hauptmann

kost i k popa i a ros sadel s e l ban sen k i p i a s u tman

Kopfs t ii ck vorbei Ross Sa t tel Zel tbahn Sei tengewehr Sch ut zmann

(6)

commands , and terms o f abuse

donabe ta donaka i I dumek e r l d umkop ha l t m u n t j avo l pasma l a u f pape l u raus r intfi s a i se s a pkop s i san

Donnerwetter Donnerkei l dummer Kerl Dummkopf hal t den Mund jawohl pass mal auf verfl ucht raus Rindvieh scheisse Schafskopf s ti l l gestanden

source

English

Al i , Manus

mirror spinach carpet, rug

Al i , Dagua , WR

to confess balm to pray religious Brother penance hermit b less you heathen chape l cha lice church choir boy palm tree religious Father priest b lessing religious Sister incense

SM , VB

KU , M7 1

DA , WR ST , M7 1

ST , M7 1

SM , VB , WR

DA

WR , M7 1

ST , M7 1

S M , WR KU

Dagua , WR

S M , WR M57 , M7 1 ST , M7 1

BR , BO SM , W R , Dagua DA, Dagua , Manus KU , DA

SM , H66 , Al i Detzner 1 9 2 1 , Reinecke 1937 H55b , M7 1 ST , M7 1

WR S M , M7 1

SM BR Reed 1 9 4 3 , DA KU , DA , Voge l 19 1 1

KU , DA Manus Angoram , Dagua

Reed 1 94 3 , Manus B R , BO Reed 1 9 4 3 , A l i

SM , H66 , WR ST , M7 1 A l i , Manus Al i , Manus , Dagua Ali , Marienberg BR ,WR

203

rifle captain bridle to miss ( target) horse saddle large canvas side-arm constab le, guard

b last ! b last ! stupid foo l ! idiot ! shut up! yes ! take care ! damn ! get out ! catt le ! shit ! sheep brained idiot! stand sti l l !

2 04 (7)

P . MUHLHA USLER naut i cal terms

Tok P i s i n

bakabor ki 1 i va kute r s luk

from Ge rman

Backbord Kl u ver Ku tter Schl uck

( 8 ) certain names o f animals

b i fe 1 b i ne n ese l f ros kaka l ak kame l 1 ewe

(9)

B u ffel Bienen Esel Frosch Kakerlake Kamel Lowe

source

Reed 1 94 3 , WR

port side jib sai l cutter whirlpool

H 5 5 a , SM , WR

buffalo bees donkey frog cockroach came l lion

KU , DA , M7 1 SM H43

ST , M7 1 H55b , M5 7 , ST WR

ST , M7 1 DA , ST

KU

terms be longing to other semantic fields

akas bens i n b ogen boks en b ra i t b rus dok t a l

Akazie Benzin Bogen boxen brei t Brust Dr Hahl

gip kapse l kaput i m ka i s a kle k r um l an g sam 1 ep ra 1 i nks l ups i p mak mi 1 i s nets pui ros s re g s ta n g e s ur i k ta i s trip t u rm yot

Gift Kapsel kaputt Kaiser Klee krumm langsam Lepra links Luftschi ff Mark Mil ch Netz pfui Rost schra g Stange zuru ck Teich Trieb Turm Jod

Engl ish

SM, M5 7

BO

KU , M7 1

DA , ST , M7 1

ST , M7 1 H66 , M5 7 , WR

S tephan and Grabner 1907 M5 7 , M7 1 KU

Smythe ( n . d . )

WR , Al i , Rabaul KU

SM, M7 1 H55b , DA , KU M7 1

H 4 3 , M5 7 Ali S M , M7 1 SM , M7 1

WR

M71

ST , M7 1

WR

Al i

ST , M7 1 ST , M7 1

ST , M7 1 Angoram , Ali SM , ST

acacia petro l arch to box wide� width chest the German governor Dr Hahl poison capsule to ruin emperor clover bent� crooked to go s low� s low leprosy left (side) aerop lane mark� shi l ling coconut milk� semen fishing net naked rust s loping� oblique tobacco stick to flinch back pond� swamp sprout tower� steeple iodine

Further remarks about the German inf luence on Tok Pisin have been made by Muhlhausler 1 9 75b and 1 9 7 7 a .

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN

2 . 6 . 10 . 6

205

H i r i Motu

Contact between speakers o f Tok P i s in and Hiri Motu ,

franca of Papua ,

is relatively recen t .

the principal li ngua

It first occurred during the years of the

Se cond World War and has s ince be come s igni f i c ant in some urban centre s of papua , such as Port Moresby and Daru .

Because the speakers of these two languages tended

to be somewhat hostile towards one another in the pas t , l i ttle borrowing occurred in either d irect ion . However , as Port Moresby is becoming a national rather than a regional cent r e , some rapprochement has taken place , in particular in the army

and the Univers i ty o f Papua New Guinea. The few items of H iri Motu origin which have gained wider currency i n post-i ndependence days are :

hema ra i 1 as i t u ra man i 1 as i

exclamation :

aren ' t you ashamed? friend no money, bankrupt form of address :

The use o f H i ri Motu i tems must be seen as s i gnalling solidarity between

papuans and New Guineans and is unlikely to expand beyond a few such s i gnals .

2 . 6 . 10 . 7

La t i n

Latin te rms were i ntroduced i nto Tok p i s in through de liberate planning on the part of a number of miss ion bodies , in particular those of the New Guinea mai nland . Whereas a few remain in common use , many of them have s ince been re­

pl aced by i tems of Engl i sh or local origin .

we now f ind

gospe l .

bened i ks e n benediction

and

Thus ,

evange l i o

instead o f former

has been replaced by

The most widely used i tems of Latin origin are :

dec host i a i n du l gens i a komu n i o konpes i o korona m i sa pekato p roses i o santu t r i n i ta s v i r go

b e ned i ks i o gutn i us

God host indu lgence commWlion confession rosary mass sin procession holy trinity virgin

All of these items belong to the seman t i c f ield of liturgical and worship

terms and tend to be l i tt le known out s i de mi ss ion areas .

Further items are l i s ted in the appendix to Mihalic ' s 1 9 7 1 dict ionary and in

an appendix to Kut s che r ' s dictionary

2 . 6 . 10 . 8

( n . d . : 1 39 - l 4 7 ) .

Ma l ay

Remarks on the Malay element in Tok Pi sin have been made by Roosman ( 1 9 7 5 ) , Muhlhau s l e r ( 1 9 7 9 c ) and , most recent ly , Sei ler ( 1 9 8 2 ) . Ongoing research by the latte r i s likely to throw light on a number of que stions which have not yet been explained satis factori ly .

Malay i n f luence on Tok p i s in i s much less notice able than has been made out

by writers such as Roosman

( 1 9 7 5 ) , the main reasons being that :

206

P . MUHLHA USLER a)

Malay was speken en the New Gu inea mainland and net areund Rabaul

b)

Cen tact with Tek p i s i n .occurred after the latter had al ready de­ ve leped inte a stable language .

where Tek Pi sin stab i l i s ed .

On the New Guinea mainland centact be tween Tek Pisin and Malay was due te three facters : a)

Malay trade links with a few vi l lages and i s lands west .of Wewak ,

b)

B i rd-ef-Parad i s e hunters frem I r ian Jaya .operating in the berder

c)

in particular Tarawe i I s land .

areas .o f Papua New Guinea .

The beginning .o f the i r eperatiens

appears te reugh ly cein cide with Ge rman celenisatien 1982) .

(cf.

S e i ler

The empleyment .of Malay and Malay-speaking Chinese en a numbe r .of German plantati.ons en the New Guinea mainland , in the Begad j im area

( S tephansert , Erima ) .

in particular

A seman ti c analysis .of the Malay lexi cen in Tek pis in sugge sts that the

thi rd fact is the mest impertant .on e .

Fer the mest part ,

the presence .o f lexical

items .o f Malay .origin re flects the brief peried .of t ime during which Ceastal Malay

was the lingua franca .of the plantat iens en the New Guinea mainl and .

With the

dec l ine .of the Malay pepulat i en and the empleyment .of Melanes i an labeurers ,

Pisin rapidly gained greund a fter 1900 . impact .o f t h e Malay presence :

.origin ,

and

i ncluding :

saye r . "

Tek Pisin

ka rabau kapek k l ambu k ra n i mamb u man d e r p i natang s ayer t a n dok t i ,a n g

Reed

gless

Tek

remarks en the b r i e f

" They had left behind a style .o f architecture which

can be described as Dutch East Indian ,

mamb u , ka nda ,

B iskup ( 1 9 7 4 : 99 )

and had enri ched Pidgin wi th such werds as

( 1 94 3 : 2 7 7 )

previded a shert list .of items .o f Malay

water-buffa lo the kapok tree and its fibres mosquito net c lerk; Malay worker bamboo overseer insect leaf vegetable signa l post

A full l i s t .o f items , cembining the results .of research by Muh lhausler ( 19 7 9 c : 19 9 ) and S e i l e r

( 1982) ,

i s a s fol lews :

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN

Tok Pisin

Malay ( in modern

gloss

ka rabu ka pok k l ambu kran i mamb u ma ndor p i n a t a ng sayor t andok t i a ng l ombo b 1 i ong ba ret kasang kamb i n g kango tuan 6

207

Indon esian orthography)

kerbau kapok ke l ambu kera n i b amb u ma ndu r b i n a t a ng ( = anima l ) s ay u r t a n d u k ( = horn ) t i ang l ombok be 1 i ung par i t kacang (= pea) kamb i n g kangkung tuan

water-buffalo the kapok tree and its fibres mosquito net clerk; Ma lay worker bamboo overseer insect leaf vegetab le signal post red peppel' hatchet ditch, groove peanut sheep, goat watercress mastel', European

Tab l e 9 A number o f these i tems , including t a ndok , mandor and b l i o n g , appear t o have remained restricted to some areas on the New Guinea mai nland , whi l s t others , in­

cluding

b a re t

and

l ombo ,

have gained wide currency .

In recent years a number of these items , which were widely u s ed in parts of

the Sepik area , have begun to be replaced by words used in other parts o f New Guinea or by new loans from Engl ish . They inc lude : original Sepik Tok P i s i n

k l ambu kasang tuan

2 . 6 . 10 . 9

replacement

t a u nam , mos keda n e t ga 1 i p, pi nat ma s t a

gloss

mosquito net peanut European

N ew Gu i n ea ma i n l and l a nguages

Up t o about 1900 pidgin Malay rather than pidgin Engl i sh was the dominant language of the mainland plantations . At the s ame time , most mission work was

carried out i n the local vernaculars rather than i n one of these lingue franche . As a result , New Guinea mai nland languages contributed only relatively l i ttle to the lexicon of stab i l i sed Tok P i s in . The only words which have gained currency are ka tamot naked and s umat i n student from the Tumleo language and s a n g uma which

There were no doubt in all like l ihood was borrowed from the Monumbo lan guage . many o the r names for aspects of the indigenous culture in use at di fferent t imes and in d i f ferent locali tie s . Howeve r , the language planning pol i cies o f the Alexishafen miss ionar i e s in the late 1 9 2 0 s and early 1 9 30s strongly favoured a pol i cy o f b r inging Tok P i s i n closer to Engl i sh and there fore probably dis couraged such t e rms .

This may explain why the remaining items , belonging as they do to the context of i nformal interaction rather than to the l i s t of names for fixed referents , have also gained wider currency .

They are :

208

P . MUHLHAUSLER

Tok Pisin

nanse i

Y akamul

yakabor kas i n t u The i tem

gloss

source

Yakamu1 Abe lam

kas i n t u

7

exc lamation used to attract members of the oppos i te sex

expre s s i on o f surpri se my friend

was used extensively in the Aust ra l i an propaganda campaign

in the Sepik during the Se cond World War to promote fee l i ngs o f solidarity .

the po s twar years it was replaced by form of address ,

wan tok friend

and i t is only recently ,

i n Papua New Guine a ,

that

kas i n t u

In

whi ch was used as a nationwide

in the wake of growing regiona l i s ation

and the abbreviated form

kas

have made a re­

app earance as a form of address among people from the Sepik di stricts l iving away from home .

2 . 6 . 10 . 10

Other Mel anes i an l anguages

The fact that Tok P i s in was firmly e stablished a s a langu age o f intertribal communicat ion in the New Gu inea I s lands and most coastal areas by the 1 9 30s , plus the rapid functional expansion o f the lan guage i n these areas , led to increased borrowing from native vernaculars .

The need to communicate new concepts combined w i th the relative inacce ssibil­

ity of Engli sh as a lexi fier language led to borrowing from di f ferent languages

S i nce most l exi cographers carried out the i r work around in d i f ferent areas . Rabaul and Alexishafen many of these innovations were probably never recorde d .

Few o f them gained wider currency i n Tok P i s i n , s ince the mechanisms t o promote the ir spread were lacking and since they were used in s emant i c domains which were of l i tt l e rel evance to cross-territorial communicat ion . Some have been replaced

wi th items of English origin , whi lst others are probably s t i l l found in the regional varie t i e s of the language .

Regional vocabulary i s in evidence in a number of previously important re­

cruiting areas in the Bismarck Archipe lago , such as New Ireland and Manu s .

I r e l and regional vocabul ary was l i sted by Kutscher New I reland Tok P i s in

pude l . pude l i m t a pak t a l amba r ram i t i m pa l a r p i rpi r . p i r hea k u rb i s ok i n k ra n i mua r kun g a l komos k i m va rk i a

gloss

heap, to heap leprosy picture to kiss, to lick flat story handle lobster, crayfish kangaroo clover parrot fungus to weld to change (dress)

Ta b l e 1 0

(n . d . l :

recent replacement

hip l e p ros i p i ksa k i s l ong p l et stor i hend a l

mas r um we l d i m se n i s i m

New

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN

2 09

Items which had currency on Manus I s land in the 1 9 2 0 s are given by Borchardt

( 19 26 )

wh i l s t Smythe ( n . d . )

provides additional ones current after World War I I .

The author has found , however ,

by more standard forms . a)

provided by Borchardt Manus Pidgin

b u l uka l b u ruk i n b u r umb u t ka u r kauva s b)

man gang a n g ka u bi lele g uma

( 1926) :

gloss

sago boi led with water dish to tread on baJliboo friend, gift

items l i sted by Smythe Manus Pidgin

that many o f these items have since been replaced

(n.d. ) :

gloss

to become si lent, to b e a t a loss for words false, pseudo goat snail

recent replacement

h a twa ra dis

mamb u p re n

recent replacement

s a ra p

g i aman meme sne l

The only item l i s te d by both Borchardt and Smythe which is s t i l l wide l y used

in Manus pidgin is m i n i ng u l a i sea eag l e . t h e author on Manus i n 1 9 7 4 , i ncluding : Manus Pidgin

wus i a i man takor man i an i p i ak

New regional vocabulary was found b y

gloss

landlubber coastal dJue Uer s low, steady to fart

As these and simi lar i tems of local origin are u s ed in areas of commun ication wh i ch normally do not involve expatriate s , they have tended to go unnoticed by lexicograph ers . There i s a great need to bette r document regional express ions in Tok p i sin , as the i r importance is l ikely to increase over the next year s .

2 . 6 . 10 . 1 1

P � c i fi c P i dg i n Engl i s h

Tok pis in shares a l arge number of lexical i tems with other varie ties o f Pidgin Eng l i sh in t h e Pac i fic . I n most instances lexical simi larities a r e due to the shared lexi fier language . In some i n s tance s , . howeve r , such shared vocab­

ul ary is sufficiently di fferent to postulate a separate l in gui s t i c tradition .

The fi rst author to draw attention to a Pac i fic Pidgin English vocabulary was Reed ( 1 9 4 3 : 2 7 5 ) : . . . mention mus t first be made of that class of words common

to Beach- l a-mar and Australasian Engl i sh before the settle­ ment of New Guinea . certain words and phrases had so wide a di stribution in pac i fi c trade j argons of early days that the i r A l i s t o f such words would origins can only be surmi s ed . include , among others , the fol lowing :

8

2 10

P . MUHLHAUSLER

Pidgin

ba i mb a i b i l ong fe 1 a geman ma sk i p i kan i n i

English

by and by be long fe l low gammon ( ? ) ? pickaninny

use of meaning

( adverb of future time ) ( prepo s i tion denoting posse ssion ) ( the art i c l e )

no good, deceitfu l nevep mind child, the young

R . C l ark ( 1 977 : 3 ) stipulates that lexical items can only be regarded as

potential members o f a spec i fically Pac i f i c tradi tion of Pidgin Engl i sh i f they

meet the criteria o f : a) b)

c)

being d i f fe rent from s tandard o r dialectal Engl i sh ;

be i ng unlikely to have arisen independently in more than one

pidgin tradit ion ;

being i ndependent of geographical and cultural factors .

Unfortunate ly , no account such as that of the Atlantic pidgins and creoles

( H an cock 1969 : 7- 7 1 ) is available for the Pac i fic at pre sent , and the fol lowing l i st , based on R. Cl ark ' s data and the autho r ' s own inve stigations , must be re­

garded as pre l iminary to more detai led i nve stigation : Paci fi c pidgin

pre sent-day

a 1 1 s ame a l ong b u l makau fe l l ow ca t ch come up l ooko u t ma ry wh a t n ame ? pul l s t op kiki

o l s em l ong b u l makau - pe l a kisim kamap l u kaut i m me r i wanem pu l i m s ta p ka i ka i

Engli sh

Tok Pisin

gloss

like, as

general prepos ition

catt le, meat

ad j e ctive suffix,

something to get, obtain to appear, become to look fop, seapch Woman what ? to abduct, fopce, seduce to stay, pemain to eat, food

Some additional in formation can be found in a glossary of Hawaiian Pidgin compiled by Carr ( 19 72 : 119-158) .

2 . 6 . 10 . 1 2

Po rtu guese and Span i s h

Although Span i sh and Portugue se sailors made contacts w i th New Guinea long

be fore the arrival of Eng l i sh and German colon i sers , these were very brief and apparently l e ft no linguistic traces in any of the local language s . At the time of Tok Pisin ' s formation no contact with speakers of e ither of these languages exi sted . It is cus tomary for di ctionaries of Tok Pisin to trace back p i k i n i n i

sma l l, sma l l chi ld to Portuguese peq ueno sma l l and ka l abus ppison to Span ish .

Howeve r ,

all evidence examined by me sugge sts that these words were already e stab­

l i shed in Australian or Paci fic English at the time Tok P i s in came into being , and that they were probably borrowed from a variety of Engl i sh . The presence o f such items in Tok P i s i n should certainly n o t b e taken a s evidence of relexification

of an e arlier Spanish or Portuguese derived pidgin .

211

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN

Samoan a n d Samoan P l anta t i on P i d g i n

2 . 6 . 10 . 13

Samoan words i n Tok P i s in have o fte n not been recognised i n the past ,

the l ingu i st i c and social l inks with Samoan P l antation Pidgin ogn i s ed .

(SPP)

s i nce

were not rec­

Once these link s are taken into considerat ion , howeve r , one would seem

to be j u sti fied in stating that a s i gn i ficant proportion of Tok P i s in ' s English­ derived vocabulary entered the lan guage via SPP .

In most ins tance s , howeve r ,

there i s no way o f e st ab l i shing such l inks on the ba s i s o f avai l able evidence . I shall therefore restrict myse l f to a sma l l numbe r o f cl earcut cas e s .

Borrowings from SPP could have resulted from any of the fol lowing factors : a)

b)

c)

the l arge - s cale recruiting of New Guineans to S amoa be tween and 1914 ;

1879

the use of Samoan teachers by a number of miss ions operating in

the B i smarck Archipe lago ; the presence o f a soc i a l ly inf lue nt ial German-Samoan mixed race

community i n the Gaze l l e Pen insu l a .

The first write r to acknowledge the Samoan e lement i n Tok p i s i n , Nevermann

2 5 4 ) , remark s :

( 1929 :

The employment o f Me lane s i an labourers on the plantations

o f Polyn e s i a has added to pidgin ' s vocabulary not just the already menti oned words b u l makau ( catt l e ) and a l so the Polyn e s i an words l ava l ava loincloth , and

l o t u re ligion .

Of the items l i s ted by Nevermann only

l ava l ava

pu s i ( cat ) but ka i ka i to eat

is of inte rest here ,

as the

other items were al ready found in the earlier Pac i fi c varieties of Jargon English . Other items of S amoan origin found exclusively in Tok P i s in and SPP inc lude : item

kamda ma l o l o t a ro pop i mumu

from Samoan

t amu ta ma l o l o t a ro pope mumu

gloss

carpenter to rest� re lax taro Catholic ( to bake in an) earth oven

Equally inte re s t i n g are items of English origi n ,

the phonologi cal and/or semant i c

prope rti e s of which coincide in Tok P i s in and SPP b u t di f fe r in other Pac i fi c They inc lude : Pidgins such as New Hebridean B i chelamar . i tem

mean i ng in Tok P i s in and SPP

as be l o bris ho l i mp a s kuk n a t i ng

arse, stump of a tree bell, noon bridge, wharf to rape, ho ld to cook, be defeated

sub i m

in the col l ocation :

s �k k i s im

in the collocation :

skinny

b u n n a t i ng s ub i m wa ra

to swim snake, WO�, larva to catch

meaning in B i chelamar

arse, buttocks be l l bridge to grab, hold to cook

not used in this meaning ins tead : b u n nomoa not used in this meaning

snake

( ka sem catch

Tab l e 1 1

used instead )

to

212

P . MUHLHAUSLER

Contact with S amoa came to an end after 1 9 2 0 and some o f the i tems l i s ted here are in the proce s s of being restructured in the direction of English or being

replaced by loans from English .

2 . 6 . 10 . 14

Tol a i a nd rel a ted l anguages

Borrowing from native vernacu lars ,

i n particular Tolai and other languages

from the New B r itain and New Ire land areas , played an important part in the devel­

opment o f a stable bas i c vocabulary o f Tok P i s i n . With re gard to the i n f luence of Tolai and related languages Nevermann ( 19 2 9 : 2 5 3 ) observe s : The influence of thi s native language on the formation o f Pidgin can be explained by the fact that in i ts sphere

of influence the fi rst plantations and government and trading

posts were set up , for ins tance , in Mioko , Herbertshohe , Kerewara , Matupi and Ralum . ( author ' s translation)

Reed

S imi lar observations have been made by a number of author s .

One of them, 9 l i s t of

( 19 4 3 : 2 7 5 - 1 76 ) , provides a more extensive but not quite rel iable

i tems borrowed from Tolai ,

tance " .

remarking that these " now e n j oy Terri tory-wide accep­

The spe l l i ng used in the fol lowing l i s t i s that provided by Reed : Tok P i s in

ba i ra ba l us bembe b i ruwa b ung bui d i wa i ka ramu t ku l au kuri a kwa l i p 1 ikl ik l u l ua i me r i mar i ma r i ma rsa 1 a i ' p a to pipia pukpuk pu rpu r t amba ran ub i a n

gloss

hoe pigeon butterfly enemy market areca nut tree wooden gong unripe coconut earth tremor edib le nut sma l l war leader woman to care for evi l spirit duck rubbish crocodi le flower ghost fish net

The weakne s s the most prominent in these earlier analyses is the lack of a

c l e arcut d i s t inction between words o f de finite To lai origi n , words w i th pos sible There is a marked mUltiple etymologi e s , and words borrowed from other language s . tendency among e arl i er wr iters to subsume all these categories under one common denominator : "words o f non-European origin" ( e . g . Hall 1 9 4 3b : 19 3 ) . An early source wh i ch doe s not resort to this simpl i f i cation of presentation i s that of Neve rmann ( 192 9 : 2 5 3 ) : Therefore a number o f words from the Gaze l l e language occur These include : i n this lingua franca in unchanged form.

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN

213

mu rup cassowary , k i au egg , kapu l possum , pukpuk crocodi le , l i m l i b u r to stro l l� be unoccupied , t a b e r a n devi l� bush­ spirit , dava i tree , l ong l ong mad; from the related languages of New I re l and and the Duke o f Yorks we have : I i k l i k litt le , pakpa ke faeces , e tc . ( author ' s translation)

A very s i gn i ficant step forward is Mosel ' s ( 19 8 0 ) invest igation of the influ­

ence of Tolai on Tok Pis in .

On pages 2 5 - 4 0 she gives an exhaus tive l i s t of lexical

items originat ing from Tolai and other languages from the B l anche Bay-Duke o f York area , stating for each item a l l l ikely cognates .

Such in formation enables us ,

for the fi rst time , to approach the important question as to the relative influence

of Mioko , the tran s i t camp for workers recrui ted for the Samoan plantations of the Deutsche Handels- und P l antage n ge s e l l s chaft . An ana lys i s of the ( unfortunately

not quite complete) origin

data given by Mosel sugge sts :

number of lexical items

Mioko only

1

Mioko and other languages

3

exc luding To lai

30

Tolai only

Tolai and other languages excluding Mioko

Mioko and Tolai

Mioko , Tol a i and other languages

other languages

14 25 32

7

Next to such clearcut case s , we find that the present-day pronun c i ation of s i x further i tems s ugges ts a Tolai rather than a Mioko origin , whereas in three

instances a Mioko origin is more l ikely than a Tolai one .

From these figures , one could induce an ove rwhe lming influence of Tolai .

Howeve r , the data as they s tand , like a l l data of a stat i c nature , reliable , and we have to consider the fol lowing factors : a) b)

c)

( a)

are quite un­

the date for wh ich a lexical item is documented for the f i r s t time ; the centrality or marginality of the lexical i tems concerne d ;

changes in pronunciation over t ime .

Le t me e l aborate on these factors :

A l arge number of the lexical i tems l i sted by Mosel are un l ikely to have been

Unfortunately we do not have in exi stence in the formative years of Tok P i s in . ve ry reliable evidence , but certain as sumpt ions can be made and occasional evi­

dence i s found in print . 1)

Some writers report ci rcumlocutions as late as 1 9 2 0 for meanings

which have s ince become referred to by a word o f Tolai origi n , examp l e s be ing ( see Muhlhausler 1 9 7 9 c : 2 3 2 ) s n e k b i l ong wa ra for

ma l eo ee l

2) 3)

and

smok b i l ong g ra u n

for

tobon dus t .

Some items refer t o institutions which were i ntroduced b y the Germans a fter 1 9 0 0 , e . g . t u l t u l interpreter , l u l ua i vi l lage

headman or ka rav i a quarantine .

Many i tems of Tolai origin were introduced by the m i s sions i n the 1 92 0 s , as Tok P i s i n became o n e o f the estab l i shed miss ion languages ; in a number o f ins tances indigenous words were vested with new doctrinal meaning , as in :

214

P . MUHLHA USLER

Tok Pisin

t ambu r u ru v i namut va r tovo tema t a n k u rku rua

meaning i n Tolai

taboo to fear, respect si lence, peace to teach; lesson member of a different tribe beads , necklace

doctrinal meaning

holy to honour retreat doctrine heathen rosary

Tabl e 1 2 4)

In e ar ly Tok P i s in some words were used in both a Tolai and a

Mioko form ,

an example being

ma l

or

ma l u loin cloth.

5) A number of words o f Tolai origin used in present-day Tok P i s i n a r e fai rly recent innova tion s .

The word used for bete lnut , for instance , was b i l i n a t , and the form b u a i appe ared after 1 9 3 0 on ly . Other candidates include l a ka ' que st ion tag ' , and ma i au

(b)

what about me ? , the latter be ing first documen ted in the 1 9 7 0 s .

It would seem important to ask : What sort of lexical items were needed and

used in the formative years of Tok pi sin?

A minimal wordlist for incipient pidgins is that by Cass idy four items of indigenous origin appear in the Tok P i s in version :

sma l l , d i wa i tree and s u s u breast .

( 19 7 1 ) .

Interestingly enough , three o f these basic items have Mioko re flexe s . ding to Mose l ( 19 8 0 ) , the i r origin i s as fol lows :

k i au 1 ik1 ik d i wa i s us u

Tol ai ,

Mioko ,

Only

k i a u egg , 1 i k l i k Accor­

Mo lot and Lamassa

Mioko and Molot

Mioko and Molot Labe l , Laur , Lamassa and Pala

Thi s l i st could be e xpanded to in clude other items which appear to have been I propose re l evant to e arly contact between Europeans and B i smarck I s landers . that the fol lowing i tems o f indigenous origin are good candidate s : i tem

atap ba l us b i rua bung ga ramut gu r i a kaka ruk kamb a n g k ap u l kau r k i vung ku l au k um u l kuna i kundu l a ng l o ng l on g matma t

origin

gloss

Mioko

other

Tolai , Mioko Tolai , Mioko , other

Tolai , Mioko , Tolai , Mioko , Tolai Tolai , Mioko , Tolai , Mioko , Tolai , Mioko , Tolai , Mioko Tolai , Mioko , Tolai , Mioko Tolai Tolai , Mioko , Mioko , other Mioko , other Mioko

othe r

other

other other other other other

roof, thatch pigeon human flesh assemb ly, market, meet s lit gong, signa l earthquake; to shake chicken lime tree kangaroo, possum bamboo meeting green coconut bird of paradise alang alang grass

drum

fly crazy, dY'Urtk cemetery

215

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN item

origin

mu r u k pekpek p ukpuk t ambu t umb u n a

Out of these

Tolai , Mioko , other

Tolai , Mioko

other

Tolai , Mioko , other Tolai ,

Mioko

gloss

cassowary to defecate; faeces crocodi le taboo, sacred ancestor

Tabl e 13

23 i tems two have reflexe s in Mioko alone whi l s t four add i tional ones

are found in Mioko and l anguages other than Tolai . clusively in Tolai .

Only two i tems are found ex­

The bulk cons i s ts of i tems shared by Tola� and Mioko

Tolai , Mioko and others

( 11) .

Th i s is not surpr i s ing ,

( 5 ) and

s ince such i tems can be

e xpe cted t o have a bette r chance of survival . A revised analy s i s o f the B l anche Bay- Duke of York component o f Tok P i s i n ' s vocabulary thus suggests a fai rly heavy influence from �� oko in the first years and growing importance of Tolai as a lexi fier l anguage in late r years .

external evidence ,

i.e.

Such an analysis also squares w i th the known

the de c l ine of Mioko and the Duke of York I s l ands as

centres of European trade and m i s s ion activiti e s after 1900 and the e s tab l i shment

of the German capital Rabaul on the New Britain mainl and . ( c)

In many cases the pronunciat ion o f Tolai and Mioko i tems does not d i f fe r

dras t i cally and i t seems reasonable to ext rapolate from the very restricted evi­

dence we have to a more general stat ement that variable pronunc iat ion o f lexical items of indigenous origin was widespread in the formative years o f Tok P i s i n . The fact that Rabau l , and thus a Tolai -speaking area , was made the capital o f

German New Guinea would seem t o account for the fact that Tolai pronun ciations

acqui red a special pre s t i ge status in late r years . Agai n , we cannot conclude di rect ly from such later pronunciations to the e arly contact pidgin .

2 . 6 . 1 0 . 14

Conc l us i on s

The principal message o f this s ection has been that etymologi s ing i n Tok

P i s in cannot reasonably be carried out un less socioh i storical and , above al l , temporal factors are taken into consideration . A mere analys i s o f present-day Tok P i s i n vocabul ary in terms of the ori gins of i ts lexical inventory is bound Whereas a great deal o f research remains t o b e carr ied to be quite mis lead i ng . out , the table on p . 2 1 8 can be regarded as a reasonable summary o f our present

knowledge . Much remains to be done before an authoritat ive account o f the origin Most urgent seems to be to find plaus­ of Tok Pi sin lexical it ems can be given . ib l e sources for the many items that are given no c l e ar source in available dic­ tionaries . The y include :

ab rus ai 1a a i tan amama s amb e ra i amb usa a ra n g a rova r ba i ba i bar baubau

t o b e apart from tree with edible nuts timber tree to rejoice timber tree do lphin pandanus to steer around decorative palm vegetab le native pipe

216

P. MUHLHA USLER

bi 10 b i l um bong buk b ums i k i s bun i m b u t oma dadap demdem e r i ma epa haphap h um g a 1 i mbon g gam g i ng i n kakang ka i s ka l a p a ka l op kapupu k a rakum k a ranas ka rapa kaut kavang koke ru konda ko rvo k rakon kru k us a i l ab u l a l e pas 1 im rna 1 amb u r mam i mangas me 1 i s a mo ran mo rso mukmuk na r ng ae oben papa i pep pipi p l an g i s po r rabun s a l amon s amsam sewa s i kau

half coconut she l l used as ladle netbag lever boil, swe l Ung capsize north wind nave l tree with edible leaves snai l kind of tree s tingray hoe kind of tree sheath containing coconut b lossoms large cowrie she l l small cowrie she l l barbed wire left sorry ! ( interjection) wooden headrest to break wind red ant coral rubble maize tube used by men in producing a pony tai l betel palm flower sheath rooster paper money stingray vine sprout, brain to deceive timber tree receipt, docket flower sheath of palm tree kind of fish type of yam kind of tree barracuda python kind of reef fish roasted sago hardwood tree to be unfit screwdriver mushroom base of sago palm leaf stalk turkey hatchet, scone axe dugout canoe ridge of house ceremonial ratt les to shuffle range, target wal laby

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN

spo ram s ug u tauka top u ru a i

217

hidden reef ciga:rette squid cork ba:rk to heave to

For a numbe r o f the above i t ems i t also has t o b e e s tablished whe ther we are

de a l i ng with widely known lexical i tems or ad hoc loans used i n a very restri cted This is particu l arly relevant in the case of names for trees and animal s . re gion . Furthe r tasks awaiting the Tok Pisin etymologis t include : a)

To explore all pos s ib i lities of lexical encounters and other forms

b)

To e stab l i sh for each item ,

c)

To distinguish between spontaneous borrowing and planned i ntroduct ion .

d)

e)

f)

g)

h)

of lexica l syncreti sms ;

one etymo logy is often not enough in the

case of a pidgin language .

its

first occurrence ,

d i s continuity o f use and geographical spread .

To trace chan ges in form and meaning over t ime .

continuity or

In pidgin

languages s uch chan ges can be expected to be o f a greater mag­

nitude than for more traditional languages over the same time span .

It would seem worthwh i l e to fol low up Laycock ' s suggestion ( 1 9 7 0 c : x i ) that token counts could be made for running texts . According to this wri te r " one can say , impre ss ioni stical ly ,

that the proportion of English vocabulary may drop as low a s 60% , or r i s e above 90% , depending o n t h e sub j ect o f d i s course " .

More must be found out about shared lexical traditions and lexical d i f fusion among the Pidgin Englishes of the south­ western Paci fic . A promi sing start has been made by Clark ( 19 7 7 ) .

The relat ive distribution of English and other lexi cal materi a l ,

and the centra l ity of lexical i tems of di f ferent origins in the l exicon of Tok Pisin may provide valuable evidence regarding the social context in which these languages deve lope d . The s ugge stions made by Johnston ( 1 9 7 1 ) could serve as a point of departure .

The pub l icat ion of an inexpensive etymologi cal dict ionary for

Tok Pisin speakers would seem to be a worthwh i l e pro j ect in

view of the growing metalinguistic capacity o f the users o f this l anguage

( c f . Muh lhaus ler 1 9 8 3 a ) .

Throughout this paper it has been maintained that the mixed nature of the

Tok P i s in lexi con requires the deve lopment of new apparatus .

�he insights gained

from e tymological studies of Tok P i s in may well turn out to be o f considerable inte re st to e tymologists and h i storical l in guists in genera l , as simi l ar proce sses of language contact have played a role in the h i s tories o f virtually a l l known language s . The suggestions that d i s continuity of transmi s s ion , new starts re­ sulting from mixing and convergence are key proce s s e s in language change w i l l call for considerable rethinking by those who have used a family t r e e model o f lingui stic re lationships .

APPEN DI X : The source s of the Tok P i s i n l exi con Time 1860

1870

1880 1890 1900

1910 1920

1930

1940 1950 1960 1 9 70

1980

African

Chinese

F i j i an

Ge iman

Hiri

Motu

Latin

Malay

Mainland

Me lan e s i an

Mioko

Pac i f i c PE

Portuguese & Spanish

S amoan

&

SPP

Tolai

219

ETYMOLOGISING AND TOK PISIN

NOTES 1.

I wi sh to thank Don Laycock and my wi fe Jackie for many helpful suggestions .

2.

Note that these influences can vary considerably at di f fe rent points in

3.

Both Mihali c

4.

This re str ict ion doe s not hold for all varieties o f Tolai ,

5.

The use o f the infini tive form o f the German verb may be an indication that

6.

The use o f th i s item was observed i n the area around Wewak by John Harris

7.

8. 9.

t ime .

etymon only .

( 1971)

and Steinbauer

( 19 6 9 )

trace this item back to an English

to me by Don Laycock .

as pointed out

these forms were borrowed via the foreigner talk regi ster of German rather than ordinary Ge rman ( c f . Clyne 1 9 68 : 1 3 2 ) . (pe rsonal commun i cation , August 1 9 8 1 ) .

Roosman

( 1975 : 2 3 3 )

suggests another origin for this i tem, namely " the

pidginization of Va , A l l a h u Akba r ! Oh, A l lah Mos lems also as an exclamation of s urpr i s e . "

is Great ! , o ften expre ssed by Thi s form may have entered

Tok pisin through the mediation o f Malay plantation workers .

The exi stence o f a small number o f lexical items throughout the Paci fic

var ieties o f P i dgin Engl ish does not warrant the postulation o f a common ancestral Proto-Paci fic Pidgin English , however ( c f . H a l l 1 9 6 1 : 4 1 3 - 4 1 5 ) .

The ori gin o f the word

pato duck ,

for i n s tance ,

i s not quite clear .

The

most l ike ly explanation is that i t is a portuguese word which entered Tok pisin via Coastal Malay , an observation s upported by reports ment ioning a

fonn batok ( Friederici 1 9 1 1 : 10 2 ) . For the i tem me r i woman and 1 i k l i k sma l l multiple derivat ion from both En g l i sh and Tolai may have been involve d .

3.

THE NATURE O F TO K PISIN

Mühlhäusler, P. "Etymologising and Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:177-219. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.177 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

3.1

TOK P I S I N AND T HE CE N S U S Don Laycock

3.1.1

I NTRODUCT I ON The three ma j o r censuses of Papua New Guinea over the last 20 years

1 9 7 1 and 1 9 80 )

espec i a l ly about the extent of knowledge of Tok pi sin , tribution .

The data , howeve r ,

being analysed in various ways . not the same ,

( 1966 ,

have yielded various types of information about language data -

and i ts geographical dis­

are of varying reliab i l ity , and are capable of

The que s t ions asked at the three censuses were

and d i f ferent samples o f the popu lation were surveyed .

This paper

does not attempt to analyse a l l the data ; rather , it is a brief overview of the main conclusions which can be reached at present . As far as pos sible , the data are presented wi thout analy si s , so that the reader can draw his own conclusions .

3.1.2

1966 CENSUS OF TH E TERRITORY O F PAPUA AN D NEW G U I N EA The 1 96 6 census attempted to cover a l l the non -vi l lage population ,

approximately 10% of the rural v i l l age populat ion .

and

The language and li teracy

que s t ion s , as given in the Prel iminary Bulletin No . 2 0 o f the census , were as follows :

Language

Persons who completed a Householder ' s Schedule were asked to state l anguage in accordance with the fol lowing instructions . "For persons 1 0 years and over , Language -

( a) (b)

(c)

Can the person speak s imp le English? . . . . Can the person speak simple P i dgin? Can the person speak s imp le Police Motu?

.

ANSWER ' YES ' ANSWER ' YES ' ANSWER ' YES '

or

or or

' NO ' ' NO ' ' NO '

For persons whose in formation was colle cted by means of an Inter­ view Questionnaire a s imi lar series of quest ions were asked in order to determine whether s imple Engl ish , Pidgin or Police Motu were spoken . The test of whe ther such persons were able to speak a lan­ guage was whether they were able to answer Census questions in that language .

Literacy

Persons who completed a Householder ' s S chedul e were asked to

state l iteracy in accordance w i th the following instructions . " For persons 10 years of age and ove r ,

( a)

Can the person read and wri te s imple sentences in English? . . • . . . . . . . .

S . A . Wurm and P .

Muh lhausle r ,

Guinea Pi dgi n) , 2 2 3 - 2 3 1 . ©

Don Laycock

l i teracy .

.

.

.

.

ANSWER ' YES '

eds Handbook of Tok Pi sin (New Pacifi c Li ngui sti cs , C-70 , 1984 .

Laycock, D. "Tok Pisin and the census". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:223-231. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.223 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

or ' NO '

223

224

DON LAYCOCK (b)

(c)

(d)

Can the person read and write s imple sentences in Pidgin?

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ANSWER ' YES '

Can the person read and write simple sentences in Police Motu?

.

•

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Can the person read and write simple sentences in any other language ( indi genous or foreign ) ?

.

.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . .

ANSWER ' YES '

or

' NO '

or

' NO '

or

' NO '

ANSWER ' YES '

For persons whose in formation was obtained by means o f an Interview

Quest ionnaire a s imilar series of quest ions were asked . Where the interviewer was not sure whether a person was l i terate or not in a

particular language he adopted the following procedure .

The person

was shown a s impl e picture depicting common ob j e cts and then asked to f i l l in a lite racy Test Card .

The card asked a few s imple

que st ions about the content of the picture . For example ,

" How many pigs can you see in the picture ? " , " I can see

pigs . "

The ove rall results of the census are given in Tables

popul at i on exc luded) .

1 to 5 ( non- indigenous

In evaluating these tables , the nature of the que stions asked should be borne in mind . In the case of forms completed by the re spondent , it is l ikely that in

many cases competence in the prestige languages of Engl ish , Tok P i s in and Motu may have been exaggerated . I n addition , the ' test of l iteracy ' admini stered by interview�rs was not very searching , the figures .

and may a l so have led to some inflation o f

A further consideration that may have led to distortion of the

figures is the fact that some re spondents may have been confused as to the d i f­ ference between Tok P i s in and Engl i s h ; in even we l l - contacted areas in the Sepik region in 1 9 59 , many persons encountered thought that Tok Pisin was the ' white

Howeve r , in the case of the 1966 census , the testing techniques ( f i l l ing out the census form in either Tok P i s in or Engl i sh , o r personal interviews by a census o f f icer) should have minimised the possibility of confusion on thi s man ' s l anguage ' . account .

Taking the figures at face value , however , we see that Tok Pisin then had ,

overal l ,

almost three times as many speakers as English ,

many speakers as Hiri Motu .

and over four times as

The l iteracy f i gur e s , howeve r ,

are very d i f ferent ;

almost a l l the English speakers were l iterate in that language , but only about a third of the Tok P i s in speakers c laimed l i teracy in Tok P i s in , and only some 40% o f the Hiri Motu speakers were also l i terate in the lingua franca .

Males

Females

Persons

Males

Females

Percen-

Total

New Guinea

Papua Languages spoken

Persons

Males

Females

Persons

tage Distribution

English

1 4 , 464

1 3 , 338

2 7 , 80 2

5 , 884

5 , 22 8

1 1 , 112

20, 348

1 8 , 56 5

38 , 913

2 . 67

Pidgin ' ( a ) English and Pidgin police Motu (b)

12 , 687

1 , 945

14 , 6 32

2 5 4 , 87 7

1 2 3 , 725

3 7 8 , 602

2 6 7 , 56 4

1 2 5 , 669

39 3 , 2 3 3

26 . 9 7

5 , 3 98

1 , 11 3

6 , 5 11

6 3 , 761

2 9 , 95 1

93 , 712

69 , 1 5 9

3 1 , 06 4

100 , 2 2 3

6 . 87

36 , 2 24

17 , 1 4 7

5 3 , 371

163

125

2 88

36 , 387

17 , 2 7 2

5 3 , 65 9

3 . 68

16 , 97 0

9 , 455

26, 425

176

81

257

1 7 , 146

9 , 536

2 6 , 68 2

1 . 83

6 , 6 55

839

7 , 494

2 , 701

520

3 ,221

9 , 3 56

1 , 359

10, 715

0 . 74

English a n d Police Motu pidgin and police Motu English , pidgin and police Motu Other ( c ) Not Stated TOTAL ( 10 years of age and over)

19 , 1 8 1

2 , 934

2 2 , 115

4 , 59 5

809

5 , 40 4

2 3 , 776

3 , 74 3

2 7 , 519

1. 89

9 7 , 089

1 4 2 , 100

2 39 , 64 1

2 1 8 , 100

3 4 8 , 001

566 , 1 0 1

315 , 1 8 9

4 90 , 5 5 3

8 0 5 , 74 2

5 5 . 26

348

302

6 50

387

333

720

7 34

635

1 , 369

0 . 09

209 , 01 5

189 , 62 5

398 , 640

550 , 6 4 3

5 08 , 7 7 1

1 , 05 9 , 4 1 4

759 , 65 8

69 8 , 396

1 , 4 5 8 , 054

100 . 00

(a)

Lingua franca o f the Territory of New Guinea;

( c)

Persons who cannot speak s imple English, Pidgin or Police Motu .

(b)

Lingua franca o f a large area o f Papua ;

Tabl e 1 : Languages spoken by the popu l a t i on of 10 years of a g e and over : Terri tory of Papua a nd New Gu i nea , Cens u s , J u n e - Ju l y 1966

Proportion of

Total

New Guinea

Papua

total popula-

Language Persons

1 3 0 , 429

6 2 , 90 8

193 , 3 37

1 3 . 26%

480 , 9 39

369 , 855

161 , 8 35

5 3 1 , 69 0

36 . 46%

9 , 170

86 , 66 5

3 1 , 9 10

118 , 575

8 . 13%

Persons

Males

74 , 416

36 , 069

1 1 0 , 485

50, 752

3 2 5 , 934

155 , 00 5

109 , 405

7 , 635

1 , 535

Females

English

5 6 , 01 3

26 , 840

82 , 853

Pidgin Police Motu

4 3 , 92 1

6 , 831

7 9 , 030

3 0 , 37 5

Males

tion 10 years

Females

Females

Persons

Males

of age and over

Tabl e 2 : Popu l a t i on o f 10 years of age and over s pea k i ng E n g l i s h , P i d g i n o r Pol i ce Motu : Terri tory of Papua and New Gu i nea , Censu s , June-Ju l y 1966

tv tv lJ1

Papua

Classi fication

Males

New Guinea

Females

Persons

Males

Females

Total Persons

Males

Females

Persons

English

6 , 130

3 , 9 56

1 0 , 086

7 , 50 8

4 , 666

12 , 174

1 3 , 638

8 , 62 2

Pidgin

1 , 039

155

1 , 194

2 4 , 45 2

7 , 66 3

3 2 , 115

2 5 , 49 0

7 , 817

3 3 , 307

1 , 06 2

18 0

1 , 242

1 7 , 91 1

9 , 086

26 , 997

1 8 , 9 74

9 , 2 66

2 8 , 2 40

(a) English and Pidgin Police Motu (b) English and Police Motu

1 , 9 30

1 , 968

3 , 898

91

32

123

2 , 020

1 , 99 9

4 , 0 19

4 , 085

2 , 2 79

6 , 36 4

88

47

145

4 , 17 3

2 , 336

6 , 50 9

292

45

337

224

51

275

5 16

96

612

1 , 49 1

245

1 , 736

511

10 5

616

2 , 00 2

350

2 , 35 2

1 3 , 459

14 , 65 6

2 8 , 115

1 8 , 439

2 1 , 82 5

40 , 26 4

3 1 , 89 8

3 6 , 481

6 8 , 379

1 1 , 36 6

9 , 42 1

2 0 , 7 87

3 , 34 1

3 , 5 70

6 ,911

14 , 70 7

12 , 992

.27 , 6 9 9

Pidgin and Police Motu Engl i s h , P i dgin and Police Motu Other Language ( c) English and Other Pidgin and Other Engl ish , Pidgin and .other Police Motu and Other English , Police Motu and Other Pidgin , Police Motu and Other English, Pidgin , Police Motu , and Other I l literate Not Stated TOTAL

( 10 years o f age and over)

2 2 , 2 60

1 , 642

224

1 , 866

3 3 , 15 1

1 1 , 590

4 4 , 741

3 4 , 793

1 1 , 814

4 6 , 607

2 , 696

413

3 , 1 09

35 , 46 0

1 5 , 234

50 , 69 4

3 8 , 15 7

15 , 6 4 7

5 3 , 804

5 , 16 1

2 , 837

7 , 99 8

173

130

303

5 , 3 34

2 , 966

8 , 300

9 , 234

4 , 390

13 , 62 4

436

106

542

9 , 671

4 , 4 96

1 4 , 16 7

1 , 00 5

100

1 , 105

788

100

888

1 , 794

200

1 , 99 4

6 , 968

1 , 135

8 , 10 3

2 , 82 4

429

3 , 25 3

9 , 79 2

1 , 56 3

1 1 , 355

1 4 1 , 088

14 7 , 3 1 9

2 88 , 40 7

40 4 , 849

4 3 3 , 739

8 3 8 , 588

54 5 , 9 3 7

581, 058

1 , 126 , 995

364

305

669

398

387

785

763

692

1 , 45 5

2 0 9 , 01 5

189 , 6 2 5

398 , 6 4 0

550, 643

5 08 , 7 7 1

1 , 059 , 4 1 4

759 , 658

6 9 8 , 396

1 , 4 58 , 05 4

( a ) Lingua franca o f t h e Territory of N e w Guinea ; or foreign .

(b)

Lingua franca o f a large area o f Papua ;

( c)

Indigenous

Tab l e 3 : L i teracy of the popu l a t i o n of 10 years of age and ove r : Terri tory of Papua and New Gu i nea , Cens u s , June-Ju l y 1966

Papua

P roportion of

Total

New Guinea

population 10

Classifi cation

English Pidgin Police Motu

Tabl e 4:

Males

Females

Persons

4 3 , 0 32

2 2 , 01 9

65 , 05 1

6 8 , 0 79

1 6 , 195

2 , 49 7

1 8 , 692

115 , 3 2 1

30 , 166

1 2 , 99 9

4 3 , 16 5

5 , 13 5

Males

Females

years o f age and over

Females

Persons

1 1 1 , 1 14

5 5 , 272

166 , 386

1 1 . 41%

1 3 1 , 516

4 6 , 755

1 78 , 2 7 1

12 . 23%

3 5 , 301

1 4 , 009

49 , 3 1 0

3 . 38%

Persons

Males

3 3 , 25 3

101 , 332

44 , 2 5 8

159 , 579

1 , 0 10

6 , 14 5

Popu l a t i o n of 1 0 years o f age and over l i terate in E n g l i sh , P i d g i n or Pol i ce Motu : Censu s , J u n e - J u l y

1 966

TOK PISIN AND THE CENSUS

227

Further bulletins gave the breakdown o f the s ame tables b y each o f the then

Di stricts - which by and large are the same a s the present Province s . Most o f this data has been analysed b y Sankoff ( 1 9 7 7 c ) , from which art i c le Table 5 i s

taken :

Tok Pisin , No .

Districts

2 5 , 630

28 . 2

37 , 381

41 . 1

5 5 , 01 8

60 . 5

7 , 267

19 . 1

1 3 , 46 4

35 . 4

14 , 686

38 . 6

· 2 , 873

8.0

7 , 189

20.1

1 2 , 09 7

33 . 8

Milne Bay

3 , 547

5.2

16 , 169

23 . 9

1 6 , 714

24 . 7

Western

1 , 84 4

4.5

5 , 305

12.8

9 , 82 5

23 . 8 0.7

Central Papuan Coastal

New Guinea Is lands

New Guinea Coastal

H i ghlands

Northern Gulf

3 2 , 550

94 . 2

8 , 687

25 . 1

253

1 1 , 7 84

89 . 2

4 , 639

35 . 3

211

1.6

West New Britain East New Britain

2 1 , 026

75 . 7

5 , 577

20 . 1

207

0.7

4 8 , 464

69 . 5

2 0 , 299

29 . 1

1 , 356

1.9

Bougainvi l l e

3 1 , 84 3

68.0

1 1 , 0 36

23 . 6

253

0.5

East Sepik West Sepik Madang

7 9 , 680

76 . 6

1 1 , 962

11 . 5

756

0.7

4 5 , 208

67.4

4 , 314

6.4

318

0.4

62 , 4 26

61 . 5

1 1 , 293

11 . 1

957

0.9

Morobe

65 , 634

47 . 1

1 4 , 94 2

10 . 7

2 , 582

1.9

Eastern H i ghlands

35, 237

26 . 3

7 , 296

5.4

1 , 252

0.9

Chimbu Western H i ghlands

2 0 , 706

17 . 4

3 , 519

2.9

3 39

0.3

2 6 , 385

13.0

6 , 92 2

3. 4

6 87

0.3

9 , 5 92

7.7

3 , 346

2.7

1 , 0 65

0.9

New Ireland Manus

Southern Highlands Note :

Hiri Motu , No.

English , No.

For each languag e , percentages in italics are those which exceed the national average for that language . ( Data abstracted from Table 11 of the 1966 Prel iminary Census Bulletins for each district . )

Tab l e 5 : T h e number a nd proport i on o f Papuans a n d New Gu i neans age 1 0 and over spea k i n g Tok P i s i n , Engl i s h and H i ri Motu i n each d i str i ct

He r summa ry of the regional di stribution o f Tok Pisin,

a s fol lows :

from this table ,

is

TO� Pi sin is the most widely spoken official language in all but five Papuan Coastal Di stricts , i . e . Central , Northe rn , Gu l f , Milne Bay , and we ste rn . In a l l of the New Guinea Coastal

and I s lands Districts , Tok P i sin is spoken by a proportion of people considerably higher than the national average of 36 . 5% . And even in the New Guinea I s lands Di stricts , where the pro­ portion of English-speakers is far ahead of the national average of 1 3 . 3 % , the number of Tok P i s i n speakers is in every case more than double the number of English-speakers , and there are very few ' English only ' speakers . Tok Pi sin currently dominates as the language of widest currency in the largest proportion

of di stricts .

In particular ,

one should note the very high proportion of Tok P i sin speakers

in New I reland and Manu s ,

and the quite low figures for all H i ghlands areas .

ma j o r expansion o f Tok P i s in in the H i ghlands was yet to come .

A

228

DON LAYCOCK

3.1.3

1 9 7 1 POPULAT ION CENSUS OF PAPUA NEW GU I N EA In the 1 9 7 1 census ,

the lan guage question s ,

10 years , were the fol lowing :

for a l l persons over the age of

( lO a )

What l anguage does this person usually speak at home ?

( lO c )

Can this person speak simple pidgin?

( lOb )

( lOd) ( lO e )

Can this person speak s impl e Engl i sh? write Yes or No . I f Yes - can this person read and write simple sentences Write Yes or No . in English? write Yes or No .

I f Yes - can this person read and write s impl e s entences Write Yes o r No . in Pidgin?

Can this person speak s impl e Pol ice Motu?

write Yes or No .

I f Yes - can this person read and write simple sentences

Write Yes or No . in Pol ice Motu? Can this person read and wri te s imp l e sentences in any other l anguage? I f Yes , write name of l anguage .

The ' othe r languages '

I f No , write No .

were not tabul ated , except as totals of persons l i te rate in

other language s . No real attempt was made to check on l anguage c laims , whether for speaking or l i teracy , and it is likely that competence in more languages was claimed than was really the case .

Tab le 6 gives the summary data for each Di strict/Province , in terms o f c laimed knowledge of Tok P i s i n and other lingue franche ; this should be compared with Table

5.

Tok Pisin

Districts

Papuan Co astal

New Guinea I s l ands

No .

Hiri Motu

English "

No .

"

No .

"

central

4 1 , 772

36 . 0

52 , 779

45 . 5

70 , 6 7 1

60. 9

Northern

1 1 , 989

28.5

1 8 , 682

44 . 5

1 8 , 684

44 . 5

Gulf

4 , 446

12 . 5

8 , 4 91

Milne Bay

5 , 74 2

8.1

2 5 , 0 20

Wes tern

4 , 19 8

9.5

10 , 6 2 7

New I re l and

3 7 , 44 3

*9 3 . 1

Manus

1 4 , 231

93 . 1

23 . 9

1 2 , 70 1

35 . 7

35 . 3

17 , 66 5

24 . 9

24 . 0

1 2 , 74 2

28 . 8

1 4 , 01 3

34 . 8

508

1.3

7 , 031

46 . 0

2 36

*1 . 5 1.6

West New Britain

3 4 , 090

89 . 4

11 , 377

29 . 8

623

East New Britain

5 4 , 20 8

73.4

29 , 758

40 . 3

2 , 009

2.7

Bougainvi 1 1 e

4 5 , 285

75 . 6

2 1 , 570

36 . 0

1 , 596

2.7

East Sepik

91 , 031

82 . 1

19 , 86 2

17 . 9

1 , 127

1.0

New Guinea

West Sepik

39 , 2 2 3

*63 . 9

7 , 54 7

12 . 3

422

0.7

Coastal

Madang

74 , 949

68 . 9

2 1 , 522

19 . 8

1 , 215

1.1

Morobe

93 , 175

59 . 3

2 5 , 94 1

16 . 5

4 , 33 3

2.8

Eastern Highlands

50 , 8 6 3

33 . 5

1 3 , 5 88

8.9

1 , 569

1.0

Chimbu

2 7 , 60 4

26 . 4

6 , 909

6.6

536

0.5

Western Highlands

56 , 22 8

24 . 3

1 9 , 900

8.6

1 , 46 0

0.6

Southern H i ghlands

2 0 , 356

15 . 9

9 , 110

7.1

1 , 56 7

1.2

70 7 , 1 2 6

44 . 5

32 3 , 76 7

20.4

150, 652

9.5

Highlands

NATIONAL Note :

For each l anguage ,

percentages in i ta l i cs are those which exceed the

national average for that l anguage ; the percentage since 1966 .

an asterisk denotes a decline

( Data abstracted

in

from Table 8 o f the 1 9 7 1

Popu lat ion Census Bulletins f o r e a c h district . )

Tab 1 e 6 : T h e number and pro port i on o f P'a puans a n d New G ui neans age 1 0 and over s p ea k i ng Tok P i s i n , Engl i s h and H i ri Motu in each d i s t r i ct

229

TOK PISIN AND THE CENSUS

It will be readily seen that knowledge of all l ingue franche increased in

all province s , with the exception o f the three figures marked with an aster isk .

In the case o f the de cline in Hiri Motu in Manus , the number of speakers i s so small that this probably has no s i gni ficance . Howeve r , the apparent 1 . 1% decline and , more important ly , t he apparent 3 . 5% de cline in is inexplicab l e . It probably reflects an error in

in Tok P i s i n in New I re l and , Tok Pisin in the West Sepik , the figures at some poi n t .

The largest increas e s in Tok P i s in are in the Highlands province s , but the

increases in Central and Northern provinces are also considerable .

The tradi­

tional Tok Pi sin speaking areas o f the north coast and i s l ands increased in know­

ledge o f Tok Pisin , but l e s s dramati c a l l y . All provinces which in 1966 had a higher proportion o f knowledge of lingue franche than the national average re­ tained that l ead in

197 1 , but no new provinces were added to the l i s t .

Laycock ( 1 979) compared the overall data f o r the u s e of Tok Pisin , li ngue franche , and vernacular languages ; the results are given in Tables 7 and 8 . 1 9 7 1 Census

1 966 Census

Languages

Females

Males

Females

393,233

287,633

1 6 2, 1 1 8

449,7 5 1

+20,069

+36,449

1 8.01

27.00

3 5 .06

2 1 .07

28.29

-0. 1 9

+3.06

+ 1 .29

1 7 ,272

53,659

33.5 1 2

2 1 ,488

5 5 ,000

-2,875

+4,2 1 6

+ 1 ,341

-0.70

+0. 3 1

+ 3 ,9 1 8

+6,864

Females

Tok Pisin (TP)

267,564

1 25,669

%

35.25 36,387

Police Motu (PM)

%

Changes 1 966- 1 9 7 1

Males

Males

Total

Total

4.79

2.48

3.68

4.09

2.79

3.46

English

20,348

1 8,565

3 8 ,9 1 3

24,266

25,429

4 9 ,965

2.68

2.67

TP and English

6 9 , 1 59

3 1 ,064

9. 1 1

4.45

%

%

PM and English

%

TP and PM

%

T\', PM, and English

%

2.26

1 . 37

9,356

1 ,359

1 .2 3

0. 1 9

23,776 3.1 3

none of the above

%

1 5.98

26,682

3 ,743

1 8,420

3. 3 1

3. 1 3

-0 . 2 2 + 1 0,782

+0.28

+0.64

+0.46

1 94,384

+ 6 1 ,894

+32,267

+94 , 1 6 1

8.23

1 2.22

+6.87

+3.78

+5.34

1 4 ,24 1

3 2 ,66 1

+ 1 ,274

+4,705

+5,979 +0.22

63,33 1

1 . 83

2.25

1 . 85

2.05

1 0,7 1 5

1 3 ,7 1 2

2,793

1 5 ,965

0.74

1 .60

27,5 1 9

3 7 ,9 1 3

1 . 89

4.62

0.54

+56,5 1 8

-0.01

+0.48

+3,816

+ 1 ,4 3 4

+5,250

1 .00

+0.37

+0. 1 7

+0.26

9,1 1 4

4 7 ,027

+14,137

\.18

2.96

+ 1 .49

+0.64

+ 1 .07

0.36

+ 5 ,3 7 1

+ 1 9 ,508

3 1 5 , 1 89

490,553

805,742

274,320

470,792

74�,1 l 2

-40,869

-19,761

�O,630

4 1 .53

70.30

5 5 .3 1

33.44

6 1 .20

46.87

-8.09

-9. 1 0

-8.44

-

-

-

-

820,289

769,306

+60,630

+70,9 1 0

-

-

734

635

1 ,369

759,659

698,396

1 ,458,055

-

-

not stated Total indigenous

1 3 1 ,053

6.88

9,536

1 7, 1 46

2.96

2.67 1 00,223

Total

-

1 ,5 89,595

-

+ 1 3 1 ,540

population

%

increase

-

-

+7.98

+9.02

+ 1 0. 1 5

Tab l e 7 : Competence i n non- i nd i genous l anguages among i nd i genous Papua New Gu i neans over the age o f 1 0 years

Language Tok Pisin

%

English

%

Police Motu

%

Changes 1 966- 1 9 7 1

1 9 7 1 Census

1 966 Census Males

Females

Total

Males

Females

Total

Males

Females

Total

369,855

1 6 1 ,8 3 5

5 3 1 ,690

4 6 9 ,7 7 1

237,356

707 , 1 27

+99,9 1 6

+75,5 2 1

+ 1 7 5 .4 3 7

48.73

23 . 1 9

36.50

5 7 .2 7

30.85

44.49

+8.54

+7.66

1 93 , 3 3 7

2 1 1 ,6 5 2

1 1 2, 1 1 5

323,767

+ 8 1 ,223

+49,207

1 30,429 17.19 86,665

I J .4 2

6 2 ,908

+7.99 + 1 30,430

9.02

1 3 .27

25.80

14.57

20.37

+8.61

+5.55

+7. 1 0

3 1 ,9 1 0

1 1 8,575

1 03 ,0 1 7

47,636

1 50,653

+ J 6,352

+ 1 5,726

+ 3 2 ,078

1 2.56

6.19

+1.14

+ 1 .62

+ 1 .34

4.57

8.14

9.48

Tabl e 8 : Total numbers of s peakers of maj or 1 i ngue franche among i ndi genous Papua New Gu i neans over the age of 1 0 years

230

DON LAYCOCK

From these tables i t i s apparent that the fastest growing language , overa l l , in the period in question was Tok P i s in ; but Tok P i s in is only marginally ahead

of Engl i sh , and , in fact , the percentage increase for English is greater among males than it is for Tok P i s i n . Many women are acqui ring Tok Pisin as their first non-vernacular language , but many are also acquiring i t along with Engl ish .

1966 and 1971 reflect the 1966 , but who are now

It is likely that many of the changes between

add i ti on o f chi ldren who were too young to be censused in at school and are acqui ring Tok Pisin and English , and ,

Motu .

However ,

to a lesser degree , Hiri

the census figures should be treated w i th caution .

The National

Statistician o f P apua New Guinea , writing in the pre liminary Bulletin of the

1980-81 census , points out that the original figures for the census involved a

severe underestimation o f the populat ion ; when these figures were ad j u sted for

pub l i cation , too big an ad j ustment factor was used , overest imated .

so that the popu lation was

Whether these ad j ustments greatly affect the language data ,

least in te rms of percentages of speakers of the various language s , to determine .

at

is d i f ficult

I t i s also impossible to e stimate from the census data the number o f f i rst­

language Tok Pi sin speak ers .

3. 1 .4

1980- 1981 PAPUA N EW GUI N EA NATI ONAL POPULAT I ON CENSUS The first census o f an independent Papua New Gu inea took a form d i f ferent

from that of previous censuses .

Firstly ,

the census was spread over a long period ,

and did not count the population in respect of a s ingle night . census was administered w i th two questionnai res , ' long form ' .

All urban areas ,

m i s s ions , work camps , with the ' long form ' ;

rural non-vi l l ages

called the

the

and the

( non-traditional sett lements ,

and the like ) , and a sample of rural v i l lages were surveyed the remaining rural areas used the ' short form ' . No language

que s t i ons were inc luded on the ' short form ' ; on the ' long form ' were as follows , for all persons 10 years of age and olde r : A

Secondly ,

' short form '

the que stions

In your house what language do you speak most?

17

Use l i s t of languages

B

When buying at the market what language do you speak most? Use list of languages

The ' l i s t of language s '

}

referred to was an arbitrary list of maj or languages

likely t o be encountered , ' long form ' : Engl ish Motu P i dgin

Enga Tolai/Kuanua Melpa Kuman

Hu l i Mendi

Kate Yabem

given as fol lows i n the interviewer workbook for the - All P . N . G .

- Enga Provi nce - East New B r itain

- Western Highlands -

S imbu Southern Highlands Southern Highlands Morobe , Madang and Eastern Highl ands

- Morobe , Madang and Eastern H igh lands Tok P l e s or Other - All other languages

231

TOK PISIN AND THE CENSUS

The census data obtained from this questionnaire have not yet been publ ished ,

but even when they are available ,

it i s d i f f i cult to see how they can be compared

with the language data of previous censuses .

The data on l anguage USE wi l l cer­

tainly be valuable , but in formation on language COMPETENCE wi l l be los t . region such as Buin ,

for example

( North Solomons Province ) ,

In a

almost a l l the 1 7 , 00 0

or so speakers o f Buin wi ll give ' Buin ' as the i r answer t o both language que stions : howeve r , most of these also speak Tok p i s i n , and a reasonable number speak E nglish . These facts w i l l not appear in the census dat a , l in gue franche , Laycock

so the number of speakers of a l l

across t h e country , must nece s s ar i ly appear t o be l e s s .

( 1982b)

has argued that Tok P i s i n may have already reached i ts point

of maximum expans ion , but the data to s upport this are not yet avai lable .

when the data do be come ava i l able ,

perhaps

the language may have already started to de­

c l i ne - but in any case it is c l e ar that Tok Pisin w i l l continue to s e rve the

provinces of maximal l i ngui s t i c diversity and Manus )

for many years yet .

(East and we s t Sepik ,

Madang , Morobe ,

Laycock, D. "Tok Pisin and the census". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:223-231. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.223 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

3.2

VAR I AT I O N I N TOK P I S I N P . Mlih lhau s l e r

3.2. 1

I NTRODUCTION Tok P i sin has been accused again and again of being a

' grammarle s s '

language ,

one whose grammatical rules l were de fined by the law of the j ungle and not by

conven tions such as are found in ' civi l i sed ' language s . The answer to these charge s has been given by a number o f structura l i st linguists who demons trated

the absurdity of the

' no grammar '

accusat ion by wr iting substantial grammar s of

the language . Extens ive de s criptions of Tok Pi sin are give n , for instance , by These grammars were Hall ( 1 9 4 3 a and 1 9 5 5 a) , Wurm ( 19 7 1 a ) and Miha l i c ( 1 9 7 1 ) .

based on the beliefs , current at the time , that languages were independent systems ,

unaffected by , and unrelated to , extralinguistic facts . Thus , they aimed at rep­ resenting idiolects , common core grammars o r , in late r years , the competence of the i de al abstract speaker-heare r , and di scarded as marginal o r i rrelevant the fact that actual speakers and hearers are members of a society and sub j ect to influences of space and time as we l l as psychological factors .

While structuralist de scriptions o f Tok P i s in were a great step forward i n

the knowledge o f this language and pidgin languages in general and whi le there were also a number of practical appli cations such as the deve lopment of a written standard language , abstract descriptions suffe r from a number o f limitations .

Most serious is the i r failure to capture the dynami c character of pidgins and Once it was re ali sed , the ir resulting high degree o f synchron i c variabil ity . howeve r , that such variab i l ity could be studied in its own right , it became more and more obvious that the results of such studies had far-reaching imp l i cations for l inguistic theory .

Among the changes in l inguistic thinking stimulated by the study of pidgin and creole languages have been the deve lopment of new sociolingu i s t i c theories which put l inguisti c variation at the centre rather than the periphery o f language study . So far , the new paradigm of lan guage study is not fully developed , and, in particul a r , it l acks a single consistent terminology and method dealing w i th language variation . It has also become cl ear that the methods used for the des­ cript ion o f one instance o f language variation may not necessarily be adequate

for dealing with other case s , and that one has to approach the problem by es tab­ l ishing a k i nd of typology of variations ( cf . O r j a l a 1 9 7 5 : 1 ) .

There have been found to be two maj or types of pidgins and creoles . The first type i s the continuum s i tuat ion , encountered for instance , in Jamai can and In a cont inuum s i tuation , the lin uistic per formance of speakers Guayanese Creole . � can be placed on a scale ranging from the basi l ectal pidgin/creole to the local

form of the standard lexifier language ; in the case of Jamai can Creole , from basi lectal rural cre o l e to standard English . Two s i gni fi cant facts character ise such a continuum : first i t involves continuous s caled variation rather than a number o f di s crete leve ls between the extremes of the continuum,

o f speak e r s spanning d i f ferent ranges within i t .

S . A . Wurm and P . Muhlhau s l e r ,

Guinea pi dgi n) , 2 3 3 - 2 7 3 . ©

P . MUhlhausler

eds Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Pacific Linguisti cs , C-70 , 1 984 .

Mühlhäusler, P. "Variation in Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:233-273. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.233 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

the competence

S e cond , a speaker ' s position on

233

2 34

P . MUHLHA USLER

such a continuum ,

social factors ,

as well as the range o f h i s/her competence ,

upward

upward social mob i l i ty .

is determined by

movement on a lingui stic conti nuum typically ref lecting

The second major type doe s not exhibit continuity , but rather discretene s s

o f coexistent l ingui stic systems .

A case in instance i s the position of Haitian

Creole relative to French as des cribed by stewart ( 1962 : 149-159) and Orjala ( 19 7 5 ) Here Creole and French are separate linguistic entities and it is pos s ib l e in a l l cir cumstances to assign speech events to e ither o n e or t h e other language .

.

This

does not mean that carry-over of lingui stic features in e i ther direction cannot

be obse rve d , from French . So far ,

language s ,

in fact , Urban Creole in Haiti is characterised by many influences

lingui stic variation has been studied almost exclusively in ' natural '

i.e.

the native languages o f a speech community .

of l inguistic analysis developed appear to be very promi sing , s i gn i ficant i ns ights into variation in

are indicat ions that pidgins , i . e . speakers , may behave dif ferently .

' natural '

Although the methods and although many

languages have been gained ,

there

languages which typically have no native It could turn out that the behaviour of pidgin

lan guages with regard to variation may be a pivotal factor in providing l inguistic evidence for setting these languages apart .

3.2.2

S P E C I AL P ROBLEMS CONN E CTED W ITH VARI AT I ON I N TOK P I S I N The term Tok P i s in was adopted a s a convenient label for a very complex lin­

gui st i c phenomenon . I t embraces a large number o f speech varieties spoken by individuals in a very comp l ex mul t i l i ngual s ituation . I t covers the halting

attempts of members o f isolated communities to commun icate with repre sentatives of the administrat ion , the garbled baby-talk used by many Europeans in domestic s ituations and the f luent speech o f those for whom i t i s the first language .

Much o f the variation found in Tok P i s in is the result of its being learnt The first lan guage of most of its speakers i s one of the

as a se cond language .

700 or more languages spoken in the area of Papua New Guine a .

This immediately

rai s e s the ques t ion of the role o f substratum inf luence in the l ingu i s t i c per­ formance of second-language Tok P i sin speakers . Though many remarks on th i s topic are found throughout the lite rature , there has been no de tailed systematic case study . Thus , it remains to be determined whether i t merely results in non­ The perspec­ systemat i c interference or in we ll- structured linguistic patterns .

t ives for research into substratum influence are considerable . It is conceivable , ' for in s tance , that a number of recent changes in the grammar of Tok Pi sin are the result of speakers of non-Me l anesian Highlands languages replacing coastal

Me lane s ian languages as those o f the greatest numerical importance .

The fact that Tok P i s in i s a second language causes d i f ficulties in adopt ing

yet another useful di stinction often app l i ed in the study of creoles , namely that between basilect , mesolect and acrole ct , terms used to refer to pos i tions on a lectal continuum. In the case of Tok Pisin , variation is found along a number of d i f fe rent dimens ions , ranging from idiolectal d i f ferences in incipient second­ language learning in the case of Bush Pidgin to the degree of identification with English- speaking cultures in Urban Pidgin. post-pidgin and post-creole continua may develop among s ome groups of urban speakers , howeve r .

The mode o f transmi s s ion o f Tok Pisin i s also a reason for the absence of Until a few decades ago , Tok P i s in was typically

pronounced regional d i f ference s .

learnt not in the learner ' s home vi l lage , but far away on the plantations or patrol

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN posts .

2 35

In how far this factor was instrumen tal in neutral i s ing substratum influ­

ences remains to be determined , but i t certainly did help to bring about a certain amount o f country-wide uniformity . This uni formity i s greatest in syntax and l ex i con and much le s s noticeable in phonology and phonetic s . One is j us t i f ied in speaking of a standard rural variety as long as it i s kept in mind that thi s is an abstraction from the l i ngui s t i c realitie s .

and both the extent o f variation

and the relationsh ip between standard Rural Pidgin and the other varieties are made e xpli c i t . I adopt the notion of a standard Rural Pidgin for yet another

reason , name ly because of the importance of certain fixed standards for future language plann i n g . In the pa st , standards were developed by the Catho l i c miss ion ,

and the number o f tho s e speakers who e i ther le arnt the i r Tok Pi sin from the

missions or rece ived formal education in Tok P i s i n on m i s s ion stations is substan­ tial . As a re sul t , a con siderable degree of agreement is found regarding the acceptab i l ity of the core constructions of the l anguage ,

in many young and le s s stable pidgins

(cf.

something which is absent

Bicke rton 1 9 7 6 ) .

It should have become obvious from the previous di scussion that the treatment

of variation in Tok P i sin w i l l be l acking in rigour and in data to support some of the c laims made .

On the other hand , pre-theoretical observations such as wi l l

b e made be low are an e ssential step i n l in guistic inquiry and it is hoped that they w i l l help in l e ading to an adequate account of the complex phenomenon of Tok Pisin .

TH E SOC I AL VAR I ET I ES O F TOK P I S I N

3.2.3 3 . 2. 3. 1

Genera l remarks

I have drawn attent ion t o the problem o f s o c i a l d i f ferentiation o f Tok pi sin

in a number o f p l ace s

( e . g . Muh lhau s l e r 1 9 75e and 1 9 7 ge ) .

di ffer greatly from those of one of my informants Mr Joseph

My conclusions do not

K, of Lorengau :

H i l a i k toktok l on g pas i n b i l ong Tok P i s i n . Tok P i s i n , em i l u k o l s em t e t e n a u t a i m b i l on g 0 1 n u pe l a man n a u , i l uk o l sem i t r i pe l a tok tok n a u . N ambawa n toktok l ong t a i m S i aman i kam i b i n y u s i m , 01 i b i n y u s i m l on g t a i m p l e s i b i n t u d a k ye t . I no g a t man b i l on g m i 0 1 i s ave p ren g u t l on g 0 1 wa i tma n . O ra i t , 0 1 i b i n l u s i m d i s pe l a toktok b i l on g b i po t a so l , i no g u t pe l a tok tok t umas . Sampe l a 0 1 i b i n y u s i m , t a s o l m i pe l a t e t e l a i k t ra i i m l a i n i m i h a t t umas , i o l sem p l an t i i no k ra i g u t . O ra i t , i kam l ong m i pe l a t e t e , m i pe l a i kam b i ha i n l on g o l � e m i k l i a 1 i k l i k t a so l . P i s i n i no o l sem i no wanpe l a tok i t ru . O l ge t a h a p toktok i kama u t i n s a i t l ong wa n pe l a wanpe l a wan pe l a p l es i n sa i t l ong a i l an l on g N i u g i n i . . . . O ra i t , n a u i na p l ong m i pe l a 0 1 d i s pe l a toktok i p i n i s , nau i g a t tete em i n a ra pe l a n u pe l a toktok gen , n a u 01 i y u s i m t e t e , b i kos p l an t i ma n k i 0 1 i b i n go l ong 0 1 b i kpe l a s k u l n a 0 1 i g a t g u t pe l a s ave n a u , 0 1 i k e n t o k t o k l on g P i s i n n a 0 1 i ken p u t i m l i k l i k h a p I ng l i s moa i go l ongen . Sampe l a h a p h a t pe l a toktok i no o ra i t l on g P i s i n . O ra i t 0 1 i s a ve b r i ng i m 0 1 s ampe l a h a p l ong I n g l i s i go , 0 1 i sot i m i go na u , 0 1 i b r i n g i m d i s pe l a toktok i kam l ongpe l a . Ta s o l l on g t a i m b i l on g 0 1 b i kman noga t , i n a raka i n o l ge t a , m i pe l a i no n a p l on g h a r i m .

Trans lat ion :

I want to ta lk about what Tok Pisin is like . As regards Tok Pisin, it looks as if, in our present-day generation, one can distinguish three types of language. The first variety is

2 36

P . MUHLHA USLER

that which was used when the Ger.mans came; they used it when the p lace was still uncivi lised. None of us would be a good friend to the white people . We l l, this language of the past has been abandoned; it was not a very good language . Some peop le used to speak it, but today we find it very hard to learn, many things don ' t sound correct . As regards my gen­ eration today, we came after them, our language is a bit clearer. Tok Pisin Was not like a rea l language . A l l sorts of bits of language came from the various areas of New Guinea. Thus, a real language deve loped, the one we speak today . Now, the deve lopment of the language spoken by my generation has come to an end and now today there is a new language again. Now, they speak it today because many boys have attended high school and they are we l l educated. They are used to Tok Pisin and they are used to putting quite a few little bits of English into i t . Some bits o f difficult lan­ guage don ' t fit into Tok Pisin . We l l, they bring some bits of language from English, they abbreviate it, they lengthen i t . But, in the time o f the ancestors this didn ' t happen, it was very different; we are not able to understand their language . of

The above quotation i l l ustrates a numbe r of points relevant to the discussion ' social dialects ' or ' sociolects ' in Tok Pi s in . The speaker draws attention to

the exi stence of three types ,

contact wi th European s , ation ,

first the broken j argon spoken in the days of early

a variety wh i ch i s hardly inte l l igible to the next gener­

s econd his own stable variety and lastly the anglici sed variety spoken by

many schoolboys around Lorengau . generation to understand .

Again ,

thi s latter variety is dif f icult for h i s

Many o f my informants in other parts o f Papua New Guinea Because of their limited geographic outlook they have given me s imi lar accounts . regard the j argon as purely o f the past , ignoring that the early contact s i t uation

is s t i l l found in many outlying areas , such as the I r ian Jaya border areas or parts

of the New Guinea Highlands .

Again in such area s ,

s t i l l a development to come .

the anglic i sed type is often

Neverthe l e s s , we can base our inve stigation of social var ieties on th i s folk

The terms given by some speakers to them are Tok P i s i n b i l on g b u s , Tok P i s i n b i l on g kanaka Bush Pidgin , Tok P i s i n b i l ong ( a s ) p I es Rural Pidgin , Tok s k u l or Tok P i s i n b i l on g t a u n Urban Pidgin . A fourth variety , the broken Engli sh used by many expatriate s , i s often referred to as Tok Ma s t a the c l a s s i fi cation .

=

speech of the European.

Be fore di scussing the l ingui stic and social determinants o f the individual varieties ,- I will charac terise some of the main forces underlying the di fferenti­

ation of Tok p i s i n .

3. 2 . 3. 2 3.2 .3.2 . 1

Soc i a l factors a nd l i ng u i st i c vari a t i on Background

Be fore t h e colon is ing powers began to exerci se influence o v e r Papua N e w Guinea , lingu i s t i c developments were relatively s low and the structure of the indigenous societ i e s subj ect to few change s . with the arrival of the colonial powers , some dras tic changes occurred and the traditional way of l i fe began to be replaced by a new contact-culture in many areas . Tok Pi sin has been descr ibed as one o f the

ma j o r factors instrumental in bringing about change and di sseminating new modes of l i fe . At the s ame t ime , the chan ges which had started to take place throughout

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN the social system a l s o had their repercu ss ions o n Tok P i sin .

237

I t i s the aim o f

t h i s sec tion t o deal with a number o f such changes and how they are related t o the dive rsi fi cation of Tok Pi sin .

Generally speaking , we can observe the deve lopment

of Tok Pisin from a contact language to a caste language and eventually into one As long as class and race distinction associ ated with upward social mob i l ity .

were rigidly maintaine d ,

access to European ways of l i fe was very l imited and the

l inguistic di stance be tween Engl ish and Tok Pisin was f i rmly supported by the social di stance between papua New Gu ineans and Australian colon i s ers . With the

removal of these barriers Tok P i s in has be come more receptive to innovations from

Eng l i sh . Howeve r , most recently , the shi ft of power from central to provincial government has started a deve lopment , sketched by Laycock ( 1 982b) , which has de­ creased the need for a national li ngua franca .

In stead , the major local vernacu­ lars appear to be taking over functions which in colonial days were associated

with Tok P i s in .

This developme nt is rein forced by the decrease in regional mobil­

ity re su lting from the wide spread practice o f employing local people in admi ni stra­ tive and teaching pos i t i ons . Among the factors account ing for a social dive r s i fi cation of Tok Pisin the

fol lowing are the most impo rtant :

3.2.3.2.2

Race o f t he speaker

F o r a long t ime the social status of a person in Papua New Guinea has been

clos ely associated with his racial origin .

As a rul e , members of the wh i te ex­

patriate community se ldom had in timate contact with the indi genous population .

Contact acros s racial barriers was often l imited to the giving and re ceiving of For this purpose a restricted orders in the dome stic or plantation context . variety o f broken Engl i sh ,

refe rred to as Tok Masta by Papua New Guineans , was

used . I t s widespread use , particularly in the prewar years , refle cts the desire of the expatri ate s to maintain the i r status as a closed group and to restrict commun ication with members of other racial groups to a minimum . However , not a l l e xpat riate s can be c l a s s i f i ed a s Tok Masta speaker s , th e i r att i tudes and profe s ­ sional status a lso determining the i r li ngui stic competence .

prof i ciency in Tok P i s in of members of other race groups , such as the mixed race popu lation and the Chin ese , does not di ffer much from that of the indi genous populat ion , re flecting the much l e s s rigid maintenance of social disti nctions

between these groups in colonial times

3.2.3.2.3

( c f . Wu 1 9 7 7 : 1 0 5 1 ) .

Urban vers u s rural commu n i t i es

The development of l arger urban centres is an important factor in the divers­ The influence of urbani sat ion was felt d i f ferently by i fi cation of Tok P i s in .

Europeans and indigenes .

For the expatriate , the towns provided the be st oppor­ Because of the social segregation tun i t i e s for mee t i ng other English speakers . o f the races in colon i a l time s , many e xpat riates felt l i ttle need to acqu ire any s i gn i f i cant amount o f Tok Pi sin . It was only in the more isolated rural areas that a knowledge o f the language became a necess ity . The oppos i te has been true o f the Papua New Guinea vil lager who enters the

towns . To survive he or she has to use Tok Pisin . E l ton Brash ( 1 9 7 5 : 3 2 3 ) remarks on the e ffects of urban l i fe on the l ingui s t i c development of the language :

P . MUHLHAVSLER

238

Evidence of the operation of ethnogene s i s within Papua New

Guinea cities can be found in the growing number of original Pidgin expre s s ions covering the shared experience o f the i r

black inhabitants .

These range from descriptive t e rm s re­

ferring to town occupation s , the shortage o f money , to sport , beer drink i ng , brawling , sexual adventure , card playing , the

police , the whites , and so on , together with more complex terms which recogn i s e the e f fects o f city l i fe on the individual .

The reliance o f the developing Urban Tok P i s in on English has been remarked

upon by a number of observers ( 1975a)

( e . g . H a l l 1 9 55b and Muh lhausler 1 9 7 9 f ) .

B i ckerton

speculates that this w i l l eventually lead to the development o f a postpidgin continuum.

To sum up , one could postulate an envi ronmental continuum ranging from the urban centres to the very i solated areas in the bush , where a move away from the

urban centres is accompanied by a decrease in contact with Engl i s h .

On the socio­

l ingu i st i c s ide , a decrease in contact with towns and admini strative centres i s paralleled by a decrease in the functions of Tok P i s i n . In the very remote areas i ts sole use is for the occas ional contacts with visiting patrols from out s ide . The degree of proximity to urban centres is also connected w i th a third

factor which is relevant for the development o f sociolects o f Tok P i s i n , namely the age at which it is learn t .

3.2.3.2.4

Age a t wh i ch Tok P i s i n i s l earnt

Th i s factor i s re levant not only f o r t h e characte risat ion o f sociolects but

also for the distinction be tween creolised Tok Pi sin and the second-l anguage

varietie s .

The ages at which Tok P i s in is acquired must

be ranged on a continuum .

Nevertheless a disti nction can be made between three categories which , though the boundar ies be tween them are vague , are of re levance in our unde rstanding of Tok P i s i n sociolects . These categories are : a) b)

c)

Tok P i si n learnt between the age s of two and six ; Tok P i sin learnt between the age s of s i x and 1 8 ; Tok P i s in le arnt after the age o f 1 8 .

Generally speaking these three types can b e correlated with two other factors :

local i ty ,

type ( a) centre s .

and the mode of transmiss ion of Tok P i s in .

have l i ttle or no knowledge of their parent s ' Type

w i th regard to local ity ,

i s most typically associ ated with chi ldren growing up in or near urban They learn Tok pis in a s the i r first language i n many ins tances and may (b)

f i r s t language .

can be found in areas not directly adj acent to towns , but which

have easy acce s s to them by means of roads or waterways . Decrease in the intensity of contact with urban areas i s ref lected by an increase i n learning age . The way of l i fe in these localities renlains bas ically defined by traditional value s , though most of the inhabitants would have been to the nearest town on occas ional v i s i ts . Exposure to Engl ish is minimal in everyday l i fe , though younger chi ldren wou ld acquire a l imited knowledge o f En g l i sh in primary school .

Type ( c ) represents the pos i t ion of areas which are far removed from comme r­ cial and admini strative centres and whose contact w i th the outside world i s minimal . Tok P i sin i s learned by those who leave the vil lage to engage in work on the coastal plantations or in the towns .

2 39

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN

It must be pointed out that there have been many changes in recent years .

Even in the remoter areas children now learn Tok P i s in at an early age and the spread of Tok P i s i n s chools

( cf.

Zinkel

1 9 7 7 ) is likely to reinforce this devel­

opment . It remains to be seen whether the increasing importance of regional lan­ guages wi l l reverse this trend . In at least one instance , that of Tolai ( c f .

Orken

1954) this has a l ready happened .

3.2.3.2.5

The modes of t ransmi s s i on of Tok P i s i n 3

The age at which Tok Pisin i s le arnt a l so correlates with i ts mode o f trans­

m i s s i on .

For those who learn the l anguage between the ages of two and s i x ,

parents and the peer group are the main mode ls of language behaviour . group de s cribed as type

(b)

the

The age

above is much less exposed to Tok Pisin in the i r home

envi ronment , though a pass ive knowledge o f some Tok P i s in may be acqui red fairly

early .

S chool and contact with g roups from outside the vil lage provide the main

stimuli for learning the language and a desire to be come involved with l i fe out­

s i de the vi l l age may reinforce thi s . Outsiders instrumental in promoting the use o f Tok Pi sin are mis s ions , health and agri cultural authorities and administrative

o f f i cers ,

in that orde r .

I n contrast t o type

( a ) , type

(b)

i s clearly a case o f

s e cond - l an guage learning and the functions o f Tok P i s i n are restri cted . Language l earning in case

( c)

is characteri sed by restricted opportunities

to learn and to use Tok P i s i n at vil lage leve l . I t i s learnt from outsiders , sometimes vis iting patrol o f f i cers or miss ionaries , but more typical ly on the

plantations or in pr i son .

The gradual spread o f Tok p i si n in s ome parts of the

western Province , for i n s tance , i s largely due to the fact that vi l l agers in newly opened areas were sent to the prisons i n the Tok P i s in-speaking Southern Highlands and not

to

H i r i Motu-speaking Daru .

Opportun ities to use Tok P i si n and to get

feedback from other speakers are very l imited in remote areas ,

to conform to standards i s low .

3.2.3.2.6

and the pressure

The speakers ' age

In a community i n which children learn Tok P i s in as the i r first language there

may be middle-aged o r old members of the commun ity who may have learnt the lan guage in a very di f fe rent way . Th i s re flects the fact that the linguistic hi story o f thi s language i s repeated again and aga i n , with new areas becoming exposed t o i t s use and with· the gradual de cline in the importance o f the traditional vernaculars i n some o f the old contact areas . Thus the kind o f lingui s t i c phenomena observed in very old people in the e s tab l i shed Tok Pi sin-speaking areas are s imi lar to

those characte ristic of Tok P i sin spoken by membe rs of the younger generation in recently opened up areas .

As yet unknown are the e f fects of age on unlearning and forgetting Tok P i sin .

As has been pointed out by Clyne

( 1981 ) the loss o f a se cond language fol lows

regul arities which d i f fer from those observed in cases of loss of a first l anguage ( aphas i a ) . Researchers should certainly be aware of the fact that lingui s t i c data

on Tok P i s in e l i c i ted from e lderly in formants may not give an enti rely accurate picture of the language as it was used many years ago .

240

P. MUHLHA USLER

3.2.3.2.7

The speakers ' sex

Tok P i s in ,

a s one o f i t s traditional name s

' Tok Boi '

sugge s t s , was originally

a male l an guage and continues to be so in many o f the more remote areas .

acquired in the context of plantation work and similar male activi tie s .

I t was

Women were typ i ca l ly exc luded from the male subculture which developed on the coastal

plantations and were supposed to stay at home and fol low traditional patterns of l i fe .

Though women have invariably learnt Tok P i s in after an extended period of

cultural contact ,

they are often not expected to use it and therefore have rela­

tive l y l i ttle practice .

An exception are those who rece ived some m i s s i on educa­

tion , where the taboo surrounding the use of Tok P i s in by fema les was not enfor ced .

Sali sbury ( 1967 : 46 ) remarks on the use of Tok P i sin among the Emenyo tribe o f the Eastern Highland s : B i l in gual ism seems to b e disvalued among the women .

In

1953

no Emenyo w i f e spoke pidgin , or appeared to understand i t . An Emenyo s i ster who had married a fore i gn pol iceman and had

l i ve d in other distri cts of New Guinea , did return briefly on a v i s i t and could speak pidgin . But her use of it occas ion­ ally in speaking to men seemed to cause much embarrassment

and giggling among all the other women .

In

1961 no women

e xcept the tultul ' s se cond wi fe spoke pidgi n , although I gained the impress ion that many could unde rstand the language yet chose to deny i t .

Often ,

gir ls l earn and u s e Tok Pisin before they reach puberty but cease to

u s e it there a fte r .

Th i s pattern i s s t i l l found i n many rural commun i t ie s , and the

latest census data confirm that the number of women who use Tok P i s in is s i gn i f i ­

cantly lower than that o f men .

To date no detailed study of sex-related language d i f ferences in Tok Pisin

has been made .

Such a study would be primarily concerned with the symbolic expres­

sion of power relations through Tok Pisin and the conventions regulating i t s use

by female speakers and would thus complement similar studies on sex-related aspects Research should also o f b i l i n gual i sm ( c f . bibliography i n Thorne and Henley 1 9 7 5 ) . conside r the very con s iderable d i f ferences in the lexicon for talking about and to

women and men and the emergence of certain sex-specific speech markers such as It can no longer be as sumed that sex d i f ferences in Tok nasalisat ion among women . Pisin are of no l i ngui stic importance . However it i s unlikely that thei r full

extent wi l l be discovered as long a s the ma j ority o f fieldworkers continue to be ma le s .

3.2.3.2.8

The profe s s i onal status o f speakers

T h e pro f e s sional status o f speakers a f fects both t h e number o f contexts in which they use Tok Pisin and the degree o f contact with Engl ish . Speakers who remain associated with traditional vil lage activi ties make

least u s e o f Tok P i sin , whereas certain other profess ions , such as work on the plantations , in the pol i ce force , on mi s s ion stations or in the l i ght urban indus­ trie s , requi re an almost exclus ive use of Tok P i s i n . Very often these profes sions are associated with a high degree of regional mob i l i ty which results i n the use o f a regionally unmarked variety .

Certain pro fessions which have not been traditionally open to Papua New Guineans require some knowl edge of Engl i sh and , i f Tok Pisin is used at a l l to

discuss these fields , leve l .

it tends to be heavily inf luenced by English at the lexical

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN

3.2.3.3

241

Bush P i dg i n - Rural P i d g i n - Urban P i d g i n - Tok Masta

3.2.3.3.1

Genera l remarks

In speaking about Tok P i s i n sociolects w e can distinguish between two central

lects , Rural and Urban Pidgi n ,

and two fri nge lects , Bush Pidgin and Tok Masta .

The importance of the former is a function of the i r large numbers of speakers and structural as well as sty l i stic sophistication . The marginality of the latter

man i fe sts i tse l f in the i r relatively small number o f speakers ,

in their being

sui ted to a very re stricted number of s i tuational contexts and in the i r lack o f structural complexity and stab i l i ty . Speakers o f these var ieties are typically

only marginally involved in Papua New Guinea a f fairs . Thus ,

for speakers of Bush Pidgin ,

the i r interest in pol i tics is confined to

the rather narrow boundaries of the i r v i l l age s , whereas white expatriate speakers

The of Tok Masta are o ften more interested in the po l i t i c s of the i r home country . main d i f ference between these two varieties is that Tok Masta appears to be a very

pe rs istent phenomenon , whereas Bush Pidgin is often j ust a transitional stage .

This reflects the fact that speakers of Tok Masta are usually not interested in

bette r commun ication with the bulk of the population , whereas the acqu i s i t ion o f

even a substandard variety o f Tok Pi sin b y people i n the bush indicate s their des ire for partic ipation in outside even ts .

An important criterion for dist inguishing these four varieties is that o f 4 I t appears that Tok Masta and Bush pidgin a r e not embedded

speech community .

into genuine speech communities but constitute co llect ions of unstable ' idiolects ' , i . e . individual solutions to the problems o f cross-l ingu i st i c communication . Individual norms are also strongly present in Urban Pidgin , though there are s igns of the development of new social norms . Rural Pidgin is distinguished from the

other varieties by i ts socially sanctioned norms of grammar and the stab i l i ty o f i ts speech commun ity .

We w i l l briefly consider the two marginal varieties before turning to the pivotal varieties of Rural and Urban pidgin .

3.2.3.3.2

Tok Masta

Tok Masta i s t h e name given b y Papua New Guineans t o the dome stic j argon used by the majority of expatriates i n dealing with the i r indigenous employees or ser­ Function a l ly , it i s res tricted to the giving o f orders and instructions vants . in this narrpw context . Its most outstanding structural property i s instab i l ity , stemming from the assumpt ion of i ts speakers that Tok Pi sin i s j ust English

Because of the many ad hoc simp l i f i cations fore igner talk ( c f . Ferguson 1 9 7 5 ) . made by i ts users it is a di f f i cult ' l anguage ' to fol low , since , in order to understand i t , one has to know both the grammar o f Engl i sh and the set of simp l i ­ f i catory r u l e s u s e d by the Tok Masta speaker . Therefore , in spite o f t h e fact that i t is used in fairly limited and almo s t sel f-expl anatory contexts , such as the dome s t i c o r plantation context , the number o f misunderstandings and fri ctions between ' masta '

and s ervants i s high

(cf.

Hall 1 9 5 5 a : 1 8 f f ) .

In spite o f the fact that Tok Masta i s an un satis factory means for communi­ cation across l ingu i st i c and raci a l boundari e s , i t was the only form of Tok Pisin known to most expatriates until recently . Be l l ( 1 9 7 1 : 3 8 ) state s : "A rough and

hope ful gue s s is that one in f i fty can understand Pidgin as spoken by the indi­ genes to e ach other . " I t has been said by way o f excuse that most wh ites were unaware of the di f ference s between broken Engl i sh and real Tok P i s in and that the colonial administration was unwi l l i ng to provide teaching mate rials from which

242

P. MUHLHA USLER

new settlers could acquire a knowledge o f the language . Howeve r , the bulk o f the b l ame has to be given to the expatriates who s imply could not be bothered to find out anything about Tok P i sin ,

an attitude which Hall

( 1955a : 18)

has de scr ibed as

" the unw i l l ingnes s of the native speaker of English to make the neces sary e f fort to understand what Pidgin is really about . " Whi l st Tok Masta is on the way out in Papua New Guinea - partly a result of

changed pol i tical realit ies , partly one o f changing expatriate attitudes - i t is

perpetuated in the Engli sh speaking pre ss in other countrie s . report in the

Guinea .

Symptomati c is the

Dai l y Mai l of 28 March 1 9 7 7 about the Queen ' s visit to Papua New

It bears the headline " The big fel lah Kwin she l ike Pidgin chat " ,

a sen­

tence wh ich contains no less than three erroneous as sumptions about the language .

A detai led accoun t of Tok Masta i s given in Muhlhaus ler 1 9 8 1b .

3.2 .3.3.3

B u s h P i dg i n

Bush pidgin i s the name given to those varieties found in remote areas o f Papua New Guinea , which have usually come in contact with the admini stration only very recently .

Poor commun i cation w i th the outside wor ld , general conservatism

and limited learning fac i l i t i e s create ·the climate in which Bush pidgin survive s .

There i s very l i ttle incent ive to learn Tok Pis i n , espec i a l ly for the olde r gen­ e ration and women . When spoken , Bush Pidgin is characterised by a deviant sound Thi s goes hand in hand w i th poor system , s imple syntax and a limited vocabulary . understanding and misinterpretation of the pidgin spoken by more fluent speakers .

Due to the rapid development o f the Highlands and other areas in the remote inter­ ior , these variet i e s are widespread .

Howeve r , i t must be stressed that Bush Pidgin is a transitional phenomenon , and that increased contact with the outside world , such as results from the system

o f migrant labour and improvements in infrastructure , promote s a gradual shift towards standard Tok P i s in with its nationally accepted norms o f grammar .

The fol lowing case study o f the si tuation among the S i ane is representative

of many s im i l ar s i tuations :

Among the s i ane of the Eastern H i ghlands I observed the change from there being only one or two pidgin speakers in each vil­ l age o f two hundred to there being twenty or more . I n the

first situation each speaker has idiosyncracies and gets away

wi th unstandard

( "bad " )

Pidgin as no one can check him . . . .

With twenty speakers idiosyncrasies are scorned and standardi sation i s the rule . ( Sa l i sbury 1 9 6 7 : 4 6 )

wi th admini s trative control stretching over the entire area of Papua New Guinea and w i th regular Tok P i s in broadcasts reaching even remote areas , Bush

pidgin is now being replaced by more widely accepted standard varietie s .

3 . 2 .3. 3 .4

Rural Pi dg i n

The term Rural Pidgin is applied to what may be called basi lectal Tok P i s i n ,

a fluent but unsophist icated variety ,

influenced by Me lane s i an rather than Engl i sh

gramma r , which has become widely accepted as providing the norms for ' good Pidgin ' ( c f . Laycock 1969 : 1 2 ) . For this reason it has recently been used as the basis for

the standardised Tok P i s i n of the Nupela Testamen translation , Wantok newspaper and many other publi cations prepared by mission bodies . It is the most stable of

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN

243

all varieti es , though i t exhibits a certain degree o f variab i l ity associated with geographical and social factors , in particular d i f ferent age group s . The social s etting for this variety i s the rural commun ity ,

away from the

big urban centres but not complete ly cut off from the i r influence s . in part i cular those these areas ,

of the miss ions and the administration ,

we s te rn ideas ,

are we l l known in

though such influences have not drastically a f fected the traditional

modes o f behaviour .

with regard to the commun i cative functions of Rural Pidgin ,

it has been

pointed out that these may range from a few functions supplementary to the local vernacular to almost the entire l ingui stic repe rtoire o f a speaker . Literacy i n Tok Pi sin i s common in t h e rural setting and a good knowledge o f t h i s l anguage , i . e . a knowledge o f the most readily accepted norms ,

is found throughout the

community , with the exception o f perhaps a few old women and very o ld men .

The reason for the uni formity found in Rural Pidgin must be sought in the

s tructure of colonial soci ety and the mode s of acqui s i t ion and spread it has

create d .

The first factor is the relative uni formity o f the indigenous popUlation

wi thin the colonial framework , i . e . the i r position o f power lessness vis-a-vis the expatriate administrat ion , e conomy and missions , providing few incentives for upward social mob i l i ty .

The se cond factor involves the plantation and migrant

worker system in which a stable variety was learnt in a small numbe r of focal areas ,

such as the plantations around Rabaul .

Though s e l f-government and independence have provided new opportuni t i e s for

some members o f the rural communit ies ,

the l i festyle in general di f fers l i tt le

from that found in colon i a l days and continues to be stable and conservative . Social as well as lingu i st i c changes fi lter through from the more progress ive towns at a very s low rate . As yet , the maj ority of Papua New Guinea ' s population i s firmly rooted in i ts rural commun ities and it is to be expected that Rural

Pidgin wi l l remain the most important variety for a long t ime .

3.2.3.3.5

Urban P i d g i n

Urban P idgin describes the variety that i s spoken not only by the inhabi tants

o f urban areas but also by people who , as a result o f the i r education and pro fes­ s ional status , have had contact w i th the European way o f thinking and are engaged in activities outside the traditional sphe re . A school teacher in a rural area or a doctor on patrol in a remote bush area would consequently be classified as

speakers of Urban Pidgin . As w i th Bush pidgin and Tok Masta , the grammar and lexi con of Urban Pi dgin are character i se d by the absence of stable norms and re­ The instab i l i ty of Urban sulting intra- i ndividual and i nter-individual variation .

Pidgin re su l ts from attempts by individual speakers to approximate - by making shi fts in phonology , grammar o r lexicon - to the pres tige language of Eng l ish . S imilar unsystematic shifts in the direction of a superimpo sed target l anguage have been noted in a numbe r of other pidgins and creole s , for instance by Or j a la ( 19 7 5 ) i n a recent di scuss ion o f Hait ian Creole and b y Le febvre ( 1974 : 4 7 - 7 8 ) for Martinique French Creole . These shifts appear to be made mainly because the angl i ci sed varieties en­ hance the i r speakers ' prestige , a phenomenon which is di scussed in the paper on

l ingui s t i c attitudes e l s ewhere in this volume . I t would be rash to regard pre s ­ t i ge factors as t h e only on e s involved , howeve r , and others i nclude the relative distance o f urban inhab i tants from the l i ngui stically more conservative rural areas

and thus the norms of Tok P i s i n , context ,

the i r continued exposure to Engl ish in the urban

and the need for new expre ss ions to cope with the tecrmological and social

244

P. MUHLHA USLER

condit ions of the urban envi ronment . It i s pos sible that the rapid changes and i n s tabi lity found in Urban Pidgin re fl ect the drasti c social changes of the last

few years and that in an atmosphere of more stable social conditions Urban Pidgin

will develop fixed norms . Such a development i s already foreshadowed by the associ ation of Urban Pidgin with group identity among u rban dwe l lers . In other

words , Urban P i dgin is in the process of be coming the l an guage of a separate speech community .

The l i ng u i s t i c propert i es of the soci o l ects of Tok P i s i n

3 . 2 . 3. 4 3 .2 . 3 .4. 1

I n trodu c t i o n

T o try t o relate the accepted folk knowledge to a rigid l ingui stic analys i s

o f d i f fe rences between t h e sociolects is not without problems .

Whi lst no exhaus­

t i ve o r de finitive analysis can be presented here , i t may help to draw attention to at least s ome of the problems involve d . As I am not primarily concerned with que s t ions o f sociol ingui s t i c theory the d i s cuss ion w i l l be along rather in formal lin e s .

The fol lowing problems ari s e with regard to the delimitation of Tok Pisin : a)

b)

There is no a priori reason why linguistic di fferences should be associated with independently defined social groups . At least , it would be a mi st ake to assume that homogenous subsystems can

be found within such groups .

One o f the reasons for this i s that social groups are norma lly

de f ined by fewer parame ters than are re levant to l i ngu istic dif­ In our case , sex di f ferences found within socio­ ferentiation .

lects have been ignored , though such di f ferences can be shown to exist at a number o f leve l s i n Tok P i si n

( e . g . nasa lity in female

speech , or possibly heavier use of ya as a sentence bracketing

c)

devi ce ) .

The dif ferences between the various sociolects postulated appear to be quantitative rather than qualitative , but to date few

quanti tative studi e s have been made of Tok Pisin and none of the

quanti tative data ava i l able s u f fice for a demonstration of socio­ d)

e)

lectal d i f ferences .

Whi l st sty l i s t i c variation plays a l e s s important part in a pidgin than it does in other language s ,

it can be observed that

the criteria of formality and social strat i f icat ion are inter­ dependent . Thus use of marked substratum features by a speaker

of Urban Pidgin can be interpreted as a spe cial type of informal style . Litt l e empiri cal work has been done in this area .

The comp artmentalisat ion o f a language into so ciolects tends to ignore the dynamics of the system as a whole , the continu­ ously shi fting boundari e s and the close contact between the various subsystems .

In the following d i s cu s s i on I wi l l deal mainly w i th the kind of proce sses unde rlying the di f ferentiation o f the various sociolects rather than concrete An important reason for this is that , in inventories of rules o r lexical items . the case of Tok Mast a , Bush Pidgin , and Urban Pidgin , the role of individuals i s important , whi le that o f social conventions i s se condary .

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN

3.2.3.4.2

245

Tok Ma sta

Impover ishment , as sumptions about the nature o f Tok P i s in , and a d h o c sim­ p l i f i cation of English are the principal factors that ac count for the d i f ferences between the various Tok Masta idiol ects and Rural Pidgin . i fested most c l early at the lexical and d i s course leve l s .

Impove ri shment is man­

Many words of indigen­ S imilarly ous o r German origin are not f am i l iar to mo s t e xpat riate speakers . the re i s a marked absence of di scourse structuring devi ce s . Examples include the

absence of the sentence bracketing and emphasis ing parti c le ya ( di s cussed by Sankoff and B rown 1 9 7 6 ) , the absence of redupli cation and repeti tion as empha­ s i s in g and sentence linking devices ( c f . Muh lhausler 1 9 7 5 c ) , and the absence of

aspect and d i re c t ion markers .

A good example of the lack of these features i s

the record Tri pela l iklik pik whi ch en j oys great popularity among expatriates and vi s i tors to P apua New Guinea . The main assumpt ion about the nature of Tok P i si n current among Europeans

has been that i t i s j u s t a special

( debased , bastardi sed ,

etc . )

form of Eng l i s h .

Thus , i t h a s been assumed that t h e true pronunciat ion o f Tok P i s i n l e x i c a l i tems is that of their English e tymons . The fol lowing examp l e s were taken from travel­ lers '

reports in the period after World War I I .

They ref lect what expatriate

residents w i l l have told them about Tok P i s in and the i r observations in the narrow setting of European househol d s .

has been retai ned :

Tok Masta

he got s heepy - s heep t h ree- fe l l a hea r ' i m t h i s fe 1 1 a

The original spe l l ing employed in these sources Rural Pidgin

i g a t s i ps i p t r i pe l a ha r i m d i s pe l a ( t e s e l a )

gloss

is there any lamb ? three to hear, lis ten this, that

Another assumption is that the meaning of words is norma lly that of the i r

English cognate s .

Agai n , this i s true only in a minority o f case s ,

fewer than

even exi sting standard dictionaries would sugge st . As has been pointed out by various writers ( e . g . B e l l 1 9 7 1 : 3 3 - 34 , H a l l 1 9 5 5 a : 1 8-l9 ) , this fact can lead to se rious mi sunderstandi ngs , ( l)

e.g.

I was in a certain New Guinea hote l ,

and witnessed

the fol lowing scene be tween the assi stant managere s s ( recently arrived from Austra l i a ) a n d a P apuan house-boy . She had not seen him a l l a fternoon , and thought that he

had only j us t come i n , so she began to s cold him : ,Managere s s : Why you no come this afternoon? [ one never say "why" in pidgin , but b i l on g wonem? Still , house-boy got her drift , and answered : ] House-Boy : No , m i s i s , m i kam l ong be l o ka i ka i ( On contrary, madam, I came at noon. ) [ Be l o ka i ka i is a meaning the be l l for food; originally a term used on

would the

the

phrase the

labour l i n e s i n copra plantations , i t has now be come the general expre s s ion in Pidgin for noontime . ]

That ' s all you niggers ever Managere s s : Be l ly kaikai ! think o f , is f i l l i ng your be l l i e s with kaikai . House-Boy : Taso l m i s i s , m i s ta p l ong h a u s k u k (But [ Haus k u k is a phrase of madam, I was in the kitchen . )

the same s t ructure as be l o ka i ka i , with two nouns , the second t e l l in g some charact e r i s ti c or purpos e o f the first ; i t means

room for cooking , and there fore kitchen. ]

Manageress : Nonsense ! You ' re not the cook of this house . ( H a l l 1 9 5 5 a : 1 8- l9 )

246

P. MUHLHAUSLER

Some other lexi cal items that are reported to have led to confusion are

baks a i t

interpreted as

backside rather than back , k i l i m interpreted as to ki l l

instead of t o hit, strike , and pus i m t o push instead of t o copu late. Murphy ( 1 9 7 3 : 2 8 f f ) l i sts a number of pitfalls that should be avoided by expatriate s .

also points to anothe r as sumption current i n these varie ties , namely that any Eng lish word can be translated into Tok Pi sin by adding - fe l a or - i m . Thus : " There are no such words a s :

ca l l i m

( meaning

He

Whys a t , got i m , wan t i m , te l l i m , b roke , b roke ' i m ,

to cal l ) , c ryout . " ( Murphy 1 9 7 3 : 29 ) .

Even a very short passage of Tok Masta can d i f fe r from indigenous Tok Pisin

in a surpri s ing numbe r o f ways .

This is i llustrated by the following sentence

taken from a radio talk by Puddy on the BBC

got i m t h ree fe l l ow egg " :

Translation :

( 1 5 May 1 9 7 0 ) :

" 1 m f e l l ow Ma t t hew e

Matthew has three eggs . "

typ i cal European mi s conceptions can be pointed out here : a)

b)

It is not the case ,

noun i s preceded by

as claimed by many European writers ,

fe l l ow .

Instead

-pe l a

a s a suffix w i th monosy llab i c adj ective s .

Em

( from

h i m)

( from

f e l l ow)

A number of that each is used

serves a s third person singular pronoun and a s an

emphasiser when preceding nouns .

-im

it ivity and causativity with verbs . liberally sprinkle a sentence with

-i

( from

h i m)

marks trans­

It is not sufficient to ms . The first - i m in the

above text is ungrammatical as it i s not fol lowed by a noun ,

gat - i m.

the second one is unacceptable because

c) Thus ,

k i au .

i cally marked verbs that do not take

is one of the lex­

Many Tok P i s in words , particularly those referring to aspects o f flora and faun a , are not of Engl i sh origin . The word for

egg is k i au ( from Tolai ) .

in ordinary Rural Pidgin the above sentence would read :

3.2.3.4.3

Ma t t hew

gat t r i pe l a

B u s h P i dg i n

The main forces characteri s ing Bush Pidgin are imperfect learning and contact

with more standardised varieties and local vernaculars . Bush pidgin i s that o f varieties of pre-pidgin continua .

The l inguistic status o f

In inve stigating vari ­ eties o f B u s h Pidgin one would have t o pay attention t o instances o f impover i sh­ ment , simpli tication and res tructuring . Impoveri shment i s mani fested in the sma l l s i ze of the lexicon ,

lack of styl­

istic d i f ferentiat ion , lack o f syntactic complexity and virtual lack o f a word­ formation component . At the lower end of the pre-pidgin continuum , speakers j ust

know a l i s t o f lexical items and expressions - at the other end they are charac­ teri sed by deviant phono logy and deviant use o f lexical i tems . Whi l s t some of the s e deficienc i e s can be neutralised by the use o f paralinguistic means of express ion and by the situational context , misinterpretat ion is the rule o f the day . The lack o f vocabu lary is often repaired by direct borrowing from the speake r ' s native language . An example is stor ies recorded by Laycock in the Upper sepik region ( Laycock 1 9 70c : 5 5 , 59 ) .

S impli fication i s man i fested mainly in the overgenerali sation of rules of An e xample that comes to mind is the use of the predicate standard Tok P i sin . marker i before all predicate s , including idioms . Compare :

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN Bush Pidgin

mi em em

kam kam t a so l

gloss

Rural Pidgin

I am coming he is coming that /s a l l

mi kam em i kam em t a s o l

Another examp l e i s the indiscriminate use o f the adj ective suffix than with certain l exically marked adj ectives only . Bush P idgin

hama s pe l a ma upe l a k r u n g u t pe l a Note ,

inc identa l l y ,

Rural Pidgin

hamas ma u krungut

247

- pe l a ,

rather

gloss

how much/many ? ripe crooked

that exactly the same forms are a l so produced by some speakers

o f Urban Pidgin i n an attempt to

' hype rpidgini se ' ,

i.e.

in angl ici sed Tok P i s i n to drop the adjective suffix .

to counteract the tendency

Final ly , restructuring is the result of untargeted or semitargeted learning .

It i s man i fested e ither as a carryover of substratum grammar or as the app l ication

o f certain natural proce sses to the learned language .

Few de tailed stUdies of

The most complete account to date is that substratum inf luences are avai l ab l e . by Bee ( 1 9 7 2 : 69 - 9 5 ) on the influence of Usarufa on Tok P i s i n sound pattern s . At the syntactic leve l one can observe rearrangements in word order , Bush Pidgin

dok b i l on g t i t me r i t r i pe 1 a man y u l u k i m

Rural Pidgin

t i t b i l on g dok t r i pe 1 a me r i y u l u k i m ma n

gloss

as in :

dog / s teeth three women you see the man

An example of a natural phonological proc e s s i s the reinterpretation o f Compare : a process common in chi ld language .

po lysy l l ab i c words a s redup l i cations , Bush Pidgin

me kme k . n i kn i k ama s ama s t o r i to r i

Rural Pidgin

me ka n i k amama s t e r i to r i

gloss

mechanic to be glad territory

As more and more speakers of Bush Pidgin become pro ficient Tok P i s i n speakers ( a proce s s which s ets in about 1 0 years after initial contact ) , the opportun i t i e s for studying these varie t i e s a r e becoming fewe r . One must hope that detai led work will be carri ed out before i t is too late .

3.2.3.4.4

Rural P i d g i n

Rural Pidgin has come to be regarded a s the mo st desirab l e base for a stan­

dardised Tok P i s in and it is for this reason that the o ther sociolects have been described as approximations to o r deviations from Rural Pidgin . Nothing wi l l be said here about its grammatical nature a s descriptions are read i l y availab le , e . g . those by Mihal ic ( 1 9 7 1 ) , Wurm ( 19 7 1 a ) and Laycock ( 1 9 7 0 c ) , and the chapters on the l exical system , morphology and syntax in this handbook .

In characte r i s in g Rural Pidgin one must point out its relative stab i l i ty , the exi stence o f wide ly accepted social norms , the presence o f powerful mechanisms

of internal e xpan s i on , in particu lar i ts word-formation component and the very moderate rate of borrowing from other language s .

248

P. MUHLHA USLER

3.2 .3.4.5

Urban Pi dg i n

The principal force shaping Urban Pidgin is the renewed vigorous contact with

Engl i sh , gua l i sm .

resulting from English education and widespread Engl ish-Tok Pisin b i l in­ In particul a r , we can dist inguish between replacements o f , additions to

and restructuring of the more traditional Tok P i s i n grammar . Whi l st the main source of innovations is Engl ish ,

accepted as standard in Papua New Guine a ,

i.e.

the type of Engl ish

it would be an oversimp l i f i cation to

assume that all borrowing from English w i l l make Tok P i sin more l ike Engl ish .

It

i s true that one o f the tacit assumpt ions i n many studies o f post-pidgin or post­ creole continua has been that the eventual outcome of contact between an Engli sh­

derived pi dgin or creole and standard English is English . Howeve r , it is not obvious why the mixing of two l i ngui stic sys tems should lead to the replacement of one system by another .

I f this was the case then the post-pidgin or post­ creo le continuum is indeed the red herring that Dreyfuss ( 1 9 7 6 ) suspected i t to be , and rather a spe c i a l ins tance of language death and language replacement .

My own observations seem to suggest , however , that the result of renewed contact between a pidgin and i ts original lexi fi er language is in parts at least ,

a new third system .

Thus ,

in spite o f heavy borrowin g ,

Urban Pidgin does not

appear to be more readily inte l l i gible to a speaker of Engl ish than Rural pidgin .

At the same time ,

it i s no longer easy to understand for speakers of Rural Pidgin .

In the l i ght o f these observations , it may become clear why attempts by various bod i e s to bring Tok P i s in closer to En glish by introducing English vocabulary and structure have in fact not had the desi red e f fect . i l lust rate t h e principle involved : ( a)

Bo rrowing o f vocabulary Muhlhaus ler

( 1979c : 300-309)

The fol lowing examples wi l l

has drawn attention to the fact that the lexical

in formation of English lexical items is sub j ected to loss and restructuring in

the borrowing proce s s . following items :

A rather drastic change in meaning was observed in the

Urban Pidgin

j e l es

from Eng l i sh

jealous

meaning

dabol

doub le

a lot, large amount ( as in dabo l ma n i

p ra u t

proud

t e ks i

t�i

komp res e r i m

compressor +

V

t

to attack, have sexual intercourse with =

paper money of denominations of 5 kina and more)

to be haughty, unapproachab le

any smal l passenger motor vehicle, including private cars affix

to deepen, dig deep

It should be noted that a lot o f individual variation is

found in this area ,

confirming the general principle that speakers of socially l e s s prestigious codes exhibit unsystematic linguistic behaviour when trying to approximate to a super­ ordinate code . (b)

Borrowing of grammar

The status of Urban Pidgin as an incipient third system di f ferent from both Rural Pidgin and En glish can be i l lustrated by some data on developments in the

domain of the grammatical category of plural .

S igna l l ing plural by the suffix

-s

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN

249

i s becoming increasingly common in Urban Pidgin , particularly in recently borrowed

lexical i tems such as ge l s girls or kwa t a s quarters. Whi l st form and function agree with that of its Engl i sh model in many cases , in other examples the function of the plural

-s

is as un fami l i a r to a speaker of English as the form is to a 5 Compare :

speaker of Rural P idgin . Urban pidgin

STAFS b i l on g d i s pe l a s k u l m i b i n ba i m s ampe l a M I T S I N KAMS b i l on g m i pe l a

En g l i sh

the staff of this sehool I bought some meat our ineome

At this point it i s unclear whether a stable system in termediate between

Rural Pidgin and English w i l l in fact cryst a l l i se or whether the l anguage of the urban community w i l l be come a k i nd of Papua New Guinean Engl ish .

As mentioned above , Urban Pidgin di ffers from Rural Pidgin as a result o f three processes (more in formation in H a l l 1 9 5 5 b ) , which a r e as follows : i)

Replacement

This is most obvious at the l exical leve l , where i tems of German and indig­

enous ori gin are being replaced by loans from Engl ish , Rural Pidgin

t a unam b i tono konda beten s ra n g ii)

Urban Pidgin

mosk i to n e t neve l pepa ma n i pre kapot

gloss

as i n :

mosquito net navel paper money to pray aupboard

Add itions

such as long vowe l s and the consonants S , though such additions invariably lead to restructuring . Mere add itions are found mainly at the lexical leve l , for instance i n the form o f new terminolo­ gi es in the techni cal sphere s .

j,

z,

Among the additives are new sounds ,

0,

iii)

Restructuring

6 Thus , the change from This is o ften a result of additions to the lexicon . an aspect system in Rural Pidgin to a tense system in Urban Pidgin can be related First , the introduction o f vocabulary that incorporates to lexi cal borrowing. lexical and aspectual in formation which is expressed syntactically i n Rural Pidgin led to a weaken i ng of the aspect system. Subsequently the introduction of the ' Compare : ten s e marker b i n further weakened the role of the complet ion marker p i n i s . Ru ral pidgin

Urban pidgin

rere to prepare o . s . r e re p i n i s t o b e ready

p r i pe r i m to prepare o . s . re re t o be ready

b a g a ra p i m to spoil baga ra p i m p i n i s to destroy

s powe l i m to spoi l baga ra p i m to destroy

pa l n l m to look for pa i n i m p i n i s to find

l uk a u t l on g to look for pa i n i m to find

da i to be uneonseious da i p i n i s to be dead

ankon s e s to be uneonseious da i to be dead

There i s considerable variab i l ity in Urban Pidgin . It remains to be seen to what extent i t i s amenable to l ingui stic description . A recent study on the

250

P . MUHLHA USLER

behaviour o f - 5 pluralisation in this variety ( Muhlhaus ler 1 9 8 1 a ) appears to indicate that we are dealing with random upward shifting i n this area of grammar .

3.2.3.5

Commu n i ca t i on across soc i o l ectal boundar i es

That the widening gap between the sociolects of Tok P i s in , particularly

between Rural and Urban pidgin , has led to communi cation problems has been di s­

cussed in the paper on language planning in thi s volume ( 6 . 8 ) . There seems to be l ittle doubt that , in the long run , only language planning , and in particular

standardis ation ,

can provide an answer .

Meanwhi le ,

speakers have developed cer­

tain strategie s enabling them to communicate across lectal boundarie s . I t should be noted that these strategies depend on a speaker ' s b i lectism and that they may

not be available once the s eparation between Urban and Rural Pidgin has further advanced . The main strategy employed is that of saying things in two d i f ferent ways , i n the hope that the hearer will be able to correctly understand one of the alternat i ve s .

This phenomenon has been studied by Muhlhaus l e r

( 1979f) .

We can character i se thi s phenomenon by considering the following s ituation .

A P apua New Guinean di scussing certain aspects of criminal l aw in a letter to a local newspaper might inc lude sentences such as the following in h i s argument : ( 1)

D i s pe l a ka i n em i m i n M E DE R I N G . N a em d i s pe l a wod a i ma s i gat SAS l ong d i s pe l a we .

( 2 ) T u pe l a i ga t b i kp e l a D I FRE N S .

This means murdering and this warder must be charged for this behaviour (way) .

Those two acts are quite different.

Though he would be understood by a small audience who knows Engl i s h ,

i t i s likely

that the ma j ority o f Tok P i s i n speakers would not get h i s message . A solution would be to replace the neologi sms med e r i n g , s a s , and d i f rens by e s tablished lex­

i cal items . The disadvantage from the point of view of the writer would be that this would not enable him/h er to show o f f his/her knowledge of Engl ish . Thus , to mee t both aims , that o f e stablishing meaningful commun ication and that of display­ ing h i s/her knowledge of Engl ish , the writer make s use o f word-pairs . Thu s , the actual letter as printed in

Wantok of 17 Apr i l 1 9 7 6 (p . 2 ) contains the sentences :

( 3 ) D i s pe l a ka i n em i m i n ME DE R I N G

This means murder, i . e . to ki l l a person . And this warder must be brought before a court, i . e . charged, for this behaviour.

( 4) Tupe 1 a i' g a t B I KP E LA D I FRENS

Those two acts are quite different, i . e . quite unalike.

o K I L I M MAN . Na em d i s pe l a woda i ma s gat KOT 0 SAS l ong d i s pe l a we . o 01

i NARAKA I N TRU .

Letters to newspapers are not the only context i n which the use of word-pairs is found . Other contexts are pub l i c notice s , such as the following one from the Cooperative s tore in Urip Vil lage :

( 5 ) d i s pe l a tok b i l o ng S E K 0 PAS

B I LO N G MAN I b i l o ng man i i s t a p l on g HAUS MAN I 0 B EN G .

this expression cheque, i . e . money- letter for the money i n the money-house, i . e . bank.

Communication with a maximum number of people is also essential in government pub licat ions . Thus , one finds frequent use of word-pairs in many government pam­ phlets , as i l l u strated by the fol lowing examples taken from a pamphl e t on the e conomy :

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN

( 6 ) TRET 0 BA I 1 M D I S P E LA SAMT I N G

trade� i . e . t o buy things for money or exchange them for other things

( 7 ) P l a n t i L E BA 0 WOKMAN 0 1 i no b i n

Many labourers� i . e . workers have not received a training� i . e . learned their profession we l l .

LONG G I V I M MAN I 0 B E K I M SAMP E LA A RAPE LA SAMT I N G

K I S I M TREN I N G 0 S KU L G UT l ong wok .

251

Broadcasts in Tok Pi sin o ften employ pairs o f synonyms i n order t o make sure

that the mes sage is unde rstood by people from di f fe rent regions and social classe s .

The fol lowing examples were taken from a medi cal progr amme broadcast by Radio

Wewak in

1973 :

( 8 ) em b i l on g STOP I M 0 PA I T WANTA I M

this is in order to stop� i . e . combat this disease which the doctors cal l leprosy� i . e . tomato sickness

( 9 ) ba i l ep ros i G E RM 0 B I NATAN G 0

then the leprosy germs, i . e . little creatures or liquid which are found on infected skin.

d i s pe l a ka i n s i k 0 1 dok t a i kol i m LE P ROS I 0 S I K TOMATO

WARA b i l ongen i s t ap wan t a i m l on g d i s pe l a ( s k i n nog u t ) .

The use of synonym pairs is particularly common in n ewspapers .

The fol lowing

examples were found in an article on change s in Pangu party policies in a recent

edi tion of

Wan tok Ni uspepa :

( 10 ) 0 1 a u s a i t b i s n i sma n i noken

Expatriate businessmen can no longer hold, i . e . contro l this kind of business.

( 1 1 ) 0 1 l i da b i l ong n u p e l a Yuna i ted

the leaders of the new Uni ted Party office� i . e . branch of Goroka

( 12 ) P a p ua N i u g i n i p i pe l i ma s MEMBA

Papua New Guineans must be members� i . e . shareho lders in every industry contro l led by foreign businessmen.

( 1 3 ) P a n g u pat i PO L I S I 0 AS T I NGT I N G

the policy, i . e . origina l concept of the Pangu Party

HOL I M 0 BOS I M moa 01 d i s pe l a ka i n b i s n i s . P a t i OF I S 0 B RENS l ong Go roka

S EA l ong o l ge t a wok fac tor i b i l ong 0 1 a u s a i t b i s n i s ma n .

o

Other contexts in which such synonym pairs are encountered include court proceedi ngs , poli tical spee che s , and sermons . I have also obse rved i ts use in face-to-face conversations be tween speakers of Urban and Rural Pidgin .

More important than an enumerat i on o f the contexts in which synonym pairs are found is ' the determination of the commun icative functions o f this construction . The primary function o f such synonym pai rs i s that o f reducing mi sunder­

standing in cros slectal communi cation .

Thus ,

it is found mainly in pub l i c set­

t i ngs , i . e . when a speaker has to addre s s a hete rogenous audience , such as when a j udge addresses a court , a member addre s se s parli ament or a pol i ti c i an h i s e l ectorate . For this reason s ynonym pairs are also closely associated w i th two chann e l s o f commun i cat ion , namely radio and printed materials .

A number of se condary facts derive from the fact that speak ing Urban Pidgin is associated w i th a knowledge o f the prestige l anguage Engl i sh . By explaining

synonym pai rs speakers can exhibit the i r knowledge of English without becoming

un intel ligible to tho s e who do not possess this knowledge . I t also enab l e s such speakers t o commun i cate about complex topics without having to sacri f i ce pre c i s ion ,

and , at the same time , to be understood at a more basic level by those who are not fami l i a r with all the semantic subtleties associated with technical terms borrowed from English . Thi s latter function appears to be o f great importance in the trans­ actions in the Papua New Guinea House of Parl iament .

252

P . MUHLHAUSLER

The most common l ingui s t i c device used in i ntroducing pairs o f synonymous

expres s ions is the conj unction

0 that is

( rather than d i s j unctive

the less known innovation is introduced first , as i n :

( 14 ) em i k i s i m MEDEL 0 MA K

or) .

Usually

he got a medal, i . e . a badge

This tendency i s particularly strong when the better known expre s s ion i s a com­ pound or when the newly i ntroduced term has to be explained by means of a c i rcum­ locution :

( 15 ) d i s p e l a E KAUNT I N 0 WOK B I LONG

this accounting, i . e . the work of looking after money

( 16 ) 0 1 s t uden i no ken G RE DUET 0

the students are unab le to graduate, i . e . to finish their school

L U KAUT I M MAN I

P I N I S I M S KU L

A number of other devices are u s ed to form synonym pai rs .

con j unct ion

o l sem

i s sometimes found :

( 17 ) g a t e n b i l ong 0 1 i gat KROP P LE S

t a s o l , o l s em OL SAMT I N G B I LONG GATEN OL Y ET i save ka i ka i

Juxtapos i t ion of two s ynonyms i s found i n :

( 18 ) y u ma s raun l ong o l ge t a memb as

LUK I M H EV I , LU K I M WAR I

Instead of

0

the

their gardens were for subsistence farming only, i . e . the people ate what they p lanted you have to visit your constituency, consider their grievances , consider their aomp laints

The extent to which synonymy needs to be used depends on the degree o f inte l l i gibi l ity amon g the various sociol ects . Whereas no formal tests have been carried out ,

a number o f in formal observations can be made :

a)

Tok Masta i s only part i ally intel l i gible to most Papua New Guinean

b)

Speakers o f Urban Pidgin have no di f fi culty fol lowing the Rural

c)

Speakers o f Rural Pidgin find i t dif ficult to follow heavily

d)

Jargon i sed Bush Pidgin tends t o b e d i f f i cult to fol low for most other Top Pi sin speakers . As with Tok Masta , inte l l i gibi l i ty

speakers of Tok P i sin , and speakers of Tok Masta cannot usually fol low another variety of Tok Pisin spoken fluently .

Pidgin of t he i r age group , but may find it di f f i cult to fol low that o f very old speakers .

an glicised varieties of Urban Pidg i n .

in both d i re ctions is at best partial .

There are addi tional communi cation problems arising from factors such as the

creo l i s at ion of Tok P i s i n . Thus , fluent first-language speakers are often not w e l l understood by s econd- lan guage speakers and , to a lesser extent , people from di f ferent geographic backgrounds may have i nitial di f f i culty in unde rstanding speakers f rom other areas .

3 . 2 .4 3.2.4. 1

REG I ONAL VAR I AT I ON I N TOK P I S I N General remarks

Di alect geography and i ts methods have been sub j ected to far-reaching criti­ cisms i n recent years ( e . g . Bailey 1979 ) and I share the feeling e xpre s s ed by many o f its critics that language geography wi thout regard to social c i rcums tances

w i l l not promote an unde rstanding o f the nature o f regional variat ion in Tok Pisin .

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN

253

The idea that social and regional variation are c losely linked has been expressed recently by Brash ( 1 9 7 5 : 3 2 2 ) : Pidgin ' s growth has been more rapid in some areas than others , and i t now contains di fferent ethni cally ,

oc cupationally-based dialects .

soci a l ly and

As with Engl i s h , no one

individual could fully command a l l of the m .

A move f rom

Rabaul to Madang , or from a plantat ion to a miss ion station , involves a move between s igni fi cantly different di alects ;

but ,

as with English dia lects , there i s usually suffici ent

ove r l ap between them to enable corununication to continue .

The various dialects could conceivably be arranged along ethni c ,

soci al , and occupational axe s , each with the most

commonly spoken diale ct as i ts median , the other dialects

ranging away towards mo re Engl ish-inf luenced speech on the

one side , and more independent folk speech on the othe r .

Di scussion o f regional variation has been restricted t o occas ional remark s ,

the only attempt to deal with this question i n more de tail being that o f Muhlhaus l e r 1 9 7 7b . The first comment was made b y Friede r i c i ( 1 9 1 1 : 95 ) who simply mentions that "pidgin is a living language that has dialects " .

o f s imilar brevity .

Wedgwood

( 19 5 4 : 7 8 5 )

observe s :

Other remarks are

So l ive a language i s pidgin that already minor dialectal

variations have been observed within the Trust Territory . They are mainly variations in the vocabulary , the result

o f adopting certain words from local vernaculars . The d i f­ ferences are , howeve r , so s l i ght that a pidgin-speaker from say the Middle Sepik can conve rse freely with one from

South Bougainvi l le .

S imil arly , wol fers

( 1971 : 413)

state s :

even i ts gr amma tical structure , the territory . " Using d i f ferent crite r i a ,

" I ts vocabulary,

i ts special expre s s ions ,

vary quite widely from place to place throughout

the question o f regional varieties can rece ive a

numbe r of pos s ib l e answers . Several writers have raised the question of i t s relationship t o other Pac i f i c varieties o f Pidgin Engl ish , f o r i n s tance Turner : "New Guinea Pidgin , or Neo-Me l anesian , i s a regional variety o f a large group o f pidgin languages spread b y traders through t h e Pac i f ic . " ( Turner 1 9 66 : 2 0 3 )

Howeve r , I feel that lexicostatistic considerations and geographic proximity alone are o f. s econdary importance in defining a regional variety . I n s tead it

should be re garded as e s sential to estab l i sh that a variety was at one stage Thu s , it is argued included in the boundaries of a we l l-de fined speech community . that the relations hip between Tok Pisin and other varieties o f Pidgin Engl i sh spoken in the geographi c area of Papua New Guine a , such as Kiwai I s land Pidgin

Engl i s h or Papuan Pidgin Engli sh , i s only very indirec t , s ince these two pidgins developed in i solation from Tok P i sin . On the other hand it seems j u s t i f i e d , in

the l ight o f what i s known about Tok P i s i n ' s external deve lopment and on linguis­ tic grounds , to c a l l S amoan Plantation pidgin ( hence forth SPP) a regional var i e ty of Tok Pis in , from which i t became severed at the beginning of world War I , they at one stage constituted a s i ngle stab i l i s ed pidgin .

s ince

The di fferences between regional varieties w i l l now be d i s cussed in terms o f

t h e presence o f a number o f social and l ingu i s t i c forces in di f ferent geograph i c areas .

254

P. MUHLHA USLER

3 .2 .4.2 3 . 2 .4. 2 . 1

Factors determ i n i n g reg i onal vari ati on Geogra p h i c i so l a t i on and prox imi ty

Th i s factor ,

important in the d i f ferentiation o f regional variants of con­

ventional l anguage s , appears to be of less importance in the case of pidgin lan­ guages such as Tok P i s i n . The reason for this is that one o f i ts main functions has always been that of an inter-regional l ingua franca ,

an unwritten norm being

be unders tood readily throughout the country ( c f . chapter on good and bad Tok P i sin ( 3 . 3 ) ) .

that

' good ' Tok Pisin is that variety which can

The only instance . in which quite pronounced geographic varieties have devel­

oped i s i n the case o f SPP .

With the strong links between the S amoan plantations

and Papua New Gu inea severed after World War I ,

Pidgin English in these two local­

viable and h ighly sophisticated l ingua franca .

SPP is of great importance for

ities developed along d i f ferent l i ne s . SPP l i ngered on in Samoa wi thout expanding its functional domains o r l i ngui stic structure , whi lst Tok Pisin developed into a

the l i ngui st , howeve r , s ince it can be regarded as a fos s i l i sed form o f Tok P i s in as it was at the beginning of this century . It is a l so important in that a com­

parison between the two o f fers a good example o f the princip l e s unde rlying the

l i fe-cycle of pidgin l anguages ( H a l l 1962 : 151-156) . Spp ' s be coming restri cted to a small communicative n i che on the one hand , and Tok Pisin ' s continued e xpan s ion

on the other , must be regarded as the result o f the social conditions in which these two di stinct regional varieties developed .

It was only when SPP was taken

to Papua New Guinea and the B ismarck Archipel ago that it could develop from a

re stricted plantat ion pidgin into an extended pidgin serving as a means of com­ mun i cation over a wide range o f topic s .

3 . 2 .4. 2 . 2

The presence o f other l i ngue franche

Coastal Malay w a s t h e lingua franca o f the Papua New Guinea mainland until

about the turn o f this century .

S i nce then its importance has de c lined rapid ly ,

the only area in wh ich it is st i l l used being that part of the West Sepik Province

borde ring on I rian Jaya .

There are some indications that the Tok P i s i n of former

Coastal Malay-speaking areas , particularly the remote one s , may have derived some of i ts syntactic pecu l iarit i e s from a re lexifi cation of Mal ay . This hypothesis i s at present being investi gated by Dr Walter Seiler o f the Department o f Linguis­

tics ,

Research School of Pac i f i c Studies o f the Australian National Univers i ty .

I t would a lso be worthwh i l e to make a case study o f the trans formation of

a H i ri Motu-speaking area into a Tok Pi sin -speaking one , c lo s e structural s imi larity of these two pidgins ,

though , because o f the

a study of re l e x i f i c ation would

poss ibly have to concentrate on the process rather than its resul t .

S ome borrow­

ing of H i r i Motu words can be observed in areas where both pidgins are in currency , such as in Port Mo resby .

A further example o f contact with another pidgin having led to the develop­ ment of a new regional variety of Tok P i s in occurred on Mussau I s land . Though I

have not v i s i ted Mussau , I have re l iable in formation ( M . Ros s , personal communica­ t ion ) that Tok Pisin spoken there exhibits a number of lexical and syntactic peculiar i t i e s re sulting from the i nfluence of Seventh Day Adven t i st mi s s ionaries

from the Solomon I s land s . I t appears that both the relative isolat ion of Mussau I s land and the common be l i e f of the people , which d i f fers from that of neighbouring areas , have been contributing factors in this development . The observation that the pidgin of Mussau I s l anders is often unacceptable and sometimes uninte l l i gible to speakers from other areas deserves further inve stigation , and the author hopes to rece ive l inguistic data for this purpo se .

255

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN

3.2.4.2.3

The vary i n g i n fl uen ces o f To k P i s i n ' s l ex i fi er l anguages

The lexical compo si tion o f Tok Pisin , according to Laycock ( 19 7 0 c : xi ) , i s approximately a s follows : Engl ish 7 7% , Tolai 1 1 % , other Papua New Guinea languages

6% , German 4% , Latin 3% and Malay 1 % .

However ,

these percentages are di fferent

not only a s one moves along the styl i st i c and social dimensions but also from area to area .

An important factor accounting for regional variation in the Tok Pisin lexi con is whether an area was under the influence o f the German admin i stration

and German-speaking mi s s ions , or whether i t was introduced by the Australian admin istration . In the former areas , i t shows a strong Ge rman i n f luence in i ts

vocabulary , particularly in the speech of older people , though also to a lesser

extent among the younger generation . A study o f the German vocabu lary in Tok p i s in has been made by Muhlhaus l e r ( 1 9 7 5 b ) . The status of words of German origin

has also been enhanced by the presence of Ge rman-speaking miss ionaries i n certain areas . Regional variations in the percen tage of lexical it ems of Tolai and other

local origin were fairly pronounced in Tok P i s i n ' s e arlier stage s . At that time i ts re feren tial potential was l imited and lexical i tems borrowed from local vern­

aculars were used in certain areas to meet certain communicative needs .

A look

at s ome olde r vocabularies such a s those o f Brenninkmeyer ( 1 9 24 ) , Borchardt ( 19 2 6 ) and Kutscher ( 1 940) , shows that a fai r number of local words were current i n Tok

Pisin as spoken on Manus , New I re l and and New Britain .

Today , most of these

lexical i tems are e i ther obsolete or have be come accepted throughout the country .

3 . 2 .4.2.4

I n fl uence of reg i ona l l y res t r i cted l a nguage pol i c i es

The first attempts to standardi s e Tok Pisin were made in the mid- 1 9 2 0 s by

various catho l i c mi ss ion bodies . The two most important varieties resulting from these early uncoordinated attempts are that u s ed by the S acred Heart missionaries o f the Rabaul area , which i s found throughout the Papua New Guinea i s l ands , and

that of the Divine Word miss ion of the Papua New Guinea main l and . The di f ferences between the two are mainly lexical and are found most typically i n the field o f doctrinal te rminology . The policy of t h e Sacred Heart miss ionaries was to borrow words from Tolai , whereas the Divine Word miss ionarie s introduced a large number o f words of Ge rman origi n . I n recent years , attempts· have been made to reduce these regional idiosyncras i es . The di fference s resulting from miss ion l an guage planning yet another facto r , name ly the development of certain centres tions spread over the surrounding areas . Among the s e , Rabaul di f fusion o f I s l ands Tok P i s in whereas Madang/Al exishafen was mainland variety .

3.2.4.2.5

Subs tratum i n fl uences

Though the notion o f

concept ,

were reinforced by from which innova­ was the centre of the centre for the

' substratum i n f luence '

i s not a wel l-defined theoretical

it i s a useful term to cover a number o f observations about the i n f luence Substratum influ­ o f a speak e r ' s first language on his performance in Tok Pisin . ences can mani fe st thems elves as certain lexical , syntactic and phono logi cal habits in mul t i l i ngual speech communitie s . A more detai led asse ssment o f sub­ stratum di fferences is given e l s ewhere in this volume

( see chapte r 5 . ) .

256

P. MUHLHA USLER

3.2.4.2.6

Ou tl ook

There h a s b e e n a tendency towards greater uni formity and t h e reduction of

regional variation throughout the h i storical deve lopment of Tok P i s in .

One of

the main reasons for the absence o f pronounced regional dialects l i e s in Tok P i s in

being a means o f commun ication beyond geographic and lingu i st i c boundar ie s , with contacts outside a speaker ' s first language commun ity . Therefore the Tok Pi sin

o f speak ers from di fferent language backgrounds is a compromise and highly marked regional idiosyncras i e s have no place in ' good ' Tok P i s in .

H i gh regional mobi lity ,

necessitating the use o f Tok P i s in by a large number of speakers from di f ferent language backgrounds , together w i th the continuous pressure for inte l ligib i l i ty ,

accounts for the leve l l ing o f regional di f ferences such a s may ar ise i n the short term .

The language is a so cial rather than an individual solution to the problem

of commun i cation , and any innovations have to be accepted by a large number o f speakers from various areas before they are adopted .

In recent years the transition from a fairly homo geneous to a heterogeneous society ha s led to the development of soci ally rather than regionally conditioned

variations .

Whether i t w i l l be pos s ible to achieve greater uni formity in future

w i l l depend greatly on the succe s s of standardisation procedures and the reduction in d i f ferences of social status between traditionally oriented and we sternised groups . I t may we l l be that , with an increase in regionalism ( c f . Laycock 19 82b) and a decrease i n geographical mobi lity , regionally determined dif ferences will

be come more pronounced .

3 . 2 .4 . 3

L i n g u i s t i c a s pects of geograph i ca l l y determ i n ed var i a t i on

3.2.4.3.1

General rema rks

Many speakers o f Tok P i s i n claim t o b e able t o identify the origin o f a speaker from h i s or her pronun ciation and syntax . I have carried out some in formal te sts and found considerable dis crepancy between such j udgements and the actual facts .

At present ,

the only rel iable data are lexical and even here there are

many gaps i n our knowledge . as follows : a)

Lexical variation of this type can be characterised

The use of d i f ferent lexical i t ems in di f ferent regions is restric­

ted mainly to those areas of meaning l e s s likely to be di s cussed in

inter-regional contacts , i . e . to lexical i tems o f low frequency . Examples are the terms for nave l , for which a large numbe r o f

lexiCal i tems were recorded i n dif ferent parts o f Papua New Guinea ( b i tono , b u toma , hap be l , rop b i l ong be l , a s b i l ong s n e k , etc . ) ,

b)

or

pandanus ( a ra n , panda nu s , ka ruka ) .

Regional variation is found w i th some lexical i nnovations referring to recently introduced i tems of European origin ,

mi t)

c) d)

for instance ,

brassiere ( ka l a b u s b i l on g s us u , b a n i s s u s u , kep s u s u , mase l b i l ong s u s u ) or heliaopter ( bu n ba l us , g l a s b a l us , ba l u s a s b i l ongen no gat •

The influence of d i f ferent language pol i cies and the previous use of other l ingue franche is refl ected most strongly i n the vocab­ ul ary of olde r speakers .

Many speakers have at least a passive knowledge o f synonyms con­ d i t ioned by geographic factors .

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN e)

257

Regional d i f feren ces appe ar t o man i fest themse lve s primarily in di fferences with regard to the inventory of lexical i tems and some d i f ferences in lexical in formation found with individual items .

Though there is evidence that semantic f ield properti e s

may di ffer from region to region

(e.g.

kinship terminology i n

patril ineal and matr i l ineal areas ) , no in-depth study o f this

has been made .

The main divis ion o f Tok Pi sin into regional areas i s that into Highlands , Coastal Mainland and New Guinea I s lands P i dgin . This d i s t i nction , made by mo s t

speakers o f Rural Pidgin , appears to reflect t h e fact that Tok Pisin reached thes e three areas at dif ferent time s , i . e . in t h e 1 8 80s for t h e I s l ands , around 1900 for the Papua New Guinea mainland and about 1940 for the Highlands .

3.2.4.3.2

Some data

I wi l l now consider some lexical i tems which are restricted to certain A first group are items which refer to loca l ly restri cted regional dialects . aspects o f culture . A number o f these are borrowed from local language s . However ,

regionally restri cted items may also be formed from Tok P i s in ' s internal resource s ,

as demon strated by the following examples used mainly by Highl anders .

However ,

with Highlanders coming to the coast in large numbe rs and with increased contacts be tween H i ghlanders and Lowlande rs , these i tems are gradually becoming known throughout Papua New Guinea . H i ghlands Tok P i sin

gloss

k a r i m l ek

form of courting involving the mutual touching of legs or putting one 's legs under the partner ' s legs

dabo 1 seven

form of courting; partners touch each other 's head and bend down 49 times

kuk i m n u s

to rub noses

g i v i m n u s pes l ong

to make a gift or have a feast� to remember someone

man i s t i k

a po le to which paper money is tacked� used in paying the brideprice

h a u s ko l

house with no fireplace

haus p i k

house for humans and pigs

S ome other di fferences in the lexicon can be accounted for in terms of the

previous or contempor ary presence of other l i ngue franche . Thus , on the Papua New Guinea mainland around the formerly Malay-speaking plantation areas and in the border areas of the west Sepik Province , a number of Malay words can s t i l l be heard , particularly among middle-aged and old speakers . Thus Townsend ( 1968 :

5 4 ) reports , speaking about his e xperience in Aitape :

In Rabaul a native foreman was spoken o f as a

bos s - boy ,

at

Aitape the Malay word ma n do r was used . This was the original word used in German times when Malays - chiefly Amboinese were employed as foremen . . . . B e l l o , the striking of a be l l or gong to mark the meal and

other s i gni f i cant hours on a stati on , was at Ai tape known as t a n dok , aldo also with many other terms Mal ay or German was used .

258

P . MUHLHA USLER

Another item that was heard in the Sepik area as late as the 1960s i s

tuan

white man (John Harri s , Canberra College o f Advanced Education , personal commun i­ cation , August 198 1 ) .

Whi l s t regional dif ferences in lexical inventory due to Malay and German

influences have gradually disappe ared over the years s ince World War I I , there are s i gns that Tok Pi sin in the Port Moresby area has acqui red a numbe r of loans from H i ri Motu ,

the local l i ngua franca .

Thus Bell

( 1 97 7 )

writes :

" Loanwords may

not neces s a ri ly be Engli sh derived . w i th most of the Army stationed at Port Moresby i t is not surpri s i ng that the Motu magan i has displaced s i ka u as the word for wal laby . "

Borrowing of Hiri Motu words is becoming increasingly common in

the Port Moresby are a ,

thi s being a result o f the increas ing Tok Pi sin/Hiri Motu

b i l ingual i sm o f many migrant workers in the are a .

Consider the fol lowing examp le recorded among s tudents o f the Unive r s i ty o f

Papua New Guinea in 19 7 8 : Eng l i s h )

For the rest ,

vocabu l ary .

(

H i r i Motu ,

=====

Tok Pisin or English ,

Hey� we ' l l give it to you! You look O. K. � where 're you going? You look pure enough. Friend� where 're you going? Oh� you look good. Brother� can I have the one at the back ? Gee� you haven ' t got any money� you idiot. You look unused. You haven ' t any money .

very little is known about geographic di f ference s in Tok P i sin

The fol lowing i s a tentative l i st of some lexical i tems which I have

found to be diagnostic of regional d i f ference s : I s l ands Pidgin

Highlands Pidgin

t a u nam ra r i n g k i l amo l a ka?

Lowlands Pidgi n

ta unam p re ai a?

ga l i p a ra n

p i na t ka r uka

gloss

k l amb u beten t up t up a?

mosquito ne t 7 to pray lid

kasang a ran

peanut S pandanus

question tag : n ' estce pas?

S ome dif ferences in lexical in formation may be added to this l i s t : a)

the treatment o f indirect ob j e cts after verbs such as

d i f fers i n I s lands Pidgin : I s lands Pidgin

m i g i v i m yu l o ng buk m i s o i m y u l ong b u k b)

other varieties o f Tok P i sin

mi g i v i m buk l ong yu m i s o i m b u k l on g yu

givim

and

so i m

gloss

I gave you the book I showed you the book

Another d i f ference between I s l ands Pidgin and the other varie ties i s the u s e o f the prepo s i t ion as in : I s lands Pidgin

m i p i l a i i m reko t 0 1 . ko l i m l ong .

.

l ong

after trans itive verbs ending in

other varieties o f Tok P i s i n

m i p i l a i m reko t 0 1 ko l i m .

.

.

gloss

-im

I wi l l p lay a record ca l led . . .

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN other vari eties o f

I s lands Pidgin

gloss

d i s pe l a t umb una s to r i y u rab i s i m em

this ancestor story which you ridiculed

i 1 a i k i m t umas man i

i l a i k i m t umas l ong ma n i

01

01

d i spe l a t umb una s to r i y u ra b i s i m l ongen c)

Tok Pisin

259

they really like money

A number of di f ferences in semantic i n formation of I s l ands versus other varieties were also found : I s l ands pidgin

a i sma l ang foreigner pu l pu l flower, grass skirt

other varie ties of Tok P i s in

a i sma l a n g homosexua l pu l pu l grass skirt

At thi s st age , very l i tt le is known about the geographic distribution o f

lexical i tems i n Tok Pisin .

I t i s hoped , howeve r ,

that with a better knowledge

of Tok P i s in , l i nguists w i l l pay more attention to this question with regard to lexical properties as well as utterance and d i s course syntax .

3.2.5

STY L I STI C VARI AT I ON I N TOK P I S I N

3.2.5.1

I n troduct i on

Pidgin languages are sometimes distinguished from normal languages through

the i r lack of sty l i stic choice .

Samarin

( 19 7 1 : 1 2 2 ) remarks :

Th i s i s to say that a speaker o f a pidgin , being in a normal soci ety ,

as a

normal human

can be expected to have more than

one code-variety for d i f ferent uses . The pidgin , on the other hand , is not norma l , and when a person is speaking a pidgin he i s limi ted to the use of a code w i th but one level or s tyle or key o r regi ster , to c ite some terms used for thi s aspect o f the organizat ion o f language . ( One might speak here o f a ' monostrati c ' , ' monoclaval ' or ' monotoni c ' code . ) I n other words , he does not have the r i ch variety o f l an­ guage styl e s from which to choose whatever is appropriate to the context , s ituation , o r person ( or peop l e ) to whom he is talking.

Such a view i s appropriate when speaking of the very early deve lopmental

stages of pidgins . As a pidgin becomes a means o f creating social cohe sion and expres s ing one ' s fee l i ngs , it acqui res the s ty l i st i c f lexib i l i ty needed for such fun c t ion s .

The inve stigation of l i ngui s t i c functions and their relat ionship to linguistic structures i s still at an early stage . Howeve r , my observations on the deve lopment

o f Tok P i s i n suggest that it may turn out to be a crucial area for the explanation of pidgin expansion . In first l anguage s ystems we find a developmental hierarchy such as the one given by H a l l iday ( 1974) : a)

b) c)

d) e)

instrumental

( di rective ,

personal

( expre s s i ve )

regulative

interactional

heuri stic

(phat i c )

social control )

260

P. MUHLHA USLER f)

g) h)

metalingu i st i c

imaginative representational

In contras t ,

(poetic)

( re ferential ,

commun icative )

an examination of h i storical source s on Tok Pi sin and data from

the uns table bush varieties of the language suggests the fol lowing tentative

hierarchy in the functional deve lopment : a)

b) c)

d) e)

f)

g)

referential

di rect ive integrative expre ss ive

phati c

( connative ,

regulative)

metali ngui stic

poetic

Paral l e l ing the functional expansion there is also an expans ion of individual As the l anguage develops towards a creole , a l l func­

functions into new domains .

tions and domains necessary for the commun icative requirements of Tok P i s in speakers are covered ( c f . Muhlhaus ler 1 9 79 c ) .

A great deal of theore tical work and data analysis needs to be done be fore

the relationship between structural and functional expans ion can be fully under­ However , the following table can be taken as a rough guide l ine to what stood . can be expected . Note that both structural and functional expansion are impl ica­

tionally ordered ,

i.e.

the presence o f structural or functional properties imp l i e s

the presence o f these features higher up in the hierarchy . functions

re ferential directive and integrative

expressive phatic metalinguistic poetic

structures

simple sentence structures but no grammar

beyond the sentence ,

l i st- l ike lexicon

development o f sys temat ic aspects in the lexicon , e . g .

address systems ,

forms that

mark politene s s , emergence of socially determined lexicon and grammar , some syn­ tactic variants for requests

additions to lexical inventory , beginnings o f word-formation , emergence o f devices for foca l i sing ,

grammar beyond sentence

increase in sty l i stic variation on lexical

and syntactic leve l s

eme r gence o f lexical i tems for speaking

about language ,

hypercorrection

styl istically determined variation ear l i er stage s of developmental continuum can become styl istic devices , productive word-formation component providing lexical synonyms , styl i stic syntactic transformations , devel­ opment of conventions for metaphorical expansion ( tok piksa) and word-game s , phonological rules particularly those allowing contraction and weakening o f

vowels

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN

261

I am a t present engaged i n documenting the development o f styles i n Tok Pisin .

The very amount of data combined with the ir relative inaccessibil ity means that i t wi l l b e some time before a more authoritative account c a n b e written . The remarks on sty l i stic dive r s i f i cation given here must be seen as pre l iminary to such an accoun t .

Before looking a t the data i n mo re deta i l i t would seem neces sary to briefly

examine some o f the principal linguistic sources of styl i stic divers i f i cation in

Tok P i s in . a)

They inc lude :

Backsl iding,

i . e . using earlier or l e s s developed varie ties of the language

as sty l i s t i c variants .

This i s documented as early as Samoan Plantation Pidgin .

My i n formants referred to the practice of saying soksok instead of toktok to talk among speakers o f Tolai , who made no s i t dis tinction . More recently , I re corded the fol lowing example among students of the University of Papua New Guinea :

Na u , i n t h e end now , 0 1 ape kon t ro l im 01 ma n , i go pa i t naba u t , pa i t i go i go . 0 1 we r i m 0 1 k l os b i l on g 0 1 , 0 1 ho i i mpas na u , p u t p u t n a u .

The form

put put

humorous e f fec t ,

instead of

Now� in the end� the apes con­ tro l led the men� they were fighting and fighting . They wore their clothes� they raped them and had intercourse with them.

pus pus to have sexual intercourse

ang l i c i s ed Tok Pi sin and English .

b)

is chosen for its

an e f fe ct which is enhanced by i t s contrast to the preceding

what might be referred to as

' s ide s l i ng ' ,

i . e . using language from a d i f ferent

part of a restructuring continuum ( in the case of Tok P i s i n , as in :

M i fe l 0 o l gede r i hep i l ong so r t fe l 0 s i ke r t . I no wea r i m t a so l , s upp l y i m s t ret away .

an angli cised variant) ,

We are a l l happy about short skirts. Do not just wear them� supply them s traight away .

The wr iter o f th i s example borrows phonological ( e . g . various postvocalic r ' s ) , graphological ( e . g . wea r i m) and l exical features ( e . g . s u p p l y i m) from Engl ish . Note that such texts are very much individual solutions to the problem of in­ creas ing the sty l i stic f l exib i l i ty of the l anguage . c)

Styl i s ti c variat ion is provided by the many compe ting solutions in grammati cal

d)

Competing Melane s ian and European id ioms provide some sty l i s t i c choice as in as against be l b i l o ng m i g u t I am happy .

expans ion . Thus , speakers may s ignal relativis ers by both we and i a . . . i a bracketing in the s ame text . S im i l arly , d i f ferent degrees of phono logi cal con­ An densation may be used by the s ame speaker to achieve certain sty l i stic ends . example i s the use of ba i mba i , ba i and ba ' future marker ' in the s ame text .

m i hep i

e) The dive r s i f i c ation o f media , e . g . written , broadcast , f i lm , has resulted i n some n ew medium-spe ci fic sty l i s t i c features ( c f . S iegel 1 9 8 1 f o r written Tok Pisin) .

In sum, the development of Tok P i s in over the past 80 years has led to con­ siderab l e l in guistic variation , much of which is exploited by f luent speakers o f

the language t o s i gnal d i f ferences in s ty l e .

A number of studies on the s ty l i s t i c propert i es of Tok P i s i n have been made

in recent years

(e.g.

Brash 19 7 1 ,

1 9 7 5 ; Wurm and Muh lhausler 1 9 8 2 ;

but no exhaustive descript ion i s available yet .

Laycock 1 9 7 7 a )

262

P. MUHLHA USLER

A use ful distinction to be made here i s that between register , i . e . certain lingui stic feature s , and the use of such registers to achieve certain sty l i s t i c

ends

( th e i r commun icative function) .

Tok p i s in ,

The di fference ,

a s i t man i fe sts itse l f in

can be i l lustrated with the following table :

l ingu i s t i c propert i e s o f

special registers

use of metaphor , often over long stretches of speech

playful talk,

vivid de scription

or conversation , taboo ,

lexical replacement

sometimes taboo

stress group identity ,

exclude outsiders from conver­

syntacti cally and lexically s imp l i f ied Tok P i s in

use of repe tition and other mechanisms of sentence l inking backslang, backwards

commun icative function

i . e . Tok P i sin spoken

sation

foreigner talk ,

i . e . Tok P i s i n

u s e d by indigenes to address Europeans narration ,

careful instruction

exc lude outsiders from conver­ sat ion ,

taboo

heavily angl i c i sed Tok P i sin

enhance speaker ' s prestige ,

use of lexical synonymy

establish commun ication across

stress his membership in the class of educated peoples

sociolectal boundar ies , ensure

succe s s ful communication

The relationship between these registers as l inguistic subsystems and the i r

use f o r certain communicative purpo ses will now b e i l lustrated with reference t o t h e registers of tok p i k sa and tok bok i s and thei r functions .

3.2 .5.2

Tok P i k sa , Tok P i l a i , Tok Boki s , Tok Ha i t

The presence o f some special leve l s o f styl e , involving complex metaphors ( For example , Aufinger o r lexical replacement , has drawn considerable attentio n . However , no ri gorous analys i s 1 9 4 9 : 9 0-9 2 , Healey n . d . : 1 2 2 f , Brash 1 9 7 1 : 1 2 - 20 . ) o f these registers i s available a t present .

One of the main weaknesses of the

available accounts is the confusion be tween the terms

bok i s

and

tok ha i t .

Bell

( 1 9 7 7 ) , for i n stance ,

tok p i ksa , tok p i l a i , tok

admits that :

I am not able to d i s cern the fine di stinction between to kbok i and tokha i t , but the use o f one or the other i s quite usual

if an interloper , be he European or indigene , intrudes upon a conve rsation not meant for general consumpt ion .

The synonymy o f tok bok i s and tok ha i t i s also asserted by Brash whi l s t Healey ( n . d . : 1 2 3 ) introduces the following di stinction :

Tok bok i s

is idiomatic Pidgin j ust as an expre ssion l ike ' Toni ght I am taking my Bert Whe e l er to the bank of France ' is in Engl i sh . Though dif ferent words are used , the meaning

is c lear .

Ha i t tok

in written form conveys the actual cor­

re ct meaning o f the words .

I t s hidden meaning i s only

s

( 19 7 1 : 1 2 ) ,

263

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN revealed if the spoken word i s used ,

influenced by atmos­

phere , s i tuation and the expression of the speaker , that cannot be inc luded in a written example .

The termino logical d i f ficulties can be resu lved ,

howeve r ,

factors once the distinc­

tion between a lingu istic register and i ts use in a certain social context i s

introduced .

Thus

t o k bok i s

i s the name for a special l i ngu istic register which

involves the replacement of lexical items by others whose meaning and/or form i s fully conventiona l i sed , rather than predictable from lexical conventions about

Tok ha i t ,

metaphorical shift or lexical derivation .

on the other hand ,

is the

name given to the speech act involving the use of lexical substitutions with the purpose o f excluding outsiders from a conversation .

A s imi l ar distinction can be drawn between the terms tok p i ks a and tok p i l As pointed out by Brash ( 1 971 : 15-16 ) , tok p i ksa refers to a register involving the use o f s imiles , whi l st

tok p i l a i

ai .

refers to a s i tuation in which " a metaphor

can be kept up in light-hearted conversation to extend a conceit that is under­ stood by both speaker s . "

Thi s play with words is an end in i t s e l f rather than an

intentional e f fort to exc lude others from overhearing what is said .

Once the separation between the various l i nguistic registers and the speech

acts in which they can be involved is made , the fact that both tok p i ksa and tok bok i s can be used for the s ame communicative function , for instance taboo language ,

need no longe r be confus ing .

At the s ame time , outsiders can be exc luded from a conversation by means of registers other than tok bok i s , e . g . by the use o f back s l an g , sometimes re ferred to a s

tok ma i n u s

or

tok bek

( c f . Aufinger

1949 : 9 1 ) .

Most Europeans can be exc lu­

ded from a conve rsation by the use o f ordin ary Tok p i s i n instead o f a s imp l i fied foreigner talk regist e r .

This also suffices if the person who i s not meant to

overhear a conve rsation is phys ically absent .

often referred to as

3.2.5.3

tok baksa i t .

Talking behind a person ' s back is

T h e l i ngu i s t i c propert i es of Tok P i ksa a nd Tok P i l a i

A di stinct ion needs to be made between traditional e stabli shed metaphors

such a s

be l b i l ong m i i h a t

my

be l ly is hot

=

I am angry and the more ad hoc

metaphors coined i n spontaneous conversations : among the former the most widespread metaphors involve nouns and adjective s . Brash ( 19 7 1 : 15 ) mentions that : the comparing o f one person or ob j e c t with another has been common in pidgin s ince the language was first used. The frequently used word as in -

P i ta i o l sem s a k

o l s em

enab l e s comparisons to be made

Peter i s like a shark

Shark here denotes a predatory nature and is most commonly

u se d to refer to behaviour between sexe s .

Brash ( 1971 : 15 ) continues to point out that " when the speaker wants to add force to his comparison the word o l sem is dropped . . . . " The examples which could be adduced here are nume rous . I shall restrict the di scussion to some common ly used groups : a)

Those following the pattern

d i s pe l a man/me r i i o l s em N this person is like N :

This type o f metaphor i s u s ed i n giving a vivid description o f certain kinds of people , for ins tance :

264

b)

P. MUHLHA USLER l i teral translation

metaphorical meaning

Tok P i s in

d ra i b i s ke t

dry biscuit

a woman past her prime, an unattractive woman

sw i t b i s k e t

sweet biscuit

a sexua l ly attractive girl

s t i k ma s i s

match stick

skinny person

wa i 1 i s

unre less, radio

a talkative person

pas i n d i a

passenger

a free loader, sponger

mi s i na r i

missionary

ce libate, kind of person requiring special consideration

sak

shark

sharp customer

p i s 1 ama

beche de mer, seas lug

s luggish person

h u 1 wa ra

water hole

prostitute

Cases following the pattern

sampe 1 a s amt i ng i o l s em N something is like N :

The semantic f ield i n which thi s kind o f metaphor i s mo st frequently used i s that of parts of the body , in particular sexual organs : Tok P i sin

pam st i k p i ksa baret pens i 1 d ram k e ros i n s t i k kop i ko 1 wa ra s pe s e 1 ma i 1 0

c)

l i te ral translation

pump stick picture ditch penci l kerosine drum coffee stick cold water specia l Mi lo

metaphorical meaning

penis penis vagina vagina penis big belly, paunch truncheon beer beer

common metaphorical properties o f adj ective s :

A numbe r of Tok P i s i n ad j e ctives figure prominently in metaphorical language ,

( c f . Todd and MUhlhaus ler 1978) . good , nog u t bad, h a t hot , ko 1 co ld , hev i heavy and ma 1 uma 1 u soft . in particular body-term metaphors

g u t : g u t ( pe 1 a ) good

naturalness .

nda i g u t stap gut

indicates peace , prosperity , happiness , kindn e s s and

t o die we l l = die of o ld age o r natural causes to be we l l , get a long we l l

nog u t : nogut bad

n d a i nog u t and

gut

A few of these meanings are i l lustrated in the fol lowing examples :

refl ects the oppo site o f

unnaturalness and sadness .

hat

They are

ko1 :

gut ,

thus con f l i ct , unhappine s s ,

t o die a s a result of sorcery

the semantics o f the i tems

i n te rms of human body temperature . propo s e :

h a t hot

and

ko 1 cold

Thus Aufenanger and Holtker

Here we have chosen , fol lowing Father Joseph Schebesta , S . V . D . ' s proposal , the expre ss ion ' body temperature ' ,

can be explained

( 1940 : 1 38-1 3 9 )

because the natives choose the terms ' to be come warm ' or ' to become cold ' in the i r own languages , when one is dealing with phenomena such a s have been referred to as

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN ' body temperature '

t ion ,

here .

265

As a consequence o f thi s concep­

the New Gu inea people also say ,

in the i r now usual

ka t res i ko l d/ f i n i s h the bu l let is a dud ( i t is ' col d ' ) , or pos i n i ko l d f i n i s h the magic potion has lost its effect ( i t language of wider commun icatio n ,

has be come

' cold ' ) .

Pidgin Engl ish :

( author ' s translation)

Other examples i l lustrating the s emantics o f

h a t pe l a man kok i ko l me k i m be l i ko l

h ev i : hev i i s associated no hevi light with the

i l ity ,

b u n b i l ong m i hev i

my

I

0 1 i a u t i m he v i b i l ong 0 1

hat

ko l

are :

w i th l ack of abi lity , opposite ideas .

bones are heavy tired

am

clums iness and irresponsib­

Examples o f i ts use inc lude :

=

I can ' t walk any further�

they expressed their dissatisfaction

ma l uma l u : ma l uma l u soft

often expre sses weakne s s and tenderness as in : =

as ma l uma l u

soft arse

s k i n b i I on 9 p i k i n i n i i ma l uma l u

the skin of this child is very sensitive

pas :

finally

decy·epi t o ld person

pas to be fastened, obstructed

and uselessnes s , particularly of sensory organs .

e ithe r an ongoing process o r a state :

d)

and

an irascib le man the penis is cold = to be impotent to make the be l ly cold = to pacify someone

is associated with d i s ab i l ity Note that

ma n y a i a i pas

this man does not see we l l b lind

het

to be unable to think

pas

=

pas

can re fer to

this man i s

metaphors denoting verbal act ions :

The examp l es l i sted here inc lude mainly verbal phrase s cons i s ting of a transi tive verb and a noun obj ect , though some s imple verb sterns are a l so found in metapho rical meanin g . Tok P i s i n

pam i m I i kim ka t i m kona ka i ka i bua i kapsa i t i m mauswa ra put i m g r i s n a s uga b i h a i n i m rot b i l ong baksa i t t ro i mwe an ka l us l a i n

l iteral translation

to pump to leak to take a shortcut to eat bete lnut to spi l l sa liva to put grease and sugar to fo l low the road of the back to cast an anchor to untie a ship

The above l i sts could be expanded considerably .

metaphorical meaning

to urinate to urinate to have premarital sex to b leed out of the mouth to ta lk nonsense to entice to have anal inter­ course to go steady with to leave a p lace

However ,

it would seem more

profitable to turn our attention to the creation o f new metaphors in natural con­ ve rsation , a style r e fe rred to as tok p i l a i play talk . It is particularly common in sexual j ok i ng , as in :

266

P. MVHLHA USLER

o s o r i s u s a , m i ga t k i . Bai m i pa i n i m 1 0k b i l ongen we ?

Oh sister, I have got a key . rv1l.ere can I find a lock for i t ?

M i nap l ong ba i rn g l a s b i l ong yu 0 noga t .

Can I buy your glass ? ( said t o a

woman holding a glas s )

S a pos y u g a t i n a p ma n i y u ken ba i rn . B a t e r i b i l o ng m i i ko l . m i h a t i m we? Howeve r ,

the topic o f

If you have got enough money, you can.

Ba i

MY battery is cold. I charge i t ?

tok p i l a i

Where can

i s b y n o means restricted t o talking about

be found in other l i ght-hearted conversations such as the fol low­ ing , quoted from Brash 1971 : 16 :

sex and can also

A : Y u wok we ? B : M i wok l ong Ma s t a Raun . A : G u t p e l a wok l ong e n ? B:

A : Where do you work ? I 'm working for Mr Stro l l Around. A: Is it interesting work ? B : The work 's OK but the wages are poor.

B:

Wok i o ra i t taso l pe i i no g u t .

Occas ionally ,

the original metaphor i s extended over a prolonged verbal inter­

change as i n the fol lowing e xample recorded by my s e l f in of Papua New Gui nea .

The

tok p i l a i

1976 at the Unive r s i ty

i s triggered o f f by a girl wearing a T-shirt In the ensuing with the letters PDF , and her remark mi baga rap I 'm buggered. conve rsation one can obs erve the attempt by one o f the male students to build up a tok p i l a i around the work shop motive ( Ml ) and the attempt by another ( M3 ) to do the same w i th the medicine/hospital motive . Eventua lly the workshop motive takes ove r :

( Ml , M2 , M3

=

men students ,

G

=

girl student)

Ml :

D i s pe l a me r i i toktok , l u k i m em i l a p

M2 :

P i D i Ef , P i Di Ef !

A , m i baga ra p .

I 'm buggered.

Ml :

A , d i s p e l a ka i n ba i f i k s i m l ong woks a p .

This sort of thing can be fixed in the workshop.

M2 :

B a g a r a p l ong wanem y a ?

How come buggered?

At i ng ma ras i n i s t a p .

Perhaps there is a medicine for i t .

Ml :

G u t pe l a l ong wok i m l ong woksa p .

It ' s O . K. t o do it i n the work­ shop.

M2 :

P D F woksap

The PDF workshop is fine .

P D F woksap y a , ma n !

The PDF workshop, yeah man !

G:

M3 :

Ml :

g u t pe l a .

This girl that is talking, see how she is laughing

PDF, PDF!

M2 :

01

f i ks i m g u t .

They fix it properly.

Ml :

01

l a i k g r i s i m gut .

They can grease it up we l l .

M2 :

01

s a ve ho 1 i m g u t .

They can get a grip

M3 :

Wanem?

What ?

Samt i ng va .

You know what.

Ml :

on

it.

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN

3.2.5.4

267

The l i ngu i st i c pro perti es of Tok Bo k i s and Tok Ha i t

In contrast to tok p i k sa , which i s derived from ordinary Tok P i s i n by means o f certain general conventions concerning the metaphorical use o f lexical items ,

the semantic prope rti e s of tok bok i s items are much l e s s susceptible to a descrip­ Instead , s emantic in formation from one lexical tion in terms o f such conventions . item is paired with the phonological information o f another in an unpredictable way , or e l s e new phono logical in formation is substituted . Tok bok i s is used either for taboo reasons

( in which case knowl edge about the lexical substitution

involved is shared by mo st members o f the Tok Pi sin- speaking commun ity) secret varieties , known to small groups o f init iated people only .

�

or in

The taboo re ister is used principally in speaking about death and certain

bodily functions ,

as i n :

samt i n g

l i teral trans lation

something

genitals

Tok P i s in

gloss

m i go s i / so l wa ra

I go to the sea

I go for a pee

m i go raus i m p i p i a

I ' l l throw out the rubbish

I ' U defecate

s ama n wa n t a i m kan u no o ra i t

the canoe and the out­ rigger don ' t match

they are unhappi ly married

pa i a b i l ong h a u s kuk i n da i p i n i s

the fire in the kitchen has been extinguished

my

wife has died

pos b i l on g haus i b r uk pinis

the post of the house is broken

my

husband has died

l on g pe l a kokona s pundaun p i n i s

the ta l l coconut tree fe U down

the chief of the vi l lage has died

m u r uk i k i l i m em

a cassowary hit him

he had an epileptic attack

A number of additional examples are given by Aufinger

( 1949 : 1 1 7 f f ) ,

including :

k i a p , ma s t a , ma sk i

never mind the patro l officer or European

I have to go to the toi let present ly

wa n p e l a d i wa i i s ta p k l o s t u l on g h a u s b i l ong yu i pundaun l ong g ra un

a tree near your house has fa l len and is lying on the ground

someone near or dear to you has died

By far the mo st extensive use of secret Tok Pisin was made in the various cargo movements . Two factors , the widespread b e l i e f that the mi s s ionaries lied about the ' true mean ing ' o f many o f the i r lexical innovations and the fact that " the natives actually , and quite frequently , impute secret meanings to pidgin words and sentences i n the s ame , or a s imi lar way , a s they are accus tomed to do with the i r own vernacular language s " ( Aufinger 1949 : 1 1 7 ) , are instrumental in the development of secret vocabular i e s . Thus Schwartz ( 1 95 7 : 1 5 6 f f ) d i s cusses the development of new secret meanings for certain doctrinal terms in the Pal iau movement o f Man us I s land , re ferring to the widespread b e l i e f that : The mi s s ion l i ed too about what i s called I mpe rno and P u r ga to r i o . The m i s s ion explained these i n Neo-Me lanesian as f i r e be l ong ma rs a l a i . Outside o f the Neo-Me lanes ian l i terature of the mi s s ions ,

the word

ma rsa l a i

denotes

The folklore o f the old malevolent spi rits o f the bus h . culture i s peopled w i th these demon s . They could cause

268

P. MUHLHAUSLER the death o f human beings . converts not t o b e l i eve i n

Mi s s ionaries had told the i r but they had also

ma rsa l a i ,

borrowed the word to translate the devi l s and the demons of Chri s tianity .

ma rsa l a i

a lie .

Paliau called this talk about

I mpe rno

f i re be l on g

was s imply the ground in which

one was buried when one dies . Christ was buried i n the ground , then His t h i n k- t h i n k ascended to Heaven a fter three days .

It is this way with all men .

Your body went into

the ground and your mind-soul went back to God .

P u rga tor i o ,

As for

another " f i r e " in which men were suppo sed to

pay for the i r minor sins after death , this was also a l i e o f t h e mi s s ionary . Th i s P u rga to r i o i s t h e hou s e ca l aboose into which the government put people who had done some

wron g .

It was not a fire ,

it was not in Heaven , and it had

nothing to do with ma rsa l a i . This was the mi s s ion ' s way o f avoiding talking about the coercive power o f the government .

Far-reaching rei nterpretation was not restricted to doctrinal terms , howeve r ,

and

the l i st o f expre s s ions collected by Schwartz includes a number of other inter­

esting exampl e s : Tok Bokis expression

o ra i t

a l l right, healthy

to be equa l to the white man in terms of knowledge, goods, etc.

kas t em h a u s

customs house

shed for receiving and handling goods i.n trade with other vi l lages

ordinary meaning

special meaning in Paliau movement

K i ng Be r ra

Canberra

mythical king of the land of cargo

mep

map

graveyard

p ra i s

price, prize

reward, cargo

star

star

turnsti le in the vil lage gate, having reference to heaven

The deve lopment of special vocabulari es for var ieties used by various cargo

movements was and s t i l l i s quite widespread .

There are regional d i f fe rences and

rapid replacement of old secret terms w i th new ones within individual cargo move­ ments , perhaps in order to prevent outsiders from getting to know about the cult language , pe �haps because experimenting with word magic i s involve d . What is involved in most cases i s a more or less drastic change i n the meaning o f certain lexical i t ems , changes which may go unnoticed by the outsider who only understands the l i teral

' innocent ' meaning.

Tok bok i s lexical items mo st typically are normal items with a di f ferent meanin g , but innovations , which do not form a part o f the standard Tok P i sin vocabulary , can a l so be found . Compare the items i n the following l i s t co llected by the author from members o f the Pe le Association i n the Yangoru-Dreikikir are a : special meaning in Pele movement

Tok Boki s expression

pe l e

ordinary meaning ( i f any)

eagle, hawk

g a t e n memo re

(memory garden)

cemetery

pa i t i m d i s

to hit the dish

to put money on a p late and shake it so that the amount is multi­ p lied

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN

Tok Bokis e xpress ion

ordinary meaning

special meaning i n

d i s i k l os

the dish is closed

it is Sunday, there aroe no cargo activities

kand a re

maternal unc le

someone who has died and wi l l give money t o the living

wok

work

the Pe le Association

woka s

(worokers)

ma le membero of P. A .

p l auas

(floweros )

female membero of P . A .

ma n b i l ong wok

worokero, harod worker

membero of P . A .

rot b i l ong kandare i pas

the uncle ' s rooad is obstructed

the dead body fai ls to proovide money

( i f any)

269

Pele movement

E l i citation o f such i tems and ve r i f i cation of their exact meaning i s very di f f i cult

and the re l i ab i l ity of the above l ist cannot be guaranteed .

As has been the case with me taphorical language , secret language is a l so used through prolonged conversations , a practice referred to as tok ha i t . Aufinger

( 1949 : 1 18) quotes the fol lowing account of a fight between three Papua New

Guineans :

" M i s t op l on g b u s h , n a u m i l a i k ka i ka i b i l i na t . M i l u ka u t i m wa n fe l o , m i fa i n d i m , m i fa i t i m , fa i t i m , fa i t i m , m i ka i ka i m t a s o l i no sw i t l ong m i , n a s pe t b e l ong m i i no red . M i l uk a u t i m kambang wa n t a i m daka . M i ka i ka i wan t a i m b i l i n a t , n a u b i l i n a t i sw i t l on g m i , n a s p e t i red e l gede r , i kamd a u n p l en t i t uma s . " In En gl ish trans­

l ation : "while I Was in the bush, I wanted to chew a bete lnut. I searched for one and found it, I kept beating it (in the bete l-mortar) , final ly I started to chew it, but it was not sweet to my taste and my sa liva did not turn red. I then searched for lime and bete l­ pepper. When I chewed aU those together it became very swee t to me and red saliva was flowing down abundant ly . "

Quite in contrast with the peaceful appe arance o f this story the actual meaning o f i t was : "I wanted to have a

fight with a certain man in the bush. I found him there and we had a long fight between the two of us, but it was not to my satisfaction. So I caUed foro two of my froiends and when they joined in the broatVl my enemy was beaten to my satisfaction and he lost a lot of b lood. "

3.2.5.5

Bac k s l ang

A descript ion o f thi s variety and i ts social setting o n some small i s l ands in the Madang area was made by Aufinger ( 1 949 : 4 7-49) . Aufinger bel ieves that the practice of backs lang developed as a result of the teaching of writing to Papua New Guineans wh ich led to the discovery that words could be written and subsequently spoken backwards . outside r .

Thi s makes the language impo ssible to fol low for an uninitiated

2 70

P . MUHLHA USLER

Backslang operates at a number of s i ze leve l s .

words spoken backwards such as

kepkep

Most speakers use individual

pekpek to defecate

s up s u p

and

for

pus pus

Longer utterances spoken backwards have a l s o been for i nstance , by Aufinger ( 1 949 : 9 1 ) :

t o have sexua l intercourse . obse rved ,

for

1.

As i t i kot ko t a romu t t a gon l uk u s .

Reading this

sentence word by word but reflected face we find :

t i sa i toktok t umo ra nogat s u ku l , or in the more mod­ t i ch e r i toktok t umo ro noga t s ku l ,

e rn ized spe l l i ng : i.e.

the teacher says, tomorrow is no class .

" A l a p u i wok , a t s am i mak ! " i . e . l u pa l a wok , ma s ta i kam ! " In a s s im i l ated spe l l ing : y u fe l o wo rk , ma s t e r i kam. - A warning s ignal which everyone understands ,

2.

except perhaps " the Maste r . " 3.

" 1 m m i l i k t umum , "

i.e.

m i k i l i m mumut .

In Engl ish :

I have ki l led an opossum ; but he means probab ly a pig , using the word for opossum in a metaphorical sense .

The principal social functions o f back s l ang are lingui st i c play ,

the exclus ion of certain groups of outside rs ,

women and chi ldren ,

3.2.5.6

from secret activi t ie s .

in particular Europeans ,

taboo and

supervisors ,

N a rra t i ve styl e

The study of the higher levels o f Tok P i sin grammar has only j ust begun . Laycock ' s characte risation ( 1 97 7 a : 6 1 5 - 6 1 6 ) i s a neat summary of our present know­ ledge :

An oral tradition in Pidgin narrative has not yet es tab­ l i shed itse l f . Comparatively few Pidgin texts by indi genous speakers have been publ i shed in any ' undoctored ' way ;

some

of the ma j or co l le c t ions to date are to be found in the Pidgin

manuals o f Laycock

( 1 970c ) , Dutton

It should be noted , however ,

( 1973)

and Wurrn ( 1 9 7 1 a ) .

that most o f these texts are in

fact translat ions of vernacular storie s ,

and are told in

Pidgin only for the benefit of the European recorde r ; s i tu­ ations rarely ari se ( o r , at least , have rarely been observed)

where narratives are told in Pidgin to a predominantly

indi genous audience . . . . . even in these examp l e s a Pidgin na�rative style is di scernible , a style whose major e lements are taken from vernacular story-tel ling styles .

Most notable

of these elements is the linking of sentences by repeti tion of the previous verb , o ften introduced by

o ra i t ,

as in the

following example from Laycock 1 9 7 0 c - repe tition s i t a l i ci s ed :

O ra i t , i go l ong ra unwa ra , pukpuk i ken k i s i m em , na b i kpe l a s n e k i s t a p l ong wa ra , em i ken k i s i rn em . Orai t , 01 i kisim i kam , s mok i m p i n i s , 0 1 i p u t i m gen , 01 i go bek . 01 i go bek , 0 1 i k i s i m , 0 1 i k i s i m to rose l na wonem samt i ng , pukp u k , 0 1 i s i u t i m l ong s u p i a . 01 i si utim l ong s upi a , o ra i t , s a pos dewe l i kamap l ong wa ra , ba i mba i ma s a l a i l ong mau n ten i go d a u n k i s i m n a u . . . We l l � they go to the pond� they can big snakes that live by the water. them, put them aside, and go back . more, catch tortoises and a l l kinds

get crocodi les� and the They get them, smoke They go back, catch some of things, crocodi les�

271

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN

they spear them. They spear them; but if the spirit comes up in the water, the demon of the mountain wi l l go down and get them now . Th i s sentence- l ink i ng ,

which derives from the

' sentence­

medial ' verbs of non-Austrones i an languages o f Papua New Guinea ,

is also a ma j o r feature o f Pidgin rhe toric - another

fie ld of indigenous l i terary creation which many v i s i tors

to Papua New Guinea have observed

( e specially at the meetings

of Local Government Coun c il s ) , but which has not been docu­

mented in any satis factory way .

3.2.5.7

Code-mi x i n g a nd code- swi t c h i ng

One of the most fertile areas o f stylis tic e xpans ion involves transfer o f

English vocabulary or utterance s . Tok P i s i n and English speak e r s

Many speakers i n the urban areas are b i l ingual

( about

200 , 000 according to the latest available

census f i gures ) . I n addition to moving along the restructuring continuum deve l ­ oping between Tok P is in and English ( i . e . speaking di f ferent me solectal var i e t i e s ) ,

some speakers a lso resort to straight borrowing from Engl ish for styli s t i c pur­ pos e s . Because of the close lexical a f fi l iation between the two languages the di stinct ion between mi xing and borrowing is di fficult to draw .

In some areas at l east , and certainly on campus e s such as the Unive r s i ty o f Papua New Guinea , one i s deal ing with a transitional stage between a c l e a r d i ­ gloss i c s i tuation and t h e development o f a complex linguistic continuum .

The

following examples i l lustrate the use of Engl i sh borrowings in the discussion o f

non-traditional topi c s . Whi l st a l l o f the s e borrowings could have e a s i l y been expre ssed in more traditional Tok Pisin , many speakers fee l that modern concepts are best expre ssed by modern language . Note that it i s not always pos s ible to

dete rmine which code is represented by which parts of an utterance , a s the close I proximity of Urban Tok Pisin and English leads to a great deal o f overlap . recorded the fo l lowing examples in =

Example

English ;

=====

=

1976 at the Unive r s i ty o f papua New Guinea

both Tok P i s in and Engl ish) :

1 : A pol i tical debate :

Nesone l i s o l s em , o l geta man i ma s s a ve l on ge n ya . Wanpe l a samt i ng t u y a , � pipe l 0 1 i po l i t i ca l l y m i n de d na m i pe l a s ampe l a o l sem yupe l a i b i n ma n i pu l a t e d EY others . . .

A nationalist like this, everyone should know about him. And some­ thing e lse, some people who are politically minded and some peop le like you and me have been manipu­ lated by others . . .

0 1 i ken do wha teve r t hey wa n t t o . �n a u , m i s ave . 0 , I don ' t Tfke t hem . So wh a t , 1 a k i truna m i kam-:-:- . .

They can do whatever they want . Now I know. Oh, I don ' t like them. So what, jus t as we l l I came . . . .

0 1 Mo robe i a u t i m t i ke t b i l ongen l on g wanem on t he g rounds t ha t ---­ e m i n o under-stan d i m . Em i i g no rant b i kos em i no r i t i m d i s pe l a pepa .

The people in the Morobe district voted his party out on the grounds that he didn ' t understand [ the situation ] . He didn ' t know what was going on because he hadn ' t read this paper.

272

P . MUHLHA USLER

Example

2 : Conve rsation about the movie planet of the Apes

N a wa n pe l a n a ra pe l a ma n i tok : ' Wh a t d i d you .�.y.1 ' , na em i tok , d i s pe l a ape i t o ktok , n a e m i t ok : ' No-:-;i"o , i t ' s me . I s a i d i..!. . What d i d he s ay, t he b a s t a r d ? ' Em a l l t h e o t h e r a pes , t hey don ' t t a l k , b u t t h i s one can t a l k n a .b!. � h i ms e l f i n to t roub l e , d i s pe l a ape ya .

3.2.6

And another man said: ' What did you say ? ' , and he said, this ape who was talking, he said: 'No, no, it ' s me. I said it. What did he say, the bastard? ' A l l the other apes, they don 't talk, but this one can talk and he got him­ self into troub le, this ape .

CONCLUS I ON S

A survey of present-day variants of Tok P i s i n clearly demonstrates that this language has moved a long way from the monosty l i s t i c j argon and early stab i l i sed

pidgin found at the turn of the century . Variation characte rises even those stage s . H oweve r , it i s only at the very beginning o f a pidgi n ' s deve lopment that variation is free , i n the sense of arbitrary and non-sign i f i cant . At later stages e x i s t ing variat ion is re interpreted and used in a number of way s . It can be merely index­ i ca l as was found i n regional , social and sex-related variation where variants o f

the language s i gnal t h e group membership o f a speaker or , a s h a s been the case with i ts various sty l i s t i c regi ste rs , variation can be employed for a number of commun icative purpos es .

The boundary be tween these two functions is fluent and

we have seen that linguistic variants can be given di f ferent functions at di ffer­ ent times in the history of Tok P i s i n . er s ,

I n t h i s chapter I have concentrated o n variation among second-l anguage speak­ creolisation and i ts lingu istic consequences having been dealt with e lsewhere .

It would seem important to stre s s that Tok Pisin has been developed into an ext ra­ ordinarily flexible and systemat i ca l ly vari able language by adult second-language speakers .

Th i s is c l early yet another counterexamp le to the widespread c laim that

ru le-changing creativity virtually ce ases after puberty .

Rather one is inclined to as sume that , given the ri ght commun icative pressure , adults can change and e laborate s econd languages in more than j ust superficial ways .

It i s too e arly to s ay what wi l l happen to linguistic variation in Tok Pi sin .

I t must be remembe red that many of the phenomena di scussed in thi s chapter are

dysfunctional from the point of view of Tok P i s in ' s origi nal main function as a nationwide l� ngua franca . Should i ts role in future be increasingly that o f a regional and local language , then i ts variab i l ity w i l l remain or even increase .

But th i s would mean that Tok Pisin w i l l change from a culture-neutral to a culture­

dependent language .

273

VARIATION IN TOK PISIN

NOTES 1.

I n connection with the term ' rule o f grammar '

o f grammar include natural laws ,

probab i l i t ie s . 2.

i t should b e pointed out that

a descriptive rule ( such as found in structura l i s t grammars for i n s tanc e ) should not be confused with t h e various types o f knowledge actual speakers apply in using the i r language . It should also be kept in mind that rules

Harris 1 9 8 1 ) .

social conventions as we l l a s stati s t i cal

Mo st grammars do not distinguish between these types

( cf .

The terms bas i l ect , mesolect and acrolect refer to lingui stic di stance

between a pidgin or creole and i ts superimposed lex i f i e r language A typical case i s : basi lectal

pidgin

.....

mesolectal

pidgi n

( influenced

.....

by English)

( a crolect ) .

acrolect

( Engli sh)

3.

For general remarks on the in fluence o f the mode o f transmi s s ion on language

4.

I am we l l aware o f the problems o f defining a

5.

My data do not ful ly support B ickerton ' s categorical statement

6.

I t i s interesting to speculate at what point the addition of more and more lexical exceptions leads to a structural breakdown . This que s t ion needs to

7.

8. 9.

learning see Hockett 1 9 50 .

for pidgins and creo les

that :

( cf .

" I n spontaneous change ,

Labov 1 9 8 0 ) .

' speech community ' , particularly ( 19 80 : 1 1 3 )

an alre ady exi sting form and s tructure acquires

a new meaning , function and dis tribution . In decreoli sation , an already exi sting fun ction or meaning acquires a new form or structure . "

be de alt with within a catastrophe mode l of language change . Healey

( n . d . : 2 1 3 ) , on the other hand ,

reports that

" ka l ambo

i s the word for This appears to be an error , however . K l amb u is not l i s ted in the dictionaries Taunam on the representing I s lands Pidgin ( Borchardt 1 9 26 and Dahmen 1 9 5 7 ) . other hand , i s documented for I s l ands Pidgin from the mid 1 9 2 0 s . S ince k l amb u i s of Malay origin , i ts status as a mai n l and i tem i s beyond doubt .

mosquito net in the I s lands , but the mainland people prefer t a u n am . "

The item

ga l i p

i s known i n the Papua New Guinea Lowland s .

Howeve r ,

there

i t refers to a spe c i fic variety o f nut growing on a t re e , not unlike a braz i l

nut .

The examples l i s ted here were coll ected in the East Sepik and Madang Provinces , but appear to be of much wider currency 119) .

( c f . Aufinger 1 9 4 9 : 1 1 7-

Mühlhäusler, P. "Variation in Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:233-273. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.233 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

3.3

GOOD AND BAD P I DG I N : NOGUT YU TOKTOK KRAN K I P . Mlih lhau s ler

3.3.1

I NTRODUCT ION For a long time linguists have n o t o n l y b e e n very reluctant to make value

j udgements about language but have also denied that such j udgements could be made

in principle .

indeed .

From the point of v i ew of the ordinary speaker this seems strange

But there is a gradual rea lisation among l inguists today that the assump­

t ion that a l l l anguages and all lingui s t i c forms

are equal i s by no means a s i gn

Instead , the refus al to comment on qualitative of ob j e ctivity and scholarship . matters has made l ingu i st i cs a less useful source o f i nformat ion to those who

need i t most , the language planners . The i n s i stence of many l inguists that the i r j ob w a s to describe some abstract lingui s t i c system underlying the actual utter­ ances of eve ryday speakers has a lso led to a neglect of external factors such as

atti tude studi es .

In this chapte r I wi l l try to propose ways in which the lack of in formation I w i l l concentrate on two main tasks :

i n this area could be l ess ened . a)

b)

3.3.2

the di s cus sion of general principles o f language evaluat ion ;

a hi story o f j u dgements about varieties and individual constructions

found i n Tok pis i n .

E VALUAT I N G L I NGU I ST I C SYSTE MS

Among the crite ria proposed by the experts on l anguage planning , i n g a r e t h e m o s t important : a)

b)

c)

Referent i a l adequacy ,

i.e.

the follow ­

" the capaci ty of the language to meet the

needs o f i ts users as an instrument of referential meaning" ( H augen 1 9 66 : 6 2 ) . Systematic adequacy , i . e . a l an guage should be structured in such a way that i ts rules are maximally general and natura l . Acceptab i l i ty , i . e . a form must be adopted or adoptable by the ma j ority of whatever so ciety or subsociety is involved .

SubordInate to these considerations are othe rs , such as euphony , brevi ty , and symmetry between expre s s i on and content , which are l i s ted and d i s cussed by

Tau l i

( 19 6 8 : 3 8 f ) .

(a) W i th regard t o Tok P i s in , refe rent ial adequacy would not have t o b e the s ame for a l l of i ts users . Whi l s t a small minority who speak this language as a first

language have to express a l l ideas and fe e l i ngs in Tok p i s i n , for the maj ority of speakers Tok P i sin i s used i n a limited number o f functions and domain s . Thus , re ferenti a l adequacy has to be j udged agai n s t the background o f the communi cative

needs of a speci fic group of speakers .

S . A . Wurm and P .

Muh lhausler , e d s

Guinea Pi dgin) , 2 7 5 - 2 9 1 . ©

P.

Muhlhausler

Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Paci fi c Linguisti cs , C - 7 0 , 1 9 84 .

Mühlhäusler, P. "Good and bad pidgin: nogut yu toktok kranki". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:275-291. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.275 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

275

276

P . MUHLHA USLER

There are indications that Tok Pisin i s not an adequate means o f commun ication

i n a numbe r o f areas o f di scourse relating to recent technological and sociological

change , but th i s can be said o f virtually any language ,

i nc l uding Engl i sh .

Because

o f Tok P i s i n ' s productive word-formation component and its relatively high syn­ cretic capac i ty , mo st referential inadequac ies can be repaired quite e as i ly in

principle .

Whi l st the notion of referential adequacy is most often used to r e fer to

de ficienc i es in the lexical area ,

Wurm ( 1 9 7 7 c )

all varieties of Tok Pi sin . a)

b) c)

it i s also found on other leve l s o f grammar .

stre s s e s that syntactic dif ferentiation is not equa l ly developed in Thus ,

in some of the o lder second-language varie ties :

grammatical categories such as ten s e , absent or underrepresented ;

aspect or number are e ither

the system o f preposit ions is rather rudimentary ; di scourse- structuring grammatical elements are rare , making i t

di fficult t o express t h e d i f ference between important and less­ important in formation .

Howeve r ,

s ince most of these deficiencies have been repaired in creo l ised

and newer second-language varieties o f Tok Pi sin , language planners could eas i ly resort to internal borrowing i f it was felt that such dis tinctions were needed in the language .

A lot o f c laims have been made about the referential adequacy or inadequacy of Tok P i s in and such cl aims have often formed the bas is of value j udgements . It

must b e remembered , howeve r , that very li ttle empirical research has been done in th i s area and that the question needs to be treated with great care . To c laim

that e ither Tok P i s i n or one o f i ts varieties i s good or bad because o f its re fer­ ential potential ignores the fact that the potential o f all varieties is continu­ ously changing. (b)

The systematic adequacy of a language i s concerned primarily with its internal

consi stency and regularity .

Ideally ,

gramma tical rules should be maximally gen­

Contrary to certain c laims that pidgins are extremely simple , it can be e ral . shown that this statement has l ittle meaning un less seen against the background of the continuous grammatical deve lopment of these language s .

As a general rule it can be stated that , in i ts initial stage s , a pidgin gramma r is full o f exceptions and relatively minor or unproductive grammatical

rul e s , and that greater regularity is only reached in its more developed varieti e s , i f i t develops wi thout external interference . I f , on the other hand , contact with its original ' lexifier language ( English in the case o f Tok P i s i n ) is renewe d , then

language mixing can lead to a substantial increase in grammatical irregulari ty .

I wi sh to i l lustrate these two points with an actual example , plural in Tok Pi sin ( fu l l details i n Muhlhausler 1981a) .

the s ignal l ing o f

In the e arly part o f this century , speakers o f Tok P i s i n used the plura l iser only variably , with nouns referring to l iving beings and prefe rably in gram­ matical sub j ect or dire ct obj e ct position . Today , in a number of creol ised var­ i e t i e s , the plural i ser 0 1 is used before any noun which is s emantically plura l . Th i s means that the rule to account for plural isation around 1 9 1 0 is much more complex than the rule needed to state plural isation in the creoli sed Tok Pisin

01

o f 1980 .

The latte r variety i s therefore systematically more adequate .

Contact with Engl i sh in some varieties of Urban Tok Pi sin has

led to the

introduction of plural i sation by means of the formative - 5 as in ma n s for Rural Tok P i sin 0 1 ma n men . Th i s new rule is not app l i ed in a l l instance s , howeve r . I n s tead , one f inds combinations such a s 0 1 g e l s , ge l s , 0 1 g e l gipls , o ften used

2 77

GOOD AND BAD PIDGIN

by the same speaker . It is extremely d i f ficult to state the conditions under Th i s means that the sys temat i c adequacy which one or the other form is chos en . of the gramma r has been reduced considerably under the influence of language con­ tac t .

Systematic adequacy also refers t o the notion o f lingui stic naturalne s s .

In second-l anguage Tok P i s i n ,

because it is a se cond language ,

linguistic strat­

egies wh ich optima l i s e perception are more favoured than those promoting produc­ tion .

As a result ,

natural phono logical proce sses

( e . g . p�ocesses reducing

sounds or converting sound s egments into more readily pronounceable sounds) are suppre ssed , and natural morphological proce sse s , i . e . processes favouring the

optimali sation of percept ion ,

are favoured .

This means that there is a strong

tendency in Tok Pisin for one form to have one meaning and for the same meaning

to be expressed by the same form .

An examp le o f morpho logical natura lness would Compare the irregular Engl i sh examples

be in the formation of derived words . with the regular ones o f Tok P i s in : Tok P i sin

b i l ong t a un taun b i l ong ka n t r i ka n t r i p i sop b i l ong p i sop meme b i l on g meme p l i sman d ra i vman pan i ma n woksaveman hos me r i hos ma n s i p s i p me r i s i ps i p man kaka r u k ma n kaka ruk me r i p i k i n i n i man p i k i n i n i me r i p i k ma n p i k me r i

Engl i sh

town country bishop goat policeman driver joker specialist stal lion ram cock Bon boar

urban rural episcopal hirsute

mare ewe hen daughter sow

Tok P i s in ' s high degree of morpho logi cal naturalness makes it an easy language to learn as a s e cond language . It is for thi s reason that borrowing from both

internal and external sources may have to be carefully controlled i f thi s advantage of the language is not to be lost .

The case of morpho logical naturalness i l lustrates that the terms good or bad pidgin cannot be di scussed outside a social context . To have a maximum of morpho­ logi cal natura lne s s makes the language good from a learne r ' s point of view . On the other hqnd , i t reduces i ts sty l i stic f l exibi lity and can make it rather mon­

otonous ,

as has been i l lustrated by Mead

( 1931 : 149) .

( c ) Wh i l st l ingu i s tically naive speakers may make reference to the referential and systematic adequacy o f Tok P i s in in discuss ing i ts meri ts , this is typically done in a haphazard way .

The ir main concern ,

and this goes particularly for New

Guinean speakers of the language , is i ts social acceptabil ity . This factor depends to a l arge extent on external ci rcumstances and may change considerably over time . Some of these changes w i l l be dis cussed be low . To begin w i th I want to di scuss a more context-independent principle o f

social acceptab i l ity , namely whether expre ssions in a lan guage a r e i conically

encoded or not . instance , that : a)

There seem to be language-independent reasons for saying ,

Redupli cated l exi cal st ems should stand for concepts centring

around chi ldhood experiences and l i ghthearted personal emotions .

Applyin g this crite rion ,

the Tok P i sin i tems

t i ng t i n g to think

for

P . MUHLHA USLER

278

toktok to talk

and

1 u k 1 uk to look

would be badly encoded.

In fact , educated speakers of the language tend to replace them

b)

w i th unredup l i cated forms .

Concepts which are central to a culture should be expre ssed by

means of short lexical bases whi l st marginal concepts can be expressed by longer compounds or circumlocut ions .

The d i f fe rence

in the re lative importance o f concepts can be seen from the fol lowing examples : Tok Pi sin

Engli sh

ka i n 1 a p 1 a p 0 1 S ko t s save pas i m

ki lt

1a1a

tailor fish

ma n b i 1 0n g s amap i m k 1 0s

tailor

l ap 1 ap

c)

length of cloth worn around the waist like a kilt

There are limits to the degree of homophony in a language . Laycock ( 1969 : 8) observes that Tok Pi sin already has a relat ively large number o f words where d i f ferent Engl ish words have fallen together . " To add to th i s number incautiously could we l l overload the lan­

guage with forms that sound the same but have di fferent meanings . "

Thus ,

the proposal to translate En gl i sh

i s i l l fOlmde d ,

and

as

pis

( in some varieti e s )

can alre ady mean

peas .

peace as Tok P i s i n p i s piece, piss, fish, fees

In addition to such e xternal or me chanical factors underlying social accept­

ab i l ity there are a numbe r of sociopsycho logical factor s . ing are of particular importance : a)

b)

c)

Among them the follow­

Expressions are regarded as socially harmful because they create

divisions ,

e.g.

insults ,

group labe l s or e l i te language .

Expressions are regarded as taboo .

In this connection it i s

inte re sting t o obse rve that conventions f o r a taboo register i n Tok P i sin emerged very early i n i ts deve lopment , e . g . the use of 1 0n g pe 1 a p i k long pig for a human be ing eaten during a cannibal meal .

A numbe r of expressions are regarded as dif ficult to understand or confusing . Such expressions are particularly undesirable in the case of Tok P i s in , s ince i ts main function is that of a nati onwide l ingua franca.

Tok Pi sin is spoken by people o f a wide range o f social and cultural back­

grounds and it is for this reason that one can expect s igni f i cant d i f ferences in the social acceptab i l i ty of lingu i st i c forms . Let me i l lustrate thi s wi th an

A group of Tok e xample f rom the lowest linguistic leve l , that o f pronunciation . P i sin speakers ob j e cted to the proposal to call Papua New Guinea Pa g i n i on the grounds that this would sound like pa k i m m i fuck me. Had they had a di stinction between ( p) and ( f ) in the i r variety this ob j e ction would hardly have arisen . At present , we do not even understand such relatively mechanical proce s se s , and as a result unfortunate and socially damaging new expressions continue to enter Tok Pi sin . Thus , the recently introduced expression se 1 ek kom i t i se lect committee i s often interpreted as s 1 e k kom i t i a s lack o r inefficient vil lage committee member and i n ve s t i m ma n i to invest money is frequently interpreted as wes t i m man i to

waste money .

GOOD AND BAD PIDGIN

2 79

Extensive language attitude studies need to be carried out to test thi s and

other aspects of social acceptab i l i ty .

wi thout the results of such research no

proper language p l anning can be carried out ,

s ince it is the soci a l acceptab i l ity

o f an expression which in the last instance determines whether a proposed new expre s s i on w i l l be fully adop ted or not .

3.3.3

H I STOR I CAL NOTES ON L I NGU I ST I C VAL UE JUDGEMENTS ABOUT TOK P I S I N Judgements about good and bad varieties o f Tok P i s i n are dependent on the

metalingui stic abi litie s , i . e . the ab ility to speak about l inguistic matters , o f tho s e who make them . This means that , in the early days of development of this language , statements about good and bad pidgin can only be found in expatriate

source s ,

for i t is only fairly recently that Tok P i s i n has also become an instru­

ment for talking about language . Thus , expre s s ions such as tok b r u kb r u k inco­ herent talk or stuttering are of very recent origin . This , incidentally , pos e s

a considerable problem for fieldworkers who want t o e l i c i t l ingu i s t i c j udgements from people living in remote areas or from older speakers o f Tok Pisin . In di scus sing European pronouncements I

am

not concerned with attitudes to­

wards the language as a whole s ince this question w i l l be dealt with in a di ffer­ ent chapte r . I will only deal with pronouncements as to the relative me rit o f two or more recognised varieties o f t h e language .

Whi l s t most wri ters in Tok P i s i n ' s formative years dismiss all varie ties of

the language as a garb l ed ,

grammarless and debased form of Engl i sh , Friede r i c i

( 19 1 1 ) takes a more balanced view .

Here follow two extracts from McDonald ' s

tran s l ation o f h i s article on Tok Pisin

( 19 7 7 : 2 2 ) :

The j argon is capab le of a limited flexib i l i ty and o f

strongly-expressed statements when i t i s spoken b y someone

who has rea l ly mastered it .

B e i ng left entirely with

natives for many months , I learnt to make speeches of the k i nd that a company commander really does make to his company . I thought that moderately impress ive unt i l

hearing the profound speeches that were ( s ic ! ) between kiap Boluminski of Kavieng and the chie f s at the i r official I heard him and Herr meeti ngs and in legal proceedings . Rodat z , master of the Aitape station , speaking the best Pidgin Engl ish in the colony .

Friede r i c i

( i 9 7 7 : 24 of translation) contrasts this kind of Tok P i s in with the

kind spoken by a newly arrived j udge :

I shall not forget the summing-up of a j udge which dem­ onstrated exactly the opposite of real ability such as that of Herr Boluminski , praised above , and was o f f i c i a l ly I can only say that recorded during legal proceedings . . . . it produced a miserable situation .

An inte re sting set o f comments on good and bad pidgin can be found in the Mo st writers appear to be con­ cerned w i th the fact that the stable Tok P i s i n which had developed during German times was gradually be ing eroded by the continuous introduction o f En g l i sh vocab­ The resulting new variety was considered both less stable and ul ary and gr amm ar . I have se lec­ l e s s e fficient for interracial and cross-territorial communicat ion .

Rabaul Times in the years between the two wars .

ted two ar tic les mak ing this point :

P. MUHLHA USLER

280 a)

Rabaul Times , editorial March 1 3 , 1 9 3 1 : Our own pidgin-English

. . .

i s becoming less "pidgin" than

what one might term a ' corrupted ' English or Austral ianese . For , with the general inrush of Australians and Engli shmen s i nce the war who were ignorant of pidgin English as i t should b e spoken , l i ttle attention h a s been p a i d to the

prese rvation of the purity of pidgin English as it was

methodi cally l earned by the new arrivals from Germany in

pre-war days

. . . .

I t i s a pity i f our picture sque pidgin-English i s to be

lost entirely and replaced by a corrupted and di storted

b)

En gl ish . . . .

Rabaul Times , editorial February 15 , 1 9 3 5 :

Be fore the 1 9 1 4 holocaust pidgin-English retained an individualism of its own . . . .

at the present time , throughout the territory there

is a garbled corruption of Eng l i sh spoken without any rules

or l imitations o f vocabulary i nterspersed with mispronounced pidgin and native idioms

. . . .

Whi lst for most secular writers the loss o f commun icative e f f i c i ency in the

an glicised vari eties of the l anguage is the main target of the i r criticism ,

m i s s ions are concerned with di f ferent is sues . p i s in ,

i t appears ,

the

Their main criticism against Tok

is that it is full of crudi ties and obscenitie s .

One expression

in part i cular annoyed the mi ss ions , god dam , which according to a number of sources was a very frequent vocabulary i tem before 1 9 3 0 . Thus , Friederici reports : I f a Me lanesian excl aims : " God dam : He savee too much ! " when he refers to another Me lanesian who is magn i f i cently decorated as to look like a negro from Washington o r Virgini a , he wi l l always create amusement .

But it made me really sad when I

he ard a man from Lamas sa , wh i le he was building a mon muttering : " God dam, work belong kanaka he no good ! "

( Boat ) ,

( quoted from McDonald 1 9 7 7 : 2 2 )

Mead ( 19 3 1 : 1 5 1 ) comments o n the initial e f fort of the mi s s ions t o remove crude expressions from the language : When the miss ionaries preach and translate the Bible into pidgi n , they make some e f fort to smooth out the crudities o f the l anguage , but i n the hands o f the boys the se all crop up again .

Pidgin without continual " goddams " and " b loody s " i s

i nconceivable t o the boy s .

As wi l l b e di scussed i n more detail i n the chapter o n language planning ( 6 . 8 ) , set up in the 1 9 3 0 s with the expre s s ed aim o f

miss ion bodies were

removing the crude or obscene expressions from approved l anguage use and replacing them with others taken from the

existing inventory of expressions (Holtker 1 9 4 5 : 5 8 ,

author ' s trans lation )

The attempts o f the mis sion s to purify the language in this way are inter­ e s t i ng in that they in troduce a n ew , and it would appear quite non-New Guinean ,

dimen sion i nto the d i s cuss ion of what i s good and what i s bad language .

Mi s s ion pub l i cations around 1 9 3 0 are also concerned with a second ' non-New Guinean ' quest ion , namely that of e stablishing standards for the correctness o f

GOOD AND BAD PIDGIN

281

pronunciation and spe l l i ng . I n this context , i t i s interesting that their writers appear to be guided not by local pronunciat ion , which i s described as ' vulgar ' , but by the real or presumed English etymon .

Examples include :

be rn i m /burn/ , ( vulg . b o i n i m) boks /box/ , ( vu l g . bok i s ) d r i f t /drift/ , ( vulg . d r i p ) fo l d a u n /fa l l down/ , ( vulg . p u n d a u n )

A l l examples were taken from the

Worterbuch mi t Redewendungen , pub l i shed by

the Alexishafen Miss ionaries around 1 9 3 5 .

Note that the so-cal led vulgar forms

were the only ones u s ed by the vast ma j ority of Tok P i s in speakers at the time .

Wh i l st language attitudes wi thin Papua New Guinea appeared to change l i ttle

in the years after World War I I , and whi l st both miss ions and government continued

in the ir e f forts to create a standard Tok P i s in , there was a growing opinion among outside observers , and in particular l i ngui s ts , that the language should be left alone .

One o f the be st known proponents o f thi s direction in the 1 9 5 0 s and e arly

1960s is Robert A.

Hall .

He argue s :

You can ' t create a language by fiat , or by deliberate introduc­ t ion of terms .

people w i l l inevitably use words in accordance ,

not with someone ' s notion o f what i s

' correct ' , but with their

own pattern of behaviour and outlook on l i fe . . . . These considerations have a direct bearing on the proposals

that are occasiona lly made to ' purify ' Pidgin by altering the vocabu l ary . Well -meaning observers are often shocked by one P i dgin word or anothe r , not only terms with erotic or scato­ logical imp l i cations , but words which by now have acquired

unpleasant connotations of racial d i s crimination i n English . . . . ( H a l l 1 9 5 5a : 9 8 )

H a l l ' s refusal to be anything other than purely de s criptive i s symptomat i c

of a kind o f linguistics which tried t o b e purely ' s cient i f i c ' and which strictly separated between the structure and the use of language . The doctrine of the day was that a l l languages can express adequately whatever their speakers want them to express and that therefore no planning or interference was cal l ed for . Hall ' s remarks are also symptomatic o f the view that language planning i s concerned mainly with pur i fy i ng a language from erot i c connotations . It has been shown e l s ewhere in this chapter that most P apua New Guineans are not concerned with thi s The view that aspect o f language and that planning i n this area i s not needed . a l l language� are equal as to the i r referential potential is not supported by empirical evidence . On the contrary , Scott ' s ( 19 7 7 ) study of agricultural vocab­ ul ary in Tok pis in bears out a principle known to l anguage planne rs , namely that in times of rapid social and technological change l in guistic development lags Thus , a more realistic view would be one which takes behind external development . into consideration the l ingui stic needs of Tok P i s i n speakers in the years immedi­ ately be fore and subsequent to independence . From the late 1960s onward one can observe a gradual convergence between the attitudes o f the l ingui st i cal ly naive users of the l anguage and those concerned

with laying down i ts rule s . An important step i s the official campaign against soci a l ly harmful outdated coloni a l i s t and raci st expre s s ions . I n 1969 the Australian Administrator of P apua New Guinea directed administration staff not to use o f fensive Tok Pi s i n word s :

I be l i eve it is t ime the Adminis tration ini tiated some changes to a few words wh ich are tending to be regarded as o f fensive

by s ome o f the educated p apua and New Gu ineans .

For this

282

P . MUHLHA USLER reason the Administration should offi cially di scourage the i r use , and encourage the use of suitable alternative s .

The words concerned are di scussed in some detail by Healey

They include :

previous socially loaded words

bo i me r i mi s i s ma s t a ma n k i ma s ta kanaka

suggested new

word

ma n wuma n , ge l wuma n , ge l ma n dome s t i k p i po l , ma nme r i

( n . d . : 10ff) .

gloss

indigene in European emp loyment indigenous woman or girl white woman or girl European man house servant indigenes

Common to a l l j udgements about good and bad varieties of Tok P i s i n d i s cussed

so far is that they are limited to very small subparts of the language as a whole , mainly lexical i tems . The reason for this i s no doubt that lexical i tems (words ) are most readily associated by the layman with good and bad language . Thus ,

whi lst it is pos s ib le to have an obscene word , obscene syntactic structure .

it i s hardly possible to have an

Language j udgements about words are thus concerned primarily with the con­

notative aspects of Tok P i s in and only to a limited extent with its communicative Howeve r ,

aspects .

it would seem that the main function of Tok P i s i n is that o f

providing a n easy means o f intertribal and cros s-language communicat ion and that j udgemen ts about good or bad pidgin should be concerned primarily with this aspect . Serious attempts to deal with this aspect only began to appear in the mid- 19 70s . Apart from the l i te rature concerned with l anguage planning

di scussed e l sewhere in th i s volume)

with the commun icative e f ficiency of Tok P i s i n . Franklin

(which w i l l be

there are two articles dealing speci fically The first one is a study by

( 1 9 7 5 ) , which i l lustrates that a large proportion of newly introduced

Tok Pi sin terms in a leaflet on coffe e growing are mi sunders tood by a s i gni ficant number of readers , and that the same is true ,

to a more l imited extent ,

unde rstanding of allegedly firmly establi shed Tok P i sin i tems .

for the

Franklin appears to suggest that Tok Pi sin a lone is not capab le of handling

the communicative requi rements of Papua New Guinea society and that i t should be s upplemented by both the vernacular and Engl i sh . Attempts to make Tok P i s i n carry a l l in formation result in communicat ion breakdown .

It seems to fo l low that

Tok Pi sin i s ' good only for a limited number of domains and functions . One could argue on the basis o f thi s article that a di st inction could be made between ' good '

Tok P i s in ,

i.e.

the l anguage used in i ts proper s etting and

' bad ' ad hoc Tok

pisin , i . e . Tok P i s in used in inappropriate context s . However , such a view fails to consider the rapid functional and structural e xpansion o f the language for the ma j ority of i ts speakers . Frank l in does not stand alone with this claim howeve r ,

and Chatterton in the

Pacific Islands Monthl y ( November 1 9 7 5 ) remarks on Tok P i s in as used in the House o f Assembly :

I have suffered too much during long hours spent in l i stening I am convinced to pidgin speeches in the House o f Assembly . that Pidgin is not a sui table medium for the di scussion o f pol i tical or economic problems .

Chatterton fail s to see that the use of a language in a new domain or a new medium will involve certain initial di fficult i e s . The po l i tical terminology

GOOD AND BAD ¥IDGIN

283

developed b y H u l l ( 1968) for parliamentary procedures and the growing pre s sure for more e ff i c ient communication i n Tok Pi s in will no doubt increase the value o f this language i n the parliamentary setting .

A much more s erious matter than temporary lack of referential power is the

problem of large-scale dis integration of Tok P i s in as a result of continued bor­ rowing from Engl i sh . a)

This dis integration is due to two main l inguistic principle s :

In times o f rapid upward social mob i l ity speakers from a lower

social class tend to unsys tematically borrow forms from socially superior l anguage varieties or language s .

b ) Whereas normal language deve lopment results i n more natural and more regular forms of speech , l arity and unnaturalness .

language contact leads to i r regu­

The greater the di stance between the

l i ngui s t i c systems or subsystems in contact ,

the structural consequence s .

In a programmatic statement Wurm

ments in Tok p i s i n :

the more severe are

( 1976 : 1 ) draws attention to these develop­

It is because o f this structural di f fe rence between pidgin and

Engl i sh that straight borrowing from Engl ish can lead to the

disintegrat ion of the pidgin structure and the pidgin lexical

system and can cause s erious mi sunde rs tandings in communi cation . The dis integrat ion proce s s has already as sumed fairly serious

proportions i n a variety of pidgin spoken in the big urban centres . . . .

Among those expatriates who are aware o f this problem there are three bas ic schoo l s of opinion : a)

Those who maintain that the language should be l e ft alone and

that any form o f Tok P i s i n i s as good as any other form . Chatterton ( 19 7 3 : 24) maintains : Th i s

(i.e.

language engineering)

have grown in the past .

b)

Thus ,

i s not the way that languages

Usage - the usage of ordinary people ,

not o f academics - has decided what i s , or is not ' correct ' . . . ' correct ' New Guinea Pidgin is what New Guineans actually say when they talk to one another , not what the experts think they ought to say .

Those who would like to see Tok P i s in preserved in the form of a

con s e rvative Rural Pidgin . In a l e tter to the Post Courier ( 19 July 1 9 7 3 ) M . C . Plummer comments on this view , a l l egedly held by A . Bal i nt : With a wave of his lingui stic wand he would freeze the pidgin tongue in that wondrous , golden age , when J . J . Murphy was a

mere budling , in that era when ( to the de l ight o f the initiat e s ) ba i rn meant pay , pe i rn meant se l l , se l i rn meant send, ba r a t a

o ften po ssessed mammalia and

s i sta

wore phallocrypt ,

and s i u b i rn

meant push . . . . To suggest that at any given stage in thi s proce s s , a lan­ guage is somehow qualitatively more pure o r perfect than at others , plausible though it seems , is a piece o f spurious l i ngui st i c nonse n s e .

There a r e probably only few wr i te r s who adhere t o such a n extreme

v i ew , but it is e asy to find i so l ated examples of prescr iptive

P.

284

MUHLHA USLER

statements about Tok Pisin . A course which abounds in examples s adler i s un tangled New Guinea pidgin by W . Sadler ( 1 9 7 3b ) . ( p . 98)

re j ects the use of

ta i m

to mean

when remarking that i t is

" the least de s i rable" o f a number o f given alternative s .

The

j usti f i cat ion for h i s judgements appears to be the fact that to

ta i m

use

in this construction is un-Me lane s i an .

However ,

it has

been in use in Tok P i si n for a very long time and there is no

reason for as suming that Tok Pisin syntax i s more Me lanesian than English . In stead , as I have tried to show e l sewhere , it is by­

c)

and-l arge the result of independent development rather than borrowing.

Those who aim to reconcile the requirement that Tok pisin must

rema in an e f fi cient means o f communication with the inevitabi lity

of l ingu i s ti c change . Proponents of this view, for instance Wurm and the present author , would dist inguish between ' good ' or

natural deve lopment which is in agreement with the general devel­

opmental te ndencies of the l anguage ,

and ' bad ' or unnatural growth

resulting from exce ssive borrowing of incompatible material .

Such a view would imply that borrowing is legi timate as long as the borrowed items can be readily integrated into the exi sting system .

Wurm

The be st chance for linguistic developmen t ,

( 1977c)

and lexicon from more advanced language .

as seen by

is that of internal borrowing , borrowing o f syntax ( e . g.

creo l i sed)

varieties of the

Such borrowing would strengthen the coherence of Tok

Pisin . Instead o f spl i tting up into two separate systems , the traditional and the heavily angl i c i sed , there would be a s i ngle

system where the less developed subsystems would be genuine sub­

parts of the more developed planned variety . It has been argued e l sewhere that it is perfectly pos sible to anticipate much of Tok

P i s in ' s future natural deve lopment , whereas it is much less c lear what l ingu i st i c consequences would re sult from ' unnatura l ' borrowin g . Expatriates have been attacked , particularly i n recent years ,

for meddling with a language which does not belong to them but to the P apua New Guineans ( e . g . Chatterton 1 9 7 3 : 2 4- 2 5 ) . It would therefore seem inte res t i ng to contrast European pronouncements

about good and bad pidgin with those made by P apua New Guineans .

3.3.4

I N D I GENOUS ATT I TUDES TO GOOD AND BAD P I DG I N

3.3.4.1

General a t t i tudes

The most remarkable dif ference between expatriate and indigenous views on

good and bad pidgin is the absence o f statements on correctness and , until very recently , words with obscene etymologies . In stead , the bulk o f expre ssed attitudes towards aspects of Tok Pi sin are directed towards a ) the communicative e ffi ciency and b) the social de si rability of certain express ions . The s ituation thus i s comparable t o that found among the Gbeya b y Samarin ( 19 69 : 3 2 3 ) : " There i s bad speech and good spe e ch , but bad speech is what causes trouble between people . " Th i s i s quite di f ferent from many European societies wh�re good and bad speech is determined with r e ference to some abstract system of socially approved

Papua New Guineans , on the whol e , tend to be very norms of lingui stic usage . tolerant in language matters and , whilst it is often as sumed that one ' s own var­ iety of Tok Pi sin is the best or pure st , other varieties are not looked down upon or called bad , unl e s s they are bordering on the unintell igible .

285

GOOD AND BAD PIDGIN In recent years ,

under the impact of rapidly increasing l i teracy in Tok P i s i n ,

there is a tendency towards recogn i s ing the written Tok Pi sin ,

Nupela Testamen or Wantok , as a kind o f standard .

as found in the

The influence of written Tok Pi sin is a lso enhanced by the nume rous Tok P i s in Skuls ( c f . Z i nke l 1977 : 691-701) i n all parts o f Papua New Guinea .

Aga i n ,

i t appears that the positive fee lings

towards the conservative written form are due to the fact that this lect of the language is most widely understood .

Wi th the arrival o f s e l f- government and independence there has been a marked

trend away from European or Australian values and th i s has also been felt in the area of lingu i stic attitude s .

Mos t pronounced is the growing reluctance to recog­

n i s e Tok Masta , the reduced ' ki tchen ' variety of Tok Pi sin ( c f . Muhlhaus ler as a mode l on which to improve one ' s performance in Tok P i s in .

1981b ) ,

As no systematic studies on ind i genous attitudes towards d i f ferent types of

Tok P i s i n are avai lable ,

tions made on this point .

I shall present a preliminary class i f i c ation o f observa­

The atti tude o f speakers o f the more advanced varieties of Tok P i s i n towards

Bush pidgi n ,

is,

as far as I could obse rve , one of tolerance , but it is generally

' t oktok b r u k b r u k nabaut to speak in incoherent bits ' i pau l pronunciation is unclear ' are in a transit ional

understood that speakers who

or wh ose state .

' maus b i l ong

en

There are , howeve r ,

varie t i e s of Tok P i s in , papuan s .

some d i f ferences in attitudes towards l e ss developed

in particular attitudes towards the Tok P i s i n spoken by

In this case , the lack of pro ficiency in Tok Pi sin i s often seen by New Guineans as an i ndi cation of deficiencies of character . Rew remarks : ' Papua ' versus

social l i fe .

' New Guin ea '

i s a recurrent theme in Port Moresby

It derives largely from contrasted histories o f

admi nistrative and e conomi c development and pol itical status .

For most migrants from the Trust Terri tory ,

the oppos i t ion

finds its most readily understood expres s i on in be l i e f s about It lan guage d i f ferences and d i f ferences in economic ethos . i s almo s t a n axiom o f daily parlance that Papuans a r e people wh o speak Motu and no Pidgin , or at best a highly bastardized

form o f i t , whi l e New Guineans all speak Pidgin fluently and with a f l air for idiom . Furthermore , almo s t every New Guinean I d i scussed the i ssue with be l ieved ( and was sure that other New Guineans agreed) that Papuans were lazy . ( Rew 1974 : 79 )

Un fortu,n ately ,

methods of re s e arch .

these observations have not been supported by more formal

A stati sti cal comparison of changing attitudes about lan­

guage and character in a s ituation such as Port Moresby should be of considerable interest to language planners . They should also take into account that language attitudes can change considerably over a relatively short period of time . This i s i l lustrated by the change in attitudes towards Tok Masta .

In the first decades o f Tok P i sin ' s deve lopment few indi genous speakers rea l i sed that their language d i f fered from that spoken by the Europeans . I n fac t ,

for a long time Tok P i sin was called Tok Va i t i ma n by the Papua New Guineans . Judgements about correctness and good and bad varieties can only develop once the speakers o f a pidgin see it as an independent language .

100) :

Reinecke remarks

( 19 3 7 :

2 86

P . MUHLHA USLER But when , owing to clo ser and more frequent contacts with the other party ,

a group that has been speaking a trade j argon

comes to real ize that it has been using a sub - standard dialect , it reacts in accordance with its attitudes regarding " correct"

speech, much as do the speakers o f a creole dialect . In thi s case the change to a recogn i sed language i s quicker and

e a s i er , because they have no attachment to this s upplementary tongue .

This s tage has been reached in the Chinese ports ;

it was be ing reached among the Rus sian s who traded to northern Norway ; it is beginning to be evident in parts of we s t Africa ;

but in Melanesia it i s barely apparent among a very few natives of the thousands who speak Beach- la-mar .

Commen ting on Reinecke ' s observations a few years later ,

Reed

s i gni ficant change in the pattern o f indigenous attitude s :

( 194 3 : 288)

notes a

We now find , howeve r , that the terms tok p i j i n and tok bo i are part o f the speech and stand in contrast to tok p l es

b i l ong wa i t ma n and tok p l e s b i l ong Sydney which designate true Engli sh . This dis tinction impl i e s the general acceptance by natives of pidgin ' s subordinate position . More direct con f i rmation was given by a Kwoma informant who , laughing at his own naivete , told how he had believed pidgin to be the

white man ' s speech " true " b e fore he had been recruited . But even be fore he had learned pidgin for hims el f , he had been disabused o f the notion that the white

speech of the i r own .

However ,

ma s t a

had no other

it i s a long way from the realisation that one is speaking an

independent langu age to the deve lopment of metalinguistic abi l ities . fun c t ions in which Tok P i s in is used ,

Among the

the metalinguistic function developed very

late and made i tse l f felt only after World War I I , when the first reports of

indigenes making a distinction between Tok P i sin as spoken by themselves and that In 1 9 5 6 (p . 2 7 6 ) Mead refers to " . . . me n who have spoken by Europeans are found .

been away at work for a long time and are able to make fine di stinctions between Neome lanesian ( = Tok P i s i n ] a s the European speaks it and Neome lanesian as spoken among themselve s . " The s ame author remarks about an inte rviewee ( Mead 1 9 5 6 : 2 2 5 ) : "He could answer slowly , with experience o f the ways in which Europeans spoke The first mention that indigenes actually disapprove of the Pidgin English . " expatriate variety of Tok Pi sin is found in Wurm 1969 : 3 7 :

" Indigenes

. . . are

becoming increas i ngly critical o f the mistakes made by Europeans speaking the language and ' o f the incorrect Pidgin of many Europeans in general . " The name

' Tok Masta '

appears to be o f quite recent origin .

I t reflects the

growing se l f - awareness of the Papua New Guineans i n the years preceding indepen­

dence and a more critical atti tude towards the ways of the expatriate population . The following statement by s . Piniau ( 1 9 7 5b : 9 6 ) stands representative for the vi ews o f many educated Papua New Guinean s :

Expatriates are mi staken i f they think that Tok P i sin cannot be used to expr ess everything we l l .

I f they find d i f f iculty

in expre s s i ng themselve s , it is because they e ither do not know Tok P i s in we ll or they s t i l l think and formulate their ideas in the ir own native language .

287

GOOD AND BAD PIDGIN

I t is generally reali sed that the presen t-day speakers of Bush Pidgin

the broken Tok P i s i n used by the inhabitants o f recently

areas )

' opened-up '

(i.e.

outlying

will eventua l l y become part of the larger Tok P i s in- speaking community .

Fee l i ngs regarding Tok Masta are d i f ferent .

Thus ,

it is

' bad '

margi nally inte l l i gible to the average speaker of Tok P i s i n ,

because it is only

and because it has

come to be a symbol of those Europeans who do not wish to integrate with the Papua

New Guinean society :

I cannot help but see the many evidences of bad Pidgin as

used by some expatriates as a symptom of their condescending

attitude towards people in this country . ( letter by

L . Brouwer in the Post Courier o f 9 July 19 7 3 )

The attitudes towards Urban Pidgin are much more ambiguous than those towards

Tok Masta . On the one hand Urban Pidgin represents a pre stige varie ty , spoken by those who hold desirab le j obs and who l ive in de s i rable place s . On the other hand , Urban P idgin is ' bad ' because there is decreasing inte l l igibi lity between

this and other varieties of the language and consequently the danger of developing

social divi sion . summari ses thi s :

The following extract from a letter to

Wantok ( 10 July 1976)

P l a n t i t a i m m i s a ve l u k i m Wa n t ok N i u s pepa na s ampe l a ma n n a me r i i save tok i n g l i s , ta i m 0 1 i ra i t i m pas . I no m i n o l s em 0 1 i l a i k t ru l on g ra i t i m pa s , t a s o l 0 1 i l a i k so i m 0 1 i save i n g l i s moa l ong tok p i s in . . . .

I often observe in Wantok News­ paper that some men and women use English expressions when they are writing letters. They don ' t real ly want t o write a letter, they just want to show that they know English better than Pidgin .

S ampe l a ta i m , a s b i l ong tok i no kamap gut t a i m y u p u t i m tok i n g l i s i n sa i t . . . . Y u no ken p u t i m hap i ng l i s i n s a i t . Em i krank i . O ra i t , Tok P i s i n em i p i s i n n a tok I ng l i s em i i ng 1 i s . Tupe 1 a i no ken abus i m w a n t a i m . Tupe l a i mas wanwan s t re t . No ken p a u l i m naba u t 0 1 wa n tok .

Sometimes, the meaning of an expression is not clear when you use English words in it . . . . You must not put in English words . It is stupid. We l l, Tok Pisin is Tok Pisin an English is English . The two must not mix . Each must remain separate . You must not confuse your fe l low speakers .

The s ame complaint is

found in many other letters and has often been expre ssed

by my i n fo rman ts . The consequences o f unrestricted borrowing from English have been out lined very clearly by Mr Yaliali in a letter to Wantok ( 3 May 1 9 7 2 ) :

Sa pos y u m i mek i m d i s pe l a pas i n nogu t , ba i b i ha i n tok p i s i n b i l o ng bus na tok p i s i n b i l on g t a un t u pe l a i kamap n a raka i n t r u . . . . Nogut yumi hamba k nabaut n a baga ra p i m tok p l e s b i l ong y u m i o l os em .

If we indulge in this bad habit then Rural Pidgin and Urban Pidgin wi l l become quite different lan­ guages . Thus, Pidgin wi l l real ly become fragmented. Let 's not mess about and thus ruin our conunon language .

Good and bad talk for most users of Tok P i s in i s closely asso ciated with inte l l i g­

i b i l i ty and communicative e f fi ciency .

I n di scuss ing thi s problem many of my in­

forman ts have refe rred to an earlier period i n which Tok Pisin was less clear and less e f ficien t . I want· to i l lustrate this with two quotation s :

288 ( 1)

P. MUHLHA USLER Raka o f Tumam Vi l l age , East Sepik Province near Dreikik i r ,

commen ts on the

variable pro ficiency in Tok Pi sin in earlier days and in the present

B ra ta b i l on g m i pe l a 0 1 i go l ong s t es i n , 0 1 i k i s i m s a ve l ong s t es i n , 01 i kam bek , ma r i t , 01 i tok p i s i n . Na m i pe l a s a ve s amt i ng i k l i a l ong en , m i pe l a i save . Ta s o l s amt i ng i no k l i a l on g e n , i h a t 1 i k l i k , m i pe l a mas a s k i m 0 1 tok , d i s pe l a s amt i ng ko l i m o l s em wa nem? O r a i t , 0 1 i tok : D i s pe l a s amt i ng em Tok P i s i n 0 1 i ko l i m o l s em . O ra i t , i go i go i go i g o , woa i kamap , o ra i t , m i pe l a k l i a g u t l ong Tok P i s i n .

( 19 7 3 ) :

My brothers went to the Govern­ ment station. They acquired know­ ledge on the station, they returned, got married, they spoke Pidgin. And the meaning of some expressions Was clear to us, we knew i t . But some expressions were uninte l lig­ ib le, they were difficult, and we asked our brothers : Hey, what do you cal l this, and they would answer: This is how it is ca l led in Tok Pisin . We l l, this went on for some time, then the war came and we knew Tok Pisin pretty we l l .

( 2 ) Joseph K . from Lorengau , Manus Province makes the fol lowing remarks about

Tok Pi sin as spoken in German time s :

Namb awan toktok l ong t a i m Jeman i kam 0 1 i b i n i us i m , 0 1 i b i n i us i m t a i m p I es i t udak yet , i no g a t man b i l on g m i i s ave p ren g u t l on g 0 1 wa i tma n . . . . Sampe l a 0 1 i b i n i u s i m t a s o l m i p e l a tete l a i k t ra i i m l a i n i m i h a t t umas i o l sem p l an t i i no k ra i gu t . O ra i t , 0 1 i b i n l us i m d i s p e l a toktok b i l on g b i po t a s o l , i no g u t pe l a toktok t umas .

The first variety of speech was used in German times, they used it when our vi l lage was still uncivil­ ised, when there was none of us who made friends with the white man . Some men used this variety but when we today try to learn it it is very difficult and it is as if many things are not expressed properly . We l l, they have now given up this speech of the old days, it was not a very good lan­ guage .

An important cons ideration in assessing the potential for language planning

for Tok Pisin is the acceptabil ity of lingu i s t i c change . Attitudes of older speakers towards the rapidly developing creoli sed varieties o f Tok P i s i n would

provide an inte resting test case . At present we only have very l imited anecdotal evidence of these . Sankoff ( 19 7 5 b : 10 7 ) reports that s econd- language speakers of Tok P i si n in urban areas tend to comment favourably on the l ingui stic per formance of their children who are native speakers . However , I have observed cases o f d i s approval and active dis couragement o f innovations b y adults in conservative The unwritten norms of second-l anguage Tok P i s i n appear to exercise rural areas . considerable pressure .

On Manus I s lan d ,

adult second-generation native speakers

of Tok P i s i n did not speak very di fferently from adult second-language speakers ,

whi lst their children spoke a much faster and more complex varie ty . Thus , the l ingui stic progress accompanying the nativisat ion of a pidgin is constrained by

outside factors , in particular i ts usefulness as a means of communi cation with a speech community .

3.3.4.2

Atti tudes towards i nd i v i dua l expre s s i ons

Whereas in t h e past react ions against individual words or expre s s ions were typically those o f Europeans who ob j e cted against the use of words related to

English four-letter words ,

in more recent times one can observe a dramatic increase

2 89

GOOD AND BAD PIDGIN in indigenous comments on the appropriateness of Tok P i s in words .

principal criteria o f whether a word is good or bad are a)

Again ,

the

whe ther it contributes

to social harmony and b ) whether i t is unders tood by a reasonable proportion o f The fol lowing quotations i l lustrate th i s :

the speech commun ity . (a)

remarks concerned with socially damaging words :

( 1 ) the use o f kuk cook ins tead o f me r i wife , to s i gnal the in ferior status o f

women :

S ampe l a man em 0 1 i s a ve ko l i m 0 1 me r i b i l on g 0 1 o l s em kuk b i l ong At i n g p l en t i l on g y u fe l a i 01 . s a ve ha r i m d i s pe l a ka i n tok t u ? So r i b ra t a , y u h u s a t m a n y u s a ve k o l i m me r i b i l ong y u o l s em kuk b i l on g y u , o ra i t a t i ng y u ma s ba i i m em l on g o l geta pot n a i t l ong man i . . . . ( unpub l i shed letter to

Some men cal l' their wives ' cook ' . A lot of you have perhaps heard this expression . MY dear brother, if you cal l your wife your cook you better pay her fortnight ly wages .

Wan tok newspaper , 1974)

( 2 ) the insults g ra s l a i n grass cutter, hi l lb i l ly and sme l bek someone who fi l ls copra in bags, a sme l ly person, hil lbi l ly :

G ras l a i n , s me l bek . P l a n t i t a i m m i s ave h a r i m hap tok h i a : Ko l i m 0 1 man i n o b i n i g a t g u t pe l a ed ukesen o 0 1 man i s a ve wok l on g 01 p l an­ tesen 0 01 ma n i s ave stap l on g p l es (0) 0 1 ma n i s a ve s a k i m kop ra l on g sme l bek na g ra s l a i n . . . . D i s p e l a ka i n tok o l sem i no pas i n b i l ong b u n g . Em i n ap k i rap i m t ra be l , l aka . ( l ette r to

Wantok , 15 November 1 9 7 2 )

Grasscutter and sme lly person . I have heard these expressions many time s . This is now they ca l l people with litt le education o r the workers on a p lantation or the vi l lagers in their home vil lages or the people who fi l l copra in bags, sme l ly peop le and grass­ cutters . These expressions do not promote unity, they mean troub le, you see .

( 3 ) the word s t u p i t used a s an insult for uneducated Papua New Guineans :

M i h a r i m s ampe l a s k u l p i k i n i n i i s ave tok s t up i t l on g 0 1 ma n na me r i i no s a ve go s k u l b i po . D i s pe l a pas i n i no g u t pe l a l ong yum i o l geta sku l p i k i n i n i .

( b)

( unpubl i s hed lette r to

I hear some schoolchi ldren refer to peop le with no school education as 'stupid ' . This is not a good thing to say for us schoolchi ldren.

Wantok , 1 9 7 4 )

remarks on words which are misl eading or uninte l l igible :

( 4) There are s i gn i fi cant d i f ferences in the various names for motor vehi cles . ka r , s i p ( from Jeep ) , or t e k s i in di f­

Thus a saloon car may be referred to as ferent parts of the coun try .

Many speakers do not di stinguish between

t ra k

truck and t r a k t a tractor . The fol lowing unpublished lette r to Wantok , written in 19 7 1 , deplores the use o f t ra k t a tractor instead of taks i sma l l car, taxi :

M i b i n ha l i m p l an t i man na me r i 0 1 i save ko l i m t a ks i l on g t ra k t a , t a so l m i t i n g d i s pe l a pas i n i no s t ret l ong t i ng t i ng b i l on g m i .

I hear many people cal l ' tractors ' , but this is to my way of thinking. does not produce wealth

taxis not right A taxi for us,

290

P . MUHLHA USLER

Taks i i no s ave g l v l m ma n i l ong y u m i , y um i save s pe n i m ma n i l ong taks i Na t ra k t a i s ave g i v i m man i l ong y um i t a i m em i b r u k i n g raun . . . .

we spend our money on taxis . . . but a tractor gives us money when it is used for p loughing.

( 5 ) The express ion g i v i m be l in the meaning spiritual love or devotion has caused impregnate,

con side rab l e controve rsy as for most speakers g i v i m be l means to cause to be pregnant . This ambiguity could have been avoided i f

m i t o surrender

g i v i m b e l b i l on g

my soul had been chosen for spiritual love . One o f the many writers de aling with this unfortunate expres s ion is Mr E . Sarugum in a letter to Wantok dated 6 Novembe r 1974 :

M i s a ve h a r i m wanpe l a h a p tok l ong Ba i be l n a i no s a ve s t ret l ong t i ng t i ng b i l ong m i . H a p tok h i a G i v i m Be l na t i ng t i ng b i l ong m i , i m i n o l s em y u g l v l m be l l on g me r i na ba i mer i i ka r i m pi ki n i n i . . . . M i t i ng 0 1 b i kman b i l ong s i os i mas t ra i i m na s en i s i m . 0 1 i ma s se n i s i m na tok La i k i m .

I often hear an expression in the Bible which is not correct accord­ ing to my way of thinking. This expression is ' g i v i m be l ' and to me this means to make a woman pregnant so that she wi l l give birth to a child. I fee l the 'big men ' of the church must try to replace this expression with ' l a i k i m ' (= to like, be fond of) ·

( 6 ) The following comment on somebody ' s use of the loan a n a u n s emen announcement o f tok s a ve was recorded at the University of Papua New Guinea in 1976 .

instead

It i l lustrates that the use of

' prestige ' vocabulary can backfire :

Ya , man ya , i tok wanem? H u sa t ? Noga t , em i tok anaun seme n t a so l , em i tok a - naun- se -men . M i l a i k tok i m l i k l i k a n a u n s emen - i no l a i k tok- s ave ( general laughte r ) . Ka i n b i l on g 0 1 b i kman y a dey been h ea r i n g i t f rom somewhe re , n a nau 01 i l a i k yus i m i t - a , toksave , a ! Tok s a ve i s good , i t exp l a i n s eve ry­ t h i n g , toksave ! Toksave , h e l a i k y u s i m h a t wot ya , anaunseme n , a n a u n s emen . ( Laught e r ) I te1 1 you , h e doe s n ' t know what i t mea n t .

And what did this man say ? Who ? You know who I mean, he said ' anaun seme n ' , he said ' a - naun- se­ men ' . I want to make a litt le ' a n a un s eme n ' , not a toks ave ( general laughte r ) . It 's typical of these prominent vil lagers - they been hearing it from somewhere, and now they a l l want to use it - you know, toksave ! Tok save i s good, i t ex­ plains everything, toksave; he wanted to use a difficult word,

, a n a u n s eme n , anaun s emen ' .

( Laughter)

I te l l you, he doesn ' t know what it meant.

Other lexical i tems which have been frequently commented upon by my i n form­ ants inc lude h a r i m sme l to notice a sme l l instead of the more widely accepted s me l i m s me l , the use of pop i Catholic instead of the more acceptable ka t o l i k and the use of pus i m to mean to push rather than to have intercourse with. S ome of my educated in formants also ob j e cted to redupli cated forms such as toktok to talk or t i n t i ng to think. On the who l e , however , the numbe r of lexical i tems of Tok Pisin whose status is in debate remains very low . I have found that the only r e l i able statements about good or bad language can be obtained in the area of the l exi con . Testing the grammat i c a l i ty or accep­

tab i l i ty of pronunci ations or syntactic constructions is extremely d i f ficult .

I

GOOD AND BAD PIDGIN

291

personally decided t o give up working with test sentences and questionnaires a s i t was vi rtually impossible t o get j udgements about decontextuali sed sentences .

I found it equally di f f i cult to get consistent j udgements on taped texts which I

pl ayed to a number o f test persons .

It would seem that the metalingu i s t i c cap­

acity and/or intere st of Papua New Guinean Tok P i sin speakers di f fers considerably from that of an ave rage educated European . However , more detailed and more sys tem­

atic research in this area is badly neede d .

3.3.5

CONCLUSI ONS I have maintained that : a)

b)

i t i s possible in principle to lay down a set of lingu i s t i c

c r i t e r i a for t h e evaluation o f language ;

and

value j udgemen ts made by dif ferent users of the language at d i f­ ferent t ime s are not necess ari ly identica l .

There appears t o b e a s i gn i f i cant di fference between the j udgements made by

professional lingu i sts

( in particular language planners )

and l aymen and there is

an even greater d i s crepancy between the criteria for a value j udgement used by the

Papua New Guineans and expatri ates .

The present study is only prel iminary and should be supplemented with more

systematic research in th i s are a .

Value j udgements and language attitudes need

to be known to l anguage planners if they want to succe s s fully implement their recommendations .

4.

THE GRAMMAR AND PHONOLOGY OF TOK PISIN

Mühlhäusler, P. "Good and bad pidgin: nogut yu toktok kranki". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:275-291. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.275 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

4.1

P H O N O LOGY : S UB STRATUM E LEM E N TS I N TO K P I S I N P H O NO LOGY D o n Laycock

4. 1 . 1

I NTRODUCT I ON A substra tum imp l i e s a superstrate .

P i s in has come from English ,

s i nce the bulk of the lexicon of Tok

the superstrate phonology a l so derives from Engl ish .

The phonology o f individual speakers of Tok P i s i n varies from heavily an g l i c i sed ( in the sense o f mak ing most o f the vowe l and consonant di stinctions o f En g l i sh ) t o what may be called a ' core ' phonology ( in the s en s e that i t i s shared b y vir­

tually all speakers o f Tok P i s in ) . It i s thi s core phonology which is taken as the basis for di scussing the further mod i fi cations made by Tok Pi sin speake rs who l are sti l l influenced by the i r own languages .

4.1.2

TOK P I S I N CORE PHONOLOGY Laycock ( 1 9 7 0 c : xiv-xvi )

di scus s e s Tok P i s i n phono logy in relation to Eng l i sh

A better idea of the relat ionship between the two systems can be seen in Table 1 , which l i s ts the principal deve lopments of English phonemes in

ortho graphy .

Tok P i s i n in more detail than was po s s ible in the ear l i er work .

Voiced consonants

sub j ect to final devo icing are given for both initial and final pos ition s ;

medial

corre spondence s are the same as the initial one s . Where there i s variation , it i s usually conditioned - thus Eng l i sh j i s more l ikely to be found as Tok P i s i n

before /a/ and /0/ than before other vowels ( but note s a s judge ) . No account is taken o f hi storical deve lopment , al though there are some obvious examples ; the equiva lence of Tok Pi sin b to English f in b i l a s decoration is clearly archaic , while the modern equivalent o f Engl i sh f i s more likely to be spelt f ( in words

si

l ike fa i v five , Fe b r ue r i February ) , even though many speakers of Tok P i s i n w i l l s t i l l pronounce [ p ] . The vowe ls show considerably more variation , and consequently

l e s s predictab i l i t y ; but most possibi l i ties are set out in the chart . No al lowance is made , however , for words occurring in written Tok P i sin which simply copy the Engl i sh orthography .

S . A . Wurm and P . Muhlhau s l er , eds Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pi dgin) , 2 9 5- 30 7 . Pacific Lingui stics , C- 7 0 , 1984 . ©

Don Laycock

Laycock, D. "Phonology: substratum elements in Tok Pisin phonology". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:295-307. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.295 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

295

296

DON LA YCOCK

CONSONANTS : E

TP

Examp l e s

p

p

pig tongue

C k

pik

E

TP

Examples

b

b

boat

-

dog

- dok

done

-

p -

tang

rot

-

sas

sI

judge Japan

9

9

go bag

-

v

b

veranda - v e ra n d a fa l v five

J

chain church

-

s l os

keel

-

ki

friend flash

-

b

shame shirt

- sem

si

think

-

t l ng l m

1\

san

k

p

e

I

p ren

tan

-

sen

sI

bot

road -

s

d

d

?

k

p

- b i l as

S i apan go

- bek

z

s l ot

brothel' - b a r a t a - n a rape l a other

s

sun

-

z

s

razor

-

resa

m

m

mouth

- maus

n

n

no

-

no

I)

I)

wrong

-

rong

w

w

one

- wan

y

y

young

- y angpe l a

louse

-

rope

-

house

- haus

open eye

- op i m

mb

number

- namba

nd

window

- w l nd u a

n

hand

-

han sen i s

ns

change engine

-

I) g

I) g

finger

-

fish

-

e

bed

e

ei

day wait

- we t

au

house

- haus

111

111 h

rop

h

h

- ha l

CLUSTERS (NOT PERMITTING EPENTHETIC VOWELS) mp

mp

company lamp

m nt

n nc

nis ns

I) k

-

kampan I

-

l am

mountain - ma u n t e n sen cent

nt

I) k

winch

?

- winis

mank l

monkey bank

- beng

mb

nd

n

J

nis

VOWELS AND VOCALIC NUCLEI La

ea

a

- ens i n p i nga

pis

beads

bls

la

beer

bla

e

ea

prayer where

-

p re a

el

fat can

- pat

e a

must

- mas

a:

a

- hat

fight

1)

heart

- pa i t

0 a

dog hot

- hat

a:

0

dirty

- dot i

3L

oi

boy

u

u

cook

e aJ

l a us

a

- we

de l

- ken

ai

al

a

e

potato

- pete i ta

3:

0

- moa

10

ua

law more store

ou

0

boat

- bot

u

u

room

-

oa

aJU

bet

-

dok

bo l

s t ua -

kuk

rum

Tab l e 1 : Tok P i s i n phono l ogy , w i t h Eng l i s h sources

SUBSTRATUM ELEMENTS IN TOK PISIN PHONOLOGY

la

e

297

Th is yields a ' core phono logy ' o f Tok P i s i n which consi sts of five vowe ls i 0 u/ , and the fol lowing consonants : I stops

t

k

b

d

mp

nt

9

�k

mb

nd

�g

m

n

�

P

I I stops

I I I cluste rs

I V clusters V nasa l s

w

VI continuants

y h

5

VI I continuants

�y

VI I I flaps

f

( I X fricative s

�

v

X fricatives

-

J

-

)

)

Tab l e 2 : Tok P i s i n core phonol ogy The lines are numbered for e a s i e r r e ference .

Howeve r ,

the fricative s of l ines IX

and X appe ar as contrastive phonemes only in ang l i c i se d varieties o f Tok P i s in . Speakers whose own languages contain bi labial fricative phonemes

quently symbo li sed a s

these are used at all .

Guinea ,

f

and

v)

commonly use these in place o f

The phoneme

lsi

IfI

I�I

and

lei ( fre­ lvi , when

and

seems rare in languages of Papua New

and speakers o f most languages attempting it w i l l produce

[ 5 ] , [ ts ] , [ t V ] ,

or , occas ional ly , [ y ] . The phoneme IJI is no rma lly rea l i sed as lsi , but speakers of many Sepik-Ramu Phylum languages have a prenasali sed phoneme which is phone tic­

ally [ nJ ] , and this i s sometimes heard ( e spe cially i n the word J i s a s Jesus ) . These phonemes are not further di scusse d , as be i ng marginal to the core phonology of Tok Pis i n . The remaining s e r i e s of the consonant table are now discussed i n turn .

4. 1.2.1

Seri e s I s tops

Most languages in Papua New Guinea have the s e r i e s Ip t kl , and the phoneme s There is some variation in Voiceless stops may also be

are sub j e ct to only minor variation in Tok P i s i n . aspiration , but mostly the stops are unaspirated .

heard glott a l i sed in many H i ghlands areas .

Howeve r ,

one widespread substratum

feature (particularly among speakers of Trans-New Guinea Phylum language s , but not confined to them) is the conve rting of the stops in medial pos i tion to the i r fricative al lophones

[� r x ] .

phonology of Tok Pisin , of I t I and I rl a s [ ( Chown ing 1983 : 19 5 )

r] .

As

[ � ] ( I fI)

and

[x]

d o not occur in the core

this does not lead to confus ion .

does create homonyms , such a s

Howeve r ,

kat i m cut

and

the col lapsing

ka r i m carry

The conve rsion of initial voice l e s s stops into fricative s i s rare , but does occur among speakers of Kwoma ( Sepik-Ramu Phylum) , where Ipl and Ikl are fri catives init i a l ly and stops medi ally ( Kooyers , Kooyers and Bee 1 9 7 1 ) . It i s however un­ likely that younge r Kwoma-speakers continue to show this substratum feature . In final position the stops of Series I are usually unchange d .

In some

dialects of I a tmul and Boiken ( Sepik-Ramu Phylum ; see Laycock 1965 , S taalsen 1966 ) final stops are nasal ly released , as [ pm tn k� ] ; in other dialects of these lan­ guages they are unreleased in f inal posi t ion , and the contrast between them i s

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often neutralised by some speakers . I have heard Iatmul speakers pronounce na i t night as [ na i p l ) , [ na i t 1 ) and [ na i k 1 ) ; this causes homophony with na i p knife ( also reali sed as [ na i p l ) , [ na i t " ) or [ na i k 1 ) ) , and potentially affects a large number of words ending in stops ; but context will usually supply the correct meaning , and this feature , too , like all substratum features , is found less and less among younger speakers of Tok Pi sin . A few languages do not permit final stops of any kind . In Buin ( East Papuan Phylum) , for instance , final stops occur with an echo vowel : p i k i for p i k pig. 2 S i nce this feature now makes the stop intervocalic , it is conceivable that there may be a language with both echo-vowe ls and inte rvocalic fricativi sation , yielding [ p i x i ) - but I have not yet encountered thi s . Anothe r widespread feature is the affrication o f It I to [ t s ) o r ( 5 ) - usually before I i i , sometimes be fore lui , and ( rarely) before la/ . This causes overlap especially in areas where lsi is reali sed as between the phonemes It I and lsi [ t ) ( see below) . This substratum feature is common in many Highlands areas , and throughout central and southern Bougainvi lle ; it is also one of the few substratum phonological features which is frequently encountered in the is land province s . Where this feature ove rlaps wi th the echo-vowel feature , there i s confusion not only between words like s i ng s i ng singfest and t i ng t i ng think , but also between p a t i party and pas letter (both re alised as [ pa t s i ) . Younger Bougainvi l leans however do not show these features . 3 -

4.1.2.2

Seri e s I I stops

I n virtually all varieties of Tok Pisin there i s a second series of stops contrasting with the first serie s . However , the second series are not always the plain stops Ib d g/ ; various substratum rules can produce di fferent realisations . The commonest rules are intervocalic fricativisation , prenasali sation , and de­ voicing . Intervocalic fricativisation (which converts Ib d gl to [ a r y ) is common in Highlands areas and some parts of Sepik , Madang , and Morobe province s , but does not appear to overlap anywhere with the rule of intervocalic fricativisation of Series I stops discussed above . Again , the only possible area of confusion in­ volves d / r - but Idl is relatively uncommon intervocalically in Tok Pisin . Pos­ sible examples include s a i den sergeant and h a i den pagan - when the latter is reali sed as [ ha i ren ) it could be confused with ha i l a n Highland by Tok Pisin speakers who' merge I rl and I I I ( see below) . A reali sation of [ V ) can normally only be interpreted as Igl ( although Ikl is a possibi lity , where fricativisation and voicing take place simultaneously - see above ) ; [ a ) can usually be interpreted only as Ib/ , s ince Tok Pisin speakers who have the phoneme Ivl ( see below) have it only by virtue of a contrast with Ib/ . Far more common is prenasalisation of the voiced serie s , so that Ib d gl are reali sed as [ mb nd Qg ) . This feature is common in Sepik and Madang Provinces , and i n some d iale cts of Kuanua ; it probably occurs in some areas i n all provinces . Prenasal isation in initial position may be weak or absent , but i s always present in intervocalic position . However , Tok Pisin has relatively few instances of Series II s tops in intervocalic pos ition , so that , although prenasalisation of voiced stops makes Series II stops fall together with Series I I I stops , little confusion i s caused . A Sepik who says [ noQ g u t y u i n da i l OQ wanpe l a mb i kpe l a ndok i Qgo mbek l OQ haus mb i l ong y u ) for nog u t yu ( i ) d a i l ong wanpe l a b i kpe l a dok i go bek l ong h a u s

SUBSTRATUM ELEMENTS IN TOK PISIN PHONOLOGY

299

b i l ong yu don ' t get kil led by the big dog who has gone back to your house runs into no danger of misinterpretation . Some words with optional prenasal isation have become almost standard ; ( i ) da i dies is pronounced as [ ( i ) nda i ] in almost all areas . 4 Devoicing of Series II stops could conceivably lead to misunderstandings if there were many contrasts with Series I stops ; however , such contrasts are very few in number . A feature of core Tok Pisin phonology is that the contrast between Series I and Series I I stops is neutralised in final posit ion - or , rather , that voiced stops do not occur finally at al l . The so-cal led ' neutralisat ion ' is seen only in the fact that English words with final stops ( dog, pig, hard) , exist in Tok Pisin only with final voiceless stops ( dok , p i k , h a t ) . In intervocalic posi­ tion , Series II stops are extremely rare ; the preference is clearly for Series I I I (prenasalised) stops in this pos it ion . A l i st of common words fol lows , with their reali sations in Buin and south Bougainville (which has the devoicing rule for fbi , and some times also for /g/; /d/ i s usually reali sed as [ r ] , but sometimes as [ t ] ) .

b abus ba i be l beb i kab i s t rabe l tabak mobe ta n aba u t woka ba u t

Engli sh

Buin

(game ) anima l Bible baby cabbage troub le tobacco better around stro l l

aapus i pa i pe ra peep i kaap i s i t a raapo ro t a pa ko mope t a n a pa u t u wokapa u t u

d oda red i s a i den b rude r h a i de n pa rada i s , pa ra d i so

order ready sergeant (ecclesiastica l ) brother heathen paradise

oora r e re ta i ten i pa r u u t e r e a i ren i 'Va i ten i p a ra r i to

cigar (ette) sugar bad August ruin

s i kaa ra'Vs i ka res i s i u ga noku s i Oog a s i paga raapa'Vpa ka raapa

Tok Pisin

9

s i ga ( ret ) suga nog u t Ogas baga rap

4. 1.2.3

Seri es I I I s to p s

Series I I I stops are in fact clusters of nasal plus homorganic voiceless stop . They occur in only a handful of words in Tok pisin, but are included here as a series because , as clusters , they are not susceptible to the rules for clus­ ters ( vowel epenthesis or reduction) , and because they are only marginally dis­ tinguishable from the stops of Series IV (prenasali sed voiced stops ) , and , by extension , from Series I I stops . A list of almost all words with Series I I I stops is given be low . It will be noticed that there are very few with /mpl and In ti ; I�kl is somewhat more common .

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DON LAYCOCK

mp kampa n i s ampe l a t rampet kamp a s

company some trwnpet compass

nt kan t r i ma u n ten Penteko s

country mountain Pen tecost

I)k anka b l a n ke t don k i man k i monk i k ra n k i tenkyu benk i m

anchor b lanket donkey boy monkey odd thank you bank (money)

The variations that occur with this series are reduction of the cluster , either to nasal or stop , or voicing of the stop element (producing Series IV) . Cluster reduction in medial position is rare in new words taken into Tok P i s in , except in final position : pam pwnp , l am lamp ; kan cunt , pen paint , w i n wind , han hand ; d r i ng drink , t i ng think , i ng ink , beng bank. The last two of these have cornmon alternative pronunciations and spell ings , with final stop : i n k , ben k . When the transitivising suffix is added , restoration of the stop is not uncommon with these two words : i n k i m to ink , benk i m to bank but i ng i m and beng i m are also heard and written . Older and well-establi shed words like d r i n g and t i n g are not usually affected by th is tendency , nor are the words with non-velar nasal elements ( pa m i m to pwnp , pen i m to paint , w i n i m to fan ) , although speakers of angli ci sed varieties of Tok Pisin wi l l sometimes restore the stop in such words . -

Coalescence with the Series IV stops i s shown by fairly frequent variant spellings , especially with the velar series ; we often find t a n g e t / t a n k e t cordy line , k r a n g i /k ra n k i odd , p i n ka/p i n ga finger , kan t i re/kandere mother ' s brother , ma unden/ ma un ten mountain . ( Note also the reverse process : nampa/namba number. ) The spe l l ing ma n g i for ma n k i is rarely found , but is a common alternative pronuncia­ tion ; and , in fact , all examples cited above can be heard with Series IV stops , particularly (but not exclusively) in Sepik and Madang areas . Variation between [ I) g ] and [ k ] seems to be confined to ma ngas/ma ka s hibiscus . Not all orthographic mp/ n t /n k nece ssarily re flect the above serie s ; compounds l ike s a n kamap dawn and wanka i n may be pronounced with alveolar as we l l as velar nasals , and I have not heard the compound wan tok friend as [ wa ndok ] , suggesting that the morpheme boundary preserves a cluster of two separate phoneme s . On the other hand , han gamap hang is pronounced as [ ha l)amap ] , [ ha l)kama p ] or [ hal) gamap ] ; the orthography refl ects English , but it i s hard to be sure what is the under­ lying form . Compounds with wan- (wanpe l a one , wanp i s loner) frequently have the nasal assimil ated to the fol lowing stop , and can then fol low the rule of coales­ cence with Series IV; I have heard [ wambe l a ] and [ wamb i s ] for these words .

4.1.2.4

Ser i es I V stops

The prenasali sed stops of Series IV are unaffected in most varieties of Tok Pisin . Theoretica lly , they could be affected by a denasalisation rule (producing Series II stops ) , a destopping rule (producing nasals) , or a devoicing rule (pro­ ducing Series I I I stops) ; however , only the first of these rules is encountered , and that only in those New Britain/New I reland languages that have plain ( Series I I ) stops in their own languages , rather than the prenasali sed series . words most affected are those words from Kuanua and other New Ireland/New Britain languages which have prenasali sed stops in one dialect or language , and plain stops in another - especially bembe/bebe butterfly , n d a ka/daka betel pepper , t amb u / t a b u forbidden , kambang/kabang lime , t amba ran/taba ran ancestral spirit , t a ranga u/ t a ragau hawk. Words derived from English may also fluctuate where the English

SUBSTRATUM ELEMENTS IN TOK PISIN PHONOLOGY

301

etymon doe s not have the nasal : namb i s/nab i s beach , s i ndaun/s i da u n sit , Tunde/ Tude Tuesday , T r i n de/T r i de Wednesday . In all these words , however , the pronunci ­ ation with the prenasali sed stop i s more common than that without ( except perhaps for ndaka , where the initial prenasali sed stop does not occur in the substratum languages of many speakers) .

4. 1 .2.5

Seri es V n a sa l s

There is little variation in the nasals within Tok P i s in . Some speakers nas al i se vowe ls preceding nasal consonants , and may omit the articulat ion of the nasal consonant altogether ( as [ s a pa l a ] s ampe l a some , [ b I B ] b i l on g of) ; but i t is uncertain whether this is a substratum feature , or a rapid speech development within Tok Pisin i tse l f ( see a l so Laycock 1977b) . In Buin , and mo st i f not all of the East Papuan languages of South Bougain­ ville , a syllabic nasal occurs as a phoneme . This syl labic nasal assimi lates to the position of a following consonan t , and in final position is usually realised as [ 0 ] ; this accounts for common Bougainvi llean pronunc iations of t i ng t i ng think as [ t s i n t s i o ] , or r i O ] for the common Tok Pisin verbal ending - i m : [ r i t s i o ] r i t i m read rhyme s with [ m i t s i o ] m i t i n g meeting. This substratum feature is the subject of some amusement among other Papua New Guineans , and so more and more Bougain­ vil leans are learning to adjust their pronunciat ion . The Rotokas language on Bougainvi lle has no nasals ; i ts consonant phonemes are only /p t k e r g/ ( Firchow and Firchow 1 969) . However , nasal allophones of /e r g/ are common , and Rotokas speakers o ften make substitutions when speaking Tok Pi sin . In my experience they are more l ikely to replace voiced stops by nasals than the other way round , saying [ m i 00 l on g moku ] for m i go l ong Boku I go to Baku which perhaps suggests that it is not the nasals which are mi ssin g in Rotokas , but the voiced stops . -

4. 1.2.6

Seri es V I con t i n u a n ts

The three vo iced continuants of Tok Pisin do not really form a natural set , but are grouped here for convenience . Little substratum influence i s evident with /w/ and /y/ , although for many speakers they may be interpreted as vowels ( see below, under vowe l s ) . With regard to / 1 / , there are two substratum features worth noting : a) the / 1 / i s palatalised ( as [ l Y ] ) by speakers of some languages of the Sepik-Ramu Phylum ( especially the Ndu Family) b) the / 1 / is flapped - often an upward flap if i t contrasts with /r/ (a downward flap) c) the / 1 / is not dist inguished from f r i o The first two features largely pass unnoticed , and cause n o difficulty in communi­ cation . The collapsing of / 1 / and / r/ affects a few minimal pairs ( ra i t i m write/ l a i t i m light , l au s louse/ r a u s out ! , 1 i p leaf/ r i p reef) but few words in Tok Pisin depend on making a contrast betweel / 1 / and / r/ - fortunately so , as this partic­ ular substratum feature is very common , and found in every province of Papua New Guinea .

302

DON LAYCOCK

4.1.2.7

Seri es V I I con t i nuants

In many languages i n Papua New Guinea, the continuant [ s ] is lacking entire ly , or is a membe r of the It I phoneme ( as we have seen in the discuss ion of Series I stops ) . It is often pronounced as an affricate [ t s ] , or as a lamino-palatal [ s Y ] . All these features are re flected in Tok Pisin - the most disturbing for communica­ tion be in g the replacement of lsi by It I ( common in man¥ Highlands areas , in South Bougainvil l e , and also in New I reland and New Britain) . The replacement is even more like ly to occur in s t clusters ; ma t a i tap for ma s t a i s t ap is the European here ? used to be a common question in the Highlands , but such pronunciations are ( Further examples are given by Bee 1972 . ) now confined to older speakers . In Tok Pi sin , Ihl is found only in word-initial position , and rarely , i f eve r , contrasts with i ts absence . Some speakers of Tok pisin , accordingly , begin all words written with Ihl with a vowe l ; others pronounce all words written with initial vowel with an aspirate . For other speakers again , the choice of initial Ihl in common words such as a i /ha i eye , a s /h a s arse seems subj ect to a great deal of variation , and not reducible to rule . Neverthe less , the ma j ority of Tok Pisin speakers achieve considerable consistency in their use of Ih/ , even though it is not a very common phoneme in the substratum language s .

4. 1.2.8

Seri es V I I I fl a p

For most speakers of Tok Pisin the phoneme I rl i s a flap , usually but not always a downward flap . It may contrast with I I I as flap vs . continuant , or as downward vs . upward flap . I n emphatic speech it may b e trilled , but this does not seem a common feature . More important is the inclusion of I rl with the It I phoneme (many Highlands areas ) , or with the Idl phoneme ( south Bougainvi l le) , as di scussed above under the stops .

4. 1.2.9 4.1.2.9.1

Vowe 1 s Fi ve- vowel system

The core phonology of Tok Pi sin is taken as having five vowe ls , as discussed in Laycock 1975 ; but other analyses ( such as that of Laycock 1970c) suggest 1 0 , 1 1 ( Litteral 1970) , o r even 1 2 vowels . The maximum number of vowels encountered in the speech of Tok Pi sin speakers whose phonology is not totally anglicised seems to be 1 2 , as exempli fied by the fol lowing contrasts :

a: e:

i: 0: u:

[a] [e] [i] [0] [ ;:, ] [u]

pat wet nil ko l kot susu

fat wait nai l cold court breast

[a: ] [e] [LJ [ '0 ] [ 3] [ \J ]

hat l et pik dok wok pus pus

hard be lt pig dog work copu late

Nevertheless , minimal pairs are few, so that the pronunciation of speakers who are using more vowels than the basic five usually goes unnoticed - whether the extra vowe ls come from the superstrate English , or from substratum languages . I t i s only when the language has l ess than five vowels ( as is the case with many languages of the Sepik-Ramu Phylum ( Laycock 1965 , 1984d) ) that substratum in fluence might become apparent - but , as pointed out by Laycock ( 1966 ) , the allophonic ranges of systems with less than five vowel s tend to overlap with those

SUBSTRATUM ELEMENTS IN TOK PISIN PHONOLOGY

303

o f five o r more vowels , so that the required vocalic target i s produced without difficulty , though the phonemic interpretation of the system may diffe r . 6 Thus , for instance , the Tok Pi sin vowels /e/ and /0/ , when occurring in loanwords in Sepik-Ramu Phylum languages , are often interpreted as the diphthongs / AY/ and /AW/ - but there is little pos s ibility of confusion , as the diphthongs /e i / and /ou/ probably do not occur in core Tok Pisin phonology . 7

4.1.2.9.2

D i phthongs and vowe l sequences

In many l anguages ( especially , once more , Sepik-Ramu Phylum language s ) no vowel sequences occur , so that the Tok Pisin falling diphthongs /a i a u ea (a 6 i u a/ are interpreted as lay aw eya i ya oy uwa/, and the rising diphthongs / i a i 6 i u / as /ya yo yu/ . The sequence /y i / i s rare in Tok Pisin , perhaps occurring only in y i s yeas t , and /wu/ does not occur at al l ; but both sequences are not uncommon in place-names ( Yil , Wutung) . In some languages in the East Sepik at least , such sequences are more frequent than high-vowe l onsets ( i f these occur at al l ) , and so one ' also hears [ y i s ] for i s east , and [ wumbe n ] for umben net.

4. 1 .2.9.3

Epentheti c v owel s

The question of epenthetic vowe ls in Tok Pisin has been treated at length by Pawley ( 1 975 ) . He concludes that Tok Pisin has consonant clusters that may be pronounced as clusters in ' t ight ' execution , and separated by a vowe l in ' loose ' execution . This analysis , which I believe to be correct , al lows for different occurrences of c lusters in the substratum languages ; speakers wi ll execute as clusters those clusters which a fford them no difficulty , and wi l l insert epen­ thetic vowels to break up unfami liar clusters . Languages which permi t few or no clusters ( such as Buin , where the only clusters permitted have a syl labic nasal as first element ) wil l produce some very expanded Tok Pisin words : [ t s i k u r u ] s k r u joint , [ t a ra i pa ] d ra i va driver ( further examples may b e found i n the list on page 299) . Howeve r , Pawley concedes the ' possibility ' that " for some speakers vowe ls whi ch are not historical ly epenthetic are now present in underlying forms " . That this possibility is a certainty is shown by the fact that alongside such forms as s p i a spear , one finds s u p i a (with initial- syllable stress ) , which has yielded the reduplicated form s up s u p fish spear. In general , I would s ay that words in whi ch an originally epenthetic vowel has become stressed , to conform with the almost unbroken rule of initial-syl lable stress in Tok Pisin , can be taken as having the ' epenthetic ' vowel present in the underlying representation ; the com­ monest such words are b ( l a s decoration ( the derivation from j1ash being totally I have also forgotten) , ba r a t a brother , pe l es vil lage , 9 and p6 1 i s police. W commonly heard k ( l i n c lean , s ( k i n skin , t u r u true , g ( r a u n ground, and b ( l ong of ­ but more common today are k l i n , s k i n , t r u , g ra u n , b l on g (with or without discern­ ible non-phonemic epenthetic vowe l ) .

4.1.3

SPORA D I C SUBSTRATUM I N FLUENCE

Occasionally the substratum influence on Tok pisin produces results that are not reducible to rule . Thus , in Nakanai , the lack of the phoneme /n/ in the Lakalai dialect produces the predictable form ma l i for man ; money ; but it does not

304

DON LA YCOCK

account for the aberrant form l amen for n ame l middle , where the attempt at an Inl has produced it in the wrong place (Chowning 1 98 3 : 19 5 ) . Similarly , the form m i s m i s , although recorded in Mihalic 1 9 7 1 , is probably nothing other than a sporadic re­ working of b i s n i s ( in the sense o f lineage) . 1 1 The unusual phonology of South Bougainvi lle languages has many consequences for the shape of Tok Pi sin words borrowed into the language s , if not in the pro­ nunciation of Tok P i sin itse l f . For instance , in Buin , there is a contrast between short ( s ingle) and long ( geminate) vowels ; Tok Pisin words are almost always bor­ rowed with the stressed vowel geminate; thus Buin kaara car , n i i r i nai l , rook i t a doctor ( from Tok Pisin ka r , n i l , dokta) . The reason for this may not be that Tok Pisin stressed vowels appear long to Buin speaker s ; it may only be that words of s imilar shape with short vowels already have a meaning in Buin , so that homonyms are avoided . 1 2 In any case , this does not have a discernible e f fect o n the Buin pronunciation of Tok Pisin . Sometimes confusion between similar words produces hybrid forms . The Kuanua words kavava r and go rogo ro , both referring to members of the ginger family o f plants , occur i n Tok Pisin as kawawa r and gorgo r , but some Tok Pisin speakers con­ fuse them ; I have heard forms like [ Qgawawa r ) , [ Qgo r ua r ) , [ Qgawawa ) in rural areas of the Sepik Provinces . (A common Sepik pronunciation of go rgo r is [ Qgwot Qgwo t ) , but this s imply represents common substratum phonology; similarly , the word in South Bougainvi lle is often [ ko roko r o ) or [ Q ko roQko ro ) . ) Subj ect to s imilar confusion , but this time from semantic influence of sub­ strata , is p u l pu l ( Kuanua p u r pu r ; but the form with I i s , pace Mihalic , standard Tok Pi sin) . The basic meaning in Kuanua is decorative leaves - especially those of Codiaeum variega tum , or sweet-sme l ling plants . From the use of such plants to make decorative skirts comes the use of the term in Tok Pisin to mean woman 's skirt ; from the general idea o f decoration comes the secondary Tok Pisin meaning of j1ower. However , it is by cross - fertilisation with the unrelated Motu word p u r i p u r i sorcery that the word also may come to mean love magic ( association between magic and women ' s skirt ! ) , and in this meaning hybrid forms like p u ru p u r u , pupu r u , pupu l u are heard ( and then distinguished by some speakers , and some lex­ 3 i cographers , from pu l pu l ) . 1 This is one way the lexicon of Tok Pisin expands .

4.1.4

SUBSTRATUM PHONOLOGY AND REGI ONAL D I AL ECTS

Although some substratum features have been identi fied loosely in this paper as bein ?, associated with certain regions ( ' Sepik ' , ' Highlands ' , ' South Bougain­ ville ' ) , 4 and a speaker from these regions can often be placed by his ' accent ' , I share the opinion of MUhlhaus ler ( 1 977e) that regional dial ects are not observable - at least on the phonological leve l . I S The reason for this is not only the mul­ tiplicity of languages in any given area , so that, in spite of widespread phono­ logical features throughout linguistic fami l i es , speakers from the same region may have very dif ferent substratum linguistic input , and share no ' dialect ' features in common . A better explanation , I think , is that the more aberrant substratum features are confined to older speakers who have imperfectly learned Tok Pisin ; younger speakers , who have learned the language at an earlier age , and who have often travelled more widely, have usually eliminated the more striking ' region­ alisms ' from their speech ( o ften as a result of teasing by Tok Pisin speakers from other areas ) . Such speakers often denigrate the pronunciation of older speakers , and pride themselves on the ir superior pronunciation . The ' regional accent ' , therefore , does not serve as a uni fying regional feature , and so does not acquire the status of a dialect .

SUBSTRATUM ELEMENTS IN TOK PISIN PHONOLOGY

4.1.5

305

SUBSTRATUM AN D ORTHOGRAPHY

The current semi-official Tok Pisin orthography still shows a great deal of variation even between mi s s ion publications , government publications , and Wantok newspaper ; private spell ings of Tok Pisin vary even more widely - see for example instances given by Siege l ( chapter 6 . 3 in this volume ) , Rubinstein and Gajdusek ( 1970) , Pence ( 1975) , and Carrington ( 1 983 ) . If we assume that the core phonolo� of Tok Pi sin is a constan t , and is a target aimed at by all Tok Pis in speakers , l then it is possible to use wide spread substratum features to determine doubt ful points . For instance , the official spe l ling of the principal Tok Pisin demon­ strative i s d i s pe l a ; but i f the initial phoneme i s really a /d/ , then it should be prenasal i sed by many Sepik speakers , and should be reali sed as an / r / , at least following a vowe l , by many South Bougainvil lean and Highlands speakers . However , these substratum features are not found ; on the other hand , d i s pe l a is frequently pronounced as t s i t s i pe ra by South Bougainvil leans - con firming that the initial consonant is a /t/ . ( Contrast d i na u debit , which is n d i na u for Sepiks , and is borrowed into Buin as r i i na ua . ) Similar reasoning should also show that dot i dirty and d r i n g drink also begin with / t / , since I do not recall these be ing prenasalised in the Sepik . The medial consonants o f a i b i ka Hibiscus manihot , gaden garden , kab i s aabbage , and kago l7 aargo are also not prenasal ised , in my experience , which suggests that they are a i p i ka , g a t e n , kap i s and k a ko . The phonemes o f the Engl ish etyma are not infallible guide s . l s A careful study o f substratally influenced pronunciat ions should also estab­ l ish the be st spellings of words which commonly vary , such as t a n g e t / t a nket Cordyline terminalis , ka ruka/ka ruga Pandanus sp . , kande re/kan t i re mother ' s brother, t a u n / ton/towa n Pometia pinnata , and many others . Here I am not quite sure of the result .

4.1.6

CONCLUS I ON

A pidgin language , at its outset , does not have a single phonology , but it may acquire one at a later stage - with or without creo l i sation . If Tok Pisin has not now acquired a core phonology , then the substratum features mentioned in this article are evidence of di ffering phonemic systems , and perhaps of regional dialects . But I bel i eve that they are rather s imply realisations , with varying degrees of efficiency , of a single targe t , and that they can provide good evidence of what that target i s . If a di fferent phonological system for Tok Pisin exists , it i s not in the substrate , but in the superstrate , in the anglici sed variety known as Tok Masta - and perhaps in some varieties of Urban Pidgin . Substratum features in Tok Pisin can be expected to assume less importance as more and more speakers con form to a loose ' standard ' .

NOTES 1.

The fulle st treatment o f Tok Pisin phonology a s a system i s i n an unpublished paper by Litteral ( 1 970) . However , in this paper I have stayed closer to orthographic representations , except where these are wildly at variance with the phoneti c/phonemic facts .

306 2.

DON LAYCOCK

Many examp l e s can be found i n the poem by Leo Laita Love Poems of Papua and New Guinea ( 1 9 7 1 ) : Ta i m m i

mi

s ku l

( a Buin speaker)

in

me r i

l a i k ma r i t i

ma r i t i

finisi

mi

h a t u waka t umas i

mi

go k u k i m ka i k a i

H a t u waka t uma s i

ma n k i i ka ra i m i no s a ve s i l i p i

I n this poem, ma r i t i would be pronounced [ ma r i t s i l .

3.

Younger Buin speakers also reduce final Buin I - t i l [ t s i l to [ t s l or [ s l .

4.

Prenas a l i s ation in Tok P i si n i s d i s cussed by Tetaga ( 19 7 1 ) ,

5.

6.

See also Laycock 1 984a for further de tails on Buin phonology . I have not seen .

Muhlhausler

( 1 983b)

i n a paper which

cites Tetaga as saying that pren asal­

i s at ion i s dec l i ning among the younger generations , which accords with my

experience .

I t is mentioned by many writers , ( 19 8 3b )

inc luding Chown ing ( 1 9 8 3 ) .

c i tes a writer mentioning it in the

Muhlhausler

Rabaul Times as early as 1 9 2 5 .

Th i s is one of the few subst ratum phono logical features that is widespread i n the

I

' I s lands ' .

am not entirely sure to what extent speakers o f the s ame l anguage ,

speaking

it w i th the same surface phonology , can actually be s aid to be speaking i t with d i f ferent phonemi c sys tems - but I am prepared t o concede that i t might be so . Even more d i f fi cult conceptua lly is the idea of two persons speaking the s ame l an guage with di fferent ' grammars ' . In both cases the problem i s e stab l i shing how these facts could b e determined .

7.

On e meets wi th e i orthographi cally at times

8.

A case can be made for adopting thi s solution for Tok P i s i n i n general , so that la i au o i l would be lay aw oy/ , and l i a i e i o i u u a uol would be Iya ye yo yu wa wol . The c as e , howeve r , would probably have to depend on substratum

(dei

day , we i t wait ) , but more

usual are de , we t ; ou is rarely encountered at all .

phonology ,

and there may we l l be di f ference s ;

nesian languages ,

in many

( but not a l l )

Austro­

such sequences are VV , while VV is not permitted as a se­

quence at all i n most Sepik-Ramu language s .

The standard orthography i s i ncon s i s tent ; y i s never written fol lowing a vowe l , but is usually written preceding , un less another consonant precede s ; thus yu

you , yod iodine , but n i us news , p i u s fuse , s i o t shirt ; w is written wee k , swet sweat , sw i t sweet - but note goap ( kw a p )

in most environmen ts : w i k

ascend. 9.

The word derives from

p lace , but the form with stre s sed epenthet i c vowel is the word v r I e s , from vil lage.

i n fluenced by , and o ften con flated with ,

10 .

The current spe l ling is p l i s , which is a homograph of p I i s p lease , and causes some confusion in art i c l es in the newspaper Wantok ; I once read a heading

11.

The word occurs in Text IX in Laycock 1 9 7 0 c . Other sporadic forms encountered from t ime to time are the common Sepik nonem certainly ( contraction of n a wonem ; s e e Laycock 1 9 7 7b ) , and the form I once heard i n Buin , en sa t o n g for em t a so l that is a l l .

P l i s K i l i m Ma n I Da i . My impression i s that po l i s sti l l has wide currency in Rural Pidgi n , but is rare in Urban Pidgin .

SUBSTRATUM ELEMENTS IN TOK PISIN PHONOLOGY

307

12 .

In the same way , English loanwords in Hindi appear with retroflex alveolar stops , and in Arabic and Hebrew with emphatic consonants - the less exploited elements of the system . For further Buin examples , see page 299 .

13.

Phonological confusion o f a different kind i s found i n another word for love­ magic , ma r i l a , which reverses the r and 1 of the Kuanua etymon ma l i ra . In practice , Tok Pisin speakers may say ma r i l a , ma l i ra , ma r i ra , or ma l i l a .

14 .

These are the main areas of substratum influence on phonology . I t is not to be expected that the areas of the former Papua , where Tok Pisin is a late import , would have much influence ; while , on the other hand , the ' I slands ' ( including North Bougainvi lle) are populated predominantly by speakers of Austronesian language s , whose phonology is for the most part very close to that of Tok Pis in . In the provinces of Madang and Morobe are found , in vary­ ing proportions , the features that have been labe l led ' Sepik ' and ' Highlands ' - together with any identifiable ' I s l ands ' fe atures . This coming together of many lingui stic strains means that regional features are less easy to specify , even loosely , than in Sepik and Highlands areas .

15 .

A commitment to the idea of regional dialects may seem to be implied by the fact that S . A . Wurm and myself have written books about ' Highlands Pidgin ' and ' Sepik pidgin ' respectively (Wurm 1971a, Laycock 1970c ) . However , the difference between the two is described in terms of ' varieties ' rather than dialect s ; and the ad hoc genesis of the two books produced differences that are more apparent than real . Certainly the longer tradition of speaking Tok Pisin in Sepik and north coastal areas produced a number of lexical di ffer­ ences from Highlands area s , where Tok Pisin was learned only after the war , and o ften from whi tes ; and some such regional dif ferences in vocabulary remain, as well as the phonological features discussed in the pape r . Such di fferences , which were probably never great enough to justify the use of the term ' di alect ' , are now decreasing rather than increasing .

16 .

This is only an assumption , and i t certainly has not been demonstrated in this paper - but see also note 6 , and Muhlhaus ler 19 83b .

17 .

The word always contrasts with ka ngo [ k a � go ] watercress .

18.

Engl ish influence is seen also i n spellings such a s wanem what for wonem , and t ro i mwe throw away for t romo i . Note that data on the influence of sub­ strata on English can be found in Holzknecht and Smithies 1980 .

Laycock, D. "Phonology: substratum elements in Tok Pisin phonology". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:295-307. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.295 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

4.2

P H O N O LOGY :

I N TONAT I ON I N TOK P I S I N S . A . Wurrn

(N . B . Cross-references wi thin this chapter do not incl ude the firs t three digits ( 4 . 2 . 3) for the sake of brevi ty . )

4.2 .1

I NTRODUCTORY REMARKS

Intonation in different type s of Tok Pisin shows considerable variation in detai l , as is the case with Tok Pisin segmental phonology , but there is a good deal of common ground behind these variations . The variations are determined by the fol lowing : ( a) Sociolinguistic factors , i . e . the presence of two main , i . e . rural and urban , sociolects , and varying degrees of proficiency in English , or absence of such pro­ fi ciency , on the part of a speak e r . In genera l , however , direct influence of English on the intonation in Tok Pisin is much less pronounced than such influence on other phonological features . At the same time , the strong influence o f English on stress patterns in Tok Pisin exercises a powerful indirect influence on the nature and form of some Tok Pis in intonation contours which are heavily based on stress patterns . (b) Substratum features , i . e . the influence of local languages . Their increasing strength is in direct proportion to decreasing sophi stication and decreasing mastery of Tok Pi sin on the part of the speaker, but they are in evidence in all forms o f Tok Pi sin ( see Intonation ( 4 . 2 . 3 ) ) . In this chapter , a di scussion wi l l be presented on the main features o f the intonation patterns in a variety of Tok Pisin which was used by fluent and , to a minor extent , sophisticated speakers in the Eastern Highlands Province of Papua New Guinea towards the end of the 1950s and in the early 1960s . It comes broadly under the heading of the standard rural sociolect , but the stress patterns show some English inf luence . Wherever Tok Pisin i s referred to in general in thi s chapter , reference to thi s particular variety is intended, un less i t is stated otherwi se . The standard Tok pisin orthography has been mostly employed , un less special stress phenomena and other features in the lect discussed make the use o f a non­ standard orthographic representation necessary . Phonetic renderings of words and sentences have been added when needed. Much of the features o f the intonation in Tok pisin are determined by the patterns of stress . A brief discussion of stress in Tok pis in will there fore be given first .

S . A . Wurm and P . Muhlhausler, eds Handbook of Tok Pi sin (New Pacific Linguistics , C-70 , 1984 . S . A . Wurm © Wurm, S.A. "Phonology: intonation in Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). Guinea Pi dgin) , 309 - 3 3 4 .

C-70:309-334. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.309 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

309

310

S . A . WURM

4.2.2

STRESS I N TOK P I S I N

In gene ral , the difference in emphasis between stressed and unstressed syl­ lables in Tok Pisin is much less than in English . Unstressed syllables are not much less prominent than stressed one s , and the rise in the pitch of the voice in stres sed syl lables is only comparatively sligh t . Thi s even stress ing is a very characteristic feature of Tok Pisin and to­ gether with the absence of long vowe ls { except for some vowel lengthening for emphasis and in con j unction with certain intonation patterns - see intonation 3 . 2 . 2 and 3 . 4 . 2 . 3 } , and the extreme shortness of the vowels in closed syl lables in re lation to the length of the consonants contribute s greatly to the character­ is tic acoustic impression of Tok Pisin . Only heavily anglicised varieties of the urban sociolect tend to deviate from this to some extent in showing greater difference in prominence between stressed and unstressed syl lables and stronger rise o f pitch in stressed syllable s . They also tend to have long vowels on the pattern of English words , and the length of vowels in closed syllables in relation to the length of consonants is greater than in Rural Tok Pisin in general . The only instances of considerable differences in emphasis between stressed and unstressed syllables in the Tok Pisin variety discussed here { and in Rural Tok Pisin in general to a considerable extent} can be observed in connection with the epenthetic vowel inserted in certain consonant clusters such as syllable-initial s + a voice less stop or m , n , r , W ; syllable-initial stop or ' f and a following r ; syl lable-initial p , k , b , f , and a following I . The same epenthetic vowe l al so appears afte r syllable-final I or r before a syl lable-initial consonant or a pause , e . g . s t i k [ s a ' t i k ] = stick , s ne k [ sa ' nek ] = snake , t r u [ ta ' ru ] = true, rea l , p I e s [ pa ' Y e s ] = vi l lage , 0 1 [ ' o Y a ] = they , s k ru [ s aka ' r u ] = joint , p u r p u r [ ' pu rapu ra ] = grass-skirt , t u l t u l [ ' t u Y a t u Ya ] = assistant vil lage chief. This vowel is mostly considerably less prominent than the other vowels in the same word . However in the Tok Pisin variety discussed , some speakers tend to replace epenthetic vowels by ordinary vowels whi ch can carry stress . It i s in the positioning of the stress in individual words {word : bas ic lexeme and affixes} that the dif ferences between the sociolects and between the absence and the presence of the influence of English { and between varying degrees of the extent of such influence} are mo st pronounced . In Rural Tok Pisin , the main stress has a very strong tendency to be on the first syllable of word s . However , epenthetic vowels tend t o b e generally unstressed and , if the first syllable of a word contains such a vowel , the main stress usually shi fts to the first non-epenthetic vowel in the word . Only a few words tend to have the main stress on other syllables than the first , even if the first syl lable does not contain an epenthetic vowe l . In Urban Tok Pisin , many words are stressed a s i n Engli sh , and the more fam­ i l i ar a Tok Pisin speaker i s with Engl ish , the more his Tok Pisin may tend to be influenced by English stress patterns . The following summari ses the stress patterns of Tok Pisin in general { the " e . g . baga rap = dam­ main stress will be marked by ' , and s econdary stress by aged, out of order} : ( I ) wi th words of more than one syllable , t�e main stress is generally on the first syllable , unless this contains an epenthetic vowe l in which case the stress is placed on the first non-epenthetic vowel of the word , e . g . b ( kpe l a = big , ka i ka i = food , but s t i k [ sa ' t i k ] = stick , s k r u [ s aka ' ru ] = joint. In the variety

INTONATION IN TOK PISIN

311

o f Tok Pi sin di scussed here , some words which have epenthetic vowels in other varieties of Rural Tok Pi sin in their first syl lable usually appear with ordinary vowe ls in that syllable , e . g . s up i a = spear ( instead of s p f a [ s a ' p i a ]) , ba r a t a = sib ling of the same sex ( instead of b ra ta [ ba ' r a t a ] ) , etc . with some speakers , first-syl lable epenthetic vowels tend to be commonly replaced by stressed ordin­ ary vowel s , e . g . s f t i k = stick ( instead of s t fk [ sa ' t i k ] ) . ( 2 ) Most words of more than two syllables which end in - a n , - a p , - a u t , - d a u n and - ( e ) we carry a secondary stress on this ending . with some speakers who have been exposed to English or anglici sed Tok Pisin ( and in Urban Tok Pisin more generally) , the main stress tends to fal l on these endings in words of two or more syl lables , and a secondary stress appears on the first syllable in words of more than two syllable s , as shown in parentheses in the fol lowing examples :

b a g a r a p [ baga rap ] = damaged, out of order tekewe [ tekewe ] = to remove s f n g a u t [ s i nga u t ] = to cal l out sekan [ s eka n ] = to shake hands sanap [ s a na p ] = to stand up pundaun [ pundaun ] = to fal l down

The position of the stres s remains unchanged if a suffix such as - i m is added to the words , e . g .

sanap i m [ s anap i m ] = to erect s f n g a u t i m [ s i ngaut i m ] = to cal l somebod� baga rap i m [ baga rap i m ] or baga r i ma p i m [ b aga r i ma p i m ]

=

to ruin something , etc .

( 3 ) Diphthongs in non-initial syllables show some tendency to attract the main stress to the syl lable which contains them. This is observable in both Rural and Urban Tok Pi sin . Examples :

k fa u ( less commonly k i a u ) egg d fwa i ( less commonly d i wa i ) = tree p a l a i ( commonly pa l a i ) lizard 6 ra i t (more commonly o ra i t ) = a lright; �e l l =

=

. which re flects the in fluence of stress pattern of English s amba i ( less commonly s amba i ) to await which reflects the stress pattern of English stand by t a rangau ( less commonly t a rangau) = hawk , etc . .

.

=

( 4 ) A number of additional words show a tendency to have the main stress on a syllable oth�r than the firs t . Such words are either of two kinds : ( a) WORDS OF ENGLISH ORIGIN which tend to display their Engl ish stress pattern in Urban Tok Pisin and in the Tok Pisin of speakers with fami liarity of English , but in some instances also in Rural Tok Pisin in general . In the examples given , the form usually encountered in the Rural Tok Pisin variety discussed here is given first , and less common forms added in parentheses with explanations (R Rural Tok Pisin , U Urban Tok Pisin) . =

=

Words of two syllables :

a t i n g ( rare ; commonly a t f n g in R and U) = I suppose b f ha i n ( rare ; commonly b i h a i n in R and U) = later b i 1 6ng ( common form in R and U ; rarely b f l on g in R) of b f po ( commonly in R, b i p6 commonly in U) = formerly h u s a t ( h u s a t is more common in U) = �ho i na p ( common form in both R and U) = enough; to be able; unti l nogat ( common form in R and U ; less commonly n6ga t in R) = no

312

S . A . WURM

n6g u t ( o ften nog8t in U) = bad sa l a t ( uncommon ; usually s a l a t in R and U) = nettle semen ( common form in R and U, rarely s emen in R) = cement s amba i ( le s s commonly in R, but commonly in U : samba i see above ( 3 ) ) await t a s 6 1 ( common form in R and U ; less commonly t a s o l in R) = but; only t 8 d a k ( o ften t u d a k in U) = night, dapkness t Q l a i t ( often t u l a i t in U) = day t ime, day light To these examples o ra i t ( common form in R and U ; less commonly 6 ra i t in R) = alPight; we l l , as mentioned in ( 3 ) above , can be added . s 8 r i k ( uncommon ; commonly s u r f k in R and U) = to move back ( intr . ) , which is derived from German zuruck , may also be added here .

Words of three syl lable s in which the main stress may fall on the last syllable :

ana n 1 t or a n i n i t ( common form in R ; in U a na n f t or a n i n f t is commonly found) = undePneath b 8 l makau ( bu l ma k a u less commonly in R, but common ly in u) = cattle ( The word has four syllables in varie ties of R including the one discussed here : [ ' bu Y ama , ka u ] or also [ ' b u Y uma , ka u ] . ) namb a t u ( uncommon ; commonly namb a t 8 in R and U) = second-pate nambawan ( uncommon ; commonly n ambawan in R and U) = exce l lent 6 l a bo i ( also o ften in R and commonly in U : o l ab6 i ) = my goodness 6 l aman ( also often in R and commonly in U : o l ama n ) = good heavens ! Words of three syllable s in which the main stress may fall on the second syllable :

amb re l a ( common form in R and U ; also mb re l a [ mba ' re l a ] in R) = umbpe l la b a r a ta ( common form in some varieties of R; others and U have b r a ta [ ba ' ra t a ] ) =

sib ling of the same sex

b i ha i n i m ( common form in R and U ; rarely b f ha i n i m in R) = to fo l low g i aman ( common form in R and U ; less commonly also g faman in R) = to te l l a lie

manme r i ( in R and U also manme r i ) = people s i aman ( common form in R and U) = GePman (but s faman = chaiPman) t a n t a n i m ( uncommon ; commonly t a n t a n i m in R and U) = to po l l t r6mo i m (often t rom6 i m i n U , and sometimes also in R ) = t o thpow t Qma ra ( commonly in R ; in U the forms t uma ra and t um6 ra are commonly found ) =

tomoppow

Words o f four syllables in which the main stress may fall on the third syllable :

p f k i n 1 n i' ( commonly in R; the form p1 k i n f n i is also often found in R , and is common in U) = baby ( from Portuguese peq uen i n ho = litt le) pa pamama ( commonly in both R and U; in U , the form papamama is also often found) = paPents Words of four syllables in which the main stress may fall on the second syl lable :

Ame r i ka ( common form in R and U , sometimes Me r i ka in R) = Amepica Aus t re l i a or As t re l i a ( common form in R and U , sometimes S t re l i a [ sa ta ' re l i a ] in R) = Austpalia b f kdau n b i l o or b ( k tamb i l o ( uncommon form in R and U are b i kdaun b i l o or b i k t amb i l o) = hold of a ship b f k so l wa ra ( uncommon ; common form in R and U is b i ks6 l wa ra) = high sea ma l a r i a ( common form in R and U) = malaPia m ( t r i pe l a ( commonly in R, also m i t r ( pe l a commonly in R and U) = we thpee ( exc l . )

m ( t u pe l a ( commonly in R, also m i t 8 pe l a commonly in R and U)

=

we two ( excl . )

INTONATION IN TOK PISIN

313

(b) WORDS OF INDIGENOUS LANGUAGE ( OR OBSCURELY ENGLISH) ORIGIN Words of two syl l ables : to avoid ab r�s b ( l um (more commonly b i l �m) m�ruk ( less common ly m u r � k )

woman 's netbag cassowary

words o f three syllables in which the main stress may fall on the last syllable :

t a rangau ( less commonly t a rang a u )

=

hawk

Words o f three syllables in which the main stress may fall on the second syl lable :

ab r�s i m = to avoid ba l a i s i m = to sp lit kanaka ( less commonly kanaka) = vil lage native k a ruka ( a lso k a r�ka) = pandanus k i l ( va ( less commonly k f l i va ) = jib sai l l (m l i mb u r ( less commonly 1 i m l fmb u r ) to stro l l me l f sa ( less commonly me l i s a ) barracuda =

=

m6 rota ( less commonly mo r6 t a ) = thatch p f p i a ( le s s common ly p i p ( a ) = l'efuse, rubbish north-west monsoon t a l eo ( le s s commonly t a l e o ) t a ra n g u ( also t a r a n g u ) = unfortunate =

Words o f four syllables in which the main stress may fall on the third syllable :

ma l uma l u ( less commonly ma l uma l u ) ma r i ma r i ( less commonly ma r i ma r i )

4.2.3 4.2.3. 1

=

soft to pity

I NTONAT I ON I N TOK P I S I N I n troductory rema rks

Intonational features are , l ike other features of the Tok pis in phonology , subject to substratum influences from the speaker ' s local language , especial ly in the case of the Bush Tok Pisin fringe sociolect ( MUhlhausler 197ge) , and in spite of the far-reaching neutralisation of local dialects on other levels of language structure , especially grammar and lexicon , the intonation of Tok pis in in various parts of Pap�a New Guinea tends to show differences reflecting the underlying local language s . This statement even applies to creolised Tok Pisin , which , in its varied location s , contains di ffering carry-over intonational features repre­ senting local languages originally imparting the ir intonational characteristics to Tok Pisin during its creoli sation s tage . Children learn Tok Pisin as their first language in situations in which their parents are from different local language backgrounds and communicate with each other exclusively in Tok Pisin . Such children acquire in the ir Tok Pi sin intonational characteristics from their parents whose Tok P i sin is , in this respect , influenced by intonational features of their local language s . Lingui stic contacts between such children speaking intonationally di f fering forms of creolised Tok P i sin reflecting the ir varied fami ly backgrounds , lead to a l eve ll i ng out of such intonational di f ferences . However , i n the light o f the varied original intonation patterns which constitute the background to such situations in di f ferent parts of Papua New Guinea , the resulting neutra l ised intonation patterns may show di fferences from place to place . No systematic or detai led studies of these phenomena have been undertaken to date , and the statements made above are based on cursory studies and impressions .

314

S . A . WURM

In spite o f what has been said above , Rural Tok Pisin as a whole shows con­ siderable homogeneity in the majority of its intonational contours in various parts of Papua New Guinea . Many of these contours are also present in Urban Tok Pisin , though there is considerable variety and fluidity in this respect with different speakers . In what follows , the author has attempted to present a discussion of the main intonational characteristics of Rural Tok Pisin spoken in the Eastern Highlands Province of Papua New Guinea in the late 1950s and early 1960s , this being the area with which he is most fami liar (Wurm 1971al . In the following , this variety of Tok Pisin wi ll simply be referred to as ' Tok Pisin ' .

4.2.3.2

Nota t i on u s ed to depi c t i n tona t i o n

I n order to make the discus s ion of Tok Pisin intonation readily intell igible to all readers of this book , including those who may have had no lingui stic train­ ing , a visual method will be used in this chapter , i . e . short lines denoting the pitch of individual syllable s will be placed between two lines marking the upper The and lower limits of the ordinary pitch range of speaking, e . g . __ ----'---absolute pitch levels are irre levant because they vary with each speaker , but the relative pi tch levels - i . e . the pitch level of one particular syl lable in relation to those of ne ighbouring syllables , whether higher or lower - are of importance , and so is the contrast between relatively level and ri sing or falling pitch . The forme r will be shown by horizontal strokes , and the latter by tilted or curvinq stroke s , e . g . Engli sh administration has the pitch configuration _ -

---. ""' -------

In some cases the intonational sequence or contour of a sentence wi l l be indicated by a s ingle long modulated line between the upper and lower lines , e . g . What are you doing ?

In addition , a number of letter symbols wil l be

introduced and used in the various sections to mark individual intonation sequences . The intonational range of Tok Pisin is much narrower than that of English , i . e . the usual upper and lower limits of the pitch changes in speaking are much closer together than in Engl ish . However , within this narrow range , the intona­ tional changes are quite strong. For ease of reference , the following terms will be used in the discussion : high

indicating a pitch close to the upper limit of the ordinary Tok Pis in intonation range ;

low

a pitch close to the lower limit of the ordinary range of intonation in Tok Pisin ;

mi d

around the middle of the intonation range ;

higher mid

between high and mid ;

l ower mid

between mid and low.

very hi gh

at the upper limit of the intonation range ;

very low

at the lower limit of the intonation range ;

high-mid

a fal l i ng pitch fal ling from high to mi d .

low-mid

a rising pitch rising from low to mi d .

INTONATION IN TOK PISIN

315

Comparable combinations involving any o f the terms li sted are possible , e . g . high-low, mid-low, higher mid-lower mi d , lower mi d-high , etc .

4.2.3.3

Tok P i s i n i ntona t i on pattern s

Twenty main intonation patterns or types can be distinguished in Tok Pisin , plus a few special cases ( for which see 3 . 6 ) . To make the discussion more readily understandable for lingui stically untrained readers and to avoid confusion on their part , it has been decided to arrange the description of the intonation types by syntactic categories rather than by the intonation types themselve s . The s ame intonat ion types can accompany different syntactic categories - e . g . the same intonation type co-occurs with short declarative statements , polite orders , and answers to questions spoken with ordinary interrogative intonation or with one indicating that an affirmative answer is expected ( see 3 . 7 ) . Using the intonation types themse lves as the basis of discuss ion may be more difficult to fol low than arranging them by syntactic categories fami liar to the lingui stically untrained reade r . The fol lowin g syntactic categories will be referred t o as the bases for the various intonation types : ( a ) ORDINARY INTONATION IN DECLARATIVE STATEMENTS ( 3 . 1 ) 1 ) In short statements ( 3 . 1 . 1 ) 2 ) In the final part of long declarative statements ( 3 . 1 . 2 ) 3 ) In long declarative statements consisting of a s ingle clause or several clauses conne cted by n a = and ( 3 . 1 . 3 ) 4 ) In non- final parts or clauses of a declarative statement which are fol lowed by a pause ( 3 . 1 . 4 ) (b) EMPHATIC-EMOTIONAL INTONATION IN DECLARATIVE STATEMENTS ( 3 . 2 ) 1 ) Sel f-assuring and persuasive emot ional intonation ( 3 . 2 . 1 ) 2 ) Reassuring emotional intonation ( 3 . 2 . 2 ) ( c ) INTONATION IN QUESTIONS ( 3 . 3 ) 1 ) I n quest ions containing an interrogative word ( 3 . 3 . 1 ) 2 ) In que st ions not containing an interrogative word ( 3 . 3 . 2 ) a) O�dinary intonation in questions not containing an interrogative word ( 3 . 3 . 2 . 1 ) b) Intonation in questions to which an affirmative reply i s expected ( 3 . 3 . 2 . 2 ) c) Emphatic intonat ion in questions not containing an interrogative word ( 3 . 3 . 2 . 3 ) ( d ) INTONAT ION IN ANSWERS ( 3 . 4 ) 1) In answers to quest ions containing an interrogative word ( 3 . 4 . 1 ) 2 ) In answers to questions not containing an interrogative word ( 3 . 4 . 2 ) a) In answers to questions spoken with ordinary intonation ( or an intonation indicating that an affirmative reply is expected) ( 3 . 4 . 2 . 1) b) In answers to questions spoken with emphatic interrogative intonation ( 3 . 4 . 2 . 2 ) c ) In unfriendly , irritated and uninterested answers ( 3 . 4 . 2 . 3 )

316

S . A . WURM

( e ) INTONATION IN ORDERS AND COMMANDS ( 3 . 5 ) ( f) SPECIAL CASES ( 3 . 6 )

4.2.3.3.1 4.2.3.3.1 .1

Ord i na ry i n ton a t i on i n dec l ara t i ve statements I n tona t i on i n s hort dec l a ra t i ve statements ( 3 . 7 , 1 . )

A declarative statement can consist of a short sequence of words which are accompanied by a s ingle intonational sequence , e . g . in English I am coming. Alternative ly , i t can consist of two or several parts or clauses each of which i s accompanied b y a separate intonational sequence , e . g . i n English When you come back, see me in my office , or When you come back, take your papers and come and see me in my office. The first of these two statements consists of two intona­ tional sequences which are usually separated by a very short pause , whereas the second one consi sts of four intonational sequences of whi ch the first and second are usually separated by a very short pause , whereas the other three may or may not have a short pause between them. The term ' intonational sequence ' will be used here to refer to a s ingle intonational sequence often relating to one clause , as described above . In short de clarative statements accompanied by a s ingle intonational se­ quence , the intonat ion in Tok Pisin begins usually at lower mi d , rises quickly to higher mi d and high , stays on that high level ( except that unstressed syl lables are lower than stres sed ones which wi ll not be shown in the somewhat schemati c representation of intonation i n the first examples given be low so as not t o com­ plicate the picture too much at the initial stage of the discussion ) , and drops very s lightly , high-higher mid or higher mid-mid in the stressed syllable ( s ) of the most important word of the statement , and then gradually drops off to l ow . Stress ' over the vowel of stressed syllables , including the wi ll be marked by an accent stressed syllable in words which have only one ordinary vowel and one or several epenthetic vowels , and monosyllabic words which are preceded by the particle i " which determines them ( e . g . k ( l i m , s - t a p , l i go) , secondary stress by and the stressed syllable of the most important word will be in capitals in the examples - it can be said to carry the sentence stress . Examples : i g a t Tdpe l a t a s o l =

there are only two ( t a s o l counts a s three syllables

for intonational purposes , because the flapped 1 [ l J is followed by a brief central vowel making it a separate syllabl e , i . e . [ t a- ' so- l a J 1 ) ; 0 1 i K ( I i m d ( s pe l a s - nek -

- .......

=

they KILLED this snake ( s- nek counts as two syl-

l ables for intonational purposes : [ s a _ ' nek J . 1 The position of the sentence stress depends on the will of the speaker - e . g . the l ast example could be heard as 0 1 i k ( l i m D ( S pe l a s - nek

__

--

--

they ki l led THIS snake , or as 0 1 i k ( l i m d ( s pe l a s - N E K they kil led this SNAKE.

The last example illustrates what happens if the sentence stress falls on the last syllable of a declarative statement . In such a case , the intonation fol lows the usual rise from lower mi d in the first syllable of the statement to higher mi d and high , stays on high l evel and drops sharply high-lower mi d or even high-low in the last syl lable wh ich carries the sentence stress . I f the differ­ ences in pi tch between stressed and unstressed syllables in the individual words are indicated in the visual representation of the intonation , it is as fol lows :

317

INTONATION IN TOK PISIN

i k f l i m t ( s pe l a s - N � K

01

�

� � ---------�

=

they kil led this SNAKE.

The important points in this are a) that the last syllable be fore the drop in the sentence-stress syllable always has a pi tch which is as high as that of a stres sed syllable , irrespective of whether it is stressed or not , and b) that two or more unstressed syl lables fol lowing a stressed one become lower step by step ( compare

d ( s pe l a

) .

I f the sentence stress is on the penultimate - i . e . last-but-one - syl lable of a statement , the intonational drop in the syllable carrying the sentence- stre ss is high-mi d, and the drop continues to low in the unstressed syllable following it , e . g . ( from this point onwards , the visual representations of the intonation called ' graphs ' for the sake of brevity) will indicate the pitch differences

-

between stressed and unstres sed syllables) m (pe 1 a i S Ave we ( excluding person addre ssed) KNOW.

-

"-

-......

The ordinary intonation in declarative statements di ffers somewhat from the pattern di scussed above i f the syl lable carrying the sentence- stress is the second or the first syllable of the statement . I f it i s the second , the intonation in the first syllable of the statement is mi d , and it drops higher mid-mid in the second syllable , which carries the sentence-stress , and gradually drops off to low or very l ow in the subsequent syllable s , e . g . m i L1 J K l uk i s - d p =

I

am

LOOKing.

- - ...... .... ......

If the sentence-stress is on the first syllable , the intonation in that syl­ lable is higher mi d and l evel , mid or hi gher mi d and sl ightly fall ing in the second syllable , and drops gradually to l ow or very low in the subsequent syllable s , i . e . TUL- t u l

i kamap p f n i s

- - - .....

=

......

the tultul ( government-appointed

assistant vi llage chie f and Tok Pis in interpreter ) has come . In words which have a main and a se condary stre ss on non-adj acent syllables such as baga rap out of order, b u l -makau = cattle ( see 4 . 2 . 2 , s tres s ) and which carry the sentence-stress on their first syllable , the intonational drop which is typical of syl lables carrying sentence-stres s , is split between the two stressed syl lables , and in the second stressed syllable reaches mid to lower mi d , e . g . =

I f such , a word with two stresses on non-adj acent syllables i s the first word of a statement , the intonation in the first , main stress , syl lable is higher mid and level as usual , and drops gradually off to low in the subsequent syl lables , with the pitch of the se condary stress syllable being somewhat higher than a usual stressed syllab le , e . g . B U L-makau i kamap p fn i s come .

..... .....

-

... .... ...... ..... ...

=

the cow has

Instead of having only one sentence-stress , even short declarative statements can have one main sentence-stres s and one or several secondary ones . This depends on the will of the speaker and on the emphasis he wishes to place on the various parts of the statement . In summary , the ordinary intonation in short declarative statements is as fol lows : comparatively l ow beginning ( l ow-mi d or mid ) , then a sharp rise , then staying comparatively high followed by a gradual step by step fal l from the sentence-stres s syl lable onwards , i . e .

�

or

�

""-.....

.

I f the

3 18

S . A . WURM

sentence-stre ss syllable is at , or close to , the beginning or the end of a state­ ment , the rising part of the intonation contour is mis sing or shortened , or the

�

or ,.r \ . Within ---the intonation contour , unstressed syl lables are lower than stressed ones , giving drop at the end steepened , e . g .

an overall picture somewhat as follows :

�

or

�

In a notation using letter symbols , this information can be indicated by a ( for ' statement ' ) at the end of the intonational sequence , e . g . i g a t subscript S T U pe l a t a s 6 1 S ( see above ) . The subscript is used to indicate that the end of this intonat ional sequence is low .

4.2.3.3.1.2

I n tonat i on i n t he f i na l part of l on g dec l arati ve s tatemen t s ( 3 . 7 , 2 . )

I f the last part o f a declarative statement consi sts of one clause covered by a s ingle intonational sequence and is preceded by one or several non- final parts characterised by the intonation described in 3 . 1 . 4 below, the ordinary intonat ion is exactly the s ame as in short utterances which are covered by one intonational sequence . So, for instance , the examples given above could we l l constitute the final parts of longer statement s , i . e . ( in the graphs following , the pitch contrast between stres sed and unstressed syllables will be indicated, in contrast to the f irst examples given above in 3 . 1 . 1 ) ( em i l u k i m , ) . . . i gat

TOpe 1 a t a s6 1 -

- -

_

-. .....

....... ....... ,.,..

=

(he �ooked at them, (and) ) . . . there were

on�y two ; or ( 0 1 i g6 l ong b u s ) . . . na 0 1 i K f l i m d ( s pe l a s - nek ....... -.. ( they went into the bush) . . . and they kiUed this -...... , ..... = (I know that) the snake ; ( m i s ave) . . . T U L- t u l i kamap p (n i s - - -. -.. _ _ ""

TULTUL has come , etc . I f it is desirable to distinguish , in notations , the into­ nation in the final part of a long statement from the formally identical intona­ ( for ' final ' ) can be used tions in short statements ( see 3 . 1 . 3 ) , the subscript F in notations using letter symbols , e . g . . . . i g a t T U pe l a t a s6 1 - ( see above ) .

F

4.2.3.3.1 .3

I ntona t i on i n l on g dec l a rati ve statements con s i s t i ng of a s i mpl e . c l ause or several c l auses connected by na = and ( 3 . 7 , 3 . )

In long declarative statements consisting of a s ingle clause , several second­ ary sentence-stresses may be employed in addition to the main sentence-stress . The fol lowing declarative statement is a good example : d ( s pe l a t u pe l a l a p u n me r i these two o �d women i kama u t i m p- l a n t i kaukau l on g gaden b i 1 6ng papa b i 1 6n g m i pu� � out many swee t potatoes in my father 's garden. This statement can be spoken with a s ingle sentence stress which i s l ikely to be placed on KA Uka u , i . e . =

-. a::a;

-

...... �

-_

--.. � _ _

-.... _ _ _-=:"

.

However , l.t may we l l be

heard spoken with two secondary sentence- stresses o n ME r i and P A pa . When main and secondary sentence-stresses are pres ent , the intonation drops in those syl­ lables which follow a sentence-stre ss syllable within the same word . with the next word , the intonation resumes the pattern which is typical of the beginning of a statement covered by a s ingle intonational sequence ( see 3 . 1 . 1 ) , i . e . - --.. - _

...._- - - ....... ,

"'"

319

INTONATION IN TOK PISIN

A n umber o f succes s i ve declarative statements l inked b y n a = and o r the particle i can be united intonationally into a s ingle long statement containing

d f s pe l a ma n i k f s i m b f kpe l a s - t6n i kam na i k uk i m l on g pa i a na i raus i m i g6 l on g d f s pe l a b f kp e l a h u l - l on g g- raun na i da un i m o l - ge t a l on g be l - b i l 6ngen i g6 = this man brought a big stone and heated

one o r s everal sentence-stre s se s , e . g .

it in the fire (and) 2 took it out [ and carried i t ] to that big ho le in the ground and threw it a l l the way down into it. T h i s sentence could be given the fol lowing -- -

intonation by a narrator :

- - ----.. ---.... --.... - "" ....... -

DA Un i m .

-

-... ...... ,

with a single sentence-stress on

To understand the intonation of this sentence ful ly ,

it must be kept in

mind that one - syl lable words which are not aux i l i ary words such as na = and , the particle i , e t c . , but for instance verbs or noun s , have the same stress as the stressed syl lab l e s in words of s everal syl labl e s .

The marking o f the stress in

the examples has only been ins erted to indicate on which syllable the stress i s placed in words o f more than o n e syllab l e , except for mono syllabic words preceded by the particle

i,

e.g.

i g6

( see above towards the beginning of

3 . 1 . 1) .

The long s tatement given above could well be spoken with secondary sentence­

stresses on

B r Kpe l a s - t6n , KU k i m D A Un i m .

and

B f Kpe l a h u l -

for instance ,

in addition to the

I n statements containing na = and l inking several statements into one , the intonational drop after a sentence stress continues up

main senten ce-stress on

to na whi ch i t usually incl udes , with a new intonational sequence starting with the next word . In the narrative style used in story-te l l i n g , such a connection na is o ften lengthened and drawn out, with a lower-mi d or low, l evel intonation , . �.e.

...... ......

- ..... "" _ _ _ -... ...... - .... _ - -..... _ _ _ --� ------� � ---� � � ------

. �n th e above sentence :

"\. ....... - - .:- -

- ....

-_ -.... _ _-... .... ..... ...... "

.......

In summary , the intonation in long declarative statements con s i sting of a s ingle long c l ause or o f several clauses l inked by n a = and is e i ther the s ame as in short dec l arative statements ,

more exactly somewhat l ike

������r=�----� -� ) , or it

optionally have several sentence-stre sses , intonation sequences ,

exactly somewhat l ik e

i.e.

and in consequence ,

� �

�

several

"'-

( or

can

rise-fall

� ).

( o r more

I t may be mentioned that in addition to these types of intonation , longish de c l arative statements may ( e specially in slow , de l iberate speech) be broken up into a numbe r o f separate intonational sequences o f which each i s fol lowed by a

pause and of which the final one w i l l s how the intonational patterns as described in 3 . 1 . 1 ( and 3 . 1 . 2 ) , and the others tho se di scussed below in 3 . 1 . 4 .

Even short declarative statements con s i sting of a s ingle clause can optionally

Th i s wou ld indicate an attempt on the part have two o r s everal s entence-stress e s . of a Tok P i s in speaker that he was trying to bring home a point to the person addre ssed wi thout implying or displaying any emot ional attitude

below) .

( for thi s see

3.2

In such cases , the intonational drop after a sentence-stre s s only goes as far as the end of the word containing the sentence- stress , and a new intonational se­

quence begin s with the subsequent word .

Th i s can be i l l ustrated by increas ing the number of the sentence-stresses

appearing i n some o f the examples given in

3.1.1, e.g.

i gat T U pe l a t a S 6 L-

S . A . WURM

320

- -

-- ,�

",

=

there are ONLY TWO ; M ( pe I a i S A ve - -

B U L-ma KAU i - kaMAP p fn i s

... _ _

..... ,

..... " - -... '"

WE KNOW ;

= the COW HAS come ; etc .

This type of intonation is also used if the last word of a statement is added as an a fte rthought , usually with a pause preceding i t . This i s a quite common feature o f Tok Pi sin , e . g . 0 1 - ma n i - kamA p ; P ( n i s

_-

"'""'"

-

aU men

'\

have come : they have . The summary given in reference to long declarative statements containing several sentence-stresses is , in view of what has been said above , also applicable to short statements containing several sentence-stresses , i . e .

� �

or

�

r-......

��

, etc .

When using letter symbo l s , thi s intonation would be indicated by a subscript ( for ' statement ' ) or LS ( for ' long statement ' ) . I f a long statement is broken B up into separate intonational sequences separated by pauses , the notation S or B B. . . see 3 . 1 . 4 ) . S seems appropriate ( for S

4.2. 3.3. 1 . 4

I nton a t i on i n non - f i n a l parts or c l auses of a dec l ara t i ve sta tement wh i ch a re fol l owed by a paus e ( 3 . 7 , 4 . )

In parts of declarative statements which are not their final section , and which constitute separate clauses often not connected by na = and and are each fol lowed by a pause , the intonation is the same as in short declarative statements or the final part of long dec l arative statements ( see 3 . 1 . 1- 2 ) up to the syllable preceding the one which carries the sentence-stre ss . In that syllable , the level pi tch is a little lower than that of the syllable carrying the sentence-stre ss , and in the l atter syl labl e , the intonation is hi gh l evel , not fal ling, and it drops step by step a fter it, up to the first stressed syllable of the last word of that part . In that syllable it starts rising from lower mid or mi d , with the last syl lable of the last word ri sing to high . If the last word has the stress on its last syllable , or consists o f one syllable , this syllable is the only one with a rising tone . Examples ( the pause i s indicated by a comma) : em i A S - k i m t 8 1 - t u l -

p ( n i s , t a s o l E M i n o s a ve

...... .... ..... .... = he asked the .. .... / R 6 neWE p fn i s tultul, but he did not know [ it ] ; l on g t a i m E M i - kamap , dok - ..... -when he arrived, the dog had RUN AWAY ; em i ! are is usually very much lengthened . Examples : p- l e s i gat man I ? _

gaaat there any people in the vil lage ? ( l i t . has the vi l lage got men ?) Answer : [ i I ga : : : t ] = there are ( i . e . aan ' t you see, you foo l ? don ' t bore me) ; __

=

aan the tultul aome ?

Answer : i keeen [ i ' ke : : : n ]

of aourse he aan ( i . e . what a s i l ly question to ask) ; y u i nap i ka r i m

./ d r s p e 1 a kago 0 nogat I M? -----_ --

load? (I expeat you are)

=

are you ahle to aarry this

Answer : m i no i naaap [ m i no i I na : : : p ]

------:;---

I

am not (aan ' t you see it 's too heav� you foo l ? ) ; y u b- r rn g i m j i p i kamI ? --

_ _

-_ .......

did you bring the jeep ?

_

-_ /

=

Answer : i - bagaraaap [ i ' baga ' ra : : : p ]

it is broken doum (you ought to know, you foo l ) ; em i k r apI ?

is he the government offiaer?

Answer : i k f i i a p

the government offiaer (don ' t you know, you foo l ?) ; etc .

-- -

=

(he) is

328

S . A . WURM

To sum up , the outline of this intonation is

--

with the pitch

di fferences between stressed and unstressed syllables absent . When using letter symbo l s , it can be marked by subscript u ( for ' unfriendly ' ) , e . g . i - gatu ( see above ) . The lengthening of the final vowel need not be indicated separate ly .

4.2.3.3.5

I nt on a t i o n i n orders and commands ( 3 . 7 , 1 5-17 . )

In polite or mi ld orders , the ordinary statement intonation S ( see 3 . 1 . 1) is used . In such orders , the pronoun referrin g to the person or persons must be employed , e . g . y u b - d ng i m WA ra i - karns

_--

-

- .... .... ,

=

p lease bring me water.

The intonation denoting a straight order or command begins with a high , slightly fal l i ng pitch on the first syllable , and quite evenly drops in the sub­ sequent syllables , with the last syllable lower mid and slightly falling. Pitch differences between the stressed and unstressed syllables are absent . Examples :

k f s i m d f spe l a kago ! =

- - - - - _ ...

=

take this load! ; kama u t i m kauka u !

pul l out sweet potatoes! ; b- ruk i m d f s pe l a pa i a !

-- - - - -

_ _

=

- - --

....

chop this fire­

wood! ; e tc . The outline o f this intonation i s

�.

With a letter symbol , i t can

be marked with a subscript 0 ( for ' order ' ) , e . g . kamau t i m kaukau ! ( see above ) .

o

Prohibitions beginning with n6g u t = do not can be spoken with this 0 intona­

tion if they are straight commands , e . g . n6gut yu kam f n s a i t o !

- _ _ -...

don ' t

In more pol i te prohibitions , the emotional intonation E ( see 3 . 2 . 1 )

come inside !

is used in them, e . g . n6gut yu kam rNsa i t E !

4.2.3.3.6

--

-

�

=

don ' t come in, p leas e !

Spec i a l cases ( 3 . 7 , 18 - 2 3 . )

A few instances have been observed in which the intonation in Tok Pisin devi­ ates from what has been discussed above in 3 . 1-5 and which therefore are to be regarded as special cases .

4.2.3.3.6. 1

Ora i t i n some of i ts u s es ( 3 . 7 , 18 . )

In one o f i ts uses , o ra i t functions as a connecting particle between separ­ ate sentences in narrative style or in a speech , and also as a connector between separate clauses of one sentence , usually replacing na and or other con j unctions =

in such cases .

In these functions , its intonation is

__

__

, with the pitch of

both syl l ables low level , and i t is usually preceded and followed by short pauses ( indicated by p) ' e . g . em r ASk i m t u l - t u l - p f n i sB , p o ra i t p ' � M i no s ave F .-' he asked the tultul - [ but ] he did not know [ it ] ; - '"'-., ..... - - ...... ...... , p - -p ../,. _ - p - ""'" = he i8 sti l l coming em i KAM yetB , p o ra i t p ' m i g6F I go away ; d f s pe l a ma n i k f s i m b fk pe l a

s - t6n s p o ra i t p ' em i kuk i m l ong pa i a s

329

INTONATION IN TOK PISIN

p

o ra i t

p em

i

A

R Us i m

i go l on g h u l s

-

- - - ... ...... , - ... .... .... p p this man took a big stone - he heated it in the fire -

=

p _ - -.... '"' ...... .."> f' (and) he took it out [ and carried it ] to the hole ; _ _

A

_

_

et c .

characteri stic feature o f the conversational style of spoken Tok P i s i n i s

i o ra i t

the frequent u s e o f

me; it 's O. K. !

-_

/

i o ra i t

or em

spoken with the emotional

preceded by a pause

( p)

.

s a pos

Example :

E

intonation

KAm

he comes, that ' s alright with me .

o ra i t

In other contexts ,

o ra i t na S

instance in

' �

=

- - _ .I

(p)

( see

i ora i t

that 's alright with 3 . 2 . 1) .

It is usua lly

..... ./

E

=

/

is spoken with ordinary intonation patte rns ,

if

for

This i s an idiom often used when one j ob i s

finished and the speaker wishes t o indicate that the next one should be started .

It i s also used to encourage onese l f and/or the l i steners to get started on some­ thing , somewhat l ike Let 's . . . . Another example of o ra i t spoken with ordinary

m i o rA l t l on g tok b i l on g YUs

intonation would be

4.2.3.3.6.2 t-ru

i s used much l ike Eng l i sh

low, e . g . em i K ( s i m mon i p ( n i ss .

the money .

t - ru

..... ... .. ... "'

=

I agree with

t- ru i n some of i ts u s es ( 3 . 7 , 19 - 2 1 . ) I see ! in reply to a statemen t , and in this

function is spoken with the intonation - -.... ,

to

-

I am alright at your ta lk) .

( lit.

you

_

I see .

t - ru .

p

i.e.

starting

lower mid and fal ling

i s a l so used to indicate an astonished react ion to a statement ,

like English

really ?

In thi s function ,

it i s spoken with the intonation

somewhat

- �

,

i . e . starting mi d with the second s x l lable fal l ing high-lower mi d , and the vowe l t- ruu ! [ t a ' ru : : ] i s o ften lengthene d , e . g . em i R O n e w e p ( n i ss . p .... _ ... -.... 'P he has run away . Rea lly? To expre s s that the person addre s-

-u

,=

sed i s very sorry to hear and deplores what he has j us t been to l d , the intonation

�

i.e.

e . g.

is us ed often found with

it begins with

em

Rea l ly ?

in which the

p

t - ruuu [ t a ' r u : : : ]

_

..... ...... ,

Oh, what a pity !

papa t - RU b i l on g m i s

t - ru _ -

-

--,

.... �

The spe cial intonation o f

been mentioned in

is considerably lengthened ,

3.2.1.

P

-

,

he has died.

i s spoken with ordinary intonation patterns , =

he is my real

father.

4.2.3.3.6.3

-u

higher mid l evel , and fal l s mid-low in the second syllable ,

i N oA I p ( n i ss .

In other usage s ,

tory)

t - ru

E M t a so l -

-

( L e.

_/

=

em

i

not j us t c l a s s i f ica­

that ' s it!

I n three di stinct idiomatic usage s ,

e . g.

has already

the comb ination em

330

S . A . WURM

taso l has been observed with the fol lowing intonations of which only the first ./ , and .".. / , b) that '8 a l l ! constitutes a special cas e : a) that 's it! ---""'"" c ) constituting a reply to a question containing an interrogative word "" ', Examples : a) EM t a so l - , �/p- � � = that ' s it! Do it again ; p HEk i m g en s _

b)

EM t a so l - ,

�

m i NO gat moa s

c ) HUSAT i - me k m

IW

?

p

EM tasol

-_ ./p-�

IWR

- �

...

=

that 's all, I have no more ;

.... ..... .... p"'--..... .... ....

=

,

4.2.3.3.6.4

Who did i t ?

He did.

unab le to in long

The special intonation of no i nAP

statements has already been mentioned in 3 . 2 . 1 .

The words yesa

4 . 2 . 3 . 3 .6 . 5

-

"'\

=

yes , nogAt

�=

mate; member of the speaker ' s linguistic community -

""\ =

Sir (European) , m ( s i s

-,

=

01'

no , wa n t o k - ..... = friend,

social group, etc. , ma s t a

lady (European) , and personal names are

spoken with ordinary intonation by themse lves . In sentences , yes a and no g a t are usually spoken with separate S intonational sequences and are always fol lowed by a pause , e . g . Y E S a s '

-'r - _ /

m i s a ve

..... ...

s p = no, I do not know (I 'm sorry ) . ..... f -

=

yes, I know ; noGAt s ' m i no s aveE p I f used in address ing someone in

a sentence , wa n t o k , ma s t a and proper names are often spoken with separate S inton­ ational sequences but are rarely followed by a pause , e . g . MAs ta s i l a i k i kamI ? _

""\

-

_ ,.-

- ..... - ...... "

4.2.3.3.7

=

=

wou ld you like to come, sir? ( al so

you know, (it ) , Peter.

;:::a ) ; P ,i ta i s ave , s s

Summary of i n tonati onal sequences i n Tok P i s i n i n tabu l a r form

The contents of the discussion presented in 3 . 1 -6 is given below in tabular form to faci litate reference . Several of the intonational sequences are identical in di fferent , situations ( e . g . sel f-assuring and persuasive emotional statements , and answers to que stions spoken with emphatic interrogative intonation are both spoken with the intonation type E ) and could have been placed under single head­ ings . However , it has been decided, for the benefit of l ingui stical ly untrained reade rs , to l i st them separately and also to repeat the outlines in each instance . Cros s-references have been inserted using the letter symbols . The use of indi­ cates ' i s equal to . . . ' . =

INTONATION

LETTER SYMBOL

1 . In short declarative statements ( 3 . 1 . 1 )

subscript

2 . In the final part of long declarative statements ( 3 . 1 . 2 )

subscript

3 . In long declarative statements

subscript S ( see 1 ) subscript LS

consisting of a s ingle clause or several clauses conne cted by n a = and, also in short declarative statements with several s entence-stresses

P ITCH DIFFERENCES BETWEEN STRESSED AND UNSTRESSED SYLLABLES

OUTLINE

present

S same as

F

present

S

present or

( 3 . 1 . 3)

present

opt ionally ( 3 . 1 . 3 ) 4 . In non- final parts or clauses

superscript

B

present

of a statement followed by a pause ( 3 . 1 . 4 ) E superscr�pt

absent

6 . In reassuring emotional statements ( 3 . 2 . 2 )

subscript

absent

7 . In questions containing an interrogative word ( 3 . 3 . 1 )

subscript

5 . In sel f-assuring and persuasive emotional statements ( 3 . 2 . 1 )

In conj unction with emotional intonation ( 3 . 3 . 1 ) 8 . In ordinary quest ions not con­

taining an interrogative word ( 3 . 3 . 2 . 1)

·

RE

present

IW

·

IWE

·

I

superscr�pt

superscr�pt

present in first part , absent in second --

-

absent or s light

INTONATION In conjunction with emotional intonation ( 3 . 3 . 2 . 1 ) 9 . I n questions not containing an

LETTER SYMBOL IE superscrl.pt ·

superscript

PITCH DIFFERENCES BETWEEN STRESSED AND UNSTRESSED SYLLABLES

OUTLINE --

....

--

./

-

IY

absent (or sl ight in first part) absent or slight

interrogative word , with an a ffirmative reply expected (3.3.2.2) 10 . In emphatic questions not con­ taining an interrogative word ( 3 . 3 . 2 . 3) Implying astoni shment ( 3 . 3 . 2 . 3 ) optionally 1 1 . In answers to questions con­ taining an interrogative word ( 3 . 4 . 1) In conjunction with emotional intonation ( 3 . 4 . 1)

·

superscrl.pt

superscript ( see 5 ) subscript

1M

E

IWR

·

superscrl.pt

12 . In answers to questions spoken with ordinary interrogative intonation or with one indica­ ting that an affirmative answer is expected ( 3 . 4 . 2 . 1 )

subscript S ( see 1)

1 3 . In answers to questions spoken with emphatic interrogative intonation ( 3 . 4 . 2 . 2 )

superscript ( see 5 )

1 3 a . I n answers to questions not containing an interrogative word and spoken in conj unction with emotional intonation (3.4.2.2)

superscript ( see 5 ) or subscript S ( see 1 )

IWER

--

-

absent or s light

absent present

present in first part , absent in second present

E

E

absent

present present

w W tv

INTONATION

LETTER SYMBOL

OUTLINE

PITCH DIFFERENCES BETWEEN STRESSED AND UNSTRESSED SYLLABLES

14 . Unfriendly, irritated and un­ interested intonation in answers ( 3 . 4 . 2 . 3)

subscript

15 . Intonation in polite orders and requests ( 3 . 5)

subscript S ( see 1 )

present

16 . Intonation in straight orders and commands , and prohibitions ( 3 . 5)

subscript 0

absent

1 7 . Intonation in polite prohibitions ( 3 . 5 )

superscript ( see 5 )

absent

U

E

absent

1 8 . o ra i t as connector in nar­ rative style ( 3 . 6 . 1)

not appli cable

19 . t- ru

I see ! ( 3 . 6 . 2 )

not applicable

20. t-ru

rea l ly ? ( 3 . 6 . 2 )

-�

2 1 . t r u = real ly ? Oh, what a pity ! (3.6.2)

not applicable

-

2 2 . € M tas61

that ' s i t ! ( 3 . 2 . 1 )

2 3 . no i na p in long statements ( 3 . 2 . 1)

not applicable

/

/

not applicable not applicable

w w w

3 34

S . A . WURM

NOTES 1.

The standard orthography used in Mihalic 1971 has been employed here . In the pronunciation of consonant clusters such as initial 5 + stop or nasa l , medial 1 + t , etc . , a short epenthetic vowel often appears between the con­ sonants . As a result of thi s , a word such as s ne k [ s a ' ne k ] has two syl lables which i s o f importance for the discussion of intonation . Such instances have been indicated by the insertion of a hyphen between the two (or three ) con­ sonants involved , i . e . s - ne k , t u l - t u l - . The epenthetic vowel accompanying a word- final r or 1 has been indicated by r- or 1 - , e . g . tas6 1 - [ t a- ' so - le l . It disappears if the next word begins with a vowel , e . g . t u l - t u l i kam .

2.

In the translations of Tok Pisin sentences , ( ) wil l be used to indicate words which are present in Tok Pisin , but are not necessary in an idiomatically correct English rendering. Converse ly , [ ] are used to enclose words which are not present in Tok Pisin sentence s , but have to be used in an idiomatic­ a lly correct English trans lation . This will however only be resorted to sparingly so as not to make the translations look unwieldy . For instance the will not usually be given as [ the ] though it has no equivalent in Tok Pisin .

3.

A High lands language .

Wurm, S.A. "Phonology: intonation in Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:309-334. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.309 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

4.3

I N F L E C T I ONAL MO R P H O LOGY O F TO K P I S I N P . Miih l hi:iu s l e r

4.3 . 1

I NTRODUCT I ON

Morphology is the study of the internal structure of words , as opposed to syntax , which deals with the arrangements of words in larger construction s . The morphological component of a grammar is further subdivided into derivational ( lexical ) morphology , which describes the formation of new lexical items , and inflectional morphology , which deals with the morphological representation of grammatical categories such as aspect , tense and number of grammatical word-class membership . The central unit of morphological analysis is the morpheme ( or , in a process­ oriented approach , the formative ) . Morphemes or formatives are minimal meaning­ bearing stretches of utterance . Thus , the Tok Pisin form woks avema n specia lis t can be analysed into the morphemes wok work , s a ve to know or knowledge and man person, man . Pidgin language s , and Tok Pisin is no exception , tend to be defic ient in the area of morphology . Tok P isin has acquired over the years a moderately complex derivational morphology (discussed in the chapter on the lexical system : 6 . 8 ) , but has began to exhibit inflectional morphology only very recently . As a rule , secondary semantic information , s uch as grammatical meanings , is not expressed by means of bound affixes but represented by free forms . Compare an example from a highly inflected language ( Latin) with Tok Pisin : Latin

Tok Pisin

ama-b-o

mi ba i l a i k- i m

/

'" �

to love future l s g .

/

\

\ "'"

l s g . future love transitive

'I shaH love ' The preference for free forms in analytic languages such as Tok Pis in accounts for the ir regularity and the ease with which they can be learned . principal drawbacks are :

Their

a) Central and peripheral information are of the same phonological prominence . b) Word-orde r rules tend to get complicated . Lack of affixation characterises languages which are shaped by the optimal­ i sation of perception ( they approach the perceptual maxim of ' one form-one meaning ' ) rather than the optimalisation o f production ( i . e . the application o f natural phonological processes ) . Optimalisation of perception is closely associated with second- language l earning and is therefore likely to diminish once a pidgin ac­ quires a s izable commun ity of first-language speakers .

S .A . Wurm and P . MUhlhaus ler , eds Handbook of Tok Pi sin (New Pacific Lingui s ti cs , C- 70 , 1 984 . © P . Miihlhausler

Guinea Pi dgin) , 3 3 5 -340 .

Mühlhäusler, P. "inflectional morphology of Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:335-340. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.335 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

335

P . MUHLHA USLER

336

As is the case with other areas of grammar , Tok Pi sin is changing rapidly . It remains to be seen which of the more traditional inflectional processes survive and which new ones are added in the future .

4.3.2

I N FLECT I ONAL MORPHOLOGY I N TRAD I T I ONAL TOK P I S I N Most available grammars list the following three inflectional features :

-im - pe l a - pe l a

indicator of transitivity in verbs ; adj ective ending; used as a plural marker in pronouns .

writers such as Hall ( 19 5 5 a : 7 3 ff) further sugge st that the above morphological affixes can be used as the basis for establishing syntactic word classes in the language . Such a sugge stion is not supported by the available data , however . Discrepancies between morphological and syntactic behaviour are found in : a) Lexical derivation can shift morphological affixe s from one gram­ matical category to another , as in :

l on g P ElA b i l on g d i s pe l a b r i s i f i f t i yat

the length of this bridge is 50 yards

em i s i nga u t b i k P E lA

he shouted loudly

y u no ken a s k i m d i s pe l a a s k l M

you should not ask this question

ka i nka i n p I es i g a t n a ra pe l a ko l 1 M b i l ong d i s pe l a samt i ng

every other p lace has a different term for this thing

b) The ending - pe l a i s found with a subset of monosyllabic adjectives only and is furthermore frequently restricted to attributive position . c ) - pe l a with adjectives in predicative position tends to be used to distinguish lexical meaning rather than grammatical category , as in :

em i d ra i em i d ra i pe l a

it is dry it is huge

d) - i m is not attached to all transitive verbs and , in addition to tranpitivity , also s ignal s causativity , reflexivity and reciproc ity . Criticisms a-d can be condensed to the statement that there s imply is no neat one-to-one correspondence between the traditional morphological affixes and gram­ matical class membership . The use of - p e l a to signal plurals of pronouns would seem to be a rather restricted use of a morphological affix . As a matter of fact , - pe l a can only be added to the first and second person s ingular pronouns to yield corresponding plural pronouns :

but

mi yu em mi

I you he I

m i P E lA y u P E lA ( em ) o l yum i

we ( excl . ) you they we ( incl . )

A synchronic statement that the ending - pe l a serves to form plural pronouns raises a number of question s , the most pertinent one being why m i pe l a and not

INFLECTIONAL MORPHOLOGY OF TOK PISIN

337

y um i should be regarded as the ' plural ' of m i . From a diachron ic point o f view , however , this statement is interesting s ince the present-day plural pronoun forms reflect two systems which were both in use when plural pronouns were introduced for the first time , one being the addition of - pe l a to s ingular pronouns ( yie lding m i pe l a , yupe l a and h i mpe l a ) , the other one the addition of 0 1 after the singular pronouns , yie lding m i 0 1 , yu 0 1 and h i m 0 1 , of which present-day em 0 1 is still a reflection .

4.3.3

RECENT DEVELOPMENTS

The rapid increase in the nu�ber of speakers for whom Tok Pisin i s e ither the first or the pr imary language in recent years has led to some signi ficant new developments . Some of these have been summa rised by Lynch ( 1979) . The changes can be divided into the fol lowing categories : a) b) c) d)

cases of morphological reanalysis ; free forms becoming bound forms ; borrowing of affixe s ; independent deve lopments .

( a ) The reanalys is of surface strings is a common cause for language change in the transmis s ion of languages from one generation to the next . It i s favoured by the absence o f strict social norms and by imperfect adult language learning . For Tok Pisin , only one case has been reported to date . Lynch ( 1979) observe s that the pronominal plural marker - pe l a has been subject to reanalys is , following changes in the phonological rules of the language . An area where reanalysis i s common i s that of the non-singular pronouns : (9) 1 inc . 1 exc . 2nd . 3rd .

DUAL

/y um i t l a/ /m i t l a/ /yu t l a/ / t u p l a/

y um i t u pe l a m i t upe l a y u t upe l a t upe l a

PLURAL

/yum i / /m i p l a/ /yup l a/ /0 1 /

y um i m i pe l a yupe l a 01

The forms / t up l a/ , /m i p l a/ , and /yu p l a/ show one kind of phonological reduction - loss o f the unstressed vowel - but this i s not of great interest here . Of special interest are the forms for the dual pronouns in all persons except the third person . Comparing these with the plural forms , in a truly synchron i c morphological analysis we would have to analyse the first exclusive and second person pronouns as fol lows : ( 10 ) PRONOUN ROOT ( m i ' 1 exc ' ) ( ( yu ' 2nd '

+

NUMBER SUFFIX ( - t ' dual ' ) ( ) ( - p ' plural ' )

+

NONS INGULAR SUFFIX ( ? ? )

-la

Thi s gives quite a di fferent picture from the traditional analysis of pronoun root + optional numeral ( t u) + nonsingular suffix ( - pe l a ) . It remains to be seen whether thi s analysis reflects what speakers of Tok Pisin know about thei r l anguage , or whether existing spe lling conventions wi ll dominate . (b) Cases involving the attachment of free forms with grammatical meaning to free forms with lexical meaning have been reported by a number of authors . Perhaps the

338

P . MUHLHA USLER

most famous case i s the reduction of the time adverbial forms b a i and ba and the prefix ba- or ba - . A detailed Sankoff and Laberge ( 19 7 3 ) with some additional remarks 1978 . Lynch summarises the most recent developments as

ba i mba i ' future ' to the

case study is given by being found in Stentzel follows ( 1979 : 7- 8 ) :

However , one point which needs mentioning here is that ba i itself is undergoing further reduction , and appears to have now reached the stage of a prefix to verb phrase s . Among Ll­ speakers , the most common phonological form of ba i is /ba/ (phonetically [ ba J or [ b a J) : ( 16 ) /em ba kam/

'He wi l l come '

( 1 7 ) /bam i s i �a u t 0/

EM ba i i kam

' wi l l I cal l out ? '

B a i m i s i ngaut 07

Before vowels , ba i may further optionally reduce to /b/ (often phonetically [ b : J) : ( 1 8) /bo 1 i kam/

'They ' l l come '

Ba i 0 1 i kam

A second example of the attachment of free forms is the cliticis ation of ana­ phoric pronouns di scussed by Sankoff ( 197 7b) . In the course of the history of Tok Pisin both the original third person s ingular pronoun i and the later third person singular pronoun em became attached to the following verb and subsequently lost their pronominal force . Most recently , with fluent second-language speakers or first-language speakers , in sentence s such as :

wanpe 1 a me r i em i go na u na n a ra pe 1 a em i p u t i m b 1 akpe 1 a

s o this woman went and the other guy wore a b lack one

t he em i s used as an emphatic topic-changing marker rather than an anaphoric pro­ noun . For many speakers em is no longer restricted to co-occurrence with s ingular nouns but can also appear with plural and dual subj ects . In addition to the weak­ ening of the role of em as an agreement marker , one can also observe its phono­ logical reduction to -m and its attachment to the predicate . The two changes are il lustrated in the trans ition from :

0 1 masta 0 1 i kam

to 0 1 ma s t a em i kam and 0 1 mast:a m i kam

}

the European arrived

Further documentat ion is needed in this area of Tok Pi sin grammar to establish how widespread this phenomenon i s . A last in stance o f developing verb morphology i s the phonological weakening and cliticisation of a number of aspect markers including save ' habitual action ' and 1 a i k ' imminent action ' . According to Lynch ( 1979 : 8 ) : In Ll-speech, phonological reduction has taken place in these verbs when they are used preverbally to mark aspect ( though not in their regular verbal use , as in M i s a ve l on g y u I know you and M i 1 a i k i m wa npe 1 a moa I want one more ) . As aspect markers , save reduces to /sa/ and 1 a i k to / l a/ . Examples ( 19a) through ( 2 3a ) below show the phonological real­ i sation of ( 19 ) through ( 2 3 ) above : ( 19 ) M i save ka i ka i banana . ( 2 0 ) M i s a ve wok i m d i s pe 1 a .

I eat banana (s) I know how to do this

INFLECTIONAL MORPHOLOGY OF TOK PISIN

( 2 1 ) Em i s a ve pan i t r u . ( 22 ) M i l a i k go l ong Mo sb i . ( 2 3 ) Haus i a i l a i k pundaun . ( 19a) ( 20a) ( 2 1a) ( 2 2a) ( 2 3a )

339

He is very funny I want to go to Moresby The house is likely to fal l down

/m i s a ka i ka i ba nana/ /m i s awok i m des l a/ /em s a pan i t r u/ /m i l a go l omos b i / /hausya l a punda un/

Whi l st the deve lopment of affixation i s most prominent with verbs , there are also s igns of the deve lopment of nominal in flections . One such development i s that of case prefixes out of the former prepositions l on g in, at , ' locative in general ' and b i l on g of, ' posses sive ' . Lynch ( 1979 : 2 ) points out that : There is considerable evidence that , due to phonological reduction , these two prepositions have be come , if not prefixes , then at least proc litics to noun phrases . Among Ll-speakers , phonological reduction of these prepo­ sitions has taken place such that the final consonant /Q/ i s rarely , i f eve r , pronounce d ; i n addition , the first vowel of b i l on g i s rarely , if eve r , sounded . The proclitics are thus reali sed as / 1 0/ and /b l o/ before consonant- initial noun phrases , and are generally unstressed in this position (which is why they should probably be seen as proclitics rather than prefixe s ) . Examples : ( 1 ) /put i m l o t ebo l /

'Put it on the table '

P u t i m l on g t ebo l

( 2 ) /g i v i m l o t up l a man/ G i v i m l ong t u pe l a ma n 'Give it to the two men ' ( 3 ) /dok b l om i / Ook b i l ong m i 'My dog ' ( 4 ) /p i k b l o l a p un manya/ 'The o ld man ' s pig '

P i k b i l on g l a pun ma n i a

( c ) Borrowing of inflectional morphology 1) plural - 5 As e arly a s 1956 Hall observed that educated speakers o f Tok Pisin frequently borrowed the English plural suffix - 5 . His data suggest that - 5 becomes attached to both traditional and recently borrowed lexical items . An increase in this phenomenon has been observed by Lynch ( 19 7 9 ) and myself ( Muhlhausler 1981a) . Lynch specul ates that pluralisation by means of - 5 is an interference phenomenon rather than a feature of Tok Pi sin grammar proper, since (p . 6 ) : "plural suffixes are added to words derived from Engli sh but not ( as far as I can see) to words derived from other languages . " My own observations do not support this statement and i t appears that , in urban varieties of Tok Pi sin at leas t , - 5 has become an integral part of gramma r . 2 ) progressive - i ng The use of - i ng as a verb ending by some speakers of Urban Tok Pisin in both spoken and written language appears to be a combination of borrowing and reanal­ ysi s . This means that initial ly English - i ng is borrowed as a form only and re­ interpreted as serving the function of the Tok Pisin transitivity marker - i m . Only for a small group o f speakers i t i s also used in the English function . The steps involved here can be ill.u strated as follows :

340

P . MUHLHA USLER

Stage 1 :

m i r i t i m d i s pe l a buk

I am reading this book. book

I read this

Stage 2 :

mi r i d i ng d i s pe l a buk

I am reading this book. book

I read this

Stage 3 :

m i r i d i n g d i s pe l a b uk m i b i n r i t d i s pe l a b uk

I am reading this book I read this book

(d) Independent developments Totally new grammatical or morphological mechanisms only seldom develop in natural languages , though in pidgins such deve lopments are somewhat more frequent . A possible example to be mentioned here is the deve lopment , in the speech of some first-language speakers of the language , of number agreement between nouns and verbs . In the creolised Tok Pisin of Malabang village on Manus , verbs are fre­ quently redupl icated (with no change of meaning) when the nominal subject appears in the plural . Examples include :

B r i s i b ru k . Tupe l a b r i s i b ru kb r uk . b r u k . Tupe l a

The bridge Was broken. Two bridges were broken. Both were broken.

p l an t i p i k i n i n i i p l a i p l a i au sa i t

lots of chi ldren were p laying outside

As can be seen from the first example , we are dealing with an optional rule here . Howeve r , as I could confirm with my informants , since reduplication frequently does not involve semantic change in this variety it may wel l be developing into an obligatory grammatical feature .

4.3.4

CONCLUS I ON S

The above remarks on inflectional morphology together with the observations made in the chapter on the lexical system ( 6 . 8 ) should be taken as a warning against a simplistic view of pidgins as languages without morphology . Absence of affixation is characteristic only of the initial developmental stages of pidgins . Once the development approaches the creole end of the scale , morphological processe s can beco�e important . It would not surprise me i f , in 2 5 years from now , Tok Pisin had cbanged from an isolating to an agglutinative or even fusional language .

Mühlhäusler, P. "inflectional morphology of Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:335-340. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.335 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

4.4

S Y N TAX O F TO K P I S I N P . Mlih l hau s l e r

4.4.0

I NT RODUCT I ON

The writer on the syntax of any l anguage is faced with a number of problems , including the fact that : a) I t is not feasible to describe all the rules and regularities under­ lying the formation of grammatical strings of a language . b) Exis ting de scriptive model s regard syntax as an autonomous abstract obj ect rather than one which depends on a speaker ' s cultural back­ ground , psychological s trategies and situational context . Fixed abstract rules such as non-l inguists have come to expect in a grammar tend to be the endpoint of a long tradition of grammar writing and grammar teaching. In new languages or those with no written tradi­ t ion the degree of grammaticalisation encountered is much les s . Variability and gradient grammaticalness are t o be expected i n such languages . The description of pidgin l anguage s , which are second languages for most of the i r users , poses some additional problems : c ) Such l anguage s are developing and changing to such a degree that a purely synchron ic description ( i . e . one where language is regarded as frozen at a particular point in time) would seem to make l ittle sense . It i s for this reason that frequent reference will be made to the grammar of speakers of different age groups and social back­ grounds . d) Because pidgins are second languages their speakers ' first languages can influence the ir grammar . This means , among other things , that di f ferent speakers may interpret identical syntactic structures in dif ferent ways . In any case , the discrepancy between a production grammar and a perception grammar can be considerable in a pidgin . There can be no doubt that the present analysis is biased towards a European interpretation , though attempts have been made to take into account indigenous intuitions wherever this was possible . As pointed out in the chapter on the history of research ( 2 . 1 ) , there have ' been a number of syntactic descriptions of Tok P i sin in the past . The present description di ffers from them in the following ways : a) I t is based on a very large corpus of materials produced by indig­ enous speakers of the l anguage . A l l but a few trivial examples used were taken from thi s corpus . I have attempted throughout to be maximal ly descriptive and minimally prescriptive or normative .

S . A . Wurm and P . Muhlhau s le r , eds Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin) , 3 4 1- 4 2 1 . Pacifi c Linguistics , C-70, 1984 . P . Muhlhausler ©

Mühlhäusler, P. "Syntax of Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:341-421. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.341 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

341

342

P. MUHLHA USLER

b ) The present description i s more comprehens ive than previous one s , partly because it accounts for many recent deve lopments in the gram­ maticalisation process of Tok pi sin . c) Deve lopment and variation are given a prominent place . I have refrained , however , from using complex mode l s of description to account for such variat ion . The main aim has been observational adequacy rather than descriptive consi stency . It should be obvious from the above remarks that this syntax is in many ways more in the nature of an approximation to a description than a definite grammar. My main concern was to cater for those who have to speak and write the language rather than the professional l ingui st . However , wherever possible , the reader is referred to scientific treatments of the points of grammar discussed here .

4.4. 1

WORD CLASSES I N TOK P I S I N

4.4.1.1

I n t rod u c t i on

A number of attempts to e stablish word classes in Tok Pisin have been made , the most important being those of Hall ( 1943b and 1955a) and Wurm ( 1971a) . Hal l state s that the classi fication of words is one of the main aims of l inguistic description and that i t should precede all syntactic analysis . He also insists that morphological criteria should be at the base of any such classi fication . A further discuss ion of the theoretical principles underlying Hal l ' s work is found in Hall 1962 . Wurm ( 1971a) , on the other hand , does not aim at a scientific categorisat ion of Tok Pisin words but at providing classes useful in teaching the language . My own approach is that c lassification for its own sake is only of marginal interest in l inguistic description and that different classificatory approaches may be needed in different parts of grammar . Word c lassifications can be based on a number of criteria , i . e . phonological , morphological , syntactic and semantic , and those arrived at by applying one set of criteria are not necessarily co­ extensive with those based on another . Morphological criteria , for instance , are not always re levant to the e stablishment of syntactical ly relevant c lasses . I will attempt here to estab lish classes of words relevant to the operation of the syntactic rules of the language . No complete syntax of Tok Pis in is yet avai lable and is unlikely to be so in the near future . To present a syntax which could c laim to be exhaustive and to l i st all the syntactic features re levant for the classificat ion of Tok Pisin words would clearly be beyond the aims of the present handbook . Neverthe less it is hoped that the clas$i fications presented here wi l l be a step in the direct ion which a more detailed scienti fic analysis of Tok Pisin s��tax should take and that the fol lowing discussion will provide a clearer picture of the major syntactic processes of Tok Pisin than has been avail­ abl e hitherto .

4.4. 1.2

Nouns a nd noun phrases

Nouns can be syntactical ly defined as es sential members of noun phrases ( NP ) and prepositional phrases ( PP ) . They are optionally accompanied by certain de­ terminers and speci fiers which wil l also be di scussed in this section . The first

S YNTAX OF TOK PISIN

343

subclassificat ion of nouns i s one which distinguishes between pronouns and all other kinds o f nouns .

4.4. 1.2.1

P ronou n s ( PN )

( a ) Pe rsonal , pronouns Tok P i sin distinguishes e ssentially seven pronouns , i . e . three for the s ingular and four for the plural ; to this dual and trial forms must be added . The basic paradigm i s as follows : 1st

2nd

3rd

sg.

mi

I

yu

you (one)

em

he, she, it

du o

y um i t upe 1 a m i t upe 1 a

we two ( incl . ) we two ( excl . )

y u t upe 1 a

you wo

( em ) t u pe 1 a

they wo

tr.

y um i t r i pe 1 a we three ( inc l . ) m i t r i pe 1 a we three ( exc l . )

y u t r i pe 1 a you three

( em ) t r i pe 1 a they three

pl .

yum i m i pe 1 a

y u pe 1 a

( em ) 0 1

we (al l ) ( inc l . ) we (al l ) ( excl . )

you (a l l)

they

Tab l e of personal pronou n s The distinction between the inclusive and the exclusive form of the first person plural pronoun i s an important feature o f Tok Pi sin grammar : The distinction of ' inc lusive ' and ' exclusive ' is a feature taken over from Melanes ian languages in New Guinea . One mus t always distinguish i n Pidgin whether ' we ' includes the person or persons spoken to or not . If the addressee is not included , one says m i pe 1 a ; if he is , one says y um i . Failure to observe the distinction can lead to misunderstandings ; thus , a mission­ ary must say J i sa s i - da i l on g y um i Jesus died for us that is , for Europeans and natives a like ; if he said J i sa s i - da i l on g m i pe 1 a it would mean Jesus died for us (missionaries) ( and not for the congregation) . ( Laycock 1970c : xviii) -

However , a confusion o f inclusive and exclusive pronouns is often found in speakers for whom this distinction is not made in their first l anguage . In recent years a form y um i pe 1 a has become more common . For some o f its users this form corresponds to English we . The form with em in the third person plural may either reflect emphasis ( c f . below) or , especially with olde r speakers , be related to the now obsolete system of plural pronouns with the forms m i 0 1 we , yu 0 1 you (pl . ) and em 0 1 they . The basic set of personal pronouns is the same in subj ect and obj ec t posi­ tion : m i 1 uk i m yu I see you , yu 1 uk i m m i you see me . However , it must be noted that the third person s ingular pronoun em is often omitted after transitive verbs ending in im a s in m i 1 uk i m em or m i 1 uk i m I see him ( c f . Lattey 1979) . -

,

A second convention affecting the use of em is its behaviour after the prep­ osition b i l ong . For some varieties of Tok P i sin there is a distinction between b i l ong em and b i 1 0n g en ( spe l led b i l ongen) : Dutton ( 1 9 7 3 : 39 ) mentions that

344

P. MUHLHA USLER

b i l ongen translates as his, hers, its whereas b i l on g em corresponds to English that person 's or that thing 's . (b) conventions for the choice of pronouns Though the third person singular pronoun em has been glossed as he, she, it in the previous paragraph and though 0 1 has been translated as they , the con­ ventions underlying the choice of s ingular and plural pronouns in Tok Pisin differ from tho se of Eng l ish . I shall give a short summary of this feature of Tok pisin grammar : a) For some speakers the distinction between s ingular and plural in third person pronouns is not obl igatory ; the s ingular pronoun em is chosen to refer to both s ingular and plural NPs , e . g . 01 wa s man em i s t a p the watchmen were there . b) The tendency to neglect the distinction between s ingular and plural in pronouns is more pronounced i f the PN stands for inanimate nouns : H i l u k i m p l a n t i s i p . Em i s tap 1 0ngwe t ru . I saw many ships . They were far away . c ) The pronoun chosen for referring to dual NP ' s can be t u pe l a or e ither of the less marked forms 0 1 and em : Asde m i l u k i m papamama b i l ong m i . E m/Tupe l a /O l i l a i k l a pun n a u . Yesterday I went to Bee my parents. The two of them are getting o ld now. d) The pronoun t u pe l a is not chosen to refer to inanimates .

( c ) Emphatic pronouns Emphatic pronouns are formed from the personal pronoun followed by yet , ya or t a s o l and , in s ingular only , wa npe l a :

H i yet i wok i m haus

I myse lf built the house

Hi l a i k i m yu tasol

I love just you

Y u tok i m e m y e t

Te l l it to him personal ly

E m y a i baga rap i m me r i b i l on g mi

It is he who assaulted my wife

The choice between these emphasi sers is guided mainly by the need to avoid ambiguity with the reflexive form em y et himself and em t a s o l that 's a l l . ( d ) Interrogative pronouns These have been dealt with in a number of places , and l ittle can be added to Laycock ' s analysis ( 1970c : xxix) : The four basic interrogative words hauma s how much, how many , h u s a t who , we where , and wonem what are used j ust l ike any other words in Pidgin, and no special que stion intonation is used : ha umas ba i yu g i p i m m i 7 how much wil l you give me ? h u s a t i kama p who is coming? wonem i kam7 what is coming? yu l u k i m wonem7 what do you see ? 01 ba i 01 i go we7 where wi l l they go ? All these interrogative s , except we , may be used as adjec­ tive s : ha uma s pe yu b i n g i p i m l ongen7 how much pay did you give him ? h u s a t man i sanap i s ta p wa n ta i m yu? who is the man standing beside you? wonem samt i n g yu l uk i m7 what is it -

-

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

345

you see ? wonem me r i i kuk i m kauka u ? which Woman cooked the sweet potato ? wonem ka i n pa s i n b i l on g y u ? what sort of behaviour is that ? The interrogative does not necessarily come first in the sentence , especially if it is the obj ect ( di rect or indirect) of a verb : yu l uk i m wonem samt i ng ? what is it you see ? yu g i p i m s o l l on g hauma s ma n ? how many men did you give salt to ? Where the interrogative is the subj ect of the sentence , the sentence can be broken into two phrases , especially where the item being questioned i s a long phrase : man i kama p , em h u s a t ? the man coming, who is he ? d i s pe l a

samt i ng m i l uk i m l ong p i es b i l on g yu , i o l osem b i kpe l a anka , em wonem samt i ng? this thing I saw in your house, like a big

anchor, what is i t ?

Note : wanem nem b i l ong y u ? o r h u sa t nem b i l on g yu? both translate what i s your name ? ( e ) Inde finite pronouns The following forms are found in Tok Pi sin :

sampe l a man sampe l a ( ma n ) ( sampe l a) s amt i n g 0 1 samt i ng

someone some ( pl . ) something something ( pl . )

The use o f these forms can be be st illustrated with a few examples :

I gat p l an t i man i wok l on g tes i n . Sampe l a i ret s k i n na sampe l a b l aksk i n .

There are many workers on the station. Some are 'redskins ' and some are 'blackskins ' .

M i l uk i m 0 1 samt i n g 0 1 p i es wok l ong red i m .

I saw something ( pl . ) that the vi l lagers were preparing.

Y u l a i k i m ka i ka i ? l a i k i m sampe l a .

Do you want food? some .

Yes , m i

Yes, I want

( f) Reflexive pronouns Re flexive pronoun s in Tok Pisin are formed by the addition of yet after the personal pronoun appearing as obj ect , e . g . :

Em i hangamap i m em y e t .

He hanged himse lf.

Y u l a i k i m yu yet t a s o l a ?

You are fond of yourse lf, aren 't you?

Reflexivity in Tok pisin has not yet been wel l studied . It must be mentioned that not all reflexives in English are translated by constructions containing a reflexive pronoun in Tok pisi n . My data suggest that often the reflexive pronoun does not appear overtly , transitive verbs without overt object often being used to translate reflexive concepts , as in :

man b i l on g kano t u i b i l a s i m

the crew of the canoe decorated themse lves

yu no ken pu l i map i m o l sem bu l makau

you can ' t fi l l yourse lf like a cow

tel b i l on g kap u l i huk i m l on g d i wa i

the possum ' s tail hooked itse lf on a branch

346

P . MUHLHA USLER

( g) Reciprocal pronouns Apart from other mechanisms to express reciprocity , such as the repetition of verb sterns , the fol lowing forms are commonly found : wa npe 1 a wanpe 1 a one another , t u pe 1 a t up e 1 a one another, each , n a rape 1 a n a rape 1 a one another , as in :

t u pe 1 a i pa i t i m wa n pe 1 a wanpe 1 a

they hit one another

n a rape 1 a i k i k i m na rape 1 a , n a ra pe 1 a i k i k i m na rape 1 a , o ra i t 0 1 i k i k i m n a ra pe 1 a n a rape 1 a

they kicked each other

Again , transitive verb forms with deleted obj ect can be used to s ignal reciprocal actions , as i n :

t upe 1 a i pa i t i m

they hit one another

( h ) Possessive pronouns Posse ssive pronouns are formed by b i 1 0ng plus the set of personal pronouns . A more detailed di scuss ion of these wil l be found below . I t must be pointed out that , if one has to do with a reciprocal relationship of possess ion , possessive pronoun s normally occur twice , as in :

wanpe 1 a mon i ng papa b i 1 0ngen i 1 u s i m p i k i n i n i b i 1 0ngen

one morning the father left his child

1 i k 1 i k b i 1 0n gen i pa i t i m b i kp e 1 a b i 1 0ngen

the little brother hit his o lder brother

4.4. 1 .2 .2

Nouns

No complete discussion of the subclas s i fication of Tok Pisin nouns can be given here , but some of the mo st obvious semantic features which are relevant to their syntactic behaviour will be discussed . In Tok Pi sin there is considerable freedom for nouns to appear in more than one syntactically relevant subclass . ( a ) Animate vs . inanimate nouns The distinction between nouns such as dokta doctor , ma n k i boy and s unam Manus is lander on the one hand , and d i wa i tree , g ras hair, feather o n the other is relevan t , as has been pointed out already , to the choice of pronouns and certain prenominal modifiers such as the plural iser 0 1 . ( b ) Proper vs . common nouns Proper nouns with regard to animates are names such as P i ta , S i oba , John . They typi cally occur in the singular only and are always definite . Proper nouns for inanimates inc lude the names of towns , rivers and other local itie s , as in Sep i k the Sepik , Go roka , Mo s b i Port Moresby , e tc . The relevance of this c lass of proper nouns for syntactic behaviour l ies in the restrictions in connection with prenominal determiners . ( c ) Countable vs . non-countable nouns This distinction , which is important for the c lassification of Engli sh nouns , is relatively unimportant in Tok Pi sin s ince there are a number of lexical con­ ventions which al low virtually any noncount noun to become a count noun . At present there is a good deal of fluctuation , but it seems l ikely that more stable

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

347

conventions will develop , particularly in Urban Tok Pisin under the influence of English . I n those cases where a distinction between count and mass nouns i s main­ tained, the choice of prenominal determiners and pronouns is affected . This wi l l be di scussed below. ( d ) Abstract

vs . concrete nouns

Though formally there is l ittle difference between these two groups with regard to their ability to take prenominal modifiers , the conditions under which , for instance , the plural marker may appear with nouns of these two subclasses , are different . The appearance o f 0 1 with abstract nouns in Tok P isin depends on the presence of a plural subj ect in s entences in which these abstract nouns are obj ects . Compare m i g a t fan I had fun with 0 1 i g a t ( o l ) fan they had fun , or s i n d a u n b i l ongen his behaviour with ( 0 1 ) s i n d a un b i l ong 0 1 their behaviour . The four features j us t di scussed can be used to divide Tok P i sin nouns into main classe s . However , there are a number of other features applying to only a few noun s , which are also relevant to syntactic processe s . An isolation of all such features would be a very large task and would require considerably more research in the area of Tok Pisin syntax . The following cases i l lustrate such minor class features : ( e ) Nouns referring to containers or units of measurement Thi s group includes items such as me kpas bundle , ka ramap packet , t i n tin , 1 0 0 coins , kes case , which appear in noun phrases involving two nouns . Examples are :

p i us ro l l of

p i k i n i n i i ba i i m wanp e l a boto l m u l i wa ra

the chi ld bought a bottle of lemonade

01 i a n t a p i m pe b i l on g wa np e l a pepa ra i s i go i na p 25 sens

they increased the price of a paper bag of rice to 25 cents

l a pun me r i i ho l i m wa np e l a han b ua i

the old woman he ld a ' hand ' of bete lnuts

( f) Nouns introducing proper nouns Nouns such as m i s ta Mr , ma s t a European , wara rive r , a i l a n is land , p I es vi l lage , are typically fol lowed by proper nouns , as in :

wa ra Sep � k

the Sepik river

k i ap Ta unsen

the government officer Townsend

mas t a pob r u s

the European referred t o as pobrus ( smoker of native tobacco)

a i l an Wa l i s

Walis is land

ma u n ten Tu r u

Turu

mountain

Note : in more anglicised vers ions one finds Wa l i s a i l an Walis is land and Sep i k r i va Sepik river. ( g) units for measuring time or money Thi s group includs terms such as mun month , s i l i n g shi l ling , ma k mark, shi l ling , k i n a kina , a ua hour. Numerals appearing be fore such terms normal ly drop - pe l a . Compare :

348

P. MUHLHAUSLER

wanpe l a man wan au a w an s i l i n g

4.4 . 1 .3

one man one hour one shi l ling

Nomi n a l mod i fi ers

Noun phrases in Tok Pisin may consist e i ther of. a head noun alone or a head noun preceded and/or followed by a number of modifiers . At this point there i s a great deal of variat ion i n both the order of elements which can appear with nouns and the restrictions on their co-occurrence . In this discussion of nominal modifiers I will first deal with number marking , a feature which has become obligatory for many varieties of Tok Pisin , then with prenominal and post-nominal modifiers .

4.4. 1.3. 1

N umber i n Tok Pi s i n nouns

Three c lasses of syntactic nouns a r e relevant t o the determination of regularities underlying the use of number markers in Tok Pisin . They are animate nouns , inanimate count nouns and inanimate mass nouns . The distinction between the latter two c las se s , however , is not made in some varieties of Tok Pisin and is l e s s important than the distinction between animates and inanimates . Tok Pisin typically distinguishes between singular , plural and dual . I t has been said that " Pidgin nouns have n o articles and show n o number . The third person pronouns ( s ingular and plural) are sometimes used in a manner which cor­ responds to the English definite article" ( Laycock 1970c : xix) . Thi s and s imi lar statements sugge st that the indication of number is optional in Tok Pi sin . This is still true for certain less deve loped varieties of Tok P is in , but two studies carried out by the present author ( Muhlhausler 1976 and 1981a) sugge st that there has been a drastic change among younger and more sophi sticated speakers of this language . The numbe r system currently most commonly used can be represented as follows : ( a ) Animate nouns : singular unmarked .

dual

o man

plural

01 ma n men

a man

marked indefinite

wanpe l a man

t u pe l a man two men

some men

definite

em man (ya ) man ya

em t u pe l a man (ya) t upe l a man ya

em 0 1 man (ya) 0 1 man ya the men

a certain man

the man

the two men

sampe l a ( 0 1 ) man

The distinction between unmarked and marked inde finite forms (ma n as against wa n pe l a man ) is that between English a man and a certain man or men and some (or certain) men . European speakers of Tok Pisin tend to translate both unmarked and marked inde finite forms by wa n pe l a , though there is a distinction in Tok Pisin between , for example , m i l a i k k i s i m me r i I want to marry and m i l a i k i m wa npe l a me r i na m i l a i k k i s i m em I like a certain girl and I want to marry her.

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

349

The use of the term ' unmarked ' for the forms man and 0 1 man means that these forms are unmarked for definiteness , though man on its own can also be unmarked for number under certain conditions . (b) Inanimate nouns : count nouns As in the case of animate nouns , the categories of number and definitenes s are independent of one another ; what distinguishes inanimate nouns from animates are the conditions applying to the use of number markin g . The convention for animates was that number mus t be indicated with nouns either by using number markers directly preceding the noun or in the possess ive , and there also was a strong tendency towards redundancy in number marking . Number marking with in­ animates is not compulsory . However , there is a strong tendency among f luent second-language Tok Pisin speakers and those for whom it is the first language , to fol low mark number di stinctions in most occurrences of non-animate noun s . The distinction between dual and plural is not made for inanimates . The conventions for the use of the markers em and ya are the same as for animate nouns . Note : what counts as an animate or inanimate noun semantically can dif fer with the speakets background l anguage/cul ture . The main difference between older speakers of Tok pisin and speakers belonging to the younger generation , in particular those for whom Tok Pisin i s the first language , l i es i n the amount of redundancy found with number markin g . For very o l d speakers the plural marker 01 tends t o be used only when a plural noun is introduced paragraph initial ly with all further occurrences unmarked for number . For speakers of creo l ised Tok Pi sin all occurrences of the same plural noun would be preceded by 0 1 , often redundantly as in 0 1 sampe l a man or 0 1 p l a n t i man some men or plenty of men ( c f . Muhlhausler 1981a) . Under certain conditions , the plural marker 0 1 can be deleted : a)

If the noun i s preceded by o l geta a l l . o l geta 0 1 ma n a l l men , are very rare .

Noun phrases of the form

b) I f the head noun is fol lowed by plural possessives as in p i k i n i n i b i l ong 0 1 i save go l on g s k u l their children go to schoo l . c ) I f the head noun i s preceded by s ampe l a some , haumas how many , or numerals : ( 0 1 ) samp e l a man , ( 0 1 ) ha uma s me r i , em i b i n k i l i m

( 0 1 ) pa i ppe l a p i k .

d) Be fore additive nominal compounds such as manme r i people or me r i p i k i n i n i women and chi ldren . e) For some speakers there i s a group of nouns which are semantically plural but are treated as singulars in English . This group includes ( 0 1 ) l a i n a ( labour) group , ( 0 1 ) fam i l i fami ly , ( 0 1 ) m i s i n the mission , and s imilar items . e) The plural marker 0 1 does not appear , as a rule , to the right of i kamap or t a n i m in equative c lauses : 0 1 d i s pe l a me r i i s uma t i n these girls are students . ( c) Mass nouns The distinction between mass and count nouns in Tok Pisin is made primarily on semantic grounds . The former include obj ects which cannot be subdivided or merge d , while the latter refer to separate countable entitie s . In English this

350

P. MUHLHAUSLER

distinction i s reflected in the distinction between mil k , flour , gas on the one hand and the tree , the box or the book on the other . In Tok Pisin there is almost total overlap in the c lass membership of these two groups of nouns . Countability (or at least potential countabil ity) is signalled syntactically by the use of 0 1 or numerals such a s wanpe l a one , t upe l a two , etc . There is a sma l l c lass of lexical items which are countable but not normally preceded by such quanti fiers . Mihalic ( 197 1 : 12 ) mentions that " a few nouns . . . , may have implied plural signi fication ; for example : banana banana {s) , b i n bean {s ) , mo ra ta thatah . . . . " As a rule all inanimate nouns , including abstract noun s , are potentially countable . For example :

m i go kat i m wanp e l a pa i aw u t

I went to ahop one quantity of firewood

e m i p u l i ma p i m wa np e l a g ra un l on g wa npe l a b i l um

she fi l led a quantity of soi l (aorresponding to the size of the stringbag) into a stringbag

Thi s can also explain the tendency among many fluent speakers of Tok Pisin to treat inanimate nouns which can be thought of as the aggregate of potentially countable entities as plural s :

01 ra i s 0 1 b ru s 0 1 kop i

riae native tobaaao coffee

0 1 smok 0 1 s uga 01 dr i ng

tobaaco sugar drink, liquor

Plura l forms of abstract nouns such as 0 1 l oka l a i sesen loaalisation and 0 1 p ren s i p wan t a i m Papua friendship with Papua , to mention but two of the numerous examples , can be thought of as having the plural marker s ince a number of people in a number of places are involved. But , as inanimate nouns are involved , the plural marker remains optional .

4 .4 . 1 . 3 . 2

D i s tri b ut i o n

A feature which i s frequently s ignalled syntactically is that of distribu­ tion , i . e . the occurrence of entities in several localitie s . The mos t common way o f expressing di stribution is by redupl icating the noun . Nouns can also be optionally preceded by 0 1 and followed by naba u t , as in :

0 1 kanakaka na ka naba u t l ong

bus

the groups o f less deve loped natives in the various parts of the bush

p i k i n i n i b i l on g d i wa i i g a t kon akona

the fruit of the tree (aarambola) has many aorners

01 i go pa i n i m ta I i nga t a I i nga n aba u t

they went to look for mushrooms in various plaaes

0 1 wa n tokwa n tok na ba u t l on g 0 1

his wantoks in the various towns

t a un

Number , definiteness and distribution are the main grammatical categories associated with nouns in Tok Pisin . No grammatical gender or case distinctions are shown in nouns . Sex distinct ions can be made by adding man male or me r i fema le to a noun as in pukpuk ma n a ma le aroaodi le , meme me r i a nanny-goat , hos man stal lion or w i do man widower.

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

351

The semantic distinctions carried by case endings in other languages are made by pure ly syntactic means in Tok Pi sin and wil l be di scussed be low . A special instance of the plural marker 0 1 must be mentioned here , not because this construction is of much s igni ficance in present-day Tok Pisin , but because of the fact that parallel constructions are found in a number of other pidgins and languages of alleged pidgin ancestry such as Jamaican Creole , Negro Dutch of the Virgin I s lands and Afrikaan s . 0 1 following nouns referring to humans , e ither proper or common , can indicate ' the person re ferred to and other persons c lose ly associated with him ' as , for instance , pa t e r 0 1 the Father and his flock , P i ta 0 1 Peter and his friends .

4.4. 1.3.3

Other p renom i n a l mod i fi ers

(al De finite quanti fiers The most important members of this group are the cardinal numbers . TWo sets o f cardinal numbers are used in present-day Tok Pisin , the original set , which is still in wide currency in rural areas , and Engli sh cardinal numbers , which are used mainly among speakers of Urban Tok Pisin . The numbers in conserv­ ative R ural Tok Pi sin are : 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

wan tu tri foa fa i v sikis s even et na i n ten wanpe 1 a wanpe 1 a wa n p e 1 a wanpe 1 a wanpe 1 a wanpe 1 a

wan p e 1 a t upe 1 a t r i pe 1 a fope 1 a fa i pe 1 a s i k i s pe 1 a s evenpe 1 a e t pe 1 a n a i n pe 1 a tenpe 1 a ten wan ten t u ten t r i t e n foa ten fa i v ten s i k i s

17

18 19 20 21 22 23 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100

wa npe 1 a t e n s even wa npe 1 a t e n e t wanpe 1 a t e n n a i n t upe 1 a ten t u pe 1 a t e n wan t upe 1 a t e n t u t upe 1 a t e n t r i t r i pe 1 a t e n fope 1 a ten fa i pe 1 a ten s i k i s pe 1 a t e n sevenpe 1 a t e n e t pe 1 a t e n na i n pe 1 a ten wan handet

Those without - pe 1 a attached correspond to the names of the numbers in English . This set is used in the formation of numbers beyond 1 0 , for mathematical oper­ at ions like addition , subtraction , mUltipl ication and division , and for counting money and te l ling the t ime . For numbers above 1 0 , English numerals are also used ; the conventions for adding - pe 1 a to these numerals are occasionally main­ tained as , for instance , in e 1 evenpe 1 a me me 11 goats , but the use of the stem alone appears to be more commonly found , as in t a r t i n ma sa 1 a i 1 3 spirits . Ordinal numbers in Tok Pisin take the following form : first second third fourth fifth

nambawan namba t u namba t r i namb a f uwa nambafa i p

sixth seventh eighth ninth tenth

namb a s i k i s namba sewe n nambahaet namb a na i n namba t e n

Extensive u s e is made o f ordinal numbers of folk taxonomies , particularly i n the c lassi ficat ion of plants and animals , e . g . nambawa n kw i 1 a white ironwood as against namb a t u kw i 1 a red ironwood.

352

P . MUHLHA USLER

Distributive numerals are formed by repeating the stem of ordinal numeral s , a s in :

g i v i m wan do l a l ong wanwan man

give each man a do l lar

01 b i kman i s a ve ma r i t i m t u t u me r i

the chiefs usua lly marry two girls each

Repetition of numerals ending in - pe l a i s also used , as in :

g i v i m wanpe l a b l anket l on g t upe l a t upe l a man

give one b lanket to each two men

The interrogative numeral in Tok Pi sin i s hama s how much� how many . ( b ) Indefinite quantifiers Four indefinite quanti fiers of Tok Pisin are o l ge ta a l l� a very significant part of, sampe l a some , p l an t i much� many and 1 i k l i k litt le� few :

o l geta man i b i l ong papa i I us pinis

father has lost a l l his money

i no p l a n t i ta i m l on g m i pe l a ba i k i s i m i ndependen s

it won ' t be long before we get independence

0 1 l i k l i k l a i n man t a s o l

only few men continued fighting

i s tap

i pa i t

sampe l a s uma t i n i g u thet na sampe l a i 5 1 i p i he t

some of the pupi ls are keen and some are s leepyheads

sampe l a b i a i kam �

give me some beer!

( c ) Demonstratives The basic demonstrative modifier in Tok Pi sin is d i s pe l a this� that . For greater accuracy h i a here and l ohap there can be placed after the noun preceded by d i s pe l a . ( d ) Prenominal emphasi sers Tok Pi sin makes use of a number of mechanisms to express emphasi s on nouns and noun phrases . There is only one prenominal emphasi ser , em , which can precede all noun s , including pronouns , as i n :

e m m i pe l 'a i b i n k i rap i m d i spe l a wok

it is us who s tarted this work

m i no l a i k i m em wa ra m i l a i k i m em b i a

I don ' t want water� I want beer

em 0 1 man taso l i nap l ong go i n sa i t l on g haus tamba ran

only the men can go into the spiri t house

( e ) Attributive adj ectives The number of adj ectives which may precede nouns in Tok Pisin is relatively small , though in Urban Tok Pisin an increasing number of adj ectives borrowed from Engli sh can be found in attributive position . At present , adj ectives in Tok Pisin show some very irregular behaviour and a numbe r of subclasses has to be distinguished . I have used Wurm ' s ( 1 9 7 la : 5 3 f f ) classi ficat ion as the basis o f my l i st supplementing i t with examples from my own more recent dat a .

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

353

S u bc l a s s 1 Adjectives which i n attributive function precede the noun (which carrie s the phrase stress) and have the suffix - pe l a both in attributive and predicative function . Here is a l i st of the more common one s :

b i kpe l a big b l akpe l a b lack; dark blue b l upe l a b lue b ra un pe l a broum d ra i pe l a ( or t ra i pe l a) large g r i n pe l a greenJ light blue good g u tpe l a h a t pe l a hard l on gpe l a long n a i s pe l a nice

n u pe l a o l pe l a r a u n pe l a r e tpe l a s i o t pe l a s t rongpe l a sw i t pe l a we tpe l a yangpe l a

new o ld (of things) round red short strong sweet J de licious white young

Also to this subclass belong all numeral s , the demonstrative t i s pe l a this J that , as wel l as na rape l a another ( in the plural , more commonly a ra pe l a ) ; d i s ka i n ( or t i s ka i n ) this kind of, and sampe l a some. Though the members of the above l i s t generally appear with - pe l a in attrib­ utive position , there is a tendency , particularly in Urban Tok Pisin , for the respective predicative forms to occur without - pe l a .

Subc l a s s 2 Adjectives which in attributive function precede the noun and have - pe l a in this position , but lose i t in predicative position . They include :

d ra i pe l a h a t pe l a hev i pe l a ko l pe l a ma u pe l a raunpe 1 a

dry

hot heavy cold ripe giddy

s a p pe l a s t r e t pe l a s t rongpe l a ta i t pe l a t r up e l a ye l ope l a

sharp correct insistent tight true ye l low

Example s :

s t re t pe l a pos pos i s t ret

a straight post the post is straight

ko l p e 1 a w i n w i n i ko l

a cold wind the wind is cold

ma upe l a banana banana i mau

a ripe banana the banana is ripe

d i s pe l a i t r upe l a tok i t r u

this is abso lute ly correct

Subcl a s s 3 Adjectives which in attributive function precede the noun , and do not take - pe l a . The more common ones are :

k ra n k i l a pun 1 ikl i k l on g l ong l on gwe n ambawan n amba t u

s tupidJ wrong o ld ( o f peop le) sma l l crazy dis tant firstJ exce l lent secondJ second rate

nambaten na raka i n o l ogeta p l an t i rab i s wa i 1 wanka i n

very bad different all many poor wild same

354

P. MUHLHA USLER

The forms l i k l i kp e l a , p l an t i pe l a , rab i s pe l a , wa i l pe l a and hama s pe l a how many have been recorded though they are frowned upon by proficient speakers of Tok Pi sin . Examples :

y u wanpe l a k ra nk i man

you are a s tupid b loke

em i mek i m na raka i n tok n a u

he is te l ling a different story now

0 1 mu r uk i save s ta p l on g 1 0ngwe p I es t a s o l

cassowaries are found in remote areas only

Attributive ad jectives in Tok Pisin are not accompanied by adjectival mod­ i fiers , i . e . adverbs . In stead , these modifiers appear after the noun , as in ka i ka i i g u t pe l a t r u the food is very good , as against g u t pe l a ka i ka i t ru very good food.

4.4. 1 . 3 .4

The sequence of p renomi na l mod i fi ers

Having di scussed individually the most important prenominal modi fiers , I sha l l now turn to a brief di scuss ion of the position which these elements occupy in the surface structure of Tok Pisin noun phrases . The following diagram i l lustrates the most common sequence of prenominal modifiers : NP

N

I

husat m i pe l a y upe l a y um i

wanpe l a t upe l a t r i pe l a

II

VII

01

IV

d i s pe l a sampe l a n a rape l a

pl ant i VI

V

Tabl e : Pos i ti on c l asses of prenomi nal modi fi ers The sequence of elements in prenominal position is relatively fixed with the exception of the position of 0 1 . The plural marker can appear in a number of slots and the slot a llocated to it only represents its statistically mos t frequent occurrence . The following sentences il lustrate this :

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

0 1 h u s a t me r i i b i n kam?

which women came ?

d i s pe l a 01 b i r ua i bung

those enemies assembled

sampe l a 0 1 yangpe l a 0 1 man

some youn.g men

0 1 wanem ka i n 0 1 p i pe l ?

what sorts of peop l e ?

01 1 i kl i k 01 p i s i n

the litt le birds

0 1 sampe l a 0 1 b i s n i sma n

some businessmen

0 1 sampe l a a rape l a 0 1 b u k

some other books

355

Such examples show the fluctuation in , and uncertainty about , the position of 0 1 . As a general rul e , fluent speakers tend to shift it c loser to the noun . As a rule members of position c lasses only occur once , though members of c lasses ( v ) and (viii) are occasionally found in pairs . The occurrence of more than one attributive adj ec tive is not common , a construction in which one o f them appears as a predicative adj ective after the noun being preferred . Thus wa n pe l a 1 0ngpe l a g r i npe l a s nek a long green snake would normally become wanpe l a

g r i n pe l a snek i l on g p e l a .

4 .4 . 1 .3 . 5

Postnom i n a l mod i f i ers

(a) Postnominal attributive adj ec tives A number o f adj e ctives in attributive function follow the noun , and do not take - pe l a . The following is a l ist of the more common one s : hot tempered be l ha t b ru k broken d a un low g i aman false ha i t hidden hambak vain, proud ka i s left (side) ke l a bald kl ia c lear (ed) k ros angry ma l oma l o soft ma r i t married empty, useless, worthless n a t i ng

nog u t pas pret s i ut s l ek tamb u tan ta ranggu t ru tul a i t yarpas} yaupas

bad stuck afraid right (side ) loose forbidden done (of food) unfortunate genuine, real bright deaf

Adjectives indicating nationality , language and religious affiliation also belong to this subc lass , e . g . :

I ngg l i s S i aman S i a pa n Pisin katol i k

English German Japanese Pidgin Catho lic

pop i ta l a ta l a sewende wi t n e s

Catho lic Protestant Seventh-Day Adventist Jehova ' s Witness

Examples :

g ra u n k l i a g raun i k l i a

clear ground the ground is cleared

boto l b r uk

broken bottle

356

P . MUHLHAUSLER

tok g i aman tok i g i aman

fa lse talk, lie the talk is false, the talk is a lie

man k ros or man

k ros

angry (indigenous ) man, the is angry

tok I n gg l i s

man

English language

Of the adjectives j ust l isted one item, na t i ng , deserves special attention . Na t i ng can be found in a number of collocations . Its meaning is difficult to recover and some contextual information is usually needed . Depending on the context, pus i n a t i ng can mean ( inter alia) a desexed cat, a stray cat, a very Other examples : weak cat, or a cat without a pedigree .

bun n a t i ng ka i ka i na t i ng s i k n a t i ng

very thin, skinny vegetarian food (no meat) a minor disease

( b ) Phrases involving b i l on g following nouns Tok Pisin nouns are often followed by phrases introduced by the preposition Depending on the categorial status and semantic properties of the items appearing after b i l ong , th is construction can have a number of diffe rent meanings , sometimes concurrently :

b i l ong .

i ) N b i l on g N : pos sess ion In contrast to the j argons preceding i t , as well as other varieties of Pidgin Engl ish , Tok pis in has no set o f possess ive pronouns , but relies on a synthetic way of expressing these :

b i l on g m i b i l ong yu b i l on gen

mine your his, her, its

b i l on g b i l on g b i l on g b i l on g

m i pe l a yum i yu pe l a 01

our ( exc! . ) our ( inc! . ) your their

Examples :

papa b i l on g m i k a s b i l on g y u samt i ng b i l ong 0 1

father your luck their business

my

The pos sessive relation with full nouns again takes the form N b i l ong N , as in :

p l e s ba l u s b i l ong m i s i n k a to l i k t e l b i l ong rat b u k b i l ong t i s a

the Catho lic mission ' s airstrip the rat 's tail the teacher ' s book

i i ) Purpose

B i l ong followed by either noun phrases or verb phrases can express the purpose of an action , person or thing as in : na i p b i l on g kop ra pa u ra b i l on g p i k i n i n i p l a n g b i l on g r a t

a knife for cutting copra powder for a baby a trap for rats

for noun s , and :

rot b i l on g wokabo ut p l es b i l on g s i ng s i ng rop b i l on g huk i m p i s

a path for walking a p lace for dancing fishing line

for verbs .

S YNTAX OF TOK PISIN

357

iii) Locality and time

S i l ong followed by nouns or adverbs referring to space or time indicates that the noun preceding b i l on g is closely associated with the point in space or time in que stion. Examples are : p i k b i l on g p I e s man b i l on g Raba u l ma l eo b i l ong so l wa ra ka i ka i b i l on g as de s to r i b i l on g b i po

a vi l lage pig someone from Rabaul an e e l living in the sea yesterday ' s food a story from before

iv) Quality and occupation

S i l ong followed by verbs and verb phrases can indicate that the noun pre­ ceding b i l on g has the quali ty of or usually does what is referred to by the verb phrase : b i n a t a n g b i l ong ka i ka i man man b i l on g mek i m t rabe l p i s b i l on g ka i ka i pekpek

a biting insect a troub le-maker a faeces-eating fish

The above constructions form a very important part of Tok Pisin grammar s ince they provide a method of compensating for its lack of descriptive adjec­ tives . v) Nabaut expres sing distribution , indeterminacy and disapproval Just as with the item n a t i ng di scussed above , the exact meaning of n aba u t afte r nouns and noun phrases depends on its context . When expressing distribu­ tion it most typically follows reduplicated nouns and can thus be said to rein­ force and di sambiguate the function of nominal reduplication . Examples are : 0 1 kanaka kanaka nab a u t l ong

b i kbus

a l l the less educated indigenes in the bush

0 1 ka i nka i n man i nabaut

a l l sorts of different money

Wi thout reduplication, na b a ut often expres ses a vague notion of indeterminacy and sometimes disapproval :

me r i i s ave p us p us wan t a i m 0 1 man n a b a u t l ong t a un

the girl has intercourse with a l l sorts o f men in the town

0 1 memba t a s o l i ken kam 0 1 man

members only and not just anyone are admitted

naba u t nogat

vi) Emphasiser/deictic marker ya Etymologically this item is derived from English here and in some contexts it retains this meaning in Tok Pi sin . However , its function as an adverb of place has become secondary to its main use, in unstressed form , as an emphasiser or an e lement of generali sed deictic function . As such it not only follows noun phrases but can occur after verb phrases too . Examples of its use are :

em g u t pe l a man y a em samt i ng b i l ong m i pe l a ya mi l a i k i m r e t pe l a l a p l a p ya

he is a good bloke that is strictly our affair I want the red cloth

358

P . MUHLHA USLER

4.4.1.3.6

T h e sequence of postnomi nal mod i fi ers

Postnominal modifiers most commonly appear in the following order : N

+

(N)

+

+

( adj . att . )

( b i 1 ong

+

phrase)

+

( n aba u t )

+

(ya)

Examples i llustrating this are :

man b i 1 0ng k i 1 i m p i k ya 01 man nabaut ya pus i n a t i n g y a

a man who ki l ls pigs the outsiders just an ordinary cat

There are , however , many as yet insufficiently understood restrictions on the i r combination .

4.4. 1.4

Verbs and verb phrases

4.4. 1.4. 1

I n trodu c t i on

Most descriptions of Tok Pisin distinguish between two main classes of verbs , transitive and intransitive . However , this distinction is not a very satis factory one for Tok Pisin . First , the group c lassi fied as transitive mus t be further subdivided into causative and non-causative transitive ve rbs , in order to account for a number of restrictions on the functioning of members of these c lasses in certain syntactic constructions . Further , intransitive verbs have never been satis factorily distinguished from predicative adj ectives in Tok Pisin . Moreover , an exhaustive grammar of Tok Pisin must also mention a number of smaller classe s , such as equative and locative verbs . As no detai led s tudy of the rules under­ lying the behaviour of Tok pis in verbs is at hand , one can expect that future revisions of thi s grammar will contain more delicate subclasses and more explicit statements about the ir syntactic behaviour .

4.4. 1.4.2

Tran s i t i ve verb s

Transitive verbs are basically those verbs which require a nominal However , this concept has recently corne under severe criticism , and the can only be seen as a rough working de finition . Causative verbs , which discussed be low , though also requiring a formal nominal obj ect , are not wi thin this description .

obj ect . above wi l l be included

The fol lowing subclasses are based on a number of criteria which strictly speaking are i rrelevant to the syntactic behaviour of their members , but which will be needed for the purpose of morphological and lexical description .

Subc l a s s I Transi tive verbs which never appear without the suffix - i m . A distinction can be made between trans itive verb bases and transitive verbs derived from other lexical base s . ( a ) Transitive verb bases :

b i ha i n i m b i ng i m d r i ng i m du i m gi vim

to to to to to

fo l low squeeze, push suck entice, seduce, force give

ha r i m has k i m ho I i m ka i ka i i m ka r i m

to to to to to

hear, listen ask hold bite carry, give birth to

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

kuap i m ki sim ko l i m 1 arim l uk i m mek i m pak i m pi 1 im p l an i m

to to to to to to to to to

have sexual interaourse with aatah, get aaU let see, look at

do

fuak fee l bury

put i m sak i m s ub i m so i m tan i m t ra i m was i m winim wok i m

to to to to to to to to to

359

put disobey push, shove show turn, trans late try wash win over make

( b l Transitive verbs derived from nouns referring to instruments The following examples come from Muhlhausler 1 9 7 8a , where a more detailed discussion can be found :

ainim ba i ra i m b l ok i m bombom i m b ros i m bu l i t i m dr i 1 im g l as i m g l u im hama r i m kom i m l il i m i m l ok i m l um i m ma i s i 1 i m meta i m nat i m ni 1 im

to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to

iron hoe raise with puUey aatah fish with torah bru8h glue dri U take a temperature glue hammer aomb g lue loak weave ahisel measure seaure with a nut nail

pam i m pinim ro l a i m sa r i p i m s a vo 1 i m sibim skel i m s kru i m s 1 i ng i m sop i m soda i m spaten i m s p un i m s us u i m sw i t i m va i s i m wa ra i m

to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to

pump pin move with rol lers aut with grass knife dig with shove l sieve weigh join with sarew tift up in a s ting wash with soap so lder dig with a spade spoon move with a punting po le 8witah on or off hold in a viae a lean with water

These derived transitive verbs are o ften preceded by mek i m to do , as in :

doktabo i i mek i m g l a s i m s i kman

the mediaal orderly took the patient 's temperature

( c l Transi tive verbs derived from nouns referring to containers

ba n i s i m bek i m b i l um i m bus i m g rau n i m ka l abus i m kompa u n i m ma tma t i m umben i m

to to to to to to to to to

fenae in, bandage put into bag8 put into a stringbag send to the bU8h, ahase off bury jail settle in a aompound bury gather

S u bc l ass I I A numbe r of transitive verbs do not normally take - i m even though they are fol lowed by a direct ob j ect :

360

P . MUHLHA USLER

d r i ng ( or t i r i n g ) gat ka i ka i kuap 1 i ndaun

to to to to to

pekpek pi lai p i sp i s s ave t ekewe

drink have eat climb bend

to to to to to

excrete play urinate know c lear (tab le ) ; to remove

In addition the forms p i s p i s i m and pekpe k i m to deliberately urinate or defecate on are found in some varieties of Tok Pisin . Some speakers make a distinction between kua p , as in kuap d i wa i to c limb a tree and kuap i m , as in kuap i m me r i to have intercourse with a woman .

Subcl ass I I I Transi tive verbs where transitivity can be expressed by e i ther - i m or l on g . Here a di stinction must be made between those cases ( the maj ority) where the choice of either - i m or l ong has no semantic consequences and others in which the di stinction is accompanied by semantic di fferentiation . There are , however , regional variants of Tok Pisin , e . g . High l ands Pidgin as described by Wurm ( 19 7 1a : 2 9- 31 ) , where semantic differentiation is more common . ( a ) Choice o f - i m vs . l on g i s o f n o semantic consequence :

b i kma u s l on g g r i s l ong a i g r i s l ong l u kaut l ong poto l ong pus p u s l ong was l on g wet l on g w i n l ong

b i kmau s i m gris im aigrisim l u ka u t i m poto i m p us pu s i m was i m we t i m winim

to to to to to to to to to

shout at flatter make eyes at look after take a picture of have sexua l intercourse with watch wait for surpass, win

( b ) The choice between - i m and l ong has semantic consequences :

b i l i p l ong srnok l ong wok l ong

to be lieve in t o smoke (a pipe) to work at

b i l i p im smok i m wok i m

to be lieve something to smoke (fish) to construct

The above l i sts are by no means exhaustive , and additional examples are given by Wurm ( 1971a) and Dutton ( 197 3 : 114- 1 1 5 ) .

4.4.1 .4.3

Cau sati ve verbs

Verbs and adj ectives can become causative verbs e ither by a derivational process which adds - i m after the intransitive verb or adj ective stem or by means of an analytic construction of the form me k i m + V/adj . + l ong . Thus l e s lazy, tired is reali sed in its causative form as either l es i m or mek i m l es l on g to make tired. The two methods are often combined , such as in mek i m l es i m to make tired , mek i m being capabl e o f preceding any causative verb i f disambiguation is needed or to reinforce the idea of causation . Another method of achieving the latter is to repeat the verb or adjective base after the object as in 0 1 i bag a ra p i m gaden i bag a ra p they ruined the garden. Di fferent lexical stems can also appear in this type of causative construc­ tion , as in :

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

k i I i m man i da i sut i m i da i p i k raus i m t u pe l a i kam a us a i t ku k i m haus t amba ran i pa i a

to to to to

361

ki U someone morta l ly wound a pig chuck the two fe l lows out set fire to the spirit house

Derived causative verbs can be subdivided into two subclasse s : ( a l Causative verbs derived from adj ectives which can occur attributive ly :

bi kim hat i m kl inim ko l i m s t ret i m t ru i m

to to to to to to

make big make hot clean, cleanse cool straighten make true, fu lfi l

( b l Causative verbs derived from predicative ad j ectives or intransitive verbs : ,

Intransitive verbs undergoing this change belong mainly to verbs of move­ ment , the derived causative verb having the meaning of to make somebody or some­ thing perform a certain movement. For example :

s i nd a u n i m pundaun i m daun i m k i rap i m san a p i m sur i k i m

to to to to to to

make make make make make make

sit down, to sett le fa U down go down, to swal low get up, arouse stand up, erect go back, shove back

Examples of expressions using the derived causative verb are the fol lowing :

w i n i p i l a i i m p l ak

the wind makes the flag fly

y u m i mas gohe t i m ka nt r i b i l ong yum i

we must make our country advance

win

so l a p i m s e l

the wind makes the sail swe l l

bia

pa i r a p i m nek b i l on g m i

the beer makes me be lch

4.4 . 1 .4.4

I n tran s i t i ve verb s and pred i ca t i ve adjecti ves

The dist inct ion between these two classes in Tok Pisin i s much less obvious than , for ins tance , in English, where the semantic distinction between stative and non-stative verb-adj ectives i s reflected in two forma l l y distinct classe s . In Tok Pisin , however , only the use of dif ferent sets of aspect markers indicates a di fference between ba ses with stative and those with non- stative meaning . The Engli sh trans lations of the fol lowing examples are a l so an indication of the economy in the Tok Pisin lexicon . A sma l l set of aspect markers and a simi lar number of conventions for their interpretation contrasts with a l arge number of lexicalisations in Engl ish .

r ere p i n i s l a i k r er e

ready t o prepare onese lf

ke l a p i n i s l a i k ke l a

bald getting bald

hat p i n i s l a i k hat

hot heating up

b ruk p i n i s l a i k b ru k

broken disintegrating

bik pinis laik bik

big growing up

hep i p i n i s l a i k hep i

satisfied getting p leased

362

P. MUHLHAUSLER

I us p i n i s l a i k I us

lost to loosen ( intr . )

other lexical items which translate both English adj ectives and intransitive verbs include :

amama s dai g i aman k ros krungut

4 .4 . 1 .4 . 5

happy, t o rejoice unconscious, to swoon mistaken, to lie angry , to rage bent, to bend down

Sma l l er c l asses o f verbs

( a ) The equative Tok Pisin does not possess any verb corre sponding to English to be in its equative function . Instead the nominals appearing in the equative construction are directly j uxtaposed or connected by the predicate marker i . Examples :

m i man b i l on g N i ug i n i ma s ta Sak i bos b i l ong m i pe l a y u wa n pe l a l e sbaga

I am a New Guinean master Jack is our boss you are a loafer

The presence vs . absence of the predicate marker in such equative construc­ tions is reported to have semantic consequences in some varieties of Tok Pisin . Dutton ( 197 3 : 2 7 ) remarks : The distinction here can perhaps be st be explained by the fol lowing example . Suppose one were walking along the road and suddenly saw something strange wriggling on the ground one would probably j ump and utter an appeal for help in recogniz ing this thing with Em wanem? and not Em i wanem? What is it? Supposing , however , that the strange object was identi f ied as a harmless worm then one would enquire further about its nature with Em i wanem? Em i samt i n g nog u t 0 wanem? What is it? Is it something bad or what ? Answers to such questions follow the same structure . Consider , for example , the following pairs : Q : Em wanem? A : Em wa npe l a s ne k .

What 's that? That 's a snake .

Q : Em i wa nem? A: Em i s amt i ng nog u t .

What is it? It 's a bad thing.

(b) The locative verb s ta p to be located The locative verb s ta p is usua l ly followed by a locative complement or modifier , a s in :

p i k i s ta p l on g ban i s b i l on g m i pe l a

the pigs are in our enclosure

wa n pe l a n i us pepa tebo l

a newspaper is on the tab le

s ta p l on g

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

36 3

( c l The existential verb g a t to exist The neares t Engl ish translation of the Tok Pisin construction i g a t fol lowed by a noun or noun phrase is there is or there are . Examples of this are :

g a t pukpuk l o ng d i s pe l a wa r a ?

I ga t .

Are there crocodi les in this river? Yes, there are .

I no ga t sk u l l on g p i e s b i l ong m i pe l a .

There is no school in our vi l lage .

( d l Mek i m to do something Apart from functioning as an ordinary transitive verb, mek i m to do also functions as a kind of pro-verb . Its relation to antecedent verb phrases is simil ar to that between pronouns and antecedent noun phrases . This i s best i l lustrated with a number of examples : 01

i k i s i m dok raun l on g b u s , mek i m mek i m , 0 1 i l u k i m l ek b i l on g p i k .

They took their dogs and wandered around in the bush, keeping going until they eventua l ly saw a pig ' s trai l .

T umb una i s a ve ka i ka i m a n o ra i t mek i m mek i m wa i tman i kamap na u .

Our ancestors used to eat human j1esh and they did it until the white man came .

( e l Verbs o f becoming This class includes g o , kamap and t a n i m in the meaning to become, turn into and s i n d a un to behave like . Examples are :

em i kama p b i kpe l a

( fl

me r i na u

she turned into a grown-up girl

nog u t y um i s f ndaun ka na ka y a

let us not live like uncivi lised bushchue l lers

em na u , masa l a i i t a n i m s ne k

and then the spirit turned into a snake

' Three-place ' verbs

A few Tok Pisin verbs can appear with both direct and indirect obj ec t , though such ' three-place ' verbs are not very common ; instead verbal concatenation is used to express the complex concepts re ferred to by three-place verbs in languages sucp a s Engli sh . For both the verbs so i m to show and g i v i m to give different lects o f Tok Pisin vary in their treatment of direct and indirect obj ect . Generally speaking the mainland varie ties of Tok Pisin prefer the form g i v i m bu k l ong m i give me the book and so i m b u k l ong m i show me the boo k , whereas in the New Guinea I s l ands the forms g i v i m m i l ong b u k and so i m m i l ong b u k are more common .

4.4 . 1 . 5

The verbal paradi gm

The fol lowing tables show the basic paradigm of the verb ka i ka i to eat . These forms are unmarked for tense and aspect but are general ly interpreted as e i ther general past or general present according to whether they are taken to be statives or non-stative s . The marker i is introduced without comment . It will be di scussed in de tail below.

364

P. MUHLHA USLER

Affirmative

Negative

s g . l m i ka i ka i 2 yu ka i ka i 3 em i ka i ka i

s g . l mi no ka i ka i 2 yu no ka i ka i 3 em i no ka i ka i

du . l ( incl . ) y um i t upe l a ( i ) ka i ka i 1 ( exc l . ) m i t u pe l a ( i ) ka i ka i y u t u pe l a ka i ka i 2 ( em) t upe l a i ka i ka i 3

du . l ( incl . ) yum i t upe l a ( i ) no ka i ka i 1 ( exc l . ) m i t u pe l a ( i ) no ka i ka i 2 y u t u pe l a ( i ) no ka i ka i ( em) t upe l a i no ka i ka i 3

tr . 1 ( incl . ) yum i t r i pe l a ( i ) ka i ka i l ( exc l . ) m i t r i pe I a ( i ) ka i ka i y u t r i pe l a ( i ) ka i ka i 2 (em) t r i pe l a i ka i ka i 3

tr . l ( incl . ) y u m i t r i pe l a ( i ) no ka i ka i l ( exc l . ) m i t r i pe l a ( i ) no ka i ka i 2 y u t r i pe l a ( i ) no ka i ka i 3 ( em) t r i pe l a i no ka i ka i

pl . 1 ( inc l . ) yum i ( i ) ka i ka i 1 ( exc l . ) m i pe l a ( i ) ka i ka i 2 y u pe l a ( i ) ka i ka i ( em) 0 1 i ka i ka i 3

pl . 1 ( incl . ) y um i ( i ) no ka i ka i 1 ( exc l . ) m i pe l a ( i ) no ka i ka i y u pe l a ( i ) no ka i ka i 2 3 (em) 0 1 i no ka i ka i

Interrogative forms differ from declarative forms in intonatio� only : Whereas the statement forms have an intonation which s lowly rises to reach its peak in the syllable carrying the c lause stres s , and then fal ls step by step , ordinary questions ( i . e . questions anticipating the answer yes or no) have an intona­ tion which s lowly rises all the way , with the last syl lable of the question j umping high . (Wurm 1971a : 19 ) Impe rative forms ( commands) : Co��ands and requests in Tok Pisin can be expressed in several ways . The most common method for expressing positive imperatives is to use the positive basic forms with slowly fal ling intonation .

y u kam em i kam m i pe l a i kam } yum i i kam y u pe l a i kam 0 1 i kam

aome ! let him aome ! let us aome ! aome (pl . ) ! let them aome !

Example s :

O r a i t , yum i i go na u ! ka i ka i i kam ! yu sanap l ong a i b i l ong o l !

O . K . let ' s go! bring the food! ( l it . the food aome s ! ) s tand in front of the a lass !

Imperatives without pronoun s are rare in Tok Pisin , but are occasionally found in Urban Tok pis in and in harsh commands . A number of other conventions in connection with positive imperatives are given by Wurm ( 19 7 la : 2l ) . Negative commands in Tok P isin can be expressed in a number of ways , the most basic one being the use of simple negative forms with imperative intonation as in :

y u no ka i ka i ! em i no kam !

don ' t eat! don ' t let him aome !

Another method is to signal negative permi ssive sentences j ust introduced by placing no between the sub j ect and ken+v ( permi ssion) , e . g . :

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

n o ken s u t i m p i k .

01

{ TheY 're not a l lowed to shoot the pig. Don 't let them shoot the pig.

A third option is to prefix sentences with nog u t bad.

Yu s i ndaun ! Nogut yu s i nd a un !

365

Compare :

Sit down ! { You shouldn ' t sit down ! It wouldn ' t be wise for you to sit down !

A fourth option is to indicate the negative imperative by ma s k i never mind. A fair amount of variation is found with this construction , for example , the most common ly used forms for don ' t foo l around! are :

mas k i ma sk i mas k i ma s k i ma s k i

hambak ! l ong hamb a k ! yu hambak ! l ong yu hambak ! y u no ken hambak !

Whereas the forms without the pronoun are generali sed wishes or commands , those with the pronoun are directed towards one or more persons . I have found that most speakers favour express ions containing the preposition l ong . Further detai l s on negative commands are given by Dutton ( 19 7 3 : 1 3 7 ) and Wurm ( 19 7 la : 2 l ) .

4.4.1.6

Ve rba l mod i f i ers ( as pec t , tense and moda l i ty )

Pidgin verbs d o not i n themse lves indicate aspect and tense distinctions and the bas i c ve rb form, as has been pointed out above , is neutral in this regard . However , Tok Pisin possesses a number of auxil iaries , particles and adverbs which are used to introduce such distinctions wherever desired . Tradi­ tionally these modi fiers have been treated under the section on verbs . I fee l , howeve r , that thi s decision obfuscates the important fact o f Tok Pisin grammar that word classes other than verbs can equally we l l appear with these modi fiers in predicative position . For this reason , aspect , tense and modali ty wil l be treated be low in the section on the structure of s impl e sentence s .

4.4. 1 . 7

Adj �cti ves

Remarks on the classi fication of Tok Pisin adj ectives can be found in the sections on nominal modi fiers ( attributive adj ective s ) and intransitive verbs . In this sect ion we are concerned with comparison and intensification of adjective s . Because Tok Pisin treats these quite differently from English , com­ parison and intens i fication of adj ective s have been relatively we l l studied . ( a ) For comparison , the following remarks by Laycock ( l970c : xxvii) can be taken as representative : In Pidgin , there are no comparative and superlative forms of adj ectives , though the usages with mo approximate to them; varying degrees of a qual i ty are usually expressed by the use of adverbs with the verb . The fol lowing sentence shows the approximate relationship of the different degrees of size

366

P. MUHLHA USLER

expressibl e , though it must be remembered that di fferences of emphasis can change order shown somewhat :

d i s pe l a i b i kp e l a ; o ra i t , na d i s pe l a i b i k pe l a l i k l i k , na d i s pe l a i b i kpe l a p i n i s ; d i s ­ pe l a i b i kpe l a o l ogeta , d i s ­ pe l a i b i kpe l a mo , na d i s pe l a i b i kpe l a mo y e t ; d i s p e l a i b i kpe l a s t re t , d i s pe l a i b i k­ pe l a t umas , d i s pe l a i b i kpe l a t r u , d i s pe l a i b i kpe l a t umas t ru , na d i s pe l a i b i kpe l a t umas t r u o l ogeta ; na d i s pe l a i b i kpe l a b i l on g w i n i m 0 1 .

this one is big; now this one is fairly big, and this one is quite big; this one is very big, this one is bigger, and this one is bigger still; this one is pretty big, this one is extreme ly big, this one is rea l ly big, this one is real ly very big, and this one is real ly enormous; and this one is the biggest of a l l .

Comparison may also be expressed by mo . . . l ong , mo o l os em , by j uxtaposition of two statements , or by the use of w i n ( i m ) : d i s pe l a h a us i mo s t rongpe l a l ong ( or : o l osem) n a rape l a this house is stronger than the other one ; d i s pe l a haus i s t rong , na n a ra pe l a i no s t rong this house is strong, but the other is not ; d i s p e l a h au s i w i n i m n a rape l a l ong s t rong this house surpasses the other i n strength. For the s trongest of al l , one says s t rong pe l a b i l ong 0 1 , or s t rongpe l a b i l on g w i n i m 0 1 . The English system of comparison ( as in em mo k l eva l ong m i she is more c lever than I) is occasionally found in Urban Tok pisin , but has not as yet gained wide acceptance . (b) Intens i fication of the meaning of an adjective can be achieved e i ther by repetition or reduplication , as in :

b l a kpe l a b l a kpe l a k l a u t na i s pe l a na i s pe l a ka i ka i em i no l a pun em i l a punpun

a very dark sky exce l lent food he is not o ld, he is ancient

or by means of certain adverbial modifiers , as in :

b l a kpe l a k l a u t t r u pa u l o l geta

a very dark sky totally confused

Very strong negation or disapproval is expressed by means of the construc­ tion no + adj ective + 1 i k l i k as , for instance , in :

em i no sem 1 i k l i k d i s pe l a pas i n i no s t re t l i k l i k

4.4. 1 .8

he is not ashamed at a l l this behaviour is quite unheard of

P repo s i t i o n s

The number of words which can b e regarded as true prepositions i s very small , the only ones of wide currency being l on g , b i l ong and wa n t a i m . Some very old speakers only use one preposition , namely b i l ong .

Long denotes essential ly spatial relationships and loose relationships between obj e cts . A large number of English prepositions can be translated by l on g , as can be seen from the fol lowing list provided by Mihalic ( 19 7 1 : 38-39 ) :

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

367

in , e . g . , s t a p l ong haus to be in the house on , e . g . , ra i t l on g pepa to write on paper at , e . g . , l on g fa i v k l ok at five o ' clock to , e . g . , go l ong gaden to go to the garden from , e . g . , ka i ka i l ong p l et to eat from a plate with , e . g . , pa i t i m l on g s t i k to hit with a stick by , e . g . , kam l on g kanu to come by canoe about , e . g . , s a ve l on g p l an t i samt i ng to know about many things because , e . g . , Em i w i n l on g s t rong b i l on g em. He won because of his s trength. for , e . g . , M i s o r i l ong yu . I am sorry for you. during , e . g . , Long na i t em i kam. He came during the night.

B i l ong is used to indicate a c loser relationship and is used , for instance , in the following cases : a) b) c) d)

to to to to

denote denote denote denote

posse s s ion ; purpose ; origi n ; a characteri stic trait or quality .

I f a re lationship more precise than that expressed by the prepositions l on g and b i l on g i s to be indicated, i t i s done by adding nouns o r adverbs o f time and place in constructions such as l on g + N + ( b i ) l ong or adv. + l on g . The fol lowing l ist of examples was taken from Wurm 1971a : 6 l-62 :

anan i t l ong under, underneath something a n tap l on g } on top of something l on g a n t a p b i l ong a ra re l ong } beside, a longside something l ong a ra re b i l ong b i ha i n l on g behind something b i po l ong in front of (a thing) d a unb i l o l ong be low something ( i . e . at a lower leve l ) i go l o ng towards something i nap l ong up to (a p lace) i na p l ong + a time indication until i nsa i t l ong } inside something l on g i n sa i t b i l ong k l o s t u l ong near to something l on gwe l ong far away from something name l l o ng } between, amongst something l on g name l b i l ong nab a u t l on g } around some thing raun l ong wan ta i m l ong a long with somebody (who tags along) l on g ha i b i l ong in front of (a person) ta i m b i l ong during l on g t i s pe l a hap l on g hap i kam } on this side l on g hapsa i t l on g na rape l a hap o n the other side, on that side l on g hap i go

}

Wan t a i m , originally an adverb meaning at the same time , is frequently used as a preposit ion trans l ating the concepts of with, together with and with the use of. Examples of its use are :

P. MUHLHA USLER

368

b ra ta b i l on g m i i s ave 5 1 i p wan ta i m g e l p ren b i l ongen

my

0 1 N ambo l e i b i n s i ngs i ng wa n ta i m 0 1 Tumam

the peop le from Nambole ce lebrated together with the people of Tumam

mi s ta p wa n ta i m 0 1 fam i l i b i l on g m i

I stayed with my fami ly

y u m i ks i m wa ra wa n ta i m d i s pe l a pa u ra

mix water with this powder

0 1 nes i ken sama p i m ma u s b i l on g y u wa n ta i m s t r i ng

the nurses can sew up your mouth with string

I

brother s leeps with his girlfriend

n a p l ong until i s also increasingly found without l ong :

01

b i n b un g i m i nap

01

b i n s t a p i na p t r i pe l a de

1 00

do l a

0 1 i b i n s i ng s i ng naba u t i na p tulai t

4.4.1.9

they col lected (up to) one hundred do l lars they stayed for three days they were dancing around ti l l daJ,m

Adverbs

4.4. 1.9. 1

Adv erbs o f t i me , p l ace , manner and degree

The list of adverb bases in Tok Pisin is relatively small . However , most English adverbs can be translated readily by means of adverbial phrase s or adverbs derived from other word classe s . Here follows a list of such adverbial expressions quoted from Mihalic 1971 : 3 5 - 36 : Adverbs of t ime : after dark tudak p l n l s afternoon be l o bek again gen ago i 1 us p i n I 5 a little later b i ha i n 1 i k l i k a long time l on g t a i m a long time ago b i po t r u ,

l on g t a i m b i po , b i po y e t

already p i n i s a lways o l ta i m annual ly l ong y i a a short while l i k l i k t a i m at high tide l ong ha i wa ra at low tide l on g d ra i w a r a a t night l ong na i t daJ,m

tula i t

day after tomorrow h a p t umo ra daytime l on g s a n early b i po ta i m evening ap i n un , i v i n i ng forever b i l ong o l ta i m o l t a i m formerly p a s t a i m , b i po immediately n a u t a s o l

in the future b i ha i n , bamba i in the morning mon i n g t a i m late b i ha i n ta i m later bamba i , b i ha i n monthly l ong mun never i no yet wanpe l a ta i m ;

no g a t wan pe l a ta i m noon be l 0 ka i ka i now n au now and then samta i m , s ampe l a ta i m often p l a n t i t a i m once wanta i m , wanpe l a ta i m quickly kw i k , kw i kt a i m right at the time s t re t p l a n t i t a i m se ldom i n o p l an t i t a i m shortly i no 1 0ngta i m soon no l on g t a i m ; l i k l i k t a i m sunrise s a nkamap today t u de tomorrow t umo ra unti l i nap yesterday as de yet yet

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

369

Adverbs of place : above a n t ap ahead i go p a s alongside a re r e a t l ong away i go back bek be low daunb i l o distant l on gwe doum daun doumwaX'ds i go daunb i 1 0 fax' l ongwe faraway l ongwe here h i a in l on g in front of pas l a i n l ong

inside i n s a i t midst n ame l nearby k l os t u nowhere i n o g a t s ampe l a p I es on l ong o n the opposite side l on g hap on the side l on g hap out a u s a i t outside a u s a i t roundabout n ab a u t there l on g hap i go underneath a n i n i t up a n tap upwaX'ds i go a n t ap within i n s a i t l on g

go

Adverbs o f manner : almost k l os a p , k l o s t u badly nog u t different ly a rawe easily i s i in vain n a t i ng possibly n a t i n g , ken same wanka i n s lipshod h a p hap s lowly i s i i s i

soft ly i s i swiftly ha r i a p thoroughly o l geta thus 0 1 sem together wan t a i m truly, real ly t ru unusua l ly a ra ka i n very t umas we l l g u t

Adverbs o f degree : almost k l osap , k l o s t u comp letely o l geta litt le 1 i k 1 i k more moa much p l an t i

only t a s o l part ly h a p h a p sufficient ly i nap too t umas very t umas

The label ' adverb ' in traditional l inguistics has come to cover a number of syntactical ly and s emantically diverse elements and I am aware of the short­ comings of the c lass i fication o f fered here . Tok Pi sin adverbs have been poorly studied and many aspects of their behaviour are sti l l not wel l understood . Thus , I shal l discuss under the label adver� particles used in affirmation and nega­ tion , keeping in mind that future research may come up with quite dif ferent classifications .

4.4. 1 . 9 . 2

Adverb s o f affi rma t i o n

These include y e s , y e sa , nog a t yes , nonem certainly and t ru indeed. The inclus ion o f nog a t among affirmative adverbs comes about because answers to negative questions d i f fer from those in English, c f . Laycock 1970c : xx : To the question mas t a i no s tap? is the master not at home ? The answer yes means yes, it is true, he is not at home , and no means no, what you say is false, he is at home . This feature of pidgin gives rise to many misunderstandings among beginners in the language .

370

P . MUHLHA USLER

By using nonem as an answer the speaker confirms that what has been asked is indeed true , as in :

Yu go l on g p i ks a t e t e 7

Nonem .

Are you going to the piatures today ? Yes aertain ly.

By using t r u as an answer speakers express non-committal agreement , as in :

S p a k em i nap l ong baga rap i m man . T r u t a s o l t a i m m i wok p i n i s m i t e s t i nog u t y a .

4.4. 1 . 9. 3

Drink aan ruin a man. True enough, but I am terrib ly thirsty after work.

Adverbs o f nega t i o n

These include yes , yesa , no , noga t . Again , the choice of yes vs . nog a t depends on whether an antecedent question was negative o r positive . N o i s normal l y u sed i n predicates occupying a position between predicate marker and the centre , as in :

em i no man d i s pe l a tok i no t r u

he is not a man this story is not true

Nogat is used as the negative answer to a question , or at the end of statements

indicating that what has been referred to did not material i se or was done in vain :

01

pu l i m p u l i m pu l i m , noga t .

Asde m i l a i k k i s i m g u t pe l a me r i t a s o l nogat .

4. 4. 1 .9.4

They pu l led and pu l led but a l l in vain. Yesterday I wanted to get a niae girl, but no suah luak.

Adve rb s of i ndeterm i nacy

I f a speaker does not know the answer to a question or is not certain about the val idity of a statement , he u se s a t i n g perhaps, I don ' t know. For example :

I na p y u kam he l p i m m i t umo ra 7 A t i ng .

wi l l you be ab le t o help me tomorrow ? I don ' t know.

A t i ng b a i i gat ren l ong n a i t .

Maybe it wil l rain during the night.

4.4.1.9.5

I n terrogati v e adverbs

The fo llowing instances are found in Tok Pisin :

wa t a i m we wes t a p

when? where ? where the he l l ?

o l sem wanem b i l ong wanem wa t po

how? why ? why the he l l ?

More wi l l be said about these below i n the section on interrogative sen­ tence s .

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

4 . 4 . 1 . 10

371

Tags

Three tags are used i n Tok Pisin , namely a , 0 nogat and l a ka . two are used for real question s , such as :

Yu l u k i m em a 7 Yu l u k i m em 0 nog a t 7

The first

You see him, don ' t you ? Do you see him or don ' t you?

Laka , on the other hand , is mainly a rhetorical device used in a way similar to French n ' est-ce pas ? Some examples are : H i t i ng yu s a ve p i n i s , l a ka?

You know already, don ' t you ?

John , mi t i ng yu wa npe l a l on g l ong ma n , l a ka7

You are a foo l John, aren ' t you ?

4.4. 1 . 11

Con j u n c t i ons

There is only a small number of con j unctions in Tok Pisin ; their function in syntax wi l l be dealt with in the sect ion on complex sentences . A distinction can be made between co-ordinating conjunctions which include :

na (n) o

bat taso l

and or

but but

and subordinating conjunctions , such as :

ta i m s a pos mas k i

4 .4 . 1 . 12

when if a lthough

b i l ong wa nem b i kos

because because

Res i dua l c l a ss e s

These include exclamations and greetings . according to their semantic functions .

These can be subclassified

( a) Attention getters

nanse i

used to attract the attention of a potential sexual partner

ma i au

often used for the same purpose , sometimes only meaning what about me ?

he , e

more neutral expression used in drawing attention

aoa , oao

( abbreviation for ka n kok ka n ) used to attract the attention of a potential sexual partner

(b) Greetings

g u t de

good day

g u t na i t

goodnight

ap i nun

good evening ( o ften used only t o address people whose day '.s work is finished)

g u tba i

goodbye

372

P . MUHLHAUSLER

( c ) Curses

b l ad i s i t pak i ms i t dem i t sit

b loody shit fuaking shit damn it shit

( d ) Exclamations o f astonishment

y a ka b o r o l abo i , o l aman , o l apukpuk manma n

gee, gosh! gosh! gosh!

( e ) Exclamations o f sympathy

ka l a pa sori

what a pity sorry

( f) Exclamations of encouragement

a s awe em n a u g ibim goan kaman

that ' s i t that ' s it used to encourage fighters : give it to him! go on aome on

( g) others

e n s a op kas b i l ong y u ma s k i oke

o ra i t se l o we ya

4.4.2 4.4.2.1

heave ho your luak never mind O. K. we l l sail ho n o way

SENTENCE STRUCTURES I N TOK P I S I N I n trodu c t i on

Linguists working in the areas of language development and discourse analysis are becoming increasingly aware of the arti ficiality of the concept of a sentence in the context of the analysis of spontaneous speech . It would seem that the sentence as a unit of linguistic analysis is mos t useful in relation to written or highly conventional i sed texts in old established heavily grarnrnaticalised lan­ guage s . In the case of pidgin l anguages it is often di fficult , even in written texts , to isolate stretches of speech corresponding to syntactic sentences . Most speakers instead operate in terms of sense groups ( semantic units ) or intonation groups . For pedagogical reasons I have decided to introduce the amount of abstraction necessary for speaking of sentences in Tok pisin , and a relatively conventional terminology will be used throughout this subchapter . The analysis will be subdivided into two main parts , that of kernel sentences and the syntactic processe s relevant to their generation and , secondly , double­ based sentences , i . e . those aris ing out of the combination - either by conjoining or embedding - of kernel sentences .

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

4 .4 . 2 . 2

373

Ba s i c s tructure o f s i mp l e sentences

with the exception of certain minor sentence types , such a s interjection , most sentences in Tok Pisin can be derived from the following sma l l number of basic patterns : intransitive sentence + i + Adj . /Vint . ren i pundaun the rain is fa l ling p i k i b i k pe l a the pig is big

a) NP

+ i + Vtr . + NP p i k i baga rap i m ga ten

b) NP

+ i + NP em i s a veman

c) NP

transitive sentence the pig ruined the garden

he is an expert

d) NP + i + s t a p + PP 0 1 go l i s t a p l ong g r a un e)

4 .4 .2.3

i g a t + NP i gat mon i l on g poket

equative s entence

locational sentence the gold is in the ground

exi stential sentence there is money in the pocket

The ' pred i ca te marker ' i

One element which appears in a l l of the basic sentence structures is the element i . B e fore discussing rules for the extension and rearrangement of these structures , I shal l attempt to lay down a number of suggestions for the use of i . Discus s ion about the status of i in Tok Pisin has flared up in the last few years without as yet yielding a solution : " i stands out , in the sea of poly­ semy which is Tok Pisin , as an element to which no functional status has been assigned with any success" ( Smeall 1975 : 1 ) . The analysis of i i s hampered by a number of factors , the most important being regional variation in its use . Many of the regularities di scussed by Wurm ( 19 7l a : 1 3 f f and 1 9 7 5 ) are typically found only in certain varieties of Highlands pidgin , and Franklin ( 19 80 ) has gone so far as to claim that only a knowledge of the speaker ' s vernacular language allows the precise function of i to be identi fied . Both Smeall ( 1 9 7 5 ) and wool ford ( 1 979c) have tried to develop the idea that

i is categorically present in certain environments and categorically absent in

others , whereas its other occurrences are variable . Whi l st Smeall examines the hypothes i s that its occurrence vs . non-occurrence can be predicted partly from its phonological environment , Wool ford attempts to account for both categorical and variable presence of i in terms of certain grammatical environments . However , none o f the descriptions to date i s based on sufficiently heterogeneous and numerous data . What wil l be said about i in the following section must therefore be regarded as a rough assessment of a very complicated part of Tok Pisin gramma r . The fo llowing regularities affecting the use of i are commonly found in Rural Tok Pisin as spoken in the New Guinea Lowlands and I s l ands : (a)

i appears before verbal or non-verbal predicate s : 0 1 d ra i wa i sma t mo

kaka r u k i s i n g a u t ma s ta i s i n g a u t i m h a u s k u k

the drivers are very smart the rooster is crowing the European cal ls for the cook

374

P. MUHLHA USLER

( b ) i o ften becomes deleted in declarative and interrogative , but not imperative , sentences where the SUBJECT is a first or second person s ingular pronoun directly preceding the predicate . This rule accounts for the deletion of i in sentences such as :

m i woka ba u t l on g rot y u r a u s i m me r i a ?

I am walking on the road you chased your wife away didn ' t you ?

At the same t ime it accounts for the presence of

papa b i l on g m i i g a t s i k y u t a s o l i no l a i k kam yu i I u s ! mi yet i tok o l sem (c)

in :

my father is i l l you 're the only one who doesn ' t want to come get lost! I said so myself

i is often omitted afte r pronoun em in equative sentences : em t a s o l em papa b i l on g m i

that 's the lot that 's my father

but

P i s i n i P i s i n na I n g l i s em I ngl i s

Pidgin is Pidgin and English is English

(d) There are certain phonological reason s , first noted by Hall ( 1943a : 2 ) , for the de letion of i . Thus i is often deleted if the subj ect noun ends in a high vowe l , as in :

me r i g a t be l t a rangu no g a t ka i ka i

the woman is pregnant the poor b loke had no food

The same factor may also account for the frequent disappearance of future marker ba i , as in :

em ba i ( j ) kam ma n i ba i ( i ) I u s

after the

he wi l l come the money wi l l be lost

( e ) Though conj oined sentences will be dealt with late r , the behaviour of the predicate marker in such sentences wi l l be briefly mentioned here for the sake of completenes s . The f irst convention applies to subj ects containing more than one noun . For such cases the predicate marker i generally appears even i f the last element of the con j o ined subj ects is yu or m i :

b ra ta b i l on g m i na m i i go P i t a n a yu i kamap l a s

my brother and I went Peter and you arrived last

For other cases of conjoining a large set of fairly involved regularities can be demonstrated . A di scuss ion of these can be found in Dutton 1 9 7 3 : 2 3 3 f f and Wurrn 1971a : 17 and 6 5 f f . ( f) The behaviour of i after modals ( k e n , mas , l a i k , etc . ) No full analys is of these cases is available at present , though a number o f useful remarks can be found in Wurm 197Ia : 16 f f . A convention applying in most varieties of Tok Pisin is that verbs fol lowing modals are always introduced with i . These are go to go , kam to come , s ta p ' locational verb ' and nap to be ab le , e . g . :

m i l a i k i kam em i ma s i go

I want to come he must go

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

with other verbs , there i s considerable variation . tinguish between cases as , for example , in :

and

m i l a i k woka b a u t m i l a i k i wokabaut

I sha l l walk I want to walk

mi ken woka ba u t m i k e n i wokaba u t

I oan walk I sha l l definitely walk

375

Some regional varieties dis­

and as against

Thi s distinction is not made in the majority of Tok Pi sin varietie s , however , and the variable appearance of i after modals in those varieties must be explained di fferent l y . All the above regularities pertain primarily t o second- language speakers of Tok pisin , as pointed out by Lynch ( 1979 : 6 ) : " It is my impression that the use of i is dec lining , and many Ll-speakers omit it very frequently indeed . "

4.4.2.4

The expan s i on of bas i c s en tences

The basic structures di scussed above can be modi fied in two ways , e ither by the addition of ( frequently less centra l ) semantic information or by changing the basic word-order to achieve certain sty l i stic effects such as focal isation . Note that meaningful change s in word-order are found mainly among younger fluent speakers of the l anguage .

4.4.2.4. 1

Nega t i on

The scope of the negative adverb no in Tok Pisin appears to be the ful l predicate rather than individual constituents , a phenomenon found i n many pidgin languages . The position of no is directly after i, as can be seen from the fol lowing examples : 01

i no b i n k i s i m i ndependens

they haven ' t got independenoe yet

01

i no l a i k wok l ong b i ks a n

they don ' t like to work in the fu l l heat o f the sun

yet

Exceptions to this principle are rare , though the negation of mas must provides a counterexample in some varieties of Tok P i sin :

yu ma s kam yu no ken kam } y u mas no ken kam

you must oome you mus t not oome

Negation of nouns and noun phrases cannot be done by adding no to the constituent concerne d . Instead , Tok P i sin resorts t o the embedding o f a negative existential sentence containing the constituent to be negated. Examples are :

i noga t wan p e l a ma n i kam

nobody oame

I no ga t wanpe l a s amt i n g i na p l on g man i ken k i s i m n a t i n g l ong s t ua .

Nothing in this store oan be had for free.

i noga t wanpe l a s evende i save d r i ng t i

no Seventh Day Adventist drinks tea

376

P . MUHLHA USLER

The negation of object NPs is achieved by means of extraposition of the NP to be negated :

I no g a t wanpe l a me r i m i l a i k i m

4 .4 . 2.4.2

I don ' t like any of the girls

T i me and pl ace and ma nner adverbs and adverb i a l s a s sentence compl ements

( a ) Time adverbials I t appears that the majority of Tok Pisin time adverbials should be consid­ ered as being on a par with the two other main constituents of a sentence rather than being expansions of the VP . However , there are strong indications ( c f . Sanko f f and Laberge 1973 , Lynch 1979) that some time adverbials are developing into tense markers and are becoming more c losely associated with the verb . The position most commonly occupied by time adverbial s , however , remains sentence initial , as in :

l i k l i k t a i m n a u m i mas go

I sha l l have to go soon

b i po 0 1

formerly they did not behave like this

n o mek i m o l osem

ba i mba i man i i kama p

money wi l l appear eventual ly

Note that many varieties of Tok Pisin now distinguish between a time adverb , ba i mba i eventua l ly , and a future marker ba i which is more c losely associated with the verb . Time adverbs can also be found s entence finally as in :

em i g i aman o l t a i m

0 1 i kam ba i mba i

he is a lways lying they ' l l come eventua l ly

Time adverbs are also found directly following a subject NP as in :

em o l t a i m i hamba k man k l o s t u i da i n a u

he is a lways humbugging the man is about to die

The regularities underlying the occurrence of time adverbs in these different positions are not wel l understood at present . (b) P l ace adverbials place adverbs usually appear sentence final ly , though for the purpose of emphasis they can also be found sentence initial ly :

ma n k i ma s t a i ba i rn toma to l ong ma ket

the servant bought tomatoes in the market

l on g Os t re l i a i g a t p l an t i m i s i s , l on g N i ug i n i noga t

there are many European women in Australia but not in New Guinea

Adverbs of place referring to the direction rather than the locality of an action are usually introduced by the direction markers i g o and i kam , unless go or kam are the main verbs . A number of detailed studies have been made into these direction markers . Dutton ' s account ( 19 7 3 : 3 5 ) can serve as a brief intro­ duction :

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

377

In Pidgin i kam and i g o are used t o denote movement away from or towards the speaker respective ly . Not only that but it is the conceived locus of the speaker relative to the action that i s important and not hi s actual position . Thus if one asks someone e l se in Pidgin to take something from a position near the speaker outside a house , say , to a position inside the house he will begin by using the direction marker i go but will change to i kam in describ­ ing what happen s inside the house , just as though he had also moved inside . The fol lowing sentence will i l lustrate :

Yu k i s i m kago i go l on g h a u s na b r i ng i m i kam p u t i m l on g t ebo l Take the goods into the house and put them on the

tab le .

go and i kam are also used to refer to temporal

The direction markers phenomena as in :

tul a i t i

b r u k i kam n a u

daylight Was breaking

It should be noted More detailed remarks can be found in Wurm 1971a : 45 . that direction marking is an area of syntax where substratum influence is felt a great deal , and that fixed norms have yet to deve lop . ( c ) Manner adverbial s

A distinction must be made between those adverbial s which modi fy a whole sentence , such as a t i n g perhaps , and others which only modify individual con­ stituents .

At i n g appears at the beginning of sentence s , whereas the other adverbials appear after the constituents they modi fy : a t i n g m i ken k i s i m y u em i ma n t r u em i tok t ru an t a p 0 1 i woka b a u t 1 5 1 dok i s i ng a u t b i k pe l a

4.4.2.4.3

perhaps I can fetch you he is a real man he is t e l ling the holy truth they walked s lowly the dog was barking loud

Aspect and tense markers

4.4.2.4.3. 1

General remarks

The indication o f aspect ( the nature of the action referred to) and tense ( the t ime at which such an action is performed) , though an optional expansion of basic sentences , is neverthe less a very important characteristic of Tok Pisin grammar . Traditionally aspect and tense have been dealt with under the heading of the verb . Howeve r , as has been pointed out above , a truer account of their role in Tok Pisin grammar would be given by treating them as part of the predicate . The following examples , from Muhlhausler 1978 , i l lustrate that any predicate , whether it contains verbs or not , can be modified by aspect and tense markers : ( a ) Noun bases

em em

t i sa t i sa p i n i s

{

he is a teacher he has comp leted becoming a teacher he has finished his teacher training

378

P . MUHLHA USLER

em em em em em em

J a i k t i sa t i s a i s tap t i sa n a u s a ve t i sa b i n t i sa t i sa nat i ng

he he he he he he

is about to become a teacher continues being a teacher has just become a teacher is customari ly a teacher was a teacher i s just a teacher

(b) Verb bases em em em em em em em em

wokab a u t wokaba u t p i n i s J a i k woka b a u t woka b a u t i s t a p wokabaut n a u save woka b a u t b i n wok a b a u t wokaba u t n a t i n g

he he he he he he he he

is walking finished walking is about to walk continued walking has just started walking i s in the habit o f walking walked is just walking (aimless ly )

( c) Adj e ctive bases

s t rong s t rong p i n i s J a i k s t rong s t rong n a u ( b i po ) em i s ave s t rong em i b i n s t rong em i s t rong nat i ng

em em em em i

he he he he he he he

is strong has finished becoming strong = he has grown up is about to become strong has become strong = is strong now used to be strong was strong is just strong (but has no other virtues)

Of the two , aspect marking is of much greater importance in conservative rural Tok Pisin , though the marking of tense is increasing in importance under the impact of the English mode l . The past marker b i n , for instance , which was virtually unknown in most areas 20 years ago , is vigorously present in the speech of most younger speakers and is found with many second- language speakers of the language today . There are signs , however , that its use among first- language speakers is on the de cline ( cf . Sankoff 1 9 7 9 ) . Whereas tens e marking is restricted to the future marker ba i and the past marker b i n , the number o f items functioning as aspect markers in Tok pisin is large . The members of this category fall into a number of groups and there is considerable overlapping between what have been traditionally called aspect markers and other word c lasses , such as adverbs and verbs .

4.4.2.4.3.2

Types of a s pect marki ng

The most commonly used aspect markers include : marker

function of marker

i s t ap pinis s a ve k i rap n a t i ng t ra i i m

progre ssive completion habitual inchoative frustrative attemptative durative and iterative

' repetition '

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

used.

379

In addition , certain verb s , some adverbs o f time and some modals are also The most important aspect markers will now be discussed individual l y .

( a ) N o overt aspect mark ing verb forms without overt aspect marking usually refer to actions which are either in progress at the time of speaking or which were in progress at the point in time to which a narrative pattern refers . It is also found in the con­ text of instructions and timeless descriptions of action s . Examples : o

so r i m i ha n g re nogut t ru

Oh, I am

am

real ly very hungry .

m i t i sa b i 1 0n g 0 1

I

E m s i a b i 1 0n g ma n ya . O ra i t , noga t man l ong d i spe 1 a p I e s . 0 1 ge t a ma n l on g d i s pe 1 a p I es em i s t a p wan t a i m 0 1 1 i k 1 i k man ya .

This Was a chair for peop l e . We l l, there were no people in this p lace . A l l the peop le of this p lace s tayed with those litt le men.

Y u p u t i m 1 i k 1 i k wa ra i go l ong t i pot , h a t i m 1 i k 1 i k , kapsa i t i m wa ra l on g t i po t i go , or a i t , put i m 1 i pt i i go. B i ha i n hat­ wa ra i k i s i m t i , i g o i b 1 a k 1 i k 1 i k , o l sem s ampe 1 a ma s ta 0 1 i 1 a i k im ti b 1 ak.

You put a little water in the teapot and heat it up a lit t l e . Then tip out this hot water from the teapot and then put in the tea leaves. After that you pour in the hot water and leave it. The hot water brings out the tea, it b lackens a little. Some Europeans like their tea b lack.

their teacher

Verb forms without overt aspect and tense mark ing are particularly frequent in story telling , where aspect and tense is often only s ignal led paragraph initial ly and followed by utterances without aspect or tense marking . (b) S t a p , i s t a p

-

progressive

Predicates are either followed by i s t ap or preceded by ( i ) s t a p to indicate actions or state s which are continuous , translating English progressive forms involving a form of to be and a verbal form ending in -ing. In the case of predicates containing transitive verb s , i s t a p may fol low directly after the verb :

m i t u pe 1 a i s i nd a u n g r i s i s t a p me r i i wok i m b i 1 um i s t ap dok i s i ng a u t i s t a p 0 1 i s ta p toktok

we were sitting and talking the women are making stringbags the dog is barking they are ta lking

The use o f s t a p or i s t ap implies no j udgement about the length of time for which an act ion or state continues . If the speaker wants to indicate that an action continues for a long time , he/she can repeat either the main verb or i s t a p in postpredicative position :

0 1 i ka i ka i ka i ka i 0 1 i ka i ka i i s t a p

� I

s tap} s ta p

they kept on eating for a long time

Note that for some varieties o f Tok Pisin there i s a semantic difference between predicate + i s t a p and i s t a p + predicat e : . . . with the latte r , the focus i s on the action denoted by the verb , whereas with the former , the focus is on the continuous nature of the action , e . g . em i s t a p toktok he is t a l k i n g> i . e . t a l k i n g is what he is

380

P. MUHLHA USLER

doing , em i toktok i s t ap = he is talking , i . e . his action of ta lking is c o n t i u 0 u s . ( Wurm 1971a : 39) Alternative ways of expressing the progress ive aspect are the use o f the adverb n a u sentence finally and the use of wok l on g followed by the predicate ; wok l on g has gained considerable popularity in recent years through its use in radio broadcasts :

m i r i t nau

I am reading, I Was reading

y u pe l a wok l on g h a r i m Red i o Wewa k

you are listening to Radio Wewak

0 1 p i pe l i wok l ong amamas

the people were rejoicing

(c) P i n i s

_

completion

The completion of an action is usually expressed by p i n i s following either the predicate or the main verb ; it can also be expressed by o l g e t a or o l geta p i n i s following the predicate . Typically the use of p i n i s implies that an action is irreversible and that its result is felt for some t ime .

0 1 ka u n s i 1 i kamap p i n i s

the counci l lors have arrived

m i l a i k i m yu p i n i s

I have fal len in love with you

em

tok p i n i s

he has spoken

em

ka rama p i m h u l p i n i s

he has covered up the hole

kauns i 1 i ra u s i m me r i p i n i s

the counci l lor has chased away his wife

m i save p i n i s tok p i s i n

I have learnt Tok Pisin/I know Tok Pisin

em i go p l n l s l on g p I e s b i l ongen na em i s ta p o l geta

he has gone back to his vi l lage for good

em i t u l e t p i n i s na em i me r i b i l ong y u n a u

it is too late for her to become your wife

Examples of the use of p i n i s with non-verbal predicates are o ften translated by using certain adverbs or adj ectives indicating completion :

0 1 namb i s o l i k r i s ten p i n i s

the coastal dwel lers are true Chris tians

t upe l a i p ren p i n i s

the two are real friends

often English uses two di fferent lexical items to translate a Tok Pisin adj ective or verb with or without the completion marker . Compare :

rere p i n i s ( l a i k) r e r e

ready prepare oneself

b r uk p i n i s ( l a i k ) b r uk

broken disintegrating

hat p i n i s ( l a i k) hat

hot heating up

hep i p i n i s ( l a i k ) he p i

satisfied getting p leased

bik pinis ( l a i k) b i k

big growing big

I us p i n i s ( l a i k) I us

lost loosen ( v . intr . )

ke l a p i n i s ( 1 a i k ) ke l a

bald getting bald

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

381

The use o f intransitive verbs + p i n i s can often be translated by a passive construction in English . Howeve r , this does not mean that Tok Pisin pos sesses anything l ike a formal passive construction, since the agent cannot be expressed overtly . A case il lustrating this is what has been referred to by B . A . Hooley ( 1 962 : 118) as the passive trans formation in Tok Pisi n . Hooley wants to derive sentences such as g l as i b r uk the thermometer is broken from em i b r u k i m g l a s he breaks the thermometer. He a lso points out that in Tok Pisin sentences of the structure N i V can have both ' middle ' and ' passive ' meaning and are therefore ambiguous . I t appears , howeve r , that sentences such as g l a s i b r uk are not the result o f any passive trans formation . I n stead the presence of certain aspect markers stresses certain aspects of the meaning of the verbs involve d . A better trans­ lation o f the thermometer is broken would be g l a s i b r u k p i n i s . Compare :

ka i ka i i red i p i n i s man i I us p i n i s wa ra i h a t p i n i s

the dinner is prepared the money is lost the water is heated up

with

em em em

red i i m ka i ka i i s t ap b i n l us i m ma n i wok l on g ha t i m w a r a

he is preparing the dinner he lost the money he is heating water

and

ka i ka i i l a i k red i ma n i l a i k 1 us w a r a i wo k l on g h a t

the dinner is a lmost ready the money is about to be lost the water is heating

A more detai l ed linguistic argument against the passive trans formation in Tok Pi sin is given by Wool ford ( 1979a : 9 7 - l 06 ) . ( d) S a ve - habitual action Predicates preceded by save denote actions which are performed hab itual ly as in : 0 1 t umb una b i l on g m i pe l a i save

our ancestors used to eat hwnans

l on g t a i m b i l on g ma l o l o m i pe l a i s a ve ra un l ong t a un

we often s tro l l in the town in our leisure time

ka i ka i man

d i s pe l a ma n i s a ve d ra iwa b i l on g m i pe l a

this man usua l ly does the driving for us

d i s pe l a p i k i n i n i b i l on g d i wa i s k i n b i l ongen i s a ve b ra u n

this fruit Whose skin is usua l ly brown

m i no s a ve ka i ka i b ua i

I am not in the habit of chewing bete lnut

d i s pe l a bok i s i s a ve g a t ra i s i n sa i t l ongen

this container usua l ly has rice inside it

p l an t i s a vema n i s a ve s ek s e k l on g me r i i no ga t s a ve

many educated men fal l in love with uneducated women

382

P. MUHLHA USLER

( e ) K i r a p , k i rap na

-

inchoative

In opposition to the aspect markers treated so far , k i rap shares all the properties of real verbs , and its occurrence as an aspect marker can be regarded , syntactically, as an ins tance of verbal concatenation . K i rap directly preceding other verbs indicates actions which are being at the time referred to in the sentence in which it occur s , e . g . :

k i a p i k i rap woka b a u t

the patrol offiaer began to walk set out on his journey

t u p e l a wokman i k i rap wok i m b a re t

the two workers began to dig a trenah

n a ra pe l a i k i rap na tok

another one began to talk

In Urban Tok Pisin s t a t to start is frequently used in the place of k i r a p , a s in :

0 1 i s t a t s i ng s i ng n a u ( f ) N a t i ng

-

they started t o ae lebrate

frustrative mood (purposeless action)

In the discus sion of n a t i ng as a postnominal modi fier the contextual nature of this particular element was i llustrated . The same context dependency can also be observed in those cases where n a t i n g appears afte r verbs or verb phrases . Its most common meaning is for no obvious purpose or in vain , as in :

H i no b i n kam pa i n i m me r i l ong p a t i o Hi kam n a t i ng t a so l .

I haven ' t aome to find a girl at the party . I just dropped in.

H i no l a i k wok n a t i ng . l a i k i m ma n i ya .

I don ' t want to work for nothing. I want money .

Hi

Em i l e s n a t i ng .

He is just lazy.

0 1 i no b i n k i s i m p i k . 0 1 i b i ha i n i m l ek b i l on gen n a t i ng .

They didn ' t aatah a pig. They just fol lowed its trai l without any result.

( g) Tra i m

-

attemptative

T ra i m ( often spe l led t ra i i m) i s used in a way which allows its syntactic

interpretat ion as either a full verb appearing in verbal concatenation or as a verbal marke r . This double status can b e seen from . its position i n utterance s . I t i s found either directly preceding the main verb or at the end o f a predicate , sometimes even dire ctly after the main verb . This is brought out c learly in Dutton ' s treatment ( 19 7 3 : 2 20 f ) : . . . depending on c ircumstances t ra i m may alternatively be placed after the verb or the obj ect but this is less acceptable if the obj ects o f the sentences are pronouns or long phrases , e . g . ,

Y u b a u t i m t ra i m d i s pe l a l on g pe l a kan u .

Try to turn this long aanoe around.

Y u b au t i m d i spe l a l ongpe l a kanu i t r a i m .

Try to turn this long aanoe around.

*Yu b a u t i m d i s pe l a l ongpe l a kanu i s ta p l on g hap i t ra i m .

Try to turn that long aanoe around that is up there .

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

*Yu ba u t i m t ra i m em.

Try to tUI'n it around.

Y u t ra i m b a u t i m em .

Try to tu:rn it around.

383

Apart from the uses l i sted by Dutton the constructions t ra i m l ong + V and

t ra i m n a + V are also found :

0 1 Pe l e i t ra i m l ong wok i m ma n i .

The members of the Pe le Association are trying to make money.

Y u t ra i m na wok i m o l osem.

Try and do it like this .

Yupe l a pa pamama p l i s t ra i m n a s t a p l ong l a r i m e m i ken s ku l .

You parents must p lease try and let her stay at schoo l .

Y u pe l a 0 1 t i sa i ma s t ra i m n a i no k e n mek i m d i s pe l a pas i n .

You teachers must try not t o behave in this way .

( h ) Repetition of verb or predicate - durative The idea of duration is often implicit in the use of the progressive marker However , the idea o f duration can be reinforced by repetition o f :

stap.

s ta p ( occas ionally i go) :

a ) either the durative marker

em

s i ndaun i s tap

stap

01

pa i t

go

i

g o i go

he lived there for a long time {

they fought for a long time they were fighting a long time

b ) the main verb :

0 1 i t i ng t i ng t i ng t i ng 01 i sut i m sut i m p i k

they kept thinking they kept shooting pigs

c) the main verb plus predicate marker :

d i s pe l a me r i i tok

tok

this woman talks and talks

d) the whole predicate , o ften including the predicate marker :

em 0 1 kanaka s u t i m 0 1 s u t i m 01

these indigenes kept shooting at them

0 1 i s i n gs i ng n ab a u t s i n g s i n g naba u t

they kept ce lebrating

4.4.2.4.3.3

Adverbs g en and nau u sed as a s pect markers

( a) Gen - act ion repeated Verbs or predicates fol lowed by gen express that an action is repeated once "usua l ly after the elapse of some time" ( Wurm 197Ia : 42 ) :

M i wok wan y i a . M i go bek l ong p l es . Mi go gen l on g Rabau l .

I worked for a year, then I went to my vi Uage and afterwards I retuI'ned to Rabaul .

The various positions in which gen may occur , a s we l l as some uncertainty a s to its correct pos ition , can be seen in the following extract from a story by a speaker from Manus :

384

P . MUHLHA USLER

M i wok p i n i s , m i ka l a p gen l on g s i p . M i bos k r u l ong s i p . M i wok raun , m i go , kam bek , m i s ta p gen . M i ka l a p gen l on g s ua gen . Mi wok gen l on g haus l emon e t gen . (b) Nau

-

Having finished my contract I boarded a ship again and became a member of the crew. I went to work in various p laces and returned. I stayed again. I disembarked again . I worked in the lemonade factory again.

actions j ust started

Although refers to the p l ace , and is the fol lowing

n a u can correspond to Engli sh now in certain contexts , it typically nature o f an action rather than to the t ime at which it takes therefore often found in narratives referring to the past . Note remarks by Wurm ( 19 7 la : 4 l ) :

It may be mentioned at this point that in Pidgi n , the aspects of the verb are a primary feature , and the tenses In other words , the tense markers (or a se condary one . adverbs of t ime , or the context ) , place a verb whose exact nature has been determined by aspect markers accompanying i t , into a point of t ime which bears some de finite relation ( i . e . earlier , late r , a short time later , etc . ) to the time level which is central in a narration or s ituation . Because of the differences of the basic structures of English and Pidgin , this functional supremacy of the aspects over the tenses in Pidgin i s often not clearly evident from the English trans lations of Pidgin sentence s . The reason for mentioning this here instead of at the beginning of the section on Aspect and Tense is the fact that the aspect indi cated by verb + n a u bears particularly clear evidence of this hierarchy , and of the difficulty of rendering it c learly in idiomatic English translations . This may there­ fore be the be st moment for introducing the l inguistical ly unsophi sti cated reader to this problem. An example w i l l make the problem clear : m i l a i k go n a u which i s best ren­ dered in idiomatic English by I have just decided to go away soon. In actual fact , the Pidgin sentence can be analysed semantically as fol lows : go n a u indicates an action of going away which has j ust started; putting l a i k before this places this action into the near future ; in consequence , mi l a i k go n a u means l i teral ly : soon the situation wi l l prevai l in which I have just started going away . I t remains to be seen just how far such finer points of grammar are un iver­ sally found in Tok Pi sin and to what extent they j ust reflect substratum influence from languages spoken in a certain area .

4.4.2.4.3.4

Modal verbs

Modal verbs serve to indicate certain modalities of verbal actions . They typically precede the main verb or the central element of a non-verbal predicate . The following modal verbs are found in Tok Pisin :

S YNTAX OF TOK PISIN

ken laik mas n a p , i nap no ken mas no ken } s a ve ( a ) Ken

-

385

can to want must to be able must not to be able

permi ssion

Ken preceding predicates indicates permis s ion , and sometimes a weaker notion of possibility : yu ken i kam

{

you can come ( permission ) it is possib le for you to come

y u ken ra i t i m o l sem wanem?

how do you spe l l it ?

m i b i kpe l a man m i ken ma r i t i m pope l a me r i

I am an important person� I can marry four women

Most varieties o f the language do not have a separate construction of the form ken + i + verb to signal de finite future , reported for some Highlands varieties by Wurm ( 19 7 la : 4 8) . In most cases , the distinction between possib­ i lity , permi ss ion and futurity is difficult t o maintain , as demonstrated by the following example s :

Wok b i l on g m i i kama p g u t pe l a t umas , o ra i t 0 1 i ken ma k i m m i l ong ka u n s i l .

If my business turns out really we l l the peop le can (wi l l� are likely to) appoint me as a counci l lor.

Sapos i t r upe l a , o ra i t kauns i l i ken ha r i m , s apos i g i ama n , m i ken p i n i s i m .

If it is true� the counci l lor wi l l (can) hear it� if it i s untrue� I shal l (can) put an end to it.

Negation of ken in the form of no ken is also used as in the case of ma s must. However , in many contexts the negation of ken does not imply prohibition by a person but rather by circumstances , as in the following examples :

ren i pa s i m 0 1 l on g 0 1 ken kam

i

no

d i s pe l a b r i s i no nap l on g man i ken wokabaut l o ngen

the rain made it impossible for them to come this bridge is not suitab le for people to walk on

( b ) La i k - to desire� wish

A number of variants of this form are used in Tok Pisin . The form most commonly used is l a i k + V without an intervening predicate marker . Predicate marker i follows , however , if l a i k is followed by go to go , kam to come , s ta p to stay and n a p t o be ab le. For example :

m i l a i k wokab a u t m i l a i k i go

I want t o walk I want to go

For some varieties o f Tok Pisin a distinction is made between l a i k + V and l a i k + i + V , the fi rst form indicating near future , the latter desire ( c f . Wurm

1971a : 5l-5 2 ) .

For ins tance :

d i s pe l a me r i i l a i k ka r i m pikinini

this woman is about to give birth to a child

3 86

P . MUHLHA USLER

m i l a i k i ka r i m p i k i n i n i b i l on g y u

I �ant to carry your child

La i k i m instead of l a i k is occasionally found : m i l a i k i m d r i ng b i a

I �ant to drink beer

Construct ions of the form l a i k + l on g + V have also been recorded by the present autho r :

em

l a i k l ong k i s i m em

he �ants to get hold of it

( c ) Ma s - mus t ( obligation)

Mas is followed by a predicate marker if it introduces the verbs i go go , i kam come , i s ta p s tay and i nap able . In all other cases it is followed dir­

ectly by the verb s tem .

For example :

y u yet ma s mek i m g u t pe l a s i ndaun

you must behave �e l l

i ma s s t a p w e t l on g mun Iait

they must �ait until the moon shines

01

m i pe l a mas

go n a u

�e have to go no�

mas k i l ong bo i i no l a i k , papamama ma s s t rong

�hether the boy likes it or not, the parents must insist

mama

mother has to go n�

ma s i go n a u

01 i mas b i ha i n i m tok b i l ong 01 ga vman t a s o l

they must obey the orders of the government

y u pe l a i mas t ra i m l u s i m d i s pe l a pas i n

you must try to get rid of this custom

The negation of mas can be performed in a number of variation is found here . Although ma s can be negated by construction is relatively uncommon , and often expresses under a direct obligation to do something , rather than a ( c f . Wurm 1971a : 5 1 and Dutton 1 9 7 3 : 187) . For example :

M i pe l a i no ma s i g a t ka i nka i n t i n g t i ng o l osem .

ways , and considerable a preceding n o , this that someone is not complete prohibi tion

We should not have such thoughts.

Usually prohibition is expressed by no ken or ma s no ken :

yu no ken wa r i t uma s l on g 0 1 me r i

don ' t think too much about girls

0 1 me r i i ma s noken p u t i m sot­

girls must not �ear short skirts

pe l a s i ke t

It appears that the form mas no ken is preferred for expres s ing a strong prohibition , whereas s imple no ken refers to a weaker prohibition . ( d) Na p , i na p - physical ability Abi l i ty to carry out a physical action can be expressed by placing i na p or Sometime s i or l ong is found between the modal verb and the main verb .

n a p before predicates .

pow i I i n a p l ong ron l on g d i s ­ pe l a han rot

a four-�heel drive vehicle can negotiate this side track

SYNTAX O F TOK PISIN

i no ga t ren o l sem 0 1 i no i na p waswa s g u t

387

there has been no rain and they are unab le to have a proper bath

In the past the distinction between i na p on the one hand and save and ken on the other has often been compared to the distinction between savoir and pouvoir in French . However , this would seem to be a gross oversimpli fication of what is actually found in Tok Pisin . So far , the exact conditions underlying the choice o f either of these three verbs has not been fully understood and an explanation may we l l involve a speaker ' s first language . Thus , the use of i n a p i n the following example clearly does not contain any reference to physical abi lity :

m i pe l a i no i na p l ong sanap i m pas i n d i aman l ong vot

it is not proper for us to propose a 'gatecrasher ' as a candidate

( e ) Save - ability

Save followed by a verb may expres s competence in the sense of knowing how to do something. This construction i s c losely related to the case in which save indicates an habitual action : In fact the two constructions are c losely related in t hat one gains one ' s competence to perform an act ion from having performed it regularly or habitually . In some sentences both senses are one and the same , e . g . :

Y u s a ve wok i m hau s .

{

Do you regu larly bui ld houses ? Do you know how to bui ld houses ? ( Dutton 1 97 3 : 7 5 )

Because of i t s ambiguity thi s construction i s l ittle used . erence is given to analytic constructions such as :

Instead , pref­

m i g a t s a ve l ong r i t ra i t

I know how to read and write

m i s a ve p i n i s l ong wok t i sa

I know how to teach

m i save pas i n b i l on g ra i t i m pas

I know how to wri te a letter

4.4.2.4.3.5

Ten se markers

Tense indication in Tok Pisin was traditionally achieved by introducing sentences or even paragraphs by certain t ime adverbs such as ba i mba i by-and-by or b i po before . such adverbials tended to govern the tense of l arger stretches of utterance . In recent years , however , some drastic Pisin i s at present developing a compulsory become obligatory for many younger speakers status o f tense indicators has shifted from

changes have taken place , and Tok tense system. Not only has tense but , at the same time , the grammatical free adverbial s to preverbal particle s .

A detailed s tudy o f the behaviour o f the future-tense marker ba i has been made by Sankoff and Laberge ( 19 7 3 : 3 2 - 4 7 ) , whi l st Sankoff ( 1979) presents some information on the past marker b i n . ( a ) Futurity

A number of adverbs and auxi liary verbs are sometime s used to express the idea of futurity, including :

388

P. MUHLHA USLER

ken + i + laik + V k l osap nau

v

for for for for

definite future near future very near future immedi ate future

A fuller discuss ion of these four items is found in Wurm 1971a : 48 . This set can be supplemented by some additional adverbs of t ime implying the idea of futurity , including :

ba i mb a i t umo ra b i ha i n

probab le future event tomorrow or the next day afterwards

From this long l i st o f items , ba i , the shortened form of ba i mba i , has come to ful fil the function of a future marker for most present-day Tok P i sin speakers , though the diachronic development which has led to the change i n status o f ba i mb a i can s t i l l be observed synchronica l ly . These change s have been described by Sankoff and Laberge ( 19 7 3 : 36) as follows : 1 . its reduction from ba i mba i to ba i ( a change which has almost gone to completion , ba i mb a i being rare in current usage ) ; 2 . i ts loss of obligatory stress ; 3 . its occurrence with adverbs having a future meaning , e . g . ( 3 ) k l os t u ba i i da i soon he wi l l die ; ( 4 ) b i h a i n ba i i kambek gen later it wi l l come back again ; 4 . its apparent tendency to be placed next to the main verb , afte r the sub j ect , rather than at the beginning of the sen­ tence or in pre-subj ect position . It must be pointed out that these changes do not necessarily take place in the above order and that coexi stence o f earlier and l ater patterns i s often found in the s ame speech event . This is particularly true of the position which ba i occupies in the sentence . For instance :

ba i k a n t r i b i l on g yumi ba i baga r a p

our country wil l be ruined

s a pos y u pe l a i t o k o l osem ba i h u s a t t ru ba i mek i m 0 1 wok 0 1 me r i i s ave mek i m?

if you argue like that, who wi l l do the job which women are doing now ?

It appears that , whereas ba i directly preceding the verb has become a future marker, ba i at the beginning of sentences often refers to the notion of ' event taking place a fter another event ' . In this meaning ba i can assume the status of a con j unction . ( b) Past Past in Tok P isin can be expressed by means of a number of sentence - initial adverbials such as b i po in earlier times , l on g t a i m b i l ong t umbuna when our ancestors lived, and asde yesterday, the previous day. Such t ime adverbials are o ften supplemented by b i n , immediately preceding the verb . Though b i n is derived from English been , its semantic function is that of indicating a general past . The idea of completion may or may not be imp lied and a combination o f b i n and p i n i s can be used to indicate both past tense and completion . The use of time adverbials together with b i n in the same utterance indicates that b i n is frequently redundant . Thi s redundancy in the use of b i n can be compared with that found by Sankoff and Laberge ( 19 7 3 ) for the future marker b a i .

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

I

marker :

389

shal l conclude this section with some examples of the use of the past

m i pe l a i b i n gat t upe l a e l eksen p i n i s

we have had two e lections already

m i y e t m i b i n ha r i m d i s pe l a tok

I myself have heard this story

l ong Septemba 1 9 70 i b i n gat wanpe l a b i kpe l a pat i

there was a big party in September

l on g l a s mun m i b i n w i n i m porn t u b i l on g m i

last month I successfu l ly comp leted form II

m i b i n r i t i m d i s pe l a pas b i l on g y u n a mi ga t so r i l on g yu ya

I read your letter and I fe lt sorry for you

1 9 70

( c l Present Present tense in Tok Pisin is expressed by using the unmarked forms of the verb . A number o f aspect markers , such as the progres s ive marker , typically accompany such verb forms . The idea of present as t e t e today.

4.4.2.4.3.6

can also be reinforced by certain adverbs of time such

Comb i nati on of ten s e markers , a spect markers and moda l s

Predicates in Tok Pisin can often be modified with a number of di f ferent modals , tense and aspect markers . Some remarks on possible combinations can be found in Wurm 197Ia : 49 , 46-47 , though a complete analys is of all possible combin­ ations and their semantic implications is not available at present . Such an analysis i s outside the scope o f the present handbook and I shal l restrict myse l f t o l i sting a few examples , some of which are very complex :

i gat wan pe l a o l pe l a tok tok i s ta p i kam nap nau t u i s tap yet

there is an o ld saying which has been handed down to the present day and s ti l l exists

i b i n s a ve i g a t p l an t i pa i t s t a p l ong d i s pe l a h a p

there used to be many fights in this area

0 1 ma n i spak l ong hot e l n a k i rap l a i k pa i t

the men got drunk at the hot e l and began to prepare themse lves for a fight

Whi l st such complex examples are occas ionally found , many of them reflect the advanced grammars o f individuals rather than a shared social grammar o f the language .

4.4.2.5

Mul t i p l e verb s en ten ces

A common sentence construction in Tok Pisin is one in which two or more verbs occur in succes sion . This phenomenon is referred to as verbal chaining , verbal concatenation or verbal s erial isation . The same phenomenon is documented

390

P . MUHLHA USLER

for a number of other pidgins and creoles as well as many language s with no obvious pidgin h istory.

A useful distinction is that between verb serialisation proper and other types of verbal chaining ( c f . Woolford 1979a : 9 1 ) . In the former case we are dealing with two verbs and an intermediate noun such that the noun is the object o f the firs t and the sub j ec t o f the second verb , as in: h e cut the tree and it fe l l down

em i kat i m d i wa i pundaun

In the l atter case the subject o f both the first and the second verb i s identical , as in :

em i s t i 1 l uk l u k l ong 0 1 me r i i waswas

he hid and observed the bathing women

Such cases can be regarded as reduced conjoined sentences , as has been done by Wurm ( 1971a : 65 ) and Dutton ( 19 7 3 : 2 3 3 ) . Sentences containing more than one verb are crucial to the grammar of Tok Pisin . They provide yet another way to make up for the scarcity of lexical bases in the lexicon of this l anguage . The remark made by Wickware in 1943 ( p . 1 16 ) is still very valid today : " It frequently requires two verbs in pidgin to do the job of one in English . Thus pul l it down becomes p u l l i m he come down and stop the machine is make i m d i e mach i ne . " No full analysis o f verbal chaining in Tok Pisin has been made , partly because i t is a fairly recent phenomenon and further data collecting is called for . The classificat ion presented here is strictly prel iminary to a scienti fic analysis of the phenomenon . VC program 1 : N

l

i mek i m N

2

i V

=

N

l

causes N

2

to do V

The causative construction would seem to deserve special mention . I t i s widely found even among older speakers . Its l ingui stic status is discussed by Edmondson and Muhlh ausler ( forthcoming) . Examples include :

y u mek i m i nda i l a i t

extinguish the light !

wok i mek i m l e s s k i n b i l on g m i

the work tires my body

I f the intermediate noun is pronominali sed it appears in a position between the two verbs of the chain as i n :

wok i mek i m mi i l e s

the work tires me

VC program 2 : causatives with verbs other than mek i m We are dealing here with a more recent development , with the exception of verbs fol lowed by the direction markers i kam ' direction towards speaker ' and i go ' direction away from speaker ' . Examples are :

ka u n s i l i toksave l on g 0 1 man

the council lor informed the men

b ra t a b i l ongen i k i l i m i nda i b ra t a b i l ongen

he ki l led his brother

01 i b r uk i m pundaun d i spe l a bet

they broke the shelf and it fe l l

down

yu k i k i m raus d i spe l a dok

kick out the dog!

yu t a n i m i go l on g pes g i a

put it into first gear

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

y u b r i n g i m h a twa r a i kam

bring the soup

k i s i m baket p i p i a i go

take away the dustbin

391

Whereas verb seriali sation is limited to two verbs , the looser types of verbal chains often contain three or more verbs , as in :

d i s pe l a w a r a i ka l a p i kam i go

this water went to and fro

d i s p e l a p i k i ran i kam r a n go s t re t

this pig went to and fro

m i pe l a i l a i k k i s i m p i l a i i go p u t i m mun l ong d i s pe l a d i wa i

we wanted to get the moon3 p lay with it and put it near this tree

The following subclasses can be distinguished : VC program 3 :

(V + V l V na V + V 2 int l int int lint 2 int to carry out an action v /v whi lst being in a state v /v l 2 2 l

This type of verbal chaining involves a relatively small number of intrans­ itive verb bases including s t i l to be hidden , tok to speak , wok to be busy , as wel l as those denoting location or movement which are followed by both basic and derived intransitive verbals . The intransitive verb bases s t i l , tok , etc . act either as a kind of clas si fier of verbal actions or corre spond to adverbials in Engl ish . This construction is extreme ly productive , and changes in semantic information are rare . Notes on this type of verb serialisation can be found in Wurm 1971a : 6 5-66 and Dutton 197 3 : 2 3 3 . Examples include :

s t i l l u k l uk 1 s t i l puspus s t i l pa i t l a p i n da i s pa k i nda i s l i p i n da i tok sor i tok s i n g s i ng tok k ros toktok res i s wok b u n g wok raun go popa i a ron s p i t

to to to to to to to to to to to to to to

peep3 look without being notiaed have i l licit sexua l intercourse attack without being seen die of laughter be dead drunk s leep like a log talk sadlY3 express sympathy recite in a singing voice express one 's anger in words dispute 3 have an argument be cooperative b e an itinerant worker miss the target run speedily

m i pe l a

ron ewe i d a un

we ran away in a downward direction

so l d i a

s amba i red i

the so ldier stood to attention

+ v tr } l V + V na v tr } wan t a i m 2{ tr l int 2{ caus caus to carry out two actions ( simu ltaneous ly)

VC program 4 : ( V

l in t

This program differs from the previous one in that the second verbal in the chain is transi tive or causative ; the interpretation of the verb series is ' doing s . th . whi l st being engaged in V ' , as in : 2tr

tok h a p i m tok hama r i m tok nog u t i m

to abbreviate3 cut a speech short to attack with words to insult verbally

392

P. MUHLHA USLER

ha r i a p g i v i m g i aman wok i m g i aman pa i t i m s t i l ha r i m s t i 1 l uk i m

to to to to to

give speedi ly pretend to make pretend to hit eavesdrop spy on

Examples are :

d i p a tmen i no h a r i ap g i v i m pe l on g 0 1

the department doesn ' t hurry to pay them

em i s i nd a u n wok l ong sap i m s t on

he sat down and sharpened a s tone

In a number of cases the second verb is most readily translated as a prep­ osition in Engl ish , as in : Tok Pi sin

literal meaning

gloss

p i s i n i p l a i raun i m d i wa i

the bird j1ew went around the tree

the bird j1ew around the tree

Boug a i n v i l l e i l a i k b r u k l u s i m Pa pua New Gu i n ea

Bougainvi l le is about to break leave Papua New Guinea

Bougainvi l le is about to secede from Papua New Guinea

em i w i n i m 0 1 a ra pe l a man l on g wokab a u t b r uk i m b u s

he surpasses the other men at walking breaking the bush

he surpasses the other men at walking through the bush

VC pro gram 5 : ( V

) V na V sampe l a man / samt i n g ( wa n t a i m ) V + V tr + ltr l tr 2tr 2tr to v and v s . O . o r s . th. ( simu ltaneous ly) ltr 2tr

Thi s program appl i es in those instances where the sub j e ct and the obj ect of both transi tive verbals are identical . Most o f these verbal chains are phrase­ level lexi cal items , though some word- leve l items including l uksave to see and know = to recognise , 2 sme l save to sme l l and know = to recognise by sme l l and b i l i psave to be lieve and know = to know by be lief, were foun d . Other examples include :

l a i n im soim h o l i m pas i m kot i m pas i m h o I i m ka l abus i m tok i m bek i m h a r i m s a ve sme l i m s a ve s en i s i m g i v i m

to to to to to to to to

exp lain by demonstration ho ld and obstruct, arrest arrest by court order arrest and imprison rep ly to recognise from hearing recognise from sme l ling trade, barter with

Again , some of the verbal chains correspond to verb and preposition construc­ tions in English . An example is the expression of the benefactive preposition with by means of the verb g i v i m 3 to give , as in :

y u yet i mas he l p i m g i v i m ma n i l on g 0 1 katek i s l ong ron i m wok b i l on g o l l o t u

you must support the catechists with money to enab le them to do the work of the churches

A group of chained verbs , which in earlier accounts of Tok Pisin has not been recognised as such but has been treated as e i ther simple lexical bases or verbal compounds of the type (V + adv) V , is that which includes ho l i m a p i m 4 to

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

393

ho ld up , h a i s i m a p i m to hoist , b r i ng i m a p i m to bring up, invent , pa l n l m a u t i m to find out, revea l , ske l i m a u t i m to deal out , d i g i m a u t i m to dig up and s imi lar ones . This group contrasts with superficial ly similar but structurally di ffer­ ent verbal s such as baga ra p i m to bugger up, ruin , ha r i a p i m to speed up , and po i n i ma u t i m to point out . Instances of genuine verbal chaining can be identi fied by the fact that the second verb in the chain can be repeated after the object in its intransitive base form , as in :

l i p t i m a p i m bok i s i a p ho l i m a p i m pepa i a p husat i t e l i m aut i m tok i aut? 0 1 i s ke l i m a u t i m kas i a u t

lift the box hold up the poster who spi l led the secre t ? they dealt the cards

The ungrammati cality of the examples containing lexical items of the second group confirms that one is dealing with s imple lexical i tems and not with verbal chaining. Compare :

*em *em *em *01

po i n i mau t i m a s u a i a u t p i l i ma p i m mer i ap ka r ama p i m bod i ap goa p i m d i wa i i a p

h e pointed out the mistake he fondled the girl they covered the body they climbed the tree

It is hoped that more work on verb serialisation in Tok P is in wi l l be done soon , for this phenomenon not only provides a challenging area for the de scrip­ t ive linguist but is also valuable for the practical purpose of language plan­ ning . Verb serialisation must be regarded as one of the main mechani sms by which a sma l l lexicon , particularly a small list of verb stems , can be made to go a long way .

4.4.2.6 4.4.2.6. 1

Va r i a t i on s i n the structure of bas i c sentences I n trodu c t i on

The di scuss ion of basic sentences has so far been concerned with optional additions to minimal structures . In the following section we shall be concerned mainly with the rearrangement of the e lements featured in basic sentences . How­ ever , no strict division between rearrangement and addition can be made in prac­ tice , s ince syntactic operations often make use of both mechanisms for certain semantic or stylistic purpose s .

4.4.2.6.2

Rel a t i o n s h i p between attr i but i ve and pred i ca t i ve adjecti ves

Tok pisin , l ike many other pidgins , possesses only a very small number of attributive adj ective s . Most o f them can be shifted to a predicative posit ion wi thout change in meaning , as in :

m i l u k i m b i k pe l a man

I saw a fat man

m i l u k i m man i b i kpe l a

I saw a fat man

becoming

When a noun i s preceded by more than one adj ective it i s customary to shi ft one to the predicative position . Thus :

P . MUHLHAUSLER

394

0 1 i l uk i m l ongpe l a g r i n pe l a mo ra n

they saw a long green python

can become

0 1 i l uk i m g r i n pe l a mo ran i l ongpe l a

or 0 1 i l u k i m l ongpe l a mo ran i g r i n

Alternatively , the use of more than one prenominal adject ive at a time i s avoided by repeating the noun , as in :

em i l u k i m wanpe l a g u t pe l a me r i , yangpe l a me r i , n a i spe l a me r i . s k i n b i l ongen ret mo

he saw a good, young and beautiful girl with very brown skin

Another factor favouring the shift of adjectives to a predicative position i s when they are modi fied by an adverb . Thus :

m i l u k i m g u t pe l a t ru me r i

i s less common than

I saw a nice woman

m i l uk i m me r i i g u t pe l a t ru

or m i l u k i m g u t pe l a me r i t r u

Consider also the following case s involving two attributive adj e ct ives plus an adverbial modifie r :

* m i l a i k i m g u t pe l a s t rongpe l a t ru b i a *m i l a i k i m g u t pe l a s t rongpe l a b i a t r u m i l a i k i m g u t pe l a b i a i s t rongpe l a t ru

I like good real ly strong beer.

4.4.2.6.3

Per i phrast i c fo rms i nvol v i n g nom i nal i sa t ion of adj ect i ves or verbs

A common operation in Tok Pis in syntax i s one in which adjectives and verbs are replaced by periphrastic constructions con s i st ing of an auxil iary verb and an abstract noun derived from the original adj ective/verb . This proce ss i s governed by the following conventions : ( a ) Trans itive verb bases which can occur without the transitivity marker - i m ( subc lass 3 above ) yield abstract nouns not ending in - i m . Transitivity i s expressed b y means o f the preposition l on g . Compare :

m i mek i m tok

m i tok I am ta lking m i tok i m yu } I am tel ling you m i t ok l on g y u

I

am talking

m i mek i m tok l on g y u

( b ) Transitive verb bases which never occur without the transitivity marker - i m ( subclass 1) retain the - i m in the derived abstract noun . If transitivity is to be expressed in the periphrastic form , l on g has to be used . Compare :

mi mi mi mi

laik laik laik laik

ask i m mek i m a s k i m a sk i m yupe l a me k i m a s k i m l ong y u pe l a

I I I I

want want want want

to to to to

a8k ask a8k you (pI . ) a8k you

Using a tree diagram the structural change can be symbolised as follows :

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

s

s

/�

/�

Y

i�

Pron

mi I

395

r

asp

V I I ,

I�

Pron

I I

aux

:

I

I I I I .

amama s de lighted

I

NP

I

N I I I

ml

gat

amama s

I

got

delight

In this process the verb or adj e ct ive bases plus aspect marker become abstract nouns plus aux i liary . The auxili aries available are mek i m , g a t , and pa i h i m . The choice o f the auxiliary can be predicted in terms o f the aspect marker assoc iated w i th the verb or adj ect ive bases . The fol lowing corre spondences can be established : aspect marker used with adj ective or verb base

auxiliary se lected in syntacti c derivation

function

wok l ong laik �

mek i m pa i n i m gat

performative inchoative neutral

+

+

+

adj/V adj /V adj jV

+

+

+

N N N

Consider the fol lowing examples : ( a ) mek i m to make

em 01 01 em

wok l ong hambak wok l ong toktok wok l ong k i vung p romi s

em 01 01 em

me k i m mek i m mek i m mek i m

hambak toktok k i vung p rom i s

he is humbugging they are talking they are gathering he promised

( b ) pa i n i m to experience

Pa i n i m is used when inchoative aspect is used in the basic construction . Most commonly i t i s found with expressions referring to a state of health , as in the fol lowing examples : em i 1 a i k s i k y u l a i k baga r a p m a n i 1 a i k i nda i

em i pa i n i m s i k yu pa i n i m baga rap man pa i n i m i n da i

he is becoming i l l you are getting hurt the man is about to die

( c ) g a t to get, become

G a t is the mos t neutral of these auxi l i arie s . Abstract nouns appearing as surface structure obj ects of g a t are commonly derived from adj ectives which are unmarked for aspect , as in : m i k ro s m i l es k l os i dot i

m i g a t k ros mi ga t l e s k l os i g a t dot i

I am angry I am tired the garment is dirty

( d ) Notes on other aux i li aries The verbs g i v i m to give and k i s i m to receive are found in periphrastic construc­ tions derived from basic constructions involving benefactive verbs . Examples of these constructions are :

396

P . MVHLHAUSLER

mi mi mi mi

tenkyu st i a i m b l es i m he l p i m

l ong y u yu yu yu

mi mi mi mi

g ivim g ivim g i vim givim

tenkyu l ong yu s t i a l ong y u b l es i m l ong yu h e l p i m l on g y u

I I I I

thanked you give guidance to you b lessed you he lped you

I f the focus i s on the recipient rathe r than on the benefactor k i s i m i s used , as i n :

em

k i s i m s t i a l ong m i

he received guidance from me

em

k i s i m b l e s i m l ong P a t e r

he received a b lessing from the priest

If the bene factor i s identical with the recipient k i s i m is used , as in :

m i k i s i m waswas

I wash myself

pe riphrastic constructions can be regarded as stylistic variants in some cases and as determined by certain structural properties of sentences in others . Gene rally speaking , the periphrastic forms are preferred if the predicative adj ectives or verbs are to be modi fied by adverbial complements , as in the following : (a)

(b)

(c)

o l geta manme r i amamas o l ge t a manme r i g a t amama s o l geta manme r i i g a t b i k pe l a amama s *o l ge t a manme r i i amamas b i k 01 01 01 *0 1

i k i vung i mek i m k i vung i mek i m d ra i pe l a k i vung i k i vung d ra i

em ba i em ba i em b a i *em b a i

4.4.2.6.4

i so r i i g a t so r i i g a t b i kpe l a sor i i so r i b i k

the people are happy the people are very happy

they came together they came together in large numbers he wi l l be sorry he wi l l be very sorry

Focal i s i n g by extrapo s i ti on

For the purpose o f stressing certain constituents of a sentence a number o f mechanisms can b e used , t h e addition of emphasis markers such as em and ya being the mos t common one . Extra emphasis can be placed on the obj ects of transitive sentences by shift ing them to s entence - initial posi tion , as in the fol lowing examples :

tok y u ha r i m7

can you hear what I have to say ?

s a ve na l o ng l ong n amb i sman g a t n a ha i l a n s i ga t

as regards inte l ligence and stupidity. they are found both among coastal people and Highlanders

wanpe l a samt i ng m i k ros ba i y u pe l a i n a p p r i n i m7

wi l l you print something that makes me real ly angry ?

wanem samt i ng y u l a i k i m 7

what do you want ?

s k i n b i l ongen b a i yum i sor i l ongen

we shal l be sorry for him

SYNTAX O F TOK PISIN

4.4.2.6.5

397

Qu est i ons

Some remarks o n questions have already been made in the sections o n the verbal paradigm and interrogative adverbs . Yes/no questions are di fferent from statements only with regard to their intonat ion . Wh-quest ions are marked by the use of interrogative pronouns or interrogative adverbs ; the preferred word order is that of statements :

H u s a t i wa n t ok b i l ong y u ? Y u l a i k i m wanem samt i ng ?

Who is your mate ? What do you want ?

Interrogative pronouns and adverbs can b e shifted t o sentence- initial pos ition for emphasi s . I f interrogative adverbials appear in this position they are j oined to the rest of the sentence by means of na .

Wanem samt i ng y u l a i k i m?

What do you want?

0 1 s em wanem na 0 1 ma n i hamb a k naba u t ?

How come the men are p laying up ?

The introducers of impatient quest ions wa t po? why the he l l ? and we s t a p ? where the he l l ? - appear sentence initial ly only . -

Wes t a p p i k i n i n i b i l ong m i ?

4.4.2.6.6

Where the he l l is my chi ld?

Refl ex i ve pronomi na l i sa t i on

Reflexivisation i s required in those case s where the sub j ect and ob j ect of If this condition is met , the obj ect noun simple sentences are corefe rential . is replaced by a reflexive pronoun . For example :

Man ya

pa i t i m man ya

Man ya

pa i t i m e m ye t

be come s

*Yu l a i k i m y u

become s

This man hit himse lf

You 're fond o f yours e lf

Yu l a i k i m yu yet

Among fluent younger speakers o f Tok Pi sin the u s e of the simple transitive verbs to signal reflexivity is becoming common . Examples are :

ka p u l i ha n gama p i m l ong t e l b i l on g em yet

the tree kangaroo hangs itse lf up by means of its own tai l

man ya i wa s i m

the man washed himself

4.4.3 4.4.3.1

MULT I PLE - BASED S ENTENCES I n trodu c t i o n

In this sect ion I shal l discuss sentences wh ich can be described as the combination of two or more simple sentence s . Though mUltiple con j oining and embedding i s found in Tok pisin , i ts occurrence i s rare and the discussion wi l l there fore centre around doub le-based sentences , i . e . those containing two sen­ tences .

398

P. MUHLHA USLER

A major di stinction can be made between conjoined and embedded sentences , the main difference being that, in embedding , one sentence become s part of another , i . e . i t functions as a constituent o f another sentence, whereas with conjoining both sentences retain the ir independence . Let me i llustrate this with some examples :

/ �

(a)

5

l

�

NP

I

em

y

i 1 a i kim

/ �

(b)

5

l

NP

I

em (c)

I

�

i 1a ikim

�

edded sentence)

0 1 me ri i ma s pas i m sotpe 1 a s i ke t

/ 2�

/ 1 "", 5

NP

5

NP

VP

I

t

s i ng a u t

dok (d)

r

mon i

5

� na

L

dok i s i ng a u t

I

s t i 1 ma n

VP

I

V

I

ron ewe

�

s t i 1 ma n i ronewe

coordinated sentences It can be seen easily that , when comparing ( a ) with ( b ) , the sentence 0 1 me r i i ma s pas i m s o t pe 1 a s i ke t the girls must wear mini skirts in (b) has taken the place of the object noun mon i money in ( a) . The sentences in ( d ) on the other hand each maintain their independent status .

4.4.3.2

Conj o i n i ng

Tok Pisin sentences are con j oined by means of the coordinating conj unctions na and , 0 or and t a so 1 but. In some varieties of Tok Pisin , particularly among older speakers , there i s on ly a s ingle coordinating conj unction n a u and, or .

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

4.4.3 . 2 . 1

399

na and

The most e lementary case i s that of two sentences in sequence being j o ined by na without any structural change :

Tupe 1 a k a r i bam na wa npe 1 a me r i i k i s i m baga rap .

Two cars co llided and one woman Was seriously hurt .

However , under certain conditions structural change s may occur . First , we find pronominali sation i f there i s core ferentiality between either the sub j ects or the obj ects of the conjoined sentences :

Man

kam n a ma n i s i nd a u n .

Man

kam na em i s i ndaun .

becomes

The man came and he sat down.

Lapun i 1 uk i m p i k na 1 a pun k i s i m b u n a ra b i 1 0n gen .

becomes

Lapun i 1 uk i m p i k na em buna ra b i 1 0n ge n .

k i s im

The 0 ld man. saw the pig and he got his bow and arrows .

Papa i k ros i m p i k i n i n i na mama i pa i t i m p i k i n i n i .

becomes

P a pa i k ros i m p i k i n i n i na mama i pa i t i m em .

The father is angry with the chi ld and the mother hits him.

0 1 ma n i ba i m b ua i na 0 1 man i ka i ka i bua i .

become s

0 1 ma n i ba i m b ua i na 0 1 i ka i ka i em.

The men bought bete lnuts and chewed them.

Apart from pronominal i sation , coreferentiality can trigger off a number of structural reduction proce sse s , resulting in structures resembl ing simple sen­ tences : ( a ) Identity of sub j ects A con joined sentence can be reduced to a number o f shorter ones :

man i kam na i s i n d a un ma n i kam n a s i n d a u n ma n i k a m s i n da u n

the man came an d the man s a t down the man came and sat down the man came (and) sat down

A comprehensive account of the subtle semantic di fferences which typically result from such reduction can be found in Wurm 1971a : 6 5-66 . ( b ) Identity of predicate If the predicates of two sentences are identical , a simple sentence contain­ ing a conjoined subject resul t s :

0 1 Os t re 1 i a i g a t ma n i na 0 1 Ame r i ka i g a t man i .

becomes

0 1 O s t r e 1 i a na 0 1 Ame r i ka g a t man i .

The Austra lians and Ameriaans have money .

400

P. MUHLHA USLER 0 1 s ne k i save ka i ka i man na

01 dok i s a ve ka i ka i ma n .

become s 0 1 s nek na 0 1 dok i s a ve

ka i ka i ma n .

Snakes and dogs bite people.

Identity of predicates can also re sult i n another structure containing the adverb t u too e ither s entence finally or after the subj ect :

H i hang r i na me r i b i l on g m i i han g r i .

becomes

Hi hang r i na me r i b i l on g m i t u .

or H i n a me r i b i l on g m i t u

( m i t upe l a ) i hang r i .

Pikinini b i l ongen

become s

I and my wife are hungry .

l uk i m s n ek na b ra t a l u k i m s nek .

P i k i n i n i i l u k i m s nek na b ra t a b i 1 o n gen t u . or P i k i n i n i na b ra ta b i l ongen t u i l uk i m s n e k .

The child and his/her brother/sister saw the snake .

( c ) Identity o f obj ect Identity of obj ect alone does not normally result in contraction in Tok Pisin . Compare the following sentence and its Engli sh translation :

Han i pa i t i m b i rua na po roman b i l ongen i t a i ma p i m .

The man punched and his companion tied up the victim.

( d ) Identity o f both verb and sub j ect In thi s case neither the verb nor the nominal subj ect has to be repeated in the surface structure . Thus :

Em i k i s i m t i . Em i k i s i m ra i s . Em i k i s i m s uga s amt i n g .

He bought tea. He bought rice . He bought sugar and other things .

can be contracted to y ield :

Em i k i s i m t i , r a i s , s uga samt i ng .

He bought tea, rice, sugar and other things .

( e ) Identity of the obj e ct of the first and subject of the second sentence The pos sibility of contraction in this case is an indication that for some speakers at least , Tok Pisin is an ergative or semi-ergative l anguage ( cf . also Heringer 1 966) . An example i s :

0 1 man i k a t i m d i wa i na d i wa i i p u n da u n .

can become 0 1 ma n i ka t i m d i wa i n a

punda u n . or 0 1 man i k a t i m d i wa i i punda un .

The man cut the tree and i t fe l l down.

Further examples are discussed in the section on verb serialisation .

401

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

4.4.3.2.2

0

or

The rules for pronominal isation and contraction for sentences conjoined by o or do not di ffer from those con j oined by na and. Occasionally , for the sake of emphasi s , speakers choose not to contract , as in :

Me r i i b l a k s k i n o me r i s k i n m i n o kea . Em i kam save .

4.4.3.2.3

0

wa i t -

em i go , m i n o ken

I don ' t care whether the girl is b lack or white. I do not know whether he is coming or going.

t a s o l but

The thi rd conj unction used for conjoining sentences i s t a s o l but. example :

Sampe l a bo i i g a t h a i ma k t a s o l t i sa i no amama s .

For

Some boys had high marks but the teacher Was not pleased.

The conventions for the de letion of parts of the second sentence are the same as for na and 0 , though obviously there can be no cases in which the sen­ tence introduced by t a s o l is identical with its predecessor . Some examples of contraction are :

g a t ha i ma k t a s o l n o g o l ong

Sampe l a bo i sampe l a bo i ha i sku 1 .

becomes

Sampe l a bo i i gat ha i ma k t a s o l

0 1 i n o g o l on g h a i s ku l .

or Sampe l a bo i i g a t h a i mak t a so l

i no go l on g h a i s ku l .

Some boys have high marks but don ' t go to highschoo l .

A way o f reinforcing the negative content of t a s o l i s to add weya n o way immediately after i t :

M i l a i k g o l on g S i dn i t a s o l weya ba l u s i pu l a p p i n i s .

4.4.3.2.4

I wanted t o go t o Sydney� but the p lane was comp lete ly booked out.

noga t : con j o i n i n g oppo s i te s

I f the second sentence of a con j oined pair is the negation of the first , it can be compre ssed by using nogat it is not the case . Examples are :

B ra t a b i l ong m i i save go l ong l ot u n a mi no s a ve go l ong l ot u .

can become

B ra t a b i l on g m i i s a ve go l on g l o t u n a m i noga t . Yu l a i k kam

can become

0

My sibling (of the same sex) goes to church but I don ' t .

yu no l a i k kam7

Yu l a i k kam 0 nog a t 7

Do you want to come o r don ' t you?

402

P . MUHLHA USLER

no ga t ren , y u

I g a t ren 0 mas kam .

can become

Whether there is rain or not, you have to come .

I ga t r e n 0 noga t , yu m a s kam.

4.4.3.3

Embedd i ng ( s u bord i na t i o n )

4.4.3.3.1

I n trodu c t i on

' Embedding '

refers to those cases where one sentence functions as the con­

st ituent of another .

The subordinate status of a sentence is quite obvious when

it functions as the sub j e ct or ob j e c t

example :

______ NP

I

8

1

�

i g a t t u pe l a ka i n 0 1 b i kpe l a man I

2

For

i

\

\

W

V

�

t u

t ru i g a t t upe l a ka i n 0 1 b i kpe l a ma n It is true that there are

two kinds of leaders . example 8

of another sentence .

�

�

which becomes

( complements)

Here 82 functions as the sub j ect o f 8

functions as the object o f 8 1 :

1

,

In the fol lowing

8 / 1� VP

/ "'-

/

V NP

mI.l

l a 'l k

8

�

y u mas g .l v .l m m .l

1

ong ma n l

•

I want you to give me money . Other subordinate sentences are relative s entences wh ich function in a sim­

i l ar way to restrict ive nominal modi fiers , such a s attributive adjectives .

In addition to complement and relative sentences there are a number of other

embedded type s ,

such as adverbial sentences o f time and location and those speci­

fying reason or intent .

Embeddin g , in particular multiple embeddin g , is s t i l l not very common in Tok Pi sin . Howeve r , among younger speakers , a number of subordinating construc­ t i ons replacing traditional j uxtapos ition have developed in recent years . As can be expected , there is s t i l l considerable variation , speakers adopt d i f ferent solut ions to individual problems .

as d i f ferent

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

4.4.3.3.2

403

Adverb i a l sentences of t i me , l ocat i on and manner

The subordinate sentence in these cases occupies the posit ion o f time , place Compare the s imp le sentence :

or manner adve rb ials in simple sentence s .

�S � PP I I I

pr

NP I

, t :une

VP

I I I

I I

I I I

l on g � a i t I 0 1 yang �e l a man I i I go pa i n i m � l yangpe l a me r i at night the young men visit the young girls with the following complex one :

_____

PP

I

S \--NP

VP

I

I

:

S

�

t a i m m i kama p l on g wa ra

:

1

m i I l uk i m 0 1 me r i

when I came to the river, I saw the girls

4.4.3.3.2. 1 ( a)

Adverb i a l sentences of t ime

When Embedded sentences introduced by

ta i m

expre s s the idea of

when

in Tok p i s in .

There has been a fair amoun t of oppos ition to the use of th i s subordinating con­ j unction in purist c ircles ( S adler 1 9 7 3 b : 9 8 ) , denouncing it as an ang l i c i sm . Howeve r , this construction i s found frequently in Rural Tok p i s in and i t s use i s documented a t a fairly early stage ( H a l l 1 9 4 3 a : 3 9 ) . The embedding of the the following steps : a)

taim

two independent sentence s :

M i s t a p l on g Rabau 1 .

I was in Rabaul . b)

sentence can be thought of as taking place via

Long d i s pe l a ta i m m i k i s i m baga rap .

A t that time I got seriously injured.

embedding of the first sentence and delet ion of

d i spel a :

Long t a i m m i s t a p l ong Rab a u l m i k i s i m baga ra p . c)

deletion

o f l ong :

Ta i m m i s t a p l on g Raba u l m i k i s i m baga r a p .

When I was i n Rabaul I got seriously injured.

Here follow s ome other examp l e s of the use of

taim

as a subordinating con j unction :

Ta i m woa i p i n i s m i s i n i k i s i m p l an t i l o r i b i l on g am i .

When the war was over the missions got many lorries from the army .

Ta i m m i r a u n l on g t a un m i save l uk i m p l a n t i ma n i no g a t wok .

When I wander around in the town I see p lenty of men who have no work.

404

P . MUHLHA USLER

Ta i m p i k i n i n i me r i i red i l ong ma r i t yu no ken pas i m em . (b)

Whenever The conjunct ion used here i s

o l ta i m,

0 1 t a i m 0 1 kauns i l i go k i vu n g 0 1 i s a ve toktok n a b a u t t a so l . ( c)

Once yoUP daughtep is nubile, you can ' t constpain hep.

a s in :

Whenevep the counci l lops meet they just waffle .

Until

I na p

or

i na p l on g t a i m

introduce subordinated sentences expres s ing the

temporal extent of an act ion ,

as in :

M i ka i ka i i na p ( l ong t a i m) m i p u l a p nog u t t ru .

I ate until I was ful l to bupsting.

0 1 pa pamama i s ave pas i m 0 1 p i k i n i n i me r i b i l ong 0 1 i n a p s us u i pundaun .

The papents keep a close watch on theip daughteps unti l theip bpeasts begin to sag.

In more traditional varieties of Tok Pisin juxtaposition or conjoining is

used to translate

until

sentence s :

Y u l a r i m i s ta p 1 i k l i k n a i h a t nau . (d)

You leave it until it is hot .

Be fore A subordinating conjunct ion corresponding t o English

in Rural Tok Pisin , though

b i po

befope

does not exist

i s used for thi s purpose in Urban Tok P i s in :

0 1 man i ma s t i n g t i ng g u t l ong 1 0t u b i po 01 i b r u k i m ma r i t .

Men must think haPd about the chupch befope they commit adultepy.

Normally the idea of one act ion taking place prior to another i s expre ssed

by conjoined sentence s , the first o f which contains the t ime adverb

(e)

pa s t a i m :

Y u n o l a i k t i ngt i ng pasta i m na ra i t .

You don ' t want to think befope you wnte.

Y u ma s k i s i m s a ve pas t a i m na y u k e n mek i m d i s pe l a wok .

You have to leaPn befope you can do this job.

0 1 man i mas was i m h a n p a s t a i m na 0 1 i ken ka ikai .

The men have to wash theip hands befope they can eat .

After To expre s s that one act ion is taking p l ace after another ,

i s used to int roduce the subordinate sentence :

B i h a i n l ong t a i m m i pe l a k i s i m i ndepen den s , m i pe l a mas wok bung wanta i m .

4.4.3.3.2.2

b i ha i n l ong t a i m

We wi l l have to wopk togethep aftep we have got independence .

Adve rb i a l s en tences of pl ace

Tok pis in does not pos sess a subordinating con j unct ion corre sponding to

English

whepe

in constructions such a s

he went whepe I went befope .

Instead :

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

405

Place Clauses are expressed in the s ame way as relat ive c l au se s , with l on g , l on g hap , or l ong p 1 es immediately

preceding the relative clause ( see also Prepositions and Prepo sit ional Phrase s ) ; e . g . yu kam l on g m i i s ta p l ongen =

to where I am standing) ; yu kam l ong = come to where I am living ( i . e . to the vil lage where I am staying) ; kam l on g h a p mi s t a p l ongen = come to the p lace where I am s tanding or staying. The Pidgin equivalents o f wherever are l ong wonem hap (i.e.

come to me

p I es mi s t a p 1 0ngen

or

( i f a vill age i s involved)

l on g wonem p 1 e s ,

and the

relative c l ause beginning with these usually comes first

in the sentence ;

beha i n i m em

i.e.

l ong wonem hap masta i go yu mas

you must fo l low the European wherever he goes ( i . e . wherever the European goes, you must fo l low him) ; l on g wonem p 1 es kanaka i s t a p 0 1 i save s i ngs i ng = wherever there are vil lage natives, they habitual ly have feasts . =

( Wurm 1 9 7 1 a : 7 l )

4.4.3.3.2.3

Adverb i a l sentences o f manner

The concept indicated in Eng l i sh b y

as

i s expressed b y

0 1 i wok i m d i s pe 1 a h a u s t amba r a n 0 1 s em 0 1 t umb una i b i n wok i m .

They bui l t this spirit house as the ancestors used to do .

0 1 sem

i n Tok P i s in :

There are some special conventions for embedded negative manner sentences

which are discussed by Wurm

4.4.3.3.3

( 19 7 l a : 7 3 ) .

Cond i ti on a l , causal , consecu t i ve and s i mi l a r sentences

A valuable d i scuss ion of some o f the ma jor types of these sentences can b e I n the fol lowing discuss ion some o f Wurm ' s findings found i n Wurm 1 9 7 1 a : 7 3 - 7 6 . w i l l be recapitulated , but the bulk o f the argument w i l l be concerned with con­ structions wh ich h e does not mention and which appear to have emerged only recently i n certain varieties of Tok P i s i n .

4.4 . 3 . 3 .3. 1

Cond i ti on a l sentences

Conditional s entences usually precede the sentence in which . they are embedded ,

the l atte r often being additionally marked by

o ra i t

or

e m nau .

The subordinating

con j unct ion i s s a pos if; it can be omi tted if the function o f the conditional sentence i s clear from the context . The variants of Tok P is in equivalents o f Engl i sh if you ' ve got money you can come then would be :

s a pos yu g a t ma n i o ra i t y u ken i kam sapos yu g a t man i em n a u y u ken i kam s a pos y u g a t ma n i y u ken i kam yu g a t man i o ra i t yu ken i kam y u g a t man i em n a u y u ken i kam yu ga t man i y u ken i kam y u ken i kam s a pos y u g a t man i

406

P. MUHLHA USLER Here are some more examples from my own corpus :

Me r i em i da i em n a u ma n i ken ma r i t b e k .

If the wife dies the husband can marry again.

Sapos me r i i l a i k o ra i t em n a u yu ken k i s i m em.

If the girl agrees you can have her.

M i pe l a i l a i k kamap o l s em 0 1 ma s ta o ra i t m i pe l a i m a s ma r i ­ ma r i l on g 0 1 me r i b i l ong m i p e l a .

If we want to become like Europeans we have to treat our wives we l l .

E m y e t i s ave s a po s em i nap l ong ma r i t .

She wi U know if she i s ready to get married.

Sapos het b i l on g y u i o l sem koko n a s i p u l a p l ong wara , o ra i t y u ken tok naba u t .

If your head is like a coconut which is ful l of water� then you can waffle .

The last sentence could also be interpreted as an irreal i s meaning

was like a coconut it would be alright for you to waffle .

However ,

if your head for mos t

varieties of Tok Pisin the distinction between real and unreal conditions in conditional sentences is not forma l ly marked . of unreal conditional sentence s :

Consider the following examples

Sapos l on g t a i m b i l ong Dav i d g a t g i t a 0 k u n d u n a t i ng em i 1 0 t u l on g d i s pe l a mus i k t u .

If there had been drums and guitars in Davi d ' s time� he would have worshipped with this music .

Sapos 0 1 wa i tman i n o kam l ong N ug i n i m i pe l a i nap i s t ap rab i sman t a so 1 .

If the whites had not come to New Guinea we would have remained uneducated and poor.

For some varieties of Tok Pisin irrea l i s can be forma l l y expres sed by the use of p i n i s at the end of the s a pos sentence ( c f . Wurm 1971a : 74 ) :

Sapos em i kam p i n i s ba i m i g i v i m em wanpe l a a k i s .

4.4.3.3.3.2

If h e came� I would give him an axe .

Causal s entences

The concept expressed in English by because + sentence is rendered in Tok P i s in by ( b i ) l on g wanem + sentence or b i kos + sentence , the latter form, though

documented as early as the 1940s , being re stricted generally to Urban Tok P i s in .

The use of

( b i ) l on g wanem

and

b i kos

can be i l lustrated with the following examples :

M i a s k i m y u b i kos y u tok 0 1 s i kma n i save da i ta i m m i g i v i m 0 1 l on g ma ra s i n .

I am asking you because you claim that my patients die when I give them medicine .

Yu no ken ra b i s i m 0 1 t i sa b i l on g wa nem 0 1 i ha l p i m p I es b i l on g y u m i N i ug i n i .

You can 't 'rubbish ' the teachers because they he lp our country� New Guinea.

T u pe l a i ha twok t r u l on g wok­ aba u t l on g wa nem t u pe l a i no nap ba i i m t ra k .

The two have a hard time walking because they are not able to pay the truck fare .

Apart from the use of subordination , a causal relationship is a l so commonly

expressed by conjoining two sentence s , as in :

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

M i no g a t man i o ra i t m i no kam a s d e .

4.4.3.3.3.3

I had no money and therefore I did not come yesterday .

Conce s s i o n sentences

Subordinated conce s s ion sentences in Tok P i s in are introduced by

a lthough .

The embedded sentence generally come s first ,

Ma s k i 0 1 t i s a i l a i k go bek l on g wok 0 1 i mas ba i rn bot ; ma s k i 0 1 i s t a p l on g Ka to l i k s k u l 0 1 i mas ba i rn . Mas k i 0 1 i t a i t i m l e k 0 1 n a p l on g k i s i m p i k .

4.4.3.3.3.4

407

no

as in :

ma s k i

Although the teachers are about to go back to their job, they have to pay for the boatj although they are associated with a Catholic schoo l they have to pay. Although they were running fast, they could not reach the pig.

Pu rpose and res u l t s entences

Embedded purpose sentences usually fol low t h e matrix sentence and a r e intro­

duced by the s ubordinating conjunct ions

ba i , l ong

or

b i l on g so that, in order to :

0 1 i l a i k raus i m 0 1 Ka t o l i k m i s i n l on g 0 1 i no ken j u s i m ba l us .

They would like to exclude the Catholic missionaries from using their p lanes.

0 1 i ma s me k i m b i s n i s l on g mek i m wok b i l ong 0 1 i goh e t .

They must engage in business activ­ ities so that their work can progress.

0 1 i mak i m m i l on g kom i t i b i l on g d i s pe l a hap ba i m i l u k­ aut i m 01 .

They appointed me committee member for this place so that I can look after them.

As is the case with other in s tances of subordinated sentence s , many speakers prefer to express these concepts by s impl e coordination ; in such cases the context has to provide the clue s to the ir interpretation , as for example in :

D i wa i ba i k i s i m wa ra o l s em wanem na 1 i p i s t a p g u t na mek i m p l a ua n a ka r i m ka i ka i 7

How does the tree get water, so that there can be good leaves, that it can have flowers and that it can bear fruit ?

A final way of indicating the purpose or result of an action is the use of ba i mba i , as in :

Yum i ma s raus i m pas i n nog u t o l sem ba i mb a i kant r i b i l on g yumi i k e n gohet .

o l s em

We have to get rid of undesirable customs so that our country can progress.

Useful additional remarks o n the grammar o f purpose and r e s u l t sentences c a n be found in Wurm 1 9 7 1 a : 7 5 - 7 6 .

408

P. MUHLHA USLER

4.4.3.3.4

Comp l ementa t i o n

4 . 4 . 3 . 3 .4. 1

I n t rodu c t i on

Very l ittle has been said about complementation in Tok Pisin in the avail­

able gr ammati cal description s .

This may well reflect a genuine lack o f such

constructions until very recently ,

together with the absence of formal devices

Thus , as late as to indicate the subordinate status o f comp lement sentences . 1 9 7 1 Wurrn ( 19 7 1 a : 76- 7 7 ) writes : " Noun clauses have no dist inguishing character­ i s tics , and precede ( as sub j ect) or fol low ( as obj e c t ) other clauses without a con j unction . " Howeve r , in the data colle cted by my self between 1 9 7 2 and 1 9 7 8 formal s i gnal ling o f complementat ion i n both subject and obj ect sentences i s

often found , the markers most common ly used being as others such a s we . to be foun d .

4.4.3.3.4.2

o l sem , b i l on g

and

l on g ,

as we l l

A t the same time , unmarked complement sentences continue

For a more detailed linguistic discuss ion see Woolford 1 9 7 9b .

Subject se nten ces

In this type o f complementation a sentence appears as the sub j ect o f another ,

a s in :

S

----NP ---

VP

/\

o ra i t

�

( l ong ) yu ma l o l o I i k l i k

It is a l l right for you to rest a bit Sub j ect complementat ion can be expressed in the following ways : a)

By means of s imple j uxtaposition of sentence s ,

Y u ko l i m o l geta n e s pamuk . D i s pe l a i no s t re t . b)

c)

d)

as in :

You cal l a l l nurses whore s . This is not correct.

The first sentence appears as the sub j ect o f the second sentence , as in :

Y u ko l i m o l ge t a . nes pamuk i no s t re t .

To cal l a l l nurses whores is not correct .

Insertion of the dummy sub j e c t word orde r , as in :

i it S

I no s t ret y u ko l i m o l ge t a n e s pamu k .

It i s not correct to cal l a l l nurses whores.

Insertion o f t h e complementiser as in :

I no s t re t l ong y u ko l i m o l g e t a n e s pamu k .

l ong

accompan ied by a change in

before the embedded sentence ,

It i s not correct for you t o cal l a l l nurses whores .

409

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN e)

If the sub j ect of the embedded sentence is inde finite , a s in :

ko l i m

I no s t re t l ong ma n o l ge t a nes pamu k .

It is not correct for someone to cal l a l l nurses whores.

the sub j ect noun can b e deleted :

I no s t r e t l on g ko l i m o l geta nes pamuk . All po ssibil ities from a ) -e )

It is not correct to ca l l a l l nurses whores .

can be found in present-day Tok P i s in .

some examples of sub j ect complements :

Here follow

I t r u i gat t u pe l a ka i n 0 1 b i k ­ pe l a man .

It is true that there are two kinds of leaders .

Wanem samt i n g y u tok em i t r u t uma s .

What you are saying is very true .

I n o g u t l ong pa i t i m l e k b r u k 0 ma t a k i a u .

It is bad to hit a cripp le or a blind person.

I rong l ong m i s i n i wok i m p l antes i n .

It is wrong for the mission to run p lantations .

Sanap i m d i s pe l a pos i ha twok tru.

Erecting this post is really hard work.

E m i i s i l on g 0 1 ma n k i i ken ba i rn s t rongpe l a d r i n g .

It is easy for little boys to buy strong drink.

Another syntactic proc e s s occurring with complementation is that o f sub j e c t and obj ect rai sing , i . e . unde r certain conditions the sub j ect o r ob j ec t o f the

embedded sentence can become the sub j ect of the matrix sentence .

To provide a

full analysis of th is phenomenon would be beyond the aims of this handbook .

eve r ,

a brief i l l ustrat ion of raising will be given .

In the double-based sentence

I

no n a p l on g 0 1 p i pe l i ha r i m L a t i n .

How­

It is

acts as the sub j ect of the matrix sentence . Howeve r , it i s possible in Tok P i s in to re­ arrange the components of the double-based sentence in such a way that e i ther the sub j ect or the ob j e c t of the embedded sentence appears as its sub j ect :

not possible for the peop le to understand Latin. 01 p i pe l i ha r i m L a t i n

p i pe l i no nap l on g ha r i m La t i n . La t i n i no nap l on g 0 1 p i pe l i ha r i m .

01

Note also the trans format ional processes applied in the following extract from a conve rsation :

I

n a p l on g y u kam?

4.4.3.3.4.3

M i nap .

Is i t possible for you to come ? Yes. I can.

Obj e c t sentences

In thi s type of complementation the embedded sentence occupies the posit ion of obj ect in the matrix sentence , as in :

P. MUHLHA USLER

410

mi

s a ve o l sem

no o l geta ma nme r i i ga t rot l on g pa i n i m ma n i ]

6 Complementi sers o l sem that , l ong that and b i after the ve rb phrase o f the matrix sentence .

appear directly 7 Coordination by mean s o f n a and

l on g in order to, or

is an alternative used mainly by older speakers :

0 1 pa pamama na 0 1 he tman i mas tok na 01 i ma r i t .

The parents and elders must t e l l them to get married.

The following syntactic operations are found with complementation : ( a)

Pronomina lisation I f either the sub j ect or the ob j ect of the embedded sentence is coreferen­

tial with the sub j ect o f the matr ix ,

(b)

sentence pronominalisation occurs :

Ka u n s i I i t i n g o l s em em i gat b i kpe l a pa ua .

The counci l lor thinks that he is very powerful.

Em i s a ve o l sem 0 1 me r i ba i l a i k i m em.

He knows that the girls wi l l like him.

De le tion of identical sub j ects Afte r certain verbs in the matrix sentence , such as

l a i k im

or

l a i k l ong ,

the sub j ect of the embedded sentence can be deleted if it is coreferential with the sub j ect of its matrix sentence . Compare :

m i l a i k ( l on g ) y u kam mi l a i k ( l on g ) kam

I want you to come I want to come

The l ast sentence i s interpreted here as a shortened vers ion o f or

m i l a i k l ong mi kam

which are also found in Tok P i s in .

m i l a i k m i kam

Here fol low some examples i llustrating the use of obj e ct sentences in Tok

P i s in .

It must be stressed that many of the properties of these sentences are

not yet we l l unde rstood .

l on g

The conditions determining the choice of ( 1 9 79b) .

a s introducers are discussed by woolford

o l s em

0 1 kau n s i l i t i n g o l s em 0 1 m i s i n i gat p l a n t i man i .

The counci l lors think that the missions have lots of money .

H i l a i k ba i y u pe l a put i m hap tok b i l on g mi i n s a i t l ong pepa b i l on g y u pe l a .

I want you to put my story inside your newspaper.

H i t i n g tok b i l on g y u i w i n i m t enpe l a bek sug a .

I think your talk is sweeter than ten bags of sugar.

H i h a r i m l ong wa i l i s b i l ong m i gavman i b i n tok o l s em .

I heard on my wire less that the government said so.

H i p i l i m o l sem d i spe l a p a s i n b i l on g ba i rn me r i i no s t re t .

I fee l that this custom of buying one 's bride is not correct.

versus

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

D i s pe l a i so i m o l s em y um i no one r i m 01 m i s i n .

411

This shows that w e do not honour the missions .

Having discussed the two main types of complementation I shall now consider two spe c i al case s .

4.4.3.3.4.4

Verbs o f a l l ow i ng a n d forb i dd i n g

I f the matrix sentence contains verbs or predicates referring to the con­ cepts of al lowing , forbidd in g , pos s ibil ity or abi l ity , the aux i l i ary typically contains the modal verb

mas , no mas , ken

or

no ken .

For most speakers the

embedded sentences c annot be reduced by deleting the modal verb . ( a)

Sub j ect sentences When verbs such as

i o ra i t it is a l right , i n a p it is possible , mob e t a and and ma s k i never mind are present in the matrix sentence ( main cl ause ) , the modal verbs ken or ma s typically appear in the embedded The choice between ken and mas does not appear to be determined sub j ect sentence . by grammatical or syntactic factors , though no ken appears to be preferred to no ma s . For example : mog u t it would be better =

Mobe t a y upe l a i no ma s ra i t 0 tok egens l ong m i s i n .

It would be better if you (pl . ) didn ' t talk o r write against the mission.

I mog u t yupe l a i no ken tok o r a i t l on g d i s pe l a 1 0 v a .

It would be better if you didn ' t pass this law.

I no n a p ma n i ken g o i n s a i t l on g haus na raus i m samt i ng .

It is not possib le for a man to just go inside a house and remove things .

I gut pe l a mo l ong 0 1 m i s i n i no ken go i n s a i t l ong a ra pe l a hap i g a t a ra pe l a m i s i n l ongen .

It would be good if one mission could not go to a region where another mission was operating.

Em i o ra i t l on g 0 1 me r i i ken put i m sot p e l a d re s .

It is a lright for the girls to wear short dresses.

I no f r i l ong 0 1 m i s i s i ken put i m m i n i s i ke t .

The European women are not free to wear mini skirt s .

Ma s k i l on g ma r i tman go l ong namb i s . (b )

no ken

I t is not good for married men t o g o to the coastal areas (for work) .

Ob j e c t sentence s Ob j e c t sentences containing

itive verbs of forbiddin g ,

forbid

and

s t a p i m to stop.

ken , mas

or their negations fo l low after trans­

such a s t amb u i m to taboo� forbid , pas i m to obstruct� The following examples i l lustrate this construction :

S a pos y um i s t op i m 0 1 m i s i n l on g i no ken p u t i m s t ua na ba i o l sem wanem?

If we prevent the missions from putting up stores� what then ?

Long o l g e t a de d i s pe l a l a pun me r i i s t a p i m t u pe l a p i k i n i n i me r i b i l ongen l on g no ken b i ha i n i m wa ra .

Every day this o ld woman prevented her two daughters from fo l lowing the river.

01

412

P. MVHLHAUSLER 0 1 p I i s man i g l v l m oda l on g 0 1 d ra i wa b i l on g ka r l on g 0 1 i no ke n p u t i m han l on g s a i t b i l ong dua .

The police ordered a l l drivers not to put their a� outside the door.

01

i t ok s t rong l ong em i ma s t e kewe l a i s e n s b i l on g s a l i m 0 1 s t rongpe l a d r i ng .

They insist that he take away the liquor licence.

0 1 p i pe l

The peop le agreed that 60 men should receive lots of 393 acres .

i ora i t l on g 6 0 ma n i ma s k i s i m haphap b i l ong 393 e ka . Yum i mas he l p i m 0 1 l on g 0 1 i ken s t a p h i a .

We must help them to s tay here .

Ka n t r i b i l on g 0 1 i g a t t amb u l on g 0 1 yangpe l a me r i i no ken pas i m sot pe l a s i k e t .

4.4.3.3.4.5

Their country has a regu lation which forbids young girls to wear short skirts .

I nd i rect d i s course and reported s peech

A d i stinction can be made between direct reported speech , i . e . quotation

of the exact words spoken , a) b)

and indirect speech .

Em i tok : m i baga rap p i n i s .

He said. "I

am

really tired. "

For example :

( direct speech ) ( indirect speech )

Em i tok o l sem em i baga rap p i n i s .

He said that he was tired.

In the above cases the narrator of the event is not ident ical with the sub j ect

o f the matrix sentence ,

though there i s identity between the sub j ects o f the

matrix and the embedded sentence : a)

s

�

Nl

v�s �

narrator

N

2

VP

� tok N

s

� ba g a r a p

2

I

I t i s easy t o s e e that w e can get a numbe r o f other possible structures i f

there are d i f ferent identity relat ions between the narrator , the agent o f the matrix ( tok) sentence and the agent of the embedded sentence :

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN b)

413

s

N

�

l

I.

ml

VP

�S narrator � V

i� A

ml

S

V

I

�V

N

tok

I

l

I l a i k kam

mi Case b)

M i tok mi l a i k kam I said that I wanted to come .

In this case no changes

in the pronoun of the embedded sentence will occur whether i t is indirect or

�

direct speech :

m i tok : m i l a i k kam mi tok ( o l s em ) mi l a i k kam c)

S

N

1

� VP

1

narrator

V

�S �

12

papa ya

V

I

tok

S

� VP N 3 I I

0 1 ma s t a In case c ) a l l N s are d i f ferent . Again , pronoun of the embedded sentence :

i g a t p l a n t i ma n i

there won ' t be changes in the s ub j e ct

Papa ya i tok : 0 1 ma s t a i g a t p l an t i ma n i . Papa ya i tok ( o l sem ) 0 1 ma s t a i ga t p l a n t i man i .

This uncle said that the Europeans had lots of money . The d i f ference between d i rect and indirect speech is s i gnalled in Tok P i s in by a number of speech introducers or subordinating conjunctions , as we l l as by the behaviour o f the pronouns o f the embedded sentence s . Direction markers occurring in indirect speech can a l so be a f fected Reported speech is usually introduced by

( see Wurm 1 9 7 Ia : 7 7 ) .

i tok

or

i tok i s p i k :

0 1 t umb u n a 0 1 i l u k l u k i tok : wanem ka i n man i kama p ?

The ancestors looked and said, "What sort o f man has arrived?"

O ra i t , 01 i tok im m i pe 1 a : Ha r i m n a u , y u pe l a go a n t a p k i s i m pa t e r .

We l l, they said to us, "Listen, go on top and get the pries t . "

414

P . MUHLHAUSLER

Em i k i s i m tanget , g l v l m l on g b i sop i l u k i m b i sop i tok : o ra i t ba i m i t u pe l a go l ong b u s .

He got the message, gave it to the bishop, the bishop read it and said, "O. K. the two of us wi L l go to the bush. "

Ma n ya i wet , wet , noga t , ora i t em i s i n g a u t i tok : Poroma n , y u s t a p we ?

This man waited and waited and eventual ly shouted, "Where are you, mate ? "

Man i ka l a p na i tok i m m i pe l a i tok : Yupe l a i s t a p we ?

The man jumped and said t o us, "Where are you ? "

Apart from such as

i tok and tok i s p i k some s p i k i m m i i s p i k and se .

Em i l uk i m g u t pe l a wok b i l on g m i e m i s e : O ra i t , n a u m i tok , t a i m yu i p i n i s y u k i s i m wan­ pe l a mas i n .

other introducers o f direct speech are found ,

He saw that my work Was satisfactory and he said: "We l l , I ' L l te L l you that when you are finished you wi l l get a (sewing) machine . "

Frequently direct reported speech i s used without the help o f any o f the above introduce r s ,

as in :

Em i a s k i m m i : Y u kam we? tok ,

He asked me, "Where do you come from? "

Indirect speech in Tok P i s in can e i ther fol low directly after verbs such as

or i t can be introduced by

following

t i ng

or

tok .

o l sem , l on g , or s e ,

the last form typically

Examp l e s of indirect discourse are :

Em i tok se em i l a i k b i l ong 0 1 me r i yet l on g ma r i t i m wa i t s k i n .

He said i t was the girls ' choice to marry a white man.

M i l a i k tok i m 0 1 wan tok l ong 0 1 i no ken k i s i m kw i k se l p gavma n .

I want to t e l l my friends that they cannot get se lf-government soon.

P a pama n a i save tok o l s em , p i k i ­ n i n i i no s ave h a r i m g u t tok b i l ong 0 I .

The parents say that their chi ldren do not obey them we l l .

N o ful l study o f direct and indirect discourse i n Tok P i s in i s avai lable The regularities pointed out above must be regarded as tendencies

at present .

rather than fixed rules .

4.4 . 3 . 3 . 5 4.4.3.3.5.1

Re l at i v e sentences I ntrodu ct i on

In s c ientific grammat ical de scription s ,

ad j e ctive s , adjectival phrases and

relative sentences are often grouped togethe r . The reason for this is that all appear under an NP node in a phrase structure marker . The close relationship between ad j ectives and relative sentences in Tok P i s in i s a l so recognisable from con structions in which nouns are modi fied by more than one attributive ad j e ctive . In this construction one of the attributive adj ectives gene rally appears in a postnominal relative sentence , as in g ut pe l a na i s pe l a me r i + g u tpe l a me r i i

n a i s pe l a a good nice girl = a good girl who is nice . The fol lowing phrase marker will s e rve to i l lustrate the subordinate status of relative sentence s :

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

4 15

� S

� N N

/

me r i ya

VP

�V l em i hang re

�

S

�P NP

I

me r i

V

�

s t a p l ong h u l ya

Me r i ya i s t a p l ong h u l ya em i hang re .

The woman who s tayed in the eave was hungry . Relative sentences can appear unde r sub j ect and obj ect NPs and NPs appearing in

prepo s i tional phrases .

4 .4.3 . 3 . 5 . 2

Re s tr i c t i ve and appo s i ti ve rel a t i ve s en tences

Relative sentences a r e o ften subcategor ised in terms o f the ir semantic func­ tions , into restrictive and appos it ive rel ative sentence s . The former serve to identify or define what i s r e ferred to in the antecedent noun , a s in :

D i s pe l a h a u s ya , me r i i s a n a p 1 0ngen ya , em h a u s b i l on g kan da re b i l on g m i .

This house where a girl is standing is my unele 's house. ( where a number of houses are in the f ie l d o f vis ion)

Apposi tive relative sentences simply add information which does not consti­

tute an ident i fi cation or definit ion :

Sampe l a me r i we 0 1 i ka r i m b i 1 um 0 1 i woka b a u t l on g rot .

Some women (not men) who earried stringbags walked a long the road.

A clear di stinct ion depends on contextual in formation , exampl e s .

4.4.3.3.5.3

as sugge sted by the

S i gna l l i ng of rel ati ve sentences

The relat ive construction in Tok P i s in h a s received a good deal o f attention in recent years , l argely because o f the emergence o f a number o f new formal devices for s igna l l ing i ts subordinate status . Detailed studies have been made ,

in particular , of the use of the marker ya ( S anko f f and Brown 1 9 7 6 ) and the The development of a number of mechanisms intonational s i gnal s ( Wurm 1 9 7 1 a : 6 8 f f ) . for handl ing the relative construction in Tok P i s in can be regarded as a s i g­

ni ficant step in its deve lopment from a s imple pidgin to an extended pidgin and creole . At present Tok P i s in posse s s e s four ways of forming relative sentence s . (a)

Absence o f overt relativisers

( intonation clues only)

These employ no relative pronoun but rely on word order and intonation

clues , as i n :

4 16

P . MUHLHA USLER

D i s pe l a man i kam a s d e em i papa b i l on g me .

This man who came yesterday is father.

my

Wan pe l a ma n em i kapten b i l on g 0 1 S i a pan , nem b i l ongen Ka l a u , o ra i t , em i k i s i m m i pe l a .

One man, a captain of the Japanese army, whose name was Ka lau, took us .

M i l a i k s t or i l on g t a i m m i pe l a i p i l a i sokke rbo l l ong s t e s i n .

I want to t e l l a story about the time when we played soccer on the station.

Long d i s pe l a y i a m i k i s i m mede l i ma k i m m i l on g kom i t i .

During that year I got a medal which 'marked ' me as a member of the committee.

D i s pe l a s tu a m i pe l a i b i n k i ra p i m em s t ua b i l ong 0 1 wasma n .

The store which we started to construct is the store be longing to the church elders .

This type o f sentence i s o ften marked by

a

pause initially and final ly ;

in

addition , the l as t syllable tends to have a high pitch intonation if it precedes the matrix sentence . A number of syntactic operations such as pronominali sation

are a l so operative and these will be di scussed below. (b)

Husat

and

wonem

The use of the interrogative pronoun

husat

a s a relative pronoun is restric­

ted to varieties o f Tok Pisin in c lo se contact with Engl i sh . refers to human beings , as in :

and

Like

who

it only

I no ga t wan p e l a man b i l on g Papua Nu G i n i h u s a t i save d i s­ pe l a tok Me l anes i a .

There is not a single man in Papua New Guinea who knows the expression Me lanesia.

Pab l i k seven em i ma n h u s a t i gat s t rong l on g wok b i l on ge n .

A pub lic servant is someone who knows his job.

0 1 i wa r i b i l on g wanem s ampe l a Y u ropen op i sa h u s a t i g a t mo s a ve l on g wok b i l on g 0 1 n a u 0 1 i l u s i m P a p ua N u G i n i yet .

They are worried because some European officers, who are very experienced, are leaving Papua New Guinea.

Howeve r the u s e o f

whatever

husat

and

is much more common .

a s equivalents o f the English whoever The fol lowing examples can be regarded as

wonem

special ins tances o f restrictive relative sentence s :

Y u h u s a t man i r i t i m d i s pe l a pas i ma s t i n g t i ng g u t na s k e l i m tok b i l on g m i .

Whoever reads this letter must think we l l and consider my words .

H u s a t 0 1 man i l a i k kam i kam .

Whoever wants to can come .

ken

Y u wonem pi i sma n i l a i k bek i m a s k i m b i l ong m i i mas ra i t t a so l .

my

H u s a t i n a p l ong wok i m b a n i s em y e t i ma s wok i m .

Whoever is able to make a fence must be the one to make it.

Whichever po liceman wants to answer question has only to write.

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN (c)

417

We Although

we

can function like the relative pronouns

which

or

mo st typically found in relative sentences o f time and locality .

who ,

it is

I n some o f the

following examples both a locative and a non-locative interpretat ion is possible :

1 ) we introducing rel ative clauses of t ime and place :

Ta i m we em i s t ap l ong d i s pe l a bet , papa b i l ongen i tok i m 0 1 .

At the time when he Was in this bed, his father said to them.

0 1 i go l ong wanpe l a p I es we i g a t b i kpe l a t a i s l onge n .

They went to a p lace where there Was a big swcunp .

Mobeta y u wok i m wa n p e l a fakto r i we y u sama p i m k l os i go dau n .

It 's better if you build a factory where you produce long dresses .

2 ) we ambiguous as to its status as personal or temporal relative

pronoun :

M i no b i n amama s l ong kauns i l l ong hap b i l on g Wewak we 0 1 a sk i m 0 1 l a i n m i s i na r i l on g ba i m ta k i s . Em i p i l i m s u p i a we em h a n b i l ongen .

sut im

I was not happy about the council in the Wewak area who (where they) asked the missions to pay tax. He fe lt the spear which (where it) hit his ann.

3) the primary funct ion of we in the fol lowing cases is clearly that of

a personal relative pronoun :

(d)

Sampe l a man we i kam k l os t u 0 1 i n o s a ve .

Some men who approached did not know.

O l geta Wa rape i k ra i l ong d i s ­ pe l a man we em i da i .

A l l the people from Warape cried because of this man who had died.

0 1 i no l a i k i m pa t e r we i pu l i m 1 0n gpe l a l ot u .

They do not appreciate priests who drag out the church service.

Ya The fourth me chan i sm for forma lly s ignal ling relativi s ation in Tok pis in is

one which uses sentence .

ya

for bracketing off an embedded re lative sentence from its matrix

A fu l l di scus s ion can be found in Sankoff and Brown

1976 .

This feature o f

grammar i s restricted t o younger speakers , n o t only i n the urban areas studied

This observation i s by Sankoff but also in some rural areas studied by my sel f . further confirmed by t h e following comment made b y M r M . Ros s (personal commun i­ cation) :

One thing I did check out informa lly wi thout any prior dis­ cuss ion with students was the use o f

ia

in forming re lative

clause s . When the students examined their own data and com­ pared them , they were dis tinctly surpr ised at its own con­ s i stency right acro s s the country . The left-hand i a was consistently present , the right-hand one sometimes mi ssing

when i t f e l l at the end o f a sentence .

The fol lowing examp l e s i l lustrate the use of y a -bracketing in embedding relative sentence s :

4 18

P. MUHLHA USLER

D i s pe l a ma n ya em i s ta p l on g bus ya em red i n a em i k i s i m bana r a .

This man who lived in the bush was ready to get his bow and arrows .

Me r i ya i s t a p l ong h u l ya em i hang re na em i ka i ka i d i s p e l a b l u t b i l ongen .

This woman who stayed in the hole Was hungry and ate his b lood.

0 1 man ya 0 1 i kat i m s a k s a k ya 01 i sanap l on g em va .

The men who cut the sago pa lms stood near him.

Y u pe l a l uk i m me r i va , b i po em i s t a p ya ?

Did you see the woman who used to li ve here ?

Em i no b i kpe l a o l sem 0 1 bo i ya 0 1 i kam l ong s k u l va .

He was not as big as the boys who went to schoo l.

4.4.3.3.5.4 ( a)

Syn tact i c operat i on s found wi th rel a t i v i sa t i on

Pronominalisat ion Noun phrases in the re l ative sentence which are coreferential with the noun A numbe r o f

phrases in the matrix sentence they modi fy , be come pronominalised. c a s e s have t o be dist inguished :

1 ) sub j ect of embedded sentence become s pronominal i sed : matrix sentence

d i s pe l a man i woka b a u t l ong rot

this man is walking down the road

embedded sentence

man i kandare b i l on g m i the man is my uncle

becomes :

D i s pe l a man EM i kanda r e b i l on g m i i wokab a u t l on g rot .

This man who is my uncle walked down the road.

2 ) pronomina l i s at ion of nouns following preposi tion s : matrix sentence

embedded sentence

I went to the vil lage

a pig Was in the vil lage

p i k i s t a p l on g p I es

m i go l on g p I e s

be come s :

M i go l on g p I es p i k LONGE N .

s tap

I went to a p lace where there Was a pig.

matrix sentence

embedded sentence

you must return this money

you bOT'T'owed this money

yu mas bek i m d i s pe l a man i

yu b i n d i na u l ong d i s pe l a ma n i

becomes :

Y u mas bek i m d i s pe l a man i y u b i n d i n a u LONG E N .

You have to return the money you borrowed.

419

SYNTAX OF TOK PISIN

3 ) obj e ct of embedded sentence becomes pronominal i sed : matrix sentence

embedded sentence

I want t o rep ly t o a letter

I read a letter in Wantok

m i l a i k bek i m wa n pe l a p a s

mi b i n r i t i m pas l on g Wan tok

become s :

H i l a i k bek i m wanpe l a pa s m i b i n r i t i m EH l ong Wa n tok .

I want to reply to a letter which I read in Wantok.

So far we have been dea l ing with ordinary pronomina l i s at ion .

Howeve r , for some speakers , ordinary pronouns can be replaced by the relative pronouns we or h us a t .

Husat

tends to replace pronominal i s ed sub j ects o f embedded clauses only :

D i s pe l a man em i ka r i m b i l um em i wa n t ok b i l ong m i .

can be come

D i s pe l a man h u s a t i ka r i m b i l um em i wan tok b i l o ng m i .

We ,

on the other hand ,

other pronoun s . can be chosen .

The man who carries a stringbag is my wantok.

is much more flexible and can also replace various

If we are de aling with pronominal is at ion o f plural noun s ,

Compare :

we 0 1

0 1 m u r u k i s ave s t a p l on g p l es i ga t kuna i l ongen . 0 1 m u r u k i s a ve s t a p l ong p l e s we i ga t k u na i .

Cassowaries are found in p laces where there is kunai grass .

Em nau d i s pe l a s t or i m i b i n h a r i m em l ong s ampe l a man . Em n a u d i s pe l a s to r i we m i b i n h a r i m l ong s ampe l a man .

This is the story which I heard from some man .

H i go l u k i m s ampe l a man 0 1 p ren b i l ong m i . H i go l uk i m sampe l a man we 0 1 i P ren b i l ong m i . (b)

permutation o f pronouns ,

pronouns

I went to see some men who were my friends .

delet ion of pronouns and insert ion of anaphoric

1) Permutat ion I f the ob j e c t of rel ative sentences is pronominalised it may be shi fted to

the beginning of the embedded sentence ;

pronoun

we

is chosen .

For example :

this sh ift is compu lsory i f the re lative

H i l a i k i m d i s pe l a samt i n g wan tok i ho l i m em l ong han b i l onge n .

becomes

H i l a i k i m d i s pe l a samt i ng em wa n tok i ho l i m l on g h a n b i l on gen .

I want that thing which my friend ho lds in his hand.

Em n a u d i s pe l a s t or i we m i b i n ha r i m.

This is the story which I heard.

420

P. MUHLHAUSLER

2 ) Deletion o f pronouns Sub j e c t pronouns in the embedded sentence are o ften deleted ,

in which case

the sentence status o f the embedded sentence i s weakened in that both matrix and embedded sentence form a s ingle intonation unit :

M i l a i k ma r i t i m man we i g a t man i .

can be come

M i l a i k ma r i t i m ma n i g a t man i .

I want to marry a man who has got money .

M i l uk i m p i k i n i n i 01 i p i l a i p i l a i naba u t .

can be come

M i l uk i m p i k i n i n i i p i l a i p i l a i nabau t .

I watched the chi ldren who were p laying around.

This also goes for many instances of delet ion of the object pronouns of embedded re l ative sentence s , as in :

M i l a i k s a l i m sampe l a t i ng t i ng em m i g a t .

can become

M i l a i k sa l i m sampe l a t i ng t i n g m i ga t .

I want to send some thoughts I have.

D i s pe l a man m i l u k i m em l on g r o t i k a n da r e b i l on g m i .

can become

D i s p e l a man m i l u k i m l ong rot i kandare b i l ong m i .

The man I saw on the road Was uncle.

my

More in formation about the delet ion o f object pronouns can be found in Lattey

1979 .

3 ) Anaphoric pronouns The regularities unde rlying anaphoric pronouns fol lowing embedded re lative

sentences are not diffe rent from tho se d i scussed for nouns .

Thus ,

relative sentence modifies the sub j ect noun of the matrix sentence ,

pronoun can appear directly before the predicate marker ,

as in :

if an embedded an an aphoric

Me r i i wok i m d i s pe l a b i l um em i s u s a b i l ong m i .

The girl who makes this stringbag is my sister.

D i s pe l a d i pa tmen we 0 1 i ko l i m d i d i man em i save tok i m y um i l on g rot b i l on g pa i n i m ma n i .

The department (which is) cal led agriculture shows us the road to wealth.

Anaphoric pronouns are found after the relative pronouns embedded sentence ,

as in :

husat

and

we

in the

M i l uk i m man we em i kam .

I saw the man who came .

Yum i i b i n l us i m sampe l a man h u s a t 01 i ga t b i kpe l a s a ve .

We have lost some men who had lots of experience .

SYNTAX O F TOK PISIN

4.4.4

421

CONCLUS I ONS Given that i t is only about one hundred years o l d , Tok Pisin exhibits an

amazing degree of grammat ical complexity .

The reader may have noted the many

instances where competing grammatical devices express the same syntactic rela­

tionships . I t is impo ssible to predict wh ich o f these devices will eventually take ove r and/or whether new devices will emerge within certain groups of speakers .

The fact that a syntactic de scription appears to be static and we l l ­

defined should n o t lead the reader to ignore t h e fluctuations and changes

characte r i stic of thi s language . This syntactic sketch will be of maximum use only if supplemented by const ant observat ion o f Tok pis in as it i s actually spoken and written .

N OTES 1.

2.

The forms

l u k l uk s t i l , s t i l n a l uk l u k and l u k l u k n a s t i l have a l so been Howeve r , s t i l generally appears in first posi tion if it is collocated with transitive verbs , as in s t i l l uk i m to observe someone from a hidden position , but not * I u k i m s t i l . recorde d .

A comparison between

l u ks ave to recognise

and

e rgative languages .

i l lustrates

toks ave to inform

that Tok P i s in exhibits characteristics o f both preminative ,

accusative and

Compare l u k save l on g man m i l u k i m man na m i save l o ngen I see the man and know him w i t h mi toksave l ong ma n mi tok i m man n a i s a ve I told the man and he knew. =

=

3.

I t s occurrence in this funct ion i s reported for a number o f pidgins and

creol es . Thu s , Hall ( 1 966 : 7 8 ) writes : "A wide spread African peculiarity i s the use of verbs meaning give as comp lements o f this type , indicating the person to whom s . th . i s given or for whose benefit s . th . is done . "

4.

As yet , no spe l l in g conventions for concatenated verbs have been laid down .

5.

Note that in this construction the

6.

The complex restrictions gove rning the choice o f these complement isers has been discussed by woolford ( 1 9 7 9 b ) .

7.

This phenomenon i s similar to the behaviour o f verbal modifiers such as t ra i m to try to , where n a , l ong and � fu l f i l the same grammat ical functions .

The author has chosen to s pe l l as two words cases which involve a transitive verbal ending in - i m in fi rst posit ion in a verbal chain .

i

functions l ike a pronoun rather than

a s a predicate marke r . The complex grammatical deve lopment o f cus sed by S anko f f ( 19 7 7 c ) .

Compare :

01 01 01

t ra i m l on g kam t r a i m n a kam t r a i m kam

they tried to come

i

i s dis­

Mühlhäusler, P. "Syntax of Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:341-421. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.341 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

4.5

T H E LEX I CAL S Y S T E M O F TOK P I S I N P . Miihlhiiusler

I NTRODUCT I ON

4.5.1

Lingui stic studies of the lexicon are concerned with three main area s : a)

b) c)

the inventory of lexical items and their origin

the semantic organisation of lexical items into lexical fields lexi cal rules predicting lexical infonnation o f various sorts and rules accounting for the lingui stic compos i t ion and semantic interpretation of complex lexical items .

The d i f ference between studies of the type a) on the one hand and tho se of types b) and c ) on the other is that between the analysis of lexical inventories

and l exical systems .

involved in its study , (2 . 6»

.

The forme r , because o f the very d i f ferent methodology has been dealt with in a separate chapter

( Etymologis ing

The present chapte r w i l l be concerned with the fol lowing systematic aspe cts

of the lexi con : ( a)

Semantic field properti e s These relate t o the fact that the meaning o f the individual words i s a f fected

by the presence o f other words in a field .

Some semantic fields ,

such as k inship

te rminology and colour terms , are closely knit , and the addition or subtraction o f a new term tends to a f fect the meaning o f all other terms in the fie ld . Th i s contrasts with more loosely structured terminologies where additions or subtractions only minimally a f fe c t the meaning o f other lexical items . (b)

Rules dealing with lexical redundancy

Lexical redundancy rules deal with predictable lexical information ; instead of specifying such in formation for individual lexical items , a set of rules is added to the lexicon . ( c)

Rules for the interpretation of complex lexical items New words and higher-level lexical items can be formed by combining already

available words or morphemes . The processes of word formation found in Tok P i s in include functional change ( multi functionality ) , compounding and redupl ication .

Word formation di ffers from the generation of syntactic structures in that it is typica l ly restricted in productivity , and in that the resulting new structures show numerous semantic idiosync rasi e s .

S . A . Wurm and P .

Muhlhausler , eds

Guinea Pidgin) , 4 2 3 - 4 4 0 . ©

P . MUh lhaus l e r

Handbook o f Tok Pisin (New Paci fi c Lingui sti cs , C-70 , 1 98 4 .

Mühlhäusler, P. "The lexical system of Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:423-440. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.423 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

423

424

P . MUHLHA USLER

4.5.2

SEMAN T I C F I EL D PROPERT I ES O F TOK P I S I N The two main ideas unde rlying the study o f semantic fields are : a)

that di f ferent languages split up the language-independent meaning

continuum in di fferent ways , e . g .

Tok P i s in

Engl i sh general term

( certain varieties only) no general term

: p lants

tree - bush - grass - herb - vine

b)

d i wa i

trees and ' woody p lants

g ra s

rop

grass and non-woody p lants

vine

that the meaning of an individual member of a semantic field i s

determined by its relationship with other members o f the s ame field . Thus , in the j ust cited example , Engl i sh tree contrasts with four other terms , and Tok P i sin d i wa i with only two .

Semantic f ie lds o f Tok pisin , with the exception of a few that are central to the cultures of P apua New Guinea ,

ponding En g l i sh f ie lds .

tend to be less populated than the i r corres­

Th is accounts for the often cited

' generality o f meaning '

in Tok P i sin and other pidgins . Lexical field propertie s ,

like other seman tic propertie s ,

can vary consid­

erably from speaker to speaker , as substratum inf luence makes itself felt strongly in th i s area o f grammar . remark s :

Kinship i s a case il lustrating this .

Mead

Because pidgin i s a language that stretches over ha l f a

hundred different cultures ,

strange anomalies grow up .

( 19 3 1 : 14 8 )

The

natives who had first contact with the white culture were

matrilineal people , and they learned to de scribe the members of the i r mother ' s clan as " country belong me" .

When a

patrilineal people l ike the Admiralty I s landers came to speak pidgin ,

they were in di fficulties which they surmounted

by the device of retaining the reference to maternal rela­

tives as " country belong me" and calling their own patri­ The term " mama" i s applied lineal clan " p l ace belong me " .

to a l l women o f the generation above the speaker ;

so the

inve s t i gator in court case or census has to follow a devious " Em he mama belong route in finding out true relationship .

me " . "He mama true belong you? " " Ye s , he mama belong me" . " You come up along be l ( ly ) belong em? " " No , me no come up along be l belong em. He mama , that ' s a l l . " An own father

is refe rred to by the phrase so apt ly describing the tender care that a Me l ane sian father gives his l ittle children , "he papa he carry me true " .

Whi l st l inguistic independence is achieved at a much slower rate in the area o f s emantic f ie l ds than in other areas of grammar , the fol lowing kinship system is becoming increasingly widespread in Tok P i sin : the English glosses indic ate far-reaching di f ferences in the semantic organisation of these two language s :

425

THE LEXICAL SYSTEM OF TOK PISIN Tok P i s in

English

t umb una papa mama kand a re

grandparent o f either sex� grandchild o f either sex father (unc le� guardian) mother (wife) any relative on the mother 's side : uncle� couBin� nephew� niece� aunt paternal aunt paterna l uncle sib ling of the same sex sib ling of the opposite sex

smo l mama smo l papa b ra t a s u sa

Two more examp l e s which il lustrate the d i f ferences in the organisation of sem­

antic fie l ds in Tok P i s in and English are :

Name s for members of di f ferent age groups :

p i k i n i n i man p i k i n i n i me r i man k i ma n me r i l apun

male baby� little boy baby girl, lit tle girl girls and boys before puberty, unmarried young men young married man young woman o ld man or woman

Basic colour terms :

b l ak ret wa i t blu gr i n b ra un

b lack, dark b lue or dark green red, light brown white, light coloured, si lver lighter shades of b lue lighter shades of green brown and grey

The less culturally central a semantic f ie l d ,

the greater is the chance

that d i f ferent speakers operate in terms of incompatible systems . The name s for fingers , as collected in a number of vill ages along the coast between Wewak and But , i l lustrate thi s :

thumb

index finger

middle finger

ring finger

Zi tUe finger

n ambawa n p i n ga

namb a t u p i ng a

namb a t r i p i nga

nambapo p i n ga

n ambapa i p p i nga

1

mama p i nga

n ambawan p i n ga

namb a t u p i nga

namba t r i p i nga

na mb apo p i nga

2

n amb apa i p p i nga

n amba po p i nga

namba t r i p i nga

namba t u p i n ga

n ambawa n p i ng a

3

1 ikl ik p i nga

4

mama p i n ga More recently ,

l ongpe l a p i n ga

the renewed contact with Engl i sh h a s be gun t o erode even

some of the more stable lexical fields , the body :

such as numbe rs and names for parts of

426 ( a)

P. MVHLHAUSLER Number system The system used in Tok P i s i n ,

in which all names for numbers are regularly

de rived , i s being replaced by the Engli sh one , a process already observed by Reed ( 1 94 3 : 2 8 3 ) some 4 0 years ago : " But , a s the employed native s now gradually

learn the Engli sh cardinals wp to twenty , the Me lanes ian pattern o f enumeration i s dropping out of pidgin . "

Thus one finds replacements such as :

(b)

Rural Tok Pi sin

Urban Tok P i sin

glo s s

wan p e l a t e n wa n wa n pe l a ten t u t upe l a t e n t r i pe l a t e n wan

e l even twe l p twen t i t e t i wan

e leven twe lve twenty thirty one

Name s f o r parts o f the body Another semantic field in which borrowing from Engl i sh has led to consider­

able restructuring i s that o f name s for parts of the body .

The introduction o f

Engl i sh loans into Urban Tok Pi sin has led t o d i f ferentiation not previously found in Tok P i sin ,

for ins tance :

Rural Tok Pi sin

Urban Tok P i s i n

p i n ga

finger, toe

p i nga to

finger toe

l ek

leg, hindleg of animal foot

fut

l ek

leg, leg of animal foot

han

arm, foreleg of animal hand

han am

hand arm

S imi lar changes can be ob se rved in the metaphorical use of certain name s for

body parts .

Thus the expression l e k

placed by ma u s b i MUhlhau s l e r 1978)

b i l ong wa ra mouth of a river has been re­ l ong r i va mouth of a river in Urban Tok Pisin ( c f . Todd and

.

An interesting aspect of semantic fields in Tok Pisin is that of folk

taxonomies used in naming plants and animal s .

No exhaustive s tudy i s avai lab l e

a t present , but the following data col lected b y the present author provide an

indicat ion of the use of numerals in the estab l i shment of Tok Pis in folk taxon­ omi e s : Engl i sh

de scriptive phrase provided

n ambawa n b a l u s namb a t u ba l u s

i no wa i t t r u , i dakwa i t i wa i t t ru

grey dove white dove

n amb awan ga 1 i p n amba t u ga l i p n amba t r i ga l i p

b i l ong y um i man i p l a n i m s t rongpe l a b i l ong b us b i l on g b u s t a s o l

nut tree growing in gardens tree with hard nuts growing wild another wild nut tree

n ambawan kab i s namb a t u k ab i s

kab i s t ru i kamap l ong wa ra

acibbage wateraress

n ambawan ka l anga l 1

r e t pe l a

red parrot

namb a t u ka l a n ga l

g r i npe l a

rora tus)

(male of

green parrot specie s )

Lori us

( female o f same

THE LEXICAL SYSTEM OF TOK PISIN

namb awa n kw i 1 a n amb a t u kw i l a

we t pe l a ret pe l a

white ironwood red ironwood

nambawan mo ran namb a t u mo ran

b l a kpe l a s k i n s k i n i g a t makma k

python (b lack skin) python (speckled)

427

The most high ly populated field in the area o f plant names is that o f terms referring to coconut palms .

ary

The fol lowing l i s t is based on Borchardt ' s dict ion­

( 1926) and my own observations :

kokonas ku l au d ra i kop ra , ka bora dr i p nok , panga l bombom b i 10 mu n um k ru mi 1 i s m i 1 i s im wa r a b i l on g kokonas gri s im m i t b i l on g kokona s l a p l a p b i l ong kokon as kok b i l on g kokon a s s k i n b i l ong kokona s s e l b i l on g kokonas s t i k b i l on g kokonas

coconut palm and fruit green drinking nut dry nut copra� meat of dry nut very young coconut midrib of coconut leaves coconut fronds half coconut she l l� used as ladle flowers of coconut shoot of nut coconut mi lk made from shredding coconut meat in the water of a ripe nut to cook in coconut mi lk water of ripe nut to cook in water of ripe nut coconut meat coconut leaf sheath unopened flower sheath husk of coconut coconut she U stem of coconut tree

I shall conclude my observations on lexical fie lds in Tok P i s in with some brief remarks on the i tems p i s fish , p i s i n bird , s nek snake , a b u s edib le land

and b i na tang creepy-crawly. Though usage d i f fe rs with the speake r ' s first language , there are some conventions which seem to hold for the ma j o r ity o f Tok P i s in speakers :

animal

a)

a

b) c) d)

mu r u k cassowary

is gen erally c l a s s i fied as

ab us

and not as

pisin

a ma l eo eel i s c l as s i fied as s nek , together with worms grub s , spide r s , etc . are c l a s s i fied as b i n a t a n g we l p i s do lphin , and o ften t ra u s e l tortoise� turt le , are considered to be p i s a b l akbok i s flying fox , together with actual birds , is treated as

e)

pisin

The study o f Tok P i s in semantics has only j ust begun , but it can be expected

that more detai led research wi l l result in valuable ins i ghts into the functioning o f pidgin language s , and replace such vague notions as ' wide meaning ' .

4.5.3

L E X I CAL REDUNDANCY RU L ES Lexical redundancy rules state generalities about the phonological , morpho­ syntactic and s emant i c propert ies of lexical items . The study of these

logical ,

rules has made l i tt l e progress s i nce the proposal to incorporate them into lexical

428

P . MVHLHAUSLER

de scription was made by Chomsky

by no means exhaustive .

4.5.3. 1

( 1965 : 164-170) .

The following observations are

Phono l og i ca l redundancy ru l es

The main funct ion of these rules is to predict permitted vs .

sound sequence s , and for this reason they are also known as

rules ' .

impo s s ible

' morpheme structure

A second function o f phono logical redundancy rul e s i s to spec i fy redun­

dant phonetic features o f individual sound segment s .

Phonological redundancy rules in Tok P i s in vary along two dimens ions : a) b)

there can be s i gnificant d i f ferences conditioned by a speaker ' s

substratum l anguage for the more developed second-lan guage and first- language varietie s ,

many o f the or i ginal restrictions are relaxe d .

The following i l lustrations are therefore ab stractions from a more complex real i ty . fies

A case of a rule speci fying permi tted sound sequences is that which speci­ ( for the more conse rvative variet i e s )

ters word in itially or word finally .

that there can be no consonant clus­

As a result , words borrowed from English

are ad j u s ted e ither by the insertion o f epenthetic vowels ( see Pawley by the dele tion of one of the consonants of a c luster . Examples are : English

Tok Pisin

straight strong bridge glass hand

s i t i ret s i t i rong bi ris ga l as han

1975) or

Another very important phonological redundancy rule is that n o word can have more than three syllab le s .

This convention ,

in the past at least ,

has made it d i f f i ­

c u l t f o r Tok P i s in to borrow polysyl labic words from other l anguages , of the reasons why recent loan s ,

such as

i ndependens

and is one

are widely re j e cte d .

Phonological redundancy rules serving the second function include : a)

b) c)

all front vowe l s are unrounded

( for many variet i e s ) all voiced stops are prenasalised all final stops are voice less

Re latively l i ttle work has been done in this area o f Tok Pisin phonology and the

extent of phonological variation will have to be better understood be fore progre s s can b e made .

4.5.3.2

Morpho l og i ca l redundancy ru l es

Two types of morphological redundancy rules can be distinguished . The first set o f rules i s in complementary distribution with the phono logical restriction on word length j u s t di scussed . Whereas the acceptab i l ity o f a word i s determined for some speakers by the number of i ts syl lable s , for others it i s the number of morpheme s . Thus the convention on the pos sible length of Tok P i s in words can be stated in two ways :

THE LEXICAL SYSTEM OF TOK PISIN

or

a)

b)

429

Tok P i s in phonological words a r e t o have n o more than three syllables Tok Pisin lexical words cannot consist o f more than two morpheme s .

The first convention re stricts the derivation of transit ive verbs from noun

bases cons istin g of three or more syllables . Thus , for some speakers , the form pupu l u i m to cast a love spe l l on , derived from pupu l u love spe l l , is not accept­ ab le .

The convention on morpheme structures , on the other hand ,

appears to be

more power ful . I sha l l now discuss s ome of the examples in which the only factor forbidding the generat ion of a new lexical item i s the restriction on its morph­ eme structure .

Ve rb s can be derived from noun bases referring to inst ruments , the derived verbs expressing ' to use N to do something ' . An extensive list o f items fol lowing Instance s are : this program can be found be low .

s t re n a s pa n a sar i p

s t rena i m s pa n a i m sa r i p i m

strainer spanner grassknife

to s train to tighten with a spanner to cut with a grassknife

Howeve r , the derivation of t ransit ive verbs from synonymous or semant ical ly

simi l ar lexi cal i tems i s barred :

koswa i a pukpukspana g rasna i p

* koswa i a i m 2 * p u kpukspana i m *g rasna i p i m

gauze wire, strainer crocodi le spanner, pipe wrench grassknife

I have found no counterexamp les to this convent ion .

However ,

an interesting

way o f overcoming thi s re stri ction was found in sand i m to scrub with sandpaper , Here , only the first component of the which i s related t o s a n d pepa sandpaper.

compound referring to the instrument is regarded as the instrument used in the act ion . The case of g l a s i m l ong g l a s b i l ong l uk l u k to give signals with a mirror can be regarded as a similar one . Closely related to the case j ust di scussed i s There i s a general principle a second set o f morpho logical redundancy convent ion s . in Tok P i s in wh ich forbids multiple derivations ,

i.e.

a derived item cannot be

further derived even if the phonological and semantic conditions for derivation are met . This means that lexical der ivat ions only operate on lexical base s . This principle will be i l l ustrated with some observations on the derivation o f abstract nouns i n Tok Pisin . Abstract nouns c a n b e freely derived from ad j e ctives or verb base s ,

l ap hep i kam s a ve k ros

as i n :

to laugh happy to come, arrive to know angry

Howeve r ,

l ap he p i kam s ave k ros

laughter happiness arrival knowledge anger

abstract nouns c annot be derived from adjectives or verbs which

have been derived from other word base s .

This exc lude s :

lexical base

derived verbs/ad j ectives

abstract nouns

bek ( N ) bag savo l ( N) shove l s p u n ( N ) spoon

be k i m to put into bags sa vo 1 i m to dig s p u n i m to spoon

* b e k i m the bagging * s a vo l i m the shove l ling * s pu n i m the spooning

To express the concepts of bagging,

etc . paraphrases such as

l on g bek the work of fil ling into bags

must be used .

wok b i l on g pu l i ma p i m

4 30

P . MUHLHA USLER

S imi l arly , abstract nouns cannot be derived from causative verbs wh ich are derived from adjectives or verbs . Thus , s i nd a u n i m to set t le can be derived from Instead ,

but * s i nd a u n i m action of sett ling, the sett ling of i s exc luded . the paraphrase wok b i l ong s i ndaun i m the work of sett ling must be used .

4.5.3.3

Seman t i c redundancy conven t i ons

s i n da un to sit ,

The main function o f semant i c redundancy conventions is to predict new semantic in formation on the bas i s of known information .

An example of such a convention is that which spe c i f i e s that lexical noun

bases referring to localities may also refer to the human inhabitants of such localitie s :

noun base

gloss

namb i s Ame r i ka b i kb u s maunten Sep i k

beach or coastal dwe l ler America or American big bush or bush dwe ller mountain or mountain dwe l ler Sepik or Sepik man

other examples are : (a)

The use o f the s ame noun to refer to animals and the meat of animals :

b u l makau s i ps i p abus pik (b)

cow or beef sheep or mutton anima l or meat pig or pork

The use of the same noun to refer to a material and something made of this

material :

ain kapa wu l p l aua paura kom p l et g um i s i men g l as p u l pu l

iron or pressing iron, anvi l copper or cau ldron, ' copper ' wool or shawl, bed cover flour or sma l l cake gunpowder or firecracker horn or comb china or p late rubber or tube cement or monument, gravestone glass or glass, thermometer flower, grass or grasskirt

S i nce many things can be made of the s ame materi al , the u s e fulnes s o f this con­ vention i s restricte d . ( c ) The s ame noun can refer t o a musical instrument and the sound made b y thi s instrument :

mus i k ga ramut wa i 1 i s t au r

musical instrument or music s lit gong or sound of s lit gong wire less or message conch-she l l or sound of conch-she l l

THE LEXICAL SYSTEM OF TOK PISIN

431

Cases o f lexical redundancy conventions referring to verbs are di scussed under the heading o f verbal auxi liaries ( c f . 4 . 4 . 1 ) , a s the prediction of such in formation i s subject to regular syntactic rul e s .

4 . 5 .4

THE FORMAT I ON O F L E X I CAL I TE MS

4 . 5 .4 . 1

I n troduc t i on

The view adopted here

is that a distinct ion can be made between syntactic

proc e s se s and proc e s s e s o f word forma tion and that the place for the de scription o f the latter is the lexicon

( c f . MUh lhausler 1 9 7 9 c : chapter 2 ) .

Reference will be made to both words

j1atter)

( such as

and lexical items o f higher s i ze- levels

d ra i pe l a b un a strong man ) .

pa i p pipe

(e . g .

or

ma u s g r i s to

lexical phrases such as

There are three main mechanisms for the formation of new words from exis ting

word bases , name ly compounding

( the combination o f two word base s to yield a new

word ) , reduplication ( the repetition of part of the who l e of a word base to yield a new word) and multi functionality ( the shift o f a word base from one grammatical category to anothe r ) .

Words which have not undergone any of these three proc e s se s

a r e referred t o as lexical bases , a l l others a r e referred t o as derived lexical items .

The dec i s ion to treat word formation proce s s e s as d i f ferent from syn­

tactic proc e s ses is based on two main considerat ions : a)

Though derived lexical items are related to syntactic structures (paraphrase s )

containing lexical bases , they are not derived from

such structures .

Motivated lexical items are created as name s

for particular referents rather than as descriptive paraphrases .

Thus ,

though a compound such as

tac tic construct ion

rab i sw i k is related to w i k i rab i s the week is worthless ,

the syn­

its pr imary

function is to serve as a name for a week which is not a payweek. Thus , the meaning o f a compound is not fully recoverable merely by reference to related paraphrases . b)

The patterns underlying word formation are o ften of l imited pro­ ductivity . Wh i l s t it is possible to derive a number of verbs with the meaning put into N from nouns referring to containers , not a l l nouns can serve as the ba sis for a verbal derivation . Thus ma tma t i m to bury, are accepted , but *bet are not .

put into grave and bek i m to put into bags i m to put on a shelf and * t i n i m to can

The de scriptive mechanism used in the presentation of motivated words is to c l a s s i fy s uch words in terms of a number of re lated paraphrases , such as : MF 3 Program 1 (N

+ j u s i m N l on g wok i m s ampe l a samt i ng + i m) V tr to use N to make something

derived transitive verb is related to Cp 3 Program 1 ( ad j .

+ N ) N l

l

+

N

2

i gat

adj . N

nominal compound is related to N

l 2

has

adj . N

l

432

P . MUHLHAUSLER

Examp l e s following the first of these programs are :

hama r i m b r um i m so l da i m

to beat with a hammer, to hamme r to sweep (with a broom) to so lder

Examples following the second pro gram :

b i khet g u t het wana i

bigheaded, conceited person good thinker one-eyed person

An exhaustive account of the numerous word-formation regularities of Tok

P i s in i s given by Muhlhausler ( 19 7 9 c ) , though new ones have s ince developed in the more advanced varieties of the language . Here fol lows a selection of the

mo st common type s :

4.5.4.2

Compou ndi ng

Compounds will be subclassi fied first in terms o f their categorial status

and second in te rms o f their related periphrastic structure s . ( a)

Nominal compounding

CP Program ( ad j .

I

+ N)

N

+

N

i

adj .

someone or something has the characteristics of

adj .

The combination of a descriptive ad j e ctive plus a noun typically results

in a word-level compound whose meaning differs to

a

smaller or larger degree

from that o f a syntactic group containing the s ame elements .

Most of these com­

pounds are also formally distinguished from syntactic groups in that the attrib­

utive a d j e ctive appears without i ts ending contrasts with

hatwa ra soup, broth

- pe l a .

Thus

h a t pe l a wa ra hot water

in both its form and its meanin g .

at phrase level are found mainly among older speakers . phrases appear at the end of the list : Tok P i sin

l iteral meaning

mean ing

b i kb o l b i kgan b i knem b l uston g u t ta i m kol w i n re t sos s mo 1 papa we t l i va b l upe l a p i s 1 i k l i k s ta r s t rongpe l a s ua wa i t pe l a b l u t

big testicles big gun big name b lue stone good time cold wind red sauce sma l l father whi te liver b lue fish lit t le star strong sore white b lood

e lephantiasis cannon generic term copper sulphate peace sea wind tomato ketchup stepfather, uncle lungs parrot fish firefly framboesia pus

CP Program

(wan

2

+ N)

N +

m i t u pe l a

the two of us share Examp l e s are :

N

g a t wanpe l a

N

Combinations

Examples o f lexical

THE LEXICAL SYSTEM OF TOK PISIN Tok p i s in

l iteral mean ing

mean ing

wanbe I wa nb l u t wanka i ka i wan nem wan p l e s wan rot wan so l wa ra wanwok

one one one one one one one one

twin b lood relative messmate namesake someone from the same vil lage trave l oompanion fe llow Paoifio Is lander workmate

CP program ( ad j .

N

2

3 + N ) N l

l

�

womb blood food name village road sea work N

2

i ga t

adj . N

has got (the properties of)

l

adn .

+

N

Examples are :

b i khet b i kbe l b l aksk i n p l an t i ha n 5 i k i sw i I we t g ra s we t p u s C P Program

( N 1N ) 2

N

l

4

N

l

big head big be l ly blaok s kin plenty arms six whee ls white hair white sash �

N

l

is in/on/at

Exampl e s :

b u s ka naka man k i ma s t a s ku l bo i t i nm i t ha nwa s ma u s g ra s ( b)

i s ta p l on g N

l

bigheaded person fat person a native� Buka is lander oentipede heavy lorry o ld person paramount ohief N

2

2

bush native boy staying with European school boy tin meat ann watoh mouth hair

unoivilised person personal servant school boy tinned meat wrist watoh moustaohe

Ve rbal compounds

CP program

5 + N) V t � V N in r tr + to do something with N (V tr

Examples :

k i kb o l l us l a i n mekn a i s p i n i sta i m sutas g i v i m be l kisim win

kick ba l l leave group make noise finish time shoot arse give be l ly oatch wind

to to to to to to to

play soooer depart tremb le finish one ' s contraot inoculate impregnate rest

433

4 34

P . MUHLHA USLER

( c) Adj ectival compounds CP program 6 ( N + adj . ) adj . l

to have N

Examples :

l

+

N

b i l on g s ampe l a ma n

l which is adj .

adj

Tok Pi sin

l iteral mean ing

lexical meaning

a i pa s be l g u t be l k I i n nekd ra i s k r u l us w i n sot

eye fast be lly good be lly clean neck dry screw loose wind short

blind, shortsighted contented sincere thirsty lame winded

4.5.4.3

Mu l t i fu n ct i ona l i ty ( functi onal s h i ft )

Multifunct ionality i s important in the early stages o f a pidgin language , s ince it provides new lexical items without an increase in either syntactic rules or rule s of affixation. Its main drawbacks are : a) that it increases ambiguity b) that the derived forms are not longer than the base forms , thereby violating the principle that languages should be iconical ly encoded . A detailed di scussion of multifunctionality can be found in Muhlhausler 1 9 79c : 349ff . The following examples , classified according to the categorial status o f the base , i llustrate the most important programs o f multi functionality i n Tok Pis in . ( a) Derivat ion from nominal bases MF

Program 1 (N + i m) V tr

to use N to {

+

j u s i m N l on g {

. make } someth�ng do

mek i m } sampe l a samt i ng .

wo k 1 m

The nouns sensit ive to this program can become transitive verbs by adding the trans i tivity marker - i m . The following l ist includes the items most commonly used : basic item

derived verb

ain ba i ra b l ok b ombom b ros bul i t dri I g l as glu hama h uk

a in im ba i ra i m b l ok i m bombom i n b ros i m bul i tim dri l im g l as i m gl uim hama r i m huk i m

iron hoe pu l ley torch brush glue dri l l thermometer glue hammer hook

to to to to to to to to to to to

iron hoe raise with pul ley catch fish with torch brush glue dril l take a temperature glue hamme r catch with a hook

THE LEXICAL SYSTEM OF TOK PISIN basic item

derived verb

kom laim 1 0k l um ma i s i 1 me t a nat nil pam pin ro l a

kom i m la imim l ok i m l um i m ma i s i 1 i m me ta i m nat i m n i 1 im pam i m pinim ro l a i m

comb glue lock loom chise l yardstick nut nai l pump pin ro l ler

MF Program 2 + ( N) V intr

mek i m wok b i l on g

to perform the work of

to to to to to to to to to to to

435

comb glue lock weave chise l measure secure with a nut nail pump pin move wi th ro l lers

N

N

Nouns referring to persons having a certain professional or other status

can be used a s ve rbs . Both intran s i t ive and transitive verbs can be derived . For most such derivations the transitivity marker l on g is chosen . This program

is of l ess gene rality than the previous one and a number of possible derivations are not used by older speakers . noun base

intransitive verb

bos k r u crew member bos boss d ra i wa driver h e t head j a s judge ka u n s i l counci l lor

bos k r u to be a crew member bos to be in charge d ra i wa to be the driver het to be the head j a s to be the judge kaun s i l to be the coun-

kom i t i second in

kom i t i to be second in

kunda r acolyte 1 i d a leader ma ndor supervisor memba member mekan i k mechanic m i n i s t ran aco lyte papa father, owner pa s i nd i a free loader

kunda r to be the acolyte 1 i da to be the leader ma n do r to be the supervisor memba to be the member me kan i k to be a mechanic m i n i s t ran behaves like kunda r pa pa to be the owner pas i n d i a to sponge

vil lage

MF Program 3 ( N + i m)

V +

transitive form

cil lor

vil lage

pu t i m s ampe l a s amt i n g i go i n sa i t l ong

to put something into

N

bos i m to ru le over het i m to rule over j a s i m to judge ka un s i l l on g to counse l, advise

kun d a r l on g to be aco lyte l i da l on g to lead ma n do r i m to supervise

papa l on g to own pas i n d i a l on g to sponge N

The productivity of this program i s restricted by the preference of many speakers for periphrastic constructions . The fol lowing forms , howeve r , are widely accepted .

ban i s bek b i l um b us g ra u n ka l a b u s kompa un

fence, bandage bag stringbag bush ground, soil prison compound

ba n i s i m bek i m b i 1 um i n bus i m g ra un i m ka l ab u s i m kompa un i m

to to to to to to to

fence in, bandage put into bags put into a stringbag send to the bush, chase off bury jai l settle in a compound

4 36 MF

P . MUHLHA USLER

Program 4 (N + i m) V � mek i m i kamap o l sem N to reduce to, make into

The meaning of the transitive verb is to make into what is referred to by the noun . Examples inc lude :

ba ret hap h ip meme

ditch piece, part heap pulp, inedib le part of bete lnut or sugarcane pude l heap

MF

b a re t i m ha p i m h i pim meme i m

to to to to

pude l i m

to heap

drain by making ditches reduce to parts pi le up into a heap pulverise, chew up

program 5 (N) V . � mek i m l ong N (= sampe l a t a i m) �ntr to do something at a certain time

Noun bases referring to a point or period of time can become intransitive verbs express ing to do what is normally done at such a time . The fol lowing examples were recorded :

b rekpas l i m l i mb u r ma l o l o pesto p i n i st a i m

to to to to to

po t n a i t s a n de

breakfast period o f rest time of rest ce lebration end of labour contract fortnight Sunday

pot n a i t sande

s pe l

time of rest

spel

to pool wages t o pool wages on Sunday or to spend Sunday t o rest

b rekpas I i m l i mb u r ma l o l o pesto p i n i sta i m

have breakfast stro L L rest celebrate end contract labour

(b) Derivations from adjective and intransitive verb base s MF

Program 6 : formation o f abstract nouns ) N � pa s s i n b i l ong adj . /V . ( ad j . /V intr �n tr the manner of

b i kp e l a l on gpe l a p ro u t k l e va sw i t hev i b ra i t kama p pa i rap wokab a u t d r i ma n MF

big long proud clever sweet heavy wide to arrive to explode to wa lk to dream

b i k pe l a l ongpe l a p rout k l eva sw i t hev i b ra i t kamap pa i rap woka b a u t d r i ma n

size length pride inte l Ligence sweetness weight width arrival exp losion excursion, trave l dream

Program 7 : derivation of causative verbs ) V � N i mek i m N i adj . /V . ( ad j . /V . 2 �n t r l caus �ntr to cause to

s i nd a u n gohet

sit progress

s i n daun i m goh e t i m

to cause to sit, settle to cause to progress

THE LEXICAL SYSTEM OF TOK PISIN

k i rap sur i k s t rong s t re t ta i t t ru MF

get up flinch strong straight tight, fast true

k i rap i m sur i k im s t rong i m s t re t i m ta i t i m t ru i m

to to to to to to

437

arouse, start le push back strengthen straighten tighten fu lfi l

Program 8 : derivation of transitive verbs from intransi tive verbs ) V (V V + N I i intr l ong N 2 tr intr to act in the way expressed by v . towards N 2 �nt r

sekan

to take leave

sekan i m

ma r i ma r i hamba k pekpek

to be good-hearted to foo l around to defecate

ma r i ma r i i m hamba k i m pekpek i m

pus pus

to have intercourse

puspus i m

to shake hands with, to take leave from to have mercy on to mal-administer to de liberately defecate on, to soil to have intercourse with

( c ) Derivation from transitive verb bases MF

Program 9 (V ) N + pas i n b i l ong v tr tr abst the manner of v tr

The productivity of this program is rather restricted ; in addition there is no way of predicting whether the transitivity marker - i m wil l appear with the derived nouns or not . The fol lowing examples are commonly found in Tok Pisin .

bek i m askim ko l i m t ra i m s ub i m was i m ta i t i m

to to to to to to to

answer ask cal l , name try, tempt shove, push wash tighten, pul l hard

be k i m as k i m ko l i m t ra i m s ub i m was ta i t

answer question pronunciation temptation force washing force

Apart from these main types of multifunctionality , a number of less produc­ t ive programs can be found , some of which have been taken from English in recent years .

4.5.4.3

Redu p l i ca t i on

Iteration of morphemes , words and higher level uni ts is used to ful fi l a number of semantic funct ions in Tok Pi sin . A pre liminary examination of these functions was made by Muhlhausler ( 1975c) and a more comprehensive account as we l l as a di scuss ion of the descriptive problems i s given in Muhlhausler 1979c . The main function of reduplicat ion is to modify the meaning of the iterated items rather than to create entirely new words . This characterises i teration as a stylistic rather than a word-formation proce ss . The terminological distinction between repetition ( iteration at phrase and higher leve l s ) and reduplication ( iterat ion at word- leve l ) is often made , though l ittle will be said here about processes above word- leve l .

4 38

P . MUHLHA USLER

The classification of redupl icated words i s done in terms of the semantic function of redupl ication .

RD 4 Program 1 : intensification By repeating part or the whole of a lexical base a new form is created which expresses that an action , state or property is present to a higher degree . Re­ dupl ication is accompanied by shifting the main stress to the initial syl lable of the resulting word and often by an increase in tempo . This program operates on transitive verbs , intransitive verbs , ad jectives and adverbs and the sub­ classi ficat ion wil l be made accordingly . ( la) Intensification of transitive verb bases : The transitive verb base i s repeated in ful l but the transitive marker - i m appears only at the end of the reduplicated form. Examples are :

askim ha r i m hol i m ka t i m

to to to to

pa i t i m

to hit

ask �a� listen ho l� touch cut

a s ka s k i m ha rha r i m ho l ho l i m katkat i m pa i t pa i t i m

to ask persistently to listen intently to to hold tight to cut thoroughlY3 cut into litt le bits to give a thorough thrashing

( lb ) Intensi fication of intransitive verbs and adjectives : In the case of attributive adj ectives the adjective ending - pe l a i s i terated together with the adj ective stem; in predicative position this depends on the morphological class of the adj ective . Those which appear without - pe l a in pred­ icative position al so appear without - pe l a in their reduplicated form . In a l l instance s n o increase i n tempo can b e observed . S ince the meaning of these reduplicated items can be recovered more readily if additional contextual information is known I shall i llustrate this subclass with a few phrases and sentences :

b l a kpe l a b l a kpe l a k l a u t g u t pe l a g u t pe l a me r i sw i t pe l a sw i t pe l a ka i ka i d ra i pe l a d ra i pe l a p i k t r upe l a t ru pe l a tok sot pe l a sotpe l a s i ke t pa s i n i nog u tnogut t r u kokonas i kama p sotpe l a sotpe l a d i s p e l a d i s i b r ukb r u k 0 1 i l us l us nau bod i i t a i t t a i t 0 1 me r i i pau l pa u l l ong t a u n 0 1 i kam b u n gb u n g

m i gogo p i n i s

0 1 i k r a i k r a i l ong man i

a very dark sky a very good woman very tasty food a very big pig a very true story a very short skirt this is real ly bad behaviour just a tiny bit of coconut tree had grown this plate is broken into litt le pieces they are real ly lost to walk around with 'tight ' limbs3 to walk like Frankenstein ( said of dead body) the women lead a bad life in town they a l l gathered (eagerly) I finished walking (fast, intensely) they are all crying loud for money

( lc ) Reduplication of adverb bases : Again , redupl ication with adverb bases will be i l lustrated with examples containing some contextual information :

THE LEXICAL SYSTEM OF TOK PISIN

em i s tap i n sa i t i n s a i t l ong pukpuk

he was deep inside the crocodi le

em i tok momo yet

he talks a great deal

pa te r i k ros i m em n a t i n g n a t i ng

the Father is cross with him for no reason whatsoever

0 1 i g i v i m n aba u t o l semo l s em

they distributed it just like this

n a u n a u I n g l i s i s ta p n a u

now, the English are here

0 1 p i pe l b i l ong H a i l an s pa i t k l os t uk l os t u

s a ve

0 1 N i ug i n i i save d r i n g kw i kkw i k

439

the Highlanders usua l ly fight from very close the New Guineans usual ly drink very quickly

RD Program 2 : plurality and distribution Though plurality and distribution are typical ly found with nouns and numer­ a l s , there is also a tendency among fluent Tok Pisin spe akers to redupl icate verbs and adjectives in constructions express ing an idea of plurality and dis­ tribution . Reduplicat ion of verbs and adj ectives for this purpose may be re­ garded as some sort of optional number agreement . ( 2a) Reduplication of nominal bases : Here follow some examples of nominal reduplication embedded in their l in­ guistic context :

0 1 i p u l i ma p i m 0 1 bekbek

they fi l led the various bags

s i o t i gat ka l a ka l a na ka i n ka i n ma k

the shirt has various patterns and various co lours

d i s pe l a p i k i n i n i b i l on g d i wa i i g a t konakona

this fruit which has a number of corners (carambola fruit)

01 k i n a se l k i na s e l 01 s a ve p u t i m

they used to co l lect lots of she l ls

em i wok l on g kuk i m ka i ka i l on g na i t n a i t

he is busy cooking food every night

( 2b) Reduplication of verbal bases :

m i pe l a p l an t i pami 1 i i mas bungbung

many members of our fami ly must come together

0 1 1 i k l i k l a ng 0 1 i p l a i p l a i l on g mama b i l ongen

little flies were swarming around his mother

p l a n t i snek i h i ph i p i n s a i t l on g d i wa i

lots of snakes were pi led up inside the tree

( 2 c) Reduplication of numera l s serve s the main function of indicating distri­ bution whereas the idea of plurality is only subordinate to this purpose . Though a l l examples recorded have s ingle main stress there is a certain amount of fluc­ tuation in the use of - pe l a . Examples are :

wanpe l awa n pe l a a i l a n i g a t n em b i l ongen y e t

each o f the many is lands has i ts own name

440

P. MUHLHAUSLER 0 1 Os t re l i a i no save ma r i t i m

t u t u me r i

i t ak i s l ong fa i v fa i v do l a

01

4.5.5

the Austra lians are not in the habit of marrying two girls they pay five do l lars tax each

CONCLUS I ONS

The aim of this chapter was to present a brief introduction to the system­ atic aspects of the lexicon of Tok pi sin . The study of regularities such as the ones pointed out has been badly neglected in the past , leading many outside observers of the language to the conclus ion that the Tok Pisin lexicon is an abnormally short l i st of words and therefore inadequate in dealing with more complex topic s . I hope to have succeeded in casting doubt on such a view , by pointing to the numerous lexical programs which enable fluent speakers of Tok Pisin to interpret and produce a very l arge number of lexical items .

NOTES 1.

This example was given to me by Dr Laycock .

2.

The symbo l * s ignals ungramma ticality at the point of deve lopment under di scuss ion .

3.

MF

multifunctionality ; CP = compounding.

4.

RD

reduplication .

5.

TOK PISIN AND ITS RELEVANCE TO THEORETICAL ISSUES IN CREOLISTICS AND GENERA L LINGUISTICS

Mühlhäusler, P. "The lexical system of Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:423-440. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.423 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

5.1

TOK P I S I N AND I TS R E LEVA N C E TO THEO R E T I CAL I S S U E S I N C R EO L I ST I C S A N D G E N E RA L L I NG U I S T I C S P . Miihlhausler

5.1.1

I NTRODUCT I ON

5.1.1.1

Genera l background

Whi l st the relationship between the study of particular languages and a theory of human language is one of mutual dependence , in the sense that descrip­ tions of individual l anguages must be derived from sound general theories and that those theories in turn must be based on observations of individual l an­ guages , there would seem to be no particular reason , at first sight , why Tok Pisin should be more suited to the purposes of theoretical l inguists than any other human l anguage . In fac t , Tok Pisin , alongside other pidgin and creole languages , has been ignored and at times scorned by theoretical l inguists unti l the very recent past . However , i n the wake of concern for linguis tic universals and sociol inguistic theories , interest in pidgins and creoles has become very widespread , as can be seen from the veritable explosion of publ ications in this area . For a number of reasons Tok Pisin figures prominently in these discussions , notably : a) Tok Pi sin is one of the very few languages who se entire l inguistic development can be documented in considerable detai l . It thus provides badly needed observational adequacy for the historical lingui s t . b) The rate of l ingui stic change has been s o fast that predictions concerning rule-changing creativity can be checked within a short period of t ime . c ) Tok Pisin is spoken both as a second and first language and thus affords valuable insights into the nature of creol isation . Its range of l ingui stic variation is thus wider than that of most other languages . d) Tok Pi sin , l ike other pidgins and creoles, is more natural than most of the world ' s l anguage s , since it developed under extreme pressure for communication in a multil ingual context . Here, influ­ ence from specific traditional l anguages and attempts to introduce cultural refinements characteri stic of o ld languages is virtually absen t . Thus , it seems reasonable to assume that a language such as Tok Pisin c losely reflects the inborn human l anguage capacity . Thus , Tok Pisin can provide l inguists with particularly valuable data against which to test their theories . It is impossible to do j ustice to all the issue s raised in this area in a s ingle chapter . All that I can rea listically propose to do i s to briefly outl ine some of the areas where evidence from Tok Pisin has been of particular relevance . I sha l l now deal with them as follows :

S . A . Wurm and P . MUhlhausler, eds Handbook of Tok Pi sin (New Guinea Pi dgin) , 443-483 . Paci fi c Lingui stics , C-70 , 1984 . © P . Muhlhaus ler Mühlhäusler, P. "Tok Pisin and its relevance to theoretical issues in creolistics and general linguistics". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:443-483. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.443 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

443

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P. MUHLHA USLER

( 1 ) General lingui stics a) b) c) d) e)

terminological issues methodology l inguistic universal s markedness relationship between structure and function

( 2 ) Creol i stic s a) theories of pidgin or�g�n b) problems of l inguistic discontinuity c) comparative l inguistics and the interrelationship between Pacific pidgins and creoles d) Tok Pisin and Bickerton ' s bioprogram grammar

5 . 1 . 1 .2

Termi nol ogi ca l i ss ue s

Like any other branch of l inguistics , creolistics h a s suffered from consid­ erable terminological problems . Particular difficulties were experienced in defining pidgins and creoles . A detailed discussion can be found in Muhlhaus ler 1974 : 11- 25 and in Samarin 1 9 7 5 . S ince definitions often determine the direction of research , it would seem profitable to look at some of them in more detai l . The term pidgin has been de fined, among other things , as : a)

"A variety who se grammar and vocabulary are very much reduced The resultant language must be native to no one . " ( Bloomfield 1933 : 474)

b) "A language which has arisen a s the result of contact between peoples of different l anguages , usual ly formed from mixing of the language s . " ( UNESCO 1 96 3 : 46) c ) " The vocabul ary i s mainly provided by the language spoken by upper stratum ( s ic) of a mixed society , adapted by the lower stratum to the grammar and morphology of their original language . " ( Adler 1977 : 12) e) " . . . more o r less de formed European words strung together with a minimum of grammar" ( Bodmer 1880 quoted from Muhlhausler 1974 : 14 ) f) " . . . the grammatical structure has been s implified very much beyond what we find in any of the languages involved in their ( pidgins ' ) making . " ( Jespersen 1 9 2 2 : 2 2 7 ) =

g ) " Two or more people use a language i n a variety whose grammar and vocabulary are very much reduced in extent and which is native to neither s ide . Such a language is a ' pidgin ' . " ( Hall 1966 : xi i ) h) " It ( i . e . Pidgin Engli sh) i s a corrputed form of Engli sh , mixed with many morsels from other languages and it is adapted to the mentality of the native s ; therefore words tend to be s imply con­ catenated and con j unction and declension are avoided . " ( Baessler 1895 : 2 3- 24 transl ated from German ) Note that there are a number of problems with such de finitions : i ) Those who stress the make shift character of pidgins ( a " supplementary tongue for special forms of intercourse" Reinecke 1 964 : 5 37 ) ignore

TOK PISIN THEORETICAL ISSUES

the fact that pidgins can deve lop to a considerable degree of stability and complexity . ii) There is a tendency to confuse s impli ficat ion ( greater grammatical regularity) with impoverishment ( lack of referential and non­ referential power) . There is also considerable uncertainty as to whether s impli fication is greatest in incipient or extended pidgins . Studie s in the area of interlanguage ( e . g . Corder 1977 and Traugott 1 9 7 7 : 1 3 2 - 1 6 2 ) have drawn attention to the insufficiency of the notion of s implification (or s implicity ) in some pidgin and creole studie s . The latter points out that ( 1 53ff) : The natural seman tax hypothesis suggests that a large number of linguistic phenomena often called ' s impl i fication ' does not in fact involve proces ses of s impli fication . . . . The result of acquisition may be an internalized system s impler from a comparative point of view than others ' systems , but in itse l f i t i s not s impli fication . The complex problem as to the relationship between simpli fication in the sense of rule generali sation on the one hand and naturalness and markedness on the other, cannot be solved here . However , data from deve loping pidgins support the view that impoverishment and simpli fication are inversely related : as the referential and non­ referential power of a language increases , so its content must become more structured . A basic j argon used to exchange information in a limited contextual domain does not need structure . In its initial phase i t is litt le more than a l ist of phrases or lexical irregularities . We thus get the following picture : maximally ,ropo, r 'Shed

minimally s imple

fully expanded

maximally simple ( regular)

j argon s table pidgin expanded pidgin creo l e

}

Agheyi si ' s view ( 19 7 1 : 2 4 ) that : It is possible that most of the factors which contribute to the deve lopment of the s impl ified variety known as the pidgin are most active during the pidginization proce ss . This process is said to extend chronologically from the period of initial l anguage contact through the stage when the resulting pidginized speech becomes sufficiently regu larized and s tabi l i zed to have associ ated with it ce rtain unique features by which it can be recognized and di stinguished from other systems . can no longer be uphe ld. iii) Pidgins are not mixed languages in the sense most often intended . First , it appears that the most mixed component of grammar is the lexicon , where syncretisrns of various types are common ( see chapter on etymologising ( 2 . 6 » , and not syntax . Secondly , mixing at the syntactic and morphological levels is virtually absent in the formative phase of pidgins and becomes more important only after

445

446

P . MUHLHAUSLER

stabilisat ion and considerable expansion have t aken place . I t is mos t pronounced in the post-pidgin phase , i . e . when a pidgin come s into renewed contact with its original lexifier language . The various aspects of mixing in pidgin deve lopment are discussed by Muhlhausler ( 1982c) . iv) pidgins are c lassi fied and often defined a principal lexifier l anguage , typical ly socially dominant group . Two obj ections this view . As pointed out by Dennis and

as being based on ' lexically ' the language spoken by the can be leve l led against Scott ( 1975 : 2 ) :

" . . . we wil l avoid calling the creoles ' English-based ' or ' Portugue se-based ' etc . , s ince we can see no grounds for deciding that the lexicon is the base of the language , as opposed to the semantic- syntactic framework of the l anguage . A second reason is that the mixed or compromise character of pidgin lexicons is typically ignored . Thus , whi lst most Tok Pisin words can be related to an Engl ish etymon , a very large proportion ( prob­ ably as many as 50% in i ts formative years) can also be related to items of other l anguage s . Thi s is typically ignored in cognate counting. In view of the above considerations I would like to propose a new de finit ion of a pidgi n : Pidgins are examples of partial ly targeted o r non- targeted second- language learning, developing from s impler to more complex systems as communicative re­ quirements become more demanding . Whi lst pidgin languages by de finition have no n ative speakers , they are social rather than individual solutions and hence characterised by norms of acceptability. For such stabi l ity to deve lop three or more different l anguages must be involved in pidgin formation .

5 . 1 . 1 .3

Methodo l o g i ca l i s sues

pidgin l anguages , a t least in their early phases o f deve lopment , exhibit a number of characteristics which should have endeared them to both structuralist and transformationalist grammarians : a) They are probably the only languages where the notions of ' free variation ' or ' optional rule ' make sens e . b) They belong t o the very restricted number o f cases where idiolectal grammars can be pinpointed . c)

In incipient pidgins the lexicon can indeed be regarded as a ' list of irregularities ' .

Whereas a number of structural ist grammars of pidgins have been written ( e . g . Hal l 1 9 4 3 a for Tok pisin ) , the above mentioned ' advantages ' of pidgins were not used for theoretical argumentation , nor were they taken up by trans formation­ alists . Instead , the l atter dismissed the importance . of pidgins on the fol lowing grounds : a) I t was believed that languages can be learned perfectly only by chi ldren before maturation and that acce ss to universals such as enable children to speak any human l anguage is only imperfectly found i n adults . It is for this reason that some trans formation­ alists have dismissed pidgins as parasites upon ' true ' languages .

TOK PISIN THEORETICAL ISSUES

447

b) Establishing the grammaticality of strings involved the testing of speakers ' intuitions . In second- language speakers such intu­ itions are only imperfectly realised and probably absent in the initial phases of pidgin deve lopment . 1 c) Transformational grammars are static in that they describe an ideali sed invariant system . S ince one of the principal character­ istics of pidgins is their dynamically changing and hence variable nature , the problem of selecting an abstract ' typical ' pidgin is great . 2 To these may be added other considerations . Trans formationalist descrip­ tions are meant to be neutral between speaker and hearer ' s grammar . Such a description would fail to do justice to the complex patterns of unidirectional intelligibi lity , semi -intelligibil ity and the great distance between production and perception ski l l s in pidgin l anguages . Simi larly , the view that one is dealing with a homogeneous speech community (a term which is highly controver­ s ial even for old e stablished languages , c f . Romaine 1982) is simply inappropri­ ate . Many pidgins arise precisely for the reason that social and l inguis tic distance between groups can be maintaine d , and the deve lopment of speech com­ munities in the conventional sense typical ly occurs late in their development . Many post-trans formational directions in l ingui stics , in particular the dynamic or quantum l inguistics deve loped by Bai ley , B ickerton , DeCamp and others , gained much of their impetus from pidgin and creole studie s . The dynamic account of language ( al so referred to as lectology) is characterised by : a) The incorporation of deve lopment or t ime in grammatical descrip­ tion : implicational patterns of the type ' a implies b ' can be inter­ preted as b was added to the grammar l ater than a . b ) The central role o f l inguistic structures . The analysis o f l in­ gui stic variation aims at describing l inguistic patterns rather than correlations between l ingui stic and social variables . c) Its being panlectal , i . e . describing all variants of a language . Actual speakers wil l normally be co�petent in smaller part s of such panlectal grammars . I t will also be found that language users wil l have more comprehension than production grammar . It must be pointed out , however , that the de scription of the panlectal pat­ terns takes precedence over the assignments of subgrammars to individual speakers . d) I t s be ing able to predict changes by referring to metaprinciples such as naturalness . Summaries of the differences between earlier and lectological mode l s are given by Bailey ( 19 7 3 ) and , for pidgin and creole l inguis tics , by MUhlhaus ler ( 19 80b) . Whereas this mode l allows for a descriptively adequate account of the complex variation patterns characterising much of pidgin and creole grammar , the very complexity of such descriptions makes it practica l ly impos sible to write complete grammars . My description of variabi lity in Tok Pisin plural marking occupies more than 50 pages ( Muhlhaus ler 1981a) and would have been considerably longer had it been based on an adequately selected sample of speakers . The practical limitations of fieldwork for creole variation studies are discussed by McEntegart and Le Page ( 1 982) . The main task facing the de scriptive linguist is to find a plaus ib l e compromise between abstract de scription and detai led observation of variabi lity. A rule of thumb i s that variation studies are most profitably

448

P . MUHLHA USLER

carried out in those areas of grammar that are sub j ect to conscious manipulation by speakers o f the l anguage . An important aspect of all the mode ls discussed so far is the implicit belief that the referential ( cognitive , truth-value) function is the primary function of l anguage . Again , this is true only of incipient pidgins and middle­ class western academic discourse and would have been yet another reason for linguists to take pidgins more seriously . All other l anguages including present­ day Tok Pisin are probably dominated by the so-called nonreferential functions . I do not propose to solve the difficult problem of the numbers of and boundaries between these funct ions . However , what is interesting from the point of view of developmental theories of l anguage i s the order in which such functions are acquired in pidgins and first l anguage s . Compare Hal l iday ' s findings wi th those of Muhlhausler ( 1980b : 46 ) : MUHLHAUSLER 1980b 3 HALLIDAY 1974

a) b) c) d) e) f) g) h)

instrumental regulative interactional personal heuristic metalinguistic imaginative representational

a) b) c) d) e) f) g)

referential ( representational ) directive ( regu lative ) integrative (connative , interactional ) expressive (personal ) phatic ( interactional ) metalinguistic poetic ( imaginative)

I wi l l return to this point in the section on form and function . In conclus ion , pidgins are of particular importance to linguistic method­ ology because they highlight a number of problems which have been virtually ignored in the study of c lassical or modern standard languages . Most signifi­ cantly, they are l argely free from cultural influence in their gramma tical structures and have no written tradition to influence the perception of language phenomena .

5.1. 1.4

L i ngu i st i c u n i versa l s

There are two principal approaches to the study of l inguistic universals : ( 1 ) The Greenbergian approach ( c f . Greenberg 1 96 3 and elsewhere ) based on the 'com­ pari son of surface characteristics of a large number of language s . Examples ( from Greenberg 196 3 ) are : Universal 34 : No language has a trial number unless it has a dual . No language has a dual unless it has a plura l . ( This i s a n unrestricted implicat ional universal . ) Universal 42 : All languages have pronominal categories involving at least three pronouns and two numbers . (This is an unrestricted independent universal . ) Universals of the Greenbergian type can be easily falsi fied with evidence from new l anguage s , as has been done for universal 42 by Laycock ( 19 7 7e : 3 3-41 ) . ( 2 ) A second approach to l ingui s tic universal s is that of Chomsky ( e . g . 1 9 6 5 ) and other transformationali sts . I t consists of postulating a small number o f abstract universal principles which are said to enable chi ldren t o learn any language . Examples include :

TOK PISIN THEORETICAL ISSUES

a) The grammars of all languages have a category VP (verb phrase) ( This is a substantive universa l . )

449

•

b) The semantic component interprets syntactic deep structure . ( This is an organisational universal . ) c ) I f the phrase X of category A i s embedded within a larger phrase zxw which is also of the category A , then no rule applying to the category A applies to X but only to z xw . ( This is the A-over-A principle , a formal universal di scussed by Chomsky ( 1968 : 2 7 -4 7 ) . ) It should be noted that these l atter are unive rsals of formalisation and that their alleged status as mental realities is l argely removed from elnpirical verification . Both Greenberg ' s and Chomsky ' s approaches to , universals are de fic ient in a number of ways : a) As sugge sted by Bickerton ( 1981) , they compare l anguage s con­ sisting of mixtures between cultural and (biologically founded) natural grammar , i . e . systems which are s trictly speaking not comparable . At be st , one will obtain an arbitrary mix between natural and cultural universals and one is likely to mi ss out on a very l arge number of natural unive rsal s which have been over­ laid by cultural grammar in individual l anguages . b ) Both types o f universal s are static , i . e . based on fully developed adult grammars . They are therefore diff icult to relate to findings from pidgin, creole and child- language development . However , even within the above two frameworks , a number of l inguists ( e . g . Given 1 9 79 , Muhlhausler 1974 and Kay and Sankoff 1974) have noted the special role of pidgins and creoles in universals research . The three authors inde­ pendently arrived at the conclusion , expressed by Given 1979 : 4 : Thus the reduced or s imp l i fi ed characteristics of pidgins which arose under such conditions may s imply reflect the fact that universal grammar is a highly un-marked type of gramma r . and on p . 2 4 : they might be a precious source o f data about the elusive beast we have all been questing with only a scant measure of success thi s far - Universal Grammar . This view has been attacked on two grounds : a) The bas i s of comparison consisted of randomly chosen endpoints of deve lopment. Thu s , universals such as the absence of the copula were arrived at by comparing incipient pidgins with highly developed ones . Many of the initially postulated universals ( e . g . the absence of plural marking of pidgin nouns) were subsequently disconfirmed with evidence from more deve loped pidgins ( e . g . Tok Pisin where we find 0 1 me r i women agains t me r i women, woman ) . b) Since pidgins are created by adults after maturation ( e . g . after the so-called critical age for language acquisition) one could not expect them to reveal the nature of the universals base . Unive rsals could only be observed in the formation of first gen­ erat ion creoles , i . e . when a pidgin was converted into the first language of a new speech community . A strong advocate of this view is Bickerton ( e . g. 1976) .

450

P . MUHLHA USLER

As regards the first objection , i t i s now accepted that the basis for uni­ versals research should be pidgin development . Research findings point to a unive rsal program of pidgin expansion , consisting of impl icational universals of the type that B is not acquired before A. An actual example is plural marking . Th is will always appear with nouns in subj ect position referring to human beings , then be extended to other grammatical positions ( direct object , indirect object , after prepositions in that order) and degrees of animateness . These findings from pidgin expansion are supported by identical findings for the development of grammar in second-language learners ( i . e . the grammar such learners use in spontaneous conversations rather than the formal c lassroom environment) . It appears that the stages any learner of any l anguage has to undergo are those already independently established for pidgin expans ion ( c f . Corder 1 9 7 7 ) . It must be pointed out , however , that pidgin expansion is subj ect , to a greater extent than creole formation , to external pressures and cultural borrowing. However , the comparison of a sufficient number of pidgins would soon filter out such situation-specific idiosyncras ies and leave the analyst with a universal program. More detailed comments on the biological ly and psychologically­ founded universals in pidgin deve lopment are given by MUhlhausler ( 19 8 2 c) .

5. 1 . 1 . 5

L i ngui s t i c markedn ess

Related to the que st ion of l ingui s tic universal s is that of markedness , as was indeed suggested by Given in the quotation above . Marked categories are acquired l ate by children , lost early in aphasia and are therefore less l ikely to be found in the world ' s languages . The presence o f a marked category a lways implies that of an unmarked one . Markedness studies of real languages have suffered from the following de ficiencies : a) Their results were often affected by cultural considerations . b) There is considerable conflict between markedness in di fferent components of grammar . Thus , less markedness in the phonological component tends to promote greater markedness in the morphological one . pidgin l anguages do not suffer from such considerations since : a) They develop maximally independent from cultural pressure , 4 especially when the original lexifier language is remote or removed ( a s has been the case with Tok Pisin for most of its hi story) , and when speakers of many different languages are involved in communicat ion via a pidgin . b) As in other types of second-language development , the grammar o f Tok Pisin has been dominated for mo st of its history as a second language by considerations promoting the optimal isat ion of perception . It thus affords valuable insights into morpho­ logical naturalness , as is i l lustrated by Muhlhausler ( 1982c ) . It thus emerges that the widespread equation : unmarked natural marked abnatural =

can no longer be maintained. Instead , one should reserve naturalness for bio­ logical ly and psychologically based phenomena and markedne ss for those which are caused or affected by cultural forces .

TOK PISIN THEORETICAL ISSUES

5.1.1.6

451

The rel a t i o ns h i p between form a nd fun c t i on

A number of directions within lingui stic s , most notably sociolingui stics and sty l i stics , are concerned with the relationship between linguistic forms and speech functions . Howeve r , attempts to establish correlations between l inguis­ tic and non- linguistic parameters have usually run into considerable di fficulties for one or more of the fol lowing reasons : a) It is wide ly ignored that the rate of change for l inguistic and external parameters is not the same . Thus , correlations at diffe rent points in time will lead to very different results . b) Di fferent functions are typically expressed by a single form and different forms may express a s ingle function . This means that the assumption of form- function bi-uniqueness is not met . c ) Most corre lations are propensities rather than clear-cut case s . Most of these problems have to do with the fact that traditional languages as spoken by adults possess only a very small number of c learly separable func­ tions ( Hall iday 1974 macrofunctions ) which are to be correlated with a very l arge number of forms . In the case of developing systems such as pidgins or chi ld l anguage the situation is different . Not only are there more distinguishable language functions (Hall iday ' s microfunctions ) , there are also fewer forms to relate them to, espec ially in the incipient phases of deve lopment . Pidgin data thus const itute an ide al te stground for the interdependency of forms and func­ tions . However , any test must take into account that pidgins experience a constant expansion of formal and functional resources and that the correlations therefore must be of dynamic kind. A distinction must also be made between natural and cultural developments on both the formal and the functional side . One reason why previous corre l ationist studies have had so l ittle succe ss may l i e in the indiscriminate mix of those two factors in the data studied . There are many other areas where pidgin data bear on questions of l inguis­ tic theory . A number of them are di scussed in a recent volume edited by Valdman and Highfield ( 1980) , to which the interested reader is referred . The remainder of this chapter will deal with the narrower range of quest ions asked within pidgin and creole studies .

5 . 1 .2 5.1.2.1

TOK P I S I N AND P I DG I N AND CREOL E L I NGU IST I CS I n trodu c t i on

Not so many years ago the theoretical discuss ion of pidgins and creoles was restricted to two main topic s : a) the explanation of their origin and b) their mixed character and subsequent potential contribution to a theory of language m�x�ng . In recent years the relevance of both these questions has come under attack , the former from Bickerton ( 1976 ) who points out that the study of external origins fails to do j ustice to the psychological nature of these l anguages , the latter by Muhlhausler ( e . g . 1 982 ) who claims that these languages are not mixed in any of the accepted senses ( see subsection on substratum influence ) . As a consequence , a number of new i ssues have emerged which are now being widely dis­ cussed . Some of them wil l now be dealt with in greater detail .

P . MUHLHA USLER

452

5.1 .2.2

Theor i es o f p i dg i n o r i g i n

We can distinguish between the following explanations o f pidgin formation : a) theories of Pidgin English origins i) nautical English theory i i ) foreigner talk/baby talk theory b) general theories of pidgin formation i i i ) relexificat ion theory iv) universal i st theories In addition we find theories which stress observed differences between pidgin s . They include : v) common core theories vi) substratum theories I will now discuss these proposal s , though it would seem to be unreasonable to expect that any s ingle cause is a sufficient explanation of the complex formation of a pidgin .

5. 1 .2 .2 . 1

Nau t i ca l Engl i sh

The idea that the origins of pidgin Engli sh can be traced back to the lan­ guage of Engl i sh sailors and whalers is a very popular one . An example of this folkview is given by F . Robertson in Pacific Islands Monthl y , 23 October 19 3 1 , ' This Fascinating "Pidgin '' ' : pp . 10-ll The recipe for the language i s intere sting : Take one sea full of British sailormen , hardy , daring, very British and profane , and leave it in a cool place for two days ; extract their speech ; then bring to boil and extract what speech remain s . Add a coconut shel l each o f Chinese , Malay, German and Kanaka and bring to boil a hundred or so t imes , then season with a l ittle war or two ; add a few drops of Mission sauce and sprinkle with blackbirder pepper and recruiter salt . S train through Kanaka l ips and serve with beer on boat days , or with undiluted Australian any other time . Unfortunately , no documentation i s given and this lack of data i s also character­ istic of other authors . An exception is Schellong ( 1 934 : 87-98) who provides some interesting observations of the deve lopment o f pidgin on board the Pac i fic trade vessels . More serious attempts to trace back varieties of pidgin English to nautical Engl ish are those of Churchi l l ( 1 911) and Reinecke ( 19 3 7 : 5 3 4 ) . The latter points out that One of the most favourable situations for the formation of such dialects is found aboard merchant vesse l s which ply the seven seas and ship l arge numbers of foreign sailors - and indeed the s eaman is a figure of the greatest importance in the creation of the more permanent makeshift tongue s . The role o f nautical English also features prominently in the work o f Hall ( e . g . 1 966 : 12 0 ) . He claims that by applying the comparative method to pidgin Engli sh data , one will find that it

TOK PISIN THEORETICAL ISSUES

453

is e s sentially a n approximation of such features of lower­ class seventeenth-century Engli sh speech as its speakers saw fit to use in their contacts with non-Europeans in the course of their trading, ' Blackbirding ' , and colonizing activities . If we have to assign a speci fic local i ty to our proto-pidgin­ Engl ish , it wil l have to be somewhere in the lower reaches of the Thames , on e ither bank of the rive r , in the docks and settlements in such parts of London as Bermondsey , Rotherhithe , Wapping, Shadwe l l and Limehouse , and in other English seaports such as Plymouth . More recently Hancock ( 1 976 : 2 3-36) has researched the language used on trade ves se l s and the results of his investigations may prove significant to the under­ standing of the history of Jargon Engl ish in the Pacific area . I t i s unl ikely that nautical English wil l account for more than a minority of structural characteristics of Tok pisin , and it must further be remembered that its influence· was fe lt mainly in the years before 1900 . The main value of further stUdies will be the ir explanatory value for lexical diffusion in the Pacific ( e . g . the trave l s of such words as ka l a b u s prison , b u l makau cattle or kapma r i earth oven.

5.1.2.2.2

Fore i gner ta l k ( FT ) or baby-tal k expl ana t i o n s

Recent years have seen a number of signi ficant changes in the experts ' opinions about second-language acquisition . These changes have also been re­ flected in the various writings on the origin of pidgins and creoles . Hypotheses concerning second-language learning and pidgin deve lopment are based on the following main theories : a) behaviourist learning theories b) mental i st learning theories c ) theories which accommodate both behaviourist and mentalist principles For the proponents of the behaviourist approach , the question of the origin of pidgin languages was relatively easy to answer. Since languages are learnt by imitation , pidgins were said to re flect the FT ( or baby-talk) regi s ter used by speakers of the superordinate language when addressing uneducated foreigner s . I n addition to imitation o f FT , interference (or substratum influence) was con­ sidered a second force in the development of pidgins . According to Bloomfield ( 1 93 3 : 4 7 2 ) : Speakers of a lower language may make so l ittle progress in learning the dominant speech , that the masters , in communi­ cating with them, resort to ' baby-talk ' . Thi s ' baby-talk ' is the master ' s imitation of the subj ects ' incorrect speech . There i s reason to believe that it i s by no means an exact imitation , and that some of its features are based not upon the subj ects ' mi stakes but upon gramma tical relat ions that exist within the upper language itse l f . The sub j e c t , in turn , deprived of the correct mode l , can do no better now than to acquire the s impli fied ' baby-talk ' version of the upper language . Under the impact of Chomsky ' s devastating review of Skinner ( 1964 : 547-578) there was a vigorous reaction against behaviouri sm as an explanation of language learn­ ing and the deve lopment of pidgins . In stead , it was now widely accepted that

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humans were born with an innate capacity to construct we ll-formed grammars out of imperfect input dat a , and a simil ar case can be made for pidgin formation . In the wake of universal i st views of human lan guage capacity, the que stion of the l ingui stic input in the formative years of pidgin languages was pushed very much to the background . Both the behaviouri st and the purely mentalist approach to the problem of the origin of pidgin grammar were programmatic rather than empirica l . Very l ittle actual support has been adduced for either hypothesis . Developments in language learning and pidgin-creole theory in the 1970s have led to a more real i stic approach to thi s problem, incorporating both behaviourist and mental ist views on first ( c f . Vorster 1974) and second ( e . g . Clyne 1978 , Ferguson and DeBose 1 9 7 7 ) language learning . Some data on the type of reduced English used by expatriates are given in the chapter on the internal development ( 2 . 4 ) . Such data il lustrate one serious problem for imitation theories . Many of the constructions in the input are so variable and inconsistent that they provide l ittle help for the incipient learne r . 5 A second problem with FT explanations is that the influence of reduced varieties of English is not spread evenly throughout the deve lopment of a pidgin . Thus : a) The l inguistic impact of FT is restricted to the very early stages of pidgin deve lopment ; once a pidgin has developed i ts own stable grammatical structures , FT (because of its very instability and l ack of l ingui stic sophistication) cannot contribute anything to the further growth o f a pidgin . b ) A s a pidgin develops , i t s mutual intel l igibility with FT decreases . c) As a rule , FT will continue to be used by speakers of the super­ ordinate language as long as they are in a secure and superior social pos ition . I n con clusion i t can be said that there i s little doubt that foreigner talk ver­ sions of English were widely used in the areas where Tok Pisin originated and developed. However , the existence of such varieties tells us little about their impact on Tok Pis in as spoken by the local population . Thi s then takes us to the end of explanations stressin g the English char­ acter of Pidgin English . Let me j us t briefly point out a number of seldom- stated consequences of such explanations : a) They allow for mUltiple origins and thus avoid the problems o f accounting for the complex sociohistorical l inks between various pidgins . b) They perpetuate the myth that in culture-contact situations it i s the dominant language ( that o f the dominant group) that ' wins ' , ignoring the multitude o f sociolinguistic factors of real l i fe contexts . c ) B y postulating that " the correspondences between . . . Melanesian Pidgin and Engli sh . . . are all-pervasive - that is they are found in all branches of l inguistic structure " (Hall 1966 : 118) the principal task of pidginists is seen as that of spel ling out the deviations of pidgins from their European mode l .

TOK PISIN THEORETICAL ISSUES

455

There appears t o be n o need t o uphold the position outlined here any longer . Not only do we have ample data to di sconfirm it , we also have mode ls of pidgin formation and development to incorporate more adequate data . These wi l l be out­ lined further on in this chapter .

5.1.2.2.3

General theori es of p i dg i n forma t i on

As more and more pidgins and creoles became known in the 1950s and 1960 s , i t became obvious that there were very noticeable structural s imilarities between varieties that shared few lexical propertie s . Again , explanations for this phenomenon must be seen against the background of prevai ling attitudes towards lan guage l earning and transmi s s ion . Thus , re lexificat ion theory enabled l inguists to maintain the idea of mode ls being imitated , whereas un iversalist explanations could only become fashionable , in spite of the fact that they had been put for­ ward as early as the l 880s by scholars such as Schuchardt and Coelho , once the pendulum of linguistic thought had swung towards mentalist explanations of lan­ guage deve lopment .

5. 1.2.2.4

Rel ex i f i ca t i on theory

In i ts stronge st form relexi ficat ion theory c laims that most European-based pidgins and creoles are related via a special process involving the maintenance of grammar and the repl acement of lexical units . The gramm a r is said to be that of 16th century Pidgin Portuguese or possibly medieval Mediterranean Sabir . The possibi lity o f re lexification or , as Hall ( 19 7 5 : 18 3 ) puts it , " the substitution of vocabulary items for others , with the maintenance of a stable syntactic base" , was first suggested by Thompson ( 1 961 ) . Whereas Thompson suggests that the west African slaver ' s j argon (p idgin Portuguese ) ( p . 1 1 3 ) : . . . may have been the pattern for all the west Indian Creoles just as , in the Eastern and Pacific worlds Portuguese creole dialects , we l l known to Europeans of many nationalities may have provided the mode l for the two great branches of Pidgin Engl ish, China coast pidgin and Neo-Melanesian . . . Laycock ( 19 70c : ix ) merely considers the possibility that relexi fication of pidgin Portuguese may have played some role in the development of Tok P i s in . This sug­ gest ion is dismissed by Hall ( 1975) . There are a number of arguments against Thompson ' s views of Tok P isin deve l ­ opment inc luding : a ) Structural di s similarities between Tok P i sin and China coast Pidgin Engl i sh . b) H i storical considerations : since trade contacts with China were very weak , the first and pidgin-speaking Chinese arrived long after the stabil i sation of the lan guage . In addit ion , and more importantly , there are a number of more general reasons why re lexificat ion explanations are seldom satisfactory : a) Re lexi fication i s a t ime l es s concept and ignores the fact that pidgins are developing entitie s . I t is not made c lear a t what point relexi fication should have occurred. Since there was no

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stable pidgin grammar when contact with the out s ide world was greatest ( t he j argon stage) no syntactic base could have been maintained . It is true that Tok Pisin eventually developed gram­ matical features which are shared by many creoles . However , all available evidence points in the direction of independent deve l­ opment . b ) Relexification theorists do not normally ask the important ques­ t ion , whether a given instance of relexi ficat ion constitutes an abrupt break in l inguistic tradition or not . For this the analyst requires in formation as to the absolute length of time needed for re lexi fication , communicative problems and changes in the composition of the pidgin-using community . The difference between the two types of re lexi fication can be illustrated by the fol lowing examples from Tok Pisin : abrupt change

gradual change Stage I Stage 2 Stage 3

beten beten 0 p rea p rea

t o pray to pray to pray

b i ne n

bee

bi

bee

In the first case ( a ) continuity is maintained by the j oint use of both lexical items i n a synonym pair . In the second case (b) the word for bee was introduced twice at di fferent stages in the deve lopment of Tok Pis in by different speakers . The external explanation for this di fference is that the di scuss ion of non­ tradit ional religion has been one of the central functions of Tok Pisin for most of its existence . On the other hand , there i s no such tradit ion for talking about beekeepin g . A comparison of arbitrary stages of the l anguage , as prac­ t ised in diachronic structuralist analyses would not capture this di fference , though no descriptive problems would arise within a developmental framework as proposed by Bailey ( 1980b) . It seems likely that both type s of relexi ficat ion have played a role in the deve lopment of virtually all pidgins and creoles ( for the l atter only in the formative period) , whereas languages that are spoken natively are sub j ect almost exclus ively to gradual re lexi fication . To isolate the respective role of the two types of relexification in the deve lopment of Tok Pisin is an important pre­ condition for determining the amount of l inguistic continuity found in this language . Such considerations as have j ust been discussed firmly indicate that relex­ ification cannot explain the format ion of Tok Pisin , though its rule in subsequent deve lopment must be acknowledged .

5.1.2.2.5

Uni vers a l s of p i d g i n i sat i o n

The relevance o f pidgins to the study of l inguistic universals having a l ready been discussed earlier in this chapter ( section 5 . 1 . 1 . 2 ) , I wi l l restrict myself to th e di scussion of universals in pidgin formation . The greatest advantage of universalist explanations is that they can account for the many structural similarities between hi storically unrelated pidgins and creole s . As a general principle , universals o f language are appealed to whenever the re is con fl icting input and/or di sruptions in transmis sion . I t is also important that universals of pidgini sation should be seen as a deve lopmental

TOK PISIN THEORETICAL ISSUES

457

program rather than a pool o f constructions from which individual pidgins can fish at random. Another very important point is that appeal to l inguistic universals i s characteristic of social solutions t o interlinguistic communication ( i . e . when many speakers form a new language community) and is much less common in indivi­ dual attempts . Thu s , the very first stage of Tok Pisin ' s deve lopment , the j argon stage , is characterised by a number of diffe rent communicative strategies , whereas its stab i l isation on the multilingual plantations and subsequent expan­ sion in a mul t i lingual context is shaped primarily by unive rsal forces of pidgin expansion . Comparative evidence on pidgin development is s t i l l scarce , and it is not inconceivable that the hypothesis of a single language independent expansion program is too restrictive to cover other pidgins . However , it would seem wise at this stage to put forward a strong c laim and revise i t as needed . The evi­ dence available thus far certainly sugge sts that l inguistic universals are the most satis factory explanation of the origin of Tok Pisin structures . A developmental universali st hypothesis has no difficulty in accounting for observed differences between ' synchronic ' grammars of different pidgins ; they are seen as reflecting different stages in pidgin development . However , before the emergence of deve lopmental model s such di fferences strongly militated against unive rsal ist proposals and in fact enhanced the plausib i l ity of the l ast two maj or theories of pidgin format ion which will now be discus sed .

5.1.2.2.6

Common core t heori es

Among the various explanations of pidgin formation put forward by Robert A. Hall at various stage s in his scholarly life , the idea that pidgin grammar is the common core between the gramma rs of the languages in contact attracted the largest number of followers . The structural resources of a pidgin l anguage are seen by Hal l ( 1961) as fol lows :

English ( French , etc . )

I

: I

/

\

Me lanesian ( Chinese , African , etc . )

The s tru ctural resources of a p i dg i n l anguage. Hachured a rea represents t he overl a p p i n g of t he ' pa ren t ' l angu age s . Such a view appeared highly plaus ible , especially in a c l imate where behaviourist learning theories prevailed . The shaded area can be interpreted as that of learning fac i l i tat ion in contrastive analys i s . Thus , pidgin learners take the easiest way out by concentrating on prec i sely those structures which are learnt with least effort . However , there are some very serious obj ections to such an explanation :

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a) The areas of facilitation may turn out to be those parts of grammar that have least communicative relevance . b) The common core model is totally s tatic and ignores the fact that at different points of l inguistic development a different core would obtain . This is particularly true in the case of Tok Pisin, one of whose ' parent ' languages , Tol a i , has undergone very s ignificant changes over the last few decade s . c ) This view assumes that the speakers o f the pidgin resulting from such language contacts are perfect bi l inguals , i . e . have equal access to all systems involved . Obviously , what is common to two l anguages can only be e stabl ished once they are fully known . At the time that Tok Pisin grammar developed , however , access to English was virtually unavai lable to most of its speakers . d) There is a great deal of factual counterevidence . Tok Pisin had grammatical properties not shared by all systems in contact even very early in its l inguistic development . The distinction between inclusive and exclusive first personal plural pronouns ( yum i vs . m i f e l a ) is an example . It is admitted that identification of constructions across the languages in contact played some role in the formation of Tok Pisin . Lexical mergers , for instance , have been di scussed in the chapter on etymologising ( 2 . 6 ) . A syntactic example is the deve lopment of the Tok Pisin predicate marker i out of the English anaphoric pronoun he and the predicate marker i of Tolai and related language s . I t should be noted , however , that the eventual conditions for the use of the Tok Pisin predicate marker do not exactly match those of either Tolai or English . Thus , a common core explanation does not give the ful l picture even in such instance s .

5 . 1 .2.2.7

Substra tum theor i es

Opinions as to the importance of substratum influence on the grammar of Tok Pisin vary , ranging from its assessment as a minor subsidiary force in its deve lopment ( e . g . in Hall 1966 ) to the view that " its syntax . . . has features of a Me lanes ian kind, and certainly bears but l ittle external resemblance to that of either of its western European forebears . " (Wolfers 1971 : 4 1 3 ) A s I have pointed out el sewhere ( Muhlhausler 1982a) , the field of substratum s tudies is in a state of disarray and there would seem to be l ittle point in appeal ing to substratum in fluence when encountering an un-English construction in Tok Pisin until one knows what can be borrowed and to what extent borrowing leads to new structures which are not encountered in either of the languages in contact . Let me i l lustrate the problems of e stabli shing substratum influence with a practical example . Mo st attributive adj ectives in Tok Pisin appear before the noun . A small group , however , appear after the noun ( so-cal led postmodifier s ) , includin g :

botol b r u k t o k g i aman b a n a n a mau han ka i s h e t ke l a

broken bottle untrue talk ripe banana left hand bald head

TOK PISIN THEORETICAL ISSUES

g raun ma l uma l u p l es nog u t wi 1 pas tok t ru buk tambu

459

swampy groound bad p lace stuck whee l troue ta lk holy book

Wurm ( 19 7 7b : 5 1 5 ) suggests that Tok Pisin postmodi fiers reflect substratum influ­ ence from Tolai : The appearance of adjective s of different classes preceding or fol lowing the nouns which they determine attributively is a typical feature of the Austronesian Tolai which shows the phenomenon unique ly amongst New Guinea Austronesian languages . It may we l l have entered Pidgin from this source . There clear ' some point

are a number of problems with thi s suggestion , however . First , it is not what grammatical rule is involved here . If it was simply the rule that but not all attributive adjectives appear postnominally ' , then one could to a s imil ar rule in English, mani fested in, for instance :

money galoroe proesident e lect court marotial etc . This view would then support a superstratum gramma r view as we l l as a substratum and a common core view. We thus have to examine the adjectives affected in both English and Tolai . It soon becomes clear that those adjectives which appear postnominally in English do not do so in Tok P is in . Influence from Tolai could mani fest itself in two ways , either in the form of a di fferent word-order with a newly borrowed item of Tolai origin ( thus con­ forming to the often held principle that "ordering of syntactic constituents can be borrowed only if the phonetic form of at least one member has also been borrowed" ) or in the form of calquin g . Let us examine both possibil ities against the hi storical evidence avail able . The only items of Tolai origin in the list of postmodifiers are ma u Pipe 6 and ma l uma l u swampy . The former word is documented long before the latter and thus seems to be the best candidate for triggering off a new word-order rule in Tok Pisin . However , as pointed out by Mosel ( 1980) , " To lai mao roipe appears before the noun and not after it as in Tok Pisin" . As regards ma l uma l u , it does not belong to the group of Tolai adj e ctives which can appear postnominally and furthermore seems to be an intransitive verb for most Tolai speakers anyway . The explanation that the new word-order is a result of direct substratum influence is thus disconfirmed by the data. The second possibil ity i s indirect influence or calquing. This possibility is alluded to by Mosel ( 1980) who points out that both Tolai t un a troue and Tok Pisin t r u are postrnodi fiers ( Tok Pisin has a variant t r upe l a , however) . The avai lable historical evidence , however , suggests that t r u was not the first adj ective to appear postnominal l y . The only post­ nominal attributive adjective mentioned in Brenninkmeye r ' s 1924 grammar is nog u t bad. He �rites ( p . lO) : If the adjective appears after the noun , it becomes predica­ tive and is linked to the subj ect by means of he = he i s , as in p i g he f a t , boy he n i ce . . . banana he ' mao ' , ka i ka i he no t a n . . . . Exception s : n o goo d which followed the noun without the he and save inte l ligent, wise.

460

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Man no good Man s a ve Boat no good

(This appears to have developed in the defective pidgin o f beginning learners of the language . ) ( translation mine) The corresponding Tolai adjective ka i n a bad is only found be fore nouns , however . Th i s clearly indicates that the rule emerged in Tok pisin without any direct or indirect support from either Tolai or English . The fact that further ad jectives were subjected to it subsequently may have something to do with substratum in­ fluence . What is important , however , is that in most cases , there are very s ignificant differences between Tolai and Tok Pis in adjective ordering, as docu­ men ted in de tail by Mosel ( 1980 ) . One is reminded of Bickerton ' s more general statement on the role of substratum influence in pidgins and creoles ( 1979 a : 3 ) : Although there are here and which tease you and provoke you never find any l anguage of structures as the creole

there some sweeping simi larities you to go on with the search, which has quite the same kinds l anguage doe s .

Thi s statement is borne out b y Mosel ' s thorough investigation into structural influences of Tolai on Tok Pisin ( 1980 ) . Some of her conclusions on individual parts of grammar are of relevance to the present di scuss ion : a) on phonology ( p . 2 3 ) 3 . Tok Pisin phonology i s not identical with Tolai phonology . Othe rwi se one would expect , that Tolai loanwords have been retained in their original form and that English loanwords have been regularly adapted to Tolai phonology . But the Tolai s ' in fluence on the deve lopment of Tok Pisin was not as strong as to impose their phonology on Tok Pisin . 4 . Further more , the Tok Pisin phoneme system is not so much reduced as to con tain only those phonemes which are common to all sub­ stratum languages involved in its development ; for the development of Tok Pisin has been and still is a constant process determined by mutual l earning of its speakers from each other . Thus , for instance , the phoneme lsi , which i s absent i n Tolai , has been introduced as a separate phoneme in the Tolais ' pidgin . Secondly , Tok Pisin exhibits the dis­ tinction between lax and tense vowels , which is absent in patpatar-Tolai language s , whereas vowel length , which is dis­ tinctive in Patpatar-Tolai languages , i s not distinctive in Tok Pi sin . b) on the number system ( p . 6 3 ) Though i n Tok Pisin and the Patpatar-Tolai languages the system of the cardinal numbers is structured according to the same principle , one should be careful not to regard this as a convincing proof for substratum influence . For this kind of decimal system is so simple , that one need not to take substratum influence into account to explain its develop­ ment .

TOK PISIN THEORETICAL ISSUES

c ) on reduplication (p . 109 ) The divergencies between Tolai and Tok Pisin suggest that the general idea underlying reduplication in Tolai on the one hand and in Tok Pisin on the other is differen t . Apart from inten­ sifying reduplicat ion , in Tolai all instances of the second type of reduplication have in common that they express some kind of imperfective aspect , whi le in Tok Pi sin the only func­ tion of word level reduplication is to signal some notion of plurality. For that very reason neither durative nor habitual nor continuous action ( which cannot be understood as actions consisting of a number of s imi lar actions) are expressed by reduplicated verbs in Tok Pisin . Both concepts are related and overlap insofar as they both include repeated action . Thus substratum in fluence of Tolai upon Tok Pisin can be ex­ cluded as far as verbal redupli cat ion is concerned . d) on the verb phrase (pp . 126- l 2 7 ) The only structural features shared b y Tok Pisin and Tolai verbal phrases are : 1 . the use of an introductory partic le , i . e . the use of the predicate marker in Tok Pisin and the sub j ect marker in Tolai . 2 . the pos sibility of verbal chaining . These simi larities are rather marginal i n comparison with the divergencies between Tolai and Tok pisin , and s ince the use of the p redicate marker in Tok Pisin can be traced back to ancient Bichelamar , i t is only verbal chaining that may have resulted from substratum influence ( cf . p . 9 S ff) . Divergencies between Tok pisin and Tolai are found in 1 . the meaning of verbal phrases of the structure pm/sm + NP , 2 . the posit ion of the negative partic l e , 3 . the tense and aspect marker system , 4 . the expression of the passive voice , 5 . the express ion of wish , competence , abil ity , obligation and permi ss ion . e ) on sentence structure ( pp . 1 3 4 - l 3S ) As shown in the table below , there are only a few types of sentences which show the same s tructure both in Tok Pisin and Tolai . Sentence type 1 . Non-verbal declarative sentences ( 1 ) existential sentences ( 2 ) equative sentences ( 3 ) locational sentences verbal declarative sentences ( 1 ) stative sentences + ( 2 ) intransitive sentences + ( 3 ) transitive sentences + ( 4 ) descriptive sentence s - ( +) ( 5 ) equative sentence s ( 6 ) subj ectless sentences + 2 . Interrogative sentence s + 3 . Imperative sentences

461

46 2

P . MUHLHA USLER

this sentence type has not the same structure in Tolai and Tok Pisin this sentence type has the same structure in Tolai and + Tok Pi sin - ( + ) = this sentence type has the same structure in Tolai and Tok Pi sin in a very few case s . The few cases i n which Tolai and Tok Pisin sentence structure coincide cannot serve as a proof of substratum influence . For the s tructure of interrogative and imperative sentences in Tok Pi sin can also be explained as the result of s impl ifi­ cation of English sentence s tructure ; and the structure of intransitive , transitive and descriptive sentences i s similar to that of the corre sponding English sentences as wel l . I t should be remembered that Mose l ' s analysis i s a synchronic comparison of present-day Tok Pisin and Tolai . This means that some of the similarities found ( and there are not many) are the result of Tolai having been influenced by Tok Pisin and Tok Pi sin ' s having independently developed constructions which look l ike corre sponding Tolai constructions . An example are de-adject ivised causatives , discussed by Muhlhausler ( 1 979d) , and verbal chaining , or verb serialisation . The l atter construction is felt to be so un-English by many l inguists , that its only pos sible source is a substratum language . S ince the discussion of verb serialisation continues to occupy a prominent place in pidgin and creole theorising I will look at the Tok Pisin evidence in more detai l . Tok Pisin shares verb serialisation with many other pidgins and creoles , some of them apparently historically unrelated . Thus , the presence of verb serialisation in the wes t Indian creoles is often traced back to African inf luence , mos t recently ( 1982 : 1 1 3 ) in Holm ' s review of Bickerton 1981 . Holm writes : An important case for substratum in fluence is the existence of a variety of serial verb constructions in many West African l anguages l ike Yoruba as wel l as in the creoles spoken by the descendants of Africans : ,

0 Yoruba Krio Djuka a l i te rally 'he

fi

tek teke take

:,be

n f nef i

knife

,

ge

CECE kot i

cut

era

di bif a

met i the meat '

i . e . He cuts the meat with a knife ( Huttar 1 9 7 5 ) . Many such constructions are found across lexical boundaries in both creole and African l anguages , pointing to widespread features in the syntax of many African languages which survived in the creoles . However , for the sake of his argument Bickerton c laims that " creoles and West African languages invented verb serializat ion independently , but for s lightly different reasons" ( p . 1 2 0 ) . In reference to the examples from Huttar 1 9 75 quoted above , he asserts that it is impossible to tel l whether Saramaccan has this kind o f serializat ion , although the present balance of evidence seems to be against i t . Saramaccan i s wel l known a s being, among the three Surinam creoles ( o r , for that matter , among all the Caribbean creole s ) , the one which best preserves African lexical and phonological characteristics This being so , and i f serial construc­ tions also re flect African influence , one would expect to find that SA [ Saramaccan l had more such constructions than . • . .

TOK PISIN THEROETICAL ISSUES

463

OJ [ Oj uka ] and SR [ Sranan ] , rather than the reverse There i s no explanation for the pattern in terms of substrate influence . Aside from Bickerton ' s puz z ling position that would seem to al low for substrate influence on the lexical and phonologi cal levels but not on the syntactic leve l , there is the more serious impli cation that Saramaccan lacks serial verb construct ion . Many Saramaccan serial verb constructions are in fact given in the Huttar paper which Bickerton quotes and l i s ts in his bibliography . .

.

.

•

The examples given by Holm can easily be translated into present-day Tok Pisin by s imple relexification as in em i k i s i m na i p kat i m m i t he aut the meat with a knife . The sources for such apparent simi lari ties in the Atlantic and Pacific pidgins and creoles have been discussed by Hall ( 1 966 : 76ff) . He suggests that ( p . 78) : South Seas pidgin expressions may have originated independently of t hose that have an undoubtedly African base ; or they may have been introduced into the South Seas by sailors and traders who had picked them up directly or indirectly from African contacts . i . e . both explanations are compatible with substratum explanations . However , evidence from the historical development o f Tok Pis in makes them implausible . a) I t must be noted that verb chaining in Tok Pisin is a very recent phenomenon . It became widely used only after the Second World War , i . e . long after it could have been borrowed from South Seas traders and sai lors ( in whose language it appears to be generally absent) and a long time after intensive contact with Tol ai had discontinued . b) According to Mosel ( 1980 ) , some structural correspondences between Tok Pisin and Tolai verbal chaining can be found , though in the majority of cases , there are s ignificant di fferences . Some of the most productive patterns of Tok Pisin verb chaining have no counterpart in Tolai . Again , it must be remembered that most of them appeared once contact with Tolai had become unimportan t . There appears t o b e a good reason why substratum influence i s not very likely in verb chaining in pidgins and creole s . utterances containing more than one verb are of greater complexity than s ingle verb utterances and therefore appear later in the deve lopment of pidgins . When contact with an influential substratum language is greates t , the l anguage i s s imply not ready to borrow such complex structures , but when verb chaining does become needed (because of the lack of prepositions) the substratum language is no longer available . This fact is generally ignored by linguists who compare abstract static systems rather than deve lopments of pidgins and creoles . In spite of the fact that this is still common practice , it must be stated categorically that no comparison between the endpoin ts of pidgin deve lopment with alleged sub- or superstratum languages can yield any reliab le information as to their role in pidgin formation .

5.1 .2.3

Theori es of ori gi n : concl u s i on s

a ) The role of the various factors involved i n shaping Tok Pisin can only be assessed wi thin a developmental framework . As has

464

P . MUHLHAUSLER

been i llustrated in the chapter on the internal growth of the language ( 2 . 4 ) , di fferent forces are operative at different stages of i ts l inguistic development . b) No single cause explanation can adequately account for the com­ plexities of Tok Pisin ' s development . However , it appears that the most important and most last ing single force involved is a unive rsally motivated program for second- language deve lopmen t . Since the evidence from the many languages in contact tends to be conflictin g , the only solution for many areas of grammatical­ isation lies in linguistic universals . c)

5. 1.3

It appears that a construction has a better chance of being adopted if it is supported by a conspiracy of deve lopmental force s . Common core solutions o r substratum influence have a better chance of being adopted if they also are in agreement with universal te ndencies of deve lopment . This means that , in many cases , individual factors will fail to give a sufficient accoun t .

D I SCONT I N U I TY I N T H E DEVELOPMENT O F TOK P I S I N

5.1.3. 1

Gene ra l rema rks

Even a cursory examination of the descriptive and theoret ical literature on pidgins and creoles will reveal . a strange preoccupation with historical con­ t inuity. Given the widespread acceptance of the uniformitarian principle in historical l inguistics and the tendency to closely correlate l inguistics with we l l-de fined geographic or social entities , this comes as no surprise . The deve lopment of pidgins and creoles , in spite of i ts obvious special character , i s treated i n the same way a s language change resulting from diffusion . Three common strategies in the treatment of these languages are : a) To ignore or play down phenomena other than internal development so as to be able to postulate ' normal ' family trees ( e . g . Hal l 1961 : 4 1 3 - 4 1 5 ) . b) To postulate special kinds of relationships such as re lexification , whi l st still using the fami ly tree mode l . c ) To apply general deve lopmental principles to the expansion of pidgins and creoles ( some examples are discussed by Sankoff 1979 : 2 3- 4 7 ) . By the use of such strategies the evidence from pidgin and creole devel opment comes to support al legedly-normal principles of language development rather than refuting them . Again , this is understandabl e ; pidginists and creolists have been eager to demonstrate that their languages are normal members of the communi ty of l anguages and hence legitimate topics for l inguistic study . One of the stand­ ard arguments is that these languages are j us t quantitatively di fferent . Pidgins , in part icular , are languages stripped to the bare essential s and hence ideal representatives of human language . A final reason for seeking historical con­ tinuity in pidgins and creoles is their speakers ' desire to trace their linguis­ tic and social roots . Thus , Papuan Police Motu is traced back to an old trade language and renamed Hiri Motu, Cameroonian pidgin English is traced back to early West-African contact languages , and so forth .

TOK PISIN THEROETICAL ISSUES

465

Such are the reasons for seeing pidgin and creole development as a) pro­ ceeding from less complex to more complex systems , and b) taking place within a wel l-defined geographic area and speech community . However , the view that we are dealing with stable communities of speakers and stable patterns of trans­ miss ion can easily be falsi fied if one considers the external conditions whi ch led to the deve lopment of these languages . An important consideration , pointed out by Hal l ( 19 62 : 15 1 ) , is that the very existence of a pidgin is a function of i ts usefulness as a second language : Pidginized languages normally come into exi stence for a spe cific reason , l ast just as long as the situation which called them into bein g , and then go quickly out of use . Only i f the situation changes radically does such a l anguage acquire a longer lease on l i fe and , by becoming creolized , pass over to the status of a ' normal ' language . From this point of view , although even a pidgini zed language is not a true organism , we can speak of pidgins as having ' li fe cycle s ' , and of their being ' inherently weak ' in that , not their l inguistic structure , but their social standing i s normally not hardy enough to enable them to b e used outside of their original context . Put differently , the degree of l inguistic sophistication and the functional scope of a pidgin are highly sensitive to external factors . In view of this , one cannot expect that the deve lopment of a given pidgin wil l always proceed from an initial s imple j argon to a more complex stage and extended pidgin fol­ lowed by e ither l inguistic decl ine or creolisat ion . Instead , within one and the same geographic area , a pidgin can , rapidly , change its linguistic and social nature , becoming useless and hence structurally reduced only to be sub­ sequently revived. One of the most fundamental questions of historical linguistics is : " In what sense i s i t possible for a language to undergo changes of the kind fami liar from the historical gramm ars , and yet remain the same language? " ( Harris 1977 : 1 7 ) . Hi s torical l inguists working with ' normal ' l anguages have chosen either to i gnore the problem or to propose a number of ad hoc solutions , including the appeal to continuity of speech communitie s , inte l ligibi l ity and geographic boundednes s . More recently , those working on the description of l inguistic continua have been able to show that histor ical continuity involves the addition of low level rules to a grammar and that the deve lopment from internal resources can be pictured as a continuum composed of implicat ionally patterned rules . Occasional mention is made of discontinuities between grammars , but most of these di scontinuities are seen to be the result of minor discrepancies be tween the gramma rs of succe ssive generations rather than sudden breaks in a l inguistic tradit ion . That the problem of identity from s tage to stage is of a very dif­ ferent dimension when it comes to the descript ion of pidgins and creoles has been s tated by a number of observe rs , parti cularly concisely by Hoenigswald ( 19 7 1 : 4 7 6 ) :

More than in the case of natural l anguages one expects to run into problems of identity from s tage to s tage . It is di fficult enough to be quite sure , both in theory and in practice , when a given ordinary language is a descendant (under change ) rather than a col late ral relative of a given older language . It has been said that to discover a line of descent is to discriminate what has gotten handed down from mother to in fant ove r the generations from what has

466

P. MUHLHAUSLER

passed through other channel s . I f this is true , the pidgins , with their special mechanism of exclusively secondary trans­ mittal ( ) should indeed be troublesome to place on a family tree . And if it i s further the case that pidgins are typic­ ally born and then again dropped from use in short lived bursts of activity , the whole l inear notion of ' gradual ' change is not even a superficially useful approximation to the truth . Such problems wi l l now be i llustrated with a historical sketch of the deve lopment of Tok Pisin , highlighting disruptions in social and l inguistic patterns . This sketch i s meant to be supplementary to the more detailed accounts of the internal and external historie s of the language given el sewhere in thi s volume .

5.1.3.2

D i scont i n u i t i es i n t h e h i story of Tok P i s i n

The e ar lie st accounts o f pidgin Engl ish in the area of present-day Papua New Guinea date from the 1860s and 1870s when whalers and traders (most of them based in S amoa) entered into brief contacts with the indigenes of New I re land , New Britain and the Duke-of-York Archipelago . The language samples I have obtained suggest a great deal of variation in this Jargon English , i . e . it constituted individual attempts of a smal l number of islanders to communicate with their visitors rather than a socially institutionalised pidgin language . The use of these uns table varieties was dependent on the presence of Europeans . Considering the rapid turnover of personnel and the short average l ife of the trading posts , the l i fe- span of each of these j argons must have been rather limited - a possible exception being the Duke-of-York Archipelago , where there may have been a more gradual transition to a stable pidgin . In any case , most of the earlier j argons had probably disappeared when Germany proclaimed New Guinea a colony and thus laid the foundations for more permanent culture contact . Large -scale contacts between Europeans and New Guineans began around 1880 when increasing numbers of i s l anders were recruited for the German plantations in Samoa. By about 1890 about 1 , 00 0 had been returned from Samoa , bringing with them a better knowledge of European ways and , above all , a stable pidgin , Samoan Plantation Pidgin Engl ish , which they had learnt during their indenture . 'There � indeed a very rapid increase in the number of Pidgin English speakers soon after the incept ion of the Samoan labour trade . Schuchardt ( 1979 : 20 ) reports on a letter written to him by Hernsheim, one of the l eading traders in this area in 1883 : In New Britain, where , according to his information , no native understood any European language some seven years ago , now everyone , particularly the children , speaks the English in question , sometimes quite fluently . He has often heard natives make use of this idiom among themselves when they are talking about �ites or their possessions . A firm pattern of language transmission soon become establishe d . Young men between the ages of 16 and 2 0 went to a plantation , mainly to Samoa before 1 900 and increasingly to plantations in other parts of German New Guinea thereafter . On their return they brought with them a good knowledge of Tok Pisin ( as the stabi l i sed plantation language deserves to be called) , the rudiments of which they taught to the next generation of young men . The social functions of the

TOK PISIN THEORETICAL ISSUES

467

language were equal ly we l l de fined . I t was used primarily as a means of vertical communication between Europeans and Papua New Guineans , and secondarily to talk about European social and economic innovations , particularly those relating to the plantation economy . Hence the name Tok Vaitiman , which was used to refer to Tok Pisin unt i l the mid- 1 9 20 s . The fact that Engi ish was withdrawn a s a target language between 1884 and 1914 had two principal consequences . It greatly sped up the process of stabil­ isat ion of Tok Pisin as a system separate from English and i t led to incipient re lexi fication with Ge rman words . By 1920 up to about 2 5 % of the 1 , 000 word lexi cal inventory was of German origin ( c f . Muhlhausler 1979c : 199-207 ) . Both trends were reversed with the departure of the Germans and their replacement by Australian settlers and administrators . As a result , in those areas where con­ tact with Europeans was most pronounced , Tok Pisin became increasingly anglicised and unstab le , as can be seen from many contemporary complaints , for instance the fol lowing one in the Rabaul Times of 8 November 1935 : Unfortunately , ever s ince the Australian occupation of New Guinea , the correct pidgin-English has been steadily under­ going a process of muti lation and corruption , unti l at this present stage - after ove r twenty years of barbarous treat­ ment - pidgin-English has become a lmost unrecognizable and in many instances is uninte l ligible to the native . At the s ame t ime , in the more i solated rural areas , Tok Pisin became firmly established as an indigenous l ingua franca , experiencing considerable structural and functional expansion . It was used as the medium of intercommunication by speakers of many hundred vernaculars , which , among other things , meant that the role of Tok P isin ' s original substratum language s , the c losely related languages of the Blanche Bay-Duke-of-York and New Ireland area , became increasingly unim­ portan t . The learning age dropped from 18+ to 12 and younger , though the plant­ ations continued to function as the ' high schools ' for lingui stic proficiency in Tok Pisin . As regards i ts social functions , it had developed into a means of expressing all aspects of the newly emerged contact culture , a� characterised in Mead ' s valuable article of 193 1 . Note that Tok Pisin is now referred to as Tok Boi , ' the language of the indigene in European employment ' . The events of the Second World War brought an end to the situation j us t outlined . The breakdown of the Australian admini s tration , the missions and the plantation economy , accompanied by l arge-scale population displacement , led to an almost total disruption of the traditional forms of language transmission . As a result , a whole generation of Papua New Guineans grew up with little or no knowledge of Tok Pisin . Mead ( 1 956 : 3 7 1 ) remarks : These young men in the i r early twenties represent a particu­ l arly difficult problem because the war cut them off from both the continuing teaching they would have received from the Mis s ion and from the ordinary sort of long-term work for the European in which their elders had been schooled . They were just reaching adolescence when the Japanese occupation started , and very few were old enough to do much work for the Americans . Their knowledge of Neo-Melanesian i s inferior to that of the older men and they do not have the same sense of free communication with Europeans which the ir elders learned as work boys . Similar observations are made by Orken ( 1954 : 863) about the Tolai people of the Rabaul-Kokopo area , once the centre for the use of Tok Pi sin :

468

P. MUHLHAUSLER

I have been working in the immediate vicinity of Rabaul and Kokopo for over two years now and I am convinced that what­ ever was the situation pre-war , most of the children and wome n , and a considerable number of young males now have but a rudimentary knowledge of P idgin and consequently use it very sparingly in their village l i fe . The re sumption o f Australian control in 1945 did not mean a return to old pat­ terns . Instead , an ambitious program for the economic and educational progress of the country was pursued . As we ll as an increasing urbanisation and social and geographic mobi lity , these pol icies meant formal instruction in the English language for a l arge number of the population, even in the more remote areas . The result was the deve lopment , at least partly independent of the earlier tradition of Tok Pisin , of a new anglicised variety of the l anguage , a kind of post-pidgin continuum, discussed first by Hall ( 19 5 5b : 9 1- 109 ) . Its main result is the crystalisation of a separate sociolect , Urban pidgin ( c f . MUhlhausler 1979c : 140- 1 5 3 and 2 88-308) , which is only partially intel l igible to speakers of the traditional rural Tok Pisin . The in fluence of Australian English culture and language receded somewhat in the years immediately prior to independence ( 1970 to 1976) . During this period , Tok Pisin was adopted as the l anguage of nationalism and its independence from English was stressed, a fact reflected in the increasing use of the name Tok Pisin . Most recently, yet another s ignificant change has occurred . Instead of becoming a strongly central i sed nation , independent Papua New Guinea i s charac­ teri s ed by strong regional ism , reflected in powerful regional government s . In some areas , Tok Pisin is being superseded by local l ingue franche and Laycock (1982b) predicts social and l inguistic compartmental isation of the language , including i ts structural decline in some areas . Final ly, a few words must be said about creolisation . Contrary to our initial more abstract model , which postulates a steady increase in l inguistic sophi stication in Tok Pisin up to the point of creolisation , one can observe a number o f forces diminishing the achievements of first generation creole speakers . Because even creoli sed Tok Pisin has to be used in an environment of large ly second-language speakers , some of the more drastic changes made by children developing the creole are given up once they have to commun icate in an adult community . In some areas , where the usefulness of first- language Tok Pisin is particularly low , e . g . in the case of Rambutyo Island discussed by Muhlhaus ler ( 19 7 7b : 569) , one can observe considerable regression along the developmental dimension . Creolisation followed by repidginisation is also a recognised force in the development of West African Pidgin English ( c f . Todd 1979) and in many West Indian creoles . Thi s very sketchy survey of the external conditions underlying the struc­ tural deve lopment of Tok Pisin makes it clear that , during a timespan of l ittle more than leO years , we find : a) A number of significant breaks in the composition of the speech commun ity , including the decline in the importance of European speaker s , the severing of l inks with Samoa , the dec line of the plantat ions and compartmentali sation into regional and social varie ties . b) Several changes in the substratum and superstratum languages , including the change from English to German and back to Engl ish,

TOK PISIN THEORETICAL ISSUES

469

the dec line of Tolai and , a fact which I have not discussed in this section , the growing importance of speakers of non-Melanesian languages , in particular H ighlanders . c) A number of changes in the social functions , mainly a development from a master-s ervant language to an indigenous l ingua franca to e ither regional l in gua franca or creole . All these external factors have left traces in the l inguistic development of Tok Pisin and it i s pos s ible to identify at least three qualitatively di fferent and mutually barely intelligible varieties .

5.1.3.3

D i scon t i nu i ty : concl u s i on s

We are led t o conclude that many o f the conventional ideas about l inguistic continuity do not apply to languages such as Tok Pisin . Rather , we find : a) Pidgins and creole s typically develop in the context of social upheaval and population displacement . Although such breaks are perhaps greatest in the initial formative period of pidgins and creole s , and while I agree with Sankoff ( 1979 : 24 ) that " the plantation system is so crucial because it was unique in creating the catastrophic break in lingui stic tradition that is unpara­ le lled " , changes in the external setting can and often do occur repeatedly at different stages of development . b) pidgins and creoles are geographically highly mobile , as they tend to accompany population movements . Label s such as West African Pidgin Engl ish or New Guinea Pidgin Engli sh can therefore be very misleading , since be ing spoken in one geographic locat ion at two different points in time does not warrant the as sumption of his­ torical con tinuity in the case of a pidgin . c) The frequent disruptions of establ ished patterns of transmis sion of pidgins and creoles tend to lead to e ither l anguage replacement or qual i tative changes between different historical s tages . An example is the occurrence of pidginisat ion fol lowed by creolisation fol lowed by repidginisation . d) Observations about the sociohistorical context of pidginisation and creolisation sugge st that an understanding of continuity and discretene ss of the external development of such languages should take methodological precedence over a description of their l in­ guistic deve lopment . e ) As a consequence of ( c ) , one finds that the notion of earlier and later rules underlying the impl icat ional patterns of Baileyan variat ion grammars can only apply to stable sel f-contained periods of development . Implicational scaling can furthermore provide a powerful heuristic tool in that gaps , breaks and reversals of perceived patterns can support the extral inguistic evidence con­ cerning breaks in the continuity of transmiss ion .

4 70

P . MUHLHA USLER

5. 1.4

THE COMPARAT I V E METHOD I N P I DGIN AND CREOLE STU D I E S

5. 1 . 4. 1

I n troduc t i o n

Questions regarding the relationship between various pidgins and creoles , their rel ationship to substratum languages and the reconstruction of proto­ pidgins have occupied a prominent place in pidgin and creole linguistics for a long time . Most workers on these topics employ the comparative method , i . e . they look for systematic corre spondences in the phonological , morphological , syntactic and core-lexical leve l s of pidgins and creoles , and they construct family trees depicting the linguistic (or genetic) interrelat ionships between these language s . Some recent such studies on Pacific pidgins include those o f Clark ( 1 9 7 7 ) and Dutton ( 1980 ) . That many traditional assumptions about l inguistic change do not apply in the case of pidgins and creoles has already been pointed out in this volume ( e . g . in the chapters on internal history ( 2 . 4 ) , and etymologising ( 2 . 6 ) , as well as in the section on discontinuity in the present chapter) . However , in order to give a complete argument some of my previous points will be briefly repeated in the di scus sion which follows . The most important corollary assumptions he ld by those who apply the com­ parative method to pidgins and creoles are , in the words of Hall ( 1966 : 1 1 5 ) : a) that among languages related through having come from a common source , the process of differentiation has always been gradual ; and b) that , among such languages , the relationship has always been ' pure ' , that is , there has been l ittle or no intro­ duction of structural patterns ( ) from any source outside the l anguage family concerned . .

.

•

Hall argue s that such corollaries are too restrictive and that neither gradual­ ness nor structural purity are fully present in pidgins and creole s , a point which is not controversial . He continues to argue , however , that . the family tree mode l is nevertheless applicable to these l anguage s , and this , I fee l , i s highly controversial . I therefore propose t o examine the notion of fami ly trees in the light of Hall ' s defence of the comparative method .

5. 1 .4.2

Fam i l y tree rel a t i ons h i ps

Family trees in everyday life have one surprising property : they allow one to trace back only one of the two sexe s of ancestor s . Thus , whereas it is per­ fectly possible to trace one ' s grandfather ' s grandfather ' s greatgrandfather , it is very difficult , if not impossible , to do the same for one ' s grandmother ' s grandmothe r ' s greatgrandmother . In other word s , fami ly trees are cultural interpretations or artifacts rather than obj ective mirrors of reality (particu­ l arly s ince biological fatherhood is much more di fficult to prove than biological motherhood) . Family tree model s of l anguages are simi larly selective . It is assumed that languages typically deve lop by diffusion , more particularly inheritance , which means diffusion from one generation to anothe r . Accordingly , later l anguages are traced back to one s ingle earlier l anguage directly higher up in a fami ly tree , which in turn is traced back to a single node , unti l the presumed ancestral l anguage is reached . The familiar form of the family tree mode l thus is as follows :

TOK PISIN THEORETICAL ISSUES

471

The applicability of such a family tree model t o pidgins and creoles i s defended by Hall ( 1 966 : 1 1 7 ff) as follows : But even though all languages are ' mixed ' , some - to para­ phrase Orwel l ' s famous expression - are more ' mixed ' than others . We are left with the quest ion whether , in fact , the more mixed languages are so mixed as to invalidate the assumption of genetic relationship , particularly as applied to languages of whose hi story we have no detailed knowledge . In theory , a language might conceivably combine elements from two or more sources so that they were perfectly evenly balanced and so that they would be , therefore , unclassifiable according to our customary assumpt ion . Yet , in practice , such a condition of perfect balance is never found - not even in any of the pidgins and creoles that have been in­ vest igated in more detail than say , Schuchardt or Jespersen were able to do , and not even with their ( admittedly exten­ sive) carry-overs , in structure as well as vocabulary , from Chinese , Melane sian , African , or other substrata . In Haitian Creole , the proportion of French structure is both greater and more fundamental than that of African-type structure ; and the same is true of Chinese Pidgin English , Neo-Melanesian , Sranan , Gullah , etc . , in relation to English and the various substrata involved . and ( p . 1l8) Even with the data available a t present , it i s evident that the ancestral form of any given group of related pidgins and creoles can be reconstructed , using the accepted te chniques of comparative l inguistics , and that the ' proto-pidgin ' which we reconstruct in this way shows a reasonable correspondence to certain features of the ' source ' language which we already know from other materials .

472

P . MUHLHA USLER

An actual tree illustrating these views is given by Hall ( 1961 : 414)

PROTO-PIDGIN ENGLISH ( 17 th century Engli sh)

�

Chinese

\

American Indian PE

We st Afri can languages

�

languages

.

Australian PE

Central Atlant �c PE

�1

/ � Caribbean Negro

We st African PE

New zea l nd PE

PE

GU

Neo-Me lanesian

j�

�

�

Melanesian PE

Indian Creoles

British Solomon I s lands PE

Taki-Taki

A more detailed tree of pidgin Engl i sh in the Pacific , taking into consideration some of the complex interrelationships between Melanesian and other varieties of P idgin Engl i sh is given by Clark ( 1 980 : 48 ) : 1800

1820

1840

1860

1800

1900

I -, -------r ---------- Pitcairn

1 I

?Nautical Jargon

'------ Nor folk

1

r------.---,- Australian PE Roper River Creole Cape York Creole SSJ

r------H""WE

P-r-----r--

EM

New Hebrides Pidgin Solomon I s l ands Pidgin

SPP------ New Guinea Pidgin '----- Ngatik Men ' s Language r------ Hawaiian English

China Coast PE SSJ SWE EMP

'------L- China Coast Pidgin

South Seas Jargon ( Polynesia and Micronesia ) Sandalwood English (New Caledon i a , Loyalty I s l ands , New Hebrides) Early Me lanesian Pidgin (New Hebrides , Solomon Islands , Queens land , Fiji) SPP Samoan P l antat ion Pidgin ( For the sake of simpl icity , the positions o f vernacular languages have =

=

not been shown . )

H i sto r i ca l re l a t i ons i nd i cated by compara t i ve a n d documentary ev i dence

TOK PISIN THEORETICAL ISSUES

473

While such family trees appear neat and possess a certain plausibility , I feel that they are grossly misleading . The principal task of those who wish to find out about pidgin origins and relationships would seem to be to discover whether features are shared because of : a) b) c) d) e)

common historical links identical lexifier language s ( genetical ly closely related) substratum languages universal principles of pidgin development accidental factors .

It is a wel l-known fact that shared l inks with Engl i sh pose many special problems . For instance , they necessitate the deve lopment of a special set of lexical items for comparative purposes which bears l ittle s imilarity to the Swadesh list com­ monly used in comparative work . The l i st of lexical and grammatical features used by Clark ( 1980 ) looks as follows : Solomons

New Hebrides

Cape York

01 01 0 1 sem o l geta

0 1 sem o l keta

01 01 o l sem o l geta

l on g bin b i l on g b u 1 ma kau ( b a ( j ) m) ba i k i s- i m - pe 1 a - pe 1 a gat

1 0 ( n g (0) ) bin b 1 0n g b u 1 uma ka u baebae ka s - em - fa 1 a - fa 1 a ga r-em

l ong bin b 1 0n g b u 1 ama kao b ambae ka s - em - fa 1 a - fa 1 a ga t

01 01 o l se i m o l geta 1 0 ( ng ) , l a 1 0 ( ng ) , l a b i (n) b 1 0 ( n g) , b 1 a ( b u 1 1 ama cow) ba i mba i kech- i m

- im ka i ka i ki 1 - im

- i m , - em , -m ka i ka i ki 1 - im

- i m , - um , - em kakae ki 1- im

New Guinea aU l aU 2 a U same a U together along l along2 been be long bul lamacow by and by catch fe Uow l fe Uow 2 got he him kaikai kiU man bush piccaninny pigeon p lenty savvy something stop suppose too much what name where you me

+

pikinini pisin p 1 an t i , p 1 en t i s a ve samt i ng stap s ( a ) pos t uma s wanem yumi

+

pikinini pisin p 1 a n de s a ve samt i ng s ta p s a pos t uma s wanem wea yumi

+

pikinini pijin p l a n te save samt i ng s tap s i pos t uma s wa n em we yumi

- pe 1 a ga t i - i (m) ka i ka i p i kan i n i ( p i geon) p 1 en t i sav i s tap ( s uppose) t umach wan i m wee y um i

( continued overleaf)

4 74

P . MUHLHA USLER

Roper River all l all2 a l l same a l l together along l along 2 been be long bullamacow by and by catch fe l low l fe l low2 got he him kaikai ki l l man bush piccaninny pigeon p lenty savvy something s top suppose too much what name where y o u me

Norfolk

Hawaiian

China Coast

al 0:

l a ( nga) l a ( n ga) bin b l a (nga) baymbay gej - i m - ba l a - ( m) ba l a gat

r

se : m

bl) ( f) a

6 1 s em ( bl))

bIn

bin

bembea

ba i mba i ( ca t c h ) ( f e l l ow)

baj mbaj kaleI ( - fe l a )

gAt

got t , ga t to

l alv gat

- i m , - um ka i ka i 9i 1 -im

( b ( a ) 1 61))

( - am)

biginini j ab i buj i , b ufi i d umaj ( i ) wan i m , wa nem (weya) yunmi

p l e n t e , p l aln t e

sapos ( e n ) tu

p u ren t i : sabe

p l en t I SalvI

s topp sapo : z to : mace

s tap sapos tumaeI

D i stri b u t i o n o f compara t i ve features While C l ark avoids the problems associated with points a-c and e , he has consid­ erable problems with universals of pidgin deve lopment , as he himself acknowledges . These difficulties are enhanced by the insufficient attention he gives to changes over time and the time dimension in general . Let us look at the problem in more detail in relation to two particular items : a ) the pluraliser a l l ( 0 1 ) and the relativiser where (we) . Clark ' s discussion of all ( 1980 : 46-47) is more satis­ factory as some hi storical in formation i s given . He suggests that the plural marker all 2 is derived from an earlier third person plural pronoun a l l i . A l l 2 is not documented for Australia and the Solomons . Later , Clark sugge sts a complication arising from the fact that the plurali ser all is documented before the third person plural pronoun a l l ( p . 4 7 ) : An equal ly difficult and related problem is the relation between all l ' all 2 and all together. I f a l l was in fact in use as a pluralize r as early as the sandalwood period , it cannot very we l l have derived from the pronominal all as suggested earl ier . I f anythin g , the opposite direction would be indicated . Moreover , a l l together as plural pronoun considerably antedates a l l l :

( 5 6)

[ European speaker , New Hebride s , 187 7 ] ' suppose you let him some boy go along a Queensland , we buy

TOK PISIN THEORETICAL ISSUES

475

him altogethe r , my word , good fel low . ' ( Giles 196 8 : 41n . ) ( 5 7 ) [ Solomons , 1884 ] ' What for Government Agent no let boat ' s crew help ' em boy s , when altogether want go Queensland? ' ( Rannie 1912 : 46) Such examples weigh against the earli�r suggestion that all was the original pronoun and the N H and S I a l l together an innovation . But these problems can only be c larified by a more detailed study of records after 1885 . Such a study has been carried out by Muhlhausler ( l9 81a) , which included addi­ tional evidence from Papuan Pidgin Engli sh and Queensland Kanaka English . From my data some interesting findings emerge : a) It appears that virtually all the pidgins under investigation have encoded the plural marker by means of a l l 2 at some point in their deve lopment . Papuan Pidgin Engli sh exhibits this feature in the data before 1890 but in l ater texts o l t ugeta is used instead . Torres Straits Pidgin ( c losely related to Clark ' s Cape York Pidgin) , on the other hand , began with o l t ugeta in the 1890s and only deve loped an 01 plural in the 1970s . A static comparison of present-day Torres Straits Pidgin ( Broken) or Cape York Pidgin with Tok Pisin data would seem to wrongly suggest a shared lin­ gui stic tradition. b) In Tok Pisin ' s predece ssor Samoan plantation Pidgin nominal plurals were s ignalled variably ( i f at a l l ) by means of p l en t i , a l l 2 and o l tuge t a , though it appears that 0 1 was in the process of replacing the other possibilitie s . I feel that s imilar variability was also of importance in other varieties of Pidgin English such as appear in Clark ' s table . The selection of one or the other variant as typical and hence a basis for comparison is l ike ly to seriously affect the results of a comparative analysis . c) In Tok Pi sin before 1920 all three plural isers found in Samoan Plantation Pidgin are also encountered . In addition , - fe l a is used as a pluraliser with noun s and pronouns . There are also indications that the distinction between 0 1 ( a l l 2 ) and o l t uge t a was occasionally used to distin guish a paucal ( i . e . referring to a few) from a plural meaning ( c f . Brenninkmeyer 1924) . d) There are considerable regional variations within languages such as Biche lamar . These differences may re flect diffe rential patterns in the recruiting to the main plantation centres of the area . e) The reasons for choosing a l l 2 appear to be manifold . They include borrowing from prestige varieties (possibly Torres Straits pidgin from Tok Pisin) , continuation of established traditions ( shared ' drift ' of SPP and Tok pisin) , independent innovations ( Papuan Pidgin English?) and possibly phonological condensation of o l t u ge t a . f) It appears that there are a l imited number of sources for plural­ isers which are in agreement with universals expansion patterns for pidgins ( the use of plural affixes found in the superstratum languages is not one of them) . All of them are tried in a l l the recorded pidgin s , though only one of them tends to get selected in each variety . The selection may be determined by sociological and other external factors .

476

P . MUHLHAUSLER

Given the lack of uni formity and continuity in plural marking and its trans­ mis sion , the appli cabil ity of the comparative method is in grave doubt . This also goes for the next feature , the relativiser we ( from English where ) . There are a number of factual additions on this item: a) As pointed out by Clark ( 1980 : 18 ) it is also found in Krio, Cameroons pidgin , Jamaican Creole (we) and Gu llah ( �e) . In fac t , this was taken by Todd ( 1 979 ) as strong evidence in favour of a shared history of Krio and Cameroon pidgin English . b ) Contrary t o what i s sugge sted by Clark ' s table , the relativiser we is also documented for Tok Pisin , though it is a recent deve lopment and not found in all areas . c) The presence of we in Torres Straits Pidgin is very recent . Whereas Dutton ( 19 7 0 ) could obtain no relativisers in spite of e l icitation and a considerable corpus of text s , I had no problems in eliciting a re lativiser we in 1978 . It does not appear that it was borrowed from any of the surrounding pidgins . These findings again suggest that the comparative method wil l give very mis­ leading results as to the shared hi story of a number of pidgins and creoles . I t would seem that its reliability in the morphosyntactic area is very low indeed , and that any attempt to con struct family tree s on the basis of such evidence is misguided . However , it does seem worthwhile to carry out a different type of compar­ ative pidgin l inguistics , name ly the sequence in which grammaticalisation occurs . Thus , i t would be interesting confirmation of the hypothesis that pidgins expand by fol lowing a universal program of grammaticalisation i f the sequence in which we emerged as a relativiser in Tok Pisin ( first in locative contexts as in p I e s we em i s t ap the p lace where she lived , then in temporal ones as in t a i m we em i kamap the t ime at which he arrived, and finally in all other contexts , such as p i k i n i n i we i pundaun the child who fe l l down) was the same in other pidgins . Even the more restrictive goal of con structing family trees on purely lexical evidence cannot be achieved, unless the nature of the resulting trees is changed very drastically . The two most important changes would be : a) To acknowledge that there is only partial continuity in the devel­ opment of pidgins and that therefore a different ' fami ly tree ' is required at each point of pidgin deve lopment . b) To abandon any attempt to trace back pidgins to a s ingle ance stor . As I have shown in the chapter on etymologi sing , the lexicon of a language such as Tok Pisin can be very mixed . I f we apply these two principles to the construction of ' family trees ' for Tok pisin , we may get something like this : --------.�

direct l inguistic influence � indirect or weak l inguistic influence � mutual in fluence between varieties Tok Pi sin ( New Guinea pidgin Engli sh) Samoan Plantation pidgin English

-------

•

TP SPP

=

=

TOK PISIN THEORETICAL ISSUES

477

Chinese Pidgin En gl i sh I I

-t

Queensland

A-

--

Jargon Eng l i sh ' " ...... .... , " -.. .......

-

sa .oan � /

" .......

.. , ,, Caledonian ' '' "

..... " / s arntan Plantation / " '...- Plantation Pidgin Engl i sh ;_ _ - - " �idgin English Tolai and ; ' /re lated - _ .., / / ', languages .... f' 11/ / Strai ts Solornon I s lands " New Guinea / En gl i sh I pidgin English Tok P i s in

P l antation

-

Papuan pidgin ���

En g l i sh

/
ee g i aman lie g ra u n gr>ound g u t pe l a good ha r i m hear> he l p i m he lp husat who k i s im take l on g to, at o l geta all 01 sem like o ra i t O . K. pa i n i m look for> pinis finished p l an t i p lenty p I es vil lage p re t afr>aid samt i n g thing s a pos if know save tasol only t umas ver>y wa nem what wan ta i m with wara water> yu you

on top a re r e b i g fe l o b i l o ng b i ha i n d d i s fe l o d i va i gamon g ra un d g u d fe l o hi rim hel pim h u s et k i ch i m l on g o l geder 01 s em o ra i t f i a nd i m f i n i sh p l en t i p I es f red samt i n g s u pos s a ve tasol t umas wot nem wan t a i m wa t e r yu

a ntap harere b i kpe l a be l on g b i ha i n despe l a d i va i g i j aman 9 i raon g u t pe l a har i m ha l i p i m husat k i s im l on g o l ogeta o l os em 0 1 ra i t pa i n i m pinis pa l an t i pe l es po r e t samt i ng sopos sa be tasol t umas vonem vanta i m va ra ju

1 2 3 4

3 Methodist ( Rabau1 ) 1936

4 Lutheran ( Madang) 1938

on top

a n t ap

b i q fe 1 a b i l og b i a i nd d i s fe l a d i wa i qama n q ra un q u d fe l a hirim hel p i m u s da t kes i m a l og o l t uq e t a 0 1 s em 0 1 ra i t fa i nd i m finis p l ent i pI es f red samt i g s u pos sav i daso l t uma t s wa t n em

b i g fe l a be l or) b i ha i n

wo ta iu

geman geraun h a rem h e l pem husat l Or) o l getta 0 1 s em

p l an t i f red samt i r) sawe tasol t umas wa n em won ta i m ju

Frend bilong Mi Katol ik : B uk long Tok Pi tsin A Methodi s t hymn book and catechism in Pidjin Engl i sh Si r) S i r) buk

Fi g u re 1 : Compari s on of s pe l l i ng from four m i s s i on pu b l i cat i on s

519

5 20

JEFF SIEGEL

6.3.1.2

Worl d War I I

written Tok Pisin was first used for mass communication when World War I I struck New Guine a . Mi l l ions of propaganda l eaflets written i n Tok Pisin were dropped all over New Guinea by both the Al lies and the Japanese (Muhlhausler 1979c : 95 ) . Because of the educational efforts of the missions prior to the war , many peopl e could read these leaflets . But during the war many more people were exposed to written Tok Pi sin than had been befor e . Furthermore , the war was the first time that the written l anguage was used extensively for communica­ tion outside religious sphere s . The leaflets used a variety o f orthographies , some based on those of the mis s ions as i llustrated in Figure 1 , others mixtures . Here are two examples from the Al lies ( from McDonald, ed. 1976b) :

( 2 ) MAN B l lONG l l Kl l K B U KA NAU B I K BUKA

Y u ha r i m tok b i l on g guvmen . Yu save , d i s fe l o Japan i m i no ma s t a i o l s em kanaka . s a ve wok i m po i s on . 0 1 i l a i k bake r u p i m y u fe l o .

1 m tu

1 m i l a i k raus i m o l g e t e r s t ron fe l o man n a u g i f i m b e l l ong 0 1 me r i n a u s u s a b i l on g y u . O l sem beha i n n a u o l ge t e r g i raun n a u coco n u s n a u s a k s a k i b i l on g p i ka n i n i b i l on g J a p a n . . . [ PEOPLE OF SMALL BUKA AND BIG BUKA Listen to what the government says. You know this Japanese is not like the whitemenJ but like natives. He a lso knows sorcery . He wants to harm you a l l . H e wants t o get rid of al l the strong men and get your wives and sisters pregnant . Thus J a l l land and coconuts an d sago wi l l be long to their chi ldren . 1 (3)

Nau daso l b i kpapa ba l u s b i l og i um i i q a t po r i n s i n i qo l og Ka v i eng n a pa i n i m ma n ua b i l og l a pan i s tap l og pas i s . 0 1 man ua i l a ek s u t i m ba l u s b i l og i um i das o l i no i na p . 0 1 i po rpa i a n a t i g . . . [ Just now our four-engine planes went to Kavieng to get the Japanese warships which were in the passage . The warships tried to shoot down our planesJ but they couldn ' t . They missed . . . 1

The following is an extract from a leaflet dropped by the Japanese ( McDonald, ed. 1976b) : ( 4 ) TO KTOK lONG O l GETA MAN

l O N G TA I M BOlONG N I PPON T E N N O - H E I KA ( n a i m b o l ong b i kpa l a K i ng b o l ong N i ppon ) em i b i kpa l a K i ng b o l ong o l geta pe l e s bo l ong l apan , em i ga t g u t pa l a t i n gt i ng n a s o r i t uma s l on g i upa l a o l geta l ong d i s pa l a pe l es l on g 0 1 pa s i n b i l ong 0 1 I n g i l i s na 0 1 Ame r i ka . Na u em K i ng bo l on g N i ppon i s a l i m 0 1 Manovo na 0 1 s o l d i a bo l on g en i kam l on g d i s pa l a pe l es b o l ong i u pa l a , l on g t i kue i u pa l a l ong pas i n nogut 0 1 me k i m l on g i u pa l a . . .

TOK PISIN IN THE MASS MEDIA

521

[ ANNOUNCEMENT TO ALL PEOPLE. IN THE REIGN OF NIPPON TENNO-HEIKA ( t he name o f the emperor o f Nippon) , the of aU Japan, sends good tidings and is very sorry for the English and the Ameriaans have done to you of this Now the emperor is sending a warship and so ldiers here you away from the evi ls they are doing to you. ]

6.3.1.3

emperor what p laae . to take

T h e postwa r peri od

The e f fectiveness o f the use of Tok Pisin in written mass communicat ion during the war was re ali sed by education and administration official s . Thus , after the war , they started the first Tok P isin newspaper s . The most important of these were the Rabaul News ( 1946-4 9 ) and the Lae Garamut ( 1 94 7-56 ) . Others were the shorter-l ived Lagasai ( Kavieng 1947-48 ) , Buka News ( 1948-49 ) , Madang Ma ta u ( ca . 1948 and 1 9 5 2 ) and Wewak News ( ca . 1948) . They were all mimeographed weekl i e s . The content of these newspapers was clearly intended for indigenous speakers of Tok Pisin rather than for Europeans , as is evident �n this passage from Lagasai ( 1 3/3/1948 : 3 ) : (5)

I b i n gat t raba l i kamap Ka v i en g l on g 0 1 n e i t i vs i s a ve ron n a b a u t l on g w i l i -w i l i n s a i d l on g taon , n a o l i no s a ve l uka u t o r fas i m gud l a p- l a p b i l ong 0 1 . T i nk t i n k g u t b i ha i n l ong fa s i m gud l a p- l a p b i l on g i u s a pos i u l a i k ron l on g w i l i -w i l i n sa i d l ong taon l on g Ka v i e n g .

[ There has been some troub le in Kavieng with natives riding biayales in town and not being aareful to put on their loinaloths we l l . From now on remember to make sure your loinaloth is on seaure ly if you want to ride a biayale in Kavieng town. ] Although the c irculation of these newspapers was not very high , the content reached many people . Baker ( 1 953 : 196) describes the s ituat ion for the Rabaul News as follows : At the beginning of 1950 , about 950 copies of the paper were being brought out each Friday night - on a Gestetner . The reading pUbl ic of these 950 copi es was estimated at " at least e i ghty thousand" . An Admini stration o f fi cer told me , " I myself have seen natives in outlying di stricts gather ing in the hundreds to hear one man reading from a single copy . " Howeve r , the newspapers used many English words and English spel l ings of Tok P isin words ( see Hall 1 9 5 5b : 9 6 ) . According to Muhlhausler ( 1979g : 12 ) this re flected a policy of trying to gradually change Tok Pisin to Engli sh by intro­ ducing an increasing number of Engl ish words . It may also reflect the lack of standardised spe l l ing systems . The use of Engl ish i s evident in the following two examp l e s . The first is from the Rabaul News ( XI , 1 2 : 1 ) : (6)

B i l ong h a r i m 0 1 cho i r s l ong Sem i - f i na l [ go ] l ong hap b i l ong Counc i l yet , n a ba i mba i K i a p i ken mak i m o l s em t i r i ( 3 ) pe l a Adj ud i c a t o r s b i l on g go h a r i m 0 1 , n a 0 1 i ken ma k i m 0 1 d e s pe l a c ho i r s b i l ong go kamap l on g f i na l o r l as t raun b i l on g cho i r compet i t i on .

522

JEFF SIEGEL

[ In order to hear the choirs chambers, and the government cators to go listen to them, wi l l go into the fina l round

in the semi-fina l, go to the counci l officer wi l l choose three adjudi­ and they wi l l choose the choirs who of the choir competition. ]

The second example i s from the Madang Matau ( I , 1 : 3 [ 19 52 ] ) :

( 7)

Co l on e l M u r ray i l u k i m pa l an t i n a t i veman , l u l ua i s , na coun s i l ma n b i l on g pa l an t i pe l e s i s t op c l os et u . [ Co lonel MUrray has seen many natives, chiefs, and counci lmen from many nearby vi l lages . ]

Furthermore , the di fferent newspapers that did try to fol low a standard Tok Pisin orthography st i l l used dif ferent systems , as i l lustrated in Figure 2 . National standardisat ion did not occur until late r .

b i kpe l a d i s pe l a d i wa i g ra u n g u t pe l a he l p i m husat k i rap kisim pa i n i m pa i t i m p l an t i p I es pret s a pos wanem yu

big this tree ground good help who start take look for strike plenty vil lage afraid if what you

Lagasai

Lae Garamut

Rabaul News

b i g fa l a d e s fe l a d i wa i g i raon g ud fa l a ha l aw i m usat k i rap kes i m fa i n i m fa i t i m p l an d i plei s f re t s a pos wanem iu

b i gpe l a d i s pe l a d i va i g i raon g ud pe l a (h) a l i v im husat gerap kes i m pa i n i m fa i t i m pa l a n t i pe l es po ret s a pos onem yu

b i g pe l a d i s pe l a d i wa i g i raun g u d pe l a (h) a l i v i m h usat g e ra p kes i m pa i n i m pa i t i m p l an d i pleis fa ret sopos wanem yu

F i g u re 2 : Examp l es o f spel l i ng from postwar news papers , 1948

6.3.1.4

Stand a rd i s a t i o n

In 1 9 5 5 the first attempt was made t o standardise the l anguage o n the national level to avoid variations exempli fied in the examples and figures above . The standardisation process is described in detail by Mihalic ( 19 7 5 ) , Wurm ( 1975 and this volume ) , and Wurm , Muhlhausler and Laycock ( 19 7 7 ) . But even though the proposed standard orthography was acce ssible in the o fficial Department o f Education ( 19 56) publication and i n Mihalic ' s ( 19 5 7 ) Grammar and di ctionary of Neo-Melanesian , it was still not used consistently in the printed media. All the regional postwar newspapers had ceased publ ication by 1959 , but they were superseded by other newspapers which were printed rather than mimeographed , and more widely di stributed . The first was the Tok Pi sin version of Our News cal led Ni us bilong Yumi . It was put out by the Department o f Information and

TOK PISIN IN THE MASS MEDIA

523

Extension Services from 1959 t o 1982 . However , this government publication , a s we l l as others , did not adhere t o the newly proposed standard orthography ( see Wurm , this volume ( 2 . 5» . Another newspaper printed in tabloid form appeared in 1960 . This was the Pi dgin English News , the weekly supplement to the Lae New Guinea Times-Courier . In 1962 it became the Nu Gini Toktok which continued unti l 1970 . At that t ime it had a circulation of over 5000 , and was widely distributed throughout the New Guinea region . Unlike the government publication s , this newspaper tried to fol l ow the proposed standard orthography , although at times it did use some anglicised spe l ling and vocabulary . The Pidgin English News and Nu Gini Toktok contain examples of what have emerged as features of contemporary Media Tok Pisin : extensive use of b i n as a past tense marker and use of h us a t as a relative pronoun ( see section 6 . 3 . 2 . 1 ) . For example : ( 8 ) M i s t a Kapena i tok se em i b i n

l uk i m p l en t i Hanuabada i d r i n k wa n t a i m n a rape l a p i pa l b i l on g a ra pe l a v i l i s

Mr Kapena said he has seen many Hanuabadans drinking with people from other vi l lages.

( 4/10/1962 : 13 )

( 9 ) We l fea o f i s a M r G u t h r i e , h u s a t

i b i n l uka u t i m wok b i l ong we l fea l on g S ep i k n a Wewa k

. ( 4/10/1962 : 1 3 ) .

.

We lfare officer Mr Guthrie, who looked after welfare in the Sepik and wewak . . .

Note , however , the use of tok s e to introduce quotations which is no longer found in the mas s media . Another now uncommon usage i s that o f ba i mba i a s the future marker . I t was used in the Pi dgin Engli sh News but was l ater replaced with its reduced form ba i in the Nu Gini Toktok . ( 10 ) Na t a i m m i t u pe l a i kam bek ba i m­

b a i m i l u s i m M i s i e l l on g B r i s b a ne na m i wanpe l a t a s o l ba i mba i i go ken l ong Rabau l .

When we come back, I ' l l leave Misie l in Brisbane and I ' l l go to return to Rabau l a lone .

( 26/4/1961 : 1 )

In 196 2 , another periodical began publicat ion using the s tandard orthography . Thi s was the monthly church magazine , the New Guinea Lu theran , from Madang . It is still be ing published , but has been the Niugini Luteran since 1974 . This periodical made use of a modified standard orthography which was later used for the Tok Pi sin translation of the New Te stament , publ ished in 1968. This ortho­ graphy was subsequently adopted by a l l religious organisations in the country , but not by the government . Other Tok Pisin periodicals which started in the 1960s were Wastaua ( 19 6 3 ) , a monthly Tok Pisin version of the Jehovah ' s Witnesses publication The Watchtower , and th e weekly Uni ted Na tions Ni us na Nots long Tok Pisin ( 1967 ) , put out by the U . N . In formation Centre for papua New Guinea , Port Moresby . Periodicals which combined English and Tok Pisin material were Kumul ( 1966 ) , quarterly, Police Association of Papua and New Guinea ; Bougainville Copper Bull etin ( 19 6 7 ) , bi­ monthly ; Kundu ( 1968) , monthly , Catholic Press , Vunapope ; and Nius l ong Gavman bilong A ustralia ( 1969 ) , quarterly , Department o f External Territories , Canberra .

524

JEFF SIEGEL

6.3.1.5

The peri od s i nce 1 9 70

The new decade saw the end of the Nu Gini Toktok but the estab l ishment of two other widely distributed newspapers using Tok pisin , both of which are sti l l running. One i s the politi cal party newspaper , Pangu Pati Nius . The other is the more important Wan tok , then publ ished fortnightly , now weekly , with a c ir­ culation of over 10 , 000 . The importance of thi s pub lication is summed up in its style book , Stai l buk bilong Wantok Ni uspepa ( n . d . : 2 ) : It is imperative for us at wantok to write and spe l l correct Tok pisin because unofficially w e are considered the norm for usage and spel ling throughout the country . Whether we like it or not , we are setting the standards for Tok Pisin writing , simply because no one else writes and prints as much material as we do in Tok Pisin . And what we write is spread all over the country . section 6 . 3 . 2 contains examples of writing from Wantok and a further description of i ts pol icies .

6.3.1.6

Tok P i s i n i n rad i o b roadcas t i ng

The f irst radio broadcasts in Tok Pisin were made during World War I I in 1 944 from a station set up by the Allies in Port Moresby . Unt i l the end of the war , there were approximate ly one and a half hours a day of broadcasts for the indigenous people of Papua New Guinea ( Toogood 1978 : 28 5 ) . After the war in 1946 , the Australian Broadcasting Commission (ABC) started the Port Moresby station , 9PA . However , Tok Pisin was used only for news broad­ casts twice a day . Programs aimed at Papua New Guineans were general ly in simple English, prepared by the Department of Education . In 1956 , responsibility for these programs was taken over by the Social Deve lopment Branch of the Department of Native Affairs . At that time there were s t i l l only a l i tt l e more than seven hours a week of broadcasting meant for Papua New Guineans . Of this time , 30 per cent was in Tok pisin , 30 per cent in Hiri Motu , 16 per cent in English, and the rest in various indigenous l anguages ( Mackay 1976 : 13 - 1 4 ) . The number of hours of broadcasting in Tok Pisin increased with the e stab­ l ishment of district short wave stations . The first at Rabaul began operating in 196 1 , and others soon fol lowed ( see Figure 3 ) . By 1973 there were stations in 12 di stricts and approximately 7 5 , 000 radio receivers in the country ( Toogood 1 9 7 8 : 2 87 ) . The daily l i stening audience was approximately 34 0 , 000 ( Mackay 1976 : 16 5 ) . In De cember 19 7 3 , the National Broadcasting Commis sion ( NBC) was estab l ishe d , paving the way for more Papua New Guinean programmers and announcers , and more use of Tok Pi sin , especially on the district leve l . Today Tok Pisin is heard extensively on 15 of the 19 provincial radio stations . Nine of these broadcast in Tok Pisin almost exclusive l y . Five use Tok P is in along with various indigenous languages . One uses it in addition to English and Hiri Motu ( see Figure 3 ) . Although English remains the main l anguage of the national service , Tok Pisin is used not only in news broadcast s , but a l so in some interviews and adve rti sements . It can also be heard in the broadcasts of parl iamentary debate s and sporting events .

TOK PISIN IN THE MASS MEDIA

Province

location

Central Chimbu East New Britain East Sepik Eastern H i ghlands Enga Gul f Madang Manus Mi lne Bay Morobe New Ireland North Solomons Northern Southern H i ghl ands west New Britain West Sepik Western we stern Highlands

P . Moresby Kundiawa Rabaul Wewak Goroka Wabag Kerema Madang Lorengau Alotau * * Lae Kavieng Kieta Popondetta Mendi Kimbe Vanimo Daru Mt . Hagen

year started 1973 1973 1961 1963 1971 1977 1964 1971 19 75 1972 1971 1973 1 968 1972 1973 1973 1976 1965 1966

525

l anguages used * TP TP TP TP TP TP TP TP TP TP TP TP TP TP TP

E

HM LL

HM E

HM

E

HM

E

HM

LL LL

LL LL

LL

*TP Tok pisin , E English , HM Hiri Motu , LL Local indig­ enous l anguages . Note : LL are used by more stations now than in 1975 . * *The Milne Bay station was previously at Samara i , est . 196 7 . =

=

=

=

F i gure 3 : Pro v i nc i a l rad i o sta t i ons (based o n Mackay 1976 : 167-175)

6 .3 . 2

THE L I NGUI ST I C FEATURES O F CONTEMPORARY ME D I A TOK P I S I N

This section describes the l inguistic features o f the variety o f Tok Pi sin used in the mass media ( MTP ) . I t shows how some o f these features represent an innovative force on the language as a whole , while others represent a conservative force . It a l so looks at the influence of English .

6.3.2.1

T h e i nnovat i ve s i de o f Med i a Tok P i s i n

Many o f the distinctive features o f MTP , in comparison with spoken varieties , can be attributed to differences between oral ( face to face) communication and mass communication in general ( see S iegel 1981 and Akinnaso 1982) . The language used in mass communication must be more explicit because of the lack of inform­ ation communicated by aural and visual cues in face to face communication . For examp l e , in both writing and broadcasting visual cue s such as gestures , facial expressions , posture , and distance are missing . And in writing prosodic cues such as intonation and pitch are lacking . Furthermore , because of the distance involved in mass communicat ion , it cannot rely on information from famil i ar set­ ting or shared cultural knowledge of speakers and l i steners . This explicitness come s through a wider vocabulary and increased grammatical complexity .

526

JEFF SIEGEL

Such lexical and gramma tical expansion , however , has also been reported for creoli sed varieties of Tok Pi sin , for example , in Muhlhausler 1977b and Sankoff 1977a . Thus , it is not always easy to distinguish innovations of the mass media from those of creolisation . One feature of MTP , however , that does clearly distinguish it from other varieties is the frequent use of long complex sentences . While most writing in Tok P i sin has avoided such complexity, MTP , especially in wantok , has not . Here is an example : ( 1 1 ) P r i m i a And r ew Kombon i b i l ong Wes

Se p i k i b i n tok , b i ha i n l on g l u k l u k raun b i l on g 0 1 l on g 0 1 b o da deve l opmen p rojek ba i 0 1 b r i n g i m kama p s ampe l a l o ng 0 1 s a m t i ng ya 0 1 i t i ng i b i kpe 1 a t r u l on g a i b i l ong ga vman na p i pe l b i l on g Papua N i ug i n i l ong t a i m 01 i ho I im b i kpe l a k i b u n g b i l on g o l geta p r i m i a l ong i n sa i t l ong Papua N i ug i n i l on g Had ang l on g Hun H e l on g d i s pe l a y i a yet .

West Sepik Premier Andrew Komboni said, after their tour of deve l­ opment projects along the border, tr�t they would bring up some of these issues which they think are important to the govePnment and people of Papua New Guinea when they hold the Premiers ' Conference in Madang in May this year.

( 466 : 2 )

Another distinct feature of MTP is the frequent use of two optional sub­ ordinate c l ause markers : the relative pronouns h u s a t and we . In other written Tok Pisin and in uncreoli sed spoken varieties , clauses postmodi fying a NP are gene rally unmarked , as in the following example s : ( 12 )

I g a t p l an t i mama i no b i h a i n i m pas i n t umbuna .

(233: 7)

( 1 3 ) H i s ave d i spe l a p I es y u go

1 ongen .

( 19 7 3 : 1 3 9 )

There are a lot of mothers who don ' t fo l low tradition . I know [ the p lace ] where you 're going.

In MTP h u s a t who is used as a relative pronoun to introduce the relative c l ause modifying the NP head which is the sub j ect of the embedded sentence . Some examples are : ( 14 ) Nau P N G i ga t Gavana J e n e ra l ,

S i r To re Loko l oko , h u s a t i mak i m kw i n i n sa i t l ong PN G .

( 4 39 : 2 )

Now PNG has the Governor General, Sir Tore Loko loko, who represents the queen in PNG.

( 1 5 ) 0 1 man h us a t i g a t d i spe l a s i k

Men LJho are suffering from a lcoho l­ ism can ring A lcoho lics Anonymous in Port Moresby . . .

( 16 ) 0 1 l a i n h u s a t ba i kam l on g d i s ­

Those who wi l l come to this work­ shop wi l l learn more about accounting.

b i l on g b i a i ken r i n g i m ALKOHOL I KS ANON I HAS l ong Ho sb i pe l a wok sop b a i k i s i m moa s k u l l on g acco un t i ng . ( RM

21/5/19 81)

TOK PISIN IN THE MASS MEDIA

527

Th is construction has also been adopted b y those writing letters t o the editor in Wantok : ( 1 7 ) P l an t i t a i m m i s a ve h a r i m l on g

red i o o l sem , ma n h u s a t i s a ve m i k s i m tok i n g l i s wan t a i m tok pisin.

Many times I hear on the radio men who mix English with Tok Pisin.

( 269 : 4 )

( 1 8 ) M i l a i k bek i m p a s b i l on g b ra t a

va , Y . H ave , h u s a t i b i n ra i t l on g Wa n tok N i u s pe pa l on g w i k i go p i n i s . . .

I 'd like to answer the letter of brother Y. Have, who wrote to Wantok Newspaper last week . . .

( 466 : 6 )

The use of this construction is also found in other public media . For example , the fol lowing announcement was heard over the publ ic address system at Port Moresby ' s Jackson Airport ( 2 5 August , 1981) : ( 19 ) Na rape l a s i n g a u t i go l ong

pas i n d i a Dama h u s a t ba i i go I nap y u go l on g f l a i t 826 . l on g sek i n kaun t a .

Another oa l l for passenger Dama, who is going on flight 826. Can you go to the oheok-in oounter.

Muhlhaus ler ( 19 7 7b : 5 7 3 ) reports a similar construction sometimes found in creoli sed Tok Pisin which he says is ' anglicised ' . Howeve r , the Engl ish deriva­ tion of this construction has now been obscured. In example ( 17 ) above , the writer uses the h u s a t relative construction in a letter complaining about people mixing Engl ish and Tok Pisin . Furthermore , the MTP h u s a t can refer to certain [ -human ] nouns , unlike the English who , as in the fol lowing example s : ( 20 ) E a s t New B r i t a i n em wa np e l a l on g 0 1 t r i pe l a P rov i n ce s h u s a t

i b i n k i s i m f u l pawa b i l on g em yet . (RM

East New Britain is one of the three provinoes whioh has got comp lete power for itse lf.

29/6/1981)

( 2 1 ) D i s pe l a l i k l i k s i k b i l on g Me l bon

Ka p t a so l i pa u l i m p l an t i wok ma nme r i i n s a i t l on g b i k t a u n b i l on g P N G h u s a t i gat h a u s bet . ( 442 : 2 )

This 'Me lbourne Cup fever ' has fou led up many working people in the oities of PNG which have horseraoing betting shops.

The [ -human ] nouns which can be relativised with h u sa t , however , might be con side red [ +human ] collective nouns in Tok Pisin : for example , prov i n s provinoe, b i k t a u n oity , kant r i oountry , and kampa n i company . Other [ -human ] nouns are usually rel ativised with we in MTP as follows : ( 2 2 ) long d i s pe l a w i k yum i ha r i m

r i pot b i l on g Od i ta Jene ra l we i so i m o l s em p l a n t i 01 b i kman n a 01 gavman d i patmen i nogat g u t pe l a r i sen l on g s pe n d i m pab l i k ma n i .

(437 : 2)

This week we heard the Auditor Genera l 's report whioh showed that many leaders and government departments don ' t have good reasons for spending public money .

528

JEFF SIEGEL

( 2 3) D i s pe l a wan pe l a w i k campa i gn we

ba i s t a t l on g n a ra pe l a w i k Mande , ba i go wan t aem l ong so i m p i k s a b i l on g ma l a r i a . . . ( RM

30/6/1981)

( 24 ) 01 d i spe l a p i s i ken daun i m 0 1

ka i n ka i ka i w e 0 1 manme r i i s a ve g i v i m l ong p i k 0 kaka r u k n a p a to .

This one week campaign, which wi l l start a week from Monday, wil l include showing fi lms about malaria. These fish can reduce the food which people give to pigs or chickens and ducks .

( 469 : 4 )

But more often in MTP , we is a re lative pronoun having an adverbial function as an adj unct of place or t ime in the relative c lause . Thus , it can have the meaning where, when, or in which. Some examples are : ( 2 5 ) Ya l amet Commun i t y V i l l ag e

o rgan i s a t i on i papa l ong haus we han b i l on g bank ba i i s t a p . ( RM

30/6/1981)

( 26 ) P a t e r L i n i

i tok o l sem kan t r i b i l ong em i no s a i n i m wa n pe l a tok o ra i t we em i ken k i s i m 0 1 ranaweman i g o l ong Vanua t u . ( 4 37 : 3 )

( 2 7 ) Long t u pe l a y i a o l geta , ra i t a i

b i l on g Ka n a t Mbuseh i b i n pas o l geta i s t a p i na p l on g mun Oktob a we em i n a p l uk l u k gen l on g t upe l a a i b i l on g em.

The Yalamet Community Vi l lage organisation owns the house where the bank branch wi l l be. Father Lini says that his country hasn ' t signed any agreement by which he can take refugees into Vanuatu. For two ful l years Kanat Mbuseh ' s right eye was comp lete ly b lind until October when he could see again with both eyes.

( 44 5 : 4)

When we is used as an adjunct of place , the relative clause can also be of the "pronoun-retention type" ( Comrie 1981 : 14 0 ) , for example : ( 28)

I

g a t p l an t i p I es ba l u s we Des

7 b a l us na 0 1 l i k l i k ba l u s

n a b a u t i save pundaun l ong e n . ( 469 : 3 )

There are many airstrips where the Dash ? and other smal l planes land.

Two authors have reported examples of the use of we in relative c l auses in spoken creoli sed Tok Pisin : " em i b i n k ros i m p i k i n i n i we i no w l n l m p ra i me r i s k u l he Was cross with the chi ld who did not comp lete primary schoo l " ( Muhlhausler 1 9 7 7b : 5 7 2 ) with a human NP head ; we is otherwise restricted to relative c l auses with non-human heads or ones which have an adverbial function . Another way of marking relative c l auses in creoli sed Tok Pisin has been reported by Sanko f f ( Sanko f f and Brown 1976 , Sankoff 1977a) and cited by many lingu i sts ( although it is not widespread ) . This is ' i a bracketing ' , setting off the boundaries o f a relative c l ause with i a ( or ya) . Again , this construction is not found in MTP . Howeve r , other examples of increased gramma tical complexity reported in creo l i sed Tok Pisin are a lso features of MTP . These are mainly in the develop­ ment of obli gatory grammatical categories of tense , aspe c t , and number . First

TOK PISIN IN THE MASS MEDIA

529

i s the u s e o f ba i as an obligatory future marker ( Sankoff and Laberge 1 9 7 3 ) . Here are some examples from MTP : ( 29 ) 0 1 i tok b a i 0 1

i l u s i m ma n i l on g wan em pe b i l ong ba l u s ba i go d a un . ( 4 69 : 2 )

( 30 ) Ba i i g a t 0 1 l a i n b l on g l uk l u k

t u b a i i s t a p l on g d i s pe l a wok s a p . . . ( RM

They say they ' l l lose money beaause the air fares are going down. There wi l l also be some observers who wi l l be at the workshop .

30/6/1981)

Second is the use of b i n as a marke r of past tense , which , according to Muhlhaus l e r , was popular i s ed by radio announcers ( reported in Dutton 1973 : 79 ) . Th i s usage is especially common in news reports ( as i s the perfective in English) both on radio broadcasts and in Wan tok , for example : ( 3 1 ) Taso l b i ha i n l ong d i spe l a t a i m

p l an t i p i pe l i b i n toktok p l an t i l on g s en i s i m d i s pe l a . Lon g t a i m 0 1 i b i n a u t i m Soma re l ong gav­ ma n l on g 1 980 , p l an t i p i pe l na 0 1 p r i m i a i b i n tok tok s t rong l on g s en i s i m ka i n gavman em kant r i i g a t na u .

But after this time many peop le disaussed ahanging this. When they ousted Somare from the government in 1 9 80, many people and the premiers emphasised ahanging the kind of government we have now.

Third i s the increasing tendency to mark a l l plural noun s , e specially animate noun s , with the plural marker 01 even when plural ity i s expres sed by other quantifiers ( Muhlhausler 1977b , 1981a) . Thi s can be seen in examples ( 2 0 ) and ( 2 2 ) , and in the fol lowing: ( 3 2 ) 01 t r i pe l a kampa n i h i a . . . ( 100 : 1 3 )

These three aompanies

( 3 3 ) 0 1 sampe l a so l d i a l ong Mosb i

Some so ldiers in Port Moresby fought again . . .

pa i t gen . . .

( 34 )

i

( 437 : 4)

. . . s i k i n o ken kamap l ong p l an t i 01 p i po l ( RM

30/6/1981)

( 35 ) M r Moromo ro i tok 01 d i spe l a 0 1

s en i s i na p l on g i go d a un l ong 01 h i g h s ku l s ( RM

. . . the disease won ' t affeat many peop Ze. Mr Moromoro says these ahanges aan go down to the high sahoo ls

30/6/1 981)

Another way of marking plural has appeared in urban and anglicised varieties o f spoken Tok Pi sin : the use o f the Engl ish plural marker - 8 ( H a l l 1955b : 99 ; Muhlhausler 1979f : 2 37 , 1981 a : 58-60 ) . Thi s usage i s commonly heard on radio broad­ casts , as pointed out by Lynch ( 1 979 : 5 ) : " Thus one hears , on the radio e specially , 0 1 m i n i s t a s , 0 1 t i s a s , 0 1 s t ude n s and so on . " Some examples from scripts of radio news broadcasts , in addition to ( 20 ) and ( 35 ) above , are : 0 1 pos t e r s and deve l opmen t s ( RM 3 0/6/1 981 ) . In the printed mass media, however , this usage i s avoide d .

530

JEFF SIEGEL

In addition to gramma tical expansion , MTP is also characterised by lexical expans ion , a s many new lexical items are introduced to deal with the increased scope of topics in the mass media . Many new words have been coined from Tok Pisin e lements, such as ranaweman refugee , g r i sma n i bribe , s ta pwok strike , and wa nso l wa ra fe l low Pacific Islander ( see also Laycock 1977b) . However , most new items are straight borrowings from Eng l i sh , despite efforts to l imit them, des­ cribed in the next section . The use of synonym pai rs in the mass media to introduce new lexical items has been described in detail by Muhlhausler ( 19 79g) . New items are paired with a more familiar word or expression using 0 or. Thi s is one of the most sal ient features of MTP . Two examples are : ( 36 ) Madang i g a t n u pe l a Haus

Tamb a ran 0 Ka l sa S e n t a .

( 375 : 5 )

( 3 7 ) Ta s o l i n o l ong 0 1 paket 0

k a r amap we p l an t i p i pe l i save l a i k l on g ba i m . ( 44 2 : 3 )

Madang has a new Haus Tambaran or Culture Centre. But i t ' s not in packets or cover­ ings in which many many people like to buy i t .

In many instance s , however , a new item i s introduced without the benefit o f explanation or synonym pairs , for example : ( 38 ) Nek b i l on g 0 1 me r i l on g g ra s - r u t

l eve l i b i n kamap b i kpe l a n a s t rong t ru . . .

( 469 : 2 )

The voices of the women at the grass-roots leve l came out rea l ly big and strong.

Th is is e spec ially frequent in news broadcasts where there is wholesale intro­ duct ion of English words . For example , the following can be found in the script of one broadcast ( RM 30/6/1981 ) : t e kn i ko l edu kesen technical education , ka r i k um curriculum , ko l i s s t ad i s co llege studies , i ns t i t u s e n institution , 0 1 agency agencies , woksop workshop , and 01 ene rgy p roj ect energy project s .

6.3.2.2

T h e cons ervati ve s i de o f MTP

The preceding sect ion showed grammatical and lexical innovations which may be the result o f the greater s cope of use and required explicitness of language used for mass communication. On the other hand , such language in some aspects is more conservative than other varieties . First , there i s the influence of the written channe l . When a l anguage is standardised and written , it i s also to some extent frozen in t ime . The ortho­ graphy that is developed for a lan guage may be phonemic at first , but because of standardisat ion it does not change to reflect the phonological changes that are taking place in the spoken l anguage . Thu s , the oral and written codes begin to diverge . For example , morphophonemic change resulting from phonological reduction in varieties of spoken Tok Pisin has been reported by several authors ( Ha l l 1955b : 99 , s ankoff and Laberge 1973 : 36 , Aitchi son 1981 : 20 3 ) . The most detailed account is Lynch ( 1 979) . He shows how l on g is realised as / 1 0/ or / 1 : / , b i l ong as /b l o/ , m i t upe l a as /m i t l a/ , and the resulting changes in NP morphology .

TOK PISIN IN THE MASS MEDIA

531

H e also shows how s a ve and l a i k have become aspect prefixes / s a / and / l a/ . These changes , and others o f a simi lar nature , are not reflected in written Tok Pisin . Thus , published mass medi a have no part in promoting such change s . Second , there is the influence of standardisation and planning. The stand­ ard Tok Pi sin u sed in the mass media is based on rural rather than the urban sociolect ( Muhlhausler 1975e , 1979f) . Because of the influence of Engl ish , western culture , and creolisat ion , the urban sociolect is becoming more unlike the rural s tandard . Thus , at least for speakers of urban Tok pisin , the l anguage of the mass medi a represents a conservative influence . The pol icy of Wantok is outlined in the Stail buk ( p . 1 3 ) : The principle used by Wantok is that it wants to reach as many readers as pos s ible . Rural speakers do not understand urban Pisin . But urban speakers understand both . So i t sha l l b e our policy t o prefer the rural word t o the urban one . The Stai l buk presents a l ist of preferred rural words with their urban equiva­ lents . Some of these are : ( 39 ) rural

bung i m pas i n me r i gat kama p i m s ta pwok pa i t i m s t re t i m l us i m wok tok nog u t

urban

English

ko l e k t i m kas tem

ao l leat austom girl have grow strike knoak leve l resign swear

ge l

hev i m g ro i m s t ra i k nok i m l eve l i m r i sa i n swea

The published mass media are more conservative than the broadcasting media as far as the use of rural Tok P i sin is concerned . The use of the urban or angl icised -s plural in radio broadcasts has been described above . This use is proscribed in the Stail buk ( p . 1 2 ) : " It is incorrect to add an ' s ' to Tok Pisin words as a pluraliser. E . g . 01 ge l s . " Furthermore , although news broadcasts are read from scripts written largely in standard orthography , pronunciations may reflect some of the phonological changes of creoli sed Tok Pisin as described above . The non-standard spe l l ing b l ong in example ( 30 ) is probably indicative of i ts pronunciation . The u se of many Engl ish words in news broadcasts has also been described above . But in the same broadcast the rural alternatives in the fol lowing list were used rather than the urban ones : ( 4 0 ) rural

s uma t i n b un gwa n t a i m s i ndaun han hamamas

urban

English

s t uden kon p r e n s la i f b r ens he p i

student aonferenae way of life branah (of a bank) happy

Thus , at least the attempt i s being made to use some rural forms that might not otherwise be heard by urban l i steners .

532

JEFF SIEGEL

The policies of Wan tok have also helped to keep the written language from diverging too far from the spoken . As mentioned in section 6 . 3 . 1 . 3 , newspapers are often read out to large groups . Thus , the number of people exposed to the written Tok Pisin of newspapers is far greater than circulation or l iteracy figures would indicate . Wantok is well aware of this fact , as stated in the Stail buk ( p . 6) : " The basic assumption behind a l l Tok Pisin writing is that it is going to be read aloud . " The fol lowing suggestions are made : The best norm to follow in Tok P isin writing is this : write each sentence in such a way that a P i sin speaker can pick it up and read it aloud correctly the first time he see s it . The writer . . . must write it the way a Pisin speaker would SAY it . ( pp . 6-7 ) After a direct quotation is finished , it is good to continue with some word that lets the l istener ( more than the reader) know that the direct speech is ended . E . g . Em i tok , " M i go n a u . " O ra i t , n a u em i k i rap go . ( p . 9) Another example of Wantok ' s policy i s the decision made at a staff meeting in 1979 to use ya more frequently in order to make the written Tok Pisin more It is used as a general deictic marker or for l ike the spoken ( S iege l 1981 : 28 ) . emphasi s . Most often it serves t o focus on a N P which has already been referred to , as in example ( 11 ) , or one which is followed by an appositive , as in example ( 18) . Other examples are ( 44 ) below and the following : ( 4 1 ) N a u yumi l uk i m : 0 1 memba ya 0 1

i I i da 0 noga t 7

( 4 36 : 2 )

( 4 2 ) Y u pe l a ma s b u n g i m M i s t a Soma re

n a m i t i n g wa n t a i m em na toktok l on g t u p e l a m i n i s t a va , Tony Ba i s na P i ta L u s .

Now we ' l l see : are these members [ of parliament ] leaders o r not ? You all must meet Mr Somare and hold discussions with him and these ministers, Tony Bais and Pita Lus.

( 446 : 6 )

Attempts to keep written Tok Pisin like the spoken can also be seen in the use of inter j ections and conversational colloquial l anguage , especially captions to photographs :

0 1 me r i t u i no 1 5 1 0 1 i sanap k l o s t u k l o s tu l on g p I e s b i l ong b e t .

( 4 3 ) O l oman ! 1 5 1 .

( 442 : 2 )

( 44 ) A i yo y u pe l a , em T i t u s T i l l y , na

em wa n pe l a kame rama n b i l ong Wan tok N i u s pepa ya . L uk i m e m , b a g a ya i ka i ka i t a n g n a t i ng . Wok b i l on g 0 1 me r i ya l u s i m s t a p b ro . ( 4 66 : 1 )

Man ! The women too didn ' t hold back. They crowded around the betting p lace . Oh, you a l l, this is Titus Ti l ly, and he ' s a cameraman for Wantok newspaper. Look at him, the bugger is biting his tongue for nothing. Leave the women ' s work alone, brother.

TOK PISIN IN THE MASS MEDIA

6.3.2.3

533

The i nfl uence of E n g l i sh

The l arge number o f Engl i sh words used i n news broadcasts has been mentioned in the preceding sect ion . In addition , despite attempts to use mainly rural vocabulary in Wantok , many words from angl icised urban Tok Pisin are coming in . For instance , some words formerly considered urban become widely known enough to be considered rural , and thus used in newspapers . The following examples are l i sted in the Stail buk ( p . 1 4 ) : s kwa ta squatter , d ropa u t dropout , w i m i n s k l a p women 's club , and p i l a i a p layer. But also, use of the recommended rural altern­ ative s is far from consistent . For example , in the fol lowing l i st the urban alte rnatives are commonly used : ( 4 5 ) rural

bo sman gohet k i bung as tok g r i s ma k op i s a ask i m

urban

English

menesa p ro g r e s m i t i ng r i sen edve t a i smen boda ekseky u t i v e p l i kesen

mxnager progress meeting reason advertisement border executive app lication

Final ly , even in Wantok there is more Engl ish text being used . Current editions contain an Engli sh supplement from the College of External Studies . And more and more advertisements are us ing English . For example , Wantok 115 ( 30/4/19 7 5 ) had ten advertisements , a l l completely in Tok Pisin . Wantok 466 ( 30/4/1 98 3 ) had 2 3 adverti sements , seven completely in Tok pisin , ten completely in Engl ish , and six using both l anguage s . A s pointed out b y Piniau ( 1975a : 9 3 ) , most o f those l i terate in Tok Pisin also have a great deal of exposure to Engli sh s ince Engl i sh has been the main It could be that with increased mass education along language of education . with urbanisat ion , the importance of Tok P isin , at least in the printed mass media , will diminish . However , with the establishment of rural Tok Pisin schools , Wan tok may continue to be an important means of communication , especially in rural areas . And Tok Pisin will almost certainly continue as the most important language of radio broadcasting in rural areas . To summar i se , in the mass media at present there is a balance between the use of standard rural Tok P isin and the introduction of innovations from angli­ c ised urban Tok Pisin . If this balance can be maintained , the mass media wi l l play a major role i n keeping these two varieties mutually inte l l igible .

Siegel, J. "Current use and expansion of Tok Pisin: Tok Pisin in the mass media". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:517-533. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.517 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

6.4

C U R R E N T U S E AND E X PAN S I ON O F TOK P I S I N : TEACH I NG AND TOK P I S I N T.E.

Dutton

Ever s ince Europeans first set foot in what used to be cal led the Territory of New Guinea and tried to force their will and/or ideas on to the people that inhabit that part of present-day Papua New Guinea they have had to rely on a small number of local languages to communicate with them. By far the most sig­ ni ficant of those language s , in terms of the number s who spoke it and could be reached by i t , was the language known variously as Neo-Me lanesian , New Guinea Pidgin , Pidgin Engl ish , and , now o f ficial l y , Tok Pisin . For similar reasons , and because knowledge of English only began to increase s ignificantly a fter the Second World War , most formal and informal education up to that t ime had to be conducted in this language also . This in turn meant that instructors of what­ ever kind had to l earn it themse lves or be taught i t . Moreover , because Papua New Guinea was basically an il literate society Papua New Guineans themselves had to be taught to read in it if they were to be of maximum use to their foreign maste rs . The story of how some organisations and some arms of administration used Tok Pisin for teaching purposes , and of how the language was taught to various individuals and groups , both within and without Papua New Guinea , up until the Territory of New Guinea was united with the Territory of Papua to form the newly independent country of Papua New Guinea , has been told in some de tail in a previous volume of this series ( Wurm, ed. 1977 : 639-75 7 ) . At that t ime the major issues were theoretical ones having to do with the role that Tok Pisin ( and its counterpart , Hiri ( or police ) Motu , in what used to be the Territory of Papua) should play in the educat ion and deve lopment of the newly independent country . In particular whether it should be used as a medium of instruction , and if so , to what extent . The then min i ster of Justice , and former minister for Education , Mr Ebia Olewale , pointed out in his contribution to the volume referred to above that although it was a desirab l e goal " for every child in papua New Guinea to receive its first introduction to educat ion in its own local language" ( p . 6 3 9 ) there were a number of factors ( having to do with the availab i l it y , or otherwis e , of suit­ able teaching materials and teaching staff) which mi litated against this . But given that many children al ready spoke Tok P i sin as a first or second l anguage , and that suitable teaching materials were already available and could be re­ produced cheaply , it could be argued , he said , that Tok P isin ( or Hiri Motu in certain areas) was " the best choice" for achieving this desirable goal ( p . 640) . Beside s , i t was a l so des irable that the younger generation should " have a good command o f one o f the two great l ingue franche , pidgin or Hiri Motu" ( p . 640) even i f it was not possible to give everyone a good knowledge o f Engl ish , for these languages are truly Papua New Guinea languages and are recognised as unof ficial national languages which have great emotional appea l . Even so , no­ one in a position to influence government education policy in papua New Guinea

S .A . Wurm and P . Muhlhausler, eds Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin) , 5 35-5 3 7 . Paci fic Linguistics , C- 70 , 1 984 . © T . E . Dutton Dutton, T. "Current use and expansion of Tok Pisin: teaching and Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:535-537. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.535 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

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has so far been prepared to press for even l imited education in Tok Pisin as part of that policy , although various versions of the government ' s Five Year Education Plans have tentatively approached it and then shied away from it again . Practical ly, however , Tok Pi sin is used , and is allowed to be used in government school s as an explanatory language in teaching where necessary . But government schools cater for only a very sma l l proportion of the popu­ lation , and in rapidly decreasing numbers the highe r one move s up the scale from primary to secondary to tertiary leve l . Consequently there are many who are uncatered for in the government system amongst the nation ' s children of school age . Although thi s number is gradua l ly decreasing there are still many - about 50% - who will not have had the opportunity of going to a government school before they are too old . In addition there is the large mass of the adult populat ion who are already too old for the system, as we ll as those so-cal led ' drop-outs ' or ' push-outs ' , who have had to leave school at di fferent points in the system for one reason or another and who have l i ttle chance of re-entering it . Here the churches in Papua New Guinea play a vital role . Thu s , as was pointed out by several authors in the above-mentioned volume , e . g . Neuendorf, Renck , Mihalic , Zinkel , they attempt to provide some kind of basic education in Tok Pisin for th i s l arge section of Papua New Guinea society , who would otherwise miss out on some kind of formal education . The Lutheran Church ( ELCPNG) is the best organ­ i s ed and has a whole system of education that runs paral lel to the government one . In this system students can go as high as Year 1 0 , and a l l textbooks even for such subj ects as mathematics and social studies - are produced in Tok Pisin . The system a l so incorporates a teacher training institute . other churches either have simi l ar , if smal ler systems , and/or use the materials produced for the Lutheran system. An important aspect of this work i s that it not only pro­ vides some sort of educat ion for much of Papua New Guinea ' s ' needy ' but it a l so helps to counteract some of the social problems produced by a system that promotes Engl ish as a ' cargo cult ' language and produces malcontents and social misfits who are unwilling to return to their soc ietie s and lead a modified traditional l i fe on the land . As Zinke l points out ( p . 69 1 ) the government education system " operates efficiently in churning out educated and semi-educated young people , but it does not seem to educate them for the society in which these youngsters mus t live . " At a d i f fe rent level there are problems with Tok Pisin as a medium of instruction , specificall y , with i ts adequacy in technological fields . Thus in 1 9 7 7 when the volume referred to above was produced, two authors , Be l l and Scott , di scussed the role of Tok Pisin in the Army ( pp . 6 7 1-690) and in agricultural extension work (pp . 7 2 3 - 7 3 1 ) respectivel y , and pointed out the need for keeping the vocabul ary of the language in step with technological deve lopment . This i s a problem that i s related o f course t o the general issue of language planning in Tok Pisin and a topic that is di scussed at some length by Muhlhausler later in the present volume ( 6 . 8 ) . But these i ssues and problems were those of the mid-to-late 1970s . of those today?

What

Unfortunate ly it is not possible to answer this question in any precise way at this t ime as no research has been carried out into these aspects of Tok Pisin s ince then . About all that can be said is that simi lar issues and problems still exist but nothing detai led is known about them comparable to that provided by the surveys carried out for the 1977 volume being referred to . About the only thing that is known for certain is that attitudes to the l anguage have become very pos i tive amongst foreigners visit ing or going to work in the country as is

TEACHING AND TOK PISIN

537

mani fested by the continual demand for books and/or courses of instruction in i t . Indeed , this demand i s s o high that the only de tailed course avai lable in it , Conversational New Guinea Pidgin ( Dutton 1973) has had to be reprinted several times and eventually withdrawn from sale because of the deteriorating condition of the master tapes used for the reproduction of learner ' s tapes that are sold to accompany the printed text . In review then the best that can be said about teaching in and about Tok pisin , both inside and outside Papua New Guinea , is that the present stage of knowledge is poor and unreliable , and the actual s i tuation unknown . Yet given that Papua New Guinea is s t i l l a deve loping country it is very likely that that s ituation is not much di fferent from what it was in the mid-to-late 1970s when it was l as t investigated in any detail .

Dutton, T. "Current use and expansion of Tok Pisin: teaching and Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:535-537. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.535 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

6.5

C U R R E N T U S E AND E X PA N S I ON O F TOK P I S I N :

E F F E CTS OF T O K P I S I N O N SOME V E R NAC U LAR LA NGUAG E S Ma l colm Ro s s

6.5. 1

I NTRODUCT I ON

Little attention h a s been paid to the e f fects of Tok Pisin on the nat ive vernaculars of Papua New Guinea , partly, perhaps , because the topic i s dwarfed by questions about traffic in the opposite direction - from vernaculars into Tok Pisin ( see , for example , Mosel 1 980) - and partly because most scholars ( i nclu­ ding the present writer ) who coll ect data for a vernacular have tended to regard Tok Pisin intrusions as foreign neologisms unworthy of much attention . Excep­ t ions to this generalisat ion are Laycock ( 1966) , who briefly examines some effe c ts of Tok P i sin on Abe lam ( in what i s now the East Sepik Province ) , and Chown ing ( 19 8 3 ) , who reports on lexical e ffects of Tok Pi sin on three l anguages on New Britain. The ' e f fects ' which we sha l l discuss in this paper are cases of what weinreich ( 1 96 3 : 30-48) has call ed ' transfer ' and Clyne ( 1967 : ch . 3 ) ' trans ference ' , i . e . in a community where many or a l l speakers are bil ingua l , features are trans­ ferred from one of the speakers ' two l anguages to the other . Thus we are con­ cerned here with cases of transference from Tok Pisin into vernacular languages . Weinreich and Clyne each offe r a terminology for the classi fication of cases of transference , but , s ince our data cover only a subset o f their categories ( for example , we have no cases of phonological transference s ) , we use here a simpler classification on two dimensions . Firstly , we di stinguish between grammat ical and l exical transference . Lexical transference occurs when members of an open set of items ( e . g . nouns , ve rbs ) are transferred from Tok Pisin to a vernacular , grammatical transference when members of a c losed set of items ( e . g . prepos itions , moda l s ) are thus transferred . Second l y , we distinguish between those transfer­ ences which are replacive ( i . e . a Tok P i sin item replaces a vernacular i tem, either as an al ternant or as a total substitute) and those which are neologistic ( i . e . a Tok P i s in item is added to the repertoire of a vernacular ) . Replacive l exical trans ferences are further divisib le , adopting Clyne ' s terms , into morpho­ s emantic trans ferences (where a form is transferred from Tok P i sin to the vern­ acul ar, also retaining its Tok Pi sin meaning) and s emantic transferences (where a vernacul ar i tem undergoes change in meaning determined by some Tok Pisin paral­ l e I ) . To sum up , trans ferences may be : a) Lexi cal i ) rep l acive - morphosemantic - semantic ii) neologi stic b) Grammatical i ) replacive ( and morphosemantic) ii) neologistic

S . A . Wurm and P. Muhlhausler , eds Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin) , 539-556 . Pacific Li nguistics , C-7 0 , 1 984 . Malcolm Ros s ©

Ross, M. "Current use and expansion of Tok Pisin: effects of Tok Pisin on some vernacular languages". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:539-556. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.539 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

539

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Weinreich and Clyne both refer also to syntactic transferences ( i . e . changes in item orde r) as a subcategory of grammatical transference . The only cases of syntactic transference in our data , however , occur as a result of other kinds o f grammatical trans ference and are therefore dealt with in connection with ilie� . We deal be low first with lexical , then wiili grammat ical , transferences , and conclude with a di scussion of transference from Tok Pisin into vernaculars . Sub­ stantially less space is devoted to lexical tran sference than to gramma tical , s ince the l atte r is a phenomenon which has evoked some controversy among scholar s . Whereas lexical transference , loosely termed ' borrowing ' , i s a n accepted and wel l studied phenomenon , the question of whether grammatical trans ference occurs has long interested lingui sts , as Weinreich ' s ( 1963 : 29 ) summary of the arguments s how s . We s ha l l show be low that grammatical transference from Tok Pisin into some vernacul ars does occur , and that this phenomenon is made particularly inter­ e sting by the fact that much the same transferences have apparently occurred ( or are occurring) in different Austronesian l anguages which are geographically quite separated from each other and not in any kind of contact . We sha l l attempt to de s cribe and c lass ify these transferences and to o ffer a tentative explanation of why simil ar transferences have occurred in di fferent language s . The occurrence of Tok Pisin transferences in vernaculars has nothing di rectly to do with the fact that Tok Pisin is a pidgin or a creole , but is related to the fact that it is a lingua franca and that speakers are f luent in both the ve rnacular and Tok Pisin. Laycock ( 1979 : 9 4 ) has pointed out that bi­ lingualism i s common in Papua New Guinea and characterises its effect as fol lows : In a situation where both speaker and hearer are bil ingua l , there i s no pressure to keep l anguages apart , and switching between the two is common . . . . Note that this type of l in­ guistic interference is to be distinguished from pidgin­ ization , and the resulting ' mixed l anguage ' is to be dis­ tinguished from a pidgin , in that mixing is between two ful l l inguistic systems , both of which are control l ed by the speaker . . . . For such a mixed l anguage to become stable , as a new l i nguistic system, it is here postulated that disappearance of the monolingual community/commun ities is an e ssential factor . The s ituation from which our data are drawn appears to be a subtype of that described by Laycock , in that our speakers are bil ingual in their vernacular and in Tok pisin , and the beginnings of ' mixin g ' are occurring . The languages in which grammatical trans ference occurs do indeed appear to be cases where there are no longer any monolingual speaker s : all are fluent in the vernacular and in Tok Pi sin .

6.5.2

L E X I CAL TRANS FE RENCE

Lexi cal transference , as we saw above , is divisible into case s of replacive transference and neologistic transference . Neologistic transference occasions few surpri ses , as Tok Pisin items are borrowed for obje cts and concepts which have become fami liar s ince European con­ tact and adapted to the phonological patterns of the vernacu l ar . A few cases from pub l i shed literature are :

EFFECTS OF TOK PISIN ON VERNACULAR LANGUAGES

541

( 1 ) Abelam , south o f Maprik , East Sepik Province Abelam

Tok Pi sin

stes i n dokt a mi s i s ha pmun pa t e r s i ku l hadwok god ma r i t n ambawan

s tation doctor white woman fortnight priest school work God marry chief, principal

d lly ca n d llk t ll my cac a prnwn p a t lly t cakw l a tw flk gwfld ma rat n fib flwa n

( Laycock 1 966 )

( 2 ) Nakanai , around Hoskins , west New Britain Province Tok Pisin

Nakapai

wok ba l u s l ot u

work aircraft church

voku ba l us u l ot u

s ip kar s i tha u s kamda ni 1 be l o

s hip car latrine carpenter nai l bell

s ipi ka r i s i t ha u s kamda 1iIi be l o

( Chowning 1983)

( Johnston 1980)

( 3 ) Buan g , Snake Rive r , Morobe Province

mon i memba bak s t ua d i rek t a

money member, shareholder bulk store director ( S ankoff 1 9 7 2 )

These examples are part o f the process of lexical borrowing which has evi­ dently long been the norm in many parts of Papua New Guinea ( se e , for example , Dutton 1982b , for wel l documented examples of precontact borrowing) . What i s a l ittle surprising , however , i s the phenomenon pointed out by Sankoff ( 1972 : 48) , name ly that Tok Pisin lexical items for which there are per­ fectly good vernacular equivalents occur in her recorded text s . She attributes this to the speaker ' s desire to give status to his vernacular utterances by the inclusion of Tok pisin items . If she is right , then her examples are not examples of t rue transference , but of a de l iberate use of foreign words . However , it is also c le ar that true replacive l exical transference does occur . Chowning ( 19 8 3 ) mentions mek i m ka i ka i make a feas t , mo ran python , and s i ka u wal laby a s items which have become part of the vocabulary of Sengseng ( east of Kandrian , south­ west New Britain) , replacing whatever native items there may have bee n . Sim­ i l arly , she mentions t i ng t i ng thought , s a k shark , and w i n wind as replacive tran s ferences into Kove ( west of Talasea , north-west New Britain) . The only explanation we can o ffer for these - tentatively - is that speakers bilingual in

542

MALCOLM ROSS

Tok Pisin and a vernacular have become so ' at home ' in Tok Pisin, perhaps even more so than in the vernacular , that certain items which occur frequently in their Tok Pisin discourse are transferred to the vernacular because of their famil iarity . A case of replac ive transference due to familiarity is reported by Susanne Holzknecht (personal communication) for Adzera ( Markham Val ley , Morobe Province ) . She provides the following exampl e : !

gin II ( 4 ) Adzera a . dz i a n ul)? i - r i l)a n t - i n I NEG REAL-know-about . it about . it NEG I don ' t know about it. b . dz i a n u l)? i - saw i gin U I NEG REAL-know about . it NEG I don ' t know about it. H e r e s aw i ( Tok P isin save know) alternates with Adzera r i l)an t i n . However , Hol zknecht points out that Adzera has a number of verbs of knowing , e . g . r i l) a n t ­ know something/about something , t sal)an know b y seeing , fa r i l) ? - b e able t o name something , and others , all o f which are able to be replaced by saw i . Thus it seems that replacement by s aw i i s due to speakers ' familiarity with the less complex semantic system of Tok Pisin. Chowning ( 19 8 3 ) provides examples of semantic lexical transference from Tok Pisin into Nakanai , that i s , of cases where a Nakanai item has undergone a change of semantic range mode lled on the s emantic range of a Tok Pisin i tem. She cites Nakanai ub i l a ma i s u pierce the nose (septum) , which, by analogy with Tok Pisin s ut i m n u s p lay a trick ( literall y , pierce the nose) , has also acquired the meaning p lay a trick. Similarly , Nakanai vo- k u r u b lack skin , originally describing some­ one whose skin was exceptionally dark , has become a member of the pair vo- ku r u b lack skin/vo- kakea whiteskin , identical in meaning with the analogous Tok P is in terms b l a k s k i n/wa i t s k i n meaning Papua New Guinean/European . An interesting case of semantic lexical transference which is apparently due to being at home in Tok Pi sin is the calquing of Tok Pi sin/English greetings into vernacular languages in urban settings , e . g . Tolai ( Gazelle peninsula , north-east New Britain) bo i n a ma r um good night , Gedaged ( is lands off Madang town ) t i dom uyan ( l iterally night good) , both calques of the Tok Pisin greeting g u d na i t .

6.5.3

GRAMMAT I CAL TRANSFERENCE

We will introduce grammatical transference with an example . Below are two versions of the same sentence from the writer ' s fieldnotes for Sera , an Austro­ nesian language of the Wes t Sepik Province : ( 5 ) Sera

i . Soken T E N E N paksana b u a k se i n r am i n r i n ke ii . Soken I N O paksana b ua k se i n rami n r i n ke Soken NEG board canoe his yesterday NEG Soken didn ' t board his canoe yesterday .

In version ( i ) , all morphemes in the sentence are Sera morphemes . In version ( i i ) , the negative morpheme tenen has been replaced by i no , a sequence of two Tok Pisin morphemes - the predicate marker i and the negative adverb no ( c f . Muhlhaus l er 1 984i ) , illustrated in the equivalent Tok Pi sin sentence be low :

EFFECTS OF TOK PISIN ON VERNACULAR LANGUAGES

543

NO ka l a p l on g kanu b i l ong em a s d e ( 6 ) Tok pisin Soken him yesterday Soken P M NEG ascend onto canoe o f So ken didn ' t board his canoe yesterday . Unfortunately, the nature of our data on which our brief study of grammatical transference i s based imposes severe l imitations of scope . Apart from a very few cases from Laycock ( 1 966 ) and S ankof f ( 1 9 7 2 ) , most of the data used here are from the writer ' s fieldnotes , accumulated in the course of a comparative survey of Austronesian l anguages in Papua New Guinea which aimed to col lect j ust enough morphosyntactic data from a large number of language s in order to make a pre­ liminary gene tic classif icat ion of those l anguages . Hence the data are l imited to Austronesian language s , cons ist of e l i cited sentences rather than free text , and are mostly from speakers younger than 2 5 , with primary and some s econdary Engl i sh-medium education, who are at l east as ' at home ' in Tok Pisin as in their vernacular , i f not more so. Despite these l imitation s , however , we fee l it is worth offering this s tudy in the hope that the phenomenon of grammatical trans­ ference from Tok pisin will rece ive further inve stigation . Since elicitation took place through the medium of Engli sh , not Tok Pisin , the grammatical trans­ ferences in the data are not an artefact of the e l icitation procedure , and occur consistently both within and across l anguages . Where the Tok Pisin transference alternates in the data with a native item, this is noted be low . The languages in which we have noted Tok Pisin grammat ical morphemes during thi s survey are scattered along the north coasts of mainland papua New Guinea and of the island of New Britain . They are , arranged in low-order genetic groups and with their approximate locations ( see map) , as fol lows : Sera Ali Tumleo

west of Aitape , West Sepik east of Aitape , west Sepik east of Aitape , west Sepik

Kairiru Kaiep

is lands o f f Wewak , East Sepik 2 east of Wewak , E as t Sepik

Kilenge Maleu Bariai

around Cape Glouce ster , We st New Britain around Cape Glouceste r , West New Britain north-east o f Cape Gloceste r , West New Britain

Bulu Harua

Talasea peninsula, Wes t New Britain east o f Kimbe , West New Britain

Of the languages above , our data for Sera , Kaiep and Harua are more a f fected by grammatical transference from Tok Pisin than our data for the other l anguage s . Sociolinguistic reasons for this are not hard to find . Sera and Kaiep are each spoken only in one vill age and surrounded by speakers of non-Austronesian lan­ guages . Sera has no primary school c lose by , and primary-school students are therefore weekday boarders in S i ssano , several hours ' walk away . The three Harua-speak ing village s are in the area near Kimbe which is occupied by oil-palm settlements of people from other parts of Papua New Guinea . Hence a l l three languages are in s ituations where Tok P i sin assumes pressing importance as a lingua franca , and none of them is spoken in a community where Tok Pisin is less important and the ' unmixed ' form o f the language might be preserved . Although our informants do not represent a cross-section of their communitie s , being younger and havin g some education , they appeared to be competent in their res­ pective vernacul ars , which continue to serve as a mark of identity for their communiti es : our Harua informants were living in the ir vill ages , our Kaiep informant was boarding at a school very close to his own village . Both these facts and the internal consistency of their use of Tok Pisin transferences in

544

MALCOLM ROSS

the data ( Tok Pisin prepositions , for example , occur frequently in the Kaiep data , with complete consi stency and no alternation with native items ) suggest that the grammatical transferences in our data are either becoming or have a lready become an integral part of the vernacular, at least in Kaiep and Harua .

BISMA R CK

SEA

"

. ;u,u0

Kile'!ge ,�al

B,,!a,

akanai '7 �ew Britain Sengseng

":"" .-'- K� '"'aler. ava Harua � M

.

N E A

CORA L

SEA

0°

.

SOL OMON

SEA

" .

A USTRA L IA

Map : Papua New Gu i n ea vernacul a rs referred to i n connec t i on w i th tra n s ference from Tok P i s i n

S ince we are particularly interested in the fact that similar transferences from Tok Pisin to vernaculars have occurred in widely separated l anguage s , and the same Tok Pisin item may be a replacive transference in one vernacular and a neologi stic transference in another , we shall group transferences here in terms of gramma tical categories rather than of the replacive/neologistic distinction , and then examine them briefly in terms of this distinct ion in section 6 . 5 . 3 . 7 . Tok Pisin morphemes which have been found in one or more of the languages above are : a) Verb phrase morphemes i) ii) iii) iv )

Negative adverbial no Aspect-marker p i n i s ( completion) Tense-marker ba i ( future) Modal verbs save be in the habit of. mas must . l a i k desire . i na p be physica l ly able to

EFFECTS OF TOK PISIN ON VERNACULAR LANGUAGES

545

b) po st-nominal emphasi sers t u too , s t r e t , yet ( emphatic) c) Preposit ions i) l on g ( location , instrument) i i ) b i l ong ( purpose) i i i ) wa n t a i rn ( accompaniment , instrument) d) Equative copul a ern e) Claus e conjunctions i) Co-ordinating con junctions na and , t a s o l but i i ) Subordinating conj unctions t a i rn when , s a pos if f) Discourse marker o ra i t Most o f the functions o f these morphemes in Tok Pisin are described by MUhlhausler ( 1984i ) , and their functions in the Austronesian languages in which they occur di ffer very l i tt le from their Tok p i sin functions . Transferences of e ach of these morphemes in Austronesian languages are i l lustrated below .

6.5.3.1

Verb phrase morphemes

The negative adverbial no has been found only in Sera , and its use is i l lustrated in example ( 5 ) above . The completive aspect-marker p i n i s has been found in Sera and Kaiep : ( 7 ) Sera

Soken a k l a pe

ya p i - rna

PINIS

Soken say that I go-come COMPL Soken said that I had come .

( 8 ) Kaiep s a pos k i t t a- l i a rawa r nd i R a re ka- l i a P I N I S we we-go then they FUT they-go COMPL if If we had gone, they would have gone . In both l anguages p i n i s occurs after the verb , as in Tok Pisin ern i karnap p i n i s he has arrived. However , Sera also has a completive marker 0 , which alternates fre e ly with p i n i s in the same position . Although the Kaiep data contain no alte rnant to p i n i s , it i s probable that Kaiep once a l so had a post-verbal com­ pletive mark e r , s ince Kairiru , c losely related to Kaiep , has a completive marker r r uon whi ch may occur post-verba l l y . The u s e o f 4he future tense-marker ba i i s i llustrated below : ( 9 ) Sera

BA I u i k n-ok- so

b ua k

bel

lein

FUT we FUT-we-make canoe sma l l . pL some We shall build some sma l l canoes.

( 10 ) Kaiep s a pos k i t ta- l i a , BA I n d i t u ka- l i a W we-go FUT they too they-go � If w go, they wi l l go too. ( 1 1 ) Ali

eu BAI n i - ? i a �

niu

a l u�

I FUT FUT . I-eat coconut some I sha l l eat some coconut.

546

MALCOLM ROSS

( 12 ) Kairiru PA l r r i mo i n r ra r - q u r jeik FUT PL woman they-put. into netbag The women wi l l put them into the netbags . ( Wive l l 1981 : 12 9 ) ( 1 3 ) Kairiru e i a-wo t e i a - l i eq r ruon , kyau t u PA l wu- I i eq n e s too FUT I-go only he he-say he he-go COMPL I If he had gone, I would have gone too. In Tok pisin, ba i occurs either before the subj ect noun phrase ( ba i m i kam I ' l l come) o r between the subject and the verb phrase ( m i ba i kam) . The same alterna­ t ion occurs in Kairiru, whi l st ba i precedes the sub j ect in Sera and Kaiep and fol lows it in Al i . The one difference between the Tok Pisin and Austronesian structures i s that the latter have a sub j ect-marking prefix which does not occur in Tok Pisin. Of the four languages in which ba i occurs , Ali , Kaiep and Kairiru h ave native alternants . For example : ( 14 ) Al i

( 15 ) Kaiep

eu S EM n i - ? i aQ

niu

a l uQ

I FUT FUT . I-eat coconut some I sha l l eat some coconut .

k i t �ARE k i a t

mumu run t a - u k

we FUT canoe small we-make We sha l l make a sma l l cano e .

A P r r a- l i eq Q i ep pwa r r ( 16 ) Kairiru q a t canoe FUT they-go Kaiep saucepan The canoes wi l l go to Kaiep for the saucepans . (Wive l l 1 98 1 : 12 9 ) In Sera and A l i , futurity is basically expressed by the verb-phrase initial n ­ ( examples ( 9 ) and ( 11 ) ) , and Tok pi sin ba i , Al i s em occupy a native pre-verbal modifier s lot. The examples below i llustrate the use of modal verbs : ( 1 7 ) Sera

( 18 ) Sera

S oken SAVE to- pa k s a n a b u a k

s e i n o l ketade i

Soken HAB As P-board canoe his Soken boards his canoe daily.

u i k MAS n - o t - a i n

ma kara

w e OBL FUT-we-eat taro We are going to eat some taro .

( 19 ) Kaiep i k SAWE k- i i mun thou HAB thou-stay where Where do you live? ( 20 ) Kaiep Ka r i k a - g i a p i k MAS ku-m i a Karik he-say thou OBL thou-come Karik told you to come . ( 2 1 ) Harua i a u MAS g-a ka n i raQa n i u I OBL FUT I-eat some coconut I 'm going to eat some coconut.

every . day

EFFECTS OF TOK PISIN ON VERNACULAR LANGUAGES

547

( 2 2 ) Harua i a u ba I NAP g-a r i ke na aga vog u kud u v i NEG ABIL FUT I-board on canoe my I tomorrow I won 't be getting on my canoe tomorrow.

SAVE r i ke- r i ke na aga ( 2 3 ) Harua To vona na t a i m l obo To he HAB board-board on canoe his on time every To boards his canoe daily . ( 2 4 ) Harua e Ma i ke l LA I K rau l o mu l e ART Michae l he DESR dance again Michae l wants to dance again. In Sera and Kaiep , where any ten se-marker and subj ect-marker are prefixed to the verb stem, a modal precedes prefixes and verb stem . In Haru a , where any tense­ marke r and sub j ect-marker precede but remain separate from the verb stem , a modal precedes the pre-verbal morphemes if these begin with a tense-marker , as in examples ( 2 1 ) and ( 2 2 ) , but intrudes between the subject-marker and the verb i f no tense-marker occurs , as in examples ( 2 3 ) and ( 2 4 ) . Thus only the l atter examples fol low the Tok Pisin pattern of Ma i ke l i l a i k d a n i s gen Michae l wants There is no direct evidence in the Sera, Kaiep or Harua data to dance again . of native morphemes which have been replaced by the Tok Pisin modals , but Kaiep ' s close relative Kairiru has a s et o f native pre-verbal modifiers ( not themselve s verbs ) which behave i n the same way a s the Tok Pisin modal s i n S e r a and Kaiep , suggesting that these language s may have had native modi fiers which have now been replaced by the Tok Pisin modal forms : ( 2 5 ) Kairiru t uy i eq WOT t i - l i eq p i ye i we . INC . DL intend we. DL-go where Where do we intend going? ( Wive l l 1981 : 12 7 ) Bola , related at the dialect l eve l to Harua , shows no sign of na"tive structures similar to those o f examples ( 2 1 ) to ( 2 4 ) ( Bosco 1979 ) , and Nakanai , a member of the same low-order group as Harua , also l acks such structures ( Johnston 1980) . It i s therefore probable that Harua had no native modal verbs . Laycock ' s ( 1966 ) data for Abe lam provide a tantali sing gl impse of the use of the Tok Pisin modal s ave be in the habit of in a non-Austronesian language . The usual expression of the habitual in Abelam is the structure : ( 2 6 ) Abelam VERB BASE - ra-VERBAL SUFFIXES where ra = stay For example : ( 2 7 ) Abelam wna ya- Ra - kw� come-HAB-NONPAST I I am still coming ( Laycock 1965 : 55 ) But the texts show the structur e : ( 28 ) Abelam save For example :

+

VERB BASE-VERBAL SUFFIXES

548

MALCOLM ROSS

( 29 ) Abelam n A k g Ay SAVE d Ay a pmwn katy-kwA one vil lage HAB they fortnight dance-NONPAST Some vil lages are accustomed to dance for a fortnight . In this case the transference of a Tok Pisin morpheme to the vernacular has occasioned a syntactic change more radical than any noted for an Austronesian language .

6.5.3.2

Po s t- nomi na l emphas i s ers

The term ' post-nominal emphasisers ' is used to cover Tok Pisin t u , s t r e t , and y e t in contexts l ike m i t u I too , Ma i ke l yet Michae l himse lf, as i llustrated be low :

ba i re i

( 30 ) Sera

pe

TU

n a - ke r - pe i

FUT they se lf too FUT-they-go They wi l l go too. e Y ET t a -wak it se lf it-break It broke by i tse lf.

( 3 1 ) Al i

( 3 2 ) Tumleo

( 3 3 ) Kaiep

a u na- ? un Mos kanun

STRET

I I-see Moskanyun direct I saw Moskanyun himse lf = It was Moskanyun that I saw.

ba i n d i

TU

ka- l i a

FUT they too they-go They wi l l go too.

( 34 ) Kairiru kyau TU pa i wu- l i eq nes I too PU T I-go only I would have gone too . ( 35 ) Bariai

gau Y ET

n a - ko r

I se lf I-break I myself broke i t .

S e ra p e s e lf i n example ( 30 ) and Kaiep no i n example ( 4 1 ) below indicate that Sera and Kaiep have a native category of post-nominal emphasi sers , and Wivel l ( 1981 : 7 3 -74) finds a s imilar category i n Kairiru .

6.5.3.3

Prepo s i t i on s

The u s e o f the Tok Pi sin prepositions l ong and wanta i m in Sera , Ali and Kaiep is i llustrated below : ( 36 ) Sera

nou

LO�

ma l o l o

house PREP rest house for resting

EFFECTS OF TOK PISIN ON VERNACULAR LANGUAGES

( 3 7 ) Ali

( 3 8) Ali

549

eu k- i a p a re i WANTEM e 8 I I-go bush PREP him I went to the bush with him. Wanakau k a - t o t

ai

WANTA I M y e r t i n i a 8

Wanakau he-chop tree PREP axe Wanakau chopped the tree down with an axe.

( 39 ) Kaiep g i a w- i LO� Ke i p I I-s tay PREP Kaiep I live at Kaiep. ( 40 ) Kaiep Ka rok i - u n ik LO� k i e Karok he-hit thou PREP stick Karok hit you with a stick. ( 4 1 ) Kaiep Ka rok no a- i WANTA I M g i a Karok a lone he-stay PREP me On ly Kapok lives with me . The prepos ition b i l ong has been found in only one case , namely with purpo­ sive usage in Kaiep : ( 4 2 ) Kaiep mokor B LO� ka - k i a n fish PREP we-eat Fish for us to eat. The use o f Tok P i sin prepositions in examples ( 36 ) to ( 4 1 ) and in e xample ( 4 2 ) i s inte restingly different from the Tok Pisin morphemes discussed in earlier sub sections , in that in Sera , Ali and Kaiep , the Tok P isin prepositions are not replac in g a native morpheme category , as these languages appear not to have a native category of preposition s . When no Tok Pisin preposition "is used , Sera and Ali employ an unmarked noun phrase for location or instrument :

S E RA y a to- yon ( 4 3 ) Sera b a t a n formerly I ASP- live Sera Formerly I lived at Sera. ( 4 4 ) Sera Soken n a k y a A I Soken hit me stick Soken hit me with a stick. ( 4 5 ) Al i

Wa nakau ka- t a r e u A I

Wanakau he-hit me stick Wanakau hi t me with a stick.

Our Kaiep data show Tok Pisin prepositions consistently throughout , but two pieces o f evidence indicate that Kaiep also lacked a native category of preposi­ t ion . Firstly , Laycock ' s ( 19 7 1 ) fieldnotes from Terebu , a dialect of Kaiep , s how no p repositions : ( 4 6 ) Terebu dya gw- a l i e + L I M I I-go house I am going to the house.

550

MALCOLM ROSS

Secondly , Kairiru also has no locative preposition ( 4 7 ) Kairiru kya u wu-mo r S E RAS I N I I-stay Serasin I live at Serasin. - and uses an instrumental postposit ion : ( 48 ) Kairiru y i eq j yaj t a i y i u KYA I go- uq thou fis h one spear POSTP thou-stab You s tab the fish with a spear. The comitative use of wan t a i m in ( 37 ) and ( 4 1 ) replaces the ' inclusive s ub j ec t ' structure wh ich is common in the Austronesian languages of Papua New Guinea , whereby the referent of the comitative noun phrase is included in the subject , as in Kairiru : ( 4 9 ) Kairiru Qa u 1 eQ nes TU I TU mo r Kauleng only both we . DL-stay Only Kau leng lives with me . -

Bariai also uses Tok P i sin wan t a i m : ( 50 ) Bariai S i ko g a i - nam WANTEM g a u Siko IRR he-come PREP me siko wil l come with me . Howeve r , this example is a l i ttle misleading, in that wan t a i m in Bariai usually serves the same function as together in English together with , i . e . i t is an adverbial modified by a prepositional phrase . For example : ( 5 1) Bariai gau Qa- 1 a WANTEM �A-N eava goa a - 1 a t i vu r- i a i I I-go together PREP-him man that we . ExC-go bush-POSTP I am going with that man into the bush. - where Qa- is the preposit ion . preposition kQe :

The same structure is found in Maleu with the

( 52 ) Maleu i au n a - 1 a UANTE M K� E na-v 1 a 1 0 em- 1 a u ra u ra I I-go together PREP ART-man that we . ExC-go bush I am going with that man into the bush. It is clear from Ki lenge , which is related at dialect level to Maleu , that in Bariai and Maleu wa n t a i m is occupying the native adverbial slot which is occupied by touo i near in the fol lowing example : ( 5 3 ) Kilenge na-�a k i a u i -ma r i TOUO I kQe n - a ko ART-pig my he-stay nearby PREP ART-water MY pig is near the water.

6.5.3.4

Equat i ve copu l a

The use of the Tok Pisin third person pronoun em as an equative copul a has been found only in Sera -

EFFECTS OF TOK PISIN ON VERNACULAR LANGUAGES

551

( 54 ) Sera i - t eme i n eso EM anan se i n N i mb i NM-woman that COP mother her Nimbi That woman is Nimbi 's mother. - where i t corresponds to the native copula s e : ( 55 ) Sera eso- ke SE Soken that-one cOP Soken That one is Soken. This use o f em is evidently derived from the Tok Pisin use o f em to reference a l e ft-dis located topic : d i s pe l a man ya , em Ma i ke l This man, he is Michae l .

6.5.3.5

Cl a u s e conj un c t i o n s

The co-ordinating conj unctions n a and and t a so l but are il lustrated below : ( 56 ) Sera

( 5 7 ) Sera

Soken to- a i n

ma ka r a NA

ya to-a i n

yam

Soken ASP-eat taro and I Asp-eat yam Soken Was eating taro and I Was eating yam.

ese

nou

pu r un s i a TAS OL nou

wau se

s e i n Soken

this house big my but house new cop his Soken This big house is mine, but the new house is Soken ' s .

a- i NA u n d a-k i an ( 5 8) Kaiep Karok a - s i Karok he-sit he-s tay and banana he-eat Karok sat and ate a banana. ( 59 ) Bulu

l uma

ka

koruka o i

house REL big

yea

i a no- g u , TASOL l uma

this it CL-my

ka

ka l abaka

house REL new

but

i a ne Lago t e

that i t C L Lagote This big house is mine, but that new house is Lagote ' s . It i s common i n Papua New Guinea Austronesian l anguage s for c l auses to follow each other in simple parataxis , as in the Kairiru example be low , and there is no evidence that na and t a s o l have replaced native morpheme s :

( 60) Kairiru e i o-mo r r wu r r a-qan h e he-sit banana he-eat He sat and ate a banana. The subordinating con j unctions t a i m when and s a pos if are i l lustrated below : ( 6 1 ) Sera

( 6 2 ) Sera

TA I M Soken to-a i n

bur,

ya t o l - i

when Soken ASp-eat banana I ca l l-him Whi le Soken was eating a banana, I called him.

SOPOS u i k n - o t e r - pe i , ba i re i

pe

tu

n a - k e r - pe i

if we FUT-we-go FUT they se lf too FUT-they-go If we go, they wi l l go too .

552

MALCOLM ROSS

( 6 3 ) Kaiep SAPOS k i t t a - l i a , ba i nd i t u ka- l i a if we we-go FUT they too they-go If we go, they wi l l go too . ( 6 4 ) Harua TA I M e To i - ka n - ka n i a vud i , e i a u a kene-a when ART To he-eat-eat ART banana ART I I cal l-him Whi le To was eating a banana, I called him. ( 65 ) Harua SAPO S m i seu g- e -mano , r i tou popo r i to g- e-ma i if we FUT-we-go they too they FUT-they-come If we go, they wi l l come too. The native equivalent of the structures i llustrated above appears to have been parataxis .

6.5.3.6

T h e d i s course marker o ra i t

One o f the functions o f Tok pisin o ra i t corresponds to that o f Engli sh now, right , etc . in marking the beginning of a new segment of di scourse ( see S inclair and Coulthard 1 97 5 : 40 ) , as in this example from Sanko f f ( 1 972 : 45-46) : ( 6 6 ) Tok Pi sin O RA I T , d i s fe l a tok em b i l on g pepu l . . . now this ta lk it PREP people Now, this talk has to do with the people Both Laycock ( 1966) and Sankoff ( 19 7 2 ) give examples which show that this use of o ra i t is transferred into vernacular discourse with an apparently iden­ tical function.

6.5.3.7

Repl aci ve and neol og i s t i c transferences among gramma t i ca l morphemes

If the grammatical transferences described in sections 6 . 5 . 3 . 1 to 6 . 5 . 3 . 6 above are divided into replacive transferences and neologistic transference s , we arrive a t the following l i st ing : a) Replac ive i) Negative adverbial no ( Sera) ii) Completive aspect-marker p i n i s ( Sera, Kaiep) iii) Future ten se-marker ba i ( as a pre-verbal modifier in Ali , Kaiep , Kairiru) iv) Modal verbs ( as pre-verbal modifiers in Sera , Kaiep) v) Post-nominal emphasisers ( S era , Ali , Tumleo , Kaiep , Kairiru , Bariai) vi ) Preposition wa n t a i m ( as an adverbial in Baria i , Maleu) vii) Equative copula em ( Sera) vi i i ) Di scourse marker o ra i t ( Buan g , Abe lam) b) Neologi st ic i) ii) iii) iv)

Future tense-marker ba i ( ?Sera) Modal verbs ( ?Harua, Abe lam) Prepos itions ( Sera , Al i , Kaiep) Clause con j unctions ( Sera , Kairiru , Kaiep , Bulu , Harua)

EFFECTS OF TOK PISIN ON VERNACULAR LANGUAGES

553

Clearly this li sting i s rather tentative , as w e l ack sufficient information about earlier stages of the vernaculars . In the case of o ra i t , we have assumed that discourse markers are language-universal , and that the use of o ra i t must therefore be replacive .

6.5.4

D I SCUSSI ON Our d i scuss ion addresses itsel f to two interre l ated que stions : a) Why have tran s ferences from Tok Pisin into vernacu lars occurred?

b) Why have the same grammatical transferences from Tok Pi sin occurred in different vernaculars? The answers to both these questions are immediately clear with regard to neologistic lexical transference s : they are items borrowed from Tok Pisin for obj e cts and concepts which did not exist in the cultures of Papua New Guinea before contac t . The two que st ions are less eas ily answered with regard t o replacive lexical transferences and to grammatical transferences . However , the fact that lexical borrowing occurs in order to provide an item in the vernacular where none exi sted before provides us with a c lue to the reasons for other k inds of transference . We noted in section 6 . 5 . 2 a case of replacive lexi cal transference whereby a s ingle Tok Pisin item s ave know has replaced several Adzera items with more speciali sed meanings . Clearly , we cannot say that no i tem for know existed in Adze ra before . However , we suggest that from the viewpoint of the speaker fam­ i l i ar with Tok Pisin , no i tem with the semantic range o f Tok Pisin s ave existed be fore , and that for him the transference of save into Adzera is an easier strat­ egy than searching for the contextually appropriate and s emantically narrower Adzera equivalen t . Seen i n this way , the introduction of s ave into Adzera a s an alternant or a replacement for exi stent lexical items is not so very difficult from the introduction o f ros i t i ( English rusty ) into Nakanai for a new concept as an alte rnant for the creation of koko- robo ( literal ly excrete-covering) from native items ( c f . Johnston 1980 : 10 ) . Although the speaker ' s perception that his vernacular has no item for an obj ect or concept is probably � important step towards the explanation of re­ placive l exical transference , i t is certainly not a complete explanation . At least two other factors are important , one individual , the other social . The individual factor was mentioned above , name ly that the speaker must fee l suf­ ficien tly ' at home ' in Tok Pisin to have a need to find vernacular items which are equivalent to Tok Pi sin items - as a result of which he employs a Tok Pisin item where he f inds no vernacular item which he perceives to be its equivalent . The social factor i s described by Chowning ( 1 98 3 ) , who points out that a variety o f cultural features wi l l make a l anguage more receptive or less receptive to lexical transference . Clearly the operation of each of these two factors is a matter o f degree . As Chowning points out , the transference of Tok Pisin mo ran python and s i ka u wal laby into Sengseng, where speakers are normal ly not at home in Tok pisin , i s probably attributab le to a cultural feature , namely a system of word taboos . The presence o f s a k shark and w i n wind in Kove , however , results from the bi l i ngualism o f speakers in Tok Pisin and Kove , and from the degree of speak ers ' ' at home ' -ness in Tok Pisin. If we turn to neologistic grammati cal trans ferences such as the transference o f Tok Pisin prepositions ( section 6 . 5 . 3 . 3 ) or c lause conjunctions ( section 6 . 5 . 3 . 5 ) into vernaculars , we see that the explanations we have offered for

554

MALCOLM ROSS

lexical transferences may apply - in part , at least - to grammatical transfer­ ences as wel l . It is clear that the Austronesian vernaculars which lacked prep­ ositions and clause conj unctions were not essentially defective : they simply used other devices to express , for example , the locative and instrumental rela­ tions expressed by Tok P i sin l ong and wan ta i m . However , the bilingual speaker who is very much ' at home ' in Tok Pisin may well perceive his vernacular as lacking equivalent items , and makes up for their absence through the transfer­ ence into the vernacular o f the Tok Pisin prepositions and clause con j unctions . Again , there are other factors which wi l l encourage or hinder transference . The phrase and c lause structure of the Austronesian vernaculars we have cited above is quite s imilar to that o f Tok pisin , and it is l ike ly that this encour­ ages speakers to apply the use to the same basic gramma tical system for both language s , i . e . to speak each as a morpheme- for-morpheme equivalent of the other . Where the speaker is more at home in Tok Pisin than in the vernacular , he wi l l tend t o make his vernacular utterances morpheme-for-morpheme equivalents o f his Tok Pi sin utterances , a process which wil l foster the transference o f Tok Pisin grammatical morphemes l ike prepositions and conjunctions where no direct equiva­ lent exists in the vernacular . To what extent the pressure to find morpheme­ for-morpheme equivalences applies to non-Austronesian vernaculars , whose struc­ tures are dissimilar to Tok Pisin , is a matter for inve stigation : Laycock ' s Abe lam data ( c f . example ( 2 9 ) above ) indicate that it does apply in some measure , as Tok Pisin s a ve not only replace s Abelam r e , but is inserted pre-verbal l y , as in Tok Pisin. We noted above that Sera, Kaiep , and Harua , the three languages in our data which are most affected by transference from Tok Pisin, are all spoken in small communities where Tok Pisin assumes a large measure o f importance and where there is no pressure to retain a ' pure ' form of the vernacular . The cases of replacive grammatical transference described above are probably attributable to much the same factors as replacive lexical transference . For examp l e , the replacement of vernacular verb phrase morphemes by . Tok Pisin morph­ eme s , de scribed in section 6 . 5 . 3 . 1 , i s probab ly attributab le to the speaker ' s feel ing that his vernacular lacks precise equivalents of p i n i s , b a i , or the modals s a ve , mas , l a i k and i na p , in much the same way as the Adzera-speaker feels that Adzera l acks a translation-equivalent of the lexical item s ave know. It i s also probably this factor which leads to the same transferences occurring in widely separated language s : the Austronesian l anguages o f papua New Guinea in general use much the same semantic categories , and it is at the points where these di ffer from Tok Pisin that transferences tend to occur . For example , in their verbal systems the Austronesian languages of Papua New Guinea tend to dis­ t inguish morphological ly between realis and irreal i s , rather than between present and future , and between continuity and punctil iarity , rather than between hab­ itual and ' one off ' actions , and the transference of ba i and save seems to rep­ resent an attempt to introduce these dist inctions into vernaculars .

6.5.5

CONCLUS I ON

The common factor to which we have attributed transference from Tok Pisin to vernaculars is that the item which is transferred is perce ived by the speaker as having no sufficiently exact vernacular equivalent . In cases of neologistic lexical transference , this perception results from the fact that the obj ects and concepts for which lexical items are borrowed are indeed new to the culture . In

EFFECTS OF TOK PISIN ON VERNACULAR LANGUAGES

555

the other kinds of transference discussed here , the speaker ' s perception results from the factors summari sed in our quotation from Laycock ( 19 7 9 ) : speakers are bilingua l , and there is no coun tervailing social pressure to prevent transfer­ ences becoming stable . We have also suggested that it is necessary for the speaker to be more at home in Tok Pi sin than in his vernacular for transferences to occur , and that this ' at home ' -ness encourages the speaker to search for morpheme- for-morpheme vernacular equivalents to Tok Pisin. Examples of s imi lar phenomena outside Papua New Guinea are not difficult to find . Grammatical transference from a lingua franca into a vernacular has occurred with the adoption of Spanish prepositions into Tagalog and Chamorro , presumably because languages with a Phil ippine ' focus ' system tend to express grammatical re lations in their verbal morphology , rather than through independent morphemes , and speakers at home in s�anish therefore felt a lack of vernacular equivalents to Spanish prepositions . Tagalog has the Spanish co-ordinating con j unction pero ( Schachter and Otanes 1972 : 54 4 ) , corresponding to Tok Pisin t a so l , and the Spanish comparative adverb mas ( S chachter and otanes 1 9 7 2 : 2 39) Spanish m a s ) . Walker ( n . d . ) records the use of the Indonesian modals h a rus « must and ma u want to in Koiwai ( south coast of I rian Jaya) , parallel to the trans ference of their Tok Pisin equivalents ma s and l a i k into Papua New Guinea vernaculars . He also notes the transference of the Indonesian negator b ukan into Koiwai ( as b u ? a n ) , analogous to the Sera replacement of the nat ive negator t enen by Tok Pi sin i - no . Some corroboration of the hypothesis that ' at home ' -ness in the source language is an important condition of transference is provided by the fact that transference occurs with considerable frequency in immigrant communities where speakers become more at home in the l anguage of their adoptive country , and transfer from it into their ancestral vernacular . It is also interesting that transference again often affects the same categories of morpheme as we have noted for Tok Pi sin-to-vernacul ar transference . Thus transference of prepositions has been noted from Engl i sh into German ( Clyne 1 96 7 : 62-63) and Ital ian ( Andreoni 196 7 ) i n Australia and from English into French i n Canada ( Mougeon e t a l 1978) , and transference of conj unctions has been noted from English into German in Australia ( Clyne 1967 : 36- 39) . The idea that transference results from bilingualism is not new in the l in­ gui stic lite rature . Hermann Paul ( 19 3 7 : 391-39 3 ) , in his Prin zipien der Sprach­ geschichte , originally published in 1886 , attributes transference and language­ mixing to bilingual ism. The S ixth International Conference of Linguists held in Paris in 1948 ( Le j eune 1 949 ) di scussed the question of morphological trans ference , and contributions stressed that it occurs as a result of bilingualism ( Vogt 1949 : 3 1-40 ) ; the grammatical s imilarities in the languages of the Balkan Sprach­ bund are attributable to bilingually initiated transference , as Krepinsky exemp­ l i fies in his contribution (Krepinsky 1949 : 3 1 7 - 3 2 4 ) . The pressure · to seek morpheme- for-morpheme equivalence s has resulted not only in the grammatical parall e lism of the Balkan l anguages , but in the phenomenon of what Cape l l ( 1 97 6b ) calls ' mixed languages ' in papua New Guinea . Maisin , the language which has come to epitomi se ' mixed l anguages ' in Papua New Guinea , is an Austrones ian language which has undergone bi l ingua l ly initiated transference on a l arge scale from a neighbouring non-Austronesian language . 4 As such , it is not essentially diffe rent from Rumanian , a Romance language which , according to Krepin sky , has undergone b i l ingual ly initiated transference from neighbouring Slav d ialects .

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Of the Austronesian languages we have examined in this paper , Sera , Kaiep and Harua appear to be undergoing changes s imi lar to those which have a ffected Mais in , di ffering from the latter only in the source and extent of transference . As such , they are cases of a phenomenon which has probably occurred many times be fore in papua New Guinea , and which is wel l worth further study . We e nd on a note of caution , name ly that it is important to keep the trans­ ference phenomena we have di scussed in this paper conceptually separate from the phenomena of pidginisation . A tendency has arisen in the last decade or so to assume that l anguage contact results in pidginisat ion . Thus Goodman ( 19 7 1 ) expresses some surprise that the Tanzanian language Mbugu , which is evidently a ' mixed ' language , has not undergone the simpli fications which are predictable from a pidginisation hypothesis . I f we assume , however ( and evidence presented by Tucker and Bryan ( 19 7 4 ) points to this ) , that Mbugu is a mixed l anguage resulting from massive trans ference , then we have no need to resort to a pidgin­ isation hypothesis . Clear ly , language contact is a phenomenon whose surface has only been scratched , but it seems that i t would be helpful if pidginisation and trans ference were recogn i s ed as two quite separate phenomena .

NOTES l.

Abbreviations used in this paper are as follows : ABIL ART ASP CL COMPL COP DESR DL EXC FUT HAB

abi l itative article aspect-marker possessive classifier completive copula desiderative dual exclus ive future habitual

INC IRR NEG NM OBL PL PM POSTP PREP REAL REL

inclusive irrealis negator noun-marker obligatory plural predicate marker postposition preposition real is relative marker

2.

Kairiru examples are presented in Wivel l ' s ( 1981) orthography , but examples , unless otherwi se acknowledge d , are from my fieldnotes .

3.

Tagalog has p a ra for ( purposive ) ( S chachter and Otanes 1972 : 259 ) ; Chamorro has p a r a for ( benefactive ) , des de from , a s t a « Spanish h a s t a ) until, as far as , s i n without , pot « Spanish po r ) about, on account of, kon t ra against ( Topping 19 7 3 : 1 2 5 - 1 30 ) .

4.

To support this statement with data lies far beyond the scope of this paper , but the writer hopes to supply this lack at a future dat e .

Ross, M. "Current use and expansion of Tok Pisin: effects of Tok Pisin on some vernacular languages". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:539-556. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.539 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

6.6

T H E S C I E N T I F I C STUDY O F TOK P I S I N :

T H E WR I T I NG O F D E S C R I PT I V E TO K P I S I N G RAMMARS P . Muhlhau s l e r

6.6.1

I NTRODUCT I ON

When the h istory of linguistics in the 2 0th century comes to be written , a separate chapter should be devoted to the que stion ' what did l inguists regard as legi timate topics of investigation? ' . For a long time only a few languages were thought worthy of attention , whi l st the remainder were given label s such as ' ungrammatical or deviant ' . Grammarians in earl ier centuries regarded the classical languages Hebrew , Latin and Greek as the only ones deserving grammatical study and it was commonly accepted that a l l other languages fe l l short of this ideal . Languages with no inflection , such as English , were said to be ' grammarless ' . The rise of European nationalism brought a maj or reorientation , in that language s such as German , French and Engl ish were now regarded as systems on a par with the c lassical languages . At the same t ime , the be lief that primitive peoples from other parts of the world communicated by means of barbarous tongues remained firmly e stab­ l ished. In fact , it was hoped by 18th century linguists that the study of lan­ guages spoken by ' cultural ly primitive ' and illiterate people could throw light upon the origin of human language ( c f . Robins 1967 : 15 8 f f ) . When unbiased observers began to look at the so-called ' primitive ' languages however , they often met with intricacie s of grammatical organisation that were not found in the languages famil iar to them. Thus , the notion that there were deve loped and underdeveloped languages began to make way , in the late 19th century for the now generally accepted view that a l l human l anguages are o f comparable grammatical complexity and that the many surface dissimil arities are all manifestations of a deepe r unive rs a l ' human language capacity ' . However , the status o f true languages has continued to be denied , until very recently , to a number of lingui stic phenomena , name ly child language , pidgins ( and creoles ) , and second l anguage learners ' approximative systems . What is common to these is that they are l inguistic systems in deve lopment . The view that deve lopmental systems , such as child language and pidgins , were deviant in some way was dominant prior to 1970 , and linguists lacked the conceptual paradigm to de scribe the dynamic s o f language development in time and space . Thus , the utterances made by a child were regarded as faulty imitations of the paren ts ' mode and Pidgin Engl ish was l abe l led ' bad ' or ' broken ' Engl ish . It has been shown by recent child language studie s , however , that , far from being faulty imitations , the utterances made by a child reflect an innate lan­ guage acquisition device . Language deve lopment follows a fixed course ; correc­ tions and teaching on the part of the parents are only minor factors in this deve lopment . In shor t , children are innovative rather than imitative .

S . A . Wurm and P . Muhlhausler , eds Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pi dgin) , 5 5 7-57 5 . Pacific Lingui stics , C- 7 0 , 1 984 . P . Muhlhausler ©

Mühlhäusler, P. "The scientific study of Tok Pisin: the writing of descriptive Tok Pisin grammars". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:557-575. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.557 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

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P . MUHLHA USLER

In spite of some pioneering attempt s by scholars such as Schuchardt and Hall ( Mei j e r and Muysken 19 7 7 ; Hall 1966) in the field of pidgin and creole studie s , the view that pidgins and creoles are parasitic rather than independent language systems is st i l l widely found . However , a close study of pidgins re­ vea l s that they are systems in their own right . Like child language , pidgins are highly dynamic , changing from less to more complex systems as the communica­ tive demands of the ir users increase . Moreover , the development o f a pidgin cannot be explained in terms of random mixing or imperfect imitation , since it has been found that pidgins develop along universally preprogrammed l ine s , a fact which explains their amazing similarity in various parts of the wor l d . As with chi ld l anguage , a pidgin illustrates the capacity of human beings to create e f ficient communicat ion systems , the principal difference between the two being that children are communicating in an established lan guage community whereas pidgins develop as communicat ion systems for previously non-existent language communities . As pidgins i llustrate how adults learn and create new languages , their study has become a maj or research area in second language teaching and learning re­ search . It is now becoming clear that the errors committed by , say , a second language learner of English are to a large extent systematic and describable in terms of natural deve lopmental processes . In contrast to the development of pidgins , which takes place without formal tuition or pressure to conform to a pre-existing standard , a formal second l anguage learning context introduces e lements which may run counter to the natural learning orde r . A close study of pidgins as examples of naturally learnt languages may well result in more efficient second language teaching. Today , no area o f human communication remains that is not regarded as a legitimate field of investigation . What is more , deve lopmental systems such as ch ild l anguage and pidgins are increasingly regarded as central to the study of human l anguage and language learning capacity . Our brief survey of the deve lopment of thinking about l anguage can be sum­ marised as fol lows : Stage

Languages investigated

Regarded previous ly as

1 7th century

Engl i sh , German , etc .

Deviations from c lassical ideal as embodied in Hebrew , Greek and Latin .

1 7 th to 19th century

Languages o f i l l iterate societies .

Lower on evolutionary s cale than ful l y developed European language s .

First half o f 2 0th century

Pidgins and creole s .

Impoveri shed versions of ' donor ' l an guage s .

From 1960

Child language .

Imperfectly learnt version of parents ' l anguage .

From early 1970s

Second language learner ' s approximative systems .

Imperfectly and unsystem­ atically learnt version of target language .

Despite the fact that pidginists are now in a s ituation where the legitimacy of their subject matter i s widely accepted , the problem of what to do with this newly gained respectability remains .

WRITING OF DESCRIPTIVE TOK PISIN GRAMMARS

6.6.2

559

P R I NC I PLES O F DESCRI P T I V E L I NGUISTICS AND THE DESCRI P T I ON OF TOK P I S I N

6.6.2.1

Ge nera l rema rks

Whereas a number of grammars and grammatical sketches of Tok Pisin have been written ( see chapter on hi story of research ( 2 . 1 ) ) , few have devoted much attention to questions such as the nature of the data , the aims of description , the methods used and the more fundamental problems of grammar writing . This , on the whole , has not prevented scholars such as Hall ( 1943a) , Wurm ( 1971a) or Laycock ( 1970c) from producing highly useable grammars , which have helped a large number of people to understand and speak the l anguage and to make sense of many of its grammatical complexities . Howeve r , a comparison of the grammatical statements made in these works with the texts appended to them soon reveals some interesting discrepancies and uncertainties . I t i s such cases , together with some more principled questions that wi l l constitute the subj ect of this chapte r . Descriptivism in lingui stic s can be characterised by the following guiding assumptions : a) b) c) d)

languages are to be studied on the ir own terms prescription is taboo speaking is primary , writing secondary synchronic studies should take methodological precedence over diachronic ones e) systems are invariant

Each of these assumptions wil l now be considered .

6.6.2.2

Li ngu i st i c i ndependence

The idea which mo st strongly prompted serious pidgin stUdies is that a l l languages should be studied o n their own terms and not as deviations from or mani festations of any specific or universal grammar . This idea is one of the pillars of l ingui stic descriptivism. De scriptive l inguists postulate a twofold independence : a) from other l in­ gui stic systems and b) from language external factors . In the history of Tok Pisin description these principles were not always heeded . Thus , Borchardt ( 19 3 0 ) writes i n the introduction t o his Guidance for l earning the Tok-Boi : As Tok-boi , a l so called , pidgin-English , is according to its character , a Kanaka language , it would be best , to start the teaching of a Kanaka l anguage . We take the handbook of the North-Gaze l le Peninsula language by P . B ley , M . S . C . I f we translate the separate lessons into Tok-boi , we wi l l succeed in the quickest way , to obtain the knowledge of this South sea product Tok-boi , wh ich i s only handled correctly by the boys . A simi lar view is expressed by Reed ( 1943 : 2 7 5 ) who claims that " the basic gram­ mat ical structure corresponds to the general Me lanesian pattern" , and it is only in the very recent past that this view has been seriously cha l lenged ( e . g . by Mosel 1980 and Muhlhausler 1 98 1a ) . The view that Tok Pisin has a Melanesian grammar has , in at l east some instance s , led to curious examples of prescriptiv­ ism . Thus Sadler ( 1 9 7 3b : 98 , 99 ) strongly obj ects to the use of ta i m in the mean ing when as in Ta i m P a n u i s t a p l on g t a u n m i l u k i m when Panu stayed in town

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I saw him reflecting a widespread Lutheran Mi ss ion attitude that this is a non­ Melanesian usage . Hal l , on the other hand, in his various writings ( e specially 1955a and 1966) subscribes to the view that the proportion of English structure in Tok Pisin i s both greater and more fundamental that that of Me lanesian structure ( c f . 1 966 : 11 7 ) and that the corre spondence of Engli sh and Tok Pisin structure is highly systematic . He appears to imply that Tok Pisin could be described in terms of a sma l l numbe r of systematic rul es which change English structures into Tok P isin ones plus a small set of irregularities. A tentative list of such correspondences in phonology is given by Laycock ( 19 70c : xivff) who points out , however , that "there wil l be many exceptions" ( p . xvi) . Hall would be very hard pushed indeed if he was asked to give similar corre spondence rules for morphology and syntax . The problem with the alleged structural s imi larity be tween Engl ish and Tok Pisin i s that i t i s felt to occur at some i ll-defined deeper leve l . This assumption is also made by Hooley ( 1962) . In his criticism of Hoole y ' s article , Turner ( 1966 : 2 0 7 ) is quick to point out that : Simi larities were indeed discovered , but rather general one s , and it might be interesting to take two certainly unrelated languages , like Maori and En glish , and see what s imilarities were discovered there , and whether there is a basic similarity in all l ingui stic structure , in the sense that all can be described by rather similar trans format ional mode l s . This seems an a lmo st necessary assumption in applying the transformational model to two l anguages in the first place . Some di fficulties in detail emerge too . It is suggested that the passive trans formation , a key one in asses sing the value of trans formation grammars , is appl icable to Neo­ Melanesian . Thus , as They spi l led the petrol can be trans­ formed to The petro l was spi l led, so 0 1 i - kapsa i t i m ben s i n can be transformed to Bens i n i - kapsa i t . There is a differ­ ence , however , in that Neo-Melanesian does not offer a parallel to the possible The petrol was spi l led by them. Thi s difference could be sign i fican t . The value of the passive trans formation depends on the possibi lity of the preservation of the original subj ect in a ' by ' -phrase . I f we do not s imply take Bens i n i - kapsa i t as parallel t o such Engl ish intransitive constructions as the petrol spi l led or the container overturned, why should it not be compared with the I celandic impersonal construction? Because it would be a single chance coincidence with Icelandic? But in Icelandic , as in Neo-Melane sian , there are dual pronouns . V i t the two of us includes the meaning of m i t upe 1 a another person and I . In Ice landic there is a construction using a dual pronoun and a noun in apposition , as in v i t G u n n a r r which means Gunnarr and I . In Neo-Me lanes ian , the s entence M i t u pe 1 a m i s u s b i 1 0ng m i go l on g Mumeng MY wife and I are going to MUmeng clearly could be interpreted as similar to Icelandic one s ( and , more relevantly , to identical polynesian ones) . Similarities between Tok Pi sin on the one hand and Tolai or Engli sh on the other can be expecte d , though their existence is no justi fication for describing Tok Pisin as a parasitic system . Apart from the fact that many of its constructions

WRITING OF DESCRIPTIVE TOK PISIN GRAMMARS

561

are the result of independent developments and hence typica lly not found in any of its contact l anguages , there is a significant number of cases where two inter­ pretat ions are equally possible . As observed by a number of authors ( e . g . Bate son 1944 , Silverstein 1 9 7 2 ) , the grammatical surface structure s of a pidgin can be such that to the European they appear European and to the indigene indi­ genous . This means that , for a number of Tok Pisin construction s , there are at least two equally valid analyses . In practical descriptions this important point tends to be overlooked. An example i s the treatment o f what Hall ( 1 943a : 20 ) calls ' verbal suffixe s ' . From the viewpoint of English mother tongue speakers of Tok pisin , Hal l ' s analysis that the " adverbial suf fixe s are awt out , a p up and -we away . Of these only a p is used extensively : b r i ngap bring up , kamap rise, appear . " , makes good sense . From the point of view of many indigenous users of the language however , - a p is an intransitive verb rather than an adverbial suffix , as can be seen from con­ structions such as : .

b r i ngap bok i s a i n i a p

V

N + V pred . marker V t intr cp intr verb chain

.

bring up the patro l box

A simi l ar case , at least in the formative years of Tok Pisin , is that i which by some speakers was used as an anaphoric pronoun , by others as a predicate marker . In a language that changes as fast as Tok Pisin , mUltiple analysis and reanalysi s of surface structures is quite normal and to ignore this would do in j ustice to the character of the language . Note that such multiple analyses may , but do not necessarily , re flect the dependence of aspects of Tok Pis in grammar on other systems . Examples such as the ones j ust mentioned illustrate a pos s ible discrepancy between the descriptive l inguis�s programma tic statement of ' de scribing a l an­ guage in its own terms ' and her or his descriptive practice . Structuralist linguists such a s Hall often subscribed to the principle of preferential i gnor­ ance , i . e . the less a l i nguist knew about the language , the more ob j e ct ive her or h i s account of the observed data . Such a view ignores the many culture­ related metalinguistic views and prej udices even the most obj ective observer will hol d . Linguists brought up in a western tradition are bound to observe entities such as sentence s , phoneme s , nouns , verb s , adverbs and so forth and are l ikely to ignore grammatical e l ements which are not clearly referential , are ambiguous as to their segmentability and situation-creating rather than situation dependent ( for a di scuss ion see Silverstein 1981 ) . There is nothing wrong with de scribing languages in terms of units such as the ones mentioned here as long as these units are de fined by a l inguistic theory and not thought to be god-given entit ie s . However , no-one using the same entities to describe two different languages can claim to describe languages in their own terms . This takes us to a third type of dependence of individual descriptions on other systems . Contrary to earlier views which related Tok Pisin to either English or Tolai , many l inguists nowadays regard the language as a manifestation of universal principles of languag� deve lopment and thus aim at giving a de scrip­ tion in terms of alleged l inguistic universa l s . More has been said about this in the chapte r on theoretical issues ( 6 . 7 ) . The only aspect I wish to mention which is not present in traditional descriptive linguistics , i . e . an explanation of the origins of structures . A universal i st approach , particularly when com­ bine d with the analysis o f deve lopments , attempts to explain why observed grammar is as it is and why other mathematically possible combinations of grammatical rules and regularities are unl ikely or impossible . Given the fact that there

562

P. MVHLHAUSLER

are no grammat ical di scovery procedures and that the idea of a totally obj ective observer is unreal i stic , a knowledge of l inguistic unive�sals , in particular deve lopmental ones , can be a great help to the l inguist describing a pidgin . It allows her or him to exclude a number of unreasonable hypothe ses right from the beginning and to concentrate on plausible structures instead . Descriptions involving universals often refer to deeper causes , though It i s not possible , at this considerable uncertainty prevai ls in this area . point , to explain grammatical structures o f Tok Pi sin e ither in terms of bio­ logical or neurological parameters or in terms of social pressure s . Turner ' s statement ( 1966 : 207-208) that : The structure of Neo-Me lanesian derives from the social s ituation in which the intermediary l anguage was used . Some grammatically important morphemes and some more general details o f syntactic structure may derive from one or another of the ' terminal ' languages but it i s doubt ful whether the importance of these i s equal to the importance of the social setting in determining Neo-Me lanesian structure . ignores the difference between social s ituations triggering off certain l inguis­ tic deve lopments and soc ial s i tuations directly creating l inguistic structures . A worthwhile di scussion o f this problem i s given by Ke l ler ( 1982 : 1- 2 7 ) . The principle of the independence of lingui stic systems has been shown to be problematic both at the l evel of the l anguage to be de scribed (which may be influenced to a greater or lesser extent by outside forces) and at the level of linguistic de script ion ( since descriptions derive from explicit or implicit theories) . As our knowledge of these matters expands , both the range and nature of the observed data and the l anguage in which our de script ions are couched wi l l change .

6.6.2.3

The rol e of prescri p t i o n

One o f the principal points made b y most 20th century l inguists i s that grammars should be descriptive and not prescriptive . In the words of Dinneen ( 1 967 : 6 ) : The l ingui st , as an initial part of his investigation , merely records what the speakers of the l anguage say , just as he hears it . . . . I t i s not his task to lay down rules of usage . Such a statement has to be seen as a reaction against the earlier practice o f forcing the grammars of observed languages into the framework o f Latin and Greek grammar . The importance o f description and the re j ection o f prescription was further enhanced by the emphasis on social and l inguistic relativism. Thus , according to the founder of the American descriptivist tradition , Boas , there was no ideal type of l anguage to which actual languages approximated more or less closely . In stead , human l anguage s were seen to be endlessly diverse and hence to be studied in the ir own righ t . Linguistic relativism is further reflected in the view that there are no primitive languages , that rather all l inguistic systems are equal s . I t i s not surpri sing that the advocates o f this view were concerned with the problems of objective observations and di scovery procedures , which , when app l i ed to a given set of linguistic raw data , would yield an objective analys i s .

WRITING OF DESCRIPTIVE TOK PISIN GRAMMARS

563

There is no reason to believe , however , that the aim o f finding discovery pro­ cedures is a reali stic one . Indeed , the availability of such procedures would make l inguistics unique among the science s . This has been reali sed in the more recent past and most linguists would now agree with Lyons ' view ( 1981 : 4 3 ) that : . . . there is no such thing as theory-neutral and hypothesis­ free observation and data collection . To use a currently fashionable phrase , originating with popper , observation i s , of nece s s ity and from the onset , theory-laden . Given that this is so, it would seem most realistic and conducive to grammatical enquiry to spe l l out in detail one ' s theoretical position and assumptions , before undertaking the j ob of grammatical descript ion . It will only be at a later stage of enquiry , i . e . during testing, that one can j udge the appropriateness of a given framework to the data under investigat ion. The relat ionship between dif­ ferent model s of l inguistic de script ion and Tok Pisin data wi l l be discussed be low . I t would seem then that the kind o f data considered within one ' s theoretical framework , as wel l as the de scriptive proce s s itse l f , are bound to introduce some element of prescript ion . This , I would l ike to argue , is not necessari ly a bad thing and , in the case o f deve loping l anguages such as Tok Pisin , can indeed be beneficial to users and planners of the language . By choosing the most developed varieties of the language as the basi s for one ' s description , one may bring such expressively more powerful varieties to the attention o f a larger number of speaker s , a procedure strongly favoured by Wurm ( 19 78) . Simil arly , by ignoring less regular variants , one can introduce greater regularity into planned and standardised varieties of the l anguage . The conflict between de scription and pres cription is greatest in grammatical model s which insist o n a strict separation o f synchronic and diachronic grammar . I f , on the other hand , the grammatical de scription i s that o f expan sion and develop­ ment , one can make prescriptions more l ike anticipated or predicted developments . Be fore such predictive regularisation can be carried out , however , we require , in the words of Wurm ( 19 7 8 : 182 ) : . . . a detai led study and exhaust ive description of such features and their variat ions in a l l observable forms o f New Guinea Pidgin which would provide the basis for cumu­ lative prescriptive statements .

6.6.2.4

The rel a t i o ns h i p between spea k i ng and wri t i ng

The reasons for separating the study of spoken and written l anguage and for regarding the former as the primary mani festation are given in Saussure ' s Cours de l ingui s ti que gen erale , and have been repeated and expanded upon many times since the appearance of the Cours in 1914 . Whereas 19th century l inguis­ tics and earlier language studies were o ften seen as a service discip line pro­ viding the background to the understanding of l i terary texts , 2 0th century lingui stics , by stres sing the primacy of the spoken word , a l so stressed its independence as a discipline . An examination of the study of Tok Pisin revea l s a paradoxical Whereas the primary funct ion of this language is c learly that of an of commun icat ion and whereas its emergence as a widely used written back only a decade or so , most descriptive linguists had to rely on written data :

s ituation . oral medium medium dates two kinds of

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P. MUHLHAUSLER

a)

short stretches o f Tok pis in scattered through English language travel book s , novels and court proceedings ;

b) artificial sample sentence s , which reflect written sentences in the language of the grammar write r . Moreove r , i n the few cases where spoken language data were used , they almost inevitably were taken from narrative style , i . e . a highly monitored style which in many regards exhibits the functional and structural properties of written style in literate societie s . The study o f Tok Pisin i s thus plagued by a heavy rel iance on a scriptist tradition - in spite of programmatic statements to the contrary by some writers . with the availability of better recording techniques and more sophisticated mode l s of descript ion , the problems j ust alluded to are beginning to be solved . Thus , a number of investigators have recorded unmonitored natural conversations ( i . e . the type of language least influenced by writing) and have also begun to examine the differences between spoken and -written Tok Pisin ( e . g . S iegel 19 81) . A better understanding of written Tok Pisin is necessary because lan guage plan­ ning is concerned with the written rather than the spoken form of the l anguage . There may thus be a good case for favouring studies of the written language . Whatever form o f the l an guage is used as the basis for description , however , the nature of the data should be made perfectly clear in the text .

6.6.2.5

Sync hro n i c and d i achron i c stu d i es

The di st inction between synchronic and diachronic language studies again stems from Saussure ' s Cours . Ever s ince Saussure ' s ideas became accepted in Europe , America and Austral ia, linguists have embraced the principle that syn­ chronic atemporal study of language is not only possible but in fact should be the starting point of any linguistic analys i s . Thus descriptivism is often taken to be synonymous with synchronic analysi s . As observed by Robins ( 1964 : 4) : De scriptive lingui stics . . . is concerned with the descrip­ tion and analysis of the ways in which a l anguage operates and is used by a given set of speakers at a given time . This time may be the present , and in the case of l anguages as yet unwritten or only recently given written form i t will inevitably b e the present . Statements such as the above one are potentially misleading . Whi ls t it is true that an understanding of how speakers use a language in any given s ituation does not involve a knowledge of i ts prehi story , even language as used at one point in absolute time is not entirely atemporal . Thus , in a given communicative act , speakers of di f ferent ages using temporally slightly dif fering rules wi l l b e seen t o communicate succe ss fully . within s ingle speakers , s ty listic shi fts can most typical ly be proj ected onto change over time , the general principle being that synchronic variation is a reflection of re lative time . In the case of Tok P i sin the exclus ion of t ime is more damaging than in most other linguis­ tic studies , as the structural changes here have been very considerable over a very short period of absolute t ime . The exclu s ion of change and time from a linguistic description not only poses the almost insurmountable problem of which variety at which point in time to base one ' s description on , it also deprives the analyst of explanatory power . Whi l st atemporal synchronic analyses merely de scribe more or less abstract

WRITING OF DESCRIPTIVE TOK PISIN GRAMMARS

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arbitrary language states , time-incorporating descriptions , i . e . those which consider those changes over relative t ime which are relevant to the functioning of the language at a given point in absolute time , have considerable explanatory power . Bailey ' s principle that developments explain resulting states but not vice versa not only sugge sts a commonsense approach to l inguistic description , it also suggests how the many dif ferent branches of l inguistics ( sociolinguistics , dialectology, styl istics , etc . ) can be integrated into one time-incorporating descriptive framework . I fee l it is j usti fied to say that the abol ition of the distinction between synchronic and diachronic l ingu i stics is an important precondition for descrip­ tively and explanatorily more adequate accounts of l anguage . Closely linked to the question of time is that of l inguistic variation .

6.6.2.6

The p l ace of vari at i on i n l i ng u i s t i c des c r i pti on s

Even i f i t was possible t o describe a language ' on its own terms ' , the question of what constitutes ' a l anguage ' remains . Whereas descriptive linguists aim at describing a s ingle invariant system , all l anguages , and pidgins even more so than ' normal ' languages , exhibit l inguistic variation . Variation i s found along the fol lowing dimens ions : a) temporal ( older speakers using different forms from younger ones ) b) social ( social group membership can promote di fferent norms and attitude s , affecting l inguistic output) c) geographical ( closeness or remoteness from centres of innovation promotes regional difference s ) d) styl i stic ( sel fconsciousness o r monitoring of speech results in selective suppress ion or promotion of grammatical phenomena ) . I t i s important to note that all these variations are , in the last instance , a result of t ime , since rules of grammar begin at a certain point and then travel through geographical , social and stylistic space . Consequently one typically finds that the informal style of very old people equates with the more formal style of middle-aged people , or that geographical variants are also used to sig­ nal social or styli stic affil iation . The various aspects of variation in Tok Pisin have been described in detail elsewhere in this volume . Whereas a time­ incorporating mode l o f l inguistic description , such as the deve lopmental one ( c f . Bailey 1 9 7 7 ) , has no problems in coping with variants found in a given speech community , linguists subscribing to strictly atemporal synchronic models are faced with considerable di fficu ltie s . Thus , in making sense of the enormous variat ion found in Tok pisin , the fol lowing solutions might be adopted : a) De script ion of a common core grammar shared by all speakers of the l anguage . Whi l st this is theoretically pos sible ( see Hockett 1958 : 33 l f f ) , the grammatical core shared by all speakers of Tok Pisin wou ld be very smal l indeed and its description give a very lop­ s ided picture of the l anguage . b) De scription of the overall pattern ( again discussed by Hockett 195 8 : 3 3 l f f ) , i . e . l i sting the sum total of a l l variants found at a given time . Hall ' s 1943a grammar , based on Tok Pisin as spoken by both Europeans and indigenes , is an attempt to do this . However ,

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a treatment of the numerous variations as free variants fai ls to do j u s ti ce to their social and communicative functioning . More­ ove r , it is difficult in such a model to say anyth ing about the relative importance of variants , as this depends on deve lopment and change . c) Concentration on a singl e variety . This view assume s that it i s possible to f ind an invariant variety i f sufficient external vari­ ables are kept constant . For example , it was believed by many descriptivist linguists that one could iso late so-cal led idiolects , i . e . var ieties spoken by one speaker di scussing one topic with one hearer in one s ituation . Howeve r , it has s ince become suf­ ficiently c lear ( cf . discuss ion in Labov 1972a) that the notion of an invariant idiolect is a fict ion and that , on the contrary , observed idiolects exhibit more variation than social grammars . Sadler ' s course ( 19 7 3b) comes c losest to an idiolectal description of Tok Pisin grammar and it i s a very disappointing effort indeed . d) Common-sense grammars . Given the fact that most grammars of Tok P i sin have been written s ingle-handedly by people who were s imul­ taneously engaged in many different type s of research and activ­ i ties , it is not surpri s ing that they took many shortcuts . Someone who is proficient in the language and has some background in lingui stics is normal ly capable of making pretty good gues se s about the relative importance o f grammatical constructions . Thus , grammars such as those by Laycock ( 1970c) , Mihalic ( 19 7 1 ) or Wurm ( 1971a) se lect those aspects of Tok pis in which are most widely spoken by conservative rural speakers in a selected part of the country, ignoring as much as possible individual and other d i f fer­ ence s . Whereas the result i s not a scientific description ( and no c laims are laid by the authors ) , they ful f i l an important role in practical l i fe . However , s ince i t i s based on selective observation and personal experience or inc linations , di screpancies with the actual spoken l anguage are common . They certainly do not attain the goal of observational adequacy , characteri sed by Botha as : "A gramma r correctly presenting the observed primary data achieves the lowest level of succes s , observational adequacy . " ( Botha 1 96 8 : 2 3 ) . Let me give some examples of the observational shortcomings of common- sense grammars . i ) " Adverbs can be freely derived from adj ectives by s imply dropping the ending - pe l a where applicable . " Restatements of this rule are widely found , e . g . Hall ( 1943a : 2 7 ) , Mihalic ( 19 57 : 39 ) , Wurm ( 19 7 1 a : 5 8 ) and Laycock ( 1 970c : xxvi i ) . The latter three mention nupe l a newly as an exception . An examination of recorded Tok P i sin data , however , suggests that the dropping of - pe l a in the formation o f adverbs from adj ectives is b y n o means as common as suggested by the above authors , nor can a number of adje ctives ever be used adverbially . Thi s example i l lustrates the widespread tendency among common- sense grammar writers to treat variable rules as categorical one s . i i ) The tre atment o f aspect markers a s categories o f the verb . Though it may be argued that a statement to the e ffect that the so- called c lass of aspect markers appears with verbs is observationally correct ,

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their appearance with nominal and other non-verbal predicates remains unac counted for . Thi s example i l lustrate s selective perception , i . e . aspect markers are perceived in the most prominent verbal context but ignored in other s . i i i ) The treatment of verbal reduplicat ion . Both Hal l ( 1943b : 19 4 ) and Laycock ( 1970c : xxiv) imply that we are dealing wi th a l i s t of lexical exceptions rathe r than a grammatical process . Muhlh ausler ( 1979c : 2 8 5 ) , on the other hand , makes a case for a general rule governing verbal redupl ication . A paral lel case in Jamaican Creole has been di scussed by DeCamp ( 1 974 ) . He observes that , in the case of Creole reduplication , " no informant habitually used the entire set of nine variants" ( p . 5 2 ) and continues to point out that " the total system appears only in the composite vocabulary of all my informants" (p . 5 3 ) . It is sugge sted that certain rules of gramma rs can only be discovered when examining data from a large number of di fferent informants , i . e . that these rules are in social rather than individual grammars . As common - sense gramm ars ( and idiolectal grammars for that matter) are not derived from the systematic study of large numbers of speakers , such regularities will usually go undiscovered .

6.6.2.7

Conc l u s i ons

Linguistic descriptivism is l imited by a number of factors , the most import­ ant ones being techn ical d i f ficulties and narrow theoretical assumptions . As regards the forme r , the absence of sophis ticated recording equipment has left l ingui sts , over a long period , with l ittle choice but to abstract from actual data in one or the other of the way s j ust outlined . Today , it has become possib le to record spoken language , used in i ts cultu� setting . While it is now possible to bring about a much better fit between spoken l anguage and l inguistic descrip­ t ion , problems remain. Transcribing tapes is time-consuming and not l ikely to lead to signi f icant new insights un less done within a framework of sociolinguis­ tic methodology . Thus , l inguists will have to be competent to select representa­ tive in formants in representative s ituations if they want to avoid haphazard results ( for a discuss ion of the problems see Romaine 1980 : 163-198 ) . Combining sophisticated data sampl ing techniques with sophisticated l inguistic analys is is an extreme ly lengthy business however , and it is unlikely that more than small subparts o f Tok P i sin grammar will ever meet the goals of both observational and descriptive adequacy . Only if such analyses can contribute to a better under­ standing of selected problems of theoretical l ingui stics , appl ied l inguistics or practical communicative requirements , can a detailed inve stigat ion be justified . As regards the theoretical assumptions which have shaped l inguistic descrip­ tion for most of the f i rst 70 years of this century , they must be seen against the background of the hi story of l inguistic s , in particular the attempts to set up lingui stics as a separate field of inquiry . Many of the practitioners of descriptive lingui stics , whi l st paying l ip service to such principles , have neverthe less taken shortcuts or even strayed outside the establi shed boundaries when it came to actual description . As we get to know the nature of language better it becomes increasingly c lear that the writing of any grammar , descriptive or otherwi se , i s not a mechanical process but depends for its succes s on the ski l l s , insights and imagination of the l ingui st . Even if the process of grammar making wil l never be ful l y rationa l i sed , it helps to be aware of the fol lowing problem areas as they relate to the descript ion of Tok Pi sin .

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Whi l s t l ingui stic de scriptivism shares many properties , in particular in the area of underlying assumption s , the de scriptive practice of l inguists often di ffers considerab l y . A brief characterisation of the principal descriptive mode l s as appl ied to Tok Pisin wi l l now be given .

6.6.3

MODELS OF DESCRI PT I ON

6.6.3.1

I n trodu c t i on

There is a widespread confusion , promoted greatly by introductory textbooks of l ingui stic s , between a grammarian ' s rule of grammar and the mental processes underlying the production of language . An exampl e of this confusion is found in Fromkin and Rodman ( 19 78 : 9 ) : When the l inguists wish to describe a language they attempt to describe the grammar of the l anguage which exists in the minds of its speakers . . . . To the extent that the l inguist ' s de scription is a true mode l of the speaker ' s l inguistic competence , it will be a good or bad de scription of the grammar of the l anguage , and of the grammar itse l f . Such a model is called descriptive grammar . Apart from using the word ' grammar ' ambiguously to mean the speakers ' internalised grammar and a description thereo f , this statement o ffers a very l imited view of the aims of grammar wri ting . It is difficult to see why the a im of psycho logical rea l ity should be the on ly valid one ( and there have been many voices in recent years advocating the abo l ition of this notion , see Black and Chiat 1981) and , even i f it were , why l inguists should then s et out to develop invariant descrip­ t ions in spite of the fact that the most fundamental aspect of human communica­ tion i s that all speakers can produce a l arge number of different l inguistic varieties and understand an even l arger one . Avai l able mode l s of de scription which have been used in Tok Pisin grammar s include : Class 1 : Invariant mode l s a) b) c) d) e)

c lassical grammars structural i st grammars tagmemic grammars ( regarded by some as a subclass of b) ) transformational generative models ec lectic approaches

Class 2 : Variable mode l s of description a) quantitativi st models b) lectological models ( impl icational scaling) c ) ec lectic approaches

6.6.3.2

Cl a s s i cal g rammars

The tradition of describing exotic languages in terms of Latin or Greek grammar i s an important one in European lingui stic s . While it was superseded in theoretical l inguistics at the beginning of this century, it has continued in school grammar writing and , in the case of Tok pisin , missionary grammar

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writing . Thus , in the e arli est grammar of Tok Pi sin ( Brenninkmeyer 1924) we find examples such a s : a) Latin case for nouns ( p . 2 ) Nominativ : Gen itiv : Dativ : Akkusativ :

hou s e be l on g house l ong house l ong

ma n be l ong ma n l ong ma n man

Such a system is di fficult to apply where the surface case in Tok Pisin di ffers from that in Latin or European languages as in mi g i v i m man l ong h a u s which translates as I gave the man the house and not I gave the man to the house . b) S ingul ar-plural di stinction Brenninkmeyer (p . 2 ) s imply states "plural is formed by means of a preceding a l l , sometimes by means o f the more forceful a 1 1 toge t he r . " ( translat ion mine) . He ignores that the s ingular-plural distinction i s by no means obligatory for a l l nouns ( as can be seen in many of his own sample sentence s ) and that its semantic conditioning differs considerably from Latin or English . Other examples where c l as s ical categories are inapplicable to Tok Pisin are the distinction between intransitive verbs and predicative adjectives , the fact that particles such as b i n or ba i have aspectual rather than temporal meaning and the area of adverbial s , where many Tok P i sin ' adverbials ' are in fact verbs in a verb chain . The imposition of cl assical categories not only introduces unneces­ sary complications into the description ( e . g . case system) , i t a l so tends to distort actually used grammar .

6.6.3.3

Structura l i st g rammars

A central aim of structural i st de scriptions is descriptive obj ectivity , i . e . to account for directly observable data ( such as are found in a corpu s ) rather than for the knowledge o r ski l l s necessary to produce such data . The only serious attempt to formulate a corpus-derived grammar of Tok Pisin is that by Hall ( 1 943a) . However , in spite of Hall ' s bel i ef in obj ective grammar dis­ covery procedures , the goal of accounting for even the very l imited corpus used as the basis o f analysis i s only achieved in a haphazard manner . There are numerous examples of constructions found in the corpus but not discussed in the grammar and an equally l arge number of grammatical rules which are only partially or not at a l l supported by the corpus . An additional weakness re sults from the neglect of s emantic criteria mani fested , for in stance , in the blurring of the boundary between syntactic processes and lexical derivation . Whi l st Hall ' s grammar remains an important step in the history of grammar making for Tok P isin and whilst it has had considerable influence on later gram­ mar wri ter s , it c learly exhibits the l imitations of outside observers who are not participating speakers of the language they describe . In the absence of any sure measures for outsider objectivity , the grammatical j udgements of in­ siders remain a factor which cannot be ignored .

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6.6.3.4

Tagmemi c g rammars

Tagrnemics , l ike other directions within descriptivist structuralism, is closely associated with the notion of di scovery procedures and therefore subj ect to the same criticism as structuralist grammars . In spite of numerous assertions to the contrary, the aim of proceeding from etic to an emic analysis l is a quite unreal i stic one which ha s l ed to considerable methodological confusion ( for a discuss ion see Taylor and Muhlhausler 1982) . For most of their presence in Papua New Guinea , the members of the Summer Institute of Lingui stics ( SIL) , i . e . the main adherents of the tagrnemic mode l , have not regarded Tok Pisin a s a language worthy o f study and have instead con­ centrated on indigenous vernaculars . Consequently , tagrnemic descriptions of Tok Pi sin are available only as drafts for l imited circulation and have had very l imited impact on grammar making for this l anguage .

6.6.3.5

Transformati onal generati ve model s

A distinction must be drawn between early trans formational grammars based on the work of the American structuralist Zellig Harri s and later Chomskyan ones . The former differed from straight structural ist grammars mainly in that they incorporated an additional grammatical operation ( trans formation s ) , whilst continuing to be corpus and surface oriente d . A good example of a trans forma­ tional account of Tok Pi sin granmar of this type is that by Hooley ( 196 2 ) . S ince Hooley pays l ittle attention to semantic considerations , his remarks on Tok Pi sin grammar are more in the way of a formal game than insights into the ways in whi ch the language is understood by its users . The aim of l ater trans formational grammars is to account for the competence of ide a l speake r-hearers of a language , i . e . the knowledge that enables them to produce and understand such utterances as are found in it . There are a number of problems with this aim , the most serious one being the degree of abstraction nece ssary for characte rising competence . The di fficulties are aggravated in the case of pidgin s , where speakers are , almost by definit ion , non-ideal second­ l anguage speakers . Whil st the aim of accounting for l inguistic competence is in all l ikel ihood a totally unreal istic one , 2 trans formational generative gram­ marians have made some very intere sting contributions to our understanding o f complex structural properties of natural language s , by postulating ways of re la­ ting apparent surface disparities to deeper underlying regularities . Many of these insights are reflected in the most comprehensive transformational account of Tok pi sin , that by Wool ford ( 1 979a) . However , the depth of her analysis has Large areas had the inevitable result of narrowing the scope of grammar covered . of Tok Pisin grammar have never been subj ected to a trans formational analysis and are unlikely to be in the future .

6.6.3.6

E c l ec t i c ap proaches

Structural ist , tagrnemic and , t o an even greater extent , transformational generative grammars all aim at internal consistency and relatability to a general framework of grammatical description . All three mode l s also adhere to the principle of outsider ob j ectivity . Hence , one can expect very similar grammars from different people working within a given descriptive framework . The advan­ tages of this are most obvious to theoretical l inguis ts who , without knowing the

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language , would l ike to use grammatical evidence from Tok Pisin i n general l in­ guistic argumentation . It is no accident that , in the wake of trans formation­ alist concern with Tok P i sin , this language has become widely known to scholars of lingui stics in many parts of the world . Eclectic approaches to l inguistic de scription , on the other hand , are oriented towards solving practical problems , including the very important one of being inte l l i gible to a lay audience . Actual practice has shown that eclec­ tic grammars are at the ir best when written by professional l ingui sts who are competent in writing scientific de scriptions but who have chosen to do otherwise for pedagogic or other reasons . Good examples of succe s s ful eclectic de scrip­ tions are those by Wurm ( 1969) and Laycock ( 1 970c ) . Both writers are active users of the language and we ll aware of the relative importance of different areas of grammar in everyday communication . Much less succe s s ful are attempts by l inguistica lly untrained l aymen , such as Sadler ( 19 7 3b) , Murphy ( 1943 and l ater) or Healey ( n . d . ) : the kind of shortcomings encountered are best i l lustra­ ted by a few actual examples : a) Sadler ( 197 3b) provides rule s for Tok P i s in pronouns in not less than 11 out of 1 3 chapters , thus comp letely destroying the rel­ ative ly straightforward basic grammatical properties of this part of speech . Put differently , Sadler completely fai ls to distinguish what is essential about pronouns . b) Murphy ( 19 7 3 edition : 2 5 ) comes up with the astonishing statement that " inflect ion forms a very important part of Melanesian pidgin Engli sh" . He asserts , confusing language with formal logic , that ( p . 4l ) " the native has actually a more logical approach to answer­ ing a negative que stion" and abounds in vague s tatements such as ( p . 46) : In Pidgin Eng l i sh , many words depend on their contextual nature for their proper meaning , i . e . on their position in , and relation to , context , and by the use of special mod­ i f iers usually and regularly associated with such words to indicate a special particular meaning not indicated by the word standing alone . c)

In the fol lowing passage , Healey ( n . d . ) confuses the origins with the structure of grammatical processe s , in flection and derivation , as well as making some other dubious statements (p . 3 l ) : " Most Tok P i sin verbs are transitive and indicate or tran s fer the action from the sub j ect to its obj ect . There are additionally intransit ive verbs . . . " , and ( p . 3 1 ) : Some Tok Pisin verbs are inflected by the addition of a suffix i m . Some are single syl lable , some double o r mUltiple syl lable . Nouns may be converted to verbs with the addition of the suffix i m as in sove ! a shove l , sove ! i m to shove l . Sentences have been converted into verbs as in the example s a na p i m l iterally stand up him to mean erect . Simi larly p u ! i ma p i m meaning to pur ( sic ! ) or fi l l up obviously sterns from fi l l up him. There are many others .

Such examples could be multiplied . They i llustrate the general point that , in tracing the l inguistic hi story of a pidgin , one has to beware not only of phoney examples given by earlier writers but also of inappropriate analyses . Whatever practical uses eclectic gramm�s may have , they are not a very good source of evidence for l inguistic arguments , even less so than other invariant de scriptive statements .

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Thi s completes our brief survey of static models of de scription . We now turn to two alternative models , i . e . mode l s which regard l inguistic variation as the central l ingui stic data .

6.6.3.7

Qu anti tat i v i st mode l s

As the name sugge st s , these mode l s , associated with researchers such as Labov , are concerned with the incorporation of quantitative information into l ingui stic description . Thi s is typi cally done by measuring the frequency of occurrence of a selected construction within a socially or otherwise de fined group of language users . Thus , it may be found that a certain construction i s frequent among young children , less frequent among middle-aged people and pretty we l l absent among very old speaker s . The necessity t o correlate l inguistic and extralinguistic variables be fore quantitat ive statements can be made constitutes the principal weakness of this mode l . First of al l , it is not c lear why l inguistic structures should be cor­ re lated with one kind of soc ial group and not another , since individual speakers belong simultaneously to many social groups . Secondly, there may be numerous cryptocorre lations which are s imply not accessible to outside observers , and thirdly, for corre l ations to be meaningful , it is not enough to carry out an atemporal ( synchronic) analysi s . I f the rate o f linguistic change di ffers from that of social change ( and there is l ittle reason to assume that their pace is the same ) , whatever correlations one might e stab l i sh for a given point in time are temporal accidents rather than reflections of general principles . The work that has been carried out using this mode l , principally by Sankoff and her associates , i s saved from the above criticism by the fact that in many analyses l inguistic structures are correlated with age ( e . g . Sankoff 1 9 7 7 c ) , thus portraying the temporal dimension of corre lations . Howeve r , the general problem of getting representative samples of speakers , for whom a quantitativist analysis could yield , in principle , statistically significant observations , has as yet not been solved for Tok Pisin. Consequently , whatever quantitativist work has been carried out is more in the nature of prel iminary observation than genuine descript ion .

6.6.3.8

Lecto l og i ca l mode l s ( i mpl i ca t i onal sca l i ng )

Lectological mode ls were introduced by DeCamp ( 1 97Ib) and subsequently developed by scholars such as Bicke rton and Bailey . They purport to describe the patterns underlying l inguistic variation . Whi l st lectological model s are concerned primarily with lingui stic data , it is poss ib le , in principle , to also correlate such f indings with extral ingui stic parameters and to carry out quan­ titative analyse s . The main principle underlying patterned l inguistic variation i s that gram­ mars develop over time by the addition of new rules and rule variants . Rules which are introduced at one point in time among one group o f speaker s wi l l need time to travel to other grammatical and social envi ronments , i . e . it takes t ime for rules to become more general and it also takes t ime to overcome soc ial , styl i stic or geographical obstacles to expansion. Whereas the sequence of gram­ matical change is the same along a l l dimensions ( rule A always being added before rule B which in turn is added be fore rule C , a fact which can be expres sed by

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means of a n implicational scale Ac BGC) , the actual time involved i n rule expan­ s ion may change from speaker to speaker , style to style , region to region , etc . thus mak ing for synchronically observable variation . Therefore the principal task of variation l inguistics is seen as describing the impl icational patterns unde rlying all variants of a language. As has been already pointed out , the enormous complexity o f languages makes it humanly impos s ible to describe the ful l extent o f variation in a l l areas of grammar . Instead , and this has been the practice in the case of Tok pisin , researchers have to be content with loca l ly restricted analyses such as that of obj e ct de let ion ( Lattey 1979) , variable presence of the predicate marker (Wool ford 1979c) or plural marking ( Muhlhausler 19 81a) . For fully developed first l anguage s , implicational scales are mainly devices for representing variat ion caused by rule addition over time . Since new ru les are added to grammars for many reasons ( natural factors being only one of them) , implicat ional scal ing does not explain or predict in such languages . In the case of pidgins , this is different : implicat ional order here typically reflects the natural expan sion program underlying the deve lopment of a pidgin from a If the order in which rudimentary to a ful ly developed second- language system . the presence of one construction implies that of another is indeed universal , we could expect thi s order to be mani fested in a l l expanding pidgins . It i s hope d that the studies carried out for Tok Pisin will b e supplemented with com­ parable ones for west African pidgin English and other varieties of expanded pidgins . Whereas impl icational scales are primarily of theoretical intere st , their practical applications should not be underest imated . A knowledge of the devel­ opmental patterns of Tok Pi sin can provide valuable information as to the best writing systems or the acceptabil ity of proposed instances of planned grammar .

6 . 6. 3 . 9

E cl ect i c a p proaches to l i n gu i s t i c vari a t i on

It should have become clear that available mode l s of l inguistic variation are of considerable technical complexity and , moreover , require analytic tech­ niques which are beyond the resources of most investigator s . Neverthe less , a knowledge of the extent and social meaning of Tok P i sin variation is necessary for teachers , planners and users of the l anguage .

I have found that the most usefu l basis for a readable variation grammar is to follow existing folk classi fications , mainly those for sociolects ( Rural­ Urban-Bush varieties and Tok Masta) and regional lects ( coastal-mountain­ islands ) . Thi s in fact is the approach taken in the chapter on variation ( 3 . 2 ) and in the descriptions by Laycock ( 1 970c) and Wurm ( 197Ia) , who concern them­ selve s with the rural variety of Coastal and Highlands Tok P i sin respective ly . This approach can further be supplemented by a number o f general principles , including: a ) the younger a speaker the more grammat ical categories they wi l l use ; b)

formal education promote s restructuring in the direction of English ;

c) old plantation areas are likely to exhibit Malay and German influ­ ence in the ir vocabulary ; d) negative att itudes towards Tok Pisin tend to promote idiosyncratic usage s .

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Whereas the results of such an ec lectic approach are highly useful to speakers and learners of the l anguage , pretheoretical categories , such as Urban Tok pisin , should not be confused with theoretical constructs or descriptive statements about ob j ectively observabl e variet ies .

6 . 6 . 3 . 10

De scri pt i v e mode l s : ou t l ook

In the de scription of Tok pisin , practical rather than theoretical consid­ erations have prevailed and are likely to do so in the future . Th is means that , as with other minor language s , many descriptive frameworks which have been applied to the maj or European languages have never been applied to Tok Pisin , examples being stratificational gramma r , systemic linguistics , glossematics or Montague grammar . Had such mode ls been applied , the enormous variabil ity of the language would have pointed to important discrepancies between abstract static models o f description and the reality o f a changing highly flexible language . Whereas until recently descriptive linguists were forced to devise either un­ reali stic abstractions or intuitively more satisfactory but methodological ly suspect eclectic description s , the avai lability of variation model s has greatly promoted hopes of ach ieving observat ionally, descriptively and explanatorily adequate accounts of Tok pisin, albeit only in restricted areas o f grammar . To date all available grammars have been written in expatriate l anguages (mainly German and English ) . With the availability in Tok Pisin of the meta­ linguistic vocabulary to di scuss grammatical properties , the day may not be far off when a grammar of Tok Pisin wil l be written in the language itse l f .

6 .6 . 4

CONCLUS I ONS The approach taken i n t h i s chapte r can b e summa rised as follows : a) Descriptive grammars re flect the folk-views , pretheoretical assumptions and/or the theoretical orientation of their writers . There are no neutral ob j e ctive descriptions . b) De scriptive gramma rs are limited by a number of practical con­ s ideration s , such as size of corpus or speakers investigated , time needed to achieve greater de li cacy of analys is , and read­ abi lity to the intended audience . c) De scriptive grammars of Tok Pisin typically reflect the needs o f expatriates rather than Papua New Guineans , a situation which in the long run can hardly be desirable.

Many o f the above considerations are merely implicit in the descriptive gramma rs examined and individual writers were found to fluctuate a great deal in their methods and goal s . I feel i t i s unreasonable to expect exhaustive grammatical descriptions of a l l or even the majority o f grammatical phenomena of Tok Pisin but I would like to see greater explicitness when it comes to stating goals and theoretical assumptions . One of the reasons why exhaustive grammars are unlike ly to be forthcoming is the l ack of t ime and resources . A more powerful reason is that the view presented , or at least adhe red to , by all writers of de scriptive grammar s is that it is possible and des i rable to portray gramma r as a se l f-contained area

WRITING OF DESCRIPTIVE TOK PISIN GRAMMARS

575

governed b y fixed rules and that the j ob of speaking Tok Pisin involves applying such rules to exi sting lex i cal items . This , however , may turn out to be an extreme ly narrow and fairly use less as sumption . Rather than concentrating on rule s of des criptive grammar , lingui sts should look at the patterns underlying communication in Tok pisin , as well as other verbal and non-verbal means . Areas where insights may be gained include the s tudy of di scourse structures , code­ switching behaviour , non-verbal behaviour and the influence of cultural patterns on linguistic structures . A further important area for a second l anguage such as Tok Pisin is an examination of communication breakdown and di fficulties . Put d ifferently , it would seem that available descriptive grammars provide us with sufficient insights into the core grammatical properties of Tok Pisin and that further research in thi s narrow area is soon l ikely to reach the point of l imiting return . More than ever be fore it is necessary to find out more about the use o f the language and the ways in which it can bring about improved com­ municat ion in polyglot Papua New Guinea .

NOTES 1.

According to Cook ( 1969 : 19 ) : . . . the non-essential unit i s called an etic unit , and i t is the f i rst approximation o f the analyst to the unit from the point of view of an outside r . The essential unit i s cal led the emic unit , and it is the unit of language from the point of view of a native speaker of the language .

2.

Things are made worse by the problems of delimitating l inguistic competence from the other kinds of competence with which speakers of ' natural ' languages are equipped .

Mühlhäusler, P. "The scientific study of Tok Pisin: the writing of descriptive Tok Pisin grammars". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:557-575. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.557 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

6.7

T H E S C I E N T I F I C S T UDY OF T O K P I S I N :

TO K P I S I N D I CT I ONARY MA K I N G : T H E O R E T I CAL CO N S I D ERAT I ON S AND P R ACT I CA L E X P E R I E N C E S P . Miihlhaus ler

6.7.1

I NTRODUCT I ON

This chapter i s complementary t o the remarks made i n the chapters o n the history of research ( 2 . 1 ) , etymologi sing ( 2 . 6 ) and the lexical system ( 4 . 5 ) . Its aims are : a) to briefly discuss a number of prominent issues in lexicography ; b) to highlight some of the practical problems experienced in dict ionary making . A confusion of the terms lexicology and lexicography is still widely found, in spite o f the fact that the distinction be tween these two discipl ines of lin­ guistic inquiry is quite fundamental . Lexicology is primarily concerned with the systematic aspects of the lexicon , such as word- formation and lexical fields , and the function of the l exicon in the grammar of a language ( c f . Botha 1968) . Lexicography , on the other hand , is a term referring to the techniques and principles unde rlying the making of dictionaries . Because of its heavy rel iance on the findings of lexicology it has often been labelled an applied science , and it is widely argued that ' good l exicography is impossible wi thout good lexi­ cology ' . Recent years , however , have seen the emergence of theoretical lexi­ cography as a quasi-autonomous field of scholarly research ( c f . Zgusta 197 1 ) . Unfortunately , most dictionary making for Tok Pisin has taken l ittle notice of e ither lexicological studies or recent deve lopments in lexicography , and the value of many exce llent observations about Tok Pi sin lexical items has been diminished by the general ly poor organisat ion of available dictionaries . with the growing number of academic studies of Tok Pisin and with the emergence of a first generation of Papua New Guinean lingui sts , this situation is likely to change in the near future. It is we ll known among lexicographers that it i s impossible to produce a dict ionary which is a l l things to a l l men . Different groups of users require a different organisation of the dictionary and compromi ses must be made . The situation for the lexi cographer remains that de scribed by Samuel Johnson in A di ctionary of the Engl ish language : It is the fate of tho se , who toil at the lower employments of l i fe , to be rather driven by the fear of evi l , than attracted by the prospect of good ; to be exposed to censure , without hope of praise ; to be disgraced by miscarriage , or pun ished for neglect , where success would have been without applause , and dil igence without reward . Among these unhappy mortal s is the writer of dictionaries . . . .

S . A . Wurrn and P . Muhlhausler , eds Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pi dgin) , 5 7 7 - 59 3 . Pacific Lingui s tics , C- 70 , 1 984 . © P . Muhlhausler

Mühlhäusler, P. "The scientific study of Tok Pisin: Tok Pisin dictionary making: theoretical considerations and practical experiences". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:577-593. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.577 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

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Every other author may aspire to praise ; the lexicographer can only hope to e scape reproach , and even thi s negative recompense has been yet granted to very few .

6.7.2

THE P R I N C I PAL TYPES OF D I CT I ONAR I ES

6.7.2.1

I n trodu c t i on

It is important to keep in mind that very different dictionaries can be found , each of them being most suited to a particular requirement . Specialisa­ tion in dict ionary making is common with large e stabli shed language s . In sma l l and relatively minor languages , such a s Tok Pi sin , it is often difficult t o keep di f ferent types of dictionaries apart , since manpower and resources are l imited . The main type s of dictionarie s are :

6.7.2.2

B i l i ngual and mul t i l i ngual d i ct i o nari es

A number of bil ingual and multil ingual dictionaries and shorter vocabularies o f Tok Pisin are already avai lable , though none of them can be regarded as even a c lose approximation to the requirements of scient ific bilingual dict ionaries . In the past the in formation contained in most bil ingual dictionaries of Tok pis in was heavily biased towards its expatriate users . As it is becoming one of the languages most co�monly used by Papua New Guineans , and with increasing Engl ish-Tok Pi sin bil ingualism, a reorientation of the aims of such dictionaries in terms of the new target group of users would seem to be nece ssary . The four points outlined by Kilham ( 1971 : 3 5 ) for dictionaries in Australian Abori ginal l anguages are also valid for Tok Pisin : ( a) to help them in the reading, writing and spe l l ing of the ir own language ; ( b ) to provide a defining dictionary of their own language which they can find useful ; ( c ) to assist them in comprehending the national language , Engl ish , and ( d ) to help foster pride in thei r own language and culture . To achieve these aims attention must be given to a number of requirements in dictionary mak ing : a) The dictionary should contain information on the spe l l ing , grammar and semantics of both Tok Pi sin and English , preferably a contrastive sketch of the two lan guages . b ) Because o f Tok Pisin ' s special position , remarks on standardisation procedures , recommended spell ings , etc . should be included . c) Though the contrastive sketch wil l have to operate with abstract closed systems , the variability in both Tok Pi sin and Engl ish should be brought to the attention of the reade r . d) The dict ionary should contain some in formation o n the geographic spread of Tok Pisin and possibly brief notes on the main features it shares with Solomon I s l ands Pidgin and New Hebridean Bislama.

TOK PISIN DICTIONARY MAKING

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e ) The entries could be l i sted in alphabetical orde r , though it would be a great help to the user i f such a l i sting was preceded by remarks on word- formation and semantic fie lds . It is important that the organ isation should be based on Tok Pisin as used by present-day speakers and reflect the i r intuitions . Thus k u a p to c limb should not appear as go up or a sub-entry of go to go , in spite of its etymology . It would also seem helpful to bring to the attention of the user instances where differences between the present-day meaning and the original source-meaning can cause misunderstandings , as in b a k s a i t back and not backside . f)

In formation about grammatical and semantic properties should be given with each entry, preferably not only in the Tok Pisin-English part but also in the Engl ish-Tok Pis in section . Such information would include data on the derivational status of lexical items ( lexical base vs . derived item) , some s emantico-syntactic features which are relevant to the correct syntactic operation of such items , and state­ ments about certain idiosyncratic properties . The use of lexical entries should be i l lustrated with examples from natural conversation rather than with unimaginative and contrived sample sentences .

g) Each entry should also contain such information as its sociolectal status , geographical distribution , differences in meaning in different geographical areas and s tyli stic uses . The failure to provide such in formation is one of the main drawbacks of currently available dict ionaries . h) The grammatical description and the l i st of entries could be supple­ mented with certain encyc lopaedic in formation such as appendice s on kinship terms , colour terminology , forms of address , or remarks on magic . Other appendices could inc lude standardised l ists of technical terms not yet widely in use in Tok Pi sin but l ike ly to be so in the near future ( e . g . chemical e lements or terms used in parliamentary procedure) . i ) Because of the continuous expansion of Tok Pisin ' s functions , remarks on the mechan isms used in the introduction of new lexical material ( loans , loan-trans lat ion , word-format ion , etc . ) should a l so be included . In other words , the informat ion to be given in a good Tok Pis in dictionary should enable its users to make extrapolations from the items l i sted by pointing out some of the generative powers found in the language ' s lexicon . An exce l lent di scuss ion of the problems facing the compiler of bilingual dictionaries in the Pacific is given by Laycock ( 1 9 7 4 ) whilst a critical account of actual dictionary making in New Guinea ( including Tok Pisin dictionarie s ) is given by the same author in a later paper ( Laycock 1 9 7 7c ) . Whereas the priorities in dict ionary making for Tok Pisin clearly l ie in the provision of a comprehens ive bilingual Tok Pisin-English dict ionary , other types of dictionaries must be mentioned as potential areas of future lexico­ graphical work .

P . MUHLHA USLER

5 80

6.7.2.3

Encycl o paed i c d i c t i ona r i es

Proposals for an encyclopaedic dict ionary of Tok Pisin have been made by Bal int ( 1973 : 2 - 3 l ) , a project which he proposes to bring to completion almost s ingle-handed in a comparative ly brief period . It seems l ike ly that this proj ect wi l l never appear in print , however , s ince the lexicographical practice employed by Bal int fails to do j ustice to the basically sound theoretical proposals made by the same author . Laycock ( 1977c : 1 7 7 ) has warned that the proposed encyclo­ paedic dictionary : . . . promi ses to display a host of idiosyncratic neologisms and a high degree of i gnorance of existing Pidgin lexeme s , to such an extent that the dict ionary i s l ike ly to serve more as a source of Pidgin amusement than as a workable dict ionary for Niuginians . To this criticism mus t be added that Balint appears to be ignorant of the con­ s ide rable work carried out in the area of encyclopaedic dictionary making by Dahmen ( 19 5 7 ) , whose combined bilingual-encyclopaedic dictionary of Tok Pisin unfortunate ly never appeared in a printed form . In contrast with other dictionarie s , encyclopaedic dict ionaries are : . . . primarily concerned with the denotata of lexical units ( words ) : They give informat ion about the extra-linguistic world, phys i cal or non-phys ica l , and they are only arranged in the order of the words ( lexical uni ts) by which the segments of this extra- l inguistic world are referred to when spoken about . ( Zgusta 197 1 : 198) To this , some special considerations re sulting from the nature of Tok Pisin and the prospective audience of an encyclopaedic dictionary of this language should be added . The central purpose of a Tok Pisin encyclopaedic dictionary appe ars to be to enable a maximum number of speakers to consolidate their know­ ledge of the language and to cope with the many recent innovat ions of English origin . In addition , a sma l l number of planned neologisms for special fields of discourse might be worthy o f inclusion . In view o f such rather mode st aims one cannot expect the s ize of an encyclo­ paedic dictionary of Tok Pisin to be comparable to a similar project for a maj or language such as Engli sh . Given Tok Pisin ' s principal function as a bridge between European and traditional culture , such a dictionary should help to rein force this function rather than try to incorporate the totality of knowledge contained in both cultures .

6 . 7 . 2 .4

H i stori cal d i c t i onari es

Whereas bil ingual and encyclopaedic dictionaries are primarily concerned with the communicative needs of the population of Papua New Guinea , a historical dictionary of Tok Pisin would be of interest mainly t o l inguists and , in part­ icular , those studying pidgin languages . The distinct ion between synchronic and diachronic dictionaries para l l e l s t h a t between synchronic and diachronic l ingui stics , though , tradit ionally, etymological and othe r diachronic information has never completely disappeared from synchronic dictionarie s . within the c lass of diachronic dictionaries there i s a further distinct ion between hi storical and etymological dictionaries :

TOK PISIN DICTIONARY MAKING

581

H i storical dictionaries focus their attention on the changes occurring both in the form and in the meaning o f a word ( l exical unit) within the period of time for which there is historical (usually textual ) evidence at hand . Etymological dictionaries focus their interest on the origin of the words ( lexical units ) ; and as it happens that a good part of the words of any language known to-day came into exi stence be fore the beginning of the textual tradi­ tion , the etymological dict ionaries can be said to deal largely with the pre-history of words . ( Z gusta 1971 : 20 0 ) It is obviou s that , in the case of Tok pisin , the dist inction between etymological and historical description is gradual rather than abrupt and that , in view of its very short history , a strict separation of the two in the compilation of a dia­ chronic dictionary would be difficult to maintain . Furthermore , compi lers of historical dict ionaries should be aware o f the fact that a strict dist inction between synchronic and diachronic aspects of Tok Pisin makes little sense , s ince virtually all temporal changes are still found synchron ically in different regional , social or styl istic varieties of this language . Another important point concerns the area ( s ) covered by such a dictionary . Because the varieties of Pidgin English spoken in the south-we stern Pacific ( cf . Muhlhausler , Bennett and Tryon 1979) share much o f their history , the optimal solution would be to cover the lexical history of all these languages in a single volume . The problems re lating to the compilation of historical in formation on Pacific Pidgin English lexical items are the scarcity of information , the un­ reliabi lity of early texts and the inacce ssibil ity of many older sources . Thus , a great amount of preparatory research is needed before such a task can be mean­ ingfully execute d . Entrie s would have to include at least the following his­ torical documentation : a) present-day form and meaning and variations thereof ; b) earlier attested forms and meanings ; c) in formation about the date of usage , race of speaker and location of earlier usages . It is hoped that one day a diachronic dictionary of Tok Pisin similar to the

Dictionary of Jamai can Engl i sh ( Cassidy and Le Page 1 9 6 7 ) will be available .

A study of this work and of the articles di scussing the theoretical and practical problems expe rienced during its compilat ion ( Cassidy and Le Page 1961 : 1 7-36) could be of great help to future lexicographers .

6.7.2.5

N ot i on a l d i ct i o nari es

In contrast with the dictionaries di scussed earlier , notional dictionaries devi ate from the standard procedure of representing lexical items in alphabetical orde r . Instead , semantically-related words are grouped into semantic fields and further subarranged into more restricted domains of meaning . They typically deal with terminological sets in particular branches of human activit ies . The making of such dict ionaries serves a number of purposes . For those interested in the purely linguistic s ide of Tok Pisin , notional studies could provide insights into the relative density of lexical material in certain restricted semantic areas and thus help to decide the question of referential inadequacy.

582

P . MUHLHAUSLER

6.7.2.6

Other types of l ex i cal stud i es

None of the lexicographical work mentioned in the previous sections has been adequately dealt with to date and , given the small number of professional linguists studying Tok pisin , it is unlikely that much will be achieved in the near future . It i s here that mechanised lexicography may come in handy . Frequency counts and concordances could then be done with relatively l ittle e ffor t . otherwise i t may be advisable to study small areas at a time be fore attempting really com­ prehensive lexicographical accounts of Tok pisin .

6.7.3

D I CT I ONARY MAK I NG FOR TOK P I S I N : A CASE STUDY

6.7.3.1

I n troduct i on

I would l ike to conclude this chapter on a more personal note , i . e . a dis­ cuss ion of my own experiences gathered during a planned revision of Mihalic ' s 1 9 7 1 The Jacaranda dictionary and grammar of Melanesian Pidgi n . This dictionary was first published i n 1957 a s Grammar and dictionary of Neo-Melanesian , being an extensive revision of Schebesta and Meiser ' s Dictionary of Bisnis English ( 1945) . Whi lst the 1957 edition reflects a conservative pre­ war Tok P i si n , the many changes in society and language in the postwar years were taken into account in the 1971 edition . Whi lst the dictionary exhibits a number of shortcomings in its organisational and l inguistic aspects , it has been a tremendously useful book over a long period of time and is quite rightly referred to as " a sb u k b i l on g Tok P i s i n " the funda­ mental book on Tok Pisin by some Papua New Guineans . The main need for a re­ vision arose not out of its shortcomings but out of changed social circumstances and the rapid lingui stic development of Tok Pisin. The main reasons for a re­ vis ion inc lude : a) The independence of Papua New Guinea brought with it drastic changes in society and technology . b) Considerable research of a lexicological kind had been carried out in the meantime ( MUhlhausler 1979c ) and signi ficant progress had been made in the investigation of the origin of lexical items borrowed from languages around the Gazelle Peninsula ( Mosel 1980) . c ) The potential readership of the dictionary had shifted from a mainly expatriate to a mainly indigenous one . d) Considerable interest in Tok Pisin had been shown by theoretical l ingui sts . These considerations were dealt with as fol lows :

6 .7.3.2

Changes i n po st- i n dependence soc i e ty

Whereas in colonial days most Papua New Guineans remained at the bottom of the social hierarchy , a rapid increase in social mobil ity fol lowed independence in 1976 . At the same time , tertiary education had become available to s ignifi­ cant numbers o f the indigenous popUlation and many areas of knowledge which had

TOK PISIN DICTIONARY MAKING

583

been s pe s e l samt i n g b i l on g ma s t a something specia l of concern to 'masters ' (Europeans) now attracted indigenous special ists . The main areas of lexical growth include : a) b) c) d)

poli tical and administrative vocabulary technical vocabulary urban s lang names for consumer goods

For s imi lar reasons , a number of l exical items had become inappropriate or obsolete , particularly those bearing connotations of racial discrimination . Examples are :

bo i ma s ta mi s i s ma n k i ma s t a dok t abo i

indigenous male in European emp loyment European ma le European fema le personal servant, valet indigenous medical orderly

Inappropriate connotations were found not only with lexical entries in Mihalic ' s ( 1 9 7 1 ) dictionary but also with the sentences given to i llustrate the ir use , such as bo i i ha n gamap l ong mas t a the boy is dependent on his master found with the entry hangama p to depend on , or the explanation with the entry han hand, arm, fore legs , natives picture animal s l ike men , as having arms and legs . Again , instead of expres sions reflecting colonial attitudes or missionary moral j udgements , such as y um i ma s l ot u l on g sa nde on Sundays we must worship ( under the entry l o t u to worship) , value-neutral sample sentences were preferred . As regards urban slang , in particular the use of double talk and meta­ phorical expressions , many common examples of tok p i ksa metaphorical talk and tok bok i s secret talk were included .

6.7.3.3

I n corpora t i on of recent e tymo l og i ca l fi nd i ngs

A substantial number of etymologies were found to be in need of revision . Research by Mo sel ( 1980) has made it possible , in many instances , to trace words back to individual languages rather than general lan guage groups . Thus , instead of s imply giving Gaz . ( Gazelle Peninsula) as the origin for a word such as d i wa i tree , Mosel ' s research provides the more detailed information : Tolai : Mioko : Molot : King :

dawa i d i va i d i va i dua i

Such etymologies could help those investigating the geographic or�g�n of the language ( in particular the role played by Mioko and the Duke-of-York I slands) to get a more accurate picture than has been possible hitherto . That Samoa played an important part in the formation of Tok Pisin was not realised when Mihalic ' s dict ionary appeared and consequently insufficient atten­ tion is given to vocabulary items of e ither S amoan or Samoan Plantation Pidgin origin . Some such items are :

584

P. MUHLHAUSLER

Tok Pisin

from Samoan

gloss

k a md a ma l o l o

t a mu t a ma l o l o ta ro

carpenter to rest, relax taro Catho lic (to bake in an) earth oven

t a ro

pop i mumu

pop i mumu

It seemed j ustif ied to give Samoan as the origin of kamda carpenter in spite of its ultimate English origin , since the sociohistorical context of Tok Pisin ' s deve lopment also favours such an interpretation . Final ly, numerous changes were made in the case of lexical items of German orlgln . In a number of instances such items had been wrongly as signed to another language . Thus , Mihal ic ( 197 1 ) gives a Gaze lle origin for pu i naked, though no cognate could be found by Mosel ( 1 980 ) . In stead , Z ' graggen ' s sugge stions (per­ sonal communication 1 9 7 5 ) that it should be related to German pfu i exclamation of disapproval or disgust seems plausible . Other al legedly German words turned out to be errors . Senke l bo i unmarried man living off the community appears to be rel ated to English single rather than German schen ken to give, present with. As has been shown in the chapter on etymologising, many problems remain , and future revisions of thi s dictionary will no doubt lead to further changes in the etymologi es provided for lexical entries . Lexicological research on word-formation accounts for a number of additional change s , including : a) The addition of many recently formed compound and derived lexical items . b) A better motivated order in the listing of lexical items , the practice in the revi sed dict ionary being that , in the case of multiple gram­ mati cal c l ass membership , the lexical base appears first and the derived forms afterwards . Thus , we get

b r um

1 . broom 2 . to sweep but

hep i

1 . to be happy, to celebrate 2 . happiness

As an exhaustive de scription of Tok Pisin word-formation was readily avail­ able el sewhere ( MUhlhausler 1979c) , it was decided not to include a chapter on word- format ion in the revi sed dict ionary .

6.7.3.4

Changes i n the readers h i p

Because of the l imited number of potential buyers of a Tok Pisin dictionary , the ideal solution , to have a numbe r of volume s , each for one of the principal functions di scussed above , appeared out of the question . Instead , the revision continues to be a compromise solution , hoping that this will appeal to papua New Guineans as well as expatriates , non-l inguists as wel l as l inguists . Its main characteristics are :

TOK PISIN DICTIONARY MAKING

585

a ) It i s primarily a bil ingual dict ionary . In contrast with the 1971 edition , the English-Tok Pisin part was enlarged considerably and now includes the 1 , 000 most frequent words of English , a number of concepts central to Papua New Guinean culture , as wel l as the original entries chosen by Mihal ic . b) The hi storical ( etymological ) information was revised . A new aspect is that numerous multiple etymologies are given ( e . g . be l from Tolai ba l a be l ly and Engli sh be l ly ) . c) Additional encyc lopaedic in formation was included , mainly for the benefit of expatriates and New Guinea Highlanders learning a coastal ve rs ion of Tok Pisin . Encyc lopaedic definitions were restricted to the Tok Pisin-English part , as monol ingual Engl ish encyclopaedic dictionaries are readily available . d) Sociolinguistic in formation was given for individual entries where­ ever possible , in particular whe ther items were restricted to urban or rural users , colloquial , rare , regionally restricted and, a very important aspect , prone to causing misunderstanding. As a result of these changes the dictionary has grown by about one third in s ize . The result is still very much a compromise but one which , I hope , will prove useful for some time to come , if it gets published in this or an even more drastically revi sed form , wh ich seems increasingly likely .

APPEN D I X Sampl e pages from some exi sti ng a n d propo sed d i c ti onari es o f Tok P i s i n The fol lowing i s an il lustration o f the difference s between Schebesta and Meiser 1 9 4 5 , Ba lint 1 97 3 , Mihalic 1 9 7 1 and some pages from the latter as revised by P . Muhlhausler . ( a ) Schebesta and Meiser 1945 A

interj . 1 . Exc lamation of surprise, astonishment ; Ah , look at thi s ; that ' s it ! 2 . Exc lamation of understanding ; ah or ah , so ! A s o , n a u m i s a ve ! Oh� I know i t ! The Japanese took over the expression and made a soska out of it ; in a question , a soska-ne? These expressions were frequently used by the natives . 3 . Exclamation of fury , e sp . by children and women . 4 . a , in con­ nection with 0 , or else alone , is used by boys and men as an exclamation to irritate girls and women; these letters stand for the male and female private parts . When working the boys will call out "o- a , o- a " . 0 stands for ko k , a for kan .

- interrog. p . 1 . a , indicating a question, is placed at the Y u - a ? Is that you? P a pa i kam f i n i s h a ? Has father come ? to emphas ize the meaning of the preceding sentence . Asede 1 i k l i k ! A ! Y u s l i p t a s o l ! ft, ! Yesterday you did not work true ! You s lept the whole day ! That is true� too !

end of a sentence . 2 . a , often serves

( a s d e ) y u no wo r k

a bit ! that 's

( E . about ) ( gen. colloq. ebau t , naba u t , namb a u t . ) , adv . , D i s fe l 0 F l a u r kamap aba u t , e b a u t , e t c . This flower grows everywhere .

ABAUT

586

P . MUHLHA USLER

ABERIS , c f . a b r u s . ABRUS , adv . 1 . To be apart from. Em i s top a b r u s l ong 0 1 . He stands apart from the rest . 2 . Alongside . P u t i m d i s fe l o d i va i a b r u s l on g a d e r f e l o . Put this trwlk alongside the other. - v . i . to pass ( one another) . Yu woke b a u t a b r u s l o ng mi l ong rod , taso l yu no l uk i m m i . You passed close by me on the road, but you did not see me . To move near one , to evade , to repe l , to keep away from. M i a b r u s l ong 0 1 ma n nogud . I stay away from all bad men . Y u ma s t ( or ma s ) a b r u s l ong o l geder t ra i i m be l on g em . You must repe l all his temptations , or : you should avoid all his temptations . ABRUSIM, v . t . 1 . To dodge . M i a b ru s i m s p i r o I dodged the spear. M i ab r us i m ren o I dodged the rain. 2 . To evade , avoid artful ly. Koko n a t i f u l d a un , t a s o l m i a b r u s i m em. A coconut fe l l down but I evaded it (by a sudden shift ) . 3 . To avoid carefully . Ab rus i m o l gede r t ra i i m be l ong d i s fe l o ma n . Avoid carefu l ly all the temptations of this man . 4 . General meaning : all things which should not be see n , heard , done , known , touched , etc . Things to be stayed away from. Ab r u s i m 0 1 d i s fe l o samt i ng . Ab r u s i m fash i n be l on g s t i l . Yu l a i k go l on g Au s t ra l i a , yu a b ru s i m p l en t i a i l a nd . Keep away from stealing. On the way to Australia you pass many is lands . M i fe l o ken a b r u s i m s i k , t a s o l m i fe l o no ken a b r u s i m i n da i . We may avoid sicknesses, but we c«anot avoid death. M i a b r u s i m d i s fe l o ma n . I do not like to meet this man . M i a b r u s i m o l ka i nd s ne k . I keep clear of a l l sorts of snakes . ABUS , n . 1 . Pr imary sense : pork, s ince a b u s (pig, pigmeat, pork) i s the most common me at among the natives . Ab u s bu l makau beef. 2. Enlarged sense : fish , crabs , anything that may be eaten in a minor portion with other things i n a larger portion , such as sago , taro or yams . Vegetables may therefore be cal led a b u s when di shed out in small quantities with sago , etc . 3 . Metaph . : every­ thing that is very much l iked , or l iked as much as meat . Y u l a i k ra i s ? Do you like rice ? Ye s , em a b u s be l on g m i ! Yes, that 's meat to me ! - a strong tribe uses it in speaking of a weaker tribe , because they kill , devour them like a morsel of meat. 0 1 i a b u s be l ong m i fe l o . They are our meat .

- Ab u s i s anything that fits in another thing and though a minor par t , is necessary to complete it. Thus a shoe string may be called abus be l on g s h u . A sma ll lump ( stone or wood) put under a stand to keep it in balance may be ca lled a b u s . The main idea i s , a small thing that helps to give a larger thing its l ast and final pe rfec tion .

ABUSIM, ( c f . a b u s ) , v . t . To dish out (meat with the rest of the food) . Abu s i m ka i ka i l on g mea t . Put a little meat with my food. Ab u s i m b red l on g b u t e r . Put butter on the bread. Abu s i m t a ro l ong kokon a t . Put some coconut with the taro . v . t . & i . 0 1 b u l ma ka u na b i g be l a b u s i m wan t a i m . The cattle and the buffaloes are a l l mixed up. M i a b u s i m 0 1 meme wa n t a i m 0 1 s h i p s h i p l on g wa n fe l o ha u s . I brought the goats and the sheep together in one room. D i s fe l o man i a b u s i m namb a u t 0 1 tok . This man mixes up the words of different languages . Em i a b u s i m 0 1 t o k . He always gives another story about the same thing. He talks nonsense . -

ADERFELO , ( E . other fe l low) ( colloq. n a r a fe l o , on a ra fe l o , a ra fe l o ) , n . Others , othe r . 0 1 a d e r f e l o . A l l the others. with other words it forms compound words , such as ade r fe l o- mama another mother, a woman who is a mother, or like a mother to me ; also called s mo l -mama , sma l l -mama . This may be an aun t , step-mother , foster-mother . Likewise, ade r fe l o- pa pa . - adj . Othe r , else , di fferen t , second , Em g u d fe l o man , next . M i l a i k i m ade r fe l o k l os . I want the other dress . a d e r fe l o i nogud . He is a good man, the other is not good.

TOK PISIN DICTIONARY MAKING

587

ADERKAIND , ( E . other kind, another kind) ( colloq . n a raka i n , a ra k i n , a r ken) , adj . Othe r kind , a di fferent kind , differently fashioned , made , done, fancifully attired . Em i ade rka i nd o l gede r . He is altogether different . Mi l a i k i m aderka i nd k l os . I want a different dress, an other kind. N . B . Ade r fe l o points to difference in number ; ade rka i nd to difference in quality . - n . 0 1 i a d e r ­ ka i n d-ma n . A different type o f man ; different in character o r shape o r fancy make-up . - adv . Differently. Ade r ka i nd as adj . and adv . may have a compara­ tive , which is formed by doubling the word . D i s fe l o s t o r i ade rka i nd a d e r ­ ka i n d t r u . N a u y u t o k ade rka i nd ade rka i nd o l gede r . A s a n adj . ade r ka i nd may also have the meaning of a superlative o f any adj . M i l u k i m p l en t i h a u s f i n i s h , t a so l h a u s b e l ong Ma s t e r , ma n , em i ade rka i nd ! I have seen many houses, but the Master ' s house, my word, that ' s different! For the natives , ade r ka i n d in this connection has the force o f a superlative , either in a good or in a bad sense . ADERSAI D , ( E . other side ) ( col loq . a ra s a i d , n a rasa i d ) , n . Other s ide , the reverse s ide . Tan i m , l uk i m a d e r s a i d be l ong mon i . Turn it over and look at Go l ong a d e r s a i d be l ong r i ve r . Go over to the the other side of the coin. other side of the river. More common than a d e r s a i d is the expression a d e r fe l o ha p . ( c f . h a f ) . Ade r fe l o h a p ( h a f ) b e l on g mon i ; be l on g r i ve r . - adv . P u t i m ade rsa i d . Lay i t on the other side . Ka n u i s top l on g ade r s a i d . The canoe is on the other side of the river. ADERTAIM, ( E . other time, another time) ( colloq . a ra t a i m , na ra t a i m) , adv . some other time , at another time . Yu kam a d e r t a i m , m i no gat t i me n a u . You come at another t ime, I have no time for you now. Long ade r fe l o t a i m is often used instead of a de r t a i m . ADE RWE , ( E . other way, another way, the other way ) ( colloq . a rawe , na rawe) , adv . the other way , in another manner. Yu no t a n i m o l sem , t a n i m ade rwe . Do not turn it like that, turn it the other way . In thi s case it would also be correct to say Yu no t a n i m o l sem, t a n i m ade rka i nd . Y u n o pas i m rop o l s em , pas i m a d e rwe . Do not tighten the knot that way, do it in another manner. ADERWE , ( E . other where ) , adv . elsewhere ( c f . wer) . Yu no p u t i m d i va i h i r , pu t i m a d e rwe . Don ' t put t he trunk here, put it somehwere e ls e . Y u no kam h i r , y u go a d e rwe . Do not come here, go somewhere else. But note that m i go a d e rwe , y u g o a d e rwe c an have two meanings : I sha l l go one way an d you wi l l go another lJJay ; or : I shall go somewhere and you wi l l go somewhere . ADORIM, ( E . adore ) , v . t . to adore .

M i fe l o ado r i m God t a so l . We adore only God.

ADRES , (E . address) , n . addre ss . N a u y u ra i t i m ad res l on g paus . Now you have to write the address on the envelope. ( This word is not well known . ) ADRE S HI , v . t . to addre ss . Ad res i m peper l ong f rend be l ong m i . Address this let ter to my friend. M i a d res i m d i s fe l o peper o l s em wot nem? What address sha l l I write on this letter? (b) Balint 1973 A, a

[aJ namba wan leta bilong Pisin al fabet ; l on g ra i t i m tok "ananas" yu ma s

ra i t i m l et a "a" p a s t a i m .

A

ml apk long bihainim kwesten 0 tokstrong taim man i askim kwesten 0 mekim tokstrong i laik kisim tokbek olsem "yes" long man i harim [ equivalent o f " quest ion tag" ] ; Y u l a i k kam , a ? ; Ram ram , e m i l u sman t ru , a ?

588

P . MUHLHAUSLER

ABRIS ( l on g) bpn 1 . long sait long [ beside ] ; pu t i m b u k + l on g a ra pe l a . 2 . longwei long [ away/far from ] ; em i s t a p + l ong 0 1 po roman b i l on g em . ABRI SIM tt (wpt abris long) 1 . go han kais 0 han sut long a) [ pass by ] ; s i p 2 . kalap longwei long samting nogut [ jump i + a i l a n b) [miss ] ; na i p i + em c lear of] ; + s p i a . 3 . i stap longwei long 0 1 samting 0 man nogut [ avoid ] ; + hot e l l ong P r a i d e ; y um i ma s + t r i nk . .

ABRUS

abr i s .

ABUS n 1 . kaikai o l sem mit 0 pis 0 kumu i go wantaim as kaikai bilong pele s . 2 . giaman kaikai bilong grisim pis n a pulim [ bait ] ; pa i n i m + b i l on g p u t i m l ong h u k . 3 . 01 weI animal man i save painim long bus na kilim bilong kaikai [ game ] . 4 . samting man i laikim tumas ( long holim 0 mek im) [ hobby ] ; soka em i + b i l ong m i . ABUS IM

tt

putim as kaikai want aim arapela kaikai [mix ] .

A . D . [ e i d i ] stf

bihain long taim Jisas i bon .

n nem bilong peles man i stap [ address ] ; wonem + b i l on g y u ? ; + b i l on g o l geta t a i m + bilong man i stap longpela taim long wanpe la peles ; + b i l on g s a l i m p a s nem bilong pe les n a bokis namba bilong man yu salim pas ; + b i l on g w o k nem bilong pe les bilong wok.

ADRES

ADRESIM ( pa s ) t t raitim nem bilong man wantaim nem bil ong pe les na (bok i s ) namba bi long e m [ address ] . ADVAISA n man gavman i baim long givim gutpe la skultok bilong 01 kain save 0 wok bilong gavman [ adviser ] . AFRIKA n kontinen i stap namel long Amerika na Asia , as peles bi long pI anti blakman , i hat olgeta taim [Africa ] . AGE l ktk noi s man i s ave mekim taim em i hamamas tru 0 i gat bikpe la pein [ wow or ouch ] . AI

n 1 . ap bilong 01 man na animal i save iusim long lukluk [ eye ] ; + b i l on g e m i raun man i s ik 0 spak n a i nonap lukluk stret ; + b i l on g ma n i hev i man i laik silip turu ; + b i l on g ma n i kama u t man i gat bikpela sori tumas na em i karai ; + i p a s a) + bilong man i bagarap , b) man i no save em i mekim wonem; hap + i pas lapun turu ; + b i l ong man i ret man i koros ; b r u k i m + pasim + kwiktaim na opim gen ; l uk i m l ong wa n hap + taso l lukim hariap na lusim. 2 . + b i l ong boto l / da ram hat i pasim maus bilong botol/daram [ cap/head ] ; + b i l on g haus pes bilong haus [ front ] ; + b i l ong n i l b i l ong s amap hul bilong supim teret [ eye ] ; + b i l ong pen s i 1 [point ] ; + b i l ong s ua namel bilong sua [ head ] .

AlAI n 1 . Longpela liklik diwai i gat planti liklik han . I gat tupela kain . Wanpela kain i stap olgeta taim long Papua Nu Gini na pikinini bilong en i sotpe la na braitpe l a mo long pikinini bilong arapela kain we i kam long Polinis i a . 2 . pikinini bilong diwai + i ret antap n a grin dambelo; pikinini bilong + bilong Papua Nu Gini i sot na brait , i gat 01 liklik lip olsem grile i stap antap na man i mas rausim 01 pastaim long 01 i orait long kaikai . P ikinini bilong + i kam long Polinisia i longpela na brait nating na i nogat l iklik lip olsem grile antap . AIBlKA

n

liklik diwai i gat lip bilong kaikai olsem liklik lip bilong popo .

n tingting i kamap insait long het bi long man [ idea ] ; em i b i n + b i l on g k a un s i l l on g wok i m rot ; + b i l ong y u l ong s t a t i m s t ua i g u t pe l a t a s o l yum i mas i g a t mo mon i p a s t a i m .

AIDIA

TOK PISIN DICTIONARY MAKING

589

Al DIN n wara marasin 01 i wakim long garas bilong solwara bilong stopim blut i kamaut taim man i katim sikin na bilong kilim i dai j em sapos i stap long arere bilong sua [ iodine l . AI GALAS

n

tupela galas antap long nus i halivim man i luk luk gut [ spectacles l .

AlLAN n 1 . giraun wara i stap raun long en long san i kamap na san i godaun [ i s land l . 2 . adres man bilong bikpeles i save iusim ta.im em i adresim man i kam long sampe la + [is lander 1 ; Se p i k i b ung i m Man u s : "Ap i n u n , + ! " AlAN n i . samting man i tekemautim long giraun long wokim kar , haus , bris na planti samting mo [ iron l . 2 . samting bi long stretim 01 kolos [ iron l . AINANGA n l iklik pis tru olsem kol bilong kaikai 0 bilong putim long huk na pulim bikpela pis [ whitebait l . ( c) Mihalic 1971 A

1 ) This is an exclamation of astonishment or surpri se Y u , a ? = You, huh? T ru , a? = Is that right ? You don ' t say! So that 's true, huh? 2 ) An exclamation of interrogation Yu no sem , a? = Aren ' t you ashamed of yourse lf?

ABRUS , ABRI S (Me l . ) 1) to be apart from

sanap ab rus l ong 0 1

2 ) alongside

=

to stand apart from them

P u t i m d i s pe l a p l an g a b rus l on g a ra pe l a .

the other one . 3 ) to pass by , to mi ss

=

Put this p lank alongside

Sp i a i a b r u s l on g m i . The spear missed me, passed me by . 4 ) to keep away from, keep c lear o f , to evade , to avoid a b r u s l on g 0 1 man nogu t to keep away from evil doers =

ABRUS IM , ABRISIM 1 ) to get out of the way of something, to evade', to avoid something a b r u s i m s p i a = to dodge a spear ab rus i m s amt i ng nog u t = to avoid something harmful 2 ) to pass by something , to bypas s something ab r us i m a i l a n = to pass by an is land, to bypass an is land ABUS ( Gaz ) 1 ) a s ide dish consisting mainly of pork , meat , fish , or sea foods M i pe l a i no g a t a b u s . = We do not have any meat. a b u s b i l on g h u k = bai t 2 ) a tidbit, something much liked , a del ight S i ngs i ng em i a b u s b i l on g m i . = Dancing is my de light. 3) a shim P u t i m ab us a n i n i t l ong l e k b i l ong t ebo l . = Put a shim under the leg of a tab le ( to make it leve l) . 4 ) an easy mark 0 1 kanaka b i l on g hap i o l sem a b u s b i l ong m i pe l a . = The natives over there are our "meat " , ( L e . we can defeat them at wi l l ) .

590

P . MUHLHA USLER

ABUSIM 1) to garnish , to season

a b u s i m s a k s a k l ong p i s = to garnish sago with fish a b u s i m t a ro l ong kokon a s = to season the taro with a little coconut

2 ) to mi x , to mix up

a b u s i m n ab a u t 0 1 tok = to mix words of several languages a b u s i m 0 1 pa u l wa n t a i m 0 1 pato = to get the ducks and chickens a l l mixed

up� intermixed ADRES ( E ) addre ss

ADRESIM to address a letter or parcel AFRIKA Africa

01 man b i l on g Af r i ka the Africans 0 1 A f r i ka = t he Africans 0 1 Af r i kama n = the Africans =

AI ( E ) 1 ) a n eye

A i b i l ong m i 5 1 i p . = I am s leepy� drowsy; I doze off. h ev i . = I am s leepy . A i b i l on g m i t u da k . = He is b lind. He is jealous . A i b i l o ng em A i b i l ong m i i r a un . I am dizzy; I fee l giddy . l u k i m l on g wan a i t a so l to look at quickly� superficial ly sanap l ong a i b i l on g 0 1 to s tand where all can see you; to stand in =

=

=

view of everyone� before everyone ' s eyes . b r uk i m a i to wink A i i ret . He is angry . 2 ) a l i d , tip , opening a i b i l ong boto l = the lid or cover of a bottle a i b i l ong d ram = the head of a drum� the bung of a drum a i b i l on g h a u s = the gab le of a house a i b i l ong koko n a s = the sprout hole of a coconut she l l a i b i l ong pen s i l = a penci l point a i b i l ong sospe n the lid of a pot a i b i l ong s ua = the head of a sore or abscess a i b i l ong t a ro = a taro bud =

=

=

AIAI ( Me l ) 1) the Malay apple fruit and tree ( Yambosa mal accensis) 2 ) a kind of hardwood ( Eugenia mal accensis ) AIB IKA ( Gaz) a plant with edible leaves (Abelmoschus manihot ) AIOIA ( E ) idea AIDIN ( E ) iodine AIGLAS ( E ) eyeglasse s , spectacles also known as : g l a s b i l ong a i

TOK PISIN DICTIONARY MAKING

591

AlLA ( Gaz) a tree with edible fruit ( Inocarpus fagiferus ) AlLAN ( E ) island

a i l a n Ka i r i ru

Kairiru Is land

AlN ( E ) iron 1) iron , stee l , metal

a i n b i l ong wok i m kanu = a canoe adze a i n t r u = stee l a i n b i l on g s k ra p i m s a k s a k = a sharpened piece of pipe used for shredding the pith of the sago palm while processing it

a i n b i l on g t am i ok = an axe head

2 ) of iron , of metal bok i s a i n = metal box 3) a spear with an iron head s u t i m l ong a i n = to shoot something with an iron-headed spear 4 ) the pressing iron AlNANGA ( Gaz) whi tebait , small fish ( d) The same pages from Mihalic 1971 with revisions by P . Muhlhausler A 1 ) This is an exclamation of astonishment or surprise Y u , a7 = You, huh? T r u , a7 = Is that right ? You don 't say ! So that ' s true, huh ? 2 ) An exclamation of interrogation Yu no sem a7 = Aren ' t you ashamed of yourse lf? A-A yes ( coll . ) ABRUS , ABRlS ( Me l . ) 1) to be apart from

s a n a p ab r u s l ong 0 1 = to stand apart from them

2 ) alongside

P u t i m d i s pe l a p l a n g ab r u s l on g a ra pe l a . = Put this p lank alongside the

other one. 3 ) to pas s by, to mi ss

S p i a i a b r u s l ong m i . = The spear missed me, passed me by. 4) to keep away from, keep clear o f , to evade , to avoid a b r u s l ong 0 1 man nogut = to keep away from evi l doers 5 ) overtak ing i gat b i kpe l a t amb u l ong d i s pe l a a b rus = there is a strict rule agains t such overtaking ABRUS lM, ABRlSlM 1 ) to get out of the way o f something , to evade , to avoid something a b r u s i m s p i a = to dodge a spear ab ru s i m s am t i ng nog u t = to avoid something harmful 2 ) to pass by something , to bypas s something a b r u s i m a i l a n = to pass by an is land, to bypass an is land

592

P. MUHLHAUSLER

ABUS 1) animal ( possibly E ; animals) edible land animal man ya i go l uka u t i m a b u s l on g b us = this man is going to hunt anima ls in the bush 2) side dish consisting mainly of pork , meat , fish or sea foods M i pe l a i no g a t abu s . = We do not have any meat . a b u s b i l ong h u k bai t 3 ) tidbit , something much liked , delight S i ng s i ng em i a b u s b i l ong m i . = Dancing is my de light. 4) shim ( rare ) P u t i m a b u s a n i n i t l ong l ek b i l on g tebo l . = Put a shim under the leg of tab le (to make it leve l ) . 5 ) easy mark 0 1 ka naka b i l ong h a p i o l s em a b u s b i l on g m i pe l a . = The indigenes over ( i . e . we can defeat them at wi l l ) there are our "meat " . A b u s b i l ong t umb una kanda re (= kok ) (Tok Bokis) she suits my sexua l desires. =

=

ABUSIM 1 ) to garnish , to season

a b u s i m s a k s a k l on g p i s = to garnish sago with fish a b u s i m t a ro l on g kokon a s = to season the taro with a little coconut

2 ) to mix , to mix up

a b u s i m naba u t 0 1 tok = to mix words of several languages a b u s i m 0 1 pau l wa n t a i m 0 1 p a to = to get the ducks and chickens a l l mixed up� intermixed

a b u s i m so l wa ra wa n t a i m wa ra

=

to bring both good and bad news

see : e tm i n i s t re t a

ADMINISTRETA

ADRESIM ( E , Urb . ) to address a letter or parcel ( Rur . ra i t i m nem) ADRES ( Urb . ) address ( Rur . nem na a s p l e s ) AFRIKA ( E ) Africa

0 1 man b i l on g A f r i ca the Africans 0 1 A f r i ka = the Africans 0 1 Af r i kama n = the Africans =

AGAI ouch ! AI ( E ) 1 ) a n eye

a i k l i a = to be informed a i nog u t to have bad eyesight a i pa s to be b lind a i r a un = to be dizzy� dazed aisl ip to be very tired A i b i l ong m i 5 1 i p . = I am s leepy� drowsy; I doze off. A i b i l ong m i h ev i . = I am s leepy . A i b i l ong em t u da k . = He is blind. He is jealous . A i b i l on g m i raun . = I am d-izzy; I fee l giddy . =

=

=

TOK PISIN DICTIONARY MAKING

593

I am sick. A i b i l on g m i i s o l . l u k i m l ong wan a i t a s o l to Look at quickLy sanap l on g a i b i l ong 0 1 = to stand before everyone 's eyes b ru k i m a i to wink A i i re t . = He is angry . Long a i b i l on g m i . = In my opinion, view. =

=

2 ) a l id , tip , opening a i b i l ong botol = the Lid or cover of a bott Le a i b i l on g d ram the head of a drum, the bung of a drum a i b i l on g h a us = the gab Le of a house a i b i l on g kokonas = the sprout ho Le of a coconut she L L a i b i l ong pens i l = a penci L point a i b i l ong sospen = the Lid of a pot a i b i l o ng s ua = the head of a sore or abscess a i b i l o ng t a ro = a taro bud =

AI ( int . ) wow ! AI SIT ( vul . ) shit ! AlAI ( Mel . ) 1 ) the Malay apple fruit and tree ( Yambosa mal accens i s ) ( SM . "The so-called New Guinea apple . In some di stricts also called l a u l a u . In other di stricts again there is a difference made between a i a i and l a u l a u . A i a i is an e gg-shaped apple ; and l a u l a u a round-shaped apple . There are other fruits , white , red and yellow , shaped l ike a small bel l ; these fruits are al so called a i a i , resp . l a u l a u . " ) 2 ) a kind of hardwood (Eugeni a malaccensis) AIBlKA ( Tolai : i b i ka ) a plant with edible leaves (Abelmochus manihot ) AlOIA ( E , Urb . ) idea ( Rur. t i ngt i ng) AIDIN ( E ) iodine

Mühlhäusler, P. "The scientific study of Tok Pisin: Tok Pisin dictionary making: theoretical considerations and practical experiences". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:577-593. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.577 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

6.8

T H E S C I E NT I F I C STUDY OF TOK P I S I N :

LAN G UAGE P LA N N I NG AND T H E TOK P I S I N LEX I CON P . Muhlhaus ler

6 . 8. 1

I NTRODUCT I ON

Thi s chapter i s complementary to two others , dealing with the history of attitudes and policies ( 2 . 3 ) and the history of writing systems ( 2 . 5 ) . However , it was felt that the central role of the lexi con in the language planning process cal led for a separate chapter . It i s intended to concentrate here on the technical aspects of language planning , i . e . that area must c losely associated with l inguistic engineering , rather than on the external setting of man-made changes in the lexicon . In doing this , two principal areas will be di scussed : a) general princ iples of lexical assessment and l exical planning ; b) the hi story of lexical planning for Tok Pisin. Apart from discussing the theoretical and practical aspects of vocabulary planning , this chapter al so highlights person-made changes in Tok Pi sin . Lin­ gui stic deve lopment and change is often seen as something comparable to the growth and change of a living organism . Thus , as regards Tok pisin , heavy emphasis is placed on language-internal universal deve lopmental tendencie s . Whilst this i s j usti fiable for the morphological and syntactic components of the language , especially during early phases of expans ion , the lexicon has always been susceptible to outside interference , be it unintentional or planned . As wil l be shown in the discuss ion of the history of lexical planning , many such changes have been in direct oppos ition to natural growth tendencie s , though they might not have bee n , had the innovators heeded some very basic principles . The di scus s ion of these principles in considerable detail seemed j usti fied for preci se ly this reason . It appears that untrained naive speakers of a lan­ guage are not wel l qua l i fied to plan its lingui stic future . Not only are their j udgements very much hit-and-miss a ffair s , they also appear incapable of asses­ sing the wider e ffects of local planning activitie s . At a more general leve l , the abi l ity o f human beings to perceive l ingui stic phenomena and initiate l in­ guistic change i s severely restricted by the ir folk view of language and by some universal constraints , such as that the gradient l inguistic phenomena are typic­ ally perceived as non-gradient categorical distinctions . I t i s only once these l imitat ions are made explicit and analysed obj ectively that l anguage planning can make real progre s s . I t should b e noted that the general principles o f lexical planning w i l l have to be supplemented by a number of special considerations , s ince Tok Pisin is a pidgin . They include :

S . A . Wurm and P . Muhlhausler, eds Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pi dgin) , 5 9 5 -664 . Pacific Linguistics , C-70 , 1984 . P . Muhlhausler ©

Mühlhäusler, P. "The scientific study of Tok Pisin: language planning and the Tok Pisin lexicon". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:595-664. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.595 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

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P. MUHLHAUSLER a) Tok Pi sin is a second language spoken by speakers of as many as 700 different first languages . The requirements of second language users tend to lie in the area of optimali sation o f perception and hence call for a highly regular lexicon , favouring derivation and compounding over borrowing of lexical stems . The fact that Tok Pisin speakers can come from widely different cultural backgrounds imposes certain limitations , however . For example , a concept which is central to one group of Tok Pi sin users and therefore should be expres sed by a single lexical base , may be quite marginal to another group of users , and hence preferably encoded as a compound . In many cases culture-neutral solutions will not be possible and planners should beware of favouring only one culturally or regionally de fined group . b) Special attention must be paid to the relationship between Tok pisin and its principal ' lexifier ' language English . An increasing number of Tok Pisin speakers use English in some areas of discourse and hence favour borrowing. A considerable amount of lexical fusion between Tok Pi sin and Engl ish has been demonstrated for urban varieties of the former language el sewhere in the chapter on variation ( 3 . 2 ) . c ) As a culture contact language Tok Pisin incorporates structural and lexical material from a number of unrelated linguistic systems , in particular the SAE ( standard average European , a term created by Whorf to characterise the close semantic and structural affil iations of the languages of western Europe and the Middle East) and Me lanesian lan­ guages , more recently also non-Melanesian languages of the interior . Language planners have to watch for areas where contrastive conflicts have not been resolved in Tok Pisin . d) A standard variety of the language has already been chosen and used in influential publications such as the New Testament translation . However , it remains to be seen if rural Madang Tok Pisin , the variety chosen , is a sufficiently developed basis for nationwide planning . e ) Language planning and lexical growth have been dominated , throughout the history of the language , by expatriate values . However , it must be kept in mind that modernisation of a society and its language need not mean westernisation and that very different solutions could be considered if indigenous values were considered .

It thus should alre ady be clear that there can be no optimal solution to lexical planning, but that there wi l l be many areas of confl ict . However , it would seem that the needs of second-language speakers will continue to dominate the scene for a considerable time to come and that therefore values such as learnability and internal consistency will rank above those of stylistic flex­ ibility and aesthetic requirement s . This would not seem to matter greatly , as lexical plannin g , like other forms of planning, will relate to some domains and functions of the language only , in particular its use in printed form and in public contexts , whi l st creativity and flexibil ity can continue to thrive in private oral commun ication . Keeping this in mind , we shall now consider the important issue of assessing the adequacy of existing forms of Tok Pisin .

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DETE RM I N I NG THE ADEQUACY O F TOK P I S I N ' S LEX I CON

6 . 8. 2 . 1

Genera l remarks

For a long t ime linguists have not only been very reluctant to make value j udgements about language but have also denied that such j Udgements could be made in principle . From the point of view of the ordinary speaker this seems strange indeed . But there is a gradual real isation among linguists today that the assumption that all languages and all linguistic forms are equal is by no means a sign of objectivity and scholarship . In stead , the refusal to comment on qualitative matters has made linguistics a less useful source of in format ion to those who need it most, name ly the language planners . The insistence of many linguists that their j ob was to de scribe some abstract linguistic system under­ lying the actual utterance of everyday speakers has also led to a neglect of external factors , such as speakers ' attitudes . Linguists concerned with the day-to-day realities of ine fficient communica­ tion systems have realised , however , that evaluation criteria are an essential component o f any language planning activity . Among the criteria proposed by a number of applied soc iolingui st s , the following three are of particular value for our di scuss ion : a) referential adequacy , i . e . " the capacity of the language to meet the needs of its users as an instrument of referential meaning" ( Haugen

1966) ;

b) systematic adequacy , i . e . a language should be structured in such a way that its rules are maximally general and natural ; c) acceptabil ity , i . e . a form must be adopted or adoptable by the majority of whatever society or subsociety is involved . Subordinate to these considerations are others , such as euphony , brevity , and symmetry between expression and content , which are listed and discussed by Tauli ( 1968) . I will now briefly di scuss these criteria . ( a ) Re ferential adequacy With regard to Tok Pisin, referential adequacy would not have to be the same for all of its users . Whilst a small minority who speak this language as a first l anguage have to express all ideas and feelings in Tok Pisin , for the majority of speakers Tok Pisin is used in a limited number of functions and domains . Thus , referential adequacy has to be j udged against the background of the commun icative needs of a specific group of speakers . There are indications that Tok Pisin is an inadequate means of communication in a number of areas of discourse relating to recent technological and sociological change , but this can be said of virtually any language , including English . Because of Tok Pisin ' s productive word formation component and its relatively high syncretic capacity , most referential inadequacies can be repaired quite eas ily in principle . Whi l st the notion of referential adequacy is most often used to refer to de ficiencies in the lexical area , it is also found at other levels of grammar . Wurm ( 1978) stresses that syntactic differentiation is not equally developed in all varieties of Tok Pisin . Thus , in some of the older second-language varieties : a) grammatical categories such as tense , aspect or number are either absent or unde r-represented ; b) the system of prepositions is rather rudimentary ;

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P. MUHLHAUSLER c ) discourse-structuring grammatical elements are rare , making it dif fi­ cult to express the difference between important and less important in formation .

Howeve r , s ince most of these deficiencies have been repaired in creoli sed and newer second-language varieties of Tok Pisin, language planners could easily resort to internal borrowing if it was fe lt that such distinctions were needed in the language . A lot of claims have been made about the referential adequacy or inadequacy of Tok Pi sin and have often formed the basi s of value judgements . It must be remembered , however , that very l ittle empirical research has been done in this area and that the question needs to be treated with great care . To claim that either Tok Pisin or one of its varieties is good or bad because of its refer­ ential potential ignores the fact that the potential of all varieties is con­ tinuously changing . (b) Systematic adequacy This criterion is concerned primarily with its internal consistency and regularity . Ideally , grammatical rules should be maximally general . Contrary to certain claims that pidgins are extremely simple , it can be shown that thi s , statement has little meaning unless seen against the background o f their con­ tinuous grammatical development . As a general rule it can be stated that , in its init ial stages , a pidgin gramma r is full of exceptions and relatively minor or unproductive grammatical rules , and that greater regularity is only reached in its more developed vari­ eties , if it develops without external interference . I f , on the other hand , contact with its original lexifier language ( English in the case of Tok pisin) i s renewed , then language mixing can lead to a substantial increase in grammat­ ical irregularity . I wish to il lustrate these two points with an actual example , the signalling of plural in Tok Pisin ( full details in Muhlhausler 1981a) . In the early part of this century , speakers of Tok Pisin used the pluraliser 01 only variably , with nouns referring to living beings and preferably in gram­ matical subject or direct object position . Today , in a number of creolised varieties , the plural iser 01 is used before any noun which is semantically plural . Thi s means that the rule to account for plurali sation around 1910 is much more complex than the rule needed to state pluralisat ion in the creolised Tok Pisin of 1980 . The latter variety is therefore systematically more adequate . Contact with English in some varieties of Urban Tok Pisin has led to the introduct ion of pluralisation by means of the formative - s , as in m a n s for Rural Tok Pi sin 0 1 man men . This new rule is not applied in all instance s , however . Instead , one finds combinations such a s 0 1 ge l s , g e l s 0 1 ge l girls , often used by the same speaker. It is extremely difficult to state the conditions under which one or other form is chosen . Thus , the systematic adequacy of the grammar has been reduced considerably under the influence of language contact . ,

Systematic adequacy also re fers to the notion of linguistic naturalness . In second-language Tok Pi sin , because it is a second language , lingui stic strat­ egies which optimal ise perception are more favoured than those promoting produc­ tion . As a result , natural phonological proces ses ( e . g . those reducing sounds or converting sound segments into more readily pronounceable sounds) are sup­ pressed , and natural morphological processes ( those favouring the optimalisation of perception) , are favoured . This means that there is a strong tendency in Tok Pi sin for one form to have one meaning and for the same meaning to be expressed

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by the same form. An example o f morphological naturalness would be in the form­ at ion of derived words . Compare the irregular English examples with the regular ones of Tok P i s in : Tok Pi sin

taun ka n t r i p i sop meme

Engl ish

b i l ong b i l on g b i l ong b i l ong

taun kant r i p i sop meme

p l i sma n d ra i vman pan i ma n wok s avema n hosman s i ps i p man kaka r u k man p i k i n i n i ma n p i k ma n

town country bishop goat

urban rural episcopa l hirsute

po liceman driver joker specialist

hos me r i s i ps i p me r i kaka ruk me r i p i k i n i n i me r i p i k me r i

stal lion ram cock son boar

mare ewe hen daughter sow

Tok Pi sin ' s high degree of morphological naturalness makes it an easy language to learn as a second language . However , borrowing from both internal and external sources may have to be carefully controlled if this advantage of the language is not to be lost . The case of morphological naturalness i l lustrates the fact that the terms ' good ' or ' bad ' pidgin cannot be di scussed outside a social context . To have a maximum of morphological naturalne ss makes the language good from a learner ' s point o f view. On the other hand , i t reduces its stylistic flexibil ity and can make it rather monotonous , as has been i l lustrated by Mead ( 1931) . ( c ) Acceptabil ity Whi l st l inguistically naive speakers may make reference to the referent ial and systematic adequacy of Tok Pisin in di scuss ing its merits , this is typically done in a haphazard way . Thei r main concern , and this goes particularly for New Guinean speakers of the language , is its social acceptability . This factor depends to a large extent on external circumstances and may change considerably over time . Some of these changes will be di scussed below . To begin with I want to discuss a more context-independent principle of soc ial acceptabil ity , namely whether expressions in a language are iconically encoded or not . There seem to be language-independent reasons for saying for instance , that : a) Reduplicated lexical stems should stand for concepts centring around childhood expe riences and lighthearted personal emotions . Applying this criterion , the Tok Pisin items t i ng t i ng to think , toktok to talk and l u k l u k to look would be badly encoded . In fact , educated speakers of the language tend to replace them with unredupl icated forms . b) Concepts which are central to a culture should be expressed by means of short lexical bases whilst marginal concepts can be expres sed by longer compounds or circumlocutions . The difference in the relative importance of concepts can be seen from the following examples :

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P . MUHLHAUSLER Tok Pisin

Engli sh

1 a p 1 ap

length of cloth worn around the waist like a kilt

ka i n 1 a p 1 ap 0 1 S ko t s save pa s i m

kilt

1a1a

tai lor fish

man b i 1 0ng sama p i m k 1 0s

tailor

c) There are limits to the degree of homophony in a language . Laycock ( 19 69) observes that pidgin already has a relatively large number of words where di fferent English words have fallen together . "To add to this number incautiously could wel l overload the language with forms that sound the same but have di fferent meanings . " Thu s , the proposal to translate Engl ish peace as Tok Pisin p i s is ill founded , as p i s can al ready mean piece, piss, fish, fees and ( in some varieties) peas. In addition to such external or mechanical factors underlying social accept­ ability there are a number of soc iopsychological factors . Among them the fol low­ ing are of particular importance : a) Expressions are regarded as socially harmful because they create division s , e . g . insult s , group labels or el ite language . b) Expressions are regarded as taboo . In thi s connection it is inter­ esting to observe that conventions for a taboo register in Tok Pisin emerged very early in its deve lopment , e . g . the use of l on g pe 1 a p i k long pig for a human being eaten during a cannibal meal . c) A number of expressions are regarded as difficult to unde rstand or confusing . such expressions are particularly unde sirable in the case of Tok Pisin , since its main function is that of a nationwide l ingua franca. Tok Pisin is spoken by people of a wide range o f social and cultural back­ grounds and it is for this reason that one can expect significant di fferences in the soc ial acceptabi lity of linguistic forms . Let me il lustrate this with an example from the lowest linguistic leve l , that of pronunciation . A group of Tok Pisin speakers objected to the proposal to call Papua New Guinea Pag i n i on the ground that this would sound like pak i m m i fuck me . Had they had a distinc­ t ion between ( p ) and ( f ) in their variety this obj ection would hardly have arisen . At present , we do not even understand such relatively mechanical pro­ ces se s , and as a result unfortunate and socially damaging new expres sions continue to enter Tok Pisin . Thus , the recently introduced expression se 1 ek kom i t i se lect committee is often interpreted as s l ek kom i t i a s lack or inefficient vi l lage committee member and i n ve s t i m man i to invest money is frequently inter­ preted as we s t i m man i to waste money . Extensive language attitude studies need to be carried out to test this and other aspects o f social acceptability . Without the results of such research no proper language planning can be carried out , s ince it is its social acceptability which in the last instance determines whether a proposed new expres sion wi l l be fully adopted or not.

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601

Judg i ng Tok P i s i n ' s refere n t i a l adequacy I nt roduct i on

No other area has figured so prominently in the debates as to the pros and cons of Tok Pisin than its referential adequacy . As claims about it continue to be made it would seem useful to sort out some of the misunderstandings which have prevented non-polemical discussion . These fall into two main categories : a) claims as to the number of lexical entries and b) claims as to potential lexical solutions :

6 . 8. 2 . 2 . 2

The number of l ex i ca l en t r i e s

A typical example of the former type o f argument are Gunther ' s remarks on the lexical inadequacy of the language ( 1969 : 5 3 ) summarised in the assertion that : . . . it has a limi ted and restricted vocabulary, perhaps no more than 2 , 000 words of which 70% come from English . With respect to structural lingui sts , it is di fficult to con­ ceptualise, or to di scuss the abstract in pidgin . Balint ' s counter argument appears equally unrevealing : Gunther ' s low estimate of the Pidgin lexicon has goaded me into the rash and emotional reaction of compiling in two months an approximate ly 2 , 000 word dict ionary of sporting terms in Pidgin . (Balint 197 3 : 29 ) The fact that i t i s possible to create o r borrow a large amount of lexical mat­ erial says nothing about the adequacy of the lexicon before the introduction of this material into it . I am prepared to believe Hal l ( 1943b : 19 2 ) when he states that some mi ssionary managed to compile 1 1 , 000 entries for a Tok pis in dictionary but again this claim is not very il luminating , for the fol lowing reasons : a) The fact that a lexical entry appears in a lexicon does not mean that a signi ficant part of the linguistic community can handle the word and the associated concepts . Thus , the existence of the item oks i j en oxygen does not mean that it can be used in general conversation . Thi s criticism would seem to apply to most entries in Bal int ' s sports dict ionary ( Balint 1969 ) . b) The number of lexical bases or entries may not necess arily reflect the number o f words individual speakers can use . It is known that a number of pidgin and creole languages supplement their limited inventory of ' entries ' or ' bases ' with a set of lexical rules whose application yields many new lexical items , which are very often equivalent to simple lexical items in other languages , such as English . Put differently , what is expressed lexically in one language may be expressed syntactically or intonationally in another . c ) Many lexical items are merely styl istic alternants and do not contri­ bute to the overall referential adequacy of a language . Thus the existence , in English , of ad jective-abstract noun pairs of the type true-truth , beautiful-beauty , long-length does not make the language referentially more adequate than one without abstract nouns . Many putative gaps in the Tok Pisin lexicon appear as such only from the ethnocentric viewpoint o f monolingual speakers of English .

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P. MUHLHAUSLER d) The number of lexical entries varies from speaker to speaker , locality to locality and time to time . In the case of Tok Pisin the rapid increase in referential power over time seems to be the most important of these factors . Thus , it is no good arguing about lexical de fic ien­ cies unless one is in possession of up-to-date information . e ) Contrary to what many linguists believe , the lexicon of a language is not a closed set , and all j udgements as to its precise size will therefore remain indeterminate.

Given s uch objections it would seem that the following requirements must be met if referential adequacy is to be meaningfully debated : a) Extens ive case studies of commun icative breakdown due to referential inadequacy should be made , in particular studies of translation , use o f Tok Pisin in non-traditional domains and use among speakers from di fferent backgrounds . b ) Case studies o f individual s , vocabulary tests and longitudinal observation of lexical growth in individuals should supplement the abo_ . c) A careful assessment should be given of lexical needs in both the central areas of communication and the many more marginal specialist areas in which the language is used . I may venture to suggest that the result of such studies wi l l be similar to those for languages in many developing countries , namely that modernisation of society has proceeded at a faster rate than linguistic modernisation and that many areas of common interest cannot be adequate ly discussed with existing lexical means . This , it must be emphasi sed , is not a problem unique to pidgins or indeed languages of the third world . I have tried to demonstrate elsewhere (Muhlhaus ler 1983d) that English is unsuited , in a number of ways , to the discussion of envir­ onmental issues , i . e . issues whi ch are at the heart of the survival interests of its speakers .

6.8.2 . 2 . 3

Potent i a l l ex i ca l i tems and rel ated matters

A widely encountered view , reflecting structuralist relativist doctrine , is that all languages can express whatever their speakers wish to expres s and that new terms for new concepts are readily available if required . A good example is Ste inbauer ' s ( 1969 : 8 ) statement : Pidgin is adequate in both vocabulary and concepts for what­ ever use the main body of Pidgin speakers wishes to make o f i t . There are some areas o f Western culture which have not yet been used by the majority of Pidgin speakers , because those areas have not been assimilated into their own cultural patterns . For this reason , technical vocabulary in these fields is not widely known in Pidgin . When these cultural areas are assimi lated into the way of life of the majority of the speakers of the language , the necessary vocabulary for expressing the concepts involved will be developed as it i s i n other languages - either b y borrowing terms from another language or by creating new terms according to the word formation patterns already found in Pidgin itse l f .

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There are a number of claims implicit in Steinbaue r ' s quotation , some of them associated with a stron g , others with a weaker version of the ' principle of effability ' , i . e . that anything which can be thought can be expressed in any human language . The strong version claims that all languages use exactly the same set of semantic primitive s and that therefore anything that can be said in one language can also be said in any othe r . It further entails that no changes of any importance are necessary for a language to cope with new fields of dis­ course , lexical additions being seen as low- level regroupings of already existing semantic material . This was proposed by Laycock ( 1969 : 12 ) in his defence of Tok Pisin : There is no such thing in the world as a ' deficient ' language , in any respect whatsoever . All languages have within them the capacity for expression of all concepts that could possibly occur to human beings ; all have the possibility of change and adaptation , of absorbing new concepts , without the language being thereby altered out of all recognition . I f this were not the case , then French would have been inadequate to discuss the French Revolution , Ge rman would have been unable to di scuss the Blitzkrieg , and English would have died out at the beginning of the Space Age . Just as these languages found ways of dea ling with new concepts , without the speakers being aware of the change , so Pidgin can deal with anything required of it . Against thi s claim, a number of arguments can be adduce d . Since the more general issues involved have been discussed very clearly by Schnitzer ( 1982 : 185196 ) , I will only raise two points directly re levant to Tok Pisin . Firstly , there are strong indications that the introduction of new lexical material can have drastic e ffects on the lexical and grammat ical structure of the language . The introduction of new kinship terms in Urban Tok Pisin ( a nke l uncle , cutting across previous kinship terminology which distinguished between kanda re materna l uncle and smo l papa paternal uncle) or reinterpretations of old terms in the light of their Engl ish meaning ( e . g . b ra t a brother rather than sib ling of the same sex) , has led to the breakdown of a whole semantic field and to conside rable difficulties in communicat ion across sociolectal boundaries . Such changes fundamental ly affecting the character of Tok Pisin are taking place and in many instances are the result of lexical innovation , particularly bor­ rowing . In the most fortunate circumstances the existing system is not affected , new subsystems merely being added , but at worst one ends up with two incompatible systems , thus decreasing the communicative e fficiency of the language . A second point is that one should keep in mind the important role of per­ ception in a second language such as Tok Pisin , and that lengthy circumlocution puts considerable s train on the hearer . This problem has been commented upon by a number of observers , for instance Wol fers ( 197 1 : 4 16 ) : Very sk illed speakers seem quite capable of expressing fine shades of meaning in the language , and to explain , then employ , relatively specialized concepts , though the Territory ' s lawyers insist that legal draughting in the pidgin is simply impossible . The Department of District Administration has recently been unable , for example , to tran s late majority rule precisely into Neo-Me lane s ian . B i h a i n i m t i n g t i ng b i l on g p l a n t i moa p i pa l , its final compromise , means no more than supporting the opinion of

604

P. MUHLHAUSLER many peop le , and i s inadequate for the task . The concept can be explained through lengthy circumlocution and demon­ stration , but the problem of finding an accurate , short means of translation still remains .

Circumlocutions thus are best regarded as a temporary stage in lexical expansion . A language which frequently has to resort to circumlocution i s not referentially fully adequate , particularly not from the point of view of the heare r . Circumlocutions involving five or more existing words are not felt to stand for s ingle concepts and thus act as distractors rather than facilitators to communication . It is this circumlocutionary character of the Tok pisin vocab­ ul ary that has been attacked by a number of its opponents and it appears that they have a valid point . In conclusion , we are forced to reject the strong version of this cl aim , expres sed in statements such as that by Dietz ( 1956 : 3 ) : " Pidgin can express any­ thing that Engl i sh can expres s , fully and without ambiguity" . The weaker version acknowledges that communication systems are located in the temporal and cultural dimension and that their referential power has to be measured against such external factors . A typical example of this view is given by Wurm ( 1 969 : 39 ) : In its present form, Pidgin is entirely adequate for the expression of all concepts and ideas within the framework of the culture of the Pidgin speakers , and it seems almost ridiculous to suggest that indigenes who speak P idgin as their mother tongue , should not be able to express and refer to their entire cultural background in it because o f an assume d inadequacy o f the language . Wurm ' s observation has considerable common-sense appeal and may indeed be taken as an adequate characte risation of the linguistic situation in many rural com­ munities . However , it ignores two important considerations : a) Since. Tok Pisin is a second language the range of its functions and domains is restricted fer most of its users . Typically , traditional religion , family life and natural environment are discussed in local vernaculars . As regards first- language speakers , their numbers are too small to make a real impact in most areas . Consequently , the norms of second-language varieties continue to predominate even for first- language speakers . In addition , many first-language speakers become bilinguals in later l i fe , reserving Tok Pi sin for a reduced functional area . Thus , it may we ll be that even creol ised varieties are not adequate to cope with ' the entire cultural background ' of their speakers . b) As pointed out by Tauli ( 1968 : 14 ) : . . . it is a we ll known fact that language lags behind though t : on one hand it contains signs which have no longer any meaning in th e speaker ' s mind , on the other hand there are meanings which have not yet been given an adequate expression . The first point re fers most often to grammar, the latter especially to the vocabulary . It i s particularly in the periods of cultural revolution that language lags behind its needs . . . . That this also applies to Tok Pisin i s confirmed by a number of studies , in particular those of Scott 1977 and Franklin 1975a. These two authors il lus­ trate how Papua New Guinean society had to cope with dramatic changes in technology

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without being prepared for it linguistically or otherwis e . From the end o f the 19th century Papua New Guineans were recruited to serve on plantations developed by English and German-speaking expatriates along western line s . Almost from the beginning of the plantation system they were expected to spread these new tech­ nologies to their home vil lages , thus improving food supply . The beginnings o f culture contact a t the agricultural level are de scribed by Scott ( 197 7 : 7 2 3 ) in the following terms : The conversations between indigene and European . . . centred mainly around what was visible , concrete and of importance to the daily needs of each party . The Europeans were par­ ticularly interested in carbohydrate foods and thus learnt the native names for these , whi l st the indigenes were inter­ ested in learning the white man ' s names for such things as axes . . . . Thus commenced the vocabulary of the agricultural worker, thus it remained to hinder agricultural deve lopment for many years . For whi l st farming techniques were to develop ove r the years , the Pidgin language was not to deve lop paral le l to it and communication between the farmer and the agricultural field officer was to remain at an unsophis­ ticated level until the most recent years . Scott notes two reasons for this state of affairs : first , the almost exclu­ sive use of Tok Pisin by white agricultural officers for giving orders , without explanation and without expecting feedback information , and second , the resulting poverty of the vocabulary . His observations would seem to indicate that refer­ ential inadequacies can be the result of socially inadequate language use . Frank lin adds observations about systematic inadequacies , in particular the use of new l exical items , which can be , and as his te sts clearly demonstrate , continu­ ously are , confused with s imilar sounding existing expressions . An example i s the interpretation of nese r i nursery as connected with sickne ss and hospitals rather than with a place for raising healthy plants . It now appears that both the stronger and the weaker view of Tok Pisin ' s referential adequacy are not tenable and that instead linguists should concentrate on identifying areas where the language is , temporarily or intrins ically , less than adequate for the purposes in which it i s to be used by its speakers . Making such qualitative j udgements about a language may seem an unpleasant task to many linguists but it would seem to be only once the qualitative aspects of a given communication system have been explored that rational deci sions about language planning can be made .

6.8.2.3 6 . 8. 2 . 3 . 1

Determi n i ng sys temat i c adeq uacy I ntrodu ct i on

The notion of systematic adequacy in the lexicon is closely linked to that of lexical s implicity . The various aspects of lexical simplic ity have been dis­ cussed , in much detail , by MUh lhausler ( 1974) . General ly speaking , they relate to the fact that the optimalisation of perception underlying second-language expansion strategies strongly favours regular lexical patterning , and hence greater learnability; many have commented upon it , including the fol lowing : It is pos sible to teach native adults to read and write in pidgin in a short time , even teaching on a part-time

606

P . MVHLHAUSLER basis , whereas English takes years , even under intensive teaching condit ion s . without Pidgin , large numbers of New Guinea people would not learn to read and write at al l . The choice for them i s literacy in Pidgin o r no lite racy at all . ( Groves 1955 : ii )

The view that lexical and other simplicity i s language family specific i s also found in Wurm ' s comments ( 1969 : 4 1 ) : One of these . . . concerns the grammatical and semantic structure of English . Undoubtedly , they are as alien to the formal and semantic setup of the linguistic background of the indigenes as Pidgin is akin to it . I fee l that it is best to keep language-independent simplicity apart from that which is language-dependent , and I propose to discuss the two separate ly.

6 .8.2.3.2

La nguage - i ndependent s i mpl i c i ty

Language-independent s implicity refers to the optimalisation of existing lexical rules as wel l as certain basic inherent properties o f lexical items . The fol lowing considerations will be brie fly discussed here : a) the absence of semantic co-occurrence restrictions b) rule optimalisation ( a) A closer analysis of the lexicon of old languages such as Engl ish shows that many apparently simple words can be used only if a number of complex co-occurrence restrictions are observed . Pioneering work in this area has been carried out by the Swiss scholar Le isi whose work unfortunately has not received the widespread acknowledgement it undoubtedly deserve s . An important insight ( in particular in Leisi 1966) into the nature of unmotivated words is his introduction of the distinct ion between ' einfacher wortinhalt ' ( simple content of words) and ' komplexer Wortinhalt ' ( complex content of words ) . Although one gains the impression that this difference should be conceived of as a scale rather than a dichotomy , it is important to distinguish between words with simple content , where only con­ ditions within the ob ject de signated are relevan t , and others of complex content where conditions outside the obj ect designated are relevant for its use . This can be il lustrated with the Tok Pisin word w i n and Engli sh wind. English wind refers to air , but only when the air is in movement ( condition for correct application of this term) , air can be used without regard to movement , and breath is used in connection wi th respiratory proce sses involving animates . Tok Pisin w i n on the other hand can be used in all three case s , as in w i n i kamap l ong so lwa ra wind came from the sea, i nogat w i n l ong t a i a there is no air in the tyre and 0 1 man i s ave pu l im w i n people can breathe. In other words , a number of semant ic co-occurrence conditions applying to wind are not re levant to the correct application of the Tok Pisin term w i n ( c f . also w i n gas as in wan pe l a bot o l gas 0 w i n b i l ong s tov a bottle of gas or wind for the cooker) . It should also be noted that , when used in sentences , English will expres s these distinc­ tions twice , once in the noun and once in the predicate ( as in the wind is b lowing) , thus exhibiting a greater degree of redundancy . There are numerous other examples of Tok Pisin words using a single context­ free lexical item where English imposes complex selection restricti ons on the various translation equivalents , thus contributing greatly to learning and decoding dif ficulties . Let us consider a few more :

LANGUAGE PLANNING i)

607

rop and bak l a i n

The distinction between rop and b a k l a i n is one that has caused difficulties to English-speaking learners of Tok Pisin . The fol lowing table gives an indica­ tion of their use :

ba k l a rop b rop b rop b rop b rop b rop b

n l ong l ong l ong l on g l on g l on g

su b u n a ra b us b l ut dok d i wa i

rope shoe laoe bow string liana vein, artery lead root of a tree

i i ) smok Substance , shape and appearance are the dimensions along which Engli sh speakers distinguish between such words as smoke, steam, fog, smog and dust . Again , few o f these distinct ions are made i n s imple lexical items in Tok Pisin :

smok smok smok smok

b i l on g b i l ong b i l ong b i l ong

pa i a wa ra s o l wa ra g ra u n

smoke steam (sea) spray dust

The expression smok b i l ong bus mist, fog found in prewar dictionaries is now commonly subsumed under the simple lexical item s no . Exhaust fumes , on the other hand , are still referred to as smok b i l ong ka r . iii) spet Similar parameters are re levant t o the distinction between saliva, scum, foam, etc . - distinctions which are not realised in s imple lexical items in Tok Pisin :

s p e t ( b i l ong man ) s pet ( b i l ong w a r a or b i a ) s p e t ( b i l ong b i a )

saliva, spittle foam soum

(Note that the speci fication given in brackets is optional and not normally found in natural discourse . ) iv) b l u t Tok Pi sin b l u t ( derived from German blut b lood and Tolai bu l i t sap can be rendered by a number of simple words in Engl ish , including :

( r e t pe l a ) b l u t ( b i l ong ma n ) ( we t pe l a ) b l u t ( b i l ong ma n ) b l u t ( b i l ong d i wa i )

b lood pus sap (of a tree)

v) a r e re A number o f English nouns refer to the periphery of a locality .

Leisi

( 1966 : 36 ) has pointed out that the conditions for the appl ication of many such words in English are also determined by its material properties . Thus the dis­ tinction be tween brim, rim, edge , etc . is characteri sed by a number of conditions which are not found in Tok Pisin a re r e :

a re r e ( b i l on g ha t ) a re r e ( b i l on g b u k )

brim o f a hat margin of a book

608

P . MUHLHAUSLER a re r e a r e re a rere a re re a rere

( b i l ong ( b i l on g ( b i l ong ( b i l ong ( b i l on g

wa ra ) k l os ) a i g l as ) ka n t r i ) rot )

edge (bank) of a river hem of a dress rim of spectacles boundary of the country road side

Tok Pisin also tends to have conside rably fewer restrictions on verb s . example il lustrating this i s :

A good

vi) he l p i m Whereas in English the obj ect of he lp has to be human or at least animate , in Tok Pis in virtually any object can be chosen , as in :

hel p i m 0 1 m i s i n he l p i m h a u s l on g n u pe l a p l a ng he l p i m t ok b i l on g m i

t o he lp the missions improve the house with new boards to support my arguments

Even greater economy is exemplified in my last example : vii ) pundaun Whereas in English the size , consistency and shape of a falling ob j ect limits the choice of verbs that can appear with it , Tok Pisin has only one verb , punda u n . Compare :

man i pundaun ba l u s i pundaun J a c k na J i l l i pundaun l ong maun ten hap ma n i i pundaun b i kpe l a bek k abo ra i pundaun l on g g raun

the man fel l down the p lane crashed Jack and Jil l tumb led down the hi l l the money chinked the copra bag fe l l on the floor with a thud

In all the above examples greater systematic adequacy is associated wi th lexical items being chosen for purely referential rather than contextual or gram­ matical reasons . Thi s fact must be re lated to the observation , discussed in the preceding s ection , that pidgin languages can make a small lexicon go a very long way . (b) The second aspect of lexical simplicity is that , in addition to there being few and very general rules , what rules there are are exploited in full . Con­ trary to what is often claimed about the simplic ity of early pidgins , rule optimalisation is l argely absent in them and only emerges as pidgins approach the endpoint of their development . Thus , language planners will get their best ideas about rule optimalisation from expanded or creolised Tok Pisin . Rule optimalisation is mani fested in two way s ; ( 1 ) in the form of lexical redundancy rules governing the interpretation of simple lexical items and ( 2 ) in the gene rality of rules of derivation , compounding and word- formation . An example of ( 1 ) is the redundancy rule which states that the name of a locality can be extended to mean ' someone who lives in/originates from this locality ' . In the initial phases of development , this rule was restricted to the names of countrie s ( e . g . Os t re l i a Australia, Australian , I ng l a n Eng land, English person , Amer i ka America, American ) ; subsequently it was extended to s imple lexi cal items referring to localities such as namb i s beach, coasta l dwe l ler , a i l a n island, is lander , and in the more recent past it has also been found with complex words referring to localities ( e . g . b i kbus dense bush, someone who lives in the deep bush or b i k t a u n city, city dwe l ler) .

LANGUAGE PLANNING

609

An example of ( 2 ) is the development of nominal compounds ending in -man . No compounds ending in the agent suffix -ma n person, doer are found before 19 2 0 , though several lexical phrases of the form ma n b i l on g Vintr expressing ' someone who usually does what is referred to by the verb ' are documented for the mid1920s , including :

ma n b i l on g s i ngaut ma n b i l on g s l i p ma n b i l on g s t i l

noisy person, beggar s leepy, lazy person thief

The only word-level i tems at this point are s u tma n po liceman and f u l ma n joker . Most commonly nouns with an agentive meaning are fully lexical ised . Typical examples from Brenninkmeyer ' s 1924 vocabulary are k u s k u s clerk, writer , r i d i ma redeeme r , kamda carpenter and kunda r aco ly te . In the mid- 1930s the authors of the Worterbuch mi t Redewendungen remark (p . 5 3 ) that " - ma n as the suffix of verbs forms agent nouns" ( author ' s translation ) . However , only a few word-level items are l i sted :

wasman s i kman da i ma n s t i I man

watchman patient dead, dying man thief

Phrase-level i tems l i sted in the Worterbuch include :

ma n man man ma n

b i l on g b i l on g b i l ong b i l on g

toktok s a ve pa i t p re t

talkative person wise, know ledgeab le person warrior, fighter fearful person

The only additional items culled from Kutscher ( n . d . ) are :

rab i sman l e sma n

des titute person loafer

It i s interesting to note that Kutscher does not l i st thief as s t i l ma n , as in the Worterbuch ( n . d . ) , but as ma n b i l ong s t i l . Hall ( 1943a : 2 l) observes on compounds of the type verb + noun : " The nouns maen man and boj native, non­ European used in thi s kind of compound have almost the function of suffixes forming nomina agentis . l1 However , next to the only new example that Hall pro­ vides , s t i aman steersman , which incidentally can also be interpreted as a loca­ t ive compound , one continues to find a very large nuwber of verbs which cannot be followed by -ma n . In fac t , no additional word-level items are documented unti l 1 9 5 7 . At this stage Mihalic li sts the following additional examples :

s a veman t rabe l ma n

wise person troub lesome person, fornicator

other forms are only documented as phrase- level items . some new word-leve l items :

ho I i man s i nman pan i ma n

Mihalic ( 19 7 1 ) lists

saint sinner joker

The author ' s observations confirm that the trend towards word-level derivations continues and that a number of items which were recorded as phrase- level items in Mihalic 1971 are now being supplemented by word-level items , examples being :

pa i tman p re tman

fighter, warrior easi ly frightened person

610

P. MUHLHAUSLER b i l i pma n ha i tman

be liever someone who hides or remains unseen

In the most recent past this extension of rule generalisation has had two interesting consequences . Firstly , the - ma n compounding rule is now used to produce names for people associated with a certain locality, a j ob previously reserved for the already di scussed lexical redundancy rule . This usage is very marked among younger speakers as can be seen in the fol lowing l ines from Bede Ous Mapun ' s we ll-known poem ' 0 meri wantok ' ( 19 72 ) .

Y u l uk i m As t re l i aman i d ra i v i m ka r Y u l uk i m Ame r i kaman i d ra i v i m t rak Yu l u k i m I n g l a nma n i ron i m mo t a ba i k You see the Australians drive cars You see the Americans drive trucks You see the English run motorbikes The addition of -ma n to lexical items that were previously signal led by stems must be seen to be a reflection of the very strong tendency in the development of expanded Tok Pisin towards greater constructional iconicity . Whereas in earlier forms of the language the same form appears in many meanings and func­ tions , in i ts later stages the principle of ' one form - one meaning ' is increas­ ingly adhered to . Rule conflict as the result of extension of two similar rules is likely to become increasingly common in Tok Pisin and poses an interesting problem for language planners . As I have j ust suggested , the choice between one or another rule is o ften not free but subject to metaprinciples such as iconic encoding . Thi s means , of two rules doing the same j ob , one may be better , more natural or more viable than another . Rule conflict is also exhibited in the second consequence of rule extension . It is we ll known that for most of its l inguistic development Tok Pisin did not admi t words containing more than two morphemes . However , among younger speakers today one increas ingly finds more complex compounds such as : earlier form

recently documented form

ma n b i l ong woksa ve man b i l on g ma uspas

woksa veman ma u s pa s ma n

b i k t a u n , o r man b i l o ng b i k t a un

b i k t a unman

gloss work-know-man = specialist mouth-obstructed-man dumb person city dWe l ler

The last example i l lustrates the conflict between optimalisat ion of production ( b i k t a un with only two syllables being the preferred form) and optimalisation of perception ( b i kta unma n , which meets the principle one form - one meaning ) . I t reminds u s that maximum generality and mathematically measurable simpl icity are not the only criteria to be considered when it comes to planning real-life lan­ guages for real-l i fe speaker s .

6 . 8. 2 . 3 . 3

Lan gu age-depende n t s impl i c i ty

Having considered language-independent simplicity we now have to turn to the much less well-defined notion of language-dependent simplicity . This notion implies that a language should exhibit typological consistency at all levels .

LANGUAGE PLANNING

611

Applied t o Tok Pisin this means that , since through prolonged areal contact it has become increasingly absorbed into a Melanesian or pan-New Guinean Sprachbund one should expect many typological simi larities . Such s imilarities tend to be most pronounced at the semantic level than at any other leve l , though even here it would be dangerous to s imply call Tok Pisin a Me lanesian language . An area which il lustrates the problems to be faced by language planners is that o f body terms and body term metaphor s . The two words a i and han may serve as an illustration . To present-day Europeans eye is above all an anatomical or biological concept, on the other hand it is evident that the same word is used by ' primitive ' peoples not only in the anatomical sense but also to re fer to sun (or stars ) , j1ame of fire, or water hole ( c f . Holmer 1966 ) . In Tok Pisin , the word a i can be found in many senses that are totally non-Engl ish :

ai ai ai ai ai

( b i l ong ( b i l ong ( b i l ong ( b i l on g ( b i l ong

boto l ) haus) pens i l ) sua) s us u)

lid gab le penci l point head o f a sore nipp le

The same is true for han in relation to English hand. Its basic meaning in Tok P i s in is arm, hand, s leeve, branch, foreleg of an anima l . It can also appear in a number of other phrases where it has no correspondence in Engli sh . The point is that the very general me anings of Tok pisin words are o ften due to its being related to the semantic pattern of Oceanic languages rather than Engli sh . There are various consequences arising from this . Firstly, any proposals to extend the mean ing of a word should be carefully examined to determine whether they are in agreement with the sema�tic possibi lities of the language . Adding a new meaning to a word i s more than j ust a convention . Secondly, to replace some of the meanings of words like han and a i with loans or new creations wi ll affect the semantic structure of Tok Pisin . The introduction of such words and phrases as l i d b i l on g boto l , geb o l b i l ong haus , po i n b i l ong pen s i l or n i pe l is completely uncalled for . On the other hand, one cannot bl indly assume that the semantic patterns o f Tok Pisin a r e Oceanic only, s ince the language is in a n ambivalent position , between an indigenous and European way of thinking. The culture associated with it is in many ways very far removed from the traditional ways of l i fe and a recent study of body term metaphors ( Todd and Muhlhausler 1978) has clearly demonstrated that a sizeable proportion of this semantic field was probably independently developed from the internal resources of Tok Pis in .

6 . 8. 2 . 3 . 4

Other factors rel a t i n g to systemat i c adequacy

Language planners propos ing new lexical material have to conside r , apart from the areas j ust di scussed , various other aspects of systematic adequacy in a number of other respects , including the ' fol lowing : a) Potential confusion with established items . The danger of confusion is greatest in the case of new homophones or near-homophones , poly­ morphemic loans whose morphemes are homophonous with exi sting items ( S adler 1974b : 7 ) , and in those cases where the meaning of existing items is expanded in accordance with an English mode l .

612

P . MUHLHAUSLER b) Compatibility with existing morpheme and word structure conventions . As observed by Laycock ( 1969 : 1 3 ) "many English words do not fit we ll into Pidgin pronunciation and orthography . " c ) The status of innovations with regard to the derivational lexicon of Tok pis in . Thi s point concerns the decision whether a new item should be a lexical base or a derived lexical item . d) Compatibility with exi sting semantic field organi sation . In some areas of lexical semantics the introduction of a single new item may result in the restructuring of a whole lexical field . e ) Reduct ion of non-functional lexical idiosyncras ies . needs some further consideration .

This last point

Tok pi sin is , to a very significant extent , the result of unplanned growth . This is reflected , for instance , in the large number of competing rules at all leve l s of gramma r . At the syntactic leve l , for instance , one finds at least three different ways of signalling relative clauses and complement clause s . At the morphological leve l , simi lar competing rules are found , for instance , with Tok Pisin predicative adjectives . Their idiosyncratic behaviour has been dis­ cussed by Wurm ( 1971a : 2 2 - 23 and 52- 56) , Dutton ( 19 7 3 : 98-99 and 157-158) and Muhlhausler 1982 a : 4 19-4 2 5 ) . Tok Pi sin adjectives fail to meet the basic require­ ment of systematic adequacy ( one form - one meaning) on the fol lowing grounds : a) there are no consistent criteria for choosing - p e l a ( the adj ective suffix) ; b) the posit ional potential of many word base s is very restricted ; c ) there is an acute shortage of attributive adj ective s . A hypothetical solution to these problems would involve the fol lowing decisions on the part of the language planner : ( a) To restrict the use o f - pe l a to monosyllabic attributive adjectives . convention would lead to the following changes : present-day Tok Pisin

proposed forms

glos s

b i k pe l a mo ran fr i kant r i hama s ( pe l a ) s uma t i n ? 1 i k l i k wan s i 1 i n g

b i k p e l a mo ran f r i pe l a kan t r i hamas s uma t i n? 1 i k 1 i k wans i I i n g

big python free country how many students ? small s um of money

This

Another irregularity is that many adje ctives used as predicative verbals undergo some changes in semantic information . The difference between those that do and others that do not change semantic features could be signalled , as is done in some fluent second-language varieties , by adding the suffix -wan one to adj ectives which appear in predicative position without changing semantic inform­ ation , as in : present-day Tok Pis in

proposed forms

gloss

t ra u s i s i k l i n b i kpe l a haus s p i a i sap b r i s i l on g pe l a

t ra u s i s i k l i nwan haus b i kwan s p i a i s a pwan b r i s i l on gwan

the the the the

trousers are clean house is big spear is sharp bridge is long

Adjectives which change their meaning in predicative position , in particular those which receive a non-static verbal interpretation , would be signalled by zero , as in :

LANGUAGE PLANNING predicative adj ective

dead je ctivised verbal

s t rongwan d ra i wan b i kwan

s t rong d ra i bik

strong

dry

big

613

to be stubbol'n� insist to dry up to become lQl'ge� grow

(b) The position of attributive adj ectives either before or after the noun they modify is not predictable by general rule in present-day Tok Pisin , though there are some regularitie s , such as that which speci fies that negative adj e ctives beginning Witll no- usually follow the noun , as in :

man nog u t ma n n o l es

a bad man an eager man

However , some speakers use the form em i nog u t ma n he is a bad man . Arguin g , as does Wurm ( 19 78 ) , that forms found i n some variants of Tok Pi sin could be used in language planning to increase either systematic or referential adequacy , the author sugge sts that the use of these negative adj ectives in prenominal pos ition should be encouraged . Moreove r , adjective bases listed by Wurm ( 19 7 1a : 55 ) and Mihalic ( 197 1 : 18) as following the noun , are found in some varieties o f Rural Tok Pisin to precede i t , as in :

ma upe l a banana t r u pe l a tok s l e kpe l a t a i a da u n pe l a wara hev i kago dot i p i k

!'ipe banana true statement s lack tyre deep !'iver heavy cargo dirty pig

The tendency for new adjective bases to appear in prenominal position can also be observed in urban varieti e s , as i n :

j e l es l u sman s pe s e 1 ma i 1 0 s t up i t ma n r u ra l p i pe l y us I es toktok

spiteful loser specia l Mi lo = beer stupid man rural peop le useless talk

The recognition o f language internal developmental tendencies is by far the best basis for language planning , as it virtually closes the gap between prescrip­ tion and prediction . The use of information from more advanced ( creolised) varieties of the language as the bas is for pre scription is also involved in the following point . ( c ) There is a shortage of attributive adj ectives in Tok Pi sin s ince they cannot be derived from other word bases or derived lexical items . This restriction does not affect its referential adequacy but it does affect styl istic flexibil­ ity as we ll as increasing syntactic complexity , since many attributive adj ectives of Engli sh can only be rendered by a relative sentence in Tok Pi sin . Compare :

p i k i n i n i we i l e s n o ke n goh et em i s ke l i m 01 bek i pu l a p d ra iwa i p i ks i m t a i a i s l ek

lazy chi ldren wi l l not prosper he weighed the ful l bags the dl'iver fixed the flat tyre

Some relaxat ion of the constraint on the use of predicative verb bases and derived verbals as attributive adj ectives is already evident . Thus , I have recorded :

614

P . MUHLHAUSLER

so l pe l a ka i ka i we l pe l a rot

salty food s lippery road

New attributive ad j ectives which could be introduced include : pre sent-day Tok Pisin

proposed innovation

gloss

u s ket i b u s ma n i s a k s ton i g o l ka i ka i i s u ga

b u s pe l a usket sakpe l a ma n go l pe l a s ton s uga ka i ka i

unshaven chin shark- like person go lden stone sweet food

This then concludes our discus sion of systematic adequacy of Tok Pisin . In appeal ing to this criterion one should remember that : a) Tok Pisin , l ike other natural languages , is not a closed but an open system . It cannot be expected that mechanical procedures will ever yie ld sati sfactory solutions and , in many case s , no decision as to what is right or what is wrong can be made . Hence , systematic adequacy must be seen as a set of guide lines rather than strict rul e s . b) Systems d o not have to be static . In fact , a recognition of Tok Pisin ' s dynamically changing character makes it possible for lan­ guage planners to bring their prescriptions into line with the predictions made by theoretical lingui sts . c) S ince systematic adequacy is clo sely related to learnability it is a particularly important factor in planning second languages such as Tok Pi sin .

6 . 8. 3

EXPAN D I NG THE L EX I CON O F TOK P I S I N

6.8.3.1

I n trodu c t i on

Having established some of the central theoretical issues under lying lexical planning, I will now turn to the practical question as to how such knowledge can be applied to the actual planning proce ss . I hope I have made it clear why Tok Pi sin ' s status as a second language call s for maximal rel iance on internal word­ formation processes and minimal reliance on borrowing . Put differently , when items borrowed from Engl ish and other languages enter the language in an uncon­ trolled fashion , planners should be concerned primarily with a) suggesting ways how exi sting word-formation mechan isms can be exploited more fully, and b) integrating recently-borrowed material into the language , thus making it amenable to its productive rules . l Task a) will be di scussed with respect to the four principal areas of lexical enri chment - extension of meaning, multi functionality , compounding and redupl ica­ tion - whi l st only a few remarks wi l l be made about task b) . A better understanding of some of the examples adduced here can be achieved by referring to the descrip­ tive account of the Tok Pisin lexicon given el sewhere in this volume ( 4 . 5 ) .

LANGUAGE PLANNING

6.8.3.2

615

Exten s i on of t he mean i ng of l ex i ca l bases

Given the large semantic loads carried by many Tok Pisin words , this solu­ tion must be handled with great care . However , the extens ion of meaning can be used succe ssfully to create a more idiomatic and colourful language . This pro­ ce s s can be observed and has been di scussed in detail by Brash ( 19 7 1 ) . The semantic range o f many words has not yet been exhaustively described and the language planner ' s main task wi ll be to make the marginal meanings better known . During my fieldwork in papua New Guinea I have noted numerous examples of how speakers extend exi sting meanings to refer to new concepts . Thus , Tok Pisin ma u ripe is used in the phrase n a t n a t i ma u p i n i s the mosquito is fu l l of blood. The word mama mother is used to refer to some thing very big : em i g a t mama b i l on g smok h e has a very long cigarette . Memba not only means member but also sub­ scriber. It is also used as a verb : m i memba l ong n i u s pepa I subscribe to a newspaper. Healey ( 1975 : 39 ) also provides a good example : The word ' pasindia ' I understand arose out of the custom of young Highland girls travel ling along the Highlands Highway as passengers in vehicles without paying fare and thus the word ' pasindia ' has now been extended to mean in Pidgin a free-loader or someone who doesn ' t pay his way , a lodge r , a non-paying gue st within the wantok system . The word g r i l e tinea� scales of a fish has corne to mean not p laned properly among carpenters , e . g . d i sp e l a p l a n g i g r i l e this board is not yet smooth .

Sek from cheque is used for both cheque and bank account : mon i i s ta p l on g sek means the money is i n the bank account . A number of these extended meanings

are regionally restricted but they could be promoted and gain general acceptance . In extending the range of meaning of exi sting items one has to beware of certain factors . Firs t , it i s easy for someone who stUdies semantic potential outs ide the context o f use to come up with solutions which run counter to the wider semantic patterns of the language . Second , etymological considerations , i . e . the meaning of an item in its original source language , should not be given too much prominence . Thu s , the extension of the meaning of b l u b lue in Tok Pisin to include that o f having fai led or lost is perfectly legitimate because o f the widespread game of tos sing matchboxes , which is lost when the blue side shows up . On the other hand, to extend the meaning of b l u to cover that of sad or conserv­ ative , as in English, would seem inappropriat e . The best course here is to systematically observe spoken forms of the language and collect those usages which would seem worth promoting to a wider group of user s . Caution is called for , however , as the use of the same word in many meanings violates the principle that ease of learning is greatest when there is a one-to-one relationship between form and meaning . This obj ection does not apply to the same extent in two cases which will now be di scussed : a ) the l i fting of collocational restrictions , and b) the use of grammatical categories to make up for lexical shortages .

6.8. 3 . 2 . 1

L i ft i ng of co-occurren ce restri c t i o n s

A s a n illustration of thi s phenomenon has already been given above , only a brief exempli fication will be given here . What is involved is the observation that many lexical items in older languages such as Engl ish are indeed not a sign of great referential powe r , but of a multiplicity of unmotivated , arbitrary restrictions on the use of words . Thi s means old languages have a tendency to not only segment the semantic space into a very large number of lexical concepts/

616

P. MUHLHAUSLER

meanings but , in addition , to use different forms for the same concept in dif­ fering semantic environments . The conditions for the correct use of lexical items are high ly complex and consequently an early victim of pidginisation . Whereas English has a large number of lexical items for indicating a subset or portion of an entity , Tok Pisin has only one , hap . Compare :

hap hap hap hap hap hap hap

suga gol b ret t ok g ra u n d i wa i b re t

lump of sugar nugget of gold morse l o f bread uni t of speech clod of earth b lock of wood s lice o f bread

Another example is s t i k :

s t i k b i l on g s avo l s t i k b i l on g wokabaut s t i k b i l on g d i wa i

shove l handle walking s tick tree trunk

S t i k can also be used to translate terms such as bar, wand, rod, s taff or perch . Note that in all instances disambiguation through phrase formation is possible . These examples raise another question which has often received confused answers , that of the ' metaphorical ' nature of pidgin languages . Compare the fol lowing two quotations on the lexical item g ra s : " G ra s from grass . It very seldom i s used to mean grass but is one of the common words you will pick up quite early . It means hair, fur, feathers . " (Murphy 1966 : 40 ) . Another note on this item is given by Hall ( 1966 : 90ff) : " English grass appears in Pidgin as /g r a s / , but refers , not only to the green plant , but to anything that grows out­ ward from a surface in a blade-like shape ; so hair is , quite logically , / g r a s b i l o!) hed/, and beard is /g ras b i l o!) fes/ . " It would seem, from such quotations , that Tok Pisin speakers have meta­ phorically extended the meaning of a lexical item . This is true only from the point o f view of an Engli sh speaker . In actual fac t , the semantic space occupied by the l iteral meanings of hair, fuzz, feathers, grass, mould, etc . in Engl ish is occupied by just one literal meaning in Tok Pisin . What is a l iteral meaning and a metaphorical meaning can be determined only within a given language , not by comparing language s . It would make little sense to accuse English of a meta­ phorical use of the word uncle because , unlike Tok pisin , it is used to refer to both maternal and paternal uncles . An immediate consequence of these remarks i s , that any use of metaphorical extension of a meaning should be in conformity with the role of metaphor in that language and not be influenced by conventions in another language . English metaphors frequently cannot be integrated into the seman tic system of Tok Pisin . What has been said about collocational restrictions for noun bases also holds for verb bases . The selection of the English verbs in the fol lowing examples is dependent on special semantic properties of either subject or object nouns , whereas such conditions do not apply to Tok Pi sin . Compare :

ka i ka i ka i ka i g r a s , kuna i ka i ka i 1 i P ka i ka i srnok

to to to to

pund a un ( v . intr. )

to crash to smash

eat, feed graze browse smoke

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to twnb le down to faU ( one o f the conditions for correct choice of the verb being the size and consistency of the subj ect)

s i ngaut l a i en i s i n g a u t meme i s i ng a u t d o k i s i ng a u t be l o i s i ng a u t kaka r u k i s i ng a u t

t o aa ll� make a noise the lion is roaring the goat is bleating the dog is barking the be l l is ringing the rooster is crowing

In all these cases , the referential power of Tok Pisin is perfectly comparable to that of Engl ish , though obviously there are styli stic advantages to having additional collocationally restricted lexical material .

6.8.3.2.2

U s e of g rammati cal categori es for l ex i c al expan s i on

The boundary between syntax ( grammar) and lexicon can di ffer from language to language such that the j ob carried out by one of these components in one language is done by another component in the next language . A good illustration is the use of syntactic circumlocution instead of separate lexical bases . How­ ever , whereas circumlocution tends to be ad hoc and furthermore cumbersome for the decoder ( and consequently not tolerated for long in a language l ike Tok pis in where ease of perception takes precedence over ease of production) , the use of grammatical categories such as aspect , tense , number , etc . for lexical enrichment is e f ficient from both the viewpoints of referential adequacy and systematic adequacy . Let us illustrate this with a number of verb types : ( a ) Aspect markers o f inception and completion Tok P isin verbs tend to be neutral with regard to whether the action re­ ferred to has just begun or is completed . Where disambiguation is needed the verb i s either preceded by l a i k i ' incept ion ' or followed by p i n i s ' action completed ' . Most grammars of the language remark on the stock examples da i to be unconscious against da i p i n i s to be dead and pa i n i m to look for as against pa i n i m p i n i s to find. Howeve r , the system is widely used with many other verbs , for ins tance those in the following list : neutral form

p rom i s kama p ha r i m ba n i s i m d r i ng baga rap i m b r uk i m re re s i ndaun

to to to to to to to to to

form marked for completion promise approach hear round up drink damage attempt to break prepare onese lf sit down

p rom i s p i n i s kamap p i n i s har im p i n i s ban i s i m p i n i s d r i ng p i n i s baga ra p i m p i n i s b r uk i m p i n i s rere p i n i s s i ndaun p i n i s

to to to to to to to to to

honour a promise arrive understand have enclosed drown Y'Uin break be ready hatah� sit on eggs

More examples are to be found in Muhlhausler 1979c and in Wurm , Muhlhausler and Laycock 19 7 7 . I t can be noted that , with half the number o f lexical items , the re ferential adequacy of Tok Pisin is comparable to that of English .

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P. MUHLHAUSLER

(b) Non-intentional and intentional actions Tok Pisin verbs typically are neutral between expressing intended and unin­ tended actions , a fact which has led to considerable misunderstandings between Papua New Guineans and Europeans particularly with verbs such as g i aman to be mistaken, to lie or hep i to be happy or to ce lebrate in a construction such as Anzac de em i de b i l on g man i hep i l on g s o l d i a i nd a i l ong woa Anzac day is a day where people ce lebrate (not are happy about) the so ldiers who died in the war. Whi l st the simple verb stem is frequently used on its own and disambiguation re lies on textual and contextual clues the use of wok l ong ' durat ive marke r ' makes i t c lear that one i s dealing with an intended action . Compare : neutral form

form marked for intended action

amama s bul s i t im bam i m

wok l on g amamas wok l ong b u l s i t i m wok l ong bam i m

l uk i m hi rim

to be happy to misinform to run into, accidenta lly hit to see to hear, perceive

wok l on g l u k i m wok l ong h i r i m

to rejoice in, ce lebrate to deceive to deliberately run into, to bump to look at to listen

( c ) Some dialectal forms Wurm ( 19 7 1 a : 3 3 ) observes that in some varieties of High lands Tok Pisin the choice between the preposition l ong and the transitivity marker - i m determines whether " the action directed towards an obj ect is c arried through entirely with full results" , as in g r i s i m to flirt with someone impressing the person , or whether " the action is understood as being aimed at an obj ect , without neces­ sarily reaching the point of being carried out in ful l and achiving a complete re sult" , as in g r i s l ong flirt with someone without necessari ly making an impression. Numerous examples of this construction are given by Wurm . It would seem , howeve r , that the referential function of this mechanism partially over­ laps with the p i n i s ' completion marker' construction mentioned under ( a) , and thus may be a less suitable candidate for a device of lexical expansion in a future standardised Tok Pi sin .

6.8.3.3 6 . 8. 3 . 3 . 1

Compl ex l ex i c a l i tems Gene ra l remarks

In contrast to most other pidgins and many creoles , Tok Pisin has a highly developed system of word formation . Not only is there a set of more than 50 different programs for the derivat ion of new words ( de scribed in Muhlhausler 1979c) , but in addit ion , these programs are suffic iently diverse to cater for systematic as wel l as referential adequacy . This can be illustrated with the fol lowing data . Tok Pisin has a numbe r of ways of referring to people assoc iated with certain activities , localities or propertie s . The programs accounting for complex words in this area are : a) Compounding involving the ending -man person , as in saveman knowledgeable person , s t i l ma n thief or ha i tman person who hides, sneaky customer. b) Compound s of the type V + N , such as t a n i mtok turn talk interpreter or ba i mbo i buy boys = labour recruiter.

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c) Categorial ly shifted nouns referring to a place becoming the name o f its inhabitants , such as namb i s beach, coastal dwe l ler or mau n ten mountain, mountain dwe l ler. d)

' Exocentric ' compounds of the type N + N , such as b l a k s k i n a b lackskinned person or we t p u s someone with a white scarf, para­ mount chief.

In describing different kinds of people the diversity of programs not only enables users and planners of the language to choose the one appropriate for stre ssing certain semantic properties of the person described , but moreover to choose items of greater or lesser length (morphological complexity) to signal the centrality or marginality of the concept referred to . An example might be the name for park ranger . It i s unfortunate that Tok Pisin p a k park i s homo­ phonous with the verb f a k fuck in some varietie s . Leaving this consideration aside , the following solutions emerge :

pak pakman bos i mpak

park, someone who looks after a park, ranger park man ranger someone in charge of a park, ranger =

One can now argue that the first solut ion is too short for a name referring to a rather unusual profession , that the second would be appropriate if it was not for the possible confus ion with fakman fucker , and that the third solution is therefore the most satisfactory as regards systematic adequacy plus social acceptabi lity . Having made these general remarks , I will now turn to the main classes of word formation proce sses in Tok Pisin .

6 . 8. 3 . 3 . 2

Mul t i fu n ct i ona l i ty ( MF )

The use o f lexical bases in more than one grammatical function is perhaps the most important single mechanism with which the lexicon of Tok Pisin can be extended . From the point of view of economy , the presence of patterns of multi­ funct ional ity can lead to a signi ficant reduction in the number of lexical base s needed . The importance of MF for vocabulary planning has been stressed by Tauli

( 1968 : 109 ) :

In an ideal s ituat ion it should be possible to derive certain semantic and grammatical categories from any word , if neces­ sary . Th is refers especially to the conversion of word class , e . g . it should be possible to derive , if necessary , from every substant ive , an adjective and a diminutive , from every adj ec­ tive an abstract substantive and a privative , from every verb a nomen actionis and a nomen agenti s . . . . Languages di ffer regarding possibility and easiness in deriving verbs from nouns , particularly in the most economic way , by zero or direct derivation , i . e . using the bare noun stem without any derivational suffix . pidgins typically belong to the type of language in which direct derivation or multifunctionality can be easily executed . A full account of the MF patterns available in Tok pis in is given by Muhlhausler ( 1979c) . However , there are a number of areas which deserve special discuss ion here . First , it is a wel l known fact that Tok Pisin , like other pidgins , lacks abstract nouns . The majority of Engl ish abstract nouns appear as verbs or

620

P . MUHLHAUSLER

ad j ectives in Tok Pisin and it is only in the recent past that things have begun to change . stil l , the basic principle remains that abstract nouns are not ' good ' nouns , 2 but secondary derivations from other word classe s . This means that lan­ guage planners should avoid introducing abstract noun bases such as f a n fun or kon d i sen condition. Let us briefly of Hall ( l943a : 2 3 ) , formance of the act following rules and

consider the grammar underlying the fact that , in the words "Almost any verb may be used as a noun , indicating the per­ denoted by the verb " . This process is governed by the restrictions :

( a ) Transitive verb bases which can occur without the transitivity marker - i m yield abstract nouns not ending in - i m . I f transitivity is to be expressed in the periphrastic form involving the abstract noun , the preposition l ong is used , as in :

m i tok I am ta lking mi tok i m y u I am te l ling you

m i mek i m tok I utter ta lk mi mek i m tok l ong yu I address talk at you

(b) Transitive verb bases which never appear without - im retain - i m in the derived abstract noun , as in :

m i l a i k as k i m m i l a i k mek i m a s k i m

I would like to ask I would like to put a question

( c ) There are regular correspondence s between aspect in the basic verb phrase and certain verbal auxiliaries in the derived expressions involving abstract nouns . These are : aspect marker used with adjective or verb base

auxiliary selected in syntactic derivation

function

wok l ong + adj /V l a i k + adj/V � + adj /V

me k i m + N pa i n i m + N gat + N

performative inchoative neutral

Consider the followin g examples : i) me k i m to make

l ong l ong l on g l ong

em 01 01 em

wok wok wok wok

em 01

mek i m mek i m me k i m mek i m

01

em

hambak toktok k i vu n g p rom i s

hamba k toktok k i vu n g p rom i s

he is humbugging they are ta lking they are gathering she promises he ta lks humbug they make talk they hold a meeting she makes a promise

ii) pa i n i m to experience

Pa i n i m is used when the inchoative aspect is used in the basic construc­ tion . Most commonly it is found with expressions referring to a state of health , as in the following examples : em i 1 a i k 5 i k yu l a i k baga rap ma n i 1 a i k i nda i

he is becoming i l l you are getting hurt the man is about to die

em i pa i n i m s i k y u pa i n i m baga rap ma n pa i n i m i nda i

he contracted a disease you met wi th an accident he met his death

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iii) g a t to get

Ga t i s the most neutral o f these auxiliarie s . Abstract nouns appearing as surface structure objects of gat are commonly derived from adjectives which are unmarked for a spect , as in : m i k ros mi I es k l os i dot i

I am ccngry I am tired the garment is dirty

m i g a t k ros mi gat l e s k l os i gat dot i

I exhibited anger I showed ( signs of) laziness the clothes show (signs of) dirt

Knowledge of regularities such as those j ust outlined will help language planners to assess whether the introduction of a new abstract noun is really necessary or �lhether it could s imply be expressed by either an existing verb or verb-derived noun . In the following table , the suppletive innovations could have easily been avoided : verb base

derived abstract noun

suppletive abstract noun

gloss

askim bek i m t i ng t i ng ha r i a p

( mek i m) a s k i m ( me k i m) be k i m ( ga t ) t i n g t i ng ( me k i m) ha r i a p

kwe s ten a n sa aidia spi t

to to to to

ask/question ccnswer/ccnswer think/idea hurry/speed

Whereas abstract nouns contribute little to the referentidl power of Tok Pisin , there are a number of other types of multi functionality ( zero derivation) which greatly increase the size of its lexicon . As an exhaustive account of these is given by Muhlhausler ( 1 979c : 349-37 5 ) , only a few representative examples will be mentioned here : Example 1 : Derivation of an intransitive verb from a noun to express the meaning ' to do what is typically done by N ' , as in : noun base

w i tnes bos k r u bos d ra i wa jas kundar memba papa pas i n d i a

derived intransitive verbal witness crew member boss driver judge aco lyte member father free loader

w i tnes bos k r u bos d ra i wa j as kunda r memba papa pas i n d i a

to to to to to to to to to

be a witness be a crew member be in charge be a driver be a judge be an aco lyte be a member, subscribe be the owner of sponge

A comparison between the Tok Pisin and Engl ish examples illustrates a consider­ able saving in l exical bases without loss in referential power in the former lan guage . Example 2 : Derivation of intransitive verb from noun to express the meaning ' to engage in an activity such as is typically carried out in the locality referred to by N ' , as in the fol lowing examples :

622

P . MUHLHAUSLER derived intransitive verbal

noun base

go l bung ami h a i sku 1 k i vung k 1 ap kot op i s k1 in i k s ku 1 sua ma k e t a re re b 1 0k

goa l gathering p laae army high sahool gathering dub aourt offiae a Unia sahool shore, beaah market edge, boundary a p lanted b loak o f> aoaonut palms or spaae between J

go l bung am i ha i s k u 1 k i vung k 1 ap kot op i s k1 inik sku 1 s ua ma ket a re re b 1 0k

to to to to to to to to to to to to to to

be in goal (football) aome together do military serviae go to high sahool gather meet at the a lub hold a aourt work in an offiae hold a aUnia go to sahoo l go ashore, land hold a market lie in waiting, ambush work in a b loak, work together

Example 3 : Nouns referring to afflictions or body parts can become intransitive verbs meaning ' to suffer from or to be conspicuous because of N ' , as in the following examples : derived intransitive verbal

noun base

gr i 1e gr i s kambang kaskas mase 1 moson g ros susu sua ta i s kru

ringworm, t inea fat mould saabies musde fluff rust breast ulaer swamp sprout, creeper

gri 1e gr i s kambang kaskas mase 1 mo song ros susu s ua ta i s kru

to to to to to to to to to to to

have ringworm, a rough surfaae be fat be mouldy be scabious be very strong be fluffy be rusty b e grown up (of girls) be ulcerous be swampy b e sprouting

The above three examples il lustrate zero derivation in the strictest sense , i . e . no formal changes occur with the lexical item . There are numerous other instances where di fferent word-class membership is s ignalled by word-endings such as - i m . I t i s customary to also deal with such cases under the heading o f multi function­ al ity . A few examples are : Example 4 : Nouns referring to adornments or alienable properties can become tra�si tive verbs ending in the transitivity marker - i m. Examples of such ornative verbs include : noun base

derived transitive verbal

b i 1 as ka l a pen sado 1 kraun nem

b i l as i m ka 1 a i m pen i m sado1 i m k raun i m nem i m

adornment aolour paint saddle arown name

to to to to to to

adorn, deaorate colour in paint saddle crown name

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Example 5 : perhaps the best known case o f multi functionality , because of its early appearance in Tok Pi sin and its great productivity , is the derivation of verbs from nouns referring to instrument s . A selec­ tion o f forms follows : noun base

derived verbal

iron ain ba i ra hoe b i 10 half aoaonut she l l b l ok pul ley b ombom torah b ros brush bul i t glue dri 1 dri l l g l as thermometer glu g lue h ama hammer huk hook aomb kom laim glue

ainim ba i ra i m b i 10im b l ok i m b ombom i m b ros i m bul i t im dri 1 im g l as i m gluim hama i m huk i m kom i m l a imim 1 0k i m spun i m ske l i m skru i m susu i m sw i t i m spaten i m wa i s i m wa ra i m w i n i s im wi lwi 1 im wi n im

1 0k

spun ske l skru susu sw i t spaten wa i s wa r a winis wi lwi 1 win

loak spoon saales sarew punt switah spade viae water winah minaer wind, breath

to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to

iron hoe bail out, ladle raise with pu l ley aatah fish with torah brush glue dri l l take someone 's temperature glue hammer aatah with a hook aomb glue loak spoon weigh join with sarew move with a punting pole switah on or off dig with a spade hold in a viae dean with water raise with a winah minae blow out

Again , a comparison between the young ' natural ' Tok Pisin and the old ' cultural ' Engl ish reveals many more irregularities ( suppletion) in the latte r .

6 . 8. 3 . 3 . 3

Compou nd i n g ( C p )

A second type o f motivated word i s the compound , i . e . a word combining two existing lexical bases into a new lexical item, as in a s l o from a s origin, foun­ dat ion plus 1 0 law = aonstitution . There exist, in present-day Tok pisin , a large number of patterns (programs ) for generating compounds out of existing lexical bases . Again , these are l i s ted in full in Muhlhausler 1979c : 3 75 -404 , and only a few examples will be given here . Compounds in Tok Pisin are manife sted e ither as s ingl e stres s words or , as is the case in many of its Me lanesian contact languages , as dual stre ss lexical phrase s , the di fference being illustrated by wan h a u s someone living in the same bui lding as against h a u s b l u t menstrual hut. There is a growing tendency for Tok Pisin compounds to be of the former type and language planners should make use of this trend . Compounding , like multifunctionality, illustrates the baselessness o f accusations that Tok Pisin cannot express abstract concept s . In actual fact , Tok Pisin has a number of mechanisms capable of signal ling , in a systematic way , subtle di f ferences wh ich are usually ful ly lexicalised in Engli sh . Let me illus­ trate thi s with compounds and lexical phrases involving wok aativity and pas i n manner.

624

P . MUHLHAUSLER

Example 1 : Lexical phrases with wok Lexical phrases having wok as their first element correspond to a number of English ab stract nouns having endings such as ion� ism or ure , for example : wok ba l u s work aerop lane = aviation , wok t u r i s work tourist = tourism , wok d i d i ma n work agricultural officer = agriculture. The advantage of having a single pat­ tern rather than a large number of programs doing the same j ob is obvious ; it increases the s implicity of the lexicon and thus makes new terms readily learn­ able . Now compare the fol lowing l ist : Tok Pisin

wok wo k wok wok wok wok wok wok wok wok wok wok wok wok

sku l ba l u s gaden kot dok t a pri n nes ami b ro t k a s l uk a u t ma r i ma r i bembe t i sa so r i

gloss

Engl ish

work work work work work work work work work work work work work work

education aviation agricu lture justice health printing nursing defence broadcasting trusteeship charity cargo cult teaching penance

schoo l p lane garden court doctor' print nurse army broadcast look after pity cargo magic teacher sorry

The high productivity of this type of compounding is il lustrated by some recent innovations in Urban Tok Pisin , including :

wok a t wok po l i t i k wok m i t e ro l oj i

art� the arts politics meteoro logy

Howeve r , a study of Urban Tok Pisin also reveals a large number of suppletive forms , particularly in written language , including :

ed i kesen ev i esen ag r i ka l sa j ast i s he l t

education aviation agriculture justice health

It is in such cases needed i f Tok Pi sin would like to point to become verbs , as

01 01 01 01

wok wok wok wok

that language standardisat ion and prescription will be most is to remain an easily-learnt second language . Finally, I out that all of the above phrases can be functionally shifted in:

b ro t k a s gaden bembe pri n

they they they they

do broadcasting do gardening perform cargo activities are in the printing business

Abstract nouns borrowed from English, on the other hand , cannot be shifted so eas ily , as is i llustrated in :

*0 1 i a g r i ka l s a * 0 1 i b ro t k a s i ng

etc .

they do gardening they do broadcasting

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A further advantage is that these phrases resolve an ambiguity inherent in English terms such as charity , which can be interpreted as either ' the activities involved in , or stemming from, a certain attitude ' or ' the attitude itself ' . In Tok pisin , thi s contrast i s signalled by the choice between wok or pas i n , as in wok ma r i ma r i the practical aspects of charity as against pas i n ma r i ma r i the attitude of being charitab le . Example 2 : Compounds ending in p a s i n Abstract nouns consi sting of verb or adj ective bases plus pas i n are numerous in Tok Pisin . The relevance of these items to language planning has also been discussed by Laycock ( 1969 : 9 ) : Other abstract nouns , those indicating manner , can be created by extending the use of the suffix - pa s i n , from Engl ish fashion. From 1 5 1 s low we can have i s i pa s i n s lowness , from d a u n we can have daunpas i n humi lity , and so on . Examples include :

d r i ngpas i n pa i t pa s i n g u t pa s i n 5 t i l pa s i n j e l espa s i n p ro u t pas i n b i khetpas i n sma t pas i n s i k i pa s i n

alcoholism� drinking warfare � fighting virtue thievishness jea lousy pride stubbornness smartness cheekiness

Again , when new terms are introduced this pattern often is not utili sed . Thus , terms such as d i vo s en devotion , are found alongside ma r i tpas i n marital rights , sempas i n impurity and ha i denpas i n ido latry . More recent ' suppletive ' items include ka l sa culture , ( po l i t i ka l ) ek t i v i t i political activity , d i ve l opmen e t deve lopment aid , p re n s i p friendship , 0 1 G r up Da i nem i k Group Dynamics and t i mwok teamwork , all found in recent editions of Wantok newspaper . Having dealt with the ways Tok Pisin can cope with the demands for more abstract expressions , I will now turn to some instances where compounding pro­ vides new concrete nouns . Example 3 : Compounds ending in - ma n These compounds signal ' someone associated with , characterised by o r engaged in the activity expressed in the first part ( noun , adjective or verb) of such a compound ' . They have been around in Tok Pisin for a long time and new ones are added continual ly . Unfortunately, there has recently been a trend to borrow words from Engli sh , as is illu strated in the following table :

626

P . MUHLHAUSLER motivated form ( i f avai labl e)

recent innovation

Engl ish

savema n b i l on g ka i nka i n wok , woksavema n

s pese l i s

specia list

tokma n

s p i ka , s poksma n

speaker spokesman

wokma n

woka ( s )

lJorker

s i kma n pema n s t uaman

pesen r i d i ma s t ua k i pa red i o enaunsa ens i n i a sip s k u l I i va s i t i sen tu r i s g reduet e k s pe t r i e t p l ama fama I i da menesa

patient redeemer storekeeper radio announcer engineer chief school leavers citizen tourist graduate expatriate plumber farmer leader manager

he tman pas i n d i ama s t a 3 kamman pesma n

The bulk of the innovat ions li sted in the second column were found in midSince only actually-documented items are lis ted in the le ftmost column , one may gain the impression that the lexicon of Tok Pisin is unable to handle new concepts . This i s not the case however , and most , i f not al l , of these gaps are accidental one s . It i s easy t o construct new terms which correspond with existing rules of word-formation a s , for example , famman farmer , p l amman p lumber or e n s i nma n for engineer.

1974 editions of Wantok .

In standardising and planning Tok Pi sin , such forms should be encouraged and suppletive forms played down or eliminated . Example 4 : Compounds beginning with b i k big, important The importance of the adjective base b i k big in providing new compounds has been discussed in Wurm , Muhlhausler and Laycock 197 7 . Since that paper was wri tten , I have collected a number of additional data supporting this view . Again , recent innovations in official and urban varieties are often suppletive to this pattern , thereby increasing the overall lexical complexity . Compare : Tok Pi sin

gloss

b i kdua b i k ro t b i kg ra u n b i ksan b i kt i sa b i kgavman

big big big big big beg

door road ground sun teacher gove:rnment

recent innovations

men rot men l en p ro fesa s t e t g avman

Engl ish gate ma7:n road mainland drought professor state government

The last example, found in a recent edition of Wan tok , il lustrates how this program can be used to introduce new concepts which are relevant to the discussion of new political developments in Papua New Guinea. At the same time , the synonym s t e t ga vma n , found in the same edition of Wantok , il lustrates the dependency on English models .

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Example 5 : Compounds with p I es and haus Tok Pisin h a s two ways o f signalling place s o f cultural importance , either by means of a lexical phrase with h a u s for buildings and their parts or with p I e s for open space s . Again , with both types , a fair amount of suppletion has appeared in recent years calling for standardisation and planning in thi s area of the Tok Pisin lexicon . Examples of the two types include : ( a) p I e s motivated form

p I es k I i a p I es p I es p I es p I es p I es p I es p I es

b a l us da i ma n d a un kuna i kik ha i t s i n gs i ng

unmotivated form

so g ra u n epot mat ma t pu tbo l p i I d

English clearing show ground drport cemetery vaUey grass land soccer field hide-out dancing ground

(Additional examples can be found in Mihalic 1971 : 158 . ) (b) haus

haus haus haus haus haus haus haus

ka i ka i win wok sik pekpek pos ma r i t

woksap hos p i t e l t o i l et pos op i s ma r i t kwa ta

dining room garden house, swnmer house workshop hospita l toilet post office married quarters

I do not feel that it is necessary to multiply the number of examples here . Thi s has been done elsewhere ( e . g . Laycock 1969 and Wurm , Muhlhaus ler and Laycock 1 9 7 7 ) . Additional data would only support the assertion that insufficient use is made of patterns of word-formation and that many new loans result in both synonyms and suppletive forms . One must keep in mind , however , that linguistic e f ficiency is not the only factor governing the extension and change in structure of a vocabulary. There appears to be the des ire (mentioned by Hall 1956a) among many Papua New Guineans to replace ' chi ldish or primitive ' compounds with loans from English. It could , however , be better if words used only infrequently or in a very specialised con­ text were loans from Engli sh rather than spec ial ly-coined compounds .

6.8.3.3.4

Ve rb s e ri a l i s a t i o n

verb seriali sat ion could also be called a special case of compounding, though in its nature it tends to be grammatical rather than lexical and thus warrants a separate headi ng . The only observation that verb serialisation is an important mechanism in Tok Pisin and in the simpl i fication of i ts lexicon i s found in Wickware 1943 : 1 1 3 : " It frequently requires two verbs in pidgin to do the job of one in Engl ish . Thus pu l l i t down becomes pu l l i m he- come down and stop the machine is make- i m d i e ma ch i n e . " The extent to which it i s found in pidgins and creoles has become

628

P . MUHLHAUSLER

better known in recent years , although its implications for both grammatical theory and the theory of pidgin formation are not yet well understood . Document­ ations of verb serialisation can be found in Agheyi si 1971 ( for Nigerian P idgin Engli sh) , Voorhoeve 1975 ( for Sranan) and Wi lliams 1971 ( for Krio) , whereas Given 1979 gives a theoretical evaluation of this problem . Some instances of verbal serialisation have been di scussed earlier in Muhlhausler 1979c : 400-404 . Here I shal l investigate how this mechanism affects the adequacy of the Tok Pisin lexi con and how it can be used in vocabulary planning . It can be shown that the exploitation of existing rules of verbal concatena­ tion can result in a drastic reduction in the number of verb bases needed in the lexicon of Tok Pisin . The examples best known in the literature are those in­ volvin g the direction markers i go ' direction away from the speaker ' and i kam ' direction towards the speaker ' , as in :

k i s im k i s im

go

kam

take i t Cl);)ay bring i t

For speakers o f Rural Tok P i s i n , verbs such as t ekewe , from Engl�sh take Cl);)ay , do not imply a movement away from the speaker but merely to remove ; in Tok Masta and Urban Tok Pisin the meaning coincides with that of Engl ish . The same is true for such anglici sed suppletive forms as pas i m s o l pass the salt ( heard from a European speaker) . The following list, extracted from the more comprehensive account given by Muh lhausler ( 1979c) , i llustrates how Tok Pisin successfully expresses complex ve rbal ideas by means of verbal chaining . Tok Pisin

gloss

Engli sh

1 a i n i m so i m 1 u k 1 u k s a ve kot i m p a s i m kamda u n pa i rap b ru k 1 u s i m s t i l ha r i m

teach show see know sue obstruct come down crash break leave be hidden listen

to to to to to to

demonstrate something recognise arrest crash down break away� secede overhear

It is noted that verbal concatenation not only replaces complex verbs but also complex prepositions . The lack of prepositions in Tok Pisin is possibly a direct reflection of the importance of verbal chaining. Compare the following : Tok Pis in

gloss

Engl i sh

p 1 a i raun i m ron 1 us i m b r uk i m d a u n i m

fly surround run leave break lower

to fly around something to run Cl);)ay from to break down something

Further research into this phenomenon is needed before more concrete sugges­ tions for language planning can be given .

6.8.3.4

Redu p l i ca t i on

In Tok Pi sin , as indeed in many other languages , the principal function of reduplication i s that o f modifying the styli stic aspects of lexical items rather than providing a means of repairing referential inadequacie s . The use o f reduplication ( and repetition) i s still restricted mainly to informal style s and this fact needs to be taken into consideration by language planners :

LANGUAGE PLANNING

629

Vocabul ary planning should take notice o f the expressive meaning of reduplication , but it could be used to a rather limi ted extent in coining new words whose meaning is linked with rhythmic movement or other items mentioned above . A more extensive application of reduplication in modern lan­ guages would make a primitive impress ion . ( Tauli 1968 : 9 7 ) Reduplication has i n the past been s ingled out a s one of the features which show the ' childish ' character of Tok Pisin , particularly common among those who regard it as a variety of English . Since Tok Pi sin serves as a means of identi fi cation , considerations such as primitiveness of lingui stic structure and childishness of expressions may become re levant , and it may be desirable i f certain reduplicatives were no longer oblig­ atory lexicalised . The current tendency to replace t i n g t i ng to think with t i n g and toktok with tok may have its origin in the desire of certain speakers to avoid certain words "which they consider to carry a connotation o f inferiority" ( Hall 1955b : 9 3 ) . Keeping this factor in mind , the vocabulary planner may consider the careful promot ion of reduplication in a numbe r of areas . The restriction imposed on programs of redupli cation , namely that they are to apply to word bases and not to derived membe rs of a word clas s , could be relaxed to create forms such as : b r umb rum i m to sweep thoroughly or k i rk i rap i m to arouse heavi ly� stir up. Some creoli sed varietie s already show such a tendency and the proposal to extend the use of reduplication in this way is therefore unlikely to encounter much dif­ ficulty . The function of lexicali s ed reduplication as a means of reducing homophony i s another field which vocabulary planners might conside r . The rapid increase in English loans in recent years has led to a dramatic increase in the number of homophones , a deve lopment which is potentially detrimental to the language ( c f . remarks by Laycock 1969 : 8) . One of the solutions is to introduce certain stems in their redupli cated form. Two conditions must be ful fil led be fore this can be done : a) There must be a real danger of ambiguity . This occurs mainly where homonyms share word-class membership and certain semantic properties . b) The dupl icated stem must belong to an informal style of speech and , i f possible , contain semantic features which make duplication appropriat e . Some examples in which these conditions appear t o b e fulfilled are : h o s horse or hose , kap carp or cup and b u k swe l ling, boil or book. New forms such as hos hos horse and kapkap carp would fit well into the group o f animal names which already have reduplicated stems , such as s i ps i p sheep , meme goat , ko t ko t raven , p u k p u k Buk swe l ling i s already heard frequently in the reduplicated form crocodi le. b ukb uk , as in : s k i n b i l ongen i b u k b u k naba u t his skin was covered in swe l lings, insect bites. Language planning could also be applied to the spel ling of dupl icated lexical items as no fixed conventions are yet available . I suggest that duplicatives shou ld be spe lt together in the case of a phonological word , i . e . a form having a s ingle main stress . Thu s , lexicalised duplicative s ( e . g . pekpe k faeces , s i ng s i ng traditional dance , s a k s a k sago) and items in which reduplication expres ­ s e s plurality o r intensity , should b e spelled as one word , whereas , for instance , repeti tion of verbs to express duration should be written separate ly.

630

P . MUHLHAUSLER

6.8.3.5

I mp l ementa t i o n

There can b e l i ttle doubt that the derivational lexicon of Tok p i s in has considerable power and that the referential needs of its speakers could be met without great rel iance on borrowing from outside sources . Indeed , as can be seen in the more conservative rural varieties of the language , this is how the lexicon of Tok Pi sin grew until relatively recently . In the urban varieties , on the other hand , one can observe a heavy reliance on English as a source of lexical growth and , in many case s , even existing established words are being replaced by more prestigious loans . Forms borrowed from English undoubtedly meet a number of needs other than referential requirelnents , in particular that of s ignalling the speaker ' s familiarity with modern ( i . e . expatriate ) modes of arguing and l i fe . However , indiscriminate borrowing is costly s ince it renders the language more di fficult to learn and in that it promotes sociolectal divisions , a highly undesirable feature for a lingua franca . There are thus good reasons for rever­ sing or at least arresting thi s trend . The be st way to implement suggested changes is by means of a mechanism which is al ready available to speakers of the language and which in the past has been used countless times to introduce new lexical items . Whilst admittedly many of these newly introduced items were loans , there is no reason why one should not introduce internally generated lexical material in thi s way . I have called thi s mechanism ' systematic synonymy ' and given a more detailed description el sewhere ( Muhlhausler 1979g) . It was observed as early as 194 3 that synonymous terms tend to coexist even in idiolects : "Often , both a word or phrase formed within pidgin itse l f and a term borrowed directly from English or some other source may exist concurrently . " ( Hall 1943b : 192f) . Hall gives the examples poket , b ak t ra u s i s pocket and b ra u n pe 1 a , o l s em g r aun brown among others . My own observations also indicate that coexistence of synonyms in one and the same speech act is extremely fre­ quent . Often , this synonymy is introduced by a speaker in the form i t em 0 i t em , as in m i g a t b i kp e 1 a 0 i mpo ten n i u s I have got important news ( example from an unpublished letter to Wantok newspaper) in which both the urban item i mpot e n and the rural item b i kpe 1 a are used simultaneous ly . The advice given to learners of Tok P i sin by Healey ( n . d . : 5 7 ) is : " I f necessary use the nearest word or expres sion for the meaning you wan t , say it again or say it in another way if it is neces­ sary to get the meaning acros s . Don ' t be afraid to repeat anything if it is necessary . " The following examples illustrate how this is done in spoken and written Tok Pisin :

0 1 of i s a i b i n R I SA I N o lUS I M WOK S l l O N G Ol

the officers resigned or left their job

em i wok l ong p 1 a n i m KASANG 0 P I NAT

he was busy p lanting peanuts

em i k i s i m g u t RES 0 MAl OlO

he takes a good rest

y um i mas PREVENT I M 0 STOP I M

we have to prevent or stop

t a i m b i 1 0ng D E S I HA I N 0 lAS DE

on t he last day

gavman i lAR I M 0 E KS E PT I M 0 1

the government let or accepted them

t u pe 1 a pa i n i m W E 0 ROT b i 1 0ng

they ( du . ) are looking for a way or road (= method)

bod i b i 1 0ngen SIK

his body is healthy or has no sick­ ness

H E lT I 0 N OGAT

LANGUAGE PLANNING i t amb u t r u l ong PAS I N D I A 0 MAN NAT I N G NAT I N G

no passengers or uninvited peop le

0 1 ba i KAMAP 0 PAS l ong eksam h u s a t ba i s t re t i m d i s pe 1 a WA R I o H EV I

they wi l l reach or pass the exam which wi l l relieve this worry or concern

d i s pe 1 a tok CH EQUE o r PAS S I LO N G MAN I b i 1 0ng ma n i s ta p l on g HAUS MAN I 0 SAN K

this expression 'cheque ' or letter of money for somebody 's money in the money house or bank

k i s i m 0 1 P ROTAK 0 SAMT I N G YUM I ME K I M S I L O N G SAL I M

get products or some thing we produce in order to sell

REPRENDUM 0 VOT S I L ONG O L P I P EL YET b i 1 0n g ma k i m de ba i i nde­ pendens kamap

a referendum or vote of the people themse lves to de termine the day of independence

A I DENT I F I KE S E N KAT 0 wa npe 1 a PEPA I GAT POTO NA O L STO R I b i 1 0n g wanwa n

identification card or a paper which has the photograph and description of individua ls

N E V I 0 AM I I SAVE PA I T LONG SO LWARA

the navy or army which fights at sea

631

I f people encounter such new words often enough in official and public registers of the language it would seem l ikely that they would eventual ly also gain a wider acceptance in everyday speech . The success of wantok newspaper in promoting certain lexical and grammatical innovations is an encouraging sign . It i s impos sible to mention the many problems involved in implementing language policies and in making the results of language engineering acceptable . Those engaged in the bus ine ss of standardising and expanding Tok Pisin would do well to regularly consult such spec ialist publications as the Language Planning N ewsl et ter or Language Probl ems and Language P lanning .

6 .8.3.6

A p ract i ca l examp l e and concl u s i on s

I hope t o have demon strated , in this chapter , that referential inadequacy is a relative term , dependent on the developmental stage in which a pidgin finds itse l f and that , furthermore , languages such as Tok Pisin have a considerable potential for repairing referential deficiencies from internal resources . How­ eve r , as I have al ready suggested and as will indeed be i llustrated in the second half of this chapter , actual planning practice has frequently underestimated or i gnored this potential . A good example i s the language of politics . When Tok Pisin was first used as a parliamentary language in the late 1960s , it was hopelessly inadequate from the referential point of view . When I visited the Parliament in 1 9 7 6 , most referential inadequac ies had been repaired, but at a cost . Most new expressions were loans from Engl i sh and thus hard to understand for the occasional vis i tors to the House and for the voters back in the vil lage s . The following l i st o f expressions were noted i n the Parliament and subsequently discussed with a group of students of the University of Papua New Guinea on the occas ion of a Tok Pisin workshop in September 197 6 : kon s t i t u s en constitution , p ra i m m i n i s ta prime minister , amenme n amendment , e k s pend i sa expenditure , d i sa i t to decide , r i s pons i be 1 responsible , p i s peace , and i nvesme n investment . The participants i n the workshop noted that all o f these terms either run counter to the grammar of Tok Pisin or are infelicitous for other reasons . Some of the obj ections were :

632

P . MUHLHAUSLER a ) The principle that no phonological word should consist of more than three syllables is violated by kon s t i t u sen , ekspend i sa and r i s pon­ s i be l . New word bases such as i n ve smen , they said , are ' bad ' because no derivational affixes can be added. b ) Abstract nouns are typically derived from verbs in Tok pisin , but this principle is viol ated by amenmen and i n vesmen . c ) Homophones are dysfunctional . P i s can already mean piece, fish and piss ; the possible confusion of we s t i m waste and i n ves t i m invest has been mentioned earl ier . d) Semantically complex concepts are typically expressed by means o f compounds in Tok Pisin . This principle is violated b y kon s t i t u s e n and d i s a i t . e ) Suppletive forms are uneconomical . Next to p r a i m m i n i s t a one finds s i f m i n i s t a chief minister , a s b i sop archbishop and nambawan k i ap chief patro l officer.

In view of these de ficiencies a number of proposals were made . Some of them are s imilar to proposals arising out of an earlier workshop held by Lynch ( 1975) . Special attention was paid to the internal word- formation potential of the language . These proposals include : a) Kon s t i t u s e n should be replaced by a s l o fundamental law. The prefix a s - foundation, origin ( from English arse ) is used in many other expressions , including a s p l e s home vil lage , a s t i n g t i ng basic idea , and a s b uk basic reference book. b) P ra i m m i n i s ta should be replaced by n ambawan m i n i s t a . This expre ssion would conform to similar ones such as nambawan dok t a head doctor , nambawan gavma n administrator and nambawan l u l ua i pa�ount chief. c ) Amenmen expre sses a verbal concept and should therefore be encoded as a verb base . The basic idea is already expressed in Tok Pisin s t re t i m to straighten, correct. The verbal compounds toks t re t i m and wok s t ret i m would express the idea o f to make a verba l amendment and to improve by physical labour respective ly . Note that these proposals would also render superfluous the recent loans i mp r u vmen improvement and ko reksen correction. d) E k s pend i sa also expresses a verbal concept . Again , the existing verb spen i m to spend and the possibility of deriving the redupl icated form spen s pen i m to spend money in a number of areas makes borrowing super­ fluous . e ) D i s a i t in Tok Pisin as in Engl ish has two meanings : first , that someone is making decisions for others ; and second, that a dec ision is arrived at jointly . Only the latter meaning is appropriate in the context of a democratic parliament . Because one is deal ing with a complex concept , a verbal phrase was suggested : b un g i m t i ng to bring together thoughts, to be in the process of making a decision. As the concept of completion is typically signalled by the completion marker p i n i s, to have arrived at a decision would be b u n g i m t i ng p i n i s . f ) R i spons i be l expresses a nominal concept . As its semantic structure is complex , it is best rendered by a compound noun such as asman originator man. Thi s word is already documented for some varieties of Tok Pisin.

LANGUAGE PLANNING

633

g) It was argued that ' peace ' is a s imple and basic concept and should therefore be represented by a s imple stem . The word sana was sug­ gested , as this is the word for peace in Prime Minister Somare ' s home language and the title o f h i s biography which is widely read in Papua New Guinea . h)

I n ve smen is a verbal concept . The existing verbal phrase p u t i m man i to put money was sugge sted as a good alternative .

The adoption of such proposals as these would mean that Tok Pisin could meet all referential requirements of parliamentary transaction . At the same time , parliamentary and political language would become more transparent to the average Papua New Guinea villager al lowing more involvement in national politics . The transparency of the planned forms is a result of the fact that they conform to the patterns of word formation already established in expanded Rural Tok Pi sin . Thus , language planning is seen as a predictive proces s ; that i s , once Tok Pisin is seen as a dynamic and developing system, future natural develop­ ments can be predicted with fair accuracy . In contrast to borrowing, the character of the language remains intact . The procedures unde rlying the decisions about political vocabulary c an be expressed in terms o f a general flowchart . with regard to the choice between kon s t i t u sen and a s l o as terms to express constitution this would look as fol lows : determine referential adequacy ( e . g . an item to translate constitution)

n

.

a

abl.

::::: } :::: f

/

�

derived item

lex�cal base

[ ko"," ' " ,." ]

7t �

syste atic ad cy adequate

inadequate

� / . .�

aC

�

accePt

ab�ht

le

�

/

d

it.m

not acceptable

no need for introduction of new item

'

t

na

:::: :: ):::::: :

nnovation

p

/

derived item

lexical base

j

[ as l o ]

�

systematic adequacy ade

�

ate

inadequate

7ab �

�

1

acce table

il

no� acceptable

new item c an be introduced

The double arrows indicate the steps involved in the hypothetical decision to replace an existing base kon s t i t u sen with a newly developed compound a s l 0 fundamenta l law, constitution.

634

P. MUHLHAUSLER

We are led to conclude then that language planning and engineering can be seen as a rational operation ( determination of referential and systematic adequacy) as well as a culture dependent matter of preference ( determination of acceptability) . Whereas the former aspects can be derived readily from our knowledge of the developing linguistic structures of Tok Pisin , insights into the l atter are still deficient . It is important that the knowledge of expatriate technocrats be supplemented with indigenous knowledge as to what is most appro­ priate and acceptable for the users of Tok Pisin.

6 .8.4 6.8.4. 1

TH E H I STORY O F VOCABULARY PLANN I NG IN TOK P I S I N I ntroduc t i on

I have postponed the discuss ion of the history of vocabulary planning to the end of the present chapter because I felt that readers would benefit , in their evaluat ion of the histor ical proce sses, from a knowledge of the more gen­ eral i ssue s involved. Much of what will be said will seem of a rather negative nature . However , it is not intended to ridicule the ine ffic iency and misguided­ ness of many earlier attempts to enrich the lexicon of Tok pisin , but rather to demonstrate the need for a principled framework for vocabulary planning if such errors are to be avoided in the future . Whatever speakers of Tok Pisin may know about their language , such knowledge is not suffic ient to prevent them from serious mi sj udgements at the leve ls of referential and systematic adequacy as wel l as that of acceptability . It could be argued that many of the lexical enrichments that took place in the past were not de liberate acts o f planning . This must be conceded in a number of instances and the term vocabulary planning (henceforth VP) must therefore be taken to mean any individual or communal attempts to influence the inventory or structure of the lexicon of the language .

6 . 8. 4 . 2

Earl y attempts

The e arliest attempts to in fluence the vocabulary of Tok Pisin date back to the j argon stage of the language , before its stabilisation as a pidgin . Much of its core vocabulary i s the result of English speakers ' intuitions concerning the simpl i fication of their language , and their preference for unmarked lexical items . However , these cannot be taken as conscious attempts to influence the structure of the vocabulary . Conscious attempts at this early stage probably took the form of ' pranks ' , in particular the introduction of rude terms and j ocular circumlocutions . One purpose o f this was to ridicule the unsuspecting indigenes (by introducing terms such as cocon u t for head , sodawa t e r for sea and mot o rca r be l on g J e s us for aeroplane ) . The de s i re by some Europeans to teach the indigenes childish terms continued throughout the history of colonial domination , as i s reflected by such European-coined bons mo ts as l amp be l ong J e s u s for moon , wa t e r be l on g s t i n k for perfume and , most recently , m i xma s t e r b e l ong J e s us C h r i s t for he licopter. I suspect that the use of u n de r pa n t s instead of i ndependence may have its source in a European joke . However , such crude additions to Tok Pisin did not catch on and the terms just mentioned have all but disappeared in standard varieties - although they may continue to exist in Tok Masta . The lesson can , however , be drawn from such anecdotal mate rial ; namely that the alleged childishness and mental inferiority of the Papua New Guineans is a colonial fabrication . Moreove r , this tendency to talk down to the natives is not yet dead , and great care has to be taken in VP to avoid the pitfalls of such an attitude .

LANGUAGE PLANNING

635

The second attempt t o influence the nature of the lexicon was that of the German admini strat ion and settlers to ' re lexify ' Tok Pisin in order to bring its vocabul ary closer to German . This policy , although seriously proposed in a numbe r of places , was never fully implemented . At one time the proportion of German words in Tok Pisin must have been considerable , but it appears that few were the result of conscious interference and that the majority of German loans were ad hoc innovations conditioned by the fact that Engl i sh was withdrawn as a target language during the German days . The same is true for most Tolai words introduced at the time , although some administrative terms ( such as l u l ua i vil ­ lage chief. tu l t u l assistant vi l lage chief and kuku ra i native judge ) stemmed from conscious efforts to provide new concepts on the part of the German admin­ istration .

6.8.4.3

Language p l ann i ng by t h e Cathol i c mi s s i o n s

More important , and decidedly a n act of conscious language planning , were the e f forts undertaken by the miss ions . Holtker ( 194 5 : 5 8 f f ) praises these e f forts stating " Durch den E in fluss der Mission ist dieses PE nicht mehr der ordinare ' Jargon ' der schwarzen Arbeite r , vie lmehr in gewi ssem Sinne schon eine ' kultivierte ' Sprache . " ( As a result of mission influence this pidgin Engli sh is no longer the crude j argon of the black workers but , in a certain sense , already a civili sed language . ) The di fficulties encountered by the miss ions were quite substantial and the success of their VP was limited . A discussion of the practical di fficulties is found in Mead 1931 : 150 : But perhaps the oddest adaptions of pidgin English have been those of Chr i stianity , which it is , in some ways , ill fitted to describe . After all , it is primarily a work- boy language , a language used between masters and the members of a " lower race " . . . . The gentler doctrines of Christianity , in pidgin , become obscured or smothered under words which are coined by missionarie s and have no native equivalent to give them- body . Such a word is me l e , for merry in the sense of Christian gladnes s . Mi ss ionary VP dates back to German colonial times , although its full impact was felt only in the 1930 s . Like most othe r attempts to deal with VP, it is characteri sed by a number of weaknes ses , the mo st important o f which is a lack of co-ordination . Two considerations were the main guide lines for missionary language planning : a) to rid the language of expressions with obscene connotations or etymologi e s ; b) t o increase its referential adequacy in the domain of religious di scourse . It is interesting that different missions used different methods and that no attempts were made , prior to the Nupela Testamen translation in the 1960 s , to create a unified mi ss ion language .

6.8.4 .3.1

Removal o f obs cene expre s s i ons

For a long time the main criticism of the miss ionaries against Tok Pisin was that it is replete with crudities and obscenities . One expression in

6 36

P . MUHLHAUSLER

particular annoyed the miss ions , goddam, which according to a number of sources was a very frequent vocabulary item before 1930 . Thus , Friederici reports : I f a Me lanesian exclaims : "God dam ! He savvee too much ! " when he refers to another Melanesian who i s magni ficently decorated as to look like a negro from Washington or Virgin ia, he will always cre ate amusement . But it made me really sad when I heard a man from Lamassa , whi le he was building a mon ( Boat) , muttering : "God dam , work belong kanaka he no good !" ( quoted from McDonald, ed. 197 7 : 22 ) Mead ( 19 3 1 : 1 5 1 ) comments on the initial effort o f the missions to remove crude expressions from the language : When the mi ssionaries preach and translate the Bible into pidgin, they make some effort to smooth out the crudities of the language , but in the hands of the boys these all crop up again. Pidgin without continual " goddams" and "bloodys " is inconceivable to the boys . While the miss ionaries did manage to drastically reduce the inc idence of goddam, their success in other areas of the lexicon was more limited . This , it would seem , was in part due to the fact that many of those engaged in lexical planning were not native speakers of English and , as a consequence , often unaware of the obscene connotations they wanted to get rid of . The discrepancy between program and practice is illustrated in miss ionary etymologising . W e can identify numerous attempts , conscious as well as unconscious , on the part of miss ionary lexicographers to find an innocuous source for Tok Pisin words derived from English four-letter words or , fail ing this , to simply classify such words as of unknown origin . A good example of diachronic purism in etymologising is the derivation of

baga rap to be ruined, tired from Engli sh bankrupt , in the Worterbuch mi t Redewendungen ( around 1 9 3 5 ) , or from a non-existent beggared up , as is done by

Schebesta and Meiser ( 1 945 ) , who comment on their etymology : " In English to beggar is transitive but here the effect is taken . " The correct derivation from English to bugger up does not appear before Mihal ic 1957 . Similar purified etymologie s are found for other lexical items . Compare : lexical i tem

Engl ish etymon

gloss

etymons listed in : WMR SM M7 1

kan

female genitals

cunt

k ok

male genitals

cock

cock

sit

ashes, faeces

shit, soot

?

ST69 ?

E not li sted

E

E

WMR Worterbuch mi t Redewendungen ( n . d . ) , SM Schebesta and Mei se r 194 5 , M7 1 Steinbauer 1969 . Mihalic 1 971 , ST69 =

=

=

=

Such etymologising can have s ide effects , in particular when used as the bas is of a quasi-etymological writing system . Thus , in devi sing a standard spe lling system for Tok Pisin the Alexi shafen authors of the Worterbuch mi t Redewendungen suggest that it should clo sely follow Engli sh pronunciat ion .

LANGUAGE PLANNING

637

However , whi l st they spel l Tok pi sin [ ha n ] hand as h a n d they do not restore the final consonant in [ kan ] female genitals , s ince its Engl i sh origin is not acknowledged . The evaluation of such mission concern for the acceptability of the language varies from writer to write r , but there appears general agreement that miss ion successes in this area were strictly limited . Two typical comments are : "Attempts have been made to ' purify ' the language to suit the taste of ladies and missionaries , but with no result . " (wickware 194 3 : 1 1 3 ) and "When those earnest and devout persons translate the Scriptures or religious hymns into pidgin , they e schew the vulgar or profane words . " ( Clark 1955 : 9 ) . Finally , on thi s point , it should be noted that miss ion attempts to purify the language were restricted to terms with sexual connotations . No e f forts of missionary language planners to replace terms of discriminatory character with more e galitarian terms are known to the author .

6.8.4.3.2

Conce rn for referent i a l adequacy

At the time when the Catholic miss ions began to seriously look at Tok pisin as a miss ion language , its two most immediate de fic iencies were in the spheres of doctrinal terminology and education . The hi story of the numerous attempts at standardi sing and enriching the language i s di scussed in Muhlhausler 1979c and will not be repeated here . From the point of view of vocabulary planning , the following features are of particular interest : ( a) As the mi ss ionaries , for the most part , were native speakers of German , reliance on English as a source of borrowing is rare . Instead , we find a large number of direct loans from German , some of which are still in use and indeed have become part of present-day standard varieties . The fol lowing German loans were current in the mi ssion language of the 1920s and 1930 s : Tok p i sin

from German

Engli sh

ba i k t e n ba l sam beten b r ude r buse e r em i t g r i s got h a i ten kape l e ke l ek k i rke m i n i s t ran pa l me n

bei chten Balsam beten Bruder Busse Eremi t Gruss Gott Heiden Kapel l e Kel ch Ki rche Ministrant Palmen

to confess balm to pray re ligious Brother penance hermit b less you heathen chapel chalice church choir boy palm tree

A similarly large number of German expressions is found in the domain of teaching which, at the time , was almost entirely in the hands of the missions . Examples inc lude : Tok Pi sin

from German

Engli sh

abese bal a i st i p bi It b l ok g r i pe l

ABC Bleistift Bi ld Bl ock Gri ffel

a, b, c lead-pencil picture pad of paper s late-pencil

638

P . M[JHLHAUSLER Tok Pisin

from German

English

ka ra i de ma l en nul p ed e r punk s i n gen sule s t i ma s t ra f e t a fe l t i nte

Kreide malen Nul l Feder Punkt si ngen Schule Stimme Strafe Tafel Tinte

chalk to paint, draw zero pen ful l stop, point to sing school melody, tune punishment blackboard ink

( b ) Many missionaries had a good knowledge of indigenous vernaculars . Thi s was particularly pronounced in Rabaul and Vunapope , where Tolai was widely used as a mis s ion lingua franca . It is interesting to observe that many indigenous words were borrowed into mis sion Tok pisin , frequently with del iberate changes in meanin g , as in : Tok P i sin

meaning in source language

doctrinal meaning

t amb u ruru v i namu t va r tovo tema tan ku rkurua

taboo to fear, respect si lence, peace teach, lesson member of a different tribe beads, necklace

holy to honour retreat doctrine heathen rosary

( c ) Different denominations , and indeed different mi ss ions of the same denomina­ tion , did not cooperate in developing a standard rel igious language . Compare the following solutions to particular referential problems advocated by different mi s s ions : Alexishafen Tok Pisin

God ki l im b r u k i m pas i n b i l on g ma r i t Iai

Vunapope Tok Pisin

Rabaul Tok Pi sin

Deo mek i m da i p i l a i nog u t

God ki l im mek i m t rabe l l ong me r i g i ama n

g i aman

gloss God to kil l adu ltery to lie

In many cases it is dif ficult to locate the geographic or�g�n of individual mis s ion innovations . Thus , the following table will il lustrate the profusion of te rms in use in one or another locality . The following abbreviations are used in referring to the ir linguistic origin : E = Engli sh ; G = German ; L = local languages ; CP = compounding; Ex = extension of meaning; LA Latin ; PH phrase formation . =

gloss

terms used by different Catholic missions

aco lyte incense church cross to be lieve heart procession

mi n i s t ra n ( G) wa i rau ( G) k i r ke ( G) d i wa i k ros ( PH ) b i I i p (E) be l ( Ex) p ro s e s i o ( LA)

a I tabo i ( CP) i n sen s ( E ) s i os (E) k r u se ( LA) n u r n u r ( L) hat (E) va rva l i u (L)

kunda r (L) sme l s mo k ( Cp ) haus l ot u ( PH ) bo l o ( L) tok i t r u (PH) I i va ( Ex)

=

smok sme I ( PH )

LANGUAGE PLANNING

gloss

terms used by different Catholic mi ss ions

rosary holy to pray sin he l l to forgive virgin ascension

ro s e r i ( E ) ho l i ( E ) p re ( E ) s i n ( E) he l ( E ) pog i v i m (E ) ve t s i n ( E ) goa p b i l o ng J e s u s (PH)

k u rku rua ( L) san t u ( LA) beten ( G) peka t o ( LA) i mperno ( LA) l a r i m ( Ex) v i rgo (LA) a s e n s i 0 ( LA)

6 39

corona ( LA) t a kondo ( L) ra r i n g (L) b i kpa i a ( CP) 1 us i m (Ex) mer i i s ta p tamb u ( PH )

( d ) The di fferent miss ions vaI ied in their preference for sources of innovations , though none of them appears to have made consi stent use of the internal mechan­ i sms of word-formation available at the time . 4

6 .8.4.3.3

The ques t i on of sys tema t i c adequacy

It would seem worthwhile to briefly look at some questions of systematic adequacy in early mission language planning, in particular a) the use of com­ pounding, b) the pos sibil itie s for functional shift and c) the conventions for extending the meaning of existing items . ( a ) Lexical phrases and compounds As has been mentioned in the first part of this chapter ( 6 . 8 . 3 . 3 . 3) , lexical items containing the meaning man, person usually have -man as the ir ultimate com­ ponent . This method o f compounding has not been used much by missions , the only examples of any importance being peman pay-man = redeemer, wa sman watch-man e lder and s i nma n sin-man = sinner. For the first two terms r i d i ma and e l da are also used . A number of unmotivated s impl e words were introduced including kon fesor confessor , ma r t i r martyr , ha i ten heathen and p rofet prophet . The fact that some of these words are semantically complex ( i . e . it would have been necessary to use clumsy c ircumlocutions rather than compounds to express them by means o f existing Tok Pi sin vocabulary) can be regarded as a j usti fication for introducing them as simple unmotivated items . The same is true for the item ange l. Here e n s e l , enge l and a n ge l o replaced ma s t e r be l ong God reported by Churchil l ( 1911) were found . Lexical items containing the concept of p lace, locality are usually phrases in Tok Pisin , cons i sting of the base p l e s and a base characterising this place . The items p l es a n t a p heaven and p l es d a un earth are examples of the succe ss ful creation of terms using this mechanism . They have s ince been replaced by heven and g ra un . The former change was motivated by a need to distinguish between heaven and sky . Margaret Mead ( 1931 : 148) has pointed out that this became necessary a fter the introduction of air traffic in New Guinea . The boys who rode above the clouds looked around for God and did not see him , and so would scratch their heads perplexedly upon al ighting and remark : "Now miss ionary he talk God he stop on top . Now me look-em look-em look-em. God he no stop . I think this fel low talk belong miss ionary he gammon , that ' s all . " Examples o f terms which were introduced as s imple lexical items are h e l , i mpe rno he l l , pu rgato r i o purgatory and pa rad i s , p a rad a i s paradise , the latter replacing the rather vague term b i kpe l a gaden big garden reported by Churchill ( 1911) .

64 0

P . MUHLHAUSLER

Lexical items containing the concept talk or speech are normally expres sed in phrases containing tok talk and missionary innovations such as tok t r u truth , tok p rofet prophecy and tok so r i contrition reflect the spirit of the language . Yet this cannot be said of what is probably an equal number of other terms , such as konpes i o confession , pa rabe l parable , voto vow , kon s ek ra s i o consecration and reve l e sen revelation.

A fourth example is that of lexical items containing the semantic e lement holy , the original meaning of t amb u taboo having been extended to cover that of holy in which a number of phrases were introduced , often replacing simple words in the target languages . Examples are kap t amb u chalice , tebo l t ambu altar , b u k t amb u Bible , wa ra t amb u holy water and ponde t ambu holy Thursday . However , it appears that the extension of meaning of t ambu was not a fortunate choice and that the original meaning of forbidden was still strongly present , this being reinforced by terms such as m i t t ambu t a i m meat taboo t ime = lent . Thus the above phrases have been replaced by unmotivated loans from Engl ish : ka l i s cha lice , a l t a altar , ba i be l Bible or loan translations of English phrases : hoI i wa ra holy water and ho I i ponde holy Thursday . These examples il lustrate that miss ionary language planners did not fully succeed in providing new terms in the spirit of Tok Pisin structures . It appears that this can be explained partly in terms of incomplete understanding of these lexical structures and partly by the semantic complexity of some of the new concepts . Other attempts to introduce new terms include the establishment of new c l asses of compounds and phrases previously not found in the Tok Pisin lexicon . An example is the creat ion of the terms o l save omniscient and o l s t rong omni­ potent. These terms appear to be calques from the German words allwissend and allmachtig, based on a misinterpretat ion of Tok Pisin 0 1 ( interpreted as a l l instead of ' third person plural ' ) . These terms have since been replaced with s t rong o l geta and s a ve o l geta s amt i n g . The same misinterpretation of 0 1 resulted in o l san t ude A l l Saints Day for which pes tode b i l on g o l geta san t u is now used . The expression ve l ma r i t wi ld marriage = concubinage appears to be a calque from German wilde Ehe . Ma r i t n a t i n g i s now used more commonly for this concept . (b) The functional possibil ities of new items The importance of functional shift for the missionaries' vocabulary work has been stressed by Borchardt ( 1930 : 2 2 ) : It is very easy to form verbs from substantives and adj ec­ tives and also from other forms , but to do so requires a good knowledge of the character of the language , otherwise mi stake s may occur - and when re ligious matters are dealt with - it is most important that these shall be avoided. In spite o f such laudable programmatic statements , it appears that for the maj ority of miss ionary language planners , the functional flexibility of new terms was seldom a consideration in their choice . Thus , many new lexical bases were impervious to functional change , both because of phonological complexity and for semantic reason s . First , in a number of instances , two terms (a noun and a verb) were introduced where one is sufficien t , the second being derived from the first by means of functional shift . These cases are not numerous , but include kon f i rm­ a s i o confi�ation s t rong i m to confirm , u n k s i o ( and even ext r ema u n k s i o unction ve l i m to give the unction and , more recently , p rea prayer p re to pray . In all these cases it would have been su fficient to form abstract nouns from the verb . This would also have brought out the fact that the ideas conveyed by these terms are basically verbal . -

-

-

LANGUAGE PLANNING

641

A tendency to introduce nouns for basically verbal ideas is reflected in terms such as a s ums i o Assumption ( for which another proposal l i p t i map i m Ma r i a seems to be more appropriate) , ko l e k s i o col lection , bened i ks i o benediction , p rose s i o procession and konpes i o confession . Moreover , the fact that these nouns have more than two syllables makes them impervious to functional shift to form transitive verbs . Forms such as *bened i ks i o i m to b less and * ko l eks i o i m to co l lect do not ful fil the conditions for syllable structure in Tok Pisin . More in the spirit of the language are the fol lowing examples where the verbal idea is rendered by a verb : k i l i m be l abortion ( the choice of k i l i m instead of the already available more neutral r a u s i m must be seen as an e f fort to introduce a moral j udgement ) ; pa s i m b e l contraception ; me k i m t rabe l adultery ; da un i m em yet humility. There are also a number of deverbal i sed abstract nouns such as t ra i i m temptation , amama s glory and ma r i ma r i mercy . Thus , with compounding and phrase formation , the system of functional shift was only made use of by the miss ions in a haphazard way and many new terms entered the language as anomalies and exceptions . ( c ) Extension of meaning and other considerations The process of missionary language planning was a long and cumbersome one . Many difficulties were found , not so much in the provision of adequate terms , but in asce rtaining that the concepts associated with them were understood . The danger o f misunderstanding was greatest in those cases where existing words were given an additional meaning . Attempts to find an adequate term for soul are an interesting case in point . The terms used include b e l , tewe l , so l , w i n and s p i r i t . Al l of them proved , for various reasons , of limited usefulness . Be l , re lated to Engl i sh be l ly , refers not only to the seat of emotions , but also to the part of the body . This , together with the possible literal and figurative meaning of wa s i m to clean , results in an unfortunate ambiguity in the following hymn :

God he s a vee w a s h - em Be l b e l ong a l l boy A l l he d i r t y too much Mo re b e t t e r h e c l ea n Tewe l a l s o embraces the meanings shadow and , for some speakers , devi l . The limited inventory o f di stinctive sounds in Tok Pisin has resulted in a profusion of homophones . Thu s , in s o l , the Engli sh words salt, shoulder and soul have fallen together . W i n can refer to air, wind, breath and gas and s p i r i t to methylated spirits. The introduct ion o f k ro s in d i wa i k ros crucifix may have led to misunder­ s tandings , since k ros means angry and d i wa i k ro s could have been interpreted as tree of anger . A similar case i s Pam Sa nde Palm Sunday , where , instead of using one of the available words for palm - ba i ba i or pa l me n , a new homophone was created . In spite o f much good will , European ways o f thinking often resulted in unsatis factory Tok P i sin terms . There is no need to distinguish between buse penance and s t ra fe punishment s ince the difference can be expressed in Tok Pisin by using different verbs with the same term . Mihalic ( 1 971 : 369 ) is right in glossing both b u s e and s t ra fe as penance ( together with other synonyms such as bek i m , pena n s and wok s o r i ) . European ( in this instance German) thinking is also reflected in the translation o f to make the sign of the cross as me k i m em y e t l on g d i wa i k ros ( to appoint onese lf as angry tree ) , the reflexivity reflect­ ing German sich bekreuzi gen .

642

P. MUHLHAUSLER

The expression g l v l m be l l o n g J e s a s has been correctly critici sed since its meaning in Tok Pisin is to imppegnate Jesus ( outside wedlock) and not , as intended to suppendep oneself to Jesus . The correct version of I suppendep myse lf to Jesus would be m i g i v i m be l b i l o n g m i l o n g Jesa s , with the compulsory possessive pronoun . It would be wrong to regard criticisms such as the ones made here as simply an academic exerc i se . As pointed out by writers such as Lawrence ( 1964 ) , there was a considerable price to pay for inefficient means of communication , in part­ icular the development of numerous c argo movements . After di scussing numerous examples of how miss ion terminology became interpreted by the practitioners of cargo cults , Lawrence concludes ( 84-85 ) : This obl ique language increased the complexity of the situation . It could be used in conversations with European mi ssionaries without the ir being aware of its hidden implic­ ations and - al though some of them suspected what was going on in the natives ' minds - the extent to which their teachings had been misrepresented . As a result , they unconsciously allowed the people to assume that they con­ firmed the truth of the new doctrines . Either they or the s incere and disinterested native mission helpers had only to fail to correct an equivocal sentence , or innocently make a statement capable of two meanings , to substantiate the Third Cargo Belief in its entirety . No stronger proof was necessary . In fact , during the 1920 ' s , relations between natives and mi ss ionari es , although on the whole extremely amicable , were nevertheless based on complete mutual misunderstanding .

6 .8.4.4

Other vocabu l a ry acti v i t i es i n the i nterwar peri od

Until the outbreak o f the Second World War the missions , and in particular the Catholic miss ion , were the only agencies concerned with VP and the develop­ ment of Tok Pisin . Other agenc ies , in particular the government , were impeded by a number of factors : a) the lack of a viable language pol icy ; b) European colonial attitudes towards the indigenous population ; c ) misconceptions about the nature of Tok Pisin . ( a) Lack of language policies The Australian administration between the wars was not characterised by strong dec i s ions ; in fac t , its policies signalled a return to the laissez- faire attitudes o f the f irst years of German administrat ion , particularly in language matters . There was l ittle desire to promote the universal acceptance of Engl i sh as a lingua franca in the Territory of New Guinea , partly because of lack of fund s , but also because there was " a body of opinion which obj ects strongly to the thought of natives being taught a European language . " ( Reed 194 3 : 2 7 4 ) . On the other hand , the lingui stically complex situation and "white lethargy" ( Reed 194 3 : 2 7 4 ) prevented a local language from becoming the offic ial l ingua franca . Instead , Tok Pisin was used by government officers , planters and recruiters throughout the territory , although their insufficient knowledge of it resulted in a less than optimal use of this medium. In the late 1930s the situation had

LANGUAGE PLANNING

643

reached a point at which it became obvious that the government had to take some action . Two quotations from contemporary pUbl ications reflect this view: "A handbook of Pidgin would be invaluable to everybody , providing it was compre­ hensive , and was compiled by someone who had a real knowledge of the matter . " and " I f there were some official code we might some day be able to standardize the language and so make it an easier medium than it is now . " (Rabaul Times , editorial , 17 December 1937) . Similar remarks are found in Reed 1 94 3 : 2 74 : Official acceptance and support of Melanesian pidgin, has behind it the logic o f its daily use - by government officers , planters , recruiters , and mi ssionaries , and by all those natives with whom Europeans have dealings of whatever kind . All that is needed is government sanction ( to enable the taking of legal evidence in this medium) and a program of teaching to control the growth and purification of the language . The reason for this increased demand for standardisation was the develop­ ment of regional dialects of Tok Pi sin on the one hand : "Even P idgin is dialectal , that spoken in some districts di f fers slightly from that in others" (Rabaul Times , 17 December 1937) , and the poor performance of most Europeans on the othe r : " It is probable that an imper fect knowledge of pidgin by newcomers is a more fruitful source of trouble with native labour than any other" (Rabaul Times , 17 December 1937) and "Pidgin is so much a language that there are only two white masters of it in the Mandated Territory of New Guinea . That i s , there are only two who speak it so fluently that if they were out of sight they would be mistaken for kanakas . " ( Shelton-Smith 1929) . In yet another editorial in the Rabaul Times ( 8 November 19 35) the government is urged to take firm steps concerning the language question : "Which is it to be : Pidgin Engl ish or Plain English? Let the authorities decide one way or the other and have done with this medley of mutilated, murdered phrases which is neither " one thing nor the othe r . " However , it was only the outbreak of the war with its increased pressure for communication which resulted in phrase books and grammars bein g made avail­ able to the general public ( such as Murphy 1943 and Hall 1943b) . (b) European attitudes The colonial attitudes determined not so much what innovat ions were added to the Tok P isin lexicon but rather those which were not . Examples of such innovat ion s are few, the best known being the distinctions between ma s t a and bo i , European and native , and m i s i s and me r i , Europec� woman and native woman ; these were already in use in German days . New di stinctions stress ing the relative social position of speakers were also introduced : Europeans have consciously attempted to inculcate in the natives - free vil lagers as wel l as indentured workers special forms of etiquette and addres s which show deference to themselve s . And here they may have been not without some small measure of succe s s . In the matter of speech , for i nstance , most whites insi st on natives ' using such forms of addre s s as "Yes sir" or "Ye s , Maste r . " The few who do not insist on such verbal trappings of supremacy offer no alternative s ; so it is safe to assume that this pattern will prevail . ( Reed 1943 : 2 90 )

644

P . MUHLHAUSLER

More important than these verbal trappings of colonialism is the prevalent reluctance among the European s to introduce new terms into Tok Pisin . This reluctance was based on two factors , one being the feeling that : . . , there is a decided danger in al lowing house-servants to obtain too l arge a vocabulary of the Engl i sh language in that English-speaking Whites enjoy no privacy in their conversat ions in the home , and there is often the dange r , especially a t meal time s , of conversations being overheard and partially understood , resulting in scraps of gossip mutilated and distorted - being passed on with damaging results . (RabauJ. Times , editorial , 8 November 1 9 3 5 ) The second factor was the belief that the indigenes either were inherently ignorant or at least should be kept so . An interesting case study of the result of this negative vocabulary planning is Scott ' s account of agricultural problems and Pidgin ( S cott 197 7 ) . He states that : "The language of agriculture thus grew around the needs of the foreigners as he saw them, and around the felt needs of the natives whose horizons were limited by what the foreigners wished to teach them - and this was very l ittle . " (p . 7 2 4 ) and "The native farmer needed l ittle pidgin to ful fil his limited role in the commerce of the country : a role limited by his own i gnorance and the dominance of the foreigners . " ( p . 7 2 4 ) . Scott notes that , instead of providing an adequa.te terminology to enable the native farmers to take part in decis ion-making and to cope with new technologies : "as techniques became more complex the farmer became even less involved in decision making for he did not have the knowledge to make the deci sions , nor the words to convey his de cisions to the didiman . " ( 1977 : 7 2 7 ) . This appears to indicate that the growth of the lexicon was kept at an arti ficial ly low level through the patron­ ising attitude s of the colonial power and its agencies ( c f . Noel 1975 : 7 8) . . • .

( c ) Misconceptions about the nature of Tok P isin I do not want to go into much detail here , s ince this topic. has been adequately dealt with in a number of places ( e . g . in Hall 1955a) . The miscon­ ceptions most prevalent were that Tok Pisin was not a language in its own right but a bastardised form of English and that it was therefore legitimate to freely introduce constructions and vocabulary items from Engli sh if neede d . A second notion was that Tok Pisin was inadequate for any sophisticated purpose of com­ munication anyway and that the very structure of the language made it impossible to di scuss matters o f any complexity . These and other misconceptions , together with European attitudes towards the indigenous populat ion , were instrumental in retarding the growth of the language . One can only guess at the cost caused by the government ' s neglect to develop Tok Pi sin into an e fficient medium of communication , though I suspect it is conside rably greater than the amount of money spent on unrealistic attempts to make the country English speaking .

6 . 8.4.5

Tok P ; s ; n ; n t he Second Worl d War

The increased need to communicate with and give directions to indigenes was responsible for increased interest in Tok Pisin during the war and resulted in a numbe r of dictionarie s and a scientific description of the language ( Hall 1943b) . Thus , rather than adding new constructions and vocabulary to the l anguage , this period can be regarded as one of stocktaking and consolidation . A number of

LANGUAGE PLANNING

645

terms referring to military activities were added , but these items entered the language for reasons other than conscious e fforts of VP .

6 .8.4.6

Devel o pmen ts from t he end o f Worl d War I I t o the end o f th e 1 960s

6 . 8.4. 6. 1

Genera l remark s

The di scussion during these years was of which the most important were : a) b) c) d)

centred around a number of que stions

the choice of a language ( l ingua franca) for Papua New Guinea ; functional l imitations o f Tok Pisin; standardi sation o f spe lling ; United Nations attitudes .

These questions have been dealt with elsewhere ( see chapter on external history ( 2 . 2 » . Howeve r , it is interesting to observe that the question of VP was regarded as marginal and basically a non-problem . There appears to have been general agreement that new lexical items could be freely introduced from Engl ish if new communicative needs arose . This was in fact done in numerous cases , particularly in school primers and practical handbooks prepared by the government and the mi ssions . The only conscious efforts to influence the growth and nature of the vocab­ ulary were made in Tok Pisin newspapers . These e f forts were derived from the idea that Tok P isin could be used as a stepping stone or transitional stage in preparation for a general spread of Engl ish . The idea of changing the character of the language by gradually relexi fying it - an idea which, as we have seen , had already been given serious consideration in German times - was put into practice by some newspaper editors , in particular Mr Waiau Ahnon . An experiment conducted by Mr . Waiau Ahnon brought results which possibly give a good indication o f what l inguistic theoretician s will encounter when , and i f , e f forts are l ater made to replace Pidgin with orthodox English . He tried putting more orthodox English words into his newspaper to replace cumbersome pidgin express ions . The result was that the natives were seriously confused , and the experiment had to be abandoned . ( Baker 1966 : 3 3 2 ) Mihalic ' s criticism o f this experiment i s along s imilar lines : The widespread belief that it is possible gradually to turn Melanes ian Pidgin into English by the introduction of English words takes no account o f the fact that the vocabulary rep­ resents only one part of the language . The grammatical structure and phonetics still remain those of Me l anesian Pi dgin , and at best the result could be never more than another Pidgin . The be lief is not only wrong , but dangerous ; as by introducing English into Me lanesian pidgin in this way , the native finally reaches a confusion point , where he does not know whether he is speaking Me lanesian Pidgin or English. ( Mihalic 1971 : 6 ) Hal l ( 1955b : 9 3 ) mentions two factors involved in conscious efforts to change the nature o f the Tok Pisin vocabulary :

P. MUHLHAUSLER

646 a)

"the desire of some groups among the more sophi sticated nonEuropeans to avoid previously exi stent Neo-Me lanesian words or expressions which they consider to carry a connotation of inferiority . "

b) " the de sire o f some speakers of English to ' improve ' Neo-Me lanesian by bringing it closer to English . " However , i t appears that the main factor in bringing about vocabulary change has not been conscious VP , but the poor knowledge of Tok Pisin of most English speakers . Both Healey ( 19 7 5 ) and Freyberg ( oral communication) suggest that the development of a ' relexified ' anglicised variety of the language is directly related to the opening up o f the Highlands . Here , the normal proce s s of lan­ guage transmiss ion between members of the indigenous population over a long period of contact , was replaced by one in which the High landers acquired their Tok Pisin from European settlers with a limited knowledge of English. "A major­ ity of expatriates spoke none or very bad Pidgin and insinuated English words into the language to cover their lack of knowledge . " (Healey 1975 : 3 8) . However , these deve lopments did not affect the longer-established Tok Pis in-speaking areas with minimal contact , but resulted in the deve lopment o f regional (Highlands) and social ( Urban) varieties . The ambivalent attitude of the administration to Tok Pisin prevented the deve lopment of any clearcut policy for its future and its enrichment took place in a very ad hoc way . New terms entered the language by the back door as it were , and no official attempts were made to reduce the ever-increasing number of synonyms and homonyms . The first s igns of a fundamental change could be observed in 1 969 , which has been referred to as " a peculiarly great year for Pidgin" (Laycock 1970b : 4 5 ) . I ts importance is due to ( a ) the seminar on ' pidgin and nation building ' in Port Moresby in March , and (b) the appearance of a large numbe r of publ ications on Tok Pisin , some of which bear direct relevance to the problem of its lexicon . Among the papers given at the seminar Laycock ' s contri­ bution is of particular relevance to VP and was , in fact , the first time that a more general discuss ion of this topic had been presented . LaycQck points out the danger s of random introduction of loans wh ich could result in Tok Pisin losing its status as an independent language . He also indicates why it is dif­ ficult for Tok Pisin to absorb a large number of loans from English, the main dange r , in his opinion , being the drastic increase in homophones : P idgin already has a relatively large number of words where distinct Engl i sh words have fallen together . . . . To add to this number incautiously could well overload the language with forms that sound the same but have different meanings , and all who have to translate into Pidgin should be aware of this danger - in the absence of a national language com­ mittee . ( Laycock 1969 : 8) At the same time some important proposals are made for future extension of the Tok Pisin vocabulary . While not excluding English words as candidates for borrowing : i t i s expected , too , that the regional languages will continue to provide words for Pidgin , especially for typic­ ally New Guinean concepts and obj ects : names of animals , trees , village and house construction , and magi c , to name only a few . ( Laycock 1969 : 8) The most important source of future innovations , however , lies within the struc­ ture of the language itse l f : " Even more to be encouraged is the creation of new

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words from within Pidgin itse l f , or the expansion o f meaning of existing words . " ( Laycock 1969 : 9 ) . The instances speci fically mentioned by Laycock are compoun­ ding and phrase formation and the creation of abstract nouns by means of multi­ funct ionality of lexical bases . Some of Laycock ' s ideas are further developed in Wurm , Muhlhausler and Laycock 197 7 . Such an awareness of the theoretical dimensions of the language planning process was not in evidence in most o f the practical sugge stions that were made at about the same time . These will now be discussed in greater detail .

6.8.4.6.2

A c a se study of su ggested i nnovat i on s : B a l i nt ' s s ports d i ct i onary

The rapid functional expansion of Tok Pisin in the late 1960s necessitated a great deal of l exical innovation . Such innovations were carried out mainly in an ad hoc manner by individuals and institutions in different parts of the country or e l se were suggested by self-appointed language planners , such as Balin t . Balint ' s work i n part icular illustrates the difficulties facing lan­ guage p lanners at the time and the re sults of undertaking the task of vocabulary planning without the necessary methodological and theoretical equipment . Balint ' s first attempt is the Engl ish-Pidgin-French phrase book and sports dictionary ( 19 69 ) . The author (Balint 1973 : 29 ) describes the motivation to write such a dict ionary : Gunther ' s low estimate of the Pidgin lexicon has goaded me into the rash and emot ional reaction of compil ing in two months an approximately 2 , 000 word dictionary of sporting terms in Pidgin (Balint 1 969 ) . The result i s not one I am very proud o f , although I still judge Laycock ' s criticism overly harsh ( 1970) . 5 The shortcomings of Balint ' s dictionary are several . First , throughout his book there is a tendency to ignore exi sting lexical resource s , both at the level of lexical bases and that of word format ion . As regards the needless introduction of new synonyms or near- synonyms without increasing the referential power of the language , the following terms illustrate this point : English

Balint 1969

term already expressing the concept

zip, z ipper tape measure pi l low case starch clinical thermometer turkey �g sheet

z i pa tep me s a p i l o kes stats t e rmom i t e r b i l ong k l i n i k tek i p l an t i smok k l os b i l ong b e t

p u l s e n , sen b i l on g t rau s i s meta sk i n p i l o a r u ru t g l as pipi s no s i tbet

This l i st could b e supplemented with additional examples . Balint not only adds synonyms to the unstructured l i st of lexical items , he also invents entirely new lexical fields . Thi s can be illustrated with his suggestions for a Tok Pisin ches s terminology :

648

P. MUHLHAUSLER English

Balint 1969

terms in general use among chessplayers

King Queen Bishop Knight Castle

k i ng ku i n b i sop hos s o l d i a kase l pon

k i ng kw i n roket hos amb re l a sol d i a

paLJn

ma s t a misis

A second violation of

VP is the increase in the number o f Tok Pisin homophones , a violation o ften combined with the unnecessary replacement of exi sting words , as can be seen from the following table :

Engl ish

Balint 1969

Tok Pisin terms already expres sing the concept

b right

b ra i t

i 1ait

homophones

b ra i t wide, width

Remark : The expression em i b ra i t t umas this is too fancy in Balint ' s · gloss is more likely to be interpreted as this is too wide . jazz

jas

lining

lain

-

pants

pen

pens

-

j a s judge, charge l a i n line, group, row l a i n to teach, learn pen pen, pencil pen paint colour pen pain, painfu L .•

so le

so l

anan i t b i l on g s u

s o l salt so l shou lder so l soul

pair

pe

( not neces sary with inanimates)

pe pay

t upe l a

pear

pe

-

hat

het

hat

het head

poppy

pop i

-

pop i Catholic

toothpaste

pes b i l o ng kl i n im t i t

ma ras i n b i l ong k l i nim t i t

pes face pes first

faucet , tap

tep

k i ( b i l ong wa ra)

t e p tape

snack

s ne k

-

s n e k snake

Misunderstanding of both English and Tok Pisin is revealed "when quiver ( in archery) is translated in Pidgin as sek . g u r i a , words which mean shake, shiver or quiver! " ( Laycock 1970b : 48 ) .

LANGUAGE PLANNING

649

Ba lint ' s intuitions about the nature of word formation in Tok Pisin appear to be similarly deficient . Fundamental ignorance of exi sting devices is reflec­ ted in the phrases a p e l d i wa i for apple tree and s t robe r i b u s ( ! ) for strawberry bush . It is not just the order of elements which i s wrong in these examples but also the more fundamental fact that in Tok Pisin the same s impl e lexical item is used to refer to both trees and the fruit o f tree s . Thu s , ba t a re fers to either avocado pear or avocado tree and ko konas coconut and coconut tree . Forms such as d i wa i koko n a s or kokonas d i wa i belong to Tok Masta ( c f . the erotic poem quoted by Hal l ( 1 943a : 83 ) which starts k l os tu l on g a s b i l ong kokonas t r i ) . A number of other compounds and phrases fall short of the requirements o f for other reason s . Firs t , there are cases where motivated English words have become unmotivated lexical units in Tok Pisin . These include k r i s p r u f crease­ proof. gesm i t a gas meter ( a term of no use in Tok Pisin anyway) or a ndawe under­ wear. Other compounds and phrases con sist of Tok pisin base s , but do not fo llow accepted patterns of compounding or phrase formation . Examples include : VP

Balint 1969

expected form

gloss

a n t a pko t g ra s d ra i a l ap l ap l et b u k bok i s s us ubot u

ko t a n t a p ma s i n b i l on g d ra i i m g r a s l e t b i l on g ho I i m soke n bok i s ( or be t ) b u k boto l s u s u

top coat hairdryer garter be lt book case feeding bottle

The transl ation b e l l f l a u a (be l ly f1ower) for hyacinth is as unacceptable as l u s i m- m i - noken for forget-me-not . Be l o- k l ok for alarm clock may violate the

principles of word formation in Tok Pi sin , but is still more acceptable than the European joke k l ok i ga t be l pregnant clock. Monstrosities such as g l a s g um i pepa glass rubber paper for wax paper have been surpassed only recently by creations such as ma n s a ve t a n i mtok interpreter proposed by Balint at the 1973 conference on Tok P i s in .

A l ast point of criticism in the area of systematic adequacy. concerns what I have referred to above as ' the complex content of lexical items ' , in particular unmotivated lexical items . In other words , there can be no rationale for intro­ ducing l on d r i and l on d r i i m , laundry and to launder , when there is already a sem­ antically less complex term in Tok pisin , namely wa s i m . The condition for the use of l ond r i i m is that the obj ect of this verb has to be a garment or a piece of material . Wa s i m does not impose this condition , and Tok Pisin speakers would therefore be forced to use l on d r i i m k l os to launder the clothes and was i m p l e t to wash the p lates. This constitutes a considerable increase in the complexity of the vocabulary and a heavy burden for the learner of the language . However , this i s not the only example found i n Balint ' s sports dictionary . Others include k u sen cushion supplementing p i l o pi llow. Again the conditions for the use of the items pil low and cushion in Engli sh are fairly complex and it appears that the Tok Pisin word p i l o is perfectly adequate to cover the meaning of both . A s imilar case is the introduction of the item l e i s for shoe lace . The exi sting expression rop b i l o ng su appe ars to be ful ly adequate . Moreover , this item is homophonous wi th items such as l es lathe and l es lazY3 tired. It must be borne in mind that rop should be translated as s tring ( among other meanings) and not rope , ba k l a i n being used for thi s . A s would b e expected , Balint i s also gui lty o f a gross violation o f the requirement of adequacy in his lexical planning . This is seen , for instance , in his tendency to reiterate colonialist j okes about Tok Pisin. Thus , the age-old and stale alleged transl ation of piano has not failed to make an appearance in Balint ' s dictionary in the form b i k pe l a bok i s b i l on g kra i ta i m yu pa i t i m na k i k i m

650

P. MUHLHAUSLER

em . Next to the introduction o f Tok Pisin words for gas-meters and rabbi , we find some hilarious new circumlocutions such as t ebo l b i l ong p u t i m 0 1 s i ke ra p b i l on g bod i tab le for putting scrapings of a (dead) body for vanity tab le , m i l a i k i m ka i n ka i n b i l a s b i l on g t umb u n a I want a l l sorts of ancestral adornments for I prefer a conservative sty le or m i l a i k l uk i m b u k i g a t makma k I want to see a book with spots 6 for May I see a pattern book. These terms , should they become necessary, would probably need to be borrowed from another language , e . g . English , in the form kon seve t i v and b u k paten respectively . Until this becomes necessary , more adequate c ircumlocutions could be eas ily found, e . g . k l os i mas gat s t a i l b i l ong b i po the clothes must have the style of earlier days for con­ servative . In summing up , one can say that it is fortunate that this attempt to enrich the Tok Pisin lexicon has not had - as had some missionary language planning the results intended by its author , and that the language is in a much healthier state than the contents of this work might suggest . I have concentrated on the general part of the dictionary rather than on the section devoted to sporting phrases which : . . . is filled with Pidgin definitions for technical sporting terms such as ' anti-dazzle rule ' , ' cros s court pas s ' , ' eastern cut-of f ' , ' fog formation ' and ' slalom ' ; some of the def ini tions make sense , but most have no currency out­ side this book . ( Laycock 1970b : 48 )

6.8.4.6.3

La nguage p l a n n i ng for off i c i a l pu rposes

At about the same time as Balint produced his sports dictionary , two minor deve lopments took place at a more official leve l . The first one concerned the need for more referential adequacy in the context of the newly set up House o f Assembly . The problems encountered and the solutions found or proposed are di scussed by Hull ( 1968) . The former Senior Interpreter and transl ator of the Standing Orders remarks (p . 2 3 ) : I personally believe that Pidgin can cope with any situation to be found in the House . Of course its vocabulary will have to be greatly increased but this can be done with the present resources of Pidgin . I f translation and/or inter­ pretation is thought out careful ly , employing legitimate Pidgin vocabulary whenever applicable and only introducing English words when absolutely necessary , using Pidgin orthography and grammatical patterns , I see no major dif­ ficulty confronting the parliamentary interpreter in his work . Last year I translated the Standing Orders of the House into Pidgin . It took a long time and a lot of thought but was not so di fficult . I had to introduce about fifty new words or phrases but , with the aid of a short glossary at the beginning of the Orders , these new words cause little problem to the reader . A look at the l i st of proposed terms for the draft of the Standing Orders reveals a heavy bias towards English terms , an apparently unnecessary one in at least some instances . The Tok Pisin explanations provided , together with the newly introduced terms , often suggest a better solution , as in :

LANGUAGE PLANNING adm i n i s t r e t a

651

nambawan gavman t r u b i l on g Pa pua n a N uG i n i

In this example , n ambawa n gavma n would have been sufficient , with the added advantage of wide currency throughout the nation . As has been the case with other attempts at language planning, the greatest weakness of Hull ' s proposals are found in the area of systematic adequacy . Thu s , he uses a number o f Engl ish derivational suffixes , which are both unproductive and not meaningful in Tok Pisin . Examples are : adm i n i s t re t e , o f i se l , regu l es i n , s i t i n g and s t end i ng . Even whole phrase s , such as I i v ov e b s en s , are introduced as simple unmotivated lexical items . Again , the principle outlined by Hull that Engli sh words should be intro­ duced only "when absolutely neces sary" is certainly violated in the pair mos i n ' motion muv i m to move. Here it would have been perfectly sufficient to intro­ duce the ve rb only, and derive the abstract noun by means of a regular functional shi ft , to yield e ither mosen - mo sen i m or muv - muv i m . For the same reason , the item e l eksen is suppletive . In Rural Tok Pisin thi s concept is generally expres­ sed by means of the deverbali sed abstract noun vot e lection from vot i m to vote . -

Thi s tendency to borrow complex Engl ish lexical items wholesale continues . However , although they may provide a short term working solution for members of the House o f Assembly and the better educated classes , such terms fail to fulfil the communicative requirements of involving the largest possible number of people in the democratic proce sses which are supposed to be the foundation of the new government . The l ack o f concern for systematic adequacy in Hul l ' s proposals i s not surprising , though one could argue that it contributed to communication problems in the new national assembly . A second area of offi cial activity was the removal , in 196 9 , of some of the most blatantly discriminatory terms and their replacement with more neutral ones : The New Guinea Administrator , Mr . Hay , believes the time has come for radical changes in the Pidgin mode o f address . In memoranda to government departments , Mr . Hay concedes that "pidgin is a dynamic language . . . but . . . it ' s possible that some of the more educated papuans and New Guineans are now offended by . . . some of the Pidgin words . " The New Guinea News Service , digging around among P-NG government departments , reports these words , and Mr . Hay ' s " instructions" for alternatives : Man instead of " Kanaka" . Gel or woman instead of "meri" . Domestik instead of "manki masta" . Man or Mister instead of "masta" (depending on context of sentence ) : man instead of "boy" ( except to de scribe what , by age , is obviously a boy . ) Government radio stations and f ie ld o fficers are expected to use the new terms assiduously . ( Paci fi c Islands Mon thl y , September 1969 : 1 ) A more gene ral discuss ion is found in the foreword to Healey ( n . d . ) . In the December issue of the same year Paci fi c Islands Mon thly reported some reactions to this decree . It was symptomatic that many of those Europeans who had been guilty of changing the character of the lexicon of Tok Pisin were opposed to this already overdue adj ustment .

652

P. MUHLHAUSLER The younger New Guineans , especially university students , applauded the Administrator . . . but many in the older generation , particularly some Europeans , j ust couldn ' t understand the government trying to " legislate" the lan­ guage . One European MHA pencilled the fol lowing : The academics s ay it ' s so the academics say it ' s s o . Those frightful words i n Pidgin - they s imply have to go . Masta will be Mi ste r , And ' ars ' will now be ' bot ' and soon we ' l l make decis ions on other parts we ' ve got . The academics say it ' s so the academics say it ' s so . The latest list of orders rea lly make us sick . Instead of manki mastas , they ' ve all become domestics . The academics say it ' s so the academics say it ' s so . They ' re playing a little word game , finding words to fit , Now we ' re saying ' rubbish , nonsense ' instead of plain ' bullshit ' .

Among those resi sting this move was the author of the above mentioned sports dictionary : " I refuse to use " dome stic" , that pious euphemism decree ( ! ) to replace "hausboi" by the Administrator , L . W . Johnson . " ( Balint 1973 : 29 ) . Apart from these e f forts , little was done by the administration to lay down guidelines and provide sugge st ions for the standardisat ion and extension of the vocabul ary . In stead , new items continued to be introduced into Tok Pisin in a haphazard way . It would seem that the Austral ian administration was reluctant to get involved in a potentially explosive debate . However , the lack of involve­ ment by this and subsequent governments has taken its toll .

6 . 8.4.6.4

Ad hoc i nnov a t i ons by i nd i v i du al s : the case o f cookery term i nol ogy

A study of Tok Pisin cookery terminology is interesting for two reasons . First , it illustrate s the different cultural patterns of the parties involved in the creation of the language , particularly those between European and indig­ enous modes of food preparation . Secondly , it also illustrates the changing dietary habits of Papua New Guineans as a result of culture contact and cultural borrowing . Changes in diet are probably the most important heritage of European coloni sation . Remarks on cookery terminology can be found in Muhlhausler 1979c and Heitfeld 1 9 82 , the latter paying particular attention to the semiotic structures exhibited in Tok Pis in . However , a study of this area must also consider the fact that the domestic situat ion has for a long time been one of the main sphere s of contact between Europeans and Papua New Guineans . In fact , for many Europeans , Tok Pisin was j ust a kitchen language and nothing more . However , it appears that

LANGUAGE PLANNING

653

even prolonged u s e o f Tok Pisin i n the domestic context did not contribute much to its stabilisation and standardisation . Nor was Tok Pisin adequate for any­ thing but relatively basic communication in this situation . It may have been the realisation of referential inadequacies in the dome stic context which prompted a number of Europeans to enter the field of vocabulary planning by compiling household and cookery terms . These works include Bal int ' s Engl ish­

pi dgi n-French phrase book and sports dictionary ( 1969 ) , Pidgin English kuk buk by Laurel Levi ( 1964) and Lilke ' s Buk bilong kuk ( 1972) .

The difference between the three books to be compared lies , first of all , in their organisat ion . Balint ' s terms are basical ly a l i s t of phrases which form part of a dictionary containing lexical items and ' useful ' phrases from other fie lds of discourse . Levi ' s booklet is a collection of recipes in Tok Pisin with an extensive glossary as its second part . Lilke ( 1972) doe s not include a separate glossary but introduces new terms in the recipes . The authors of all three publicat ions are concerned primarily with putative or genuine short­ comings in the area of referential adequacy and seem , on the whole , l ittle con­ cerned with que stions of e ither systematic adequacy or acceptab i l ity . As regards the referential needs of Tok Pisin , two observations need to be made . First , the three authors propose different solutions in a significant number of case s , thus contributing to the growing trend of regional and social compartimentalisation of the language . Examples include : Balint

LUke

senw i t s wan t a i m w i lw i l im s l a i s stek m i t

I i k l i k m i t ke k

hamburger

tser i

c h e r r i es

cherries

Levi

gloss

mas i n l ong b ru k i m a b u s

meat grinder

koko

cocoa

sada i n

ta l a i

sardine

t s i ken

kaka ruk

chicken

mu l i j u s

mu l i w a r a

lemon juice

s p i nek

ka b i s

spinach

g rewe

gravy

s i ke ra p b i l ong abus coco , sok l e t

c hoco l a t e

sos

A second observation concerns the authors ' ignorance of the existing inven­ tory of Tok Pi sin root and complex words and the resulting tendency to needlessly introduce non-functional synonyms . Here follcw some examples . The fol lowing abbreviations are used : B ( Balint ) ; L ( Li lke ) ; and LE ( Levi ) : terms introduced

a lready existing terms

gloss

g r i n pepa ( B )

g r i n pe I a l ombo

green pepper

tek i ( B )

pipi

turkey

vej e t eb e I ( B ) vege t a b I e s ( L)

sayo r , kumu

vegetab les

t u n a (L)

a t un

tuna

654

P. MUHLHAUSLER terms introduced

already existing terms

gloss

o i s ta (B) wu s t a ( LE )

k i na

oyster

t se r i (B) che r r i es ( L)

s i rsen

cherries

ga l i p b i l ong g raun ( LE )

kasang

peanut

ba k i m pau r a ( L)

bekpau ra

baking powder

As regards systematic adequacy , no overt signs of concern for this parameter are encountered in any of the texts . Instead , a large number of proposed new terms or variants of exist ing terms violate and upset established systematic aspects of Tok Pisin . This is manifested at a number of leve l s , the first being the tre atment of Tok Pisin spe l ling . Instead of heeding readily available sources for standardi sation of Tok Pisin spe l ling, all three authors exhibit a great deal of idiosyncratic behaviour . Lilke ' s booklet is the worst of all , closely fol lowed by the other two . It is bad enough to introduce the plural suffix -5 into Tok Pisin , but it is worse to carry over incorrect plural s , as in Lilke ' s rec i p i es recipes . Forms such as ha shee (a bastard form derived from German Haschee and Engl ish hash) , f r i t t a r s fritters , c hoco l a t e- de s e r t choco late dessert and ca rame l I - c ream carame l cream , could lead to the conclusion that it would have been better if this book had never been printed or put on sale to unsuspecting Papua New Guinean s . The danger o f ove rloading Tok P isin with homophones has already been illus­ trated . Again , like previous language improvers , the three contributors to Tok Pisin cookery terminology do not seem to have exercised much caution in thi s are a . Consider the following list : suggested innovation

gloss

exi sting Tok Pi sin homophone

s a l a t ( L)

salad

sa l at

stinging nett le abortive

ba k i m ( L)

baking

pak i m

to fuck

p i i t (B)

peach

pit

edib le cane

pOk (B)

pork

pok

fork

rous (B)

roast

raus

get out ! to throw out

gloss

The last example , a particularly unnecessary innovation for a reason discussed below , could cre ate serious confusion , and the instruction rous i m m i t roast the meat could easily be interpreted as throw away the meat . The di fference in spe l ling ( as is the case with bak i m and pak i m ) does not reflect a difference in pronunciation . At the level of s imple lexical items , systematic adequacy is violated in a number of ways by all three authors . This is particularly obvious in their treatment of complex semantic content of lexical items . Healey ( 1975 : 39 ) suggested that " for example , game, beef and mutton would be handy words to include in the P idgin vocabulary as there really isn ' t a simple way now to distinguish varieties of meat and the ir source . " I have pointed out

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elsewhere ( Wurm, Muhlhausler and Laycock 1977) that most languages can manage perfectly well without this lexical distinction and that the al leged ambiguity could be easily overcome by "distinguishing, for instance , between s i p s i p sheep and m i t b i l ong s i ps i p mutton . We find, however , that Bal int felt that the lan­ guage was de ficient in this respect and consequently added b i i f beef and po k pork to the long list of dysfunctional words . Balint also felt the need to dis­ tinguish between kaka ruk poultry and t s i ken chicken . The dictionary also con­ tains the te rms s l a i s s lice and l o uv loaf of bread. The exi sting expressions wanpe l a hap b re t a piece of bread and wan pe l a b re t a loaf of bread would seem perfectly adequate and if there is any danger of a confusion of piece and s lice a circumlocution such as hap b re t 0 1 i kat i m a piece of bread which is cut = s lice could be employed . Th is insi stence on introducing simple l exical items with complex semantic content such as s lice� pork or loaf goes hand in hand with a neglect o f already established instances of such lexical items in Tok Pisin , confirming the ethno­ centric approach to the problem at hand . Thus , Lilke equate s English to grease with Tok Pisin g r i s i m , although g r i s i m only refers to the act of adding coconut milk to a dish ; to grease would have to be rendered as we I i m l ong g r i s or a similar phrase . The distinction between fore legs and hindlegs of animals is expressed in Tok Pisin by han and l e k respectively . Nevertheless Levi renders both leg of lamb and shoulder of lamb as l ek b i l ong s i ps i p . As can be expected from the ir record so far , all three authors also violate exi sting patterns of word formation . Virtually incomprehensible innovations are Balint ' s sugge st ions a n t a p r a u n top round, s i ke ra p b i l ong a b u s meat grinder ( instead o f an existing w i l w i l or mas i n b i l ong w i l w i l i m m i t ) , w i l w i l i m sos i s Bo logna sausage , b a t a m i l i k buttermilk ( m i l i s or m i l i k is only used to refer to coconut milk or semen , c f . Mihalic 1 97 1 : 1 35) ; haphap p i split pea ; k i a u san i sa i t a p egg sunny-side up ; and m i t b i l ong yangpe l a b u l makau tan t uma s for s tewing veal . Lilke ' s t ebo l s p u n tab lespoon and t i s pun teaspoon would have been more adequately rendered as b i kpe l a spun and I i k l i k s pun , as is done in Levi ' s book­ let . Lilke does generally not attempt to translate the names o f recipes but merely gives Engli sh or German terms such as Nurnberger Platzl e , Lemon-Snow or Baked Maccaroni. Finally , I want to briefly consider the problem of acceptabil ity o f suggested innovations . This is diminished by one or more of the fol lowing factors : a) the introduction of culturally irre levant material ; b ) the introduction of new terms that sound like exi sting taboo forms ; and c) in the case o f Lilke , the mixing up of Christian doctrine with cookery. As regards the first point , several examples can be mentioned . Thus , there is l i ttle doubt that gasmeters do not belong to the standard equipment in a Papua New Guinea kitchen , and Laycock ( personal communication) suggests that there is not a single such instrument in the whole o f the country . I would also like to see a Tok Pi sin-speaking household in Papua New Guinea that possesse s a Spatz le machine , Spatzle-masin ( Lilke 1972 ) . For the information of my readers , Spa tzle are a southern German variety o f home-made noodles , the translation SWabian dumpling given in Casse ll ' s New German dictionary being not fully adequate . There is a satis factory way of making Spa tzl e with a chopping board and a knife - but this method is not mentioned by Lilke . It is hoped the future programs of deve lopment aid will do away with the deplorable lack of Spa t z l e-ma s i n s in Papua New Guinea . To move on to the second point : it is generally advisable not to have lexical forms for edible entities or ways of food preparation which are homophonous

656

P . MUHLHAUSLER

with taboo body parts or bodily functions . This maxim is violated in a number of instances . Whilst Lilke manages to avoid the pit fall of translating to skin a banana as s k i n i m banana to pul l back the foreskin of a banana , she introduces bak i n g powde r fucking powder instead of an uncontroversial pau ra b i l on g bek or bekpa u ra baking powder, and bak i ng-d i s fucking dish instead of d i s b i l on g bek or d i s b i l ong t a n i m kek baking tin. Another deplorable example in this category is Balint ' s m i l i k semen instead of s u s u mi lk. Merci fully, none of the writers attempts a translation of ox tongue in aspic , which no doubt would have taken the form t a n g b i l on g bu l makau l ong a s p i k ox tongue in a pig 's bum. A last point regarding acceptability relates to the implementation of new lexi cal items and new knowledge in general . It is symptomatic for a society where mo st publishin g is control led by Christian miss ions , that few publications are free from miss ion propaganda . Such attempts to control language and its use are not universal ly welcomed . As regards our analysis of new cooking terminology , Lilke ' s remark that "olgeta samting God i wokim i gut pela na i nogat samting blong rausim sapos yurni tenkyu long God . Long wanem? Em i kamap holi long tok blong God na long prea . " ( I . Timothy , 4 : 4& 5 ) may put cannibals at ease but members of other churches such as the Seventh Day Adventists may take o ffence . It can be argued that the vocabulary extension found in the few books j ust di scussed i s fairly marginal to the language , and that most of the blunders will have l ittle e f fect . Since none of these writers have access to the mechanisms for the spread and reinforcement of new lexical items , the ir suggestions can be regarded as mere proposals . The situation is different in those cases where VP has been undertaken by government agencies or other bodies in control of media .

6.8.4.6.5

Latter day mi s s i on vocab u l ary p l a nn i ng : Sadl er ' s propo sa l s

Involvement by Protestant missions with Tok Pisin is a very recent phenom­ enon and ga ined impetus only in the mid 1960s , when it became clear that pre­ viously used mission lingue franche such as Kate were not a viable alternative to the ever-expanding Tok Pisin . A fuller account of the developments leading to the adoption of Tok Pisin by Protestant mi ssion bodies is given by Renck ( 19 7 7 ) and Neuendorf ( 19 7 7 ) . Much of the vocabulary planning took place at Kristen Pres in Madang and re flects the views of figures such as Adler and Freyberg ( whose ideas will be briefly commented upon in a . later section ) . The only explicit account of language planning of the Madang type is given by Sadler ( l974a and 19 74b) who studied Tok Pisin under the auspices of the Lutheran mis­ sionaries in the Madang area . It mllst be pointed out , however , that Sadler ' s views do not necessarily stand for any official mi ssion policy . Rather , they reflect attitudes and gut feel ings prevalent at the time . The general impression gained from a study of Sadler ' s two booklets is that the writer has strong ideas about prescriptive lingu i stics in general and the purity of Tok P isin in partic­ ular. H i s message i s not ' leave Pidgin alone ' but ' do something to preserve the structure of conservative , rural Pidgin ' . Borrowing of English words is regarded as undesi rable in virtually all cases . The writer appears to be convinced that the word formation mechanism provided by Tok Pisin is sufficient to ensure an effective vocabulary . Unfortunately , sadler ' s insights into word formation processes of Tok pis in are very superfici al . His study i s not based on an assessment of the referential and systematic power of the Tok Pisin vocabulary , and sociolingui stic considera­ tions of vocabulary growth are ignored . As it i s , Sadler ' s attempt remains a strange mixture of sound insights and unreali stic proposals .

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Sadler ' s two booklets , though similar in their structure and me ssage , wi ll now be discussed separately and some o f their main merits and weaknesses will be pointed out . Sadler 1974b is the manuscript of a paper pres ented at a meeting of the Tok Pisin Sosaiti in July 1974 . He se ts out to argue that the development of Tok Pisin has been taken out of the hands of the majority of its speakers and that the few educated urban New Guineans are the most powerful innovators . The ir e f forts to enrich the vocabulary to cope with the ever-increasing needs for communication consist mainly of borrowing new terms from English without consid­ eration for the structure of Tok Pisin or the referential needs of those who have no access to Engl i sh . There are two aspe cts to Sadle r ' s argument : first , that the proliferation of new loans re sult in the non-understanding on the part of those who do not know English , and second , that they destroy the linguistic structures of Tok Pisin . Unfortunately , the se claims are not supported by evi­ dence other than anecdotal material . In my chapter on variability ( 3 . 2 ) , I have tried to demon strate the validity and limitations o f this view. Sadler ' s concern for retaining the purity of Tok Pi sin for its own sake rather than because of los s of communicative capacity or social adequacy of the language is a view held mainly by expatriate s , as I have tried to show el sewhere (Muhlhaus l er 1982b) and one which only partially overlaps with indigenous atti­ tudes . Equally extreme is Sadler ' s be lief in the capacity of rural Tok Pisin speakers to extend their vocabulary and with it the ir range of concepts . As was demonstrated by the case of agricultural vocabulary above ( c f . also Scott 19 7 7 ) , this ability is very restricted indeed and Tok Pisin tends to lag behind the societal and technological changes affecting rural communities . Having made his initial points , Sadler presents a number of instances of what he refers to as ' reck less borrowing ' together with proposals as to how a corresponding term could have been coined using Tok pi sin ' s internal resources only . This mere li sting of examples and counterexamples , though providing some insights into the extent of the phenomenon , fai l s to arrive at sign i ficant gen­ e ral isations . It has been shown above that given enough circumlocution almost anything can be said , and Sadler ' s examples demonstrate this . Sadler fails to draw attention to the weakn ess which is inherent in many of his proposal s , namely the l ack of precision and brevity . It may be argued that a descriptive phrase such as wok b i l on g kama p i m d i wa i provides some idea of what forestry is about , and that ma n b i l ong n a ra pe l a kan t r i somehow describes an expatriate . However , such circumlocutions simply fail to provide the degree o f exactitude required for such technical terms . The same is true for man i me k i m h anwok and h a nwok for artist and art respectively . such circumlocutions can serve to introduce new terms , but for them to become fixed lexical items would lead to a drastic increase in the complexity of Tok Pi sin surface structur e . A s pointed out b y Tauli ( 196 8 : 84 ) : " Compounds with long components are cumbe rsome and inconvenient , particularly when frequent in speech . " They also put considerable strain on the speake r ' s short-term memory and tend to prevent rathe r than promote the development of new concepts . Another alleged instance of reckless borrowing is the introduction of loans "which are made up of syllables which are established words having meanings unrelated to their use in the loans" ( S adler 1974b : 5 ) . Thus , Sadler obj e cts to the use of p ra i me r i primary because it contains the words me r i girl, woman and p r a i i m to fry , to s i t i se n s i p citizenship because this loan contains s i sea ( the correct translation is waves ) , t i tea , s en chain and s i p sheep ( again this is not correct : s i p is s hip , the word for sheep being s i p s i p ) . These obj ections

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seem absurd s ince these loans could not be interpreted as compounds by speakers of Tok P isin because , even if the syllables were interpreted as morphemes , the loan could not be associated with any exi sting program of compounding . New words such as p ra i me r i are correctly interpreted as undividable wholes and it had not occurred to any of those spe�,ers whom I tested that p r a i me r i has got anything to do with p ra i and me r i . My suggestions that p ra i me r i s ku l was a school for girls and * p r a i ma n s ku l therefore should be a school for boys were universally rejected . Similarly , nobody who uses English would attempt to interpret con­ sternation as a compound consisting of the morphemes to con, to stir and nation . In fact , if Sadler was consistent in his approach he would have to re j ect a large number of polysyllabic words such as bu l makau (because of pu l to paddle, fin and ma kau te lapia) and point out the danger of this word being interpreted as fin of a te lapia. The only really problematic area are some words which con­ tain syllables which as free morphemes have certain undesirable connotations . The proposed new name for Papua New Guine a , P ag i n i , was rej ected by some speakers because it sounded too much like pak i m m i fuck me . These examples are marginal , however , and there seems to be no reason to ob ject to terms such a s s i t i a steer on the grounds that it could be confused with s i t i a this shi t . Given S adler ' s obj ection , however , I cannot see how he can propose two pages later that the extension o f the meaning of an established word should be used as a means of enriching the vocabul ary , s ince such a step would only contribute to the dreaded ambiguity in polysyllabic words and compounds . The paper ends with a list of processes which can be used to provide new terms for Tok Pi sin . However , s ince Sadler merely presents a list and does not provide any rules for the creation of new lexical items , nor for their semantic interpretation , his examples do nothing more than vaguely suggest some potential of the language . In sum then , this attempt at providing a rationale for VP in Tok pis in must be regarded as very unsatis factory . Sadle r ' s second paper ( 19 7 4a) , a much enlarged version of his first one , suffers from s imi lar limitations . The booklet, titled Tok Pisi n : a handbook for wri ters is concerned with laying down recommendations to those engaged in writing for a wider audience . He again is at pains to point out that loans are generally uninte lligible to the average speaker of Tok Pisin . However , he does not give any clearcut evidence as to why this claim should be regarded as valid . He ignores the fact , for instance , that with the introduction of primary schools in many remote areas and with increased urbanisation , Engli sh terms , which were meaningless some years ago , now appear to have become part of the established vocabul ary of Tok Pisin . The fact that between 1945 and 19 7 1 , 465 new words were added to dictionaries is of little s ignificance (p . 12 ) i f it is not supported by observations about the actual use o f such word s . It can no longer be expected that every speaker of the language should know al l its words . In recent years , a number of special regi sters have developed and the vocabulary used in some contexts is known to a very small number of speakers , for instance in motorcar maintenance , agriculbrre or technical education. A general discussion of registers in Tok Pisin is given by Wurm and MUhlhausler ( 1982) . The terminological inno­ vations in many special registers are basical ly list-like appendices to the lexi cal core and have l ittle effect on established lexical structures . I f homo­ phones ari se in such specialised contexts , there is little danger of confusion . Unfortunately, a distinction between the core everyday vocabulary and special registers i s not made by Sadler . The bulk of this bookl et is devoted to word formation processes in Tok pisin . Sadler di stinguishes 1 3 procedures " that people of thi s nation have been

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employing for years to identify new ideas and things coming into their culture . " ( 1974a : 24 f f ) . As in his previous paper , we f ind no attempt to formalise any o f these procedures . Instead , Sadler presents an ad hoc classi fication , apparently based on a number of diverse criteria . The shortcomings o f this c lassification are compounded by the fact that the author makes no distinction between stable lexical items and ad hoc circumlocution s . The procedures suggested by Sadler include the followin g : ( 1 ) Noun plus noun t o create a noun Sadler ' s examples include a number of compounds containing two noun bases . The way in which these compounds must be interpreted d i f fers from case to case . Hos man stal lion can be understood in terms o f one program, b u s na i p bush knife in terms o f another , and p I e s ba l u s airfi e ld in terms of yet another . Some o f the examples a r e clearly non- instances of the noun plus noun type compound , including tokma n spokesman , wokrnan worker and s u trna n policeman (but glossed by Sadler as hunte r , a meaning which i s normally not associated with this compound) . In these three examples the first component must be interpreted as a verb . ( 2 ) Verb plus i rn plus noun to create a verb The examples include pa i t i rn han to app laud and ka r i rn pen to suffer. It is basical ly a group o f more or less fixed collocations of verbs and noun obj ects which in Engl i sh can often be trans lated by a s ingle verb , a proces s which should not be refe rred to as ' to create a verb ' . Again, many o f Sadler ' s trans lat i ons are inadequate or incomplete , a fact re lated to his failure to see that the meaning of phrasal compounds in Tok pisin is o ften highly context-dependent , particularly if they are ad hoc formations . Thus , whi lst ba i rn kot can take the meaning of to bribe as in the gloss given by Sadler , i t can a lso mean to pay a fine. One of the principles of successful VP is that planners should be aware o f ongoing developments and make predictions about the acceptabil ity o f proposed forms in the future . This means , for our particular examples , that the intro­ duction of new verb + noun lexical phrases appears to run counter to a general trend in Tok Pisin to replace lexical phrases with compounds or s imple stems , particularly for verbs referring to culturally central activities , as can be seen from many example s . Thu s , l uk i rn b u k to read the book� look at the book or to read has been replaced by r i t read in its l exical meaning and ra i t now has replaced earlier p u t i rn rna k ( l ong pepa) to put a mark on the paper. Thus , apart from slowing down the development of a new type of compound formation , Sadler ' s innovations also run the risk of being regarded as ana­ chronisms .

( 3 ) Noun plus verb to create a noun Examples include tok ha i t secret , p I e s b u n g meeting p lace and p I es k i k footba l l fie ld. I n fact , Sadler has grouped a number o f lexical phrases together because of apparent surface simil arity . It is not clear to me why tok h a i t secret appears in this group as we are deal ing with an abstract noun , derived from the verbal expression tok ha i t to te l l a secret� speak in a secret register of the language . Again, a semantic analysis of the above examples soon indicates a number of different relationships underlying s imilar surface forms .

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( 4 ) Adj ective plus noun to creat a noun Examples are ra unwa ra take , b i k rot highway . The example l i k l i k dokta medica t assistant is l ikely to be rej ected by members of this profession , med i ka l a s s i s t a n replacing 1 i k l i k dok t a just as med i ka l ode l i has replaced doktabo i . whi l s t these proposal s do not violate any existing rules of Tok Pisin grammar , they are not acceptable for social reasons and should therefore not be promoted. ( 5 ) Numeral plus noun to create a noun , adverb or adje ctive The lumping together of superficially s imilar compounds into single categor­ ies i s particularly unfortunate here s ince the programs underlying compounds consisting of numeral + noun are very diverse . without an understanding of the underlying regularities it i s impossible to correctly interpret the differences between compounds such as wa n tok speaking the same tanguage , wa n l ek having one teg onty , wa n s i l i n g smat t amount of money , wa n t a i m together and t u t a i m twice.

( 6 ) Repeat a word ( redupl icate) to create a noun , verb , adjective or verb The term ' create ' , which appears out of place with most of the other cat­ e gories l i sted by Sadler , would seem to be appropriate for reduplication , since a great number of underlying regularities can be easily demonstrated in this fie ld ( c f . Muhlhausler 19 75c) . However , the examples chosen by Sadler are mainly lexica l i sations , i . e . instances of reduplication in which the meaning of the derived item cannot be recovered from the meaning of the basic item and a know­ ledge of the program applied , as in : w i l whe e t w i l w i l bicycte , l u k see l uk l uk took and i s i quietty i s i i s i carefu t ty . -

-

-

( 7 ) Noun plus i m to create a verb The examples l i sted here are instances of transitive verbs derived from nominal base s . Again , a number o f different lexical programs underlie forms such as g l a s i m to examine , g r i s i m to j1atter and rop i m to string. ( 8) Verb plus a p , a p i m or a u t to cre ate a verb Thi s group of verb s , though subj ect to unitary treatment in English , is by no means a homogeneous class in Tok Pisin . I do not want to go into details here but for most users of the language there is no connection between go and goa p as i s suggested by S adler ( 1 974a : 27 ) . Goap is commonly pronounced [ kwa p ] and o ften spelled k ua p . ( 9 ) Simply extend the meaning o f a word to a related one and use an obj ect to indicate the new meaning The semantic area covered by Tok P i s in words tends to be greater than that for the average word in English . Any extens ion of meaning therefore has to be very carefully examined if ambiguity and vagueness are to be avoided . This method may be adequate for certain purposes , but it is hardly a way to overcome the refe rential inadequacy of some parts of the Tok Pi sin vocabulary . The degree to which the meaning of lexical items can be extended is by no means obvious and Sadler ' s remark that " to logi cally extend the meaning of a known word is an honourable procedure in vocabulary-building" ( 1974a : 5 ) is a fairly empty state­ ment . The extension of meaning a s observed in establ ished Tok Pisin lexical items follows many abstract patterns which can be described by means of semantic redundancy conventions . The fact that these conventions are quite di fferent from those of English i s an indication that extension of meaning does not fol low some language independent logic .

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( 10 ) Use b i l ong between two nouns to create a noun Examples for this group include rop b i l ong b l u t b lood vesse l , g ra s b i l ong so l wa r a seaweed and s imilar noun phrases . Sadler does not indicate whether this

is an alternative method to noun plus noun compounding ( 1 ) , and what conditions of the nouns determine the choice between them. It would be necessary to discuss the status of phrasal constructions such as rop b i l ong banana against rop banana , ma s i n b i l on g l a i t against mas i n b i l ong k i rap i m l a i t and mas i n l a i t . Howeve r , since only some superficial properties of such groups a r e taken into account and s ince statements about their interpretation are missing, no answers to these problems are found . ( 1 1) Use i g a t to create a noun or adj e ctive This is yet another example of using circumlocution in the business of vocabulary planning . Note that no nouns or adj ectives are ' created ' in man i gat s i k patient or i g a t be l pre�U1nt. All that can be said is that certain phrasal construct ions in Tok Pi sin can often be translated by English adjectives or noun s . A s above i n ( 2 ) the problem of literal/contextual versus lexical meaning is not dealt with . P I e s i gat wara can be translated as wet p lace or swamp , according to which interpretation is chosen .

( 1 2 ) Use l ong to create a verb What is meant here is that a Tok Pisin verb plus a prepositional phrase can often be translated by a s ingle verb in Engl ish , e . g . b r u k i m l ong t a m i ok as to chop and I u s l ong wa ra to drown. Incidentally, I us l ong wa ra can also mean that somebody is j ust temporarily lost in the wate r . The disambiguation can be attained by adding the completion marker p i n i s . The use of p i n i s , however , is not mentioned by Sadler , although it i s one o f the more consi stent and regular processes for providing equivalents to two Engl i sh verbs by us ing a single verb stem in Tok Pisin . ( 1 3 ) Use i to create an adj ective

Again, nothing is created by inserting i . Cases such as nek i d ra i thirsty are instances of fixed collocations containing an adjective which translate other adjective s in Engl ish . It simply confirms what we already knew , namely that the range of meaning of Tok Pisin adjectives is often wider than that of their Engl i sh cognates . I n conclusion the n , Sadler ' s attempt at ' wordsmithing ' , though quantitatively considerably more extensive than those of any of his various pre deces sors , pro­ vides no qualitative improvement . Next to haphazard guesses at the referential needs o f the l anguage , one finds an astonishing insensitiveness to what mi ght be acceptable to the speakers of the language and , above all , and in spite of all programmatic statements to the contrary , a constant violation o f the principle of systematic adequacy . This latter shortcoming appears to be derived from Sadler ' s view o f Tok Pisin as a static entity rather than a dynamically changing one , and his lack of analytic linguistic skills . Sadler ' s suggestions again il lustrate the point that language planning cannot be left in the hands of intell igent laymen but should be carried out by professionally trained planners . The role of laymen and speakers of the language is that of providing the data language planners should be concerned with, but hardly the solutions to their various lingui stic needs .

P. MUHLHAUSLER

662 6 . 8.4 . 7

6 . 8. 4 . 7 . 1

T h e ongo i n g l a nguage p l ann i ng debate I n trodu c t i on

By the beginning of the 1970s two points had become clear : a) that the lexicon of Tok Pisin would not automatically adapt to the needs of the speakers of the l anguage ; b) that ad hoc language planning activities were no long-term solution i f the unity and efficiency of the language was to be preserved . It is in the light of such realisat ions that a second conference on Tok Pisin was convened in Port Moresby in September 197 3 . Although its topics were by no means restricted to standardisation and included discus sions of Papua New Guinean society , li teracy and creative writing, the question of providing standards for Tok Pi sin was a pivotal one . The increasing role of English as a lexi fier language and the resulting possibil i ty of l ingui stic compartmentalisation o f Tok Pi sin were discussed in papers by Bickerton and MUhlhausler . As regards vocabulary planning proper , the creative powers of Tok Pi sin were documented by a number of expatriate partici­ pants whilst the important role of Tok Pi sin in nation- forming was stressed by Papua New Guineans at the conference . All papers have been published by McElhanon (ed . 1 9 7 5 ) , as a spec ial supplement to Kivung. The immediate result of the conference was the establishment of a subcommittee on language standardisation , chaired by Muhlhausler . It was felt that the following two principles should serve as guidelines for language planning : a) "The need for a standardized form of pidgin which would be intelligible in all parts of the country . This would probably begin by drawing heavily on Rural Pidgin . At the same time it would be necessary to take into account the developing Urban Pidgin and the probability that it will become increasingly important . " b ) "The need to avoid Engl ish as the sole source of innovations into pidgin and more especially the need to guard against anglicization of the structure of Pidgin . " Unfortunately , no official involvement in language planning resulted from these initiatives and language planning continued in the hands of individuals . An attempt by Healey to bring the various interests together in a Tok Pisin Sosaiti did not bring the re sults hoped for . A more success ful attempt to bring the question of language planning and Tok Pisin to public attention was Tom Dutton ' s inaugural lecture as Profes sor in the Department of Language at the University of Papua New Guinea . The spirited response to his proposal s as to how a non-English policy should be implemented is collected in McDonald ( e d . 1976) . The many documents brought together b y McDonald exhibit a considerable division of opinion and one which is associated with social and regional origin of the respondents : opposition to Tok Pi sin is particularly pronounced among the advocates of an independent Papu a . A t the time those interested i n language planning did not real ise the very strong trend toward regionalisation within independent Papua New Guinea . Whereas in pre-independence days regional mobility and job transfers were widespread , this is now becoming less and less common and there are s ign s , discussed by Laycock ( 1982b) , that this lack of interregional contacts has led to the re­ establishment of regional languages other than Tok Pisin.

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The danger of provoking secession has often been mentioned as one of the reasons why the government never officially involved themselve s with language planning issues . It is too early to ask the question of the wisdom of such a decision and its social and political cost s . The fol lowing conclusions are there fore tentative rather than definite statements .

6.8.4 . 7 . 2

Conc l u s i on s

( 1) Language and vocabul ary planning for Tok Pisin was at no time i n the hands of a unified o fficial body . Th is accounts for the ad hoc character of most attempts in this are a . ( 2 ) Individual attempts at vocabul ary planning were marred by a number of factors , including : a) b) c) d)

insufficient theoretical knowledge insensitivity to indigenous views on the matter lack of coordination insufficient knowledge of Tok Pisin

( 3 ) The cost , in both economic and social terms , of inadequate language pol icies is not known at present but has probably been quite considerable .

( 4 ) It appears that , in spite of all practical shortcomings , there are no principled reasons why Tok pisin could not be developed to become the national language in all domains of communication . This chapter has highlighted many negative deve lopments , misunderstandings and misj udgements . However , whatever damage has been caused is probably not irreversible . Instead , it would seem to be more de sirable than ever to review the entire question of language and communication in Papua New Guinea and arrive at a rational and pol itical ly justifiable solution . To what extent Tok Pisin will figure in such a solution remains to be determined .

NOTES 1.

Thi s second task re flects the general principle that what i s marginal or unnatural wil l undergo fewer l inguistic rules than what is central and natural . Thus , poorly integrated borrowed material is frequently impervious to word-formation processes and hence s ignificantly increases learning difficulties for s econd-language learners .

2.

There appear to be interesting neurolinguistic reasons for this . Whereas concrete nouns are associated with the right hemisphere of the brain , abstract nouns and verbs belong to the left hemi sphere . Note that the presence o f abstract nouns implies that of concrete nouns , but not vice versa .

3.

The component ma s t a European rather than man person is chosen because at this stage tourists are typically Europeans .

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4.

It has to be kept in mind that the power of Tok Pisin ' s word-formation component was considerably less in the mid-1920s than it is today, but even the available power appears to have been consistently underuti lised by the mi ss ions ( c f . also Muhlhausler 1982b) .

5.

It would seem , however , that Laycock ' s criticism of the book being " full of non-Pidgin , pseudo-Pidgin , and the best collection of p idgin howlers to come to the hands of this writer for a long time" and that " a monumental ignorance of New Guinea conditions is shown" was not very far off the mark .

6.

Thi s could also mean I want to see a tropical ulcer with spots . Bal int does not real i se that ma kma k pattern refers to patterns of fur and skin , e tc . but not to dressmaking patterns .

Mühlhäusler, P. "The scientific study of Tok Pisin: language planning and the Tok Pisin lexicon". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:595-664. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.595 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

6.9

T H E F U T U R E OF T O K P I S I N Don L aycock

The past o f Tok Pisin - its origins and development , and the debates it has engendered - have been discussed at length in this volume and will not be re­ peated here , except insofar as a brief recapitulation of the attitudes to the language over the last 40 years are necessary to an understanding of how Tok Pi sin is coping with the present and projected needs of its speakers . The future of Tok Pi sin , however , is not so easy to predict . It is possible only to l i st the currently observable trends , on the assumption that there wi ll be no dramatic reversals . An essential aspect of such predictions as are made is a re liance on the continuat ion of the Me lanesian habit of making no firm decis ions on matters that can safe ly be allowed to look after themselves . Tok Pisin is one such matter . The history o f Tok Pisin from the end o f World War I to the present ! can best be seen as a hi story of attitudes ( for which see Wurm 1 9 7 7 a , and Wurm ' s pape r on policies and attitudes in this volume ( 2 . 3 ) ) . From about 1955 - the date of Robert A. Hall ' s polemic defence of Tok Pisin , in response to United Nations pronouncements that its use was not to be encouraged in Papua New Guinea - to the present , most persons actively concerned with Tok Pisin as a field of study have been involved in the Great Pidgin Debate . The debate was carried on in scores o f newspapers and periodical articles in the 1950s and 1960s , with a subtle change of emphasis in the 1970s . On the one side were the linguists , who were concerned to make the point that Tok Pisin was as valid a language as any other , and capable of serving all admini strative and educational purposes (with perhaps some manipulation - Laycock 1 9 7 5 ) in a country that was rapidly moving towards independence . Ranged against the linguists were the administra­ tors , the educators and many Papua New Guineans , who continued to see Tok Pisin as a makeshift hangover from the colonial period that had no future in the administrative and educative future of Papua New Guinea, and that should be replaced by Engl ish as soon as possible . Point by point the lingui sts ' claims were gradually conceded - all but one or two . Opponents of Tok Pisin became ready to see the language as a valid one for certain limited purposes of communication - but none were prepared to support any moves to make it a national language , and/or to attempt to develop a primary school syl labus in which Tok Pisin would play a significant par t . The linguists had to shi ft ground , and tackle the educational problems squarely as a separate issue ; the clearest case , largely on economic ground s , was put by Dutton ( 1976a) in his inaugural lecture as Professor o f Language at the University of Papua New Guinea. The reactions to this - largely a counter-blast - were collected by McDonald ( 1976a) . And at that point the Great Pidgin Debate came to a close . The war was ove r ; the last shots had been fired . The many papers appearing in the volume edited by Wurm in 1977 are simply those of the war correspondents , reporting on the hi story o f the conflict . S . A . Wurm and P . MUhlhausler , eds Handbook of Tok Pi sin (New Guinea Pi dgin) , 665-668 . Paci fi c Linguistics , C-70 , 1984 . Don Laycock ©

Laycock, D. "The future of Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:665-668. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.665 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

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The reasons for the cease fire are complex , but it is possible to see them all as a direct consequence of Papua New Guinea ' s attainment of independence in 1975 . The role of expatriate observers , espec ially those not resident in Papua New Guinea, became increasingly irre levant . But , more importantly , any plans for regularising the future status of Tok Pisin ran foul of the Me lanesian habit of de ferring decisions until a crisis developed , or until the road ahead became apparent to al l . ( In the case of Tok Pisin , and the associated l inguistic and educational problems in Papua New Guinea , the crisis is not yet apparent to all - and it may never be . ) An additional factor has been the increasing regional isation of administra­ tion . The rise in power of provincial governments has meant a decrease in the power of the central government in Port Moresby - and an increasing reluctance to pass legi s lation binding on the whole country of Papua New Guinea . Regional is ation has also brought about an increase in regional solutions to linguistic problems - in particular , an increased use of local languages and l ingue franche . I estimate that within five to ten years , virtually all officials at provincial gove rnment level will be from that province , and the officials ( and miss ionaries and teache rs) in the smaller centres will be almost all local people , us ing local languages for the ir work . The need for using Tok Pisin must necessarily dwindle . Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea today , within a decade of independence , is accepted at all levels as a use ful language ; but it may never have any status or prest i ge . I t carries no stigma ; conversations are carried out in the most appropriate language for the subject of discourse , and for the participants , whether this be Engl i sh , Tok Pisin , Hiri Motu , or one o f the vernacular s . Tok Pisin is still the maj or language for relaxing in , in the bar or club after the day ' s work i s ove r ; 2 it i s still the maj or contact language for outsiders of any de scription - government officials from other areas , and expatriates - in rural situations ; and it is still the first language of a large number of households . Neverthe less - and I bel ieve this to be significant - Tok Pisin seems very rarely to remain the onl y language of an individual . Not only do many of the first­ language Tok Pisin speakers eventually learn one or more of the vernacular lan­ guages spoken by the ir parents , or the predominant language of the area in which they are workin g , or else a regional l ingua franca l ike Jabem or Hiri Motu , but also such speakers are usually in a favourable position to attend school from an early age , and to acquire competence in English . Creolisation of a language does not nece ssarily produce a community of native speakers . Organis ations consi sting of individuals from all over Papua New Guinea , such as the police and defence forces , still run internally on Tok pisin ; but the administration , and contact with expatriates , is carried on in Engl ish . Records of vill age government are kept in Tok Pisin - but the increasing availabil ity o f acceptable orthographies for vernacular languages w i l l probably mean a decl ine of Tok Pi sin in thi s area a lso . Schools and churches use English , vernacular language s , and Tok Pisin , according to local needs . In other words , Tok Pisin continue s to serve a Me lanesian community in a Melanesian way : used where it is useful , and abandone d where it is not . It i s therefore quite possible that Tok P i s in may be very close to reaching i ts maximum expansion . It is still expanding in rural areas , and among migrants from rural areas to the towns . But the townspeop_e are increasingly learning English , as are large numbers of rural children . The decline of an indentured labour system , or any exploitation of a labour pool which carries people from their villages into other language areas , means that more and more Papua New

THE FUTURE OF TOK PISIN

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Guineans - except for government officials - will be staying at home in their own villages , and carrying on their daily activities in the vernacular . Region­ alisation has seen an increase in the use of the large regional languages . Only in areas of extreme linguistic fragmentation , such as the Sepik , Manus , Madang and Morobe , does it seem likely that Tok Pi sin wi l l continue to play a ma j or administrative role . ( And there remains the possibi lity that one or more of the provincial governments may give some formal recognition to Tok Pisin , i f no other linguistic solution is obvious . ) 3 A further area of decl ine of the use of Tok Pisin is as a contact language between Europeans and Papua New Guineans . The change from colony to independent nation in Papua New Guinea has meant considerable changes in the nature of ex­ patriate employment , and in re lations between the race s . There are now compar­ atively few expatriates working in Papua New Guinea for whom a knowledge of Tok Pisin is essential ; probably the majority of expatriates working in towns do not bother to learn the language at all . The sociolect identified by Muhlhausler ( 19 75e ) as Tok Masta is also virtually dead in present-day Papua New Guinea . Tok Masta was the fluent but anglicised variety of Tok Pisin spoken by long-resident administrators , agricultural o fficers , and businessmen - a group which has largely departed from the country . In place of this old Tok Masta one can find a superficially s imilar variety spoken by the new generation of expatriate advisers and businessmen to unskilled labour lines , and in rural communities ; but , as thi s variety no longer carries any prestige , is unsupported by a white power structure ( Sankoff 1976b ) , and , in addition , lacks the fluency and self­ satis faction of Tok Masta , it is more readily characterised as bad Tok Pisin . As such , it is resented by many Papua New Guineans , and this resentment carries over to a gene ral resentment against being spoken to in Tok Pisin by whites they do not know. As a consequence of this attitude , many conversations are carried on in halting English , when they could be better conducted in fluent Tok pisin . 4 When the occasions for the use of a language decline , it appears to fol low that the language must decline also . Therefor e , it would seem that in the future Tok Pisin has nowhere to go but down . But this will not happen as a result of contamination from Engl i sh ; the fears expressed by Bickerton ( 1975a) that Tok Pisin wi l l disappear in a linguistic continuum between it and Engl ish seem ground­ les s , as the two languages fall more and more into distinct slots : Tok Pisin as the socialising language across linguistic boundarie s , and English as the el ite administering language of a government network . There is no doubt that Tok Pisin speakers at all levels will use more Engli sh words in their Tok Pisin - ' y um i

mas a l l ocat i m p l an t i resou rces i go l on g d i s pe l a h y d roe l ec t r i c deve l opme n t p roj ec t ' is the type o f phrase that can b e commonly heard - but the heavily

anglicised varieties of Urban Pidgin are , for most of Papua New Guinea , as dead as Tok Masta . 5 But Tok Pisin will decline because , however appropriate it may seem as a solution to linguistic problems on a na tional leve l , there are other ways of solving the linguistic di lemma at regional levels . In a modi fied form, what we are likely to see is a return to the local solutions of the precontact era - at least until such time as English is widespread enough to serve as a truly national language . This does not mean that Tok Pisin will die a rapid , or even an easy , death . There are sti l l children being born who will never really acquire Engli sh ; and if they move from their own linguistic areas , the only language that will serve them is Tok Pisin . But it does mean that , in perhaps 50 years ' time , Tok Pisin will most likely be be ing studied by scholars among a small community of old men . Since this paper is ful l of predictions , I venture to make anothe r . When the decline of Tok Pisin begin s to be apparent to all , I predict that there will

668

DON LAYCOCK

be a revival of interest in the language - a resurgence of Tok Pisin creative writing , courses of study at the universities , and a strong vocal minority who wish to keep the language arti ficially alive ( as has happened with Hawaiian Pidgin) . But this is only likely to happen at a stage when Tok Pisin is no longer serving any useful function . 6 As scholars with a soft spot for Tok Pisin , we may regret these trends , but it is no longer our problem. As expatriates , we all share a common dis­ ab ility - the ability to see too clearly , and too far ahead ( and this paper is no exception) . But what we saw in the pre-independence era was the way things should have gone in an ideal world , without taking into account Melanesian attitudes - especially the pragmatic tendency to let problems find their own solutions . A dramatic new policy on the part of the Papua New Guinea government could upset these predictions - but , in view of the Melanesian tolerance , even preference , for diversity ( Laycock 1982a) , thi s seems unlike ly .

NOTES 1.

Much o f the remainder of this article first appeared as Laycock 1982b . Some expansion , and some changes of emphas is , have been added in this ver­ sion . A more optimistic view is taken by Muhlhausler ( 19 7 7c ) .

2.

Bars in towns like Rabaul and Lae tend to have a regional clientele , so that local languages again predominate .

3.

I have heard informal reports that o fficial recognition has been given to Tok Pisin in the Morobe Province , but have not seen any documentation of thi s .

4.

In 1980 an expatriate in Rabaul remarked to me that he always used Engl ish when first addressing Papua New Guineans wearing shoes , and Tok Pisin to those persons who were barefoot . I do not think this remark was intended to be racist , and it does contain a certain amount of astute social observ­ ation ; nevertheles s , it is not recommended as a guide line .

5.

Even radio broadcasters have largely given up the extremely angl ici sed Tok Pisin of a few years ago , perhaps because of complaints from listeners , and certainly because of the increasing use of provincial stations . And it is only as a j oke today that one is likely to hear such linguistic mix­ tures as y u m i mas tok l on g g ra s s - roo t s l eve l n a u or yu no ken p u t i m c a r t b e fo r e t he h o r s e - that is , as a relaxed form of speech among speakers at home in both English and Tok Pisin .

6.

For an account o f creative writing in Tok Pisin , see Laycock 1977a , and the article , in this volume , on Tok Pisin as a literary language ( 6 . 2 ) . Again , the beginnings were too soon , and too expatriate-dominated , and have had little fol low-up . Wantok newspaper was founded in 1970 , s ince it seemed obvious that there should be a Tok Pisin newspaper ; but it is only in the last few years that it has started to c irculate in the villages , away from the mission stations and school s .

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705

I N D EX Note that Tok Pisin i s used a s a main heading and that most topics referring directly to Tok Pisin are entered thereunder as subheadings . Abai j ah , Josephine 489 , 669 Abe lam 208 , 539 , 541 , 544 , 547 , 548 , 5 5 2 , 554 Adle r , Max K. 444 , 669 Adl er , Richard 656 , 669 adlexi fi cation 78 , 89 Administrative Col lege 176 Adzera 542 , 544 , 5 5 3 , 554 African languages 183 , 199 , 2 1 8 , 4 5 7 , 462 , 46 3 , 4 7 1 African pidgin 7 9 Afrikaans 3 5 1 Agheyis i , Rebecca N . 166 , 44 5 , 628 , 669 Ahnon , Waiau 645 a i 611 Aitchi son , Jean 5 30 , 669 Akinnaso , F. Niyi 5 2 5 , 559 Algeo , John T . 6 , 669 Ali 543-546 , 548 , 549 , 552 Allen , Bryant 49 7 American Indian Pidgin Engl ish 44 , 179 , 472 Ande rson , Carl 507 Anderson , John M . 700 Andreoni , G. 5 5 5 , 669 Anglo-Saxon 1 78 Arabic 3 0 7 a re re 607 , 608 as 19 1 , 198 Atlantic pidgins and creoles 2 1 0 , 463 Aufenanger , Heinrich 264 , 669 Aufinge r , Albert 2 8 , 19 4 , 19 7 , 262 , 26 3 , 267 , 269 , 270 , 2 7 3 , 669 Australasian Engl ish 209 Australian Aboriginal creoles 480 Australian Aboriginal languages 5 7 8 Australian Academy o f the Humanities 4 Australian Broadcasting Commis sion 20 , 524 Austral ian English 1 3 5 , 182 , 184 , 2 10 , 4 5 2 , 468 Australianese 280 Austral ian National Univers ity 3 , 4 , 3 3 , 175 , 254

Aus tralian Pidgin English ( see also Australian Aboriginal Pidgin) 44 , 179 , 4 7 2 Austronesian languages 6 5 , 6 8 , 1 6 7 , 169 , 306 , 3 0 7 , 459 , 540 , 542 , 5 4 3 , 545 , 546 , 548 , 550 , 5 5 1 , 554-556 Ay iwo orthography 174 Baar , Wi l l iam van 19 , 3 1 , 201, 669 , 670 baby-talk 4 5 3 Baessler , Arthur 444 , 6 70 ba i 24 , 109 , 1 1 2 , 155 , 261 , 3 3 8 , 376 , 2 7 8 , 387 , 388 , 4 0 7 , 529 , 544546 , 552 , 554 , 569 Bailey , Beryl L. 483 , 670 Bai ley , Charles-James N . 136 , 1 7 7 , 2 5 2 , 447 , 4 56 , 469 , 5 6 5 , 5 7 2 , 670 ba i mb a i 2 4 , 94, 109 , 1 10 , 1 1 2 , 1 16 , 1 5 5 , 261 , 3 76 , 387 , 388 , 4 7 3 Baining 2 2 Baker , Sidney J . 2 7 , 6 3 , 50 1 , 521 , 645 , 670 B a lint , Andra s 3 1 , 3 2 , 102 , 283 , 580 , 585 , 587- 589 , 601 , 647-650 , 652-656 , 66 4 , 6 7 0 Balkan l anguages 5 5 5 Bantu 199 Bariai 5 4 3 , 544 , 548 , 550 , 552 Barok , Sacnemac 32 , 6 86 Barry , Sy 507 Bateson , Gregory 2 7 , 9 1 , 183 , 500 , 561 , 670 , 679 Bauer , Anton 5 , 2 3 , 28 , 3 2 , 670 , 6 7 1 , 688 Bazaar Malay 46-48 as lingua franca 48 Beach-la-mar 16 , 30 , 4 3 , 209 , 286 beche-de-mer trade 3 7 Bee , Darlene 24 , 54 , 82 , 9 1 , 24 7 , 297 , 302 , 6 7 1 , 682 Beie r , Ulli 504 B e lange r , Monique 688 Bel l , Henry L. 2 7 , 241 , 2 4 5 , 2 5 8 , 262 , 5 36 , 6 7 1 Bennett , J . A . 6 , 581 , 689 , 690 b i 188 , 189

706

INDEX

Bible Society 174 B i chelamar 6 , 4 3 , 44 , 166 , 2 1 1 , 46 1 , 475 , 477 Bickerton , Derek 1 5 , 28 , 2 9 , 2 3 5 , 2 3 8 , 2 7 3 , 444 , 44 7 , 449 , 4 5 1 , 460 , 46 2 , 46 3 , 478-480 , 482 , 5 7 2 , 662 , 66 7 , 671 , 681 , 689 bioprogram 478-481 Biggs , B ruce G. 1 3 2 , 6 7 1 b i g men 6 b i k 626 b i kos 406 b i lingual ism 6 , 1 3 1 , 248 , 540 , 5 5 3 , 555 B i liso Osake 5 0 8 b i l o ng 96 , 116 , 1 3 8 , 3 39 , 343 , 3 44 , 346 , 356 , 3 5 7 , 366 , 36 7 , 406 , 407 , 4 10 , 4 7 3 , 530 , 545 , 549 , 661 b i n 129 , 249 , 378, 387- 389 , 4 7 3 , 569 bioprogram ( see B ickerton , Derek) 4� b i po 387 , 404 B i skup , Peter 1 8 , 206 , 6 7 1 B i s lama 3 7 Bisnis English 582 B lack , Maria 568 , 6 7 1 B lanche Bay languages ( see Tolai ) 97 B l ey , Be rnhard 1 8 , 6 7 1 B l oomfie l d , Leonard 120 , 444 , 4 5 3 , 671 B lount , Ben G . 6 9 5 B lum , Hans 4 8 , 6 7 1 b l ut 607 Boas , F�anz 562 Bodmer , J. 444 Boiken 297 Bola 544 , 5 4 7 Bol l ee , Annegret 1 7 8 , 188 , 6 7 2 Boluminski , Franz 2 79 Borchardt , Karl 1 8 , 19 , 22 , 30 , 107 , 1 2 1 , 201 , 2 09 , 2 5 5 , 2 7 3 , 4 2 7 , 559 , 640 , 672 Bork , Hans Dieter 6 7 2 borrowing 2 83 Bos chmann , Roger 508 , 672 Bosco , John 54 7 , 672 Both a , Rudol f P. 566 , 5 7 7 , 672 Bougainville Copper Bull etin 5 2 3 Bougainvi l l e Nius 50 7 , 6 9 1 Brash , E l ton 2 8 , 2 3 7 , 2 5 3 , 261-26 3 , 266 , 509 , 6 1 5 , 672 Brenninkmeyer , Leo 22 , 30 , 9 3 , 94 , 96 , 9 7 , 1 1 7 , 182 , 19 1 , 201 , 2 5 5 , 459 , 460 , 4 7 5 , 483 , 569 , 609 , 6 7 2

Bright , Wil l iam 6 79 British and Foreign B ible Society 672 ( see also B ible Society) Broken English 19 , 37 , 3 8 , 40 , 5 2 , 85 , 236 , 2 3 7 , 24 1 , 5 1 7 , 5 1 8 , 5 5 7 Brouwer , Leo 287 B rown , George 83 , 672 B rown , Penelope 24 , 29 , 9 5 , 115 , 1 5 3 , 245 , 4 15 , 4 1 7 , 5 2 8 , 696 Browne , Bob 508 , 5 7 2 Bryan , M . A . 556 , 7 0 0 Bryning , Peni 5 0 4 Buang 541 , 544 , 5 5 2 Buin 2 3 1 , 298 , 3 0 1 , 3 0 3 - 3 0 7 Buka News 521 b u l makau 4 7 3 Bulu 543 , 544 , 55 1 , 5 5 2 Busch , Wilhe lm 5 0 2 Bush Pidgin ( Bush TP) 28, 3 7 , 234 , 236 , 241-244 , 246 , 2 4 7 , 2 5 2 , 285 , 287 , 3 1 3 , 573 Bwakol o , Patrick 1 7 4 . 703 =

Cameroons ( or Cameroonian) Pidgin English 1 1 8 , 199 , 464 , 476 Canale , Michael 688 Cape l l , Arthur 28, 555 , 67 3 , 704 Cape York Creole 472 Cape York Pidgin 4 7 3 , 4 7 5 Care l l , Vi ctor 497 , 6 75 Caribbean creoles 462 Caribbean Negro Pidgin Eng l i sh 44 , 179 , 472 Carle , Rainer 67 3 , 689 , 6 9 7 Carr , E l izabeth B . 6 , 210 , 67 3 , 689 Carrington , Lois 22 , 26 , 176 , 305 , 6 7 3 , 676 , 6 7 8 , 688 , 699 , 704 Cassidy , Frederic G . 6, 3 2 , 86 , 1 8 1 , 214 , 581 , 6 7 3 Cate s , Ann F . 508 , 6 7 3 Cates , Larry E . 508 , 6 7 3 Catholic mis s ion , Alexishafen 19 , 30 , 3 1 , 169 , 196 , 207 , 255 , 281 , 518 , 519 , 6 3 8 , 687 Catholic mission , Rabaul 30 , 3 1 , 181 , 255 , 638 518 , 519 , Cathol i c miss ion , Vunapope 638 Central Atlantic Pidgin English 44 , 472 Chamber s , J . K . 6 7 3 Chamorro 555 , 5 5 6 Chatterton , Percy 2 82 - 2 84 , 6 7 3 Chiat , Shulamuth 568 , 6 7 1 child language 5 5 7 , 5 5 8

INDEX

China Coast Pidgin Engli sh 455 , 4 7 2 , 474 Chinese 17 , 7 7 , 199 , 200 , 2 3 7 , 452 , 457 , 4 7 1 , 4 7 2 Chinese Pidgin Engl ish 5 , 29 , 4 3 , 44 , 4 7 , 48 , 79 , 89 , 179 , 180 , 199 , 200 , 2 1 8 , 47 1 , 472 , 4 7 7 Chomsky , Noam 2 3 , 1 7 7 , 4 2 8 , 4 4 8 , 449 , 4 5 3 , 479 , 570 , 6 7 3 , 674 Chowning , Ann 297 , 304 , 306 , 539 , 541 , 542 , 553 , 674 Christian Leadership Training Col­ lege 174 Church i l l , Wil l iam 16 , 30 , 3 7 , 38 , 80 , 86 , 87 , 197 , 2 0 1 , 452 , 500 , 6 39 , 6 74 Cl ark , Donald H . 6 3 7 , 674 Clark , Ross 2 7 , 29 , 56 , 9 7 , 182 , 210 , 2 1 7 , 470 , 472-476 , 6 7 4 classical grammars 568 Clyne , Michael G . 5 3 , 219 , 239 , 454 , 5 39 , 540 , 555 , 6 7 4 , 689 Coastal Malay 7 , 219 , 2 5 4 Coastal Pidgin ( = Lowland s , = Main­ land Pidgin ; Tok Pi sin) 206 , 2 5 7 , 258 , 573 code switching 2 7 1 Coelho , Francisco Adolpho 455 Cogen , Cathy 698 College o f External Studies 5 3 3 Comrie , Bernard 5 2 8 , 674 contact s i tuations 3 7 , 38 Conversa tional New Guinea Pidgin 3 , 2 1 , 175, 537 Cook , Walter A . 5 7 5 , 674 Corde r , S . P . 44 5 , 450 , 674 Coulthard , R . N . 5 5 2 , 697 Counts , Dorothy A . 500 , 674 cranberry formative 193 Creative Training Centre at Nobonob 174 creoles 2 86 , 446 , 462 , 478-480 creolisat ion 5 , 9 , 2 2 , 24 , 2 5 , 2 8 , 36 , 40 , 4 1 , 5 1 , 52 , 65 , 67 , 74 , 106 , 148 , 450 , 478-480 cross-l inguistic communication 241 Dahmen , Johannes 30 , 201 , 2 7 3 , 580 , 6 75 Daiber , Albert 16 , 1 7 , 101 , 6 7 5 D a Kine Talk 6 Das Gupta , J . 702 Dean , Beth 49 7 , 675 DeBose , Charles E . 4 5 4 , 6 76

707

DeCamp , David 10 5 , 447 , 567 , 5 7 2 , 6 7 5 , 676 , 682 Dempwo l f f , Otto 675 Dennis , Jamie 446 , 675 Department o f District Administration 603 Department of Language , UPNG 1 5 , 662 Department of Linguistic s , R . S . Pac . S . , ANU 3 , 4 , 3 3 , 254 Department of Native Affairs 524 descriptive grammars 574 descriptive l inguistics 567 , 568 , 574 Deutsche Hande ls- und Plantagen­ gesel l schaft 42 , 90 dialect geography 2 5 2 DIES ( Department o f Information and Extension Servi ces) 1 7 4 , 50 8 , 522 , 523 Dietz , Thomas A . 26 , 1 7 1 , 604 , 6 7 5 Dingwall , Wil liam Orr 2 3 , 6 7 5 Dinneen , Francis P . 562 , 6 7 5 Disney , Walt 5 0 7 Divine Word mis s ionaries 19 , 169 , 2 5 5 , 687 D j uka 462 , 463 Dreyfuss , Gai l Raimi 3 2 , 248, 6 7 5 Duffiel d , A . J . 197 , 6 7 5 Duke of York I s l ands language 9 7 , 195 , 215 Dutch 68, 71 3 , 6- 8 , 18 , 20 , Dutton , Thomas E . 2 1 , 26 , 29 , 3 3 , 4 2 , 7 7 , 1 3 0 , 17 5 , 2 7 0 , 3 4 3 , 360 , 362 , 36 5 , 3 7 4 , 3 7 6 , 3 7 7 , 382 , 383 , 386 , 3 8 7 , 390 , 39 1 , 470 , 476 , 487 , 489 , 49 7 , 498 , 500 , 502 , 506 , 510 , 529 , 5 3 5-53 7 , 541 , 612 , 66 2 , 66 5 , 675-677 , 690 , 704 dynamic linguistics 447 East Papuan Phylum 298 , 301 Edmondson , Jerold A. 390 , 6 76 Edwards , Jay 1 7 7 , 181 , 183 , 676 Emenyo 240 em 9 3 , 9 7 , 110 , 1 30 , 246 , 3 3 8 , 3 4 3 , 344 , 3 49 , 3 5 2 , 3 74 , 396 , 418 , 545 , 550-552 em nau 405 , 406 em t a so 1 329 , 3 30 Enga 2 30 Enga Ni us 507 Enga Provins Nius 507 Engl ish 8, 18 , 19 , 30 , 39 , 40 , 44 , 49 , 5 4 , 60 , 62 , 6 4 , 65 , 67-74 , 76- 8 1 ,

708

INDEX

8 5 - 89 , 9 1 , 96-9 8 , 100 , 101 , 115 , 1 2 1 , 1 2 3 - 12 5 , 130- 1 3 2 , 134-139 , 14 1 - 1 45 , 147- 149 , 156 , 161 , 165170 , 1 7 5 , 178- 187 , 1 89-19 3 , 196199 , 2 0 2 , 205 , 2 0 7 , 2 1 0 , 2 1 2 , 2 1 7 , 2 19 , 2 2 3- 2 3 1 , 2 34-2 38 , 240- 2 4 3 , 2 4 5 , 246 , 248-251 , 2 5 3 , 2 5 8 , 2 6 1 , 2 7 1 , 2 7 3 , 2 7 7 , 2 7 8 , 2 80 - 2 82 , 2 86 , 295 , 305 , 30 7 , 309 - 3 1 1 , 3 14 , 3 16 , 3 2 9 , 3 3 4 , 3 39 , 346 , 347 , 349 , 3 5 1 , 3 5 2 , 361-36 3 , 365 , 366 , 368 , 374 , 3 78 - 3 80 , 3 84 , 3 9 2 , 400 , 404 , 416 , 424-426 , 4 2 8 , 4 3 7 , 444 , 446 , 4 52 454 , 4 5 7 -460 , 462 , 466-468 , 4 7 1 , 4 7 3 , 476-478 , 480 , 483 , 488-490 , 4 9 2 , 493 , 503 , 504 , 508- 5 10 , 5 2 1 , 524 , 5 2 5 , 5 2 7 , 529 , 530 , 5 3 1 , 5 3 3 , 5 3 5 , 536 , 542 , 543 , 550 , 5 5 2 , 5 5 3 , 5 5 5 , 5 5 7 , 5 5 8 , 560 , 56 1 , 564 , 569 , 5 7 3 , 574 , 5 78-580 , 584 , 585 , 596 , 597 , 599 , 601 , 603-608 , 611 , 6 1 3 , 6 14 , 616 , 619 , 6 2 1 , 624-6 3 1 , 6 3 46 3 8 , 640-646 , 648 , 650 , 6 5 1 , 6546 5 9 , 662 , 665-668 American Engl ish 69 Australian English 69 borrowing 283 British Engl ish 69 influence on Tok Pis in intonation 309 influence on Tok Pisin stress pat­ terns 309 as lexi fier l anguage 50 , 60 , 6 2 , 6 4 , 6 8 , 70 , 1 3 1 , 1 86-190 , 19 8 , 199 , 2 0 1 , 208 , 210 , 2 1 1 , 248 , 2 5 5 , 2 76 , 2 79 , 446 , 450 , 662 as l i ngua franca 63 newspapers 63 as phonological source 295-29 7 , 300 , 302 phonology 295 in s chool s 6 2 , 66 , 7 2 English-based pidgins 167 English creoles 6 Enninge r , Werner 690 Esquire 507 etymological fallacy 188 , 190 European languages 5 5 8 , 569 , 5 7 4 Evange l i cal All iance o f the South Pacific I s lands 6 76 expanded pidgins 8 , 105 , 106 Expatriate Tok Pisin Tok Masta 7 5 =

Falk , Lee 5 0 7 Fanakal0 199

Fause l , Erich 6 76 - fe l a 109 Fe ral , Carole de 1 1 8 , 676 Ferguson , Charles A . 78, 82 , 87 , 24 1 , 454 , 676 , 7 0 2 Fij ian 19 7 , 19 8 , 200 , 2 1 8 Firchow , I rwin B . 301 , 676 Firchow , Jacqueline 30 1 , 676 Fi shman , Joshua A . 699 , 7 0 2 Flier l , Wilhelm 54 focus 555 Fodale , Peter 156 , 686 Fodor , Jerry A . 6 7 3 , 6 76 folk-etymologie s 190 Fonacier , Santiago A . 6 9 7 Foreigner Talk 7B , 80 , 82 , 83 , 89 , 114 , 1 8 1 , 2 19 , 241 , 262 , 26 3 , 4 5 2454 , 483 form and function 4 5 1 Franklin , Karl J . 2 0 , 26 , 1 4 2 , 154 , 282 , 3 7 3 , 604 , 6 7 7 French creoles 1 7 8 French 6 8 , 69 , 7 7 , 79 , 1 7 8 , 2 34 , 4 5 7 , 4 7 1 , 480 , 555 , 5 5 7 , 603 as lexifier l anguage 188 French , A. 677 Frend bilong Mi 518 Freyberg , Paul G. 1 6 5 , 646 , 656 , 677 Friederici , Georg 18 , 26 , 8 1 , 9 1 , 93 , 102 , 219 , 2 5 3 , 2 79 , 2 80 , 636 , 6 7 7 , 686 Fritz from Ali I . 104 Fromkin , victoria 568 , 677 Gadsup 3 2 2 Gaj dusek , D . Carleton 305 , 6 9 4 gat 36 3 , 395 , 6 2 1 Gaywood , H . C . 502 , 6 7 7 Gaze lle languages 2 1 2 Gedaged 7 , 5 4 2 gen 383 , 384 general linguistics 33 Genthe , S ieg fried 87 , 6 7 7 German 6 , 8 , 1 7 - 19 , 30 , 3 2 , 49 , 50 , 5 2 , 60 , 6 1 , 65 , 66 , 68 , 76 , 7 7 , 9 7 , 102 , 114 , 1 1 5 , 1 2 5 , 166 , 1 6 7 , 169 , 179 , 1 80 , 182- 186 , 1 89 , 19 2 , 196198 , 200-204 , 218 , 2 19 , 2 4 5 , 249 , 2 5 5 , 2 5 7 , 2 7 9 , 444 , 4 5 2 , 46 7 , 4 7 7 , 5 5 5 , 5 5 7 , 558 , 5 7 3 , 5 7 4 , 584 , 603 , 605 , 6 3 5 , 6 3 7 , 6 3 8 , 640 , 641 , 643 , 645 , 6 5 4 , 6 5 5 a s lexifier l anguage 50 , 6 1 , 192 , 199- 2 04 , 2 5 5 , 467

INDEX

Giles , H . 699 Giles , W . E . 4 7 5 , 6 7 7 g i v i m 395 , 396 Given , Talmy 83 , 1 3 8 , 449 , 450 , 6 2 8 , 677 Gode f froy , J . C . 45, 46 Goesche l , J . 6 70 Gonzalez , Andrew B . 6 9 7 , 7 0 3 Goodman , John Stuart 6 , 88 , 6 7 7 Goodman , Morris 82 , 556 , 6 7 7 Goodson , Mike 502 GOrlach , Man fred 502 , 510 , 677 Gove rnment Printer , Port Moresby 174 Gr�ner ( Graebner) , Fritz 19 7 , 204 , 698 grammar 2 7 3 g ra s 6 16 Great Pidgin Debate 6 6 5 Greek 5 5 7 , 558 , 56 2 , 5 6 8 Green , R . C . 6 7 1 Greenbe rg , Joseph H . 448 , 449 , 6 7 8 Grove s , W . C . 2 5 , 62 , 606 , 6 7 7 Gullah 44 , 179 , 4 7 1 , 4 7 2 , 4 7 6 Gumperz , John J . 6 7 8 Gunther , J . T . 2 6 , 601 , 647 , 6 7 8 g u t 264 Guy , J . B . M . 678 Guyanese Creole 2 3 3 Gwyther-Jone s , Roy 6 7 8 Haas , Mary 190 , 6 78 Hagen , Gunther von 1 8 , 6 7 8 Haitian Creole 2 3 4 , 24 3 , 4 7 1 Halim , Amran 6 7 6 , 6 7 8 Hal l , Robert A . , Jr 8 , 19 , 22 , 2 5 , 26 , 29 , 3 1 , 3 2 , 36 , 44 , 50 , 5 2 , 5 5 , 59 , 6 0 , 6 2 , 6 7 , 7 8 , 81 , 82 , 9 2 , 10 3 , 1 0 5 , �17 , 1 3 1 , 1 3 5 , 1 36 , 141 , 169 , 1 7 1 , 1 7 8 , 190 , 2 0 1 , 2 12 , 2 19 , 2 3 3 , 2 3 8 , 241 , 242 , 245 , 249 , 2 5 4 , 281 , 336 , 3 39 , 342 , 3 74 , 40 3 , 4 21 , 444 , 446 , 452-455 , 4 5 7 , 4 5 8 , 463465 , 468 , 4 70 , 4 7 1 , 495 , 499 , 500 , 502-504 , 510 , 5 1 7 , 5 2 1 , 529 , 530 , 559- 56 1 , 565-56 7 , 569 , 601 , 609 , 616 , 620 , 6 2 7 , 6 30 , 64 3-645 , 649 , 66 5 , 6 7 8 , 6 79 , 6 8 7 Hall i day , M . A . K . 259 , 448 , 4 5 1 , 6 79 han 6 1 1 Hancock , Ian F . 2 10 , 4 5 3 , 6 7 1 , 6 75 6 7 7 , 6 79 , 682 , 69 5 , 7 0 0 Hannet , Leo 498 , 499 , 504 , 506 , 50 8 , 6 79 hap 6 16

709

Harri s , John 2 19 Harris , ROY 2 5 8 , 27 3 , 465 , 679 Harri s , Zellig 570 Harrison , James A . 186 , 679 Harua 543 , 544 , 546 , 547 , 552 , 554 , 556 hat 264 , 265 Hattori , Shiro 704 Haugen , E inar 2 7 5 , 597 , 679 haus 627 Hawai ian Creole Engl i sh 480 Hawaiian English 4 7 2 Hawaiian Pidgin 6 , 2 10 , 4 7 4 , 6 6 8 Hay , David 6 5 1 , 652 Healey , L . R . 20 , 26 , 50 , 5 3 , 60 , 1 3 3 , 262 , 2 7 3 , 282 , 57 1 , 6 1 5 , 630 , 6 46 , 6 5 1 , 654 , 66 2 , 680 Hebrew 3 0 7 , 5 5 7 , 5 5 8 Hei lmann , Luigi 683 Heitfeld , Valerie 3 2 , 680 He l ler , K . 6 7 4 h e l p i m 608 Helton , E . C . N . 1 7 , 19 , 3 1 , 5 5 , 680 Henley , Nancy 240 , 699 Henley , Thomas 49 , 680 Heringer , James T. 2 5 , 400 , 680 Hernsheim , Franz 16 , 4 5 , 85 , 466 , 680 Hesse l ing , Derk Christiaan 687 Hesse-Wartegg , Ernst von 16 , 10 1 , 680 h e v i 265 Highfield , Arnold 4 5 1 , 6 7 1 , 682 , 689 , 695 , 696 , 7 0 1 Highlands languages 2 3 4 , 4 7 8 Highlands P idgin (High lands Tok pis in) 9 , 19 , 2 2 , 50 , 54 , 61 , 64 , 66 , 106 , 1 1 7 , 2 5 7 , 258 , 3 0 7 , 360 , 37 3 , 3 8 5 , 6 1 8 , 646 H i l l , Kenneth C. 6 7 1 , 680 , 696 , 7 0 1 , 702 Hindi 307 Hiri Motu and Tok Pisin Research Uni t , UPNG 3 3 Hiri Motu ( see also Police Motu ) 7, 6 5 , 66 , 7 1- 7 3 , 7 7 , 205 , 2 1 8 , 2 2 4 , 2 2 7- 230 , 239 , 254 , 464 , 4 7 8 , 489 , 490 , 492 , 508 , 524 , 5 2 5 , 5 3 5 , 666 as l exifier l anguage 2 5 8 as l ingua franca 5 3 5 H i r i Trade Language 6 , 7 Hockett , Charles F . 190 , 2 7 3 , 56 5 , 680 Hoenigswald , Henry A. 4 6 5 , 681

7 10

INDEX

Hogbin , H . I an 499 , 681 Holm , John 462 , 46 3 , 681 Holmer , Nils 611 , 681 Holmes , Janet 69 3 , 695 Hol tker , Georg 2 7 , 52 , 264 , 280 , 6 3 5 , 669 , 680 Holzknecht , Susanne 307 , 487-49 3 , 542 , 681 , 692 Hooley , Bruce A. 2 3 , 1 56 , 3 81 , 560 , 570 , 681 Huli 230 Hul l , Brian 2 7 , 7 3 , 283 , 650 , 6 5 1 , 681 Hull e n , Werner 680 , 681 , 689 h u s a t 140 , 416 , 419 , 420 Huttar , George L. 462 , 463 , 681 Hymes , Del l 67 3 , 675 , 6 7 7 , 6 7 8 , 681 , 682 , 69 3 , 69 5 , 7 0 1 , 702 25 , 167 , 363 , 42 1 , 661

9 4 , 9 5 , 110 , 154-156 , 162 , 181 , 246 , 247 , 3 19 , 3 3 8 , 362 , 3 7 3 - 3 7 5 , 383 , 385 , 386 , 408 , 4 5 8 , 461 , 4 7 3 , 542 , 555 , 561 ,

gat 661 go 6 2 8 kam 628 i tok 4 1 3 , 4 14 i a ( va) 1 5 3 , 26 1 , 4 1 7 , 5 2 8 =

I atmul 297 , 2 9 8 Icelandic 560 - i m 9 3 , 1 2 5 , 126 , 1 3 4 , 1 3 5 , 246 , 2 5 8 , 3 3 6 , 343 , 358-360 , 394 , 4 34 , 4 3 7 , 4 3 8 , 4 7 3 , 488 , 618 , 620 , 6 2 2 , 62 3 , 659 , 660 i na p 3 30 , 386 , 3 87 , 404 , 544 , 547 , 554 indigenous languages i n broadcasting 524 , 525 Indones ian 4 , 7 1 , 207 , 5 5 5 inflectional morphology 9 2 - i ng 135 , 3 39 , 340 Institute o f Papua New Guinea Studies 504 interference 24 I rian Jaya 236 I slands Pidgin ( I s l ands Tok P i s in) 2 5 5 , 25 7-259 , 2 7 3 , 36 3 , 5 7 3 Isuzu L u 508 , 6 7 2 Italian 68 , 5 5 5 Jabem 7 , 666 Jacaranda di ctionary 687

582- 5 8 5 ,

Jacomb , Edward 87 , 166 , 681 Jacques , Norbert 26 , 495 , 511 , 681 Jamaican Creole 3 2 , 182 , 2 3 3 , 3 5 1 , 476 , 567 Jamaican Engl ish 581 Japanese 520 Japanese Pidgin Engl ish 6 , 55 Jargon English 4 3 , 4 5 , 4 7 , 48 , 80 , 8 2 , 87- 89 , 93 , 94 , 96 , 211 , 4 5 3 , 466 lexical expansion 89 lexicon 85 loss of -s 83 jargons 3 5 , 38, 39 , 80 , 83 , 88-90 , 9 7 , 149 , 166 , 200 , 209 , 279 , 2 86 , 356 , 4 5 7 Jehovah ' s Witnesses 5 2 3 Jespersen , Otto 101 , 444 , 4 7 1 , 681 Johnson , L . W . 652 Johnson , Samuel 5 7 7 Johnston , Raymond L . 2 1 7 , 541 , 547 , 5 5 3 , 681 Jones , Charles 700 Jones , John D. 81 , 682 Joseph K. of Lorengau 2 3 5 , 288 Jung , E . 4 1 , 682 5 4 3 - 549 , 55 1 , 5 5 2 , 556 616 Kairiru 543-548 , 550-552 , 556 Kais , Kakah 508 , 682 Kakare , I ru 6 , 676 · Kanaka l anguage 5 59 Kate 7 , 2 30 , 656 Katol ik Ni us 518 Katz , Jerrold J. 6 7 3 , 6 76 Kavap , Jerry 504 , 507 , 682 Kay , Paul 9 2 , 9 4 , 109 , 112 , 449 , 682 Ke l ler , Rudi 562 , 682 Kelly , M . 671 ken 385 , 4 1 1 , 412 Kevin Barry 498 Kiap Pidgin 54 Kilenge 543 , 544 , 550 Kilham , Christine A . 578 , 682 King ( N I language) 583 ki rap 3 82 k i s i m 39 5 , 396 , 4 7 3 Kivung 662 Kiwai I s land Pidgin English 2 3 , 186 , 253 Koiwai 5 5 5 ko l 264 , 2 6 5

Kaiep

ka i ka i

INDEX

Kooye rs , Martha 297 , 6 82 Kooyers , Orneal 29 7 , 682 Korean Bamboo English 6 Kovave 504 , 679 , 690 , 691 Kove 541 , 544 , 5 5 3 Krepinsky , M . 5 5 5 , 682 Krio 462 , 476 , 6 2 8 Kriol 5 Kristen Pres 1 7 4 , 502 , 50 8 , 656 Kuanua ( see Tolai) 1 8 , 298 Kuman 2 30 Kumul 5 2 3 Kundu 5 2 3 Kutscher , P . 30 , 201 , 205 , 20 8 , 2 5 5 , 609 , 6 82 Kwoma 297 Laade , Wol fgang 7 , 682 Label 185 , 214 Laberge , Suz anne 24 , 29 , 110 , 1 2 8 , 151 , 154 , 1 5 5 , 3 3 8 , 3 7 6 , 3 8 7 , 3 8 8 , 480 , 529 , 530 , 696 Labov , Wi l l iam 24 , 29 , 1 1 2 , 1 2 5 , 166 , 2 7 3 , 483 , 566 , 5 7 2 , 682 Lae Garamut 5 2 1 , 522 Lagasai 5 2 1 , 522 l a i k 3 3 8 , 339 , 385 , 386 , 5 3 1 , 544 , 5 4 7 , 554 , 5 5 5 , 620 Laita , Leo 306 Lak alai 303 Lamassa 185 , 214 Landtmann , Gunnar 7 , 186 , 683 Lang , Adrianne 29 , 6 8 3 language acquisi tion 454 , 478 , 481 language change 482 language contact 2 8 3 language de scription 56 1 , 562 , 564 , 565 language deve lopment 5 5 7 , 558 language evaluation 275 language learning 7 7 language mixing 80 language planni ng 6 4 , 76 , 250 , 2 7 5 language pol i ci es 7 2 language pres cription 561-563 language standardisation 5 2 language unive rsals 76 , 7 7 , 4 46 , 448-450 , 4 56 , 4 5 7 , 464 , 479 , 4 81483 Language , cul ture, society , and the modern world 3 , 26 languages in contact 7 8 , 79 Latin 68 , 179 , 205 , 2 1 8 , 2 5 5 , 3 3 5 , 409 , 55 7 , 5 5 8 , 56 2 , 56 8 , 569 , 6 3 8

711

Lattey , E l sa M . 2 5 , 3 4 3 , 420 , 5 7 3 , 583 Laur 214 Lawrence , Pete� 5 5 , 57 , 642 , 683 3 , 9 , 1 5 , 19 , Laycock , Don ( D . C . ) 20 , 22 , 2 4 , 2 7 , 2 8 , 30 , 3 2 , 56 , 7 3 , 9 1 , 9 7 , 108 , 1 3 4 , 1 4 1 , 1 7 9 , 184 , 2 1 7 , 219 , 2 2 3- 2 3 1 , 2 3 7 , 242 , 2 46 , 2 4 7 , 2 5 5 , 256 , 261 , 270 , 2 7 1 , 2 7 8 , 295-299 , 301- 3 0 7 , 343 , 344 , 365 , 369 , 440 , 4 4 8 , 4 5 5 , 468 , 495- 5 1 5 , 5 2 2 , 530 , 539-54 1 , 543 , 54 7 , 549 , 5 5 2 , 554 , 555 , 559 , 560 , 566 , 56 7 , 5 7 1 , 5 7 3 , 579 , 600 , 60 3 , 6 1 2 , 6 1 7 , 625-6 2 7 , 629 , 646-648 , 650 , 6 5 5 , 664668 , 683 , 684 , 690 , 704 Lazar-Meyn , Heidi-Ann 155 , 684 Lef�bvre , Claire 2 4 3 , 684 Leis i , Ernst 606 , 607 , 684 Le j eun e , M. 5 5 5 , 682 , 684 , 7 0 1 Lent , John A . 700 Lentzner , Karl August 3 7 , 4 3 , 684 Le Page , Robert B . 3 2 , 1 8 1 , 4 4 7 , 483 , 581 , 6 7 3 , 684 , 686 , 699 Leslau , Wol f 6 84 Levi , Laurel 6 5 3-655 , 684 lexical derivation 190 lexical expansion 1 2 8 lexi cography 5 7 7 lexicology 5 7 7 lexifi cation 88 lexifier languages · 2 7 3 Liefrink , Frans 685 l i fe cycle of pidgins 36 Lilke , Eleonore 6 5 3 - 656 , 685 Lincoln , Satoko 55 , 685 l ingue franche 6-8 , 49 , 66 , 70- 7 2 , 165 , 2 2 5 , 226 , 229 , 2 3 1 , 2 3 7 , 254 , 2 5 7 , 2 7 2 , 468 , 666 linguistic description 567 linguistic variation 5 6 5 Literature Bureau , D I E S 5 0 8 Litteral , Robert 20 , 24 , 26 , 30 2 , 30 5 , 685 local languages 6 3 8 , 666 London , Jack 685 l ong 9 3 , 96 , 116 , 11 7 , 130 , 1 3 8 , 2 5 8 , 259 , 3 3 9 , 360 , 365-36 7 , 39 4 , 40 7 , 408 , 4 10 , 414 , 4 3 5 , 4 7 3 , 530 , 545 , 54 8 , 549 , 554 , 6 1 8 , 620 , 661 l ongen 418 l ong hap 405 l ong wanem 139 Lowlands Pidgin ( Coastal or Mainland ; Tok Pisin) , 19 , 6 1 , 2 5 8

712

INDEX

Ludtke , H . 6 70 Luke , ( S ir) Harry 27 , 685 Luksave 507 , 508 , 691 Lunt , H . G . 6 7 8 , 685 Lutheran Church ( ELCPNG) 536 Luthe ran miss ion , Madang 519 , 560 , 6 56 Luzbetak , Louis A. 1 7 1 Lynch , John D . 28 , 32 , 109 , 3 3 7 - 3 39 , 3 7 5 , 376 , 529 , 530 , 6 3 2 , 685 Lyons , John 1 88 , 56 3 , 685 Macbeth 502 Macgregor , ( S ir) W i l liam 7 8 , 686 Mackay , I an K. 524 , 686 Madang Ma tau 521 , 522 Madang Tok Pisi.n 596 Mainland Pidgin ( Coastal or Lowlands Pidgin ; Tok Pisin) 2 5 5 , 2 5 8 , 363 Mai s in 544 , 5 5 5 , 556 Malabang Tok Pisin 149 , 1 5 1- 1 54 , 1 56 - 16 1 , 340 Malay 3 2 , 4 7 , 4 8 , 65 , 9 7 , 102 , 179 , 184 , 199 , 205-20 7 , 2 1 8 , 219 , 254 , 2 5 7 , 2 7 3 , 452 , 5 7 3 a s lexifier l anguage 206 , 2 5 5 , 2 5 8 Maleu 5 4 3 , 544 , 550 , 552 Malkie l , Yakov 177 , 197 , 686 Mal uma l u 25 -man 609 , 610 , 618, 625 , 639 30 , Manus Pidgin ( Manus Tok Pisin) 3 1 , 209 , 255 Maori 560 Mapun , Bede Dus 50 4 , 50 5 , 6 10 markedne ss 450 Markey , T . L . 1 5 6 , 686 , 697 Marshall ( language ) 81 Martinique French Creole 243 ma s 386 , 4 1 1 , 412 , 544 , 554 , 555 ma s k i 96 , 365 , 407 May , Ronald J. 509 , 676 , 684 , 686 Mbugu 556 McDonald , Bob 8 , 1 5 , 1 8 , 26 , 2 79 , 280 , 487 , 520 , 636 , 66 2 , 665 , 685 , 686 McE lhanon , Kenneth A . 7 , 3 2 , 662 , 669 , 6 7 1 , 6 7 3 , 6 7 7 , 679 , 680 , 683 , 685-6 88 , 69 1 , 69 2 , 694 , 69 5 , 69 8 , 699 , 703 McEntegart , Damian 447 , 686 Mead , Margaret 2 7 , 50 , 5 1 , 58, 1 2 7 , 2 7 7 , 2 80 , 286 , 4 2 4 , 467 , 599 , 6 3 5 , 636 , 639 , 686 , 687 Media Tok Pisin 5 1 7 , 522 , 5 2 3 , 525533

Mediterranean Sabir 455 Meid , W. 674 Me ier , Harri 672 Me ijer , Guus 558 , 687 Meise l , Ju rgen 7 7 , 79 , 481 , 687 Mei ser, Leo 3 1 , 196 , 198 , 201 , 582 , 586 , 587 , 636 , 696 mek i m 36 3 , 39 5 , 620 Melane sian ( language ( s) ) 6 , 79 , 96 , 100 , 109 , 114 , 148 , 179 , 181 , 183185 , 19 8 , 208 , 218 , 2 3 4 , 242 , 261 , 343 , 426 , 4 5 7 , 4 5 8 , 4 7 1 , 4 7 2 , 499 , 559 , 560 , 596 , 6 1 1 , 6 2 3 Melanesian Pidgin ( PE ) 3 , 6 , 44 , 59 , 1 7 8 , 179 , 454 , 4 7 2 , 5 7 1 , 582 , 643 , 645 Melpa 2 30 Mendi 2 30 Methodist miss ion , Rabaul 519 Micronesian l anguages 8 1 Middle English 178 Mihalic , Francis 20 , 22 , 2 7 , 3 1 , 52 , 5 7 , 64 , 10 2 , 12 2 , 1 7 1 , 1 7 4 , 1 7 5 , 187 , 188 , 195-19 8 , 200 , 201 , 205 , 219 , 2 3 3 , 247 , 304 , 3 3 4 , 350 , 366 , 368 , 369 , 5 10 , 522 , 536 , 566 , 582 , 583 , 585 , 589 - 59 3 , 609 , 6 1 3 , 6 2 7 , 636 , 641 , 64 5 , 6 5 5 , 687 Mioko 198 , 2 1 3 - 2 1 5 , 2 1 8 , 583 Mission l ingue franche 6 , 7 , 656 Mis sions 6 , 2 3 5 , 2 39 , 240 , 242 , 267 , 268 , 280 Mixed l anguage s 79 , 179 , 4 7 1 , 5 5 5 , 556 mixing 5 , 540 mo 365 Molony , Carol H. 680 , 687 , 688 Molot 185 , 214 , 583 Monumbo 199 , 207 Morgan , Raleigh , Jr 25, 687 Mosel , Ulrike 1 5 , 29 , 30 , 46 , 9 1 , 94 , 119 , 125 , 181 , 184 , 195 , 196 , 213 , 214 , 4 59 , 460 , 462 , 463 , 539 , 559 , 582-5 84 , 687 , 688 Motu 6 , 7 , 7 7 , 7 8 , 230 , 2 5 8 , 285 , 304 , 489 simpli fied 7 Mougeon , Raymond 5 5 5 , 688 Mouton , octave 18, 6 7 1 Moy iya , Martin 1 7 4 , 7 0 3 MUhlhaus ler , Jackie 2 19 Muhlhausler, Peter 3 - 1 1 , 15-29 , 313 3 , 35-40 , 42 , 44-56 , 58-64 , 66 , 6 7 , 70 , 7 2 , 74-16 7 , 1 7 7 - 2 19 , 2 3 32 7 3 , 2 7 5- 289 , 29 1 , 306 , 307 , 3 3 5-

INDEX

40 5 , 407-42 1 , 4 2 3-440 , 443-48 3 , 487 , 490 , 495 , 5 1 8 , 520 , 5 2 1 , 526529 , 5 3 1 , 5 3 5 , 536 , 639 , 542 , 545 , 5 5 7 -5 7 5 , 577-59 3 , 59 5-66 8 , 676 , 684 , 688-690 , 692 , 697 , 699 , 700 , . 70 3 , 704 multilingualism 6 , 8 , 70 Murphy , John J . 19 , 3 1 , 5 5 , 100 , 1 0 1 , 246 , 283 , 499 , 502 , 5 7 1 , 6 16 , 643 , 690 Mus sau 2 5 4 Muysken , Pieter 558 , 687 , 689 , 690

na

318- 32 0 , 32 8 , 39 7-399 , 4 10 , 545 , 551 nabaut 357 Nakanai 30 3 , 541 , 542 , 544 , 5 4 7 , 553 Nama l i u , Rabbie 50 8 , 690 n a t i ng 356 , 382 National Arts Centre , Port Moresby 50 4 , 50 8 , 509 National B roadcasting Commi ss ion 5 2 4 national language committee 646 n a u 9 4 , 9 5 , 3 8 3 , 384 Nautical English 4 5 2 , 4 5 3 nautical j argon 4 7 2 Ndu Family 301 Neffgen , H. 102 , 690 Negro Dutch 3 5 1 Negro Engl ish 186 Nelson , Hank 676 , 683 , 686 3 , 44 , Neo-Melane sian ( Tok Pis in) 5 8 , 60 , 6 5 , 179 , 190 , 19 4 , 2 5 3 , 2 6 7 , 2 86 , 455 , 46 7 , 4 7 1 , 4 7 2 , 503 , 5 2 2 , 5 3 5 , 560 , 562 , 582 , 6 0 3 , 646 Neuendorf , A . K . 2 7 , 5 36 , 656 , 691 Neuhauss , Richard 26 , 691 Nevermann , Hans 32 , 183 , 2 1 1 , 2 1 2 , 691 New B ri tain Tok Pisin 2 5 5 New Caledonia 6 New Caledonian P l antation Pidgin 43 , 477 ( PE ) New Guinea I s lands Pidgin 2 5 7 New Guinea Lutheran 5 2 3 New Guinea Pidgin ( = Tok Pisin) 3, 4 , 8 , 4 3 , 180 , 2 5 3 , 469 , 4 7 2 , 4 7 3 , 4 7 7 , 479 , 5 3 5 , 56 3 New Guinea Times-Courier 5 2 3 New Hebridean B i che lamar 4 3 , 4 7 7 , 578 New Hebrides 6 New Hebrides Pidgin 4 7 2 , 4 7 3

713

New I re land languages 184 New I reland New Britain languages in 300 New I reland Tok Pisin 2 0 8 , 2 5 5 New Zealand Pidgin English 44 , 179 , 472 Ngatik Men ' s l anguage 472 Nida , Eugene A . 691 Nigerian Pidgin English 6 28 Ni ugini Luteran 5 2 3 Ni us bi long Yumi 5 2 2 , 6 9 1 Ni us l ong Gavman bi l ong Australi a 523 no 3 75 , 542 , 544 , 545 , 5 5 2 , 5 5 5 Noe l , John 2 8 , 644 , 691 nogat 40 1 , 402 nog u t 264 , 365 non-Austronesian languages 2 7 1 , 469 , 500 , 547 , 548 , 555 Norfolk Pidgin 4 7 2 , 4 7 4 North American B lack English 6 North-Gazelle Peninsula language 559 Nu Gini Toktok 507 , 5 2 3 , 5 2 4 , 691 number systems 2 5 , 100 Nupela Testamen 106 , 1 7 4 - 1 76 , 242 , 285 , 502 , 5 2 3 , 596 , 6 3 5 , 6 7 2 o 250-2 5 2 , 398 , 401 , 530 O ' Barr , Jean F. 69 1 , 695 O ' Barr , Wil liam M . 691 , 695 Oceanic languages 483 , 6 1 1 official languages 8 1 1 3 - 1 1 5 , 130 , 1 3 7 , 150-152 , 2 7 6 , 01 3 3 7 , 343 , 344 , 346- 3 5 1 , 3 5 4 , 3 5 5 , 383 , 473-4 7 5 , 529 , 530 , 569 , 59 8 , 640 Olewale , Ebia 26 , 5 3 5 , 691 o l sem 116 , 1 2 9 , 130 , 16 2 , 2 5 2 , 26 3 , 4 0 5 , 410 , 414 , 4 7 3 o l sem wanem 139 o l t a i m 404 ora i t 2 7 0 , 3 2 8 , 329 , 405-40 7 , 545 , 552 , 553 Orj al a , P . R . 2 3 3 , 2 3 4 , 243 , 6 9 1 Orken , Mark 58 , 239 , 467 , 468 , 691 Orwe l l , George 4 7 1 Osake , B i l i so 5 0 8 31, 691 Ostrom , F . R. Otanes , Fe T . 555 , 556 , 696 Our News 5 2 2 Oxford University 4 Pacific English 2 10 Paci fic Islands Monthl y

282 , 452 , 651

714

INDEX

Paci fic Jargon English 3 7 , 4 3 , 8689 , 180 , 4 7 7 Pacific Pidgin English 6 , 30 , 3 7 , 39 , 188 , 209 , 2 10 , 2 1 8 , 2 19 , 2 5 3 , 581 Pacific pidgins 36 , 1 2 5 , 444 , 463 , 470 , 4 7 7 , 4 7 8 , 483 history 472 pa l n l m 395 , 620 pak 619 Pala 185 , 2 14 Paliau movement 194 , 195 , 2 6 7 , 268 Pangu Pati 2 5 1 Pangu Pa ti Nius 506 , 507 , 5 2 4 , 691 Papia Kristang 5 Papua New Guinea Wri ting 508 , 691 Papuan languages 2 3 4 Papuan Pidgin Eng lish 7 , 2 9 , 4 3 , 4 4 , 58 , 7 7 , 2 5 3 , 4 75 , 4 7 7 Papua Pocket Poets 504 , 506 , 669 , 679 , 682 , 699 Paradis , Miche l 6 88 , 69 2 pas 265 pas i n 6 2 5 passives 1 56 pas t a i m 404 Patpatar-Tolai languages 9 1 , 185 , 460 Pau l , Hermann 1 1 7 , 555 , 692 Pawley , Andrew 2 4 , 109 , 30 3 , 4 2 8 , 692 - pe l a 9 3 , 246 , 247 , 3 36 , 3 3 7 , 3 5 13 5 5 , 438 , 439 , 4 7 3 , 566 , 612 as mark er 9 3 Pe le Association 26 8 , 269 Pence , Alan R . 305 , 692 Peruk a , Tau 506 phonological rules 92 piano 10 1 , 102 Piau , Jul ie Ann 487-49 3 , 692 Pidgin ( Tok Pis in) 6 3 , 175 , 2232 2 8 , 2 30 , 240-242 , 2 5 3 , 262 , 2 70 , 369 , 3 84 Pidgin Bantu 199 Pidgin English ( see also Tok Pisin, Me lanesian pidgins) 5- 8 , 1 7 , 1 8 , 2 3 , 2 7 , 29 , 36 , 38 , 40-46 , 51- 5 3 , 5 5 - 59 , 7 8 , 81 , 90 , 9 1 , 9 7 , 10 1 , 10 3 , 166 , 1 7 8 , 183 , 199 , 2 0 7 , 209 , 2 10 , 2 1 7 , 2 5 4 , 265 , 2 79 , 280 , 356 , 444 , 452-4 55 , 466 , 46 7 , 4 7 2 , 4 7 5 , 5 3 5 , 5 5 7 , 559 , 5 7 1 Cape York Peninsula 7 Queensland 7 Torres Strait I s l ands 7 =

Pidgin English News 5 2 3 pidgin expansion 4 50 Pidgin Fij ian 4 2 pidgin formation 454 , 4 5 5 , 4 5 7 , 46 3 , 481 , 482 common core 4 5 7 , 458 Pidgin French 4 3 Pidgin German 166 , 2 0 0 pidginisat ion 3 5 , 183 , 187 , 5 5 6 Pidgin Malay 2 0 7 Pidgin Portuguese 4 5 5 pidgins ( see also Tok Pisin) 92 , 9 7 , 10 5 , 109 , 110 , 114 , 118-120 , 1 2 7 , 130 , 1 3 1 , 1 3 3 , 1 3 4 , 181 , 185 , 186 , 188 , 2 1 7 , 2 3 3 , 2 34 , 24 2 , 2 5 4 , 2 76 , 335 , 340 , 341 , 3 5 1 , 3 7 2 , 3 7 5 , 4444 5 5 , 4 5 7 , 463-466 , 476 , 479 , 4 8 3 , 616 code mixing 1 3 3 , 134 comparison 4 70 , 4 7 3 , 4 7 8 , 483 deve lopment 7 5 fami ly trees 470-4 7 2 , 4 7 6 history 39 , 465 , 466 identity 465 lexical features 97 life cycle 465 as second languages 7 5 , 341 pidgins and creoles 5, 8, 3 5 , 6 5 , 78 , 1 2 4 , 1 2 5 , 136 , 1 4 8 , 1 50 , 1 5 6 , 158 , 1 7 7 , 178 , 188 , 2 3 3 , 2 3 4 , 2 4 3 , 248 , 2 7 3 , 305 , 390 , 4 1 5 , 4 2 1 , 443445 , 44 7 , 449 , 451 , 4 5 3-456 , 460 , 462-46 5 , 469-4 7 1 , 479-483 , 5 5 7 , 5 5 8 , 60 1 , 6 1 8 , 6 2 7 , 6 2 8 study of 1 5 Pidgin seminar 1969 649 Pigeon English 49 Pigtel 19 Pi j in ( see Solomon I s lands Pij in) 6 Piniau , Sam 2 7 , 2 86 , 2 8 7 , 5 3 3 , 692 p i n I S 9 4 , 249 , 380 , 381 , 544 , 545 , 5 5 2 , 5 5 4 , 6 1 7 , 6 1 8 , 6 3 2 , 661 pishwa , Hanna 2 4 , 6 9 3 Pita Lus 194 Pi tcairn 4 7 2 plantation pidgins 43-45 , 500 , 5 7 3 plantations 39- 4 3 , 90 , 9 1 , 99 , 149 , 199 , 200 , 207 , 2 1 1 , 240 , 2 4 3 , 2 5 4 , 4 5 7 , 466 , 46 7 , 4 7 5 , 500 P latt , John T . 5 , 6 9 3 p l es 6 2 7 , 639 P l ummer , M . C . 2 83 plural isers 4 7 5 7, Police Motu ( see a l s o H i r i Motu ) 6 5 , 66 , 7 1 , 2 2 3-229 , 464 , 5 3 5

INDEX

Polynesian 2 1 1 , 560 Poroman 507 , 691 Portuguese 6 5 , 68 , 210 , 2 1 8 , 219 , 446 Portuguese creoles 455 Pos t Couri er 283 , 287 , 4 89 , 508 , 669 , 693 Powell , Ki rsty 509 , 6 9 3 Poye , Clement 4 89 , 6 9 3 predicate marker i ( see also i ) 25 Pride , J . B . 693 , 695 Protestant mi ss ionarie s , Sepik District 6 9 3 Proto-Paci fic Pidgin English 2 1 9 Proto-Pidgin English 29 , 44 , 1 7 8 , 179 , 4 7 2 pundaun 60 8 , 616 , 6 1 7 quantum l i ngui stics 4 4 7 Queensland Engl i sh 197 Queens land Kanaka English 4 7 5 Queensland Pidgin English 2 9 Queens land P lantation Pidgin 29 , 4 2 44 , 4 7 , 1 80 , 4 7 7 Rabaul News 521 , 522 Rabaul Pidgin 30 Rabaul spe l ling ( Methodi st) 169 Raba ul Times 2 79 , 280 , 306 , 467 , 5 1 7 , 643 , 644 , 697 racial s egregat ion 2 3 7 Radio Morobe 5 1 7 Radio Wewak 2 5 1 Raka 288 Ramson , Wi l l i am S . 6 7 5 , 683 , 6 9 3 Rannie , D . 4 7 5 , 6 9 3 Raunabaut 50 7 , 691 Ray , Sydney H. 30 , 6 9 3 reduplicat ion 114 , 1 1 5 , 4 6 1 Reed , S . W . 1 7 , 2 7 , 5 1 , 99 , 100 , 206 , 209 , 212 , 2 86 , 426 , 559 , 642 , 643 , 693 regional isat ion 666 , 66 7 regional languages 662 regi s te rs 1 2 7 , 259 Reine cke , John E . 1 5 , 2 7 , 2 9 , 3 7 , 3 8 , 41 , 4 3 , 50 , 87 , 2 86 , 44 4 , 452 , 501 , 6 9 3 relexi fication 4 5 5 , 456 , 464 Renck , Gunthe r L. 2 7 , 536 , 656 , 6 9 3 R� union Creole 480 Rew , Alan 2 8 5 , 694 Ribbe , Carl 85 , 694 Robertson , Frank 16 , 4 5 2 , 694 Robins , R . H . 5 5 7 , 564 , 694

715

Robson , R . W . 16 , 4 7 , 694 Rodatz , Herr 2 79 Rodman , Robert 56 8 , 6 7 7 Romaine , Suzanne 447 , 567 , 6 86 , 694 Romance languages 5 5 5 Roosman , Raden S . 3 2 , 184 , 205 , 219 , 694 rop 607 , 649 Roper River Creole 4 7 2 Roper River Pidgin 474 Ross , Malcolm 254 , 4 1 7 , 539-556 , 694 Rotokas 301 Roulet , E. 674 Rowley , Charles D. 48, 694 Rubinste i n , Donald 306 , 694 Ruhen , Olaf 2 7 , 694 Rumanian 555 Rural Pidgin ( Rural Tok Pisin) 28, 29 , 6 4 , 73 , 1 2 8 , 142 , 1 4 3 , 145 , 1 46 , 163 , 1 7 5 , 1 89 , 190 , 2 3 5 , 2 36 , 241243 , 245-2 52 , 2 5 7 , 3 76 , 283 , 306 , 310 , 3 1 1 , 3 1 4 , 3 5 1 , 3 7 3 , 3 7 8 , 4 0 3 , 404 , 426 , 468 , 5 3 1 , 5 3 3 , 566 , 5 7 3 , 598 , 613 , 628 , 6 30 , 6 3 3 , 6 5 1 , 656 , 65 7 , 662 creoli sed 160 , 161 Ryan , Peter 55 , 56 , 695 =

-s 1 3 5- 13 7 , 529 , 5 3 1 , 598 , 654 Sadle r , Wes ley 20 , 2 1 , 284 , 403 , 559 , 566 , 5 7 1 , 6 1 1 , 656-660 , 6 7 7 , 695 Salisbury , R . F . 6 , 29 , 42 , 4 5 , 54 , 90 , 99 , 114 , 179 , 240 , 242 , 285 , 695 Samarin , William J . 89 , 10 5 , 12 7 , 259 , 284 , 444 , 695 Samoan · 149 , 2 1 1 , 218, 4 7 7 , 583 , 584 Samoan P lantation Pidgin ( PE l 8, 1 5 , 27 , 3 7 , 4 3 , 46 , 4 7 , 66 , 89 , 9 3 , 96 , 102 , 120 , 1 2 4 , 149 , 180 , 2 1 1 , 2 1 8 , 2 5 3 , 254 , 2 6 1 , 466 , 4 7 2 , 4754 7 7 , 583 Samol 503 Sanches , Mary 695 Sandalwood English 472 sandalwood trade 37 Sankof f , Gi l lian 24 , 2 5 , 2 8 , 29 , 6 2 , 9 2 , 94 , 9 5 , 109 , 1 1 0 , 1 12 , 115 , 128 , 151-155 , 162 , 245 , 288 , 3 3 8 , 376 , 3 7 8 , 387 , 388 , 415 , 41 7 , 42 1 , 449 , 464 , 469 , 480 , 526 , 528-530 , 541 , 543 , 552 , 5 7 2 , 66 7 , 6 82 , 69 5 , 696 Sapi r , Edward 6 89 =

716

s a pos

INDEX

96 , 15 3 , 405 , 406 , 545 , 5 5 1 , 552 Saragum, E . 2 9 0 Saramaccan 46 2 , 463 Saussure , Ferdinand de 1 7 7 , 563 , 564 , 696 save 1 5 5 , 338 , 339 , 3 81 , 387 , 5 3 1 , 544 , 547 , 548 , 5 5 3 , 554 Savi l1e-Troike , Muriel 696 Saye r , Edgar S . 696 S carr , Deryck 6 7 7 Schachter , Paul 5 5 5 , 556 , 6 9 6 S chebesta , Josef 19 , 22 , 3 1 , 196 , 198 , 20 1 , 264 , 582 , 585-587 , 636 , 696 Sche 1 1ong , Otto 4 7 , 87 , 452 , 696 Schere r , K . R . 699 Schnee , Heinrich von 18 , 9 1 , 696 S chneider , G . D . 5 , 696 Schnitze r , M . L . 60 3 , 696 S chuchardt , Hugo 3 7 , 43 , 81 , 186 , 455 , 466 , 4 7 1 , 558 , 687 , 696 , 697 Schwartz , Theodore 194 , 267 , 268 , 697 Scott , Jerrie 446 , 675 Scott , Robert P. 2 7 , 28 , 281 , 536 , 604 , 644 , 6 5 7 , 697 se 9 5 , 116-118 , 162 , 4 14 Sebeok , Thomas A . 69 7 , 7 0 3 second-language learning 7 7 , 4 5 3 , 558 second language teaching 5 5 8 Seile r , Walter 7 , 205 , 206 , 254 , 697 Sengseng 541 , 544 , 5 5 3 Sepik Pidgin 3 0 7 Sepik-Ramu Phylum 29 7 , 301-30 3 , 306 Sera 542-552 , 554-556 Seventh Day Adventist mis s ionaries 254 Shakespeare , William 502 Shelton-Smith , W . 5 3 , 10 2 , 186 , 197 , 643 Si ane 242 , 2 8 5 Siassi 5 S ibayan , Bonifacio P . 597 , 7 0 3 S iege l , Jeff 26 1 , 305 , 490 , 507 , 5 17-5 3 3 , 564 , 69 7 S ievert , John F . 1 7 4 , 5 10 , 687 S i lverstei n , Michael 185 , 561 , 69 7 S imons , Linda 6 9 7 Sinclair , J . McH . 5 5 2 , 6 9 7 s i ngaut 6 1 7 Skinne r , B . F . 4 5 3 , 6 7 3 S l avonic languages 6 8 , 5 5 5

Smeal 1 , Christopher 2 5 , 154 , 3 7 3 , 698 Smith , Geoffrey 26 , 6 2 , 698 Smith , Ian 698 Smithies , Michael 307 , 681 smok 607 Smythe , W . E . 182 , 201 , 204 , 209 , 698 Soaba , Russell 509 , 698 Solomon I slands pi j in ( Pidgin , PE l 6 , 4 3 , 44 , 179 , 472 , 4 7 3 , 4 7 7 , 504 , 578 Somare , Michael 6 3 3 Sommer , Bruce A . 6 7 6 Sophocles 502 South Seas Jargon 4 7 2 South Seas Pidgin ( = PE l 4 4 , 1 7 8 , 179 , 46 3 , 4 7 2 Spanish 68 , 2 10 , 2 1 8 , 555 , 5 56 Speiser , Fe l ix 87 , 698 spet 607 647-650 , 6 5 3 , Sports di ctionary 655 , 664 Sranan 46 3 , 47 1 , 628 Staalsen , Phi lip 26 , 297 , 698 stabilised pidgins 38 , 39 , 90 , 9 1 , 102 Stammbaum 44 , 1 7 7 Stampe , David 186 , 698 Standard Neo-Me 1anesian orthography 1956 201 s t ap 1 5 5 , 36 2 , 379, 3 80 , 382 , 383 , 473 Steinbauer , Friedrich 183 , 188 , 196 , 201 , 2 19 , 602 , 603 , 636 , 698 Steinberg , Danny P. 165 , 698 Stentze 1 , Christine 338, 698 Stephan , Emil K . 197 , 204 , 698 Stewart , Wil l iam A. 2 3 4 , 698 s t i k 6 16 Sto 1ting , Wi1fried 687 Strange , David 26 , 698 s t re t 545 , 548 substratum influences 80 , 124 , 24 7 , 453 Summer Institute of Lingui stics ( S ILl 20 , 174 , 50 2 , 50 8 , 570 Surinam creoles 462 Swadesh list 473 Swedish 7 7 synchronic and diachronic studies 564 , 565 , 580 Tagalog 4 , 555 , 556 t a i m 40 3 , 404 , 545 , 5 5 1 , 552

INDEX

Taki-Taki 44 , 179 , 4 7 2 t amb u 640 Tamosan , D. 699 t a so l 9 5 , 344 , 39 8 , 401 , 545 , 551 Taul i , Valter 2 7 5 , 59 7 , 604 , 6 19 , 629 , 65 7 , 699 Tawali , Kumalau 506 , 699 Taylor , Andrew 7 , 699 Taylor , Talbot 570 , 699 Terebu dialect of Kaiep 549 Tetaga , Jeremiah E . 24 , 109 , 306 , 699 texts 136 theoreti cal l inguistics 568 Thomas , H . S . 2 0 , 699 Thompson , Robert w. 455 , 699 Thorne , Barrie 240 , 699 Thurnwald , Richard 22 , 4 1 , 94 , 96 , 699 Tivide le 1 0 3 Todd , Loreto 5 , 3 2 , 36 , 1 0 3 , 10 5 , 181 , 199 , 264 , 426 , 468 , 476 , 6 1 1 , 685 , 699 , 700 tok baksait 2 6 3 tok bek 263 Tok Boi 3 , 1 8 , 60 , 240 , 2 86 , 467 , 559 Tok bokis 195 , 262 , 263 , 267 , 268 tok buk 5 0 tok hait 262 , 26 3 , 267 , 2 6 9 tok mainus 263 Tok Masta 22 , 2 3 , 2 8 , 50 , 5 3 , 54 , 6 1 , 7 5 , 80 , 2 3 6 , 2 4 1- 24 3 , 245 , 2 52 , 285-287 , 305 , 5 7 3 , 6 2 8 , 649 , 6 6 7 impoverishment 245 Tokome , Johnbi l i 508 , 700 tok pik sa 2 8 , 260 , 262 , 2 6 3 , 267 tok pilai 26 2 , 26 3 , 265 , 266 Tok pis in ( see also New Guinea Pidgin , Neo-Me lanesian , etc . ) throughout 3 ff . abstract nouns 429 , 436 adequacy for cultural concepts 69 , 70 adj ectives 99 , 26 4 , 35 3-356 , 366 , 458-460 adj e ctives , attributive 3 5 2 - 3 5 5 , 39 3 , 394 adj e ct ives , comparison 365 , 366 adj ective s , inten s i fi cat ion 365 , 366 adj e ctives , predicative 39 3 , 394 in admini stration 72 , 7 3 , 1 7 2 , 1 7 3 , 243 , 2 8 1 , 282 , 49 1 , 642 , 644- 646 , 652

717

Tok P i s i n ( cont ' d) adverbial sentences 403 adverbial sentences of manner 405 adverbial sentences of place 404 , 405 adverbial sentences of time 403 , 404 adverbs 368- 3 7 0 adverbs , adverbials 376 adverbs of affirmation 369 , 370 adverbs of indeterminacy 370 adverb s , interrogative 370 adverbs , manner 3 7 7 adverbs of negation 370 adverbs , place 376 adverbs , time 3 76 age at which learnt 2 3 8 age group variation 2 4 3 age of speakers 239 in agriculture 27 anaphoric pronouns 420 angl icised 64 , 80 , 1 3 1 , 1 3 2 , 1 3 4 , 136 , 139 , 140 , 142 , 14 5 , 148 , 236 , 2 4 3 , 2 4 7 , 252 , 2 6 1 , 26 2 , 2 80 , 284 , 295 , 297 , 300 , 30 2 , 30 5 , 310 , 3 1 1 , 347 , 4 0 3 , 467 , 468 , 5 2 7 , 53 3 , 6 2 8 , 646 , 662 , 66 7 , 668 animal classification 427 in the army 2 7 , 205 , 2 5 8 aspect markers 338 , 3 6 1 , 3 7 7 - 3 84 , 389 , 617 attention-getters . 3 7 1 attitudes 16 , 1 7 , 26 , 2 8 , 65- 7 4 , 1 3 1 , 1 7 2 , 1 7 5 , 279 , 284-286 , 288291 , 487-49 3 , 600 , 642-644 , 646 , 6 5 7 , 66 1 , 663 , 665-668 attitudes , current 487 attitude s , expatriates ' 487 , 488 , 492 , 493 attitudes , Papua New Guineans ' 488 , 490 , 493 attitudes , rural 488 , 491 attitude s , urban 488 , 489 , 491 , 492 backs lang 269 , 270 Bible translation 1 76 , 280 , 501 , 502 , 636 , 6 3 7 b i lingual dict ionaries 5 78-5 80 biiingual i sm 5 7 8 borrowed phrasal verbs 144 borrowing 145 , 185 , 2 7 1 , 283 , 6 1 4 borrowing o f English grammar 248 borrowing of Engli sh vocabulary 248 in broadcasting 6 3 , 6 7 , 106 , 242 , 251 , 3 80 , 490 , 5 1 7 , 524- 5 3 1 , 5 3 3 broadcast lessons 2 0

718

INDEX

Tok Pisin ( cont ' d) bush varieties ( see Rural Tok Pisin) 82 , 90 calques 181 , 188 cardinal numbers 3 5 1 , 460 cargo cults 267 , 268 causal sentences 406 causatives 1 23-126 , 360 , 361 , 390 census 2 2 3 - 2 3 1 census data 2 2 3 - 2 3 1 change and deve lopment 24 characteristic s 10 Christmas carols 501 circumlocution 101 , 10 2 , 60 3 , 604 , 647-66 1 c lasses 488 , 49 3 code mixing 1 32-1 3 4 , 1 36 , 1 3 7 , 2 7 1 code switching 1 32-134 , 148 , 5 7 5 colour terms 425 comic books 502 comic strips 507 , 508 commands 364 , 365 communication breakdown 5 7 5 , 60 2 , 603 communicative e f ficiency 282 , 284 comparatives 1 40 complementation 116 , 1 1 7 , 408-411 complet ion markers 380 , 381 compounding 130 , 193 , 4 3 1 , 4 3 2 , 6 1 8 , 619 , 623-628 , 6 38-64 1 , 647 , 65 7-661 concession sentences 407 conditional s entences 140 , 405 , 406 con ferences on ( see also specific 26 conferences) conj oining 298 , 400-402 , 404 con j unctions 3 7 1 consonant system 108 contemporary uses 666-668 cookery terminology 652-655 core phonology 295 , 297 , 299 , 302 , 304 , 305 countab l e s 146 counting sy stem 100 courses 668 courses for Papua New Guineans 21 , 673 court evidence 103 , 49 1 in creative writing 73 , 495 , 668 creol isation 148-155 , 1 5 7-160 , 162 , 16 3 , 165 , 2 3 8 , 2 5 2 , 2 76 , 2 88 , 313 , 340 , 349 , 44 3 , 468 , 526-5 2 8 , 5 3 1 , 59 8 , 608 , 6 1 3 , 629 , 666

Tok Pisin ( cont ' d) creolisation , developments in in­ flect ional morphology 150 creolisation , developments in phon­ ology 150 creol isation , syntactic developments 152 creolised , abstract nouns 1 59 creolised , aspect marking 1 5 5 creolised , complementation 1 5 3 creolised, lexical developments 1 5 6 creolised , lexical expansion 1 5 7 159 creol ised , passivisation 1 5 6 creolised , predicate marking 1 5 4 creol ised , reduplication 1 59 creolised , relativi sation 1 5 3 and creolistics 443-483 crosslectal communication 2 49 , 250 , 262 cultural changes 6 7 , 7 0 deictic marker ya ( see also i a ) 357 demonstratives 9 7 , 3 5 2 derivation 620-622 derivational restrictions 1 2 3 , 127 description 21-23 , 559 , 563- 565 , 567 , 568 , 572 , 5 7 4 , 5 7 5 descriptive model s 5 7 4 development 36 , 3 7 , 4 3 , 44 , 6 6 , 464 , 469 , 481 , 597 , 6 1 3 developmental patterns 5 7 3 diachronic development 29 , 3 7 diachronic purism 196 dialect geography 2 5 3 , 254 , 2 5 6 dialect l iterature 1 7 6 dialects 3 , 643 dictionaries 19 , 20 , 31, 3 2 , 5 2 , 170 , 187 , 190 , 195 , 2 1 7 , 5 77-593 dictionary making 30 dictionary samples 585-59 1 , 593 diphthongs 30 3 , 3 1 1 direction markers 376 , 3 7 7 , 390 direct speect 412-414 discontinuity 464 , 466 , 469 discourse structures 5 7 5 distributive numerals 3 5 2 divergence of meaning 190 diversi fication 28 , 2 3 7 diversity 30 doub lettes 187 durative markers 383 during WW2 2 7 , 55-58 , 6 3 , 66 , 106 , 644 early features 83-85

INDEX

Tok Pisin ( cont ' d) e arly gramma r 9 4 early lexicon 83 , 85-89 early morphology 82 , 83 early phonology 9 1 early pronunciation 80-82 , 9 1 e arly syntax 83 , 85 early writings on 16 , 17 in e ducation 16 , 2 5 , 26 , 6 7 , 489 , 492 , 5 3 3 , 5 3 5 , 536 , 665 e ffect on vernaculars 107 , 539-556 embedding 9 5 , 1 1 5 , 11 7 , 1 2 5 , 129 , 130 , 139 , 16 8 , 402-404 , 40 8 , 409 , 411-41 3 , 41 7-420 emphasis markers 352 , 35 7 , 396 emphatic pronouns 344 encyclopaedic dictionaries 580 enumerat ion 100 epenthetic vowe ls 109 ethnography o f speaking 26 etymo logical dict ionaries 581 etymological research 2 1 7 etymologising 85 , 89 , 9 7 , 1 7 7 - 2 19 European influences 2 4 3 European writing i n 495 , 500-503 evaluat ion o f lexicon 5 9 7 in everyday communication 26 , 3 3 exclamations 371 , 3 7 2 exclamations of as tonishment 3 7 2 exclamations o f encouragement 3 7 2 exclamations o f sympathy 3 7 2 expansion 4 9 , 105-10 7 , 109 , 1 2 8 , 163 extension of meaning 6 1 5 , 641 external hi story 3 5 , 3 7 , 40-64 favoured by pol i tical leaders 72 first- language speakers 149 , 150 , 15 3 , 154 , 165 as first l anguage ( see also creol­ isat ion) 29 , 4 1 , 6 2 , 6 5 , 186 , 2 3 0 , 2 34 , 2 3 8 , 2 39 , 2 5 2 , 2 7 5 , 3 1 3 , 3 37 340 , 349 , 3 7 8 , 443 , 468 , 4 80 , 488 , 492 , 5 3 5 , 604 folk-etymologies 190- 195 folk l i te rature 495-498 folk taxonomi es 426 , 42 7 functional shift 640 , 641 future 665-668 Gazel le origins 583 , 584 and general l inguistics 443-449 , 451-460 , 462-469 , 4 7 1- 4 8 3 geographical spread 5 8 , 6 7 geographic origin 4 6 Gestalt meanings 193

719

Tok Pisin ( cont ' d) good and bad 2 75 - 2 9 1 in government publications 250 , 305 grammar 18, 2 3- 2 5 , 5 2 , 2 3 3 , 343 , 344 , 3 5 7 , 3 7 3 , 450 , 458 , 481 , 482 , 562 , 619-6 2 1 gramma rs 19 , 20 , 2 2 , 2 3 , 50 , 5 2 , 170 , 5 5 7- 5 7 5 grammatical categories I l l , 1 1 2 , 1 1 5 , 12 8 , 19 1 , 3 5 0 , 3 7 3 grammatical categories for lexical expansion 6 1 7 grammati cal development 33 gramma tical expansion 191 gramma tical properties 164 gramma tical study 557 grammatical transference 5 39 - 5 5 5 greetings 3 7 1 historical dictionaries 580 , 5 8 1 historical influences 4 2 historical origins 3 , 2 9 , 3 0 history 35 , 36 , 44 3 , 46 3 , 466-468 , 481 , 482 history , internal 3 5 history of language planning 6 4 5 history o f orthographies 169 history of s tudy 15 history o f vocabulary planning 6 34 , 6 3 5 , 646 , 6 4 7 , 649-662 homophones 141 , 142 , 168 , 182 , 2 7 8 , 600 , 629 , 641 , 646 , 6 4 8 , 654-656 idioms 181 , 2 6 1 , 329 inclusive and exclusive 343 indefinite pronouns 345 indigenous writing in 5 0 3 , 504 indirect speech 4 1 2 - 4 14 inflectional morphology 335- 340 influences ca 1900 477 influences ca 1975 478 innovat ions 6 2 , 144 , 1 46 , 5 3 3 , 580 , 6 1 2 , 6 14 , 624 , 6 2 6 , 643 , 6 46 , 647 , 6 5 5 , 6 5 7 -659 inte l l igibil ity , historically 7 5 intensification 4 3 8 internal development 75-166 interpreters 49 , 57 interrogative pronouns 344 , 345 intonation 309- 3 3 4 intonation , answers 3 1 5 , 3 2 6 - 3 2 8 intonation , declarative statements 3 1 5 - 31 8 , 3 2 0- 3 2 3 intonation , emphatic-emotional 32 1 , 322 intonatio n , orders and commands 316 , 328

720

INDEX

Tok Pisin ( cont ' d) intonation , questions 3 1 5 , 3 2 3- 326 intonation , special cases 328-330 intransitive verbs 36 1 , 362 irreali s 406 j argon s tage 76 , 80 , 82 , 16 3 , 634 j udgements 2 75-280 , 2 82 , 284 , 2 86 , 2 88-291 j udgements , indigenous 2 84 kinship terms 10 1 , 424 , 4 2 5 l anguage acquisition b y children 29 , 3 3 , 51 , 238 language change 2 9 language data 563 , 5 6 4 l anguage-dependent simplicity 610 , 6 11 l anguage engineering 283 , 284 l anguage-independent s implicity 606 , 6 0 7 l anguage mixing 276 as language o f se lf-identifi cation 73 l anguage planning 4 , 2 8 , 16 5 , 255 , 2 8 1 , 2 8 8 , 536 , 564 , 595-664 l anguage planning by Catholic mi s­ s ions 6 35 , 6 3 7-642 language planning : implementation 630 l anguage pol i cies 255 , 642 , 663 l earning 10 , 20 lectological mode ls 572 lexi cal adequacy 60 1-60 3 , 605 , 606 , 60 8 , 6 1 1 -6 1 4 , 6 1 8 , 629 , 6 3 1 , 6 3 3 , 6 3 4 , 649 , 6 5 5 , 6 5 7 , 660 lexi cal borrowing 603 lexical change 140 , 141 , 143-146 lexi cal conflat ion 181- 184 lexi cal derivation 188 , 19 2 , 4 3 1 lexical diffusion 1 2 3 lexical expansion 119-12 7 , 13 1 , 4 3 1 , 4 3 2 , 530 , 6 1 4 , 6 1 7 lexi cal innovation 6 0 3 lexi cal mi sunderstanding 245 , 246 lexica l productivity 101 , 119 , 120 lexical redundancy 4 2 7 , 4 2 8 , 431 , 60 8 , 609 lexical simpl icity 606 , 60 8 lexical supplet ion 145 l exi cal system 423-440 lex i ca l transfe rence 539-555 lexi cography 30 , 3 2 , 187 , 188 , 195 , 198 , 20 8 , 5 7 7-585 l exicology 30 , 32 l exicon 5 , 1 7 , 18, 2 5 , 29 , 5 2 , 6 8 , 9 7 , 9 8 , 100 , 101 , 119 , 121 , 167 ,

Tok Pisin ( cont ' d) 181 , 185 , 186 , 19 3 , 194 , 240 , 2552 5 7 , 282 , 290 , 304 , 39 3 , 42 3 , 59 5664 lexifier languages 218 , 2 5 5 i n l ight industry 240 limerick in 504 as lingua franca 48, 55 , 65 , 70 , 2 7 2 , 278 , 46 7 , 469 , 5 18 , 5 3 5 , 540 , 5 4 3 , 600 , 630 , 642 , 645 linguistic change 4 4 3 linguistic deve lopment 260 l inguistic hierarchy 260 l iteracy 52 , 243 , 518 , 5 3 3 a s literary language 9 , 2 7 , 2 8 , 1 7 5 , 49 5-5 1 5 , 668 loans 658 in Local Government Councils 2 7 1 , 500 in local government 7 2 , 106 Lutheran Mis s ion orthography 174 Lutheran Miss ion system 173 majority language 7 3 , 74 markers 9 3 , 9 7 , 104 , 105 , 112 , 1 2 8 , 129 , 136 , 3 3 8 materials in standard orthography 175 meat of animal s 430 media use 10 7 , 261 , 490 , 5 1 7 - 5 3 3 metaphor 263-269 , 2 7 1 mi sconceptions about i ts nature 644 missionary gramma rs 569 miss ion influences 6 1 a s mis s ion lingua franca 19 , 2 7 , 52 , 7 2 , 106 , 2 4 3 , 49 1 , 5 0 1 , 6 3 8 , 645 , 656 miss ion orthographies 305 modal verbs 384 , 385 models of description 568 , 572 modes of transmission 239 morphological change 135-138 morphological naturalness 277 morphological redundancy rules 4 2 8 , 429 morphology 92 , 1 10 , 1 1 1 , 124 , 3 3 5 morphosyntact ic phenomena 164 motives underlying early work on 1 5 multi functionality 4 3 1 , 4 3 4- 4 3 7 , 6 19-623 , 647 multilevel syncretisms 181 multilingual dictionaries 5 7 8 multiple-based sentence s 397-399 multiple etymologies 181 , 185 names for age groups 425 names for body parts 426

INDEX

Tok Pisin ( cont ' d) names for fingers 425 narrative style 270 as national identifier 2 7 , 106 as national l anguage 8, 2 7 , 7 2 , 7 3 , 489 , 490 , 663 , 665 as national uni fi er 73 in nat ion forming 662 nativisation 4 7 , 49 , 50 , 66 , 106 nature of 665 negation 375 , 376 new conj unct ions 139 new preposit ions 1 3 8 , 139 newspapers 6 3 , 6 4 , 6 7 , 106 , 242 , 250 , 490 , 50 7 , 5 1 7 , 5 2 1 , 5 2 3 , 5 2 4 , 5 3 1 , 532 nominal compounding 432-434 nominal modifiers 348 notional di cti onar i es 5 8 1 noun phrases 342 , 354 nouns 342 , 346 nouns i nt roducing proper nouns 347 nouns , abstract and concrete 347 nouns , animate 348 nouns , animate and inanimate 346 nouns , countable 349 , 350 nouns , countable and uncountable 346 nouns , distribution 3 5 0 nouns , inanimate 3 4 9 nouns , locality and t ime 3 5 7 nouns , modi fiers 3 5 1 nouns , of measurement 3 4 7 noun s , proper and common 346 nouns , quality and occupation 3 5 7 nouns , quanti f i ers 3 5 1 nouns , uncountable 349 , 350 numbe r markers 3 4 8 , 349 numbers o f speakers 9 number systems 426 , 460 obj ect s entences 409 , 4 11 obscenities , insults , curses 2 80 , 281 , 2 89 , 3 7 2 , 636 , 6 3 7 , 658 as o fficial l anguage 16 oral 9 , 5 3 0 , 563 , 5 64 ordinal numbers 3 5 1 , 3 5 2 orthography 9 , 5 2 , 167-176 , 305 , 50 1 , 502 , 5 1 7 - 5 2 4 , 530 , 5 3 1 orthography , administration atti­ tudes 1 7 3 o rthography , mi ss ion attitudes 1 7 3 as parliamentary language 2 7 , 6 7 , 7 3 , 2 5 1 , 282 , 283 , 49 1 , 6 3 1 -6 3 3 , 650 , 6 5 1

721

Tok Pi sin ( cont ' d ) passive 381 pej orative meanings ( see also obscenities) 189 periphrastic constructions 394- 396 personal pronouns 343 phonemic additions 249 phonological change 107 , 108 , 1 3 4 , 1 3 5 , 142 , 1 86 phonological redundancy rules 4 2 8 phonology 5 , 24 , 80-82 , 9 2 , 107 , 109 , 167 , 168 , 295-299 , 301-30 7 , 309 , 3 11-334 , 460 , 5 30 pitch 314 , 324 , 328 , 3 3 1 - 3 3 3 planning 5 3 1 plant names 4 2 7 plural marking 1 1 3 - 115 , 4 4 7 plurals 98 plural s 248-250 , 276 , 339 , 483 poems 504-50 7 , 511-515 police force 2 40 in politics 2 8 , 6 7 , 7 3 possess ive pronouns 346 postnominal modifiers 355- 3 5 8 post-pidgin 1 3 1 , 1 3 2 , 1 3 4 , 1 3 5 , 1 3 7 - 1 39 , 143 , 145 , 1 4 7 , 148 , 163 postwar 59 , 61, 62 , 66 post-19 5 3 5 9 potential dec l ine 667 predicate marker i ( see also i ) 84 , 373-375 predicative adjectives 361 prenominal modi fiers 3 5 4 , 3 5 5 preposi tions 366- 368 , 463 present-day differences from former Pidgin 7 5 present-day support for 7 2 prestige variety 50 , 5 2 prewar oral l anguage 6 3 i n prisons 239 production of primers and readers 170 professional status of speakers 240 pronouns 96 , 9 7 , 343 , 344 pronunciation 186 propaganda leaflets 520 Protestant miss ion vocabulary plan­ ning 656-658 publications 2 8 , 2 5 1 , 5 1 7 , 5 3 1 , 646 , 656 pub l i shing 502 purpose sentences 407 quanti f iers 350 , 3 5 2 quantitativi st model s 5 7 2

722

INDEX

Tok Pisin ( cont ' d) quest ions 397 Rabaul spe l l ing ( Catholic miss ion) 169 reborrowing 186 , 189 , 190 reciprocal pronouns 346 reduplication 1 5 2 , 161 , 181 , 1 86 , 2 4 7 , 2 7 7 , 2 7 8 , 340 , 350 , 357 , 366 , 4 3 1 , 4 3 7 -440 , 599 , 600 , 6 2 8-630 , 660 reflexive pronouns 96 , 345 , 397 regional varieties 3 , 50 , 6 7 , 1 7 3 , 2 5 2 , 2 5 4 - 2 59 , 2 7 2 , 304 , 645 registe rs 2 8 , 110 , 1 32 , 1 4 7 , 262 , 2 6 3 , 658 re lative sentences 414-420 re lexi fication 3 0 , 4 3 , 76 , 7 7 , 141 , 456 , 463 , 46 7 , 645 , 646 research 15 , 3 3 , 163 rhetoric 2 7 1 rule conflict 6 10 rule extension 6 10 rule optimalisation 6 08 rural varieties ( see Rural Tok P i si n) 80 , 90 , 102 in school s 6 2 , 72 , 106 , 1 3 1 , 170 , 1 7 2 , 2 3 8 , 2 3 9 , 665 second- l anguage speakers 149 , 150 , 1 5 3 , 1 54 , 159 , 1 6 5 second-language teaching 1 8 as second l anguage 9 , 24 , 26 , 29 , 41 , 1 1 1 , 165 , 186 , 2 3 4 , 2 3 8 , 239 , 2 5 2 , 2 7 2 , 2 76 , 2 7 7 , 288 , 3 3 8 , 349 , 3 7 5 , 3 7 8 , 443 , 468 , 4 80 , 4 82 , 483 , 5 3 5 , 5 70 , 5 7 5 , 596-598 , 603 , 604 , 612 , 614 , 624 secret languages 194 , 195 semantic redundancy rules 430 seman tics 5 , 187 , 4 2 4 , 4 2 5 , 4 2 7 , 6 1 1 , 612 , 615 , 616 , 654 , 660 sentence structure 3 7 2-402 , 406 � 407 , 4 1 2 , 461 , 462 sex-related l anguage di f ferences 240 social acceptabi lity 2 7 7- 2 79 , 2 84 , 600 social context 27 social funct ion 10 social varieties 3 , 2 3 5 sociolects 2 8 , 50 , 1 7 5 , 2 3 6 , 2 3 8 , 2 4 1 , 244 , 2 4 7 , 2 50 , 2 5 2 , 309 , 630 , 646 sociolects , l inguistic properties 244

Tok P i s i n ( cont ' d) songs 495- 500 sound system 92 source languages 29 , 646 speaker ' s sex 240 spe l l ing 2 8 , 3 1 , 167 , 168 , 176 , 281 spe lling , Alexishafen 169 spe ll ing , Department of Education 170 spel l ing , English influences 168 spe l ling , German influences 169 spe l l ing , influences from vernaculars 168 spe l l ing , mission influences 168 spoken by Papuans 285 stabilisation 76 , 90 , 9 1 , 9 3 , 9 4 , 96 , 97 , 99-10 2 , 105 , 107 , 163 standardisation 2 8 , 250 , 2 56 , 5 3 1 , 662 standardisation of gramma r 33 standardisation of spel l ing 170 , 645 standard orthography 309 standard orthography , attitudes to 172 standard orthography 1956 1 7 1- 1 7 3 , 1 76 standards 662 status 28 , 65 , 6 7 , 68 stress 309- 3 1 3 , 316-3 2 1 , 3 2 4 structural innovations 1 2 7 , 128 structuralist descriptions 2 3 3 structuralist grammars 569 , 5 70 studies 1 5 , 2 3 , 2 5 - 2 7 , 29 , 30 , 32 , 33 study of speech errors 3 3 stylistic variation 1 2 7 , 259 , 261263 subject sentences 408 , 411 substratum influences 5 , 2 4 , 28 , 3 3 , 77 , 1 19 , 1 2 4 , 1 2 5 , 188 , 2 3 4 , 244 , 2 4 7 , 2 5 5 , 295-299 , 301- 306 , 309 , 3 7 7 , 4 2 4 , 4 58-46 3 , 467 , 468 superstratum influences 1 2 1 , 4 59 SVO order 9 3 synchronic etymologies 186 synonym pairs 2 5 0 syntactic change 1 1 1 , 1 3 8 , 140 , 2 76 syntax 1 7 , 9 3-95 , 98 , 99 , 102 , 104 , 1 0 5 , 111 , 341-421 systematic adequacy 6 3 3 , 634 , 639 , 649 , 6 5 1 , 653 , 654 systematic synonymy 6 3 0 , 631

INDEX

Tok Pisin ( cont ' d) taboo register 600 tagmemic gramma rs 5 7 0 tags 3 7 1 teaching 15 , 5 3 5 - 5 3 7 teaching material s 4 , 17-22 , 5 3 5 , 536 , 6 4 5 technical vocabulary 6 5 8 tense-aspect system 24 tense markers 129 , 3 7 7 , 3 7 8 , 3873 89 texts 21 , 2 2 , 103-10 5 , 1 2 8- 130 , 1 3 2 , 1 3 3 , 1 3 5 , 1 3 7 , 139 , 1 4 3 , 1 4 7 , 14 8 , 1 54 , 160-16 3 , 2 3 5 , 2 36 , 250 , 2 5 1 , 2 5 8 , 261 , 266 , 269- 2 7 2 , 288 , 2 90 , 3 84 theoretical i ssues 443-483 theories o f origin 463 tran s formational generative grammars 570 , 5 7 1 transitive verbs 358-360 tran s lations 510-515 , 602 tran s lators 1 7 2 , 174 types o f dictionaries 5 7 8 unlearning 2 3 9 unstable varieties 7 6 urban varieties ( see Urban Tok pisin) 3 3 , 131 used by females 40 used by s econdary and tertiary stu­ dents 7 3 variat ion 2 8 , 90 , 2 3 3- 2 7 3 , 565 , 566 , 56 8 , 5 73-5 7 5 , 596 verbal modi fiers 365 verbal paradigm 36 3 , 364 verb chaining 1 3 8 , 1 44 , 391-39 3 , 4 6 1-463 ve rb derivation 434-437 ve rb phrases 358, 461 ve rb s erialisation 390 , 39 1 , 39 3 , 462 , 6 2 7 , 6 2 8 verbs 358- 361 , 3 8 9 verbs o f allowing and forbidding 411 , 412 verbs o f becoming 363 verbs , imperative 364 , 365 verbs , interrogative 364 vocabul arie s 30 , 3 1 , 5 0 vocabul ary origins ( see l exifier languages) 32 in vocational training 7 3 voiced and vo iceless stops 168 vowel s 1 0 7 , 108 , 302 , 30 3 , 310 in war propaganda 5 6 , 5 7 , 66 , 106 wh-quest ions 2 5

723

Tok P i s i n ( cont ' d) word classes 146 , 342 word formation 3 2 , 6 1 8 word order 84 , 9 3 , 9 4 , 1 1 8 word pairs 250 , 2 5 1 word play 19 1 , 193 writing systems 1 6 7 - 1 76 written 6 3 , 6 7 , 168 , 2 6 1 , 285 , 5 1 8 , 5 30 , 5 3 1 , 563 , 564 written , early 103 ww2 to 1960s 645 , 646 Tok Pisin conference 1973 649 , 662 Tok Pisin intonation , declarative statements 319 Tok Pisin Orthography Committee 196970 174 , 1 7 5 Tok Pisin Research Unit , UPNG 15 Tok Pisin Sosaiti 6 5 7 , 662 , 69 5 , 699 'l'ok Pisin workshop 1976 6 31 tok skul 50 Toktok bil ong Haus ov Asembli 507 , 691 Tok Vaitiman 286 , 46 7 Tolai 6 , 8 , 2 9 , 42 , 6 5 , 66 , 76 , 9 1 , 96 , 99 , 102 , 1 1 4 , 119 , 1 2 3- 126 , 1 5 8 , 179-181 , 1 84 , 187 , 188 , 195198 , 2 1 2 , 2 1 3 , 2 1 8 , 2 1 9 , 2 3 0 , 2 39 , 246 , 2 5 5 , 26 1 , 298 , 300 , 304 , 3 0 7 , 458-46 3 , 46 7 , 469 , 47 7 , 542 , 560 , 561 , 583 , 585 , 6 3 5 , 6 3 8 as lexifier l anguage 2 14 , 215 , 2 5 5 as mi ss ion l ingua franca 6 3 8 a s substratum language 2 1 3 Tomasetti , W . E . 700 Toogood , Alexander F. 524 , 700 Toppin g , Donald M. 556 , 700 Torres Straits Creole 479 Torres Straits Pidgin 4 3 , 1 2 5 , 475477 Townsend , G . W . L . 257 , 7 00 Trade languages 6 t ra i m 382 , 383 trans formational l inguistics 446 , 447 Trans-New Guinea Phylum 2 9 7 Traugott , E l i z abeth Closs 138 , 445 , 700 Tripela liklik pik 245 t ru 329 Trudgi l l , Peter 6 7 3 Tryon , D . T . 6 , 581 , 689 , 690 , 700 , 704 tu 400 , 545 , 548 Tucker , A . N . 556 , 700 t u l t u l 49 , 5 7 , 3 1 7

724

INDEX

Tumleo 207 , 5 4 3 , 544 , 548 , 552 Turner , George W . 2 3 , 2 7 , 101 , 2 5 3 , 560 , 562 , 700 Twi 182 UNESCO 444 uni ted Na tions Ni us na Nots 5 2 3 universals of pidginisation 456 Unive rsity of papua New Guinea ( UPNG) 7 3 , 205 , 2 5 8 , 26 1 , 266 , 2 7 1 , 50 3 , 504 , 50 8 , 6 3 1 , 662 , 665 UN Trustee ship Council mis sion 5 9 , 172 Urban Creole in Haiti 2 3 4 Urban Tok Pi sin ( Urban Pidgin) 24, 2 5 , 2 8 , 50 , 60 , 6 2 , 6 4 , 6 7 , 7 3 , 136 , 1 3 7 , 141-143 , 145 , 146 , 162 , 1 6 3 , 1 75 , 1 89 , 190 , 2 3 4 , 2 36 , 2 3 8 , 241 , 24 3 , 244 , 2 4 7 - 252 , 2 7 1 , 276 , 2 87 , 30 5 , 306 , 3 10 , 3 1 1 , 3 1 4 , 339 , 34 7 , 3 5 1 - 35 3 , 364 , 366 , 382 , 404 , 406 , 426 , 468 , 529 , 5 3 1 , 5 3 3 , 5 7 3 , 5 7 4 , 59 8 , 60 3 , 6 1 3 , 624 , 6 2 8 , 6 30 , 6 46 , 6 5 7 , 66 2 , 6 6 7 Urcland , P . S . 689 Usarufa 2 4 , 9 1 , 2 4 7 Vade r , John 5 8 , 7 0 0 Valdman , Albert 451 , 67 1 , 676 , 682 , 687 , 6 89 , 695 , 696 , 700 , 701 , 7 0 3 Valkhof f , Marius 181 , 701 Vendryes , J . 701 verb chaining 421 vernaculars 149 , 1 6 5 , 2 3 7 , 3 7 3 , 488-49 2 , 666 as lexi fier languages 50 as phonological source 297-299 , 304 in school s 6 2 substratum influences 313 Voge l , Hans 45 , 701 Vogt , Hans 5 5 5 , 701 Voorhoeve , C . L . 70 1 , 704 Voorhoeve , Jan 52 , 628 , 701 Vorster , Jan 454 , 7 0 1 Walker , Roland 555 , 701 Walsh , David S . 7 0 1 Walsh , Michae l J . 7 0 4 wan 6 12 , 6 1 3 wan t a i m 1 38 , 366-36 8 , 545 , 548-550 , 552 , 554 Wantok 1 7 5 , 242 , 250 , 2 5 1 , 285 , 287 , 2 89 , 290 , 305 , 306 , 490 , 50 3 , 50 7 , 50 8 , 5 1 7 , 524 , 526 , 5 29 , 5 3 1-

5 3 3 , 625 , 626 , 6 30 , 6 3 1 , 66 8 , 683 , 687 , 69 1 , 701 Wantok Pub l ications 1 7 4 Wari , K i l a R . 506 , 5 0 7 Wari , Ralph 49 7 Washabaugh , Will iam 116 , 1 1 7 , 701 wastaua 523 we 15 3 , 261 , 4 1 7 , 419 , 420 , 4 7 4 , 476 Wedgwood , Cami lla H . 1 8 , 26 , 2 5 3 , 702 Wegener , G . 677 Weinreich , Uriel 5 39 , 540 , 702 Wendtland , J. 4 8 , 7 0 2 West African languages 179 , 46 2 , 464 , 4 7 2 West African Pidgin English 5 , 18 , 1 1 8 , 183 , 46 8 , 469 , 4 7 2 , 4 7 7 , 5 7 3 West Indian Creoles 44 , 179 , 4 5 5 , 462 , 46 8 , 4 7 2 , 479 Wewak News 521 whaling 3 7 Whinnom , Keith 3 8 , 87 , 90 , 166 , 7 0 2 White , Paul 6 7 8 Wh iting , John W . M . 504 , 6 7 9 Whorf , B . L . 596 Wickware , F . S . 390 , 6 2 7 , 702 Willey , Keith 49 7 , 499 , 702 Wi lliam from Lumi 128 Wi l liams , Wayne R . 6 2 8 , 702 Wive l l , Richard 546-548 , 556 , 702 wok 623- 6 2 5 wok l o n g 6 1 8 , 6 2 0 Wol fers , Edward P . 28, 253 , 458, 509 , 60 3 , 7 0 2 wonem 416 Wood , R . 1 7 7 Woo l ford , E l len B . 23, 25 , 32 , 9 5 , 1 1 5 , 1 1 7 , 152-15 4 , 3 7 3 , 381 , 390 , 410 , 4 2 1 , 570 , 5 7 3 , 702 word meanings 1 7 7 word origins 1 7 7 Worterbuch met Redewendungen 122 , 182 , 196 , 199 , 2 0 1 , 281 , 609 , 636 , 669 Wurm, S . A . 3-11 , 19 , 2 2 , 26-29 , 32 , 3 3 , 42 , 61 , 65-74 , 9 1 , 99 , 109 , 110 , 1 1 7 , 1 2 7 , 1 28 , 142 , 154 , 167176 , 189 , 2 3 3 , 2 4 7 , 261 , 270 , 2 7 5 , 276 , 283 , 284 , 2 86 , 295 , 30 7 , 3093 3 4 , 342 , 3 5 2 , 360 , 36 4 , 365 , 36 7 , 37 3 , 374 , 3 7 7 , 383- 386 , 388- 39 1 , 399 , 405-40 8 , 4 1 3 , 4 1 5 , 459 , 487 , 490 , 49 5 , 500 , 5 1 8 , 522 , 5 2 3 , 5 3 5 , 539 , 5 5 7 , 559 , 56 3 , 566 , 5 7 1 , 5 7 7 ,

INDEX

725

597 , 604 , 606 , 6 1 2 , 6 1 3 , 6 1 7 , 6 1 8 , 636 , 6 3 7 , 647 , 655 , 658 , 66 5 , 6 7 1 , 6 7 3 , 676 , 6 7 8 , 680 , 6 8 3 , 6 84 , 686693 , 696 , 69 7 , 699- 704 Wu , David Y . H . 199 , 2 3 7 , 7 0 2

y e s and n o i n Tok P i s in 2 5 , 1 8 1 ye t 344 , 345 , 545 , 5 4 8 Yo rub a 4 6 2 Youn g , Robert A . 2 3 , 7 0 4 yum i 5 6

ya ( see also i a )

Zgusta , Ladis 1av 5 7 7 , 580 , 581 , 704 Z inke 1 , Calvin D. 2 39 , 2 8 5 , 536 , 704 Zob1 , Helmut 7 7 , 687 , 704 Zo ller , Hugo 83 , 687 , 704 Z ' graggen , John A . 1 5 , 30 , 3 1 , 584

2 4 , 9 7 , 161 , 1 6 2 , 1 9 8 , 244 , 245 , 344 , 349 , 35 7 , 396 , 415 , 417 , 418 , 532 Yabem 230 Yakamu1 184 , 2 0 8 Yal iali 287 Yango1 1 6 1

PACIFIC LINGUISTICS - LIST OF PUBLICATIONS

After each entry , ISBN numbers have been added . Whe re the re i s more than one number , the f i r s t refers to the complete set of volumes and the second and/or subsequent numbe r s to ind iv idual volumes or parts . Note : the earl iest wor k s we re cal led LINGUISTIC CIRCLE OF CANBERRA PUBLICATIONS , however a l l now bear the name PACIFIC LINGUISTICS . All volumes are softbound unless otherwise ind icated . Unma r ked pub l icat ions wh ich come under ' Languages for intercu ltu r al communi­ cat ion in the Pac i f i c area ' project are : A- 5 4 , A- 5 7 , B - 2 6 , B-61, B- 7 3 , C- 3 4 , C- 4 0 , C- 5 2 , 0- 3 , 0- 5 , 0- 1 2 , 0- 2 3 , 0 - 2 9 (note the change o f project name ) . SERIES A - OCCASIONAL PAPERS

No . 1 . No . 2 . No . 3 .

No . 4 . No . 5 . No . 6 . No . 7 .

No . 8 . No . 9 . No . 10 .

No . l l . No . 12 . No . 1 3 .

WURM , S . A . Some rema r k s on the r ole of language in the ass imilation of Austral ian abor ig ines . 1 9 6 3 ; 1 2pp . Repr inted 1 9 6 6 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 0 6 X HEALEY , Alan Hand l ing unsoph i sticated l ingu i s tic informants . 19 6 4 ; i i i + 3 0pp . Repr inted 1 9 6 7 , 19 7 2 , 197 3 , 19 7 5 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 0 7 8 Pape r s in New Gu inea l ingu i stics No . 1 . 19 6 4 ; iv+4 2pp . Repr inted 19 7 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 0 8 6 pape r s by Alan Pence ; E l l i s De ibler Jr ; Phy l l i s M . Healey ; Bruce A . Hooley . Pape r s in New Gu inea l ingu istics No . 2 . 1 9 6 4 ; iv+ 4 1pp . ( inc l . 1 map ) . Repr inted 1 9 7 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 0 9 4 Two pape r s by S . A . Wu rm . Pape r s in New Gu inea l ingu istics No . 3 . 19 6 5 ; iv+5 3pp . Repr inted 19 7 2 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 1 0 8 Two paper s by Phy l l i s M . Healey . Pape r s in New Gu inea l ingu istics No . 4 . 19 6 5 ; iv+6 8pp . Repr inted 1 9 7 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 1 1 6 Two pape r s by Dar lene Bee . pape r s in New Gu inea l ingu i s tics No . 5 . 19 6 6 ; v i i i + 9 3pp . Repr inted 1 9 7 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 1 2 4 Paper s by Chester I . and Mar j or ie E . Fr antz ; De s and Jenn ifer Oat r idge ; Richard E . Lov ing ; Joyce Sw ic k ; Alan Pence; Ph i l ip Staa lsen ; Helen and Mau r i ce Boxwe l l . Pape r s in Ph i l ipp ine l ingu istics No . 1 . 19 6 6 ; iv+ 3 8pp . Repr inted 1 9 7 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 1 3 2 Paper s by Jo Shetler ; Richard Pit tman ; V i v i an For sberg ; Jean Hu ssey . Paper s in South East As i an l ingu istics No . 1 . 19 6 7 ; i i i + 4 3pp . + 30 cha r t s , 2 4 tables . Rep r i nted 1 9 7 0 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 1 4 0 Pape r s by Nguy�n � �ng Liem ( 2 ) ; A . Tran Huong Ma i ; Dav id W . De l l inger . Pape r s in Au stral i an l ingu istics No . 1 . 1967 ; v+ 59pp . Repr i nted 197 2 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 1 5 9 Pape r s by Dav id and Kathleen Glasgow ; Jean F . K i r to n ; W . J . Oates ; B . A . and E . G . Sommer . Pape r s in Au stral ian l ingu istics No . 2 . 19 6 7 ; i i i+7 3pp . + 7 maps . Repr inted 197 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 1 6 7 pape r s by C . G . von B r andenste i n ; A . Cape l l ( 2 ) ; Kenneth Hale . Pape r s in New Gu inea l ingu istics No . 6 . 1967 ; i i i + 4 8pp . Rep r inted 197 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 1 7 5 Pape r s by K . A . McElhanon ; G . L . Renck . Pape r s in New Gu i nea l i ngui stics No . 7 . 196 7 ; iv+5 9pp . Repr inted 1 9 7 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 1 8 3 Pape r s by Jean Goddard ; Kar l J . Frank l i n .

PACIFIC LINGUISTICS

2

Ser ies A - Occas ional Pape r s ( cont inued ) No . 1 4 . No . 1 5 .

No . 16 . No . 1 7 . No . 18 . No . 19 . No . 2 0 .

Pape r s in Repr inted Pape r s by Pape r s in Repr inted Pape r s by

Austral ian l ingu istics No . 3 . 19 7 1 . I SBN a 8 5 8 8 3 0 1 9 1 E . F . Aguas ; D . T . Tryon .

19 6 8 ; i i i+ 4 6pp . + 1 map .

l ingu i s t ic s of Melane s ia No . 1 . 19 6 8 ; i i i+ 5 2pp . + 1 map . 1 9 7 1 , 1980 . I SBN a 8 5 8 8 3 0 2 0 5 A . Cape l l ; G . J . Pa rker ; A . J . Schutz ( 2 ) .

Pape r s in New Gu inea l ingu istics No . 8 . 19 6 8 ; iv+ 6 2pp . ( incl . 2 maps ) . Repr inted 19 7 1 . I SBN a 8 5 8 8 3 0 2 1 3 Pape r s by C . L . Voorhoeve ; Ka r l J . Frank l in ; Graham Scott . Pape r s in Au stral ian l ingu istics No . 4 . 19 6 9 ; v i i i+97pp . ( incl . 3 maps ) . Repr inted 19 7 1 . I SBN a 8 5 8 8 3 0 2 2 1 Pape r s by Joy K ins low Ha r r i s ; S . A . Wurm; Don Laycock . Paper s in New Gu inea l ingu i stics No . 9 . 196 9 ; v i + l lOpp . ( inc l . 1 map ) . Repr inted 1 9 7 1 . I SBN a 8 5 8 8 3 0 2 3 x Paper s by A . Cape l l ; Alan Healey ; Darryl W i lson ( 3 ) . Pape r s in Ph i l ippine l ingu istics No . 2 . 1 9 6 9 ; i i i+ 3 2pp . Rep r i nted 1 9 7 1 . ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 0 2 4 8 Pape r s by Jeanne M i l ler ; Helen W . M i l l e r . Paper s in Borneo l ingu istics No . 1 . 196 9 ; iv+ 4 1pp . Repr inted 1 9 7 1 . ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 0 2 5 6 Pape r s by D . J . Prentice ( 3 ) .

No . 2 1 .

Pape r s in l ingu i stics of Melanesia No . 2 . 19 6 9 ; v+ l05pp . Repr inted 1 9 7 9 . I SBN a 8 5 8 8 3 0 0 2 7 pape r s by A . Cape l l ; Ann Chown ing ; S . A . Wu rm.

No . 2 2 .

Pape r s in New Gu inea l ingu istics No . lO . 19 6 9 ; v+8 4pp . ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 0 2 6 4 Pape r s by Don Laycock ; Richard G . Lloyd ; Ph i l ip Staalsen . Paper s in New Gu inea l ingu istics No . l l . 19 7 0 ; v+ 7 8pp . ( incl . 1 map) . ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 0 0 1 9 Pape r s by Gordon and Ruth Bunn ; Alan Pence , Ela ine Geary and Dor i s Bjor kman ; Harry and Nata l i a We imer ; O . R . Claassen and K . A . McE lhanon . Pape r s in Ph i l ipp ine l ingu istics No . 3 . 19 7 0 ; v i + 7 7pp . ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 0 0 0 a Paper s by Norman Abrams ; Jannette For ster ; Rober t Br ichoux . Pape r s in New Gu inea l ingu i stics No . 1 2 . 19 7 0 ; iv+6 0pp . + 1 map . ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 0 2 7 2 Pape r s by C . L . Voorhoeve ; K . A . McElhanon ; Bruce L . and Ruth B lower s . Pape r s in New Gu inea l ingu istics No . 1 3 . 19 7 0 ; iv+ 4 8pp . ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 0 28 a Paper s by Bruce L . B lower s ; Margie G r i f f i n ; K . A . McElhanon . Pape r s in Austral ian l ingu i stics No . 5 . 1 9 7 1 ; iv+ 7 0pp . I SBN a 8 5 8 8 3 0 2 9 9 Two pape r s by Jean F . K i r ton .

No . 2 3 .

No . 2 4 . No . 2 5 . No . 2 6 . No . 2 7 . No . 28 . No . 29 . No . 30 . No . 3 1 . No . 3 2 .

Pape r s ISBN a Pape r s Pape r s ISBN a pape r s Paper s ISBN a Pape r s Pape r s Pape r s Pape r s Pape r s

( incl . 5 maps ) .

in New Gu inea l ingu istics No . 14 . 197 1 ; v i + 1 7 2pp . ( incl . 8 maps ) . 85883 030 2 by T . E . Du tton ; C . L . Voor hoeve ; S . A . Wu rm . in South East Asian l ingu istics No . 2 . 1 9 7 1 ; iv+ 7 8pp . ( incl . 1 map) . 85883 031 a by Wa r ren W . Glover ; Ma r ia Har i ; E . R . Hope . in South East Asian l ingu i s t ic s No . 3 . 19 7 3 ; iv+ 8 2pp . 85883 091 4 by D . W . Del l inge r ; E . R . Hope ; Mak io Katsu ra ; Tatsuo N i shida . in New Gu inea l ingu istics No . 15 . 197 2 ; v+ 6 9pp . I SBN a 8 5 8 8 3 0 3 2 9 by R . K . Lewi s ; Sand ra C . Lewis ; Sh i r ley Litteral ; Ph i l ip Staalsen . in Ph i l ipp ine l ingu istics No . 4 . 197 1 ; iv+ 3 2pp . ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 0 3 3 7 by R . M . Hohu l in ; Lou Hohu l i n .

PACIFIC LINGUISTICS

3

Ser ies A - Occas ional Paper s ( cont inued ) No . 3 3 . No . 3 4 .

Pape r s in Borneo and weste rn Aus �ronesian l ing u i st ic s No . 2 . 1 9 7 7 ; v i + 1 3 2pp . + 1 map . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 6 4 3 Pape r s by C . Cou r t ; Robe r t A . Blust ; F . S . Watu seke . Paper s in New Gu inea l ingu i st ics No . 16 . 1 9 7 2 ; i i i+ 4 6pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 8 1 7 Pape r s by Jan ice Allen ; Mar shall Lawrence .

No . 3 5 .

Pape r s in l ingu i st ic s of Melanesia No . 3 . 197 2 ; v i i+ 1 1 3pp . + 6 maps . ISBN 0 85883 0 8 3 3 Pape r s by C . H . Beaumon t ; D . T . Tryon ; S . A . Wu rm.

No . 3 6 .

paper s in Au stral ian l ingu i s t ic s No . 6 . 19 7 3 ; iv+ 7 2pp . + 4pp . photog raphs , 2 maps . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 9 5 7 Pape r s by B . Schebeck ; Lu i se A . He rcus and I sobe l M . Wh i te .

No . 3 7 .

Pape r s in Austral ian l ingu i st ic s No . 7 . 19 7 4 ; iv+ 7 3pp . ( incl . 1 map , 3 photograph s ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 1 6 3 Pape r s by Ch r i s t ine E . Fu r by ; Lu ise A . Hercu s ; Ch r i stine K il ham.

No . 38 .

Pape r s in New Gu inea l ingu i stics No . 1 7 . 197 3 ; i i i + 7 8pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 9 7 3 Paper s by K . G . Hol z knecht ( 3 ) ; Donald J . Ph i l l ips .

No . 3 9 .

Pape r s in Austral ian l ingu i s t i c s No . 8 . 1 9 7 5 ; v+ 7 8pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 26 0 Pape r s by M . C . Sharpe ; Lothar Jagst ; Dav id B . W . B i r k .

No . 4 0 .

Pape r s in New Gu inea l ingu i s t ic s No . 18 . 1 9 7 5 ; iv+ l 0 2pp . ( incl . 5 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 1 8 X Pape r s by Robe r t Conrad and Wayne Dye ; N . P . Thomson ; Le s l i e P . Bruce J r .

No . 4 l .

Pape r s in Ph i l ipp ine l ingu i st ics No . 5 . 1 9 7 4 ; iv+ 7 4pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 1 4 7 Pape r s by Donna He ttick Chand le r ; Edward Ruch ; Jeannette W i tuc k i .

No . 4 2 .

Pape r s in Au stral ian l ingu i s t i c s No . 9 . 1 9 7 6 ; iv+ 7 9pp . Pape r s by Joyce Hudson ; Barbara J . Sayer s .

No . 4 3 .

Paper s in Ph i l ippine l ingu istics No . 6 . 1 9 7 4 ; i i i + 7 4pp . ( inc l . 1 map ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 0 8 2 Pape r s by Thomas N . Headland and Alan Healey ; Jeannette W i tuck i .

No . 4 4 .

pape r s in P h i l ippine l i ngu i s t ic s No . 7 . 197 5 ; iv+6 0pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 3 5 X Pape r s by Betty Hooker ; Dietl inde Behren s ; Pa tr i c ia M . Har tung .

No . 4 5 .

Pape r s in New Gu inea l ingu i st ic s No . 1 9 . 1 97 6 ; v+l05pp . ( incl . 2 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 5 6 2 Pape r s by Ge r P . Ree s ink ; L i l l ian Fle i schmann and S in i kka Turpeinen; Pe te r C. L incoln .

No . 4 6 .

Pape r s in Ph i l ipp ine l ingu i st ic s No . 8 . 1 9 7 6 ; iv+ 8 9pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 4 6 5 Pape r s by Jeannette W i tuc k i ; M i chael R . Wal r od ; Jean Shand .

No . 4 7 .

Pape r s in Au stral ian l ingu istics No . lO . 1 9 7 6 ; iv+ 78pp . ( inc l . 3 maps , 11 photographs ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 5 3 8 Pape r s by Jean F . K i r ton ; B r uce A . Somme r ; S . A . Wu rm and L . He rcu s ; P . Aus t in , R . E l l i s and L . Hercu s .

No . 4 8 .

THOMAS , Dav id , E rnest W . LEE and NGUY�N �XNG LI�, eds Pape r s in South East As ian l ingu i s t ics No . 4 : Chamic studies . 1 9 7 7 ; ix+1 24pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 6 3 5 Pape r s by Al ice Tegen feldt Mundhenk and He lla Goschn ick ; Timothy Fr iberg and Kvoeu Hor ; Dor i s Wa lker Blood ; Dav id L. Blood ; Eugene Fu l le r ; Ernest W . Lee ; Hella Goschnick .

No . 4 9 .

Pape r s in South-East Asian l ingu i s t ic s No . 5 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 5 8 9 Three pape r s by Dav id Bradley .

( incl . 6 maps)

ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 4 0 6

1 9 7 7 ; iv+ 9 8pp .

PAC I FIC LINGU I STICS

4

Series A - Occasional Pape r s ( continued) No . 50

Pape r s in Ph il ippine l ing ui stics No . 9 . 1 9 7 9 ; v+ l 0 8pp . ( inc l . 1 map ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 186 4 Pape r s by E . C lay Johnston ; Hartmut Wiens ; Jo Ann Gau lt with Sula iman and Fatima Bar hama ; Pete r Green ; B r uce Grayden ; Jeannette Wituc k i .

No . 5 I .

Pape r s in Austral ian l ingui stics No . l I . 19 7 8 ; vii+199pp . ( i nc I . 1 map) + 3 maps , 4 photog raphs . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 7 9 1 Pape r s by Jean F . K i r ton ; R . Wood ; L . A . Hercu s ; Chester S . Street and Ha r ry Palada K ulampu r u t ; Dianne Buchanan ; Jean F . K i r ton and B e l la Charlie .

No . 5 2 .

GETHING , T . W . and NGUYEN £ANG LIEM , ed s Pape r s in South-East Asian l ingu istics No . 6 : Tai studies in honour of Willi am J . Gedney . 1 9 7 9 ; vi+ 1 4 9pp . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 8 8 0 Paper s by Pongsri Lekawatana; Les l ie M. Beebe ; Thomas W . Ge thing ; Carol J . Compton ; Mary Sarawi t ; Thomas Scove l ; John F . Ha r tmann ; Wilaiwan Khan ittanan ; James R . Chambe r lain; Beatr ice T . Oshi k a .

No . 5 3 .

Pape r s in South-East Asian l i ngui stics No . 7 . 1 98 0 ; v+ 1 3 0 pp . ( inc I . 4 maps ) I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 0 6 2 Paper s by Ronald L . Trail with Ha r i si ngh T . Rathod , Geeta Chand , Chaudhary ROy , Indira Shrestna , Ni rmal Man Tu ladhar ; Pe te r J . Grainge r ; Wa r ren W . Glover and John K . Landon ; Austin Hale and Thak u r lal Manandhar ; Austi n Hale ; Bur khard Schottelndreyer ( 3 ) .

No . 54 .

Pape r s in pidgin and c reole l ingu i stics No . 1 . 1 9 7 8 ; vi+ 1 9 7pp . Reprinted 1 9 8 0 . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 7 8 3 Pape r s by Loreto Todd and Pe ter Muhlha u s le r ; S . A . Wu rm ( 2 ) ; John T . Platt ; Peter Muhlha u sler ( 2 ) ; D . S . Wal sh .

No . 5 5 .

Pape r s in Phi l ippine l ingui stics No . l O . 19 7 9 ; vi+ 1 4 2pp . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 9 3 7 Pape r s by Andrew F . Gal lman ; E . Joe All ison ; Carol M . Harmon ; Jeannette Wituc k i .

No . 56 .

Pape r s in New Guinea l ingui stics No . 20 . 19 8 0 ; v+214pp . ( inc l . 4 maps ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 215 1 Pape r s by Mau r ice Boxwe l l ; Jean Goddard ; Malcolm Ros s ; Arden G . Sande r s and Joy Sande r s ( 2 ) ; Joy Sande r s and Arden G . Sande r s ; H . J . Davie s .

No . 5 7 .

Pape r s in pidgin and c reole l ingui stics No . 2 . 1 9 7 9 ; x+29 0pp . Repr inted 1 9 8 5 . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 9 8 8 Pape r s by Pete r Muhlha u s le r ; E l sa Lattey ; E l len Woolfor d ; W i l l iam G . Camden ; Margaret S . Steffensen ; M . G . C lyne ; Will iam Peet J r ; U l r ike Mose l ; Ian Smith ; Jer ry G . Gebhard ; Nguy� n £ a ng Li �m ; Gail Raimi Dreyfuss and D j oehana Ok a ; Mar ia I sabe lita o . Riego de Dios .

No . 5 8 .

')(

v

A

Pape r s in Australian l ingui stics No . 1 2 . 1 9 8 0 ; vi+1l3pp . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 0 8 9 Pape r s by Chester S . Street ( 2 ) ; He len Geyter.beek ; Kathleen G lasgow and Ma r k Garne r .

No . 5 9 .

RIGSBY , B . and P . SUTTON , eds Pape r s in Au stral ian l ingui stics No . 1 3 : Contr ibutions to Austral ian l ingu istic s . 1 9 8 0 ; viii+ 3 1 4pp . ( inc l . 5 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 0 5 4 Pape r s by Alan Rumsey ; Patr ick McConvel l ; Pete r S utton ( 2 ) ; Tamsin Donaldson ; L . Hercu s ; Pete r Austin , Cor inne W i l l iams and Stephen Wu rm; Paul B lack ; Te r ry C r owley ; Harold J . Koch ; D . T . Tryon ; A . K . Chase and J . R . von Sturme r .

No . 6 0 .

Pape r s in Australian lingu istic s No . 1 4 . 1 9 8 0 ; v+17 8pp . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 3 0 5 Pape r s by B r uce E . Wate r s ( 2 ) ; Pete r A . Busby .

No . 6 I .

Pape r s in New Gu inea l ingu i stics No . 21 . 1 9 8 1 ; v+ 20 9pp . ( inc I . 10 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 3 6 4 Pape r s by H . J . Davi e s ; Dieter Osme r s ; John Lynch ; S . A . Wu r m .

( inc l . 33 maps ) .

PACIFIC LINGUISTICS

5

Ser ie s A - Occasional Pape r s ( cont inued)

No . 6 2 .

BRADLEY , David , ed . Pape r s in South-East As ian l ingu i s t i c s No . 8 : Tonat ion . 198 2 ; v i i i+ 1 58pp . ( i ncl . 1 map) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 5 6 9 Pape r s by A . V . D i l le r ; Dav id B r adley ; Ph i l ip John Rose ; Vu Thanh Phuong ; U The in Tun ; Jack and Mary Jane Gandou r .

No . 6 3 .

Paper s i n New Gu inea l ingu i s t ic s No . 2 2 . 198 5 ; i i i+ 37 1pp . ( incl 5 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 3 2 2 0 Pape r s by Karen Adams and L i nda Lauck ; J . M iedema and F . I . Wel l ing ; W . A . L . S tokhof and Don A . L . Flassy ; H i roko Ogu r u ( 2 ) ; Kenne th Col l ier and Kenneth Greger son ; Thomas R. Ph innemore ; Dav id Scor z a ; John Dav ies and Bernard Comr i e ; S tan Abbot t ( 2 ) .

No . 6 4 .

LYNCH , John , ed . Pape r s in l ingu i s t ics of Melanes i a No . 4 . vi+ 1 6 7pp . ( incl . 2 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 7 6 3 Paper s by John Lynch ( 2 ) ; Dan iel D . Dodenhoff .

No . 6 5 .

Pape r s in p idg in and creole l ingu i s t ics No . 3 . 1 98 3 ; v+ 20 6pp . ( inc l . 2 maps , 2 photograph s ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 3 0 5 0 Pape r s by Loi s Ca r r ington ; Jeff S iege l ; Peter Muhl ha u s le r ; L inda S imon s ; Alan Baxter ; Joyce Hudson ; Alan Rumsey , Ann Chown ing .

No . 6 6 .

AUSTIN , Pete r , ed . Pape r s in Au stral ian l ingu i st i c s No . 1 5 : Austral ian Abor ig inal lex i cog raphy . 1 9 8 3 ; x i i + 1 7 3pp . ( i nc l . 3 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 9 1 7 Paper s by Peter Au s t i n ; Pat r ic k McConve l l , Ron Day and Pau l B lack ; R . David Z or c ; Bernhard S chebeck ; G . R . McKay ; Ken Hale ; Mary Laughren and Dav id Nas h ; Anna W i e r zbicka ; Mary Laughren ; H . Koch .

No . 6 8 .

Pape r s in Austral ian l i ngu i st ic s No . 1 6 . 1 9 8 4 ; v+ 3 2 7pp . ( incl . 2 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 3 1 1 5 Pape r s by Kathleen G lasgow; A . Cape l l ; G . R . McKay ( 2 ) ; Rod Kennedy ; D . Trefry .

IN PREPARATION Pape r s in P h i l ipp ine l ingu i s t i c s No . l l . BRADLEY , Dav i d , ed .

Paper s i n South-East As ian l ingu i s t ics N o . 9 .

Paper s in New Gu i nea L i ngu i s t i c s No . 2 3 . Pape r s in New Guinea L i ngu i s t i c s No . 2 4 . Pape r s in Au s t r a l ian L ingu i s t ic s No . 17 . Pape r s in p idg i n and c r eole l ingu i st ic s No . 4 . Paper s in weste r n Aus t r ones ian l ingu i s t ic s No . 3 .

198 2 ;

6

PAC IFIC LINGUISTICS SERIES B

-

MONOGRAPHS

No . 1 .

WURM , S . A . and J . B . HARRIS Pol ice Motu : an introduct ion to the trade language of Papua ( New Gu inea) for anthropolog ists and othe r f ieldwo r ke r s . 1 9 6 3 ; vi+8 lpp . Repr inted 1 9 6 4 , 1 9 6 5 , 1 9 6 6 , 196 7 , 1 9 6 9 , 1 9 7 0 , 1 9 7 1 , 19 7 3 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 3 4 5

No . 2 .

WURM S . A . Phonolog ical dive r s i f icat ion in Au stral ian New Guinea highlands languages . 1 9 6 4 ; iii+87pp . + 1 map . Repr inted 19 7 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 3 5 3

No . 3 .

HEALEY , Alan Telefol phonology . 1 9 6 4 ; ii+ 5 3pp . + 2 f igures , S tables . Repr inted 1 9 7 2 , 1 9 8 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 3 6 1

No . 4 .

HEALEY , Phy l l i s M . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 3 7 X

No . 5 .

HEALEY , Phy l l i s M . Levels and chain ing in Telefol sentence s . iv+ 6 4pp . Repr inted 1 9 7 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 38 8

No . 6 .

TRYON , Da r r e l l T . Nengone grammar . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 3 9 6

No . 7 .

TRYON , D . T . Dehu g r ammar . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 4 0 X

No . 8 .

TRYON , Dar re l l T . Iai gr ammar . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 4 1 8

No . 9 .

DUTTON , T . E . The peopl ing of Central Papua : some preliminary observations . 1 9 6 9 ; viii+182pp . Repr inted 1 9 7 0 , 1 9 7 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 4 2 6

No . lO .

FRANKLI N , K . J . The dialects of Kewa . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 O A 3 4 Repr inted 1 97 1 .

No . l l .

SOMMER , B . A . Kun j en phonology : synchronic and diachronic . iv+ 7 2pp . ( inc l . 3 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 4 4 2

No . 1 2 .

KLOKE ID , Terry J . Thargar i phonology and morphology . ( inc l . 1 map ) . Reprinted 1 9 8 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 4 5 0

1 9 6 9 ; viii+56pp .

No . 13 .

TREFRY , D . A comparative s tudy of Kuman and Pawaian . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 4 6 9 ( inc l . 1 map ) . Repr inted 1 9 8 0 .

19 6 9 ; v+ 9 4pp .

No . 14 .

McELHANON , K . A . Se lepe t phonology . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 0 3 5

No . 15 .

TRYON , D . T . An intr oduc t ion to Maranung ku ( Nor thern Au strali a ) . 1 9 7 0 ; x + l l lpp . ( inc l . 1 map ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 4 7 7

No . 16 .

MCELHANON , K . A . and C . L . VOORHOEVE The Trans-New Guinea Phylum : explorat ions in deep- level gene tic r e lat ionships . 1 9 7 0 ; v+ l0 7pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 4 8 5 ( inc l . 4 maps ) . Repr inted 1 9 7 8 .

No . 17 .

KUK I , Hiroshi Tuamotuan phonology . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 4 9 3

1 9 7 0 ; ix+ 1 1 9pp . + 2 maps .

No . 18 .

YOUNG , R . A . The verb in Bena-bena : v+6 8pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 5 0 7

its form and func tion .

No . 19 .

PATON , W . F . Ambrym ( Lonwolwo l ) grammar . 1 map ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 5 1 5

No . 20 .

CAPELL , A . Arosi grammar . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 5 2 3

No . 2 1 .

McELHANON , K . A . 197 2 ; vi+1 16pp .

No . 2 2 .

McELHANON , K . A . Towa rds a typology of the Fini sterr e-Huon languages , New Guine a . 1 9 7 3 . vii+73pp . ( inc l . 1 map ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 9 4 9

No . 2 3 .

SCOTT , Gr aham Higher leve l s o f Fore gr ammar . Longacr e . 19 7 3 ; x+8 8pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 8 8 4

Telefol noun phrase s .

1 96 5 ; iii+ 5 lpp .

19 6 7 ; x+9 lpp .

1 9 6 8 ; xi+lllpp .

19 6 6 ;

Reprinted 1 9 7 1 .

Repr inted 1 9 7 1 .

1 9 6 8 ; xii+125pp .

Repr inted 1 9 7 1 .

1 96 8 ; iv+ 7 2pp .

19 7 0 ; v+ 4 7pp .

1 97 1 ; iv+ 9 0pp .

Repr inted 1 9 7 2 .

( inc l . 20 maps ) . 1969 ;

( inc l . 1 map ) .

197 1 ; xi+1 28pp .

19 7 1 ;

( inc l .

( inc l . 1 map ) .

Se lepet gr ammar . Pa r t I : From root to ph rase . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 8 5 X and 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 8 6 8

Edited by Robe r t E .

PACIFIC LINGUISTICS

7

Ser ies B - Monog raphs ( cont inued) No . 2 4 .

DUTTON , T . E . A check l i st o f language s and pre sent-day vi llages o f central and south-east ma inland Papua . 1 9 7 3 ; iv+ 80pp . ( inc l . 1 map ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 9 0 6

No . 25 .

LAYCOCK , D . C . Sep i k languages - chec k l i s t and prel iminary clas s i f ication . 1 9 7 3 ; iv+ 1 3 0pp . ( incl . 1 map ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 8 4 1

No . 26 .

MUHLHAUSLER, P . P idg inizat ion and s impl i f icat ion of language . v+161pp . Reprinted 1 9 7 8 , 1 98 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 1 3 9

No . 2 7 .

RAMOS , Te r e s i ta V . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 115 5

No . 28 .

WEST , Dorothy Woj okeso sentenc e , paragraph , and d i scou r se analys i s . Ed i ted by Robe r t E . Longac re . 1 9 7 3 ; x+ 1 8 1pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 8 9 2

The case system of Tagalog verbs .

Puluwat grammar .

1 9 7 4 ; v+ 137pp .

1974 ;

19 7 4 ; v i i i + 1 6 8pp .

No . 29 .

ELBERT , Samue l H .

No . 30 .

METCALFE , C . D . Bar d i verb morphology ( nor thwestern Au s t r a l ia ) . x+215pp . ( inc l . 1 map ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 2 1 x

ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 0 3 1 1975;

No . 3 1 .

VOORHOEVE , C . L . Languages of I r ian Jaya : chec k l i s t . Prel iminary clas s i f icat ion , language maps , word l i s t s . 197 5 ; iv+ 1 2 9pp . ( inc l . 17 maps ) . Repr inted 1 9 8 0 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 2 8 7

No . 3 2 .

B i nongan I tneg sentence s . WALTON , Jan ice ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 1 7 1

No . 3 3 .

GUY , J . B . M . A g r amma r of the nor thern d ialect of Sakao . ix+9 9pp . ( inc l . 2 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 0 4 X

No . 3 4 .

HOPE , Edward Reg inald The deep syntax of L i su sentences : a t r ansforma t ional case grammar . 19 7 4 ; v i i i + 1 8 4pp . ( inc l . 1 map ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 1 0 4 Sal t-Yu i grammar .

197 5 ; vi+ 7 0pp .

1 9 7 4 ; iv+ 151pp .

1 97 4 ;

No . 3 5 .

IRWIN, Barry

No . 3 6 .

PHILLIPS , Donald J . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 4 1 4

ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 1 1 2

No . 3 7 .

NGUY�N £XNG LItM Case s , c lause s and sentences in Vietname se . v+8 9pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 3 3 3

No . 38 .

SNEDDON , J . N . Tondano phonology and gr ammar . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 2 5 2

No . 39 .

LANG , Ad r ianne The semant ics of clas s i f icatory verbs in Enga ( and other Papua New Guinea languages ) . 1 9 7 5 ; x i i+2 3 4pp . ( inc l . 2 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 2 3 6

No . 4 0 .

RENCK , G . L . A gr ammar of Yagar ia . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 3 0 9

No . 4 1 .

Z ' GRAGGEN , John A . The languages o f the Madang D i s t r ic t , Papua New Gu ine a . 197 5 ; vi+ 1 54pp . ( incl . 1 map ) . Repr inted 1 9 7 9 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 3 4 1

No . 4 2 .

FURBY , E . S . and C . E . FURBY A prel iminary analy s i s o f Gar awa ph rases and ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 5 1 1 c lauses . 1 9 7 7 ; v i i i + 1 0 lpp .

No . 4 3 .

STOKHOF , W . A . L . P r e l iminary notes on the Alor and Pantar languages (East Indone s i a ) . 1 9 7 5 ; v i + 7 3pp . ( inc l . 2 maps ) . Repr inted 1 9 7 9 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 2 4 4

No . 4 4 .

SAYERS , Barbara J . The sentence in W i k -Munkan : propo s i t ional r e lat ionsh ips . 1 9 7 6 ; xv i i+ 1 8 5pp .

No . 4 5 .

BIRK , D . B . W . The MalakMalak language , Daly River (We stern Ar nhem Land ) . 1 9 7 6 ; x i i + 1 7 9pp . ( incl . 1 map ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 5 0 3

No . 4 6 .

GLISSMEYER, Glor ia 1 9 7 6 ; v i i i + 1 4 9pp .

Wahg i phonology and morphology .

1 9 7 6 ; x+165pp . 197 5 ;

19 7 5 ; vi i i+ 2 6 4pp .

1 97 5 ; x i i i+235pp .

( incl . 1 map ) .

a descr ipt ion o f ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 3 8 4

A tagmemic analy s i s o f Hawa i i Eng l ish c lauses . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 4 2 2

PAC IFIC LINGUISTICS

8

Ser ies B - Monog raphs ( con tinued) No . 4 7 . SCOTT , Graham The Fore language of Papua New Gu inea . ( incl . 2 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 7 3 2

19 7 8 ; xv+ 2 1 0pp .

No . 4 8 .

CLARK , Marybeth Coverbs and case in Vietnamese . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 6 2 7

No . 4 9 .

FILBECK , David T ' in : a h i stor ical study . ( inc l . 2 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 7 2 4

No . 5 0 .

SMITH , Kenneth D . Sedang g rammar ; phonolog ical and syn tac t ic structu r e . 197 9 ; x ix+19lpp . ( incl . 3 maps ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 180 5

No . 5 l . No . 5 2 .

WELLS , Marga ret A . S i roi g r ammar . 1 9 7 9 ; v i i+ 2 18pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 8 1 3 KILHAM , Chr i s t ine A . Thematic organ izat ion of W i k -Munkan d i scou r se . ( incl . 1 map) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 168 6 19 7 7 ; x ix + 2 8 0pp . VESALAINEN , Olavi and Mar j a VESALAINEN C lause pa tterns in Lhom i . 19 8 0 ; v i i+ lO Opp . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 210 0 SNEDDON , J . N . Proto-M inahasan : phonology , morphology and word l i st . 1 9 7 8 ; x+204pp . ( inc l . 1 map ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 169 4 LYNCH , John A gr ammar of Lenakel . 19 7 8 ; v i i+ 1 35pp . ( inc l . 1 map) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 6 6 X ROSS , Malcolm with John Natu PAOL A Wask ia grammar ske tch and vocabu lary . 19 7 8 ; v+119pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 7 4 0 BLAKE , Barry J . A Kalkatungu gr ammar . 1 9 7 9 ; x i i+ 1 9 8pp . ( incl . 1 map) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 197 X

No . 5 3 . No . 54 . No . 5 5 . No . 5 6 . No . 5 7 . No . 5 8 . No . 5 9 . No . 6 0 . No . 6 1 . No . 6 2 . No . 6 3 . No . 6 4 . No . 6 5 .

1 9 7 8 ; x i+ 2 1 5pp .

19 7 8 ; v i + l l ipp .

BEAUMONT , C l ive H . The T igak language of New I r e land . 1 9 7 9 ; x i+ 16 3pp . ( incl . 2 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 8 7 2 STOKHOF , W . A . L . Wo i s i k a I I : phonemics . 19 7 9 ; x i+ 1 8 8pp . ( incl . d iag rams , photog raph s , 3 maps ) . Repr inted 19 8 1 . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 9 0 2 FOX , G . J . B i g Nambas g r ammar . 19 7 9 ; x i i+ 139pp . ( inc l . 2 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 8 3 X HAWKI NS , Emi ly A . Hawa i ian sentence structu re s . 19 7 9 ; i i i+ l l ipp . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 9 5 3 HEATH , Jeffrey Bas ic mater ials in Ritharngu : grammar , texts and d i c t ionary . 1 98 0 ; ix+ 2 4 9pp . ( incl . 1 map) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 0 4 6 LUZARES , Cas i lda Edr ial The morphology of selected Cebuano verbs : a case analy s i s . 197 9 ; x i i+ 2 08pp . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 9 9 6 VOORHOEVE , C . L . The Asmat languages of I r ian Jaya . 1 9 8 0 ; x+ 1 7 7pp . ( incl . 5 maps ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 0 7 0 MCDONALD , M . and S . A . WURM Bas ic mater ials in Wa� kumara (Galal · i) : g r ammar , sentences and vocabu lary . 19 7 9 ; ix+ l l ipp . ( incl . 2 maps ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 0 2 X

No . 66 .

WOOLFORD , El len B . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 0 3 8

No . 6 7 .

HERCUS , L . A . The Bagandj i language . 198 2 ; xv i i i+ 3 2 9pp . ( incl . 6 maps , 10 photog raph s ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 6 3 1

No . 6 8 .

DAVIES , H . J . Kobon phonology . 19 8 0 ; v+80pp . ( incl . 3 maps ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 1 1 9 SOBERANO , Rosa The d ialects of Mar induque Tagalog . 19 8 0 ; x i i+ 2 3 2pp . ( incl . 4 2 maps ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 1 6 X JOHNSTON , Raymond Le s l i e Nakanai of New Br ita i n : the grammar of an Ocean ic language . 198 0 ; x i i i+ 3 l 0pp . ( inc l . 2 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 0 9 7 CHAN YAP , Glor ia Hok k ien Ch inese bor r owings in Tagalog . 198 0 ; v i i i+ 1 5 5pp . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 2 5 9 HEATH , Jeffrey Bas ic mater ials in Wa rndarang : gramma r , texts and d ict ionary . 1980 ; x i i+174pp . ( inc l . 1 map) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 1 9 4

No . 6 9 . No . 7 0 . No . 7 1 . No . 7 2 .

Aspects of Tok P i s in grammar .

1 9 7 9 ; v+ 1 1 8pp .

PAC I FIC L I NGUI STICS

9

Se r i e s B - Monog r aphs No . 7 3 .

MOSEL ,

( cont inued )

U l r ike

Tol a i

and Tok

Pisin:

the

i n f l uence of

on the developme n t o f New G u i ne a P idg in . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 229 1 No . 7 4 .

W I LLIAMS , ( incl .

No . 7 5 .

GUY ,

J.B.M.

19 8 0 ; No . 7 6 .

PERC I VAL , TSUNODA ,

W.K.

No . 8 0 .

DURANTI ,

No . 8 2 .

0

1 98 2 ; No . 8 3 .

1982 ; No . 8 4 .

No . 8 5 .

A.

No . 8 7 .

CROWLEY ,

No . 8 8 .

KEE S I NG ,

No . 8 9 .

MERLAN ,

No . 9 2 .

3 maps ) .

syntax

a

and

85883

252

soc iol ingu i s t i c I SBN

0

85883 1981;

1981;

study . 248

HERCU S ,

Lu i se A . P e te r ,

iv+9 5pp .

n a r r a t i v e d i scou r se .

0

260

I SBN

0

7

the v e r b

85883

in Chepang .

X

278

85883

270

4

0

( i nc l .

of Unga r i n j i n nor th-we s t e r n

1 map)

I SBN

0

language of Vanua t u .

85883

279

I SBN

0

85883

272

1 98 2 ;

x i i i+ 2 6 8pp .

0

8 19 8 4 ;

v i + 3 0 0 pp .

tex t s

85883

I SBN

0

85883

and vocabu l a r y .

i n Malyangaba : SEI LER , FELDMAN ,

Wa l te r Ha r r y NOTE :

The

2 maps ) . syn tax

85883

309

and I SBN

and

the 0

282 8

Sang i r i c

85883

306

lang u age s .

1984 ;

9

i t s h i s tor i c a l developme n t .

19 8 4 ;

3

languages of V i ctor i a : HERCUS ,

g r amma r , I mond a ,

and

sentences a Papuan

a

late

S tephen A .

WURM

and

s u rvey . B a s ic mate r i a l s

vocabu l a r y .

languag e .

A g r ammar o f Awtuw For

Ser ies D -

f u r ther the

315

1 98 3 :

L i ngu i s t i c and memo r y s t r u c t u r e s i n Ta i-Lue o r a l ix+ 2 3 0 pp . ( i nc l . 8 maps ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 9 6 8

To l a i 0

85883

and morphology of

P r oto-Sang i r ic

L u i se A .

1981 ;

8

IN PREPARAT I ON :

AUSTI N ,

6

s t udy o f Anem and L u s i .

I SBN

3 maps ) .

1 map) .

( i ncl .

I SBN

0

recog n i t i on .

in Tong a n .

N g a l a k an g r amma r ,

( i nc l .

U l r i ke

We s t e r n A u s t r a l i a .

I SBN

3

Kwa io g r amma r .

F r ancesca

J.N.

r e su l t s .

P r oto-Polyn e s ian pos s e s s i ve ma r k i ng .

I SBN

Rog e r M .

i v+ 2 2 3pp .

259

x i i + 1 7 9pp .

HARTMANN , John F . n a r r a t iv e s . 19 8 4 ;

MOSEL ,

sentence s

The Paamese

3 maps ) .

SNEDDON ,

K imbe r ley ,

fono :

i n t r a-sentence g r ammar

Te r r y

and

2

A compa r a t ive

( i nc l .

1982;

v i i i+ 1 3 8pp .

b a s i c methods

S photog r aph s ) .

pr oced u r al

I S BN 0

An

x i i+ 2 2 0pp .

No . 9 1 .

The

W i l l iam H .

RUMSEY ,

237

5 photog r a ph s ) .

85883

( i ncl .

xv+ 1 3 7pp .

( i ncl .

0

W i l l iam R .

Austral ia .

No . 9 0 .

Nembi

Ross

v i i i + 2 0 0 pp .

8

language of

3 map s ,

S imple

1980 ;

8

x v i + 2 6 9pp .

WI LSON ,

220

The Samoan

I SBN

i x + 1 0 7 pp .

19 8 2 ; No . 8 6 .

251

subs t r a tum

the u r b a n i sed Toba-B a t a k o f Medan .

85883

3 maps ,

Ruth A .

CAUGHLEY , 19 8 2 :

0

( i nc l .

C laude

v + 8 7pp .

THURSTON ,

of Yuwaa l a r aay .

Glot tochronology w i thout cog n a te I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 3 5 6

85883

TI PTON ,

85883

The D j a r u

( i ncl .

TCHEKHOFF , I SBN

I SBN

Ales sandro

x i+ 1 9 5pp .

0

the

v i i i + 1 4 6pp.

221 6

A g r ammar o f

x x i + 2 9 0 pp .

GUY , J . B . M . v i i i+ 1 3 4pp .

85883

I SBN

Tasaku

No . 7 9 .

A g r ammar 0

Expe r i me n t a l g lot tochr onology :

v i + 1 2 5pp .

1981;

No . 8 1 .

I SBN

v i i + 2 1 7 pp .

1 98 1 ; No . 7 8 .

Cor inne J .

1 map) .

1980 ;

monog r aphs on

I ndones ian

subse r i e s Ma te r i a l s

in

languages

languages o f

see under

I ndone s i a .

8

PACIFIC LINGUISTICS SERIES C

No . 1 .

No . 2 . No . 3 .

-

10

BOOKS

LAYCOCK , D . C . The Ndu language family (Sepik Di str ict , New Gu inea ) . 19 6 5 ; x i + 2 24pp . ( incl . 1 map) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 5 3 1 GRACE , George W . Canala d ict ionary (New Caledon ia ) . 1 9 7 5 ; ix+ 1 2 8pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 122 8 NGUY�N �ANG LI� Eng l ish gr ammar : a comb ined tagmemic and trans­ formational approach . ( A contrast ive analy s i s of Eng l ish and Vietname se , vol . l . ) . 1 96 6 ; x l iv+ 17 7pp . Repr inted 1 9 7 0 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 5 4 X and ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 5 5 8

No . 4 .

NGUY�N ��NG LI�M Vie tname se gr ammar : a comb i ned tagmem ic and tran sformat ional approach . (A contrast ive analy s i s of Eng l ish and v ietnamese , vol . 2 . ) . 19 6 9 ; x lv i + 2 0 9pp . Repr inted 1975 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 5 4 and ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 5 6 6

No . 5 .

NGUY�N � XNG LI� A contrast ive g r ammat ical analy s i s of Eng l ish and Vietnamese . (A .contrast ive analy s i s of Eng l ish and Vi etname se , vol . 3 . ) . 196 7 ; xv+ l 5 1pp . Repr inted 197 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 5 4 X and ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 5 7 4

No . 6 .

TRYON , Da r r e l l T . Dehu-Eng l ish d ict ionary . 1 9 7 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 5 8 2

No . 7 .

TRYON , Dar re l l T . Eng l i sh-Dehu d ict ionary . 1 9 6 7 ; i i i + 1 6 2pp . Repr inted 1 9 7 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 5 9 0 NGUY�N � XNG LI� A contrast ive phonolog ical analy s i s of Eng l ish and Vietnamese . (A contrast ive analy s i s of Eng l i s h and Vietnamese , vol . 4 . ) . 1 9 7 0 ; xv+ 20 6pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 5 4 X and I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 0 4 3

No . 8 .

1 96 7 ; v+ 1 37pp .

Repr inted

No . 9 .

TRYON , D . T . and M . -J . DUBOIS Nengone d ict ionary . Eng l i sh . 1 9 6 9 ; v i i+ 4 4 5pp . ( out of p r i n t ) I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 6 0 4 and ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 6 1 2

No . lO .

OATES , W . and L . OATES Kapau pedagog ical gr amma r . Repr inted 19 7 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 6 2 0

No . ll .

FOX , C . E . Arosi -Eng l ish d ict ionary . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 6 3 9

No . 1 2 .

GRACE , George W . Gr and Cou l i d ict ionary ( New Ca ledon ia ) . v i i + 1 13pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 154 6

No . 1 3 .

WURM , S . A . and D . C . LAYCOCK , eds Pac i f i c l ingu i st ic stud ie s i n honou r of Arthur Cape l l . 1 9 7 0 ; x i+ 1 2 9 2pp . ( Hardbound : inc l . 25 maps , 1 photog r aph ) . Repr inted 1 9 7 4 , 197 5 , 1 9 7 8 , 1 9 7 9 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 0 5 1 A r t ic les by Byron W . Bender , Cathe r ine H . Bernd t , Ronald M . Berndt , H . B luhme , J . E . Bolt, C . G . von B r andenste in , C . Doug las Chret ien , J . R . Cleve r ly , Ch r i stophe r Cou r t , R . M . W . D ixon , W i l f r id H . Doug la s , T . E . Dutton , I s idore Dyen , Samuel H . Elbe r t , A . P . Elk in , E . H . Fl int , Kar l J . Frank l i n , Mar ie Godfrey , George W . Grac e , Kenneth Hale , Joy Har r i s , Alan Healey , Henry Her shbe rger , Ruth He r shberge r , W . G . Hodd inott , Patr ick W . Hohepa , N i l s M . Holme r , B . A . Hooley , Dorothy J . Jame s , Hans Kahle r , Su san Kaldor , Har land Ker r , Jean F . K i r ton , D . C . Laycock , K . A . McElhanon , Howard McKaughan , Nguy�n � �ng L iem , Geoff rey N . O ' Grady , Andrew Pawley , Eun ice V . P i k e , Richard Pi ttman , D . J . Prentice , Albert J . Schutz , M . C . Sha rpe , W . E . Smythe , A . J . Taylor , D . T . Tryon , E .M . Uhlenbec k , C . F . Voege l in , F .M . Voege l i n , C . L . Voorhoeve , S . A . Wurm , John A . z ' graggen . GEERTS , P . ' Ar e ' are d ict ionary . 1 9 7 0 ; iv+ 1 8 7pp . ( in c l . 2 map s ) ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 6 4 7

No . 14 . No . 15 . No . 16 . No . 17 .

Pa r t I : Nengone­ 1 96 8 ; v+ 1 7 8pp .

1 9 7 0 ; iv+ 4 0 6pp . ( in c l . 1 map) . 1976 ;

McELHANON , K . A . and N . A . McELHANON Se lepet-Eng l i sh d ic t i onary . 1 9 7 0 ; xx i + 1 4 4pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 6 5 5 FRANKL I N , K . J . A g r ammar of Kewa , New Gu inea . 197 1 ; ix+ 1 3 8pp . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 6 6 3 PARKER , G . J . Southeast Ambrym d ictionary . 197 1 ; x i i i + 6 0pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 6 7 1

PACIFIC LINGUISTICS

11

Ser ies C - Books ( Continued ) No . 18 . PRENTICE , D . J . The Mu rut languages of Sabah . 197 1 ; x i + 3 1 1pp . ( incl . 1 map ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 6 8 X No . 19 . Z ' GRAGGEN , J . A . Class i f i catory and typolog ical stud ies in languages o f the Madang D i str ict . 19 7 1 ; v i i i + 1 7 9pp . ( inc l . 4 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 6 9 8 No . 2 0 . LANG , Ad r ianne Enga d ict ionary , with Engl ish index . 1 9 7 3 ; lx i + 2 19pp . (Hardbound : incl . 1 map ) . Repr inted 1 9 7 8 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 9 3 0 No . 2 1 . PATON , W . F . Ambrym ( Lonwolwol ) d ict ionary . 19 7 3 ; ix+ 3 3 7pp . (Ha rdbound ) + 1 map . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 9 2 2 No . 2 2 . LONGACRE , Robe r t E . , ed . Ph i l ippine d i scou r se and paragraph studies in memory of Betty McLachl in . 1 9 7 1 ; xv+ 36 6pp . ( incl . 1 photog r aph ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 7 0 1 A r t icles by Barba r a Blackbu r n , R . E . Longac r e , Be tty MCLach l i n , Cha r les Walton , Claudia Wh ittle , Hazel J . Wr igglesworth . No . 2 3 . TRYON , D . T . and M . -J . DUBOIS Nengone d ict ionary . Pa rt I I : Eng l i sh­ Nengone . 1 9 7 1 ; i i i+ 2 0 2pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 6 0 4 and ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 7 1 X No . 2 4 . ELBERT , Samuel H . Pu luwat d ic t ionary . 1 9 7 2 ; ix+ 4 0 1pp . ( Hardbound ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 8 2 5 No . 2 5 . FOX , Cha r les E . Lau d ic t ionary , wi th Eng l ish index . 1 9 7 4 ; v i + 2 60pp . ( Hardbound ) . Repr inted 19 7 6 , 1 9 7 8 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 101 5 No . 26 . FRANKL I N , Kar l , ed . The l ingu i s t i c s i tuat ion in the Gu l f D i str ict and adj acent area s , Papua New Gu inea . 19 7 3 ; x + 5 9 7pp . ( Hardbound : inc l . 8 maps) . Repr inted 19 7 5 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 0 0 7 Art icles by H . A . B r own , T . E . Du tton , Ka r l J . Frank l in , Richard G . Lloyd , George E . MacDonald , Karen Shaw, R . Dan iel Shaw, Clemens L . Voorhoeve , S . A . Wur m . No . 2 7 . SOHN , Ho-min and B .W . BENDER A Ul ith i an gr amma r . 1 9 7 3 ; xv+ 3 9 8pp . (Hardbound : incl . 2 maps ) . Repr inted 1980 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 9 8 1 No . 2 8 . HEADLAND , Thomas N . and Janet D . HEADLAND A Dumagat (Casigu r an ) ­ Engl ish d ict ionary . 19 7 4 ; lx i i i+ 2 3 2pp . (Hardbound : incl . 1 map ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 0 7 4 No . 2 9 . DUTTON , T . E . , ed . Stud ies in languages of Central and South-East Papu a . 1 9 7 5 ; xv i i+ 8 3 4pp . (Hardbound : inc l . 5 maps ) . Repr inted 1 9 7 8 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 119 8 Articles by John Aust ing , Ru ssell E . Coope r , T . E . Du tton , Cynth i a Fa r r , James Fa r r , Roger Gar land , Su san Gar land , J . E . Henderson , J . A . Kol ia , M i k e Olson , Andrew Pawley , Ernest L . Riche r t , N . P . Thomson , Randolph Up i a , Har ry We imer , Nata l i a We imer . No . 3 0 . LOVING , Richard and Ar etta LOVING Awa d ict ionary . 1 9 7 5 ; xlv+ 2 0 3pp . (Hardbound : inc l . 1 map ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 3 7 6 No . 3 1 . NGUYEN �ANG LI�M , ed . Sou th-East A s i an l ingu i s t i c stud i e s , vol . l . 19 7 4 ; v i i+ 2 1 3pp . ( Hardbound ) . Repr inted 19 7 8 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 4 4 9 and ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 9 9 X Ar ticles by Marybeth Cla r k , Arthur G . Cr i s f ield , Soen j ono Dardjowidj o j o , Cesar A . H idalgo , Ph i l ip N . Jenner , Nguy�n � ang L i�m, Saveros Pou . No . 3 2 . TRYON , D . T . Daly Fam i ly language s , Austr a l i a . 1 9 7 4 ; xv i i+ 3 0 5pp . (Hardbound : incl . 1 map) . Repr inted 1980 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 0 6 6 No . 3 3 . WURM , S . A . and B . WILSON Eng l ish f inder l i st of reconstructions in Austrone s ian languages ( post-B r andstette r ) . 1 9 7 5 ; xxx i i+ 2 4 6pp . (Hardbound ) . Repr inted 1 9 7 8 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 2 9 5 No . 34 . GUY , J . B .M . Handbook of B iche lamar - Manuel de B ichelamar . 197 4 ; i i i + 25 6pp . ( Ha rdbound ) . Repr inted 1 9 7 5 , 19 7 9 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 0 9 0 No . 3 5 . KEES ING , R . M . Kwa io d ict ionary . 1 9 7 5 ; xxxv+ 29 6pp . ( Ha rdbound : inc l . 1 map ) . Repr inted 1 9 8 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 2 0 1

PACI FIC LINGUISTICS

12

Ser ies C - Books ( con ti nued ) No. 36 . REID , Lawrence A . Bontok-Eng l i sh d ictionary . 1 9 7 6 ; xx i i i+500pp . (Hardbound ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 4 5 7 No. 37 . RENCK , G . L . Yagar ia d ict ionary , with English index . 1 9 7 7 ; xxix+3 27pp . (Hardbound : incl . 1 map) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 161 9 No . 3 8 . WURM , S . A . , ed . New Gu inea area languages and language study , vol . l : Papuan languages and the New Gu inea l ingu i stic scene . 1 97 5 ; xlvi+l0 38pp . (Hardbound : inc ! . 28 maps ) . Repr i n ted 197 7 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 3 1 7 and ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 3 2 5 Articles by A . Cape l l , T . E . Du tton , K a r l J . Frankl i n , Harland B . Ke r r , D . C . Laycock , K . A . McElhanon , Evelyn M . Todd , C . L . Voorhoe'le , S . A . Wurm, John A . Z ' graggen . N o . 3 9 . WURM , S . A . , ed . New Gu inea area languages and language study , vol . 2 : Austrones ian languages . 1 97 6 ; xxxv+ 7 3 6pp . (Hardbound : inc l . 2 1 maps ) . Repr inted 1 97 9 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 3 1 7 and ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 5 5 4 Articles by C . H . Beaumon t , A . Cape l l , Ann Chowning , T . E . Dutton , George W . G r ace , Alan Healey , Bruce A . Hooley , D . C . Laycoc k , Peter C . Lincoln , Dav id R . L i thgow , And rew Pawley , A . J . Taylor , S . A . Wu r m , John A . Z ' graggen . No. 4 0 . WURM , S . A . , ed . New Gu inea area l anguages and l anguage study , vol . 3 : Language , cultu r e , soc iety , and the modern wor ld . 19 7 7 ; lxxxv i + 1 4 4 9pp . ( Hardbound : inc l . 3 maps , 40 photog raphs ) , i n two fasc icles . Repr inted 1 9 8 1 , 19 8 5 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 3 1 7 and I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 5 9 7 A r t icles by C . Abe l , Henry L . Be l l , Cathe r ine H . Bernd t , H . Myron B r omley , H . A . B r own , A . Cape l l , Loi s C a r r ington , Emi ly C l a r ke , Anne M . Coch ran , E . W . De ibler Jr , T . E . Dutton , I rena us E ibl-Eibesfeldt , Franz-Josef E i l e r s , Joice Frank l in , Karl J . Frank l i n , Paul G . Freyberg , E . F ry , Alan Healey , L . R . Healey , R . K . Johnson , Adr ianne Lang , Ran ier Lang , Ralph S . Lawton , D . C . Laycoc k , Peter C . Lincoln , John Lynch , Howa rd P . MCKaughan , Franc i s Miha l i c , John Minogue, Pete r Muhlhausler , A . K . Neuendor f , Ebia Olewale , And rew Pawley , G . L . Renc k , Joan Rule , W . M . Rule , G i ll ian Sankoff , Robert P . Scott , Peter J . S i lzer , A . J . Taylor , W . E . Tomase tti , Donald F . Tu z i n , C . L . Voorhoeve , Dav id Y . H . Wu , S . A . Wu r m , John A . Z ' graggen . Calvin Z inke l . No . 4 1 . FLIERL , W . and H . STRAUSS , eds Kate d ict ionary . 1977 ; xxxv+ 4 99pp . (Hardbound : incl . 1 map) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 4 9 X No . 4 2 . NGUYEN � ANG LIEM , ed . South-East Asian l ingu istic studies , vol . 2 . 19 7 6 ; iv+ 2 6 2pp . (Hardbound : inc! . '2 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 4 4 9 and ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 4 3 0 Articles by Paul K . Bened ict , G . Dif floth , Eugen ie J . A . Hend e r son , Jud ith M . Jacob , Ph i l ip N . Jenner , Joseph F . Kes s , A . Llamzon , Ma . Te r e s i ta Ma r t i n , Malcolm Wa r ren Mintz , L i l i Rabe l-Heymann , H . L . Shorto , S idharta ( S ie Ing Dj i ang ) , John U . wolf f . No. 4 3 . SMALLEY , W i l l iam A . , ed . Phonemes and or thogr aphy : l anguage plann ing in ten minor ity languages of Tha i land . 1976 ; x i i i + 3 4 7pp . (Ha rdbound ) ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 4 4 9 A r t icles by C . W . Callaway , Loi s Callaway , Joseph R . Cooke , David F i lbec k , David Hogan , E . R . Hope , J . Edwin Hudsp ith , Beulah M . Johnston , James A . Mor r i s , Donald Schlatte r , W i l l iam A . Sma l ley , Peter Wyss . No . 4 4 . ZORC , Dav id Paul The B i sayan d i alects of the Phil ippine s : subgroupi ng and reconstruct ion . 1 9 7 7 ; xx i i i + 3 2 8pp . (Ha rdbound : inc l . 9 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 5 7 0 No . 4 5 . NGUYEN �ANG LIEM , ed . South-East A s i an l ingu i s t i c stUd ie s , vol . 3 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 4 4 9 and 1 9 7 9 ; ix+ 3 2 6pp . (Ha rdbound) + 3 maps . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 7 7 5 A r t ic les by A . Capel l , Soenj ono Da rdjowidjoj o , Raleigh Fe r r e l l , Jack son T . Gandour , Eugenie J . A . Hende r son , Joseph F . Kess , Nguy�n � ang Liem, A . Kemp Pallesen , Ale j andr ino Q. Perez , Lawrence A. Re id , Alfonso o. Santiago, Pat r i c i a Stanley , Norman H . Z ide , R. David Zor c .

PACI FIC LINGUISTICS

13

Ser ies C - Books ( continued ) No . 4 6 . HEALEY , Phy l l i s and Alan HEALEY Telefol d ict iona r y . x ix+ 3 5 8pp . ( Hardbound ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 160 0

19 7 7 ;

No . 4 7 . PERE Z , A . Q . , A . O . SANTIAGO and NGUYEN, � XNG LIEM , eds Paper s from the Conference on the Standa r d i sation of Asian Languages , Man i l a , Ph i l ippines , December 16- 2 1 , 1 9 7 4 . 1 9 7 8 ; ix+ 3 86pp . (Hardbound : incl . 1 map) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 7 6 7 Articles by Abdul lah Hassan , S . Takd i r A l i s j ahbana , Asmah Haj i Omar , Ne l ia G . Casambre , Jame s R . Chambe r la in , S i s i r K umar Das , V i rg i l io G . Enr iquez , Andrew Gonzalez , Amran Hal im, Astuti Hendrato-Darmosug ito , Yahaya I sma i l , Hans Kaehle r , Har imu r t i K r idalak sana , Ernest W . Lee , Fe rdinand E . Ma rcos , S . W . Rudj iati Mul j ad i , Nguy�n � ang L iem, Fe T . Otanes , A l Q . Pere z , Ponc iano B . P . P ineda , W i s sanu Rawanking , Jack C . Richards , Alfonso o . Sant iago, Taku j i Sasak i , Bon ifacio P . S ibayan , Hengtse TU , Lar s S . Vikor . No. 4 8 . GONZALEZ , Andrew Pampangan : towards a meaning-based descr iption . 1 9 8 1 ; x i i i+ 4 0 2pp . ( Hardbound) I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 4 4 5 No . 4 9 . NGUYEN � ANG LIEM , ed . South-East As ian l ingu istic stud ie s , vol . 4 . 1 9 7 9 ; iv+4 36pp . ( Hardbound ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 4 4 9 and I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 0 1 1 A r t icles by Donald F . Ba r r , Maxwel l Cobbey , James T . Col l ins , Joseph R . Cooke , Anthony D i l le r , Jack Gandou r , John F . Hartmann, SamAng H i ranbu r ana , Lou Hohu l i n , Mary E. Honts , Hope M . Hurlbu t , Ph i l ip N . Jenner , W i la iwan Kan ittanan � Michael Kenstowic z , Joseph F . Kess , Anna Kwan-Te r r y , Nguyen �lnh-Hoa , Patchar in Peyasant iwong , Save r os Pou , Joan M. Rosen , Marmo Soemarmo , Tham Seong Chee , M ichael R . Thoma s , Udom War otama s i k khad i t . No . 50 . TRYON , D . T . New Hebr ide s languages : an inte rnal classif ication . 1976 ; v+ 5 4 5pp . ( Hardbound : inc l . 7 maps ) . Repr inted 1 9 7 9 . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 5 2 X No . 5 1 . GLOVER , Wa r r en W . , Jessie R . GLOVER and Deu Bahadur GURUNG Gurung-Nepa l i-Eng l i sh d ict ionary , with Eng l i sh-Gu r ung and Nepal i-Gur ung indexes . 1 9 7 7 ; x i i i + 3 1 6pp . ( Hardbound ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 4 7 3 No . 5 2 . MUHLHAUSLER , Pete r G rowth and structure of the lex icon of New Gu inea p idg i n . 1 97 9 ; xx+ 4 9 8pp. (Hardbound ) . Repr inted 1 9 8 4 . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 9 1 0 No. 5 3 . FRANKLIN , Karl J . and Jo ice FRANKLIN , assi sted by Yapua KIRAPEASI A Kewa d ictionary , with supplementary gr ammatical and an thropolog ical mate r ials . 1 9 7 8 ; x i + 5 14pp . ( Hardbound : inc l . 10 maps ) . I SBN 0 8 58 8 3 182 1 No . 54 . WURM , S . A . , ed . Austral ian l ingu i s tic stud ies . 1 9 7 9 ; xv+ 7 5 3pp . ( Hardbound : incl . 18 maps , 7 i l lustrations ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 8 5 6 Art icles by Ba rry J . Blake , A . Cape l l , Loi s Carr ington , Ne i l Chadwick , Jeff rey Heath , L . A . Hercus , Geoffrey N . O ' Grady , B ruce Rigsby , M . C . Sharpe , Peter Sut ton , Michae l J . Wa lsh . No . 5 5 . LYNCH , John

Lenakel d ictionar y . 1 9 7 7 ; v i i+167pp .

I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 6 5 1

No. 5 6 . CAPELL , A . Futuna-An iwa d ictionary , with grammatical introduct ion . 19 8 4 ; iv+ ? 5 2pp . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 316 6 No . 57 . FOX , Cha r les E . Arosi d ict ionary . Rev i sed ed it ion with Eng l i sh-Arosi index prepared by Ma ry Craft . 197 8 ; iv+ 5 9 8pp . ( Hardbound : inc l . 1 map) . I SBN 0 8 58 8 3 1 7 0 8 No. 58 . THARP , J . A . and Y-Bham £UON-YA A Rhade-Engl ish d ict ionary , with Eng l i s h-Rhade finder l i st . 1 98 0 ; x i + 2 7 1pp . (Hardbound ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 1 7 8 No . 5 9 . BAUTISTA , Ma r ia Lourde s S . The F i l ipino b i l ingual ' s compe tence : a model based on an analys i s of Tagalog-Engl ish code sw itch ing . 1980 ; v i + 3 8 6pp . (Hardbound ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 1 2 7

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Ser ies C - Books ( cont inued ) No . 60 . HEATH , Jeffery Basic mater ials in Ma r a : grammar , texts and d ict ionary . 1 9 8 1 ; x i i i+5 2 2pp . ( Hardbound : inc l . 1 map) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 4 7 X No . 6 1 . WURM , S . A . and Lo i s CARRINGTON , eds Second I n te r national Confe rence on Au str ones ian Lingu i st i c s : proceed ings . Fasc icle one : Weste r n Austrone s i an 19 7 8 ; xx i i+ 1- 6 8 8pp . ( Ha rdbound : inc l . 1 map , 2 photogr aphs ) Rep r i n ted 1 98 3 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 8 4 8 Articles by Nata l i a Al ieva , J . C . Anceaux , Robe rt Blust , Al ice C a r t ie r , Sandra Chung , Otto Chr . Dahl , Soenj ono Dardjowidjoj o , I s idore Dye n , Rale igh Fer r e l l , Jo-Ann F lor a , Jeanne D . G ibson , A . H a k i m Usman , R . Hardj ad ibrata , Hans Kahler , Joseph F . Ke ss , Don Laycock , Paul Jen-kue i L i ,. Paz Buenaventu r a Naylor , D . J . Prent i ce , Lawr ence A . Re id , J . P . Sarumpae t , U . S i r k , H . Ste inhauer , Claude Tchekhof f , M ichael R . Thoma s , John W . M . Verhaa r , Fr an�oi s Z acot , R . Dav id Zorc . Fasc icle two : Eastern Au strones ian . 1 9 7 8 ; xxi i-xxvi+ 6 8 8 - 14 9 7pp . (Hardbound : incl . 6 maps) Rep r inted 1 98 3 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 8 4 8 Articles by Dav id G . Arms , Bruce G . B igg s , Ann Chown ing , Ross Clar k , Anne Cochr an , Tom Du tton , Bryan Ezard , Jacques Bernard Miche l Guy , S . P . Har r i son , Mar ianne Haslev , Raymond L . Johnston , Yves Lemaltre , P . C . L incol n , John Lynch , Donald S . Ma rsha l l , Rodney F . Moag , Peter Muhlhausler , And rew Pawley , Albert J . Schu tz , W i l l i am J . Se iter , Andrew Taylor , Evelyn M . Todd , D . T . T ryon , D . S . Walsh , S . A . Wu r m . No . 6 2 . SCOTT , Gr aham Fore d i ctionary . 1 9 8 0 ; x i i i+ 2 4 3pp . (Hardbound : inc l . 1 map ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 2 6 7 No . 6 3 . BROMLEY , H . Myron A g r ammar of Lowe r Gr and Val ley Dan i . 198 1 ; x iv+ 4 2 4pp . ( Hardbound ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 2 3 2 No . 6 4 . COPPELL , W . G . Austrones ian and other languages of the Pac i f i c and South-East As i a : an annotated cata logue of theses and d i ssertation s . 198 1 ; x i i i + 5 2 1pp . (Ha rdbound) I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 3 8 0 No . 6 5 . RANBY , Peter A Nanumea lex i con . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 2 7 5

1 98 0 ; x i + 2 4 3pp .

( Hardbound ) .

No . 6 6 . WORM , S . A . and S h i ro HATTORI , eds Language atlas of the Pac i f ic area, pa rt 1: New Gu inea a r e a , Ocean i a , Au st r a l i a . 1 9 8 1 ; i i+ 7 4pp . ( inc l . 2 5 mu l t i colou red map s , appropr iate text mate r i a l s , i ndexes ) . (Boxed set) I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 39 9 and I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 4 0 2 ( D i str ibuted by GeoCente r , Hon igwiesenstrasse 2 5 , D- 7 0 0 0 Stuttgart 8 0 , Postfach 8 0 0 8 3 0 , We st Germany . Pr ice DM 2 5 0 . - ) No . 6 7 . WURM , S . A . and S h i r o HATTORI , ed s Language atlas of the Pac i f ic a r e a , p a r t 2 : Japan area , P h i l ipp i nes and Formosa , ma inland a n d insu lar Sou th-east Asia. 1 9 8 3 ; i i+ 7 2pp . ( incl . 2 3 mu l t i colou r ed map s , approp r i ate text mater ials , indexe s ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 3 9 9 and ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 9 0 9 ( D i s tr ibuted by GeoCenter , Hon igwiesen stra sse 2 5 , D- 7 0 0 0 Stuttga rt 8 0 , Postfach 8 0 0 8 30 , West Germany . Pr ice DM 2 50 . - ) No . 6 8 . STRE ICHER, J . -F . Jabem-Eng l i sh d ic t ionary . 1 9 8 2 ; x i i+ 6 7 4pp . (Hardbound : inc l . 1 map) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 7 4 7 No . 6 9 . CAPELL , A . and H . H . J . COATE Comparative stud ies in Northern K imbe r l ey language s . 1 9 8 4 ; xv i+2 5 8pp . ( inc1 . 1 map) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 3 1 4 X No . 70 . WORM , S . A . and P . Muhlhau s ler , eds Handbook of Tok P i s in ( New Gu inea Pidg in ) . Languages for intercultu r a l commun icat ion in the Pac i f i c area project of the Au stral ian Academy of the Human i t ie s , publ icat ion No . 1 . ( Ha rdbound ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 3 2 1 2 1 9 8 5 ; iv+7 2 5pp . Articles by Tom Du tton ; Su sanne Holz knecht ; Don Laycock ; P . Muhlhau s le r ; Ju l ie P i au ; Malcolm Ross ; Jeff S iege l ; S . A . Wu rm. No . 7 1 . WORD ICK , F . J . F . The Y indj ibarndi language . 1 9 8 2 ; x i i+ 39 0pp . ( Ha rdbound : . incl . 1 map) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 6 5 8 No . 7 2 . TRYON , D . T . and B . D . HACKMAN Solomon I s land languages : an internal c lass i f icat ion . 198 3 ; v i i i+490pp . ( Ha rdbound : inc l . 5 maps) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 9 2 5

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15

Ser ies C - Boo k s (continued ) No . 7 3 . FERRELL , Raleigh Pa iwan d i ctionary . 198 2 ; x+50 3pp . ( Hardbound ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 6 4 X No . 74 . HALIM , Amran , Lo i s CARRINGTON and S . A . WURM , eds Pape r s from the Third Internat iona l Conference on Au strone s i an L ingu i s t i c s . vol . l : Cur rents in Ocean i c . 1 9 8 2 . v i + 3 14pp . ( inc l . 8 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 8 5 2 ; 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 7 1 2 A r t icles by Tom Dut ton , Jacques B . M . Guy , S . P . Har r i son , Raymond L . Johns ton , Don Laycoc k , John Lynch , Malcolm Ros s , D . T . Tryon , D . S . Wa lsh . No . 7 5 . HALIM, Arnr an , Lo i s CARRI NGTON and S . A . WURM , eds Pape r s from the T h i rd Internat ional Confe rence on Au strone s i an L ingu i s t i c s . vol . 2 : Track ing the trave l ler s . 19 8 2 ; v i + 3 3 1pp . ( inc l . 3 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 8 5 2 ; o 85883 2 7 5 5 A r t icles by J . C . Anceaux , James T . Col l i n s , I s idore Dyen , Far id M . Onn , Ma r k Harvey , Hans Lapo l iwa , Paul Jen-kue i L i , Teodore A . Llamzon , J . Noorduyn , Andrew K . Pawley , Lawrence A . Re i d , N icole Revel-Macdonald , Mangantar S imanjuntak , Stanley Starosta , C . L . Voor hoeve , John U . Wol f f , Colin Yallop , R . Dav id Zor c . No. 7 6 . HALIM , Amr an , Lo i s CARRINGTON and S . A . WURM , eds Pape r s from the Third Internat iona l Conference on Au st rone s i an L ingu i st ics . vol . 3 : Accen t on var iety . 19 8 2 ; v i + 3 2 4pp . ( inc l . 4 8 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 8 5 2 ; 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 8 1 X Ar ticles by Ross Clar k , Precy Esp i r i tu-Re id , James J . FOx , C . D . Gr i j n s , Kay I k r anagar a , Joseph F . Kess , E . A . Kondrashk ina , Threes Y . Kuman i r eng , Be rnd Nothofe r , D . J . Prentice , J . P . Sarumpa e t , Gary F . S imon s , I s t i a t i Sutorno, KMA M . Usop , Roland Walker . No . 7 7 . HALIM, Amran , Lo i s CARRINGTON and S . A . WURM , eds pape r s from the Th i rd Inte rnat ional Conference on Au st rones ian L ingu i s t i c s , vol . 4 : Thema t i c var iation . 198 3 ; v i i i+ 4 1 5pp . ( inc l . 6 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 8 5 2 ; o 85883 304 2 Ar t icles by Nata l i a F . Al ieva , Azhar M . S imin , Wayan Bawa , Joe l B r adshaw , Al ice Ca r t ier , Te r ry Crowley , Soenj ono Dar djow i d j o j o , Raleigh J . Fe r re l l , R . Hardjad ib r a t a , Ma r i t Kana , Bambang Ka swan t i Purwo , Keith McCune , Tams in Medan , C l a i r e Moy se-Fau r i e , I Gus t i Ngu rah Bagu s , Fr an90ise Oz anne-Riv ier r e , Rame lan , S r i Wulan Ruj i a t i Mulyad i , Soedj arwo , Dendy Sugono , Ignat ius Suharno , M i chael R . Thoma s , Henny Lomban T icoalu , E . M . Uhlenbeck , John W . M . Ve rhaar , Hu sein widj aj akusumah , Yeoh C h i ang Kee . No . 7 8 . KING , Ju l ie K . and John Wayne KING , eds Languages of Sabah : a survey repor t . 1 98 4 ; v i+ 3 59pp . ( incl . 39 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 297 6 No . 7 9 . LYNCH , J . ed . , S tud ies in the l anguages of E r r omango . 19 8 3 ; v i i+ 2 2 2pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 8 4 4 ( incl 2 maps ) . No . 80 . BENDER , By ron W . , ed . S tud ies in M ic r ones ian l ingu i stics . 19 8 4 ; x i i+515pp . ( inc l . 1 map) ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 3 0 7 7 A r t icles by Byron W . Bender , Jo-Ann Flor a , She ldon P . Harr ison , Robe r t W . Hsu , Frede r ick H . Jack son , Roder ick A . Jacob s , John Thayer Jen sen , Lew i s S . Josephs , Kee-dong Lee , Ann M. Pete r s , Kenneth Rehg , Ho-min Sohn , Anthony F . Tawe r i lmang , Jud i th W . Wang . No . 81 . BRUCE , Les The Alamblak language of Papua New Gu inea (East Sepi k ) . 19 8 4 ; v i + 3 6 1pp . (Hardbound : inc l . 2 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 3 0 3 4 No . 8 3 . MORRIS , C l i f f Te tun-Eng l i sh d ic t ionary . ( incl . 1 map) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 3 0 8 5

1 9 8 4 ; xx+ 19 4pp .

No . 86 . RENSCH , K a r l H . T i k i s iona l i o fakauvea- fakafalan i -- D ic t ionnaire wa l l i s ien- f r an9a i s . 19 8 4 ; Special Numbe r ; x iv+4 39pp . ( inc l . 1 map) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 310 7

16

PAC I F IC L INGUI STICS Se r ie s C - Books ( continued)

No . 87 . THURGOOD , Gr aham, James A. MAT ISOFF, Dav id BRADLEY , ed s , w i th the a s s i stance of G r ace Shiang-J iun Lin and Keith Record . L ingu i s t i c s o f the S ino-T ibe tan area : the state o f the a r t . Pape r s presented to Pau l K . Bened ict for h i s 71st b i r thday . 1 9 8 5 ; v i i+ 4 9 8pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 3 19 0 Ar t icles by W i l l iam L . Ballard, W i l l i am H . Baxter I I I , A lton L . Becker , N i cholas C . Bodman , Dav id Br adley , Chr i stopher Cou r t , S�ren Egerod , W i l l iam J . Gedney , Inga-L i l l Hansson , Man taro J . Hashimoto , Andr �-Georges Haud r i cou r t , Eug�n ie J . A . Hende r son , Franklin E . Huffman , F . K . Lehman , Char les N . L i , Lorenz G . Loffle r , James A . Mat i sof f , Ma r t ine Mazaudon , Tsu - l i Me i , Boyd M icha i lovsky, Yasu h i ko Nagano , Nguy�n ei nh-hoa , Tatsuo N i sh ida , Jerry Norman , A . Schussle r , R . K . Spr igg , Sandr a A . Thompson , Gr aham Thu rgood , Ju l i an K . Wheat ley , Paul Fu-mien Yang .

IN PREPARAT ION : LAYCOCK , D . C .

Basic mater i a l s in Bu i n : grammar , tex ts and d i c t ionary .

S . A . , John G . MEALUE and John I n i LAPL I and F r ank Bollen Yopu se Nor the rn Santa C r u z an d ic t ionary , Solomon I s lands .

WURM ,

FOX , James J . ed . To speak in pa i r s : essays on the r i tual languages of eastern Indonesia . A compar a t ive d ic t i onary of Orokolo, Gu l f of Papu a .

BROWN , Herbe r t A . CHEN , Ter esa M . Nataoran-Amis .

Ve rbal construct ions and verbal c l a s s i f ication in

PAWLEY , And rew, ed . Congress .

Au strones i an l ingu ist ics at the 15th Pac i f ic S c ience

CLYNE , M i chae l , ed .

Au str a l i a , meeting place of languages .

S . A . , Patr ick BWAKOLO and Ma r t in MOY IYO Solomon I s lands .

WORM

Ay iwo d ic t ionary, Ree f I s land s ,

PAC I F IC LINGUI STICS SERIES D

-

17

SPECIAL PUBLICATIONS

( BULLET INS , ARCHIVAL MATERIALS AND OTHER PUBLICAT IONS ) No . 1 .

Bul letin No. 1 . 1 9 6 4 ; 9pp . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 7 2 8 Contr ibut ions by A . Cape l l , R . D . Eagleson, E . H . Flint , Su san Ka ldor , J . Lyons , S . A . Wu r m .

No . 2 .

B u l letin No . 2 . 1 9 6 5 ; v+ 8 4pp . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 7 3 6 Contr ibut ions by J . R . Bernard , H . B luhme , Chr istophe r A . F . Cou r t , Robe r t R . Dye r , E . H . Flint, F . W . Harwood , Su san Kaldor , E . M . Liggin s , A . Mur tonen , An ita Pincas , Hans Pol lak , C . W . Ruhle , R . J . Zator ski .

No . 3 .

WURM , S . A . New Gu inea Highlands Pidgin : cou r se mate r ial s . 1 9 7 1 ; vii+ 1 7 5pp . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 7 4 4

No . 4 .

WURM , S . A . Languages : Ea ster n , we stern and Sou thern Highland s , Terr itory o f papua & New Gu inea . (Map in fou r teen colou r s . ) 1 9 6 1 . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 7 5 2

No . 5 .

LAYCOCK , Don Mate r ials in New Gu inea Pidgin (Coastal and Lowland s ) . 19 7 0 ; xxxvii+ 6 2pp . Repr inted 19 7 4 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 7 6 0

No . G .

NGUY�N � XNG LIEM Fou r - sy l lable id ioma tic express ions in Vie tname s e . 1970 ; v+6 0pp . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 7 7 9

No . 7 .

ELBERT , S . H . Three legends of Pu luwat and a bit of tal k . 1 9 7 1 ; ix+ 85pp . ( incl . 1 map, 1 photogr aph) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 7 8 7

No . 8 .

LANG , Ad r i anne , Kather ine E . W . MATHER and Mary L . ROSE I nformat ion storage and retr ieva l : a dict ionary project . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 8 7 6

No . 9 .

PACIFIC LINGUI STICS Index to Pac ific Lingu istic s , S e r ies A-D , as at the end of 1970 . 1 9 7 1 ; iv+ 75pp . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 7 9 5

No . lO .

PATON , W . F . Tales of Ambrym . 1 9 7 1 ; x i i + 8 2pp . ( i nc l . 1 map) . Repr inted 1 97 8 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 8 0 9

No . l l .

WURM , S . A . , ed . , with P . BRENNAN , R . BROWN , G . BUNN , K . FRANKLI N , B . IRW I N , G . SCOTT , A . STUCKY , and other membe r s of the Summer Institute of Lingu istic s , New Gu inea Br anch Language maps of the H ighlands Provinces , Papua New Gu inea . 1 9 7 8 ; iii+21pp . ( incl . 6 maps ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 7 1 6

No . 1 2 .

DUTTON , T . E . Conve rsationa l New Gu inea Pidgin . 197 3 ; xviii+ 2 9 2pp . Repr inted 1 9 7 4 , 1 9 7 7 , 1 9 7 9 , 1 9 8 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 0 96 5 Rev ised cou r se in prepa ration .

No . 1 3 .

GLOVER, Jessie R . and Deu Bahadur GURUNG 19 7 9 ; vii+2 16pp . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 9 2 9

No . 14 .

BARNETT , Gary L . Handbook for the col lec tion of f i sh names in Pac ific l anguage s . 1 9 7 8 ; v+ l O lpp . ( incl . 1 map , 47 photog r aphs , 3 d r awings ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 175 9

No . 1 5 .

TRYON , D . T . & R . GE LY , eds Gaze tteer o f New Hebr ides place names / Nomenclatu r e des noms geogr aphiques des Nouve l les-Hebr ides . 197 9 ; xxx iii+ 1 5 5pp . ( inc l . 1 map) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 194 5

No . 16 .

YOUNG , Mar ibe lle Bwaidoka tale s . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 0 0 3

No . 1 7 .

STOKHOF , W . A . L . , ed with Lia SALEH-BRONKHORST Hol le l ists : vocabu laries in languages of Indone sia, vol . l : Introductory volume . (Mate r i als in languages of Indone sia, No . 1 : W . A . L . S tokhof , Series ed . ) 19 8 0 ; v+ 1 4 9pp . ( inc l . 2 maps ) . Repri nted 1 9 8 1 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 1 3 5 and I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 1 4 3 .

.

•

.

197 2 ; vii+1 51pp .

Conve r sationa l Gu rung .

19 7 9 ; viii+ 1 3 6pp .

( incl . 1 map) .

PACI F IC LINGUISTICS

18

Ser ies D - Spec i a l publicat ions (con tinued) No . 18 . STANHOPE , John M. The language of the Rao people , Greng abu , Madang Prov ince , Papua New Gu inea . 19 8 0 ; v i i+ 2 8pp . ( incl . 3 maps , 5 photog r aphs ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 2 2 4 No . 19 . STOKHOF , W . A . L . Wo i s i ka I : an ethnogr aph ic introduct ion . 197 7 : ix+7 4pp . ( incl . 3 maps ) . Repr inted 1980 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 167 8 No . 20 . CAPELL , A . and J . LAYARD Mater ials in Atch i n , Malekula : g ramma r , vocabu lary and texts . 1980 ; v+2 60pp . ( incl . 1 map) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 3 1 3 No . 2 1 . SCHEBECK , B . Texts on the soc ial system of the AtYnY amatana people , with g r ammat ical notes . 197 4 ; xv i i i+ 2 7 8pp . + 1 photog r aph: I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 0 2 3 No . 2 2 . PATON , W . F . Customs of k�brym ( texts , songs , games and d r awings ) . 1 9 7 9 ; xv+9 8pp . ( incl . 1 map , 4 photog raph s ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 189 9 No . 2 3 . CLYNE , Michael , ed . Austr a l i a talks : essays on the soc iology of Austral i an immig rant and abor ig inal languages . 1976 ; v i i i+ 2 4 4pp . Repr inted 197 8 , 1980 , 19 8 3 . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 148 1 Art icles by M . Anne Bol i tho , M ichael Clyne , Robe rt D . Eagleson , R . McL . Har r is , Ruth Johnston , Su san Kaldor , Man fred Klarbe r g , Stephen Muecke , Marta Rado , John Sandefu r , Margeret C . Sha rpe , J . J . Smol icz , Bruce A . Sommer , Br i an A . Taylor , E l i zabeth Thuan , Dar rell T . Tryon . No . 2 4 . DUTTON , T . E . and C . L . VOORHOEVE Beg inn ing H i r i Motu . 19 7 4 ; xv i i+ 2 59pp . Set of 6 cassettes ( opt iona l ) . Repr inted 19 7 5 . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 1 2 0 No . 2 5 . Z ' GRAGGEN , John A . New Gu inea . (Map )

The languages of the Madang D i s tr ict, Papua 19 7 3 . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 105 8

No . 2 6 . LAYCOCK , D . Languages of the Sep i k Reg ion , Papua New Gu inea . (Map ) 19 75 . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 1 3 6 8 No . 27 . WURM , S . A . Spread ing of langu ages in the South-we stern Pac i f ic . (Map ) 197 5 . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 127 9 No . 28 . STOKHOF , W . A . L . , ed . , . . . with L i a SALEH-BRONKHORST Holle l i sts : vocabu lar ies in languages of Indones ia , vol . 2 : Sula and Bacan I s land s , (Mater ials i n languages North Halmahe r a , South and East Halmaher a . of Indone s i a , No . 2 : W . A . L . Stokhof , Ser ies ed . ) 19 8 0 ; iv+ 3 25pp . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 1 3 5 and I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 1 8 6 No . 29 . DUTTON , Tom Queensland Cane fields Eng l ish of the late n ineteenth centu ry (a record of interview with two of the last su rv iv ing Kanakas in North Queensland , 196 4 ) . 1 9 8 0 ; x i i i + 1 4 7pp . ( incl . 3 maps , 2 photog raph s ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 2 4 0 No . 30 . Z ' GRAGGEN , J . A . A comparative word l i st of the Rai Coast language s , Madang Prov ince , papua New Gu inea . 1980 ; xv+ 181pp . ( i ncl . 1 map ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 3 2 1 No . 3 l . Z ' GRAGGEN , J . A . A compa rat ive word l i st of the Northe rn Adelbe rt Range languages , Madang Prov ince , Papua New Gu inea . 198 0 ; xv i + 1 7 8pp . ( incl . 1 map ) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 2 8 3 No . 32 . Z ' GRAGGEN , J . A . A comparat ive word l i st of the Mabuso languages , Madang Province , papua New Gu inea . 1980 ; xv+ 184pp . ( incl . 1 map ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 3 3 X No . 3 3 . Z ' GRAGGEN , J . A . A comparative word l i s t of the Southe rn Adelbe r t Range languages , Madang Prov ince , papua New Gu inea . 198 0 ; xv i+97pp . ( inc l . 1 map) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 3 4 8

PAC IFIC LINGUISTICS Ser ies 0

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19

Spec ial Publ icat ion s ( con tinued )

No . 3 4 . LAPOL IWA , Hans A generative approach to the phonology of bahasa (Mater ials in languages of Indonesia , No . 3 : W . A . L . Stokhof , Indone s i a . Ser ies ed . ) 198 1 ; v + l 5 5pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 4 5 3 No . 3 5 . STOKHOF , W . A . L . , ed . , . . . with L i a SALEH-BRONKHORST and Alma E . ALMANAR Holle l i sts : vocabular ies in languages of Indone s i a , vol . 3/ 1 : Southe rn Moluccas ; Cent r a l Moluccas : Seram ( 1 ) . (Mate r ia l s i n languages of Indone s i a , No . 4 : W . A . L . Stokhof , Ser ies ed . ) 1 9 8 1 ; iv+ 2 0 1pp . ( inc! . 1 map) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 1 3 5 ; 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 4 2 9 ; 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 4 3 7 . No . 36 . HALIM , Amran Intonat ion in r e la t ion to syntax in Indone s ian . (Mater i a l s in languages of Indone s i a , No . 5 : W . A . L . Stok hof , Ser ies ed . ) 1 9 8 1 ; vi i + 1 4 9pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 4 6 1 No . 3 7 . NABABAN , P . W . J . A gr ammar of Toba-Batak . (Mate r i a l s in languages of Indone s i a , No . 6 : W . A . L . Stokhof , Ser ies ed . ) 198 1 ; xx iv+ 1 4 6pp . ( inc! . 2 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 5 4 2 No . 38 . POEDJOSOEDARMO , Soepomo Javanese inf luence on Indones ian . (Mater ials in languages of Indone s i a , No . 7 : W . A . L . Stokhof , Ser ies ed . ) 1 9 8 2 ; v i i i+ 1 8 7pp . ( inc l . 1 map) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 6 1 5 No . 39 . KARTOMIHARDJO , Soeseno Ethnogr aphy of communicative codes in (Mater ials in languages of Indone s i a , No . 8 : W . A . L . Stokhof , East Java . Ser ies ed . ) 1 9 8 1 ; x i + 2 1 2pp . ( inc l . 1 map ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 5 5 0 No . 4 0 . CARRINGTON , Lo i s and M i r iam CURNOW Twenty yea r s of Pac i f i c Lingu i s tics : a n index o f contr ibu tions to Pac if ic l ingu i s t i c stud ies 1 9 6 1- 1 9 8 1 . 1 9 8 1 ; v i + 1 6 1pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 4 9 6 No . 4 ! . STOKHOF , W . A . L . Woi s i k a r iddle s . (Mater i a l s i n languages o f Indone s ia , No . 9 : W . A . L . Stokhof , Ser ies ed . ) 1 9 8 2 ; i i i+74pp . ( inc! . 2 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 5 7 7 No . 4 2 . McGREGOR , Donald E . and A i leen McGREGOR 19 8 2 ; v i i i + 1 5 5pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 6 2 3

010 language mater i a l s .

No . 4 3 . VERHE IJEN . J . A . J . D ictionary of Mangg a r a i plant name s . i i i+1 4 0pp . ( inc! . 1 map) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 7 3 9

198 2 ;

No . 4 4 . STOKHOF, W . A . L . , ed . , . . . with L i a SALEH-BRONCKHORST and Alma E . ALMANAR Holle l i sts : vocabu la r ies in languages of Indone s i a , vol . 3/ 2 : (Mater ials in languages of Cent r a l Moluccas : Seram ( I I ) . Indone s i a , No . lO : W . A . L . Stokhof , Ser ies ed . ) 1 9 8 1 ; iv+ 2 0 7pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 1 3 5 ; 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 4 2 9 ; 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 5 3 4 No . 4 5 . SUHARNO , Ignatius A descr iptive study of Javanese . (Mater i a l s in languages of Indones ia , No . l l : W . A . L . Stok hof , Ser ies ed . ) 198 2 ; x iv+175pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 5 8 5 No . 4 6 . VOORHOEVE , C . L . , ed . The Mak i an languages and the i r neighbou r s . (Mater i a l s i n languages of Indonesia , No . 1 2 : W . A . L . Stokhof , Ser ies ed . ) 19 8 2 ; v i i i + 1 4 8pp . ( inc ! . 4 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 7 7 1 A r t icles by C . L . Voorhoeve ; J . T . Col l ins ( 2 ) ; D . Te l j eur . No . 4 7 . COLL INS , James T . The h i stor ical relat ionsh ips of the languages of Central Maluku , Indone s i a . (Mater i a l s in languages of Indone s i a , No . 1 3 : W . A . L . Stokhof , Ser ies ed . ) 1 9 8 3 ; ix+168pp . ( inc l . 10 maps ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 8 9 5 No . 4 8 . TAMPUBOLON , Daulat Pur nama Ve rbal aff ixat ions in Indones i an : a seman tic exploration . (Mate r ials in languages of Indone s i a , No . 14 : W . A . L . Stokhof , Ser ies ed . ) 1 98 3 ; v + 1 5 6pp . ( inc! . 1 map ) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 8 0 1

20

PAC IFIC LINGUISTICS

S e r ies D - Spec ial Publ icat ions ( cont inued ) No . 4 9 . STOKHOF , W . A . L . , ed . , . . . w i th Lia SALEH-BRONCKHORST and Alma E . ALMANAR Hol l e l i s t s : vocabular ies in languages of Indon e s i a , vol . 3/ 3 : Cen t r a l Moluccas : Seram ( I I I ) ; Haruku ; Banda ; Ambon ( I ) . ( Mate r ials in languages of Indon e s ia No . 15 : W . A . L . S tokhof , S e r i e s ed . ) 19 8 2 ; v i+ 2 14pp . ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 2 1 3 5 ; a 8 5 8 8 3 2 4 2 9 ; a 8 5 8 8 3 2 8 8 7 No . 50 . STOKHOF , W . A . L . , ed . , w i th Lia SALEH-BRONCKHORST and Alma E . ALMANAR Holle l i st s : vocabular ies in languages of Indone s i a , vol . 3/ 4 : Cen t r a l Moluccas : Ambon ( I I ) ; Buru ; Nusa Laut ; Saparua . (Mate r ials in languages of Indonesia No . 16 : W . A . L . S tokhof , S e r i e s ed . ) 1 9 8 2 ; iv+ 1 7 9pp . ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 213 5 ; a 8 5 8 8 3 2 4 2 9 ; a 8 5 8 8 3 2 6 7 4 No . 51 . STOKHOF , W . A . L . , ed . , . . . w i th Lia SALEH-BRONCKHORST and Alma E . ALMANAR Hol l e l i s t s : vocabular ies in languages of Indon e s i a , vol . 4 : Talaud and Sang i r I slands . (Mater ials in languages of Indonesia No . 17 : W . A . L . S tokhof , Ser ies ed . ) 1 9 8 2 ; iv+ 3 1 3pp . ( inc l . 1 map ) . ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 2 1 3 5 ; a 8 5 8 8 3 2 6 8 2 . . •

No . 5 2 . STOKHOF , W . A . L . , ed . , . . . w i th L ia SALEH-BRONCKHORST and Alma E . ALMANAR Hol l e l is t s : vocabular ies in languages of Indone s i a , vol . 5/1 : I r ian Jaya : Au s t rones ian languages ; Papuan languages , D igu l area . (Mater ials in languages of Indones ia No . 18 : W . A . L . S tokhof , S e r ies ed . ) 1 9 8 2 ; iv+ 1 8 6pp . ( inc l . 2 maps ) . ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 213 5 ; a 8 5 8 8 3 2 6 9 0 ; a 85883 293 3 .

No . 5 3 . STOKHOF , W . A . L . , ed . , . . . w i th Lia SALEH-BRONCKHORST and Alma E . ALMANAR Hol le l i st s : vocabular ies in languages of Indones i a , vol . 5/2 : I r ian Jaya : papuan languages , Nor the r n languages , Central H ighlands languages . ( Ma ter ials i n languages of Indon e s ia No . 19 : W . A . L . S tokhof , S e r ies e d . ) ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 213 5 ; a 8 5 8 8 3 2 6 9 0 ; 19 8 3 ; iv+ 2 4 5pp . ( inc l . 2 maps ) . a 85883 294 1 No . 5 4 . HOLMER , N i l s M . L ingu i s t ic survey of south-easte r n Queens land . 1 98 3 ; v i i+ 4 8 5pp . ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 295 X No . 5 5 . DJAWANAI , Stephanus Ngadha text trad i t ion : the collec t ive mind of the Ngadha people , Flor e s . (Mate r ials in languages of Indones ia No . 20 : 198 3 ; v i i+278pp . ( inc l . 1 map ) . W . A . L . S tokhof , S e r ies ed . ) ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 2 8 3 6

No . 56 . AJAMISEBA , Dan i e lo C . A c lass ical Malay text gr ammar : i n s ights i n to (Mate r i als in languages of Indonesi a a non-we stern text trad i t ion . No . 2 1 : W . A . L . S tokhof , Ser i e s ed . ) 1 9 8 3 ; v+ 1 1 6pp . ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 2 8 6 a

No . 57 . McELHANON , K . A . A l ingu is t i c f ield gu ide to the Morobe Prov ince , papua New Gu inea . 1 9 8 4 ; i i i+67pp . ( incl . 1 map ) . ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 2 8 7 9 No . 5 8 . JASPAN , M . A . Mate r i als for a Rej ang-Indones ian-Engl ish d ic t ionary , w i th a f ragme n tary s k e tch of the Rej ang language by W . A iche l e , and a pr eface and add i t ional annotat ions by P . Voorhoeve . ( Mate r ials in languages of Indones ia No . 27: W . A . L . S tokhof , S e r ies ed . ) 1 9 8 4 ; x+ 1 6 2pp . ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 3 1 2 3

No . 59 . STOKHOF , W . A . L . , ed . , . . . w i th Lia SALEH-BRONCKHORST and Alma E . ALMANAR Hol le l i st s : vocabu lar ies in languages of Indon e s i a , vol . 6 : The Lesser (Mate r ials i n languages of Indonesia Sunda I s lands ( Nusa Tengga r a ) . No . 2 2 : W . A . L . S tokhof , Ser i e s ed . ) 198 3 ; iv+ 3 3 7pp . ( incl . 2 maps ) . ISBN a 8 5 8 8 3 2 1 3 5 ; a 8 5 8 8 3 302 6

PAC I FIC LINGUIST ICS

21

Ser ies 0 - Spec ial Publ icat ions ( continued ) No . 60 . STOKHOF , W . A . L . , ed . , . . . with Lia SALEH-BRONCKHORST and Alma E . ALMANAR Holle l i sts : vocabular ies in languages of I ndone s i a , vol . 7/1 : Nor th Sulawe s i : Ph i l ipp i ne languages . (Mater ials in languages of I ndone sia No . 2 3 : W . A . L . Stokhof , Ser ies ed . ) 198 3 ; v+ 3 2 8pp . ( incl . 1 map) . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 1 3 5 ; 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 9 8 4 ; 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 9 9 2 No . 6 1 . STOKHOF , W . A . L . , ed . , w i th L ia SALEH-BRONCKHORST and Alma E . ALMANAR Holle l i st s : vocabular ies in languages of I ndone s i a , vol 7/ 2 : North Sulawe s i : Gorontalo group and Tontol i . (Mater ials i n languages of I ndone s ia No . 2 4 : W . A . L . Stokho f , Ser ies ed . ) 1984 ; 14+2 4 0pp . ISBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 1 3 5 ; 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 9 8 4 ; 0 8 5 8 8 3 3 0 0 X No. 6 2 . STOKHOF , W . A . L . , ed . , w i th Alma E . ALMANAR Holle l ists : vocabularies in languages o f I ndone s i a , vol . 7/3 : Central Su lawe s i , South-we st Sulawes i . (Mater ials i n languages of I ndonesia No. 2 5 : W . A . L . Stokhof , Ser ies ed . ) 19 8 4 ; iv+ 2 5 1pp . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 2 1 3 5 ; 0 8 5 8 8 5 2 9 8 4 ; 0 8 5 8 8 3 3 0 1 8 No. 6 5 . HARDJADIBRATA , R . R . Sundane se : a syntactical analy s i s . (Mate r ials in languages of I ndones ia No . 29 : W . A . L . Stokhof , Ser ies ed . ) 19 8 5 ; v i+ 1 5 9pp . ( inc l . 1 map) . I SBN 0 8 5 8 8 3 3 2 0 4

IN PREPARAT ION : STOKHOF , W . A . L . , ed . , . . . w i th Alma E . ALMANAR Holle l i sts : vocabular ies i n languages of I ndone s i a , vol . 7/4 : Sou th-east Sulawes i and ne ighbour i ng i sland s , west- and Nor th-east Sulawe s i . (Mate r ials in languages of I ndone sia No . 2 8 ) VERHEIJEN , J . A . J . The Sama/Bajau language of the Lesser Sunda Is land s . (Mater ials i n languages of Indonesia No . 2 6 ) GROVES Te rab ' ata R . , Gordon W . GROVES , and Rode r ic k JACOBS K i r ibatese : an ou tl ine gramma r and vocabulary . MOELIONO , Anton Language deve lopment and cultivation : alte rnat ive approaches in language plann ing . KARTAWINATA , Hand iyo

L ingu i s t ic descr ipt ion of I ndones ian -- Chinese Malay .

Laycock, D. "The future of Tok Pisin". In Wurm, S.A. and Mühlhäusler, P. editors, Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). C-70:665-668. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1985. DOI:10.15144/PL-C70.665 ©1985 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.