Handbook of Research on Discrimination, Gender Disparity, and Safety Risks in Journalism [1 ed.] 1799866866, 9781799866862

Table of contents :
Editorial Advisory Board
List of Reviewers
List of Contributors
Table of Contents
Foreword by Ramon R. Tuazon
Foreword by Lynda Catindig-Garcia
Preface
Acknowledgment
Section 1
1 Discrimination, Gender Disparity, and Safety Risks in Journalism: An Introduction • Sadia Jamil, Gifty Appiah-Adjei
2 Women and Media: What Public Service Media Can Do to Ensure Gender Equality • Zeljka Lekic-Subasic
3 Dealing With Sexual Harassment: Are Women Journalists Silenced at Work? • Janess Ann J. Ellao, Evelyn F. Roxas, Therese Patricia S. Torres
4 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines • Ramon R. Tuazon, Therese Patricia S. Torres
5 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media • Erum Hafeez, Luavut Zahid
6 Health and Safety Risks to Journalists During Pandemics • Sayyed Fawad Ali Shah, Faizullah Jan, Muhammad Ittefaq
7 Reckoning With #MeToo and the Aftermath: Perception of Workplace Harassment, Sexism, and the #MeToo Movement Among Journalists in India • Prabhjot Kaur Sohal
8 Safety and Security of Journalists in India: Need for Comprehensive Protective Regulations • Mausumi Bhattacharyya
9 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh: Forms, Reactions, and Consequences • Priyanka Kundu, Md. Mahbubul Haque Bhuiyan
10 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists • Md. Aminul Islam, Sarkar Barbaq Quarmal, Apon Das
11 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media: The Issue of Professional and Workplace Safety of Women Journalists in Nepal • Laxman Datt Pant
Section 2
12 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure: Threats, Violence, and Freedom of Speech • Ivaylo Yoshkov
13 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media • Mariam Gersamia, Maia Toradze, Liana Markariani
14 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media • Mariateresa Garrido
Section 3
15 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression: The Case of Online Attacks of Journalists in Ghana • Gifty Appiah-Adjei
16 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana • Rainbow Sackey, Abraham Atobrah Asiamah, Lisa Agyinor Forson Aboagye
17 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media: Exposing the Hushed Gender-Based Discriminations • Adamkolo Mohammed Ibrahim, Nassir Abba-Aji, Mohammed Alhaji Adamu, Phuong Thi Vi
18 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda • Donatien Niyonzima, Kriti Bhuju
19 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria • Hadiza Jummai Ibrahim, Binta Rabi’u Spikin
20 Conclusion: Fostering Gender Equality and Safety in Journalism Profession • Barış Çoban, Bora Ataman
Compilation of References
About the Contributors
Index

Citation preview

Handbook of Research on Discrimination, Gender Disparity, and Safety Risks in Journalism Sadia Jamil Khalifa University, UAE Barış Çoban Doğuş University, Turkey Bora Ataman Doğuş University, Turkey Gifty Appiah-Adjei University of Education, Winneba, Ghana

A volume in the Advances in Linguistics and Communication Studies (ALCS) Book Series

Published in the United States of America by IGI Global Information Science Reference (an imprint of IGI Global) 701 E. Chocolate Avenue Hershey PA, USA 17033 Tel: 717-533-8845 Fax: 717-533-8661 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.igi-global.com Copyright © 2021 by IGI Global. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or distributed in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, without written permission from the publisher. Product or company names used in this set are for identification purposes only. Inclusion of the names of the products or companies does not indicate a claim of ownership by IGI Global of the trademark or registered trademark. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Jamil, Sadia, 1984- editor. | Çoban, Barış, editor. | Ataman, Bora, 1973- editor. | Appiah-Adeji, Gifty, 1978- editor. Title: Handbook of research on discrimination, gender disparity, and safety risks in journalism / Sadia Jamil, Barış Çoban, Bora Ataman, Gifty Appiah-Adjei, editors. Description: Hershey, PA : Information Science Reference, 2020. | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Summary: “This book highlights research into equal rights in journalism, which means safety for all, more recognition of the idea that women and men, as well as gays and heterosexuals, are equal”-- Provided by publisher. Identifiers: LCCN 2020026775 (print) | LCCN 2020026776 (ebook) | ISBN 9781799866862 (hardcover) | ISBN 9781799866886 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Women journalists--Crimes against. | Women journalists--Violence against. | Journalists--Crimes against. | Discrimination in employment. | Sex role in employment. | Sex discrimination in employment. Classification: LCC PN4784.W7 H34 2020 (print) | LCC PN4784.W7 (ebook) | DDC 070.408--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020026775 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020026776 This book is published in the IGI Global book series Advances in Linguistics and Communication Studies (ALCS) (ISSN: 2372-109X; eISSN: 2372-1111) British Cataloguing in Publication Data A Cataloguing in Publication record for this book is available from the British Library. All work contributed to this book is new, previously-unpublished material. The views expressed in this book are those of the authors, but not necessarily of the publisher. For electronic access to this publication, please contact: [email protected].

Advances in Linguistics and Communication Studies (ALCS) Book Series Abigail G. Scheg Western Governors University, USA

ISSN:2372-109X EISSN:2372-1111 Mission

The scope of language and communication is constantly changing as society evolves, new modes of communication are developed through technological advancement, and novel words enter our lexicon as the result of cultural change. Understanding how we communicate and use language is crucial in all industries and updated research is necessary in order to promote further knowledge in this field. The Advances in Linguistics and Communication Studies (ALCS) book series presents the latest research in diverse topics relating to language and communication. Interdisciplinary in its coverage, ALCS presents comprehensive research on the use of language and communication in various industries including business, education, government, and healthcare.

Coverage • Graphic Communications • Discourse Analysis • Semantics • Computational Linguistics • Dialectology • Non-Verbal Communication • Sociolinguistics • Language and Identity • Language Acquisition • Language in the Media

IGI Global is currently accepting manuscripts for publication within this series. To submit a proposal for a volume in this series, please contact our Acquisition Editors at [email protected] or visit: http://www.igi-global.com/publish/.

The Advances in Linguistics and Communication Studies (ALCS) Book Series (ISSN 2372-109X) is published by IGI Global, 701 E. Chocolate Avenue, Hershey, PA 17033-1240, USA, www.igi-global.com. This series is composed of titles available for purchase individually; each title is edited to be contextually exclusive from any other title within the series. For pricing and ordering information please visit http:// www.igi-global.com/book-series/advances-linguistics-communication-studies/78950. Postmaster: Send all address changes to above address. © © 2021 IGI Global. All rights, including translation in other languages reserved by the publisher. No part of this series may be reproduced or used in any form or by any means – graphics, electronic, or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, taping, or information and retrieval systems – without written permission from the publisher, except for non commercial, educational use, including classroom teaching purposes. The views expressed in this series are those of the authors, but not necessarily of IGI Global.

Titles in this Series

For a list of additional titles in this series, please visit: www.igi-global.com/book-series

Redefining the Role of Language in a Globalized World Ai-Ling Wang (Tamkang University, Taiwan) Information Science Reference • © 2021 • 300pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799828310) • US $195.00 Postmodernism and Narratives of Erasure in Culture, Literature, and Language Hassen Zriba (University of Gafsa, Tunisia) Information Science Reference • © 2020 • 300pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799829799) • US $195.00 Internal and External Narrative Generation Based on Post-Narratology Emerging Research and Opportunities Takashi Ogata (Iwate Prefectural University, Japan) Information Science Reference • © 2020 • 444pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781522599432) • US $175.00 Enhancements and Limitations to ICT-Based Informal Language Learning Emerging Research and Opportunities Rashad Ahmed (Miami University, USA) Abdu Al-kadi (Ibb University, Yemen) and Trenton Hagar (Utrecht University, The Netherlands) Information Science Reference • © 2020 • 201pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799821168) • US $175.00 Cases on Communication Disorders in Culturally Diverse Populations Diane M. Scott (North Carolina Central University, USA) Information Science Reference • © 2020 • 365pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799822615) • US $185.00 International Approaches to Bridging the Language Gap Cristina-Aránzazu Huertas-Abril (University of Córdoba, Spain) and María Elena Gómez-Parra (University of Córdoba, Spain) Information Science Reference • © 2020 • 317pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799812197) • US $195.00 Toward an Integrated Approach to Narrative Generation Emerging Research and Opportunities Takashi Ogata (Iwate Prefectural University, Japan) Information Science Reference • © 2020 • 432pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781522596936) • US $215.00 Code-Switching for Equitable STEM Pedagogy Emerging Research and Opportunities Miriam Chitiga (Fayetteville State University, USA) Information Science Reference • © 2020 • 135pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799809654) • US $125.00

701 East Chocolate Avenue, Hershey, PA 17033, USA Tel: 717-533-8845 x100 • Fax: 717-533-8661 E-Mail: [email protected] • www.igi-global.com

Editorial Advisory Board Simon Cottle, Cardiff University, UK Elsebeth Frey, Oslo Metropolitan University, Norway Mariateresa Garrido, Department of International Law, University for Peace, Costa Rica Shabbir Hussain, Bharia University, Islamabad, Pakistan Iqbal Khattak, Reporters Without Borders, Pakistan Ann Lourdes C. Lopez, Research, Policy, and Advocacy Unit, Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication, Philippines Jairo Lugo-Ocando, North Western University, Doha, Qatar Laxman Datt Pant, Media Action, Nepal

List of Reviewers Mausumi Bhattacharyya, Centre for Journalism and Mass Communication, Visva-Bharati – A Central University of National Importance, Santiniketan, India Erum Hafeez, Department of Media Studies and Communication, Institute of Business Management, Karachi, Pakistan Adamkolo Mohammed Ibrahim, Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri, Nigeria Md. Aminul Islam, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB), Bangladesh Muhammad Ittefaq, University of Kansas, USA Rainbow Sackey, University of Education, Winneba, Ghana Syed Fawad Ali Shah, Jacksonville State University, USA Ivaylo Yoshkov, Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Bulgaria



List of Contributors

Abba-Aji, Nassir / University of Maiduguri, Nigeria........................................................................ 319 Aboagye, Lisa Agyinor Forson / University of Education, Winneba, Ghana................................... 297 Adamu, Mohammed Alhaji / University of Maiduguri, Nigeria....................................................... 319 Appiah-Adjei, Gifty / University of Education, Ghana................................................................ 1, 269 Asiamah, Abraham Atobrah / University of Education, Winneba, Ghana....................................... 297 Ataman, Bora / Doğuş University, Turkey......................................................................................... 394 Bhattacharyya, Mausumi / Visva-Bharati University, India............................................................ 119 Bhuiyan, Md. Mahbubul Haque / Comilla University, Bangladesh................................................. 143 Bhuju, Kriti / Communication University of China, China............................................................... 343 Çoban, Barış / Doğuş University, Turkey.......................................................................................... 394 Das, Apon / University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB), Bangladesh........................................ 167 Ellao, Janess Ann J. / International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT), Philippines....................................................................................................................................... 24 Garrido, Mariateresa / University for Peace, Costa Rica................................................................ 251 Gersamia, Mariam / Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Georgia..................................... 232 Hafeez, Erum / Media Science Department, Iqra University, Karachi, Pakistan............................... 60 Ibrahim, Adamkolo Mohammed / University of Maiduguri, Nigeria.............................................. 319 Ibrahim, Hadiza Jummai / Bayero University, Kano, Nigeria......................................................... 366 Islam, Md. Aminul / University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB), Bangladesh........................... 167 Ittefaq, Muhammad / University of Kansas, USA.............................................................................. 90 Jamil, Sadia / Khalifa University, UAE................................................................................................. 1 Jan, Faizullah / University of Peshawar, Pakistan............................................................................... 90 Kundu, Priyanka / Bangladesh University of Professionals, Bangladesh........................................ 143 Lekic-Subasic, Zeljka / Office of Eurovision News Exchange for Southeast Europe (ERNO), Bosnia and Herzegovina................................................................................................................... 8 Markariani, Liana / Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Georgia...................................... 232 Niyonzima, Donatien / Communication University of China, China................................................ 343 Pant, Laxman Datt / Media Action Nepal, Nepal.............................................................................. 194 Quarmal, Sarkar Barbaq / University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB), Bangladesh................ 167 Roxas, Evelyn F. / Alipato Media Center Inc., Philippines & International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT), Philippines................................................................................ 24 Sackey, Rainbow / University of Education, Winneba, Ghana......................................................... 297 Shah, Sayyed Fawad Ali / Jacksonville State University, USA............................................................ 90 Sohal, Prabhjot Kaur / Panjab University, India.............................................................................. 104 Spikin, Binta Rabi’u / Bayero University, Kano, Nigeria................................................................. 366  



Toradze, Maia / Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Georgia............................................. 232 Torres, Therese Patricia S. / Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication, Philippines & International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT), Philippines............... 24, 43 Tuazon, Ramon R. / Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication, Philippines & Asian Media Information and Communication Centre, Philippines......................................................... 43 Vi, Phuong Thi / University of Sciences, Thai Nguyen University, Vietnam...................................... 319 Yoshkov, Ivaylo / Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Bulgaria............................................... 212 Zahid, Luavut / Independent Researcher, Pakistan............................................................................. 60

Table of Contents

Foreword by Ramon R. Tuazon............................................................................................................ xix Foreword by Lynda Catindig-Garcia.................................................................................................... xx Preface.................................................................................................................................................. xxi Acknowledgment............................................................................................................................... xxiv Section 1­ Chapter 1 Discrimination, Gender Disparity, and Safety Risks in Journalism: An Introduction............................. 1 Sadia Jamil, Khalifa University, UAE Gifty Appiah-Adjei, University of Education, Ghana Chapter 2 Women and Media: What Public Service Media Can Do to Ensure Gender Equality............................ 8 Zeljka Lekic-Subasic, Office of Eurovision News Exchange for Southeast Europe (ERNO), Bosnia and Herzegovina Chapter 3 Dealing With Sexual Harassment: Are Women Journalists Silenced at Work?.................................... 24 Janess Ann J. Ellao, International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT), Philippines Evelyn F. Roxas, Alipato Media Center Inc., Philippines & International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT), Philippines Therese Patricia S. Torres, Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication, Philippines & International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT), Philippines Chapter 4 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines.............................................................. 43 Ramon R. Tuazon, Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication, Philippines & Asian Media Information and Communication Centre, Philippines Therese Patricia S. Torres, Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication, Philippines & International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT), Philippines  



Chapter 5 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media......................................... 60 Erum Hafeez, Media Science Department, Iqra University, Karachi, Pakistan Luavut Zahid, Independent Researcher, Pakistan Chapter 6 Health and Safety Risks to Journalists During Pandemics.................................................................... 90 Sayyed Fawad Ali Shah, Jacksonville State University, USA Faizullah Jan, University of Peshawar, Pakistan Muhammad Ittefaq, University of Kansas, USA Chapter 7 Reckoning With #MeToo and the Aftermath: Perception of Workplace Harassment, Sexism, and the #MeToo Movement Among Journalists in India........................................................................... 104 Prabhjot Kaur Sohal, Panjab University, India Chapter 8 Safety and Security of Journalists in India: Need for Comprehensive Protective Regulations........... 119 Mausumi Bhattacharyya, Visva-Bharati University, India Chapter 9 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh: Forms, Reactions, and Consequences...... 143 Priyanka Kundu, Bangladesh University of Professionals, Bangladesh Md. Mahbubul Haque Bhuiyan, Comilla University, Bangladesh Chapter 10 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists........................................... 167 Md. Aminul Islam, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB), Bangladesh Sarkar Barbaq Quarmal, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB), Bangladesh Apon Das, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB), Bangladesh Chapter 11 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media: The Issue of Professional and Workplace Safety of Women Journalists in Nepal.............................................................................................................................. 194 Laxman Datt Pant, Media Action Nepal, Nepal Section 2­ Chapter 12 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure: Threats, Violence, and Freedom of Speech............................ 212 Ivaylo Yoshkov, Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Bulgaria Chapter 13 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media................................... 232 Mariam Gersamia, Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Georgia Maia Toradze, Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Georgia Liana Markariani, Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Georgia



Chapter 14 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media................................................................. 251 Mariateresa Garrido, University for Peace, Costa Rica Section 3­ Chapter 15 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression: The Case of Online Attacks of Journalists in Ghana............................................................................................................................. 269 Gifty Appiah-Adjei, University of Education, Winneba, Ghana Chapter 16 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana........................ 297 Rainbow Sackey, University of Education, Winneba, Ghana Abraham Atobrah Asiamah, University of Education, Winneba, Ghana Lisa Agyinor Forson Aboagye, University of Education, Winneba, Ghana Chapter 17 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media: Exposing the Hushed Gender-Based Discriminations.................................................................................................................................... 319 Adamkolo Mohammed Ibrahim, University of Maiduguri, Nigeria Nassir Abba-Aji, University of Maiduguri, Nigeria Mohammed Alhaji Adamu, University of Maiduguri, Nigeria Phuong Thi Vi, University of Sciences, Thai Nguyen University, Vietnam Chapter 18 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda........................................ 343 Donatien Niyonzima, Communication University of China, China Kriti Bhuju, Communication University of China, China Chapter 19 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State,  Nigeria................................................................................................................................................. 366 Hadiza Jummai Ibrahim, Bayero University, Kano, Nigeria Binta Rabi’u Spikin, Bayero University, Kano, Nigeria Chapter 20 Conclusion: Fostering Gender Equality and Safety in Journalism Profession.................................... 394 Barış Çoban, Doğuş University, Turkey Bora Ataman, Doğuş University, Turkey Compilation of References................................................................................................................ 399 About the Contributors..................................................................................................................... 449 Index.................................................................................................................................................... 456

Detailed Table of Contents

Foreword by Ramon R. Tuazon............................................................................................................ xix Foreword by Lynda Catindig-Garcia.................................................................................................... xx Preface.................................................................................................................................................. xxi Acknowledgment............................................................................................................................... xxiv Section 1­ Chapter 1 Discrimination, Gender Disparity, and Safety Risks in Journalism: An Introduction............................. 1 Sadia Jamil, Khalifa University, UAE Gifty Appiah-Adjei, University of Education, Ghana International media monitoring organisations have continually called for commitment of critical actors of free expression and media freedom to ensure the safety of journalists in their strive for open societies. Another dimension to this call is the need to draw attention to the issue of gender-based threats and discrimination in the media industry and its implications for free expression and media freedom. This chapter explores discrimination, gender equality, and safety risks in journalism. Chapter 2 Women and Media: What Public Service Media Can Do to Ensure Gender Equality............................ 8 Zeljka Lekic-Subasic, Office of Eurovision News Exchange for Southeast Europe (ERNO), Bosnia and Herzegovina Difficulties that women face in the media professions and discrimination against women’s access to decision-making posts within the media is a problem that transcends national borders. Becoming a greater part of this particular workforce would help to expand both the amount and quality of visibility for women – in news, television, and public sphere in general. Public service media (PSM), as broadcasting, made, financed, and controlled by the public and for the public, with the output designed to reach everyone and reflect all voices, should treat gender equality with the utmost importance. The existing data indicate however that, although some progress have been made, there is a lot to be done: while women among European PSMs represent 44% of the workforce, the number falls to less than 25% at the higher and executive positions. This chapter analyses the efforts made by the European Broadcasting Union’s members and the measures they recommend. 



Chapter 3 Dealing With Sexual Harassment: Are Women Journalists Silenced at Work?.................................... 24 Janess Ann J. Ellao, International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT), Philippines Evelyn F. Roxas, Alipato Media Center Inc., Philippines & International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT), Philippines Therese Patricia S. Torres, Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication, Philippines & International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT), Philippines In the Philippines, sexual harassment is among the threats and attacks women in media face. While Filipino women journalists experience being sexually harassed by colleagues and sources, several have opted not to report such incidents for fear of being blamed and fear of retaliation from the accused. This case study research documents six Filipino women journalists’ experiences. Findings were analyzed using thematic analysis, guided by the framework of the spiral of silence theory by Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann. The findings show that interviewees did not report sexual harassment and related issues because they perceived these cases as part of the reality of working in the news industry. Other factors for staying silent were uncertainties about how their employer will respond, the fear of losing sources, and the fear of being isolated from colleagues. The interviewees proposed strategies, however, on how cases of sexual harassment against women journalists should be addressed in the future. Suggested practices and policy recommendations are presented. Chapter 4 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines.............................................................. 43 Ramon R. Tuazon, Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication, Philippines & Asian Media Information and Communication Centre, Philippines Therese Patricia S. Torres, Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication, Philippines & International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT), Philippines Due to continuing threats and attacks on the media, journalist safety has been the subject of increasing scholarly research in the Philippines. A gap in the literature, however, is research on safety issues affecting Filipino women journalists in particular, despite reports on specific challenges they face. In a country where not only women in media but females in general are subjected to catcalling, sexually offensive remarks, and harassment, there is a need for more focused research in order to bring such issues to public attention and propose relevant protection policies and mechanisms. This case study research reveals the types of threats and attacks Filipino women journalists experience, as well as their responses and policy recommendations for media owners and editorial managers. Chapter 5 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media......................................... 60 Erum Hafeez, Media Science Department, Iqra University, Karachi, Pakistan Luavut Zahid, Independent Researcher, Pakistan This research aims to examine how sexism and gender discrimination impacts women journalists in Pakistan. The International Federation of Journalists (2018-19) ranks Pakistan as the fourth most dangerous country for journalists. The Coalition for Women in Journalism declares Pakistan as the sixth-worst for female journalists (2019). In 2018, the Global Gender Gap Report highlighted Pakistan as second from bottom, ranking it 148 out of 149 countries. Given these numbers, the country is an ominous space for



women in news media. This study collects the data from women journalists working in the three largest cities of Pakistan, that is, Karachi, Lahore, and Islamabad. The aim is to investigate the issues faced by female journalists due to discrimination at the workplace including glass ceiling, pay gap, and lack of female leadership. Following the mixed-method approach, around 102 women journalists were surveyed, and 10 were interviewed. Findings indicate the rampant existence of sexism in Pakistani media and its detrimental effects on the growth of a gender-balanced news media industry. Chapter 6 Health and Safety Risks to Journalists During Pandemics.................................................................... 90 Sayyed Fawad Ali Shah, Jacksonville State University, USA Faizullah Jan, University of Peshawar, Pakistan Muhammad Ittefaq, University of Kansas, USA Journalists play a critical role in the dissemination of health information to the public. This chapter explores the challenges created by COVID-19 for journalists in Pakistan. It also examines how the pandemic has shed light on the disparities and safety risks in the Pakistani journalism and exposed fault lines in journalism practices in the country. The authors randomly selected 50 profiles of journalists from the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan and analyzed the publicly available posts they created or shared on their profiles (n= 823). They found that the journalists were mainly concerned about their own well-being and the well-being of their families. They received threats for covering COVID-19 related stories. They were not trained enough to cover a health crisis like COVID-19, and therefore, a majority of the journalists did not follow standard operating procedures outlined by the Government of Pakistan. They suggest that the Government of Pakistan view these journalists as essential workers and frame precautions from healthcare organizations. Chapter 7 Reckoning With #MeToo and the Aftermath: Perception of Workplace Harassment, Sexism, and the #MeToo Movement Among Journalists in India........................................................................... 104 Prabhjot Kaur Sohal, Panjab University, India In 2017, following the #MeToo movement stirred by the public outing of Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein, the safety of women at the workplace became a prime agenda for international news media. Although far from being truly inclusive, the #MeToo movement rapidly spread to other parts of the world. Women of different nationalities, backgrounds, and race shared their stories of abuse and survival using the #MeToo hashtag and its variants. In 2018, women within the news media industry in India joined the movement and called out prominent editors, filmmakers, and artists on social media for perpetrating and abetting acts of sexual harassment and abuse against them. As an immediate result, several accused were made to resign from their organizations and dropped from prestigious public posts. However, a backlash to the movement followed soon after, most evidently in the form of victim-shaming and defamation lawsuits against women. Based on the theory of epistemic advantage, the study explores the perception of sexual harassment among journalists in India using in-depth interviews.



Chapter 8 Safety and Security of Journalists in India: Need for Comprehensive Protective Regulations........... 119 Mausumi Bhattacharyya, Visva-Bharati University, India Globally, upholders of the fourth pillar of democracy have been consistently exposed to security issues and gender discrimination. Many journalists and media professionals are having to pay with their lives in trying to get information. In spite of nations having constitutionally accepted accordance of operational freedom for the press, governments have failed to ensure a protective environment for decades. India, unfortunately, figures on the list of nations where journalists operate under tough conditions. The global state of journalist safety and security is outlined here. Analysing India-specific study findings and information generated through survey of journalists, this chapter argues the need for stringent policy regulations stipulating time bound delivery of justice and fast tracking of trial proceedings, for cases of violence against journalists and also highlights the probability of discrimination in distribution of work and disparate payments emerging as principle problems women journalists’ face. Chapter 9 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh: Forms, Reactions, and Consequences...... 143 Priyanka Kundu, Bangladesh University of Professionals, Bangladesh Md. Mahbubul Haque Bhuiyan, Comilla University, Bangladesh The online harassment of female journalists is a rising concern around the world and also in South Asia. Bangladesh, a South Asian country, recently, has experienced an increasing number of harassments against female journalists online. Various studies explored the online harassment, mostly from the Western perspectives. Scholars have argued that the online harassments may negatively affect the freedom of expression. But little is known about Bangladesh. Drawing upon feminist theory, this study investigated the experiences of online journalists in Bangladesh. The objectives were to explore the nature and forms of online harassment and to find how this experiences of harassments affect the freedom of expression of the victims. Data were collected through content analysis, semiotic analysis of the uncivil comments available in the online news feedback and in-depth interviews. Results of the study indicate that online harassment is a frequent phenomenon where the victim journalists feel vulnerable in the ‘unsafe’ online ‘patriarchal’ environment. Chapter 10 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists........................................... 167 Md. Aminul Islam, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB), Bangladesh Sarkar Barbaq Quarmal, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB), Bangladesh Apon Das, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB), Bangladesh Mental health in workplaces is a global concern today, and Bangladesh is not an exception to that. It is a big concern in journalism as good journalism depends on healthy journalists and news organizations. Most of the scholarships on the topic have been done from the perspective of western and developed countries. Little is known about it from the context of developing countries like Bangladesh. As such, the present study aimed at assessing mental health and well-being of professional journalists in Bangladesh. Data were collected through a survey using a semi-structured questionnaire from 191 Dhaka-based journalists reached with the aid of snowball sampling method. Psychometric instruments such as improvised depression scale, the perceived stress scale, Beck hopelessness scale (BHS), and satisfaction



with life scale were used to collect data. The results show that most of the journalists perceive their job as highly stressful, suffer from depression up to some extent, are extremely dissatisfied with their life, and severely hopeless about their life and future. Chapter 11 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media: The Issue of Professional and Workplace Safety of Women Journalists in Nepal.............................................................................................................................. 194 Laxman Datt Pant, Media Action Nepal, Nepal Media sector, in Nepal, has been vibrant and it is flourishing across all media outlets with about 1,000 newspapers, 600 radio stations, about five dozen television channels and more than 2,200 online news portals currently in operation across the country. Despite such an impressive figure, the reluctance of media houses to spend on embracing the key dimensions of gender sensitivity including professional safety of women journalists at workplace has had a dropping effect on the entire sector. Women remain cut out of the key decision-making levels in media. Media houses do not have any comprehensive prevention, support, complaints, and redress system with regards to sexual harassment and bullying in the workplace. This chapter assesses the state of gender sensitivity in newsrooms of Nepal with reference to professional safety of women journalists. Observations indicate that media houses should give due priority to professional safety of women journalists. Section 2­ Chapter 12 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure: Threats, Violence, and Freedom of Speech............................ 212 Ivaylo Yoshkov, Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Bulgaria Bulgarian journalists are under pressure. Although the country has been a member of the EU for 13 years and the legislation on freedom of speech corresponds to Western practices, the country ranks 111th in the annual Freedom of Speech Index. While the cases of work-related physical violence against journalists are rare, the cases of direct political pressure are increasing. The unification of ownership into large media cartels and the lack of transparency in the movement of financial flows from the state to certain media are among the main factors affecting the freedom of speech. The analysis of publications covering six cases of physical and verbal aggression on the websites of the five most visited online media in Bulgaria outlines the scheme for inducing self-censorship and the transition from active to passive news coverage within a short period of time. The survey, conducted with students in journalism and professional journalists, aims to show their experience with aggression, as well as to identify the forms of pressure they face on a daily basis. Chapter 13 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media................................... 232 Mariam Gersamia, Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Georgia Maia Toradze, Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Georgia Liana Markariani, Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Georgia This research analyzes the media landscape in Georgia from a gender equality perspective to identify the existing stereotypes dominant in Georgian media organizations. Georgia (country) faces the challenges related to femicide, domestic violence, employment of women, early or forced marriages, sexual harassment,



blackmailing of female journalists, and there is a lack of awareness regarding gender equality. The study answers research questions: What sociocultural context and basic psychological motivators drive females to choose journalism as a profession? Is there any gender inequality regarding the workplace and positions in Georgian media (TV, print, radio, and online media) and if ‘yes’ how does it present? Are there any predefined topics/themes covered specifically by the male or female journalists? What gender-related stereotypes (if any) dominate/take over in Georgian media? Chapter 14 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media................................................................. 251 Mariateresa Garrido, University for Peace, Costa Rica The Venezuelan government has been instrumental to implement different types of gender-based violence and discrimination. Reports demonstrate that women have been killed, that their economic power decreased, and that they experienced problems related to access to education, health services, jobs, etc. This reality affects all women; however, there is not updated and systematized information about the problems faced by Venezuelan women journalists. This chapter uses Mohanty’s theory and Hernandez’s approach to illustrate the situation. It begins with an overview of the Venezuelan context, highlighting cases of gender-based violence and discrimination experienced by women. It also considers cases of economic exploitation, exclusion, disempowerment, cultural imperialism, and direct violence between 2018 and 2019. The chapter demonstrates the deteriorating situation and reveals patterns of oppression experienced by female journalists in Venezuela. Section 3­ Chapter 15 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression: The Case of Online Attacks of Journalists in Ghana............................................................................................................................. 269 Gifty Appiah-Adjei, University of Education, Winneba, Ghana Globally, there is an increase in online attacks on journalists with gender dimensions to these attacks. Also, it is established that digital innovations have augmented free expression and the augmentation allows means for online attacks. Though evidence submits that studies on the problem of online attacks on journalists abound, there is dearth of such studies in Ghana and this chapter attempts to fill this gap. Using the feminist theory, this chapter explores the types and sources of online attacks on male and female journalists in Ghana and investigates whether an increase in free expression is a contributing factor to the problem. To achieve this aim, the study employs qualitative methods of in-depth interviews and document reviews and offers a thematic analysis of the qualitative data to understand the lived experiences of Ghanaian journalists. Findings revealed that journalists frequently experience psychological and sexist online attacks when perpetrators express their views on unfavourable coverage from the media. Chapter 16 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana........................ 297 Rainbow Sackey, University of Education, Winneba, Ghana Abraham Atobrah Asiamah, University of Education, Winneba, Ghana Lisa Agyinor Forson Aboagye, University of Education, Winneba, Ghana



In journalism, there are still growing concerns about the ratio of men to women, even though women’s presence in the newsroom have increased progressively. The issues of gender stereotyping and discrimination against women have emerged over time and still remain an issue of great concern. In view of this, using the gender theory, this chapter aims to interrogate the issues of female representation in the practice of journalism in Ghana, in terms of numbers, portrayals, and discriminations. To achieve the aim, the study employs a qualitative approach through in-drpth interviews. The study reveal that men still dominate the journalism profession in Ghana. Also women in the newsroom are portrayed on one hand as capable and hardworking and on the other hand as emotional and immoral. Furthermore, women in journalism in Ghana are discriminated against in terms of salary structure and job roles. It was also revealed that female journalists in Ghana are employing strategies like apathy and rebelliousness to deal with the negative portrayals and discrimination against them. Chapter 17 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media: Exposing the Hushed Gender-Based Discriminations.................................................................................................................................... 319 Adamkolo Mohammed Ibrahim, University of Maiduguri, Nigeria Nassir Abba-Aji, University of Maiduguri, Nigeria Mohammed Alhaji Adamu, University of Maiduguri, Nigeria Phuong Thi Vi, University of Sciences, Thai Nguyen University, Vietnam In recent decades, women journalists’ professional safety has attracted an enormous research attention globally and in Nigeria. Interestingly, often similar findings are likely generated by most of the studies highlighting stiff gender-based challenges. This chapter investigated the safety experiences of Nigerian women journalists to identifying the typology of gender-based discriminations and coping strategy affected women journalists used to manage to work in a male-dominated media industry. Employing a semi-structured interview approach, 37 participants (25 women journalists, 10 men journalists, and 2 human resource managers) were interviewed from 12 broadcast media organisations in Northern Nigeria. The data were analysed using thematic analysis and the findings showed that Nigerian women journalists experience different types of gendered unsafety including discrimination in newsgathering and production and sexual harassment; most of the affected women used risky coping strategies such as ignoring; most media organisations lacked policies and frameworks to handle such cases. Chapter 18 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda........................................ 343 Donatien Niyonzima, Communication University of China, China Kriti Bhuju, Communication University of China, China Rwanda has become a role model for the progress it has made on gender equality and women empowerment. The credit of this transformation goes to the media such as community radio stations which have been constantly promoting gender equality through their programming by bringing out the gender issues, educating people on gender-based violence (GBV), leading dialogues, and coming up with solutions to promote gender equality. Drawing from the feminist theory and participatory communication concept, the results reflect that empowering community on issues related to gender and GBV is directly linked to understanding the audience perception and involving local audiences in community radio programming. This encourages people and helps to understand power relations existing in the community and promote gender equality. The results showed that community radio plays an important role in creating awareness to rural populations in Rwanda about gender issues including GBV and that it helps in empowering the rural population thereby contributing to promote gender equality in Rwanda.



Chapter 19 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State,  Nigeria................................................................................................................................................. 366 Hadiza Jummai Ibrahim, Bayero University, Kano, Nigeria Binta Rabi’u Spikin, Bayero University, Kano, Nigeria Journalism schools have being witnessing an increase in female enrollment in Nigeria, but this is not proportional to the number of women who work in media organizations. For the women who eventually get employed as journalists,they experience various safety challenges which affect their advancement and continued presence in journalism. This chapter looked at safety challenges faced by female journalists in selected media organizations in Kano state of Nigeria. The study was hinged on spiral of silence theory to show how female journalists keep mute about the challenges they experience and prefer to report the so-called soft news. The study used focus group discussion and in-depth interview as the research methodology. Four sessions were held with each group consisting of eight female journalists. Findings show that majority of the participants had experienced threats, attacks,harassments, marginalization, and discrimination. In addition, most media organizations do not have laid down safety policies except for a few safety measures when the need arises. Chapter 20 Conclusion: Fostering Gender Equality and Safety in Journalism Profession.................................... 394 Barış Çoban, Doğuş University, Turkey Bora Ataman, Doğuş University, Turkey Journalism is a two-faced mirror that both generates and reflects social inequalities: Both people’s experiences within news organizations and the content published by them make the gender inequality visible. We can define journalism, just like all other patriarchal institutions, as an institution that generates gender inequality. In order to get a clear understanding of this problem, we have to address the actors, means, processes and conditions that generate this inequality in journalism first, and then we may suggest solutions based on real-life cases. Indeed, knowledge building is, as always, a priority in order to make working conditions safer for women and LGBT journalists. This chapter aims to support the struggle for gender equality in journalism within this context. Compilation of References................................................................................................................ 399 About the Contributors..................................................................................................................... 449 Index.................................................................................................................................................... 456

xix

Foreword

Freedom of the press can exist only in situations where women journalists are equal to men. The absence of discrimination and disparity against women journalists is an excellent barometer of the condition of press freedom in a society. The situation of women journalists is a reflection of the overall situation of women in any given society. If women journalists are able to exercise and enjoy their media rights and freedoms, no doubt they are also able to exercise all other civil and political rights as defined in universal declarations. Countless studies and publications have been undertaken over the years, examining gender discrimination and disparity. Has the situation of women improved or worsened despite these initiatives? Do we now experience a more equal relationship? In raising these questions, my objective is not to rekindle or prolong the debate on the impact of gender studies. Rather, to challenge our scholars to seek new theories and paradigms in looking at gender issues, especially in journalism. Handbook of Research on Discrimination, Gender Disparity, and Safety Risks in Journalism provides a new lens, as the articles, individually and in conjunction with the other articles featured in this book, examine the interrelationship of the three concepts – discrimination, disparity, and safety. Among these three concepts, the inclusion of safety seems novel. This can perhaps be explained by the fact that it has become obvious that discrimination and disparity can only lead to more violence in all forms, thereby endangering the safety of women journalists. In addition, the intensity and frequency of attacks and violence have become more pronounced lately, as documented in the book articles. Highlighting safety concerns of women journalists is not at all due to the common misperception that women are more physically fragile. But rather, more insidious forms of attacks and violence have emerged recently targeting women journalists. Is this because the perpetrators have realized that women journalists are made of sterner stuff? The book features issues, challenges and opportunities from eleven countries worldwide – South and Southeast Asia, Africa, Latin America, and Europe. The chapters provide a shared lesson, that gender equality and equity are indispensable to a safe and free work setting for all. Ramon R. Tuazon Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication (AIJC), Philippines & Asian Media Information and Communication Centre (AMIC), Singapore



xx

Foreword

In diversity, there is unity in the promotion of human rights in the glocal village for men and women. This book is indeed an important body of knowledge which chronicles academic studies on the stories and reflections of people on discrimination, gender disparity and safety risks in journalism. The bias for truth among journalists takes them on an unending journey that puts their lives in danger. This book highlights the social, political and economic factors that exacerbate the situations of journalists working in traditional and new media in different countries: the Philippines, Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Nepal, Nigeria, Ghana, Rwanda, Venezuela, Georgia and Bulgaria. The publication likewise emphasizes ways forward and best practices to address these challenges. Lynda Catindig-Garcia International Association of Women in Radio and Television, Philippines & Department of Communication, Miriam College, Philippines

 

xxi

Preface

Today, a variety of gender-based threats and discrimination (including inequalities in jobs, promotions, and salaries, as well as sexism) continue to characterize journalism. Both male and female journalists are prone to diverse online and offline threats, casual stereotypes in their routine work, and discrimination (especially in terms of job opportunities, promotion and pay-scale). However, many scholars assert that women journalists are routinely sexualized, and their high visibility in television broadcasting—through explicit scrutiny of their bodies, hairstyles, clothing, and voices—is countered by their invisibility in management. Gendered double standards and a glass ceiling continue to bewilder the promotion of women to key decision-making and governance positions in print and broadcast news organizations in developed and developing countries both. Moreover, women are far from enjoying equity in the online context too (Jamil, 2020; Rodino-Colocino, 2018). The Global Report on the Status of Women in the News Media by the International Women’s Media Foundation (IWMF, 2010, p. 24) revealed that “73 per cent of the top management jobs are occupied by men compared to 27 per cent occupied by women”. The gender disparity in journalism is also evident in terms of duties – for instance, a report of the Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP) highlighted that “women are more often found reporting on ‘soft’ subjects, such as social issues, the family, or arts and living” (White, 2009, p. 2; Myer, 2009; Byerly, 2010). And women continue to be concentrated in beats like health, education, social issues and life style. Particularly, the trend of assigning soft beats to female journalists is common in societies that have been structured on the “assumption of sex-biased roles” (UNESCO, 2009, p. 14). Men still dominate, although they do not monopolize, most of the high status areas of news production, particularly politics and business, as well as the lucrative and popular area of sports, a highly gendered and sexist domain. The most visibly gendered arena is war correspondence. Women, who report on war and conflict, are judged by very different standards as compared to men. In particular, mothers are condemned when they go off to dangerous conflict areas, although fathers who cover war continue to be largely immune from public criticism. Women war reporters run a high risk of sexual violence and harassment, although women who have been sexually attacked rarely tell their supervisors—probably for fear of being pulled off an assignment (Westcott, 2019). Moreover, male journalists are regular targets of offline and online attacks (Jamil, 2019); however, female journalists face a double-burden: being attacked as journalists and as women (Westcott, 2019; Mendes et al., 2018). Threats of rape, physical violence and graphic imagery show up in male and female journalists’ inboxes and on their social media platforms as they go about their workday. In extreme cases these attacks lead to self-censorship by both male and female journalists (Rodino-Colocino, 2018). This book emphasizes that working in a safe and non-discriminatory environment is the right of all journalists and regardless of their gender. It incorporates studies into: the level and nature of threats (online 

Preface

and offline) faced by journalists; gender discrimination in journalism (in terms of job opportunities, pay-scale, promotions and social attitudes); and best practices and good examples that can promote a safe working environment and gender equality in journalism. Therefore, the purpose of this book is to highlight equal rights in journalism, which means safety for all, more recognition of the idea that women and men, are equal. To initiate this global effort, in October 2019, the editors of this book commenced contacting scholars from around the world to contribute their various studies into the issues of discrimination, gender equality and safety risks in journalism. By September 2020, scholars from the Philippines, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, India, Nigeria, Ghana, Rwanda, Venezuela, Georgia, and Bulgaria had submitted their final chapters after a few rounds of revisions. All chapters are thematically divided in three sections that have been categorized on the regional basis. The first section includes a chapter that introduces the book (i.e., Chapters 1); an exclusive chapter on Women in Media (i.e., Chapter 2); and the eight country-specific chapters from the South East Asian region, namely: Philippines, Pakistan, India, Bangladesh and Nepal. The second section incorporates country-specific chapters from Europe and Latin America, namely: Bulgaria, Georgia and Venezuela. The third section incorporates country-specific chapters from Africa, namely: Ghana, Nigeria and Rwanda. The concluding chapter has been written by the editors of the book. It offers recommendations about how to deal with the issues of discrimination, gender disparity and safety risks, and what could be the best practices to promote equal and safe working environments for both male and female journalists.

REFERENCES Beasley, C. (1999). What is Feminism? An Introduction to Feminist Theory. Sage Publications. Byerly, C. (2011). Global Report on the Status of Women in the News Media. Accessed At: https://www. iwmf.org/our-research/global-report/ International Women Media Foundation. (2011). Global Report on the Status of Women in the News Media. Accessed at: https://www.iwmf.org/ourresearch/global-report/ Jamil, S. (2019). The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety. IGI Global. Jamil, S. (2020). Suffering in Silence: The Resilience of Pakistan’s Female Journalists to Combat Sexual Harassment, Threats and Discrimination. Journalism Practice, 14(2), 150–170. doi:10.1080/1751278 6.2020.1725599 Mendes, K., Ringrose, J., & Keller, J. (2018). #MeToo and the promise and pitfalls of challenging rape culture through digital feminist activism. European Journal of Women’s Studies, 25(2), 236–246. doi:10.1177/1350506818765318 Myers, M. (2009). ‘Radio, Convergence and Development in Africa: Gender as a Cross Cutting Issue’. Paper submitted to International Development Research Centre (IDRC) and Carleton University. Roundtable Discussion on a Research Agenda, 10, 13.

xxii

Preface

Rodino-Calacino, M. (2018). Me too, #MeToo: Countering cruelty with empathy. Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies, 15(1), 96–100. doi:10.1080/14791420.2018.1435083 Westcott, L. (2019). ‘The threats follow us home’: Survey details risks for female journalists in U.S., Canada. Accessed at: https://cpj.org/blog/2019/09/canada-usa-female-journalist-safety-online-harassment-survey.php White, A. (2009). Getting the Balance Right: Gender Equality in Journalism. Accessed at: https://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0018/001807/180707e.pdf

xxiii

xxiv

Acknowledgment

I, Sadia Jamil, would like to convey my deepest gratitude to my co-editors (Professor Baris Coban, Professor Bora Ataman and Dr. Gifty Appiah-Adjei) for all their support and love to contribute this edited book. This journey was certainly impossible without the brilliant contribution of authors from Philippines, Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Nepal, Bulgaria, Georgia, Venezuela, Nigeria, Rwanda and Ghana. Last but not least, I am also very grateful to the members of editorial board and the foreword authors, Ramon Tuazon and Lynda Catindig-Garcia, for their reflections about this book. Conveying thank you to my co-editors, contributing authors, editorial board members, reviewers, foreword authors, friends and family, is the least way to express my gratitude and appreciation. You all supported me for this book project during the challenging time period of COVID-19 pandemic, which makes me feel truly blessed to have a wonderful professional family of academics. Stay blessed always all!

 

Section 1

­

1

Chapter 1

Discrimination, Gender Disparity, and Safety Risks in Journalism: An Introduction

Sadia Jamil https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0524-7355 Khalifa University, UAE Gifty Appiah-Adjei University of Education, Ghana

ABSTRACT International media monitoring organisations have continually called for commitment of critical actors of free expression and media freedom to ensure the safety of journalists in their strive for open societies. Another dimension to this call is the need to draw attention to the issue of gender-based threats and discrimination in the media industry and its implications for free expression and media freedom. This chapter explores discrimination, gender equality, and safety risks in journalism.

INTRODUCTION Free expression and media freedom are critical to the roles journalists play to report the truth, expose the wrongs and hold governments and the powerful accountable in democracies (Jamil & Muschert, 2020; Jamil, 2019a, 2017b, 2015b, 2014; UNESCO, 2015, 2014). As a result, international media monitoring organisations have continually called for commitment of critical actors of free expression and media freedom to ensure the safety of journalists in their strive for open societies (Freedom House, 2019; Committee to Protect Journalists, 2019; Reporters without Borders, 2019). Another dimension to this call is the need to draw attention to the issue of of gender-based threats and discrimination in the DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch001

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 Discrimination, Gender Disparity, and Safety Risks in Journalism

media industry and its implications for free expression and media freedom. In this regard, International organisations like the UNESCO, International Women’s Media Foundation (IWMF), Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP) and others have spearheaded the need to address gender discrimination and disparities that dominated the media industry globally.

GENDER EQUALITY IN JOURNALISM Women and girls represent half of the world’s population; and therefore, also half of its potential. However, today gender disparity persists everywhere and stagnates social and economic developments. Inequalities faced by girls can begin right at their birth and follow them all their lives. In many developing countries, girls are deprived of access to health care, proper nutrition, educational opportunities. Disadvantages in education translate into a lack of access to skills and limited opportunities in the labor market. Thus, women’s and girls’ empowerment is essential to expand economic growth and promote social development. Gender and journalism has been a major area of concern for gender equality since the Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA) by the United Nations in 1995 (Vega Montiel, 2014). Actors of media and gender have particularly focused on gender inequality in the journalism practice because it is a form of gender discrimination (Claudia et al., 2018). According to IACHR, gender discrimination includes “any difference in treatment made on the basis of sex, which intentionally or in practice, places women in a disadvantageous situation and impairs the full recognition of their rights in the public or private spheres” (IACHR, 2011, para. 18). Therefore, “gender-based violence against women is a form of discrimination against women and a violation of their human rights” (Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, 2017, para. 14). This underscores the reason that gender-based violence in media has become one of the core focuses of research. Evidence submits a long trajectory of gender inequalities involving the media which exposes the journalism practice as “a system where inequality between women and men can easily lead to abusive behaviors” (Padovani, Raeymaeckers & De Vyust, 2019, p.160). Male domination has characterise “the processes, practices, images and ideologies of journalism – and its power distributions” (Ruoho & Torkolla, 2018, p. 67) because historically, journalism evolved as a male dominated field (DavytanGevorgyan, 2016; Ross & Carter, 2011; Torkolla & Ruoho, 2011; Djerf-Piere, 2007). Over the years, increase of females into journalism training and the profession has been recorded (Fröhlich & Lafky, 2008). The increase came with the expectation that the needed critical mass of female journalists in various newsrooms across the globe to balance the existing gender inequality that will be realised yet progress towards equality has been slow (Haworth, 2000). However, issues regarding gender disparities in pay gaps, participation in decision making roles, representation and attacks against journalists persist and have been explored and critically analysed in literature (Carter, Steiner & McLaughlin, 2014; McLaughlin & Carter, 2013; Ross, 2013; Byerly, 2012). Recent evidence of pay disparity has been established in the United States by Women’s Media Center. The 2019 report on the Status of Women in the US Media by the organisation revealed that “female reporters earned $2,700 less a year than their male colleagues at the Associated Press” (Women’s Media Center, 2019, p.44). Another evidence of pay disparity has been found at the BBC. The organisation was unlawfully continuing an unequal system of gender pay gap for years. Therefore for many years,

2

 Discrimination, Gender Disparity, and Safety Risks in Journalism

the editor of BBC China (Carrie Gracies) was paid less than her male colleagues for equal job done (Women’s Media Center, 2019). Also in 2015, Dow Jones tracked the salary trends in their companies and the union that represents journalists in its (Dow Jones’s) global newswire and Wall Street Journal flagship publication reported of longstanding pay disparities among journalists in the organisation. However, the margin of differences in the pay disparities was not declared. As a follow up to Dow Jones’s study, the Independent Association of Publishers’ Employees contracted the Strength in Numbers Group a year later, to carry out a detailed analysis of the previous study. The results revealed female journalists were paid 15.5% less of the annual earnings of their male counterparts. The study also revealed that “there was a significant gender pay gap in every location, in every quarter, and within the largest single job category”, adding that there was “a distinct and persistent [overall] gap between pay for men and women at Dow Jones even when they hold the same job title and have acquired the same number of years of experience” (Women’s Media Center, 2019, p. 44). Aside pay disparities, vertical discrimination in journalism practice has been documented in research (North, 2016). Female journalists, unlike their male counterparts, are confronted with covert obstacles that hinder their career advancement (Jamil, 2020a, 2020b), and IWMF (2011, p. 9) avers that “these invisible barriers were found in middle and senior management levels”. Evidence submits that globally, there is under representation of female journalists at levels of decision making in the media industry (Byerly, 2014a; EIGE, 2013; Gallagher, 1995; IWMF, 2012; Nordicom, 2018; North, 2016 a). In 1995, the first global survey of female journalists revealed that females directed only three per cent of media organisations globally and they formed 12 per cent upon inclusion of senior management levels (Gallagher, 1995). After sixteen years, Byerly (2011) found that females consisted of 27 per cent of senior management personnel worldwide. Another study by IWMF (2012) showed that confirmed Byerly’s finding because globally, male journalists occupied 73 per cent of top management jobs. In a study titled The Media is Men’s Business, Nordicom (2018) examined the leadership positions of 100 largest international media corporations and concluded that leadership of the companies were male dominated because 80 per cent of the directors were men, 17 per cent of top management officers were women and only six females were CEOs. It has been noted by North (2012) that imperceptible obstacles hinder progression of female journalists to decision making levels in the industry. She posits that thought patterns that are stereotypical project the leadership capabilities of male journalist in favorable light than female journalists. Thus, female journalists are perceived to be soft, empathic and not suitable and competent enough for leadership positions. However, male journalists are seen to be competitive and assertive. Therefore, such misconceptions project male journalists as being more suitable and competent for decision making levels (North, 2016a; Phalen, 2010). Also, personal and social obstacles of female journalists account for their slow progression (Jamil, 2020). Patriarchal norms tend to compound the balance of household with professional responsibilities. Female journalists contend with balancing household duties and the frequent eleventh hour changes in journalistic schedules described by De Vyust and Raeymaeckers (2019) as “demand for total availability” (p.25). This is impracticable for female journalists since traditional gender role patterns determine the distribution of household responsibilities (Ziamou, 2000) and often do not favour females. These account for the reason that more male than female journalists consistently occupy decision making levels in the media industry despite the increase of female journalists into the profession (North, 2016a; 2012; Phalen, 2010). It is important to note that this type of discrimination is realised even in countries with gender parity in the media workforce (Byerly, 2013; 2014a). 3

 Discrimination, Gender Disparity, and Safety Risks in Journalism

Documentation of horizontal discrimination in the journalism practice also abounds. Horizontal discrimination refers to the situation whereby “there are gendered divisions of tasks, and at a microlevel, gendered divisions in the types of stories reporters are assigned” (North, 2016b, p 359). News areas and media sectors are gendered because female journalists dominate the soft news beats while hard news beats are seen as the domain of male journalists (GMMP, 2015; North, 2016b; WMC, 2017). As a result, fashion, life style as well as health beats are ‘reserved’ for female journalists and accorded low status while political news, business news and investigative journalism are dominated by males and afforded high status (Franks, 2013; GMMP, 2015; North, 2016b; WMC, 2017). For instance, the 2010 GMMP Report indicates: Male reporters are overwhelmingly allocated hard new stories in comparison to female reporters. It found that men report 67 per cent of stories about politics and government, 65 per cent of stories about crime and violence, and 60 per cent of stories about the economy. Inversely, female reporters’ highest allocation of stories is in the science and health categories (44 per cent) and the social and legal area (43 per cent) (as cited by North, 2016b, p 360). Citing De Clercq (2002), De Vyust and Raeymaeckers (2019) note that media sectors ascribed with less prestige (magazines and radios) are more accessible to female journalists than prestigious media sectors (newspapers and press agencies) when it comes to degree of participation. They further add that “national media, such as national newspapers and national radio are associated with more status than local media such as local newspapers and local radio stations and women are more represented in the latter than in the former” (p. 27).

GENDER-BASED DISCRIMINATION AND SAFETY RISKS TO FEMALE JOURNALISTS Another area in the journalism practice that is characterized by gender discrimination is online and offline attacks and violence against journalists (Jamil, 2020b). Generally, journalism practice draws hostility (UNESCO, 2014) since “reporting on issues such as politics, corruption, organized crime… can be a life-threatening endeavor” (Jamil, 2019b, 2018, 2016, 2015a; Marcesse, 2017, p. 45; Sreberny, 2014). As a result, online and offline violence, threats and intimidation are common to the practice. The attacks assume different forms and are carried out to serve diverse purposes of perpetuators of crimes against journalists (Jamil, 2020b; Cottle, 2017). These problems, especially “online attacks against journalists have increased” (UNESCO, 2017; 2018) and “have become more complex, more stealthy in their damage to the news enterprise and more threatening for journalists” (Antonijevic, 2016, p. 11). However, it is important to note that research has indicated a gender discrimination to attacks of journalists. Both male and female journalists are attacked online but evidence submits that the case of female journalists, however, is disproportional (Westcott, 2019; Mendes et al., 2018). Persistently, the routines of female journalists have been characterised by gender-based threats (Padovani, Raeymaeckers & De Vyust, 2019, p.158) yet issues about gender discrimination and sexual harassment in the practice are unnoticed (Alabaster, 2012; Kim and Kleiner, 1999). According to Mijatovic, 2016) “female journalists and bloggers throughout the globe are being inundated with threats of murder, rape, physical violence and graphic imagery via email, commenting sections and across all social media platforms” (p.1). Fer4

 Discrimination, Gender Disparity, and Safety Risks in Journalism

rier (2018) also claims that “many of the threats women journalists receive on Twitter, Facebook and online backchannels are sexist in nature, designed to intimidate or shame the journalist” and questions the “intellectual rigor and professional credentials” of female journalists (p. 11). Unfortunately, Selbery (2014) posits that “violence against women journalists is sadly an important issue that is rarely openly confronted” (p. 32). The impact of such discriminatory practices in the journalism practice is pronounced, therefore, the need addresses such problems (Claudia et al., 2018). It is in this light that IWMF (2011) avers that “there can be no full freedom of the press until women have an equal voice in the news-gathering and news dissemination processes” (p.7). This is because gender disparities in pay gaps, participation in decision making roles, representation and attacks against journalists have financial, psychological, emotional and social, physical and digital safety risks, especially for female journalists. Since 1995, the GMMP has been monitoring and raising awareness on gender discrimination in the journalism in every five years. UNESCO, IWMF and other actors have also worked in line with the focus of GMMP: to provide reliable and comprehensive data that helps to determine the true status of male and female journalists in the journalism practice. Though all these interventions manifest a growing awareness of gender inequalities, and reproduce gendered relations in the practice, international studies (EIGE 2013; GMMP, 2015; IWMF, 2012) emphasize the slow rate of change and bottlenecks that prevent the strengthening of gender equality practices.

CONCLUSION Thus this book considers the myriad of complexities surrounding discrimination, gender equality and safety risks (either online or offline) in the journalism practice and provides insights and lessons from diverse studies that highlight the need for safe and non-discriminatory working environment and equal journalists’ rights.

REFERENCES Byerly, C. M. (2014a). Media conglomeration and women’s interests: A global concern. Feminist Media Studies, 14(2), 322–326. doi:10.1080/14680777.2014.909137 Byerly, C. M. (2014b). The long struggle of women in news. In Media and Gender: A Scholarly Agenda for the Global Alliance on Media and Gender. Paris: IAMCR (International Association for Media and Communication Research) and UNESCO. Carter, C., Steiner, L., & McLaughling, L. (2014). The Routledge Companion to Media and Gender. Routledge. Claudia, L., Carolina, A. T., Santos, M., & Jamil, S. (2018). Introduction to Dossier Journalism and Gender: Yes, this is Subversive. British Journalism Review, 14(1), 1–6. Davtyon-Gevorgyan, A. (2016). Women and Mass Media. Retrieved from http://feminism-boell.org/ en/2016/04/08/women-and-mass-media

5

 Discrimination, Gender Disparity, and Safety Risks in Journalism

De Vuyst, S., & Raeymaeckers, K. (2019). Gender as a multi-layered issue in journalism: A multi-method approach to studying barriers sustaining gender inequality in Belgian newsrooms. European Journal of Women’s Studies, 26(1), 23–38. doi:10.1177/1350506817729856 European Institute for Gender Equality. (2013). Review of the Implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action in the EU Member States: Women and the Media – Advancing Gender Equality in Decisionmaking in Media Organizations. Publications Office of the European Union. Franks, S. (2013). Women and Journalism. I.B. Tauris. doi:10.5040/9780755694501 Fröhlich, R., & Lafky, S. (2008). Introduction. In R. Fröhlich & S. Lafky (Eds.), Women Journalists in the Western World: What Surveys Tell Us (pp. 1–10). Hampton Press. Global Media Monitoring Project. (2015). Who Makes the News? World Association for Christian Communication. Retrieved from: http://whomakesthenews.org/gmmp/gmmp-reports Haworth, J. (2000). Women in radio news: Making a difference? In C. Mitchell (Ed.), Women and Radio: Airing Difference (pp. 250–261). Routledge. IWMF. (2011). Global report on the status of women in the news media. International Women’s Media Foundation. Retrieved from: https://www.iwmf.org/resources/global-report-on-the-status-of-womenin-the-news-media/ Jamil, S. (2014). Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom: Journalists’ Understandings and Practices in Pakistan. In C. Schimdt (Ed.), Pakistan’s Media Landscape: The Effects of Liberalization (pp. 46–85). Deutsche Welle Akademie. Jamil, S. (2015a). Understandings and Practices of Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom in Pakistan: Ethnography of Karachi Journalistic Environment (PhD Thesis). University of Queensland, Australia. Retrieved from: https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/43362662.pdf Jamil, S. (2015b). Journalists’ concepts of freedom of expression and press freedom in Pakistan. Journal of Transnational Worlds of Power: Proliferation of Journalism & Professional Standards, 1(1), 101–132. Jamil, S. (2016). Journalism practice and freedom of expression: Challenges and constraints in Pakistan. In B. Lippe & R. Ottosen (Eds.), Gendering War and Peace Reporting: Some Insights – Some Missing Links. Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2017a). Freedom of expression and journalists’ safety: An analysis of conflict reporting and peace journalism education in Pakistan. Journal of the Association of Journalism Education, 6(2), 7–16. Jamil, S. (2017b). Freedom under pressure? Threats to journalists’ safety in Pakistan. In U. Carlsson & R. Poyhtari (Eds.), Assault on Journalism (pp. 323–329). Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2018). Safety threats, impunity and professionalism: Journalists’ dilemma in Pakistan. Journal of Sociology and Anthropology, 6(7), 571–578. doi:10.13189a.2018.060702 Jamil, S. (2019a). The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety. IGI Global.

6

 Discrimination, Gender Disparity, and Safety Risks in Journalism

Jamil, S. (2019b). Culture of Impunity and Safety of Journalists: Is Safe Journalism a Distant Dream in Pakistan? World of Media – Journal of Russian Media and Journalism Studies, 1, 48-64. doi:10.30547/ worldofmedia.1.2019.3 Jamil, S. (2020a). Suffering in Silence: The Resilience of Pakistan’s Female Journalists to Combat Sexual Harassment, Threats and Discrimination. Journalism Practice, 14(2), 150–170. doi:10.1080/1 7512786.2020.1725599 Jamil, S. (2020b). Red lines of journalism: Digital surveillance, safety risks and journalists’ self-censorship in Pakistan. In I. F. Anna & K. Roy (Eds.), Journalist Safety and Self-Censorship (pp. 29–46). Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780367810139-3 Jamil, S., & Muschert, G. (2020). Risks to Journalists’ Safety and the Vulnerability of Media Freedom in the U.S. In G. Muschert, K. Budd, M. Christian, & R. Perucci (Eds.), Agenda for Social Justice: Solutions for 2020. Policy Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctv14rmnsb.21 Nilsson, M. L. (2010). ‘Thinkings’ and ‘doings’ of gender: Gendering processes in Swedish television news production. Journalism Practice, 4(1), 1–16. doi:10.1080/17512780903119693 Nordicom. (2018). The media is a male business. Retrieved from: https://www.nordicom.gu.se/en/latest/ news/media-male-business North, L. (2016a). Still a ‘blokes club’: The motherhood dilemma in journalism. Journalism, 17(3), 315–330. doi:10.1177/1464884914560306 North, L. (2016b). The gender of ‘soft’ and ‘hard’ news. Female journalists’ views on gendered story allocations. Journalism Studies, 17(3), 356–373. doi:10.1080/1461670X.2014.987551 Phalen, P. (2010). Pioneers, girlfriends and wives: An agenda for research on women and the organizational culture of broadcasting. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 44(2), 230–247. doi:10.120715506878jobem4402_5 Ross, K., & Carter, C. (2011). Women and news: A long and winding road. Media Culture & Society, 33(8), 1148–1165. doi:10.1177/0163443711418272 Torkolla, S., & Ruoho, I. (2011). Looking for gender inequality in journalism. In T. Krijnen, C. Alvares, & S. Van Bauwel (Eds.), Gendered Transformations: Theory and Practices on Gender and Media (pp. 203–220). Intellect. Women’s Media Center. (2017). The Status of Women in the U.S. Media 2017. WMC. Ziamou, T. (2000). Women Make the News: A Crack in the ‘Glass Ceiling. UNESCO.

7

8

Chapter 2

Women and Media:

What Public Service Media Can Do to Ensure Gender Equality Zeljka Lekic-Subasic Office of Eurovision News Exchange for Southeast Europe (ERNO), Bosnia and Herzegovina

ABSTRACT Difficulties that women face in the media professions and discrimination against women’s access to decision-making posts within the media is a problem that transcends national borders. Becoming a greater part of this particular workforce would help to expand both the amount and quality of visibility for women – in news, television, and public sphere in general. Public service media (PSM), as broadcasting, made, financed, and controlled by the public and for the public, with the output designed to reach everyone and reflect all voices, should treat gender equality with the utmost importance. The existing data indicate however that, although some progress have been made, there is a lot to be done: while women among European PSMs represent 44% of the workforce, the number falls to less than 25% at the higher and executive positions. This chapter analyses the efforts made by the European Broadcasting Union’s members and the measures they recommend.

WOMAN AND MEDIA Women’s relationship to media has always been understood as central to wider spectrum of equality issues and also an indicator of a fundamental problem of gender inequality. In many ways, mass-media systems share a reflection of a global distribution of power and control. In a world where women’s access to political and economic power is in most cases severely limited, their status and roles are defined within political, economic and cultural systems which tend to exclude them from active participation (Lago et al., 2018). As Gallagher (1981) pointed out in one of the first international reseraches on gender and media, “the mass media’s role is primarily to reinforce definitions and identities set in a framework constructed for and by men“.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch002

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 Women and Media

Over the past 60 years, the international community has made many agreements to promote and defend women’s rights, contributing to the creation of national laws and influencing the social norms. These agreements are not in themselves a guarantee of positive change, with many political pressures that threaten to roll back progress, but they provide a framework for action to realise the rights of all women and girls. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) adopted by the UN General Assembly on 18 December 1979, is often described as an international bill of rights for women. It entered into force as an international treaty on 3 September 1981, after the twentieth country had ratified it, and it forbids all forms of discrimination against women and calls on states parties to identify and eliminate any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis of sex. In relation to women’s role in the field of media, the Beijing Fourth World Conference on Women is very important because it formally recognized the relationship between women and media as being one of the major challenges to achieving equal opportunities for women in contemporary societies, but also predicted the media’s potential to make a far greater contribution to the advancement of women. The 1995 Beijing Platform for Action identified the stereotypical portrayal of women in the media and women’s limited access to creating media products and decision-making in media and culture industries, as two core areas where action by States and media industries was globally needed. Since then, numerous opinions, formal document and strategies have been adopted to combat gender stereotyping and misrepresentation as we as women’s marginalization and professional discrimination in media structures, including more recently the digital media environment. Many of the challenges identified so far in numerous agreements and conventions are still relevant today. In February 2020, members of the European Parliament adopted the resolution calling on the European Council to ensure a unified EU position and act to counter the backlash against gender equality and all measures undermining women’s rights (European Parliament, 2020). MEPs have called for measures boosting women’s economic and political empowerment including greater inclusion of women in the labour market, more support for female entrepreneurship, promotion of the education for girls and encouraging greater participation in STEM (science, technology, engineering and maths) careers, and promotion of gender-balanced representation at all levels of decision-making. One of the priorties is closing of the gender pay gap, estimated to 16%, and pension gap, which is 37%. According to the European Parliament’s report, a high pay gap could indicate that women were more concentrated in lower-paid sectors or that a significant proportion of them worked part-time. As an example there were more male than female scientists and engineers – 59% compared to 41%, on average in the EU in 2018, and women also held only a third of managerial positions (Young, 2020). Discrimination against women’s access to decision-making posts within the media is hardly a problem in countries where only a handful of women enter the media professions in the first place, but aspects of the mass media’s relationship to women—in terms of both portrayal and employment—transcend cultural and class boundaries (Jamil, 2020, 2019, 2016). The same “limited set of dominant characterizations of women, the same impoverished patterns of female participation in the media can be found—wellrooted—in established media structures and ‘emergent’ in younger systems„ (Gallagher, 1981, p.28). On a different front, women’s organizations were seeking to increase visibility in the news for women’s political campaigns to achieve equality through legislative reforms related to rape and domestic violence, equal pay, job discrimination, and other civil rights (Barker- Plummer, 2010). Those engaged in women’s rights movements since the nineteenth century had recognized that their political success required getting into the mainstream news of the day if they were to succeed (Kielbowicz and Scherer, 1986). As Barker- Plummer (2010, p. 145) has observed, ‘’The news has historically played a critical role in the 9

 Women and Media

circulation and mediation of ideas that challenge the status quo, ultimately helping to legitimize social movements and set new policy agendas’’. Addressing the news coverage of women’s activities, therefore, has been an indispensable part of feminist strategies for change. Women seeking to enter media professions in the last few decades of the twentieth century saw an important role for themselves in enlarging women’s public sphere. Their push to enter media professions in greater numbers in the 1970s was driven, in part, by their presumption that becoming a greater part of this particular workforce would help to expand both the amount and quality of visibility for women – ‘’in news, television, and elsewhere’’ (Gallagher, 1981, p. 79). Women’s hope to reshape news and other media content via employment may be understood as one aspect of gaining greater control over the means of media production and the content that would result from that production.

SCHOLARSHIP ON WOMEN’S POSITION IN MEDIA What can current surveys from different countries concretely indicate about the professional situation of female journalists? Can the difference and similarities be identified between countries? While referring to existing data from around the world and the data collected from media organization from the Balkans region in particular, this paper takes Public Service Media in Europe as a case study, analysing the current situation and the level of gender equality and the efforts made by the European Broadcasting Union1. The limitation of the international comparison to one particular region or one particular type of media organization is recommendable because of different journalistic traditions, media markets, and political systems around the world. Thus, as suggested by Fröhlich (2007) one should compare media that operate within, to some extent, similar political systems, share similar journalistic traditions, and function in similar media markets. The relationship that women have with the media, both in terms of their employment in the industry and their representation in a variety of different formats and genres has been the subject of much research over the past few decades. An important turning point for considering women in fact-based media and in particular news came with the publication of a study by Tuchman et al. in 1978. In that work, the authors described the overdetermination of men’s voices, perspectives and images in mass media as constructing the ‘symbolic annihilation’ of women. Tracking women’s progress in media professions came in small steps during the 1970s and ‘80s, with the first efforts to conduct a cross-national study on women’s employment in media being undertaken by Gallagher (1981, 1995). Gallagher found the bleakest picture to be in Japan with women holding only 8% of the jobs in companies surveyed, but mostly women fell into the 20 to 30%, reaching 50% in only two nations, Lithuania and Estonia. Whereas the United States and Canada have since the mid-1970s investigated the development and the status quo of the situation of female journalists in their countries, respective research with original and reliable data for most of the European countries came later. Robinson (2005) compared gender equity in Canadian, US and European television and newspaper newsrooms using both her own research on Canada and that of others in the other nations and regions. Byerly and Padovani consider her work a historical study and by far the most complete with regard to women in broadcast journalism because it drew on longitudinal data from the 1970s though the mid1992s. For that time period, she determined that while women continued to enter the profession in larger numbers, they advanced unevenly into decision-making roles. The large global study of women’s 10

 Women and Media

employment in news companies was conducted more recently by Carolyn M. Byerly (2011), under the auspices of the International Women’s Media Foundation. The 59-nation study sought to learn the status of women’s occupational standings, salary levels, and a range of other variables, vis-a-vis men. The data collected from 522 companies, including 16 in Europe, showed that overall men held three-quarters of the positions in both top management posts and governance. Women’s presence was strongest in routine newsgathering and weakest in technical roles. Several national studies have found journalism to have remained a masculine field in spite of the high numbers of women in media workforce, like researches in Poland (Twardowska and Olyzyk, 2003, as cited in Byerly and Padovani, 2017) and Portugal (Marques da Silva, 2010, as cited in Byerly and Padovani, 2017) that indicated feminisation of media workforce did not effects in promoting alternative way of representing women in the media that differ from prevalent female stereotypes. Djerf Pierre’s (2007) more recent research in Sweden shows women professional to have made their strongest mark in public service broadcasting and in the popular press. Although implicitly linked in terms of the fundamental problem addressed, there is a separation between studies of media portrayal of women and research into women’s participation in the media. In every world region the imagery ‘side’ of the problem is more extensively documented than the question of participation, which in many countries is completely unresearched. Significant portion of academic research on women’s media representation is concerned with stereotypes of women that have pervaded the imagery of popular culture for decades and it was conducted mainly using an interpretive (qualitative) approach associated with cultural studies. Textual analysis, framing analysis, semiotics, ethnography, and social critique are among the most common methodologies in representational research. These approaches, according to Kellner (2011), enable scholars to «show how media articulate the dominant values, political ideologies, and social developments and novelties of the era» (p. 8). Some of the representational research have investigated women as the subjects of news, a media genre long considered to confer legitimacy on women’s issues and political goals. Rakow and Kranich’s (1991) investigation of television news in the late 1980s conducted to determine both the number of women used as sources in news stories and the ways that women function within story narratives. Their semiotic analysis of more than 1200 television programs drew from conceptual work in anthropology, psychoanalysis, and film studies that had already posed the notion that „women serve ‘as signifier for the male other’ within a symbolic system in which men are permitted to live out their fantasies of domination both linguistically and through images they create“. Rakow and Kranich found that women were most likely to appear as private (not public) individuals, serving as ‘signs of the times’ or as ‘signs of support’ (i.e. for new public policies) but seldom as experts or leaders in public roles. The problem of invisibility – that is, women’s absence in news and in lead television roles, is one of the main issues too. Gallagher’s (1981) review of the early literature on women and media found that ‘’perhaps the most important image is, in fact, a ‘non- image’: it is the absence of women in the media output which becomes the most striking, once it has been highlighted’’ (p. 72). She noted that research from all regions of the world, particularly in radio and television, grossly ignored women. Tuchman (1978) characterized such absence as the ‘symbolic annihilation’ of women by the media. Reporters have typically preferred women celebrities or those connected to powerful male figures as the focus for stories. Lang (1978) was an early reseacher to note that, for women to become newsworthy in the 1970s, “they had to have mothered, married, or been sired by a man of achievement” (p. 148).

11

 Women and Media

Scholarship on women’s place in the production aspects of media has been conducted using both quantitative and qualitative analysis, including primarely the collection of statistical data on employment by gender in the various media genres, but also ethnography, interviews, surveys, and other forms of data collection and analysis. However, Byerly (2012) points out that an analysis of women’s occupational status in media industries has to consider the larger framework of men’s economic and professional power in those industries in order to be fully explained and understood. She suggests that „further feminist analyses of the concentration of media ownership (i.e. the conglomeration of companies resulting from deregulation), globalization, and the public and corporate policies that lead to them are needed to reveal where women are situated, how they benefit and/or are harmed, and how they can enter more actively to intervene as change agents... such knowledge is needed to provide a more accurate assessment of what feminism’s impact has been over time with respect to the women- and- media relationship“ (p.14).

JOURNALISM: A MALE DOMINATED PRACTICE As discussed above, the policies toward the gender equlty in media should not be narowed to simply open up media employment to women, but at the same time to work towards changing women’s selfperceptions, evolving and directing measures against a cultural value system which at present not only accords women lower status but also frequently leaves them unaware of the fact. However the problem of under-representation of women among media professionals, and especially among decision-makers, has to be seriously considered. In the report, published in March 2020 (Andi S., Selva M. and R.K. Nielsen), investigating a sample of ten top online news outlets and ten top offline news outlets in ten different markets ranging from Japan and Soth Africa to the UK, Finland and US, researchers of the Reuters Institute finds: • • •

Only 23% of the top editors across the 200 major outlets in the sample are women, despite the fact that, on average, 40% of journalists in the ten markets are women. Every single market covered has a majority of men among the top editors, including countries like Brazil and Finland where women outnumber men among working journalists. There is a strong and positive correlation between the percentage of women working in journalism with the percentage of women in top editorial positions.

Although in many countries journalism continues to be a male-dominated profession, the number of women journalists is definitely on the rise in most of the countries. In 1990 the survey of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) has shown that the average percentage of women journalists in general around the world was 27% (Frohlich, 2007). Ten years later, a replication of this study found that about 38% of journalists were women ranging thought from around 50% in countries, such as, Finland, Thailand or Mexico to as low as around 6% in Sri Lanka or Togo (Peters, 2001). But in addition to their under-representation, which varies from country to country, women face a glass ceiling that prevents their advancement into higher-ranking jobs. In other words, in the course of their careers, qualified women who possess skills and experience for advancement are blocked in their upward mobility by factors such as institutionalized prejudices. Such prejudices are usually expressed implicitly rather than explicitly in the day-to-day life of the organization, including processes for hiring and promotion. 12

 Women and Media

A Global Report on the Status Women in the News Media from 2011 (Byerly) showed that men occupy the vast majority of the management jobs and news-gathering positions in most nations included in this study: 73% of the top management jobs are occupied by men compared to 27% occupied by women. Among the ranks of reporters, men hold nearly two-thirds of the jobs, compared to 36% held by women. However, among senior professionals, women are nearing parity with 41% of the newsgathering, editing and writing jobs. One national example adds to the point: in Serbia, at the first glance, it may appear that media in country are run by women. According to Global Media Monitoring 2015 in Serbia, more than 70% of the total number of reporters, announcer and presenters in traditional media are women. The analysis that included 18 different outlets, 15 traditional and 3 digital, with total of 258 stories, indicated that women made close to 60% of news items (journalists and reporters) and they are even more frequently in the roles of anchors, announcers/presenters (80%). This is well above world average and very typical for southern journalistic cultures when it comes to Europe (Bulgaria, Romania, Spain). It also reflects a vast feminization of the media work force but also a division of professional power: women are in the majority among younger professionals, but rapidly decreasing in numbers with higher professional, and especially, managerial and propriety roles. According to Serbian Business Registers Agency and other sources of information about the structure of ownership, media owners in Serbia are mostly men (Global Media Monitoring, 2015). Researching the British context, Delano (2000) noted that women were still under-represented and paid 20% less than their male counterparts performing the same or similar duties. In his later work, Delano (2003) also found that employers provide little support for family life, and in all three nations studies (UK, US and Australia), most journalists do not have children, even if they are married. The list of obstacles faced by women who want to get ahead in journalism is long and it is the same whether drawn up by women journalists in Asia Pacific, the Americas, Africa or Europe: • • •

Stereotypes, cultural attitudes expecting women to be sub-ordinate and subservient, negative attitudes towards women journalists; Employment conditions, lack of equal pay, lack of access to further training, lack of fair promotion procedures, lack of access to decision-making positions (glass ceiling), sexual harassment, age limits, job segregation; Social and personal obstacles, conflicting family and career demands, lack of support facilities (day care centres), lack of self-esteem (Peters, 2001).

In Europe, virtually all countries have a law on equal pay. Most of these laws were adopted in the 1970s and include provisions similar to those of the International Labour Organization conventions that sets out that men and women workers must receive equal remuneration for work of equal value without discrimination based on sex. In theory thus almost all media organizations respect the principle of equal pay for equal work. But there is often a difference between law and practice; many unions state that the existing laws are not sufficiently enforced and that de facto discrimination continues because employers create unjustified distinctions between work done by men and women (Peters, 2001). This is explained by the massive vertical and horizontal occupational segregation observed in the media industries; most women work at levels or in categories where there are few or no men, equal pay has little meaning. A further factor is the relatively important free-lance section in the media: here wage and salary levels can be varied tremendously, and informal agreements are often reached based on what is ‘acceptable’ (Gal13

 Women and Media

lagher, 1981). It seems that statistically, men are significantly more likely than women to hold regular full-time jobs, which is understood to be more predictable, more secure, typically better paid, and having additional benefits compared to other terms of employment (Byerly, 2011). The average salary gaps in European countries are comparatively similar and range from 18% in France to 12% in the United Kingdom (Fröhlich, 2007). When comparing this with figures for North America, Canada and Israel (20%), women journalists in Europe seem to suffer less from big salary gaps. The really bad news, however, is that in Europe, the average income gap between female and male journalists is increasing rather than decreasing (Ibid). In this sense Eastern European region seems to be particular, since the dominant pattern across occupational levels is one of relative similarity in salaries along gender lines, with men and women earning comparable pay in both average low and average high ranges. It is explained with the longstanding practice of the former Soviet states and the Eastern bloc nations under communism to educate women and move them into the workforce: while inequality in women’s status manifests itself in other ways in these nations today, equal access to jobs and relatively similar salary structures by gender remain common (Byerly, 2011; Byerly, 2012). Although there are many policies for promotion of gender equality, like measures adopted to improve women’s presence in managerial positions in the EU, they are not directed specifically at the media sector. For example, The Conclusion of Eliminating Gender Stereotypes in Society, adopted by the European Council in 2008 recognize gender-stereotyping as a persistent cause of inequality in all spheres of life, but there is no mention of improving women’s presence in decision-making or in managerial roles (Byerly and Padovani, 2017). At the national levels there are some positive examples that allow for the conclusion that action and equality plans might be effective to the certain extent. Twenty years sgo Gallagher (1995) identified Belgium, Denmark, Italy, Luxembourg, Portugal, and the United Kingdom as countries where the national laws had a positive impact on the improvement of the professional situation of female journalists. Characteristic of sucesfully implemented actions and equality plans or laws in those countries is that they also apply to private commercial broadcasters. For example, the Broadcasting Act of 1990 in the United Kingdom requires that the commercial channels provide an annual statement to the Independent Television Commission of action taken to support equal opportunities. Several important points can be drawn from the literature on the position of women in journalism, some of them directly impacting the media content. For example, women journalists are facing professional barriers that their male colleagues do not and experience greater control through their supervisors, which derogates their professional autonomy as journalists, but also can be a career obstacle for women in the field. Lachover (in press, quoted in Fröhlich, 2007) examined these circumstances in detail for Israel and found interesting results: women were more likely than men (68% to 59%) to say they have less freedom in selecting their stories; and women were less likely than men (53% to 58%) to say their stories undergo little or no editing. In addition, more female than male editors (39% to 25%) responded that their work is subjected to further editing. Among media professions, women have higher chances to obtain the roles of anchors and newsreaders, mostly if they are young and attractive. Even then, unless they achieve the rare accolade of being „allowed“ to be the sole presenters of a news program, they will otherwise have a male partner who takes the lead and presents the headlines stories, leaving the woman to present the also-rans of human interest (Byerly and Padovani, 2017). If women manage to reach higher positions in media organizations, they are continuosly challanged to prove themeselves and their abilities to colleagues and usualy they are faced with the fact that their male colleagues do not believe this to be true. Distribution of power within the media organizations led some scholars to argue that some of the progress has been more of a smokescreen (Obijofor and Hanusch, 2011). One can conclude that 14

 Women and Media

unless critical mass is achieved at the very top nothing significant can be improved because the rise of individual women is often accompanied by their behavioural change and/or acculturation into existing (male) norms.

PUBLIC SERVICE MEDIA AND GENDER EQUALITY Radio and television were always believed to have great power and consequently, the state has imposed monopoly on broadcasting in most European countries, which lasted until the beginning of 1980s. Broadcasting organizations were expected to protect national language and culture and their performance was non-commercial and highly politicized. The introduction of commercial radio and television stations changed perspectives that defined public broadcasting in Europe. Besides accountability, public finance, cultural values and universal service, new elements were added, such as the ability to compete and the need to perform differently than commercial broadcasters by serving the civil society and treating the audience as citizens rather than consumers. These public service principles became an issue in postcommunist countries during the period of political and social transformation in which the communist policy of censorship was replaced by the introduction of a free press and the adaption of new broadcasting legislation. The concept of public service broadcasting in Europe was challenged once again due to technological developments starting in the 1990s. The notion of public service was thus extended to news media and new multimedia markets to such extent that the classic term of public service broadcasting was replaced by that of public service media more broadly (Nord and Głowacki, 2010). Nissen (2006) identified three general obligations of public service media today. The first is to promote social cohesion. The second and subsequent to that is keeping a tight focus on fully serving needs related to cultural diversity and the demands of democratic process, with a crucial content challenge to keep faith with excellence in the editorial function. The third obligation is to see to the needs of special groups and individual users of public media. Therefor public service media, as broadcasting made, financed and controlled by the public and for the public, with the output designed to “inform, educate and entertain all audiences, reach everyone, and reflect all voices”, should treat gender equality with the utmost importance. Back in 1995, a Charter for Equal Opportunities for Women in Broadcasting was adopted on the occasion of the European Broadcasting Union/European Commission conference in London. It recognized that “the presence of a fairer proportion of women in senior posts in broadcasting would enhance the utilisation of the full potential of all sectors of the European workforce” and that “promoting equal opportunities improves efficiency, competitiveness and sound business management”. It underlined that in Europe then women made only 11% of senior executives and 7% of technical staff. The signatories, more than 20 public broadcasters from across Europe, declared that all women have the right to “fair and equal treatment at work” and “equal opportunities at all levels and in all occupational areas” (EBU, 1995). In 2013, the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) has developed indicators to measure progress on the particular objective of the Beijing Platform for Action that focuses on women and media and that aims to: “increase the participation and access of women to expression and decision-making in and through the media and new technologies of communication”. Two of the indicators propose the analysis of women’s presence in decision-making positions in media organisations and on decision-making boards of media organisations. The third indicator analyses existing policies in media organisations for promotion of gender equality. The data on these indicators collected for the 27 EU Member States and 15

 Women and Media

United Kingdom show certain improvement made in the area of public broadcasting in the period from 2014 to 2019. The percentage of the members of the board/council as the highest decision-making bodies went up from 30.3 to 37.4, while the percentage of CEOs in PSMs grew from 12.5 to 30.1. Also, according to the 2019 EBU data based on 57 PSM organizations in 41 markets, 45% of PSM employees across the EBU area are women, which is 7% more than in the rest of the European audiovisual sector (37, 9%). Good news is that the proportion of female employees increased by 3, 3% from 2014 to 2018 in EBU area. But although women on average represent almost half of the public service media workforce, the number still falls drastically as the higher ranks and executive positions are examined: only 27% of Directors General of PSMs are women. Therefore, despite the increasing number of female CEOs and board’s members, the biggest issue across the Public Service Media remains to be a disproportion at management positions. Author’s own analysis into the data from several PSMs from the Balkans region, despite generally positive situation in Eastern Europe, confirms the same pattern2. Table 1. Percentage of women and man at management position in public service media in the Balkans Public Service Media

No of Men/Women at Top Management Positions

No of Men/Women at Middle Management Positions

Radio-Television of Kosovo

71% men/29% women

100% men

Macedonian Radio-Television

80% men/20% women

64% men/36% women

Radio-Television of Serbia

61% men/39% women

74% men/26% women

Croatian Radio-Television

80% men/20% women

66% men/34% women

Radio-Television of Bosnia and Herzegovina

55% men/45% women

88% men/12% women

Source: ERNO, UNESCO

Another common characteristic for all regional PSMs is the lack of women working on technical positions. Table 2. Percentage of women and man at technical position in public service media in the Balkans Public Service Media

No of Men/Women at Technical Positions

Radio-Television of Kosovo

91% men/9% women

Macedonian Radio-Television

62% men/38% women

Radio-Television of Serbia

78% men/22% women

Croatian Radio-Television

91% men/9% women

Radio-Television of Bosnia and Herzegovina

77% men/23% women

Source: ERNO, UNESCO

All PSMs in the Balkans, as public institutions, are working in accordance with their respective national labour and gender equality laws, and some have taken certain steps to strengthen the existing policies, like encouraging women to apply in the job announcements and working closely with national

16

 Women and Media

ombudsperson offices for gender equality. But “equal opportunities” in a form of declarations and charters and even national laws don’t seem to regulate this area in an adequate way. At the EU level the media have only rarely been directly addressed within the EU’s overarching gender equality commitments and measures. Neither the European Commission’s Strategic Engagement for Gender Equality 2016-2019 nor the Council of the EU’s pact for equality between women and men 2011-2020 specifically mentions the media. This has left the discourse of gender equality in the media separate from frontline EU policy and thus less visible. The EU also has limited competence to tackle heterogeneous gender equality policies within media organisations themselves. However, the European Parliament has called for an update of their internal policies. Among other suggestions, it called for codes of conduct and anti-harassment measures in its motion for a resolution on gender equality in the media sector in the EU (EIGE 2020). One of the ways of addressing this issue is certainly the initiative of the EBU, which members in March 2019 formed the Gender Equality Steering Group and since then have contributed their experience and know-how in identifying and illustrating the essential policies necessary to drive organizations toward a truly gender-equal culture. The report published in December 2019, produced as the result of its work, reflects an ambition to lead the way in achieving gender equality in the media workplace, «recognizing that the very existence of PSM relies on its ability to: • • •

Accurately reflect the experiences of the audiences it serves Increase innovation and productivity through the building of diverse teams Attract and retain the best talent from the available global pool»

The most important findings from this report could present a very good indication for all media organizations. While there is no single way for successfully implementing gender equality within media organizations, the report indentifies the importance of an operational leader, the Chief Diversity or Chief Equality Officer, as a major precondition for making progress, in addition to senior leadership ownership and full support. The person should report directly to the CEO and oversees both in-house diversity (including but not limited to gender diversity) as well as on-screen and content diversity. Within public service media (PSM), a variety of solutions have been observed. For example Austrian public broadcaster ORF has created a network of three Equality Officers with three deputies; Belgium RTBF has appointed a senior reporter as Head of Diversity, with a dotted line to the Director General, while France Télévisions splits this role between the Human Resources and Corporate Social Responsibility departments. Swedesh SVT, as with most Nordics – has appointed a Diversity Officer to encourage gender diversity and Swiss SRG/SSR has nominated a Diversity Board, a governance body made up of individuals from the five enterprise units and the relevant domains (HR, programming, education, and research & analytics). Another significant requirement is «relentless» staff communication: leadership needs to articulate the strategic nature of gender policies and how important they are, not once but regularly, with newsletters, video messages, staff ‘townhalls’ and email campaigns are all effective channels for running an integrated campaign. The following five preventive strategies have been recommended for gradual change of workplace cultures and prevention of undesirable types of behaviour:

17

 Women and Media

• • • • •

Create awareness on the issue by leveraging the data from employee surveys to highlight the amplitude of issues or creating ad hoc internal workshops to provide a discussion forum. Have a clear policy that defines what constitutes discrimination, sexual harassment, psychological harassment and sexism Define processes to report incidents, which specify who can be contacted and how. Follow through with investigations and disciplinary action to tackle workplace misconduct. Train management and personnel on unconscious biases and stereotypes (EBU 2019) The report also highlights several positive case studies across the EBU area:

RTVE invited male personnel of all grades to attend internal focus groups discussing the subject of gender inequality, to raise awareness about the different type of experiences that women can have at work. In 2018 Spain changed its law on paternity leave, granting men the possibility to take up to 8 weeks of paid leave. This has kick-started a conversation on new societal and professional norms. Using data and having a mix of staff and managers within the focus groups produced constructive conversations on the new norms that should be adopted and alleviate fears associated with turning the page on the old male-driven model. The BBC published a report in July 2018 entitled Making the BBC a Great Workplace for Women to support the equal advancement of women and men. Recommendations for change were based on 5,000 comments and ideas from staff (male and female), analysis of workforce data, examination of best practice within the BBC and research of over 30 companies in the wider business community. The recommendations were categorized into three themes: support, development and leadership. The resulting work included increasing access to flexible working arrangements, redesigning recruitment processes, increasing training and support for team leaders and introducing new mentoring, coaching and sponsorship-development schemes. France Télévisions has devised a partnership programme with universities to promote the employer brand among future engineering candidates and tap young female talent. It does this by illustrating the type of technical jobs and career paths that are on offer at the public service broadcaster. Swedish Radio has worked extensively at making their job adverts appealing to women. “We wrote a jobadvert guide for recruitment managers in which we advise them to reduce the core competencies required and use more space to highlight the company and its values. We also made the tone of the brand lighter and more fun in order to appeal to younger applicants,” said Anne Holmgren, HR Strategist Employer Branding & Diversity at Swedish Radio. “We started adding pictures featuring men and women when posting jobs on social media. Our job ads are now articulated in an inclusive way and use terms that are gender neutral.” (EBU, 2019) What is the value of this initiative? At the national level, PSM should represent a role model for media society, setting the standards both in the sense of program quality and staff’s professionalism and diversity. The emphasis on the revenues boosting - in its 2015 report, The Power of Parity, MGI estimated that closing the global gender gap could deliver $12 trillion to $28 trillion of additional GDP worldwide by 2025 (McKinsey Global Institute, 2015) – could motivate commerial media sector to follow the same 18

 Women and Media

path. At the international level, exchange of experience and knowhow provides working soltutions for the problem of gender uneqaulity and eliminates an excuse for doing nothing. Importantly, this could be also a motive for other media organizations from across the world, like Asian-Pacific Media Union (ABU) or African Union of Broadcasting (AUB), to launch similar programs.

WHY NUMBERS MATTER? Underlying much of the discussion and analysis of the media’s portrayal of women and of women’s participation in the media is the assumption that by increasing the number of women employees in the media organizations output will change so as to reflect more adequately women’s interests and points of view, in such a way that negative or demeaning images of women will disappear or be minimized. Research into journalism and gender to date has found a quite contradictory evidence as to the ways in which women and men practice journalism. While some scholars claim that women have inherently different concepts and practices of journalism and that this has led to a feminization of journalism, others have found little evidence to suggest that men and women differ significantly in terms of their role conceptions. Early studies established that, for instance, the female editors of women’s pages are on the whole oriented by the same traditional concerns and priorities as their male counterparts, and that women’s judgements about newsworthiness resemble those of men (Merritt and Gross, 1978). Another research examined the news perceptions of journalism students and found that women students had the same stereotyped picture of women as male students: although they themselves were interested in politics and not ‘traditional’ women’s concerns, they thought that they were unusual and that ‘ordinary’ women would be more interested in mundane matters (Orwant and Cantor, 1977). As Galagher pointed out (1981), problems arise from the complicated system of attitudes and practices which constitute media professionalism. It is difficult for media women to resist ideas and attitudes associated with success in their profession, even if such ideas demean them as women in the audience - the parameters of success are male-defined and women are not in a position to remake the rules. Allied to a real sense of powerlessness within the decision-making structure, and a need to satisfy perceived male attitudes, this may lead professional women „deliberately to ignore what are personally important but professionally difficult issues, or even to distort them in order to be able to deal with them at all“ (Ibid). A number of feminist studies suggest that who produced media content in terms of the balance of women and med can influence what content is produced: if not always a different focus, then certainly a different tone and style, because women have different experiences in the world and thus bring a different perspective (De Bruin and Ross, 2004, Melin-Higgins, 2004). According to Byerly and Padovani (2017), gender-based expectations are embedded in the daily practice, in routines and rituals, which then work with cultural meaning to produce gendered divisions of labour in many newsrooms. One of the ways in which women journalists do journalism is in their use of sources. In most studies men dominate as sources, but some studies suggest that women journalists are more likely to use women sources to a greater extent than their male colleagues - the presence of females in the byline is a significant predictor of females appearing within the news story (Armstrong, 2004). Perhaps one of the most prominent areas where female journalists’ contribution is significant is war reporting and different perspective they can bring into traditional masculinist war and conflict narratives. One of the examples that clearly demonstrates the difference women journalists can make is The Boston Globe’s Elizabeth Neuffer, who brought attention to Bosnian rape camps in the 1990s and whose reporting played a pivotal role 19

 Women and Media

in the decision by the International Tribunal at the Hague to formally designate rape as a crime against humanity (Asquith, 2016). Regarding the audience response, there is some evidence also to suggest that women news consumers are more engaged by the more personalized, intimate and less adversarial approach that women journalists are considered to deliver (Van Zoonen, 1988).

CONCLUSION Media have a defining power and consequently the people who make decisions about media content, may it be news or entertainment, have defining power. In democracies, the participation of all different social groups in this power may be seen as an important criterion for the democratic character of their media, and especially of public service media that are the main focus of this paper. Importantly there appears to be a relationship between how societies value women more generally and the level of participation in journalism that is accored to women, as well as their degree of succession in the profession. Hence, a under-representation of women in media in relation to the size of the female populations and how they are represented, should be seen as a serious problem for modern democratic media around the world. Tackling the gender imbalance within the sector — particularly in creative and production-related roles — could generate significant benefits in terms of the gender sensitivity of outputs and contribute to eliminating gender stereotypes in society as a whole. Public Service Media that seek to fulfil public interest obligations such as universal coverage, diversity and quality of programming, have to pay a particular attention to this issue. Some of the measures and initiatives PSMs have been recommending and especially those that have been implemented so far clearly indicate that achieving gender equality in media organizations requires a proactive approach and permanent communication campaign. The working solutions from EBU members could be implemented by similar media organization from across the world.

REFERENCES Andi, S., Selva, M., & Nielsen, R. K. (2020). Women and Leadership in the News Media 2020: Evidence from Ten Markets. Reuters Institute. Retrieved from: https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/womenand-leadership-news-media-2020-evidence-ten-markets#menu) Armstrong, C. (2004). The Influence of Reporter Gender on Source Selection in Newspaper Stories. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, (1), 139-154. Asquith, C. (2016). The World According to Men: Why it’s so important to have more women doing global-affairs reporting, The Atlantic. Retrieved from: https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2016/03/women-foreign-correspondents/472596/ Barker-Plummer, B. (2010). News and Feminism: A Historic Dialogies. Journalism & Communication Monographs, 12(3 & 4), 45–203. Byerly, C. M. (2011). Global Report on the Status of Women in the News Media. International Women’s Media Foundation.

20

 Women and Media

Byerly, C. M. (2012). The Geography of Women and Media Scholarship. In K. Ross (Ed.), The Handbook of Gender, Sex, and Media (pp. 3–20). Wiley-Blackwell. doi:10.1002/9781118114254.ch1 Byerly, C. M., & Padovani, C. (2017). Research and Policy Review. In K. Ross & C. Padovani (Eds.), Gender Equality and the Media, A Challenge for Europe. Routledge, Taylor & Francis. Claudia, L., Carolina, A. T., Santos, M., & Jamil, S. (2018). Introduction to Dossier Journalism and Gender: Yes, this is Subversive. British Journalism Review, 14(1), 1–6. de Bruin, M., & Ross, K. (2004). Introduction: Beyond the body count. In Gender and newsroom cultures: Identities at work. Cresskill: Hampton Press. Delano, A. (2000). No Sign of a Better Job: 100 Years of British Journalism. Journalism Studies, 1(2), 261–272. doi:10.1080/14616700050028244 Delano, A. (2003). Women Journalist: What’s the Difference? Journalism Studies, 4(2), 273–286. doi:10.1080/1461670032000074838 Djerf-Pierre, M. (2007). The Gender of Journalism: The Structure and Logic of the Field in the Twentieth Century. Nordicom Review. Jubilee Issue, 2007, 81–104. European Broadcasting Union. (1995). Charter for Equal Opportunities for Women in Broadcasting, adopted on the occasion of the EBU/European Commission conference in London, 5 May. Retrieved from: https://www.ebu.ch/files/live/sites/ebu/files/Events/Global%20Policy/WEM/05-05-1995-UER-CEcharte%20sur%20egalite%20des%20changes%20pour%20les%20femmes%20a%20la%20radiotelevision. pdf European Broadcasting Union. (2019). All Things Being Equal Report. Gender Equality Guidelines from Public Service Media. European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE). (2020). Beijing + 25: the fifth review of the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action in the EU Member States. Retrieved from https://eige.europa.eu/ publications/beijing-25-fifth-review-implementation-beijing-platform-action-eu-member-states European Parliament. (2020). Press Release. Retrieved from: https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/ press-room/20200206IPR72017/women-s-rights-meps-call-for-action-to-fight-backlash-against-genderequality Fröhlich, R. (2007). Three Steps Forward and Two Back?: Women Journalists in the Western World between Progress, Standstill, and Retreat. In Women in Mass Communication. SAGE. Gallagher, M. (1981). Unequal opprotunities: The Case of Women and the Media. UNESCO. Gallagher, M. (1995). An unfinished story: gender patterns in media employment. Paris: UNESCO. Global Media Monitoring Project. (2015). Serbia National Report. Retrieved from: http://cdn.agilitycms. com/who-makes-the-news/Imported/reports_2015/national/Serbia.pdf Goren, D. (1978). Image and the Mass Media in Israel. Jerusalem: Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

21

 Women and Media

Jamil, S. (2016). Journalism practice and freedom of expression: Challenges and constraints in Pakistan. In B. Lippe & R. Ottosen (Eds.), Gendering War and Peace Reporting: Some Insights – Some Missing Links. Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2019). The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety. IGI Global. Jamil, S. (2020). Suffering in Silence: The Resilience of Pakistan’s Female Journalists to Combat Sexual Harassment, Threats and Discrimination. Journalism Practice, 14(2), 150–170. doi:10.1080/1751278 6.2020.1725599 Kellner, D. (2011). Cultural studies, multiculturalism, and media culture. In G. Dines & J. Humez (Eds.), Gender, Race and Class in Media: A Critical Reader (pp. 7–18). Sage Publications. Kielobowicz, R. B., & Sherer, C. (1986). The Role of the Press in the Dynamics of Social Movements. Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change, 9, 71–96. Lang, G. E. (1978). The most admired woman: Image-making in the news. In G. Tuchman, A. K. Daniels, & J. Benet (Eds.), Hearth and Home: Images of Women in the Mass Media (pp. 147–160). Oxford University Press. McKinsey Global Institute. (2015). The Power of Parity: How Advancing Women’s Equality Can Add $12 Trillion To Global Growth. Retrieved from: https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/McKinsey/Featured%20Insights/Employment%20and%20Growth/How%20advancing%20womens%20equality%20 can%20add%2012%20trillion%20to%20global%20growth/MGI%20Power%20of%20parity_Full%20 report_September%202015.ashx Melin-Higgins, M. (2004). Coping with journalism: Gendered newsroom culture. In Gender and newsroom cultures: Identities at work. Cresskill: Hampton Press. Merritt, S., & Gross, H. (1978). Women’s Page/Lifestyle Editors: Does Sex Make a Difference? Journalism Quarterly, 55. Nissen, C. S. (2006). Making a Difference: Public Service Broadcasting in the European Media Landscape. John Libbey Publishing. Nord, L., & Głowacki, M. (2010). Editors’ introduction: Public Service Media in Central and Northern Europe. Does the State still matter? Retrieved from: https://www.cejc.ptks.pl/Volume-3-No-1-4Spring-2010/Editors-introduction-Public-Service-Media-in-Central-and-Northern-EuropeDoes-the-St Obijiofor, L., & Hanusch, F. (2011). Journalism across Cultures: An Introduction. Palgrave. doi:10.1007/978-0-230-34524-9 Orwant, J., & Cantor, M. (1977). How Sex Stereotyping Affects News Preferences. The Journalism Quarterly, 54(1), 99–108. doi:10.1177/107769907705400114 Peters, B. (2001). Equality and Quality: Setting Standards for Women in Journalism. IFJ Survey on the Status of Women Journalists.

22

 Women and Media

Rakow, L. F., & Kranich, K. (1991, March 1). Woman as Sign in Television News. Journal of Communication, 41(1), 8–23. doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.1991.tb02289.x Robinson, G. J. (2005). Gender, Journalism and Equity: Canadian, U.S. and European Perspectives. Hampton Press. Toeplitz, J. (1980). Inquiry on Participation of Women in Radio, Television and Film in Four Countries: Australia, Canada, United Kingdom and United States. Part I in Women in the Media. Paris: UNESCO. Tuchman, G. (1978). Making News: A Study in the Construction of Reality. The Free Press. Tuchman, G., Daniels, A. K., & Benet, J. (Eds.). (1978). Hearth and Home: Images of Women in the Mass Media. Oxford University Press. Van Zoonen, L. (1988). Rethinking Women and the News. European Journal of Communication, 3(1), 35–53. doi:10.1177/0267323188003001003 Young, G. (2020). Romania has narrowest gender pay gap in the EU, new report reveals. The National. Retrieved from: https://www.thenational.scot/news/18278381.romania-narrowest-gender-pay-gap-eunew-report-reveals

ENDNOTES 1



2



The European Broadcasting Union (EBU) is the alliance of public service media (PSM) with 116 Members in 56 countries in Europe, and an additional 33 Associates in Asia, Africa, Australasia and the Americas. The data is collected from the surveys of participants – media staff of Public Service Media from the Balkan regions, at the conference organized by UNESCO and Office of the Eurovision News Exchnage for Southeast Europe – ERNO, in Vienna, December 2014. The author was one the speakers at the conference.

23

24

Chapter 3

Dealing With Sexual Harassment:

Are Women Journalists Silenced at Work? Janess Ann J. Ellao International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT), Philippines Evelyn F. Roxas Alipato Media Center Inc., Philippines & International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT), Philippines Therese Patricia S. Torres Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication, Philippines & International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT), Philippines

ABSTRACT In the Philippines, sexual harassment is among the threats and attacks women in media face. While Filipino women journalists experience being sexually harassed by colleagues and sources, several have opted not to report such incidents for fear of being blamed and fear of retaliation from the accused. This case study research documents six Filipino women journalists’ experiences. Findings were analyzed using thematic analysis, guided by the framework of the spiral of silence theory by Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann. The findings show that interviewees did not report sexual harassment and related issues because they perceived these cases as part of the reality of working in the news industry. Other factors for staying silent were uncertainties about how their employer will respond, the fear of losing sources, and the fear of being isolated from colleagues. The interviewees proposed strategies, however, on how cases of sexual harassment against women journalists should be addressed in the future. Suggested practices and policy recommendations are presented.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch003

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 Dealing With Sexual Harassment

INTRODUCTION Filipino journalists are exposed to a range of threats in the form of physical, verbal, legal, and digital attacks (Tuazon & Torres, 2019). Specifically, low wages and poor working conditions, as well as cyber-attacks and online harassment/trolling, were the worst threats they faced in 2018 (International Federation of Journalists, 2018). These are the attacks that have been discussed openly in studies on journalist safety in the Philippines, but there is a gap in the research literature on threats and attacks against Filipino women journalists in particular. The studies available indicate that physical and verbal threats against Filipino women journalists, that appear to be underreported, constitute sexual harassment. A 1989 study described various cases of sexual harassment against Filipino women journalists, ranging from “conversations with sexual overtones, touching to outright asking for sexual favors by a superior in exchange for a promotion” (Tan, 1989, p. 3). Recent studies and news reports reveal more forms of sexual harassment and violence against women journalists globally: from harassment through email, text messages or SMS, and phone calls (Jamil, 2020; Høiby, 2016) and threats of sexual violence (Wolfe, 2011), to groping, violent sexual touching, and penetration by hands (Wolfe, 2011). Perpetrators included people in crowds while journalists cover public events, public officials, and colleagues (Wolfe, 2011). Steiner (2017) similarly reports that perpetrators include both sources and colleagues. According to the 1989 study in the Philippines, many cases of sexual harassment were reported but these were met with indifference, dismissal, or settlement through an apology (Tan, 1989). There was no mention of any penalties for perpetrators to prevent such cases from happening again. More recent studies show that for women journalists around the world, there are different reasons for underreporting sexual harassment and other sexual attacks. These include embarrassment, fear of being removed from an assignment, and “compulsion to remain part of the macho club” (Steiner, 2017, p. 11). The Committee to Protect Journalists likewise reported that women journalists have chosen not to report sexual harassment or violence because they fear not being taken seriously, or fear appearing weak and harming their reputation, thus creating a “culture of silence” (Wolfe, 2011, para. 30). An INSI study found that those who opted to speak up experienced being disregarded, losing assignments, or in some cases, losing their job (International News Safety Institute, as cited in Høiby, 2016). When President Rodrigo Duterte was elected in 2016, Filipinos started hearing “sexist jokes and demeaning remarks about women” from the highest leader of the land (Abao, 2017, p. 311), and women, including journalists, experienced being wolf-whistled and called sexually offensive names (Go, 2019, p. 33). Feminist supporters of the president have given testimonies about Duterte’s policies and programs benefiting women when he was mayor of Davao City, including legal support for rape victims, suggesting that “he is sexist in words but not in action” (Evangelista, 2017, 259). In 2018, however, the president admitted to molesting a maid when he was a teenager (BBC, 2018), and during a press conference in South Korea, kissed a married female overseas Filipino worker onstage (Associated Press, 2018; Alingasa & Ofreneo, 2020). Human rights groups condemned these actions. Senator Risa Hontiveros noted that though the kiss was “consensual,” a person in a position of power initiated it (Associated Press, 2018, para. 6), while women’s rights organization Gabriela said the act “alarmingly makes sexual advances against women look right” (para. 7). Condemning the sexual abuse of the maid, the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women-Asia Pacific said, “Flaunting abusive practices encourages the rape culture and in this case, sexual abuse of domestic workers” (BBC, 2018, para. 15). Women journalists who were sexually harassed experience psychological effects (INSI, as cited in Høiby, 2016) including trauma (Wolfe, 2011). According to a report by the International Labour Orga25

 Dealing With Sexual Harassment

nization (ILO), “The grave harm that sexual harassment does to its victims, to families, to institutions and communities, and to society in general cannot be underscored enough” (Ursua, 2001, p. 7). The ILO report describes this harm as one that has “individual and social dimensions,” which is why it must be “addressed for the public good and public order” (Ursua, 2001, p. 8). The current political climate further supports the need for research on the experiences of Filipino women journalists with regard to sexual harassment in the course of their work and how they deal with it. This chapter presents case study research on selected women journalists’ encounters. The interviewees were also asked to share strategies on how such cases should be addressed. Based on the findings and the literature review, guided by the theoretical framework, suggested practices and policy recommendations are presented.

LITERATURE REVIEW Safety of Journalists in the Philippines The Philippines has been repeatedly ranked by Reporters Without Borders and the Committee for the Protection of Journalists as one of the most dangerous countries in the world—alongside Syria and Iraq—based on the number of journalists killed. The single deadliest attack against journalists happened in the Philippines in 2009 with 32 killed in the Ampatuan massacre in Maguindanao (National Union of Journalists of the Philippines, 2018). More killings have continued over the years. Since 1986, media killings have peaked at 185. From June 30, 2016, upon assumption to office of President Duterte, to April 30, 2018, NUJP had recorded 85 attacks against journalists and news agencies. By July 2018, NUJP listed 12 killed under the Duterte administration while the rest were threatened, physically assaulted, charged with libel, and harassed online. This situation is alarming because of the prevailing culture of impunity in the country. Impunity, as defined by the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, is “the impossibility, de jure or de facto, of bringing the perpetrators of violations to account – whether in criminal, civil, administrative or any disciplinary proceedings – since they are not subject to any inquiry that might lead to their being accused, arrested, tried and, if found guilty, sentenced to appropriate penalties, and to making reparations to their victims” (Arao, 2016, 228). Impunity is viewed as a problem in governments that are corrupt and dismisses press freedom as important to democracy. It also extends even to families of victims, and forces others to exile or silence (UNESCO, 2017). Coexisting with physical threats are digital attacks against Philippine journalists. The attacks have been on the rise and journalists have experienced systematic threats and pressures from the Duterte administration especially when they reported critically on the “war on drugs” (Iglesias, 2017). Meanwhile, the perilous conditions surrounding Filipino journalists whether in local wars of conflict, extra-judicial killings, or impunity are exceedingly far more difficult for local journalists. In a study by Høiby (2019) of fourteen Filipino journalists and editors in Mindanao from 2014, it was observed that while non-local counterparts, whose worst fear is kidnapping for ransom, can retreat, the local journalists stay behind and face reprisals. The threats, especially for environmental journalists, whether in the Philippines or elsewhere, can come from business and economic interests, political power battles, criminal activities and corruption related to indigenous rights to land and natural resources (Freedman, 2020).

26

 Dealing With Sexual Harassment

Laws are weaponized, too, to legally harass journalists and curtail their freedom of expression. The declaration of martial law by President Ferdinand Marcos in 1972 gagged the media and sent many journalists to jail (Cortes, 2015). Four decades later, President Benigno Aquino signed the Cybercrime Prevention Law in 2012 that carried an online libel provision, which in 2014, despite appeals and protests to the contrary, was declared constitutional by the Supreme Court (Robie & Abcede, 2015). Eight years later, in 2020, President Duterte signed the Anti-Terrorism Act, which was widely criticized for suppressing press freedom and allowing journalists to be detained under a broad definition of terrorism (International Federation of Journalists, 2020). All of these are happening to Filipino journalists regardless of sex and gender. However, more male journalists than females are reported to have been killed or arrested. There is no comprehensive data or study yet that focuses on the risks faced by Filipino women journalists and how this affects their professional or personal lives. Globally, the International Association of Women in Media and Television (IAWRT) has been deeply concerned about this as attacks against media people have increased recently. For women, what remains available are narrations of incidents—anecdotal or personal stories of sexual harassment or oppression (Saady, 2017).

Sexual Harassment of Filipino Journalists Filipino journalists are already living in a country dangerous for members of the media. In addition, Filipino women journalists are not immune to sexual harassment and other forms of sexual abuse. The risks they face appear to be exacerbated by the sexism and misogyny of the country’s most powerful official, President Duterte (Alqaseer & Pile, 2020). In the course of his presidency, he had used catcalls, extreme threats or coarse language against female journalists to demean, diminish, intimidate or cow them into silence. Even Vice President Maria Leonor “Leni” Robredo had been subjected to his sexist remarks when he said he has been keeping an eye on her legs during cabinet meetings (Go, 2019). Sexual harassment is being more rooted in an increasingly “toxic masculinity” coming from the president, which encourages an environment of widespread gender abuse and violence against women (Alqaseer & Pile, 2020). This contributed to the erosion of the hard-won gains by a strong Philippine women’s movement during the past decades that, among other things, resulted in legislative reforms (De Dios, 2018). The Philippines is the first Asian country to pass a law against sexual harassment called the AntiSexual Harassment Law of 1995; however, the law limits sexual harassment to incidents where there is a request for a sexual favor in return for employment, promotion or training, regardless of whether a favor was accepted or not. Two more laws were passed to curb abuse and violence against women. One is the Anti-Rape Law of 1997, which expanded the definition of rape and reclassified it as a crime against persons, no longer against chastity. The other is the Anti-Violence Against Women and Their Children Act that restricts an intimate partner (whether husband, live in partner, boyfriend/girlfriend or dating partner) from committing violence against the other, including his/her children (Mendoza, 2013). Still, the most prevalent form of gender-based violence is sexual harassment. Limiting sexual harassment by law in relation to jobs or training obscures other forms of sexual harassment that women, including journalists, face daily (Hull & Cohen, 1984). Das and Rath (2015) expand the understanding of sexual harassment to any conduct of sexual nature that affects one’s dignity and is “unwelcome, unreasonable, and offensive” to its recipient (Das & Rath, 2015, p. 283). This conduct could also create a humiliating, hostile, or intimidating working environment for the recipient. Such acts of harassment 27

 Dealing With Sexual Harassment

may be in physical, verbal, gestural, written or graphic, or emotional forms. Sexual assault and rape, and sexual blackmail at work, are deemed the “most severe” (Das & Rath, 2015, p. 284). A male-dominated industry such as media remains a breeding ground for sexual harassment, even as women over the years have broken barriers away from “lipstick beats” (Fernandez, 1987) to higher positions as editors, producers, writers, broadcasters, and reporters. Attacks against women journalists have a specific gender dimension. Chocarro (2019, p. 9) noted that “the impact of gendered harassment is that women are abandoning or choosing not to pursue a career in journalism, self-censorship and experiencing psychological and physical harm.” On a wider scale, the sexual harassment of women journalists in the Philippines is never more pronounced than online, especially when they earn the ire of people in power. This has unleashed torrents of abuse and harassment against women in the media. NUJP (2017) has noted that women journalists are more likely targets of online abuse. Attacks against women journalists are more often sexualized and intimate, conjuring images of women being raped, decapitated, and shamed (Posetti, 2017). Other forms include hate speech, cyber mobbing, cyberbullying, cyberstalking, trolling, and doxing (UNESCO, 2018, p. 156). What follows after humiliation are criminal charges. Carnerero (2019) noted that President Duterte had publicly accused online news site Rappler for spreading “fake news,” and charged its CEO Maria Ressa with tax evasion and made her spend a night in jail for “cybercrime.” Under the administration, the Philippine Daily Inquirer was also threatened with tax evasion, while media giant ABS-CBN was first warned of non-renewal of its franchise, then was ultimately denied renewal.

Mechanisms for Addressing Sexual Harassment in the Philippines Media organizations the world over are increasingly becoming aware that women journalists face specific or gender-based attacks, sexual harassment being one among them (Chocarro, 2019). There are growing efforts to mainstream gender into journalist safety. UN Security Council Resolution 222 passed on May 27, 2015 gave importance to “the specific risks faced by women journalists, media practitioners and associated personnel in conduct of their work” and impressed the need for understanding gender dimensions in coming up with measures for journalist safety (Saady, 2017, p. 2). In the Philippines, however, there is scarce literature, literature that focuses on sex and gender in relation to journalist safety. While safety training programs for journalists in recent years have increased, most were designed for both male and female journalists in general. Saady (2017, p. 5) observed that regarding safety, “some women journalists believe their experience isn’t different [from] that of their male colleagues... However, others believe that the fact of their gender makes them different and causes people to relate to them differently.” Safety training for journalists is a valuable tool for the dissemination of information and practical measures for mitigating risks. Høiby and Garrido (2020) studied the threats and dangers faced by journalists in countries across the world, including the Philippines. In the process, it was noted that training manuals from the Philippines and five more countries lacked attention in detailing gendered differences in risks and personal differences. It appeared as though sex and gender mattered little in the practice of journalism. NUJP’s own safety guide mentioned only a few lines specific to women: “Women journalists have been threatened and harassed online” (Olea, 2018, p. 4), and “Female journalists should only take public transportation at night, if necessary” (Olea, 2018, p. 24). Using a gendered framework, IAWRT’s safety handbook (Saady, 2017) has become a valuable resource for women journalists. Used in training programs by IAWRT’s Philippine chapter, it covers both 28

 Dealing With Sexual Harassment

the general targeting of journalists and attacks specifically directed against women. While it speaks to women in media houses and on assignments, it is focused on the safety of women journalists working in wars and conflicts. A large majority of female journalists work in non-conflict or non-hostile zones where sexual harassment may be subtler or more insidious. Legal remedy against sexual harassment is provided in Section 4 of the Anti-Sexual Harassment Act of 1995, which states that rules and regulations shall be promulgated for the investigation of sexual harassment cases and also for administrative sanctions. The sanctions are not a bar to prosecution in courts. It also stipulates the creation of a committee on decorum and investigation of cases in educational and training institutions and places of work. A copy of the Act is to be disseminated or posted for the information of all concerned. Upon conviction, the perpetrator is liable to pay the amount of ten thousand to twenty thousand pesos as penalty and/or face prison from six months to one year. For fear of reprisals, not so many women victims are emboldened to complain about sexual harassment. In the past and recent years, some notable exceptions came from women journalists who went public for the threats and harassments they received because they earned the displeasure of authorities, and harassments that were sexualized in nature like preying on their roles or their physical appearances. During Marcos’ martial law, Filipino women journalists, remaining critical and unperturbed, banded together to form Women in Media to protect themselves from political repression. Organizing themselves was a smart alternative for planning counter-strategies as they were being invited for questioning in military camps, threatened with arrests, or branded as “subversives” (Fernandez, 1987; Forbes, 2015). Decades later, the feisty stance of women journalists like Maria Ressa (CEO of Rappler), despite a deluge of personal attacks against her online (“I’ve been called ugly, a dog, a snake, threatened with rape and murder”), elicited a lot of support from her colleagues both in the local and international press, and gave her courage to “hold the line” of resistance (Posetti, 2017, p. 3). Where government fails to mitigate risks or render justice to victims of violence and sexual harassment, various organizations, both local and international, had provided support in the dissemination of information as well as in the prevention, prohibition and intervention of cases that are related to gendered violence and harassment. This includes the various bodies of the United Nations and global organizations of media that have condemned attacks, including but not limited to sexual harassment and abuse, against women journalists in traditional and digital media (Chocarro, 2019).

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The Spiral of Silence Theory by Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann suggests that people have the tendency to remain silent about their perspectives when they believe they are in the minority. On the other hand, those who believe their opinions are aligned with the views of the majority tend to communicate their thoughts more openly. Its proponent posits that the spiral of silence is driven by an individual’s fear of isolation, citing conformity research about humans’ tendency to submit to perceived group pressure (Griffin, 2008). According to Noelle-Neumann, the muting of the minority is accelerated by print and electronic media, through which people acquire most of their knowledge about the world and their immediate communities. Individuals are able to gauge the climate of opinion through the media (Griffin, 2008). While critics of the theory argue that personal traits of an individual may overrule fear of isolation and may influence a person’s decision on whether or not to speak out (Donsbach et al., 2014), the findings 29

 Dealing With Sexual Harassment

of this study suggest that public opinion and fear of isolation have influenced the research participants’ responses to sexual advances and harassment. These factors are examined in the discussion of interviews with women journalists. These are also taken into account in the preparation of recommended practices in addressing sexual harassment cases.

MATERIAL AND METHODS Research Design This study takes a qualitative approach to exploring how women in media deal with sexual harassment, and what practices can be recommended to address sexual harassment cases in the future. Qualitative analysis is appropriate to the study, as it requires immersion in the study findings to gather insights and perspectives that may not emerge through quantitative methods. It involves mapping of themes from the results (Deacon et al., 2007).

Data Collection Technique, Procedure and Research Location This is a case study research, with semi-structured in-depth interviews as the data collection technique. It focuses on gathering comprehensive data on a small number of cases; it does not aim to make generalizations to the broader population. This is useful for generating discussions about policy issues and mobilizing resources to create change (Allen, 2017). Semi-structured interviews allow the standardization of questions through an interview guide. Using an interview guide with a predetermined set of questions facilitates the aggregation and comparison of interviewees’ responses (Deacon et al., 2007). At the same time, it allows the interviewers to probe further and ask additional questions based on the initial responses of research participants (Allen, 2017). Semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted in July 2020 with six women journalists, one of whom is a photojournalist. At the time of the interview, the journalists were affiliated with Bulatlat (online alternative news website), Daily Tribune (print and online news outlet), GMA News (broadcast and online news outlet), Rappler (online news site), TV5 (broadcast and online news outlet), and Visayan Daily Star (print and online regional news outlet). While the researchers and interviewees are all based in the Philippines, the interviews were done through online video calls due to the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic and community quarantine regulations. Since January 2020, the researchers have spoken with over 20 women journalists about the study, and inquired if they were willing to be interviewed about their experience of sexual harassment in the course of their work. While only six agreed and most were unable to grant the interview request, there were journalists who discussed their experiences informally and off the record. With the publication of this exploratory paper, the researchers expect that more Filipino women journalists will be open to sharing their experiences for future studies.

Sampling Frame, Sampling Strategies and Sampling Technique Each woman journalist interviewee was selected based on a set of criteria. She should be a full-time, part-time or freelance journalist for print, radio, TV, or online news media in the Philippines, and must 30

 Dealing With Sexual Harassment

possess firsthand knowledge and experience about sexual harassment or related threats and/or attacks against herself in connection with her profession as a journalist, and how these were being addressed. She must be willing to disclose such information and permit its publication. The researchers used purposive and snowball (referral) sampling, both nonrandom sampling techniques. They first contacted journalists they knew personally, both members and non-members of IAWRT Philippines, then requested interviewees to refer other journalists who might be open to an interview.

Research Ethics, Data Analysis and Data Management All research participants received an invitation with a consent form, which they accomplished, signed, and submitted to the researchers via email to signify their consent in participating in the study. The invitation discussed the scope of the study, where it will be published, and the option for interviewees to request confidentiality in their identity. All research participants opted to keep their identity confidential; thus, their names have been changed. The researchers conducted thematic analysis by locating themes within the data. They followed a non-linear process of going back and forth between the transcripts and the list of themes and draft results and discussion (Allen, 2017). They started the process by reading the interview notes and transcripts multiple times, and identifying patterns and similarities. While drafting the results and discussion, the researchers continued to revisit the transcripts and narrowed down the focus of the discussion by ensuring alignment with the research objectives. The data analysis was also guided by the literature review and theoretical framework. To ensure data security, the transcripts and consent forms were saved in a shared drive that is only accessible to the researchers. Each researcher was required to log into their email account before accessing the link to the drive. Upon the completion of the study, the data and consent forms were transferred to the researchers’ password-protected laptops and removed from the shared drive.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION A “Hazing” Culture? Nearly all Filipino women journalists who participated in this research are not sure how to differentiate between a joke from either a source or colleague in workplaces and an incident of sexual harassment. Photojournalist Anne said colleagues usually give compliments to get their attention, but it is “hard to directly say that it is harassment.” This begins early in women media practitioners’ careers in media institutions, as interns or new employees, when they experience being the butt of jokes and inappropriate compliments from colleagues or media sources. Anne, a photojournalist for a national daily, said communication and media students have to endure these jokes as part of getting along with more senior colleagues. Women journalists, according to journalists who participated in this research, are most vulnerable to sexual harassment in the workplace especially when they are new in the industry. Nicole, a journalist for an alternative media outfit for two years, described this as a form of initiation or “hazing” for new women journalists. The attention that new women journalists get from male colleagues is uncomfortable and at times coupled with sexist or inappropriate remarks, said Nicole. During a journalist safety 31

 Dealing With Sexual Harassment

simulation exercise in a training she attended, a male colleague from another media outfit was heard asking if they were supposed to remove Nicole’s brassiere. “Ano, tatanggalin ba yung bra? Paano yun, ‘pag ganun?” (Are we supposed to remove her bra? How does that work?) At the same training, the male journalists would hang around her, asking personal questions such as whether or not she had a boyfriend, and trying to get her number. Often, women journalists are told to be courteous despite being uncomfortable or threatened by their colleagues or news sources. Nicole, for her part, only returned a tight smile in an effort to remain “polite” to colleagues. In another training months later, Nicole said she no longer experienced the same kind of unwanted attention, as the male trainees’ focus shifted to a new face. At times, male colleagues can also be “touchy,” particularly among new women journalists, said Anne. They will also either try to ask them out or tease them to another male and unmarried colleague, as both Pia and Leah pointed out. This is a cause of discomfort, said Leah, a broadcast journalist for a media giant in the Philippines, who was teased and paired up with a colleague from another network for about a year.

Along the Corridors of Power The daily fieldwork of a reporter has also made women journalists more vulnerable to sexual harassment, especially when they are assigned to crime beats, covering the drug-related killings under the present administration, and often dealing with police officers as their main news sources. Women journalists are not spared from experiencing sexual harassment, mostly catcalling, even along the corridors of power. Beth noted that ironically, among the common perpetrators are police officers, who believe they have “power” over journalists as news sources. Leah observed firsthand that women in the news media frequently experience catcalling on the field, mostly from the ranks of the police. Leah said: It’s hard to deal with it head on kasi kailangan mo siyang i-balance na hindi mo ma-o-offend yung source mo or yung official or police officer na kausap mo… dahil… kahit na-offend ka… Kahit nabastos ka, hindi mo pwedeng… hindi ka sobrang pwedeng magpakita na galit na galit ka. Mild lang naman; wala naman akong naranasan na intense na yung tipong hahawakan ka, or yung sexual harassment ay talagang matindi. Hindi naman ganun. Usually nangyayari lang siya sa catcalling, and ang farthest na na-experience ko lang, ay lagi kang tatawagan para… ini-invade yung personal space—personal time mo, rather—para i-ask out ka, ganyan… pilitin ka na lumabas or something. Yun pa lang naman yung pinakamalala na experience ko. (It is hard to deal with head on. You need to manage your reaction so as not to offend your source--the official or police officer you are talking to… You cannot show that you took offense or that you are very angry. I did not experience being touched or any graver form of sexual harassment. What I usually experience is catcalling, and the invasion of my personal space to ask me out. That is my worst experience so far.) Pia, a broadcast journalist for a media giant, said she feels unsafe in the company of police officers, especially with “the way they eye you” in police stations, where journalists look for stories to report. Among the uncomfortable “compliments” she usually receives are: “Ang ganda mo naman” (You are beautiful), or “Papuntahin nga yun reporter na maganda” (Summon the beautiful reporter). Pia shared 32

 Dealing With Sexual Harassment

that at times, she also gets handshakes from police officers that were “a little longer than necessary.” Instead of defending her, male colleagues told Pia to take the compliments in stride and to take advantage of the attention, as she could use it to gain access to exclusive news stories. Apart from police officers, journalists interviewed for this study said they have also experienced sexual harassment from elected government officials. Shiela, a journalist based in the Visayas region, experienced body shaming from an elected government official, following a series of critical stories she wrote that did not sit well with the politician and his family. This happened at the height of the 2013 elections. The politician would hurl insults at Shiela through her colleagues. Shiela recounted, “Palagi niyang sinasabi sa mga kasamahan ko na, ‘Sabihan mo iyan si [Shiela] mag-da-diet na lang kasi ang taba niya. Tapos hindi naman siya marunong magsulat…’ Ganun yung sinasabi niya palagi.” (He always tells my colleagues, “Tell [Shiela] to watch her diet. She is fat and does not know how to write.” He says that all the time). Her colleagues passed the message to her and saw it as a mere joke. This has affected Shiela’s work, as she was often not extended invitations to media briefings. Her desk, well aware of the rift between her and the prominent local politician, instead reminded her to continue reaching out to the news source: “My editor would always tell me, ‘Just get his side. Just text him. Just call him, even though you know he won’t reply to your calls and texts... just to do your job’.” In a separate instance, Anne became uncomfortable when an elected public official touched her hair, asking, “Is this a man?” This happened during an elevator ride, where she was the only female. She was also positive that the elected public official knew she was a woman, having heard her speak. There are also cases when women journalists are summoned to offices of sources, mostly police officers, resulting in discomfort. When this happened to Leah, she said she faked a phone call as an excuse to leave. Leah said she considers herself lucky, as the television giant she works for provides a two-man crew to help her deal with sexual harassment and other threats. On the other hand, photojournalists and reporters working in print and online media are often alone on the field, making them even more vulnerable to threats and attacks. According to an interviewee: As a female reporter, you have to stomach it na lang. You have to learn how to deal with it... dahil nga nabubuhay pa rin tayo sa… ganitong klase ng society [kung saan] normal yung ganitong klase ng experiences without the perpetrators being punished for it… Siguro ganun din yung experience sa media… Kailangan mong tanggapin na part iyan ng trabaho mo. It’s not saying that it’s right, pero ganun talaga. (As a female reporter, you have to stomach it and learn to deal with it because in our society, it is normal for women to experience this, without perpetrators being punished for it. The same goes for the media. You need to accept that it’s part of the job. I’m not saying that it’s right, but it is the reality). Beth, a journalist for a current affairs program of a dominant media outlet, said she usually works alone. One evening, she said she received an invitation to cover a police raid. Her desk allowed her to cover it. While filming the aftermath of the raid, a police officer told Beth, “Doon na kita rape-in” (I will rape you there). This made her feel uncomfortable and unsafe.

33

 Dealing With Sexual Harassment

Invasion of Personal Space Leah pointed out that police officers, who are news sources to crime beat reporters, often invade the personal space of women journalists. They connect with female reporters through social media, comment on posts, and send messages, asking them out on a date. Catcalling from police officers is also “very common,” Leah said, to the point that it appears to be perceived as the norm: “Sadly, medyo nakasanayan na siya ng mga babaeng reporters” (Sadly, women reporters have gotten used to it). Pia felt compelled to add on Facebook a police officer, a regular news source, out of being polite. Since then, the police officer would comment on her posts, from “Hi” to “You are so beautiful.” She said these messages send her “different vibes” and make her uncomfortable. Beth also experienced receiving midnight calls from news sources, particularly police officers, that are not work-related. There are also police officers who badger women journalists with personal questions during coverage. Nicole even experienced being offered unsolicited advice about her career in journalism, with remarks such as, “Sayang… ang bata-bata mo pa… Bakit ka nag-ko-cover ng ganito?” (It’s such a shame... You’re so young… Why are you covering stories like these?” Nicole works for an alternative online news media outlet with a focus on human rights reporting.

Countering Attacks Threatened and frustrated, some of the interviewees reported the incidents of sexual harassment to their immediate supervisors, such as their handlers or desk editors. These interviewees noted, however, that the responses they received dissuaded them from taking further action. Pia said that when she spoke to the desk, she was told that reporting the police officer to Camp Crame might hinder her from having access to police sources for stories. Camp Crame is the national headquarters of the Philippine National Police. She was told that the police, as an institution, might take offense to her formal complaint and block her as a reporter, not just in this particular precinct but in others as well. She added, “Wala akong pakialam sa exclusive. I will not sacrifice my dignity. Madami pa akong news source. Hindi ko ibebenta ang sarili ko” (I do not care about exclusive stories. I will not sacrifice my dignity. I have other sources. I will not compromise on my principles). Pia said she did not want to be the subject of a news report, over her lodging of a formal complaint. After careful consideration, not feeling enough support from her desk, she instead asked not to be assigned to the area covered by the police officer who made her uncomfortable. Whenever she receives an invitation to cover news stories involving the said police officer, she would forward it to her colleagues. She was eventually moved to another shift. Like Pia, Beth also mulled over lodging a complaint against the police officer who threatened to rape her during a coverage. However, she was daunted at the thought of losing her sources, and going public about the incident when she had no witnesses. According to the women journalists interviewed, they take it upon themselves to avoid news sources or colleagues they are uncomfortable with. For one, Nicole said she avoids police officers and their personal questions by being in the company of colleagues in the alternative or progressive media.

34

 Dealing With Sexual Harassment

Digital Safety for Women Journalists Even when facing threats, all women journalists who participated in this research said they did not deactivate their social media accounts, as this is one type of platform they use to gather information and stories to pursue. Anne and Leah shared that they instead fend off attacks by changing the privacy settings of their social media posts, ensuring that perpetrators of the sexual harassment will have either limited or no access to their posts. Apart from comments on their social media posts, they also receive messages through Facebook Messenger or other internet-based messaging applications from perpetrators of sexual harassment. Beth shared she no longer opens these messages.

Role of Media Owners Since the news industry is a “very competitive field,” Anne said media owners “want their people to be tough.” However, this should not be at the expense of the dignity of women journalists who regularly experience being sexually harassed, given “soft topics” to cover, or seen as the weaker sex. Leah noted that some news organizations have a policy against sending women reporters to conflict areas. Within their media organization, Leah said they have strict regulations on sexual harassment. However, there are no specific policies in place for incidents where sexual harassment is perpetuated by news sources, such as elected government officials and police officers. For women journalists to be encouraged to report incidents of sexual harassment in the workplace, Shiela emphasized that the management should investigate each case, instead of dismissing it as a mere joke. While there should be open communication with the desk, Shiela said immediate superiors such as handlers and desk editors should act on cases of sexual harassment. This should be done even without women journalists lodging a formal complaint, Pia said. Women journalists should be provided with clear rules and secure reporting mechanisms, said Anne. Sanctions should also be reinforced, she added. Nearly all journalists who participated in this study do not remember attending training for women journalists on how to deal with sexual harassment in their respective workplaces. Leah said strong institutional reforms are needed for women journalists to speak out publicly and talk about this pressing issue, without fear of being ostracized. A support system for women journalists experiencing sexual harassment in the workplace should also be set up as lodging a formal complaint like this will “take guts,” Pia said. She added, “Kahit alam mong under attack ka, alam mong hindi ka nag-iisa. Hindi mo iisiping end of the world na” (Even if you are under attack, you know that you are not on your own. You will not think that it is the end of the world). Apart from journalists, men in uniform should also be made aware of sexual harassment in workplaces.

Looking Out for Each Other Threats and attacks against women journalists exist due to the “society we have,” said Leah, who pointed out that the Philippine society remains male-dominated and chauvinistic. She added, “I think yung nangyayari sa media workers na female, or female journalists, is only a microcosm of what’s happening sa society natin” (I think what is happening with our female media workers or journalists is only a microcosm of what is happening in our society). Pia expressed her frustration about the situation: “Minsan nakakainis that it has to be the [woman] who has to defend herself from harassment. Kailangan ko ‘to gawin para di ako ma-harass. Babae ako 35

 Dealing With Sexual Harassment

but they cannot harass me just because of that” (It is frustrating that it has to be women who must defend themselves. There are things we do so that we will not be harassed. I may be a woman but they cannot harass me just because of that). Leah said there is a need to hold more gender-based talks or seminars. Educational materials, such as videos and pamphlets, can also be distributed as many women in the news media are not aware of what constitutes sexual harassment. Though there are some Filipino women journalists who choose not to report incidents of sexual harassment, it appears that it is common for them to look out for each other. Leah noted that she is able to talk about these issues privately with fellow women journalists, while Anne observed that women journalists tend to act as a “big sister” to interns and call out colleagues for inappropriate jokes. Pia also calls out her colleagues, whenever they make inappropriate comments during sensitive interviews with certain subjects such as rape victims. Women journalists should have separate safety training, where threats specific to women can be tackled head on.

Safety Perception Under the Duterte Administration Young journalist Nicole said the current administration has promoted the catcalling culture, adding that “if they see a president who can disrespect a woman on live television, others will follow.” Napansin ko lang din na mas madaming chances na naka-catcall ako recently, kahit naglalakad lang naman ako sa daan. Yung pinaka-change siguro is talagang nag-iisip na ako mag-invest sa mga pepper spray, ganun... kasi noong previous administration naman never dumaan sa isip ko yun. (I have experienced more random catcalls now even just walking in the street. The biggest change for me is I am now considering buying a pepper spray, which never crossed my mind before). Nicole was referring to a catcalling incident on broadcast journalist Mariz Umali of television giant GMA, who was wolf-whistled on live national television by then President-elect Rodrigo Duterte. During the said press conference, Umali said it became a “free-for-all” where journalists can either raise their voice or hand to ask a question (Roxas, 2016). Umali, who was sitting in the back row, told Duterte, “Sir, I’m here” in the middle of her question (Roxas, 2016, para. 12). She then said, “Doon na niya sinagot na parang nagpapansin daw ako tapos sumipol na and then later on kumanta” (That was when he said I was trying to get attention. The wolf whistled and started to sing). In an interview aired by her own network (GMA News Online, 2016), Umali said: “It may have been improper from a president-elect but, of course, we will continue to do our job and we are not expecting any apology from him personally.” She also stressed that no one from Duterte’s camp reached out to her and stated: Iniintindi natin yan because sa mga coverage natin sa kanya talagang sinasabi niya na ganoon talaga siya and mayroon pa nga siyang sinabi na pabiro noong previous press conference na baka hindi daw perfect si God because he created him that way. Mayroon pa siyang sinabi na kapag daw nagbago siya ay hindi na siya si Rodrigo Duterte.

36

 Dealing With Sexual Harassment

(Let us just try to understand. He has long said in our past coverages that he likes to crack jokes. He even said in a previous press conference that God might not be perfect because he created him that way. He said that he will no longer be Rodrigo Duterte if he stops acting this way.) Umali said she stood her ground as she continued to prod for answers no matter the situation. GMA News and Public Affairs released a statement (Roxas, 2016) that read, “As journalists, we are ready to deal with situations that come with the territory. Regardless of the challenges, our commitment is to do our job professionally, as Mariz Umali has shown” (para. 16). In a press conference, when asked by another woman journalist if he violated Davao City’s own ordinance on catcalling, Duterte wolf-whistled again before answering the question. He said, “You know you don’t have any business stopping me,” defending his action as “freedom of expression” (Tordesillas, 2016). Under Davao City Ordinance No. 5004, “cursing, whistling or calling a woman in public with words having dirty connotations or implications which tend to ridicule or embarrass the woman” is a form of sexual harassment.

Silence on Harassment = Refusal to Be Silenced as Journalists? Among the women journalists interviewed, there are those who chose not to report incidents of sexual harassment at all, and there are some who decided not to take further action after filing an initial report through their immediate supervisor. Their main reasons for not pursuing a sexual harassment case against the offender are (1) the belief that their experiences were “normal,” and (2) the observation that they do not have enough support from their media company to file a formal complaint and go public with a case. The dismissal of sexual harassment as a “common” experience in the media industry typically comes from immediate supervisors and colleagues. Colleagues themselves are among the sources of sexual remarks and jokes, and women journalists are forced to put up with such experiences to avoid isolation. On the other hand, the lack of support comes in the form of warnings about potential consequences on their work, such as losing news sources, which appears to be a greater cause for concern among their supervisors and colleagues—over threats or attacks. There are nuances in the women journalists’ decision to remain silent, however, as their reasons go beyond mere “conformity” or “submission to group pressure,” as suggested in the Spiral of Silence Theory. The findings do indicate that their decisions have been influenced by the belief that their views on sexual harassment may be different from the majority in the news industry, and fear of isolation also appears to be a factor. At the same time, it must be emphasized that the interviewees’ responses also revealed tenacity and determination, as they chose to remain courageous in the face of danger, and continue to do their job for the benefit of the public. Their decision not to pursue sexual harassment cases, and instead avoid such threats and attacks and continue working, reveals a refusal to be silenced as journalists. As threats and attacks on women in media have strengthened their resolve to persist, despite the odds, media owners must fulfill their responsibility of ensuring journalists’ safety through policies and mechanisms for preventing and prosecuting cases of sexual harassment. The women journalists’ courage and perseverance should not be used to evade this responsibility.

37

 Dealing With Sexual Harassment

FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS The publication of this case study research may create more interest and encourage more openness among Filipino women journalists to share their experiences with regard to sexual harassment and other threats and attacks. This study’s findings reveal that male colleagues could either be involved or be witness to threats and attacks on women journalists. Thus, studies should be conducted not only with more women journalists, but also with men in the news media, to gather their perspectives and experiences with regard to sexual harassment of women journalists in the workplace and on the field. There is also a need for studies on recommended practices in the news media industry with regard to protection from sexual harassment and other gender-based threats and attacks on journalists and media workers. Research participants should include media executives and media owners. Qualitative and quantitative approaches should be used in future research in order to generate both in-depth and statistical information. Future studies may explore the use of gender and communication theories and feminist standpoint theory as the framework.

CONCLUSION The inadequate available literature on sexual harassment in workplaces in the Philippines, particularly in the news media industry, reveals how women journalists themselves find it difficult to categorically define their experience as a form of a gender-based attack. Those who are new in the field, either as an intern or as a professional, often find themselves most vulnerable to sexual harassment. Among the common forms of sexual harassment that they endure are catcalling and the invasion of their personal space, both physically and digitally, particularly on social media. Women journalists are forced to remain silent over their experience as filing a complaint may burn their sources, particularly police officers and elected government officials, who capitalize on the information and “exclusive” stories they hold over them. Meanwhile, they endure the so-called “teasing” and remarks with sexual overtones from colleagues, in the spirit of misplaced camaraderie. The competitive environment in the news industry does not help women journalists as they confront sexual harassment in workplaces as part of their job. They are discouraged by immediate supervisors and even colleagues from elevating their complaints to a proper venue or by going public. Moreover, it appears that women journalists’ decision to stay silent about experiencing sexual harassment may also be influenced by their perception that such experiences in the news media have become part of the norm. Even if they believe sexual harassment is wrong, they have opted to avoid such incidents and continue doing journalism. All of the interviewees made a deliberate choice to continue working in the face of such threats and attacks, and this appears to be a testament to their resolve to serve the public. Their response shows that they refuse to be silenced at work. The findings contribute to the Spiral of Silence Theory by demonstrating how the decision of women journalists not to report or escalate cases of sexual harassment was influenced by the belief that their views may be different from the majority in the news industry—including their supervisors and colleagues—as well as their fear of isolation. It must be emphasized, however, that there are nuances in their decision to stay silent, as they also continue to exhibit courage and determination to continue doing their job in the face of gender-based threats and attacks.

38

 Dealing With Sexual Harassment

Without support, women journalists take it upon themselves to come up with protective measures against sexual harassment. Media owners, however, must be responsible for ensuring the safety of their employees. Policies must be put in place for setting up or strengthening mechanisms for reporting, investigating and prosecuting sexual harassment cases. There is also a need for policies on providing training not only for women in the news media, but also for men, about gender-based violence. Such training programs must focus on increasing awareness and knowledge about sexual harassment and its effects, and providing a space for dialogue on how to eliminate sexual harassment as a “norm” in Filipino news media culture. While there have been a number of safety training programs for Filipino women journalists, more should be organized, especially under a misogynist administration, whose political influence may encourage more attacks against women in the news media.

REFERENCES Abao, C. V. (2017). Engaging Duterte. In N. Curato (Ed.), A Duterte reader: Critical essays on Rodrigo Duterte’s early presidency (pp. 301–318). Ateneo de Manila University Press. Alingasa, A. P. T., & Ofreneo, M. A. P. (2020). “Fearless, powerful, Filipino”: Identity positioning in the hashtag activism of #BabaeAko. Feminist Media Studies, 1–17. Advance online publication. doi:1 0.1080/14680777.2020.1791927 Allen, M. (2017). The SAGE encyclopedia of communication research methods. SAGE Publications, Inc. doi:10.4135/9781483381411 Alqaseer, S. C., & Pile, J. C. T. (2020). The president’s monologues: Duterte’s rhetoric and toxic masculinities. Philippine Journal of Social Development, 13, 35–51. https://cswcd.upd.edu.ph/wp-content/ uploads/2020/07/PJSD-2020-Vol-13_Final-for-website.pdf#page=43 Arao, D. (2016). Press freedom, governance and the culture of impunity: The alarming case of the Philippines. 14th International Conference of Magsaysay Awardees: Good Governance and Transformative Leadership in Asia, Thailand. Retrieved from: https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Danilo_Arao/ publication/305334236_Press_Freedom_Governance_and_Culture_of_Impunity_The_Alarming_Case_ of_the_Philippines/links/5789079f08ae254b1ddceab6.pdf Associated Press. (2018, June 5). Mouth gets Duterte in trouble again, this time for kiss. Associated Press. Retrieved from: https://apnews.com/2b249dee63e74972a430918cabbc7d37/Mouth-gets-Dutertein-trouble-again,-this-time-for-kiss BBC. (2018, December 31). Duterte: Outrage as Philippines leader describes sexually abusing maid. BBC. Retrieved from: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-46720227 Carnerero, J. M. V. (2019). Online journalists’ responses to Duterte administration attacks on press freedom [Unpublished master’s thesis]. Mahidol University. Retrieved from: https://apma-humanrights. org/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/Jesus-Carnerero-Thesis-Cohort-2018.pdf

39

 Dealing With Sexual Harassment

Chocarro, S. (2019). The safety of women journalists: Breaking the cycle of silence and violence: An overview of nine countries. International Media Support. Retrieved from: https://www.mediasupport. org/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/2871-Gender-safety_FINAL_31.10.19_spreads-1.pdf Das, M. P., & Rath, P. K. (2015). The low level of awareness and impact of intervention about sexual harassment. International Journal of Science and Humanities, 3(4), 283–286. http://www.academia.edu/ download/55468679/The_Low_Level_of_Awareness-2409.pdf De Dios, A. (2018). Asserting women’s rights and well-being in the age of populism and misogyny in the Philippines. Ewha Womans University Asian Women’s Studies Center Conference Collection, 37-55. Retrieved from: http://www.dbpia.co.kr/Journal/articleDetail?nodeId=NODE07365063 Deacon, D., Pickering, M., Golding, P., & Murdock, G. (2007). Researching communications: A practical guide to methods in media and cultural analysis (2nd ed.). Hodder Education. Donsbach, W., Salmon, C. T., & Tsfati, Y. (Eds.). (2014). The spiral of silence: New perspectives on communication and public opinion. Taylor & Francis. doi:10.4324/9780203125007 Esmaquel, I. I. R. (2016). Catcalling: Duterte broke the law in own city. Rappler. Retrieved from: https:// rappler.com/nation/duterte-catcalling-mariz-umali-ordinance-davao Evangelista, J. A. G. (2017). Queering Rodrigo Duterte. In N. Curato (Ed.), A Duterte reader: Critical essays on Rodrigo Duterte’s early presidency (pp. 251–262). Ateneo de Manila University Press. Fernandez, D. G. (1987). Women in media in the Philippines: From stereotype to liberation. AMIC Seminar on Women and Media in Asia, Singapore. Retrieved from: http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/ download?doi=10.1.1.859.5805&rep=rep1&type=pdf Forbes, A. (2015). Courageous women in media: Marcos and censorship. Pacific Journalism Review, 12(1), 195–210. doi:10.24135/pjr.v21i1.157 Freedman, E. (2020). In the crosshairs: The perils of environmental journalism. Journal of Human Rights, 19(3), 275–290. doi:10.1080/14754835.2020.1746180 GMA News Online. (2016, June 3). 24 Oras: Duterte, itinangging binastos niya si Mariz Umali nang sipulan sa presscon [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DNa52YJDovo Go, M. G. (2019, December 17). Sexism is president’s power tool: Duterte is using violent language and threats against journalists, Rappler’s news editor explains. Index on Censorship, 48(04), 33–35. doi:10.1177/0306422019895720 Griffin, E. (2008). A first look at communication theory (7th ed.). McGraw-Hill. Høiby, M. (2016). Sexual violence against journalists in conflict zones: Gendered practices and cultures in the newsroom. In B. von der Lippe & R. Ottosen (Eds.), Gendered war and conflict reporting. Nordicom. Høiby, M. (2019). The safety of local and non-local journalists in the field. Journalism Practice, 12(1), 67–83. doi:10.1080/17512786.2019.1598884 Høiby, M., & Garrido, M. T. (2020). Reconsidering safety journalist training. Media and Communication, 8(1), 68–77. doi:10.17645/mac.v8i1.2525

40

 Dealing With Sexual Harassment

Hull, P., & Cohen, M. (1984). Expanding the definition of sexual harassment. Workplace Health & Safety, 32(3), 141–145. doi:10.1177/216507998403200303 PMID:6560358 Iglesias, S. (2017, September 9). The Duterte playbook. New Naratif. Retrieved from: https://newnaratif. com/research/the-duterte-playbook/ International Federation of Journalists. (2018). Underneath the autocrats: South East Asia media freedom report 2018. Retrieved from: https://www.ifj.org/fileadmin/user_upload/Underneath_the_Autocrats_-_IFJ_SEAJU_2018_-_SP_HR.pdf International Federation of Journalists. (2020, July 23). Philippines: Media workers file petitions to reject Anti-Terror Law. Retrieved from: https://www.ifj.org/media-centre/news/detail/category/press-releases/ article/philippines-media-workers-file-petitions-to-reject-anti-terror-law.html Jamil, S. (2019). Handbook of research on combating threats to media freedom and journalist safety. IGI Global. Jamil, S. (2020). Suffering in Silence: The Resilience of Pakistan’s Female Journalists to Combat Sexual Harassment, Threats and Discrimination. Journalism Practice, 14(2), 150–170. doi:10.1080/1751278 6.2020.1725599 Kilman, L. (2017). An attack on one is an attack on all: Successful initiatives to protect journalists and combat impunity. UNESCO. Retrieved from https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000250430 Mendoza, D. J. (2013). Engaging the state, challenging the church: The women’s movement and policy reforms in the Philippines [Unpublished dissertation]. City University of Hong Kong. Retrieved from: http://lbms03.cityu.edu.hk/theses/abt/phd-ais-b46934054a.pdf Olea, L. (2018). Philippine journalist safety guide: A handbook for Filipino journalists. Retrieved from: https://nujp.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/NUJPSafety-guide-final1.1-forupload.pdf Philippine Commission on Women. (1995). Anti-Sexual Harassment Act of 1995. Retrieved from: https:// pcw.gov.ph/republic-act-7877-anti-sexual-harassment-act-of-1995/ Philippine Commission on Women. (1997). Anti-Rape Law of 1997. Retrieved from: https://pcw.gov. ph/republic-act-8353-the-anti-rape-law-of-1997/ Philippine Commission on Women. (2004). Anti-Violence Against Women and Their Children Act of 2004. Retrieved from: https://pcw.gov.ph/republic-act-9262-anti-violence-against-women-and-theirchildren-act-of-2004/ Posetti, J. (2017, June 30). Fighting back against prolific online harassment in the Philippines. The Conversation. Retrieved from: https://ro.uow.edu.au/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4162&context=lhapapers Posetti, J. (2017, July 13). Online harassment: Lessons from the Philippines. Global Investigative Journalism Network. Retrieved from: https://gijn.org/2017/07/13/fighting-online-harassment-lessonsfrom-the-philippines/

41

 Dealing With Sexual Harassment

Robie, D., & Abcede, D. M. (2015). Cybercrime, criminal libel and the media: From ‘e-martial law’ to the Magna Carta in the Philippines. Pacific Journalism Review, 21(1), 211-229. Retrieved from: https:// ojs.aut.ac.nz/pacific-journalism-review/article/view/158 Roxas, J. T. (2016, June 2). Mariz Umali on Duterte’s catcalling: Improper, no apology expected. GMA News Online. Retrieved from: https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/news/nation/568498/mariz-umalion-duterte-s-catcalling-improper-no-apology-expected/story/ Saady, A. (2017). What if…? Safety handbook for women journalists. International Association for Women in Radio and Television. Retrieved from: https://www.iawrt.org/publications/2019/what-ifsafety-handbook-women-journalists Steiner, L. (2017). Gender and journalism. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Communication. DOI: doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780190228613.013.91 Tan, L. B. (1989). Problems of women journalists in the Philippines. Asian Media Information and Communication Centre. Tordesillas, E. (2016). Why reporters are persistent in press conferences. Vera Files. Retrieved from: https://verafiles.org/articles/why-reporters-are-persistent-press-conferences Tuazon, R. R., & Torres, T. P. S. (2019). Digital threats and attacks on the Philippine alternative press: Range, responses, and remedies. In S. Jamil (Ed.), Handbook of research on combating threats to media freedom and journalist safety. IGI Global. UNESCO. (2017). An attack on one is an attack on all: Full report. Retrieved from: https://en.unesco. org/an-attack-chapters UNESCO. (2018). World trends in freedom of expression and media development global report 2017/2018. Retrieved from: https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000261065 Ursua, E. G. (2001). Addressing sexual harassment in the workplace: The Philippine experience. International Labour Organization. Wolfe, L. (2011, June 7). The silencing crime: Sexual violence and journalists. Committee to Protect Journalists. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/reports/2011/06/silencing-crime-sexual-violence-journalists/

42

43

Chapter 4

Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines Ramon R. Tuazon Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication, Philippines & Asian Media Information and Communication Centre, Philippines Therese Patricia S. Torres Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication, Philippines & International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT), Philippines

ABSTRACT Due to continuing threats and attacks on the media, journalist safety has been the subject of increasing scholarly research in the Philippines. A gap in the literature, however, is research on safety issues affecting Filipino women journalists in particular, despite reports on specific challenges they face. In a country where not only women in media but females in general are subjected to catcalling, sexually offensive remarks, and harassment, there is a need for more focused research in order to bring such issues to public attention and propose relevant protection policies and mechanisms. This case study research reveals the types of threats and attacks Filipino women journalists experience, as well as their responses and policy recommendations for media owners and editorial managers.

INTRODUCTION Threats and attacks on journalists in the Philippines have been the subject of reports and studies not only by Filipino scholars and organizations, but also by international researchers and groups. Global attention on journalist safety in the country appears to have increased after the 2009 Maguindanao massacre— the “single deadliest event for the press in history” where 58 people, of which 32 were journalists and media workers, were killed (Committee to Protect Journalists, 2019, para. 6). Journalist killings have continued in the country, alongside other forms of physical assault, as well as verbal, legal, and digital attacks (Tuazon & Torres, 2019; Jamil, 2019).

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch004

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines

As the world pays close attention to journalist safety issues, there appears to be a need for greater focus on gender-based threats and attacks that plague women in media. Women journalists around the world are subjected to attacks often hidden from the public eye. They are exposed to multiple forms of threats, intimidation, and abuse (Barton & Storm, 2014), including harassment over the phone, via email, and through text message (Høiby, 2016), threats of sexual violence, sexual touching, and rape (Wolfe, 2011), and death threats (Barton & Storm, 2014; Ferrier, 2018). There are also attacks in public, such as catcalling (Barton & Storm, 2014) and being groped in a crowd while covering events (Wolfe, 2011). Sexual harassment, in particular, has been found to be “a common experience” early in women journalists’ career (Philippine Social Science Council as cited in Chocarro, 2019, p. 38), but veteran journalists are not exempted from harassment (Posetti, 2017). Such attacks and abusive behavior come from bosses, colleagues, and sources/subjects, including government authorities (Barton & Storm, 2014; Wolfe, 2011). The damage caused reaches beyond the victims. Apart from the psychological and emotional effects on the journalists themselves, these types of attacks may result in a chilling effect, restricting freedom of expression and endangering press freedom (Ferrier & Garud-Patkar, 2018). In a country where not only women in media but females in general are disrespected through catcalling and rape jokes (Agence France Presse, 2016), and three in five women have experienced sexual harassment at least once in their lifetime, based on 2015 data (Social Weather Stations as cited in Bartolome, 2016), there is a need to bring such issues to public attention. In order to develop initiatives and propose policies that can address these issues, more information must be gathered about such threats and attacks. Through in-depth interviews with Filipina journalists, this chapter uncovers the dangers they face, the stories often kept off the record, and mechanisms for addressing threats and attacks on women in media.

LITERATURE REVIEW Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists Worldwide In a 2013 global survey on harassment and violence against female media workers, conducted by the International News Safety Institute and the International Women’s Media Foundation, almost two-thirds of the 977 women respondents reported experiencing intimidation, threats or abuse as part of their work as journalists. The most frequent acts were categorized as “abuse of power or authority,” “verbal, written, and/or physical intimidation (including threats) to you,” and “attempts to damage your reputation/ honour” (Barton & Storm, 2014, p. 7). Threats received including threats of sexual violence and rape (Wolfe, 2011) and death threats (Barton & Storm, 2014). Other forms of verbal abuses include degrading comments (Walsh-Childers et al., 1996), catcalling (Barton & Storm, 2014), and “unwanted comments on dress and appearance,” “suggestive remarks or sounds,” and “jokes of a sexual nature” (Barton & Storm, 2014, p. 9). Among the physical threats are “invasion of personal space,” “unwanted physical contact” (Barton & Storm, 2014, p. 9), sexual touching, groping, and rape (Wolfe, 2011). Threats and attacks on women journalists have also reached the digital realm. They are often targeted with “some of the most severe forms of online harassment, such as rape threats, death threats, and hate speech” (Ferrier & Garud-Patkar, 2018, p. 323). Women journalists may also receive threatening messages through “phone calls, e-mails and SMSs” (Høiby, 2016, p. 85). The findings of the 2013 global survey revealed that most of the incidents happened in the workplace, and primarily came from “bosses,” while other perpetrators cited include “supervisors, co-workers, interviewees, government officials, 44

 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines

police, subordinates” (Barton & Storm, 2014, p. 8), with most of the perpetrators identified to be male. British journalist Caroline Criado-Perez analyzed a sample out of the “thousands of threats” she received online—from men who used sexually violent language with references to her “mouth,” “throat” and “speech” (Criado-Perez, 2016, p. 13). She said, “The message was simple and clear: these men very much wanted me to stop talking” (Criado-Perez, 2016, p. 13). Physical and digital attacks could “result in emotional stress and long-term psychological trauma” among women journalists (Ferrier, 2018, p. 35). The 2013 survey found that though most of the victims said they were psychologically affected, most incidents were never reported (Barton & Storm, 2014). Some women journalists’ reluctance to report the effects of such attacks has been attributed to “fear of appearing fragile or vulnerable to colleagues and management,” which contradicts their need to show that they are able to take on the “physical and psychological challenges” in their work (Høiby, 2016, p. 85). Another global survey on violence, attacks, and online abuse of women journalists and media workers, published in 2018, likewise identified “fear of retribution or other professional consequences such as being denied certain stories” among reasons for non-reporting (Ferrier, 2018, p. 12). In the 2018 global survey, one of the its conclusions was that “online and offline abuse is often underestimated by media management and minimized by authorities and others who are best positioned to provide support” (Ferrier, 2018, p. 12). It found that while half of the survey respondents reported an incident to their management, one-third said they were unsatisfied with the response (Ferrier, 2018). Furthermore, the 2018 survey found, “Despite growing evidence of online violence and physical attacks against women journalists, many media organizations do not have formal policies or protocols in place to protect their employees” (Ferrier, 2018, p. 12). International Media Support, in its 2019 report on safety of women journalists, similarly found that countries like Kenya and Iraq lack anti-harassment policies and guidelines on gender in media outlets/organizations (Chocarro, 2019). The 2018 global survey reported an increase in online and physical threats and attacks in the past five years, according to the women journalists who participated in the study. The report emphasized, “These women have reason to fear for their safety in performing their work in a variety of different journalism roles, settings and geographies” (Ferrier, 2018, p. 35).

The Plight of Filipino Women Journalists While there remains a gap in research on the safety of women journalists in the Philippines, there have been studies published as early as the 1980s about their experiences of male chauvinism and harassment. There were studies describing editors’ preference for male rather than female journalists, and their tendency to assign “soft beats such as features, lifestyle and entertainment” to women (Bernal, 1989, p. 3; Fernandez, 1987). “Most problems (if not all) of women journalists in my country all boil down to one cause: Their being women,” said Tan (1989, p. 2). The forms of sexual harassment against Filipino women journalists reported in 1989 were “conversations with sexual overtones,” “touching” and “asking for sexual favors by a superior in exchange for a promotion” (Tan, 1989, p. 3). The study revealed that while there were journalists who reported being harassed, the perpetrators were not punished. The complaints were “treated with indifference or plainly dismissed or worse, settled ‘amicably’ with a mere I’m-sorry-it-won’t-happen-again declaration” (Tan, 1989, p. 4). In 2020, similar threats and attacks continue to harm Filipino women journalists. Sexual harassment, in particular, is described as “a common experience, particularly when one is starting out”

45

 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines

(Philippine Social Science Council as cited in Chocarro, 2019, p. 38). To gather specific examples, however, there is a need for more research on the experiences of these young women journalists. Veteran journalists are not exempted from threats and attacks, as seen in the experiences of Maria Ressa of Rappler, who has repeatedly received death and rape threats online (Posetti, 2017), and Julie Alipala of the Inquirer Mindanao Bureau, who was, most recently, “branded a terrorist” on a Facebook page after she reported “the truth behind a gruesome killing in Mindanao” (Olea, 2018b, para. 1). In the country, it is “increasingly common for women journalists – particularly those exposing government corruption – to receive online threats of sexual assault and attacks against their families” (Chocarro, 2019, 38). When they are targeted on social media, Filipino women journalists are “bombarded with threats... to rape them or their children, or wipe out their families” (International Federation of Journalists, 2018, 43). The sexist political climate in the Philippines appears to condone and even encourage threats and attacks on female journalists and women in general. Go (2019, p. 34) recalled an interview with gender studies expert Theresa de Vela, who explained how President Rodrigo Duterte “had made an ‘extremely harmful’ contribution to how Filipinos develop their expectations of and attitudes toward the sexes.” Quoting de Vela, Go (2019) wrote: Leaders play a role in our socialisation because they represent one of the social institutions that mould our society… When you have a president doing that, you’re adding to, reinforcing that sexual script that says sexual violence is acceptable behaviour and is part of the male behaviour to be in society. It is manly. It’s what makes you an attractive male (34) The actions of the president’s supporters appear to “prove this point is true,” Go (2019, 34) noted, as they are seen “spreading gender-based vitriol on social media against journalists and the president’s critics.” Sources of threats include persons of authority, with women journalists like Mariz Umali and Pia Ranada experiencing wolf-whistling from the president (Go, 2019), whose offensive actions toward women include “demeaning remarks” and “sexist jokes” (Abao, 2017, 311), as well as, by his own admission, sexual molestation of a maid when he was a teenager (BBC, 2018). The sexual abuse was condemned by human rights groups and the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women-Asia Pacific: “Flaunting abusive practices encourages the rape culture and in this case, sexual abuse of domestic workers” (BBC, 2018, para. 15). Other gender-based attacks on Filipino women journalists online include name-calling, hate speech and rape threats directed at Jamela Alindogan-Caudron of Al Jazeera, for covering President Rodrigo Duterte’s anti-drug campaign, and freelance journalist Gretchen Malalad, who reported on “clashes between the military and the Abu Sayyaf Group” (Olea, 2018b, para. 10).

Safety Mechanisms and Recommendations for the Protection of Women Journalists The literature indicates the need for cooperation among journalists and media workers, news organizations, the government, civil society, and other stakeholders, in order to establish, enhance, and sustain protection mechanisms for women journalists. Bruce Shapiro, executive director of the Dart Center for Journalism & Trauma, emphasized the role of news organizations in assessing the risks journalists face. “If we want to make journalists safe and effective, make it possible for them to do their job safely and 46

 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines

effectively,” Shapiro said. “We can only do that by confronting honestly the real risks that are present” (Wolfe, 2011, para. 8). In addition to assessing and increasing research on the risks as well as threats and attacks women journalists face, there is a need for policy advocacy to address and prevent them. A 2019 report of International Media Support recommended national-level advocacy pushing for “legislation, policies and regulations on the safety of journalists that includes a recognition of the specific threats that women journalists face” (Chocarro, 2019, p. 41). The 2020’s report of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences offers a “more holistic approach to addressing the specific challenges faced by women journalists, as well as their causes, and to provide recommendations to States and other stakeholders on how to tackle those issues” (Šimonović, 2020, p. 1). She emphasized the Member States’ obligation to “include a gender perspective in all initiatives aimed at creating and maintaining a safe and favourable environment for free and independent journalism” (Šimonović, 2020, p. 17). Among Šimonović’s specific recommendations to Member States are the prohibition and criminalization of gender-based violence against women journalists, including sexual harassment, online attacks, and rape, the removal of “any statute of limitation for prosecution,” and provision of “adequate reparations and compensation for victims” (Šimonović, 2020, p. 18). She also proposed training on gender-based violence for male journalists; the creation of “special investigative units or independent commissions, such as media councils and tribunals that are independent of government, to address issues related to women journalists, in particular gender-based violence”; the establishment of rapid response mechanisms by civil society or media organizations, such as hotlines and emergency online platforms; and dialogue with journalists’ organizations on “promotion of best practices for the gender-specific protection of journalists and other media actors and for combating impunity” (Šimonović, 2020, p. 18). In the Philippines, there appears to be a need for journalist safety handbooks with specific guidelines with regard to gender-based violence and other risks experienced by women journalists. The Philippine Journalist Safety Guide of the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP) was developed for both male and female journalists, but it does not have a specific section on protection against gender-based threats and attacks. It does point out online threats and harassment of women journalists, and recommends that they “only take public transportation at night, if necessary” (Olea, 2018a, p. 24). Moreover, among the recommended references is the gender-specific handbook produced by the International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT), What If…? Safety Handbook for Women Journalists (Olea, 2018a). The IAWRT handbook provides guidelines on risk assessment, dealing with gender-based violence and harassment, travel safety, digital and equipment safety, psychosocial safety, and legal safety, among other topics. It is used by IAWRT around the world. IAWRT Philippines, in particular, used is as a key resource in the safety training for women journalists that it conducted in partnership with the Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication (AIJC), International Media Support, and UNESCO in partnership with IAWRT Philippines in 2019 (Tuazon & Torres, 2019). In 2016, the Philippine government formed the Presidential Task Force on Violations of the Right to Life, Liberty and Security of the Members of the Media, now referred to as the Presidential Task Force on Media Security (PTFoMS). Given its mandate under Administrative Order No. 1, s. 2016 to ensure a safe environment for media workers, PTFoMS has also developed the Handbook on Personal Security Measures for Media Practitioners (Presidential Task Force on Media Security, 2018). While it covers

47

 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines

threat detection and assessment, telephone and text threats, and home and travel security, among others, there are no specific measures on dealing with gender-based violence. There are Philippine laws such as the Anti-Sexual Harassment Act of 1995 and Safe Spaces Act of 2019, which should prevent and punish different forms of gender-based threats and attacks including catcalling, wolf-whistling, taunting, unwanted invitations, relentless requests for personal details, and physical and online harassment. There are also local ordinances such as the Women Development Code of Davao City or City Ordinance No. 5004, which penalizes violence against women, including but not limited to various forms of sexual harassment such as “persistent telling of offensive jokes such as green jokes,” “repeatedly asking for dates despite verbal rejection,” and “cursing, whistling or calling a woman in public with words having dirty connotations or implications which tend to ridicule, humiliate or embarrass” (National Commission on the Role of Filipino Women, 2002, p. 23). These, however, have not curtailed such offenses against women journalists, as evidenced by the reports cited above on threats and attacks on women journalists. Given the gap in the literature on the safety of women journalists in the Philippines, and the persistence of threats and attacks against them despite existing safety mechanisms, this study sought to identify the sources and types of threats and attacks on Filipino women journalists, their responses, and their safety policy recommendations for media owners and editorial managers.

MATERIAL AND METHODS Research Design This is a qualitative study that involves an inductive and interpretive method of inquiry (Rubin et al., 2010) through immersion in the findings, in order to gather detailed accounts and insights from women journalists that may not surface through quantitative or statistical research. Common themes from the results were identified and analyzed (Deacon et al., 2007).

Data Collection Technique, Procedure and Research Location Semi-structured in-depth interviews were used to collect data for this case study research. The structured interview guide facilitated the systematic organization and categorization of findings (Deacon et al., 2007), while allowing further probing through follow-up questions (Allen, 2017). The aim was to collect and analyze comprehensive data from a small sample; thus, the findings are not intended for generalization to the larger population (Allen, 2017). Out of over 20 women journalists invited to participate in the study, seven accepted the interview request, while a few others discussed their experiences off the record due to the sensitivity of the subject. One of this chapter’s authors conducted six of the seven interviews in July 2020, together with co-authors of another chapter (see “Dealing with Sexual Harassment: Are Women Journalists Silenced at Work?”), given the two studies’ overlapping themes. This allowed the researchers to maximize the time of the participants. The interviewees, at the time of the interview, worked with the following news outlets in the Philippines: AlterMidya - People’s Alternative Media Network and Bulatlat, both online alternative news websites; Daily Tribune, a print and online news outlet; GMA News, a broadcast and online news outlet; Rappler, an online news site; TV5, a broadcast and online news outlet; and Visayan Daily Star, a print 48

 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines

and online regional news outlet. Given the community quarantine regulations due to coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19), all interviews were conducted through online video calls.

Sampling Frame, Sampling Strategies and Sampling Technique The following criteria guided the selection of research participants: Each interviewee must be a full-time, part-time or freelance journalist for print, radio, TV, or online news media in the Philippines, and must have firsthand knowledge and experience about threats and/or attacks against herself in connection with her profession as a journalist, and how these were being addressed. She must be willing to disclose such information and permit its publication. The researchers used nonrandom sampling techniques—purposive and snowball sampling. They started the process by approaching the journalists in their network, then requested each interviewee to refer a friend or colleague who might be willing to be participate in the study.

Research Ethics, Data Analysis and Data Management All research participants received an invitation with a consent form, which they signed and submitted to the researchers via email to signify their consent in study participation. The invitation explained the purpose, scope, and publication details of the study, as well as the interviewees’ option to keep their identity confidential. As all research participants requested confidentiality in their identity, their names have been changed in the results and discussion. In connection with protecting the identity of the interviewees, the transcripts and consent forms were stored in a shared drive accessible to the researchers only upon logging into their respective email accounts. All files were removed from the shared drive and transferred to the password-protected laptops of the researchers upon the study’s completion. Through thematic analysis, themes within the data were identified. This was done through a nonlinear process of going back and forth between the interview transcripts and the list of themes and draft results (Allen, 2017). The researchers identified themes by reviewing the transcripts multiple times and listing down similarities and patterns in the data.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION The Sources and Nature of Threats and Attacks on Filipino Women Journalists The interviewees described the threats and attacks they have faced, including verbal and nonverbal forms of harassment, and unwanted physical contact. The offenders were news sources/interviewees including persons of authority (government officials and police officers), as well as media colleagues and crew members.

49

 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines

Threats and Attacks From News Sources/ Interviewees Including Persons of Authority An online journalist, Marian, experienced multiple threats and attacks from news sources. For one, she was “bombarded” by lascivious text messages from a male news source for three or four months. He would comment on her complexion, and send lewd messages like “Nagjajakol ako” (I am masturbating). He would also try to call her, so she saved his number with the label, “Do not answer.” She never answered any of the calls and messages. “It was difficult to ignore,” Marian said in Filipino. “I remember that he threatened to find me.” Marian has also received a sexually suggestive handshake from a high-ranking company executive, and inappropriate touching on her arm, near her chest, by another news source. When she called out the latter, he proceeded to red-tag Marian as he walked away. TV reporter and segment producer Kathy said that she has experienced many different forms of harassment. In fact, on the same day of the interview for this study, she had an encounter with a news source: “Kanina lang, nag-i-interview ako. Yung isang kausap ko na guy, tumitingin siya nang tumitingin sa lower part ng body ko… Sobrang uncomfortable talaga ng mga ganung instances” (Earlier today, I was interviewing a guy, and he kept looking at the lower part of my body… Those types of instances really make me uncomfortable). Kathy has also experienced catcalling, inappropriate jokes, remarks with sexual undertones, leering, and an incident that she recounts vividly—a rape threat from a police officer during coverage. She recounted in Filipino: A chief of police invited me to cover a police raid of sex dens in Manila. I pitched the story to my producer, and I was allowed to go. I was there by 7 pm, and I think I was the only person from the media at the time and I did not have a crew. Most of the people in the area were males. After the raid, I asked a police officer if I could shoot the controversial room in the den where the illegal activities were reported to have taken place. First, he said he would accompany me. Next, he said something like, ‘Doon na kita rape-in’ (I will rape you there). She pointed out that it may have been a “joke” but it made her feel deeply “uncomfortable” and “threatened.” She said, “Hindi ko alam kung safe pa ba ako na kasama itong mga taong ‘to… considering na dapat di ba mga pulis… ang role naman talaga nila ay to protect people” (I did not know if I was still safe with them… considering that they are police officers, and their role is to protect people). Another police officer, one of Kathy’s news sources whom she described as a “boss,” harassed her by calling and asking for a “video chat.” This went on for two to three months, for around “four to five times in a month.” He makes inappropriate remarks like “Ang ganda mo naman” (You are beautiful) and “Kumpleto na araw ko” (You made my day). She makes excuses to avoid him. Apart from Kathy, four other interviewees reported incidents involving police officers—Olivia, Gwen, Marian and Clara. Olivia’s experience was with a city chief of police, a news source who made her feel unsafe by the way he looked at her. After the interview, he added her on Facebook, and made her feel “threatened” with remarks such as “Ang ganda mo naman” (You look beautiful)—the same type of message received by Kathy. Gwen and Marian both experienced being approached and engaged in a conversation by police officers during coverage. Gwen said she would feel intimidated when they approach her for no reason and ask personal questions, while Marian described being harassed by officers who would make sexually suggestive jokes about her media company. Clara, on the other hand, said catcalling from male police officers and persons of authority is “very common,” and she has also 50

 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines

experienced receiving text messages and calls from them. The calls from one particular officer “went on for a year,” she shared; this happened when she was still a new reporter covering the night beat. Clara said, “Sadly, women reporters have gotten used to it, especially when covering the police.” Other persons of authority reported to be sources of threats and attacks are elected public officials. Nadia, a journalist, experienced being in an elevator with a male public official who touched her hair and asked, “Is this a man?” All she could do was look at him; she was unable to respond or react. Amy also had a body shaming incident with an elected government official after she wrote critical stories at the height of the elections, which the official and his family did not like. Through Amy’s colleagues, the official said she should go on a diet “kasi ang taba niya. Tapos hindi naman siya marunong magsulat” (because she is fat and does not know how to write). Amy also reported potential threats from unknown individuals. She experienced being tailed by men on motorcycles on the road, and was told that a man on a motorcycle was parked in front of her house. She is unable to connect these with any story she has written, and currently has no suspects in mind. The experiences shared by the women journalists—with their news sources, including persons of authority, as sources of threats and attacks—are similar to the findings of the 2013 global survey by the International News Safety Institute and the International Women’s Media Foundation on the most frequent experiences by women journalists: the “abuse of power or authority” and “verbal, written, and/ or physical intimidation (including threats)” such as catcalling, sexual remarks and jokes, and unwanted physical contact (Barton & Storm, 2014, p. 7). The experience of receiving threatening messages via SMS was also reported in a study by Høiby (2016), while receiving degrading comments was cited by Walsh-Childers et al. (1996) among forms of verbal abuses. The perpetrators described are the same— interviewees, government officials, and police officers, who are mostly male (Barton & Storm, 2014). Local literature likewise emphasized a high-ranking government official in the Philippines as the source of offensive actions and remarks toward women, including journalists (Go, 2019; Abao, 2017).

Threats and Attacks From Media Colleagues and Crew Members There were threats that reportedly came from colleagues—particularly, fellow male journalists and photographers—as well as crew members. Marian shared that while she has never experienced being touched inappropriately by colleagues, it is common to hear inappropriate or sexually suggestive jokes and remarks from them, such as comments on her fair complexion. “Paliligiran ka, tatanungin ka, kukulitin ka” (They would crowd around you, ask questions, and bother you), Marian said. Gwen similarly experienced this during a safety training with fellow journalists, where most of the participants were male. “Papalibutan ka nila, tatanungin ka…” (They would crowd around you and ask questions). For one, the male journalists asked Gwen if she had a boyfriend. She said she was not expecting such inappropriate behavior from veteran journalists. Clara reported being teased and paired with a cameraperson from another media outlet, while Olivia experienced hearing inappropriate jokes and remarks from her crew. One crew member commented “Baka malandi talaga iyan” (Maybe she’s really a flirt), while another would jokingly act as a “bugaw” (pimp) by telling others she has never had a boyfriend. Male co-workers and subordinates were also among the perpetrators cited in the 2013 global survey by the International News Safety Institute and the International Women’s Media Foundation. The invasion of personal space and the sexual jokes and remarks were similarly reported in the survey (Barton & Storm, 2014). 51

 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines

Responses to Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines While all of the journalists interviewed recognize that the threats and attacks are wrong, most of them referred to their experiences as “normal,” or part of the reality in the journalism industry. Kathy said she fears that it has become “normalized” to the point that even she, who considers herself a “feminist” and “women’s rights advocate,” tends to “dismiss” the sexual harassment incidents she experiences. “Sobrang normalized na lang sa akin na ‘pag sa job ko, may ganito talagang part na risk” (For me, it has become too normalized that I have accepted it as part of the risks of my job), she said. Gwen likewise expressed concern about getting used to harassment and tending to “brush off” such incidents instead of reporting, unless she is “super shaken.” She noted, “Pero kung medyo tame… ‘di ko na lang siya sine-share kasi iniisip ko na normal na iyon” (If it is quite tame… I no longer share it because I think it’s normal). Sexual harassment, even from the authorities such as police officers, is something women journalists have gotten used to, according to TV reporter Clara. She said she and her peers need to “learn how to deal with it,” because it is “normal” for perpetrators not to be punished for such actions. She added, “Kailangan mong tanggapin na part iyan ng trabaho mo. It’s not saying that it’s right, pero ganun talaga” (You need to accept that it’s part of the job. I’m not saying that it’s right, but it is the reality). Photojournalist Nadia, on the other hand, said threats and attacks on women journalists are “really part of the culture.” She said she is able to defend herself by rebuking persons who may offend her, but she expressed concern for younger journalists: “I feel bad for… mga bata—kunwari nag-i-intern pa lang… Parang role siguro natin as mga ate, sasawayin mo yung mga kasama mo [when they start harassing newcomers]” (I feel bad for the young ones—the interns, for example… Perhaps our role as a ‘big sister’ entails telling off your colleagues [when they start harassing newcomers]). Gwen shared that when she felt uncomfortable around the male journalists in a safety training, a more senior female journalist, whom she referred to as a “big sister,” advised her to stay away from them, and at one point, even scolded them for being disruptive. Gwen was unsure, however, if the scolding was directed at the harassment, or their disorderly behavior. Other interviewees shared instances when colleagues or crew members offered support or came to their defense. Clara said in Filipino, “When there are such incidents and your coworkers feel that you are uncomfortable, they usually find a way to interrupt the conversation.” She added that they can be protective: “In situations where it’s not safe for women, such as a gas station’s restroom in the middle of the night, they will offer to accompany you [to make sure you are safe].” Another type of response to threats and attacks is avoidance. Kathy said the rape threat or joke made by a police officer is still in her head, which is why she continues to avoid him and the general area where he works. Olivia, on the other hand, felt pressured to accept a police officer’s Facebook request, even after his unwelcome remarks made her feel uncomfortable, because she did not want to appear disrespectful to her news source. After receiving more messages from him, she spoke with her desk editor to share her plan to report to the Women’s Desk at Camp Crame, the national headquarters of the Philippine National Police. She was not discouraged from reporting the incident, but was informed of the possibility that she might find it difficult to cover police stories. She then decided not to report the police officer, but at the same time, she chose to block him on Facebook and avoided him by not covering his area anymore.

52

 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines

At first, Marian ignored the lewd text messages and dodged the incessant calls of her news source, but later reported the situation to her office. She did not file a police blotter, though. She explained in Filipino, “I imagined going to the police station to file a report. It looked like a nightmare for me.” Thus, she opted to report the incident to the person who previously referred her to the source. The texting and calling stopped eventually. As for the news source who touched her inappropriately and later red-tagged her, Marian was able to report on what happened, and this led to reports/statements from the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP) and the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility (CMFR) condemning the sexual harassment. She was also interviewed on television about what happened. Marian noted that though she called the perpetrator a “manyak” (creep) and even if she was shrugging away his hand, she only realized that she experienced “sexual harassment” after she read what NUJP and CMFR released. Amy noted that the body shaming by the elected public official did not bother her. “I did not take it as an insult,” she said. But what she took seriously were the potential threats from the men on motorcycles. She noted the importance of ensuring that family members of journalists refrain from talking to neighbors and strangers about their job in the media, for safety purposes. There were journalists who said they did not report certain incidents because they were “mild” (as described by Clara) or “tame” (as described by Gwen). Gwen said in Filipino, “I did not report it because it did not escalate anyway, and because I also felt uncomfortable.” Clara elaborated, also in Filipino, “I have not experienced anything intense in the sense that I was touched or sexually harassed in a more serious manner… Usually, I only experience catcalling, and the persistent phone calls are the worst I have experienced.” Clara added that while she informed her news desk about one of the sexual harassment incidents, and they asked her if she wanted to transfer to another beat, she declined because again, according to her “personal assessment,” she thought the incident—which involved “invasion of personal space and privacy”—did not threaten her personal safety. She added that she was already comfortable in her beat, and that she had been able to build her sources already. Moreover, she said transferring would also be an inconvenience to other journalists. Kathy did not file a formal complaint or report against the police officials who harassed her because she felt “torn” between reporting and burning her sources. She said in Filipino, “I feared that I would not be able to find new sources, and I might compromise my job.” Based on the experiences of the interviewees, the choice to stay silent appears to be influenced by multiple factors. Apart from fear of isolation from sources and, possibly, from colleagues, there is also the fear of compromising their work in the industry. Some of the journalists’ dismissal of certain threats or attacks as “tame” or “mild”—and therefore not worthy of being reported—indicates the need for increased understanding among women journalists themselves about the impact of allowing what they might perceive to be insignificant forms of harassment, such as catcalling and invasion of privacy. In the literature, the perception that gender-based threats and attacks on women journalists are “normal” or commonplace was not mentioned in studies on global experiences. On the other hand, in a study on the experiences of women journalists in the Philippines, sexual harassment was described as “a common experience” for them, particularly when “starting out” in the industry (Philippine Social Science Council as cited in Chocarro, 2019, p. 38). According to the same study, receiving “online threats of sexual assault and attacks against their families” is “increasingly common for women journalists – particularly those exposing government corruption” (Chocarro, 2019, p. 38).

53

 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines

Similarities with international studies include the reasons for non-reporting of threats and attacks, such as the fear of “professional consequences,” one of which is “being denied certain stories,” according to a global survey on violence, attacks, and online abuse of women journalists and media workers (Ferrier, 2018, p. 12).

Policy Recommendations for Media Owners and Editorial Managers The interviewees made recommendations on how media owners and editorial managers may address threats and attacks against women journalists. Nadia believes newsrooms should have “strict rules” on showing respect and using civil language at work. She noted that hearing remarks like “Hindi ka naman mabiro” (You can’t take a joke) and “KJ ka naman” (You’re such a killjoy) indicates that showing colleagues respect needs to be relearned. “We have to change our behavior towards women,” she said. “Treat them as equals.” Gwen likewise recommended that the management in newsrooms ensure a safe space and “strictly professional” interactions among employees. Both Gwen and Marian recommended imposing sanctions on those who will violate the policies to make sure they are held accountable for their actions. This, Gwen said, could address the problems in the current “workspace culture,” which exists beyond the media industry. She added that this could put an end to the “hazing system” for industry newcomers. Clara said rules against threats and attacks on women journalists may serve as a deterrent and discourage individuals from making such advances in the future. Nadia, Kathy, Olivia, and Clara recommended training—for journalists, on how to be safe and how to deal with crises and gender-based violence, according to Kathy and Clara; and for the crew, to educate them about sexual harassment and how they can serve as the “line of defense” when there is danger on the field, said Olivia. Clara added that a video or pamphlet on safety of women journalists may also be useful. Amy said management should investigate women journalists’ incident reports rather than dismissing them as a “joke.” Clara made a similar suggestion. She said in Filipino, “Media organizations, media companies, and media workers’ groups should treat reports [on threats and attacks] seriously.” Marian emphasized the importance of solidarity among media owners and media organizations, and noted that they must work together to expose, address, and prevent threats and attacks on women journalists. Beyond policy recommendations for newsrooms, Olivia suggested improving values education among the youth, and noted the need to increase knowledge about sexual harassment. The interviewees presented concrete steps media owners and editorial managers need to take as part of their responsibility in ensuring the safety of women journalists. These are aligned with the recommendations to Member States in the 2020 report of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, such as the prohibition and criminalization of gender-based violence against women journalists, including sexual harassment, online attacks, and rape, the removal of “any statute of limitation for prosecution,” and provision of “adequate reparations and compensation for victims” (Šimonović, 2020, p. 18). Training on gender-based violence for male journalists is another similar recommendation (Šimonović, 2020). While safety training for women journalists has been implemented in the Philippines (Tuazon & Torres, 2019), the four interviewees’ suggestions indicate the need to continue such capacity building programs, and the need to expand the coverage to include other topics, such as how to address specific gender-based threats and attacks.

54

 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines

FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS There is a need for more qualitative research on the plight of women journalists in the Philippines in order to shed light on their experiences, especially among women in regional and community media. Studies with more interviews and focus group discussions with women journalists in Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao should be conducted. While qualitative research design is ideal for gathering in-depth information, there should also be quantitative studies with a larger sample, such as surveys among women journalists across the country. Such studies should cover the types of threats and attacks they experience, the responses to the threats and attacks, and security measures in place for preventing and addressing assault on women journalists. Executives of news media companies should be interviewed on how they address threats and attacks reported by their staff, including gender-based violence against women journalists. Media companies’ policies against abuses and attacks on both female and male journalists should likewise be reviewed, with the aim of providing recommendations on how to strengthen these in accordance with the law. UNESCO’s gender-sensitive indicators and means of verification for measuring the safety of the working environment for both women and men may be used as a framework in such future studies. One of the relevant indicators is “Existence and implementation of comprehensive prevention, complaints, support and redress system with regards to sexual harassment and bullying in the workplace” (Grizzle, 2020, p. 26). Research must also be done on how to expand the work of the government (PTFoMS), as well as journalists’ organizations, in addressing gender-based violence against journalists and media workers. In this study, as previously discussed, all participants were informed about the purpose, scope and publication details, and they signed a consent form in which they were given the option to request confidentiality in their identity. Given the sensitive nature of journalist safety research, future studies must likewise follow the principles of beneficence and maleficence, to ensure that the results are intended to benefit the participants, and that they are not harmed in the research process.

CONCLUSION Threats and attacks are part of the everyday reality of Filipino women journalists who participated in this study. Their experiences range from catcalling, sexual jokes, and inappropriate remarks, to unwanted phone calls and text messages of a sexual nature, pressure to go on a date, and deliberate inappropriate touching. The journalists interviewed have described these as “normal” experiences in their field of work, which may explain why many incidents were left unreported. For some interviewees, statements from colleagues and superiors have implied or explicitly described such experiences and risks as part of their job, indicating that they perceive these as the norm. Other reasons for non-reporting include the fear of isolation from peers in the industry as a result of the perception that they are unable to get along with others, fear of being perceived weak or unfit for their job, and the assumption that the accused will not be punished. There were interviewees who referred to their encounters as “mild” or “tame,” because they did not experience what they perceive as “intense” forms of assault, such as aggressive sexual attacks and rape. Among the similarities between the findings and those of past studies in the global literature are the perpetrators: news sources, including persons of authority such as government officials and police of55

 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines

ficers, as well as male co-workers and subordinates. There are also common types of threats and attacks, such as abuse of power or authority as well as verbal, written, and physical intimidation, in the form of catcalling, sexual remarks and jokes, degrading comments, threatening text messages, and unwanted physical contact. Other similarities were found in terms of reasons for non-reporting of threats and attacks, such as the fear of professional consequences. On the other hand, the perception that gender-based threats and attacks on women journalists are “normal” or common surfaced in the local literature and the current study’s findings, but not in the global studies reviewed. It must be noted, however, that in the course of the interviews, several interviewees appear to have come to the realization that media organizations and their heads and employees should take action on the threats and attacks on women journalists. Moreover, all of the interviewees—including those who opted not to report their experiences—noted that despite the threats and attacks, they continued to do their work as journalists. While they avoided, ignored, or put up with the perpetrators, their experiences did not affect their reporting and did not prevent them from pursuing stories. Among the interviewees’ recommendations for media owners and editorial managers are revisiting or developing safety policies, conducting safety training for both women and men in media outlets on how to prevent and address such threats and attacks, and setting up or enhancing mechanisms for reporting and investigation. These are aligned with the recommendations to Member States in the 2020 report of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences (Šimonović, 2020). While the interviewees did not mention the role of government, it is also responsible for enhancing its protection mechanisms for the media, through PTFoMS and the Department of Labor and Employment. There is a need for initiatives to address gender-based violence against journalists and media workers. These may include a new safety handbook, and safety training focusing on gender-related safety issues, in collaboration with experts in addressing gender-based threats and attacks. Moreover, the findings indicate the need to increase public knowledge and understanding about the consequences of the assault on women journalists—both on the lives and well-being of the journalists themselves, as well as the implications on journalism practice. Public information campaigns need to unpack the “normalization” of threats and attacks, specifically against women journalists, which traces its roots to sexism and misogyny in Philippine society. It is necessary to have an informed public that understands the impact of such threats and attacks on their access to information as well as their own safety and welfare. This will empower the people to demand for better protection of journalists.

REFERENCES Abao, C. V. (2017). Engaging Duterte. In N. Curato (Ed.), A Duterte reader: Critical essays on Rodrigo Duterte’s early presidency (pp. 301–318). Ateneo de Manila University Press. Administrative Order No. 1, s. (2016). Creating the Presidential Task Force on Violations of the Right to Life, Liberty and Security of the Members of the Media. Agence France Presse. (2016, June 2). Philippines’ Duterte accused of disrespect after wolf-whistling female journalist. The Guardian. Retrieved from: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jun/02/ philippines-duterte-accused-of-disrespect-after-wolf-whistling-female-journalist

56

 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines

Allen, M. (2017). The SAGE encyclopedia of communication research methods. SAGE Publications, Inc. doi:10.4135/9781483381411 Bartolome, J. (2016, March 8). The numbers are alarming: Sexual harassment vs women in PHL. GMA Network. Retrieved from: https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/lifestyle/healthandwellness/558251/thenumbers-are-alarming-sexual-harassment-vs-women-in-phl/story/ Barton, A., & Storm, H. (2014). Violence and harassment against women in the news media: A global picture. International Womens Media Foundation. Retrieved from: https://www.iwmf.org/wp-content/ uploads/2018/06/Violence-and-Harassment-against-Women-in-the-News-Media.pdf BBC. (2018, December 31). Duterte: Outrage as Philippines leader describes sexually abusing maid. BBC. Retrieved from: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-46720227 Bernal, E. S. (1989). Philippine women journalists in the late 80s and towards the early 90s. Asian Mass Communication Research and Information Centre. Retrieved from: http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/ download?doi=10.1.1.914.9422&rep=rep1&type=pdf Chocarro, S. (2019). The safety of women journalists: Breaking the cycle of silence and violence: An overview of nine countries. International Media Support. https://www.mediasupport.org/wp-content/ uploads/2019/10/2871-Gender-safety_FINAL_31.10.19_spreads-1.pdf Committee to Protect Journalists. (2019, December 18). In the Philippines, convictions finally achieved for Maguindanao massacre. Committee to Protect Journalists. https://cpj.org/2019/12/philippinesconvictions-maguindanao-massacre-ampatuan-journalists/ Criado-Perez, C. (2016). ‘Women that talk too much need to get raped’: What men are really saying when they abuse women online. In B. Gardiner (Ed.), Countering online abuse of female journalists (pp. 12-15). Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). Deacon, D., Pickering, M., Golding, P., & Murdock, G. (2007). Researching communications: A practical guide to methods in media and cultural analysis (2nd ed.). Hodder Education. Fernandez, D. G. (1987). Women in media in the Philippines: From stereotype to liberation. AMIC Seminar on Women and Media in Asia, Singapore. Retrieved from: http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/ download?doi=10.1.1.859.5805&rep=rep1&type=pdf Ferrier, M. (2018). Attacks and harassment: The impact on female journalists and their reporting. International Women’s Media Foundation and Troll-Busters.com. Retrieved from: https://www.iwmf.org/ wp-content/uploads/2018/09/Attacks-and-Harassment.pdf Ferrier, M., & Garud-Patkar, N. (2018). Trollbusters: Fighting online harassment of women journalists. In V. J. R. Vickery & T. Everbach (Eds.), Mediating misogyny (pp. 311–332). Springer. doi:10.1007/9783-319-72917-6_16 Go, M. G. (2019, December 17). Sexism is president’s power tool: Duterte is using violent language and threats against journalists, Rappler’s news editor explains. Index on Censorship, 48(04), 33–35. doi:10.1177/0306422019895720

57

 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines

Grizzle, A. (Ed.). (2012). Gender-sensitive indicators for media: Framework of indicators to gauge gender sensitivity in media operations and content. UNESCO. Retrieved from https://unesdoc.unesco. org/ark:/48223/pf0000217831 Høiby, M. (2016). Sexual violence against journalists in conflict zones: Gendered practices and cultures in the newsroom. In B. von der Lippe & R. Ottosen (Eds.), Gendered war and conflict reporting. Nordicom. International Federation of Journalists. (2018). Underneath the autocrats: South East Asia media freedom report 2018. Retrieved from: https://www.ifj.org/fileadmin/user_upload/Underneath_the_Autocrats_-_IFJ_SEAJU_2018_-_SP_HR.pdf Jamil, S. (2019). The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety. IGI Global. National Commission on the Role of Filipino Women. (2002). Gender and development codes. Philippine Commission on Women. Retrieved from: https://library.pcw.gov.ph/sites/default/files/Gender%20 and%20Development%20Codes.pdf Olea, L. (2018a). Philippine journalist safety guide: A handbook for Filipino journalists. National Union of Journalists of the Philippines. Retrieved from: https://nujp.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/ NUJPSafety-guide-final1.1-forupload.pdf Olea, R. V. (2018b, October 2). Filipino women journalists: attacked but unbowed. Bulatlat. Retrieved from: https://www.bulatlat.com/2018/10/02/filipino-women-journalists-attacked-but-unbowed/ Philippine Commission on Women. (1995). Anti-Sexual Harassment Act of 1995. Retrieved from: https:// pcw.gov.ph/republic-act-7877-anti-sexual-harassment-act-of-1995/ Philippine Commission on Women. (2019). Safe Spaces Act of 2019. Retrieved from: https://pcw.gov. ph/safe-spaces-act-irr-signed/ Posetti, J. (2017, July 13). Online harassment: Lessons from the Philippines. Global Investigative Journalism Network. Retrieved from: https://gijn.org/2017/07/13/fighting-online-harassment-lessonsfrom-the-philippines/ Presidential Task Force on Media Security. (2018). Handbook on personal security measures for media practitioners. Presidential Task Force on Media Security. Rubin, R. B., Rubin, A. M., Haridakis, P. M., & Piele, L. J. (2010). Communication research: Strategies and sources (7th ed.). Wadsworth. Saady, A. (2017). What if…? Safety handbook for women journalists. International Association for Women in Radio and Television. Retrieved from: https://www.iawrt.org/sites/default/files/field/pdf/2019/02/ IAWRT_Women_Journalists_Safety_Manual_Nov2017_ISBN.pdf Šimonović, D. (2020). Combating violence against women journalists. Report of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences. United Nations. Retrieved from: https:// undocs.org/en/A/HRC/44/52

58

 Threats and Attacks on Women Journalists in the Philippines

Tan, L. B. (1989). Problems of women journalists in the Philippines. Asian Media Information and Communication Centre. Tuazon, R. R., & Torres, T. P. S. (2019). Digital threats and attacks on the Philippine alternative press: Range, responses, and remedies. In S. Jamil (Ed.), Handbook of research on combating threats to media freedom and journalist safety. IGI Global. Walsh-Childers, K., Chance, J., & Herzog, K. (1996). Sexual harassment of women journalists [Abstract]. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 73(3), 559–581. doi:10.1177/107769909607300305 Wolfe, L. (2011, June 7). The silencing crime: Sexual violence and journalists. Committee to Protect Journalists. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/reports/2011/06/silencing-crime-sexual-violence-journalists/

59

60

Chapter 5

Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media Erum Hafeez Media Science Department, Iqra University, Karachi, Pakistan Luavut Zahid Independent Researcher, Pakistan

ABSTRACT This research aims to examine how sexism and gender discrimination impacts women journalists in Pakistan. The International Federation of Journalists (2018-19) ranks Pakistan as the fourth most dangerous country for journalists. The Coalition for Women in Journalism declares Pakistan as the sixth-worst for female journalists (2019). In 2018, the Global Gender Gap Report highlighted Pakistan as second from bottom, ranking it 148 out of 149 countries. Given these numbers, the country is an ominous space for women in news media. This study collects the data from women journalists working in the three largest cities of Pakistan, that is, Karachi, Lahore, and Islamabad. The aim is to investigate the issues faced by female journalists due to discrimination at the workplace including glass ceiling, pay gap, and lack of female leadership. Following the mixed-method approach, around 102 women journalists were surveyed, and 10 were interviewed. Findings indicate the rampant existence of sexism in Pakistani media and its detrimental effects on the growth of a gender-balanced news media industry.

INTRODUCTION Sexism is rampant in the Pakistani media industry. Its prevalence is connected to the conservative and patriarchal social fabric (Jamil, 2020a). While this is not a problem unique to the media industry, the impact of this attitude in the news industry has proliferating after effects on society, as reflected in the construction and dissemination of narratives to the masses (Pasha and Saleem, 2019). This research looks at how gender-based discrimination prevails in the industry, whether it is explicit, subtle, or both. It is DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch005

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

assumed that female journalists have to tackle several issues, and the opportunities available to them are often in stark contrast to their male colleagues (Hussain, 2013). There is a lack of parity in terms of career growth, opportunities, beat assignments, and pay-scale specifically. Besides, organisational policies are often missing, or inadequate, when it comes to dealing with the issues of gender-based discrimination and harassment (Mirza, 2016). At the heart of this attitude are stereotypes. Women are often told that they are not capable of handling certain tasks, which are typically perceived to be a man’s job. They are repeatedly conveyed that their capacity to manage the work is simply irrelevant and insufficient (Hussain, 2019, p. 23). There is a prevailing, harmful narrative surrounding native female media professionals (Huda and Ali, 2015). Their abilities are often doubted. As a result, female leadership is perhaps the only way forward to mitigate the hurdles and threats, that women journalists face (Byerly, 2004). Women journalists face tremendous mental and physical issues while working in the Pakistani news media industry (Jamil, 2020b, 2018, 2017b) and they experience constraints to exercise their right to freedom of expression (Jamil, 2017a, 2015b). Most issues they face include a lack of freedom of expression; atop turbulence in terms of their job security, unmanageable work hours, privacy, and security lapses (Qamar et al., 2020). Invisible barriers like the glass ceiling are yet to be shattered. Former research shows that women leave the profession early because of issues such as masculine values, long hours, and lack of support systems that aid in work-life balance (Chambers and Steiner, 2009). In an exploration of Pakistani TV channels, Zia et.al (2016) found that even when women journalists are thriving in their careers, they face harassment at work. A good majority does not come forward to report the issues they face. Besides existing stereotypes contribute to toxic, male-dominated spaces. In terms of their career growth, women can have all the needed skills and talent to advance in the industry, but seldom find it easy to reach high-level positions in most organizations. Despite feminist movements and social progress, the landscape of the industry has not changed. Women continue to be viewed as weak (Huda and Ali, 2015). Sakha and Shah’s (2019) findings also confirmed that women journalists have to face additional pressures because of their jobs. Their gender definitely comes into play; despite all the hurdles they face, most women journalists are not willing to openly discuss the harassment they face (Jamil, 2016, 2015a). Furthermore, Bilal and Begum (2017) studied the performance of anti-harassment inquiry committees in Karachi-based news organizations. The study found that many women journalists opt not to file a complaint because of their lack of faith in the inquiry committees set up to help them. According to Dawn newspaper (2019), only 11% of the Pakistani (media) industry at present consists of women journalists. Barring any revolutionary change in the status quo, these numbers are likely to grow at an agonisingly slow pace at best. There is also a potential threat that the existing female journalists may opt-out of the profession altogether, owing to the deterioration of the media industry in general, and the menace for women in particular. Considering the facts highlighted in past studies and news reports, thus this study aims is to investigate the numerous issues women journalists face due to sexism and gender discrimination in the industry

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The ubiquitous gender disparity in Pakistani newsrooms can be explained in light of the Attribution Theory of Sex Discrimination. According to it, gender-based discrimination can make it difficult for women to get and thrive in certain jobs (McElroy and Morrow, 1983). Stereotyping is underscored as 61

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

the principal issue in the Attribution Theory. One form of stereotyping has to do with sex characteristics, where popular beliefs and narratives, prevalent about both men and women, influence how attitudes are formed. These perceived differences between the genders are often used as a justification for keeping women away from certain jobs or tasks (McElroy and Morrow, 1983). Harvey (2006) employed the theory to demonstrate how unethical behaviour is justified. As our research unveils, this means that the potential and capabilities that men and women have as journalists are viewed through a gender-loaded, rather than merit-based, lens. It also delineates how men believe they are justified in assuming or asserting that women journalists do not deserve the space they take up in journalism. The second form of stereotyping has to do with how ‘sex roles’ are defined. This informs what is taken as ‘good’ or ‘bad’ behaviour, measuring the appropriateness of what women should and should not be doing. It introduces the argument that even if women are capable of taking up certain jobs or tasks, they should not do it because of their gender (McElroy and Morrow, 1983, p. 11-13). In both forms of stereotyping, discrimination becomes deep-rooted and takes on a more institutionalised form, becoming a part of the organisational culture itself (Glick and Fiske, 2007; Stypinska and Turek, 2017). Martinko et al. (2007) found that the Attribution Theory has an impact on how leadership develops and is viewed. When women are stereotyped as inadequate or bad leaders, they hit an invisible glass ceiling that is completely irrelevant to their skills. Similarly, (Zheng and Jin, 2009) looked at how Attribution Theory affects leadership, in the context of attribution style, culture, biases, leadership techniques, and more.

LITERATURE REVIEW The literature on sexism and gender discrimination in the Pakistani media industry is not readily available. However, the research that exists, does not paint the industry in generous light. The issues discussed herein are not limited to Pakistan and can be observed in many regions around the world. In the context of the Australian news media, North (2012) surveyed 577 women journalists to expose the issues they face at their workplace. He found that gender bias is real, faced by a majority of the respondents, existing across all levels of seniority under review. The results were compared to a similar survey conducted 16 years earlier, with a juxtaposition delineating that little to no change was witnessed in the issues women journalists face. After a significant review of empirical research, Franks demonstrated that despite a large number of women opting for degrees in journalism, not many manage to reach newsrooms. The ones that do make it into the industry are instead stuck in ‘pink-ghettos’ (2013, p. 23), where they are forced to cover what are known as soft beats, considered appropriate for women. Even older women journalists are often excluded from important positions, effectively ensuring that the glass ceiling keeps women journalists confined to the script, written for them. The allotment of soft beats is an issue that female journalists face globally. North (2016) confirmed that these are handed down to them, not because they are better trained for the job, but simply due to their gender. This, in turn, leads to vertical segregation in newsrooms – a phenomenon which is observed around the world – resulting in women journalists being absent from decision-making roles. In another study focused on sports reporters, Franks, and O’Neill (2016) looked at the visibility of women journalists in the UK press covering sports. It also looked at whether the proportion of women journalists covering sports increased during the 2012 London Olympic Games. The research did a literal count of 62

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

by-lines by gender and found that the number of women covering sports in the UK is far smaller than many other countries – a trend that has shown no positive change over time. Indeed, there is no parity when it comes to career opportunities and growth for women journalists. Ross and Padovani interviewed female journalists to find what challenges they have to tackle in Europe. “If men and women occupy the same positions, the competences of the women are higher than the men… Men do not need to be that good,” the authors note (2016, p. 64). The work highlights, through the testimony of several female journalists, that the career opportunities, pay and growth for women are simply not the same as for men (See also Claudia et al., 2018). Further, women journalists often need to adjust to problematic behaviours in the field, including perilous stereotypes. Steiner went further and included foreign correspondents to the list of women who find it difficult working out of countries like Pakistan, where they have trouble reporting harassment and have to put up with toxic masculinity because they “don’t want to look like we’re weak, or whiners” (Steiner, 2017, p. 15). The dearth of women leaders in news media is also a genuine issue, resulting in serious problems for women journalists. Keeping this in mind, Heckman’s (2014) mixed-method study considered both a survey and interviews to examine digital news organisations in the US. The results show that despite a fast-changing ecosystem, sexism and discrimination against women journalists continue to be major problems. While women do have a somewhat higher chance of landing a leadership position, as opposed to traditional media, the positions mostly come from small outlets. In larger organisations, female leadership continues to be a question mark. Using the feminist standpoint theory, Elmore (2009) investigated the reasons that lead women journalists to quit their profession. The study found that despite exiting news media organisations, many women journalists continue to chase their profession through freelance work. Workplace discrimination, lack of work-life balance, and stunted careers push women journalists to leave careers that they find enjoyable yet not sustainable. More conversations are needed about gender discrimination, but unfortunately not many take place. Lobo et al. use qualitative data to look at the newsroom experiences of men and women. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 18 Portuguese journalists, both male and female. The responses showed that gender is personified and rejected in the industry. When it comes to gender-balance, some senior male journalists “never think about it” (2017, p. 6). On speaking up and speaking out, the study went onto note the thoughts of a 30-year-old female reporter: “it’s exceedingly difficult to be a woman with strong opinions because there are so few of them. They are frequently isolated and seen as insane” (2017, p. 21). In an example of how organizations do not do enough to support their women journalists, Henrichsen et al. (2015, p. 7) noted that digital safety is “not a gender-blind issue”. His research confirmed that despite the heightened risks to women journalists, the gender dimension is not always acknowledged. Genderbased hate speech is meant to silence, censor and intimidates female journalists. Organisations offer little or no support to women journalists when they come under such attacks. The reality is that without women journalists, the mainstream narrative becomes lopsided. A more balanced view of any topic or theme necessitates the participation of more women. Byerly (2013) noted that women’s contributions to the media profession are essential for real change in treating how issues are covered. Without females in the newsroom, the audience is missing out half of the population’s perspective on the prevalent issues. At present, even though many women have entered the field, there is little over one-tenth female representation in the Pakistani media industry. The numbers that have increased can in part be attributed to a rise in the number of women taking up space on-screen as anchors and hosts, which are jobs that they find easier to acquire (Dawn.com, 2019). Other estimates, such as that of Nusrat (2018) and Ahmed (2019) put female employment in the Pakistani media industry at less than 5%. The glass ceiling was a 63

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

genuine issue in the country. Ismail (2012) examined the print media industry in the context and noted that the number of women in the industry was low, the study highlighted that the women who decided to join the print media often find it hard to achieve higher positions and due incentives. The lack of women representation at the top results in sexism and under-representation. The industry is not particularly welcoming to women journalists. According to Ali and Nawaz (2017), female journalists are tackling the glass ceiling, male hegemony, harassment, and labour exploitation in the Pakistani news industry. Jamil (2020a, 2018, 2017a, 2017b, 2016, 2015, 2014) further noted that female journalists have to deal with financial threats because of job insecurity, low pay-scales, physical and psychological threats, social and emotional challenges, legal and digital dangers, and gender-specific risks such as discrimination and harassment. Since the media industry is male-dominated, men make most of the editorial judgments, just as they make the decisions about who should and should not be hired. Even when women journalists are hired, they are mostly asked to cover the typical beats about domestic violence, education, health, showbiz, and entertainment. Despite their contributions, female journalists are continuously expected to prove themselves and put in double efforts to earn due respect and achievement as compared to their male colleagues (Jamil, 2020a; Siraj and Hussain, 2017). In their discussion about the challenges faced by female journalists in Pakistan, Pasha and Saleem (2019) noted that despite a relatively increasing number of women joining the media industry, the numbers are still not high enough for them to account. The women that are present in the industry have to face gender-based discrimination and also have trouble balancing their work and family. Women journalists’ domestic and personal obligations may often hinder their ability to take on challenging stories. The lack of family support often results in a constrained career. Further, their family responsibilities are often exploited by their superiors at work as an excuse to hinder their professional advancement (Jamil, 2020a). Women journalists often have to face issues from all corners of the field they are navigating, from the audience, their colleagues, to even their sources. Iram (2017) studied the working conditions of female media professionals in Punjab. She noted that the industry puts women journalists at a disadvantage against their male colleagues, whom they find it difficult to communicate with. Their health is also affected because of the working environment. Furthermore, women journalists also have to face harassment from the public because of the nature of their job. Journalism industry is difficult for female journalists to navigate (Claudia et al., 2018). Iqbal and Iqbal (2017) pointed out the fact that women journalists are abused both on and off the field. The lack of safety is a serious threat, because of which female journalists at times opt to quit the field. The study highlighted a gamut of threats and abuse faced by female journalists, including physical intimidation, verbal abuse, threats of violence, public humiliation, and name-calling. The findings also show that only two percent of victims ever reported sexual harassment, while pressures from within the organisation they work in, is often a grave concern. Access to the right structures and institution is important. Women journalists are not present in abundance in local bodies such as press clubs and unions. Shabir (2012) discussed the barriers female journalists in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa had to face in his research paper. According to his study, out of 380 journalists registered with the Peshawar Press Club, only 16 (4.2%) were women. The research discovered that female journalists often faced problems because of their organisations, and sometimes during their commute from home to the workplace. He concluded that any woman who decides to stay in journalism as a professional does so at the cost of her safety. In Pakistan’s perspective, only last year, three massive online hate campaigns were observed against Marvi Sirmed, Gharidah Farooqi and Asma Shirazi. While the three women journalists continued to do 64

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

their jobs despite the risks, similar attacks on journalists without the same clout have the simple effect of them quitting their profession for their safety (DELEGATION: Dr. Shireen Mazari Assures CFWIJ of Swift Action against Online Trolls Targeting Women Journalists, 2019). What exacerbates the situation is that despite all these problems, women journalists are often unable to speak up – this is especially true in the case of sexual harassment. Jamil (2020) investigated the lived experiences of sexual harassment, threats, and discrimination. The study’s in-depth interviews and focus groups helped shed light on the magnitude of the problem. Bilal and Begum’s (2017) empirical study looked at how well the Protection against Harassment at Workplace Act, 2010 has been implemented. Their research reviewed the situation in the city of Karachi, and indicated that women journalists working in newspapers, agencies, and channels were not comfortable coming forward with the abuse they face at work. Over 43% of the organizations in the city do not have anti-Harassment Inquiry Committees. Furthermore, around 39% of the women sampled do not trust the committees that are setup. This lack of women’s representation contributed to harmful stereotypes in the news that is reported as well. Ullah et al. (2016) looked at the gender representation in Pakistani print media and found that gender stereotypes reinforce and perpetuate existing, often harmful, ideas. Yasmin et al. (2018) reached comparable results in their study. While women were overrepresented in media, their portrayal was extremely problematic when compared with that of men.

METHODOLOGY This study follows a sequential explanatory design, where quantitative data was collected for an aggregate view of the issue under discussion. It was accompanied by the assortment and analysis of qualitative data that was evaluated for an in-depth understanding of the problem under study. The sequence of methods deployed is as follows: during the first phase, after the research questions were formulated, we developed a survey that was used to collect quantitative data. The second phase revolved around collecting data from interviews. A methodological triangulation approach was used to put the two datasets together and research it from various perspectives. The mixed-method approach was chosen to help us build a more holistic picture of the issue. Following the dynamic approach, this study intended to produce a substantial and deep understanding of the issue. This also allowed us to create a contextualised outlook for the study results.

Research Questions This study aimed to investigate the following research questions. 1. 2. 3. 4.

Is gender-based discrimination a significant issue in the Pakistani news media industry? How many women journalists have experienced gender discrimination in the workplace? Does the glass ceiling exist in the local media industry? How are the experiences of women journalists different from their male colleagues in terms of the pay scale, career opportunities and beats? 5. What kinds of stereotypes exist in Pakistan’s news media industry? 6. Do we need female leadership in the country’s news media industry? 65

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

7. Do women journalists have stability in terms of their work-life balance? 8. Do women journalists quit their jobs, even the journalism profession due to discrimination? 9. Do the news media organizations offer effective policies to handle gender discrimination and harassment? 10. How comfortable are women journalists talking about harassment and discrimination?

Data Collection Methods Survey An inclusive survey was developed for this research and disseminated to women journalists working in print, digital and electronic media industry of Pakistan. The survey was kept anonymous and a doubleblind structure was followed so that the respondents could answer questions with complete honesty, free from any sort of privacy concerns. It was initially sent as a pilot study to 10 senior women journalists for their feedback, following that it was rolled out to the bigger sample after suggested changes. The survey questionnaire was disseminated to women journalists through different digital platforms, including WhatsApp – where it was sent to women-journalist specific groups, and Facebook – through which exclusive female journalists’ groups were accessed, and Email through which female journalists in person were approached for their consent, feedback and follow up.

Interview The qualitative data for this study was acquired through one-on-one interviews. The researchers conducted the interviews, both in person as well as remotely via Skype and on phone. Again, for the interviews, a questionnaire was first developed and vetted by the two senior researchers in the field.

Sampling This research required a specific sample population as the focus was on women journalists in the three main cities of Pakistan, i.e. Lahore, Karachi, and Islamabad. The sampling criteria, therefore, mandated a non-random purposive sampling approach. For quantitative data collection, the snowball sampling technique was followed to send a link to survey the journalists that were known to the research team, so that their responses could be recorded virtually. The quantitative data was gathered through a questionnaire-based survey in which we focused on women journalists from the three main cities of Pakistan, i.e. Karachi, Lahore, and Islamabad. Around 66 female journalists filled out the survey. The largest pool of the respondents came from Karachi, accounting for 47.5% of the sample, followed by Lahore with 29.7% and Islamabad with 22.8% respectively.

Criteria for Sample Selection In terms of the qualitative data, the journalists chosen were picked through a purposive, criterion sampling approach, based on their relevant background and professional experience.

66

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

1. For Example, we identified the number of years the respondents had been active in the group; we chose journalists who had between 2-3 years of experience, mid-career journalists with 3-6 years of experience, and senior women journalists who had been in the industry for 10 years or more. 2. Beats were also considered; we opted for journalists who had covered both hard and soft beats, alongside those who had only covered strong beats such as crimes, politics, forces and policy issues. This was done to ensure that we could understand how the experiences were different, if at all, for those covering different beats. 3. Women journalists were also chosen based on their reputation and publicly available information about them. For instance, we chose Tanzila Mazhar due to her experiences and complaint against sexual harassment. 4. We also tried to sample the women journalists from diverse media interfaces, so that digital, print, and electronic media were equally represented with their inclusion.

Data Validity Eventually, a methodological triangulation approach has been implemented for this research so that the multiple sources of data, which have been explored during the study, could be brought together to help build the larger context of the issue under investigation. This approach helped us maintain consistency in terms of both the surveys and the interviews. It also enabled us to identify existing behavioural patterns in the media industry and the core reasons for their existence. It aims to ultimately address and remove different prejudices, including the measurement, sampling, and procedural biases in the research.

FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS This study has produced highly sought-after data about how gender discrimination and sexism penetrate and prevail in the Pakistani news media industry. It also looks at how this phenomenon leads to the gender gap in the newsrooms, which is important because it can have a deeper impact on the narratives developed around important issues – the news that is produced can be skewed and distorted in the absence of balanced gender representation in the national media industry. This chapter used a sequential mixed method design to understand the experiences of women journalists in terms of gender-based discrimination and sexism in the news media industry. A combination of the quantitative and qualitative approach adopted in this study has helped build a vivid picture about the prevalence of the gender discrimination in media, besides shedding light on the first-hand experiences of the sampled female journalists in reality. The findings have been structured to provide data-based context for each research question that we investigated: The qualitative data was collected in the form of interviews. Around 10 women journalists were sampled for the interview based on a specific set of criteria. Four were based in Karachi, whereas three journalists were chosen from Lahore and Islamabad each. The questions revolved around the themes that have already been discussed and explored in the survey. The responses of some female journalists were recorded anonymously to ensure their privacy and security.

67

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

Figure 1. Breakdown of respondents’ locations

Demographics In terms of age, the largest pool of respondents i.e. 38.6% belonged to the 25-30-year group. This was followed by the 31-36-year group, which accounted for 27.1% of the respondents. Around 15.7% of the respondents belonged to the 37-45-year group. While 11.4% were aged 45 years or above. The smallest set of respondents, accounting for 7.1% of the sample, belonged to the 18-24-year age group. Figure 2. Breakdown of respondents’ age

We also looked at the different job roles that women journalists in our sample were able to take on during their career. From the responses collected, we found that around 53.5% of the sample had worked as sub-editors at some point in their careers, followed by reporters (40.8%), editors (33.8%), researchers (28.2%), and anchors (9.9%). Only 11.3% of the respondents had ever served as a section in-charge. The complete results can be viewed in Figure 3.

68

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

Figure 3. Breakdown of respondents’ job roles

Gender Discrimination: A Significant Issue Gender-based discrimination and sexism are indeed significant issues prevalent in typical Pakistani newsrooms. Although the profession has become more acceptable for women, the struggle to achieve parity in the newsroom continues. Our results showed that the issue of gender-based discrimination demonstrated itself in different forms. The experiences of the respondents helped us create a substantial understanding of how the problem manifests in newsrooms. Figure 4. Gender discrimination is a significant problem for Pakistani newsrooms

Survey result showed that an overwhelming number of women journalists (91.4%) believed that gender-based discrimination is a problem in Pakistani newsrooms. Equally alarming was the number of women (70%) who had experienced it themselves. Zahra and Hassan (2019)’s study also confirmed that while the families of women journalists often viewed their profession in a positive light, the dynamics of

69

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

Figure 5. A large majority of women journalists have experienced gender discrimination

the media industry had not changed much in Pakistan. North (2012) similarly confirmed that even after so many years, this issue had not moved forward in any meaningful capacity globally. Karachi-based senior journalist Sabin Agha has twenty years of work experience in the news industry. She underlined that gender discrimination is used to maintain the status quo, keeping men in positions of authority, and ensuring that women do not enter these spaces of power. Gender discrimination can be both blatant and subtle. It often undermines not just the work women journalists do, but also the kind of work they can take on. Islamabad-based Amel Ghani maintained that assignment allocation is sexist. “The newsrooms where I worked were very sexist in terms of the kind of beats that women were assigned and the sort of responsibilities that they were given,” she said, and noted that despite insisting she would not cover lifestyle, she was repeatedly assigned ‘softer’ lifestyle-related stories at the start of her career. Aroosa Shaukat, a Lahore-based journalist, has been in the industry since 2011. She highlighted that gender-based discrimination has existed since the beginning in one form or the other. “I was a political reporter focusing on very serious stories when news about Prime Minister Imran Khan’s marriage broke, it was assumed by the management of my news organisation that I would be interested to cover it. However, I refused to do the story,” she recalled. Being cast aside because of one’s gender does not only restrict women’s ability to ‘access’ the right social structures within a workplace, it can often be linked to their appearance as well (Hussain, 2013). At times, gender is used to attack women journalists and their abilities as well. Karachi-based senior journalist, Sadia* (name has been changed to protect the identity of the respondent) recollected that in times of fierce competition and crisis at work, she was labelled ‘bechari’ (translated: helpless) because she’s a woman. Being a woman easily becomes an insult. Discrimination does not always have to present itself in an obvious manner. It is also found in the subtle gestures such as being left out of meetings or plans that everyone else was a part of. Islamabad-based Annam Lodhi began her career in 2013. Over the years, she said she has faced sexism and discrimination on multiple occasions, but often it is hard to notice when it is happening. “When I started my career at a local TV channel, I was in my early 20s and I was told to work on the desk instead of going out in the field because ‘good’ girls do not go in front of the camera,” she elicited. Similarly, Tehreem Azeem, a Lahore-based journalist, who began her career in 2016, narrated her experience of working at a local TV channel. She said that her overall work experience was fine. However, being the only woman in the team’s evening shift automatically excluded her from most collective

70

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

activities. “The boys would have farewell parties, salary treats, or just dinners, and of course, I couldn’t join them. No one ever asked me to be a part of the plan because I was a woman. I would eat my dinner alone in the cafeteria because most of my teammates were smokers and weren’t comfortable smoking in front of me,” she said: From limiting the kind of work that women journalists want to do, to completely isolating them socially within a work environment, gender-discrimination restricts women in the media industry in innumerable ways. Zehra*, who is a reporter based in Karachi, said that media organisations often proudly mention their tradition of gender equality in hiring, but only do so for typical ceremonial posts, in reality. She recalled that one of her editors would repeatedly delay publishing her work, and when she asked why he had not assigned her anything new, “he said he got lazy and then proceeded to ask if I had to do any chores at home. He taunted me that since I had the stuff to do at home, I must have no time for challenging stories in the field.” The work culture in the media industry is such that it creates barriers for women (Ismail, 2012). “The field itself is also male-dominated. If you go to the press clubs or go to report somewhere, you find most men who enjoy a working relationship with each other, but women are usually not welcome in the field,” Amel said: One does not have to go to a club to feel unwelcome or isolated. Tehreem reveals that even after she changed her late shift, her exclusion from professional social life with her team members did not change. “I was not a part of any group at that point, neither here nor there. When our editor resigned, multiple groups gave him farewell parties and I was not asked to join even a single one.

Glass Ceiling in Pakistani Newsrooms The term glass ceiling is used to describe situations where women are unable to advance in their careers beyond a certain point because of their gender. She noted that the industry is slanted towards men, Sabin remarked: “Whether it is a newsroom or out in the field, men dominate, physically as well as in the decision-making process. And they want to exercise their dominance too.” When inquired about how true this was for their workplace, we found intimidating results in our Likert-scale question. More than half of the sample either agreed (24.3%) or strongly agreed (28.6%) with the statement. This dominance is manifested in several areas. It starts from the beats that are assigned to women, moves along to the opportunities that are available for them, and affects their overall growth in the industry. Karachi-based Lubna Jerar Naqvi has more than three decades of experience in the Pakistani media industry. “Current scenario discourages women journalists, especially the newcomers in the field. Seeing that not much progress has been made by senior women journalists simply discourage them,” Lubna explained. Islamabad-based former anchor, Tanzila Mazhar, maintained that the media industry does not celebrate its female journalists wholeheartedly. “Those considered accomplished are not truly acknowledged at any level of the media industry. This has an impact on new journalists who join the industry,” she remarked, identifying that the prevalent unjust attitudes towards female journalists, alongside the existing stereotypes, become barriers for new entrants. Mirza (2016) established that gender inequality and the

71

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

Figure 6. The glass ceiling and its prevalence in Pakistani newsrooms

glass ceiling are the gravest hindrances in the media industry of Pakistan. This study took an account of 30 women journalists and confirmed the findings of the current research.

Attainment of Challenging News Beats When asked if they could get harder beats easily if they asked for them, around 47.6% reported that it was not possible, while 52.4% said that it was. However, 57.1% reported that their male colleagues usually found it easier to get the beats they wanted. These findings were in line with the works of Franks (2013), North (2016), Ali and Nawaz (2017) and Ismail (2012), who also validated the notion that harder beats were more difficult for women journalists to opt for. Figure 7. The percentage of women journalists who believed they could get a harder beat if they asked for it

72

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

Figure 8. Journalists who believed their male colleagues can get harder beats easily

Fair Chances of Career Growth When it comes to opportunities, our research found that women journalists are confronting massive issues in the field. This unequal access to opportunities creates a hostile environment for many, one where they find it hard to thrive. Tanzila maintained that attitudes towards men and women are significantly different, and therefore so are the opportunities. “Sometimes, you want a beat or a story to cover, but you are not allowed to take it on. Other times, you don’t even have access to the people who are making such decisions,” she said. Sadia, another interviewee, spoke of a time when a former colleague told her not to risk her life by covering dangerous beats – a piece of advice offered to none of the men. This benevolent sexism is masked by supposed concern and care, often confusing the subject of its malevolence. “My female colleague generously offered that she could talk to my editor to help me get ‘safer’ work,” she recalled. Women journalists are expected to do specific beats that can be classified as ‘woman-friendly’. “A reporter will grow with any beat that they take on but restricting women to such beats limits their potential for professional growth,” Aroosa noted. Similarly, another interviewed journalist Sabin, confirmed that there is a dearth of women covering harder beats, and often she was the only woman reporting on stronger beats in her newsroom. Despite facing discrimination, she refused to accept it. “My beats have included crime, politics and defence; beats that are perceived to be too hard or masculine. This perception proved to be true because most of the time I would be the only woman reporting on such topics,” she shared. At times, even fighting back and refusing certain beats does not produce any meaningful result. Amel spoke about the implicit restrictions that are placed on women journalists. “When I was doing daily reporting, it was implied that we, as female reporters, do not or could not go into the field very often, even though we would go to the field for work as much as our male counterparts. Your confidence, your ability to report, and your ability to produce work get affected due to such discrimination,” she added. When asked if the career development opportunities were the same for women journalists as they were for their male counterparts, 55.9% of the respondents replied `No’. At times, when women journalists can find the right opportunities, their colleagues may be the ones to try and bring them down. Aroosa recalled a particularly troubling – yet commonplace – incident where a male colleague was driven to jealousy because she was chosen for a reporting tour by the US government. “He almost emailed the sponsors to ask them why I had been selected. Another senior male colleague had to step in and assured

73

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

Figure 9. Career opportunities are not the same for male and female journalists

me that it had been brought to his notice, and I should focus on my work. You need allies in the right place,” Aroosa commented. Career development can also be seen as something women do not genuinely need access to. “In 2015, when I was working in a newspaper, I was told I didn’t need to earn because my father was likely to support me. Later I was convinced that being unmarried meant I did not need the money either. Thus, when I asked for a raise – which I deserved – the response I received was one of ridicule,” Annam shared. Asking for a position as a reporter was deemed something impossible for Lahore-based former journalist Fatima Asad. It is despite the fact that she had been given the workload of three people in her office. Though she was assigned a desk job willingly, she was never considered capable enough to take on reporting. “When I did it free, no one said anything. But when I asked to be shifted permanently for reporting assignments, my editor refused.” These findings corroborated the work by Ross and Padovani (2016) whose Europe-focused study found a significant disparity between the careers that men can develop and the ones that women barely manage to sustain. Job insecurity and instability often lead women journalists to quit their profession, a finding confirmed by the results of Jamil’s past studies (2020a, 2018, 2017a, 2016, 2015a).

The Disparity in the Pay Scale Findings indicate that almost 60% of the respondents agreed or strongly agreed that men are paid more for the same jobs as compared to women. Despite her solid grip on print, electronic and digital media, Lubna reported that younger men with less experience than her, are often paid the same or more than her. “I have seen other women with enormous potential and splendid work being overlooked similarly without a reason,” she lamented. Fatima even went on to report that despite doing the work of three people, she was refused a pay raise at her workplace. She did not know of any male colleague, from either morning or evening shifts, who took on the kind of workload she was told to take care of. Zehra, an interviewee in this study, said that “even beats that have been allotted to you can be taken away if a man asks for it”. She further added, “my editor out of nowhere forced me to give up my beat to a newcomer. I was crying at that time and asking what was wrong with my work. He had no explanation to offer because there was none,” she remarked.

74

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

Figure 10. Men are often paid more than women for the same jobs in media

Women journalists can be side-lined despite their hard work. In Zehra’s case, she was constantly harassed, only because she was a woman. When she asked for a pay raise, she was told to take on reporting tasks on the side-lines for another section in the newspaper, or get a master’s degree, neither of which was a usual route suggested to her male colleagues. The ideas that they join media as professionals and work just as hard as their male peers are often ridiculed (Begum and Tahir, 2014).

Stereotypes in the News Media Industry There are several stereotypes that female journalists constantly have to tackle in the field. These not only hinder their professional responsibilities and the stories they want to cover but also affect their overall performance. From our sample, 47.8 percent women reported that they had been told their success as a journalist was owed to impartial treatment or favouritism at work. Findings suggested that women journalists were often expected to work twice as hard as their male colleagues to prove their worth, despite which they were unable to reach the same levels of success as men. Siraj and Hussain (2017) reported same comparable results in their study.

Workplace Expectations From Female Journalists In response to a similar question on workplace expectations, around 55.7% respondents either agreed or strongly agreed that they had to work harder than men to achieve success. Sabin, an interviewed journalist, underlined that stereotypes deeply affected women journalists. “Societal stereotyping of females affects their presence and acceptance as a productive force and their performance too,” she said. Tanzila, an interviewed journalist, said that “even though the number of women in media is on the rise, traditional media is not fair to female journalists”. She stated:

75

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

Figure 11. Stereotypical behaviour towards accomplished journalists

Figure 12. I have to work harder than my male counterparts to achieve the same level of success

There is discrimination within the hierarchies, no space for growth, and the general environment is a huge issue too. Women do want to join the media, but stereotypes often stop them from doing so, since traditional media is very tough for them to cope with. Lubna, another interviewee, reiterated that workplace stereotypes continue to prevail because the industry itself is in a rut. “We’re so comfortable with the existing structures that nobody wants to change. It is not that people do not like changes; it is just that it does not occur to them that we need to start a conversation between women and men to bring the ‘real change’. Aurat March (women’s procession on 8th March in Pakistan), for example, has become a big deal and I’ve been talking to several male colleagues who strongly oppose it,” she said. Women journalists are often told to work like men, “but no one ever acknowledges the privileges that men have to get things done. They can get on a bike and ride anywhere, but women have to look at ordering cars or pay a lot in terms of transport,” Zehra a female reporter lamented. Being told to be “tough like men” is, therefore, a meaningless statement because women are the ones facing harsher conditions

76

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

in the industry. Zehra also noted that Pakistani newsrooms deal with rampant casual sexism. “Women are used as the butt of many jokes,” she said and noted that women are pushed to smile and nod along, but men are not asked to change the attitude and behave appropriately. Women who opt for journalism, especially reporting, are to act like their male counterparts in the field, take on some of their traits such as changing their dressing style or adopt smoking and/or drinking, and find a way to wedge themselves into the ‘boys’ club’ that prevails in the industry. Poindexter et al. (2010) also noted that in male-dominated organisations, women are expected to behave like men to succeed. But doing so does not grant them much favour either, as this can result in them being judged as deviants as well.

Female Leadership: A Much-Needed Revolution In different spheres, female leadership can help pull women up. Seeing a woman achieve something big encourages other women to enter fields they previously felt were not inclusive enough for them to partake in. Given that the journalism profession is extremely male dominated, even a small proportion of women leaders has an impact on how women journalists navigate the industry. In the absence of safe spaces, journalists like Annam look for newsrooms that have feminist ideals and employ more women. “Only there I can feel safe,” she asserted. Sabin agreed with the idea and said that more inclusive newsrooms are needed, with more women in decision-making positions. She believed that senior women journalists should function as mentors to other female journalists. Tanzila, an interviewee in this study, was of the view that gender sensitisation is the need of the hour. “More conversations around gender issues are also important,” she maintained. Lubna had a similar view of what the solution should look like. However, she noted that the misogynist mindset, peppered into the industry in various forms, is a real problem. She believed that mere policy is not enough to create change. “There was an incident where a senior person was known to molest or harass women on his floor in a local media house. When I asked the young female journalists and media workers there, they would say, ‘He does this to everybody’ and I said ‘Listen! You should not be sitting and taking it. Why do not you speak up!’” she commented. Furthermore, a discourse is needed with the older journalists to help them understand the issues of the younger generation without judgement. “They are averse to things such as the #MeToo movement and dismiss it saying things were different in their times. Even women will tell you ‘oh we had it so much worse’ as though it is an excuse for younger journalists to endure the same or worse conditions silently,” Zehra (an interviewed journalist) noted. Our respondents agreed that the lack of female leadership is an issue worth addressing. Newsrooms would benefit from more women leaders – and a staggering 79.7% of the respondents believed so. Aroosa compared her time working in a male-dominated TV channel with that of her time in a womenled newspaper setup. “I see women in leadership roles here and I feel it certainly helps. It enables you to understand issues from a diverse perspective as opposed to a very mainstream narrative that is being built for years. Where there are women in leadership roles, you break stereotypes that are associated with every narrative,” she maintained. “Sometimes it involves minor things like washroom facilities or being more sympathetic towards your colleagues. A lot of my female colleagues had babies and I could see the male colleagues being more considerate in the setup headed by a female. You witnessed a camaraderie and that was a pleasant change from other places where such inclusivity was missing,” she added. Fatima, an interviewed journalist in this study, said that she would not have quit journalism if her mentor had not quit. “She was the person 77

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

Figure 13. Majority of respondents believe that their workplace needs female leadership

who trained me and gave me a lot of encouragement and support. She was the one who told me I could do good reports. She helped me realise how much I cared about reporting,” she recalled. With respect to this, Ricchiardi (2012)’s study reported that within the Pakistan’s news industry two of 50 top positions were held by women. The numbers were no better at middle or senior management positions, where women accounted for 16.7% and 13.8% of the positions, respectively.

The Missing Work-Life Balance For many women, a career in the news industry requires tremendous sacrifice. From the late working hours to the demanding nature of the job, there are several aspects of the industry that can negatively affect a woman’s work-life balance. Unfortunately, newsrooms do little to remedy the issue. Figure 14. New mothers do not always get proper support

78

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

For instance, we asked our survey respondents whether the work environment in their newsroom was supportive of mothers and if their jobs would be secured if they went on maternity leave, around 24.2% strongly agreed, 25.8% agreed, whereas only 6.1% of the pool strongly disagreed, and 12.1% disagreed. Almost a third of the sample, i.e. 31.8% remained neutral on the issue. “I can recall one instance where a former colleague had a baby and after she returned, she asked for a day-care. Even though a small spot was found within the office, and she was willing to bring in the staff and resources for space herself, management did not allow the day-care setup. Consequently, she resigned within a month even though she was a valuable senior resource of the company,” Aroosa, an interviewed journalist explained. Fatima asserted that work-life balance is hard to achieve for both men and women because of the culture of the industry. “The field is demanding,” she noted, and added that for women, “it depends on how lucky you are in terms of your in-laws, spouse or family to get the required support system. If your family is callous, then it will be difficult.” On the other hand, Lubna (an interviewed journalist) believed that women are generally great multitaskers and do not just juggle life and work, but society and family as well. “Many women do too much trying to excel in everything and may feel overwhelmed. No one tells them - and they won’t believe it they are told - that they make this tough job look easy,” she said. Despite this, she noted that newsrooms do not do much to help. “If a woman journalist is lucky, she might have a supportive boss or a colleague, otherwise they have to find their rhythm,” she added. It comes down to the numbers. Annam, another interviewed journalist, explained that the criterion is not the same for men and women in the industry. “Women do the same amount of work but do not get paid the same. At home, they have to put in more effort while men relax,” she said. She also noted that women journalists find it difficult to balance things because of increased pressure at work. “They can’t even ask for leaves or to leave early because they are always being scrutinised,” she said. “However, I would say that the pressure is not the same for everyone. The amount of support or privilege you have makes a difference,” she added. Elmore (2009) reported similar findings. Pasha and Saleem (2019)’s results confirmed it further that troubling balancing work and family causes women journalists to quit their jobs. Conventionally, superiors use family responsibilities to put women journalists at a disadvantage. Gender discrimination has a harsh impact on women who are entering the field. “There is already a preconceived notion that media is a difficult or inaccessible field for women, and if you don’t have a certain amount of privilege, the field just becomes harder,” Zehra (an interviewed journalist) said. Work-life balance is an issue because the industry does not work in a woman-friendly manner. “Your largest issue is that of commute. Where I used to work, the official transport services would start around midnight,” she said, and noted that women either had to put themselves into a difficult situation at home or forgo the facility. Zehra said that “there were times when some male reporters, picked on the way, were intoxicated, and created a difficult and often risky situation for the women on board”. She further recalled, “because of the route, I would be dropped at the end of the journey, which means that I usually reached home after 1 a.m. Eventually, I quit using the official transport”.

When the Only Choice Is to Quit Journalism Although 77.1% of our sample reported that they had never quit a job because of gender-based discrimination, a significant number (62.9%) said they knew a woman journalist who resigned due to the same. This finding falls in line with the third-person effect theory (Perloff, 1999), where a person dissociates themselves from a situation but believes it has a greater impact on those they know. 79

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

Figure 15. Most women journalists reported never quitting because of discrimination

Figure 16. A majority of women journalists knew someone who had quit because of discrimination

Further, the interviews revealed that gender discrimination can become a significant enough issue for some women to quit the field entirely. Many factors triggered women and forced them to bid farewell to the industry. Aroosa, an interviewee said: The condition that you are not supposed to grow personally along with your professional experience makes women quit. Besides, if you are in a situation where you are forced to choose between your family and your career, women will often have no choice. Tanzila, an interviewee, was of the view that younger journalists who enter the field witness what has become of their seniors and often get demotivated because of unfair treatment. Lubna, another interviewee, echoed the thought, said that the onus lies on the senior female journalists to bring the needed change in the media industry. Given that the journalism field is not particularly welcoming for women, even when they make up a substantial part of media and journalism classrooms in universities, many female media students opt to forgo entering newsrooms. The ones that do opt for it, have been known to quit their careers sooner or later, because of the multiple issues they face in the industry; just as Fatima quit her journalism because of the pressures she faced. With no support system in place to help her

80

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

continue her profession as a journalist, she fell into anxiety and depression and quit. Despite this, she stills thinks of stories that she wants to produce. She shared that if her female mentor had stayed at their workplace, she might still be in the field. Ross (2001) also reported that female journalists believed that more women in decision-making positions would make the industry friendlier and safer.

Organizational Failures in Combating Gender Discrimination How strong an organisation’s response is to gender-based discrimination is heavily dependent on how strong its policies are. Figure 17. Workplace policies on gender discrimination

Only 41.4% of our survey respondents said their workplaces had strong policies in place to deal with gender-based discrimination. It is troubling to note that 27.1% had no idea whether a policy existed or not. Organisations must go beyond, as simply having a policy is not enough, it also needs to be implemented with effectiveness and efficiency. Lubna (an interviewee) said: Organisations should invest in female journalists. “We need to have an HR department that genuinely thinks about bringing up and elevating women in a way that allows them to have equal pay-scale and opportunities. Zehra, another interviewee, believed that media organisations need to create systems and arrange facilities which can take the maximum advantage of the skills of female journalists and simultaneously retain them in the media industry. “Some minor initiatives such as flexible, convenient shift timings and official transport facilities can go a long way,” she said. These results confirmed the findings of Bilal and Begum (2017), who found that over 43% organizations in Karachi had no committees to tackle harassment. Moreover, over 39% of their sample of women journalists did not trust the existing committees enough to approach them.

81

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

Sexism and Harassment Sexual harassment is another relevant and critical concern. Women journalists are subjected to sexual harassment from various sources. They are at the receiving end of unsolicited advances from their male colleagues, their sources, and even their audience. While many ignore harassment from strangers within their audience, it is extremely difficult to tackle harassers when they are your own sources and colleagues. Offending a source heavily affects the work women journalists are doing, and highlighting harassment from the men they work with, can prove to be risky as well. Figure 18. Percentage of women journalists comfortable with discussing gender discrimination

Hussain (2019) discussed the media environment in the Sindh province of Pakistan. She noted that even when women faced harassment, many chose to stay quiet. This is mainly because of the response that speaking up usually gets. Figure 19. Percentage of women journalists who reported gender-based harassment

82

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

Our survey discovered that while 68.6% of our respondents were comfortable discussing or bringing to attention the issue of gender-based harassment in their workplaces, around 65.3% had never reported it to their superiors or the HR department. This points towards a lack of faith in organisational response and policies. Women journalists are comfortable discussing gender discrimination with their colleagues but are not particularly comfortable making an official report. Lobo et al. (2017) reported similar results where men did not think to discuss the issue and women found it difficult to bring it up, because doing so made them feel isolated, crazy and troublemakers. Figure 20. Perceptions of sexual harassment at the workplace

Responding to the question regarding how seriously sexual harassment was taken at their workplace, 27.1% of the respondents reported that it was taken ‘Very Seriously’, and another 28.6% agreed that it was taken ‘Seriously’. Over 22.9% of the sample remained ‘Neutral’, while 18.6% reported that the issue was ignored. The remaining 2.9% respondents said that it was completely ignored. Despite this result, this study’s qualitative data revealed a culture of silence around the issue, negating the high percentage of results we collected through surveys that made it appear as though the issue was taken seriously. For women journalists, the sources of sexual harassment are varied. Amel, an interviewed journalist suggested: As a female reporter the kind of harassment you get to face in the field is varied, usually your sources harass you, you receive late-night messages because as a reporter it is your job to put yourself out there in the public, make contacts and do networking to get information and report stories. That also has a significant impact on your ability and confidence with which you perform your job. Iram (2017) similarly noted that women journalists in Punjab have a challenging time because of patriarchal attitudes within the workplace. They find it hard to communicate with their male colleagues. Safety itself is a large concern for women journalists. Iqbal and Iqbal (2017)’s work confirmed these findings that women journalists are not comfortable with reporting any kind of discrimination or threat on work.

83

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

Sexual harassment that is instigated by colleagues or superiors is also a genuine issue. Tanzila, an interviewee, had been at the forefront of the problem because she was one of the few women journalists who took a stand against it. But she was blacklisted in reward. “I tried to stay in the field while fighting the status quo, but when I took my case to the public and legal forums, it made it difficult for me to stay in the media. Even though I am still a journalist, I must work as a freelancer because mainstream media refused to allow me to resume the field,” she said. “It’s been a tough journey; however, I have no regrets despite my traumatic experience. The only thing that bothers me is that I am a bad precedent for other female journalists who may not come forward after they learn what has happened to me,” she added, and highlighted that she has continued to fight back so that others may speak up against harassment Tehreem, another interviewee, recalled how one of her editors had the tell-tale signs of a harasser. “He would come and sit with me when he saw me alone and started one weird conversation or the other. Once I went to his office to pitch a story about a woman who used WhatsApp all night and day and ended up with a pain in her wrist. He responded by telling me about the men working in cold offices that can harm their semen,” she shared. She was later fired from her job due to her complaint against the editor, but the experience left her disturbed and she swore off media jobs for around four years. Both survey and interviews data also discovered that the issue is not taken seriously in many workplaces. Shabir (2012)’s work also notes that organisations themselves become hurdles for women journalists. Where the policies do exist, their implementation can be a big challenge. In some cases, it is not the immediate superior who is the problem, but the human resource department itself creates hurdles. In Tehreem’s case, as mentioned above, the difficult organisational culture was connected more to the elements outside the newsroom. The human resource department, for instance, was a major hurdle. When she publicly posted about a former colleague who had sent her disgusting messages, she got a call from the human resource (HR) department asking her to take her post down. She was bluntly told that no formal action would be taken against her harasser. “Not only in the newsroom, but women are also needed to be extensively hired in human resource and administration departments. Though my editor was personally a nice man, the staff in HR were simply terrible. The HR head himself would make comments about women and their appearances and no one could say anything to him,” she said, and noted that because the department had a majority of men, women were never willing to bring up harassment issues to them to address. Lubna, an interviewee in this study, felt that women journalists choose to stay silent because they already have multiple pressures from their families owing to the bad reputation of the media industry for females. “They are rightly concerned that if they say anything about their office-related issues, their families will push them to quit. They also do not want to malign their reputation as a female,” she explained. What is needed is that the human resource department should step up in such cases and make sure that when someone is hired, they should be briefed about their rights as well as responsibilities, and more importantly, regarding the organisational policies that are in place to protect everyone. (Lubna’s statement during interview) All these issues can be effectively managed with strong organisational policies. Unfortunately, in Pakistan, women journalists do not often find a conducive working environment in media organization mainly due to male-dominated patriarchal culture. Only a few organisations have effective policies that address gender discrimination and harassment efficiently. As this study reported, only 41.8% of our survey respondents said that their workplaces have strong policies to tackle harassment. 84

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

Overall, the Pakistani media industry needs to challenge the existing, discriminated, and biased organisational culture to change the sexist practices. McElroy and Morrow (1983)’s Attribution Theory of Sex Discrimination has been on point when it comes to the findings of this study. As previously discussed, women in the industry do not find it easy to thrive in some of the roles they would like to take up because they are seen as traditionally belonging to men. Stereotyping continues to be a significant issue for the industry. Using women’s sex characteristics, they are told they cannot do certain beats, and that their growth and pays are not needed because their jobs are not as important as their male counterparts. In cases where women try to break this mould, they face immediate and severe opposition. The gender-loaded lens that is used to view men and women ensures that both men and women in the industry continue to believe that women have no place within it (Harvey, 2006). Women are informed of what behaviour they must emulate as a price for their space in the industry, and in many cases, they oblige by producing the behaviours required. Ironically, the same women leaders who are viewed as bad leaders under the Attribution Theory, are the ones that can help resolve the multiple issues that the media industry faces. But first, the glass ceiling needs to break.

CONCLUSION This research chapter gives a unique and dynamic perspective to view gender-based discrimination and sexism from quantitative as well as qualitative angles in Pakistan’s news media industry. It has provided reliable data regarding the various forms and levels of gender discrimination and harassment prevalent in the local media industry alongside an overview of its implications on the industry itself. This is a subject which is often ignored and avoided to be discussed as often as it should be, thus this research chapter is a humble initiative to raise the issue from the victims’ angle and thereby contribute to the existing literature on the theme in the global arena of research. We recorded the experiences of 102 women journalists through an online structured survey, of which 10 were sampled for interviews to help us develop a deeper understanding of what the discrimination looks like – in its overt and covert forms. The issue has a deep impact on how women journalists navigate the media industry in Pakistan. They already make up a tiny portion of the pool of journalists that the country has at its disposal, and current industry practices create obvious barriers against upcoming journalists intending to join. Furthermore, some female journalists quit because of the maltreatment and forced to opt for other professions. This trend is harmful because it perpetuates the already significant gender slant that the media industry is facing when it comes to narratives. This study suggests that women journalists have to essentially mould themselves to adjust in the industry and not the other way around. In a male-dominated space, it is not surprising that taking up or reclaiming space is extremely difficult. Earlier studies have looked at the qualitative experiences of female journalists facing gender-based harassment or focused on a specific medium. Our research, on the other hand, looked at the experiences of women journalists in three major cities of the country, based in three different media platforms including print, electronic and digital media. While we attempted to investigate how the issue impacts women journalists, we were unable to delve into the issue of work-life balance in an exclusive manner. The studies that are undertaken on the subject in the future can examine the diverse pressures that women face when their personal lives are also thrown into a rut in their professional quest, and they are made to choose one against the other for their survival.

85

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

REFERENCES Ahmed, A. (2019). Journalism in Pakistan: A Risky Profession. Academic Track Reader, 144. Ali, S., & Nawaz, F. (2017). The Prospects and Challenges in Journalism as a Career: Exploring the Attitude of Female Journalists in Punjab. Global Media Journal: Pakistan Edition, 10(1). Begum, S. M., & Tahir, S. N. (2014). Women Journalists in Electronic Media: An Analysis of Working Conditions of Karachi based News Channel. Journal of Mass Communication Department, Dept. of Mass Communication, University of Karachi, 11. Bilal, N., & Begum, S. M. (2017). The cases of Harassment and The performance of anti-harassment inquiry committee in news outlets: A survey of Karachi based news media. Journal of Mass Communication Department, Dept of Mass Communication, University of Karachi, 16. Byerly, C. M. (2013). Factors affecting the status of women journalists: A structural analysis. In The Palgrave international handbook of women and journalism (pp. 11-23). Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1057/9781137273246_2 Claudia, L., Carolina, A. T., Santos, M., & Jamil, S. (2018). Introduction to Dossier Journalism and Gender: Yes, this is Subversive. British Journalism Review, 14(1), 1–6. Dawn.com. (2019, November 14). Female journalists call upon male counterparts to highlight challenges faced by women in news industry. Retrieved from https://www.dawn.com/news/1516660 Elmore, C. (2009). Turning points and turnover among female journalists: Communicating resistance and repression. Women’s Studies in Communication, 32(2), 232–254. doi:10.1080/07491409.2009.10162388 Franks, S. (2013). Women and journalism. Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism. doi:10.5040/9780755694501 Franks, S., & O’Neill, D. (2016). Women reporting sport: Still a man’s game? Journalism, 17(4), 474–492. doi:10.1177/1464884914561573 Glick, P., & Fiske, S. T. (2007). Sex discrimination: The psychological approach. In F. J. Crosby, M. S. Stockdale, & S. A. Ropp (Eds.), Sex discrimination in the workplace: Multidisciplinary perspectives (pp. 155–187). Blackwell Publishing. Hafeez, E. (2014). Cyber Harassment and its Implications on Youth in Pakistan. New Horizons, 8(2), 29–48. Harvey, N. P. (2006). Justification of Unethical Behaviour: An Attributional Perspective. Retrieved from http://purl.flvc.org/fsu/fd/FSU_migr_etd-4599 Heckman, M. (2014). Where the women are: Measuring female leadership in the new journalism ecology. Northeastern University. Henrichsen, J. R., Betz, M., & Lisosky, J. M. (2015). Building digital safety for journalism: A survey of selected issues. UNESCO Publishing.

86

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

Huda, A. R., & Ali, R. A. (2015). Portrayal of women in Pakistani media. International Journal of Academic Research and Reflection, 3(1), 12–18. Hussain, F. (2019). Gender Discrimination in Media as Workplace: A Study of Media Environment in Sindh. Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies, 18(1), 23–42. doi:10.46568/pjgs.v18i1.23 Hussain, M. S. (2013). Women in media face discrimination; a critical study on the issues of Pakistani female journalists. In Paper Proceedings (p. 83). Academic Press. Iqbal, I., & Iqbal, A. (2017). The Harassment and the Violence against the Female Journalists of Pakistan. Proceedings of the World Conference on Media and Mass Communication, 2(1), 30-44. 10.17501/ medcom.2017.2104 Iram, A. (2017). Working Condition of Female Media Professionals in Punjab: A Case Study of Rawalpindi, Lahore, Multan (Doctoral dissertation). Ismail, U. (2012). Concept of “glass ceiling” in the print media of Pakistan. The Journal of the South East Asia Research Centre, 2, 69–77. Jamil, S. (2014). Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom: Journalists’ Understandings and Practices in Pakistan. In C. Schimdt (Ed.), Pakistan’s Media Landscape: The Effects of Liberalization (pp. 46–85). Deutsche Welle Akademie. Jamil, S. (2015a). Understandings and Practices of Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom in Pakistan: Ethnography of Karachi Journalistic Environment (PhD Thesis). University of Queensland, Australia. Retrieved from: https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/43362662.pdf Jamil, S. (2015b). Journalists’ concepts of freedom of expression and press freedom in Pakistan. Journal of Transnational Worlds of Power: Proliferation of Journalism & Professional Standards, 1(1), 101–132. Jamil, S. (2016). Journalism practice and freedom of expression: Challenges and constraints in Pakistan. In B. Lippe & R. Ottosen (Eds.), Gendering War and Peace Reporting: Some Insights – Some Missing Links. Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2017a). Freedom of expression and journalists’ safety: An analysis of conflict reporting and peace journalism education in Pakistan. Journal of the Association of Journalism Education, 6(2), 7–16. Jamil, S. (2017b). Freedom under pressure? Threats to journalists’ safety in Pakistan. In U. Carlsson & R. Poyhtari (Eds.), Assault on Journalism (pp. 323–329). Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2018). Safety threats, impunity and professionalism: Journalists’ dilemma in Pakistan. Journal of Sociology and Anthropology, 6(7), 571–578. doi:10.13189a.2018.060702 Jamil, S. (2018). Freedom of expression and threats to journalists’ safety: An analysis of conflict reporting in journalism education in Pakistan. Journalism, 6(2). Jamil, S. (2019a). Culture of Impunity and Safety of Journalists: Is Safe Journalism a Distant Dream in Pakistan? World of Media – Journal of Russian Media and Journalism Studies, 1, 48-64. doi:10.30547/ worldofmedia.1.2019.3

87

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

Jamil, S. (2019b). The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety. IGI Global. Jamil, S. (2020a). Suffering in Silence: The resilience of Pakistan’s female journalists to combat sexual harassment and discrimination. Journalism Practice, 14(2), 150–170. doi:10.1080/17512786.2020.17 25599 Jamil, S. (2020b). Red lines of journalism: Digital surveillance, safety risks and journalists’ self-censorship in Pakistan. In I. F. Anna & K. Roy (Eds.), Journalist Safety and Self-Censorship (pp. 29–46). Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780367810139-3 Lobo, P., Silveirinha, M. J., Torres da Silva, M., & Subtil, F. (2017). “In Journalism, We Are All Men” Material voices in the production of gender meanings. Journalism Studies, 18(9), 1148–1166. doi:10.1 080/1461670X.2015.1111161 Martinko, M. J., Harvey, P., & Douglas, S. C. (2007). The role, function, and contribution of attribution theory to leadership: A review. The Leadership Quarterly, 18(6), 561–585. doi:10.1016/j.leaqua.2007.09.004 McElroy, J. C., & Morrow, P. C. (1983). An attribution theory of sex discrimination. Personnel Review, 12(4), 11–13. doi:10.1108/eb055485 Mirza, Z. K. (2016). Gender Disparity in Pakistani Media Organizations in the Digital Age. PEOPLE. The International Journal of Social Sciences (Islamabad), 2(3). North, L. (2012). ‘Blokey’ newsrooms still a battleground for female journalists. Newsrooms Still a Battleground for Female Journalists (December 10, 2012). Australian Journalism Review, 34(2). North, L. (2016). The Gender of “soft” and “hard” news: Female journalists’ views on gendered story allocations. Journalism Studies, 17(3), 356–373. doi:10.1080/1461670X.2014.987551 Nusrat, R. (2018, July 14). The Challenges of Pakistan’s Female Journalists. The Diplomat. Retrieved from https://thediplomat.com/2018/07/the-challenges-of-pakistans-female-journalists/ Pasha, S. A., & Saleem, N. (2019). Investigating the challenges faced by women journalist in Islamic societies: A case study of Islamic republic of Pakistan. Al-Qalam, 23(2), 24–43. Perloff, R. M. (1999). The third person effect. Media Psychology, 1(4), 353–378. doi:10.12071532785xmep0104_4 Poindexter, P., Meraz, S., & Weiss, A. S. (2010). Women, men, and news: Divided and disconnected in the news media landscape. Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780203877272 Qamar, A., Manzoor, S., & Shahzadi, M. A. I. (2020). Problems of Working Journalists in Pakistan. SJESR, 3(2), 267-277. Ricchiardi, S. (2012, July). Challenges for independent news media in Pakistan. Washington, DC: Centre for International Media Assistance. Retrieved from: https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/ Challenges%20for%20Independent%20News%20Media%20in%20Pakistan_Ricchiardi.pdf Ross, K. (2001). Women at work: Journalism as en-gendered practice. Journalism Studies, 2(4), 531–544. doi:10.1080/14616700120086404

88

 Sexism and Gender Discrimination in Pakistan’s Mainstream News Media

Ross, K., & Padovani, C. (Eds.). (2016). Gender equality and the media: A challenge for Europe. Routledge. doi:10.4324/9781315709024 Sakha, T., & Shah, N. A. (2019). Challenges faced by women in journalism: An analytical case study of situation in Pakistan. Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies, 26(2). Shabir, G. (2012, May). Pakhtunkhwa: A problems of female working journalists in Khyber case study in Peshawar City-Pakistan. International Conference on Communication, Media, Technology and Design. Siraj, S. A., & Hussain, S. (2017). Critical Analysis of Journalistic Autonomy in Pakistan. FWU Journal of Social Sciences, 11(1), 106. Steiner, L. (2017). Women war reporters’ resistance and silence in the face of sexism and sexual violence. Media & Journalism, 17(30), 11–26. doi:10.14195/2183-5462_30_1 Stypinska, J., & Turek, K. (2017). Hard and soft age discrimination: The dual nature of workplace discrimination. European Journal of Ageing, 14(1), 49–61. doi:10.100710433-016-0407-y PMID:28804394 Ullah, H., Khan, A. N., Khan, H. N., & Ibrahim, A. (2016). Gender representation in Pakistani print media-a critical analysis. Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies, 12(1), 53–70. doi:10.46568/pjgs.v12i1.199 Yasmin, M., Masso, I. C., Bukhari, N. H., & Aboubakar, M. (2019). Thespians in print: Gender portrayal in Pakistani English print media. Cogent Arts & Humanities, 6(1), 1661647. doi:10.1080/23311983.2 019.1661647 Zahra, A., & Ul Hassan, T. (2019). Women in Pakistani media: A Feminist Perspective. Academic Press. Zheng, J. J., & Jin, S. H. (2009). A Commentary on the Research of Attribution Theory in Leadership. Xinli Kexue Jinzhan, 17(02), 432–441. Zia, A., Batool, S., & Yasin, Z. (2016). Women Harassment at Workplace: A Study of Pakistani Television Channels. Global Media Journal: Pakistan Edition, 9(1), 5.

89

90

Chapter 6

Health and Safety Risks to Journalists During Pandemics Sayyed Fawad Ali Shah Jacksonville State University, USA Faizullah Jan University of Peshawar, Pakistan Muhammad Ittefaq University of Kansas, USA

ABSTRACT Journalists play a critical role in the dissemination of health information to the public. This chapter explores the challenges created by COVID-19 for journalists in Pakistan. It also examines how the pandemic has shed light on the disparities and safety risks in the Pakistani journalism and exposed fault lines in journalism practices in the country. The authors randomly selected 50 profiles of journalists from the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan and analyzed the publicly available posts they created or shared on their profiles (n= 823). They found that the journalists were mainly concerned about their own well-being and the well-being of their families. They received threats for covering COVID-19 related stories. They were not trained enough to cover a health crisis like COVID-19, and therefore, a majority of the journalists did not follow standard operating procedures outlined by the Government of Pakistan. They suggest that the Government of Pakistan view these journalists as essential workers and frame precautions from healthcare organizations.

INTRODUCTION Journalists play a critical role in creating awareness about pandemics and infectious diseases. For instance, journalists played a pivotal role in creating awareness about SARS, H1N1 influenza or “swine flu” pandemics. Therefore, it becomes all the more significant for journalists to stay reliable and credible sources of information. During these times of crises and high risk, the role journalists play is not DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch006

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 Health and Safety Risks to Journalists During Pandemics

only appreciated but their practices also come under scrutiny, as some segments of the society such as medical experts accuse them of misreporting or creating sensationalism (Vercellesi et al., 2010). Past research has mostly focused on journalistic practices during pandemics in the western countries (Holland & Blood, 2012; Holland, Sweet, Blood, & Fogarty, 2014; Hooker, King, & Leask, 2012; Sweet, Holland, & Blood, 2012), there is a lack of research on the influence of pandemics or health crises on journalistic practices in the emerging democracies of the Global South. This study aims to fill this gap by exploring the challenges created by COVID-19 for journalists in Pakistan and how the pandemic has shed light on the disparities and safety risks in the Pakistani journalism and exposed fault lines in journalism practices in the country.

LITERATURE REVIEW Journalism and Pandemics During health crises and pandemics, one of the main challenges for journalists is to keep themselves safe while at the same time keep the public informed (Leask, Hooker, & King, 2010). According to the Global Investigative Journalism Network (GIJN), 64 journalists died due to COVID-19 in 24 countries by May 5, 2020 (Philp, 2020). The current pandemic (COVID-19) has created a more complex set of challenges for journalists compared to the past pandemics. Since the beginning of the COVID-19 outbreak, scholars have explored several aspects of the impact of pandemic on journalistic practices (e.g., Boberg, Quandt, Schatto-Eckrodt, & Frischlich, 2020; Dunwoody, 2020; Fowler-Watt et al., 2020; Lewis, 2020; Niblock, 2020; Olsen, Pickard, & Westlund, 2020; Zhao, 2020) However, most of the work has focused on the West while emerging democracies of the Global South such as Pakistan have received less attention. One of the biggest challenges journalists face while covering the pandemic is fake and misleading content on the Internet, which the World Health Organization (WHO) has named as “pandemic of infodemic” (Niblock, 2020, p. 1). During the age of misinformation, journalists not only need to deliver reliable and up-to-date information but also have to debunk fake/misinformation to win and sustain public trust on journalists (Natividad, 2020). Journalists are expected to fact-check information presented by sources and make sense of that information for the readers/audiences by presenting it in an easy to understand style (Niblock, 2020). Similarly, finding accurate and timely data to inform the public is another problem journalists are facing in several countries. Journalistic organizations, mostly from the West, have created online resources to help other journalists tackle misinformation (e.g., Knight Science Journalism, 2020). The current health crisis has also created financial challenges for journalists with a potential impact on journalistic practices. Journalists are facing a lack of funding and the possibility of decrease in their salaries because revenues of media organizations have also depleted. For example, the sales of newspapers declined as people feared contracting COVID-19 from touching newspapers (Sweney, 2020). The subscription-based model has been slow in generating revenues. Especially, local media are running out of business. More than 200 news related organizations worldwide laid off their workers. By April 2020, around 36,000 workers at different news outlets lost their jobs or had their positions reduced due to the outbreak (McCluskey, 2020, paragraph, 1). Freelance journalists are the hardest hit population among the journalistic community. For instance, Poynter Institute, in a recent study, observed that freelance journalists were not only hugely unemployed but also underpaid during COVID-19 pandemic. Though

91

 Health and Safety Risks to Journalists During Pandemics

several organizations such as Facebook have announced financial support for journalists, the pandemic has financially impacted journalists, especially the freelancers. Pandemics also create ethical challenges for journalists such as dealing with conflict of interests (Holland et al., 2014). COVID-19 is a case point. Scholars and journalists are debating different ways of ethically and accurately covering the current pandemic. Kojah (2020) suggested ethical considerations to cover coronavirus such as “abandoning the thrill of breaking the story, respecting sources’ confidentiality, verifying data, and reporting hate speech and racism” (paragraph, 1-4). These challenges have implications for the mental health of journalists. They are working under constant pressure and new routines have created more stress among them. In the Western countries, several organizations are helping journalists to cope with this stress by providing free resources. For instance, the Poynter Institute has developed guidelines/strategies for journalists on how to fight stress related to corona coverage. Some of the strategies the Poynter Institute recommends are “be nice to yourself, get enough sleep, normalize the situation, and talk to [your] loved ones” (Tompkins & Tompkins, 2020, paragraph, 5-12). Journalists in several countries are facing safety concerns and freedom issues. For example, several countries are censoring journalists’ coverage of coronavirus and arresting them for not following the guidelines provided by their respective governments for the coverage of COVID-19 (Wahl-Jorgensen et al., 2020). Most of the literature discussed in this section is focused on journalistic practices in the Western countries. There is a scarcity of research on journalistic practices in the emerging democracies of Global South during pandemics. Our study aims to add to the literature by exploring the challenges created by COVID-19 for journalists in Pakistan and how the pandemic has shed light on the disparities and safety risks in the Pakistani journalism and exposed fault lines in journalism practices in the country.

Media System in Pakistan: Challenges and Prospects In this section, we provide an overview of the media in Pakistan and the challenges faced by the local journalists. Journalists working in Pakistan, especially those from the peripheries, are not only newsmakers, they also play the role of opinion leaders in their respective communities through their interpersonal interactions as well as through the information they share via social media. However, they operate in a difficult environment facing financial, political, security, and social problems (Jamil, 2020a, 2020b, 2017a, 2016, 2015). For example, they get low salaries from their employers and have no job security (Dickinson & Memon, 2012; Jamil, 2017b; Shah, Ginossar, & Weiss, 2019). They also do not get health or medical insurance from their organizations (Pintak & Nazir, 2013). They are required to cover any event or issue assigned by their editors—in many cases in total disregard for their material conditions. Already, due to the ongoing “war on terror” these journalists work under continuous threat from the State and non-State actors (Jamil, 2019b, 2018, 2019b). COVID-19 made Pakistan even more unsafe for them. For example, most of the media organizations are not following the social and physical distancing guidelines and other preventive policies in their newsrooms (Aljazeera, 2020; Khairat, 2020). The media organizations are also sending journalists to the field and interact with communities to cover COVID-19-related news stories. In total, more than 150 journalists across the country have contracted the virus and got infected with COVID-19 and at least three of them have died of the virus. However, the actual figure could be much higher as only a fraction of journalists has been tested so far (Pakistan Press Foundation, 2020). The turn of the 20th century marked the dawn of a new era for Pakistan and the global world in more ways than one. The 9/11 attacks in America changed the world—more markedly Pakistan where a dic92

 Health and Safety Risks to Journalists During Pandemics

tator, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, was looking for legitimacy at the global power centers, most notably the United States. Pakistan readily became an American ally in the so-called “war on terror” whose epicenter was the neighboring Afghanistan where the Taliban ruled and had provided sanctuaries to the Al-Qaida, the mastermind of 9/11 attacks. It was also the time that Pakistan was reeling from the aftermaths of Kargil fiasco when two biggest nuclear-armed countries of South Asia, Pakistan and India, were feared to engage in an all-consuming war. It was in this background that the Musharraf regime—for the first time in the history of the country—allowed private electronic media to operate in Pakistan. However, the media grew only in scale and to some extent in influence because media and journalists have to face new enemies (Dawn, 2019), which is the subject of the following sections. In 2002, Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) was established to facilitate and regulate the privately-owned electronic media (Radio and Television). With this, Pakistani broadcast media transformed from a state-owned enterprise to a diverse sector with both state- and privately-owned news and entertainment channels vying for public attention. Rehmat (2019) argued that this transformation of electronic media scene was the result of the changing socio-political landscape and the emergence of new information technologies. At the same time, a number of new newspapers emerged on the scene; this was a time when readership of print newspapers was on the decline in the developed countries because of the Internet, which introduced the world to online newspaper editions. According to PEMRA’s annual report 2018, a total of 88 TV channels, including news and entertainment, and 209 radio stations were licensed. This caused a phenomenal increase in the number of journalists in Pakistan. By 2019, an upwards of 20,000 journalists were working with different media organizations, whereas about 250,000 people were associated with the media industry (Dawn, 2019). There are 235 radio stations and 473 newspapers, including dailies, weeklies and monthlies (PEMRA, 2020; ABC, 2020). However, this robust media does not reflect the ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversity of Pakistan. It is dominated by Urdu, which is the national language, but spoken by only 10 percent of the people. For example, there are only three Pashto-language television channels and three newspapers for 15 percent of the Pashtun population. For more than 5 million Baloch people, there is only one daily and one monthly newspaper in their own language, Balochi. Sindhi-language press is the most vibrant one with 37 daily and 5 monthly/fortnightly newspapers. The largest number of newspapers is in Urdu: 265 dailies, 12 weeklies, and 38 monthlies. Similarly, there are 57 dailies, and 31 monthlies/fortnightly newspapers in English, a language which is institutionalized and enjoys the privileged status of official language. English newspapers are considered elitist, but the most influential press in Pakistan (Kamboh & Ittefaq, 2019). Common people do not read, speak or understand English, which means that the ‘reality’ constructed in the English-language press is a foreign gaze on the local body. (The term ‘foreign’ here is used in semantic sense.) News media in Pakistan is urban-based and, by implications, urban-biased. This makes a classic case of one way of communication flow—from the “center” to “periphery.” The term “periphery” here is used in two meanings: the geographic areas of Pakistan which are away from the center of power, which are Islamabad—the capital—and Punjab where power radiates from. Periphery also refers to sections or areas of population which live in or closer to cities but are less privileged. Nawaz (1983) notes that the center-to-periphery, or top-down, perception has given rise to a state where “the center considers what is “good” for the periphery and passes the message out” (p. 947). This lopsided approach has fed into alienation and deprivation of the people of peripheries because their voices are drowned out in the din of the powerful at the center.

93

 Health and Safety Risks to Journalists During Pandemics

Robust Media, Thicker Problems Despite a steep growth in the number of news media, Pakistan has been ranked a “high risk country” in terms of media pluralism. A study conducted by France-based Reporters without Border (RSF) in 2019—after Prime Minister Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party won controversial elections in 2018—has found that more than half of the mass media ownership in Pakistan is concentrated in only a few hands (MOM-RSF, 2019). This concentration of ownership further intensifies and entrenches the top-down hierarchy of communication flow, which disempowers the people of peripheries. The “war on terror” has made journalism in Pakistan a perilous profession. State and non-State actors regularly target journalists and media organizations to force them into conformity or self-censorship. According to Pakistan Press Foundation (PPF), 72 journalists have been killed in Pakistan since 2002 (Pakistan Press Foundation, 2019). Both State institutions and non-State actors have been blamed for attacks on media and journalists (Committee to Protect Journalists, 2019). Apart from physical attacks, journalists have been targeted and forced into self-censorship through threats, character assassination, and blasphemy charges on social and mainstream media (Committee to Protect Journalists, 2018). Investigations have established that the so-called “cyber warriors” targeting journalists are invariably linked to PTI, and the Pakistani army’s public relations department, the Inter Services Public Relations (ISPR) (Jilani, 2019). These self-described “patriots” take great pride in orchestrating false social media campaigns to abuse and defame critics of the government, writes senior journalist Shahzeb Jilani for German television DW website (2019). A 2018 survey has found that 88 per cent of journalists in Pakistan self-censor in professional and 79 per cent in personal settings (Media Matters for Democracy, 2018). On the heels of violence against journalists came economic crisis. Once viewed as among the most vibrant in South Asia, Pakistan’s media industry started contracting. In 2018, as many as 3,000 journalists and media workers were laid off because of dwindling revenue (Dawn, 2019). Several TV channels were shut down; while others cut down on their bureau offices. Reeling from these crises, Pakistani journalists found themselves on the fault line of the COVID-19 pandemic. Less in number and ill-prepared for covering a health crisis, journalists found themselves unprepared in terms of skills and unequipped in terms safety gears. They have to choose between joblessness and contracting the contagious disease. At a time when journalists became the most significant link between the healthcare machinery and the public, they, like frontline healthcare workers, became the most vulnerable.

METHODOLOGY Sample and Participants All the potential participants for this study were journalists and members of the Peshawar Press Club and Khyber Union of Journalists. We randomly selected 50 journalists’ profiles for inclusion in this study and analyzed their publicly available posts. All COVID-19 related posts of the participants (n= 823) between March 23 (when the first COVID-19 related death was reported in Pakistan) and July 07, 2020 were analyzed. The journalists whose profiles were selected for inclusion in the study included those working for Urdu-language television channels (n= 37); journalists covering health for radio outlets (n=6); and journalists who worked for English- and Urdu-language newspapers (n=7).

94

 Health and Safety Risks to Journalists During Pandemics

The unit of analysis for the purpose of this study was each participant’s current Facebook posts, including Facebook Live discussion, the news stories they shared on their Facebook walls from news website, and the content they shared from other Facebook pages. In total, 823 posts made by 50 journalists were analyzed for this study.

Data Analysis We used a constructivist grounded theory approach for analysis of the data. Constructivism advocates for the co-construction of meaning between a researcher and the participants. We argue that both data and analysis are socially constructed and reflect the conditions of their production (Charmaz, 2000). During the analysis, our aim was to locate both explicit meanings of the participants’ Facebook posts and to explore the meanings and actions of the journalists through those posts in the context of the larger social and power relationships (Charmaz, 2014). The first two authors regularly wrote memos and discussed their own perceptions of the data and how their personal backgrounds may have influenced their perceptions of the data. The data analysis followed a systematic multi-step process. The authors wrote memos and conducted initial coding as they collected the data. They spent six hours discussing and reaching an agreement on the initial code. The initial coding involved line-by-line reading of the data. We tried to understand the journalists’ views and actions about COVID-19 through their Facebook posts, in line with the method developed by Charmaz (2014). Then, we conducted focused coding to synthesize the larger segments of the data and give it a theoretical direction. Through engaging in constant comparative analysis, we compared the posts of journalists about different events and issues with the posts of other journalists (Mills, Bonner, & Francis, 2006a, 2006b). We focused on actions and processes described in the posts, as outlined by Charmaz (2014). We provided descriptive labels to incidents that shared similar features. At this level we did not interpret the data; rather we simply labeled it. In the next step, we interpreted the phenomena that were discussed in the descriptive categories and created analytical categories.

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION In this section, we discuss how journalism is being practiced during the COVID-19 pandemic, with focus on challenges and threats to journalists and journalism in Pakistan, especially in the periphery. Our primary findings are that journalists face several challenges while covering the COVID-19 pandemic. The following categories, which fall under the larger category of risk of contracting the disease or losing their job, were identified.

Risk to Health Among other industries, the government of Pakistan allowed news media outlets to keep their offices open after they adopted certain standard operating procedures (SOPs). However, the media organizations did not take precautionary measures to protect their employees and put them in a serious health risk. All the journalists in this study were not equipped—in terms of personal protection gears and safety precautions—to cover the COVID-19 pandemic. Journalists working with television services had a small window of time to rush to a hospital or an area under a lockdown because of rising COVID-19 positive 95

 Health and Safety Risks to Journalists During Pandemics

cases to send a footage to their head offices. This errand, accompanied by a short deadline to meet, offered journalists little time to reflect on their physical—and emotional—safety and decide whether it is safe to step into a crowded place and an overwhelmed hospital. As one journalist was quoted as saying on the Facebook page of Media Matters for Democracy: While the near-constant stream of news is overwhelming, for the media workers, who report on the outbreak and can’t unplug, the personal toll is becoming apparent. Working under pressure and on tight deadlines, most media workers make compromises on the precautions they should be taking while covering coronavirus-related reports. The journalists complained that they were neither given basic protective equipment such as masks nor told about basic safety tips such as physical distancing, wearing face mask, and using hand sanitizer. And they were sent out into the field as scavengers to collect information about COVID-19 patients. In several instances, journalists were pushed by their newsrooms to report from hospitals with total disregard for their mental and physical health. The journalists did not take any precautionary measures during press conferences. One journalist, after testing positive for COVID-19, reflected on his experiences in the field in a Facebook live: It’s a difficult situation. Here journalists are not taking care of the standard operating procedures unlike journalists in the West. They do not keep proper distance from each other and attend [crowded] press conferences as usual. Journalists working with newspapers have relatively more time to gather information, cross check their data and talk to experts, such as doctors, healthcare workers and government officials, before writing their stories. For electronic and digital media journalists, it is always a race against time, which leaves them with little time to make a prudent decision. It was exacerbated by too much to cover with too little helping hands. One journalist described how they have to cope with an emergency without any reflection. By the end of May three journalists had lost their lives while 156 were infected with coronavirus. All of them got infected because of their work conditions. Camera journalists and photojournalists have been the biggest sufferers since the outbreak of the pandemic. One journalist posted: “Cameramen do not take care about SOPs during press conferences.” Though data is not available on how many family members of the journalists got infected with COVID-19, we found anecdotal evidence that shows that journalists’ family members also got infected with virus. As one journalist reflected on risk to his own health and the health of his extended family which live in a single house in a Facebook live: I had fever and cough and then we were diagnosed with COVID-19. We were asked to stay at home and quarantine ourselves. Three of my brothers have also been diagnosed positive. We live in a joint family system. I have 22 family members. The government had promised to take care of journalists and their families and provide them free health services during the pandemic. But it was a shallow promise, we are not receiving any health. I am paying for the tests myself. I am worried about my mother’s health. A majority of the journalists whose Facebook posts were analyzed for this study shared the news they reported for their organizations from the field. However, all of them, except two, did not wear face 96

 Health and Safety Risks to Journalists During Pandemics

masks while reporting from the field and none of them maintained proper distance from the people they interviewed. Few journalists are trained to report on health issues or crises. Far less are equipped with professional skills to work effectively and accurately in a crisis situation. This makes it more likely that journalists report inaccurately and feed conspiracy theories that are rife in any crisis situation. Five of the journalists included in this study shared about their experience of participating in an online training arranged by Media Matters for Democracy, a non-profit organization. They noted that this training helped them in understanding the infectious disease better and provided them the literacy of reporting on the disease. A journalist shared his quote that featured on the Facebook page of Media Matters for Democracy in which he said: I am very thankful for getting an opportunity to receive an excellent training while maintaining social distance. This training will help me perform my journalistic responsibility of keeping the people of my community safe. Another also shared his experiences: We learnt about effects of coronavirus in this training and ways to control spread and necessary precautions. The most important lesson during this training was learning about the precautions journalists should take while interviewing corona patients. Apart from this, we learnt how what steps to take if we notice symptoms of coronavirus.

Life Threats to Journalists For several years in a row, Pakistan has been declared the most dangerous country for journalists (Committee to Protect Journalists, 2018; Reporters Without Borders, 2017). It was mainly because of the “war on terror” and Pakistani military operations—especially in Balochistan province and tribal districts (formerly FATA) of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa—that journalists were targeted by State and non-State actors. When coronavirus spread in Pakistan and media started criticizing—and rightly so—the State for poor health services, threats started visiting journalists once again: mostly on social media, including Facebook. A journalist shared a tweet from Media Freedom Network, a non-profit organization that works for the safety of journalists that condemned violence against journalists: “#FreedomNetwork condemns online threats a @pid_govemployee hurled at #ImdadSoomoro of @thenews_intlafter he filed story “#media under attacks.” #JournoSafe#PressFreedom.” It started with angry social media posts against some journalists when they asked tough questions from Prime Minister Imran Khan about his government’s response to COVID-19. The trolls used abusive hashtags and attempted to malign journalists and discredit media. At a time when journalists were at the frontline fighting COVID-19 through the dissemination of information, the governmental machinery physically and mentally threatened them. Threats on social media has two implications: in the least, journalists censor themselves to save their skin; in the worst, they face physical violence. Journalists shared stories of violence against media persons in the Balochistan province and D.I. Khan district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province who were tortured for criticizing government’s response to COVID-19. Two journalists, one working for Pashto-language private TV Khyber News, and the other associated with Samaa TV were arrested and tortured by security forces in Chaman border town of Ba97

 Health and Safety Risks to Journalists During Pandemics

lochistan. They were taken to the notorious Much Jail where they were kept for three days. When they were released, their bodies bore torture marks. Their ‘crime’ was their reports about poor arrangements in a quarantine center established in the town bordering Afghanistan. Another journalist faced harassment and intimidation by the police when he reported for his news channel that a federal minister addressed a public gathering in his hometown despite a lockdown. Journalists shared photos of these media persons showing their bodies full of marks caused by police torture. A journalist shared a post, “information in this time of crisis is paramount for life and arresting, torturing and harassing journalists for reporting #covid19 is unacceptable.”

From Health to Financial Crisis Media in Pakistan had been going through a financial crisis when the COVID-19 pandemic hit. Media organizations had already laid off thousands of journalists and workers to cut down their expenses. Newspapers could, and they did, reduce their pages to save on account of newsprint. However, 24/7 television could not slash their contents, which translated into more work for a smaller number of journalists. And the pandemic made the situation worse. Media development specialist Adnan Rehmat told Media Matter for Democracy organization the COVID-19 situation only aided “the process of shrinking of media businesses as owners use its cover to limit or close business.” Journalists, in this situation, have found themselves between the hammer and a hard rock. The financial situation of the journalists was reflected in the obituaries the journalists wrote for their colleagues who died of COVID-19. After a senior journalist died of COVID-19, another journalist wrote, “this is the end of a journalist’s life with only 7000 PKR [Pakistani rupees, around 42 USD] in his account.” A journalist wrote an obituary for another colleague on Facebook: I am extremely disturbed at [the] loss of years-long colleague ...May Allah rest his soul in eternal peace. We worked together in The Frontier Post and Daily Times for almost 20 years. He was an honest man and straight forward gentleman. His last years of life were extremely challenging as health and economic conditions made him weaker. He survived a brave wife and three brilliant daughters who got good education. The journalists who are “lucky” enough to have been retained by their organizations in the face of large-scale retrenching, face the double whammy of more health risk and the prospect—in majority cases, the fact— of less salary. A number of organizations have held back salaries of their workers for months because of the financial crunch. This has created a fear-laden environment for journalists and media workers. The government of Pakistan offered financial help to the journalists by providing grants to the press clubs. However, the grants were small and refused by the journalists running those press clubs. Several journalists shared pictures of the letters of press clubs to the government of Pakistan to refuse from accepting the financial support. A journalist shared a post from the Media Freedom Network, “Major press clubs across #Pakistan decline @pid_gov grant urging complete package to better workers’ condition and improve #PressFreedom situation which is deteriorating ever since @ImranKhanPTI took power in 2018.”

98

 Health and Safety Risks to Journalists During Pandemics

Countering Fake News All the journalists provided accurate information in their Facebook posts and encouraged their followers to take precautionary measures and tried to debunk false information spread on social media. For instance, one shared, “coronavirus is real stay safe and stay home.” Another journalist in order to debunk conspiracy theories against COVID-19 shared his personal story: After months of extensive reporting of multiple aspects of the viral infection and its irreversible losses to the humanity, the virus (COVI-19) has finally managed to reach me. It would be a useless debate to think how did I contract it, as I used to be extremely careful and some people didn’t like it. But it had to happen. The journalists also kept their followers informed about the policy decisions made by the government. For example, several of the posts analyzed disseminated information of the lockdowns implemented by government in different parts of the province and information about the places where people could get tested for COVID-19 or could get treatment. News media not only reports on a crisis, it also keeps an eye on how the government responds to the crisis. This ties media (and journalists), government and the public in a relationship that borders on trust and mistrust, while at the same time fighting together against disinformation and conspiracy theories. Several journalists shared posts criticizing misinformation spread by government officials through media. For example, one journalist posted, “@BBCUrdu report finds @zartajgulwazir spreading misinformation about #COVID19.” In another post the journalist shared link to a program in which another journalist was criticizing the misinformation provided by the government, “Is the govt telling truth about #covid19 situation as @NadeemMalick challenges authorities that hospitals have no capacity to admit serious cases?”.

CONCLUSION Our study shows that COVID-19 has created unprecedented challenges for journalists in Pakistan. The study highlights the hurdles created and fault lines exposed by COVID-19 for the sustainability and viability of a free media in Pakistan where freedom of the press is already under threat from the State and non-State actors. The pandemic has negatively impacted their physical and mental health. It has also created financial crisis for a majority of them who shared it on their Facebook pages. The journalists were also not trained in the coverage of pandemic or reporting during health crises and therefore several journalists ended up contracting the virus themselves. We also noted a paradox in the journalists’ Facebook posts. The journalists encouraged social distancing and wearing Facebook masks in their Facebook posts, however, a majority of them did not wear protective gears in their video news stories themselves and did not maintain the physical distance recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO). Further research is needed to explore this paradox. One of the reasons for not wearing protective gear could the inaccessibility of the protective gear and lack of support from their organizations. Another reason could be the lack of training in how to get quality sound on tape (SOTs) without compromising their health and the competition for ‘breaking news’. We suggest that the government of Pakistan view these journalists as essential workers and frame precautions for them with support from healthcare organizations, media organizations, journalists’ associations, and academia. We propose that journalists 99

 Health and Safety Risks to Journalists During Pandemics

be provided PPEs, health and life insurance at least during the current crisis. Also, the government, media owners, journalist organizations, and academia should team-up to make sure the journalists are trained enough to provide accurate coverage to COVID-19 and address public concerns. There is a need to provide these journalists a culturally tailored training on how to cover pandemics. COVID-19 offers an opportunity to the media organizations, journalists, and academia to come up with innovative ways of telling the story, rethinking of journalists’ objectives, and new ways of thinking about reporting on a health crisis. As suggested by Niblock (2020), it is an opportunity for the media to re-examine their approaches to rebuild the trust in news among the public.

REFERENCES ABC. (2020). ABC Certified Publications | Audit Bureau of Circulations. Retrieved from: http://www. abc.gov.pk/abc_certified_publications.html Aljazeera. (2020). Pakistan says Facebook to help in drive against polio efforts. Retrieved from: https:// www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/01/pakistan-facebook-drive-polio-efforts-200117050657032.html Boberg, S., Quandt, T., Schatto-Eckrodt, T., & Frischlich, L. (2020). Pandemic populism: Facebook pages of alternative news media and the corona crisis--A computational content analysis. arXiv preprint arXiv:2004.02566 Charmaz, K. (2000). Grounded Theory: Objectivist and Constructivist Methods. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of Qualitative Research (pp. 509–535). Sage. Charmaz, K. (2014). Constructing Grounded Gheory. Sage (Atlanta, Ga.). Committee to Protect Journalists. (2018). Acts of Intimidation: In Pakistan, journalists’ fear and censorship grow even as fatal violence declines. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/x/73ff Committee to Protect Journalists. (2019). Drop in journalist killings in Pakistan masks decline in press freedom [Press release]. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/about/contact.php Dickinson, R., & Memon, B. (2012). Press clubs, the journalistic field and the practice of journalism in Pakistan. Journalism Studies, 13(4), 616–632. doi:10.1080/1461670X.2011.629109 Dunwoody, S. (2020). Science journalism and pandemic uncertainty. Media and Communication, 8(2), 471–474. doi:10.17645/mac.v8i2.3224 Fowler-Watt, K., Majin, G., Sunderland, M., Phillips, M., Brine, D., Bissell, A., & Murphy, J. (2020). Reflections on the Shifting Shape of Journalism Education in the Covid-19 pandemic. Digital Culture & Education, (June), 22. Holland, K., & Blood, R. W. (2012). Exploring the Concept of “Biocommunicability” through an Analysis of Journalists’ Talk about Reporting the 2009 Swine Flu Pandemic. Paper presented at the Australian and New Zealand Communication Association Conference, Adelaide. Holland, K., Sweet, M., Blood, R. W., & Fogarty, A. (2014). A legacy of the swine flu global pandemic: Journalists, expert sources, and conflicts of interest. Journalism, 15(1), 53–71. doi:10.1177/1464884913480460

100

 Health and Safety Risks to Journalists During Pandemics

Hooker, C., King, C., & Leask, J. (2012). Journalists’ views about reporting avian influenza and a potential pandemic: A qualitative study. Influenza and Other Respiratory Viruses, 6(3), 224–229. doi:10.1111/j.1750-2659.2011.00319.x PMID:22176678 Jamil, S. (2015). Understandings and Practices of Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom in Pakistan: Ethnography of Karachi Journalistic Environment (PhD Thesis). University of Queensland, Australia. Retrieved from: https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/43362662.pdf Jamil, S. (2016). Journalism practice and freedom of expression: Challenges and constraints in Pakistan. In B. Lippe & R. Ottosen (Eds.), Gendering War and Peace Reporting: Some Insights – Some Missing Links. Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2017a). Freedom of expression and journalists’ safety: An analysis of conflict reporting and peace journalism education in Pakistan. Journal of the Association of Journalism Education, 6(2), 7–16. Jamil, S. (2017b). Freedom under pressure? Threats to journalists’ safety in Pakistan. In U. Carlsson & R. Poyhtari (Eds.), Assault on Journalism (pp. 323–329). Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2018). Safety threats, impunity and professionalism: Journalists’ dilemma in Pakistan. Journal of Sociology and Anthropology, 6(7), 571–578. doi:10.13189a.2018.060702 Jamil, S. (2019a). The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety. IGI Global. Jamil, S. (2019b). Culture of Impunity and Safety of Journalists: Is Safe Journalism a Distant Dream in Pakistan? World of Media – Journal of Russian Media and Journalism Studies, 1, 48-64. doi:10.30547/ worldofmedia.1.2019.3 Jamil, S. (2020a). Suffering in Silence: The Resilience of Pakistan’s Female Journalists to Combat Sexual Harassment, Threats and Discrimination. Journalism Practice, 14(2), 150–170. doi:10.1080/1 7512786.2020.1725599 Jamil, S. (2020b). Red lines of journalism: Digital surveillance, safety risks and journalists’ self-censorship in Pakistan. In I. F. Anna & K. Roy (Eds.), Journalist Safety and Self-Censorship (pp. 29–46). Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780367810139-3 Jilani, S. (2019). Opinion: The decline of media freedom in Pakistan—a journalist tells his story. Retrieved from https://www.dw.com/en/opinion-the-decline-of-media-freedom-in-pakistan-a-journalisttells-his-story/a-51553931 Kamboh, S. A., & Ittefaq, M. (2019). Newspaper suicide reporting in a Muslim country: Analysis of violations and compliance with international guidelines. Journal of Medical Ethics, 34(1), 2–14. doi:1 0.1080/23736992.2019.1568252 Khairat, S. (2020, April 19). Journalists in Pakistan fear lack of protective equipment, News. Al-Jazeera. Retrieved from: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/04/journalists-pakistan-fear-lack-protectiveequipment-200419180449522.html Knight Science Journalism. (2020). Tips and Tools for Reporting on COVID-19. Retrieved from: https:// ksj.mit.edu/coronavirus-reporting-resources/

101

 Health and Safety Risks to Journalists During Pandemics

Kojah, S. (2020). Ethical considerations for reporting on COVID-19. International Center for Journalists. Retrieved from: https://ijnet.org/en/story/ethical-considerations-reporting-covid-19 Leask, J., Hooker, C., & King, C. (2010). Media coverage of health issues and how to work more effectively with journalists: A qualitative study. BMC Public Health, 10(1), 535. doi:10.1186/1471-245810-535 PMID:20822552 Lewis, S. C. (2020). The Objects and Objectives of Journalism Research During the Coronavirus Pandemic and Beyond. Digital Journalism, 1-9. McCluskey, M. (2020). Estimates of COVID-19’s impact on journalism fail to count freelancers, whose livelihoods have vanished overnight. Poynter. Retrieved from: https://www.poynter.org/businesswork/2020/estimates-of-covid-19s-impact-on-journalism-fail-to-count-freelancers-whose-livelihoodshave-vanished-overnight/ Mills, J., Bonner, A., & Francis, K. (2006a). Adopting a constructivist approach to grounded theory: Implications for research design. International Journal of Nursing Practice, 12(1), 8–13. doi:10.1111/ j.1440-172X.2006.00543.x PMID:16403191 Mills, J., Bonner, A., & Francis, K. (2006b). The development of constructivist grounded theory. International Journal of Qualitative Methods, 5(1), 25–35. doi:10.1177/160940690600500103 MOM-RSF. (2019). Media Ownership Monitor: Pakistan a high-risk country in terms of media pluralism. Retrieved from: https://rsf.org/en/news/media-ownership-monitor-pakistan-high-risk-country-termsmedia-pluralism Natividad, I. (2020). COVID-19 and the media: The role of journalism in a global pandemic. Berkeley News. Retrieved from: https://news.berkeley.edu/2020/05/06/covid-19-and-the-media-the-role-ofjournalism-in-a-global-pandemic/ Nawaz, S. (1983). The Mass Media and Development in Pakistan. Asian Survey, 23(8), 934–957. doi:10.2307/2644265 Niblock, S. (2020). Towards a psychosemiotics of journalism, mental distress and Covid-19. Social Semiotics, 1–6. doi:10.1080/10350330.2020.1779456 Olsen, R. K., Pickard, V., & Westlund, O. (2020). Communal News Work: COVID-19 Calls for Collective Funding of Journalism. Digital Journalism, 1-8. Pakistan lost over 50,000 civilians in war on terror, News. (2018). The Express Tribune. Retrieved from: https://tribune.com.pk/story/1599831/1-pakistan-lost-50000-civilians-war-terror/ Pakistan Press Foundation. (2019). 72 journalists murdered in Pakistan since 2002. Retrieved from Karachi: https://www.pakistanpressfoundation.org/72-journalists-murdered-in-pakistan-since-2002/ Pakistan Press Foundation. (2020). Media safety and press freedom in Pakistan 2019-2020 Report by Pakistan Press Foundation (PPF) to commemorate World Press Freedom Day. Retrieved from: Islamabad: https://www.pakistanpressfoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/Media-Safety-and-PressFreedom-in-Pakistan-2019-2020.pdf

102

 Health and Safety Risks to Journalists During Pandemics

PEMRA. (2020). List of commercial and non-commercial FM radio station licences. Retrieved from: http://www.pemra.gov.pk/ Philp, R. (2020). COVID-19’s Toll on Journalists: At Least 64 Dead in 24 Countries. Global Investigative Journalism Network. Retrieved from: https://gijn.org/2020/05/06/covid-19s-toll-on-journalists-at-least64-dead-in-24-countries/ Pintak, L., & Nazir, S. J. (2013). Pakistani journalism: At the crossroads of Muslim identity, national priorities and journalistic culture. Media Culture & Society, 35(5), 640–665. doi:10.1177/0163443713483654 Rehmat, A. (2019, May 3). How pressuring the media is risking the quality of our democracy. Dawn. Retrieved from: https://www.dawn.com/news/1419373/how-pressuring-the-media-is-risking-the-qualityof-our-democracy Shah, S. F. A., Ginossar, T., & Weiss, D. (2019). “This is a Pakhtun disease”: Pakhtun health journalists’ perceptions of the barriers and facilitators to polio vaccine acceptance among the high-risk Pakhtun community in Pakistan. Vaccine, 37(28), 3694–3703. doi:10.1016/j.vaccine.2019.05.029 PMID:31155417 Sweet, M. A., Holland, K. E., & Blood, R. W. (2012). Learning from journalists’ experiences of the H1N1 pandemic. The Medical Journal of Australia, 197(10), 544–545. doi:10.5694/mja11.11625 PMID:23163671 Sweney, M. (2020). Newspapers to Lose £50m in Online Ads as Firms Use Coronavirus ‘Blacklist’. The Guardian. Retrieved from: https://www.theguardian.com/media/2020/ apr/01/newspapers-to-lose-50min-online-ads-as-firms-use-coronavirus-blacklist Tompkins, A., & Tompkins, S. (2020). How journalists can fight stress from covering the coronavirus. Poynter. Retrieved from: https://www.poynter.org/reporting-editing/2020/how-journalists-can-fightstress-from-covering-the-coronavirus/ Vercellesi, L., Minghetti, P., Di Croce, M., Bazzi, A., Pieroni, B., Centemeri, C., & Bruno, F. (2010). Recommendations for health reporting: Proposal of a working paper. Health Education Journal, 69(1), 48–62. doi:10.1177/0017896909349300 Wahl-Jorgensen, K., Mitchell, L., Allen, G., Hill, M., Sambrook, R., Poortinga, W., ... Beckett, C. (2020). Advice for journalists covering Covid-19. Welsh NHS confederation. Zhao, X. (2020). How China’s state actors create a “Us vs US” world during Covid-19 pandemic on social media. Media and Communication, 8(2), 452–457. doi:10.17645/mac.v8i2.3187

103

104

Chapter 7

Reckoning With #MeToo and the Aftermath:

Perception of Workplace Harassment, Sexism, and the #MeToo Movement Among Journalists in India Prabhjot Kaur Sohal https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7933-8682 Panjab University, India

ABSTRACT In 2017, following the #MeToo movement stirred by the public outing of Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein, the safety of women at the workplace became a prime agenda for international news media. Although far from being truly inclusive, the #MeToo movement rapidly spread to other parts of the world. Women of different nationalities, backgrounds, and race shared their stories of abuse and survival using the #MeToo hashtag and its variants. In 2018, women within the news media industry in India joined the movement and called out prominent editors, filmmakers, and artists on social media for perpetrating and abetting acts of sexual harassment and abuse against them. As an immediate result, several accused were made to resign from their organizations and dropped from prestigious public posts. However, a backlash to the movement followed soon after, most evidently in the form of victim-shaming and defamation lawsuits against women. Based on the theory of epistemic advantage, the study explores the perception of sexual harassment among journalists in India using in-depth interviews.

INTRODUCTION According to a poll by London-based charitable organization, Thomson Reuters Foundation, India was ranked as the most dangerous place in the world to be a woman in 2018. The report, based on a survey of 550 experts in women’s issues, highlighted India’s failure to address severe risks faced by women in the country (Thomspon Reuters Foundation, 2018). Women, in India, are perceived to be at a high risk DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch007

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 Reckoning With #MeToo and the Aftermath

of sexual assault, slave labor, and female infanticide. In 2018, the Indian media was rocked by shocking revelations of the prevalence of workplace harassment, perpetuated by male-dominance, and discrimination against women in the industry. In what is being considered as India’s MeToo Movement, several female journalists took to social media to publicly out sexual predators within the Indian news media industry and recounted incidents of sexual assault and harassment at their workplace. In most cases, the accused was either a senior male journalist, a male colleague, or a famous personality from the media, arts, and entertainment industry, who took advantage of his position and power to threaten and silence his victims (Bhattacharyya, 2018). At a size of about USD 215.5 million, the media industry in India has rapidly grown in the past decade. As of 2018, there are 1,18,239 registered newspapers and other periodicals in India, 1600 satellite channels, over 240 radio stations, and a fast-growing digital media sector (Registrar of Newspaper for India [RNI], 2018; Klynveld Peat Marwick Goerdeler [KPMG], 2019). While mapping media in India, Pasti et al. (2015), point out that while the media industry in India is primarily male-dominated, more women are increasingly joining the profession. However, women continue to face systemic discrimination in the workplace. Gallagher (2002) argues that while it is widely believed that with more women entering the field a gender-balance at all levels of media organizations will be attained gradually, the data from several developed countries shows that the reality is different. A survey of 410 women journalists by the Press Institute of India (Bhagat, 2004) revealed that female journalists in India are paid lower wages than their male counterparts; they struggle to gain access to resources; face sexual harassment, and do not always have maternity or child care benefits. A report by United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (Press Trust of India [PTI], 2019) stated that men occupied the majority of the leadership position in the Indian media organizations, which had led to institutionalized marginalization of female news media professional and female voices in the news media. Chadha (2017) points out that the most popular discourse about the Indian media landscape is centered around the narrative of its exponential growth and dynamism that’s partially a result of India’s vibrant multicultural media market and the deep social penetration of affordable communication technology. However, issues related to structural trends, such as, the mass-level corporate and cross-media ownership leading to the concentration of power, and the political and state control of media, which primarily define the Indian media landscape, are neglected. Chadha explains that the celebratory discourse of the growth of media in India presents a misleading image of the media landscape in India, which in reality is progressing towards being less pluralistic and is being forced to trade quality for quantity. The position of female journalists in the Indian media landscape is characterized by the structural trends of ownership and the culture of male dominance, which is deep-seated within the corporate structure and ownership policies. The workplace, in India, is an extension of other male-dominated spaces of Indian society and carries deeply embedded gender-bias at all levels of its organizational structure (Rajan, Sudha & Mohanachandran, 2000). Rao and Rodney-Gumede (2020) analyzed Indian female journalists’ perception of their participation in decision making and role in the newsroom. The study highlights that although significant progress has been with regards to the representation of women in the media industry, male dominance and hegemony continue to prevail at the Indian news media workplace. The study reveals that female journalists feel that still have to fight professional stereotypes and gender bias at work. There is evidence that all sectors of the Indian economy, both urban and rural, organized as well as unorganized, are plagued by the problem of sexual harassment at the workplace. Studies focusing on sexual harassment in the Indian bureaucracy, education, information technology industry, legal and medical professions 105

 Reckoning With #MeToo and the Aftermath

reveal an overwhelming influence of cultural beliefs and practices that create a glass ceiling for women and prevent them from demanding their rights of safety and security (Sangwan & Thakre, 2017; Bhattacharya, 2017; Aina & Kulshrestha, 2018; Shakthi, 2020). The Constitution of India, under Article 14, 15, and 21, related to the fundamental right to equality and the right to life, considers workplace sexual harassment as a violation of women’s rights. The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013, also known as the POSH Act, was enacted to prevent sexual harassment and create a safe working environment for women in India. The POSH acted is based on a 1997 landmark Supreme Court of India judgment on the Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan (“Vishaka Judgment”), wherein the court provided guidelines to enact laws to prevent sexual harassment at work and to create a redressal system for women who face sexual harassment (Mohapatra et al., 2018). According to the POSH Act, sexual harassment is defined as any direct or implied behavior that involves (i) physical contact and advances, (ii) demand or request for sexual favors, (iii) making sexually colored remarks, (iv) showing pornography, or (v) any other unwelcome physical, verbal or non-verbal conduct of a sexual nature (Ministry of Women and Child Development, 2015). Under the POSH Act, any woman, who has faced sexual harassment at a workplace, as an employee, customer, or client, can demand protection. The literature on sexual harassment at the workplace based on research before the September-October 2018 #MeToo Movement, in India, reveals that while there are laws to protect women against workplace sexual harassment, there are several structural, organizational and social factors, such as the knowledge of legal provisions for protection, access to redressal mechanism and fear of ostracization, that prevents female employees to take legal action against harassers (International Federation of Journalists [IFJ], 2015; Chadha et al., 2017). Two women journalists’ rights organizations, Gender at Work and Network of Women in Media (NWM), conducted a study to take stock of the ground reality in news media organizations in India and to assess the changes that they had introduced to prevent sexual harassment at work following the revelations of the #MeToo movement. The study found that media organizations had failed to constitute redressal mechanisms suggested by the Vishakha Guidelines for female journalists. The survey also found that of the women who faced workplace sexual harassment, only 50 percent reported the matter to an Internal Complaints Committee (ICC)1, which had been constituted by the media organizations to provide redressal to women facing sexual harassment at the workplace; and 70 percent of the women who approached the ICC were unsatisfied with the action taken by it (Murthy et al., 2020). The purpose of this study is to investigate the perception of sexual harassment at the workplace and the #MeToo movement among journalists in India. Drawing on the feminist theory of epistemic advantage, the study investigates qualitative insights using document review and semi-structured in-depth interviews with journalists. The chapter begins with a literature review into the theory of epistemic advantage, sexual harassment in the Indian news media industry, and the #MeToo movement. The subsequent sections include methodology, descriptive analysis of findings, and conclusion.

LITERATURE REVIEW Feminist Theory of Epistemic Advantage The concept of epistemic advantage or epistemic privilege is understood as the unique ability of a given marginalized social group to accurately understand the power structures of a given society that 106

 Reckoning With #MeToo and the Aftermath

is dominated by a socially and historically privileged group. The members of a marginalized group have the advantage of being versed in the context of dominated groups and experience of navigating the ideology of their oppressors (Thorstensson, 2019). Situating the concept of epistemic advantage in postcolonial feminist theory and the thesis of situated-knowledge, Narayan (1989) states that women in postcolonial societies are both historically oppressed as well as thrive in a culture of oppression, often creating a dichotomous life for themselves, wherein they might fight for their rights in specific spheres of life while choosing to be oppressed in certain contexts, as long as it serves their interests and there is no choice (Jamil, 2020). This, Narayan states is a result of the marginalized non-western women’s deep understanding of the structural limitations and cultural mores in their context. The epistemic advantage is not the same for all the members of an oppressed group, but it can be similar and is only achieved through a collective critical reflection (Medina, 2013). This study draws on the theory that the women journalists in India have an epistemic advantage in understanding their social position and the problem of sexual harassment at work. As a result of the dominance of men in the media industry, the study also investigates the characteristic trait of epistemic arrogance in the dominant group of male journalists. Using in-depth interviews of journalists and document review the study synthesizes qualitative insights into the perception of the #MeToo movement and the perception of sexual harassment at the workplace.

#MeToo Movement, Sexual Harassment and Sexism in Indian News Media Industry The #MeToo movement arrived in India as a ripple effect of the #MeToo movement that started in the United States of America with the social media outing of Hollywood film producer Harvey Weinstein in 2017. The #MeToo viral phenomenon took the form of digital feminist activism where women took to digital technologies and social media platforms to organize and create a dialogue around rape culture, sexism, and harassment at the workplace (Mendes et al., 2018). The #MeToo hashtag in India was first used in a series of social media posts concerning a crowd-sourced list of sexual abusers in academia called LoSHA (List of Sexual Harassers in Academia). Later, the hashtag was used in solidarity with women who had publicly shared their stories of abuse in Hollywood. The #MeToo hashtag and its variants gradually surfaced on Twitter tagging accounts of sexual abuse, intimidation, and rape committed by powerful men in the media and entertainment industry (Ray, 2018). The social movement of #MeToo created an agency and an environment for dialogue, but the changes that most women wanted to see in their workplaces did not happen. While some media organizations were quick to take action against the men who had been named, forcing them to resign and stripping them of their privileges, eventually the momentum of the moment fizzled and took the form of legal lawsuits against women and victim-shaming by the accused. Taking inspiration from the #MeToo movement, and partially as a backlash against the takeover of the sexual harassment discourse by feminist agency, the #HimToo movement was also started to create awareness about sexual harassment faced by men at the workplace (Borpujari, 2017). A year later, the women who had participated in the movement and had publicly shared names of sexual abusers shared in an interview that they were disappointed that the movement did not lead to long-lasting and substantial changes in protecting women against workplace sexual harassment (Sood et al., 2019).

107

 Reckoning With #MeToo and the Aftermath

METHODS The study analyses data collected using document review and in-depth interviews (face-to-face) to study the perception of the #MeToo movement, sexism, and workplace harassment among journalists in India. The documents reviewed for the study include scholarly literature on the #MeToo movement in India and other countries, news reports, commentaries, and reports on gender equality and sexual harassment at the workplace in the Indian context. Following the purposive sampling1 method, a total of 25 journalists of six ethnicities in India (i.e. Punjabi, Haryanavi, Himachali, Kashmiri, Bengali, and Hindi-speaking) and four religious sects (i.e. Hinduism, Sikhism, Islam, and Jainism) were interviewed. The study includes 15 female and 10 male journalists, between the ages of 25-45. The journalists interviewed were full-time employees of Hindi, Punjabi, and English-language news media organizations in India, including, television, print, and online media. The news media organizations where the journalists currently worked or had worked includes five English language newspapers (The Times of India, Hindustan Times, The Indian Express, The Hindu, and The Tribune), two Hindi language newspapers (Dainik Bhaskar, and Dainik Jagran); three Punjabi languages news television channels (News18 Punjab, ABP Sanjha and PTC News); three English language news television channels (Times Now, NDTV and CNN-TV18); two English language news magazines (Open Magazine and India Today); three English language news website (ThePrint, NewsLaundry and UNT). The prime location of data collection is Chandigarh, Delhi, and Mumbai; however, all interviewed journalists have experience of working in more than one city of India. For the study, each journalist was interviewed for about an hour (i.e. 60 minutes). All interviewed journalists were provided a fact-sheet explaining the objectives of the study. Interviewees were asked questions related to their experiences and observations of sexual harassment at their workplace, knowledge of the Vishakha Guidelines, perception of the #MeToo movement, and their methods of coping with sexual harassment at the workplace. The data has been collected between November 2019 and March 2020. A total of 50 journalists were initially contacted through phone calls and emails for the study, and 25 of them were then selected based on their availability and relevance to the study. All questions during the interviews were asked in English, Hindi, and Punjabi, based on the language fluency of the interviewees. The final transcript of the interviews was transcribed in English and verbatim. All the participants were provided a project information sheet that explicitly mentioned the objectives of this study, methodology, types of research questions with examples, voluntary participation, the confidentiality of journalists’ names, and access to research findings. To ensure the privacy of research participants, all interviewed journalists have been quoted using numbers (ranging between 1 and 25). The interview data collected for the study is analyzed using thematic analysis under two a priori categories: (i) perception of sexual harassment and sexism at the workplace; and ii) perception of the #MeToo movement and its aftermath. The study uses a descriptive analysis method to present the findings of the data analysis. The sub-themes are developed based on key-words present in the responses of the journalists. The study uses data triangulation, which includes qualitative insights derived from a literature review, and thematic analysis of in-depth interviews. Triangulation in research is the use of two or more research methods to validate research findings (Denzin, 1970).

108

 Reckoning With #MeToo and the Aftermath

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION Journalists’ Perception of Sexual Harassment and Sexism at the Workplace In 2020, about 140 countries around the world have laws against sexual harassment at the workplace. Yet, the #MeToo movement revealed that women from all socio-economic backgrounds and of different nationalities face sexual harassment at work. In the United States, 60% of women reported being sexually harassed, while in the European Union, 55% of working women, and 75% of women in top management reported being sexually abused at some point in their careers (Arekapudi & Santagostino, 2020). Sexual harassment at the workplace is grossly underreported in India (Sarkar, 2017). The analysis of the interviews conducted with journalists in India revealed that the fear of victim-shaming was one of the reasons why female journalists did not complain about incidents of sexual harassment and sexism at their workplace. Talking about the culture of victim-shaming one of the female journalists working with a leading English-language newspaper states: The usual attitude towards female journalists is that if they have joined a male-dominated profession, then they should be prepared to face any sort of sexual harassment. And, in many cases, the fact that women have to go the extra mile to get stories from their sources, and have to scream to be heard in their workplaces, they are labeled as someone who is ‘asking for it’ by being outgoing and assertive. Male journalists follow similar newsgathering routines, but that is considered appropriate behavior. (Interviewee number 5) The prevailing patriarchal norms and customs in India permit the society to penalize women for crossing domestic boundaries for professional achievement and hold them responsible for any act of sexual harassment against them. In 2019, Chandigarh-based journalist Chahat Rana, working with The Indian Express revealed that she had been harassed and threatened by a cab driver for traveling alone at night. Rana had booked a cab through a ridesharing and taxi app Ola Cabs for herself and another female colleague on their way back home from the Chandigarh Press Club. After dropping her colleague, she gave the cab driver directions to her house, but he ignored her and took her to a deserted road and began to curse her for being out late in the night (Rana, 2019). Trial-by-media in India while reporting cases of rape, sexual assault, and harassment, has also dealt a blow to the dignity of the victims of sexual harassment. In 2018, Indian news channel Times Now unlawfully released a CCTV footage of in-camera proceedings of a Goa trial court in the sexual assault case against high-profile journalist Tarun Tepal. Tepal, the former editor of the Tehelka magazine, was accused of committing acts amounting to sexual assault against a junior colleague inside a hotel elevator in Goa, during a literary festival organized by the magazine. The televised debate around the released trial footage hosted by Times Now maligned the victim with comments of titillating nature and tried to levy the responsibility of her safety on her (Sebastian, 2018). One of the female journalists working with a Hindi-language news channel interviewed for the study states: When a case of sexual harassment against female journalist surfaces, you get to hear from either her male colleagues or the men and women in your media organization, that the victim, was probably equally responsible for what had happened. No one knows the details of what might have conspired between the abuser and the victim, but they are quick to blame the women. One hears people say that men will be

109

 Reckoning With #MeToo and the Aftermath

men, and it is the woman who has to protect herself and her modesty. This culture of victim-shaming is so widespread that a woman has to think twice before speaking up against abuse. And, when the abuse has happened at the workplace, and when the victim is a female media professional, she risks losing her personal and professional life by speaking up. So most female journalists try to work around this problem and devise ways to stay out of trouble. (Interviewee number 3) Another female journalist points out that the news media industry protects its abusers by not taking appropriate taking action against them and by forcing women to remain silent. A female journalist, with experience of working in English and Punjabi-language news media, states: One of my friends, a journalist with an English-language newspaper, complained to her female editor about a senior male colleague who had behaved badly with her and made unwanted sexual advances. To my friend’s utter shock, the editor, who appeared to be all for women’s rights in her journalistic work, told her to withdraw the complaint because the accused was an important employee for the newspaper. She was told that a complaint of sexual harassment would ruin his career and that the newspaper needed him. A lot of pressure was put on my friend; all social and personal consequences were invoked in the arguments. She was tense that the whole incident would cast an unwanted shadow on her upcoming wedding. The newspaper offered to transfer her to a different bureau so that she does not have to work with the accused. That’s no way to deal with a sexual harassment case. It is hard to stand up for yourself when you are stripped of your rights as an individual and forced to put the society, the family, and the organization first. Male journalists don’t face that. (Interviewee number 7) All the journalists interviewed for the study said that they were aware that their organization had some kind of mechanism resembling the Internal Complaints Committee (ICC) in place to handle claims of sexual harassment within the organization. However, all of them also mentioned that they were never briefed on how to approach the ICC and were never informed about its working. Tejani (2004) points out that while there are laws to protect women against sexual harassment at the workplace, systemic sexism present in cultural practices deter women from getting their rights. Journalist Sandhya Menon, who tweeted about sexual harassment in Indian media as one of the female participants in the #MeToo movement, revealed that when she approached the human resources department of The Times of India office in Hyderabad to complain against her superior K.R. Srinivas, the department took no action. Instead, Menon claims, the human resources department violated the confidentiality code and reported the sexual harassment complaint to the accused, who was later promoted as the chief editor of The Times of India bureau in Hyderabad (Reporters Without Borders [RSF], 2018). One of the male journalists working with an English-language newspaper, who was interviewed for the study, shares that there is widespread sexism within media organizations. The journalist states: I have often seen male journalists huddle together in the newsroom and brag about dating female colleagues. Their language is lewd and offensive, yet it is considered normal. Sometimes, a female colleague is within an earshot, but that does not stop men from making sexist comments. As far as taking action against sexual harassment is concerned, it is common knowledge that men are let off with a light rebuke. Only if the complainant is still adamant about taking action, and if the male journalist is dispensable, he will be quietly asked to resign by the organization. In most cases, we find that the accused is transferred to another bureau, sometimes only temporarily, just to cool-off the situation. (Interviewee number 20)

110

 Reckoning With #MeToo and the Aftermath

Another male journalist interviewed for the study shared that the culture of sexism in media organizations sometimes works in the favor of female journalists. The journalist working with English-language newspaper states: Within the media circle, it is believed that in certain contexts, news sources prefer talking to female journalists. Officials at public offices or other hard to get sources will at least acknowledge a female presence when they refuse to talk to male journalists. In such cases, female journalists are sent to that the reporting assignment. (Interviewee number 17) A female journalist working with a Hindi-language TV news channel agrees that certain forms of sexism work in favor of women, but also points out that they are not acceptable. She states: It is humiliating to hear that a woman is hired by TV media to add glamour to the screen. It is told as a matter of fact, and one keeps hearing casual sexist comments almost every day. I meet more men than women because of the male-dominated nature of my reporting beat, and I tend to tolerate and ignore all types of sexist remarks. If I express disapproval of the sexist attitude towards female journalists, then I am considered too sensitive to be a journalist. Comments are made about my body and my dress. Sometimes I am asked questions of very intimate nature. I resist the temptation to give it back because I know that at the end of the day, I have a job to finish. But it does not end there. If and when I do get that news report, it’s casually implied that I got it because of my sex. The only way to get around this deep-rooted sexism is to make the most of the opportunity and prove your worth, which also means working doubly hard than your male colleagues. (Interviewee number 19) While sexual harassment is seen as a criminal offense and a violation of the human rights of the person abused, it also severely damages mental and physical health. However, sexual harassment is rarely considered as an issue of public health or occupational health and safety (O’Neil, 2018). Sexual harassment at the workplace has negative job outcomes, as well as health outcomes, which include depression, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety, and several psychosomatic disorders (Siuta and Bergman, 2019). A female journalist working with an English language newspaper shared that an incident of sexual harassment at her workplace had badly affected her health. The journalist states: During my first job at a newspaper, one of my male colleagues tried to sexually harass me at an afterwork party which was hosted at another colleague’s house. I somehow managed to get out of the situation, but I could not get the trauma out of my head. I kept thinking what if I had gotten stuck, what if he had used force…. I started having sleep-issues and suffered from anxiety. I just did not want to go to work. I was blaming myself. I thought that I should not have gone to the party, or I should have left early. It was my first job in the news media and I felt like a failure at everything. I did not even dare to complain about that person. My health problems continued for months, and then my friends and family noticed that something was wrong and asked me to get help. I am still coping with the trauma and I find it difficult to trust my choices thereafter. (Interviewee number 2)

111

 Reckoning With #MeToo and the Aftermath

Journalists’ Perception of the #MeToo Movement and Its Aftermath In India, the #MeToo movement took off when Indian actress Tanushree Dutta shared her experience of sexual harassment in the Indian film industry. She alleged that Indian actor Nana Patekar had harassed her during the shoot of a film in 2008. As her story began to gather attention on social media, more women came out with their experiences. Other female actors in Bollywood, including Kangana Ranaut, Vidya Balan, and Priyanka Chopra, confirmed the presence of rape culture and sexual harassment in the Indian film industry. In one of the most high-profile cases, journalist Priya Ramani claimed that the Minister of State for External Affairs and former editor of several news media organizations, M J Akbar, had routinely harassed her when she worked as his subordinate in a media organization (Naik et al.,2020). Ramani’s story gave courage to several female journalists who came in support and shared their stories of abuse by other editors and colleagues in the Indian news media. The mainstream media largely remained silent and did not report the #MeToo claims against the members of its industry (Scroll. in, 2018). The mainstream media’s silence of the issues is symptomatic of the perception and attitude towards sexual harassment within the news media industry. While the #MeToo movement acted as a unifying force for women who had experienced sexual harassment or sexism at their workplace, it has also displayed divisive tendencies that fostered previously held opinions about gender rights in certain ideological groups. Research shows that men with higher hostility towards female emancipation and feminist ideology had a negative perception about the #MeToo movement and other forms of social media activism undertaken for women’s rights (Kunst et al.,2018). On the other hand, research also showed that the #MeToo movement did have a positive impact. As a result of an improved level of awareness about workplace sexual harassment, an increase in reporting of sexual crimes and an increase in arrests for sexual crimes was observed in the long run (Levy & Mattson, 2020). Banet-Weiser (2018) has extensively interrogated the coexistence of popular feminism and popular misogyny, and with the #MeToo movement and its backlash feminist theorists have been directed to examine how social media platforms that foster misogyny mediate discourses of women’s rights (Boyle & Rathnayake, 2019). One of the objectives of this study is to record the perception of the #MeToo movement among journalists in India. Based on the theory of epistemic advantage, the study explores how female journalists, in particular, navigate their professional and personal lives with their lived experiences and contextual knowledge of gender norms in society and sexual harassment at the workplace. One of the female journalists interviewed for the study states: The explosion of the #MeToo movement did make women in Indian media feel that they are not alone in suffering from sexual harassment and sexism at the workplace. The accounts were disturbing and hit home. To know that I could very well have been in the place of the victim made me anxious. Yet, I don’t think I felt the courage to talk about my experiences or complain to anyone regarding disturbing events at my workplace. I felt that the #MeToo movement was still far from where I was. I did not feel then, and neither do I feel now, that my male colleagues are sensitive to women’s issues. I don’t feel confident in confiding in anyone. I am not sure if I will be supported. (Interviewee number 9) Almost all the journalists interviewed for the study agreed that the #MeToo movement was instrumental in disclosing the extent of the problem of workplace sexual harassment. However, most journalists also felt that the #MeToo movement could not galvanize enough action against sexual harassment at 112

 Reckoning With #MeToo and the Aftermath

the grassroots-level of the Indian news media industry. The analysis of the responses of the journalists reveals that the failure of the #MeToo movement to create an effective agency in the India news media can be associated to the reluctance among news media organizations to formally acknowledge the issue of sexual harassment at the workplace, and their lack of initiative to create a dialogue on gender equity between its management and employees. One of the male journalists, working with a newspaper, states: The #MeToo movement caused an uneasy environment in the workplace. Everyone was silently waiting for more names of sexual predators to spill on social media. Many of my colleagues were worried that they might have unintentionally said or done something to a female journalist and that they would be outed in the public now. Many were sending out personal apologies. Some were accepted some were not. I had even heard that a few female journalists were using the movement as an opportunity to arm-twist their male colleagues or bosses for significant professional favors like a salary raise, promotion, or a preferred transfer. Within weeks of the movement, the pros and cons of the movement were beginning to surface. The disregard among male journalists towards claims of sexual harassment made by women participating in the #MeToo movement was evident. My male colleagues would ridicule it. (Interviewee number 23) The #MeToo movement and its backlash highlighted the presence of a contest between the perception of problem behaviors and perception of consent within the politics of the workplace. Tambe (2018) emphasizes the need to reorient the meaning of verbal consent in terms of the play of power among individuals at the workplace. Taking examples from the #MeToo movement in the US, Tambe suggests that it is important to consider the situations that might stop a woman from staying no to an act of sexual violence, or compel her to remain silent after a sexual assault. A male journalist, working with a Hindilanguage newspaper, states that the #MeToo movement introduced a nuanced meaning of consent, which most men are unfamiliar with. He states: The #MeToo movement was a wake-up call for men in the news media industry. The idea that consent is a clear ‘no’ is outdated and most men are unaware of this fact. The #MeToo movement and the accounts shared by the survivors showed that a woman did not always say no. But what it did not tell was that what is consent after all. Men are afraid of being framed in false charges of sexual harassment in the workplace. As a crime reporter, I come across false accusations of rape made by women all the time. In such ambiguous circumstances, the best strategy seems to be to avoid female journalists altogether. However, that is not professional, ethical, or even feasible. Isolation will only add another blow to the careers of female journalists. As long as male journalists are not aware of the precise terms of engagement with their female colleagues, there will be tension. Also, a lot of time has passed since the #MeToo movement went viral. Most male journalists who made deliberate efforts to either be more courteous to women or avoided them on purpose are back to their old habits. I am not sure if anyone understands what happened, or knows the way forward. (Interviewee number 6) The responses collected via in-depth interviews from journalists reveal that media organizations are not doing enough to sensitize their employees to gender issues, including sexual harassment and sexism at the workplace. The responses of the female journalists interviewed for the study reveal that they feel that the media organizations in India missed the opportunity that came with the i#MeToo movement to

113

 Reckoning With #MeToo and the Aftermath

elevate the cause of gender equity at the workplace. One of the female journalists interviewed for the study states: Media organizations have to play a more pro-active role in addressing issues of gender discrimination and sexual harassment at the workplace. The human resource department is not just meant to roll out paychecks, there’s more that needs to be done for an employee’s health and safety. Right after the #MeToo movement, there was a brief period when the management of media organizations was organizing lectures, seminars, or workshops on gender and sexual harassment, but those efforts did not continue for long. This gives out a message that they are not serious, and that they were doing reaching out and addressing the issue just to save their skins while the storm lasted. (Interviewee number 3).

CONCLUSION The in-depth interviews conducted with male and female journalists working in Indian media organizations provide insights about their perceptions about sexism and sexual harassment at the workplace, as well as their reckoning with the #MeToo movement that became a viral phenomenon. Significant themes emerging from the responses of the journalists were discussed in the data analysis section of this chapter. A common thread found running through all the interviews with female journalists was their belief that there is widespread sexism at the workplace. The female journalists also shared their fears of being shamed for speaking up against sexism or sexual harassment, as victim-shaming and rape myths are routinely used to malign the image of women demanding justice or action in cases of sexual harassment and rape. The female journalists also shared that they preferred to avoid circumstances where their safety could be compromised, and while it was not always possible they tried to have someone check on them or stay with them when they had to be around a sexual predator or were in situations where there was a high risk of sexual harassment or assault. The responses of the female journalists reveal that most women working in the media understand the culture of sexual harassment and can discern the mechanism of control that is supported by power and structure in the news media industry, media organizations, and society. Women are conditioned to be responsible for their safety and wellbeing and realize that social structures and practices like patriarchy also come into play within organizations. The female journalists also showed more sensitivity to the accounts of sexual harassment shared by women on social media during the #MeToo movement. While some male journalists expressed their concerns regarding the misuse of the #MeToo movement and sexual harassment laws by women to blackmail men, no female journalists felt that the #MeToo movement was used for personal vendetta or professional interests by the participants in the movement. The responses received from male journalists reveal that although they agree to the presence of discriminatory practices against women in media organizations in India, they felt that the #MeToo movement was not the right way to approach the problem as it allowed women to make unverified claims of sexual harassment against men and created room for blackmail. Overall, the responses of all journalists reveal that they feel that the #MeToo movement could not deliver on its promises. While women think that the failure was because of the lack of organizational support and societal prejudice against feminist movements, the male journalists felt that the #MeToo movement was taken over by women with vindictive intentions and hence received a justified backlash. The analysis of journalists’ perceptions of sexual harassment at the workplace and the #MeToo movement highlights the need for organizational level policy change and cultural change at the macro level and 114

 Reckoning With #MeToo and the Aftermath

micro-level with concerted efforts to instill gender sensitization (See also Jamil, 2020). The interviews of female journalists reveal that they feel marginalized in a male-dominated workplace, and to address their needs of safety and security a proactive approach should be taken by media organizations. The skewed power equation between female journalists and their male coworkers and male superiors requires correction with more representation of women at all levels of editorial management and organizations in the Indian media industry. While this study primarily focuses on the journalists’ perception of sexual harassment, it presents insights that can inform empirical studies in this regard.

REFERENCES Aina, A. D., & Kulshrestha, P. (2018). Sexual Harassment in Educational Institutions in Delhi’NCR (India): Level of Awareness, Perception and Experience. Sexuality & Culture, 22(1), 106–126. doi:10.100712119017-9455-5 Arekapudi, N., & Santagostino, I. (2020). Sexual harassment is serious business. World Bank Blogs. Retrieved from: https://blogs.worldbank.org/developmenttalk/sexual-harassment-serious-business Banet-Weiser, S. (2018). Empowered: Popular feminism and popular misogyny. Duke University Press. Bhagat, P. (2004). Status of Women Journalists in the Print Media. Press Institute of India. Retrieved from: http://ncwapps.nic.in/frmPubReport.aspx Bhattacharya, R. (2018). #Metoo Movement: An Awareness Campaign. International Journal of Innovation, Creativity and Change, 3(4). Bhattacharyya, A. (2017). Sexual Harassment in the Indian Bureaucracy: Violation of Human Rights. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Borpujari, P. (2017). #MeToo and #HimToo Come to India. The Diplomat. Retrieved from: https:// thediplomat.com/2017/11/metoo-and-himtoo-come-to-india/ Boyle, K., & Rathnayake, C. (2019). # HimToo and the networking of misogyny in the age of# MeToo. Feminist Media Studies, 1(19), 1–19. doi:10.1080/14680777.2019.1661868 Chadha, K. (2017). The Indian news media industry: Structural trends and journalistic implications. Global Media and Communication, 13(2), 139–156. doi:10.1177/1742766517704674 Chadha, K., Steiner, L., & Guha, P. (2017). Indian women journalists’ responses to sexism and sexual harassment. International Communication Research Journal, 52(1), 1. Denzin, N. K. (1970). The Research Act: A Theoretical Introduction to Sociological Methods. Aldine. Gallagher, M. (2002). Women, media and democratic society: In pursuit of rights and freedoms. In Expert group meeting on “participation and access of woman to the media, and the impact of media on, and its use as an instrument for the advancement and empowerment of women. United Nations. Internation Federation of Journalists. (2015). County Report: Media and Gender in India. Retrieved from: https://samsn.ifj.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/INDIA.pdf

115

 Reckoning With #MeToo and the Aftermath

Jamil, S. (2020). Suffering in Silence: The Resilience of Pakistan’s Female Journalists to Combat Sexual Harassment, Threats and Discrimination. Journalism Practice, 14(2), 150–170. doi:10.1080/1751278 6.2020.1725599 KPMG. (2019). India’s digital future: Mass of niches. Retrieved from: https://home.kpmg/in/en/home/ insights/2019/08/india-media-entertainment-report_2019.html Kunst, J. R., Bailey, A., Prendergast, C., & Gundersen, A. (2019). Sexism, rape myths and feminist identification explain gender differences in attitudes toward the #metoo social media campaign in two countries. Media Psychology, 22(5), 818–843. doi:10.1080/15213269.2018.1532300 Levy, R., & Mattsson, M. (2019). The Effects of Social Movements: Evidence from# MeToo. Retrieved from: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3496903 Medina, J. (2013). The epistemology of resistance: Gender and racial oppression, epistemic injustice, and the social imagination. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199929023.001.0001 Mendes, K., Ringrose, J., & Keller, J. (2018). # MeToo and the promise and pitfalls of challenging rape culture through digital feminist activism. European Journal of Women’s Studies, 25(2), 236–246. doi:10.1177/1350506818765318 Ministry of Women and Child Development. (2015). Handbook on Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013. Government of India. Retrieved from: https://www.iitk.ac.in/wc/data/Handbook%20on%20Sexual%20Harassment%20of%20Women%20at%20 Workplace.pdf Mohapatra, A., Soman, P., Solanki, A. S., & Shroff, V. (2018). India’s Law on Prevention of Sexual Harassment at the Workplace. Nishith Desai Associates. Retrieved from: http://www.nishithdesai.com/ fileadmin/user_upload/pdfs/Research%20Papers/Prevention_of_Sexual_Harassment_at_Workplace.pdf Murthy, L., Aggarwal, A., Karthikeyan, R., Joseph, A., & Kundu, S. (2020). Creating Safe Workplaces: Prevention and Redressal of Sexual Harassment in Media Houses in India. Gender in Media and Network of Women in Media. Retrieved from: http://nwmindia.org/images/GAW_CREATING_SAFE_WORKPLACES_compressed_corrected.pdf Naik, M. G., Rodrigues, U. M., & Rani, P. (2020). Mainstream Media’s Framing of #Metoo Campaign in India. Multidisciplinary Journal of Gender Studies, 9(1), 79–106. doi:10.17583/generos.2020.4902 Narayan, U. (1989). The Project of Feminist Epistemology: Perspectives from a Non-Western Feminist. In The Feminist Philosophy Reader (pp. 291-300). McGraw Hill. O’Neil, A., Sojo, V., Fileborn, B., Scovelle, A. J., & Milner, A. (2018). The# MeToo movement: An opportunity in public health? Lancet, 391(10140), 2587–2589. doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(18)30991-7 PMID:30070210 Pasti, S., Ramaprasad, J., & Ndlovu, M. (2015). BRICS journalists in global research. In Mapping BRICS media (pp. 205–227). Routledge. doi:10.4324/9781315726212-14

116

 Reckoning With #MeToo and the Aftermath

Press Trust of India. (2019, August 2). Women journalists denied fair share in Indian media: UN report. Retrieved from: https://www.business-standard.com/article/pti-stories/women-journalists-denied-fairshare-in-indian-media-un-report-119080201682_1.html Rajan, S. I., Sudha, S., & Mohanachandran, P. (2000). Fertility decline and worsening gender bias in India: Is Kerala no longer an exception? Development and Change, 31(5), 1085–1092. doi:10.1111/14677660.00190 Rana, C. (2019, November 30). Wrong turn- How an Ola cab ride in Chandigarh became an ordeal for a journalist. Retrieved from: https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/chandigarh/ wrong-turn-how-anola-cab-ride-in-chandigarh-became-an-ordeal-for-a-journalist-6143929/ Rao, S., & Rodny-Gumede, Y. (2020). Gazing past the glass ceiling: Indian and South African female journalists’ perceptions of their role and power in the newsroom. Global Media and Communication, 16(1), 57–74. doi:10.1177/1742766519899116 Ray, S. (2018). #MeToo Is A Crucial Moment To Revisit The History of Indian Feminism. Economic and Political Weekly, 53(42). Retrieved from: https://www.epw.in/engage/article/metoo-crucial-momentrevisit-history-indian-feminism Registrar of Newspaper for India. (2018). Press in India (2017-2018). Retrieved from: http://rni.nic.in/ all_page/press_india.aspx Reporters Without Borders. (2018, October 24). #MeToo wave sweeps Indian media, but sanctions are slow in coming. Retrieved from: https://rsf.org/en/news/metoo-wave-sweeps-indian-media-sanctionsare-slow-coming Sangwan, D., & Thakre, A. G. (2016, January). Sexual Harassment at the Workplace in Public and Private Sectors in National Capital Region of Delhi, India: An Empirical Study. In Third International Conference of the South Asian Society of Criminology and Victimology (SASCV), 28-29, January 2016, Goa, India: SASCV 2016 Proceedings (p. 147). K. Jaishankar. Sarkar, S. (2017). Why Does Under Reporting of Sexual Harassment Continue to Prevail in the Workplace in the 21st Century. doi:10.2139srn.3018096 Scroll Staff. (2018, October 10). Media watch: Most front pages did not report on #MeToo sexual harassment charges against MJ Akbar. Retrieved from: https://scroll.in/article/897723/media-watch-mostfront-pages-did-not-report-on-metoo-sexual-harassment-charges-against-mj-akbar Sebastian, M. (2018). Times Now’s Parallel Trial In Tejpal Case Blatantly Interfered With Justice. Retrieved from: https://thewire.in/media/times-now-parallel-trial-tarun-tejpal-case Shakthi, S. (2020). The law, the market, the gendered subject: Workplace sexual harassment in Chennai’s information technology industry. Gender, Place and Culture, 27(1), 34–51. doi:10.1080/096636 9X.2019.1608912 Siuta, R. L., & Bergman, M. E. (2019). Sexual Harassment in the Workplace. In Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Business and Management. Retrieved from: https://oxfordre.com/business/ view/10.1093/ acrefore/9780190224851.001.0001/acrefore-9780190224851-e-191

117

 Reckoning With #MeToo and the Aftermath

Sood, S., Singh, N., Mandhani, A., & Khan, F. (2019). One year after India’s big #MeToo wave, a reality check. ThePrint. Retrieved from: https://theprint.in/features/one-year-after-india-big-metoo-wavereality-check/304787/ Tambe, A. (2018). Reckoning with the Silences of# MeToo. Feminist Studies, 44(1), 197–203. doi:10.15767/ feministstudies.44.1.0197 Tejani, S. (2004). Sexual harassment at the workplace: Emerging problems and debates. Economic and Political Weekly, 4491–4494. Thomson Reuters Foundation. (2018). The world’s most dangerous countries for women 2018. Retrieved from: http://poll2018.trust.org/ Thortensson, D. (2019). Epistemic Privilege in the Works of Marx/Engels, DuBois, Mills & Narayan. Oregon State University. Retrieved from: https://ir.library.oregonstate.edu/concern/defaults/5425kh257

KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Rape Myths: Beliefs about rape and rape victims based on prejudice, false beliefs, and stereotypes that are deeply embedded in social and cultural discourses. Sexism: A type of abusive and discriminatory behavior involving implicit or explicit actions, verbal transgressions against the opposite sex. Sexual Harassment: A type of harassment involving the use of sexual overtones, including implicit and explicit sexual suggestions, a promise of rewards in exchange for sexual favors, verbal transgression, sexual abuse, or assault. Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition, and Redressal) Act 2013: Also known as the POSH Act 2013, the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition, and Redressal) Act is a legislative act formulated to provide protection against sexual harassment of women at workplace and for the prevention and redressal of complaints of sexual harassment and matters connected with violation of fundamental rights of women to equality under Articles 14 and 15 of the Consitution of India, and her right to life and dignity under Article 21 of the Constitution of India. Vishakha Guidelines: Pormugulated by the Supreme Court of India in 1997, the Vishakha Guidelines are a set of procedural guidelines formulated to be followed in cases related to sexual harassment. These guidelines were superseded by the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition, and Redressal) Act in 2013.

ENDNOTE 1



118

Purposive sampling refers to a type of non-probability sampling that involves selection of information-rich and reliable data sources that can efficiently answer the research question (Maxwell, 1997).

119

Chapter 8

Safety and Security of Journalists in India: Need for Comprehensive Protective Regulations Mausumi Bhattacharyya Visva-Bharati University, India

ABSTRACT Globally, upholders of the fourth pillar of democracy have been consistently exposed to security issues and gender discrimination. Many journalists and media professionals are having to pay with their lives in trying to get information. In spite of nations having constitutionally accepted accordance of operational freedom for the press, governments have failed to ensure a protective environment for decades. India, unfortunately, figures on the list of nations where journalists operate under tough conditions. The global state of journalist safety and security is outlined here. Analysing India-specific study findings and information generated through survey of journalists, this chapter argues the need for stringent policy regulations stipulating time bound delivery of justice and fast tracking of trial proceedings, for cases of violence against journalists and also highlights the probability of discrimination in distribution of work and disparate payments emerging as principle problems women journalists’ face.

INTRODUCTION Globally, journalism had been accorded a distinct place by framers of constitutions. In democratic nations, media was considered basic ingredient to ensure balanced and ethical governance (Jamil, 2019b; Wessel, 2018). As such Thomas Jefferson, the third President of United States, had observed for a choice between government without newspapers and newspapers without government, he would select the latter (Rauch, 2018). An acknowledgment of media’s valuable over governance. Via facts and information, media presents to masses standard of governance and performance of elected representatives, thus placing governments and politicians within the ambit of accountability (Rauch, 2018). Wessel (2018) DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch008

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

considers media having the power to control overindulgence, overabundance, corruption and impractical decision making within governments and business establishments. Dionne (2018) too had observed about freedom, crusade to negate corruption and upholding of democratic values being outcomes of neutral media functioning. Media doesn’t operate in a vacuum. It needs an ideal environment, fostering its realization of expectations. Such should enable freedom for optimal press functioning (Jamil & Muschert, 2020). Kirchick (2018) argues that degree of privileges and freedoms, citizens get to enjoy, being relational to operational freedom for media. If freedom of press is throttled or curtailed, compromise of citizens’ rights, privileges and freedoms can be expected. Case in point, China, the most populous nation of the world. Neither media nor citizens have rights and privileges to voice opinions or feelings. Channels of communication are totally censored to pre-empt attempts by media or commoners to criticize the ruling party (Ide and Huang, 2019). Opinion pieces, articles, stories and social media postings, if critical of the government, are blocked or pulled down under compulsion. Facebook, Google, Pinterest, Gmail and Instagram are barred from Chinese markets, least they evolve into platforms where government and its actions starts getting analyzed, discussed and debated (Ide and Huang, 2019). Koltay (2015) identifies non-interference of the state in functioning of media establishments, as central tenet of media freedom. National governments did reserve the right of legal action against any journalist or publication, after a story has been published, but maintained a hands-off posturing prior to publication. With advent and popularization of online news media, including social media, need for widening the periphery of media freedom was felt (Koltay, 2015). Media assuming greater role and participation opportunities in public life is aspired within democratic setups, which emphasizes need for scope to disseminate varied information via myriad channels. Concept of media freedom can therefore be understood as implying right of print, electronic and online media channels to freely publish information for public knowledge and awareness without any interference or control of government or its agencies (Jamil, 2015a; 2015b). Constitutional legal frameworks offer such protection to media against interferences by an overenthusiastic state (Kotlay 2015). Press freedom is not a new concept in the lives of several nations. It has been practiced and granted constitutional credence since long, though the span varies from one nation to another. Yet, in the case of many countries effective implementation and adherence to freedom of press continues to remain a problem area (Jamil, 2019, 2017a, 2017b). This clearly emerges from a comparative ranking of countries tabulated by Reporters Without Borders. Termed as the Press Freedom Index, the ranking showcases the situation local press functions under and this is arrived at post analysis of inputs received from journalists, research scholars, human rights activists and legal fraternity (Reporters Without Borders 2020). The finding for 2020 is as under: Dominance of red, brown and yellow zones is indicative of global threat and licensing of media. In majority countries journalists discharge their constitutionally granted responsibility under difficult conditions, while in some environment for journalism is remarkably worrisome. Across Asian continent, threat perception for journalism and journalists is high. Freedom allowed for media operations is also evaluated, on a global scale, by the United States based not-for-profit organization Freedom House. Their report titled Freedom of the Press published in 2019 doesn’t offer a very different scenario than what has been evaluated for the current year.

120

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

Figure 1. Press freedom index 2020

Source: Reporters Without Borders 2020

Figure 2. Freedom of the press 2019 Source: Freedom House 2019

Comparative analysis of the above presented data brings forth a trend, which is disturbing to a great extent. Between 2019 and 2020, nations have been able to maintain status quo as far as operational freedom for the press is concerned. Encouragingly nations, which are known for high levels of press freedom, were able to maintain the same and hence media did not face many serious issues operating therein. On the other hand, nations which have earned notoriety for not being able to extend safety and security to journalists and other members of the press do not demonstrate much improvement. India is one such example. In both data sets, the lack of press freedom and press safety comes across prominently. In the 2020 survey, conducted by Reporters Without Borders, the country was ranked 142 and for the second year in a row. Incidentally since 2016, India’s position has been on the slide consistently. From 133rd

121

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

position that year, position dropped to 136th in 2017 and further to 138 in 2018 before settling at 142nd for last and the present year. Though some nations have managed to improve rankings, their numbers are not very flattering. For journalism to effectively fulfill expectations of informing people and monitoring on their behalf, functioning of constitutional institutions, complete absence of any threat perception is necessary. In practical terms, it implies journalists feeling safe and secure to report what they observe, be it something just or unjust. Studies reveal such is amiss across many nations, in spite of freedom of press being legally acknowledged in their constitutional frameworks. In reality, environment induces fear within journalists influencing decision about what to report and how to report. Against the broad canvas of safety and security issues plaguing journalists in line of duty, this chapter argues for need of regulation ensuring adequate safety and security of journalists, irrespective of gender, in the Indian context. The study will present an overview of global condition, aiding comparative analysis of India’s position. Subsequently Indian scenario will be examined in-depth around the areas of safety concerns plaguing the profession, gender related safety problems, legal status in reported cases and existing gaps needing attention and redressal. This chapter, thus, will present the case for introduction of regulations for journalist safety and highlight existing issues for justification.

MATERIALS AND METHODS For any study, Hammerberg et al (2016) recommends the application of qualitative research method if basic objective is to garner knowledge regarding experiences, perspectives and interpretations of participants about the study subject. Qualitative data is not subjected to quantitative measuring or analysis but is interpreted by researchers using non-quantitative methods (Hammerberg et al, 2016). Data, for qualitative studies, are gathered via approaches like focused group discussion, semi-structured and in-depth interviews, surveys, cases studies and also reports and documents published by authentic and credible sources. Palmer and Bolderston (2006) had observed qualitative research as aiding researchers gain profound insights into the social and cultural contexts within people exist. As such qualitative method is interpretive in approach and offers insights into particular behaviour patterns experiences within a specific social context. As the objectives of this study is to understand the safety and security threats journalists endure in their workplaces or related to their work and the causes contributing to its persistence, from the perspective of practising journalists, qualitative research method was selected from application. Qualitative data has been gathered from both primary and secondary sources elaborating on safety and security issues being faced by journalists and the need for stricter government regulations to address them. Primary data has been gathered employing the survey method, as part of which a close ended questionnaire was digitally administered to practising journalists across urban, semi-urban and rural centers. To ensure appropriate gender mix, the questionnaire was shared with both male and female journalists. Combination of full time employed journalists, stringers and freelancers was selected to allow cognizance of different viewpoints and perceptions about security issues plaguing the journalist community, at large. Secondary data was sourced from various reports, articles, research findings and surveys and analysed to comprehend the environment within which journalists, both global and local, operate in present times. Gathered data aids in outlining safety and security hurdles being faced by journalists across the world and also in India,

122

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

facilitating a comparison of prevalent conditions. Deduced trends were then studied vis-a-vis primary data to assess reflection in reality.

FINDINGS FROM PRIMARAY DATA SOURCES International Scenario Conclusion of different studies conducted and reports compiled about journalist safety and security emphasizes the danger prone environment within which such professionals operate. Over the last decades and years, global journalist fraternity has been constantly subjected to attacks and assaults across majority nations (Elliott et al, 2012). Incidents of physical offensive and murder continue unabated, with increasing rates recorded by international organizations. Elliott et al (2012) maintains that though this is both unnerving and unacceptable, in civilized societies, incidents of death and injury remains largely unaddressed. By donning the veil of silence, governments fail to acknowledge that such attacks and killings deprives journalists of their basic right to life and right to fulfil their professional obligations safely. Additionally, it also deprives citizens of their right to know the true state of affairs in society and governance. Elliott et al (2012) interprets violence against journalist as not merely violence against an individual, but systematic and planned undermining of the right and freedom to expression of thoughts and opinion. Heyns and Srinivasan (2013) qualify the termination of journalists in 2009 in Philippines as the bloodiest attack on these professionals, ever. In November of the year, 32 journalists were killed in the province of Maguindanao, Philippines with no subsequent identification of perpetrators. So many falling preys, in a single incident, have not been recorded subsequently. Yet surprisingly none of the perpetrators were identified, rendering arrest and punishment as mere wishes. No wonder then, 2012 saw significant increase in quantum of journalist deaths with 70 falling prey to nefarious motives in line of duty (Heyns and Srinivasan, 2013). According to data released by Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), the period from January 1992 to February 2013 witnessed brutal killing of 971 journalism professionals with the motive being directly related to their professional duties. Of the total figure, 588 were murdered and in 88% of these cases there was no action taken against culprits (Heyns and Srinivasan, 2013). CPJ report also published ranking of the different countries, basis number of journalists killed during the period, wherein Iraq topped with 151 fatal assaults. Ranking of other countries is presented below: A significant aspect of this find is inclusion of India and its neighbours. It is further interesting to note that India experiences more incidences of violence against journalists than strife torn Afghanistan and ethnic conflict-ridden Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. However, Pakistan ranks ahead of all these countries. Jamil (2018) has conducted a study about journalist safety in Pakistan and concludes about impunity being the fodder for prevalence of journalist attacks which impacts level of professionalism. All those surveyed, agreed to government, military, legal provisions, fundamentalist extremism, social and political conditions and traditionalist outlook contributing to emergence of an unsafe environment for journalists (Jamil, 2018; Jamil, 2017a, 2017b, 2016). Lack of training in self-defense has been cited as a reason by 76% respondents while lack of impact of constituted provisions thereby aggravating the problems was identified as a reason by 91%. Fact that India ranks within the top ten nations when it comes to assault on journalists, is surely a matter of grave concern and needs due attention of government machinery, both at the national and state levels. 123

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

Figure 3. CPJ Country ranking of attack on journalists

Source: Heyns and Srinivasan, 2013

Figure 4. Role of journalists killed during reported period Source: Heyns and Srinivasan, 2013

The above representation shows those working on the ground, from both print and electronic media, bearing the brunt of violence against journalists. Of the total number of casualties, 53% are reporters or correspondents. Editors are the next most vulnerable lot with 16% falling victims to intentional and planned violence. Though 12% camera operators also lost their lives, compared to 9% columnist or commentators, it is plausible that the former may have been caught in the cross fire rather than being victims of planned violence. However, attack against the latter group could be pre-mediated, as opinion pieces have the potential of influencing thoughts and perceptions of readers. Thus, it emerges that reporters, editors and commentators comprise the most vulnerable group, in the context of safety and security of journalists. The CPJ report also indicates that print media journalists are more susceptible to wrath of detractors, with 54% of those killed working for this medium. In comparison 28% worked for electronic channels, 20% worked for radio station and 5% were members of online news portals (Heyns and Srinivasan, 2013). Notable however, in 2011 and 2012 of the total number of journalists killed, 19% and 36% respectively worked for online portals (Heyns and Srinivasan, 2013). This implies, as online space is becoming

124

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

popular and more people are turning to it for their daily dose of news and current affairs, those working for such organizations are increasingly becoming targets of murderous attacks. As popularity of online media ascends, number of online journalists and reporters getting assaulted and killed may increase in coming years. Predating the above is a global study conducted by the International News Safety Institute which focused on assessment of level of protection under which journalists operate. In underlining the extreme lack of safety and security cover available to these professionals, at the very outset the report draws attention to the 2002 beheading of Daniel Pearl, an international correspondent with Wall Street Journal, and the murder of Tim Lopes who worked for Globo TV. While Pearl was involved in reporting about activities of the Taliban, Lopes’s investigative reports about slums of Rio De Janiero brought to fore the rampant prevalence of drug abuse and under-age sex (INSI, 2007). Subsequently the report also highlights how several journalists have lost their lives due to their opposition to governmental policies which manifested through their stories and articles. Anna Politkovskaya, a critic of the Russian government’s Chechnya policy, was fatally shot in 2006 inside the lift of her Moscow apartment. In 2003 Terry Lloyd, correspondent with ITN, lost his life in Southern Iraq after being shot at by US troops (INSI 2007). Similarly, Hrant Dink was murdered in 2007 after he voiced his criticism against Turkish position towards the Armenian problem and the role leaders of the country played in massacres between 1915 and 1917. When the unfortunate incident occurred, Dink was the Chief Editor of the Turkish bilingual publication Agos (INSI 2007). This heinous act was described by Prime Minister of Turkey as reflective of strangulation of democracy and press freedom. To evaluate the depth of safety issues accompanying journalistic practices, INSI (2007) conducted an in-depth analysis of physical onslaught against journalists from 1996 till 2006. In addition to examining available data, the institute interviewed present crop of journalists and families of those who lost their lives while responding to call of duty. Completion of the exercise threw up four vital insights exposing the razor thin protective shield reporters and others operate under. First insight signals, two members of the media losing their lives every week on an average. This cumulates to death of 1000 reporters and support crew over a decade, while covering conflicts or exposing illegal and immoral activities and associations (INSI 2007). Death of 100 professionals every year is what this translates into in annual terms. The second insight is rather startling and indicates that only one in every four-media professional lost their lives while reporting on armed strife and wars. Alternatively, this implies three of every four slain media staff died while covering a non-conflict issue and mostly in their own country. Thus, a majority of reporters and associates probably lost their lives while informing society about existing ill practices, dealings and nexuses. Analyzing the ten-year trend, INSI (2007) reports elaborates this aspect through the following graphical representation where horizontal axis represents context of death and vertical axis represents number of slain journalists: The third insight indicates to silencing of over 650 media staff, including both men and women, due to their investigation into dark underbellies of society. As some sections felt threatened because of ethical journalistic conduct, elimination became the favoured option. Disheartening to note, of every 8 perpetrators only 1 ultimately got booked and faced justice. This magnifies the complete apathy of governments, law enforcement agencies and justice systems in prosecuting culprits involved in such crimes (INSI 2007). Worst still, as the fourth insight clarifies, in two-third cases those planning and executing assaults on journalists were not identified and will never be. It exemplifies complete lack of full-proof and thorough investigation in cases of journalist murder. This not only allows those involved in such crimes to go free but encourages others to follow suit, setting the precedence that attack on media professionals is 125

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

Figure 5. Context of death of journalists 1996-2006 Source: INSI 2007

no serious issue and hence can be auctioned whenever the need is felt (INSI 2007). Certainly, the above highlights major administrative and governmental loopholes which leaves dedicated and constitution obeying journalists at the mercy of crime and political mandarins. Recorded fallout of such apathy, 147 and 167 journalists lost their lives in 2005 and 2006 respectively, globally. About nation specific fatality rates, the INSI (2007) report presented the following ranking: Figure 6. Country specific journalist mortality rates Source: INSI 2007

126

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

Figure 7. Perpetrators of crime against journalists

Source: INSI 2007

India and its neighbours feature in the above ranking, exposing the difficult environment within journalists operate in the Asian region. India occupies the sixth position with 45 journalist deaths recorded over the ten-year period. Though the number is significantly lower than Iraq, which tops the ranking, nonetheless it constitutes a blot on the largest democracy of the world. When this tabulation is compared with the CJP 2013 ranking, presented above, marginal improvement in India’s ranking emerges. But given that India continues to rank within the top ten countries recording maximum journalist death globally, magnifies the need for immediate and stringent rectification measures. Considering cumulation of both rankings, it is baffling that in spite of nations having constitutionally adapted responsibility of providing operational freedom to the press have not been able to deliver it in reality. Where have nations actually failed, is clarified by the following two representations. Figure 8. Outcomes of crime against journalists Source: INSI 2007

Dismal performance of governments in identifying perpetrators of these crimes and getting them to face the justice system has subtly encouraged persistence of planned attacks against media staff. The high number of unknown assailants and low number of legal proceedings and conviction combine to

127

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

create the apt ecosystem which fosters anger and hatred against people who are merely involved in ethically executing their responsibilities in the best interest of society and nation. It is irony that such is not desired and therefore journalists are silenced at will.

The Indian Scenario Perceptions emerging from the above findings, about security issues plaguing journalism practices across the globe, are unfortunately relevant and topical in the Indian context. Spate of fatal attacks against senior journalists like Gauri Lankesh, K. J. Singh, Sudip Datta Bhaumik and Rajesh Mishra have strikingly exposed risks journalists face while endeavouring to find out and present the truth (Murthy 2018). None of the above was victims of cross border firing or while reporting from conflict or trouble prone areas. Rather they became victims of immaculate planning and bullets of gang lords, operating with support of strong local groups having political patronage. Grimness of the situation gets magnified when one considers miscreants eliminating K. J. Singh’s nonagenarian mother, while attempting to kill the journalist. Yet as Dutta (2017) points out identification of culprits did not happen in most of the above cases leaving the loop of prosecution and conviction wide open. International Federation of Journalists (2012) mentions that 2005 saw the execution of nearly 73 journalists. Prior to this between 1990 and 2004, around 95 journalists had met the same fate. A Committee to Protect Journalist (2016) report adds in 40% of cases, victims had received callings warning of impending physical assault. Ruefully, media establishments and police did not intervene resulting in loss of talented media professionals. Rise in targeted offensive is aided by the fact, majority of cases remain unsolved and those solved, do not move over to conviction phase. Dismal record of perpetrators getting convicted provides the perfect setup for launching increasingly noxious attacks on correspondents, editors, commentators and others. Herein the ranking of India, among top ten countries with serious challenges for press freedom can be recalled. Apathy across all levels of administration, media and governance appears reason for it. Given the sensitivities associated with beats like politics, crime and corruption, reporters covering such issues are foremost at risk (Murthy, 2018). CPJ (2015) notes 11 journalists, reporting on these beats, losing their lives in a decade’s time. No action was initiated to solve these cases and bring the perpetrators to justice. CPJ (2015) mentions India’s impunity index being 0.08, placing it alongside countries known for virulence against journalists for the eighth straight year. An editorial piece of The Wire (2018) puts the fatality figure of Indian journalists at 48, for the period between 1992 and 2018. This is strongly indicative of how ubiquitous violence against journalists is and the tough realities countering which they continue operating. Though those carrying out these crimes are non-state individuals and groups, but stoic silence of state and media machineries provides them much needed endorsement to sustain these onslaughts (The Wire, 2018). Uttar Pradesh tops the list of states where journalists operate under maximum threat perception. While the state has been hostile to journalistic sincerity and dedication all along, Majumder (2020) notes things going downhill faster post results of the parliamentary elections of 2019. Attacks on journalists have gone up since then and many are being compelled to impose some kind of self-censorship, to protect themselves and families. Significant rise in pressing of criminal charges and physical offensives were informed by several journalists to a CPJ team, which visited them during February and March 2020 (Majumder, 2020). On ground journalists informed the team about government censorship, violation by police and threat from mafia groups escalating in the post Covid-19 scenario. Case in point is the 128

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

pressure being applied on two journalists by the magistrate of Varanasi for filing a story, in a leading vernacular daily, about children surviving on grass in the absence of sufficient food (Majumder, 2020). Legal notices were served to the publication, claiming the story to be untrue and sensationalised. The publication was directed to issue an unconditional apology or face legal proceedings. Though the editor stood by the journalists and the report, yet fear looms large about possible arrest under the Epidemic Diseases Act which was enforced in the state post the pandemic outbreak. Citing this Act, the magistrate threatened action against the journalists for dissemination of misinformation, which if auctioned could see the reporter duo spending six months in jail and penalty of Rs. 1000 (Majumder, 2020). Shutting down of publications and television channels, journalists getting stripped, beating and urinated on and detention on grounds of criminal charges are today commonplace in India’s most populous state (Majumder, 2020). Other states following the Uttar Pradesh model and placing curbs on journalistic freedom includes Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur and Odisha from the Northeast and East; Kashmir, Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Chattisgarh and Rajasthan from the North and Northwest; Karnataka from the South and Andhra Pradesh from the Southeast (Murthy, 2018). Reporters, freelancers and stringers operating in rural areas and reporting on issues of corruption and wrongdoing within political and administrative circles, remain exposed to higher degree of risk given the apathy of their respective houses to provide them adequate support and protection (Murthy, 2018). This being the state of affairs, it is shocking that governments, center and states, shares no official data about attacks on media staff. Though in 2014 the central government had given responsibility of collating such data to the National Crime Records Bureau, yet a standardized template for the purpose could not be developed within all these years (Seshu and Sarkar, 2019). Figure 9. Attacks on journalists and imprisonment in India (1992-2020) Source: CPJ 2020

In the above representation, red portions measures journalists killed and pink portions tabulates imprisonment. As in evident, elimination of journalists far outweighs imprisonment of culprits with the former occurring with disturbing regularity. Among all the considered years, 2015 and 2019 were probably the best in terms of imprisonment. But these being flashes in the pan become pronounced when relative figures of 2016, 2017 and 2018 are considered. For all these years, number of journalists losing their lives outweighs quantum of imprisonment. Accordingly, in the present year, killing of journalist continues unabated but none have so far being imprisoned for the crime.

129

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

Figure 10. Journalist deaths between 2014 and 2019

Source: Seshu and Sarkar, 2019

Narrowing down the focus to a five year period between 2014 and 2019, the above graphical presentation showcases death of 198 journalists. It is evident that attack on journalists has been on the rise since 2015, hitting the crescendo in 2016. Though marginal drop is noticeable over 2017 and 2018, yet number of incidents is significantly higher compared to the 2014 level. Figure 11. State wise distribution of journalist deaths 2014-2019 Source: Seshu and Sarkar, 2019

In the above representation, confirmed cases are those where murder of journalists has been assessed to be directly related to the profession. Unconfirmed cases signify absence of establishment of any such direct relation. Of the total, assaults directly related to the profession marginally outweigh the other option. In Madhya Pradesh, while some cases were assessed to be direct fallouts of journalistic investigation or reporting, in similar number of cases such relation could not be established. In Bihar, there is clear indication that profession related animosity has resulted in more journalist deaths. However, there are some cases where grey areas remain. Alarmingly in Uttar Pradesh unconfirmed cases outnumbers confirmed cases, underlining apathy and lack of action of the police, administration and political establishments. This, in a way, explains why Uttar Pradesh has earned the notoriety of being the most dangerous state for press freedom. Madhya Pradesh and Bihar are not far behind and hostile

130

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

Figure 12. Perpetrators of crime against journalists 2014-2019 Source: Seshu and Sarkar, 2019

environment for media functioning is quite apparent. These three states cumulatively witnessed deaths of 21 journalists, accounting for over 50% of total number of scribes silenced between 2014 and 2019. Interestingly police, politicians, party sympathisers and supporters and right-wing entities appears to have inflicted most blows on journalists over the five-year period analysed (Seshu and Sarkar, 2019). Those owing or managing businesses and insurgent groups have also perpetrated crime against media professionals, but number of cases where such involvement was unearthed is lower than where link of police and politicians were found or is suspected. This probably is indicative of the police, politician and mafia nexus which is believed to be behind several instances of atrocities against journalists. Illegal mining, sand mining, liquor trade, stone crushing and kerosene trade are beats that journalists were investigating or reporting about, when fatal attacks were launched against them (Seshu and Sarkar, 2019). So, these emerge as trades where illegal dealings run deep and whenever efforts have been made to expose the same, scribe death has been the outcome. Figure 13. Justice delivery for targeted attack against journalists 2014-2018 Source: Seshu and Sarkar, 2019

131

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

Dismal status of justice delivery in cases of targeted violence against journalist is strongly communicated by the above data points. Between 2014 and 2018, 63 instances of targeted attack on journalists were studied by the researchers. Particularly noteworthy is the zero conviction rates for all the cases and over the four-year period. In only four cases trial actually got underway and in another three cases charge sheets were filed by investigators. That covers just 7 cases, leaving the remaining 56 cases in the lurch. In 20 cases either there were no formal complaints on the basis of which police could start a probe or no information was available, signalling dead end. In 36 cases, mere complaints or FIRs were registered and investigation never proceeded beyond that stage. The editorial piece of The Wire (2018) had drawn attention to Article 19 of the Constitution which upholds freedom of speech and expression, the very essence of meaningful journalism. The piece had emphasized that protecting freedom of journalism and journalists, to convey to citizens valuable and relevant information is a symbol of truly honest, democratic and civilized society (The Wire, 2018). Going by the performance of investigative and judicial systems, in relation to murder of journalists, the extent to which such freedom is allowed in reality in India remains a hugely debatable question. This gets accentuated by findings of CPJ about number of unsolved journalist murders in India between 2009 and 2019. Figure 14. Unsolved cases of journalist killings in India (Sep 2009 – Aug 2019).

Source: CPJ 2019

Of the 12 years India has been on the CPJ ranking, for 10 years it has not been able to find and punish the perpetrators of murder of its journalists. Accumulation of cases, numbers 17 and earns India the 13th rank. Important to note for this parameter, low ranking is desirable because it is indicative of lower proportion of unsolved cases. The persistent high ranking of India, testifies for the justice delivery systems failure to protect Indian journalists. Attention-grabbing, Pakistan follows India, with 16 unsolved cases. Jamil (2019a) notes journalists in Pakistan remaining exposed to threats potential of inflicting physical, financial, psychological, social, legal and emotional harm. Jamil (2019) attributes this strongly to impunity and observes that legal provisions and judicial options are debilitating to ensure safety of journalists. Advantage of this occurs to government, intelligence agencies, military, religious outfits and politicians. Jamil (2019a, 2018, 2017a, 2017b) mentions Khyber Phaktunkhwa Province, Baluchistan

132

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

Province, both parts of Waziristan and Tribal Areas which are Federally Administered as epic centers of kidnapping and murdering of journalists in Pakistan. Notwithstanding their thousand differences, when it comes to censorship of media the neighbours seems to share common grounds (Jamil, 2020b).

The Gender Factor Notwithstanding higher number of women in journalism now, operational environment retains functional challenges (Claudia et al., 2018). Rajeev et al (2019) notes women journalists of South East Asia, having to battle several odds compared to overseas counterparts. The triumvirate of harassment, sexual and others, online slandering and physical attacks are professional hazards for women media professionals. UNESCO (2015) mentions the GMMP 2010 report, to illustrate the aspect of low visibility of women in Indian media. Of all personalities reported about or shown via media, only 22% are women. The underlying outlook strongly influences women’s presence and work environment in media. The dichotomy it creates was pointed out by Akhileshwari (1990) as creation of opportunities and marginalization. Though flourishment of media industry generated opportunities for women journalists, their editorial roles remained restricted to feature, entertainment, fashion and related softer beat stories. The UNESCO (2015) report had also documented growing presence of women in India media, particularly at the starting and middle levels. Not to deny women journalists who created their niche with audiences, most women journalist face slow growth up the professional ladder. Contrasting higher number of full time employment among male journalists, women journalists are frequently offered part-time or freelance assignments. The report also flags sexual harassment as vital problem area (UNESCO, 2015). Recalling the incident of a woman journalist in Mumbai suffering physical violating by five men, while completing an assignment, Chadha et al (2017) argues that all in not well inside media houses for women journalists to feel safe and secure. Chadha et al (2017) mentions the incident giving voice to several women journalists to speak out about what they undergo. Coming to light, the physical assault of a women professional by a high-profile editor of a popular magazine is probably indicative of sustained safety issue for women in media. Elucidating why environment within media houses made it difficult for women to survive and progress, Pal (1987) had opined that since the 1980s journalism was considered an unusual profession for women to be in. During the 1980s though there were several women journalists in magazines and periodicals, their numbers in newspapers and television were rather limited. Contribution of employed women journalists were limited to writing stories and features for either pages meant for children or on topics like home-making, beauty, culture, culinary, human interest and social happenings (Pal, 1987). Women were also assigned desk roles with responsibility of editing, rewriting, putting headlines and captions for stories filed by male journalists. Existing unfavourable societal outlook towards working women and general misperception but what women could do outside domestic confines, often decided the roles women journalists were assigned by management of media houses (Pal, 1987). In another study YMCA (n.d.) held unwillingness of male journalists, editors and heads of media establishment to include women into their fold as the primary reason for the low number of women in the profession. Travel to odd places and the rush for gathering news were not perceived to be comfortable for women and hence there was overall reluctance to hire them. Additionally, night shifts and long hours of work, tiring and cumbersome travels, lack of female facilities at workplace and minimal levels of privacy inside news rooms and the risk of covering stories about conflicts and criminal nexuses also went against women and thus limited their recruitment (YMCA n.d.). According to Jha (1992) though 133

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

number of women journalists have increased with time, their presence in decision making roles continues to be marginal. Jha (1992) felt was linked to the male dominated organizational structures and also the socially prevalent patriarchal mind-set. Such male chauvinism becomes pronounced through various comments that women endure from male colleagues and also the harassments they are subjected to (Jha, 1992). In the case of the renowned male editor, it was this chauvinistic attitude which presented the female colleague as an object of molestation and gratification. Jha (1992) also mentions about women in journalism being viewed, till a point of time, as individuals utilizing their time till marriage. Once married, they would give it all up and settle for family life. As women were perceived to be serious towards the profession, scope for upward movement remained limited. Such notion however got corrected with pioneering women journalists like Neerja Chaudhury, Mrinal Pandey, Vimala Patil and others who successfully magnified their resolve to take the profession seriously and make a mark for themselves (Jha, 1992). The forms harassment takes was explained by Tavleen Singh whose story about banning of Coca-Cola in India was not published on the first page, but was pushed to the third page. Such decisions, she later explained, was stirred by insecurities among male colleagues about their territories being broken into leading to discrimination and segregation (Jha, 1992). Besides marginalization and harassments, vitriolic online attack is another issue woman journalists need to consistently counter. Abuse and trolling intensifies for those covering the political beat, as political outlook in closely linked to religious standpoints in this country (Ghosh, 2019). In an interview to CPJ, Dhanya Rajendran, Editor-in-Chief had informed that any rebuttal issued on Twitter with the intention of correcting an existing wrong perception invites maximum abusive comments and trolls. The Editor had a brush with such experience in 2017, when fans of a cine actor had singled her out for vicious attacks following a comment made about a specific movie (Ghosh, 2019). A study conducted by International Federation of Journalists, involving 500 women journalists globally, had concluded 44% of them having been victims of abusive online posts and comments. Another study undertaken by Women’s Media Foundation and International News Safety Institute, had similarly concluded about twothirds women journalists having to put up with threats, abuses and intimidation because of stories they had done (Ghosh, 2019). Leading woman journalist Neha Dixit acknowledges receiving more than 300 offensive messages daily, while Maya Mirchandani was compelled to block in excess of 10,000 Twitter followers to protect her mental sanctity from threats and malicious attacks (Ghosh, 2019). Such online victimization is not restricted to words only. Image related abuse has also been brought to light, wherein images of women journalists are digitally used in porn videos and the same shared widely via social media and networking platforms. Personal information is also intentionally leaked, resulting in avalanche of hate messages and abuses. Barkha Dutt experienced something similar when her personal phone number found circulation online. Death threats, obscenities and abuses followed in thousands (Ghosh, 2019). If this is what one of India’s most famous, successful and high-profile woman journalist has to face for doing her job righteously, it is not difficult to imagine the plight of other lesser known journalists. Severe mental trauma leading to psychological breakdowns and disorientation are the most common fallouts of such organized and consistent hate campaigns. Even though medical support is sought by those at the receiving end, disruptions to mental wellbeing and health are obvious outcomes (Ghosh, 2019). Basis a study conducted across nine countries about challenges women journalists face inside and outside newsrooms, IMS (2019) identified three issues which were relevant for all considered countries. The first issue relates to physical security implying women journalists facing more instances of sexual abuse than their male counterparts. Journalists of all participating countries narrated experiences of 134

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

sexual harassment and assault, roots of which can be traced to the profession in general and to articles and stories they had done, in particular. The second issue is of the dangers lurking in the online space. International Media Support (2019) notes that the kind of obnoxious online attacks and harassment women journalists are subjected to, is markedly different from that faced by male journalists. Explicit intimidation about sexual attacks and violence, leaking of personal data and circulation of damaging images involves women journalists more. The third core issue identified highlights workplace victimization and inequality. This manifests through unequal pay structure, limitations in advancement to decision making strata and absence of corrective protocols to address issues of victimization by co-workers, sources and even interviews (IMS, 2019). From the above review of different literature sources, it can be concluded that safety and security threats faced by journalists is a global phenomenon. Barring some nations in the European and Scandinavian regions, journalists in most countries remains exposed to fatal physical attacks and intimidation primarily for the job they do and the stories they write for general people. This is reality in spite of most nations having incorporated freedom of speech and expression into their constitutional framework for a considerable period of time. Given the low level of conviction in majority of cases of journalist deaths and the unholy nexus between politicians, law enforcers, corporate magnets and criminals, conditions are ideal for continuous perpetration of crimes against journalists. India is no exception to the rule. Even after nearly seven decades of declaration about protection of freedom of speech and expression, Indian journalists continue to bleed for doing their job with honesty and integrity. In majority of cases of journalist assault and death, police and investigative agencies have failed to identify perpetrators with conviction rate is at the lowest possible denominator. Absence of government data about number of journalists killed or assaulted is reflective of the extreme apathy of the entire establishment including media houses. Added to this is the gender induced hate and harassment that women journalists face both in the workplace and outside it. Cumulatively, these presents a picture of an environment fraught with extreme risks within which our journalists work to keep us informed and thereby protect the values of democracy. Providing insights into the situation for female journalists in Pakistan, Jamil (2020a) notes the high propensity among women journalists to threats, sexual harassment and discrimination in intake and pay parity. Over the last decade, escalation has been witnessed in number of assaults and sexual violence incidences against women journalists (Jamil, 2020a).

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION: SECONDARY DATA SOURCE (SURVEY) To assess the experience of journalists on ground, over and above what is outlined in relevant literature, a pan-India survey was conducted for this study. A close ended online questionnaire was circulated among 30 journalists, and 21 filled in responses were received. Thus, the response percentage was computed at 70%. Journalists covered included full-time employees, part-time reporters and stringers. Five journalists informed covering the political beat with one also writing on legal aspect. One journalist each was found to cover development related to Chief Minister’s Office and sports. Three journalists covered news related to districts with one being into investigative reporting. Two journalists handled desk responsibilities, one covered political and international affairs and three covered education, social sector, defence, health, parliament, agriculture and public works department activities. The remaining reported on all the above as assigned by editorial head. Surveyed journalists displayed mixed experience with junior most being one year into the profession and the senior most having spent 28 years. This underlines an interest135

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

ing pattern, enabling surfacing of diverse views and opinions. Reiterating male domination within the professional journalism ambit, 57.1% of participants were males and the remaining 42.9% were female. The skew is apparent here too and difficult to overlook. Figure 15. Opinion of participants about unsafe working environment of journalists

An overwhelming majority agreed to the statement that work environment for Indian journalists is fraught with safety and security issues. Cumulatively 71.4% respondents strongly agreed or agreed about environment within which journalists operate, not being safe and secure. Only 19% disagreed with the statement, while 9.5% reported their indecision. This finding is in line with gatherings from literature review, wherein reports and statistics presented amplifies looming threats, killings and physical assaults that journalists have and continue to endure. Thus both primary and secondary data converges on the aspect of Indian journalists having to battle safety issues at every step of effective discharge of duty and responsibility. Figure 16. Ranking of threat perceptions

When asked to rank threat perceptions as per level of importance, most respondents selected threat from the nefarious nexus of police-politician and mafia over others. This is indicative of the apprehension journalists’ harbour about the negative fallouts of this confluence. Second highest threat perception originates from action of police and military deployed in conflict prone areas and this is followed by gender based discrimination at workplace. Challenge from terrorists and insurgent groups were ranked

136

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

the least dreadful by most participants. It may be recalled that for the period between 2014 and 2019, maximum crime against journalists was perpetrated by police and politicians. Global studies too have brought out the roles this nexus in incidents of journalist murder and physical assaults. To that extent, this result aligns with findings of other conducted studies. Figure 17. Workplace challenges for women journalists

Unequal pay package and biased distribution work are foremost challenges faced by women journalists. Sexual harassment remains significant area of concern, but is probably not the most important safety issue bothering women journalists. They seem to be more worried and concerned about being restricted to feature reporting and filing of stories on soft subjects like home, decor, culinary, beauty and cultural event. This is a significant find and to certain extent, counters the common perception of sexual harassment being the central safety challenge for women in newsrooms. Secondary data, gathered from studies, does highlight marginalization of women in terms of assigned beats. Women journalists reporting on politics defence, international relations, economics is not a big universe. Yet these are important subjects to cover, for journalistic development. Sudha Ramachandran of Deccan Herald had advocated greater role for women in political reporting. She believed politics was core of any publication and hence women should participate in such areas (Bhagat, n.d.). Career stagnation, discrimination is work distribution can bring about, probably is what leaves journalists apprehensive. Primary data also indicates disproportionate pay packages a problem area according to participants. Of the total, 6 participants ranked pay differences as the prime difficulty, compared to 3 participants for sexual harassment. Similarly, 6 participants ranked lack of pay parity as the second important problem for women journalists, to 7 participants for sexual harassment. This can be deduced indicative of women Figure 18. Ineffectiveness of journalist associations in safeguarding journalists

137

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

becoming increasingly aware of their capabilities and what the profession demands, thereby becoming more conscious about their value. An overwhelming 76.2% participant agreed to failure of journalist associations in protecting journalists from violent attacks. Organizations like IFP, CJP and others have examined problems and published reports, ground level corrections have seen minimal action. Apathy of media and related establishments have been highlighted in different studies and considered fuelling continuance of hate against journalists. Lack of action reflects in low number of formal complaints and FIRs, next to nothing arrests and no convictions. Associations have published such information, for awareness of all, and have also recommended protective measures. They have also protested harassment and attacks against journalists as Press Club of India, Editors Guild of India and Indian Women’s Press Corps did post attacks on journalists in Delhi in February, this year (Newsclick 2020). But ensuring implementation has not been within their jurisdiction, confining their roles to a limited periphery. Participating journalists expressed their disappointment, in the survey, about lack of protective shield.

CONCLUSION It thus follows journalists need protection and action from governments and concerned departments to do their work neutrally and safely. Globally, journalists often run into threat laden situations given their professional requirement and demand of finding the truth and conveying it to masses. When the truth is bitter and involves anti-socials, tolerated by police and patronized for political reasons, journalists get physically assaulted and also murdered. Several journalists, known for their skills, have been silenced by apparently unknown assailants. This category includes killers of maximum journalists’ world over. Nothing is ever known about them, justice being a distant dream. Such motivates others and the system of journalist killing continues. With freedom of expression and speech being constitutional obligation, India is among the top ten nations notoriously known for press freedom. Spate of journalist killings have robbed society of talented journalists. Even mothers have bled in the cross fire. Public justice has not woken to deliver. Administration, media establishments and police develop cold feet when it comes to violence involving journalists. With the political, police and mafia nexus emerging from studies and also the survey conducted for this paper, the inertia is understandable. With the concerned enforcement departments having a role in perpetuation, none remains to enforce the law. Thus, criminals get away with murders, only to commit the next. Control over incidences of journalist assault and execution can happen via stricter administrative action and will to enforce constitutional guidelines to press freedom. Adoption of relevant policies is required to break the chain of incident, lack of action, incident. Such policies should cascade from the top political and governmental leadership to be effective. Policies to quicken rate of arrest, trial and conviction is required. It will destabilize the environment within which crime thrives. Policy will be required to outline specific period for completion of conviction processes, set the responsibility center and clarify penalties for non-compliance. Such policy should also have firewalls to prevent women journalists becoming the target of malicious hate campaigns via social media and networking mediums. Strengthening of cyber security for identification of perpetrators and faster conviction rates is desirable. Thus, one policy consideration should be to dismantle the inertia currently inflicting administration, police and political regime.

138

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

The second policy area can likely be prevention of harassment, of all types, of women journalists in and out of workplace. Policy measures needs to contain strict legal and penalty clauses to pre-empt incidents arising from gender bias. Deliberate marginalization of women, denial of pay parity, sexual harassment, non-physical harassment and others, needs to be made punishable with tough punishments. It can discourage future attempts. Time clause is essential to ensure due justice within reasonable time. Women should be extended necessary protection, so they are encouraged to report unfavourable incidents. Corporates should be investigated and hauled up if in the wrong. Such policies and government intent to provide journalists an enriched environment can address existing safety challenges, enabling journalists to truly represent the state of affairs. It can stimulate much needed changes, which for Indian democracy will be immensely invigorating.

REFERENCES Akhileshwari, V. (1990). Should Women Opt for Journalism? Press Institute of India. Bhagat, P. (n.d.). Executive Summary Status Of Women Journalists In The Print Media. In Status Of Women Journalists In India. New Delhi: National Commission For Women. Chadha, K. et al. (2017). Indian women journalists’ responses to sexism and sexual harassment. International Communication Research Journal, 52(1). Claudia, L., Carolina, A. T., Santos, M., & Jamil, S. (2018). Introduction to Dossier Journalism and Gender: Yes, this is Subversive. British Journalism Review, 14(1), 1–6. Committee to Protect Journalists. (2019). Getting Away with Murder. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/ reports/2019/10/getting-away-with-murder-killed-justice/ Committee to Protect Journalists. (2020). India / Asia. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/blog/asia/india/ Dionne, E. J. (2018). On World Press Freedom Day, Brookings experts reflect on the importance of a free press. Retrieved from: https://www.brookings.edu/blog/up-front/2018/05/02/on-world-press-freedomday-brookings-experts-reflect-on-the-importance-of-a-free-press/ Dutta, P. K. (2017). Mohali: Senior Journalist K. J. Singh found dead in suspected double murder. Retrieved from: https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/mohali-journalist-kj-singh-dead-suspected-doublemurder-1050917-2017-09-23 Elliott, S., Elbahtimy, M., & Srinivasan, S. (2012). Safety of Journalists. CGHR Working Paper 4. University of Cambridge Center of Governance and Human Rights. Ghosh, A. (2019). It’s Time Women Journalists Stop Facing Online Abuse | #DigitalHifazat. Retrieved from: https://feminisminindia.com/2019/12/05/women-journalists-online-violence/ Hammarberg, K., Kirkman, V., & de Lacey, S. (2016). Qualitative research methods: When to use them and how to judge them. Human Reproduction (Oxford, England), 31(3), 498–500. doi:10.1093/humrep/ dev334 PMID:26759142

139

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

Heyns, C., & Srinivasan, S. (2013). Protecting the Right to Life of Journalists: The Need for a Higher Level of Engagement. Human Rights Quarterly, 36, 306-320. Ide, B., & Huang, J. (2019). Press Freedom Continues to Face Setbacks in China. Retrieved from: https:// www.voanews.com/east-asia-pacific/press-freedom-continues-face-setbacks-china IMS. (2019). The safety of women journalists: Breaking the cycle of silence and violence. International Media Support, 8-10. International Federation of Journalists. (2012). Special Security measures needed for journalists in India’s Maoist insurgency areas. IFJ/IFEX Report. Retrieved from: https://ifex.org//india/2012/08/24/ maoist_insurgency/ International News Safety Institute into The Protection of Journalist. (2007). Killing The Messenger. International News Safety Institute. Jamil, S. (2014). Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom: Journalists’ Understandings and Practices in Pakistan. In C. Schimdt (Ed.), Pakistan’s Media Landscape: The Effects of Liberalization (pp. 46–85). Deutsche Welle Akademie. Jamil, S. (2015a). Understandings and Practices of Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom in Pakistan: Ethnography of Karachi Journalistic Environment (PhD Thesis). University of Queensland, Australia. Retrieved from: https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/43362662.pdf Jamil, S. (2015b). Journalists’ concepts of freedom of expression and press freedom in Pakistan. Journal of Transnational Worlds of Power: Proliferation of Journalism & Professional Standards, 1(1), 101–132. Jamil, S. (2016). Journalism practice and freedom of expression: Challenges and constraints in Pakistan. In B. Lippe & R. Ottosen (Eds.), Gendering War and Peace Reporting: Some Insights – Some Missing Links. Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2017a). Freedom of expression and journalists’ safety: An analysis of conflict reporting and peace journalism education in Pakistan. Journal of the Association of Journalism Education, 6(2), 7–16. Jamil, S. (2017b). Freedom under pressure? Threats to journalists’ safety in Pakistan. In U. Carlsson & R. Poyhtari (Eds.), Assault on Journalism (pp. 323–329). Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2018). Safety Threats, Impunity and Professionalism: Journalists’ Dilemma in Pakistan. Sociology and Anthropology (Alhambra, Calif.), 6(7), 571–578. doi:10.13189a.2018.060702 Jamil, S. (2019a). Culture of impunity and safety of journalists: Is safe journalism a distant dream in Pakistan? Retrieved from: http://worldofmedia.ru/Culture%20of%20impunity%20and%20safety%20 of%20journalists.pdf Jamil, S. (2019b). The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety. IGI Global. Jamil, S. (2020a). Suffering in Silence: The Resilience of Pakistan’s Female Journalists to Combat Sexual Harassment, Threats and Discrimination. Journalism Practice, 14(2), 150–152. doi:10.1080/1 7512786.2020.1725599

140

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

Jamil, S. (2020b). Red lines of journalism: Digital surveillance, safety risks and journalists’ self-censorship in Pakistan. In I. F. Anna & K. Roy (Eds.), Journalist Safety and Self-Censorship (pp. 29–46). Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780367810139-3 Jamil, S., & Muschert, G. (2020). Risks to Journalists’ Safety and the Vulnerability of Media Freedom in the U.S. In G. Muschert, K. Budd, M. Christian, & R. Perucci (Eds.), Agenda for Social Justice: Solutions for 2020. Policy Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctv14rmnsb.21 Jha, R. (1992). Women in Print Media. In L. Misra, H. Gour, & V. Sagar (Eds.), Women’s Issue (pp. 84–85). Northern Book Centre. Kirchick, J. (2018). On World Press Freedom Day, Brookings experts reflect on the importance of a free press. Retrieved from: https://www.brookings.edu/blog/up-front/2018/05/02/on-world-press-freedomday-brookings-experts-reflect-on-the-importance-of-a-free-press/ Koltay, A. (2015). The concept of media freedom today: New media, new editors and the traditional approach of the law. Journal of Medicine and Law, 7(1), 37–45. doi:10.1080/17577632.2015.1055143 Majumder, K. (2020). Mission Journal: Journalists in India’s Uttar Pradesh say threat of attack or prosecution looms large. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/2020/04/journalists-in-indias-uttar-pradeshsay-threat-of/ Murthy, C. S. H. N. (2018). Safety and Security of Journalists: Yet Awaiting Intervention from Indian Academy and Industry. Asia Pacific Media Educator, 28(1), 133–145. doi:10.1177/1326365X18772359 Newsclick. (2020). Journalist Bodies Express Concern over Safety of Reporters Covering Delhi Violence. Retrieved from: https://www.newsclick.in/Journalist-Bodies-Express-Concern-Safety-ReportersCovering-Delhi-Violence Our World in Data. (2017). Freedom of the Press Status 2017. Retrieved from: https://ourworldindata. org/grapher/world-map-of-the-freedom-of-the-press-status Pal, B. K. (1987). Women in Unusual Profession. In B. K. Pal (Ed.), Problems and Concerns of Indian Women. ABC Publishing House. na. Palmer, C., & Bolderston, A. (2006). A Brief Introduction to Qualitative Research. The Canadian Journal of Medical Radiation Technology, 37(1), 16–18. doi:10.1016/S0820-5930(09)60112-2 Rajeev, P., Midhila. M. S., & Karthika, C. (2019). Work and Life of Women Journalists: A Study with Special Reference to Kerala. International Journal of Innovative Technology and Exploring Engineering, 8(7S2), 310-312. Rauch, J. (2018). On World Press Freedom Day, Brookings experts reflect on the importance of a free press. Retrieved from: https://www.brookings.edu/blog/up-front/2018/05/02/on-world-press-freedomday-brookings-experts-reflect-on-the-importance-of-a-free-press/ Reporters Without Borders. (2019). 2019 World Press Freedom Index. Retrieved from: https://rsf.org/ en/ranking/2019

141

 Safety and Security of Journalists in India

Reporters Without Borders. (2020). 2020 World Press Freedom Index. Retrieved from: https://rsf.org/ en/ranking/2020 Repucci, S. (2019). Media Freedom: A Downward Spiral. Retrieved from: https://freedomhouse.org/ report/freedom-and-media/2019/media-freedom-downward-spiral Seshu, G. and Sarkar, U. (2019). Getting Away With Murder. Thakur Foundation. The Wire. (2018). Editorial: For Democracy to Survive, Attacks on Journalists Must End. Retrieved from: https://thewire.in/media/media-freedom-crimes-against-journalists UNESCO. (2015). Inside the News. Retrieved from: https://www.ifj.org/fileadmin/images/Gender/ Inside_the_News_FINAL_040615_UNESDOC.pdf Wessel, D. (2018). On World Press Freedom Day, Brookings experts reflect on the importance of a free press. Retrieved from: https://www.brookings.edu/blog/up-front/2018/05/02/on-world-press-freedomday-brookings-experts-reflect-on-the-importance-of-a-free-press/ YMCA. (n.d.). The Educated Women in Indian Society Today. Tata McGraw Hill Publishing Co. Ltd.

142

143

Chapter 9

Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh: Forms, Reactions, and Consequences Priyanka Kundu Bangladesh University of Professionals, Bangladesh Md. Mahbubul Haque Bhuiyan Comilla University, Bangladesh

ABSTRACT The online harassment of female journalists is a rising concern around the world and also in South Asia. Bangladesh, a South Asian country, recently, has experienced an increasing number of harassments against female journalists online. Various studies explored the online harassment, mostly from the Western perspectives. Scholars have argued that the online harassments may negatively affect the freedom of expression. But little is known about Bangladesh. Drawing upon feminist theory, this study investigated the experiences of online journalists in Bangladesh. The objectives were to explore the nature and forms of online harassment and to find how this experiences of harassments affect the freedom of expression of the victims. Data were collected through content analysis, semiotic analysis of the uncivil comments available in the online news feedback and in-depth interviews. Results of the study indicate that online harassment is a frequent phenomenon where the victim journalists feel vulnerable in the ‘unsafe’ online ‘patriarchal’ environment.

INTRODUCTION Online harassment of journalists is a global issue. It is one of the newest challenges to the female journalists around the world. The rising trend of harassment puts threats to female journalists in social media platforms and intimidates them into silence (International Women’s Media Foundation, 2018). The usage of digital platforms, more precisely, social media has become an essential part of journalistic works today. So, journalists use various social media and other online tools for sourcing, creating and circulating DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch009

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

their content, reaching audiences, broadcasting live, and for other professional works (Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, 2017). In the age of technological convergence, multiple use of social media platforms often pose threat to digital safety challenges and online harassment risks. In the case of female journalists and media professionals, gendered assaults have been emerged as a persistent part of their daily job. The ways of the harassments encountered by female journalists are different than that of their male colleagues’ as the men do not get hit for their gender identity. A critical observation reveals that perpetrators often target physical appearance, personal life, faith and religious identity, family members and personal relationships of female journalists. Sometimes the offenders make uncivil comments (comments lacking in courtesy, ill-mannered, impolite from gendered and/or other perspectives) in response to any news story reported by the journalists on online news platform. Meanwhile, sometimes the journalists experience the harassment on personal social media platforms. In extreme cases, these harassments translate into physical and direct offline threats as well. The remarks often intend to demean the intellectual meticulousness and professional qualifications of the female journalists (Adams, 2018). The tendency of online harassment is an increasing concern for journalists in the developed countries also. According to a survey (2018) by the International Women’s Media Foundation (IWMF) at least 70 percent of female journalists face different forms of online harassment in the United States of America (USA). Not only in the USA, threats of murder, rape, and physical violence in the comment sections of news outlets are frequent phenomenon in different parts of the world (Jamil & Muschert, 2020). For example, a research (2014) by the International News Safety Institute (INSI) describes the significances and consequences of the online harassment around the world. According to the report, different actors use online and offline harassments against female journalists and media workers to intimidate, propagate disinformation, and discredit the journalist and the news media as well. This practice has substantial consequences on victims’ profession, emotion, and sense of security. The unfriendly environment is an attack on the freedom of expression globally might have the intent to mute females’ voices in public sphere (Committee to Protect Journalists, 2019). It is quite surprising that female journalists are experiencing high level of online misogyny even in many developed western countries which have high reputations for protecting human rights (Adams, 2018; Claudia et al., 2018). In a study in 2014, UK-based think tank Demos claimed that journalism is one of professions where female get more abused than that of male. The research reveals that female journalists receive approximately three times more offensive reactions than their male colleagues. Another study by International Women’s Media Foundation (2018) showed that two-thirds female journalists get violent intimidations online in response to their work because of the gender identity. The worldwide online harassment phenomena indicate that female journalists’ voices have come under attacks in the most dangerous of ways which is also dangerous for democracy as it hampers the multiplicity of expressions and opinions online (Jamil, 2019a; Carlsson & Pöyhtäri, 2017). In the context of South Asia, gendered harassment and discrimination in the media industry has long been a deep rooted problem. Therefore, in today’s challenging online environment, attack aimed at female journalists is a new trend, which is growing day by day. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), in 2017, published a safety guide titled A Journalist’s Guide to Combat Cyber Harassment in South Asia, which explains about the online safety situation of the region. Regarding India, the document observes that in return for communicating online, the female journalists face threats of rape and murder, personal attacks, professional assaults, annoyance and gendered insults. Too often, they get ‘trolled’. Altogether, these forms of online misogyny are working in silencing them and also assisted in increasing self-censorship (IFJ, 2017). According to the IFJ guide, the situations of Pakistan, Nepal, Afghanistan 144

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

and Bangladesh are also alarming. Many often in South Asia, the forms, reactions and consequences of the online harassment are similar to the Western situations. Bangladesh has made noteworthy advancements in recognizing women’s right to freedom of expression under the equal and non-discriminatory legal structure, including constitution to other legal frameworks. So, this non-discriminatory structure increases the participation of female entitlements and jobs where they are working in building and strengthening a transparent and accountable government and prosperous country. A growing number of female journalists are also tangled in the exercise, upgrading, and protecting right to information. Despite the advances, females in the country still face structural hindrances, intolerant ambiances and gender-based discrimination. According to the World Press Freedom Index-2020, Bangladesh ranked 151. Besides other hazards, in a male-dominated media industry, harassment and gendered attacks are long prevailing problems (Habiba, 2018). Under the circumstances, female journalists have to fight hard in sustaining in the media industry. In the recent years, this struggle is mounting with the growth of online harassment, which is resulting in their fear to speak in the public arena. Despite an increasing trend of online harassments against female journalists and its high prevalence, little is known about the phenomena from the context of Bangladesh. This kind of problem is often undermined and remains unrecognized. Hence, in the context of Bangladesh, a research gap has been identified in studying the trend of online harassment and its consequences on the life of female journalists. To fill up the gap, the study aims to provide an examination about the professional hazards of becoming a female journalists and the danger of putting the footprint in the new media today. Against the local backdrop, the objectives of the chapter are to present a picture of online harassment of female journalist and its consequences on their freedom of expression. The chapter, based on in-depth interviews of female journalists and content and semiotic analysis of the uncivil comments, focuses on how such incidents affecting the professional role of them and structurally silencing females’ voices and the stories they tell. This study also describes the effects on their freedom of expression.

BACKGROUND The journalists in Bangladesh are facing various professional challenges and threats to their freedom of expression. These hurdles often come from both the state and the non-state actors. The legal environment of the country, having the laws like the Official Secrets Act (1923), the Special Power Act (1974), the Printing Presses and Publication Act (1823), the Penal Code (1860), the Code of Criminal Procedure (1898), the Digital Security Act (2018), is an institutional and state pressure for the journalists, because, it is often found that, those laws are being used against the freedom of press and journalists. Ahemd (1999) argues that these laws disregard the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and conceivably also disturb the spirit of the Constitution of Bangladesh. Besides, the ownership pattern, indirect government pressure on the media houses (Islam & Yousuf, 2017), pressure of religious dogmas (Khatun et al, 2017), and so one are the non-state actors active to restrain the freedom of journalists. In the recent years, Bangladesh is experiencing high range of violation of journalistic and media freedom. The annual country report of the Article 19, a London-based international freedom of expression and journalist’s right defender, observed that rising trend of criminalisation of expression and use

145

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

of laws to restrict voices, physical violence against journalists, enforced disappearances and silencing the dissents are the attacks of media freedom in Bangladesh (Article 19, 2017). In this difficult and constrained media environment, journalists work under high pressure and treat. Therefore, the situation of female journalists is bleak, as their representation is still very low as well as they face gendered harassments and discriminations. According to a report (2020) by Department of Films & Publications (DFP), a state body to look after press and media in the country, there are 3,189 newspapers and more than 30 television channels now in operations in Bangladesh. But, there is no reliable data on the number of journalists/female journalists working in the country’s media industry. The Women Journalists’ Center’s (Nari Sangbadik Kendra) latest member list suggests that currently the number of female journalists is around 400 in 2020. Although, this is not the concluding figure, as the list includes only the name of their members and many may remain outside of the list. Habiba (2018) observes that the females’ participation in the media industry is extremely poor. Due to gender and salary discrimination, sexual harassment, social pressure, lack of females-friendly work environment, maternity conveniences and childcare, and so on. The Fifth Global Media Monitoring Project (2015) also mentions about these challenges of Bangladeshi female journalists. Another report by the Article 19 (2020) describes that the females journalists are continuing to be a minority in Bangladesh media industry, representing close to 15 percent only. Deeply rooted social norms and stereotypes put an extensive challenge to female journalist’s capability to begin and pursue a career. It has been observed that several cases of attacks on them, including sexual harassment in their own newsrooms. So, in addition to state and non-state-level pressures, which are common for both male and females, gendered attacks and challenges are creating a double-bend for the females. Moreover, the new trend of misogynistic online harassment is multiplying the difficulty for them. However, the issues regarding online harassment are not well documented in the country. So, the primary data of harassment is available, for example, the uncivil comments under news reports or the individual experiences of victims, but no secondary data and reliable evidence are in hand. Against this backdrop, the study aimed at understanding the experiences of female journalists’ online harassment and its impact on their freedom of expression. The main questions are: how female journalists are getting harassed online and how is it affecting their freedom of expression? Moreover, the chapter tried to answer to the following questions: 1. what is the nature of online harassment? 2. how has it affected their personal, professional, emotional, and security concerns? 3) how does it affect their freedom of expression?

LITERATURE REVIEW Online Harassment The internet plays an important role in community engagements, exchanging information, building networks and learning about the world, however, online harassment in the persistent challenge for the users in creating a hostile, annoying and frightening environment (Lenhart et al., 2016). According to a report by the Pen America (2020), online harassment, also known as cyber harassment, cyber abuse, online abuse, can be classified into several types from annoying (uncivil and rude comments) to traumatic actions (violence and threats). The Pew Research Center (2017) catagorises the online harassment into six different classes- name calling, embarrassing someone, threatening, harassing for a sustained period of time and online sexual harassment. Duggan, 2014 observes that the consequences of the harassment are 146

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

deep on the physical, mental and emotional aspects of the victims. It has also been observed that it can also affect the security concern of the users resulting the withdrawal and less presence in online platforms. Lenhart et al. (2016) finds that the male and females have different experiences of harassment online as females face frequent abuses and are more vulnerable in online platforms (). The picture is similar in many of the countries, even the situation of Bangladesh is not any exception. The Dhaka Metropolitan Police (2019) explains that young females are the prime target of the online abuses in Bangladesh where 70 percent victims are between 15-25 years old. It also suggests that most of the cases females are victims of online sexual harassment, hacking, cyber pornography, and blackmailing (Dhaka Tribune, 2019).

Online Harassment Experienced by Female Journalists Online harassment of female journalists is a global issue. Already many international journalists’ right organisations and feminists’ groups have spoken out about this. Besides, accepting the consequence and magnitude of the problem, researchers have recently started to determine the significance of it. Many studies, surveys, and opinions acknowledged that online harassment of female journalists are happening in many countries and conceptualising it as a serious problem. Investigating the global trend of the forms and consequences of online harassment, in 2019, the CPJ has termed the phenomenon as a ‘global problem’. The organisation has documented threats and harassment of several countries like Canada, the United States of America (USA), India, Italy, South Africa and so one. In their report, they also mentioned from the assessment of the Organization of Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). The OSCE has termed this trend as a ‘serious threat’, which means “they (female journalists) face a “double-burden: being attacked as journalists and as females” (CPJ, 2019). Advocacy director of CPJ, Courtney Radsch, calls the online harassment problem as the ‘biggest safety concern’ faced by many female journalists (Duffy, 2019). By the hypernym ‘online harassment’, the CPJ (2019) has indicated different types of online abuses such as the uncivil comments (the comments contain harassment, insult, name-calling, and so one), sexual and other assaults, rape and murder threats, trolls with bad notions and images, misogyny, extremism, violence and so one (CPJ, 2019). The Reporters Without Borders (2018) has also portrayed this ‘latest danger’ and reported that these online harassment is aimed to intimidate the journalists into silence. The CPJ survey, in the context of USA and Canada, has been conducted in 2019, with the participation of a total of 115 journalists, with the journalism experience ranging from six months to 37 years, argue that more than 70 percent participants experience safety issues/threats in online. It also suggests that online harassment thought of as the biggest threat by 90 percent of respondents in the USA, and in Canada, it is 71 percent. Their enquiry finds serious beats like politics, extremism and so one brought the worst kind of threats. Journalists, who report on these beats are photo-shopped to pornographic images, are threatened to be raped and murdered, and are massively trolled with bad notions and images (CPJ, 2019). Another global study, has surveyed at least 500 female journalists from 50 countries, and finds that 44% of the respondents’ experience online abuse. It also observes that two-third of the journalists faced different ranges of intimidation, threats, or abuse in their work (Ghosh, 2019). Besides the picture of the developed countries, the developing countries in South-Asia, also have significant evidence of online harassment. Jamil (2020a) underlines that the Pakistani female journalists, especially working in television news channels, are prone to online harassment in forms of social media trolling and abusive e-mails. Likewise, a report on the work environment of Pakistani female journalists 147

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

by the Civic Action Resources (2015) suggests that at least 50 percent of their respondents faced online harassment in different forms. In the context of Nepal, Koirala (2020), finds nearly 70 percent of the female journalists faced online harassment. The situation of India is dreadful as well. Online abuses, intimidations, trolls, WhatsApp messages and even offline pressure are constant harassment for Indian females in media (Kathuria, 2018).

Online Harassment: Forms and Reactions Against the Western backdrop, many studies come up with the description about the varied forms of online abuses and also discussed about the reactions towards it. Assessing 267 journalists and four detailed interviews from Britain, researcher Amy Binns put out a study titled Fair Game? Journalists’ Experiences of Online Abuse (2017). The study finds that online abuses take places in the comment section below the news report and the journalist’s personal profiles as well. The researcher outlines that female journalists are more exposed to the insults and threats and have stronger emotional reactions to the abuses than that of male colleagues (Binns, 2017). Many journalists, who are subjected to the online harassments, unpack their experiences which were recorded in many studies and news articles. Anne Helen Petersen (2018), a female journalist, has written her experience explaining how she has been exposed to threats of rape, bad comments, and other unpleasant situation in online. She underlines, “abuse can manifest itself in the stories that have gone untold or unexplored by females because of the risks of telling them”. In the context of developing countries, many incidents have been reported. A news report of Aljazeera has covered a story of online harassment and the professional hazard of female journalists as well. There, reactions of Maria Ressa, a female journalist and the CEO of Rappler, a news website in the Philippines, are mentioned. Ressa says: I’ve been attacked as a communist operative, a CIA, every kind of word that you can think of for ugly, for animals, I mean you name it, it’s been thrown at me. As a journalist; I’m used to defending the work I do … but how do you respond when someone threatens you with rape? When someone wants you dead? (Ressa et al., 2018) Another experience is from an Indian journalist, Sagarika Ghose, a consulting editor at the Times of India, explains, “my colleague and good friend Gauri Lankesh was actually shot in September 2017 ... She faced social media threats and she never used to take it seriously. But the fact is, she was killed” (Ressa et al., 2018). So, female journalists from every corners of the world are voicing their experiences of online harassment. Another cross-cultural research by Chen et al. (2018) has conducted in-depth qualitative interviews with 75 female professional journalists from Germany, India, Taiwan, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The research, titled ‘You Really Has to Have a Thick Skin’: A Cross-Cultural Perspective on How Online Harassment Influences Female Journalists, finds the mentionable existence of various forms of online harassment. From sexist remarks and inappropriate requests to threats of rape and murder, everything comes as the feedback of news reports. The Reporters Without Borders’ (RSF), 2017, analyzes the online harassment situation of 32 countries. The report has cited an experience of renowned Indian reporter, Rana Ayyub. She explains:

148

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

I’ve been called Jihadi Jane, Islamo fascist, ISIS sex slave, porkistani [a playon pork and Pakistani]. My face has been superimposed on a naked body and my mother’s photograph has been taken from my Instagram account and photoshopped in the most objectionable manner possible. (RSF, 2017). In the context of South Asia, besides India, these online harassments are also acknowledged in the context of Pakistan (Jamil, 2020a, 2020b, 2019b, 2018, 2017a, 2017b, 2016, 2015a, 2015b, 2014) and Nepal (Koirala, 2020), where female journalists also face the same adverse forms of online abuses. The Free Press Unlimited has reported about the online safety of female journalists in Pakistan. It says Pakistan has one of the most hostile media environments in the world. Journalists, especially female journalists, face violence, attack, and censorship, not only offline, but online as well. The popularity of internet has also put these journalists in a dangerous situation full of harassment, surveillance, and threats in online (Free Press Unlimited, 2012; See also Jamil, 2019 and 2018). About the context of Nepal, Koirala’s (2020) research observes this issue. By exploring the findings of the in-depth interview of 48 female journalists, the study finds that online platforms are intimidating press freedom in Nepal, mainly by quietening female journalists. The situation of press freedom of Bangladesh and the work environment for female journalists are significantly poor. Different research and reports including the World Press Freedom Index- 2020, the country report of Article 19 and observations for many media and press freedom monitoring organisations expound about this sorry environment. According to the reports, physical attacks, arrests, blocking news portal, oral assault, and repressive media-related laws are very common incidents that happened against journalist here (RSF, 2017, CPJ, 2019, & GMMP, 2015). However, online harassment is yet to be acknowledged and addressed.

Consequences of Online Harassment The impact of online harassment is deep as it affects professional, psychological and personal lives of a journalist. From the Western perspectives, the RSF report observes that the online harassment is shocking because the trolls writing the hate messages blow over the journalists they target. The threats, insults, and false information create anger and frustration within them (RSF, 2017). In the context of Britain, Amy Binns’ (2017) study argues that, in the country, as the reaction of the harassment, the research found, serious consequences happened including leaving jobs and self-censoring. The findings of a cross-cultural research strongly suggested that the gendered harassment is frequent in journalistic routine. Female journalists often encounter hateful comments, get personal attacks because of their gender identity which disrupts their ability to engage in social media. Moreover, their ability to do investigative journalism, covering serious beats, and working for broadcast media get interrupted (Chen et al., 2018). A recent study, in Pakistan, reveals that online harassment is resulting in journalists’ self-censorship in Pakistan (Jamil, 2020b). Another study by the Digital Rights Foundation (DRF), a research-based non-governmental organization of Pakistan, suggests that this harassment creates barrier in the career progression of the victim journalists. Furthermore, given that female voices in media and social media are few owing the self-censorship, the public is more deprived now from getting different perspectives from females (Digital Rights Foundation, 2012). However, though many acknowledge the depth of the problem, nothing mentionable can be done outside the low-level action such as removal of the comment, deleting, or mutation of the user (CPJ, 2019).

149

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

The reviews of the existing studies, from the Western and non-Western perspectives, indicate that online harassment exist and it is causing different types of harm in the professional and personal lives of female journalists. The existing literatures suggest that online harassment of female journalists is not an unknown fact rather journalists’ right groups and other organisations have acknowledged the importance of the issue and demand to pay special attention to ensuring the online safety of female journalists across the world. In the context of Bangladesh, a vacuum of documentation has been identified. Against the Bangladeshi backdrop, the situation of female journalists has not been properly studied. Not only the government and owners of the media, but the victim media professionals are less vocal against the issue. So, from discussion on the conceptual aspects of the issue, reviewing the forms reaction and consequences of the event, a research gap has been discovered. Intending to address the gap, the study has been conducted. It wishes-for uncovering the online harassment situation and its effects on the freedom of expression of Bangladeshi female journalists.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Gender, Media and Technology To examine the pattern and consequences of online harassment and reaction over it, the chapter has taken the help of the feminist theories for conceptualising gender, media, and technology. The gender discrimination, harassment, and sexual assaults are evident in new media like it was in the traditional media industries. Feminist theorist Emma A. Jane (2016) argues that there are similarities between contemporary gendered online hatred and traditional key social problems such as gendered violence, rape, oppression, sexual harassment and so on, which is addressed by the second-wave of feminist theories. Her another observation suggests that the online gender misogynistic attitude is nothing but the reflection of the cultural pattern of perceiving gender and long-prevailing females’ inferior identity in society (Jane, 2014). The online harassment is happening in the virtual area, but it has to be understood that the source of these harassments exists in real-world and its impact is causing harm in the lives of real people. So, this issue cannot be ignored or undermined for its ‘online’ form rather it has to be perceived by its real-world causes and effects. Scholar Megarry (2014) focuses on the fact that online harassment is a practice that causes the exclusion of females’ voices from the digital divide. Moreover, the concept of hegemonic masculinity also allows understanding the problem of online harassment as in feminist media theories, hegemonic masculinity explains how men use violence and discrimination to keep the masculinity power unified. So, in the context of new media, this hegemonic masculinity is working to strengthen the male voices over the female. As well as, the online gendered harassments can also be counted as an indication of the patriarchal gender system (Koirala, 2020), as this patriarchal structure is backing the suppression of the female in the virtual world. So, the mixed concepts of gender discrimination, hegemonic masculinity, and patriarchal gender system are working together in online, the same way it is active in the offline social context, in harassing or discriminating females. The researchers believe that online misogyny and gendered hatred, not any alienated incidents, rather it is the reflection of the real-world’s patriarchal social system. The hegemonic masculinity always wants to keep the female voice lower. The online gendered harassment intends to 150

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

reinforce the patriarchal mind-set where females are only expected to be submissive victims. In the maledominated media industry and digital divide, hegemonic masculinity through online harassment allows men to maintain higher status over females. In this chapter, these concepts of the feminist theory have been used to analyze the data and examine the findings of online gender discrimination, misogynistic attitude, harassment of female journalists in Bangladesh.

METHODS To identify the pattern of the online harassment, a mixed research method has been adopted. The methods include combination of ‘Conceptual Approach of Qualitative Content Analysis Method’ and ‘Semiotic Analysis’. Unstructured data, such as social media reaction, email contents, blog texts, news, even social media, and online texts, are important sources of data to understand the online activity of the users. Here, the online uncivil comments are unstructured data. So, to code the unstructured data, the conceptual approach of qualitative content analysis has been used and for making the interpretation of the data, the semiotic analysis has been used in this research. Qualitative content analysis method is basically used to identify the intention and trends of communication, describe attitudinal or behavioral responses towards a particular communication, and reveal the pattern of communication. Here, the conceptual approach helps to find the trend and frequency of the online misogynic and uncivil remarks. Moreover, the semiotic analysis method is used to analyze, understand, and interpret signs and the meanings of online harassment and uncivil comments. Besides, the in-depth interview method is used to reveal the experiences, reaction patterns, and long term attitudinal change of female journalists. To determine the nature of online harassment, a total of five news programs (one prime time news show, a feature program, a special talk show, a regular talk show, and a special interview) are analysed. The variation in selecting the programs is intentional so that it helps to keep representation of different types of programmes and to understand the pattern of the phenomenon. The uncivil comments under the news published in social media (YouTube and Facebook) are taken into consideration, where a total of 65 comments, are codded and categorized into seven segments of indecent feedbacks. The tendency of removing the bad comments is identified as a challenge to collect representative samples for the study. After talking with the online sections of several media houses, the researcher confirmed that many of the houses use to remove the unpleasant and indecent comments or mute the commenters, so that, those data is not publicly visible. Under the circumstances, the samples were purposively selected depending on the publicly available data. For making the analysis structured, the sampled programs are codded as ‘Case One, Case Two…’ In Table 1, the descriptions of each case are given, where the information of program type, date of upload, number of views, number of total comments, and number of sampled comments are included. In addition, at least five female journalists, who experienced online harassment, are interviewed. For safety concerns, the names the journalists and workplace are withheld but have been introduced as ‘Subject A, B, C’. Amongst the sample, two are from television, one from multimedia houses, one from a newspaper and one from freelance having the working experiences between five to 15 years. The researchers use personal contacts to reach 20 victim journalists. We also have written a Facebook post in Facebook group of female journalists requesting them to take part in the study, if they had encountered online harassment. 151

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

Table 1. Description of the sampled news programs Case Number

Program Type

Date of Upload

Views

Total Comment (Till April, 2020)

Comment Analysed

Case Number One

Exclusive Interview

February 15, 2015

8,43,648

3,794

25

Case Number Two

Regular Talk Show

April 19, 2020

17,786

58

05

Case Number Three

Feature News

March 08, 2020

64,337

49

10

Case Number Four

Talk Show on the females rights issue

Jan 24, 2020

1,405

45

19

Case Number Five

News

April 11, 2020

2,60,000

67

06

Five of the journalists were selected purposively for in-depth-interviews. Multiple methods were used to conduct the interviews. The methods include telephone, emails and face-to-face interaction. All the interviews are recorded in a digital recorder, with permission from the participants. The interviews contained open-ended questions with a duration of 30-45 minutes. The language of the interviews is Bangla and the researchers have translated and analyzed data into English. Table 2 summarizes the description of workplaces and experience of the interviewed journalists. Table 2. Description of the interview sample Workplace

Experience (Year)

Interviewee A (Television)

10 +

Interviewee B (Television)

5+

Interviewee C (Freelancer)

10+

Interviewee D (Multimedia journalist in an International media)

5+

Interviewee E (MOJO reporter in a National Daily)

5+

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Results Forms of Online Harassment At least 65 indecent and uncivil comments are figured out and analyzed from five news program samples. Obtaining the conceptual approach of qualitative content analysis method, the total count of the comments are coded into seven categories. Those are: 1) Misogynist comment, 2) Calling bad name, 3) Undermining professional skill for gender, 4) Target the physical appearances and dress, 5) Religious ‘tag’, 6) Threatening of ‘raping’ or sexual humiliation and 7) Threatening of ‘killing’. The information in Table 3 presents the classifications of the uncivil comments and their numbers. This data shows a clear trend and frequency of uncivil comments that the female journalists have to face regularly because of their gender identity.

152

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

Table 3. Category-wise volume and percentage of the uncivil comments Classification of Harassment

Number

Percentage

Misogynist comment

32

49%

Calling bad name

13

20%

Undermining professional skill for gender

01

1.5%

Target the physical appearances and dress

03

5%

Religious ‘Tag’

11

17%

Threatening of ‘rape’ or sexual humiliation

03

5%

Threatening of ‘killing’

01

1.5%

Total

65

100%

The category number one-Misogynist comments, the comments express hatred towards the female journalists through different types of male-chauvinist words, are codded here. The data analysis finds, nearly half of the comments, at least 32 out of 65 (49%), are under this class. On the other hand, the category number two, calling a bad name, is the second top phenomenon. The data shows, around 13 comments (20%) belonged in this class. Then, the third common tendency is giving a ‘religious tag’. The remarks which directly give uncivil notes connecting the religious ideology are included in this section. A total of 11 comments (17%) are identified here. Threatening of ‘rape’ or sexual humiliation and targeting physical appearances and dress, are also there. Each of the categories held five comments, in total the number is 10 (6%). Besides, there have one death threat and a comment that undermines the professional skill of the journalist. All the remarks are collected from five different news-related programs, which are purposively selected by random search in the social media sites of the media houses. The data analysis proceeds by a successive discussion of the fact, figures, and semiotics of each case.

Case One The case number one is a special interview of prominent feminist writer and right activist Taslima Nasrin, conducted by the senior journalist of a private television channel Farzana Rupa. The interview has been published on the television channel’s YouTube platform on February 15, 2015. Till the data collection (Mid-April, 2020), the interview has nearly 8.5 million views and around 3,800 comments are posted in the feedback section. Amongst those comments, at least 25 uncivil comments are retrieved, first noticed first taken basis, which are be found within the first 50 comments. The data suggests that in the 25 indecent comments, 14 are misogynistic. A Faruk Hossain has commented, “You want equal rights, can you walk unclothed like the males?” Another person, named HM Nur Alam stated “Both of you (interviewee and interviewer) are third gender persons, talking nonsense here.” The other ten comments have termed both of them as ‘Whore’. An Md Jamal has commented “Farzana Rupa is a whore” and another person named Jamal Jamal1 has observed “This TV channel is a channel of sluts.” In this case, nearly five comments are hinted under ‘calling bad name’. All of them has dehumanized both the journalist and the interviewee. One comment is posted by Blue Sky, said, “A pig is taking interview of another pig and both of them got crazy. Farzana is a Satan, we need to kick her off from the country”. The other notes have termed the journalist as ‘nefarious’, ‘wicked’ and ‘shameless’.

153

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

The content analysis has referred that the journalist got the religious tag as ‘atheist’ in three different comments. One commenter named Shahjada Joni has written “Slap on the face of the atheist”. The journalist has also gotten a rape threat in the comments as well. Kasam Khan says “You should be fucked by a cow” and another account named FcccfCccxxff notes, “I will fuck the two females”. Because of the gender identity and for taking interview of an (in)famous feminist writer, the journalist is subjected to the bulling, name-calling, misogynist remarks, sexist notes, and even has gotten the threat of rape as well. As a journalist, it is her professional duty to cover issues and publish different alternative views, but in feedback, she has been exposed to undesirable online harassment. For the limitation of resources, all the 3,800 comments have not been possible to analysed in this chapter, but the observation of the researchers suggest that the major portion of the feedbacks are adverse. There have very few constructive criticisms or suggestions made on the quality and contents of the interview rather most of the comments are subjective which targeted the journalist’s gender identity. Misogynist remarks and bigotry addenda offers incivility towards the journalists. The hatred on the female professional, who publicly appears through media screen, is getting numerous vulgarity and gets unprotected visibility in a disrespectful cruel online environment.

Case Two Case number two is a regular talk show on a private television channel. The discussion topic of that talk show is ‘What are the local politicians doing in fighting Corona Virus’. The talk show has been hosted by journalist, Sharmin Chawdhury, published in the television’s YouTube platform on April 19, 2020. Till April last week, the programme gets at least 18,000 views and around 60 comments in the feedback section. Examining the 60 comments, around ten uncivil comments are found, within which five are included in the study sample. Four feedbacks are misogynistic and one comment is about the dress and physical appearances. The content of the talk show is mainly about the roles of local politicians in Bangladesh to handle the circumstances brought by the Coronavirus. The journalist is asking the talk guests (mainly the politicians) about their areas’ update. But, some comments, totally dissimilar to the discussion agenda, have targeted the journalist personally. Md. Asif Mahmud says, “Every day I found Sharmin in new new appearances, I love you”. Another person named Md Ismail says, “💋I💔YOU SHARMIN❤💙💖 You are my life 🌺🌹🌷👈👍”. Bashar Islam, another commentator, says, “I fall in love with Sharmin every day.” An account named ‘AboidhaAdalat (illegal court)’ says, “Why are you appearing on the screen without covering your hair?” In this case, the female talk show host has received several unpleasant comments, which are totally irrelevant to the subject of the discussion rater has made the journalist a target for the gendered indecency. She is been also questioned for her dress and physical appearance through some comments. Altogether, it reflects a tendency that the female faces are not welcomed in a public sphere. However, if they dare to come, they will be the bull’s eye for the online harassment.

Case Three The case number three is a feature story of a private television channel made on how Bollywood actress Priyanka Chopra has been working on women rights. The news is published in the YouTube channel on 154

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

March 08, 2020. The news has 64,337 views, as well as 49 comments. It is mainly a desk report covered aiming the Women’s Day on March 08. Amongst the 49 comments, most of them are sexist and has targeted the gender identity of both the news subject and the female news presenter. Here, randomly selected 10 comments are codded for this study where six are misogynistic, two are name-calling, one has targeted the physical appearances and dress and one comment falls under the category of ‘religious tag’. Mihajul Hasib says, “Females right is all about to the right of prostitution and female nudity.” “You are not working on female’s rights, but you are working on whores’ right”, says Bodh Shab, seemed a fake account. Ashraful has commented that “Showing breast in the name of women rights?” A Jakaria Farhan says, “All activity of shamelessness in the name of female rights. Bangladesh has also some cocky like these.” Rafi Ujjaman Rafi says “Does impudence women’s right to you? Start fearing Almighty Allah.” This case is a special feature story aiming the Women’s day, where the news subject has been a celebrity woman and the news has been presented by another woman journalist. Altogether the report becomes a target point to get attacked with a number of gendered assaults and criticism. Each of the comments, whatever the category they belong, has opposed the idea of female rights. The gestures of the comments have referred that whoever will ask for women’s rights, will be labeled as ‘whore’ or be showered with incivility.

Case Four The case number four is a regular discussion programme on gender equity. Host Israt Jahan Urmi, also a senior reporter of that media house, conducts the programme, titled Onnopokkho. The sampled episode has been uploaded on January 20, 2020, with 1,405 views and 45 comments. In this case, the phenomenon of the flood of uncivil comments is noticed, as, amongst the 45 remarks, the major amount is identified as indecent. A total 19 comments have been selected randomly for the study, where five are misogynistic, five others are name-calling, one is about professional skills, seven comments have religious tags and a threat for sexual humiliation is also found there. Kamrul JNU says, “In life after death, all of them will be satisfied by pushing the hot iron rod in their vagina.” SP Gias says, “Three of them (two guests and a journalist) are sluts.” Md Manir Khan says, “Those who wants to see Satan, come and watch the three ladies.” Undermining the skill of the journalist, Mohammad Tarek says “The journalist, shame on you. Please avoid television.” At least seven comments have been tagged the journalist and the guests as ‘atheist’. Ansar Al Islam says, “These prostitute anti-Islam females are jealous of the progress of Islam…..they should be beaten with shoes.” Hasan Sahji says, “Please circulate the picture of these atheists in social media.” Likewise, the case number three, in case four, a similar type of intolerance, marginalisation, stereotypical comments based on gender attributions are found. Here, both the host and the guests are subjected to the sexualized hate speech and even have been threatened.

Case Five The case number five is a piece of regular strait-jacket news on the effect of Corona on the flower farmers reported by a female journalist. The sample is collected from the Facebook page of the television channel, uploaded on April 11, 2020. The news has been viewed at least 2, 60,000 times, and 67 comments

155

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

are there. Scanning the comments, a significant amount of uncivil remarks are been identified, within which a total of six indecent remarks are sampled. Three misogynistic comments, one name-calling and two comments targeting dress and appearances are identified. One says, “Females should be suspended from media, which will help to recover Corona Virus.” Another person says, “Are all female journalists brought from brothels?” This news is nothing to do with gender, women’s right or the religion, rather it is a regular hard news covered by a female journalist. No debated issues are there in the news. Still, as the reporter is a female, she has been exposed to online harassment. Hostile and benevolent sexist remarks, negative comments targeting the dress, and physical appearances are also there. Through the content and semiotic analyses, it has been found that each case is explicitly evidential that online harassment of female journalists is taking place in Bangladesh. Regardless of the subject of the reports or programmes, female journalists are commonly getting incivility and vulgarity for their gender attribution. Females’ harassment is common in online and it seems this has become a part of female journalists’ daily job. Most of the negative remarks include sexist or misogynistic elements such as attacks, criticisms, threats, stereotypes and so one. Besides the regular life struggles, online harassment has evolved as a new challenge for them. Under this reality, with the number of other pressures, the female journalists are working and trying to uphold their efficiency. Every day they are fighting with these incivilities from hundreds of unknown online offenders. The digital world is a blessing for all kinds of journalists, however, the content and semiotic analysis has showed that due to the incivility of online feedbacks, this arena is no more a safe place or blessing for female journalists.

Reactions and Consequences of Online Harassment: Experiences of the Victims “As long as you are in the profession, you have to tolerate it” Interviewee A is a prominent television host, news presenter, and senior broadcast journalist. She conducted a regular discussion programme on women’s rights issues. She says, very often she has to face gendered harassment in online besides the off-line ones (personal communication, October 3, 2019). ‘For conducting my show, in social media, they termed me as whore”, she outlines. She has confirmed if the subject of their work is the topics like women rights, religion, social inequality against women, and other issues like these, they have to face a higher range of online harassment. In the maledominated media culture, unwritten norms and practices are established that female journalists cover a certain types of non-serious issues. If any female breaks the rules with the social norm, they will be subjected to harsh circumstances. Nowadays, online media paves the way to bring the flood of this type of uncivil comment-hits. Interviewee B says, “The kind of harassment I used to get, is very different than that of the male colleagues. It is beyond mere criticism of my report, rather attacks come focused on my look and dress. Sometimes sexist bigotry also comes” (personal communication, October 5, 2019). “It became an unavoidable part of the job”, she has mentioned. Each of the interviewees observes that still, the people of Bangladesh is not ready to accept the presence of females in television screen or powerful profession like journalism. The interviewees also underline that through in women’s empowerment the country is thriving, however, typical patriarchal mindset yet to be wiped out. So, online harassment has become a part of female journalists’ regular professional life. In this regard the Interviewee A apprises, “I do journalism because it is my profession. It brings bread and butter for 156

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

me and my family. I cannot leave the job after getting some online comments. So long I am here, I have to tolerate it.” This comment reflects the helplessness of the journalist, as the situation has made her think that, she has only two choices- leaving the job or having the tolerance to go with the online harassment. The authority has found reluctant about the issues as to opinion of the journalists, the media leaders do not take online harassment seriously as it is ‘not so much crucial’. Even the idea of journalists’ protection is barely effective in the country, Interviewee A complains. So, the overall situation often offers an understanding to the victim journalists that the issue is not a ‘vital problem to take care of by the authority’ and without tolerating there is no other solution. Therefore, under the double-edged sword- online harassment and reluctances of taking actions- female journalists often discover them in a vulnerable and insecure situations. “They told me I should be more careful about my dress…” Interviewee E has shared one of her stories of online harassment. She explains: “Two years ago, I covered the event of Eid-Jammat (Special prayer on the occasion of Eid). While I covering the prayer, some a friend captured a photo and later I posted it in my personal Facebook timeline. There, people attacked me for my attires and advised me to be more careful about my dress while covering these type of religious events (personal communication, September 20, 2019). Not only Interviewee E, but all the five interviewees have claimed that they often become the target point of online gendered harassment for their dress. They often harshly criticized for not wearing veil or covering their hair. This phenomenon suggests that dress and physical appearances regularly become the target-point of sexist remarks, attacks and unwanted advices. This tendency has a strong interconnection with the offline culture of the country. Bangladesh is a country, having a Muslim majority. The Islamic norms have made wearing hijab or covering hair (maintaining Pardah) mandatory for the females. The female journalists who do not follow this dress code, have to encounter an intensive online attacks regarding their outfits. Beyond the religious perspective, the interviewed journalists report, they are being told either they are too ugly or so beautiful. Both of the cases often bring an immense number of unwanted attentions. More often, the audience view them as sex objects rather than acknowledging their professional value. Another interviewee says, “The screen made me traumatize because the females working in media have to face more online harassment”. She expounds that at some point of time she felt that leaving journalism profession is the only way to get out of these harassments. The regular online abusive remarks made her frustrated and affected her emotionally (Interviewee D, personal communication, September 20, 2019). “I was Tagged as an Atheist” Another phenomenon has been identified from the interviews that were getting negative comments on the basis of religious identity. More often, when the issues like women empowerment, religious fundamentalism, social and religious prejudice are the subject of report or programme, which becomes the center point of getting identified as an ‘atheist’. Two of the sampled journalists has confirmed that

157

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

they has been tagged as ‘atheist’ (Interviewee A & Interviewee D, personal communication, October 5 & September 20, 2019) Here, the offline social and religious environment of the country are connected with the issue. Religious radicalism is a long prevailing issue in Bangladesh and some researchers has explained that non-believers do not feel secure to express their identity or publicly announce their distinctiveness as ‘atheist’. In 2013 and afterward, nearly five ‘atheist’ bloggers and activists were killed, allegedly, by the religious militants. These incidents managed to create a climate of fear to be identified as ‘atheist’ in Bangladesh (Ummay et al., 2017). After that “You are an atheist” became a commonly used namecalling to make anyone vulnerable. The journalists also has experienced these religious tags for their opinion on females and religious issues. The experiences of the journalists has revealed that along with the sexist and gendered harassment, this type of criticism and stereotypical comments obtaining religious ideas, has increased their vulnerability. They have feared that online intolerances might bring real-life harm as well. So, as a reaction to the harassments, the female journalists often feel uncomfortable in online media, sometimes fear takes over their mind and they feel uninterested to appear in the screen. One interviewee states “Sexist comments and rape threats frighten me. I wanted to lessen my presence in front of the public. But I understood all of them are working to stop me from having opinions, working so boldly.” The sampled journalists are still working in the media, but back in the mind, these discomfort, withdrawal tendency, frustration, and helplessness are prevalent. So, silently the mutation process is also happening driven by continuous online harassment and adverse negative sexist attacks.

DISCUSSION The results of the study reveals that female journalists in Bangladesh face a significant level of online harassment including misogynist comments, calling bad name, undermining professional skill for their gender identity, are becoming the target for the physical appearances and dress, receiving religious ‘tag’ and rape and murder threats. The results are consistent with previous studies from developed countries, South Asia region (Koirala, 2020, Chen et al., 2018). The first finding suggests that semiotic patterns and forms of the harassment are different form regular assaults. The females in journalism are subjected to the gendered abuses for their identity, not for their works. Those comments comprise aversive speech that went beyond mere impoliteness. Significant cases of gendered nuisance, containing misogynist comments, attack, disregard, labeling, intimidating based on gender identity or sexuality, are found in the context of Bangladesh. It is also found that the ranges of chauvinism are mainly two: Hostile chauvinism, is explicitly misogynistic comments about female journalists (i.e. ‘you are a whore’) and benevolent chauvinism, is stereotypical attitudes toward the (i.e. ‘Why you are working here?’). The data of content analysis has found both of the scenarios. It indicates that around 50 percent are misogynist hate speech and attacks. The similar assaults, misogynistic comments and sexist remarks, are common all over the world (Chen et al., 2018). It has been observed female journalists from Germany, India, UK, USA and Taiwan get chauvinist attacks, rape and death threatens, have been trolled and face gendered attacks on the feedback of their news reports. Besides, the South Asian countries, for example, Nepal also faces same kind of situations like rape threats (Koirala, 2020). So, here the finding number one of this study is consistent with the world scenario. 158

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

In Nepal, female journalists also face assaults like get photoshopped with nude pictures and so one. These types of trolling and photoshopped pictures are very rear in the case of Bangladesh. Rather, calling bad name, uncivil comments, and attacking the dress and approaches are observed in a higher level. So, from the perspectives of feminist theory, these identified forms of online harassment are nothing but the reflection of societal gender attitudes and chauvinism. In a patriarchal society, calling bad name, undermining the skills of female, targeting their body and appearances, sexist comments, threats of rape and misogynistic retorts are the commonly used weapons to underestimate the females. Researches from the South Asian countries also corresponds here. This pattern is a long prevailing problem in Bangladeshi social culture. Now, with the advancement of online platforms, the reflection of the stereotypical mindset and forms of gendered abuses are happening against the female journalists in the digital platforms. So, it suggests that the medium of communication has advanced, but the patriarchal mindset of the citizens (netizens) has not changed. The finding number two suggests that gendered harassment, another incivility, such as name-calling, dehumanisation, and religious labeling are also noticed at a noteworthy level. Using religious labels is also a global phenomenon, however, it is very frequent in the contest of South Asian countries. Similar kinds of situations of giving religious tag and labeling are also found in the context of Pakistan and India. In India, many female journalists, who are Muslims, get attacked and trolled, their gender and religious identities are often targeted by the offenders (Ressa et al., 2018). While in Pakistan, journalists get attacked for not wearing religiously prescribed outfits ((DRF, 2012). Both situations- attacks for religious identities and not wearing religiously prescribed outfits- are observed in the context Bangladesh. However, getting tags like ‘Atheist’ is unique here. When female journalists are talking about any religious issues or women’s rights has often been found to get tagged as atheists. The finding number three reveals that the online harassment is making the online environment toxic which is negatively impacting the freedom of expression. This reflections of offline societal misogyny and the perception of females by the male counterpart are found in a significant level, which are affecting women’s professional performances and their freedom of expression. The finding is consistent with the scenario around the world. Studies have shown that online harassment increases fear and insecurity in the mind of victims led to self-censorship (Nadim & Fladmoe, 2019). Vitis and Gilmour (2017) have suggested that gender domination in any form is meant to silence females who want to uphold their distinction in the patriarchal society. The feminist theory argues that the patriarchal social structure and the stereotypical gender perception of male do not want to allow the females to be more powerful than the males. The masculine dominance and attitudes often use the discrimination, sexism and prejudice in quietening female’s voices and their progress as a liberated and free being. So, it is manifested that the forms of patriarchal hegemony and masculine nature of the online platforms are forcing females to be marginalised from the public sphere. These attacks are, often, successful to preserve male supremacy in the society and manage to limit the confidence of females (Megarry, 2014). The data from the in-depth interviews has outlined that misogynistic comments, inappropriate appeals, chauvinist stereotypes, and other humiliations are become part of the female journalists’ job. The trend has successfully managed to weaken females’ sense security and freedom in Bangladesh. Self-censorship among the female journalists has driven by online abuses also noticed in the context of the USA, UK, Canada, Germany, India, Nepal and Pakistan (Chen et. al. 2018, Nadim & Fladmoe, 2019, DRF, 2012) The journalists in Bangladesh know that in this age of digital expansion, they should put more footprint in online and engage with the audiences. But, this professional approach has caught them in a 159

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

double bind- getting hateful and unwelcoming responses and risking them for harassment and threats. These adverse and unfriendly online environments has made the journalists overthink before writing or expression in digital platforms. Consequently, the frequent prevalence of harassment for gender identity has hampered journalistic passion, and has mugged their comfortability while working. These, gendered attacks sometimes has managed to create fear, hampers their efforts as journalists, enthusiasm to engage with people in online, and interest to have their voice in the digital arena. The frequency of the attacks has made them ‘traumatised’ and restrains to publicly appear in the media. According to the findings, the critical and pivotal consequence of the trend is the toll of their freedom of expression. The finding number four has been identified that the online harassment is causing the uneasiness amongst the female journalists to do their professional duty properly. The journalists exposed to online harassment are more self-censored and they overthink about their presence in online space, reporting style and sometimes they have discarded to cover debated topics as a tool to avoid the abuses. The data has exposed that journalists working in broadcast media and/or covering serious beats are the common target of the online harassment. The feminist theory explains the patriarchal social structure does not want to allow the females to be more powerful. So, like the offline world, online misogyny often hit the female media professionals. The hegemonic masculinity always tries to hold them back and weakens their voices from the online (Jane, 2014). The finding number five has demonstrated that, unlike other countries, the Bangladeshi victim journalists are not voicing and reporting against the issue. They, more often, take the problem as an unavoidable part of their job hoping for no solutions. They keep the incidents private because they feel in anyway this problem will prevail. The interviewed journalists are less confident about the positive mentality of the existing institutional frameworks and bodies which can work to make the internet safer. According to their opinion, the national legal environment and safety understanding media house are not much careering about the online safety of them. The situation indicates that the victims have taken online harassment as their inevitable ‘fate’. Contrast with the Western countries, the internet safety understanding of Bangladesh journalists is not very clear and they lack of the ideas how they, individually and their media house, can work to ensure the digital safety. For them, the insecurity and struggle intensify when the harassment-subjected journalists get no formal and sustainable solution to the problem. Individual ventures such as avoiding, deleting, or removing have become the solitary ways to survive in the adverse situation. However, the institutional actions against the harassment are absent. Female journalists are continuing their work with extra mental pressure, frustration, and fear.

CONCLUSION Female journalists in Bangladesh face a significant level of online harassment including misogynist comments, calling bad name, undermining professional skill for their gender identity, are becoming the target for the physical appearances and dress, receiving religious ‘tag’ and rape and murder threats. This trend has severe consequences on the psychology and professional lives of the journalists. The frequent and profound level of abuses has managed to create fear, withdrawal, and self-censorship amongst the victims. The analysis has pointed out that after facing online abuse, exposed journalists become over conscious about their online and offline safety. It is directly affecting the practice of freedom of expression of them as it works to silence their voice from the digital platforms. 160

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

The online harassment of female journalists is a serious issue regarding the safety and freedom of expression, so to ensure the safety and protect their voice, these offences must be taken into account and actions should be taken accordingly. Female journalists must be ensured with the safety in both online and offline. The newsrooms should work to change the culture that allows the harassments to continue. The media outlets should take the responsibility to prepare these employees for facing the online difficulties and support them to take legal actions against the abusers.

LIMITATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS While the content and the semiotic analysis of online comments and in-depth interviews provided considerable range of data and information, these methods have depended on a small number of samples that are not representative of the whole scenario. The goal of this study is to find the nature of online harassment taking place in Bangladesh, knowing the female journalists’ experiences and the consequences on them, but not to make generalisable interpretations about the whole picture. Future research might also examine newsroom managers, such as editors, decision-makers, and higher-level employees’ role in the context of gendered harassment their female employees. The research recommends that the journalism training centers, media houses should train the journalists to handle harassment and protect them from abuse. The media houses should be more caring in supporting the victim journalists. In addition, the upper management should show a positive mentality towards them. The application of law and protection of the journalists in offline and online should be ensured. Finally, the government and the house leaders should step forward in these regards.

REFERENCES Action Needed on Violence against Females Journalists. (2020). Article 19. Retrieved from: https://www. article19.org/resources/hrc44-action-needed-on-violence-against-females-journalists/ Adams, C. (2017). They Go for Gender First. Journalism Practice, 12(7), 850–869. doi:10.1080/1751 2786.2017.1350115 Ahmed, A. M. (1999). Freedom of the Press and its Constraints. The Canadian Journal for Media Studies. Baer, H. (2015). Redoing feminism: Digital activism, body politics, and neoliberalism. Feminist Media Studies, 16(1), 17–34. doi:10.1080/14680777.2015.1093070 Binns, A. (2017). Fair game? Journalists’ experiences of online abuse. Journal of Applied Journalism & Media Studies, 6(2), 183-206. doi:10.1386/ajms.6.2.183_1 Carlsson, U., & Pöyhtäri, R. (Eds.). (2017). The assault on journalism: Building knowledge to protect freedom of expression. Nordicom.

161

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

Carter Olson, C. (2016). #BringBackOurGirls: Digital communities supporting real-world change and influencing mainstream media agendas. Feminist Media Studies, 16(5), 772–787. doi:10.1080/146807 77.2016.1154887 Chen, G., Pain, P., Chen, V., Mekelburg, M., Springer, N., & Troger, F. (2018). ‘You really have to have a thick skin’: A cross-cultural perspective on how online harassment influences female journalists. Journalism, 21(7), 877–895. doi:10.1177/1464884918768500 Claudia, L., Carolina, A. T., Santos, M., & Jamil, S. (2018). Introduction to Dossier Journalism and Gender: Yes, this is Subversive. British Journalism Review, 14(1), 1–6. Demos. (2014). Demos: Male celebrities receive more abuse on Twitter than females. Retrieved from: https://demos.co.uk/press-release/demos-male-celebrities-receive-more-abuse-on-twitter-than-females-2/ Department of Films & Publications (DFP). (2020). Statistics on listed newspapers and periodicals, Retrieved 27 May 2020 from: www. dfp. gov.bd Duffy, C. (2019). Online Harassment Is the Largest Safety Concern for Female Journalists, New Study Finds. CNN Business. Duggan, M. (2014). Experiencing Online Harassment. The Pew Research Center. Female Journalists in New Media. (2012). Experience, Challenges, and a gendered Approach. Digital Rights Foundation (DRF). Freedom of Expression in Bangladesh Annual Report 2017. (2017). Article 19. Retrieved from: https:// www.article19.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/FoE-Report-2017-Final-Draft-02.05.2018-no-mark-up. pdf Ghosh, A. (2019). Its Time Females Journalists Stop Facing Online Abuse [Blog]. Retrieved from: https:// feminisminindia.com/2019/12/05/women-journalists-online-violence/ Habiba, U. (2018, July 16). What is holding female journalists back? Bdnews24.Com. Retrieved from: https://bangla.bdnews24.com/bangladesh/article1489285.bdnews Habiba, U., Kundu, P., Rahman, G., & Rhaman, M. (2017). Freedom of Expression in Bangladesh in the context of Bloggers. In E. Frey, M. Rhaman & H. El Bour (Eds.), Negotiating Journalism Core Values and Cultural Diversities (1st ed., pp. 137-148). Nordicom. International Women’s Media Foundation. (2018). Attacks and Harassment; The Impact on Female Journalists and Their Reporting. Washington, DC: Troll Buster. Retrieved from: https://yoursosteam. files.wordpress.com/2018/12/attacks-and-harassment_fall-2018.pdf Islam, M., & Yousuf, M. (2017). Media System of Bangladesh: In the Middle of Authoritarianism and Libertarianism. Speech. Interactive Microtalks on Media and Communication in South Asia, School of Media and Journalism, The University of North Carolina. Retrieved from: https://www.researchgate.net/ publication/329029384_Media_System_of_Bangladesh_In_the_Middle_of_Authoritarianism_and_Libertarianism

162

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

Jamil, S. (2014). Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom: Journalists’ Understandings and Practices in Pakistan. In C. Schimdt (Ed.), Pakistan’s Media Landscape: The Effects of Liberalization (pp. 46–85). Deutsche Welle Akademie. Jamil, S. (2015a). Understandings and Practices of Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom in Pakistan: Ethnography of Karachi Journalistic Environment (PhD Thesis). University of Queensland, Australia. Retrieved from: https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/43362662.pdf Jamil, S. (2015b). Journalists’ concepts of freedom of expression and press freedom in Pakistan. Journal of Transnational Worlds of Power: Proliferation of Journalism & Professional Standards, 1(1), 101–132. Jamil, S. (2016). Journalism practice and freedom of expression: Challenges and constraints in Pakistan. In B. Lippe & R. Ottosen (Eds.), Gendering War and Peace Reporting: Some Insights – Some Missing Links. Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2017a). Freedom of expression and journalists’ safety: An analysis of conflict reporting and peace journalism education in Pakistan. Journal of the Association of Journalism Education, 6(2), 7–16. Jamil, S. (2017b). Freedom under pressure? Threats to journalists’ safety in Pakistan. In U. Carlsson & R. Poyhtari (Eds.), Assault on Journalism (pp. 323–329). Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2018). Safety threats, impunity and professionalism: Journalists’ dilemma in Pakistan. Journal of Sociology and Anthropology, 6(7), 571–578. doi:10.13189a.2018.060702 Jamil, S. (2019a). The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety. IGI Global. Jamil, S. (2019b). Culture of Impunity and Safety of Journalists: Is Safe Journalism a Distant Dream in Pakistan? World of Media – Journal of Russian Media and Journalism Studies, 1, 48-64. doi:10.30547/ worldofmedia.1.2019.3 Jamil, S. (2020a). Suffering in Silence: The Resilience of Pakistan’s Female Journalists to Combat Sexual Harassment, Threats and Discrimination. Journalism Practice, 14(2), 150–170. doi:10.1080/1 7512786.2020.1725599 Jamil, S. (2020b). Red lines of journalism: Digital surveillance, safety risks and journalists’ self-censorship in Pakistan. In I. F. Anna & K. Roy (Eds.), Journalist Safety and Self-Censorship (pp. 29–46). Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780367810139-3 Jamil, S., & Muschert, G. (2020). Risks to Journalists’ Safety and the Vulnerability of Media Freedom in the U.S. In G. Muschert, K. Budd, M. Christian, & R. Perucci (Eds.), Agenda for Social Justice: Solutions for 2020. Policy Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctv14rmnsb.21 Jane, E. A. (2014). You’re an ugly, whorish, slut. Feminist Media Studies, 14(4), 531–546. doi:10.108 0/14680777.2012.741073 Jane, E. A. (2016). Online misogyny and feminist digilantism. Continuum, 30(3), 284–297. doi:10.108 0/10304312.2016.1166560

163

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

Kathuria, C. (2018). Indian Female Journalists Battle Threats for Having Opinions, She the People [Blog]. Retrieved 19 September 2019 from https://www.shethepeople.tv/news/indian-female-journalistsfacing-online-threats/ Khatun, A., Islam, J., Rahman, G., & Rhaman, M. (2017). Press Freedom Dynamics in Bangladesh. In E. Frey, M. Rhaman & H. El Bour (Eds.), Negotiating Journalism Core Values and Cultural Diversities (1st ed., pp. 137-148). Nordicom. Koirala, S. (2020). Female Journalists’ Experience of Online Harassment: A Case Study of Nepal, Media and Communication, 8(1), 47-56. dio: doi:10.17645/mac.v8i1.2541 Lenhart, A., Ybarra, M., Zickuhr, K., & Price-Feeney, M. (2016). Online Harassment, Digital Abuse and Cyberstalking in America. Data & Society Research Institute. Retrieved from https://www.datasociety. net/pubs/oh/Online_Harassment_2016.pdf Megarry, J. (2014). Online incivility or sexual harassment? Conceptualising women’s experiences in the digital age. Females’s Studies International Forum, 47, 46–55. Mijatović, D. (2016). More Platforms, Less Freedom: How New Media Reproduce Old Patriarchal Structure. In New Challenges to Freedom of Expression: Countering Online Abuse of Female Journalists. Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). Retrieved from https://www.osce. org/fom/220411?download=true Nadim, M., & Fladmoe, A. (2019). Silencing Women? Gender and Online Harassment. Social Science Computer Review. Retrieved from: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0894439319865518 Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). (2016). New Challenges of Freedom of Expression: Countering Online Abuse of Female Journalists. OSCE. Petersen, A. H. (2018). The cost of reporting while female. Columbia Journalism Review. Retrieved from: https://www.cjr.org/special_report/reporting-female-harassment-journalism.php Reporters Without Borders (RSF). (2017). Online Harassment of Journalists; Attack of the trolls. Retrieved From https://rsf.org/en/news/rsf-publishes-report-online-harassment-journalists Reporters Without Borders (RSF). (2020). The World Press Freedom Index-2020. Retrieved from: https://rsf. org/en/2020-world-press-freedom-index-entering-decisive-decade-journalism-exacerbated-coronavirus Ressa, M., Ghose, S., & Storm, H. (2018, October 6). Trolls and threats: Online harassment of female journalists. Aljazeera. Retrieved from: https://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/listeningpost/2018/10/ trolls-threats-online-harassment-female-journalists-181006101141463.html Ross, K. (2004). Sex at work: Gender politics and newsroom culture. In Gender and newsroom cultures: Identities at work (pp. 145–162). Hampton Press. The Civic Action Resources. (2015). Working Conditions of Females Journalists in Pakistan. The Constitution of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh. (2016). Retrieved from: http://bdlaws.minlaw. gov.bd/sections_detail.php?id=367§ions_id=24587

164

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

The Dhaka Tribune. (2019). 70% of females facing cyber harassment are between 15-25 years in age. Retrieved from: https://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/dhaka/2019/09/24/70-of-females-facingcyber-harassment-are-15-25-years-in-age The fifth Global Media Monitoring Project. (2015). Who Makes the News? Retrieved from: http://whomakesthenews.org/gmmp/gmmp-reports/gmmp-2015-reports The Free Press Unlimited. (2012). Online Safety for Female Journalists in Pakistan. Pakistan. Retrieved from: https://www.freepressunlimited.org/en/projects/online-safety-for-female-journalists-in-pakistan The Pen America. (2020). Online Harassment Field Manual. The Pew Research Center. United Nations (UN). (2016). The Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Retrieved from: https://www. ohchr.org/EN/UDHR/Documents/UDHR_Translations/eng.pdf Vitis, L., & Gilmour, F. (2017). Dick Pics on Blast: A Women’s Resistance to Online Sexual Harassment Using Humour, Art, and Instagram. Crime, Media, Culture, 13(3), 335–355. doi:10.1177/1741659016652445 Westcott, L., & Foley, J. W. (2019). Why newsrooms need a solution to end online harassment of reporters [Blog]. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/blog/2019/09/newsrooms-solution-online-harassmentcanada-usa.php

ADDITIONAL READING Aldridge, M. (2001). Lost expectations? Female journalists and the fall-out from the ‘Toronto newspaper war.’. Media Culture & Society, 23(5), 607–624. doi:10.1177/016344301023005004 Gill, R. (2007). Gender and the Media. Wiley. Hanitzsch, T., & Mellado, C. (2011). What Shapes the News around the World? How Journalists in Eighteen Countries Perceive Influences on Their Work. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 16(3), 404–426. doi:10.1177/1940161211407334 Khan, T., & Kaarisma, S. E. (2014). Freedom of press in Bangladesh. The International Journal of Social Sciences (Islamabad), 25(1). MacBridge, S. (1980). Many Voices One World, Towards a New More Just and More Efficient World Information and Communication Order. UNESCO. Siddiqui, F. A. (2017). Threats to journalists in India: Journalism in the age of intolerance and rising nationalism. Reuters Institute Fellowship Paper, University of Oxford. Retrieved fromhttps://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/sites/default/files/2018

165

 Online Harassment of Female Journalists in Bangladesh

KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Abuses: Abuses are mainly treating someone with cruelty or violence, particularly, doing it on a regular basis. The online abuse improper and violent behaviors in the online. Digital Safety: Digital safety refers the safe and sound environment in online medium. For appropriate participation and involvement in virtual world, digital safety and security are necessary. Freedom of Expression: The freedom of expression is a fundamental human right acknowledged by national and international documents, which guarantees freedom to hold and express opinion regardless of cast, creed, gender, nationality, ethnicity or identity. Gendered Incivility: The vulgarity which often attacks in a sexist way to undermine any person’s gender attributes. Misogyny: Misogyny is one kind of hatred which is developed and derived from the prejudice against females and girls. Social exclusion of females, sexual discrimination, violence against females, sexual objectification are the identified manifestation of misogyny. Online Harassment of Female Journalists: Online harassment is one kind of assault which comes from online medium, often attacks professional skills, body, personal life, religious orientation or family, and personal relationships of the female journalists. Many of the uncivil comments female journalists receive under online news and sometimes in personal profile channel. Patriarchal Media Environment: Patriarchy is basically a social system or governance pattern where the father or eldest male plays the key decision-making role in the family or society. So, the patriarchal media environment is a media atmosphere where the key players of the media industry and the news makers are males. Social Media: Social media is a computer-mediated interactive platform that facilitates the content and the idea creation and circulation with virtual publics and networks. Uncivil Comments: The remarks which cross the invisible line of decency and are used to undermine or attack any person.

166

167

Chapter 10

An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists Md. Aminul Islam https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5636-3140 University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB), Bangladesh Sarkar Barbaq Quarmal University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB), Bangladesh Apon Das University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB), Bangladesh

ABSTRACT Mental health in workplaces is a global concern today, and Bangladesh is not an exception to that. It is a big concern in journalism as good journalism depends on healthy journalists and news organizations. Most of the scholarships on the topic have been done from the perspective of western and developed countries. Little is known about it from the context of developing countries like Bangladesh. As such, the present study aimed at assessing mental health and well-being of professional journalists in Bangladesh. Data were collected through a survey using a semi-structured questionnaire from 191 Dhaka-based journalists reached with the aid of snowball sampling method. Psychometric instruments such as improvised depression scale, the perceived stress scale, Beck hopelessness scale (BHS), and satisfaction with life scale were used to collect data. The results show that most of the journalists perceive their job as highly stressful, suffer from depression up to some extent, are extremely dissatisfied with their life, and severely hopeless about their life and future.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch010

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

INTRODUCTION Mental health at workplaces is global concern today (Thomas, and Hersen, 2002; Quelch, Knoop, 2018; Gray, 1999). Compared to other workplaces, it is more serious concern in journalism as good journalism depends on healthy journalists and news organizations, and ironically journalism is one of the most high-pressure and stressful professions in the world. Due to the very nature of their work, journalists are vulnerable to exposure of work-related tragic and traumatic events such as victims of violence, accidents, natural disasters, deaths, conflicts and wars, death penalty executions, random shootings, terrorist bombings, sexual assaults including sexual abuse of children, domestic violence, suicides, bullying etc. on regular basis (Dworznik, 2011; Feinstein et al., 2014; Feinstein et al, 2002; Newman et al., 2003; Pyevich et al., 2003; Simpson & Boggs, 1998; Smith et al., 2017; Teegen & Gotwinkel, 2001; Dworznik, 2011; Feinstein et al, 2002; Newman et al., 2003; Pyevich et al., 2003; Smith et al., 2017; Teegen & Gotwinkel, 2001). Moreover, factors those may negatively affect mental health of journalists like chasing deadlines, perfecting the craft of producing content, constant competition with other media organization for satiating audience with quality content, dealing with horrifying graphic or pictorial elements, lack of job security and irregular salary, longer (often irregular) working hours, having less (or no) time for family-interaction and socialization etc. In recent years technological disruptions have been transforming the very nature of journalistic works; emerging business models and audience behavior triggered by ICT innovations are forcing journalists to be in a process of continuous adaptation- adding another layer of factors that may affect their psychological well-being negatively. Several studies (Aoki et al., 2012; Osmann et al., 2020; Ananthan, 2017; Drevo, 2016; Backholm & Bjӧrkqvist, 2010; Newman et al., 2003; Smith et al., 2017; Teegen & Wrotwinkel, 2001; Backholm and Björkqvist, 2010). Backholm and Björkqvist, 2012; Riyad, Ramadan, Alkhadrawy, 2019 and Seely, 2019) indicate that journalists suffer from a variety of psychological disorders such as depression, anxiety, obsessive-compulsive disorder, post traumatic disorder (PSTD), drug or alcohol addiction, insomnia, food disorder, high professional burn out, feelings of guilt, failure to handle daily pressures. The professional work cultures and training make journalists believe that they are immune to the impact of violence and tragedy and resilient to whatever they face in their professional life. But the reality is quite different. On the other hand, their constant effort to remain distant from the issues and events they cover sometimes prove to be counterproductive leading to develop a sense of guilt which eventually affect their psychological well-being negatively (Tangney, Stuewig & Mashek, 2007; Brayne, 2007)). Mental health issue of the journalists cannot be ignored by any means, because the need for quality journalism is more than ever in this age of technological disruptions, information overload, misinformation and disinformation to help people making better decisions about their life and society and ensuring accountability and transparency of the government (Lacy and Rosenstiel, 2015). Most of the scholarships on the topic have been done from the perspective of western and developed countries. Little is known about it from the context of developing countries like Bangladesh. Informal interactions with a number of journalists in Bangladesh indicated that in most cases they suffer from some form of mental illness like perceived high stress, different levels of depression, lack of satisfaction with life and hopelessness. But there is a dearth of academic research in this regard and very little is known about these issues. To fill the gap, the study assessed the mental health and well‐being of professional journalists in Bangladesh. More precisely, this study aimed: (1) to assess the status of mental

168

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

health problems (perceived stress, depression, satisfaction with life, hopelessness) among the professional journalists in Bangladesh, (2) to discover factors influencing the above mentioned mental health problems (3) to map the structure and function of social support network and to explore desirable forms of support systems for journalists.

MEDIA LANDSCAPE IN BANGLADESH The media landscape of Bangladesh consists of print, television and radio broadcast and online platforms. According to the Department of Film and Publication (DFP), the state body for registration and monitoring media industry under the Ministry of Information in Bangladesh, there are 1277 registered daily newspapers in the country. Among those, 1187 are Bangla language and 90 are English language. There are 33 television stations in operation in the country, although 41 received licenses from the government. Of the functioning television stations, four are state-owned and the rest are privately owned. Of the private channels, 18 are mixed content based, 8 are news based, one music, one is dedicated to kids and one movie based. Meanwhile, there 60 radio stations in operation in the country, among those 18 are community radio stations. The number of online portals is unknown; however, the government has taken an initiative to bring the online platforms under regulations and asked them to apply for registration. About 3000 online news portals responded to the call and applied for registration. Table 1. Bangladesh’s mediascape Media Daily Newspapers

Television

Radio

Media, Language, Ownership and Content Type Bangla

1187

English

90

State run

4

Private (Mixed content)

18

Private (News)

8

Private (Music)

1

Private (Kid)

1

Private (Movie)

1

Not in operation

8

State run (terrestrial)

1

State run (FM)

14

Private (FM)

27

Community Online news platforms

Number

Private (Applied for registration)

Total 1277

41

60

18 3000 (Estimated)

3000 (Estimated)

(Source: Department of Films & Publications: December, 2019)

169

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

According to the DFP, there are 10 types of registered newspapers in the country, which include daily newspapers, half-weekly, weekly, fortnightly, monthly, bimonthly, quarterly, fourth-monthly, sixmonthly and yearly. There are 3164 newspapers in the country. Of those, 1328 are published from the capital Dhaka and 1836 are published from outside Dhaka. The Table 2 presents different types of print publication in the country. Table 2. Number of registered newspapers, their types, publication place Type of Media Daily Newspapers Half-weekly

Published From Dhaka

Published Outside Dhaka

Total

520

757

1277

-

3

3

Weekly

359

847

1206

Fortnightly

149

66

215

Monthly

276

145

421

Bimonthly

5

3

8

Quarterly

16

13

29

Fourth-monthly

-

1

1

Six-monthly

1

1

2

Yearly

2

-

2

Total

1328

1836

3164

(Source: Department of Films & Publications, December, 2019)

There are around 82,530 journalists working in national and local media outlets across the country; among them about two-third (50970) are based in Dhaka and 15859 are members of different journalists’ associations. The details are presented in Table 3. Although the first newspaper in Bangladesh was published over 170 years ago, the country’s media industry is still not matured in terms of professionalism and sustainability of the media outlets as business entities. In most cases, owners established the media organizations either for propagating their political ideologies or extension of corporate business. Propelled by high economic growth, restoration of democracy in early 1990s, introduction of new communication technologies in the country and increasing literacy rate, Bangladesh has experienced exponential growth in its media industry in the past three decades. The investment in the sector was mainly the surplus money from other businesses to gain prestige, protect gains and expand clout. Sometimes the invested money was not even legally earned and the objectives were not to advance the social and human causes, improve governance, democracy and transparency. Companies involved with different types of businesses such as garments exports, electronics retailing, shipping, beverage and real estate have expanded their businesses in the media sector. Relatively low start-up costs and the unemployed educated workforce available in a hostile job market ready to take any job made such a boom in the media sector possible between 1990 and 2015. But the media industry as business enterprises began to fall since 2015. Multiple factors contributed to the fall. A critical observation shows that from the very beginning, most of the media organizations suffered from revenue crisis posing threat to their existence due to lack of experience in running media outlets as

170

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

financially viable business enterprises; proper business model; research-based insight about readership, viewership, and listenership; and expectation and behavior of the audience. Moreover, there is no proper research and adequate-accurate-structured data about the key aspects of the market dynamics—audience and revenue sources in the country. In most cases, the investors and media managers made decisions based on inaccurate research output and research tools, and sometimes just intuitively. The financial failures of the media outlets led the owners to cut their investments forcing job cut, low and irregular salary of journalists which eventually force many skilled and talented journalists to switch profession. Due to such insecurities almost half the journalism students in Bangladeshi universities do not think of journalism as their future profession (Genilo, Haq and Mahmud, 2019). Table 3. Number of journalists in Bangladesh (Estimated/projected) Associations, Media and Location

Organized journalists (including all media and part of the country)

Dhaka based journalists (including all association and media outlets)

Journalists based outside Dhaka

Number

Bangladesh Federal Union of Journalists (both factions)

7536

Dhaka Reporters Unity

1800

The Dhaka Union of Journalists

3000

Editors Council

19

National Press Club

1400

Dhaka Sub-Editors Council

1700

Nari Sangbadik Kendra (Women Journalists’ Center)

404

Total

15859

TV

1650

Print

12700

Online

35620

Radio

1000

Total

50970

Upazila

14760

District

12800

Division

4000

Total

31560

BACKGROUND The news media industry in Bangladesh is experiencing tectonic changes – transformation in the mode of productions such as content creation, information gathering, processing and delivery (Rahman and Islam, 2018); relationship with audience and the state; professional work culture, and revenue sources and business models. In most cases, the industry is declining. From a broader perspective, the dynamics of current media ecology can be outlined as follows: lack of a proper business model; revenue crisis due to sole dependency on advertisements for revenue; oversaturated market; lack of knowledge-skills and mindset to adopt new technologies; concentration of almost all major media outlets in the capital Dhaka heavy involvement of party politics in editorial decisions and content; tendency to follow partisan

171

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

lines heavily in reporting; growing trend of switching profession among skilled journalists due to job insecurity, divide among journalists in terms of political leanings and unorganized journalists’ unions. Moreover, many journalists do not get salaries regularly; many mid-career and senior journalists remain at risk of losing job; failing to keep up with new technologies and capitalize the potentials of the technologies; owners’ indifference to business sustainability have made the industry unstable and weak. The situations are very likely to affect the journalists’ job satisfaction, satisfaction with life and career, and thus their psychological well-being. According to the World Health Organization (WHO, 2017), more than six million people suffer from depressive disorders and about seven million people suffer from anxiety disorders in Bangladesh. In most cases, people do not seek mental healthcare services due to deeply rooted stigma in the society, discrimination and misconceptions about mental illness or psychological disorders (Klin, and Lemish, 2008; Rubenking, and Campanella Bracken, 2015; Sartorius, and Schulze, 2005). On the other hand, the country seriously lags in terms of availability of mental healthcare services—outpatient facilities, day treatment facilities, hospitals, beds in general hospital and beds in mental hospitals, number of psychiatrists, nurses, social workers, psychologists, occupational therapists and other non-specialized doctors in mental healthcare. Mental health at workplace, especially in newsroom, is a global concern today (Cook, Banks & Turner, 1993; Feinstein, Audet & Waknine, 2014; De Lange, Taris, Kompier, Houtman & Bongers, 2004). Meanwhile, newsrooms in Bangladesh operate in a society where mental illness is a matter of stigma— often misrepresented, misunderstood and ignored. Due to mental illness, journalists often burn out and become unable to handle daily pressures. Sometimes, they leave the profession, which cause huge economic cost to the organization. Because, when experienced journalists leave, they take the treasure troves social capital (knowledge, experience, contacts) of their working beats with them, which can lead to less critical and less informed coverage of the beats or areas they worked in. The news organizations may lose their audiences if its coverage lack in certain level of quality and standard. Moreover, several studies indicate that mental health issues negatively affect productivity of employees in an organization (Kahn, et al. 2003; Hilton, et al. 2009). Journalists, most often, do not acknowledge their mental illness and do not seek mental healthcare services due to fear of being stigmatized, fear of losing job, or of being perceived as weak and incapable of taking on important and critical assignments. Mental health of the journalists is a very important issue and must not be ignored. Yet, discussions and discourses about psychological well-being of journalists, mental health and mental illness risks in newsrooms, and psychological toll of professional risks and hazards of journalists almost absent in Bangladeshi academia; almost all academic discussions and public discourses focus on media freedom, press freedom, physical security and safety issues of journalists, attack, killing and death of journalists and skill development and ethical practices etc. This study aims to initiate discussions and debates about mental health risks of journalists in the context of the country.

LITERATURE REVIEW In a systematic review of articles published between 1980 and June 2010, Aoki et al. (2012) found that most researches on psychological well-being of journalists mainly deal with the prevalence of psychological disorders, journalists’ perception of mental illness issues, impact of professional assignments on journalists’ psychological well-being, desired support systems for the journalists suffering from mental 172

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

illness, the effect of journalists’ attitude and perception on portrayal of people with mental illness. Several studies (Klin and Lemish, 2008; Donsbach, 2004) indicate that journalists’ personal attitude toward issues related to mental illness are not reflected in their news articles. In most cases, although they do have positive attitudes towards people with mental illness, their portrayal in news stories reflect negative connotations and that is mainly to keep attention of their audiences (Sartorius and Schulze, 2005; Rubenking and Campanella Bracken, 2015; Matas et al., 1984). The present study, however, focused on the prevalence and the factors influencing mental illness of journalists. It investigated the prevalence of stress and depression, and level of satisfaction with life and hopelessness among journalists working in different news media organizations in Bangladesh.

Perceived Stress Journalism, arguably, is one of the most high-pressure and stressful professions in the world. Meeting deadlines within shortest time and with best possible accuracy, long and (often) irregular working hours, satiating information hungry audiences with best possible art and crafts of the profession, constant competition of delivering contents with high quality and standards, low and irregular salary, pressure for adopting evolving new technologies in professional works, regular exposure to risks, hazards and traumatic events, burden of information overloads, less and irregular sleep, frequent physical mobility, constant shift in focus of attention, issues and topics of work, less (or no) time for family-interaction and social life are some of the intrinsic features of the profession encountered by professional journalists throughout their career. A substantial body of research indicates that there is association between journalists’ exposure to traumatic events during work and their psychological wellbeing (Osmann et al., 2020). In a systematic review of 28 research articles published between 2002 and 2015 on the impacts of occupational stressors on journalists’ health and well-being, Monteiro, Marques Pinto and Roberto (2015) found that the most common sources of stress are: job-role demands, interpersonal demands, physical demands, and task-related stressors. According to the researchers, the job-role demands include ambiguous expectations or uncertainties about a particular role, or over-burdensome expectations while interpersonal demands include problems among colleagues, competition and ethical issues in reporting. On the other hand, uncomfortable sitting arrangements, lack of natural light and air in the office are some physical demands that make journalists stressed out. Low pay, long hours and late-night deadlines are working conditions related stressors. Task-related stressors include interviewing troubled sources, time pressures, covering and fall victim to violence and intimidation. The job demand stressors lead to burnout, depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), alcohol and substance use, and job turnover. Ananthan (2017) found that journalists’ continual exposure to traumatic events increases their risk of suffering from PTSD. The researcher argued that age, professional experiences and amount of exposure to such events are some of the key risk factors for the disorders. Journalists of younger ages having less experience and older journalists with more exposure to traumatic events both groups are likely to get affected by the disorder (Drevo, 2016; Backholm & Bjӧrkqvist, 2010; Newman et al., 2003; Smith et al., 2017; Teegen & Wrotwinkel, 2001). Failure to cope with high stress in professional works, less control over workload and schedule, less supportive colleagues and work environment, having less option for changing job are some of the risk factors for burnout among journalists (Cook and Banks, 1993; Reinardy, 2011; Beam & Spratt, 2009; Drevo, 2016). In most cases, young, especially female journalists are at high risk of burnout (MacDonald, Saliba, Hodgins and Ovington, 2016) due to lack of support from

173

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

senior colleagues (Monterio et al., 2015) and sexual harassment (Parker, 2015). Tyrkkö and Karlqvist (2015) found that working under time pressure severely affect mental health conditions of journalists.

Satisfaction with Life and Hopelessness There is a lack of studies on health and quality of life and hopelessness among journalists. Getting desired promotion on time, regular increase and payment of salary, supportive coworkers (Smucker, Whisenant, & Pedersen, 2003), organizational support and social support (Reinardy, 2009), income, job security, and job autonomy (Ireri, 2015) are important predictors of job satisfaction for journalists. Goyanes and Rodríguez-Gómez (2018), while investigating the effects of uncertainty on job expectations among journalists, found that journalists often do not become hopeless about their future despite having severe uncertainty in their job. Fedler, Buhr and Taylor (1988) argued that journalists often change their profession seeking job security, more independence in work, better management and working conditions and high pay. In case of job satisfaction, journalists often value more on organizational support than workload (Reinardy, 2007). Liu and Lo (2017) argued that journalists suffer from burnout if they are burdened with workload and do not have news autonomy which lead to low job satisfaction and job leaving intention. Ternes, Peterlin and Reinardy (2017) found that the journalists who work in the desk such as copy editors demonstrate lower levels of job satisfaction than the journalists who work in the field such as reporters. Beam (2006) argued that journalists’ job satisfaction is associated with their employers’ commitment toward quality journalism and attitude toward profit-making.

Depression Aoki et al., (2012) found higher prevalence of mental illness such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety, depression and alcohol dependence among journalists around the world. Work-related traumatic events often lead to depression, compassion fatigue and burnout among journalists (Backholm and Björkqvist, 2010). Backholm and Björkqvist (2012) argued that journalists having previous history of depression are more vulnerable to development of PTSD after being exposed to a traumatic event during work. Journalists who suffer from depression have lower job satisfaction and tendency to smoke cigarette more as a way to get rid of stress (Riyad, Ramadan, Alkhadrawy, 2019). Feinstein, Audet and Waknine (2014) found that frequent exposure to images of extreme violence negatively affect mental health of journalists causing deep emotional distress. Dworznik-Hoak (2019) found that first-hand experience of reporting natural disasters cause PSTD and depression among journalists. Duration of coverage, type of stories, lack of experience, lack of necessary direction and inadequate preparation are some of the risk factors for psychological symptoms of journalists during and after covering natural disasters (Beam & Spratt, 2009). Not only exposures to natural disasters, covering every day trauma take high toll on mental health and psychological well-being of journalists. The frequency and intensity of trauma coverage increase the severity of PSTD symptoms (Seely, 2019) such as emotional drain, painful flashbacks, anxiety, depression and guilt (Browne et al., 2012) among journalists. Most of the researches on the topic are from western perspective. Little is known about it from the context of Bangladesh. The researchers have found a lone study on psychological well-being of journalists in the country. The study conducted by Huda and Azad (2015) investigated the major determinants of professional stress of journalists in electronic media. They found that lack of support from management is the major cause of professional stress among journalists in the country. The other stressors include 174

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

vague job demands from the organization and the supervisors, lack of job security, excessive time pressure, friction, long working hours and life threats for reporting certain issues which go against vested interested groups. To get deeper and holistic insight about the phenomenon, journalists in other media outlets such as print, online and radio should be investigated. So, the present study has taken a comprehensive approach to investigate the risks to mental health of journalists working in different media outlets. Moreover, most of the researches mainly focus on stress, PSTD, depression and anxiety among journalists. In the current study, the researchers investigated satisfaction with life and attitude toward future through the lens of hopelessness in addition to perceived stress and depression. Because there is significant association between life satisfaction and mental health, and it is an important predictor of an individual’s mental health, mental illness and well-being (Lombardo et al., 2018). Perceived levels of anxiety, depression and life satisfaction are important indicators of the development of mental illness (Guney, Kalafat, and Boysan, 2010).

METHODS The study was designed as a cross-sectional descriptive study. Data were gathered using a semi-structured questionnaire from October, 2019 to May, 2020. The questionnaire consisted of questions on demographic features, professional features, perceived stress, satisfaction with life, hopelessness about life and depression. It was duly pre-tested before deployment.

Sampling and Data Collection Procedures There is no structured and reliable data on the number of journalists working in Bangladesh. However, it is estimated that around 82,530 journalists work across the country, of them 50970 are based in Dhaka. The survey was conducted among the journalists based in Dhaka, working in different news outlets that include daily newspapers (Bangla and English language), online news portals, radio stations and television channels. Dhaka-based journalists were selected as respondents as almost two-third of the country’s working journalists are based in this city. Non-probability snowball sampling method was used for selecting the respondents. This method was used for convenience of data collection. Initially, respondents were selected on the basis of acquaintance with the first author of this article. The initial respondents were requested to refer potential participants in this research. Both the initial respondents and the referred respondents helped to locate, identify and reach the respondents of this study. A trained research assistant coordinated the data collection. The initial respondents filled up the questionnaires themselves first. Later, they helped to distribute the questionnaires among their peers and colleagues. In this process, about 500 questionnaires were distributed. But only 347 questionnaires were returned (response rate = 69.4%) within the scheduled time. After exclusions due to incompleteness and inconsistencies, 191 questionnaires remained for final analysis. Afterwards, responses were encoded in SPSS (version 23) for statistical analysis.

175

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

Tools Mental health status was measured using various psychometric instruments such as improvised Depression Scale (DS), the Perceived Stress Scale (PSS), Beck Hopelessness Scale (BHS) and Satisfaction with Life Scale.

The Perceived Stress Scale (PSS) The researchers tried to understand how different situations in professional life affect feelings of journalist by measuring the level of their perceived stress. To assess the stress level, the Perceived Stress Scale (PSS) developed by Sheldon Cohen (1983) was used. The PSS is a 10-item and 5-point Likert scale. The scores for each question range from zero to four where 0 indicates never, 1 almost never, 2 sometimes, 3 fairly often and 4 very often. The questions in this scale ask about feelings and thoughts of the participants during the last month. For example, the first question was “In the last month, how often have you been upset because of something that happened unexpectedly?” And, the last question was “In the last month, how often have you felt difficulties were piling up so high that you could not overcome them?” The total score is an equally weighted sum of the 10 questions. Individual scores on the PSS can range from 0 to 40 with higher scores indicating higher perceived stress. A scores of 0-13 indicates low perceived stress, 14-26 indicates moderate perceived stress and 27-40 indicates high perceived stress.

Satisfaction With Life Scale The cognitive judgments of life satisfaction of the respondents were measured using the Satisfaction with Life Scale developed by Diener, Emmons, Larsen & Griffin (1985). This is a 5-item 7-point scale that ranges from 7 (strongly agree) to 1 (strongly disagree). Participants were asked to indicate how much they agree or disagree with each of the items. The total score was an equally weighted sum of the five statements about respondents’ judgment of satisfaction with life. For example, the first statement was ‘In most ways my life is close to my ideal’ and the last statement was ‘If I could live my life over, I would change almost nothing.’ The total score was an equally weighted sum of the five statements. The level of an individual’s satisfaction with life was proportionate to the score s/he achieved, meaning that the more a respondent’s score is, the higher her/his level of satisfaction. An individual’s score ranges from 5 to 35. A score of 31-35 indicates extremely satisfied, 26-30 satisfied, 21-25 slightly satisfied, 20 neutral, 15 - 19 slightly dissatisfied, 10-14 dissatisfied and 5-9 extremely dissatisfied.

Beck Hopelessness Scale (BHS) The respondents’ attitude toward future of life was measured using the Beck Hopelessness Scale (BHS) developed by Dr. Aaron T. Beck (1988). The BHS consists of 20 questions, and the answers could be ‘true’ or ‘false’. Responding to the questions, the participants reflect upon their feelings about the future, loss of motivation and expectation in the past one week. The participants can either endorse a pessimistic statement or deny an optimistic statement. The total score of a respondent ranged between 0 and 20. A score of 0-3 indicates none or minimal level of hopelessness, 4-8 mild hopelessness, 9-14 moderate level of hopelessness. Those who suffer from moderate level of hopelessness may not be in immediate

176

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

danger but require frequent regular monitoring. However, a score of 15 and more indicates severe level of hopelessness, and the person is at definite suicidal risk.

Depression Scale (DS) Depression is an important indicator of mental health status. The level of depression among the respondents was assessed using the Depression Scale (DS) developed by Zahir Uddin and Dr. Mahamudur Rahman, professors of Department of Clinical Psychology at the University of Dhaka. This scale consists of 30 items and 5 points. The responses of the items range 1 (not relevant at all) to 5 (absolutely relevant). The total score is an equally weighted sum of the 30 questions. Individual scores on the DS can range from 30 to 150 with higher scores indicating higher level of depression. A score of more than 94 indicates that the individual is not depressed while the total score between 30-100 indicates minimal level of depression, 101-114 mild level of depression, 115-123 moderate level of depression and 124150 severe level of depression.

Data Analysis Data were analyzed using descriptive statistics including frequency and percentage. The whole analysis was done using the Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS, version 23). Various measures of descriptive statistics such as frequency, percentage, mean value and liner regression were used to find out the trend, association and correlations among the variables.

RESULTS Demography Journalism is a male dominated profession in Bangladesh. Some 82.7% respondents were male; vast majorities (74.3%) of the journalists have graduate-level degree. Among the respondents, 48.2% were working in daily newspapers, 15.7% in online news portals, and 36.1% in television channels. In terms of newsroom roles, reporters (46.1%) were majority followed by sub-editor/copy editors (38.2%). In terms of beat, political beat reporters (18.3%) were majority while only a few worked for magazine beat (0.5%) and sports (1.6%). Among the sub-editor respondents, most worked for central desk (16.8%) while among the photographers/video journalists most worked on general news stories (3.1%). The average age of the respondents was 32.97 years (Table 4) and average work-experience was 9.34 years. The respondents’ average working hour was 9.09 hours a day and they changed workplace for 2.48 times on an average.

Status of Mental Health Problems The Table 5 presents the prevalence of stress, hopelessness, satisfaction with life and depression among the respondents. The data in the table indicate that overall most of the journalists in Bangladesh perceive their professional life highly stressful, are extremely dissatisfied with their life and are severely hopeless about future life. However, most of them (surprisingly) suffer from mild depression. 177

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

Table 4. Demographic and professional features of journalists Indicators

Minimum

Maximum

Mean

Std. Deviation

Age

22

52

32.97

6.037

Experience in journalism (years)

1

31

9.34

5.108

Workplace changed (for times)

0

7

2.48

1.625

Work hours a day

5

15

9.09

2.129

Table 5. Prevalence of stress, hopelessness, satisfaction with life and depression Mental Health Risks

Min.

Max.

Mean

Scale Ref.

Std. Deviation

Perceived stress

20.0

38.0

29.812

High

3.6844

Satisfaction with life

5.0

10.0

7.351

Extremely dissatisfied

1.3249

Hopelessness

14.0

20.0

18.518

Severe

1.2046

Depression

82.0

140.0

102.911

Mild

10.3719

Further details regarding prevalence of stress, hopelessness, satisfaction with life and depression are presented in Table 6 that reveals 82.2% of the total respondent journalists suffer from high perceived stress while 99.5% are severely hopeless about their life. Furthermore, 79.1% respondent journalists are dissatisfied with their life and most respondent journalists (92.6%) suffer from minimal (42.9%) to mild (49.7%) depression. Though the last figure looks surprising, it probably indicates high optimism among Bangladeshi journalists despite their perceived professional stress, extreme dissatisfaction with life and severe hopelessness. Table 6. Level of stress, hopelessness, satisfaction with life and depression Mental Health Risks Perceived stress Hopelessness about life Satisfaction with life

Depression

178

Level

Frequency

Percent

Moderate stress

34

17.8

High stress

157

82.2

1

.5

Severe hopelessness

190

99.5

Dissatisfied

151

79.1

Slightly dissatisfied

40

20.9

Minimal

82

42.9

Mild

95

49.7

Moderate

4

2.1

Severe

10

5.2

Moderate hopelessness

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

It was also found in the survey that all the respondents suffered from depression up to some extent. The data in Table 7 shows that most females (48.48%) suffer from minimal depression whereas most males (51.58%) suffer from mild depression. However, this is noteworthy that prevalence of severe depression was found to be higher among female respondents (12.12%) than their male counterparts (3.79%). Furthermore, level of both dissatisfaction with life and high perceived stress were found higher among males (80.37% and 84.81%) than females (72.72% and 69.70%), and quite interestingly hopelessness was seen to be ubiquitous; only one male respondent said otherwise. All the details are presented in Table 7. Table 7. Gender and mental health risks Mental Health Risks

Depression

Satisfaction with life Hopelessness Perceived stress

Level

Gender

Total (N=191)

Female (n=33)

Male (n=158)

Minimal

16 (48.48%)

66 (41.77%)

82 (42.9%)

Mild

13 (33.39%)

82 (51.58%)

95 (49.7%)

0 (0.0%)

4 (2.53%)

4 (2.1%)

Severe

4 (12.12%)

6 (3.79%)

10 (5.2%)

Dissatisfied

24 (72.72%)

127 (80.37%)

151 (79.1%)

Slightly dissatisfied

9 (27.27%)

31 (19.62%)

40 (20.9%)

0 (0.0%)

1 (0.63%)

1 (0.5%)

33 (100%)

157 (99.37%)

190 (99.5%)

Moderate stress

10 (30.30%)

24 (15.19%)

34 (17.8%)

High perceived stress

23 (69.70%)

134 (84.81%)

157 (82.2%)

Moderate

Moderate hopelessness Severe hopelessness

It was shown in the earlier tables that all the respondent journalists suffered from depression up to some extent and most of them had minimal to mild level of depression. The trend remains the same in each type of media outlets the respondents work for. Furthermore, from further correlation analysis it was revealed that prevalence of severe depression is highest among the TV journalist respondents whereas no respondent from online news portals was found to be suffering from severe depression. On the other hand, dissatisfaction with life is higher among the respondents from daily newspapers (83.70%) and prevalence of high perceived stress is highest among the respondents from TV (85.51%) while the others remain close (Newspaper 80.43% and Online 80%). The details are shown in Table 8. Table 9 presents the findings regarding mental health risk in terms of position of the respondents. It shows that prevalence of severe depression is highest among the Photo journalists, however, dissatisfaction with life is most prevalent among reporters (80.68%) while the others closely follow. Severe hopelessness is a general feature across the board, except a slight difference among News Editors (92.8%). Perceived stress was found most prevalent among Copy Editors (86.30%) closely followed by Reporters (84.10%).

179

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

Table 8. Medium of work and mental health risk Medium Daily Newspaper (n = 92)

Online News Portal (n = 30)

Television Channels (n = 69)

Total (N=191)

Minimal

38 (41.30%)

16 (53.33%)

28 (48.58%)

82 (42.9%)

Mild

46 (50.0%)

14 (46.67%)

35 (50.72%)

95 (49.7%)

Moderate

3 (3.26%)

0 (0.0%)

1 (1.45%)

4 (2.1%)

Mental Health Risks

Depression

Level

Severe Satisfaction with life Hopelessness Perceived stress

5 (5.43%)

0 (0.0%)

5 (7.25%)

10 (5.2%)

Dissatisfied

77 (83.70%)

22 (73.33%)

52 (75.36%)

151 (79.1%)

Slightly dissatisfied

15 (16.30%)

8 (26.67%)

17 (24.64%)

40 (20.9%)

0 (0.0%)

0 (0.0%)

1 (1.45%)

1 (0.5%)

Moderate hopelessness

92 (100%)

30 (100%)

68 (98.55%)

190 (99.5%)

Moderate stress

Severe hopelessness

18 (19.57%)

6 (20%)

10 (14.49%)

34 (17.8%)

High perceived stress

74 (80.43%)

24 (80%)

59 (85.51%)

157 (82.2%)

Table 9. Position at work place and mental health risk Position Mental Health Risks

Reporter (n=88)

Copy Editor (n=73)

News Editor (n=14)

Photo Journalists (n=16)

Total (N=191)

Minimal

39 (44.32%)

34 (46.58%)

4 (28.57%)

5 (31.25%)

82 (42.9%)

Mild

44 (50.0%)

33 (45.83%)

9 (64.29%)

9 (56.25%)

95 (49.7%)

Moderate

0 (0.0%)

3 (4.11%)

1 (7.14%)

0 (0.0%)

4 (2.1%)

Severe

5 (5.68%)

3 (4.11%)

0 (0.0%)

2 (12.50%)

10 (5.2%)

Dissatisfied

71 (80.68%)

57 (79.17%)

11 (78.57%)

12 (75.0%)

151 (79.1%)

Slightly dissatisfied

17 (19.32%)

16 (20.21%)

3 (21.43%)

4 (25.0%)

40 (20.9%)

Moderate

0 (0.0%)

0 (0.0%)

1 (7.14%)

0 (0.0%)

1 (0.5%)

Severe

88 (100%)

73 (100%)

13 (92.86%)

16 (100%)

190 (99.5%)

14 (15.90%)

10 (13.70%)

5 (35.71%)

5 (31.25%)

34 (17.8%)

74 (84.10%)

63 (86.30%)

9 (64.29%)

11 (68.75%)

157 (82.2%)

Level

Depression

Satisfaction with life

Hopelessness

Moderate Perceived stress High

180

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

Table 10. Risk factors for mental health problems Risk Factors Written/Edited news containing death or bloodshed

Yes n (%)

No n (%)

134 (70.2)

57 (29.8)

Written/Edited news containing violence

139 (72.8)

52 (27.2)

Written/Edited news containing accident

139 (72.8)

52 (27.2)

Written/Edited news containing fire accident

143 (74.9)

48 (25.1)

Written/Edited news containing suicide

115 (60.2)

76 (39.8)

Written/Edited news containing sexual violence

130 (68.1)

61 (31.9)

Written/Edited news containing heart breaking element

127 (66.5)

64 (33.5)

Risk Factors for Mental Health Problems Bangladeshi journalists deal with some common traumatic events on a regular basis that include news content on death or bloodshed, violence, accident, fire accident, suicide, sexual violence and heart-breaking element. As shown in Table 10, fire accident (74.9%) is the issue the journalists deal with most regularly followed by news containing violence (72.8%), accident (72.8%) and death or bloodshed (70.2%).

Job Leaving Intension and Cause As can be gleaned from Table 11, almost three-fourth (71.7%) of the respondents informed that they thought of leaving their current job several times. Low job security (85.3%) was the main reason behind the thought, followed by low salary (80.1%), not getting promotion duly (64.4%) and not getting paid in a timely fashion (61.3%). Table 11. Thought of leaving job and causes

Thought of leaving job

n

%

Yes

137

71.7

No

54

28.3

Yes

163

85.3

No

28

14.7

Yes

153

80.1

No

38

19.9

Yes

114

59.7

No

77

40.3

Yes

123

64.4

No

68

35.6

Yes

117

61.3

No

74

38.7

Causes behind thought of leaving job Low job security Low salary High pressure at work Not getting promotion duly Not getting salary on time

181

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

The Structure and Function of Social Support Network The structure and function of social network is an important indicator of mental health of individuals. It was found that the respondents had on an average three direct relatives such as parents, children and siblings with whom they are very close. Alongside they had on an average 4.675 individuals (Table 12) in their social network who were their close relatives or family members. It is very indicative that the structure of social network at workplace is very small as they have only about two colleagues with whom they have close relationships. The respondent journalists reported to have very limited social life. Table 12 shows that they had on an average less than one close neighbor. On an average, the respondent journalists reported to have only 3.026 individuals, other than family members, relatives and neighbors, who they feel as their close friends. Table 12. Structure of social network Min

Max

Mean

Std. Deviation

How many direct relatives (parents, children, siblings) you are very close to

1.0

6.0

2.969

1.0203

How many other relatives you are very close to

3.0

7.0

4.675

1.4288

How many colleagues you are very close to

0.0

4.0

1.581

.8476

How many neighbors you are very close to

0.0

4.0

.979

.8823

How many others friends not mentions you very close to

0.0

5.0

3.026

1.3076

How many direct relatives (parents, children, siblings) you are somewhat close to

2.0

6.0

4.398

.9994

How many other relatives you are somewhat close to

0.0

3.0

1.853

.9838

How many colleagues you are somewhat close to

2.0

5.0

3.545

1.1907

How many neighbors you are somewhat close to

0.0

3.0

1.749

.8011

How many others friends not mentions you are somewhat close to

5.0

10.0

7.267

1.1774

Having supportive social relationship at workplace is an important indicator of mental health. The survey found that the respondent journalists had some such relationships at workplace. The details are presented in Table 13 that reveals 83.8% respondent journalists feel that there is at least one person at their workplace from whom they can seek any suggestion meanwhile 58.1% respondent journalists felt the presence of someone with whom they can share personal issues. Alongside, 62.3% respondent journalists reported that they feel there is someone from whom they can seek help while making an important decision. Table 13. Presence of perceived supportive social network at workplace Yes n (%)

No n (%)

There is someone from whom I can seek any suggestion

160 (83.8)

31 (16.2)

There is someone with whom share personal issue

111 (58.1)

80 (41.9)

There is someone from whom I can seek help while making an important decision

119 (62.3)

72 (37.7)

Source of Support

182

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

Desirable Forms of Support System for the Journalists Regarding the improvement of mental health, most of the journalists emphasized on job security (88.5%) the most, followed by ensuring handsome salary (82.7%), ensuring salaries within the first week of the month (80.1%), reducing the length of current working hours and availability of enough leave (72.8%). Also, over half (52.4%) the respondent journalists felt it is important to have professional counselors at workplace. The details are in Table 14. Table 14. Desired support system Yes n (%)

No n (%)

Ensuring job security

169 (88.5)

22 (11.5)

Ensuring high salary

158 (82.7)

33 (17.3)

Ensuring salary at the beginning of the month

153 (80.1)

38 (19.9)

Reducing the length of current working hours and availability of enough leave

139 (72.8)

52 (27.2)

Opportunity to take professional and health training workshops

122 (63.9)

69 (36.1)

Opportunity to discuss with colleague at workplace

114 (59.7)

77 (40.3)

Professional psychiatrist or psychologist at workplace

100 (52.4)

91 (47.6)

Desired Support System

Factors Influencing Job Leaving Intension, Life Satisfaction, Stress and Hopelessness As shown in Table 15, multiple factors contribute to the decision of leaving the job among journalists. The survey found out low salary (p=.014) and not getting salary timely (p=.000) are the most significant factors that influence journalists to think of changing their profession. Correlation between thought of leaving current job and dissatisfaction with life was found significant as well (p=.008). Alongside, correlation between dealing with news stories containing some forms of violence and perceived high strength was found significant (p=0.24). Table 15. Factors influencing Job leaving intension, life satisfaction, Stress and hopelessness Unstandardized Coefficients B

Std. Error

Standardized Coefficients

t

Sig.

Beta

Low salary

.237

.095

.210

2.481

.014

Not getting salary timely

-.324

.081

-.351

-4.008

.000

Satisfaction with life

Thought of leaving job

-.619

.229

-.211

-2.704

.008

Stress

Dealing stories containing violence

2.310

1.013

.280

2.280

.024

Hopelessness

Work hours

.075

.042

.132

1.793

.075

Job leaving intension

183

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

Factors Determining Depressions There is significant association between perceived stress at workplace, life satisfaction, hopelessness and depressive symptoms among the journalists. However, as can be seen from Table 16, stress was the most determining factor for developing depression among the respondent journalists. Table 16. Factors determining depressions Unstandardized Coefficients

Model

Depression

Standardized Coefficients

t

Sig.

-.167

-2.309

.022

.566

-.070

-.975

.331

.621

-.024

-.333

.739

B

Std. Error

Beta

Stress

-.471

.204

Life satisfaction

-.552

Hopelessness

-.207

DISCUSSION The survey results show most of the respondent journalists are young and they have experience of on an average less than 10 years in the industry. They have changed their workplaces for more than twice within their relatively short careers indicate that they might have relatively low job satisfaction. Multiple factors contribute to job satisfaction that include lack of job security, low and irregular salary, high pressure at workplace and not getting promotion duly. These led the journalists perceive their job highly stressful, made them extremely dissatisfied with their life, and severely hopeless about their life and future. However, interestingly, most of the respondents suffer from minimal to mild depression despite their perceived high stress, dissatisfaction with life and hopelessness about future. It was also revealed from the survey that journalist change their workplace mainly for higher and regular salary, and higher job security. The high score in perceived stress indicate that the journalists may suffer from high blood pressure, higher BMI, higher cortisol levels, low immune function, decreased sleep, and increased tendency of alcohol consumption. All these indicators are important risk factors for cardiovascular disease (Dimsdale, 2002; Steptoe, Kivimäki, 2012). So, it can be argued that journalist in news media industry in Bangladesh are at high risk of cardiovascular diseases. Experiencing high stress at workplace has profound psychological and behavioral impact as well (Sutherland and Cooper, 2002). The psychological impacts include suffering from depression and anxiety (Truax and Mcdonald, 2002), and post traumatic disorder (Penk, Drebing, and Schutt, 2002). On the other hand, behavioral impact of high stress include disturbance in sleep due to late night shift and over dependence on drugs or alcohol (Roman, and Baker, 2002). Many journalists informed that they suffer from lack of sound sleep and take cigarette as a way to relief from stress. The survey results show that the respondent journalists are extremely dissatisfied with their life. Persistent dissatisfaction with life may lead to development of different forms of mental illness such as anxiety and depression (Guney, Kalafat, and Boysan, 2010). It was also found that most of the journalists

184

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

are hopeless about their life due to lack of job satisfaction. The prevalence of depression among journalists working in newspapers is higher than those working in TV and online media outlets. It was revealed from the survey that most of the journalists in Bangladesh deal with various traumatic events in their workplaces. The traumatic events include news content on death or bloodshed, violence, accident, fire accident, suicide, sexual violence and heart-breaking elements which are important risk factors for development of mental illness. The survey also found that a vast majority of respondent journalists thought of leaving their current job due to low job security, low salary, high-pressure at work, not getting promotion duly and not getting salary on time. The structure and function of social network is an important indicator of mental health of individuals. It was found in the survey that most of the journalists had on an average three direct relatives such as parents, children and siblings with whom they are very close. It is very indicative that the structure of social network at workplace is very small as they have on an average only about two colleagues with whom they have close relationships. The respondent journalists reported to have very limited social life as well; they have on an average less than one close neighbor. Hanusch and Nölleke (2018) found that the network structure of journalists is small in virtual world too. They tend to have interaction only with journalists who have the same gender, work in the same organization, on the same beat or in the same location. On the other hand, having supportive social relationship at workplace is an important indicator of mental health. The survey findings show that most of the journalists feel that there is at least one person at their workplace from whom they can seek any suggestion. Lack of such social supports at workplace lead to development of psychological disorders like depression among the journalists (Newman et al., 2003). Regarding the improvement of mental health, most of the journalists emphasized on enhancement of job security, salary, timeliness in disbursement of salary, leave facilities and working hours. They did also stress on access to professional psychiatrist or psychologist at workplace, opportunity for professional and health training and opportunity for interacting with colleagues. The survey findings indicate that lack of job security is on the top of the risk factors affecting mental health of the journalists in the county. The least priority on availing from healthcare services from psychiatrist or psychologist indicates that there might have prevalence of stigma among journalist which prevents them to seek mental health care. On the other hand, they may have lack of mental health literacy as well. The survey results revealed that low salary and irregular salary are the most significant factors that influence journalists to think of changing their profession. Alongside, the journalists who thought of leaving their job are severely dissatisfied about their life. On the other hand, dealing news stories containing some forms of violence was found to be most stressful factor for the journalists. It was also found that there is significant association between perceived stress at workplace, life satisfaction, hopelessness and depressive symptoms among the journalists. However, stress found to be the most determining factor for developing depression among journalists.

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENMDATION Good journalism depends on healthy journalists and news organizations. The results of the study reveal that most of the journalists in Bangladesh perceive their job as highly stressful, and they are extremely dissatisfied with their life, severely hopeless about their life and future. Moreover, most of them suffer from depression up to some extent. The structures of social networks of the journalists at the workplaces 185

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

and at societies are very small. Also, they have very limited social life. Most of the journalists emphasized on enhancing job security as a mechanism to improve their mental health status. They also emphasized on ensuring handsome salary, getting their salaries within the first week of the month, reduction of the length of current working hours and availability of enough leave, opportunity to take professional and health training workshops, opportunity to discuss with colleague at workplace and healthcare service from professional psychiatrist or psychologist at workplace. The media organizations in the country should consider these issues and take measures to rectify them to ensure healthy work environment for the journalists, which eventually will benefit them with healthy, more committed and better performing professionals. Also, policy makers and interest groups should pay adequate attention to issues revealed in this study. The findings of the study may depict the partial scenario of the risk to mental health of journalists in Bangladesh as it was conducted among a limited sample of journalists in Dhaka city. It must be noted that the study could not be conducted nationwide due to lack of funding. Moreover, the research did not explore the causal correlations between possible determining factors and mental health of journalists. It was because of quality of data. In most cases, journalists did not give actual information about their mental health during formal interview. However, informal interaction revealed their actual statement of mind. Use of qualitative methods like in-depth interview, FGD, observations could yield more insights; however, this too could not be done due to lack of funding. It is recommended that future researches investigate the determining factors of risks to mental health of journalists from a broader perspective with larger sample size. It is also recommended that future researches investigate the causal relationship between professional stressors and psychological will-being of journalists. Also, psycho-anthropological methods such as in-depth interviews and observations for longer period of time may be used which will generate more accurate insights regarding the issue. The results of the study would be interest of media managers and policy makers to form policy and build support system for better psychological well-being of journalists in Bangladesh resulting improvement of quality of journalism and advancement of social causes.

REFERENCES Ananthan, G. (2017). Trauma counseling for journalists: A profession in denial. Media Asia, 44(1), 17–20. doi:10.1080/01296612.2017.1379814 Backholm, K., & Björkqvist, K. (2010). The effects of exposure to crisis on well-being of journalists. A study on crisis-related factors predicting psychological health in a sample of Finnish journalists. Media, War & Conflict, 3(2), 138–151. doi:10.1177/1750635210368309 Backholm, K., & Björkqvist, K. (2012). The mediating effect of depression between exposure to potentially traumatic events and PTSD in news journalists. European Journal of Psychotraumatology, 3(1), 183–188. doi:10.3402/ejpt.v3i0.18388 PMID:22912918 Barton, A., & Storm, H. (2016). Violence and harassment against women in the news media: A global picture. Women’s Media Foundation and the International News Safety Institute. Beam, R. (2006). Organizational Goals and Priorities and the Job Satisfaction of US. Journalists. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 83(1), 169–185. doi:10.1177/107769900608300111

186

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

Beam, R. A., & Spratt, M. (2009). Managing vulnerability: Job satisfaction, morale and journalists’ reactions to violence and trauma. Journalism Practice, 3(4), 421–438. doi:10.1080/17512780902798653 Beck, A. T. (1988). Beck Hopelessness Scale. The Psychological Corporation. Brayne, M. (2007). Trauma & Journalism: A Guide For Journalists, Editors & Managers. Dart Centre for Trauma and Journalism. Brown, T., Evangeli, M., & Greenberg, N. (2012). Trauma-related guilt and posttraumatic stress among journalists. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 25(2), 207–210. doi:10.1002/jts.21678 PMID:22522737 Cohen, S., Kamarck, T., & Mermelstein, R. (1983). A global measure of perceived stress. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 24(4), 385–396. doi:10.2307/2136404 PMID:6668417 Cook, B., & Banks, S. (1993). Predictors of Job Burnout in Reporters and Copy Editors. The Journalism Quarterly, 70(1), 108–117. doi:10.1177/107769909307000112 Cook, B., Banks, S., & Turner, R. (1993). The Effects of Work Environment on Burnout in the Newsroom. Newspaper Research Journal, 14(3-4), 123–136. doi:10.1177/073953299301400313 Danieli, Y. (2002). Sharing the front line and the back hills: International protectors and providers: Peacekeepers, humanitarian aid workers and the media in the midst of crisis. Baywood Publishing Co, Inc. De Lange, A., Taris, T., Kompier, M., Houtman, I., & Bongers, P. (2004). The relationships between work characteristics and mental health: Examining normal, reversed and reciprocal relationships in a 4-wave study. Work and Stress, 18(2), 149–166. doi:10.1080/02678370412331270860 Department of Films & Publications. (2019). Statistics on listed newspapers and periodicals. Retrieved from: www. dfp. gov.bd Department of Films & Publications. (2020). Statistics on listed newspapers and periodicals. Retrieved from: www. dfp. gov.bd Diener, E., Emmons, R. A., Larsen, R. J., & Griffin, S. (1985). The Satisfaction with Life Scale. Journal of Personality Assessment, 49(1), 71–75. doi:10.120715327752jpa4901_13 PMID:16367493 Diener, E., Emmons, R. A., Larsen, R. J., & Griffin, S. (1985). The Satisfaction with Life. Retrieved from: https://fetzer.org/sites/default/files/images/stories/pdf/selfmeasures/SATISFACTION-SatisfactionWithLife.pdf Dimsdale, J. (2002). Psychological stress and cardiovascular disease. BMJ (Clinical Research Ed.), 325(7360), 393a–393. doi:10.1136/bmj.325.7360.393/a Donsbach, W. (2004). Psychology of News Decisions: Factors behind Journalists’ Professional Behavior. Journalism: Theory. Practice & Criticism, 5(2), 131–157. doi:10.1177/146488490452002 Drevo, S. (2016). The war on journalists: Pathways to posttraumatic stress and occupational dysfunction among journalists (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Tulsa, Oklahoma. Dworznik, G. (2011). Factors contributing to PTSD and compassion fatigue in television news workers. International Journal of Business, Humanities, and Technology, 1(1), 22–32.

187

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

Dworznik-Hoak, G. (2019). Weathering the Storm: Occupational Stress in Journalists Who Covered Hurricane Harvey. Journalism Studies, 21(1), 88–106. doi:10.1080/1461670X.2019.1628659 Fedler, F., Buhr, T., & Taylor, D. (1988). Journalists Who Leave the News Media Seem Happier, Find Better Jobs. Newspaper Research Journal, 9(2), 15–23. doi:10.1177/073953298800900202 Feinstein, A. (2012). Mexican journalists: An investigation of their emotional health. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 25(4), 480–483. doi:10.1002/jts.21715 PMID:22807229 Feinstein, A. (2013). Mexican journalists and journalists covering war: A comparison of psychological wellbeing. Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research, 5(2), 77–85. doi:10.1108/17596591311313672 Feinstein, A., Audet, B., & Waknine, E. (2014). Witnessing images of extreme violence: A psychological study of journalists in the newsroom. Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine Open, 5(8). doi:10.1177/2054270414533323 PMID:25289144 Feinstein, A., Feinstein, S., Behari, M., & Pavisian, B. (2016). The psychological wellbeing of Iranian journalists: A descriptive study. Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine Open, 7(12), 1–5. doi:10.1177/2054270416675560 PMID:27974971 Feinstein, A., & Nicholson, D. (2005). Embedded journalists in the Iraq war: Are they at greater psychological risk? Journal of Traumatic Stress, 18(2), 129–132. doi:10.1002/jts.20020 PMID:16281204 Feinstein, A., & Owen, J. (2002). Journalists, war and posttraumatic stress disorder. Academic Press. Feinstein, A., Owen, J., & Blair, N. (2002). A hazardous profession: War, journalism, and psychopathology. The American Journal of Psychiatry, 159(9), 1570–1576. doi:10.1176/appi.ajp.159.9.1570 PMID:12202279 Feinstein, A., & Sinyor, M. (2009). Women war correspondents: They are different in so many ways. Nieman Reports, 24 – 25. Feinstein, A., Wanga, J., & Owen, J. (2015). The psychological effects of reporting extreme violence: A study on Kenyan journalists. Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine, 6, 1–6. PMID:26464808 Genilo, J. W., Haq, F., & Mahmud, S. (2019). Journalism education in Bangladesh: From aspiring journalists to career professionals. Deutsche Welle. Gleaves, D. H., & Cepeda-Benito, A. (2002). Eating Disorders. In J. C. Thomas & M. Hersen (Eds.), Handbook of mental health in the workplace. Sage Publication. doi:10.4135/9781452229386.n15 Goyanes, M., & Rodríguez-Gómez, E. (2018). Presentism in the newsroom: How uncertainty redefines journalists’ career expectations. Journalism. doi:10.1177/1464884918767585 Gray, P. (1999). Mental Health in the Workplace: Tackling the effects of stress. Mental Health Foundation. Greenberg, N., Thomas, S., Murphy, D., & Dandeker, C. (2007). Occupational stress and job satisfaction in media personnel assigned to the Iraq War: A qualitative study. Journalism Practice, 1(3), 356–371. doi:10.1080/17512780701552160

188

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

Guney, S., Kalafat, T., & Boysan, M. (2010). Dimensions of mental health: life satisfaction, anxiety and depression: a preventive mental health study in Ankara University students’ population. Procedia: Social and Behavioral Sciences, 2(2), 1210–1213. doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2010.03.174 Hanusch, F., & Nölleke, D. (2018). Journalistic Homophily on Social Media: Exploring journalists’ interactions with each other on Twitter. Digital Journalism, 7(1), 22–44. doi:10.1080/21670811.2018 .1436977 Hatanaka, M., Matsui, Y., Ando, K., Inoue, K., Fukuoka, Y., Koshiro, E., & Itamura, H. (2010). Traumatic stress in Japanese broadcast journalists. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 23(1), 173–177. doi:10.1002/ jts.20496 PMID:20104585 Hilton, M. F., Scuffham, P. A., Sheridan, J., Cleary, C. M., Vecchio, N., & Whiteford, H. A. (2009, September). The Association Between Mental Disorders and Productivity in Treated and Untreated Employees. Journal of Occupational and Environmental Medicine, 51(9), 996–1003. doi:10.1097/ JOM.0b013e3181b2ea30 PMID:19730401 Ireri, K. (2015). High Job Satisfaction Despite Low Income: A National Study of Kenyan Journalists. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 93(1), 164–186. doi:10.1177/1077699015607334 Kahn, J., Langlieb, A., & Goin, M. (2003). Mental Health and Productivity in the Workplace: A Handbook for Organizations and Clinicians. Retrieved from: https://www.wiley.com/en-us/Mental+Healt h+and+Productivity+in+the+Workplace%3A+A+Handbook+for+Organizations+and+Clinicians -p-9780787962159 Kessler, R. C., McGonagle, K. A., Zhao, S., Nelson, C. B., Hughes, M., Eshleman, S., & Kendler, K. S. (1994). Lifetime and 12-month prevalence of DSM-III-R psychiatric disorders in the United States: Results from the National Comorbidity Survey. Archives of General Psychiatry, 51(1), 8–19. doi:10.1001/ archpsyc.1994.03950010008002 PMID:8279933 Klin, A., & Lemish, D. (2008). Mental Disorders Stigma in the Media: Review of Studies on Production, Content, and Influences. Journal of Health Communication, 13(5), 434–449. doi:10.1080/10810730802198813 PMID:18661386 Lacy, S., & Rosenstiel, T. (2015). Defining and Measuring Quality Journalism. media+the public interest initiative news measures research project. Rutgers School of Communication and Information. Retrieved from: https://www.issuelab.org/resources/31212/31212.pdf Lee, M., Ha Hye, E., & Pae Kun, J. (2018). The exposure to traumatic events and symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder among Korean journalists. Journalism, 19(9-10), 1308–1325. doi:10.1177/1464884917707596 Levaot, Y., Sinyor, M., & Feinstein, A. (2013). Trauma and psychological distress observed in journalists: A comparison of Israeli journalists and their Western counterparts. The Israel Journal of Psychiatry and Related Sciences, 50, 118–121. PMID:24225439 Lilly, M. M., Pole, N., Best, S. R., Metzler, T., & Marmar, C. R. (2009). Gender and PTSD: What can we learn from female police officers? Journal of Anxiety Disorders, 23(6), 767–774. doi:10.1016/j. janxdis.2009.02.015 PMID:19345556

189

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

Liu, H., & Lo, V. (2017). An integrated model of workload, autonomy, burnout, job satisfaction, and turnover intention among Taiwanese reporters. Asian Journal of Communication, 28(2), 153–169. doi: 10.1080/01292986.2017.1382544 Löfgren Nilsson, M., & Örnebring, H. (2016). Journalism under Threat: Intimidation and harassment of Swedish journalists. Journalism Practice, 10(7), 880–890. doi:10.1080/17512786.2016.1164614 Lombardo, P., Jones, W., Wang, L., Shen, X., & Goldner, E. (2018). The fundamental association between mental health and life satisfaction: results from successive waves of a Canadian national survey. Retrieved from: https://bmcpublichealth.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s12889-018-5235-x MacDonald, J., Saliba, A., Hodgins, G., & Ovington, L. (2016). Burnout in journalists: A systematic literature review. Burnout Research, 3(2), 34–44. doi:10.1016/j.burn.2016.03.001 Marais, A., & Stuart, A. (2005). The role of temperament in the development of post- traumatic stress disorder amongst journalists. South African Journal of Psychology. Suid-Afrikaanse Tydskrif vir Sielkunde, 35(1), 89–105. doi:10.1177/008124630503500106 Matas, M., El-Guebaly, N., Peterkin, A., Green, M., & Harper, D. (1984). Mental Illness and the Media: An Assessment of Attitudes and Communication. Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 30(1), 12–17. doi:10.1177/070674378403000103 PMID:3971275 McMahon, C. (2001). Covering disaster: A pilot study into secondary trauma for print media journalists reporting on disaster. Australian Journal of Emergency Management, 16, 52–56. Monteiro, S., Marques Pinto, A., & Roberto, M. (2015). Job demands, coping, and impacts of occupational stress among journalists: A systematic review. European Journal of Work and Organizational Psychology, 25(5), 751–772. doi:10.1080/1359432X.2015.1114470 Morales, R. F., Perez, V. R., & Martinez, L. (2012). Posttraumatic stress symptoms in Mexican journalists covering the drug war. Suma Psicologica, 19, 7–17. Morales, R. F., Perez, V. R., & Martinez, L. (2014). The psychological impact of the war against drugtrafficking on Mexican journalists. Revista Colombiana de Psicología, 23, 177–193. Nelson, S. (2011). Emotional intelligence as a predictor of occupational functioning and probable posttraumatic stress disorder in American journalists (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Tulsa. Newman, E., Simpson, R., & Handschuh, D. (2003). Trauma exposure and post-traumatic stress disorder among photojournalists. Visual Communication Quarterly, 10(1), 4–13. doi:10.1080/15551390309363497 Novak, R. J., & Davidson, S. (2013). Journalists reporting on hazardous events: Constructing protective factors within the professional role. Traumatology, 1(4), 1–10. doi:10.1177/1534765613481854 Osmann, J., Dvorkin, J., Inbar, Y., Page-Gould, E., & Feinstein, A. (2020). The emotional well-being of journalists exposed to traumatic events: A mapping review. Media, War & Conflict, •••, 175063521989599. doi:10.1177/1750635219895998 Parker, K. (2015). Aggression against journalists: Understanding occupational intimidation of journalists using comparisons with sexual harassment (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Tulsa.

190

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

Penk, W., Drebing, C., & Schutt, R. (2002). PTSD in the Workplace. In J. C. Thomas & M. Hersen (Eds.), Handbook of mental health in the workplace. Sage Publication. doi:10.4135/9781452229386.n11 Pyevich, C., Newman, E., & Daleiden, E. (2003). The relationship among cognitive schemas, job-related traumatic exposure, and posttraumatic stress disorder in journalists. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 16(4), 325–328. doi:10.1023/A:1024405716529 PMID:12895014 Quelch, J. A., & Knoop, C. I. (2018). Compassionate Management of Mental Health in the Modern Workplace. Springer. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-71541-4 Rahman, M., & Islam, M. A. (2018). An investigation into features of news web-sites in Bangladesh. World of media. Journal of Russian Media and Journalism Studies., 1. Advance online publication. doi:10.30547/worldofmedia.2.2018.3 Reinardy, S. (2007). Satisfaction vs. Sacrifice: Sports Editors Assess the Influences of Life Issues on Job Satisfaction. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 84(1), 105–121. doi:10.1177/107769900708400108 Reinardy, S. (2009). Beyond Satisfaction: Journalists Doubt Career Intentions as Organizational Support Diminishes and Job Satisfaction Declines. Atlantic Journal of Communication, 17(3), 126–139. doi:10.1080/15456870902873192 Reinardy, S. (2011). Newspaper journalism in crisis: Burnout on the rise, eroding young journalists’ career commitment. Journalism: Theory. Practice & Criticism, 12(1), 33–50. doi:10.1177/1464884910385188 Riyad, M. A., Ramadan, M. E., & Alkhadrawy, R. (2019). Measurement of Psychological Stress in A Group of Journalists Working in One of the Private Journalism Institutes in Egypt. The Egyptian Journal of Hospital Medicine, 76(4), 3853–3858. Roman, P. M., & Baker, S. C. (2002). Alcohol and Drug Problem Management in the Workplace. In J. C. Thomas & M. Hersen (Eds.), Handbook of mental health in the workplace. Sage Publication. doi:10.4135/9781452229386.n18 Rubenking, B., & Campanella Bracken, C. (2015). The Dueling Influences on Stigma towards Mental Illness: Effects of Interpersonal Familiarity and Stigmatizing Mediated Portrayals of Mental Illness on Attitudes. Studies in Media and Communication, 3(2), 12–128. doi:10.11114mc.v3i2.1130 Sartorius, N., & Schulze, H. (2005). Reducing the Stigma of Mental Illness: A Report from A Global Association. Univ. Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511544255 Seely, N. (2019). Journalists and mental health: The psychological toll of covering everyday trauma. Newspaper Research Journal, 40(2), 239–259. doi:10.1177/0739532919835612 Simpson, R., & Boggs, J. (1999). An exploratory study of traumatic stress among newspaper journalists. Journalism & Communication Monographs, 1(1), 1–24. doi:10.1177/152263799900100102 Sinyor, M., & Feinstein, A. (2012). War journalism and psychopathology: Does gender play a role? Traumatology, 18(1), 29–36. doi:10.1177/1534765610395629

191

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

Smith, R., Nelson, S., & Newman, N. (2017). Covering traumatic news stories: Factors associated with PTSD among journalists. Stress and Health. Advance online publication. doi:10.1002mi.2775 PMID:28834207 Smucker, M. K., Whisenant, W. A., & Pedersen, P. M. (2003). An Investigation of Job Satisfaction and Female Sports Journalists. Sex Roles, 49(7/8), 401–407. doi:10.1023/A:1025120406343 Steptoe, A., & Kivimäki, M. (2012). Stress and cardiovascular disease. Nature Reviews. Cardiology, 9(6), 360–370. doi:10.1038/nrcardio.2012.45 PMID:22473079 Sutherland, V. J., & Cooper, C. L. (2002). Models of Job Stress. In Handbook of mental health in the workplace. Sage Publication. Tangney, J., Stuewig, J., & Mashek, D. (2007). Moral Emotions and Moral Behavior. Annual Review of Psychology, 58(1), 345–372. doi:10.1146/annurev.psych.56.091103.070145 PMID:16953797 Teegen, F., & Grotwinkel, M. (2001). Traumatic exposure and post-traumatic stress disorder of journalists: An internet-based study. Psychotherapeut, 46, 169–175. doi:10.1007002780000104 Ternes, B., Peterlin, L., & Reinardy, S. (2017). Newsroom Workers’ Job Satisfaction Contingent on Position and Adaptation to Digital Disruption. Journalism Practice, 12(4), 497–508. doi:10.1080/175 12786.2017.1318712 Thomas, J. C., & Hersen, M. (Eds.). (2002). Handbook of mental health in the workplace. Sage Publication. Truax, P., & McDonald, T. (2002). Depression in the Workplace. In J. C. Thomas & M. Hersen (Eds.), Handbook of mental health in the workplace. Sage Publication. doi:10.4135/9781452229386.n7 Tyrkkö, A., & Karlqvist, L. (2015). Gender differences in time pressure and health among journalists. Time & Society, 24(2), 244–271. doi:10.1177/0961463X15587831 Weidmann, A., Fehm, L., & Fydrich, T. (2008). Covering the tsunami disaster: Subsuquent posttraumatic and depressive symptoms and associated social factors. Stress and Health, 24(2), 129–135. doi:10.1002mi.1168 Weidmann, A., & Papsdorf, J. (2010). Witnessing trauma in the newsroom: Posttraumatic symptoms in television journalists exposed to violent news clips. The Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 198(4), 264–271. doi:10.1097/NMD.0b013e3181d612bf PMID:20386255 World Health Organization. (2017). Depression and Other Common Mental Disorders: Global Health Estimates. Geneva: World Health Organization.

ADDITIONAL READING Harder, H. G., Wagner, S. L., & Rash, J. A. (2014). Mental Illness in the Workplace: Psychological Disability Management. Gower Publishing Company. Hari, J. (2019). Lost Connections: Why You’re Depressed and How to Find Hope. Bloomsbury Publishing.

192

 An investigation Into Risks to Mental Health of Bangladeshi Journalists

Stapleton, C. (2009). Hoping for a Happy Ending: A journalist’s story of depression, bipolar and alcoholism. Author House. Wahl, O. (2006). Media Madness: Public Images of Mental Illness. Rutgers University Press.

KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Depression: Depression is a common mental disorder which is characterized by persistent sadness and a lack of interest or pleasure in previously rewarding or enjoyable activities. It can also disturb sleep and appetite; tiredness and poor concentration are common. The causes of depression include complex interactions between social, psychological and biological factors. Satisfaction With Life: Life satisfaction (LS) is the way in which people show their emotions, feelings (moods) and how they feel about their directions and options for the future. Work-Related Stress: According to the World Health Organization (WHO), work-related stress is the response people may have when presented with work demands and pressures that are not matched to their knowledge and abilities and which challenge their ability to cope. Stress occurs in a wide range of work circumstances but is often made worse when employees feel they have little support from supervisors and colleagues, as well as little control over work processes.

193

194

Chapter 11

Gender Mainstreaming in the Media:

The Issue of Professional and Workplace Safety of Women Journalists in Nepal Laxman Datt Pant Media Action Nepal, Nepal

ABSTRACT Media sector, in Nepal, has been vibrant and it is flourishing across all media outlets with about 1,000 newspapers, 600 radio stations, about five dozen television channels and more than 2,200 online news portals currently in operation across the country. Despite such an impressive figure, the reluctance of media houses to spend on embracing the key dimensions of gender sensitivity including professional safety of women journalists at workplace has had a dropping effect on the entire sector. Women remain cut out of the key decision-making levels in media. Media houses do not have any comprehensive prevention, support, complaints, and redress system with regards to sexual harassment and bullying in the workplace. This chapter assesses the state of gender sensitivity in newsrooms of Nepal with reference to professional safety of women journalists. Observations indicate that media houses should give due priority to professional safety of women journalists.

INTRODUCTION The term gender is a logical means for creating awareness about inequalities perverted due to institutional structures in many societies across the world. It focuses not only on women as an isolated and homogeneous group, but on the roles and needs of both men and women. As women are usually in disadvantaged positions compared to men due to the patriarchal structure in most of the cases, promotion of gender equality implies an explicit attention to women’s situations (Jamil, 2020, 2015, 2016; Claudia et al., 2018). The aim then is the advancement of the status of women in society, with gender equality as the ultimate goal. DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch011

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media

Gender mainstreaming in media goes beyond increasing women’s participation in all types of media outlets; it means discussing issues, experiences and interests of women and men to bear on the development agenda. It may require changes in goals, strategies and actions so that both women and men can influence, participate in and benefit from development processes. Hence, the goal of mainstreaming gender equality in media is the transformation of unequal social and institutional structures through collection, selection, verification, editing and dissemination of the news in equal and just manner. Scholars have analyzed that gender dimensions have been excluded in the media content due to regulatory and patriarchal setback. The lack of gender mainstreaming policy in the media is the outcome of regulatory bodies and the state based historically on patriarchal cultures, the dominance of profit-oriented media systems over public service media and media with public service remit and ingrained cultural beliefs of gender superiority/inferiority (Katharine, 2014). Women are usually stereotyped as sexual objects or even as mere body parts. Some past examples show that: female nudity in magazine advertisements increased significantly around the world between 1983 to 1993; teen female TV characters used to be hyper-gendered. Consequently, female sexuality was represented not as the sexual liberation of women but as the availability of women for male consumption (Holden, 2012). Women in these cases were, thus, used to showcase glamour in the products. The Constitution of Nepal ensures women’s rights and gender equality in principle, e.g. political parties have to ensure that at least one third of their total representation is women. However, women’s low status remains in the control of resources and political decision making. This is also reflected in the exercise of media activities (i.e., preparation of media content and participation of women in decision making). Over the years, especially during the last decade, Nepal has developed a fairly extensive communication infrastructure. The subject of portrayal of women, in Nepalese media, has drawn the attention of media critiques in the present times when Nepalese society is going through a period of social and political change. Women have been portrayed as men would like to see them - beautiful creatures, submissive mothers of their children, efficient house keepers and so forth. The positive sides of women’s progress and their contribution for national development have not been adequately discussed in the media. The emphasis on stories about women, about their struggle for recognition is only the surface decoration. The actual message to audience is that society still opposes the liberation of women. This remains an obstacle to mainstream gender in the newsrooms of Nepal thereby preventing women to be at the leadership role in the media. Several concerns raised and discussed in successive subsections of this chapter show that women in media are more vulnerable to gender-based violence too, which poses a serious threat to safety of women journalists in Nepal. The country has introduced with more than a dozen media laws that address media freedom, inclusion, equality and gender sensitivity but as far as the situation women in media is concerned; there are still multiple barriers that have prevented women to give their best in the media sector in Nepal. Despite Nepal’s laws guarantee press freedom and women’s equal rights, right to freedom of expression, equal work and wage through the constitution and commitments to several international human rights instruments, women journalists face multiple obstacles in journalism. The United Nations (UN) Plan of Action for the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity, which was implemented by UNESCO along with stakeholders as a pilot plan in Nepal also called for a gender-based approach. Several activities were carried out among state and non-state actors on gender and safety needs of women journalists. Safety threats to women journalists are not limited to attacks in hostile situation; they appear in several forms such as sexual misconduct and sexual harassment, gender

195

 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media

unfriendly infrastructures and resources, unsafe working environment, online and offline abuses, unequal working situations, vast social and family pressures and what not. This chapter endeavors to confer these issues and provides recommendations overcoming challenges related to gender mainstreaming, disparity and safety risks faced by women journalists in Nepal.

BACKGROUND After the restoration of democracy in Nepal in 1990, media in the country flourished. The newly promulgated constitution guaranteed the press freedom. Newspapers, hundreds of FM stations, and over dozens of television channels were established. The country breathed a sigh of relief as free press was gathering momentum. However, during the decade-long Maoist insurgency that began in 1996, the media sector witnessed a setback. Both the state and the Maoists targeted media. Though the situation improved somewhat with the Maoists joining the mainstream politics; journalists continued to face attacks, threats and murders. During the decade long conflict, 35 journalists were killed, of which two were women. Four journalists still remain missing. The United Nations had introduced UN Plan on Safety of Journalists (2013 to 2016) in Nepal, with the focus on sensitizing Nepal’s state agencies, particularly security organs and the judiciary, on impunity in crimes against journalists. The focus was also on addressing gender dimensions so as to create environment conducive for women journalists. Major stakeholders like the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and the Federation of Nepalese Journalists (FNJ) subsequently agreed to establish a national mechanism for protection of freedom of expression and safety of journalists. Unfortunately, no progress has been made on establishing national level mechanism to address the issues of impunity for crimes against journalists and those who exercise their right to freedom of expression. A study observed that the lack of adequate capacity building programs for the members of excluded groups tends to limit the progression of their media careers and their ability to influence content and policies (UNESCO, 2013). It stated that most media companies are still dominated by employees coming from ‘dominant’ groups. Representation of women in the media is at 24 percent on average in Nepal. In fact, there must be a multiplicity of voices if free speech is to advance the cause of democracy and truth is obvious (Lichtenberg, 2004). The contents of newspapers in Nepal indicate that they abound in the volume of items but contain not much meaning to the majority of the declared target groups in terms of coverage, issues and voices” (Kharel, 2012). A study by UNESCO (2013) observes that there is exclusion and marginalization of females in journalism. Even those who join the field, they have to face more difficulties as compared to their male counterparts. The discrimination that exists in the society has entered into the newsroom as well. Women journalists seldom have a say in editorial or managerial aspects of media. No media organization that I am aware of has instituted a commitment toward hiring more women journalists, nor have any demonstrated, through active on-the-job programs, the willingness to train young and able women in the field (Onta, 2006). Journalism in Nepal has been perceived of the males, by the males and for the males (Lama, 2007). These observations are the indications that there is an absence of appropriate gender understanding in the newsrooms of Nepal. It has escalated an environment where women find themselves unsafe to continue their careers as journalists. Female voices and concerns in media are either sidelined or ignored.

196

 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media

In this study, an attempt has been made to assess the state of gender sensitivity, gender mainstreaming and the safety of women journalists in newsrooms of Nepal. Efforts have also been made to provide feedback to news media in mainstreaming the gender in newsroom. Considering that gender sensitivity, gender mainstreaming and the safety of women journalists are directly interrelated, this chapter is aimed at analyzing media environment in order to assess whether newsrooms are abiding by the gender sensitive indicators in relation to promoting women in media, their safety and provide feedback to news media and stakeholders for improvement.

LITERATURE REVIEW Media is all pervasive and the impact of media in our lives is a point that does not have to be labored any longer. Radio, television, films, online and the printed word reach all of us in this age of information and each strives to perfect its modes of communications to become more effective as a medium. It is noticeable that media is shaped by the existing social reality. By gradually shaping public opinion, personal beliefs and even people’s self-perceptions, media influences the process of socialization and shapes ideology and thinking (Jamil & Muchert, 2020). The power of creating media reality is concentrated in the hands of a few people and their biases and their profit motives operate in the creation of a reality which is often distorted. World Association of Christian Communication, (2015) states that women still constitute only 24 percent of the persons heard, read about or seen in the news. Representation of gender in news is associated with relations of domination and subordination: whereas men are represented as sportsmen, politician and businessmen, women are represented as vox populi - that is to say, they use to be associated with the lack of status and power. Morley (2007) describes that “gender mainstreaming is the linguistic antithesis of gender marginalization. It is a strategy that claims to make women’s and men’s experiences an integral dimension in the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programmes”. The UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity was endorsed in 2012 aiming to mobilize UN agencies and other stakeholders including media organizations to work together to create a safer environment for journalists (Jamil, 2019a, 2019b, 2018, 2017a, 2017b). This plan proclaims that it is based on the principle of a gender-sensitive approach and calls for applying a gender lens while promoting the safety of journalists. The plan encourages states to develop and implement appropriate laws, regulations and policies that enable journalists’ safety. UNESCO (2015) states that governments have responsibility to recognize that women journalists may be particularly at risk from sexual harassment and violence, thus they need to adopt appropriate measures to ensure safety on an equal basis between women and men. Emphasizing on the roles and response of media organizations, UNESCO (2015) calls to adopt specific measures to protect the safety of journalists as one of the key safety indicators: Media organizations have to provide adequate insurance and necessary safety equipment to journalists on dangerous assignments including equipment that is appropriate to women. Furthermore, they should recognize that women employees face specific risks and undertake specific mitigation strategies. Promotion should take cognizance of the fact that woman journalists may be subject to specific sexual harassment and violence.

197

 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media

The Resolution on the safety of journalists adopted by Human Rights’ Council (2012) acknowledged that “the specific risks faced by women journalists in the exercise of their work, and underlining, in this context, the importance of taking a gender-sensitive approach when considering measures to address the safety of journalists”. A study by IFJ (2015) illustrates that female journalists in Nepal face more obstacles than their male counterparts do. Subsequently, the formers are deprived of professional and economic happiness. This study elaborates the launch of Nepal’s first women led magazine i.e. Mahila (Woman) as the turning point in prioritizing gender issues and motivating women into journalistic craft. The study states that launch of the magazine Mahila in 1952, allowed gender-related issues and women’s stories to come to the forefront of society and gave women journalists a forum where their voices could be heard for the first time Almost 65 years since the first woman led magazine launched in Nepal, there have been some advancement in the conditions for women journalists specially the number of women joining media is increased. However, the issues of their safety and fair understanding on gender issues still remain a far cry. Also, the media outlets in Nepal are devastatingly led by males and dominate the content in stereotyped way often projecting issues of women as the submissive features. The study also revealed that only 24 percent of journalists are women in the media outlets of capital city Kathmandu. The top level management of most media organizations is dominated by men. Almost all editors and owners of media houses are men. There are very few women at top decision-making roles; women are generally confined to roles within middle and lower management. The environment and policies of media workplaces are not yet conducive for women to advance in their professional careers. Analyzing the challenges faced by women journalists of Nepal for their visible and strong newsroom presence, Lloyd & Howard (2005) elucidate that participation by women in the media in Nepal ranks very low; mirrored by insensitive reporting on women and gender issues and the projection of the role of women in Nepal’s emergence into the liberal democratic era. Women reporters remain largely excluded from covering conflict or political violence and they rarely survive long in this male-dominated profession This is further substantiated by a study of Sancharika Samuha (2016) that states 19.3 percent women journalists wanted to quit their job for multiple reasons such as disparity in pay, gender discrimination in newsroom including that of task division, unhealthy environment in the workplace and personal or family issues among others. In addition, the study reveals that there are very few women journalists leading the newsrooms as editors or chief editors, only 2.4 percent mostly running online news portals. As of today, there is no single woman serving as an editor or the chief editor to any of the influential newspapers and television channels in Kathmandu, the capital city. The preceding portrays how the patriarchal Nepali media excludes women’s strong participation in newsroom and limits their role. This also stresses why the issue of gender sensitivity that ranges from understanding gender dimensions to empowering women for the leadership role, prioritizing marginalized issues and promoting safe environment has been ignored. This has been indisputably preventing women to show their skills and caliber in media and to play vibrant role for materializing the idea of just, equal and equitable Nepal. The women journalists working with local, national and provincial media outlets in Nepal are subject to discrimination of different types. Policies to promote gender equality in newsroom and at the workplace are merely adopted by the media houses. Furthermore, women journalists find it hard to report the cases of sexual harassment often fearing of losing the job or negatively affecting their career (Pant, 2017). A study by International Media Support (2019) reveals that a victim of the sexual harassment in the newsroom of Nepal decided not to pursue any action for fear of losing her job and jeopardizing her security, not to mention its impact on her family. 198

 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media

A study carried out by Media Action Nepal (2019) states that Barsha Shah, a female journalist, who went to capture the protest in December, 2018 against the government’s decision to purchase a Rs. 180-million worth bullet proof vehicle for ceremonial President Bidya Devi Bhandari occurred in front of President’s residence in Kathmandu, was taken into police custody for three hours and later released. At a time when women journalists have low presence in media, the government’s self-created coercive atmosphere to curtail the freedom of media could be taken as an unappealing environment for women to join this profession. It is to be noted that Article 19 of the Constitution of Nepal beginning with a marginal note of ‘Right to Communication’ envisages that “There shall be no prior censorship of publications and broadcasting, or information dissemination, or printing of any news item, editorial, article, feature, or other reading material, or the use of audio-visual material by any medium, including electronic publication, broadcasting and printing.” Pant (2017) states that sexual harassment; pay discrimination and character assassination, long working hours, pressure from family and working atmosphere at workplaces are some of the issues that pose threats in ensuring safety of women journalists in Nepal. This has been fueling the male dominated media environment thereby creating obstacles in mainstreaming gender in newsrooms. Recently, there is considerable growth in the number of women journalists in various districts of Nepal. The local radio stations have been employing women journalists and mostly as news anchors. However, they are not given with minimum wage and other benefits by the media houses. Hence, they are more vulnerable during field reporting. Exclusion and marginalization of a particular gender shows that Nepalese media outlets are not sensitive to the issue of inclusion, this study (UNESCO, 2013) further postulates that they do not have gender friendly policy. As evident from the study (ibid), women journalists suffered due to patriarchal ideology operating in media sector and they also face social inequalities and gender discrimination. North (2010) states that teaching gender issues in journalism and communication schools has to do with understanding the construction and impact of the gendered production of media content, and also with the status of women in newsrooms, professional career opportunities, equal payment, and eradication of sexual harassment, among other issues. This tunes true in the context of Nepal as Pant (2009) observes that the academia are not keeping in pace with the fast changing media scenario in the country. In addition, another crucial issue that hinders on promoting gender sensitivity in Nepalese media is a complete mismatch between the journalism university curricula and the growing media industry demands (ibid). The gender should be first mainstreamed in journalism education and courses so to mainstream it in journalism. Currently, journalism and media courses in Nepal are offered from school to research levels. There are about two hundred +2 colleges, fifty undergraduate colleges and five universities offering courses in media and journalism. A number of media houses also train some of their own journalists by selecting potential students with necessary skills and putting them through journalism training workshops and on-the-job training intern programs. However, there are questions arising about the level of courses and how they tie into each other, the kinds and consistency of training offered, the course curriculum and duration and the overall quality of the education. To respond the question, ‘why is there still struggle to introduce gender mainstreaming in the curricula of journalism and communication schools?’ North (2010) offers some insights: To find reasons why journalism education should embrace gender in its curriculum, one just has to ask why men dominate in the editorial hierarchy. Why is sexual harassment a continuing problem in the newsroom and effectively unaddressed by media organizations and the industry union? Why is there a

199

 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media

disproportionate number of men graded higher than women of equivalent industry experience? And why are women more cynical about the industry? The university level media courses in general neglect issues of diversity, inclusion and gender sensitivity. There are no specific chapters or subjects under the disciplines that extensively deal with gender sensitivity or safety of women journalists. The academia are not keeping in pace with the fast changing media scenario in the country. The universities have not changed or updated their syllabi for years. Whatever changes have been made, are very cosmetic. It’s unfortunate that with the explosion of both print and electronic media, no university has yet offered any comprehensive course in gender sensitivity or gender mainstreaming. This has directly affected to the new comers male and female journalists in mainstreaming the gender through journalistic craft. Adhikary & Pant (2011) concluded that gender is not mainstreamed in the curricula of journalism and media education in Nepal. They stated that no curriculum has incorporated the gender as a foundation course thereby severely limiting the prospect for imparting theoretical grounding in gender. Even when some gender content is incorporated, the respective papers do not seem imparting an in-depth understanding of basic concepts and approaches for analyzing roles, relationships, and situations from a gender perspective. The core journalism courses in the curricula have completely excluded gender perspective and gender issues. None of them consider the gender dimension of the ‘newsworthy’ events/ situations. Moreover, the core journalism courses do not seem considering gender based violence and other gender issues as significant area for news reporting and other journalistic writing. In the text-books prescribed for secondary level teaching and learning, gender perspective has been overlooked both in the production process and the content. The author, copy editor and all main contributors, including the coordinator, of the textbooks are all men (ibid). This shows total exclusion of participation and involvement of women in the content development of the book. The issues of gender mainstreaming are underlined from the workplace safety point of view concluding that the status of women journalists in Nepal is more complicated. The challenges of women journalists in Nepal are multifaceted; they are subject to double-attacks as they are targeted for both being journalists and being women. Adhikary & Pant (2016) validate that women journalists have been observed to suffer more than their male counterparts, they are more vulnerable than their male colleagues in terms of professional as well as psychological and physical safety. The organizational structure has been entirely male-dominated, and almost none of the media houses have a gender-friendly working environment. They also observe that there is no tendency to look at media safety from the angle of women particularly the discrimination, challenges and inequality they face in work place. Users of media appear rather indifferent. Media scrutiny bodies are mostly engaged in their own routine business. Adhikary & Pant (2016) elaborate: Though there is recognition of the fact that the workplace needs to be more conducive to women journalists, media organizations are yet to formulate policy and develop mechanisms to ensure gender sensitivity with regard to journalists’ safety. The poor working conditions and practices are not only linked to media organizations and individual journalists, but also to journalists’ unions and professional bodies. As key stakeholders, they have significant role to safeguard journalists’ professional rights, and to promote professionalism through various ways.

200

 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media

The related literature shows that previous studies have focused on the analysis of indicators and areas that advocate for gender equality, equitable media, recognition and role of women journalists in the newsroom; promotion and protection of parity of male and female in news media using the agenda setting, cultural feminist analysis in relation to gender, media culture relationship and gender identity. The reflections drawn in the preceding best fit into what Hermes (2007) as cited by McQuail (2010) argues that we need to understand how the media represent gender because ‘construction of femininity and masculinity are part of a dominant ideology’. Building on the findings and observations of the previous studies, this study is an attempt to understand and explain the professional and workplace safety threats to women journalists through the lens of social integration and identity perspective on media as perceived by both male and female journalists in Nepal. Integration and identity perspectives are instrumental in understanding the contexts of gender mainstreaming and safety of women journalists in Nepal and they address the two versions of media theory-centrifugal and centripetal-each with its own position on a dimension of evaluation, so that there are, in effect, four different theoretical positions relating to social integration named as following: 1. Freedom, diversity. This is the optimistic version of the tendency for media to have a fragmented effect on society that can also be liberating. The media spread new ideas and information and encourage mobility, change and modernization 2. Integration, solidarity. This optimistic version of the reverse effect of mass communication as a unifier of society stresses the needs for a sense of identity, belonging and citizenship, especially under conditions of social change 3. Normlessness, loss of identity. The pessimistic alternative view of greater freedom points to detachment, loss of belief, rootlessness and a society lacking in social cohesion and social capital 4. Dominance, uniformity. Society can be over-integrated and over- regulated, leading to central control and conformity, with the mass media as instruments of control (McQuail, 2010). Nepal, in theory, guarantees press freedom, women’s equal rights, right to information and right to freedom of expression as fundamental rights, ratified over two dozen of international human rights treaties including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), ILO conventions on equal work and wage; and has introduced with more than a dozen media and communications related laws that address media freedom, inclusion, equality and gender sensitivity and so forth. These instruments are highlighted along with first two theoretical positions mentioned above to explain the gender mainstreaming issues and working conditions of women journalists in Nepal.

MATERIALS AND METHODS This study employed qualitative research method in which purposively selected participants were interviewed about their newsroom experience in relation to understanding and ensuring workplace and professional safety of women journalists in Nepal. Respondents’ list was generated from the Media Action Nepal1 (MAN)’s documented list of male and female journalists working in different media outlets across the country. Based on previous experience of working with them, those who seemed knowledgeable on issues of gender sensitivity and safety of women journalists in the newsroom, 70 journalists 201

 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media

that include 50 female and 20 male journalists working in all types of media outlets: radio, television, newspapers (dailies and weeklies) and online portals were selected from the seven provinces of Nepal. They represented a total of 40 media houses, of which 14 were FM radio stations, 5 television channels, 10 newspapers and 11 online news portals. The respondents have three to 25 years work experiences as reporters, sub-editors, news anchors and editors with provincial and national broadcast, print and online media outlets on various beats such as health and sanitation, politics and society, parliament and judiciary, culture and ethnicity, agriculture and climate change, human rights and education and so forth. In addition to the interviews, documented sources were also used to collect the information. This study employs inductive reasoning for processing information and drawing interpretations as Goddard & Melville (2004) describe inductive reasoning starts with the observations and theories are proposed towards the end of the research process as a result of observations.

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION Freedom of expression is regarded as a fundamental element within several national and international tools such as the Constitution of Nepal, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and is widely seen as the foundation of democratic freedoms. Alongside freedom of expression, the right to life and integrity, right to equality, women’s rights and security of persons are fundamental human rights that are recognized and guaranteed by various international conventions and instruments including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)2 that Nepal has ratified. Press freedom, equality and democracy are closely connected. Hence, the safety of journalists is an important human rights issue in itself and one that is also central to the realization of freedom of expression. Though the UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity was implemented as a pilot plan reaching out to justice and security sector institutions at national and sub-national levels between 2013 to 2015, it is unfortunate to witness that the government enforcement agencies are adopting unreasonable restrictions on free press under the pretext of ‘restricted areas to protest.’ The detention of and torture to Barsha Shah, a female journalist merely for capturing a photo of the protest as part of her daily journalistic duty shows that the authorities are not sensitive towards safety of journalists in general and the safety of women journalists in particular. It is high time that authorities understand journalists have inherent right to cover the events, be it a protest; creating obstacles to such right would put democracy and democratic practices at risk. Women journalists of Nepal are challenged on a daily basis; at the workplace among male counterparts, supervisors or editors, by sources during field reporting and with the social and cultural set up within families and societies. Moreover, the challenges escalate when they find no way to address it as none of the media houses under this study found to have provision female journalists can report the ill-treatment that they faced and share their grievances. A female correspondent working for a daily newspaper in a district of province number 3 was intimidated and threatened by security personnel merely for approaching sources for a sensitive crime story related to the latter. She has been threatened not to disseminate the story else would bear very bad consequences. She dropped the story; neither reported it to media house nor to any law enforcement agency. A study on ‘Self- protection capacities of journalists’ carried out by UNESCO (2015) states that only 13 percent of Nepalese journalists know that their media 202

 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media

houses have policies on safety of their staff and they do not trust that their employers will do something significant for their safety. Analyzing that the international media rights bodies have placed Nepal in the Global Impunity Index for its failure to address cases of violation of press freedom, Pant (2017) states that successive governments have time and again expressed their commitment to international laws and instruments on journalist safety, and yet Nepali journalists continue to work in unsafe conditions, particularly women journalists who routinely have to deal with sexual harassment and even physical violence. This proves true as many respondents under this study lamented that no actions were taken against alleged perpetrators of the sexual harassments. The newsrooms of Nepal can become more gender-sensitive if mandatory gender policy is introduced and implemented by media houses (N. Sharma, personal communication, May 2, 2020). She says there are many skilled, educated and capable women who should be given opportunities to lead newsrooms. They can contribute to create conducive environment for the very cause of mainstreaming gender in journalism. She further remarks about the absence of gender policy in media houses and capability of women journalists are supported by the observation of this study. An eminent Chitwan based female journalist repetitively became the victim of gender-based biases, she shared: ‘I was discriminated on assignments and opportunities despite my credibility and accomplishments, I reported it to the media house seeking help, and I did not get any support.’ Harassments and intimidations from security personnel and one in public positions are common when media questions their involvement in wrong doings. A female news anchor of a television channel in the capital city Kathmandu was verbally, mentally and physically abused by the channel chief. The latter recurrently complimented her appearance, clothing and movement but never appreciated her work. In the beginning he passed with verbal comments and gradually started touching her unwantedly. Unable to tolerate harassments and trauma, she quit the job after few months without approaching for legal support. The frustrating thing is that women journalists do not get any support from the media houses and their male colleagues to address grievances. The preceding shows that media houses in Nepal are negligent towards promoting gender equality in newsroom thereby discouraging women to continue with the journalistic craft. A female respondent of Saptari district from the province number 2 questioned, ‘’In this province, even male journalists are not secure to go alone in the field for reporting, and then how female reporters can cover stories from the field?’’ She said she consults with her husband before she goes to the field. Many districts of that province have open border with India making the places vulnerable from criminals and armed groups. Adhikary & Pant (2016) analyze that the Madhesh uprising and protests for ethnicity-based federal system have been recorded as instances of grave attack on journalists. Even mainstream democratic political parties have been found attacking journalists, in which case generally journalists feel threat from the youth wings of the political parties. The situation in hilly districts of the Far Western Province is different. A male journalist based in Bajhang district of the province admits that male journalists control media both in the content and leadership. Women are not encouraged to engage in journalism, they are vulnerable as they do not get support from their families and colleagues, he explains. ‘A female journalist working for a radio station in neighboring Acham district quit her job after she got married as her husband asked her to do so’, he added. Another female reporter based in one of the hilly districts of the same province and working for a reputed national level broadsheet newspaper shared that her supervisor asked for sexual favor to recommend her for promotion. ‘Back in 2018, I was attending a feature writing training in Kathmandu; my supervisor asked me to join him for coffee at the end of the first day training, I joined him, we discussed 203

 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media

on newsroom and media, I requested him to check if he could help me to get promotion as I was working in the same post for many years, he said he would discuss this to the management. When I was back to my room at the hotel, he sent me with repeated mobile messages seeking sexual favor, I was devastated, traumatized. I complained to the management the next day-but no actions were taken, I quit the job’, she narrates. The Section 12 of Nepal’s Sexual Harassment at Workplace Prevention Act, 2015 Act provides that any person who has committed sexual harassment under the Act may be punished with imprisonment of up to 6 months, and/or fine of up to Nepalese Rupees 50,000. In case of repeated offence, double the punished provided in the foregoing may be applicable. Unfortunately, many respondents who became the victims of sexual harassment in and outside the newsroom have never approached for legal actions, perhaps due to the social stigma and/or the possible threat from the predators. A study (UNESCO, 2013) recognizes impunity as a living reality for journalists in Nepal and states that the safety issue is more serious for female journalists. Bhattarai & Mainali (2014) analyze that the problem of self-censorship in Nepal is real and continues, but it is also not something beyond correction. Respondents in this study highlighted that the culture of impunity is fueling the state of self-censorship, making the environment more complicated for female journalists. In the reported cases, threats against women journalists have not been addressed, no actions were taken against the accused. A female respondent from Ilam district of the province number 1 said, ‘’I wrote the story about the business of anti-social elements digging into their businesses”. She was threatened after the news got published. “I informed the editor about the threat. Even I filed a complaint to the police station. However, no action was taken against them”. This incident discouraged her, she fears whenever she thinks of writing such stories around. Another female journalist from the district of Baglung of Gandaki province narrated her difficulties to obtain information from security personnel. She was investigating a story on domestic violence where victims were kept in the police custody. When she approached the security personnel, she was harassed and barred from obtaining information. ‘My integrity as a journalist was not only questioned but also disgraced’, she recalls. B. Basnet is of the opinion that women journalists are discriminated at the newsroom and by the news sources (personal communication, April 14, 2020). Discrimination is widespread; one reason behind it is that unlike male journalists, women cannot be socially close to sources; there also exists an obstacle of mistrust, Basnet shares. The newsroom and media houses do not take care in account the different needs of women and men including safe transport and separate toilets for women. They also lack comprehensive complaints, support and redress system with regards to sexual harassment and bullying in the workplace. A female journalist working with a radio station in the district of Dhanusa in province number 2 shared that she had been a victim of verbal, sexual and psychological torture from her male colleagues. ‘Two of my male colleagues passed on me with lewd words, sent me with nude pictures in Facebook and sexually harassed inside the bathroom of the radio station; when I reported to the station manager, he told me to remain silent, I quit the job’, she shares the incident. A female reporter from Kaski district in Gandaki province shared that she was denied with information from a politician, and surprised to see the news story of the same gentleman covered by her male colleague the following day. Accusations of having affairs, character assassination and attacks upon dignity of women journalists were seen as major barriers for them to continue their profession as journalists in Nepal. A female journalist working with one of the reputed radio stations in the capital city shared that her supervisor blamed her for having affairs with a businessman, sought for sexual favor, sent her with lewd messages. She said she reported to the management but no actions were taken against him. K. Acharya suggests launching campaigns to change societal perception towards women 204

 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media

journalists (personal communication, May 2, 2020). Women journalists in Nepal and elsewhere need respect, recognition and encouragement; a strong and uniform gender policy should be at place to address threats against women journalists, she shares. To minimize inequalities and mainstream the gender in newsrooms, Nepal’s media policies should be aligned with the relevant articles of CEDAW concerning safe working environment for women, she suggests. The Constitution of Nepal safeguards fundamental rights of citizens including right to communication and right to information. Correspondingly, Working Journalist’s Act (WJA) of Nepal also guarantees the working environment for male and female journalists. However, women journalists in Nepal found to have been practicing self-censorship due to harassment or threats that undermine the fundamental rights to communicate. A female journalist working with a television channel in Morang district of the province number 1 said she fears of broadcasting news freely as she does not want to take risks. ‘We know that security personnel and media management do not provide us with any kind of security, they do not listen us and we are compelled to censor ourselves’, she shared. UNESCO’s Journalists’ Safety Indicators at National Level (2015) recommended that guidelines are issued to military and police prohibiting harassment, intimidation or physical attacks on journalists; effective channels of communication exist between journalists’ organizations and security forces concerning coverage of street protests, public events, etc. Unfortunately, no such guidelines were issued or discussed to safeguard the safety of journalists in hostile environment. Also, media outlets have not liaised with security forces in establishing guidelines on the treatment of journalists before entering a risk zone. No specific mitigation strategies were taken in any of the cases discussed within this study. In addition, media houses are indisposed of introducing and implementing policies to protect the health and safety of their male and female staff members. A female journalist working with a Kathmandu based television channel said she is compelled to work without minimum protection tools amid dangers of the COVID19-the global pandemic and often fears of the disease. ‘My channel has not provided me any protection tools, and I have to come to office to appear on screen as a newsreader while many of my male colleagues are on leave’, she laments. Media houses are also inattentive towards professional capacity building initiatives. None of the media houses under this study were found to have allocated budget for building the capacity of male and female journalists. The Working Journalist Act of Nepal has a provision for all media houses to allocate 1 percent amount of total annual turnover to develop capacity of working journalists. Unfortunately, journalists are deprived of this opportunity as none of the media houses follow this provision. Only 2 among 50 women journalists interviewed have appointment letters on hand. A female news reader working with a radio station in Surkhet, the capital city of Karnali province shared that the station denied for salary increment citing that she is given with exposure and that in itself is the motivation. A woman journalist has been deprived of capacity building training citing that there was no one to substitute her. A respondent working for a newspaper in the district of Rupandehi said, “I was invited by Media Action Nepal (MAN) to participate in a training organized jointly by MAN and the Article-19 on safety of women journalists; I was passionate to participate in such important training. Regrettably, my editor asked me to look for a substitute to carry newspaper business in my absence. I missed the training as I could not find the substitute”, she shared. According to the Chief Editor of the Kathmandu based national broadsheet daily Samacharpatra, the newsrooms of Nepal are less gender sensitive; they often use sexist language, and vulgar jokes (personal communication, April 24, 2020). Sensitivity and needs of women journalists are entirely neglected with no sanitary towels in the toilets, no room for babysitters, and breastfeeding

205

 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media

for the lactating mother, he narrates the situation substantiated with several examples in this study. Very limited women find ways to continue with their journalism career after they get married because of the masculine attitude and nature of the leadership in newsrooms of Nepal, he adds. The issues, areas and concerns relating to ensuring more gendered understanding in Nepalese media are reflected from both male and female journalists of Nepal. The challenges are multifaceted, approaches to dealing these challenges are also multiple. Yet, there is a greater level of awareness among journalists to deal and discuss gender sensitivity in general and the safety of women journalists in particular. Stories and sufferings of journalists present a clear direction: authorities, editors and media owners have to play positive and influential role ensuring the idea of equal and gendered newsrooms. Unfortunately, none of the media organizations under this study found to be taking care of these gender specific needs required to safeguard the rights of the women journalists. Respondents of this study underscored that their media organizations were reluctant on ensuring gender friendly newsroom environment. No specific measures were taken to address cases of sexual harassment and violence. Demarcating a clear proportion of human resources while announcements are made is one way to balance with all genders in newsroom. Equal treatment at workplace is another issue media houses need to address to avoid gender gap. A study by Kafle (2019) shows there is about 20 percent of the women’s representation in the newsrooms of mainstream media houses. Equal treatment in terms of opportunities and decision making roles, respect and recognition will undoubtedly narrow down this situation. Journalists and media rights organizations advocate these issues with media owners and editors, commitments are made yet there seems contradictions in commitments and their implementation. Women journalists in the recent days are voicing to stop showing sympathy to them and seeking for meaningful participation in the newsroom. It is noticeable that having more women journalists in newsroom alone does not ensure gender sensitivity, rather both male and female journalists need to be oriented towards uniform understanding on more gendered newsrooms. The issues of gender mainstreaming and safety of women journalists in Nepalese media are multifaceted. The stakeholders and respondents during the study shared various issues that touch upon many indicators of assessing gender mainstreaming and safety of women journalists. They range from fundamental safety issues to gender specific concerns. The patriarchal history of Nepal enforces a sensitive environment for Nepalese women which entangles with the profession of journalism because of its nature that requires unceasing exposure into the risky environment. In addition, the safety of women journalists, their meaningful participation in leadership roles in newsrooms of Nepal found to be quite challenging in recent years due to sheer negligence by media houses on understanding the gender sensitivity. Lack of gender-friendly working atmosphere, sexual harassment, non-issuance of appointment letters and accreditation cards, fear of losing jobs during pregnancy, discrimination in pay and promotion, limited access to information, absence of gender policy in media houses, minimal family support and societal challenges are the key professional challenges of women journalists in Nepal. Financial insecurity, inadequate knowledge about safety measures, lack of capacity building opportunities are other concerns Nepal needs to address to ensure gender equality in newsroom so to produce and disseminate more gendered content. The state’s obligations in recognizing that women journalists may be particularly at risk from sexual harassment and violence have been neglected. Furthermore, no appropriate measures to ensure safety on an equal basis between women and men have been adopted. Media organizations remained inattentive to the fact that female journalists may be subject to specific sexual harassment.

206

 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media

The issue of gender sensitivity and equal participation of women in Nepalese media outlets have remained under high level of risks despite the several calls and campaigns to mainstream the gender at newsroom. This study witnesses that women journalists are excluded many ways; their stories were thrown out; they were compelled to quit jobs. The high number of professional and workplace threats and cases of violence are serious obstacles towards ensuring equal, equitable and gendered media.

CONCLUSION AND FURTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS This chapter highlighted the major obstacles in mainstreaming gender in media and the professional safety threats to women journalists in Nepal as shared by male and female journalists. It also revealed the multifaceted workplace challenges faced by women journalists in Nepal. The challenges and obstacles uncovered have severe destructive consequences to ensure independent and inclusive media, journalistic integrity, gender equality and the just society. Thus, it is high time that the media stakeholders-especially male journalists and editorial chiefs across all types of media outlets remain sensitive on gender issues and the safety of women journalists. Their role is crucial for communicating, counseling and convincing media owners to introduce uniform gender policy to encourage and promote gender equality and safety of women journalists in Nepal. Also, it is important for media organizations and media rights activists to advocate and interact more closely with justice and security institutions for the effective implementation of press freedom instruments with gender sensitive approach. Any incident targeting to discourage women journalists should be taken seriously. A broader multi-stakeholder understanding is required in aligning tools including the UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity to promote free media; more needs to be done to ensure that such tools are implemented with gendered approach. This study has also addressed the professional threats faced by women journalists in the newsrooms of Nepal. This study suggests that female journalists have multiple issues and challenges that have prevented them to give their best in their current role as journalists and negatively contributed to further their career. This indicates that more engaged research is needed to understand the problems faced by women journalists so as to create a favorable working environment for them. Therefore, future studies can examine the causes and consequences of threats focusing on the legal frameworks. Moreover, this chapter reveals that gender mainstreaming remains a far cry in the newsrooms of Nepal and the editor-publisher nexus dominates and controls newsroom content. Hence, examining the owner-editor understanding and actions on gender instruments, safety measures, and workplace environment could expose the social-political-economic undercurrents of media and their implications into the equality and inclusion. Future studies can reveal impacts of gender exclusions in newsrooms; and analyze the risks and threats from the social and legal perspectives.

REFERENCES Adhikary, N. M., & Pant, L. D. (2011). Journalism education in Nepal: Gender perspective. Shweta Shardul, 8, 119–123.

207

 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media

Adhikary, N. M., & Pant, L. D. (Eds.). (2016). Supporting safety of journalists in Nepal: an assessment based on UNESCO’s Journalists’ Safety Indicators. UNESCO. Aditya, A. (1996). Mass Media and Democratization: A Country Study on Nepal. Institute for Integrated Development Studies. Bernard, H. R. (2011). Research Methods in Anthropology. AltaMira Press. Bhattarai, B., & Mainali, R. (2014). Killing Journalism Softly. Alliance for Social Dialogue and The Writing Workshop. Claudia, L., Carolina, A. T., Santos, M., & Jamil, S. (2018). Introduction to Dossier Journalism and Gender: Yes, this is Subversive. British Journalism Review, 14(1), 1–6. Goddard, W., & Melville, S. (2004). Research Methodology: An Introduction. Blackwell Publishing. Hermes, J. (2007). Gender and the Mass Media. In D. McQuail (Ed.), Mass Communication Theory (6th ed.). Sage Publications. Holden, T. (2012). Hyper-gendered discourse: How Japanese fashion magazines construct gender identity. Derecho a Communicar, 4, 232–266. International Federation of Journalists. (2009). Getting the balance right: Gender equality in journalism. Author. International Media Support. (2019). Defending Journalism: The safety of women journalists: Breaking the cycle of silence and violence: An overview of nine countries. Author. Jamil, S. (2015). Understandings and Practices of Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom in Pakistan: Ethnography of Karachi Journalistic Environment (PhD Thesis). University of Queensland, Australia. Retrieved from: https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/43362662.pdf Jamil, S. (2016). Journalism practice and freedom of expression: Challenges and constraints in Pakistan. In B. Lippe & R. Ottosen (Eds.), Gendering War and Peace Reporting: Some Insights – Some Missing Links. Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2017a). Freedom under pressure? Threats to journalists’ safety in Pakistan. In U. Carlsson & R. Poyhtari (Eds.), Assault on Journalism (pp. 323–329). Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2017b). Freedom of expression and journalists’ safety: An analysis of conflict reporting and peace journalism education in Pakistan. Journal of the Association of Journalism Education, 6(2), 7–16. Jamil, S. (2018). Safety Threats, Impunity and Professionalism: Journalists’ Dilemma in Pakistan. Sociology and Anthropology (Alhambra, Calif.), 6(7), 571–578. doi:10.13189a.2018.060702 Jamil, S. (2019a). The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety. IGI Global. Jamil, S. (2019b). Culture of impunity and safety of journalists: Is safe journalism a distant dream in Pakistan? Available: http://worldofmedia.ru/Culture%20of%20impunity%20and%20safety%20of%20 journalists.pdf

208

 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media

Jamil, S. (2020). Suffering in Silence: The Resilience of Pakistan’s Female Journalists to Combat Sexual Harassment, Threats and Discrimination. Journalism Practice, 14(2), 150–170. doi:10.1080/1751278 6.2020.1725599 Jamil, S., & Muschert, G. (2020). Risks to Journalists’ Safety and the Vulnerability of Media Freedom in the U.S. In G. Muschert, K. Budd, M. Christian, & R. Perucci (Eds.), Agenda for Social Justice: Solutions for 2020. Policy Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctv14rmnsb.21 Kafle, K. (2019). Gender representation in Nepali media (Unpublished M. Phil. Dissertation). Tribhuwan University, Kathmandu. Katharine, S. (2014). Power, patriarchy, profit: barriers to gender mainstreaming in media policy. In A. V. Montiel (Ed.), Media and Gender: A Scholarly Agenda for the Global Alliance on Media and Gender (pp. 66–69). UNESCO. Kharel, P. (2012). Media for Participatory Democracy. Kamala Kharel. Lama, S. (2007). Nepali Media: Purushko, Pursushbata ra Purushkai Lagi. In P. Onta, H. Maharjan, D. Humagain, & S. Parajuli (Eds.), Samaveshi Media (pp. 71–88). Martin Chautari. Lichtenberg, J. (2004). Foundations and Limits of Freedom of the Press. In D. McQuail (Ed.), McQuail’s Reader in Mass Communication Theory (pp. 173–182). Sage. Lloyd, F., & Howard, R. (2005). Gender, Conflict and Journalism: A Handbook for South Asia. UNESCO. Media Action Nepal. (2019). Media Freedom in Nepal: A Situation Analysis. Retrieved from: http:// mediaactionnepal.org/images/publications/1547963890situation_analysis_media_freedom_in_nepal.pdf Morley, L. (2007). Sister-matic: Gender mainstreaming in higher education. Teaching in Higher Education, 12(5-6), 136–142. doi:10.1080/13562510701595267 Nepal introduces legislation to address sexual harassment at workplace. (n.d.). Retrieved from: http:// www.pioneerlaw.com/news/nepal-introduces-legislation-to-address-sexual-harassment-at-workplace North, L. (2010). The Gender ‘Problem’ in Australia Journalism Education. Retrieved from: https:// ssrn.com/abstract=2015844 Onta, P. (2006). Mass Media in Post-1990 Nepal. Martin Chautari. Pant, L. D. (2009). Journalism and media education in Nepal: A critical overview. Bodhi. An Interdisciplinary Journal, 3(1), 21–34. doi:10.3126/bodhi.v3i1.2809 Pant, L. D. (2010). Appraisals versus Introspections: An ethical Perspective on Fermenting Nepali Media. Kathmandu: Nepal. Pant, L. D. (2017, July 2). Insecure scribes. The Republica. Retrieved from: https://myrepublica.nagariknetwork.com/news/author/2221 Pant, L. D. (2017). Addressing challenges of female journalists. Paper presented at the South Asian Workshop on Safety of Women Journalists, Kathmandu.

209

 Gender Mainstreaming in the Media

Sancharika Samuha. (2016). Women Journalists in Nepal: Research on professional status of women journalists in Nepal. Kathmandu, Nepal: Author. UNESCO. (2013). Inception Context Analysis of the Project Supporting the Safety of Journalists in Nepal. UNESCO. UNESCO. (2013a). Assessment of Media Development in Nepal. UNESCO. UNESCO. (2014). A study on self-protection capacities of journalists. UNESCO. UNESCO. (2015). Journalists’ Safety Indicators: National Level Based on the UNESCO’s Media Development Indicators. Author. UNHRC. (2012). Resolution on the safety of journalists. Retrieved from: http://undocs.org/A/HRC/ RES/21/12 Working Journalist Act of Nepal. (n. d.). Retrieved from: http://www.lawcommission.gov.np/en/wpcontent/uploads/2018/10/working-journalists-act-2051-1993.pdf World Association of Christian Communication. (2015). Who makes the news? Global Media Monitoring Project.

ENDNOTES 1



2



210

Media Action Nepal (www.mediaactionnepal.org) is an organization working for the promotion of freedom of press, media research and the capacity building of journalists. It maintains a national network and has oriented about 3000 journalists on various media issues since its establishment in 2015. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), adopted in 1979 by the UN General Assembly, is described as an international bill of rights for women. Consisting of a preamble and 30 articles, it defines what constitutes discrimination against women and sets up an agenda for national action to end such Discrimination.

Section 2

­

212

Chapter 12

Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure:

Threats, Violence, and Freedom of Speech Ivaylo Yoshkov Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Bulgaria

ABSTRACT Bulgarian journalists are under pressure. Although the country has been a member of the EU for 13 years and the legislation on freedom of speech corresponds to Western practices, the country ranks 111th in the annual Freedom of Speech Index. While the cases of work-related physical violence against journalists are rare, the cases of direct political pressure are increasing. The unification of ownership into large media cartels and the lack of transparency in the movement of financial flows from the state to certain media are among the main factors affecting the freedom of speech. The analysis of publications covering six cases of physical and verbal aggression on the websites of the five most visited online media in Bulgaria outlines the scheme for inducing self-censorship and the transition from active to passive news coverage within a short period of time. The survey, conducted with students in journalism and professional journalists, aims to show their experience with aggression, as well as to identify the forms of pressure they face on a daily basis.

INTRODUCTION On 6th October 2018 a young TV presenter, Victoria Marinova, was murdered after being raped, beaten and strangulated while jogging in the northern Bulgarian city of Ruse (CPJ, 2018). The news was covered internationally by media outlets such as BBC, CNN, Reuters, etc. While the investigative authorities quickly managed to prove that the murder was not work-related, thousands of people gathered in the central parts of the capital Sofia to commemorate Victoria as well as to call for measures to ensure the safety of journalists and to protect the freedom of speech.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch012

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

The events of October 2018 were the culmination of journalists’ safety issues dating back to the first years after the fall of communism in Bulgaria. While murders of journalists are very rare, physical attacks and attacks on the property of journalists occur more often. For example, in 1998 journalist Anna Zarkova suffered significant burns after being attacked with acid (AP, 1998). In 2013 (Ognyanova, 2013) and 2014, the car of TV reporter Genka Shikerova was put on fire. In 2017, TV reporter and presenter Ivo Nikodimov suffered severe facial trauma after being beaten by three unknown men in a park at the center of Sofia (COE, 2017), and most recently, in 2020, Slavi Angelov, Editor-in-Chief of 168 Chasa weekly and investigative reporter, was severely beaten in front of his home (CPJ, 2020). In the recent years, the threat of political pressure is also growing. It is usually exerted at a high level, but there are an increasing number of cases of politicians directly threatening journalists without even trying to cover it. In October 2017, Parliament member Anton Todorov threatened TV presenter Victor Nikolaev during the morning talk show of Nova TV that he should be careful with his questions unless he wanted to be fired. Later in the show Valery Simeonov, Vice Prime Minister at the time, threatened the TV presenter once again implying that he should not “shake the state” with questions about the appointment of relatives to government posts. Six months later Victor Nikolaev was indeed fired from Nova TV. Sometimes threats also get sexual in nature. In the beginning of December 2019, instead of answering a question by journalist Radoslava Marinova, Parliament member Petar Petrov asked her in front of the camera “And what underwear did you go out with this morning?” According to the 2019 annual index, published by Reporters without Borders, Bulgaria ranks 111th in terms of Freedom of speech, i.e. last amongst the EU countries (Reporters without borders, 2019). This chapter aims to examine the most common threats that Bulgarian journalists face in their day-today work and to what extent do they affect the freedom of speech. Do these threats cause fear, which results in self-censorship, or does media owners’ commitment to political parties and business interests exert greater influence? Another important goal is to determine what (if any) steps are taken by the state to ensure the safety of journalists and the freedom of speech. While there are two codes of media ethics in Bulgaria, there is still no law to protect journalists. The two most important non-governmental journalistic organizations in the country – The Union of Bulgarian Journalists and the Association of European Journalists - Bulgaria have the right to initiate legislative changes, which are usually not accepted by the Parliament. How do these organizations react to the cases of threats and violence against journalists except for issuing declarations and resolutions? Do they really ensure the safety of journalists, or are they also politically committed?

BACKGROUND Freedom of expression is one of the most important achievements of Western civilization, both from social and state perspective (Jamil, 2019a, 2019b, 2016, 2015, 2014). Development of societies and freedom of expression are connected and affect each other (Carlson, 2016). Digital and social media rapidly changed the communication models used by traditional media and thus drew a clear line between democratic and authoritarian/totalitarian countries (Jamil & Muschert, 2020; Jamil, 2018, 2017a, 2017b; Carlson & Poyhatri, 2017). Participatory and citizen journalism provided content sources, which are much more difficult to track or censor. The traditional gatekeepers became just one of many players with equal access to information and publishing (or should we say posting) opportunities. The fluidity of roles in modern mass communication provides freedom of speech and limits the possibilities for centralized censorship.

213

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

Western democracies have come a long way to reach this state of freedom – the first Freedom of Press Act was passed in Sweden in 1766, and while it is still one of the four fundamental laws governing the Swedish constitution (Government Offices of Sweden, 2016), it paved the way for many other countries to guarantee freedom of speech on constitutional level. In 1791, the first amendment of the United States constitution was adopted into the Bill of Rights, stating that “Generally, a person cannot be held liable, either criminally or civilly for anything written or spoken about a person or topic, so long as it is truthful or based on an honest opinion and such statements.” (Legal Information Institute, 2020). It also guaranteed the right of expression by publication and dissemination of information. There are at least three elements of freedom of expression – freedom of speech, freedom of information, and freedom of the press. Freedom of speech is the oldest of these concepts, considered to have its origins in Ancient Greece (Raaflaub, 2007) or Ancient Rome (Charlesworth, 1943). As such, today it is considered to be one of the pillars of the development of Western societies. On the other hand the concepts of freedom of information and freedom of the press/media were invented much later and required much more detailed legislation, providing the possibility for restrictions in certain situations – for example freedom of information and freedom of press may be restricted based on the harm that would arise or would be likely arise from disclosure of information (Information Commissioner’s Office, either for an individual of for the national security. In spite of the differences between these three elements, for the purposes of this chapter we will use the term freedom of speech to describe all threats faced by contemporary journalists. The First Amendment, as well as European legislation (even after all the years of development), did not provide journalists with any specific rights or protection mechanisms against physical or verbal aggression, persecutions and other kinds of abuse against themselves, their families or their property. Nowadays journalists’ safety is the main freedom of speech issue in Western democracies. In 2016, the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) published a report on Violence, Threats and Pressure Against Journalists and Other Media Actors in the EU (European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, 2016), which outlined the main forms of abuse to which European journalists are exposed – physical attacks, online harassment, sexist and racist abuse, etc. The same issue was reported by UNESCO in its 2019 report Intensified attacks, new defences (UNESCO, 2019). While direct abuse is usually quite obvious and widely reacted to, the FRA report, as well as the annual World Press Freedom index, published by Reporters Without Borders (Reporters without Borders, 2019), point out three other types of threats to journalists and freedom of speech, caused by governmental or other actors: • • •

Increasing number of attempts by governments to gain greater control over mass media The pressure of mass media ownership conglomeration The commercialization of mass media

As we can see freedom of speech, as well as the related threats, in Western countries have been constantly evolving for several centuries. Eastern European countries on the other hand did not have so much time to adapt to the conditions and values of Western-style mass communication. The fall of communism in the end of 1980s required rapid development of democratic institutions and adaptation to the Western economic model. The beginning of the 1990s was brimming with high expectations and enthusiasm, but 30 years later it seems that there is still a lot to be done in order to guarantee freedom of speech and safety of journalists. Amongst the worrying trends in its report (UNESCO, 2019), UNESCO notes some positive developments – Ukraine continuously improved its cooperation in the Council of 214

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

Europe Online Platform for the Protection of Journalism and Safety of Journalists, Slovakia launched a temporary Working Group on enhancing legal protections for journalists etc. Where is Bulgaria in this fast-changing media landscape? Did the country manage to develop mass media, based on Western values, and respectively – to ensure freedom of speech and safety of journalists? Did the dream of democracy come true? The history of media in Bulgaria is much shorter than in most Western countries, due to the Ottoman rule, which lasted for about five centuries and ended in 1878. It is also shorter than in neighboring countries like Romania, Serbia and Greece, which gained their autonomy or liberation themselves from the Ottoman Empire a few decades earlier. The liberation of Bulgaria brought relief to society and marked the beginning of press development in the country. In 1879, the Tarnovo Constitution was adopted. Being bourgeois-liberal in character and advanced for its time, the constitution followed the principles of the Belgian constitution of 1831 – separation of powers, freedom of religion, education, and freedom of expression. According to art.79, “The press is free. No censorship is allowed, nor is any pledge sought from writers, publishers, and printers. When the writer is known and lives in the Principality, the publisher, printer and distributor will not be prosecuted.” (Tarnovo Constitution, 1879). The progressive constitution of the new state was repeatedly violated or suspended. After a coup d’état in 1881, the constitution was suspended and the Turkish Press Act of 1864 was restored, in order to silence the opposition press. In 1883, a new Press Act was adopted. According to its art.17, “indecent expressions against the Knyaz” were designated as a crime through the press. Newspapers were required to appoint “responsible editors” who were held responsible for the published content and could be sentenced to jail in case of violation of the law. Later the same year a new Law was adopted which stated that “Press crimes are those that are committed through the printing and distribution of books, brochures, newspapers, flyers (notices) and through images, drawings, lithography, hectography or photography” (Panayotov T., 2011). It was followed in 1904 by the Law on Crimes Committed Through the Press Against the Head of State and Members of His Family, the Rules on Military Censorship and the Procedure for Its Implementation in 1915, and the Press Act adopted by the government of the Bulgarian Agricultural People’s Union in 1921. The adoption of the 1921 Press Act marked the beginning of a very difficult period for Bulgarian journalism. The government initiated repressions on newspapers and their journalists for criticizing the government. Around 1000 court cases were initiated in 1922 against journalists and editors of opposition press. The next year dozens of reporters and editors were sent to jail. After a coup d’état in 1923 the power was transferred to a rightwing government, but the repressions against journalists continued. The State Protection Act was adopted in 1924 and a special department called Press Information Office, which was responsible of the control of publishing, import of foreign press, distribution and general correspondence. This period was also particularly difficult in terms of the physical safety of journalists. Well-known journalists, such as Yosif Herbst, Geo Milev, Sergey Rumyantsev, Hristo Yasenov (Panayotov Ph., 1999) and many others died or disappeared after being arrested, and many others died in prison. In 1934, another coup d’état was carried out and the Tarnovo Constitution was suspended. A preliminary censorship regime was introduced and political parties and the political press were prohibited. World War II brought additional pressure on journalists, because the content had to comply with the Third Reich policy. Newspapers were stopped for disapproved content, and in other cases the articles were edited without the authors’ knowledge and approval.

215

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

The final blow for the Tarnovo Constitution came in 1944 with the 9th September coup d’état. The Communist government decided to suspend all newspapers except the government ones, the official explanation being the lack of paper. Thus at the beginning of 1945, the independent Bulgarian press ceased to exist. In 1946, a law which supplemented the Press Act was adopted. It had only one paragraph, which introduced subsequent censorship. In 1947, the right of private property was permanently suspended, which brought freedom of speech in Bulgaria to an end. In December 1948, the Constitution of People’s Republic of Bulgaria was adopted and repealed all previous legislation, related to the press. The period from 1944 to 1989 is an interesting phenomenon in terms of the legal regulation of the media and the restriction of freedom of expression. Due to the specific organization of society introduced by the communist regime, there was virtually no state body that imposed institutionalized censorship. The system of state-owned printers and state-owned press distribution provided sufficient control over the content without the intervention of a higher authority (Cholakov, 2005). With the exception of the above-cited examples, from 1944 and 1946, no other legislation restricting freedom of expression during this period existed. After the fall of communism in 1989, democratic rule was established in Bulgaria. The democratic constitution adopted in 1991, as we will see below, denied all pre-1989 practices and established a Western-style massmedia model.

LITERATURE REVIEW In 2019, Bulgarian society paid a lot of attention to the World Press Freedom Index published annually by Reporters Without Borders (Reporters without Borders, 2019). Unfortunately, it did not bring any good news for Bulgarian mass media - the country took the 111th place in the ranking. Moreover, this was not a surprise, but rather a trend, because Bulgaria started descending in the list a few years earlier. In 2013, the country was still among the top 100 countries in the list (87th place), but the following year it declined sharply by 13 places to the 100th position. Over the next 5 years Bulgaria continued to move down in the ranking, and the lowest position came in 2016 - 113th place. In spite of climbing up by two places in 2018 to 111th position, Bulgaria did not show a clear tendency of improving the protection of freedom of expression, and maintained its position in 2019. To make things even more worrying – Bulgaria was far behind all the other countries of the European Union, with the nearest member state being Hungary in 89th place. Much ahead of Bulgaria were other Balkan countries such as Romania (48), Greece (65), Kosovo (70), Albania (84), North Macedonia (92), Serbia (93), Montenegro (105) and others. Apart from the first two, the rest are not members of the EU, but have expressed their willingness to apply for membership. In fact, in terms of press freedom, Bulgaria ranks among countries such as Kuwait (109), Guinea (110), Nepal (112), Benin (113), Bolivia (114), Nigeria (115), and others. Among the main reasons for Bulgaria’s low position, the Report of Reporters Without Borders (Reporters without Borders, 2019) listed the forced dismissals of the leading investigative reporters of Nova TV Genka Shikerova and Mirolyuba Benatova, as well as the attempt to dismiss Silvia Velikova from the Bulgarian National Radio in September 2019. Corruption and collusion between the media, politicians and oligarchs have been cited as another major problem in the fight for freedom of expression in Bulgaria. Specifically, the name of Delyan Peevski, who owns two national daily newspapers, a television channel, and numerous information sites, and controls a large part of the distribution of the press, stands out. The report also emphasized the government’s cash flows to certain media paid out in complete lack

216

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

of transparency. According to the report’s conclusions this provided the government with a comfortable media environment in which certain topics were covered less or not at all, and the opposition’s actions or opinions could easily be left without coverage by the important media. The third main reason for the country’s low rating was judicial investigation against reporters from independent media such as Bivol and Economedia, which increased in 2019 after revelations about corruption schemes for real estate deals. Similar concerns are expressed by Humanists International in the annual “Freedom of Thought” report (Humanists International 2019). The report emphasizes on the “high levels of political unrest that saw undue political pressure on media outlets, harassment and targeting of individual journalists, and reporters being subject to police violence during protests and demonstrations” as the main communication related factor which has contributed for Bulgaria’s 63rd position in the ranking. The overall position of Bulgaria in the Friedrich Naumann Foundation’s project “Freedom Barometer Europe” (FNF 2019) does not show any better results – Bulgaria ranks 30th amongst all European countries. The report outlines the “growing physical and verbal violence toward journalists, creating an atmosphere of fear among them” as well as the “High level corruption and strong connections between organized crime and politicians provide fertile ground and huge space for investigative journalism but at the same time make this profession very dangerous” as the most important freedom of expression issues in the country. The concentration of media ownership is not a new topic for researchers. In Europe, national media have always developed their strategies in close cooperation with the social economic system of the countries in which they function (Sibii, 2009). Few individuals and corporations own most media, thanks to their open support for certain political forces (Hrvatin & Petković 2004). The rise of online and social media, as far as the latter meets the older definitions of media, and the increasing dependence of society on them, clearly show their growing importance for the ruling elite. Staying in power has proved to be difficult to achieve without media support. In this respect, it is easy to draw parallels to the political propaganda of the communist era (Bajomi-Lázár 2013). Today, however, we prefer to talk about political marketing, rather than political propaganda. Both phenomena require a lot of financial resources and the power of political ideologies, for the owners of the media and politicians to take advantage of people’s inherent tendency to structure reality through categorization. And this, in turn, is at the heart of the political parties. No matter how much ownership, anti-cartel legislation, competition law and even ethical standards in journalism are reformed, the concern that whoever owns the media, whether the state or large corporations, will use the media to disseminate distorted interpretations without regard to pluralism of viewpoints and information (Røning, 2016), remains. In summary we can state that mass media actually produces a worldview in favor of the government (Alfandari, 2012), which strengthens the supremacy or dominance, depending on the regime, of the respective political power. However, there is another opinion regarding the importance of the new online media and the constant increase in media consumption caused by new technologies after the advent of Web 2.0. The audience’s easy access to information, even without the need for an intermediary/journalist, also facilitates access of information creators (political parties) to the audience (Bajomi-Lázár, 2013). As China’s experience shows, exercising traditional censorship by political or administrative means on new media forms requires a lot of money and maintaining a large administrative apparatus. Besides lower price and higher efficiency, direct access to the audience provides more security because it limits journalists’ ability to ask uncomfortable questions. This statement may be true if the audience is actively seeking information. Professional media, either through their traditional publications, through their websites, or through social media, push the pre-prepared content to the passive audience.

217

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

Mentioning traditional censorship, we cannot ignore the fact that in modern Bulgarian legislation there are no visible prerequisites for imposing censorship. Freedom of speech is guaranteed in the Constitution – Art. 39 guarantees freedom of expression and dissemination of opinions, and Art. 40 – Freedom of the press (Constitution of the Republic of Bulgaria), and Art. 41 – Freedom of access to information. To each of the three articles a general text is added, which describes possible cases leading to limitation of the above-mentioned freedoms – violation of good morals, calls for committing crime or for changing the constitutional order, etc. One of these cases is the defaming of another person’s good name. At the beginning of the new century, at the same time as the rise of online journalism began, there was a rapid increase in the number of libel lawsuits filed against journalists (Bulgarian Helsinki Committee 2011). This trend continues to this day. Although no special protection is provided for journalists, the majority of the cases end in an acquittal. However, the constant threat of high-value compensation claims continues to threaten freedom of speech in the form of “judicial harassment.” So far, there are discussions on decriminalization of libel and insult in media content or the abolition of criminal convictions in the form of compensation as disproportionate and non-compliant with European values (Efremov, 2019). Not all scholars, however, share the view that decriminalization of insult and libel is appropriate (Cholakov, 2005; Arabadzhiev, 2005; Legal World 2020;). The Radio and Television Act, adopted in 1998, also creates opportunities for corruption and restriction of freedom of speech, mainly in two Directions – through the license system for radio and television broadcasters and, as described in the constitution, by limiting the dissemination of specific types of content. For the purposes of controlling licenses and prohibited forms of content, the law establishes a body called the Council for Electronic Media. Since the legal framework described in the law for decision-making by this body is very broadly formulated, the decision taken by a majority is not always objective. A certain amount of equilibrium adds the fact that the decisions of the Council for Electronic Media are subject to judicial review (Cholakov, 2005), which may confirm or reject them. In the last few years, after the introduction of the concept of post-truth in Bulgarian media and political circles, public discussions on the need for revision and modernization of the Radio and Television Act are taking place. Among the main ideas are giving additional powers to the Council for Electronic Media to control online publications, to create a register of websites which offer news content, to combat fake news, and to introduce criminal responsibility for spreading fake news. Political forces from the right-wing spectrum tabled for a vote a project of a bill in this regard in 2020. After the President’s veto, the proposal was unanimously rejected as illegal, vague and threatening the freedom of speech (Ognyanova, 2020). Any such project, however, is hampered by the fact that even the definition of false/ fake news adopted by the European Commission is quite broad. According to it, false/fake news, or as predominantly perceived – disinformation, constitutes “all forms of false, inaccurate, or misleading information designed, presented and promoted to intentionally cause public harm or for profit” (European Commission, 2018). Verbal aggression and harassment affect journalists to an even greater extent. Online aggression is most widespread. A study conducted in the United States showed that over 60% of women working in the media received online threats, and about 50% received face-to-face threats (Ferrier, 2018). Statistics in Europe show similar results. The Committee for the Protection of Journalists published in 2017 a report on the increasing numbers of threats against journalists – about 60% of European journalists have been subjected to psychological pressure within the last 3 years (the results have been copied from darik.bg). Increase in the levels of verbal harassment in the online space is understandable as a result from the very nature of Web 2.0. Easy access to means for sending threats, and fictitious anonymity of the online 218

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

environment facilitate the manifestation of violent behavior (Ybarra, 2004). Increasing levels of direct verbal aggression towards journalists, however, point out something different. Cases, such as the prime minister calling the journalists „gobbling turkeys,” prove that the comfortable media environment, which we mentioned above, has already been established. And since its creation by legal means would be too visible and expensive, and likely to lead to EU sanctions, the main weapon for achieving it is actually in the hands of the journalists themselves. It is self-censorship. While the term “self-censorship” does not exist in legal terminology, it is quite real in journalistic practice. In fact, the application of self-censorship is not necessarily a bad thing. Thanks to self-censorship, for example, there is no need to create a specific authority to control the press-content prohibited by the constitution like calls for violence, change of constitutional order, etc. (Cholakov, 2005). The same can be said about protecting children from inappropriate content, protection against discrimination and other cases provided for in a number of laws. In these cases, we can argue that self-censorship depends on the conscience of journalists and their assessment of the extent to which it is appropriate to limit the published content. However, self-censorship can also be introduced at the level of the editorial board. The modern media landscape is saturated with differently themed media and it is understandable that each of them should be willing to meet the expectations of its established users. On the other hand, self-censorship at editorial level can be a way of publishing information according to the requirements of certain political forces (or business interests), which influence the owners of the media (Valkov, 2014). The constant threat of judicial harassment, psychological and sexual harassment, both online and face-to-face, physical violence, as well as a lack of proper legal protection, put journalists in the difficult situation to choose between their reporters’ conscience and their physical/mental health. The good news is that according to the already mentioned report by the Committee for the Protection of Journalists, 40% of the victims of these threats state that these events have pushed them towards even stronger resistance against all forms of censorship. However according to Dr. Michelle Ferrier (Ferrier, 2018), experienced violence made 29% of the victims think about getting out of the profession, while 37% stated they began avoiding certain stories. On the other hand, 59% of the respondents stated that they were satisfied with the response of the management of their media, after informing about the experienced aggression. There are two non-governmental organizations in Bulgaria advocating for the protection of the rights of journalists - the Union of Bulgarian Journalists (UBJ) and the Association of European Journalists (AEJ). Each of them aims at improving the ethical standards in journalism, as well as at protecting journalists, representing them before the court and the legislative authorities. Тhis includes the right of legislative initiative (UBJ, 2010)(AEJ). However, the legislative proposals of the two organisations are rarely voted on by the legislative authorities. Legal changes aimed at improving the protection of journalists initiated in 2017 by UBJ in 2020 have not yet been adopted (BNR, 2020). Therefor both NGOs usually react to acts of violence and threats against journalists informally – by publishing declarations against violence or commendations of journalists or media, as we will see in the case study part. Despite the blocking of their legislative initiatives by the Parliament, the two organizations sometimes resort to the protection of journalists through active protest campaigns. On the 1st November 2019 (the national day of Bulgarian journalism) SBJ organized protest entitled “Don’t Kill Journalism in Bulgaria!” (OffNews, 2019) However, the uniting of the journalist guild through such campaigns does not result in a decrease in the numbers of threats and pressures faced by journalists.

219

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

METHODS AND MATERIALS The case study part of the research examines recent cases of threats and violence, both physical and verbal, against journalists and their coverage on the most visited media websites. Cases of physical violence include the beatings of Ivo Nikodimov (2017) and Slavi Angelov (2020), as well as the murder of Veronika Marinova (2018). Three cases of verbal threats are also examined - against the presenter Viktor Nikolaev, the threat of a sexual nature against Radoslava Marinova, and an abusive speech of the prime minister, who called all the journalists “gobbling turkeys.” This part of the study adopts the content analysis method. Content analysis was established as a tool for the study of mass communication in the mid-twentieth century by Harold Lasswell (Lasswell, 1948) and Bernard Berelson (Berelson, 1952). According to them, the main features of the analysis are its objective and systematic approach, conditioned by the quantitative description of the content of the communication. There are two approaches to content analysis - quantitative and qualitative. According to Klaus Krippendorff (Krippendorff, 2004), the first approach is very accurate from a statistical point of view and the results can hardly be challenged. Siegfried Kracauer (Kracauer, 1952) on the other hand criticizes it for the high degree of simplification of the language, which turns the content analysis into word count, but does not provide an insight into the semiotics of the text. The second approach is more impressionistic and pays more attention to the latent meanings and speech patterns, which can construct different meanings, but its results are less reliable. It is accepted that the first approach is useful if the research starts with hypothesis, while the second is more suitable for open-question research. Both Krippendorff and Kracauer agree that quantitative approach and qualitative approach often overlap and there is no definitive conclusion on which one is better. This combined approach was also adopted in this research. The five most visited media websites in Bulgaria were selected to collect content analysis materials. These are: Vesti.bg, Nova.bg, Blitz.bg, Dnevnik.bg, and Dir.bg. The selection was made based on their rating in the Alexa system. All the publications regarding the examined cases of violence/threats published within 10 days from the date of the event were extracted from the websites mentioned above. This is the optimal period during which the initial impulsive responses gradually shift to more balanced and reasonable opinions, and, as the results of the research showed, in some cases even to being totally buried in the news flow. The texts were saved in MS Word files and the selected keywords and phrases were counted and coded throughout the texts using the program’s search function. In addition, qualitative analysis was performed to identify changes in the connotative meaning of keywords and phrases over time. The research also includes the results of an anonymous survey conducted between journalism students and professional journalists. The 21 replies received allow us to track the attitude of the respondents regarding the contemporary censorship in the Bulgarian media, as well as to what extent threats and violence provoke self-censorship.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION The analysis of the publications, covering the selected six cases of physical violence and verbal aggression against journalists showed both some common characteristics and significant differences in the presentation and interpretation of the events by the examined media websites. While similarities were

220

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

obvious – for example, the negative attitude towards physical violence, attempts by state or other players to limit freedom of speech, sexual humiliation, etc., the differences were of a much wider spectrum and were conditioned by various factors, including type of media, ownership, attitude of media to the victims, commercialization of the media, and even value system of the media. Below we will look at the six cases of violence in order to outline the approaches in the different cases, and to draw conclusions about freedom of speech, the attitude of the media concerning its protection, and the level of self-censorship in their coverage. Figure 1. Total number of examined publications by cases

The beating of Ivo Nikodimov, a reporter and presenter from the Bulgarian National Television, on July 25, 2017, was relatively sparsely covered by the websites. The average number of publications on the topic within ten days after the aggression was 8-10 on a website. A big exception was Blitz.bg with 33 publications. This difference is due to the more fragmented style of tabloid coverage, characteristic of this relatively new news agency. A generally negative attitude to violence prevailed in the headlines, with only 3% of headlines directly mentioning freedom of speech. However, the keywords aggression, assault, fighting, beaten, bully and their derivatives occurred in over 79% of the titles. The use of these words clearly highlighted the experience of the injured journalist and did not mitigate the presented news, as would have happened with the more general definition “violence” (which occurred in only 3% of the titles). Without exception Vesti.bg, Nova.bg, Dnevnik.bg, and Dir.bg wrote their titles in calm news style, without giving different connotative meaning to words or expressions. On the other hand, Blitz.bg often resorted to the use of words as optical magnets to attract readers. The agency used phrases such as “Shock!”, “Horror!”, “Extraordinary!”, “From the last minutes”, “Exclusive”, “Hot News” in over 27% of its headlines (over 13% of the total headlines). The purpose of these definitions was not to reflect any aspect of the described events. An example of this was the news article from July 25, 2017,

221

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

entitled “Extraordinary! Secretary General Marinov with hot details about the beating of the journalist Nikodimov.” When reading the news, it becomes clear that it was nothing extraordinary, but a common meeting with journalists after a visit to the crime scene, and the “hot details” were actually two working versions of the motives for the attack, focusing primarily on hooligan motives. The use of this method and its significance for the interpretation of events are debatable. The presentation of ordinary news as “hot” or “extraordinary” is typical of tabloids, and represents a compromise with quality journalism. The genre distribution of the publications showed a definite superiority of information genres over analytical ones. The short news and information notes prevailed significantly, with over 32% of the publications viewed having less than 200 words, and only 4.4% having over 500 words. Each of the publications of Nova.bg and Vesti.bg was accompanied by video files, 25% of which lasted over 3 minutes, 68.75% – between 1 and 3 minutes, and 6.25% – less than 1 minute. Just like the text of the publications, the videos presented typical news styles – press conferences, media briefings, interviews with security experts, and politicians. Just like the titles, the texts of publications from the information genres clearly showed the negative attitude to violence. The attitude towards law enforcement was neutral. Figure 2. Size and genre distribution of the examined publications by cases.(Most of the publications on the murder of Victoria Marinova offer mixed genres, so they are not included in the graph.)

The analytic genres were very poorly represented – they occurred in only 14.7% of the publications. However, they were all negative towards the state government and the security authorities. In half of them the credit for their analytical focus belonged not so much to the media itself, but to journalists from the Bulgarian National Television Blagoj Tizelkov and Polly Zlatareva, who, besides answering the questions about the status of the journalist, analyzed the state of freedom of speech and protection of both journalists and citizens. They emphasized that aggression was everywhere, society was numb, and there was a sense of impunity and a deficit of justice. These keywords were found only in the coverage of this interview, which was published in whole or in part (in video or text format) by all media reviewed. The remaining 50% of the analytical materials on the websites were dedicated to analyzing whether the rising violence in society, the peak of which was the beating of Ivo Nikodimov, did not lead to a return of the atmosphere from the 90s and the beginning of the century, when numerous contract killings remained unsolved, and beatings and threats were practically daily events. These analyses were caused

222

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

by the Ministry of Interior statistics, which pointed out that by mid-2017 there had been 71 murders in the country. All media, with the exception of the Blitz.bg news agency, presented the information based on cited sources and background information. In Blitz.bg, the information was presented fragmented, which made it difficult to perceive, but in general the agency also followed the criteria for objectivity. The overwhelming information coverage of the beating and the ensuing investigation and the complete lack of attempts to investigate Ivo Nikodimov’s work led the media in the Direction of adherence to the official version by the second day. The statement of Blagoy Tizelkov and Polly Zlatareva, as well as the official position of the Bulgarian National Television that this was an attack on freedom of speech, remained without a more serious media reaction. As a result, the case quickly faded. Three days after the attack, publications specifically concerning this event stopped on all sites, and on the sixth day (July 31, 2017) all the websites published a brief announcement that Ivo Nikodimov had been released from the hospital. Until the end of the ten-day period, only Blitz.bg published unconfirmed information about an unknown man who was attacked with Ivo Nikodimov. The attackers were not discovered, and two weeks after the attack, Ivo Nikodimov returned to work after a minor facial surgery. Figure 3. Presence of keywords describing the acts of aggression in the titles of the examined publications.

The attack on Slavi Angelov, the second case of physical violence against a journalist, which the research examines, showed the same trend. Within 10 days of the event the websites published a total of 36 publications on the topic. The publications were apparently even fewer than those of Ivo Nikodimov’s attack. The information site Vesti.bg published only 3 materials within 10 days after the beating, Nova. bg – 5, Dir.bg – 6, Dnevnik.bg – 7, and Blitz.bg - 15 publications. The headlines of the articles again gаve a clear idea of the definite disapproval of violence and the keywords aggression, assault, fighting, beaten, bully and their derivatives were not found in only 5.5% of them. In the same percentage of publications there was a direct definition of what had happened as an attack on freedom of speech. This time we found titles using words with different meaning – for example the publication of Dnevnik.bg from March 20, 2020, entitled “News from the front - what did the attempt on Slavi Angelov remind us of”. Of course, there was no war and no front, but the fight against attacks against journalists and freedom of speech could be likened to a military front. The article raised questions about the dependence of regional media, pressure from politicians and government structures,

223

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

pressure from other stakeholders, fear, self-censorship and many others. It provided statistics on all cases of attacks on journalists, prosecutions of media, verbal and other threats. Another similarity between the two cases lied in the size of the publications. Again, short publications predominated – 33.3% were up to 200 words (including a publication of less than 100 words), and 8.33% had more than 500 words. Another common feature between the first two cases dealt with was the genre distribution of publications. Information genres included 75% of publications, while analytical ones were 25%. Dnevnik.bg had a strong progress in this respect, with 42.86%. In fact, the analytical articles were not actually written by the authors of the website. For example, the publication entitled “Defenders: The attack on a journalist is an assassination on freedom of speech” from March 18, 2020, quoted opinions from the OSCE, the Bulgarian Helsinki Committee and other organizations, describing physical threats to journalists as a threat to freedom of speech. Another analytical material published in all examined media was an interview by Victor Nikolaev (Nova TV, 19.03.2020) with Venelina Gocheva, publisher of 168 Chasa weekly. The interview was practically a comment on the working conditions of journalists and their security, the influence of the oligarchy on freedom of speech and other related issues. Vesti.bg and Nova.bg put the 10-minute interview as a video file in their publications, while other media only published certain parts of it. News agency Blitz.bg also raised these questions with two large analytical materials, which, however, were not written by the authors of the agency. The first represented excerpts from interviews with Borislav Zyumbyulev, editor-in-chief of 24 Chasa daily, and Venelina Gocheva, and the second – copied text from the Facebook profile of Slavi Trifonov, showman and owner of TV channel 7/8. Publications from the information genres marked as motive for the attack the journalistic work of Slavi Angelov. On the day after the event, a phone interview by Anton Hekimyan (BTv, 18.03.2020) with Venelina Gocheva outlined this main motive and the robbery was rejected. This was confirmed as an official version on March 19, 2020. One important feature of this case was that when describing what happened, media often engaged in more graphic details - description of the injuries suffered by Angelov and the way they were caused. A controversial question is how appropriate this was and why these articles were in no way noted for the presence of disturbing content. Despite the differences in the tone of publications with regard to law enforcement and all factors leading to suppression of freedom of speech and breach of journalists’ safety, the reluctance of media to ask questions was obvious. The focus was placed on quotes or press releases, briefings and interviews with experts and politicians. This gave the impression that the coverage of events took place without the actual participation of journalists, and the media was meant to push officially prepared materials to the audience. The most tragic case of violence included in the research was the murder of television reporter and host Victoria Marinova. Performed during the day, in a busy pedestrian alley in the town of Ruse, it had strong response in society. This is obvious from the number of publications on the subject – a total of 179 within 10 days. Curious is the fact that when searching the archive of Nova.bg, only three results came out. A check at web.archive.org, showed that during the examined period of 2018, the publications were actually around 20, but were subsequently deleted. The reason for this self-censorship will become clear later. The key words of the titles were different from those in the previous cases – mainly because they contained the word “murder” with many of its derivatives, as well as “rape”, and the profession of the victim was often emphasized, and therefore the key words included “journalist”, “reporter,” and “presenter”. At a later stage of the investigation, the name of the killer, Severin, appeared among the key 224

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

words. These keywords were present in 82.68% of all titles. The publications were longer than the ones examined so far and there was only one article under 200 words. Approximately 14% of the publications fell in the range of 200 to 500 words, and the rest were longer than 500 words. Genre definition of publications in this case was difficult because informational and analytic genres were often mixed. Conditionally, we can divide the coverage of the murder of Victoria Marinova into two stages, which are clearly distinguishable within the 10 days. The first period covered the day of the murder and next two days, during which there was no officially announced suspect in the murder. In this period the first reactions around the world began – a letter from the UN has been received calling on the perpetrators of crimes against journalists to be punished (Dnevnik.bg 09/10/2018). Similar letters were received from the European Commission and Reporters Without Borders, insisting that the crimes against freedom of speech and security of journalists be investigated in detail. This seems to have encouraged the media to consider various possible motives, among which the most important ones were a crime in relation to the victim’s work as an investigative journalist, or a crime with a sexual or personal motive. This lead to a number of analytical articles, mainly related to the suppression of freedom of speech. Their tone was negative in terms of the media environment, the weak protection of freedom of speech in the state, pressure on the media by political forces and oligarchs, and similar factors. However, there was often a desire for the particular media to be used as a “bat” against competition. Contrary to all ethical and legal requirements, Dnevnik.bg published on October 9, 2018 a comment of the former Minister of Justice entitled “Hristo Ivanov: Without clarifying the case “G.P Group”, we will not know whether there is still any connection to the murder in Ruse” which didn’t provide any specific evidence of the possible relationship. On the same day, however, two more analyses were published on the same website, objectively looking at the media situation in the state – “Publishers: Because of the bad media environment, society connects the murder in Ruse to the profession of the victim,” and “The murder is here to silence us”. The second period began on the evening of October 9, 2018, with the news that a suspect had been arrested in Germany. On the next morning, Prime Minister Boyko Borissov expressed his strong discontent with the media, as well as with the international institutions and ambassadors of foreign countries who “discredited the name of Bulgaria.” The media presented this in the already known information style – literally and without questions or objections. The titles were very similar ”Borisov: Bulgarians have tarnished their country grossly“(Vesti.bg 10/10/2018), ”Quote of the day: For three days I read monstrous things about Bulgaria and none true” (Dnevnik.bg, 10/10/2018); “Borisov is furious about the murder: Bulgarians and Brussels have brutally slandered the country.” Only Dnevnik.bg responded with a comment “If the media here were power, Borisov and Tsvetanov would not be.” The strong discontent of Prime Minister Boyko Borisov put an end to the issues of freedom of speech and security of journalists in Bulgaria. From the cases examined in the study, this was the most vivid example of government pressure on freedom of speech. Journalists were accused of a “hybrid” attack on the state without being quite clear what that means, and in order for the effect to be even stronger, the Prime Minister organized a meeting of the ambassadors of foreign countries in Bulgaria, at which he urged them to consult officially with the authorities before making statements (Dnevnik.bg, 10/10/2018) As of this moment, the media focused on the suspect in the murder. Active investigations were made by Vesti.bg and Nova.bg (apparent from the publications of Vesti.bg). The versions were narrowed to a purely drug-related sex crime. During this period news agency BlitzBlitz.bg played as a media “bat.” In two publications dated October 10, it attacked the competition from Dnevnik.bg – “The dramaturgist Alexander Urumov exposed the ominous servants of Soros about their abuse with Victoria’s death” and 225

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

“Commentary: The vultures, which feasted on the body of Victoria Marinova for 4 days, shut up and disappeared”. The three cases of verbal aggression towards journalists, which this study is looking at, represented the direct pressure of political players on freedom of speech. The very fact that the threats were made in front of cameras showed the lack of respect for the media as an institution and the feeling of impunity in Bulgarian politicians. The threats by a Member of Parliament and a minister to Viktor Nikolaev because of the inconvenient questions about corruption schemes during a Direct broadcast on October 6, 2017 lead to 82 publications on the research websites. The sexual insinuations of a member of Parliament to reporter Radoslava Marinova, made in Parliament’s building, and the statement of the Prime Minister describing journalists as “gobbling turkeys” were very lightly covered (respectively 4 and 10 publications), rather as a curio, and did not provoke a significant reaction. Verbal aggression was present as a central theme in about 65.6% of the publications, while the rest were only mentioned without a description of the case or additional information, which is why they were not included in the analysis. The key words were different from the cases of physical abuse. For verbal aggression against Viktor Nikolaev, key words such as “threat,” “impression,” “fire” and their derivatives were used. In the other two cases, publications were too few to define keywords, but depending on the topic in all titles, the word “turkeys” or “underwear” was present. In this group, short articles of up to 200 words were again published, representing 11.1% of all publications. Articles with more than 500 words were approximately 28.5%. The genre distribution was conditioned by the topic - while all publications about sexual suggestion to Radoslava Marinova were from the information genres, 25% of the articles about threats against Viktor Nikolaev and the Prime Minister’s reply to journalists that they were “turkeys” were from the analytical genres. The threat against Viktor Nikolaev also showed very good examples of changes in the connotative meaning of publications. Even the information materials had a negative tone against politicians Anton Todorov and Valery Simeonov. After the initial publications, Valery Simeonov stated that he intended to sue four media outlets and demanded an apology from them. The media noted this as an ultimatum (for example: on 07/10/17 Blitz.bg published the headline: After the scandal with Viktor Nikolaev: Valery Simeonov wants four media to apologize to him and put an ultimatum.), and Simeonov himself was ironically described in the headlines as a victim of the media. A comparison of journalists with turkeys, made by Prime Minister Borisov, made Dnevnik.bg call him “the one who talks to turkeys” in the title of an ironic photo gallery, hinting at his frequent appearances in front of cameras. The immediate media reaction to the threats against Viktor Nikolaev subsequently led to silent protests of journalists before the Council of Ministers, and later to the resignation of Anton Todorov. The reaction against the definition “turkeys” has been noted as a positive development of the Bulgarian media environment by the Association of European Journalists.

SURVEY RESULTS The anonymous poll, conducted among journalism students and professional journalists, was aimed at identifying the extent to which they were exposed to limiting freedom of speech and physical and verbal threats. Answers were received from 21 respondents from different age and professional groups. The predominant part of the responses (12) were received by journalism students aged 18-24, and the rest of the responses were distributed between the groups from 25 to 35 years (6 replies), and 35-50 (3

226

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

replies). The accumulated journalistic experience ranged from 1-3 years in the first group, to over 15 years in the second and third groups. The majority of respondents (85.7%) reported that they had been victims of threats or harassment in the course of their work. Most often threats had been received online, via e-mail, social media, or comments to publications. 23.8% of responses indicated receiving face-to-face threats. Online spying was indicated by 4.7% of respondents, and none of them indicated physical abuse. Respondents recognized self-censorship as a common occurrence in their work. The majority noted that they regularly censored their own articles because of their own convictions. On the other hand, 76% noted that regular self-censorship was imposed at the level of editors in relation to editorial policy. The weak regulation of ownership, the low level of legal protection of journalists, and the roles of political and other players were highlighted as major problems for freedom of speech. Although they considered their profession dangerous, most respondents said they were not afraid to practice it. It is noticeable that older reporters took the dangers more calmly. On the other hand, young reporters were more optimistic about the future of the profession. The question of the adoption of a law against fake news did not receive a clear answer in the poll. The lack of a clear definition of false news and the resulting threats to freedom of speech were the main cause of this uncertainty. On the other hand, the majority of respondents noted that clauses for special protection of journalists in their work must be included in the legislation.

CONCLUSION This chapter presented a study on the threats to the security of journalists and the possibilities for limiting the freedom of speech in Bulgaria. It has been found that constitutional protection of freedom of speech is at an adequate level comparable to that in Europe and the United States. The threats in modern legislation stem mainly from the interpretations of the definitions of possible violations by journalists, which lead to the possibility of judicial harassment by other stakeholders. The State does not apply institutionally organized preliminary or subsequent censorship, and the rare actions in this regard in cases of violations by any media are judged by the court for lawfulness. The cases of violence and threats against journalists identified political pressure as a major factor threatening the freedom of speech. Another factor lies in the very pronounced self-censorship among the media. The reluctance to ask questions, the preference of officially sent press material to journalistic investigation and analysis make the media a kind of mailbox for messages from the government to the citizens. Although the examples of the coverage of violence and threats to journalists proved the existence of self-censorship, in this case no direct evidence was found that it was caused by the ownership, except in cases where the media are used as a “bat.” As the majority of respondents in the survey pointed out namely ownership as a source of censorship and pressure, future research could make an in-depth analysis of the concentration of ownership of the Bulgarian media market and the role of political and business players in it.

227

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

REFERENCES Alfandari, E. (2012). Social theory of mass communication. Sofia: SUDIGITAL, Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”. APNEWS. (1998). Acid Thrown at Bulgarian Reporter. Retrieved from: https://apnews.com/fb36b42053a878eeeb4d58ec63db715f Arabadzhiev, A. (2005). Freedom of opinion. In Media law. A dictionary of basic concepts (pp. 408 – 503). Sofia: Trud Association of European Journalists (AEJ). Retrieved from: https://new.aej-bulgaria. org/%d0%b7%d0%b0-%d0%bd%d0%b0%d1%81/ Bajomi-Lázár, P. (2013). From political propaganda to political marketing. Changing patterns of political communication in Central and Eastern Europe. In Media transformations in the post-communist world. Eastern Europe’s tortured path to change (pp. 49-66). Plymouth: Lexington Books. Berelson, B. (1952). Content Analysis in Communication Research. The Free Press. Bulgarian Helsinki Committee. (2011). Are Bulgarian journalists protected against accusations of insult and libel? Retrieved from: https://issuu.com/bghelsinki/docs/are-bulgarian-journalists-protectedagainst-accusa Bulgarian National Radio (BNR). (2020). Legislative changes to the protection of the journalistic profession are demanded by the UBJ. Retrieved from: https://www.bnr.bg/post/101229138/zakonodatelnipromeni-v-zashtita-na-jurnalisticheskata-profesia-iskat-ot-sbj Carlsson, U. (Ed.). (2016). Freedom of expression and media in transition: Studies and reflections in the Digital Age. Goteborg: NORDICOM. Charlesworth, M. (1943). Freedom of Speech in Republican Rome - Laura Robinson: Freedom of Speech in the Roman Republic. The Classical Review, 57(1), 49–49. doi:10.1017/S0009840X00311283 Cholakov, R. (2005). Censorship. In R. Cholakov (Ed.), Media law. A dictionary of basic concepts (pp. 408–503). Trud. Committee to Protect Journalists. (2018). Bulgarian TV host Viktoria Marinova raped and killed. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/2018/10/bulgarian-tv-host-victoria-marinova-raped-and-kill/ Committee to Protect Journalists. (2020). Journalist Slavi Angelov assaulted in Bulgaria. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/2020/03/journalist-slavi-angelov-assaulted-in-bulgaria/ Constitution, T. (1879). Tarnovo Constitution. Retrieved from: https://www.parliament.bg/bg/17 Constitution of Republic of Bulgaria. (1991). Constitution of republic of Bulgaria. Retrieved from: https://www.parliament.bg/bg/const

228

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

Council of Europe. (2017). Bulgarian TV Presenter Assaulted and Injured in Central Sofia. Retrieved from: https://www.coe.int/en/web/media-freedom/detail-alert?p_p_id=sojdashboard_WAR_ coesojportlet&p_p_lifecycle=2&p_p_cacheability=cacheLevelPage&p_p_col_id=column-4&p_p_ col_count=1&_sojdashboard_WAR_coesojportlet_alertPK=37917653&_sojdashboard_WAR_coesojportlet_cmd=get_pdf_one Efremov, E. (2019). Decriminalisation of “insult” and “slaughter” in media content. In L. Stoykov, S. Angova, M. Tzvetkova, & S. Tzankova (Eds.), Media and public communications (Vol. 41). Academic Press. European Commission. (2018). A multi-dimensional approach to disinformation. Luxembourg: Publications office of the European Union. Retrieved from: https://ec.europa.eu/digital-single-market/en/news/ final-report-high-level-expert-group-fake-news-and-online-disinformation European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights. (2016). Violence, threats and pressure against journalists and other media actors in the EU. Retrieved from: https://fra.europa.eu/en/publication/2016/ violence-threats-and-pressures-against-journalists-and-other-media-actors-european Ferrier, M. (2018). Attacks and Harassment. The impact on female journalists and their reporting. Retrieved from: https://www.iwmf.org/attacks-and-harassment/ Friedrich Naumann Foundation. (2019). Freedom Barometer Europe. Retrieved from: http://freedombarometer.org/ Government Offices of Sweden. (2016). The Swedish Press Act: 250 years of freedom of the press. Retrieved from: https://www.government.se/articles/2016/06/the-swedish-press-act-250-years-of-freedomof-the-press2 Hrvatin, S., & Petković, B. (2004). Regional Overview. In S. Hrvatin & B. Petković (Eds.), Media ownership and its impact ot media independence and pluralism (pp. 10–38). SEENMPS and Peace Institute. Humanists International. (2019). The Freedom of Thought Report. Retrieved from: https://fot.humanists.international/ Information Commissioner’s Office. When can we refuse a request for information? Retrieved from: https://ico.org.uk/for-organisations/guide-to-freedom-of-information/refusing-a-request/ Jamil, S. (2014). Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom: Journalists’ Understandings and Practices in Pakistan. In C. Schimdt (Ed.), Pakistan’s Media Landscape: The Effects of Liberalization (pp. 46–85). Deutsche Welle Akademie. Jamil, S. (2015). Understandings and Practices of Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom in Pakistan: Ethnography of Karachi Journalistic Environment (PhD Thesis). University of Queensland, Australia. Retrieved from: https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/43362662.pdf Jamil, S. (2016). Journalism practice and freedom of expression: Challenges and constraints in Pakistan. In B. Lippe & R. Ottosen (Eds.), Gendering War and Peace Reporting: Some Insights – Some Missing Links. Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2017a). Freedom under pressure? Threats to journalists’ safety in Pakistan. In U. Carlsson & R. Poyhtari (Eds.), Assault on Journalism (pp. 323–329). Nordicom.

229

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

Jamil, S. (2017b). Freedom of expression and journalists’ safety: An analysis of conflict reporting and peace journalism education in Pakistan. Journal of the Association of Journalism Education, 6(2), 7–16. Jamil, S. (2018). Safety threats, impunity and professionalism: Journalists’ dilemma in Pakistan. Journal of Sociology and Anthropology, 6(7), 571–578. doi:10.13189a.2018.060702 Jamil, S. (2019a). The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety. IGI Global. Jamil, S. (2019b). Culture of impunity and safety of journalists: Is safe journalism a distant dream in Pakistan? Retrieved from: http://worldofmedia.ru/Culture%20of%20impunity%20and%20safety%20 of%20journalists.pdf Jamil, S., & Muschert, G. (2020). Risks to Journalists’ Safety and the Vulnerability of Media Freedom in the U.S. In G. Muschert, K. Budd, M. Christian, & R. Perucci (Eds.), Agenda for Social Justice: Solutions for 2020. Policy Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctv14rmnsb.21 Kracauer, S. (1952). The Challenge of Qualitative Content Analysis. Public Opinion Quarterly, 16(4), 631–642. doi:10.1086/266427 Krippendorff, K. (2004). Content Analysis: An Introduction to Its Methodology. Sage. Lasswell, H. D. (1948). Power and Personality. Academic Press. Legal Information Institute. (2020). First Amendment. Retrieved from: https://www.law.cornell.edu/ wex/first_amendment Legal World. (2020). Insult and defamation according to the recommendations of the report on human rights and through the prism of 37 countries. Retrieved from: https://legalworld.bg/86065.obidata-iklevetata-spored-preporykite-na-doklada-po-pravata-na-choveka-i-prez-prizmata-na-37-dyrjavi.html OffNews. (2019). The UBJ organizes a protest in front of the Parliament, distributes its annual awards. Retrieved from: https://offnews.bg/medii/sbzh-organizira-protest-pred-parlamenta-razdava-godishnitesi-nagradi-714528.html Ognyanova, N. (2013). Bulgarian journalists are under attack. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/2013/09/ bulgarian-journalists-are-under-attack/ Ognyanova, N. (2020). Prof. Neli Ognyanova on media legislation and freedom of speech in Bulgaria. Retrieved from: https://medium.com/@asengenov/nelly-ognyanova-media-freedom-media-law1d5899981110 Panayotov, Ph. (1999). Journalism. In Ph. Panayotov (Ed.), Bulgaria 20. Century (pp. 827–915). Trud. Panayotov, T. (2011). Legal framework and regulation of newspaper activity in Bulgaria. In V. Mihaylov, D. Boshnakova, M. Meltev & R. Marinov (Eds.), Yearbook 2011. New Bulgarian University. Mass Communications Department. Retrieved from: http://ebox.nbu.bg/mascom12/lessons.php Raaflaub, K., Ober, J., Wallace, R., Cartledge, P., & Farrar, C. (2007). Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece. University of California Press. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/j.ctt1pp9pt

230

 Bulgarian Journalists Under Pressure

Reporters Without Borders. (2019). 2019 World Press Freedom Index. Retrieved from: https://rsf.org/en Røning, H. (2016). On press freedom and other media freedoms. In U. Carlsson (Ed.), Freedom of Expression and Media in Transition. Studies and reflections in the digital age (pp. 43–53). NORDICOM. Sibii, R. (2009). Europe. In Ch. Sterling (Ed.), Encyclopedia of journalism (pp. 554–557). Sage Publications Inc. doi:10.4135/9781412972048.n145 UNESCO. (2019). Intensified attacks, new defences. Retrieved from: https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ ark:/48223/pf0000371343 Union of Bulgarian Journalists (UBJ). (2010). Goals and tasks. Retrieved from: https://sbj-bg.eu/index. php?t=43 Valkov, I. (2014). Self-censorship – a sense of security in an unpredictable environment. Retrieved from: https://e-vestnik.bg/21563/avtotsenzurata-useshtane-za-sigurnost-v-nepredvidima-sreda Ybarra, M. L., & Mitchell, K. J. (2004). Youth engaging in online harassment: Associations with caregiver-child relationships, Internet use, and personal characteristics. Journal of Adolescence, 27(3), 319–336. doi:10.1016/j.adolescence.2004.03.007 PMID:15159091

KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Freedom of Expression: One of the fundamental human rights, guaranteed by national constitutions in the democratic societies, as well as by many international agreements. The freedom to act according to your own will and to disseminate your opinion by speech, art, press or other method. Freedom of Speech: The freedom to say what you think. It is included in the definition of freedom of expression, and is often used regarding the work of journalists and media. Both freedoms are often taken for granted, but require legal protection. Safety/Security of Journalists: The protection of journalists against threats, ensured both legally and ethically. Threats: Any form of danger, physical or verbal, faced by journalists. Verbal Aggression: Any kind of aggression induced verbally. It could be based on racism, sexism, threats of physical violence, defamation, etc.

231

232

Chapter 13

The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media Mariam Gersamia Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Georgia Maia Toradze Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Georgia Liana Markariani Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Georgia

ABSTRACT This research analyzes the media landscape in Georgia from a gender equality perspective to identify the existing stereotypes dominant in Georgian media organizations. Georgia (country) faces the challenges related to femicide, domestic violence, employment of women, early or forced marriages, sexual harassment, blackmailing of female journalists, and there is a lack of awareness regarding gender equality. The study answers research questions: What sociocultural context and basic psychological motivators drive females to choose journalism as a profession? Is there any gender inequality regarding the workplace and positions in Georgian media (TV, print, radio, and online media) and if ‘yes’ how does it present? Are there any predefined topics/themes covered specifically by the male or female journalists? What gender-related stereotypes (if any) dominate/take over in Georgian media?

INTRODUCTION Georgia is a country with ancient culture and the first female king – Tamar (reigned in the XII century) is still recognized as a symbol of power. In the medieval epic poem ‘The Knight in the Panther’s Skin’ (XII century) by Shota Rustaveli, the idea of ​​equality between men and women is taken to the highest level.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch013

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media

In general, the visible struggle for women’s rights began in Georgia in the XIX century. In 1871 the famous Georgian publicist Sergei Meskhi in his letter ‘What have women lost and what are they looking for?’ emphasized the need for women’s education and wrote: ‘Even those whose mind is not obsessed with ancestral thoughts and superstition, it is clearly proven that woman is born equal to man, that her enslavement, deprivation of different rights, hurts humanity instead of goodness... It has been proven that a woman is not born only for childbearing, for sweet feelings and to adorn the world.’(1971, Kvali). In the XIX century a sharp critique of conservative attitudes towards women’s roles began in Georgian media. Ilia Chavchavadze - a progressive Georgian public figure, recognized the equal rights of women in all fields of public activity and culture. Gender scholars (Kiknadze & Donadze, 2006) note that Ilia saw in the women’s liberation movement the rudiments that would led to the equalization of women with men. As Chavchavadze is citied in ‘Gender- social and political studies’: ‘The time is not far when women’s affairs will succeed and this whole half of humanity will be invited to the world table to take their rightful place’(Kiknadze & Donadze, 2006). Naturally, the issues of women’s equality were also covered in the Georgian media and forced the society to ponder. The first Georgian newspaper - ‘The Georgian Newspaper’ - was published in 1819. Since then, a number of Georgian printed, broadcasting radio and TV-media have been established, and it can be said that women’s rights have been in the spotlight of Georgian journalists from the very beginning. Women journalists have made a significant contribution to the actualization of this issue. For example, one of the first women actively writing and publishing critical articles in the Georgian press of the XIX century was Barbare Jorjadze. She was distinguished with her steadfastness and support for progressive ideas, actively fighting for women’s rights. Here is what she wrote in the article ‘A Few Words for attention of Young Men’ published in 1893 in the magazine ‘Kvali’: ‘Our men must give up their arrogance and jealousy, give their sisters equal education and guidance, that they may even follow in the footsteps of modern women.’ (Kvali, 1893). Women editors were also at the forefront of Georgian journalism. One of them was Kato Mikeladze - editor of the newspaper ‘Voice of a Georgian Woman’ (1917-1918). This newspaper consolidated the Western experience and values needed for the women’s liberation movement and the whole palette of Georgian problems. Kato Mikeladze was one of the first Georgian women educated in Europe who brought to Georgia progressive values and ideas (Gaprindashvili, 2014). In 1918-1921, Georgia gained independence from the Russian Empire. Female journalists became especially active during this period, but this freedom did not last long - in 1921 the country was annexed by Russian Soviet troops and the Georgian press became part of Soviet ideology and propaganda. As mentioned by researchers ‘development of Georgian media stalled but the media managed to survive under omnipresent Soviet propaganda, the legacy of which still looms large on the country’s media landscape’ (Gersamia and Freedman, 2017). Even then, some female journalists confronted Soviet terror and strongly unmasked the dark sides of the communist regime. For example, a journalist Nazi Shamanauri, who had been publishing critical articles, was punished for her professional activities. On June 7, 1974, she published another article in the newspaper ‘Village Life’, after which her harassment and prosecution as a journalist, began. As the sources have evidenced, on August 14, 1982, she delivered a speech at one of the festivities and unmasked certain officials for arbitrariness and crime. She was immediately arrested. The court sentenced Nazi Shamanauri, as an unreliable Soviet person, to forced 233

 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media

treatment in a psychiatric hospital. The journalist died in the psychiatry hospital after a 70-days hunger strike (source: National Library of the Parliament of Georgia). Georgia regained its status of an independent republic on April 9, 1991. During the last 30 years, Georgian media landscape has become more active, but polarized. With a media sustainability index of 2.25, freedom of speech index 2.48, professional journalism 2.23, and plurality of news 2.43, business management 1. 57, supporting institutions 2.54 in 2019 on a scale from a low of 0 to a high of 4 (International Research & Exchange Board, 2019), Freedom House scores the press freedom status as partly free and the country at 61, which is partly free as well, on a scale of 0 to 100 (Freedom House, 2020); Reporters Without Borders ranks it as the 60th among 180 countries with a score of 28.98 which indicates the status of problematic ones (Reporters Without Borders, 2020). Media sustainability index provides the number of printed publication outlets, radio stations, television stations nationwide, based on National Statistics Office of Georgia and Georgian National Communications Registry. These print organizations are: 218 newspapers: 16 daily, 52 weekly, 37 monthly; Broadcast: 91 active radio broadcasting licenses, 98 television broadcasters, 30 multiplex operators (International Research & Exchange Board, 2019, p. 148). Historical traditions have contributed to the active engagement of women in the media field, and today the number of female journalists is much higher than that of men, similar figures are observed in higher education institutions, where there are far more female students in the field of journalism and mass communication. In parallel to the abovementioned, women’s economic independence and involvement in politics remains a challenge in Georgia. It was also influenced by the Soviet period and the political-economic system characteristic for the countries of young democracies. Since gaining independence (1991), the number of media organizations and women employed in the media has increased significantly. This may be stipulated by the fact that in a certain cultural context and socio-economic system, women are still unable to fully demonstrate their competence and autonomy in politics, are not economically strong and compensate for fulfillment of human needs by working in the media. It is interesting to analyze these motives and reasons. In this regard, it is interesting to interpret the data through a self-determination theory approach and to find out what might be the main motivator for women journalists in choosing their profession in a country with the Georgian-type political-economic arrangement and in the cultural context. Study offers further validation for Maslow’s Hierarchy of needs and self-determination theory and establishes a connection between human needs’ fulfillment and existing stereotypes in media organization. In this regard, we set a question: what motivates people to choose certain professions (e.g. what human needs motivate journalists to be in the center of breaking news). We apply self-determination theory to a phenomenon that is not well understood and refers to the motivations behind choosing journalism as a profession.

LITERATURE REVIEW Spreading information about gender equality is necessary and crucially important for reaching equal rights. But sometimes, even in media organizations, women’s rights are often violated, which is mostly related to different stereotypes (Jamil, 2020, 2018, 2017a, 2017b, 2016, 2015, 2014; Claudia et al., 2018).

234

 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media

In line with Global Priority Gender, UNESCO is contributing to achieving full gender equality in media by 2030. Yet, discrimination against women persists in all aspects of society and Media organizations are not exception, especially in the Caucasus region, where stereotypes are very easy to establish (Jamil, 2019a, 2019b). According to EBU gender equality guidelines, in Europe, women represent 44% of the public service media workforce, but only 25% of executive positions. Stereotypes and biases persist in media and there is an urgent need to expose a realistic picture. The point here is that it is not only a matter of how many women are included but also of how women are represented (EBU, 2019). It’s worth to mention, that stereotypes are deeply established not only in executive positions but in public media workforce too. Research shows, that when dividing and scoring women and men employees by skills and taken positions, women are gaining 10% higher score than the men in reporting and speech writing, while men gain 10% higher in publication design and audio visual production skills (Theus, 1985). This fact emphasizes that technical and hard work (for example: cameraperson) is not for woman because of some physical differences (Mandell, 2019). There is a difference and disproportion between topics covered by female and male journalists. Geertsema highlights that ‘Female reporters are especially facing an uphill battle as war reporters, sports reporters, and as opinion columnists. War reporting is considered to be one of the most difficult areas of journalism for female (and male) reporters because of the hyper-masculine military environment and physical dangers’ (Geertsema, 2018, p. 3). It is notable, that sports media and its coverage are powerful in shaping norms and stereotypes about gender and diversity. According to UNESCO, 40% of all sports participants globally are women, yet female represent only around 4% of all sports media coverage (UNESCO, 2012). Rosalind Gill even emphasizes that sometimes women are not self-confident and that they are following some stereotypes. Moreover, even when speaking about digital programming, ‘the woman would say ‘I only know HTML (etc, etc)’, while men would emphasize that ‘I know a lot: HTML, etc. etc.’ (Gill, 2013, p. 78). In research ‘Who Leads More and Why? A Mediation Model from Gender to Leadership Role Occupancy’ Porto and authors mention that sometimes women believe that gender effects on their carrier and position in any organization (As citied in Hernandez Bark et al., 2016). Beside this fact other authors mention that even in 1997 the ‘economic rights frame emphasized women’s past economic achievements and unfinished employment issues, and included core elements like equal protection, equal job opportunities, equal pay for comparable work, affirmative action programs for women, ‘pink collar jobs’ and sexual harassment (Terkildsen & Schnell, 1997). The pattern was changing for many years and traditionally, in other countries, the news industry has been dominated by men (Ross et al., 2018) and ‘some areas of the broadcast media industry, most notably engineering and broadcasting/distribution roles, are almost exclusively occupied by men…’(EBU, 2019, p. 8) Melin-Higgins argues that women in media often have top positions in ‘women magazines’ or in media products about beauty, etc. (As citied in Ruoho & Torkkola, 2018). The lack of women journalists and reporters is seen not only in Broadcasting but also in printed media. Even when speaking about sources Freedman and authors underline that in newspapers male sources appear more often and prominently than female ones (Freedman et al, 2007). The same pattern can be seen in Georgian media. In both television and print media, men predominate among respondents and experts. The frequency of female respondents/experts depends on the field or issue being covered (Media Development Foundation [MDF], 2011).This study shows that women

235

 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media

appear as sources in stories on science, education, health or culture and least frequently in stories on politics, social issues or government. However, in Georgia female journalists dominate the media sector (and not only in ‘woman magazines’). International research shows the ratio of men to women in media in 2010, by the number of taken positions. As to the positioning, according to GMMP (Global Media Monitoring Program [GMMP], 2010) report, there were 70% male presenters and only 30% female presenters in Georgian media organizations. In comparison with GMMP’s replication study (2015), there were 88% Female and 12% Male presenters in Georgia (GMMP, 2015). The GMMP also found that 51% of television stories were presented by men, and 57% of stories by women. This difference is often explained with women appearance. According to UNESCO’s World Trends in Freedom of Expression and Media Development report, while there is progress, female journalists are still more exposed to assault, threat or physical, verbal or digital attack than their male counterparts (UNESCO, 2018a). In this regard, media portrayal plays an important role. According to studies, female reporters are often confined to ‘soft’ stories and feature writing. Even today, women can be defamed for speaking alone with male sources, working late hours, or challenging the status quo (Barton and Storm, 2014). In addition, a report by INSI and the International Women’s Media Foundation (IWMF, with support from UNESCO, 2014) shows that nearly 64.8% of respondents (597 out of 921) had experienced acts of ‘intimidation, threats and abuse’ in relation to their work, and most commonly perpetrators were bosses (597 out of 1882). Authors of a report found that women journalists have suffered sexual violence and harassment at work (Barton and Storm, 2014). As Henriette Chacar highlights that women express fear of speaking about sexual violence. They think that such abuse can have a negative impact on their careers (as cited in UNESCO, 2018). Montiel (2018) analyzes this issue from the perspective and impact of technological development. It is noted, that women face cyber-assault, such as: phone calls, messaging, etc. These women received death threats, sexual and/or violent messages, from Facebook and Twitter users. Unfortunately, Female journalists are vilified and attacked for the messages they share and even for the questions they ask. In some cases, Female journalists are even attacked for daring to speak at all (UNESCO, 2018b, pp. 69-70). Another issue is that the media eliminates sexist stereotypes for popularity (UNESCO, 2018a). Research does offer an interesting question: ‘how do the media portray women?’ While the media can be the cause of stigma, it can also help turn the tide on these inaccurate and unfair perceptions. Unfortunately, the media does not use its power, even though it has an extraordinary opportunity to pursue gender equality (EBU, 2019). Media personalities can strengthen or reduce branding and stereotypes regarding groups and individuals. Even today, the assumption can be generalized widely (Georgia included) and confirm that ‘In TV commercials, women clean, launder, cook and look sexy, while men give orders, advice and eat prepared meals’(Cantor, 1974) as cited in Janus, 1977, p. 21). According to ‘The status of Women in U.S. Media 2017’, inequality is also seen among the Pulitzer Prize winners. In one century, only 16% of prize winners were women (Woman’s Media Center, 2017). A notable fact is that by ‘The status of Woman in U.S. Media 2019’ research done on local TV or radio stations, female news directors have lower salaries than a male director has. According to the Neiman Reports article there is another phenomenon also known as circle – ‘Men hiring men’(Griffin, 2014). This means that male editors are mainly promoting other men. According to FPI study (‘How many women are on the op-ed page?’ 2018) in total only 15% of women are in op-ed page (FPI, 2018). Research from Mckinsey global institute (2017) shows, if all countries were to match the progress toward gender parity of the best performer in their region, it could produce a boost to the annual global 236

 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media

GDP of as much as $12 trillion by 2025. Per the research, any diversity gives better and more productive results and in this case, most products can be gender parity in any field (Mickinsey Global Institute, 2017). By The Global Gender Gap Index 2020, Georgia has made notable progress. The index in 2006 was 0.038 and in 2018 it is 0.708 (where 0 is imparity and 1 is parity). Now, Georgia is in 74th place out of 153 countries. But it is noteworthy, that Georgia has 1 point for education attainment, only 0.7 in Economic participation and opportunity, and 0.1 for political empowerment (Global Gender Gap Report, 2020). It is also remarkable that by the same report, woman’s attainment in social sciences, journalism, and information is 13, 29% while male attainment is 9%. Despite all the figures, we believe that equality is not only about statistics and quantity, but is about the consistencies it maintains and the role of women in media organizations.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Gender is a critical aspect of cultural identity. When it comes to dominant scripts that exist in reality (gender-related scripts included), we consider the role of media and cultivation effects it brings, and often media is ‘the only material available for forming an opinion on distant matters. The alternative sources could include influences from personal experience or from the social or cultural environment that might even be a basis for active resistance to influence’ (McQuail, 2010, p. 382). While analyzing the power roles in society, we also question if the production and content of media are gendered. In gender-related perspective, we analyze theory of needs (Maslow, 1943) and motivational drivers in the process of choosing journalism as a profession. We have used the major listing of human needs from strategies and skills learning and development (SSLD) approach that ‘conceives problems and challenges as manifestations of human needs that are unmet because the strategies and skills employed are misguided or ineffective’ (Tsang, 2013). According to Tsang, in most situations, this approach explains and results in effective gratification of needs and will respond to the unique circumstances, needs, characteristics, and capacities of specific groups, organizations and communities (Tsang, 2013, Chapter 4). We determine the actual needs of journalists’ professional manifestations and suggest that in some cases, unmet needs motivate females to become journalists. For example, ‘having control over environmental or external events can all contribute towards a sense of security, mastery and control’ (Tsang, 2013, Chapter 4), or they might be ‘in search of new experiences, adventures and excitement’ and fulfill their needs in entertainment industries (Tsang, 2013, Chapter 4). The need of information ‘can play an important role in an individual’s sense of security’. In addition, we see interrelation of the needs’ theories with media theories in many aspects. For example, according to McCombs in agenda setting theory ‘need for orientation provides a detailed psychological explanation for why agenda-setting effects occur’ (McCombs, 2004, p. 67). From self-determination theoretical approach Ryan and Deci (2017) mention that basic human need satisfactions apply across cultural contexts and other characteristics, such as gender, socioeconomic status, etc. Within the frame of self-determination theory (SDT) Ryan & Deci are discussing impact of cultural context, people’s motives for life goals and their aspirations and conclude that ‘greater autonomy predicts wellness in collectivist Eastern societies as well as Western ones’ (Ryan & Deci, 2017). Picketty (2014) and Phelps (2012) discuss influence of political and economic systems on media segments. In Picketty’s opinion, people can be excluded from navigating the cultures of power and commerce on the basis of social class, gender, race, sexual orientation, or other characteristics. Phelps suggests that 237

 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media

such barriers to fair access and opportunity can thwart basic needs for autonomy and competence and/ or lead to many compensatory adaptations that are costly to societies (as cited in Ryan & Deci, 2017). Self-determination theory (SDT), as empirically based psychological theory is focused on ‘understanding the contextual factors that facilitate or thwart these ‘central-to-life’ synthetic functions’ (Ryan & Deci, 2017, p.5). The theorists argue, STD is ‘particularly concerned with how social-contextual factors support or thwart people’s thriving through the satisfaction of their basic psychological needs for competence, relatedness, and autonomy’ (Ryan & Deci, 2017, p.3). Based on needs theory and self-determination theoretical approaches, we suggest that choosing journalism as a profession might include the need ‘to be known, understood, and recognized by others’. From this perspective, in patriarchal society women might tend to choose professions for gratification and journalism might be the platform where they can express themselves, build relationships, communicate with others and feel empowered while holding a microphone. In our study, we question who are the dominant gatekeepers and in what aspect systematic genderrelated biases are presented. In Georgian media context, media owners (mostly wealthy businessmen) are dominant and invisible gatekeepers. McQuail explains that selection of news, is not random and subjective and it relates to bureaucratic institutions (McQuail, 2010, p. 312) such as police departments, courts, welfare agencies, government committees, etc. where we see men as decision-makers, potential sources and in this regard indirect gatekeepers. In this regard, male sources might give to the news gender discourse.

METHODS Based on literature review, the following research questions have been outlined: • • • •

RQ 1: what sociocultural context and basic psychological motivators drive females to choose journalism as a profession? RQ 2: is there gender inequality regarding the workplace and positions in Georgian media (TV, print, radio, online media) and if ‘yes’ how does it present? RQ 3: Are there any predefined topics/themes covered specifically by the male or female journalists? RQ 4: what gender-related stereotypes (if any) dominate/take over in Georgian media?

To answer the above-mentioned questions, mixed-method approaches will be used: content-analysis and survey. As to the defining research periods and sampling, to answer RQs 1 and 2, quantitative content-analysis was done from June 1st to December 31st (the year of 2019). The sampling of media outlets is based on the surveys provided by international organizations (such as IRI’s and NDI’s country reports); Selection of traditional media outlets: the Georgian Public Broadcaster, TV company ‘Imedi TV’, broadcasting company ‘Rustavi 2’. According to the media sustainability index (2019, p. 148), broadcast ratings (audience share) are: the Highest-rated television channels: Rustavi 2 -5.07%, Imedi -4.69%, GDS -1.15%, and Channel 1 -0.84%, TV Pirveli -0.64% (TVMR, 2018). It is noteworthy that ‘In July 2019, a long-running legal dispute over the ownership of the oppositionaligned television station ‘Rustavi 2’ was decided at the ECHR. As a result, control of the station was transferred to a former owner who was more sympathetic to the ruling party’ (Freedom House, 2019). 238

 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media

Therefore, ‘a large share of the staff quit to join a new station, Mtavari Arkhi (Main Channel), which began broadcasting in September’ (FH, 2019), some journalists joined other TV stations (Formula, TV Pirveli),’ as a result, Rustavi 2 stopped broadcasting from mid-August till mid-September. The quantitative content analysis was based on nightly news programs/days (total N=79) and news items (N=711). Sampling was done based on a structured week as follows: e.g. the first Monday of the month; the second week – Tuesday; the 3rd week – Wednesday; the 4th week – Thursday; etc. Operational definitions for content-analysis have been identified and described (gender-sensitive ‘codes’ included). For coding purposes, categories and measurable units were determined and tested. Items included: list of topics covered in nightly news programs, gender identification of journalists, camera people and video editors; for content-analysis, the web-archive of TV companies were used. To answer RQs 1, 3 and 4 the survey method (with open and close-ended questions) were used and up to 221 journalists have been interviewed online (April-May, 2020). Demographic data: out of 221 received responses, 81% were women (N=178) and 20% (N=) 43 men; age: 55% are between 18-25, 22% - 26-35 years old; 21% - 36-55; 2% - 56+. In total, 37% (N=81) of respondents are students (among them 9 are doctoral students), 69% (N=133) have a higher education (Degrees), others have a basic or professional education, and only 1 percent has a Doctoral Degree. The questionnaire was sent to all students who study journalism as a major field in the largest University in Georgia (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University [TSU]); there are 298 such students with an active status in TSU at the undergraduate level. The questionnaire was sent to all of them by email, SMS and in addition, the online survey was posted to Facebook social media closed groups. The response rate was high - 48%. According to the analysis, 63% (N=144) out of 221 are currently employed in the media as journalist. Answering some of the questions in the survey was mandatory, while others were not. To analyze the challenges that female journalists face in the Georgian media organizations, we explore the problem from interpretive approach and take into consideration social and cultural factors that influence their motivation and interpretations. Self-determination theory, as empirically based psychological theory, systematically applies within varied social contexts, including workplaces (Ryan & Deci, 2017). We identify varied types of motivational regulation and the conditions, such as ‘cultural, political, and economic conditions as they affect basic human need satisfactions and the developmental and social assets they foster’ (Ryan & Deci, 2017, p. 4).

FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS RQ1: What sociocultural context and basic psychological motivators drive females to choose journalism as a profession? The numbers say that women are mostly employed in journalism. We asked 221 respondents what is the reason for this? They could name more than one reason. Among 221 answers, 31% of them (N=69) named the attractiveness of the profession as a reason, 27% (N=60) pointed out that the profession demands skills belonging mostly to women; 16% (N=36) mentioned that women work for lower salaries and they are cheap employees, 14% (N=30) noted that the reason is an aspiration to popularity, which is more often attributed to women. Table 1 presents suggestions about the reasons and motivations women journalists are dominating in media 239

 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media

Table 1. ­ In media, journalists are mostly women. In your opinion, what is the reason for it?

Number of Answers

Percentage Out of 100

Attractiveness of the profession

69

31.1%

Profession demand skills belonging mostly to women

60

27%

Women have lower salaries and they are cheap employees

36

16.2%

Aspiration to popularity

30

13.5%

Because of men’s discrimination

6

2.7%

Do not know / refuse to answer

44

19.8%

Other

29

14.5%

Viewpoints about the profession change after entry-level journalists start to gain practical experience working in the media. 70% (N=157) of the respondents say that their viewpoint changed after they became practitioners/got a better understanding about the profession. Among 157 respondents 34% note that their viewpoint changed in a negative direction; neutral is 26% and 40% note – a change in a positive way. There are some dominant social scripts while choosing a profession and working in the media. It is worth to be mentioned that by answering the question ‘looking back, why did you choose journalism as a profession?’, no one (among 221 respondents) mentions that they chose the field of media because of personal characteristics like ‘curiosity’, ‘aspiration for uncovering the news’ or top competencies for media people such as having or wishing to advance ‘writing and editing skills’. Among answers we see stereotypical views about journalism and suggest that fulfillment of specific unmet needs may be a motivation for choosing this profession. As Phelps suggests the tendency may occur in society where barriers to fair access and opportunity can thwart basic needs and lead to compensatory adaptations (as cited in Ryan & Deci, 2017). Out of 220 respondents, 367 answers were collected on question ‘looking back, why you became a journalist?’ Respondents could choose answers from the listed options and in edition write their own version in the section ‘other’. Table 2 presents these answers and suggestions about motivations for choosing the profession and unmet human needs. Journalists also think about profession in stereotypical frames, which is partly caused by cultivation effects and the way they see women journalists in the media. They try to ‘copy-cat’ those who are already popular and look powerful. The profession facilitates a chance for self-presentation and behind this may be an unmet need for control, esteem and social integration. Cultural context contributes a lot and patriarchal social scripts might be reflected here as well. In this context, women want to be more active and journalism is a good chance for it. Journalists are ‘questionnaires’ by nature and they search for news, for answers and keep asking and digging. These journalists are mostly labeled as intrigues, which sounds offensive for men in Georgia, because they ‘tend to deal with problems in a different way’. Skill-sets that are dominating in journalism, are not specifically split regarding gender. There is definitely a need for engagement and social integration, self-esteem and intimacy, need for diversity, need for power, control and recognition. We see effective pleasure seeking behavior and sense of mastery. For example, one respondent mentions that ‘it is a super-active profession with multi-profile educational competencies’. In general, people in media see power and this can be a stimulus and motivator for those individuals who try to fill a deficit in that direction as well. Women journalists see power and control

240

 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media

Table 2. ­ Number of Responses

Suggestions About Motivations and Needs

It is an interesting profession (from section ‘other’)

125

Need for security, need for orientation, diversity

Desire to be in the epicenter of breaking news (from listed answers)

97

Need for control, integration

Desire to cover reality objectively (from listed answers)

95

Need for control

Q: ‘Looking back, why did you become a journalist?’

By accident (from section ‘other’)

17

Lack of autonomy

I followed others’ advice (from section ‘other’)

12

Lack of autonomy

To become popular (from section ‘other’)

8

Need for recognition and autonomy

I wanted to participate in public life in that way (from section ‘other’)

4

Need for engagement, integration, relatedness, competence and autonomy

Was interested in investigative journalism, sport journalism, etc. (from section ‘other’)

2

Need for control, diversity

Thought it was as interesting as it looked on TV (from section ‘other’)

2

Need for recognition and autonomy

This was what I always wanted with all my heart (from section ‘other’)

1

Need for intimacy, self-esteem and autonomy

I thought I would feel better in this profession (from section ‘other’)

1

Need for intimacy and self-esteem

I wanted to give to the flow of information the right direction (from section ‘other’)

1

Need for power, competence and autonomy

Like to communicate with people (from section ‘other’)

1

Need for integration, relatedness

To contribute to public life changes (from section ‘other’)

1

Need for engagement, integration, relatedness, competence and autonomy

in media as a chance to be engaged in changes. This may be an additional ingredient that makes the profession more attractive to them. They want to be in the center of breaking news, which may be their response to the fact that women are not decision-makers in society as much as men are. For illustration, one of the respondent mentions: ‘I wanted to be popular, be in the center of breaking news. I thought it was the best profession, one where I could achieve self-realization’. Another respondent says: ‘for me journalism is the most interesting profession, which is associated with risks and adventures’ – and here we see the real Need for diversity as a significant motivator. Numbers do matter, but sometimes numbers show that in the media we do not actually face gender inequality and discrimination of women, but the true motive may be found in unmet needs, stereotypes that women face in everyday life. They seek an alternative space in the media for compensation, and to fill a deficit they perceive in themselves. So, it is not only about professional choice or ‘the numbers’. It is about how and where we do and don’t hear women’s voices. To find out more about why female journalists dominate in Georgia, we move to the next survey question. RQ2: Is there gender inequality regarding the workplace and positions in Georgian media (TV, print, radio, online media) and if ‘yes’ how does it present?

241

 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media

Among 221 respondents, 144 answered the optional question – ‘At what type of news organization are you employed?’ Most of them are employed in television (37%) and converged media (36%), others are employed in wire services (10%), printed media and radio. 143 among 221 respondents, answered the following optional question: ‘What is your job title/position in the media?’ Here employees report to be holding numerous positions simultaneously. 71% (N=101) work as journalists (21% are men, 79% women), editors (13%), producers (8%), CEO (2%), etc. Among 143 respondents every third one is a male, 31% are men and 69% women (M=32; F=111). We have analyzed the public data of 28 TV stations. Among them, two are public broadcasters and one belongs to the Georgian Patriarchate and has no specific owner. According to the analysis of 25 of the above mentioned broadcasters, 73% (N=40) of the owners are men and only 23% (N=12) are female. At the same time, those TV stations chosen for observation, (broadcasting company ‘Rustavi 2’, TV Company ‘Imedi’ and the Georgian Public Broadcaster – 1st channel) are operated by men. Throughout the research period (from June till December, 2019) in the above-mentioned TV companies, the news reporters and journalists are mostly women. In terms of news presenters, we see gender equality: two presenters in general: a man and a woman. During the research period, we observe nightly news programs, in GPB we have observed 51 female and 15 male journalists. In addition, all camerapersons were men. The main nightly news program ‘Moambe’ - has two presenters: a woman and a man. In the case of ‘Imedi TV’, 16 male and 31 female journalists were tabulated; a camera-woman is also not present. Nightly news program (‘Qronika’) has two presenters: male and female and on weekends – a female presenter. Regarding ‘Rustavi 2’ there are two phases of observation: in the first phase (before temporarily suspension of broadcasting) 58 female and 33 male journalists were accounted for. After re-opening, the news presenter is a female. A noteworthy novelty is that only in ‘Rustavi 2’ did the observations find one camera-woman. The study has found that mostly men hold top managerial positions at TV companies and the owners are also men. Regarding the middle and lower managerial positions, we see the opposite trend: these positions are held by females. These findings are re-confirmed and reflected in survey results, where respondents answered the question: ‘who is their direct supervisor/what is the chain of command?’ We received 145 answers. 61% (88 out of 145) reported that their direct boss/CEO in ‘media’ is a female. 10% - refused to answer. We asked the question: ‘does gender equality exist and is it protected in the media?’ Out of 221 respondents, 149 respondents (67.4%) think that gender equality is well protected in Georgia, and only 50 (22.6%) answered that it is not. Among them 12 are male and 38 are female. 22 respondents (9.8%) refused to answer or marked (don’t know). Those who think that there is gender inequality in the media, specify (while answering the open-ended questions) that inequality emerges in the following dimensions: •

Employment and Salary Distribution: Gender balance between male and female journalists (women dominate), camera-persons and top-managers (men dominate). In the category of news presenters, we see gender equality. Monitoring conducted on the 25 TV stations shows that 73% of top managers are men, while middle and lower managerial positions are occupied by females.

Journalism is perceived as a ‘woman’s profession’ while camera-operator is a ‘man’s profession’. In media, mostly men determine editorial policy and top-managerial positions are assigned to men with a lack of journalistic experience. Respondents mention that ‘for women, it is an option to be employed as 242

 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media

a ‘blue collar worker’ (such as reporters) and for men as a ‘white collar worker’. One respondent mentions that ‘top-managers in the media are men, and as usual, middle managers are women; Managers mostly prefer to employ male journalists and pay attention to gender’; Respondents hold the opinion that it may be caused by the fact that it is hard to find male journalists. Female journalists mention: ‘Men are privileged. Once I was told: ‘you are a good journalist, but we need a guy; Because of the stereotypes, our society thinks that men are cleverer; and for that reason, men are more frequently promoted. There is a ‘Stereotypical Perception’ towards the profession of journalism and the reason for that perception may be low pay and ‘men choose journalism as profession less’. 222 respondents answered the question: ‘in your opinion, do employers pay attention employees’ gender?’. 39% (N=86) think that they do pay attention, 44% (N=98) - do not pay attention, 17% - do not know/refuse to answer. One of the male journalists, mentions that ‘power and salary distribution is unequal in favor of men. Men are decision makers and salary differences may also be caused because of the general background’. 28% (N=62 out of 222) agree that men are more privileged in the media sphere, e.g. have better salaries, 59% (N=130) do not agree and 13% do not know/refuse to answer. • •

•

•

•

Coverage and Sources: Male sources dominate as respondents and sources in the media. Discrimination and Gender-Frames: Gender roles and stereotypes are framed inaccurately in advertising. Female journalists face so-called ‘Glass ceiling’ and sexist expressions/ jokes aimed at them. The profession of Journalist (especially in print media) is perceived to be a woman’s profession and ‘job for fun’. Female Journalists face Sexual Harassment and Blackmailing: As mentioned in the literature review, women journalists have suffered sexual violence and harassment at work (Barton and Storm, 2014). According to our survey, 83% of respondents have heard about the fact that women journalists in Georgia are blackmailed regarding their personal lives and 72% have heard about journalists who were sexually harassed. Ignoring Women’s Interests: Owners and top-managers of media outlets are mostly men and they define agenda-setting and policy while ignoring the interests of women. Female journalists mostly fail to change the agenda-setting of the media; and even if they exceed in quantity, they are less influential or not engaged in the decision-making process. Inaccurate Covering of Gender-Sensitive Stories: in general, those, who define policy and agenda in the media, suffer a lack of gender sensitivity (regardless of gender). Gender-sensitive stories and stories about domestic violence are not covered deeply and systematically are presented only in the context of a scandal. The study shows that, journalists mostly cover breaking news in politics, but they do prefer to cover specific beats, like social issues.

Among 220 respondents, 59.9% (N=134) think, that covering of gender-sensitive stories has been changed (Female 94% and male 6%); Nobody thinks that coverage has not been changed at all. In addition, 53% (N=117) of respondents think, that covering of gender-sensitive stories has been changed in a positive way (Female 83% and male 17%); One noteworthy result is, how nobody marked that any changes are seen as very negative. To answer this question the Likert scale from 0 to 10 was implemented. Table 3 answers the question: ‘In what direction has the coverage of gender-sensitive stories changed in the past 5 years? ‘(Is presented in gender perspective)

243

 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media

Table 3. ­ Respondents Female

Negative

Neutral

Positive

Total

22 (88%)

59 (76%)

97 (83%)

178

Male

3 (12%)

19 (24%)

20 (17%)

42

All

25 (11%)

78 (36%)

117 (53%)

220

RQ3: Are there any pre-defined topics/themes covered specifically by male or female journalists? As mentioned above, to answer these research questions, quantitative content-analysis of nightly news programs (the Georgian Public Broadcaster, TV company ‘Imedi TV’, broadcasting company ‘Rustavi 2’) was done from June 1st till December 31st (the year of 2019). Content-analysis of more than 700 news shows that in every thematic category, female journalists dominate over men. For example, in the case of ‘Rustavi 2’, Criminal cases (including domestic violence) were covered by females 27 times, and by men 11 times. In GPB, 16 times by females, and 9 times by men. In ‘Imedi TV’ 25 times by females and only 9 times by men; Content analyse shows the distribution of topics throughout the research period. Table 4 presents thematic categories covered by women and men (research period: June-December, 2020; nightly news programs) Table 4. ­ Topics

Total (News) ‘Rustavi 2’

Total (News)’GPB’

Total (News)’Imedi’

M

F

T

M

F

T

M

F

T

Politics (Parliament)

24

92

116

14

80

94

8

54

62

Economics and finances (incl. budget issues)

10

20

30

5

4

9

2

9

11

Civil activity/protests

10

28

38

9

11

20

4

7

13

Criminal (including domestic violence)

11

27

38

9

16

25

9

25

34

Social issues (education, health-care, security)

6

4

10

28

30

58

9

14

23

Infrastructure

4

7

11

1

8

9

1

6

7

Culture and Arts

3

11

14

2

26

28

1

22

23

International news

0

8

8

2

11

13

7

9

16

Other (tourism, religion, media)

1

14

15

-

-

-

1

4

5

Total

70

191

261

70

186

256

45

150

194

As we can see, based on content-analyses, in the research period: •

244

In Rustavi 2 nightly news program ‘Kurieri’, topics were covered in 9 basic directions (261 news/ stories in total). Among these stories, 191 of them were prepared by female journalists, and 70 – by male journalists.

 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media

• •

The GPB nightly news program ‘Moambe’, covered 256 news stories in total. Among them 186 were prepared by female journalists and just 70 by male journalists. As for Imedi TV and its nightly news program ‘Qronika’, among 194 news stories 150 were prepared by females and only 45 by men.

Observations show that in every covered topic, female authors and journalists dominate. For example, in the case of Rustavi 2, the topic of politics was covered by females 92 times, and by men 24 times. The GPB 80 times by females, and 14 times by men. The ‘Imedi TV’ Results were as follows: 54 times by females and only 8 times by men. The biggest difference observed in covering the cultural issues is as follows: in the case of Rustavi 2, topics are covered 3 times by men and 11 times by women; the GPB had: 2 times by men and 11 times by females. In the case of ‘Imedi’, this topic is covered only once by a man and 22 times by a woman. The only significant difference is observed in ‘Rustavi 2’, when social issues were covered 6 times by men and 4 times by women. It is obvious from the above-mentioned findings, that there is no detectable discrimination of female journalists regarding the distribution of themes/topics. All materials including: criminal issues, civil protests, politics are mostly covered by women, rather than men. This is likely caused by the general picture of Georgia’s media demography, where the number of women journalists exceeds that of men. In the sample of our research period, GPB’s ‘sports block’ with a male presenter, may be a stereotypical approach and a matter of common interest as well. In addition, 197 respondents answered the question ‘Have you ever faced a situation where you were not allowed to cover a topic because of your gender?’ 9% of them (N=18) confirmed, 77% (N=151) said ‘no’ and 14% refused to answer or marked ‘do not know’. RQ4: What gender-related stereotypes dominate/take over in Georgian media? Content-analyses revealed that in Georgia, there is only a ‘single’ camerawomen. As mentioned in the literature review, ‘Some areas of the broadcast media industry, most notably engineering and broadcasting- distribution roles, are almost exclusively occupied by men…’(EBU, All things being equal, gender equality guidelines for public service media, 2019). Stereotypes form pattern of behavior in newsrooms and frame gender roles. We can clearly see the dominant social scripts/traps and stereotypes regarding cameraperson in Georgia. From a sample of the research period, only ‘Rustavi 2’ has a female cameraperson. Research shows that there are some stereotypes regarding a cameraperson and gender. 155 respondents answered the question: what is the reason for there being no female cameraperson in Georgia (with only a single exception)? 35% (N=54) of them think that: this profession is considered as one with a need for physical strength and women tend to quit this job (camera and tripod are very heavy); It is not mainstream; I have heard how men talk about camera-women in a sarcastic way: that because of the bulky tripod, women struggle with doing such work; and the main argument regarding a masculine culture are simply clichés related to physical abilities. 18% (N=28) of respondents pointed out the established stereotypes that working with camera is a man’s job and associated specifically to hard work, which women cannot handle. Some mention that ‘men’s’ vision and their eye for the camera are different’ or a ‘cameraperson should be a man and in a critical situation, (if the need should arise) can defend female journalists’. It is worth to be mentioned, that in critical situations, female journalists keep asking questions of aggressive 245

 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media

respondents, while these respondents try to respond physically and attack cameramen or confront them. 7% (N=11) of respondents mention that women prefer to work in front of the camera and not behind it. They like to be visible on the screen. Research shows that there are some female video editors (technicians) in newsrooms, but stereotypes do exist regarding a cameraperson. There are 3 categories of stereotypes regarding camera operators in the media: 1. Physical Ability: Respondents note that ‘cameraperson should have strong physical strength, and special training (because of the heavy camera and tripod). Women are perceived as a ‘weaker human being’ and there are preliminary predispositions about women’s physical capacity. Respondents suggest that ‘there are a lot of multimedia journalists (MMJ) already and they have small cameras (light weight devises) and in the future, they can work as camera-women’. 2. Because of the Specifics of the Job, this is the Choice of Women: Respondents say ‘this is not a popular profession among women and is not seen as attractive. Women prefer to be visible and do not want to stay in the background’. 3. Professional and Gender Roles: Professions are split in advance between men and women in Georgia. Camerapersons perceived as a man’s profession. ‘Working with equipment is not a woman’s job’ – this cliché is related to competencies regarding skills &knowledge of new technologies.

CONCLUSION The findings relate to the needs theory and offer data interpretation from interdisciplinary – media psychology perspective. Journalism is a profession where specific human needs (especially need for connecting and belonging, autonomy, self-actualization and self-esteem) are fulfilled simultaneously. We suggest that identifying, exploring, understanding motivations and addressing specific human needs in media organizations can be a step forward for reducing gender-related stereotypes. We definitely see that Georgian society reinforces the stereotypes and even journalists themselves strengthen them. There are some social scripts while choosing a profession and working in the media. The survey shapes the hypothesis that women may choose journalism as a profession because of their need for recognition, power, self-esteem, popularity, social integration and ‘visibility’ on an individual and societal level. Consequently, this strengthens stereotypical expectations towards a profession. We suggest that media may be the ‘environment’ where women are more empowered or see themselves as more powerful. For women in Georgia, becoming a journalist may be a compensation for real power in our society, and a need for esteem, control and mastery - recognition. There may be underlying needs and they can vary. They receive compensation through their profession and the environment it is set in. While analyzing the answers, we have to take into consideration personalized individual circumstances, to be more accurate. That’s why we do not generalize the attributes, we just exhibit the frames we see. Entry-level female journalists try to copy-cat those who are popular and appear powerful. We suggest that being in the media gives them a chance for self-presentation and social integration. According to the answers collected, female journalists see ‘power and control’ in the media field and an opportunity to be engaged in social changes. We see the gatekeeping process from top down vertical. Female journalists participate in constructing the frames, but natural frames are presented from environment where males have dominant power. 246

 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media

Sources, top managers and cameraperson are mostly men – which means that visual storytelling and framing are initiated by them. As to selection and distribution of topics, we do not see gender-based approach in Georgia. In this regard, the discussion question for media psychologists might be: Do journalists see microphone as a symbol of power and media as a powerful motivational drive? There are other factors to consider and this is just a snapshot of some unnoticed details in the big picture. In future perspective, dissemination and implementation of specific activities with researchbacked recommendations may have a positive impact on a better understanding of gender-related issues, covering gender-sensitive stories, which in turn, will contribute to the development of media standards and promote greater diversity. The above-mentioned research partly analyzes the media landscape in Georgia from a gender equality perspective, determines a unique set of stereotypes that dominate in today’s media. In this dimension discussion topics seem to sharpen. Sometimes the numbers show that we do not face gender inequality, as well as discrimination of women in the field of media at all; equality, it seems, is not only about numbers, but may actually be about how and where we do, and do not hear the ‘voices’ of women - in today’s ever-changing, interconnected society.

REFERENCES Baitinger, G. (2015). Meet the Press or Meet the Men? Examining Women’s Presence in American News Media. Political Research Quarterly, 68(3), 579–592. doi:10.1177/1065912915586632 Claudia, L., Carolina, A. T., Santos, M., & Jamil, S. (2018). Introduction to Dossier Journalism and Gender: Yes, this is Subversive. British Journalism Review, 14(1), 1–6. EBU. (2019). All things being equal? Queue, 6(1). Advance online publication. doi:10.1145/1348583.1348596 Eristavi, B. (1893). A Few Words for attention of Young Men. Magazine ‘Kvali’, 16. Finger, C., Solga, H., Ehlert, M., & Rusconi, A. (2019). Gender differences in the choice of field of study and the relevance of income information. Insights from a field experiment. Research in Social Stratification and Mobility, 100457. Advance online publication. doi:10.1016/j.rssm.2019.100457 Foreign Policy Interrupted. (2018, August 2). How Many Women are on the op-ed page? FPI. http:// www.fpinterrupted.com/2018/08/02/how-many-women-are-on-the-op-ed-page/ Freedman, E., Fico, F., & Love, B. (2007). Male and Female Sources in Newspaper Coverage of Male and Female Candidates in US Senate Races in 2004. Journal of Women, Politics & Policy, 29(1), 57–76. doi:10.1300/J501v29n01_04 Freedom House. (2019). Freedom in the World 2019: Democracy in Retreat. Retrieved from: https:// freedomhouse.org/sites/default/files/Feb2019_FH_FITW_2019_Report_ForWeb-compressed.pdf Freedom House. (2020). Freedom in the World 2020: A Leaderless Struggle for Democracy. Retrieved from: https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2020/leaderless-struggle-democracy Gaprindashvili, L. (2014, Jun 6). Kato Mikeladze. http://feminism-oell.org/ka/2014/06/06/kato-mikelaze

247

 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media

Gaprindashvili, L. (2014, Jun 13). Barbare Eristavi-Jorjadze. http://feminism-boell.org/ka/2014/06/13/ barbare-eristavi-jorjaze Geertsema-Sligh, M. (2018). Gender Issues in News Coverage. The International Encyclopedia of Journalism Studies, 1–8. doi:10.1002/9781118841570.iejs0162 Gerbner, G., Gross, L., & Melody, W. (Eds.). (1973). Cultural indicators: the third voice. Communications Technology and Social Policy. New York: Wiley. Gersamia, M., & Freedman, E. (2017). Challenges to Creating Vibrant Media Education in Young Democracies: Accreditation for Media Schools in Georgia. Journalism & Mass Communication Educator, 72(3), 322–333. doi:10.1177/1077695817710104 Giles, D. (2010). Psychology of the Media. Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1007/978-1-137-05904-8 Gill, R. (2002). Cool, Creative and Egalitarian? Exploring Gender in Project-Based New Media Work in Euro. Information Communication and Society, 5(1), 70–89. doi:10.1080/13691180110117668 Global, G. G. R. (2020). In Encyclopedia of Family Studies. doi:10.1002/9781119085621.wbefs350 Global Media Monitoring Project. (2010). Who makes the News? World Association for Christian Communication. Retrieved from:http://youcantbewhatyoucantsee.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/GlobalMedia-Monitoring-Project-2010.pdf Global Media Monitoring Project. (2015). Who makes the News? World Association for Christian Communication. Retrieved from: http://www.media-diversity.org/additional-files/Who_Makes_the_News_-_ Global_Media_Monitoring_Project.pdf Griffin, A. (2014, September 11). Where are the women? Nieman Reports. https://niemanreports.org/ articles/where-are-the-women/ IREX. (2019). Europe and Eurasia Media Sustainability Index 2019. Retrieved from: https://www.irex. org/sites/default/files/pdf/media-sustainability-index-europe-eurasia-2019-full.pdf Jamil, S. (2014). Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom: Journalists’ Understandings and Practices in Pakistan. In C. Schimdt (Ed.), Pakistan’s Media Landscape: The Effects of Liberalization (pp. 46–85). Deutsche Welle Akademie. Jamil, S. (2015). Understandings and Practices of Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom in Pakistan: Ethnography of Karachi Journalistic Environment (PhD Thesis). University of Queensland, Australia. Retrieved from: https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/43362662.pdf Jamil, S. (2016). Journalism practice and freedom of expression: Challenges and constraints in Pakistan. In B. Lippe & R. Ottosen (Eds.), Gendering War and Peace Reporting: Some Insights – Some Missing Links. Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2017a). Freedom under pressure? Threats to journalists’ safety in Pakistan. In U. Carlsson & R. Poyhtari (Eds.), Assault on Journalism (pp. 323–329). Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2017b). Freedom of expression and journalists’ safety: An analysis of conflict reporting and peace journalism education in Pakistan. Journal of the Association of Journalism Education, 6(2), 7–16.

248

 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media

Jamil, S. (2018). Safety threats, impunity and professionalism: Journalists’ dilemma in Pakistan. Journal of Sociology and Anthropology, 6(7), 571–578. doi:10.13189a.2018.060702 Jamil, S. (2019a). The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety. IGI Global. Jamil, S. (2019b). Culture of Impunity and Safety of Journalists: Is Safe Journalism a Distant Dream in Pakistan? World of Media – Journal of Russian Media and Journalism Studies, 1, 48-64. doi:10.30547/ worldofmedia.1.2019.3 Jamil, S. (2020). Suffering in Silence: The Resilience of Pakistan’s Female Journalists to Combat Sexual Harassment, Threats and Discrimination. Journalism Practice, 14(2), 150–170. doi:10.1080/1751278 6.2020.1725599 Janus, N. Z. (1977). Research On Sex-Roles in the Mass Media: Toward a Critical Approach. The Insurgent Sociologist, 7(3), 19–31. doi:10.1177/089692057700700302 Jologua, T. (2011). The history of Georgian journalism. Nekrisi. Kiknadze, T., & Donadze, N. (2006). Gender- Social and Political studies. Center for Social Sciences. Mandell, L. (2019). Gender and Cultural Analytics: Finding or Making Stereotypes? doi:10.5749/j. ctvg251hk.4 Manheim, J. B. (1998). The news shapers: strategic communication as a third force in news- making. In D. Graber, D. McQuail, & P. Norris (Eds.), The Politics of News: the News of Politics (pp. 94–109). Congressional Quarterly Press. McCombes, M. (2004). Setting the agenda: the mass media and public opinion. Polity Press. McQuail, D. (2010). Mass Communication theory. Sage publications. Media Development Foundation. (2011). Gender Stereotypes in Georgian Media. Retrieved from: http:// mdfgeorgia.ge/uploads//Genderuli_monitoringi_qartul_mediashi.pdf Meskhi, S. (1871). A Few Words for attention of Young Men. ‘Kvali’, 16. Retrieved from: https://gdi. ge/uploads/other/0/439.pdf Mickinsey Global Institute. (2017). The Power of Parity. Ink World, 23(1), 18–19. doi:10.7591/cornell/9780801453687.003.0006 Ministry of Internal Affairs of Georgia. (2020, April 3). Fighting with domestic violence. https://police.ge/ge/ shinagan-saqmeta-saministro-agrdzelebs-odjakhshi-dzaladobis-tsinaaghmdeg-efeqtian-brdzolas/13440 Morley, D. (1986). Family Television. Comedia. Public Defender (Ombudsman) of Georgia. (2020). Femicide monitoring report. UN Women. Retrieved from: http://ombudsman.ge/res/docs/2020070314085795380.pdf Reporters without borders. (2020). https://rsf.org/en/georgia?nl=ok

249

 The Voice of Women and Challenges of Gender Equality in Georgian Media

Ross, K., Boyle, K., Carter, C., & Ging, D. (2018). Women, Men and News: It’s life, Jim, but not as we know it†. Journalism Studies, 19(6), 824–845. doi:10.1080/1461670X.2016.1222884 Ruoho, I., & Torkkola, S. (2018). Toward a Multidimensional Approach. doi:10.2478/nor-2018-0002.67 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2017). Self-determination theory: Basic psychological needs in motivation, development, and wellness. Guilford Press. doi:10.1521/978.14625/28806 Shamanauri, N. (n.d.). In National Library of the Parliament of Georgia. http://www.nplg.gov.ge/bios/ ka/00012533/ Storm, A. B. and H. (2014). Women in the News. Physiotherapy, 79(11), 787–788. doi:10.101600319406(10)60080-6 Terkildsen, N., & Schnell, F. (1997). How Media Frames Move Public Opinion: An Analysis of the Women’s Movement. Political Research Quarterly, 50(4), 879–900. doi:10.1177/106591299705000408 Theus, K. T. (1985). Gender shifts in journalism and public relations. Public Relations Review, 11(1), 42–50. doi:10.1016/S0363-8111(85)80060-6 Tsang, A. (2013). Learning to Change Lives: The Strategies and Skills Learning and Development Approach. University of Toronto Press. Retrieved from: www.jstor.org/stable/10.3138/j.ctt2ttqpq UNESCO. (2012). Gender-Sensitive Indicators for Media Gender-Sensitive Indicators for Media (A. Grizze, Ed.). Retrieved from: https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000217831 UNESCO. (2018a). Setting the Gender Agenda, New proposals from the Global Alliance on Media and Gender. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. Retrieved from: unesdoc. unesco.org/in/rest/annotationSVC/DownloadWatermarkedAttachment/attach_import_85cf02b0-1c1a4136-a394-f51589acb4d5?_=368962eng.pdf&to=177&from=1 UNESCO. (2018b). World trends in freedom of expression and media development. Retrieved from:http:// www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/FIELD/Kingston/pdf/world_trends_freedom.pdf Woman’s Media Center. (2017). The Status of Women in the U.S. Media 2017. Retrieved from:https:// www.womensmediacenter.com/assets/site/reports/10c550d19ef9f3688f_mlbres2jd.pdf Woman’s Media Center. (2019). The Status of Women in the U.S. Media 2019. Retrieved from: https:// tools.womensmediacenter.com/page/-/WMCStatusofWomeninUSMedia2019.pdf York, C. (2017, September 18). Women Dominate Journalism Schools but Newsrooms are Still a Different Story. Poynter. https://www.poynter.org/business-work/2017/women-dominate-journalism-schools-butnewsrooms-are-still-a-different-story/

250

251

Chapter 14

Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media Mariateresa Garrido University for Peace, Costa Rica

ABSTRACT The Venezuelan government has been instrumental to implement different types of gender-based violence and discrimination. Reports demonstrate that women have been killed, that their economic power decreased, and that they experienced problems related to access to education, health services, jobs, etc. This reality affects all women; however, there is not updated and systematized information about the problems faced by Venezuelan women journalists. This chapter uses Mohanty’s theory and Hernandez’s approach to illustrate the situation. It begins with an overview of the Venezuelan context, highlighting cases of gender-based violence and discrimination experienced by women. It also considers cases of economic exploitation, exclusion, disempowerment, cultural imperialism, and direct violence between 2018 and 2019. The chapter demonstrates the deteriorating situation and reveals patterns of oppression experienced by female journalists in Venezuela.

INTRODUCTION Studies demonstrate that women study journalism and are involved in different journalistic practices; however, “men are still in authority and in control of newsrooms and organisations” (Harret, Mosdell, & Griffiths, 2016, p. 903). For the past 20 years, the Global Media Monitoring Project has been measuring gender equality in news media, and its 2015 report indicates that women “women make up only 24% of the persons heard, read about or seen in newspaper, television and radio news” (Macharia, 2015, p. 8). Latin America is not the exception to this rule. In 2018, the Inter-American Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression (hereinafter IASR) published a report analyzing the situation. He recognized the improvements made by governments in the region but highlighted many difficulties faced by female journalists.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch014

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media

The report considered specific gender-based risks that intersect with other identities (race, ethnicity, etc) and it recognized that this type of violence is a symptom of “a pattern of structural discrimination against women, which is rooted in concepts of inferiority and subordination of women.” (Lanza, 2018, p. 15). The IASR indicated that women are “over-represented among those who report news covering issues traditionally related to “female interest” and under-represented in the coverage of topics considered to be of particular interest, such as those related to politics and government or economics” (Lanza, 2018, p. 17). He also highlighted the existence of a lack of flexibility on working hours, access to childcare and even parental leave policies, which disproportionally affects women, and in his opinion, it is part of the reasons why women are under-represented in senior management positions in the media (Lanza, 2018). That information gives us a general understanding of the Latin American situation, and the goal of this chapter is to identify the gender-based violence experienced by Venezuelan female journalists. Yet, I must mention that when it comes to Venezuela, the Inter American Commission of Human Rights (IACHR) underscored “the lack of official data for planning and programming public policies aimed at preventing and eradicating gender-based violence against women… This hides the true magnitude of the phenomenon of violence against women in the country” (2020, pp. 522-523). Despite the lack of official data, there are reports made by Venezuelan organizations that provide us general information about the situation faced by women. Amid the humanitarian crisis, in 2019, Luisa Kislinger led an initiative to gather information and make visible many of the problems experienced by Venezuelan women. The report indicates that 94% of the households do not have enough resources to cover basic needs; which negatively affects women. According to the report, Venezuelan women are worried about not having enough food, income, and access to health and education. Statistics included in the report demonstrate that 96% of women are concerned about not having enough food, 21% of pregnant women in seven states were malnourished, and at least 37% of Venezuelan women have denounced gender-based violence (Kislinger, 2019). Within this context, female journalists can be subject to these types of oppression. However, there are specific threats and attacks they receive that must be revealed (See also Jamil, 2019). Hence, to achieve the goal of this chapter, I will review reports made by the IACHR, the IASR, and local organizations to unmask the situations female journalists face. The analysis will be conducted following Mohanty’s theory of oppression and Hernandez’s categories of violence. This approach will allow me to discuss the specificities of the Venezuelan situation through Venezuelan voices. The results demonstrate the patterns of violence experienced by female journalists and provide a way forward to continue researching this topic in Venezuela.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Feminist scholarship varies from society to society. It adapts to the lived experiences of oppression and violence faced by women (Matos, 2016). Post-colonial theories address these differences and promote the creation of a scholarship that departs from “western” approaches to bring other voices to the conversation. Nonetheless, to do it, it is necessary to identify “western” ideas, deconstruct them, and reconstruct them by including the aspects that are relevant to that society (Jamil, 2020; Mohantay, 1991) Mohanty indicates that “Western Feminism” is a discourse that influences political practices. In her opinion, the discourse is ideological and seek specific purposes. She argues that it is “inscribed in relations of power-relations which they counter, resist, or even perhaps implicitly support” (1991, p. 53). 252

 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media

That is why it can influence political and academic agendas. Western ideas are hegemonic, affect how we define and discuss issues related to marginalization, oppression, violence, and in our case, threats and risks experienced by female journalists. To avoid being caught in this cycle, Mohanty indicates “it is only by understanding the contradictions inherent on women’s location within various structures that effective political action and challenges can be devised” (Mohanty C. T., 1991, p. 66). She presents three areas of analysis that frame the discussion, and that will allow us to analyze the situation faced by Venezuelan female journalists under their eyes. The first area is women as a category of analysis. She indicates “the crucial assumption that all of us of the same gender, across classes and cultures are somehow socially constituted as a homogenous groups identified prior to the process of analysis” (1991, p. 56) is problematic. The group “is produced not on the basis of biological essentials but rather on the basis of secondary sociological and anthropological universals” (Mohanty C. T., 2003, p. 22). This approach constitutes the basis for an intersectional analysis. Thus, “Venezuelan female journalists” is not a homogeneous group. Personal characteristics like age, class, location, marital status, and even the university where they obtained their degrees, are key to understand the type of threats and risks they could experience. The second area that Mohanty calls us to consider is “women as universal dependents” (Mohanty C. T., 1991, p. 58). In her opinion, “women are constituted as a group via dependency relationships vis-à-vis men, who are implicitly held responsible for these relationships” (1991, p. 59). However, she argues that what should be questioned is the “privileged positioning and explanatory potential of gender difference” (1991, p. 59). Hence, within this category, we need to include economic relations and other forms of oppression because as Mohanty mentions, there are “multiple, fluid structures of domination that intersect to locate women differently at particular historical conjunctures” (2003, p. 55). The third aspect to consider in Mohanty’s opinion is the affirmation that “women as victims of male violence”. She argues that this framework demonstrates the potential of male violence against women, but in binary terms: men are “subjects-who-perpetrate-violence” while women are “objects-who-defendthemselves” (1991, p. 58). To overcome this approach she indicates that “male violence must be theorized and interpreted within specific societies in order both to understand it better and to organize effectively to change it” (Mohanty C. T., 2003, p. 24). Similarly, Hernandez indicates that oppression is linked to the dominant agent, who controls and manipulates society through norms and regulations; which is not limited to men (2018, p.275). In fact, he argues that social norms, stereotypes, habits, and symbols can operate as the means to normalize oppression and violence. Thus, he proposes the consideration of five perspectives: • • • •

Exploitation: Refers to economic oppression (2018, p. 278); which for this chapter, will be limited to economic relations manifested through contracts and stability in the job market. Marginalization: Considers social groups that are excluded because they don’t comply with social and cultural norms established by the dominant group (2018, p. 279). In this chapter, the characteristics that will be considered are political affiliations and journalist’s location. Des-Empowerment: This form of oppression refers to authority, domination, and acknowledgment (2018, p. 279). It can manifest in different forms; however, for this research, it is considered in relation to labor and what female journalists can decide in their jobs. Cultural Imperialism: Relates to the imposition of norms of how to be, think, and act. It is a symbolic type of oppression that relies on the use of the hegemonic power to impose behavior patterns (2018, p. 280). This category will be considered concerning the hegemonic communica253

 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media

•

tion model used by the state (Garrido, 2020), and that has a direct impact on the lives of female Venezuelan journalists. Violence: Which is understood as direct violence (Galtung, 1969). Hernandez limits this category to gender-based violence, and that’s the approach that I will use in this chapter. This category includes a variety of forms of violence (physical, psychological, economic, institutional, or staterelated, online) that affect female journalists.

METHODOLOGY To unmask gender-based violence in Venezuelan media, I use the case study method (Yin, 2014) with a historical and descriptive approach (Creswell, 2014). The data consists of two types of reports and publications made by local civil society organizations (CSO) and international organizations. The first type relates to gender-based violence, while the second type refers to violence against journalists. All of the publications include information about the situations experienced by women in Venezuela between 2018 and 2019. The analysis considers the categories of violence experienced by Venezuelan female journalists and includes the theoretical considerations discussed in the following section. The findings illustrate how the situations presented in the data relate to the types of violence and oppression identified in the literature.

FINDINGS Venezuelan Context of Violence Against Women Before starting this section, it is important to highlight that in Venezuela exists a culture of secrecy of the state that impedes us from considering official data. Local CSO has made an effort to collect data, but this is inconsistent and varies from organization to organization. For that reason, in this section, I consider reports made by the IACHR, the IASR, Ipys Venezuela, and Espacio Público to illustrate the cases in which female journalists have been targeted. Another clarification is that it is difficult to set a specific date to indicate when secrecy began. Yet, because it is not the purpose of this chapter to consider the origins of the situation, I will consider the events that allow me to unmask gender-based violence against female journalists in Venezuela from 2018 to 2019. Attacks and threats experienced by Venezuelan journalists depend on social and political events (Garrido, 2019). Thus, we need to understand the context in which journalists operated in these years to assess the gender-based violence experienced by women. In Venezuela, media traditionally served as a space for political debates, but in the later years, it adopted a confrontational attitude that affected it deeply (Cañizales & Lugo-Ocando, 2008). For that reason, electoral processes have negative consequences in journalists’ safety. In the period under analysis, there were two main electoral events; the Presidential election in May 2018, and the municipal election in December 2018. These processes made it a complicated year in terms of political and social stability. Indeed, the IACH indicated that there was a “serious failure to observe the principle of the separation of powers” and a “persistent deterioration of political rights and

254

 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media

participation in public life, which is closely related to the negative impact on the freedom of expression” (Inter-American Commission of Human Rights, 2019, p. 448). The impacts on journalism and media were many, but reported differently by local and international organizations. For instance, the 2018 IACHR’s annual report included a special chapter to discuss the Venezuelan situation; however, it did not expressly mention cases against female journalists. Despite that, the Commission recommended the state to “grant journalists the highest level of protection to ensure they are not detained, threatened, or attacked for exercising their profession, especially during a public demonstration. Their work materials and tools must not be destroyed or confiscated” (Inter-American Commission of Human Rights, 2019, p. 504). And, concerning women, the IACHR’s recommendation was to Regularly produce complete statistics on violence and discrimination against women, disaggregated at least by gender, age, race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, disability, sexual orientation, and gender identity, as well as the location of the incidents, with the aim of building an accurate picture of the specific ways in which violence and discrimination affect women. (Inter-American Commission of Human Rights, 2019, p. 505) Similarly, the IASR did not include any specific reference to attacks or threats experienced by female journalists in Venezuela. Instead, it focused on the closure of several media, impediments to protest, and limitations to access digital media (Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Office of the Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression, 2019). Contrary to that international report, the local CSO Ipys Venezuela in 2018 focused on denouncing digital attacks and threats. It indicated that five out of the seven cases they registered of affected journalists were women (Lorena Arráiz, Amira Muci, Katherine Pennacchio, Sebastiana Barráez, and Pableysa Ostos) (Ipys Venezuela, 2019). Yet, as you can see in table 1, information about the specificities of the cases was included only in two cases. Table 1. Prepared by the author based on Ypis Venezuela (2019) Journalist’s Name

Fact

Location

Perpetrator

Pableysa Ostos

Reported in her Twitter account that she was threaten for the publication of a list of the top 10 wanted criminals

Ciudad Guayana, Bolivar

Other social media users

Sebastiana Barraez

Was threaten (with using judicial procedures) by the politician for the publication of a report related to a corruption case

San Cristóbal, Táchira

Freddy Bernal, government representative

Date 03/Dec/18

In 2018 the sole organization that presented more detailed data was the CSO Espacio Público. It kept a detailed register of cases against journalists and reported 45 cases of verbal harassment, 20 attacks, 19 aggressions, 15 threats, and one killing (Correa, 2019). Even though they did not disaggregate that data in terms of gender, from the total list of cases the organization registered, it is possible to find 52 cases against women, who experienced all of the attacks and threats listed by the organization. Nevertheless, the most common situations were arbitrary detentions, physical and verbal attacks. It is also noticeable

255

 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media

that various journalists experienced the same threats or attacks on one event; which explains why the number of female victims (62) is higher than the number of cases, and that indicates that journalists worked accompanied by colleagues from both genders (for more details please refer to Table 2 below). In 2018, the majority of the reports focused on direct attacks against journalists. Issues related to economic power, exclusion, des-empowering, and even cultural hegemony were left behind. Nevertheless, this does not mean that those problems were not present, it just indicates that journalists did not denounce it, and in consequence, they did not become part of the reported problems. In 2019, no electoral processes occurred and that transformed the panorama; however, political tensions remained. On January 05, the president of the Parliament auto-proclaimed Interim President of the Republic due to the illegality of the Presidential electoral procedure, and based on the national constitution. For this reason, the IACHR recognized that in Venezuela the alteration of the constitutional order had a negative impact on the protection of human rights (IACHR, 2020, p. 491). It also accepted that there was a pattern of “censoring of information through the systematic blocking of journalism websites, social networks, and streaming services.” (IACHR, 2020, p. 505). And, concerning the situation faced by Venezuelan women, it …observes that the deficiencies in the legal framework on gender-based violence and structural shortcomings of State institutions continue to prevent women from having their right to a life free of violence guaranteed, a situation that is made worse by the country’s institutional and humanitarian crisis. (IACHR, 2020, p. 522). On the issue of sexual violence, the IACHR noted “with concern that the context of the humanitarian and institutional crisis and the decline in living conditions place women and girls at risk of becoming the victims of a variety of forms of sexual violence in a context in which machista stereotypes regarding women’s bodies prevail. The result is an environment that facilitates sexual violence associated with sex work or sex used as currency” (IACHR, 2020, p. 523). Likewise, the Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights highlights the fact that some women are “compelled to exchange sex for food.” (UNHCHR, 2019, para. 14). Yet, there are no specific cases of sexual violence against female journalists reported in 2019. The IACHR’s Annual Report included the list of cases provided by the IASR, and it included detailed data about cases experienced by journalists. It mentioned 13 cases in which 15 female journalists were the victims. From this list, it is possible to observe similar attacks and threats to the ones reported by Espacio Público in 2018. Women were threatened, detained, verbally and physically attacked while doing their jobs. In many cases, they were accompanied, and the team was equally targeted which demonstrate that their work is what put them at risk, not necessarily their gender (for more details please refer to Table 3 below). When it comes to local CSO, it is remarkable that by the time of writing this chapter, Espacio Público did not publish its annual report (to be launched on 03 May 2020). Yet, we can consider the annual report from Ipys Venezuela. According to Ipys Venezuela’s 2019 Annual Report, there were 340 cases, from which 113 were against women (33%); however, from its data, it is not possible to determine the types of attacks (2020, p. 9). It also indicated that these attacks took place in all the territory, but highlighted the fact that the majority of the cases occurred in Caracas, Táchira, Lara, Apure Zulia, Mérida, Bolívar, and Falcón (2020, p. 13). The organization also indicated that representatives of the executive power were involved 256

 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media

in the majority of the attacks against journalists and limitations to the exercise of the right to freedom of expression, (2020, p. 5). As in the previous year, not express mentions were made regarding other forms of oppression and violence. However, available information provides a general panorama of the situation. Concerning institutional violence, the IACH specifies “The information available indicates profound structural deficiencies that prevent women from easily accessing resources and from cases being properly handled, while at the same time, measures of protection are ineffective” (IACH, 2020, p. 523). On this point, it is important to notice that local organizations perceived censorship, judicial harassment, and legal impediments as part of institutional violence. Yet, the focus of their reports is placed on media outlets and not on the journalists (i.e. Correa, 2019; Ypis Venezuela, 2020). Nonetheless, in the period under analysis, there is one example that demonstrates how institutional violence manifests. On 18 February 2018, the journalist from a Catholic media, Mayerlin Villanueva, filed a case before the Ministerio Público (Public Minister) in the state of Táchira, and on 09 March 2018, she presented another case before the Fiscalía del Ministerio Público (Prosecutor’s Office). On those occasions, she denounced that she received threats on social media; however, there is no information about the results of that procedure (Espacio Público, 2019). When discussing economic oppression, the IACH indicated that the differentiated and aggravated impact especially affects women’s right to access “food, health, and maternal health, and their sexual and reproductive rights.” (2020, p. 523). On this point, it is noticeable that in 2018 the CSO Espacio Público indicated that the increase of the minimum wage in 5900% produced the closure of 12 media outlets (Correa, 2019). The annual report indicates that by December 2018 at least 10 out of the 24 Venezuelan states did not have newspapers,1 in some cases due to the economic crisis and government controls to import newsprint (González, 2019). Yet, the organization does not report on the number of people who were affected; thus, it is not possible to assess the scope of the problem in terms of gender. In relation to the beats covered by female journalists, no organization is compiling data that can contribute to unmask gender disparities. Nonetheless, is noticeable that on 29 January 2018 the CSO Espacio Público reported that Mariangélica Ramírez Saldivia, Social Media Editor from the media El Universal, issued an order for all the journalists working for this media to abstain from publishing political information in social media platforms from El Universal, unless approved by the newsroom (Espacio Público, 2019). This example demonstrates a form of cultural imperialism and des-empowerment, as well as the possibility of women to be in positions of power within media outlets. Finally, to discuss issues related to des-empowerment, an ongoing research project of the author, the Communication School of the Central University of Venezuela, and the CSO Medianálisis, demonstrates that in none of the 13 radios surveyed a woman figures as an owner of radio stations. Concerning executive positions, one woman is the co-director (Hot 94.1 FM) of one radio station and one the general director (YVKE Radio Mundial). In the case of digital native media, the situation is slightly different. Out of the 26 media outlets included in the sample, three female journalists founded one media (Efecto Cocuyo); one media was founded by one woman (El Estímulo); and women co-founded three other media (Punto de Corte, Caraota Digital, and Analítica). In this type of media is more common to include women in executive positions, and 12 out of the 26 media surveyed included women.

257

258

Alba Cecilia Mujica

Ibéyise Pacheco

Alba Cecilia Mujica

Carmen Elisa Pecorelli

Indira Lugo

Yilibeth Noguera

Vanessa Rivas

Karola González

Maibort Petit

Dilibeth Torres

Ruth Lara Castillo

Andrea Tosta

Luciana Peña Font

María Lourdes Arráez

María Alejandra Monagas

María Elena Morales

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

Journalist’s Name

1

#

Fact

Was expelled from a press conference

La Verdad de Vargas (newspaper) 0800Noticias (digital)

Were robbed and harassed while covering a social protest

Bolivar

Was harassed while covering their protest for the lack of water

Televen (TV)

Maracaibo, Zulia

Vargas

02/Apr/18

National Bolivarian Guard (Guardia Nacional Bolivariana [GNB]) Caracas

Was arbitrarily detained while covering physical aggression against the congressmen Teodoro Campos

El Pitazo (digital media)

17/Apr/18

17/Apr/18

03/Apr/18

continues on following pgae

Civil armed groups

Jorge Luis García Carneiro, governor of the state

Protesters

28/Mar/18

Police Officers

26/Mar/18 Carabobo

El Pitazo (digital media)

ViveTV

Was physically attacked while covering a riot in Carabobo. Two other male journalists were attacked too.

06/Mar/18

02/Mar/18

Keyla Correa, chief of the press department

Bolivarian National Intelligence Service (Servicio Bolivariano de Inteligencia Nacional [Sebin])

21/Feb/18

30/Jan/18

Was harassed in her workplace, and after publishing it in her social media accounts, she was fired

Caracas

Caracas

Judiciary

25/Jan/18

22/Jan/18

18/Jan/18

Date

Legal Adviser of PDVSA

Were arbitrarily detained while reporting the presence of Sebin officers near the home of the political leader Leopoldo Lopez. In this event, 3 other male journalists were detained too.

Was physically attacked while covering a social protest near a public hospital. She was accompanied by two other male journalists

Was requested to declare before the police for the publication of an opinion article related to the Venezuelan social crisis and its similarities with a social protest known as El Caracazo that occurred in 1989

Pedro Bastidas, Mayor of Maracay

Was verbally harassed for the publication on the issue of homeless people in the municipality

Media

Perpetrator

Diosdado Cabello, President of the Constituent National Assembly Maracay, Aragua

Location

Were verbally harassed president of the Constituent National Assembly, for their publications on their personal twitter accounts regarding the operation against Oscar Perez

Was fired for expressing her opinion about the military operation that targeted Oscar Perez, a former police officer

Informed through her Twitter account that she received threats for the publication of reports on corruption cases that involved the national oil company PDVSA

NTN24 (TV)

Caraota Digital (digital media)

Últimas Noticias (newspaper)

Director, Region (newspaper)

Glovovisión (TV)

Media

Table 2. Prepared by the author based on Espacio Público, Anual Report 2018

 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media

Amira Muci

Dayana Krays

Dayana Fernández

Érika Gutiérrez

Nora Sánchez

Liz Gascón

Madelyn Palmar

Estefany Osorio

Nora Sánchez

Gregoria Díaz

Patricia Araujo

Daniela Tábata Bottini

Liz Gascón

Carlenis Avendaño

Marjuli Matheus

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

Journalist’s Name

17

#

Table 2. Continued

Barquisimeto, Lara

Was impeded from accessing a public event for Nicolas Maduro’s presidential campaign due to the lack of accreditation

Ciudad Guyana, Bolivar Lara Monagas, Maturin

Was impeded from taking pictures to report the electoral process Was impeded from taking pictures to report the electoral process Was forced to delete pictures she took to report the electoral process

Diario Las Américas (newspaper) and Revista Proceso (magazine)

El Pitazo (digital)

Caracas

Trujillo

Was harassed and threaten while reporting the electoral process in Trujillo. Three other male journalists accompanied her.

Diario de Los Andes (newspaper)

Was impeded from covering the electoral process and later robbed

Maracay, Aragua

Was impeded from accessing a voting center to cover the voting of the government representative Tarek El Aissami. She was accompanied by other colleagues from independent media

Crónica Uno (digital)

Correo de Caroní (newspaper)

Merida

Maracaibo, Zulia

Mérida

Was physically attacked while covering an event of Henri Falcon for his presidential campaign

Were verbally attacked and impeded from reporting the presidential electoral process

Maracaibo, Zulia

Were arbitrarily detained while covering a social protest that occurred in front of the house of the governor of Zulia. They were also physically attacked and robbed

Caracas

Was arbitrarily detained while covering a social manifestation for the lack of potable water. During the detention, compiled materials were deleted, and she was accompanied by her driver

Location Maracay, Aragua

Fact Was physically attacked while taking pictures for a publication regarding the prices of food at one public market

Was threaten at one electoral center

Te Lo Cuento News (digital) and El Universal (newspaper)

Venezolanos por la Información (VPI, digital)

El Venezolano TV and Unión Radio

El PitazoTv (digital)

Primero Justicia (Justice First, opposition party)

Venemundo (digital)

Media

20/May/18

20/May/18

20/May/18

20/May/18

20/May/18

20/May/18

20/May/18

20/May/18

14/May/18

5/Apr/18

26/Apr/18

26/Apr/18

23/Apr/18

Date

continues on following pgae

Special electoral guard (Plan República) and civilians

Special electoral guard (Plan República)

Special electoral guard (Plan República)

Special electoral guard (Plan República)

Civilians

Special electoral guard (Plan República)

Civilians

Civilians

Civilians

Police Officers

GNB

Civilians

Perpetrator

 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media

259

260

Liliana Vegas

Raylí Luján

Sebastiana Barráez

Neidy Freites

Lisbeth Miquilena

Gabriela González

Ana María Rodríguez

Anggy Polanco

Beatriz Adrián

Yuliana Palmar

Mayra Linares

Ana Rodríguez

Yuliana Palmar

María Jesús Vallejo

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

40

41

42

43

44

45

Journalist’s Name

32

#

Table 2. Continued

Caracas Táchira

Caracas

Nueva Esparta

Caracas

Caracas

Táchira

Was impeded from covering a protest from workers of the oil industry Was threaten for the publication of a report related to corruption cases Was arbitrarily detained for 3 hours after the explosion of 2 drones during a political act hosted by President Nicolas Maduro. She was accompanied by 11 male journalists who were also detained Was physically attacked and impeded from reporting the situation of the Public Health Office in Mariño Was threaten while covering the registration process in the platform “Carnet de la Patria” (a social program run by the government that provides economic support for those registered) Was harassed while covering the detention of deputy Juan Requesens. She was accompanied by the journalists from Globovision Was detained and forced to erase material. She was covering the migration crisis in the border and accompanied by a male journalist

Caracas Valera, Trujillo Caracas

Was threaten to impede her from reporting workers protest in PDVSA headquarters. She was accompanied her cameramen Was impeded from consulting official sources at the Nacional Medicine and Forensic Sciences Service Was threaten while covering a social protest. She was a companied by a male photojournalist

VPI TV (digital) Diario Los Andes (newspaper) El Pitazo (digital)

Valera, Trujillo

Was verbally attacked for a mistake in a publication related to the reconversion of the Venezuelan currency

San Juan de los morros, Guárico

Location

Was impeded from taking pictures to report the electoral process

Fact

Were verbally attacked for their interest in reporting from the morgue

Diario Los Andes (newspaper)

Reuters

VPI TV (digital)

Televen (TV)

Vivo Play and TV Venezuela (digital)

El Nacional (newspaper)

Radio Fe y Alegría

Media

GNB

GNB

11/Sep/18

10/Sep/18

29/Aug/18

28/Aug/18

19/Aug/18

15/Aug/18

14/Aug/18

08/Aug/18

continues on following pgae

Engelberth Castillo, representative of the Nacional Medicine and Forensic Sciences Service (Servicio Nacional de Medicina y Ciencias Forenses)

Iris Varela, Minister for the Penitentiary System

GNB

Police Officers

Civilians

05/Aug/18

05/Aug/18

General Direction for Military (Counterintelligence Dirección General de Contrainteligencia Militar [Dgcim]) Police Officers

18/Jul/18

11/Jun/18

20/May/18

Date

Freddy Bernal, government representative

GNB

Special electoral guard (Plan República)

Perpetrator

 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media

Mariana Duque

Zulma López

Carmen Elisa Pecorelli

Gregoria Díaz

Sheyla Urdaneta

Lizaura Noriega

Juymar García

56

57

58

59

60

61

62

Así es la Noticia, Te Lo Cuento News, and Caraota Digital (digital)

El Pitazo (digital)

Diario La Verdad (newspaper=

Crónica Uno (digital)

Union Radio and Te Lo Cuento News (digital)

Analítica (digital)

El Pitazo (digital)

Was impeded from taking pictures and reporting about the electoral process in El Llanito

Were verbally attacked while covering the electoral process

Were harassed and impeded from covering the electoral process. They were accompanied by a male journalist

Were harassed while reporting about the long queues that people needed to make to by gasoline

Was arbitrarily detained while covering the Venezuelan migration to Brazil through the state of Roraima. Two male journalists accompanied her from the same media

Caracas

Maracaibo, Zulia

Caracas

San Cristobal, Táchira

Special electoral guard (Plan República)

Representative of the National Electoral Council (Consejo Nacional Electoral [CNE])

Special electoral guard (Plan República)

Police Officers

GNB

09/Dec/18

09/Dec/18

09/Dec/18

27/Nov/18

14/Nov/18

02/Nov/18

Late (magazine)

Police Officers

Fernanda Kraide Camuzzo

Valera, Tachira

Civilians

55

54

Union Radio

Merida

03/Oct/18

Was impeded from covering a social protest for the lack of potable water and gas

Violeta Santiago

53

Bodyguard of the Mayor of Maracaibo, Zulia

01/Oct/18

Diario Los Andes (newspaper)

Esteninf Olivarez

52

Maracaibo, Zulia

Was physically attacked while trying to speak to the mayor in the municipal market to get more info about some economic measures implemented to regularize vendors

Telegram (special distribution list)

Civilians

24/Sep/18

Yuliana Palmar

Rosmina Suárez-Piña

51

Mitare, Falcon

Was physically attacked with stones while covering a social protest for the lack of potable water

Notifalcón (digital)

Police Officers

18/Sep/18

14/Sep/18

Date

26/Oct/18

Mariangela García

50

Caracas

Was interrogated and her equipment checked for covering the detention of the journalist Isnardo Bravo. She was accompanied by journalists from Caraota Digital, NTN24, VPI TV, and Venepress

GNB

Perpetrator

Was harassed while covering a student’s manifestation at Los Andes University (Universidad de Los Andes)

Ana María Rodríguez

49

San Cristobal, Táchira

Were impeding from reporting and taking pictures during an assembly at the Public Hospital

El Pitazo (digital)

Location

El Pitazo (digital)

Mariana Duque

48

Fact Was arbitrarily detained in the border between Colombia and Venezuela. She was accompanied by 2 other male journalists from the same media

09/Oct/18

Lorena Bornacelly

47

ITN

Media

Was ordered by the National Telecommunications Commission (CONATEL) to stop broadcasting her show for the critics made to the electoral process. She cohosted the show with the journalist Alonso Moleiro

Laura Saravia

Journalist’s Name

46

#

Table 2. Continued

 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media

261

262

Dayana Krays

Mariana de Barros

Maoly Aldana

Pableysa Ostos

Marinelid Marcano

Virginia Serrano

Judith Vega

Luzfrandy Contreras

Mariángel Moro

Sebastiana Barráez

Carmen Inojosa

Paula Thomas

Luisana Suárez

Ana Rodríguez

Andrea Espinoza

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

Journalist’s Name

1

#

VPI TV (digital)

VPI TV (digital)

Colombian reporter

Crónica Uno (digital)

VPITV (digital)

Noticias TRT

Director, Mérida Digital (digital)

El Tigrense (newspaper)

El Pitazo (digital)

AFP Correspondent

Venevisión (TV)

Vivo Play and TV Venezuela (digital)

Venemundo Web and Caraota Digital (digital)

Media

Was arrested, and released hours later, although her work team and her cell phone was confiscated. She was accompanied by other by 5 other male journalists

Maturín, Monagas

Was removed while covering a driver protest in Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA) headquarters. She was with a cameraman

Police Officers

GNB

Mayor of Anzoátegui municipality Cojedes

Was verbally attacked for covering public manifestations against the administration

25-nov-19

28/Aug/19

26-jun-19

14/Aug/19

GNB

Was arbitrarily detained for 2 hours while taking photographs in the border area between Colombia and Venezuela

25-may-19

20-jun-19

Iris Varela, Minister of Penitentiary Affairs

Was harassed during a social protest and had to leave the place and wasn’t able to report the situation. She was accompanied by a male journalist

Was called a “compulsive mythomaniac” for her reports on meetings between representatives of the Venezuelan government and members of the Liberation Army National (Ejército de Liberación Nacional) on the border with Colombia

24-may-19

Acarigua, Portuguesa

Was threatened with firearms while covering the consequences of a riot in the police dungeons. She was with the driver

Police Officers

24-may-19

Tachira

24-may-19

17-may-19

16-may-19

31-mar-19

Date

Was attacked with tear gas while covering a protest over the shortage of Gasoline. She was accompanied by two male journalists

Police Officers

Civilians

Security Officer

Bolivarian National Intelligence Service (SEBIN)

Civilians

Perpetrator

24-may-19

Anzoátegui

Ciudad Guayana, Bolivar

Caracas

Caracas

Location

Verbal harassment

Were intimidated by an unidentified individual, who recorded them and took pictures of them while they were covering an opposition demonstration” On May 24, 2019

Was reportedly intimidated while collecting information about the gas shortage

Were detained while covering the disappearance of commissioner Iván Simonovis. They were accompanied by three male journalists

Was threatened with firearms while she covered protests

Fact

Table 3. Prepared by the author based on IACHR, Annual Report 2019 and IASR, Annual Report 2019

 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media

 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media

DISCUSSION From the data we can observe several types of violence and oppression against female journalists; however, there are categories for which there is not enough information to present a complete panorama of the situation. This fact cannot be diminished. Political affiliations influence power relations in Venezuela, and in the case of journalists, determine the possibility to practice journalism. Consequently, factors like personal characteristics and male-dependency are overlooked. Likewise, issues that are considered important in other countries are not part of the conversation in Venezuela, such as maternity leaves, job stability, access to equipment and protection, among others. Nevertheless, with the limited information that it is available, it is possible to categorize information following the categories proposed by Hernandez. Starting with exploitation it is noticeable that none of the reports included in this research focused on economic relations. None of the organizations is collecting data on stability or the type of contracts journalists get. From the cases reported, we observe that in 2018, five journalists worked for two media outlets and one journalist for three. In 2019, only two out of the fifteen cases reported worked for two media outlets. Although no information explains why some female journalists are affiliated to two media outlets, it is possible to infer that one salary is not enough, and for that reason, journalists need to work for several organizations. As indicated by the IACHR, economic power in Venezuela has decreased, and it has affected women to a higher degree. Journalists are not exempted from this situation. The fact that some of them worked for more than one media outlet can be considered as indicative of economic exploitation. This type of oppression is also linked to des-empowerment. Data suggest that few women are owners of the media or members of editorial boards, and even a few occupy decision-making positions. Yet, it is noticeable that the situation drastically changes between traditional media and digital media. Traditional media is male-dominated; but in digital media, the situation tends to be equal. However, to have women in power does not mean that female journalists get more freedom to report what they consider important. In fact, the case of Dilibeth Torres in 2018 demonstrates that female directors can harass female journalists and that they have the power to fire those who denounce those situations. Additionally, in terms of the topics covered and the possibility to select them, no specific publications are providing disaggregated data on how it influences the exercise of journalism. From the lists of cases, it is possible to observe that the majority of the attacks and threats occurred while the journalists were reporting about shortages of basic products, public manifestations, political events, corruption cases, and violence. Thus, it can be argued that in Venezuela women are not impeded from reporting politics or economics. This does not imply that they do not face restrictions or limitations to do it, or that they have the same opportunities as their male colleagues. Yet, the information that would allow an in-depth analysis of the situation was not part of the publications considered in this research. The situations that female journalists were covering at the time of the attacks provide some insides regarding marginalization and cultural imperialism. All of the cases reported in 2018 and 2019 relate to situations that challenge official information. As mentioned, the state communicational hegemony impedes journalists from publishing information that is critical to the government or that opposes to the official discourse. There are no gender lenses for this situation. Whoever is against pre-established rules is a target. In at least 16 cases a male was with the female journalist, and in those cases, they were also victims of the threats or attacks reported. Therefore, in Venezuela, it is not possible to claim that female journalists are the sole targets of marginalization and cultural imperialism. Any person who can be con-

263

 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media

sidered opposition will be impeded from accessing official sources, if detained audiovisual materials will be deleted, and will be subject to various forms of harassment and intimidation. It is also important to highlight that the majority of the reported cases took place in the main cities. The lack of information about the situations faced by female journalists in rural areas, or even in cities that have a minor economic or political importance, leaves a remarkable gap. In 2018, Espacio Público reported that 10 states had no newspapers, which gives us an indication of silenced zones. This situation suggests the existence of all of the types of oppression mentioned by Hernandez. Yet, the scope of the problem cannot be measured. Finally, cases present detailed information about the direct violence experienced by female journalists. Nonetheless, it must be pointed out that the violence is not based on gender or media but the topics reported. As already mentioned, to report certain events put journalists at risk, and to be a woman does not increase or decrease the possibilities of being the target. Nevertheless, it is noticeable that the majority of the cases were against female journalists who worked for digital media (35 cases). This is also a reflection of the Venezuelan media landscape that should not be overlooked. The imposition of the state communicational hegemony obliged journalists to look for digital alternatives (Garrido V., 2020). Traditional media has been diminished and journalists working for those media outlets are less likely to report events that can put the media in danger; hence, the fact that many journalists represent digital media indicates that they have been successful in countering the state communicational hegemony.

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION Mohanty argues that feminism and feminist studies must adapt to the living experiences of women in their specific context. This chapter is an attempt to evaluate the particularities of the attacks and threats experienced by female journalists in Venezuela between 2018 and 2019. Mohanty suggests that to make good analysis we need to depart from ‘Western’ ideas and construct the reality based on the situations that arise from the specific context. Consequently, the main source of information of this article were reports about Venezuela and made by Venezuelans. This approach allows us to understand what issues are important in that context, and analyze them through their living experiences. The first thing that must be highlighted is that in Venezuela gender-based violence is overcome by the political crisis. Women and men are subject to the same type of threats and attacks, or at least that is what available data indicates. The focus of the limitations experienced by journalists is placed on direct violence, which provides us a good understanding of this type of violence, but at the same time, leaves us with more questions than answers. The inconsistency of the data included in the reports from the IACHR and local CSO impedes us from making a complete chronological assessment of the situation. Organizations report what is relevant for the period under analysis. I do not want to claim that this is inappropriate. I do believe that it is important to reflect experiences in annual publications; however, to make better assessments, and even recommendations, consistency in the reports is needed. As a Venezuelan, I understand that the crisis influences all of the decisions, but as a researcher, I can see the need for data that can be analyzed systematically. Consequently, the recommendation is to continue evaluating and reporting the cases of threats and attacks experienced by female journalists in Venezuela in a consistent manner.

264

 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media

Moreover, organizations are not going beyond direct violence; which is also reflected in the type of available data. Issues related to economic oppression, including working conditions, salaries, maternity leaves, etc. are not part of the discussion. There is no information on how the crisis specifically affects female journalists, nor even how they manage to overcome financial problems. Economic freedom produces independence. In a machista culture, the lack of financial means creates male-dependency, but data does not reflect this situation. One positive aspect is that women are not presented as victims of male oppression. In the Venezuelan case, the dominant group is linked to political affiliation; hence, as data demonstrates, men or women can be oppressors. Yet, we can observe how this power dynamic produces exploitation, marginalization, des-empowerment, cultural imperialism, and violence. As discussed, from the data we can get hints of what the main issues impeding female journalists from exercising their job are, as well as the main type of gender-based violence they experience. Data does not allow us to make generalizations, nor to have a comprehensive understanding of the situation; yet, it demonstrates similarities with previous studies conducted in other parts of the world (i.e. Harret, Mosdell, & Griffiths, 2016). This attempt to unmask gender-based violence against female journalists in Venezuela demonstrates the existence of patterns of violence and provides us a path to follow. Hence, in addition to previous recommendations, we need to conduct research that allows us to assess the types of oppression female journalists experience. This research must include variables that can compare the situation to the experiences of male journalists, as well as variables that allow international comparison. The task is big, but not impossible, and with the information presented in this chapter, we have an idea about where and how we can start.

REFERENCES Cañizales, A., & Lugo-Ocando, J. (2008). The media in Venezuela: The revolution was televised, but no one was really watching. In J. Lugo-Ocando (Ed.), The Media in Latin America (pp. 308–336). Open University Press. Correa, C. (2019, April 10). Espacio Publico. Retrieved from: http://espaciopublico.ong/informe-2018situacion-del-derecho-a-la-libertad-de-expresion-html/#.XNTD8Oj0nIX Creswell, J. W. (2014). Research Design: qualitative, quantitative, and mixed method approaches (4th ed.). SAGE. Espacio Público [Public Space]. (2019). Cronología 2018 – Libertad de Expresión en Venezuela [Cronology 2018: Freedom of expression in Venezuela]. Retrieved from: http://espaciopublico.ong/cronologia2018-libertad-de-expresion-en-venezuela/ Galtung, J. (1969). Violence, Peace, and Peace Research. Journal of Peace Research, 6(3), 167–191. doi:10.1177/002234336900600301 Garrido, V. M. (2019). The Pitfalls and Perils of Being a Digital Journalist in Venezuela. In S. Jamil (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalist Safety (pp. 319–337). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978.1.7998.1298.2

265

 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media

González, M. (2019). Las zonas silenciadas en Venezuela [Venezuelan silenced areas]. Espacio Público. Retrieved from http://espaciopublico.ong/las-zonas-silenciadas-en-venezuela/#.XMr5jGRKj5Y Harret, J., Mosdell, N., & Griffiths, J. (2016). Gender, risk and journalism. Journalism Practice, 7, 902–916. doi:10.1080/17512786.2016.1166449 Hernández Artigas, A. (2018). Opresión e interseccionalidad Oppression. Dilemata, (26), 275-284. Inter-American Commission of Human Rights. (2019). Annual Report 2018. Washington, DC: InterAmerican Commission of Human Rights. Retrieved from: http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/docs/annual/2018/ TOC.asp Inter American Commission of Human Rigths. (2020). Annual Report 2019. Retrieved from: http:// www.oas.org/en/iachr/docs/annual/2019/TOC.asp Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, Office of the Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression. (2019). Annual Report of the Office of the Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression. Organization of American States. Washington, DC: Inter-American Commission of Human Rights. Retrieved from: http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/expression/docs/reports/annual/IA2018RELE-en.pdf Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, Office of the Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression. (2020). Annual Report of the special rapporteur for freedom of expression. Retrieved from: http:// www.oas.org/en/iachr/docs/annual/2019/docs/IA2019RELE-en.pdf Ipys Venezuela. (2019). Conexión incierta. Informe Anual Derechos Digitales 2018. Retrieved from: https://ipysvenezuela.org/2019/05/17/conexion-incierta-informe-anual-derechos-digitales-ipysve-2018/ Jamil, S. (2019). Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalist Safety. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978.1.7998.1298.2 Jamil, S. (2020). Suffering in Silence: The resilience of Pakistan’s female journalists to combat sexual harassment and discrimination. Journalism Practice, 14(2), 150–170. doi:10.1080/17512786.2020.17 25599 Kislinger, L. (2019). Mujeres al Límite. Coalición Equivalencias en Acción. Retrieved from https:// avesawordpress.files.wordpress.com/2019/05/mujeres_limite_a4web.pdf Lanza, E. (2018). Women Journalists and Freedom of Expression. Discrimination and gender-based violence faced by women journalists in the exercise of their profession. Inter-American Commission of Human Rights. Retrieved from http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/expression/docs/reports/WomenJournalists.pdf Macharia, S. (2015). The Global Media Monitoring Project. World Association for Christian Communication. Retrieved from http://whomakesthenews.org/gmmp/gmmp-reports/gmmp-2015-reports Matos, C. (2016). Globalization, Gender Politics, and the Media: From the West to Latin America. Lexington Books. Mohanty, C. T. (1991). Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses. In C. T. Mohanty, A. Russo, & L. Torres (Eds.), Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism (pp. 51–80). Indiana University Press.

266

 Unmasking Gender-Based Violence in Venezuelan Media

Mohanty, C. T. (2003). Feminism Without Borders. Decolonizing Theory, Practicing Solidarity. Duke University Press. doi:10.1215/9780822384649 United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. (2019). Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on the situation of Human rights in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. Retrieved from: https://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/RegularSessions/Session41/Pages/ ListReports.aspx Yin, R. K. (2014). Case Study Reseach. Design and methods. Sage. Ypis Venezuela. (2020). Voces en el paredón. Reporte Anual IPYSve 2019. Retrieved from: https:// ipysvenezuela.org/2020/02/26/voces-en-el-paredon-reporte-anual-ipysve-2019/

ENDNOTE 1



The list includes de states of Amazonas, Apure, Barinas, Cojedes, Delta Amacuro, Falcon, Monagas, Portuguesa, Sucre, Trujillo.

267

Section 3

­

269

Chapter 15

Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression: The Case of Online Attacks of Journalists in Ghana Gifty Appiah-Adjei https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9354-6675 University of Education, Winneba, Ghana

ABSTRACT Globally, there is an increase in online attacks on journalists with gender dimensions to these attacks. Also, it is established that digital innovations have augmented free expression and the augmentation allows means for online attacks. Though evidence submits that studies on the problem of online attacks on journalists abound, there is dearth of such studies in Ghana and this chapter attempts to fill this gap. Using the feminist theory, this chapter explores the types and sources of online attacks on male and female journalists in Ghana and investigates whether an increase in free expression is a contributing factor to the problem. To achieve this aim, the study employs qualitative methods of in-depth interviews and document reviews and offers a thematic analysis of the qualitative data to understand the lived experiences of Ghanaian journalists. Findings revealed that journalists frequently experience psychological and sexist online attacks when perpetrators express their views on unfavourable coverage from the media.

INTRODUCTION Globally, the means for free expression have increased due to technological innovations (Cannataci et al, 2016; UNESCO, 2018). Citizen journalism and social media have altered the traditional roles of journalists and the dynamics of journalism practice (Chen & Pain, 2017). The changes have enhanced journalism practice in numerous ways, especially news sourcing and audience participation (UNESCO, 2018). Journalists use personal social media accounts to reach out to their sources and to attract followers to their content (Chen & Pain, 2017). Also, social media accounts of news organisations and journalists DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch015

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

enable citizens to report and share critical views on issues of interest (Ferrier, 2018; Franks, 2013) due to the anonymity new media technology affords its users. Therefore, augmentation of free expression is realised due to digital innovations (UNESCO, 2018). Unfortunately, the augmentation of free expression and anonymity from new media technologies also afford users the power and means for easy online attacks against journalists with impunity (Ferrier, 2018). Thus, the impact of technological innovations on journalism demands the use of digital tools and social media to source, create and distribute media content (Jamil, 2020b; Koirala, 2020; Jamil & Appiah-Adeji, 2019). The increased use of social media in journalism comes with threats and risks (Franks, 2013) from numerous sources daily. Thus, media technologies, anonymity from the technologies, citizen journalism, and augmentation of free expression have armed perpetrators with simple, less expensive and faster means to attack journalists online. A smart device with an internet connection is enough for perpetrators to launch such attacks. Perpetrators wrongly use their right to free expression to attack journalists when coverage of issues incur their displeasure (Jamil, 2019a, 2019b). Therefore, it is argued that digitization of the journalism practice has heightened journalists’ vulnerability to online attacks (Antonijevic, 2016). In this regard, UNESCO (2018, p. 150) posits: The advent of the digital sphere has brought unprecedented opportunities for freedom of expression and the practice of journalism more broadly. Yet, the digital sphere is evolving and surveillance, data storage capabilities and digital attack technologies are becoming more sophisticated, less expensive and more pervasive, making journalists increasingly vulnerable to digital attacks from both state and non-state actors. Different social media strategies are used by perpetrators to attack journalists as well as discredit their stories (Ferrier, 2018) even in countries like Ghana where journalists are considered to be safe due to elaborate statutory provisions on media freedom (Owusu, 2012). Journalists are experiencing online threats and risks of different shapes and forms because of their profession (Adams, 2018). Perpetrators of these attacks often aim at discrediting journalists and/or damaging their reputations (Kiorala, 2020). Such experiences have short- and long-term effects on journalists: to silence them and to cause them to quit journalism (UNESCO, 2018). Perpetrators use online channels and the media itself to amplify messages that aim at attacking the credibility of or silencing journalists from performing their roles in democracies (Ferrier (2018). As a result, “online attacks against journalists have become more sophisticated in nature, more insidious in their damage to the news enterprise and more dangerous for journalists” (Antonijevic, 2016, p. 11). Evidence submits that female journalists are disproportionately attacked online (Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, 2016) and “in the most disturbing and dangerous of way” (Mitjatovic, 2016, p 1) when compared to their male counterparts. An affirmation by Antonijevic (2016) posits that “violence against women in all its forms is the most prevalent human rights violation in the world and unfortunately it is not decreasing, but growing” (p.9). Routines of female journalists have been persistently characterised by gender-based threats (Kiorla, 2020; Jamil, 2018, 2017a, 2017b; 2016; 2015; 2014). For instance, “female journalists and bloggers throughout the globe are being inundated with threats of murder, rape, physical violence and graphic imagery via email, commenting sections and across all social media platforms” (Mijatovic, 2016, p.1). In agreement, Ferrier (2018) claims that “many of the threats women journalists receive on Twitter, Facebook and online backchannels are sexist in nature, designed to intimidate or shame the journalist” and questions the “intellectual rigour and professional 270

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

credentials” of female journalists (p. 11). The effect of online attack on journalists is worse where the abuse “is often underestimated by media management and minimized by authorities and others who are best positioned to provide support” (Ferrier, 2018, p.12). Online attacks affect journalists (especially female journalists) because such attacks discredit, intimidate and silence them (Jamil, 2020a; Antonijevic, 2016; Ferrier, 2018; UNESCO, 2018). The preceding has negative implications for the media industry and democracies. It has been observed that “journalism can only be exercised freely when those who carry out this work are not victims of threats or physical, mental or moral attacks or other acts of harassment” (Inter-American Court of Human Rights, 2012, paragraph 2091). Online attacks and threats wrongly damage the reputations of journalists and undermine the practice. Using free expression as an excuse to attack journalists online is detrimental to democracies, especially relatively young and thriving democracies like Ghana. This is because such acts undermine the institution assigned the role of giving voice to the citizenry and insulating the governed from the dictatorship of the governors. It is equally important to note that without the voice of women, the media is not free and representative (Antonijevic, 2016). The foregoing justifies the need to study and address online attacks of journalists in general and of female journalists in particular. This is because Rouho and Torkkola (2018, p. 68) have noted that “journalism as an institution is not as gender-neutral as it is supposed”. In this regard, this study also pays attention to the gender dimensions of online attacks of journalist in Ghana. The chapter, therefore, explores the lived experiences and perspectives of male and female journalists in Ghana who encounter online attacks in the course of their duties to determine whether there is increase in online attacks of journalists (Adams, 2018) and that the case of female journalists is disproportional (Westcott, 2019; Mendes et al, 2018). Thus, the focus of this study is to examine the phenomenon of online attacks of Ghanaian journalists in order to understand how Ghanaian journalists experienced and perceived online attacks. The chapter also investigates the types and sources of online attacks on male and female journalists and examines the perspectives of male and female journalists on the interplay between free expression and online attacks of journalists in Ghana. Thus, it seeks to establish whether the expansion of free expression is a contributory factor to their experience of the attacks.

BACKGROUND Lessons learned from the political and press histories of post-independence Ghana informed the framers of the 1992 Constitution to safeguard free expression and media freedom (Manco, 2013). Consequently, the provisions on free expression and media freedom are explicit and elaborate and the constitution has been rated as the best so far in the country’s history (Owusu, 2012). Aside from the right to free expression under Article 21, the twelve Articles under Chapter 12 of the Constitution provide and protect media freedom. Article 21(a) of the Constitution provides that “[a]ll persons shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression, which shall include freedom of the press and other media” (1992 Constitution of Ghana, p. 25). Under chapter 12 of the same constitution, Article 162 (1) again declares that the “[f] reedom and independence of the media are hereby guaranteed” (1992 Constitution of Ghana, p 74). Provisions in Articles 21(a) and 162 (1) afford journalists in Ghana the right to enjoy double freedom because Article 165 unequivocally states that “[f]or the avoidance of doubt, the provisions in this chapter shall not be taken to limit the enjoyment of the fundamental human rights and freedoms guaranteed under chapter five of this constitution” (1992 Constitution of Ghana, p. 74). This implies that dictate of 271

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

Article 162 is added to that of Article 21(a) because journalists are entitled to free expression as their fundamental human right and media freedom because of their profession. To safeguard these provisions, stipulations in Articles 162 (2) of the Constitution prohibits censorship; 162 (3) specifies that there should be no obstacles to the establishment of the media organisation; 162 (4) shields editors, publishers and other institutions of mass media from governmental control, harassment or punishment for editorial opinion or media content; and 162 (6) affords citizens the right to rejoinder when the content of a publication offends them. Aside these provisions, the repeal of the Criminal Libel and Sedition law in 2001 is considered as an attempt to sustain free expression and media freedom. This is because the repeal has “brought a measure of respite to journalists, particularly those in the private media” (Owusu, 2012:33). The Right to Information Law is also in existence. It can, therefore, be argued that these provisions are adequate to ensure enough freedom for the media in Ghana. Most importantly, the Ghanaian media have been afforded these privileges and protection as trustees of the citizenry to give a voice of the voiceless. The provisions in chapter 12 was framed to empower and protect the media so that they could avail to the citizenry the platform for free expression. This is to avoid a revisit to the era describe by Temin and Smith (2002) as a culture of silence - which characterised the Ghanaian media landscape before the Fourth Republic. True to this expectation, the 2012 Media Sustainability Index Report on Ghana notes that “these constitutional provisions satisfy international requirements for free flow, expression and dissemination of news and opinions” and it further adds that “the Ghanaian media are perceived as the most unrestricted on the African continent, as they often carry criticisms of government policies without fear or favour” (International Research and Exchange Board, 2012, p. 177). These assertions have been affirmed by the country’s ratings in annual media freedom reports by international organisations like Freedom House (2019; 2018; 2017) and Reporters without Borders (2019; 2018). Therefore, under the Fourth Republic, free expression and media freedom are guaranteed and realised (Owusu, 2012). Through the media’s engagements with the government’s policies and duties, the practice of the public also using available media platforms to engage with governments has been established in Ghana. The citizenry uses the social media accounts of a media organisation and their accounts freely express their views, suggestions and criticisms of the actions and inactions of public officials. For instance, the proposed 2019 referendum on the participation of political parties in local level elections was condemned by the majority of the citizen via personal social media accounts and that of media organisations until the government cancelled it (citinewroom.com, 2019). It is important to note that acts of free expression are often used by individuals to abuse the government and public officials. Both government officials and journalists are attacked for their views on government policies and coverage of such policies respectively. It is a common occurrence for some individuals, especially opposition party members and their ardent followers, to criticise government policies and even insult presidents. Therefore, Akwei (2017, para. 9) notes that “[p]residents in Ghana since the early 2000s have been subjected to insults by opposition members in the media due to the country’s laws that ultimately respects the concept of freedom of speech”. This situation is compounded by citizen journalism and the fact that “digital rights are largely guaranteed in Ghana” (Endert, Moore & Suuk 2019, p. 3). Thus, respect for free expression and easy access to new media technologies have unfortunately bred fertile grounds for online attacks against journalist. Therefore, under the guise of exercising their rights to free expression, perpetrators have attacked journalists online. Ghana is a signatory to international conventions and protocols on gender equality and has ratified legal frameworks that promote women’s participation in public life. At the global level, Ghana has ratified the UN’s Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women and the 1995 272

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. Also, gender equality, according to the 2015 Sustainable Goals Development, is a fundamental human right and a foundation for a peaceful and sustainable world, therefore, it is expected that UN’s member states like Ghana must provide women with equal access to the various sectors of the society. At the regional level, Ghana is bounded by AU’s Protocol on Women’s Right- 2004 and the Solemn Declaration of Women’s Right of 2004. At the national level, the 1992 Constitution has explicit provisions against gender discrimination (Article 17) and obligates the state to take steps to end any form of discrimination through law reform and affirmative action (Article 35 (5) & (6)). Article 36 (6) also enjoins the state to provide equal economic opportunities for all citizens and in particular, ensure the full integration of women into the mainstream economic development of the country. In the light of these frameworks, attempts have been made to promote the participation of women in public life, especially politics. Over the years, the Electoral Commission of Ghana and some political parties have reduced filing fees for women who want to be in politics. In 2016, the Electoral Commission reduced its filing fee by 50% for women Parliamentary aspirants and in 2018, the main opposition political party also reduced its filing fee by 50% for women and people with disability. Civil society organisations have also supported women political aspirants with capacity building and campaign processes to increase their chances of being elected into office. Journalists have also been given gender sensitization trainings by civil society organisations. Mention can be made of organisations like UNESCO, Network for Women’s Rights in Ghana, Federation of Women Lawyers, Women in Law and Development and ABANTU for Development who continue to provide training for media houses on amplifying women’s rights issues. Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) has been raising awareness and increasing discussions around women’s participation and involvement in public discourse in Ghana by tracking and reporting on the women’s participation and voice in public discourse through radio. These and other attempts to address gender gaps have achieved some strides. For instance, Gadzekpo (2013) affirms that there have been some positive gains in the social and economic status of women and in the area of public life in Ghana. Despite the gains, instances of gender discrimination against females persist because the “patriarchal nature of the… society has continuously hindered women from realizing their full potential in every aspect of the society” (Media Foundation for West Africa, 2019, p. 9) including the media. Advocacy on women issues in the media have not been sustainable because such efforts have been left at “the discretion of media owners, managers and programme producers other than a conscious effort to create legitimate spaces for women in the media landscape” (Media Foundation for West Africa, 2019, p. 12). Though the internet has the huge potential to empower women, a study by Media Foundation for West Africa has revealed that “unreliable internet service, high cost of data services and sexual harassment serve as barriers, preventing women from exploiting the huge potential the internet offers for self-empowerment and overall development” in Ghana (Media Foundation for West Africa, 2019, p.12).

LITERATURE REVIEW Historically, journalism evolved as a male-dominated field (Claudia et al., 2018; Torkolla & Ruoho, 2011; Djerf-Piere, 2007). The media was managed by men at the onset of the journalism industry. This led to males dominating “in the processes, practices, images and ideologies of journalism – and its power distributions” (Ruoho & Torkolla, 2018, p. 67). As a result, “masculine norms and values of journalistic practice” have gradually been ingrained as the “professional routine to which all journalists are expected 273

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

to subscribe” (Ross & Carter, 2011, p.1149). This explains why media contents are tailored according to the preferences of males (Davytan-Gevorgyan, 2016) and why research has established gender segregation in journalism practice (North, 2016a, Ross & Padovani, 2016; Krijnen & Van Bauwel, 2015; Nilsson, 2010). It is worth noting that the media industry has witnessed an increase in female representation (Boateng, 2017; Franks, 2013) because “women’s experience of inequality has changed worldwide since the 1970s” (Gallagher, 2014, p.11). However, “it remains unequivocal and substantial” (Gallagher, 2014, p.11), especially in journalism. The global percentage of female journalists in 1995 was 28% and this increased to 37% in 2005 (GMMP, 2015). Also, journalism education has realised increased enrolment of female journalist students (Ross & Carter, 2011). Therefore, the expectation was that the increase would afford the needed critical mass to change male dominance in the industry (Haworth (2000) as cited in De Vyust & Raeymaeckers, 2019). Unfortunately, journalism practice is still organised based on masculine values despite the increase (Nilson, 2010). Hence, the media industry is criticised as a gendered institution (Ruhuo & Torkkola, 2018). A wide range of interconnected structures are hurdles to the equal treatment of male and female journalists. Evidence has shown that the media industry is characterized by gender segregation at the decision-making levels (Byerly, 2014; North, 2016a; Nordicom, 2018; Robinson, 2008), in the assignment of news beats (De Vyust & Raeymaeckers, 2019; Franks, 2013; GMMP, 2015; North, 2016b; WMC, 2017) and news subjects (GMMP, 2015). For instance, upon an investigation of leadership positions in 100 largest international media organisations, Nordicom (2018) discovered gender disparity (rather than gender equality) in decision-making levels of these organisations. Thus, 17 per cent of top management positions were occupied by females and only six of the CEOs in the organisation were females. North (2016b) also establishes in her study that female journalists are often assigned to soft beats and their male counterparts, hard beats. The preceding and other instances of such nature entrench gender discrimination in the journalism practice than ensuring gender equality. In Ghana, “there is a paucity of research on women’s occupational status in the media” (Gdzekpo, 2013, p.373). A global study had indicated the domination of males in the Ghanaian media (Byerly, 2011). Upon the study of six media organisations in Ghana (that forms part of the global study), 400 participants were surveyed and only 141 were females. Byerly’s (2011) study revealed that obligations of media organisations to gender equity policies were mixed because 67% of the newsrooms surveyed had gender equity policies yet 50% had sexual harassment policies. Also, a policy on the same jobs back after maternity leave was non-existent in all the newsrooms surveyed. With regards to decision-making levels, the study established that females make up 28.2% and 24.1 per cent of governance positions and top-level management positions respectively in the Ghanaian media (Byerly 2011, 78). However, females consisted of 46% of employees in production and design, as well as 48.6% at technical-professional level (Byerly 2011). Also, Gadzekpo and River (1997) has noted that the loyalty of female journalists to their family has been used as a basis to deny the hiring and promotion of female journalists. Thus, taking time off to take care of a sick child or for maternity leave was some of the prevalent excuses used to deny them career advancement. The authors also discovered that female married journalists were unable to take on more challenging jobs as regional directors of news bureaus because their husbands are reluctant to support them in their new posts. Even though a study by Boateng (2017) has established the reversal of gender disparity in journalism education, gender disparity in journalism practice persist in Ghana, especially at the decision-making 274

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

levels. For instance, from the 1960s to date, only six females (Edith Wuver, Elizabeth Ohene, Adwoa Afari Yeboah, Eva Lokko, Gina Blay and Nana Aba Anamoah) have been able to rise to top levels in the Ghanaian media industry - an indication that “control of the media continues to reside largely with men, even if the media are no longer a male preserve” (Gadzekpo, 2013, p. 381).

Digital Communication and Violence Against Journalists Research has established that the “Internet and ICTs are part of the gender-based violence environment” (Vega Montiel, 2014, p 17). In this study, the focus is on how this gender-based violence environment is encouraging online attack of journalists and media freedom in Ghana, under the guise of free expression. Srebreny (2014) avers that “new forms of aggression and violence against women have emerged in Internet practices” (p.31). For instance, in the UK, Sue Perkins, a TV presenter, received rape and death threats in 2015 upon rumours that she would replace a male reporter of Top Gear, a driving and cars TV Show. In Ghana, Afia Pokua, an outspoken female journalist who hosts political programmes, is also considering quitting journalism because of online (and offline) attacks and threats to her life and that of her family. Online attacks on journalists are now very easy and less expensive. This is because freedom of expression, new media technology and its anonymity are being used as weapons to carry out such attacks online (Jamil, 2020c; Reporters without Borders, 2018). Therefore, online attacks against journalists are growing globally (Reporters without Borders, 2018; UNESCO, 2018) and appear to be growing worse. There is an escalation of online attacks against journalists from both state and non-state actors (UNESCO, 2018) and Reporter without Borders (2018) affirms this problem in their report on online harassments of journalists. In Ghana, the escalation of online attacks can be attributed to free expression, easy access to the Internet and ICTs, and social media among others. Thus, these are readily available to perpetrators of violence against journalists and they are making use of them to attack journalists and undermine media freedom. In Ghana, the problem of escalation of online attacks on journalists is not different. Like their counterparts elsewhere, journalists experience various forms of attacks online due to their profession. However, such experiences among female journalists are worse as compared to that of their male counterparts. Mention can be made of Nana Aba Anamoah (the General Manager of GH ONE TV) who was insulted and described by some members of the ruling party and their affiliates as a prostitute and a pimp in November 2019 because she expressed an opinion about certain activities of the ruling government on Twitter. Thus, she asked that the President of Ghana, who was on a tour in the Volta Region of the country, to talk about the jobs he has created for the unemployed youth in Ghana than talk about the mistakes of the past government. Her colleague, Serwaa Amihere, also received nation-wide attention when during the 2019 Radio and TV Personality Awards, the Chief Executive Officer of Consumer Protection Agency made sexist remarks about her when he was presenting an award to her. A quantitative study by Sarpong (2020a) affirmed an increase in online attacks against journalists when he tracked online abuse directed at journalists in the Ghanaian media space. It was also discovered that the most abused journalist within the period of study was Bridget Otoo, a female journalist who was formerly with TV3 but now a freelancer. Out of the total data over 600 instances of online abuse gathered within the three months of study, 34% of the abuse was directed at her. This was followed by Manasseh Azure, an investigative journalist who was formerly with Multimedia Group Ltd but now a freelancer. Findings showed that 17% of the abuse was directed at him. The results showed that the female 275

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

journalist received a double percentage of the instances of abuse her male counterpart received. Findings also reveal that 84.5% of the abuses were in the form of offensive messages followed by cyberstalking (12.2%), impersonation and trolling (7.1%), harassment campaigns (2.6%), sexual harassment (1.5%) and hacking (0.3%). In another study, Sarpong (2020b) discovered that online abuse against the journalists often occurred on Twitter. A total of 57.2% of the abuses the journalists encountered occurred on the personal and professional Twitter account, with Instagram and Facebook recording 30% and 10% respectively. It was also revealed that most of the abuses were direct messages to the victims. These and other forms of online attacks on female journalists are common in Ghana. Perpetrators of these attacks often aim at discrediting women journalists and/or damaging their reputations. Such experiences have short- and long-term effects on women journalists: to silence them and to cause them to quit journalism.

Free Expression and Anonymity as Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety New media technologies come with new possibilities: augmentation of free expression and citizen journalism. Modern technology and new media allow citizens to be media content creators and to freely share them (Ash, 2016). Anyone with Internet and ICTs could cover issues, create media contents out of his/her coverage and freely distribute such content to his/her audience. Hence many people have started blogging and vlogging or are creating content and using their social media accounts to air their views on issues or start a public discourse. This global phenomenon is not lost to Ghanaians. In Ghana, this allows more citizens to move from their voiceless state and have a voice. It is also an opportunity for journalists to reach more of the fragmented audience. This is because it was a cost-effective means for both professional and citizen journalists to create and distribute their content. As a result, blogging and uploading of personal videos on the internet has expanded the room for free expression in Ghana. In some instances, citizen and professional journalists come together to create media content for the mainstream media. The augmentation of free speech and citizen journalism is also considered as an opportunity to address gender discrimination in the journalism practice. This is because it allows female journalists to create media content that is tailored to their preferences and distribute without passing through the male-dominated gate of editors (Baer, 2016; Carter Olson, 2016). Also, it is a means for more female journalists to become producers: a shift from being just presenters/reporters. With access to the Internet and ICT’s, they can produce their content on any topic and distribute to their audience without encountering the male-dominated structures that have been obstacles to the representation and portrayal of women in the media. Another dimension to the augmentation is online anonymity. It has been noted that anonymity facilitates the ability of people to express their views on issues, especially controversial issues (Hosein. 2006) because it affords privacy and security (UNESCO, 2018). In this regard, Bodle (2013, p. 24) avers that “anonymity helps support the fundamental rights of privacy and freedom of expression”. Historically in the journalism practice, anonymity has been used to protect the identity of journalists. Female journalists depended on anonymity to protect their identity (Desta, 2015). For instance, Gadzekpo (2005) avers that though “the social and political conditions prevailing in colonial Ghana required protective anonymity to diffuse responsibility, deflect liability from individual authors of the text, and to present a unified front to readers”, there “may have also been gendered reasons for female anonymity” because most of the authors of early women’s columns and pages were concealed behind such feminine pseudonyms 276

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

as ‘Elena’, ‘Joyce’, ‘Marjorie Mensah’, ‘Gloria’… among others (p.10). The security that comes with anonymity has been used as a basis for actors of free expression and journalists’ safety to justify the need for data encryption and to counter laws that aim at online censorship and surveillance. Therefore, they have condemned the prohibition of anonymity on social network sites, online public forums, blogs and news sites due to persistent user identity policy (Fay, 2011; York, 2011). However, the new possibilities also come with new challenges. One of the new challenges is the use of online anonymity, free expression and citizen journalism as weapons to undermine media freedom and journalists’ safety (Ging & Siapera, 2018; Reporters without Borders, 2018). Anonymity of the screen, though indispensable to journalists’ reporting efforts, is used by perpetrators of online abuse to silence journalists. Thus, citizens who perpetrate violence against journalists see the new possibilities as a means to have the needed support to freely express and publicize their views. However, the problem is their free expressions take the form of trolls, threats, hate speech, leakage of personal information and images of journalists among others with the intent to silence them. In the case of female journalists, the free expression of such views is characterised by sexist and patriarchal attributes most of the time. The situation of perpetrators having the power and the voice to silence the media has serious consequences for young and thriving democracies like Ghana: it undermines the principles of democracy. This is because the intent of the perpetrator is more of a personal interest than public interest and it is to silence journalists. Thus, the media as the agent for upholding and defending public interest (as demanded by Article 162(5) of the 1992 Constitution of Ghana) are silenced and the self-interest of the perpetrators which is against public interest thrives. Also, such acts repress the right of journalists to free expression and media freedom, and heightens journalists’ insecurity. Free expression “supports good governance and democratic accountability” because it “is widely seen as underpinning” the citizenry’s “right to share political ideas” and to scrutinize the actions of political actors in democratic countries, therefore, the media “require special protections to enable them to operate freely (UNESCO, 2015:2) and be safe from online attacks.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Feminist Theory Feminism is attributed to Hebertine Auclert (from France) as the first person to have used the term (Clifford, 2001). Auclert used it with the fight for the political rights of females. Therefore, Azasu and Geraldo (2005, p.5) explain feminism as “a political movement that works to gain…equality” for females. According to Hooks (2000), feminism is the movement to address sexist exploitation, sexism and oppression of women. Hence, Little John and Foss (2011) assert that the feminist theory identifies the discrimination in the sharing of power in societies. They further add that the discrimination is because the sharing of power favours males than females. This leads to gender inequality because it results in a disparity between individuals due to their gender. Feminism seeks to ensure equality for both males and females in the various sectors of society. In literature, the feminist theory is associated with the rights of women (Lay & Daley, 2007) because the “central purpose of feminist theory is a commitment to change oppressive structures” in patriarchal societies and “to connect abstract ideas with concrete problems for political action” that ensures equality (Flax as cited in Lay & Daley, 2007, p.50). The focus of the theory is to examine the experiences 277

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

of women from dimensions of the gender subordination and oppression of women (Jamil, 2020). The feminist theory studies the perpetuation of gender inequality in societies and attempts to address such inequalities. From the historical perspective, feminism is characterised by three temporal waves. The first wave which spans from 19th to early 20th centuries, started in the US and the UK and focused on equality and property rights of women (Annapurany, 2016). Critique of “patriarchy in constructing the cultural identity of women” was the focus of the second wave of feminism which characterised the 1960s to 1990s (Annapurany, 2016, p.424). Spanning from the 1990s to date, the third wave of feminism focused on the need to desist from “putting and classifying women into categories and removing stereotypical images” of women (Ghorfati & Medini, 2015. p. 21). These waves of feminism gave rise to different forms of feminism with Marxist, Social, Radical and Liberal feminism being the four main types of feminism. Several assumptions are associated with the feminist theory (Lay & Daley, 2007). One of the assumptions is that men and women have different needs. Also, the theory explicates women as the oppressed in a patriarchal society who are marginalized, therefore, lags in the attainment of their full potential and are unable to fully participate in the various sectors of such society (Lay & Daley, 2007; Ropers-Huilman, 2002). Another assumption of feminist theorist is that women can make valuable contributions to the various sectors in the society so they should be involved in decision making and in solving problems within the society (Lay & Daley, 2007; Ropers-Huilman, 2002). Finally, the theory expounds the need for feminist studies to move beyond critique to achieving social change. Feminist theories are varied and diverse (Kim, 2006). Though diverse reasons are offered by each of the feminist theories for gender discrimination and inequality, all the theories explore the origin of females’ domination, how it is perpetuated and online ways to achieve gender equality (Kim, 2006). Out of the various feminist theories, four are generally accepted, namely marxist, radical, socialist and liberal feminists. Marxist feminist attribute gender discrimination to capitalism, radical feminists to patriarchy, social feminist to both patriarch and capitalism and liberal feminist to social customs and tradition (Kim, 2006). This study draws on insights from the assumptions and the various types of feminist theories to contend that the disproportion in online attacks suppress free expression among female journalists. To Kiorala (2020), the feminist “theory has been used to explain men’s use of violence to legitimize traditional gender hierarchies” (p. 49). In a patriarchal system, females’ voices are not expected to extend beyond private domain, therefore, when female journalists use free expression and media freedom in their routines, they become deviants to the traditional roles such system assigns females. To silence them, they are disproportionately subjected to online attacks and harassments (Megary, 2014). The theory enables the researcher to explore how journalists’ experiences and perception of online abuse transect with aspects of gender discrimination and inequality, free expression and media freedom

METHODOLOGY Research Approach and Design The qualitative approach was employed in this study because the researcher used the phenomenological research design (Creswell, 2013). Woods (2015, p. 84) avers that “the objective of the phenomenological study is to identify a phenomenon, investigate the experience, and describe the common meaning for 278

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

several individuals of their lived experience”. The phenomenological design is a qualitative experiential research approach rooted in psychology to make sense of personal experiences by focusing on participants’ cognitive, linguistic, affective, and physical well-being (Applebaum, 2012; Creswell, 2013; Pringle, Drummond, Mclafferty & Hendry, 2011). Thus, “phenomenologists are concerned with understanding social and psychological phenomenon from the perspectives of people involved” (Welman & Krugger as cited by Groenewald, 2004, p. 5), therefore, they “focus on the lived experience and the meaning individuals attach to their everyday lives” (Woods, 2015, p 85). This approach enabled the researcher to investigate the online abusive experiences of Ghanaian journalists and to explore the types and sources of online attacks they encounter and the meanings they assigned to the effects of such abuse on their rights to free expression and media freedom. This aligns with the claim by Creswell (2014) that qualitative research seeks to identify, explore and explain the attitudes, actions and perceptions of people within a social setting and the meanings they make of their experiences.

Data Collection Methods: Interviews and Document Analysis In-depth interview was used to gather data for this study. Creswell (2013, p.80) avows that data collection procedure in phenomenological design “involves typically interviewing individuals who have experienced the phenomenon”. Therefore, interviews were used to probe for information on the lived online experiences and perspectives of journalists to study the phenomenon of increase of online attacks; sources and types of online attacks Ghanaian journalists often encounter in their duties and to ascertain whether escalation of free expression is a contributory factor. Purposive sampling was used to select 8 journalists (4 males and 4 females) from leading mainstream electronic and online media organisations in Accra who have more than five years’ experience in practice and are active online for the interviews. They were selected because they had been constantly attacked online over the years, therefore, they have lived the phenomenon under investigation for some time. Interviewees were questioned on how often they experienced online attacks, the types of attacks they experienced, the sources behind the attacks and whether augmentation of free speech encourages the attacks. Each interview lasted for 45 minutes on the average and each interview was recorded, transcribed and cleaned before coding. Document analysis was also used to corroborate the interview data. This method was used evaluate comments on purposively selected posts on Twitter and Facebook accounts of the journalists “in order to elicit meaning, gain understanding and develop empirical knowledge” to enable the researcher to affirm or refute findings on the phenomenon of online attacks on Ghanaian journalists (Bowen, 2009, p. 27). Data gathered from the interviews and the document analysis was thematically analysed. Patterns that emerged as themes from the data were categorized and used to answer the research questions (Bowen, 2009). Consents of participants were sought before the interviews and the review of posts to meet ethical standards. For the sake of confidentiality, participants’ names are replaced with numbers

Research Questions Digital innovations have increased free expression and availed the means for attacking journalists online (UNESCO, 2018). Online attacks on journalists are gendered and it is on the increase (Antonijevic, 2016; UNESCO, 2018). Antonijevic (2016) notes that online attacks of journalists (mostly female journalists) have not received much attention in the literature and Ghana is not an exception. Research from other parts of the globe is giving attention to the phenomenon of journalists being silenced via online attacks 279

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

as attempts to address the problem (Ferrier, 2018; Sarpong, 2020, 2020b; Antonijevic, 2016). However, research on online attacks of journalists is very scant in Ghana, therefore, this chapter attempts to fill this gap. Specifically, the study seeks to answer the following research questions: 1. What are the lived experiences and perspectives of journalists who encounter online attacks in the course of their duties? 2. What are the types and sources of online attacks on journalists in Ghana experience? 3. What are the perspectives of journalists on the interplay between free expression and online attacks on journalists?

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION RQ1: Experiences and Perspectives of Journalists on online attacks. Data gathered established an increase in online attacks of journalists in Ghana - an affirmation of a claim by Sarpong (2020a) and Adam (2018) - and the case of female journalists was disproportional (Westcott, 2019; Mendes et al, 2018). All the participants admitted to experiencing online attacks constantly adding that the attacks were job-related. The participants noted that they were often attacked because perpetrators were uncomfortable with the coverage given to issues of interest to them[perpetrators] or an exposure of information they preferred to be hidden. All the participants indicated that the Ghanaian society was politically inclined along party lines, therefore, every coverage was viewed with political lenses. Hence, journalists were seen to ‘be in bed’ with political factions when they cover or post comments on political issues. Thus, a journalist could be tagged as being biased to the ruling and/or opposition parties at the same time depending on the faction coverage/post favoured or did not favour. Journalists were tagged as being biased, incompetent, corrupt or untruthful when coverage was unfavourable to perpetrators. For instance, a male journalist who hosts a political programme indicates: So far as I cover a political issue and party supporters of any of the political divide feel it casts them in a negative light, I will automatically receive insults and offensive messages in my DM. It is not easy to do this job without a thick skin because some of the messages are mean and appalling. Whether it is a coverage or my opinion [posts], I will be insulted. Sometimes, I feel it is wrong to have an opinion or share it (P2, IDI). Probing for gender dimensions to the increase of online attacks, the majority of the participants (6 out of 8) acknowledged that the female journalists experienced more of such attacks than male journalists. All the female participants and two male participants concurred that perpetrators easily target female journalists than male journalists. It was discovered that the experiences of online attacks against female journalists varied in terms of frequency of occurrence when compared to that of their male counterparts. They disclosed that female journalists were attacked online because the society expects the only males to publicly comment on important or critical issues. In this regard, a female journalist who has been reporting from hard beat (political programme) declares:

280

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

I have been described as a loud-mouthed individual who cannot marry because I am not humble enough to attract a potential husband. I have been asked to learn be a woman and keep quiet if I ever want to get married….sometimes a budding relationship comes crashing down because a mother-in-law to be is not comfortable with such attacks and fears for the safety of the son since it is obvious that some politicians are behind such attacks. I have been trained to ask the questions that need to be asked yet I am insulted and punished for doing my job (P1, IDI). The above finding is corroborated by data from the review. Comparison of comments on the posts of the participants showed that the female journalists were often attacked than the male journalists. For instance, through comparison of Facebook comments of P1 and P2 on the 27the April 2020 about the President’s promise to build 88 district hospitals to help fight COVID-19 outbreak in his 8th national address, 734 comments were posted on Participant 1’s post while Participant 2’s post attracted 776 comments. The 734 comments on P1’s Facebook wall included 459 comments about the issue, 63 comments were compliments and the remaining 212 comments attacked her. However, the 776 comments on P2’s wall included 627 comments (80.8%) on the issue, 149 comments (13.7%) were not related to the issue and 43 comments (5.5%) were attacks on him. For example, in figure 1, a screenshot of a comment on the post from Participant 1 attacks her capability as a journalist to accurately report on the President’s address. Figure 1. A Screenshot of participant 1’s Facebook wall

All the participants also noted that they were attacked mostly on personal social media accounts and sometimes at the comment’s fora on the website of their media organisations. This finding was common to both male and female journalists. Data showed that to interact with followers online to receive tip-offs or ensure audience participation to draw advertisers, they need to be abreast with digital trends in journalism practice and have followers online. However, this enables perpetrators of online attacks or individuals who are paid to mount surveillance on journalist’s opinions to gain access to their social media accounts and attack them (the journalists) for their coverage or opinions. Therefore, for tweeting her opinion on a trending political issue, Participant 4 is insulted in her twitter account as being ignorant and unintelligent, and she is tagged as being a member of National Democratic Party (NDC) as indicated in figure 2. This finding supports evidence that submits an increase in online attacks on journalists (Pew Centre, 2017). It also aligns with the claim that it is disproportional when experiences of male and female journalists are compared (Amnesty International, 2017; Antonijevic, 2016; IWMF, 2018; Mitjatovic, 2016).

281

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

Figure 2. Snapshot of a tweet on Participant 4’s Twitter Account

Online attacks of journalists are gendered because it portrays a discrimination that is based on cultural norms that consider females to be inferior to men (Kiorala, 2020). Thus, public speaking is a deviation to the expected role of females, especially in the African context. Therefore, female journalists who do not conform to the traditional gender roles are disproportionately targeted for online attacks (Megarry, 2014). The findings support the assumption by radical feminist theorist that gender discrimination is due to the patriarchal norms in societies. Thus, the female participants are often targeted by perpetrators for publicly commenting or posting their opinions because of their gender and this is gender discrimination. This is because IACHR (2011) explains gender discrimination to be “any difference in treatment made based on sex, which intentionally or in practice, places women in a disadvantageous situation and impairs the full recognition of their rights in the public or private spheres” (para. 18). RQ2: Types and sources of online attacks

Types of Online Attacks The dominant type of online attack the participants experienced was offensive messages and sexual harassment even though they sometimes experienced hacking and cyberstalking. Offensive Messages: Most of the attacks directed at the participants were offensive messages and were predominantly psychological in nature. Such insults are in the form of hate speech, question the morality of the journalists or discredit their work. The perpetrators assume that the journalists are biased so they have no moral right to have an opinion or give critical coverage on issues of interest to the ruling or opposition party. In this light, a male journalist discloses: When I make comments on radio or I post comments on Facebook or Twitter, people post comments to attack my personality, my professionalism and sometimes my family. I have been insulted as having a big head with no brains. I cannot outline all the personal insults because I don’t even pay attention to such comments. Sometimes, people with no journalism training or experience will tell me that I don’t know how to do my job or I didn’t report objectively on an issue. Another participant who is a female also notes: I don’t want to be a journalist who doesn’t have an opinion. So yes, I am reporting facts but I also have an opinion. If I feel something is not being done right, I will not say I am a journalist so I should keep

282

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

quiet. No, I have an opinion and I am a citizen as well. Unfortunately, … when I say something that does not sit well with their position, they come at you because they just do not agree with your views or opinion no matter how factual you are… I get insulted by some people in government and opposition because they feel I am not doing my job well. For me, I often get attacked because I am on TV every day of the week and I host a morning Current Affairs show which is political so I get a lot of backlash. Sometimes as we are streaming live, offensive insults are sent to our site and into my social media accounts as well. For example, the quality of work done by Participant 4, a female journalist on the coverage and condemnation of a demolition exercise carried out in a slum in Accra, during the COVID-19 lockdown directive is discredited by a tweet as seen in figure 3. Figure 3. Screenshot of an offensive message from the Twitter account of Participant 4

Offensive messages as the dominant type of online attacks on journalists in Ghana is supported in the literature. Sarpong (2020a) discovers offensive messages as the most dominant type of attack upon tracking online abuse in Ghana. Online sexual harassment: Another common type of attack the participants experienced was sexual harassment but the experiences of the female journalists were more than the male journalists. All the participants concede to experiencing online sexual harassment. Thus, data established that the female participants experienced it very often but that of the male journalists was not common. The female participants noted that they receive online sexual harassment constantly because their sources and followers wrongly assume that they (female journalists) are interested them when they get along with them. Sharing her experience, a female participant divulges: As for sexual harassment, it is an everyday occurrence. I no more report them because it is a waste of time. I cannot go to the police every day and report harassment when I have to be researching on tip-offs or digging for information to meet deadlines. I am fed up and it is becoming a norm. I receive x rated content and encounter all sort of degrading advances and comments. I just have to accept that it comes with the job and not pay attention (P 3, 1D1). Almost all the male participants (3 out of 4) noted that sometimes X rated messages, pictures and/or videos and sexist jokes or comments were sent to their private social media accounts (mostly WhatsApp). They added that people who send X rated content to them do so intentionally to set traps for them. Thus, compromising to such invitations gives the sender or the ‘paymaster’ behind such a trap the power to

283

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

blackmail or threaten the journalist into submission for skewed coverage. For example, a male participant notes that “it does happen to me once in a while, they will intentionally make comments with sexual innuendos about parts of my body”. Data from the document analysis validated the above finding. A Facebook post on 16th May from Participant 5 (on a fact check on the President’s claim that Ghana had administered more COVID-19 tests than any other African country) generated 296 comments from followers. Out of the 296, 208 (70.3%) were varied opinions on the issue while 88 (29.7%) were attacks on his credibility and objectivity but none was sexist. However, a Facebook post from Participant 8 on 8th April, 2020 (which sought to know how people were coping with lockdown restrictions) generated 188 comments from followers out of which 45 (24%) were attacks and 143 (76%) answered the question. Out of the 45 online insults, 27 comments (14.4%) were sexist while 18 comments (9.6%) were not. It was discovered that the comments on the posts from the male journalists were hardly sexist in nature but that of the female journalists contained unsolicited comments about their bodies, being asked to get married or have children, or being called “babe”, “my crush” among others. For instance, figure 4 presents some of the sexist comments on the post of Participant 8 on how people were coping with the lock down restrictions Figure 4. Screenshot of sexual harassment from Facebook wall of Participant 8

Also in figure 5, the story of men using the pictures of a female journalist to masturbate on a news site (Pulse Ghana) was posted on her Twitter page and a perpetrator posted a comment in the Twi language which means that ‘she should get away because her sexual organ is not even worth his attention’. According to the feminist theory and Kaur (2012), sexual harassment reaffirms that hegemonic masculinity also exists in the online environment and this finding attest to this fact.

284

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

Figure 5. Screenshot of sexual harassment from the Twitter account of a female journalist

Cyberstalking: Data from the interview showed cyberstalking was the next dominant type of online attacks. Six out of the eight participants indicated that they had experienced instances of cyberstalking. One participant notes that People monitor my accounts just to attack me due to posts. You will be surprised to know that colleague journalists are constantly monitoring my account just to report my comments to whoever pays them. This finding contradicts Sarpong’s (2020a) study which revealed that cyberstalking was the second most dominant type of online attacks in Ghana. The research methodology for each study may account for the difference in the order of dominance. While this study employed qualitative methods (in-depth interviews and document review) and sampled data from only journalists who are often attacked online, Sarpong (2020a) used quantitative method (survey) and sampled data from journalists, media and human rights activists. Hacking: All the participants admitted that online attack in the form of hacking was few. This was because the majority of the participants (7 out of 8) have been using strong passwords, firewall protection and other digital security features to protect their accounts. This confirms Sarpong’s (2020b) finding that hacking was the least experienced type of online threats. Also, in conformity to findings from Ferrier (2018), Mijatovic (2016) and Sarpong (2020b), this study finds that majority of the online attacks on journalists in Ghana occurred social media platforms and comments fora on the website of the media organisations. From the data, the participants are often attacked on Twitter and Facebook than Instagram, WhatsApp and other social media platforms. For

285

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

instance, Participant 4 claimed that she often received backlash from her Twitter and Facebook account than her Instagram and Snapchat account because there is not much room to type comments on Instagram unlike Facebook and Twitter (Participant 4. IDI). The participants often encountered the attacks in their private social media accounts than their organisation’s social media accounts. This finding is important because it seems to counter the Western experience. Studies carried out in Western countries indicate that online attacks often occur in public than private (Adams, 2018; Ferrier, 2018; Usher, Holcomb, & Littman, 2018). However, this study in support of a similar finding in Nepal (Koirala, 2020) which indicated that online attacks often occur in private than public.

Sources of Online Attacks Political sources: Data for the study also suggests that the online attacks are mostly from political sources. Ardent followers and sympathisers of political parties send offensive messages and other types of online attacks that are psychological and sexist in nature to the private social media accounts of the participants as their retaliation for unfavourable coverage or opinions the participants expressed. The interview data suggested that some individuals are also paid/sponsored by politicians or their affiliates to carry out cyberstalking. For instance, a participant asserts: …about 80% of the attacks I encounter are from foot soldiers and sympathisers of the two main political parties in this country and the fact that we are in the election year only make it worse. They are now very sensitive to content that can prevent them from scoring political points…I hardly receive insults directly from politicians but that does not mean that they are not behind the attacks… I must admit that it is not always that politicians are responsible for such attacks. On a few occasions, individuals also call me names or insult me because they are uncomfortable with my job (P7, IDI). Inferences from comments on the post of the participants also confirmed that some of the attacks were from political angles. For instance, in the comments in figure 6, the perpetrator was attacking Participant 1 for asking whether the President would be able to build 88 District Hospitals within 2020 as indicated in his 8th address on the fight against COVID-19 to the nation. In attacking the participant, the perpetrator creates the impression that the female journalist is politically biased because she has praised JM (former president John Mahama) for building a hospital yet she is not praising the current president for indicating that 88 hospitals will be built to help fight the outbreak of COVID-19 in the country. It can be inferred that this attack is politically motivated because he is uncomfortable with the post which questions the feasibility of the President’s claim that 88 District hospitals will be built within the year. Social Sources: Apart from political sources, the participants also received attacks from social sources. All the participants also admitted that sometimes, the attacks are carried out by unknown individuals within the society. The participants noted that these attacks were not politically motivated. For instance, in figure 7 below, inferences from the comment show that the perpetrator was socially motivated because there is no indication of political motivations. Such attacks from state and non-state actors contradicts the provisions in Articles 162 (4) and 152(6) of the 1992 Constitution. They also make journalists vulnerable (UNESCO, 2018) and undermine media freedom because the motive for is to directly harass the participants, invade their privacy, cause them to self-censor their coverage, silence them or suppress free expression/media freedom (Ferrier, 2018).

286

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

Figure 6. A politically motivated Facebook comment questioning objectivity of Participant 1

Figure 7. An offensive comment to a female participant

RQ3: Free expression as a conduit for online attacks of journalists. Majority of the participants (6 out of 8) acknowledge that free expression, media environment and social media are emboldening perpetrators to launch online attacks on journalists because they make it easy for perpetrators to attack journalists online. They note that new media technologies and the internet

287

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

have enhanced means of creating and spreading content, so perpetrators are able to carry out online attacks because they are expressing their views. Therefore, a male participant avers: …it’s because that freedom is available that is why they [perpetrators] do that and get away with it because they know you cannot do anything to them. They think they are exercising their right to free speech… social media and the internet is enabling online attacks that is why it [online attacks] is increasing. Previously it was not easy for people to get to your office or studios or newsroom to attack you so they wrote letters or rejoinders. But now it is very easy. They don’t need to travel anywhere or incur any cost. They already have a mobile phone and internet connectivity so they just have to pick their phone, write whatever they want, send it and not care about the damage (P 5, IDI). The participants argued that if citizens are not guaranteed of right to free expression or should their online communication be monitored or censored, they would be unable to increasingly attack journalists online even when they have new media technologies and the internet at their disposal. I strongly believe that people are abusing their right to expression. Before the Fourth Republic and even at the onset of this Republic, nobody dared comment anyhow, it was unheard of. But now, people can express their views on issues because our democracy is growing. It’s not like the times where only the traditional media were the platforms and accessibility was a big deal. Now, bloggers, vloggers and others are broadcasting content and anybody interested can access their content and comment on them as well. Now thanks to these opportunities, some people are abusing them to insult public officials, MPs and even the President and former Presidents. So, they don’t see anything wrong with insulting a journalist (Participant 4). However, the remaining two participants noted that social media and anonymity from technological innovations rather than free expression was encouraging online attacks. They claimed that without social media and the internet (which promote the self-publication of content), individuals would be unable to publish or broadcast their views, which is in the form of online attacks. It is important to add that almost all the participants (except one) revealed that they were against any kind of regulation of the existing media environment in the country. The remaining participant who is a female journalist, however, indicated that she will “only support regulation with a human face that does not undermine free expression and media freedom” (P 8, IDI). Free expression has been augmented in the digital age (Jamil, 2019; Hans-Juergen, 2005) and it is accepted that how this right is exercised has changed (Cannataci, et al, 2016). This implies that free expression online can be abused because “the misuse of the right to freedom of expression in online contexts can cause considerable damage to other individuals’ rights, such as those to privacy, reputation and dignity and other public interests” (Cannataci et al 2016, p. 20). In this regard, Reporters without Borders (2018) has noted that freedom of expression is being used as weapons to carry out such attacks while Srebreny (2014, p.31) avers that “new forms of aggression and violence against women have emerged in Internet practices”. The foregoing suggests that though technological innovations have augmented freedom of expression globally, they have also “extended or increased the old problems of abusing the right to freedom of expression, as well as created new risks and dangers to it” (Cannataci et al, 2016 p.22). Therefore, by sending offensive messages and sexist jokes or nude pictures/video to journalists without their consent, perpetrators of online attacks against journalists are invading the pri288

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

vacy of the journalists and compromising their dignity, reputations, autonomy and social relationships (Cannataci et al, 2016). Such online abuse, “especially in Ghana, is increasing” even though it has been established that it “could have a profound ‘chilling effect’ on journalism” and can negatively impact on media freedom as one of the tenets of a thriving democratic society like Ghana (Sarpong, 2020, para 2).

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS In conclusion, this study establishes that Ghanaian journalists have been experiencing an increase in online attacks and female journalists are often attacked more than their male counterparts because of their gender. Thus, the patriarchal norms in society frown on public speaking of female journalists because such an act is considered to be divergent to the traditional roles assigned to the female gender, therefore, the attacks are used to silence them. The study identifies threatening, intimidating and offensive messages as the most dominant type of online attack. This is followed by x rated contents, sexist jokes and advances as well as hacking and cyberstalking. These types of attacks are respectively psychological, sexist and digital in nature. The attacks often occurred on the private social media accounts of journalists and are usually from political, social and unknown sources. Finally, it is confirmed that free expression, technological innovations and anonymity from social media are emboldening perpetrators and affording them an easy and cheap means to launch online attacks on the journalists. The study, therefore, recommends that: •

•

Online attacks on journalists do not only hinder free expression and media freedom but also undermine young but thriving democracies like Ghana. Therefore, the state must employ effective measures to prevent online attacks on journalists without compromising free expression and media freedom. Actors of journalists’’ safety and media rights activists must sensitize the citizenry on the need to seek redress when they are uncomfortable with the nature of coverage from journalists as recommended by Article 152 (6) of the 1992 Constitution than to attack journalists online.

FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS In the Ghanaian context, this study commences new paths for future research into online attacks, gender discrimination and free expression in the field of journalists’ safety and media freedom. A future research into policies, journalists’ unions collective action and university research agendas to counter diverse gender-based threats to journalists’ safety in Ghana is recommended. Other possible areas of research include, but not limited to: available support systems and coping strategies to deal with online attacks in Ghana, legal framework to ensure journalists’ online safety, strategies to counter gender discrimination and disparity, and digital protection of journalists in Ghana.

289

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

REFERENCES Adams, C. (2018). They go for gender first. The nature and effect of sexist abuse of female technology journalists. Journalism Practice, 12(7), 850–858. doi:10.1080/17512786.2017.1350115 Akwei, I. (2017). Ghana’s president ask police to drop case against man arrested for insulting him. Retrieved from: https://www.africanews.com/2017/09/28/ghana-s-president-asks-police-to-drop-caseagainst-man-arrested-for-insulting// Amnesty International. (2017). Troll Patrol Findings: Using Crowdsourcing, Data Science & Machine Learning to Measure Violence and Abuse against Women on Twitter. Retrieved from: https://decoders. amnesty.org/projects/troll-patrol/findings Annapurany, K. (2016). A prospective study of feminism waves, phases, issues and critical analysis. International Journal of Applied Research, 424-426. Antonijevic, Z. (2016). The media cannot be free if women voices are silenced. In New challenges to freedom of expression: countering online abuse of female journalists. OSCE. Applebaum, M. (2012). Phenomenological psychological research as science. Journal of Phenomenological Psychology, 43(1), 36–72. doi:10.1163/156916212X632952 Ash, T. G. (2016). Free speech. Ten principles for a connected world. Atlantic Books. Azasu, K., & Geraldo, P. (2005). Mastering literary criticism. Yamens Publishing House. Baer, H. (2016). Redoing feminism: Digital activism, body politics, and neoliberalism. Feminist Media Studies, 16(1), 17–34. doi:10.1080/14680777.2015.1093070 Bell, E., & Owen, T. (Eds.). (2017). Journalism after Snowden: The future of the free press in the surveillance state. Columbia University Press. doi:10.7312/bell17612 Boateng, K. J. A. (2017). Reversal of gender disparity in journalism education- Study of Ghana Institute of Journalism. Observatorio Journal. Bodle, R. (2011b). Privacy and Participation in the Cloud: Ethical Implications of Google’s Privacy Practices and Public Communications. In K. German & B. E. Drushel (Eds.), The Ethics of Emerging Media: Information, Social Norms, and New Media Technology. The Continuum International Publishing Group. Bowen, G. A. (2009). Document analysis as a qualitative research method. Qualitative Research Journal, 9(2), 27–40. doi:10.3316/QRJ0902027 Byerly, C. M. (2014a). Media conglomeration and women’s interests: A global concern. Feminist Media Studies, 14(2), 322–326. doi:10.1080/14680777.2014.909137 Cannataci, J. A., Zhao, B., Torres Vives, G., Monteleone, S., Bonnici, J. M., & Moyakine, E. (2016). Privacy, free expression and transparency: Redefining their news boundaries in the digital age. UNESCO.

290

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

Carter Olson, C. (2016). #BringBackOurGirls: Digital communities supporting real-world change and influencing mainstream media agendas. Feminist Media Studies, 16(5), 772–787. doi:10.1080/146807 77.2016.1154887 Chen, G. M., & Pain, P. (2017). Normalizing online comments. Journalism Practice, 11(7), 876–892. doi:10.1080/17512786.2016.1205954 Citinewsroom.com. (2019). Government cancels December 17 Referendum. Retrieved from https:// citinewsroom.com/2019/12/govt-cancels-december-17-referendum/ Claudia, L., Carolina, A. T., Santos, M., & Jamil, S. (2018). Introduction to Dossier Journalism and Gender: Yes, this is Subversive. British Journalism Review, 14(1), 1–6. Clifford, A. (2001). Introducing feminist theology. Orbis Books. Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe. (2016). Recommendation on the protection of journalism and safety of journalists and other media actors. Retrieved from: https://search.coe.int/cm/Pages/ result_details.aspx?ObjectId=09000016806415d9#_ftn1 Creswell, J. W. (2014). Research design: Qualitative and mixed method approaches (4th ed.). Sage Publications. Davtyan-Gevorgyan, A. (2016). Women and mass media. Retrieved from http://feminism-boell.org/ en/2016/04/08/women-and-mass-media De Vuyst, S., & Raeymaeckers, K. (2019). Gender as a multi-layered issue in journalism: A multi-method approach to studying barriers sustaining gender inequality in Belgian newsrooms. European Journal of Women’s Studies, 26(1), 23–38. doi:10.1177/1350506817729856 Desta, Y. (2015). A brief history of female authors with male pen names. Retrieved from: http://mashable.com/2015/03/01/female-authorspen-names/#nCwK.WBoPPqA Djerf-Pierre, M. (2007). The gender of journalism: The structure and logic of the field in the twentieth century. Nordicom Review, 28, 81–104. Fay, J. (2011) Facebook’s position on real names not negotiable for dissidents. The Register. Retrieved from: http://www.theregister.co.uk/2011/02/08/facebook_real_names/ Ferrier, M. (2018). Attacks and harassment: The impact on female journalists and their reporting. Retrieved from: https://www.iwmf.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/Attacks-and-Harassment.pdf Franks, S. (2013). Women and Journalism. I.B. Tauris. doi:10.5040/9780755694501 Freedom House. (2017). Freedom of the press 2017. Retrieved from: https://freedomhouse.org/report/ table-country-scores-fotp-2017 Freedom House. (2018). Democracy in crisis: Freedom in the world 2018. Freedom House. Gadzekpo, A. (2005). The Hidden History of Women in Ghanaian Print Culture. In O. Oyewumi (Ed.), African Gender Studies –A Reader. Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1007/978-1-137-09009-6_15

291

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

Gadzekpo, A. (2013). Ghana: Women in Decision-making — New Opportunities, Old Story. In C. M. Byerly (Ed.), The Palgrave International Handbook of Women and Journalism. Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1057/9781137273246_27 Gadzekpo, A., & Rivers, A. (1997). Miles to Go Before We Sleep. How Effective Are Women’s Media Associations? Unpublished paper delivered at a seminar, School of Communication Studies, University of Ghana, Accra. Gallagher, M. (2014). Feminist scholarship and the debates on gender and communication. In A. V. Montiel (Ed.), Media and gender: A scholarly agenda for the global alliance on media and gender (pp. 12–16). UNESCO. Ghorfati, A., & Medini, R. (2015). Feminism and its impact on women in the Modern Society. A doctoral dissertation presented to the University of Tleman. Retrieved from: http://docplayer.net/28704232Feminism-and-its-impact-on-woman-in-the-modern-society.html Ging, D., & Siapera, E. (2018). Special issue on online misogyny. Feminist Media Studies, 18(4), 515–524. doi:10.1080/14680777.2018.1447345 Granick, J. S. (2017). American spies: Modern surveillance, why you should care, and what to do about it. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781316216088 Greenwald, G. (2014). No place to hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the US surveillance state. Palgrave Macmillan. Groenewald, T. (2004). A phenomenological research design illustrated. International Journal of Qualitative Methods, 1–26. Hans-Juergen, B. (2005). The power of the audience: Interculturality, interactivity and trust in internet communication. The Electronic Journal of Communication, 15(1-2). Retrieved from: hhttp://www.cios. org/EJCPUBLIC/015/1/01511.HTML> Henrichsen, J. R., Betz, M., & Lisosky, J. M. (2015). Building digital safety for journalism: a survey of selected issues. UNESCO. Hooks, B. (2000). Feminist Theory: From margin to centre. Pluto Press. Hosein, G. (2006). Privacy as freedom. In R. K. Jørgensen (Ed.), Human Rights in the Global Information Society (pp. 121–147). The MIT Press. IACHR. (2011). The Road to Substantive Democracy: Women’s Political Participation in the Americas. OEA/Ser.L/V/II. Doc. 79. April 18, 2011. Para. 18. Retrieved from: https://www.cidh.oas.org/pdf%20 files/POLITICAL%20PARTICIPATION.pdf International Women’s Media Foundation. (2018). Attacks and harassment: The impact on female journalists and their reporting. Retrieved from: https://www.iwmf.org/wpcontent/uploads/2018/09/ Attacks-and-Harassment.pdf IREX (International Research and Exchange Board). (2012). Media sustainability index 2012: development of sustainability independent media in Africa. Westland Enterprise Inc.

292

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

Jamil, S. (2014). Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom: Journalists’ Understandings and Practices in Pakistan. In C. Schimdt (Ed.), Pakistan’s Media Landscape: The Effects of Liberalization (pp. 46–85). Deutsche Welle Akademie. Jamil, S. (2015). Understandings and Practices of Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom in Pakistan: Ethnography of Karachi Journalistic Environment (PhD Thesis). University of Queensland, Australia. Retrieved from: https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/43362662.pdf Jamil, S. (2016). Journalism practice and freedom of expression: Challenges and constraints in Pakistan. In B. Lippe & R. Ottosen (Eds.), Gendering War and Peace Reporting: Some Insights – Some Missing Links. Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2017a). Freedom of expression and journalists’ safety: An analysis of conflict reporting and peace journalism education in Pakistan. Journal of the Association of Journalism Education, 6(2), 7–16. Jamil, S. (2017b). Freedom under pressure? Threats to journalists’ safety in Pakistan. In U. Carlsson & R. Poyhtari (Eds.), Assault on Journalism (pp. 323–329). Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2018). Safety Threats, Impunity and Professionalism: Journalists’ Dilemma in Pakistan. Sociology and Anthropology (Alhambra, Calif.), 6(7), 571–578. doi:10.13189a.2018.060702 Jamil, S. (2019a). The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety. IGI Global. Jamil, S. (2019b). Culture of impunity and safety of journalists: Is safe journalism a distant dream in Pakistan? Available: http://worldofmedia.ru/Culture%20of%20impunity%20and%20safety%20of%20 journalists.pdf Jamil, S. (2020a). Suffering in Silence: The resilience of Pakistan’s female journalists to combat sexual harassment and discrimination. Journalism Practice, 14(2), 150–170. doi:10.1080/17512786.2020.17 25599 Jamil, S. (2020b). Ethnic news media in the digital age: the impact of technological convergence in reshaping journalists’ practices in Pakistan. Journal of Multicultural Discourses, 15(2), 219-239. https:// doi/abs/ doi:10.1080/17447143.2020.1756305?journalCode=rmmd20 Jamil, S. (2020c). Red lines of journalism: Digital surveillance, safety risks and journalists’ self-censorship in Pakistan. In I. F. Anna & K. Roy (Eds.), Journalist Safety and Self-Censorship (pp. 29–46). Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780367810139-3 Jamil, S., & Appiah-Adeji, G. (2019). Journalism in the era of mobile technology: the changing pattern of news production and the thriving culture of fake news in Pakistan and Ghana. World of Media – Journal of Russian Media and Journalism Studies, 3, 42-64. doi:10.30547/worldofmedia.3.2019.2 Kaur, S. (2012). The necessity for a sexual harassment act in Malaysia. IIUM Law Journal, 17(2). Advance online publication. doi:10.31436/iiumlj.v17i2.39 Kim, K. (2006). Obstacles to the success of female journalists in Korea. Media Culture & Society, 28(1), 123–141. doi:10.1177/0163443706059578

293

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

Koirala, S. (2020). Female journalists’ experience of online harassment: A case study of Nepal. Media and Communication, 8(1), 47–56. doi:10.17645/mac.v8i1.2541 Krijnen, T., & Van Bauwel, S. (2015). Gender and Media: Representing, Producing, Consuming. Routledge. doi:10.4324/9781315694597 Littlejohn, S. W., & Foss, K. A. (2011). Theories of human communication (10th ed.). Waveland Press Inc. Manco, G. (2013). Six ways the world can learn from Ghana about press freedom. Retrieved from: http:// ejc.net/magazine/article/six-ways-the-world-can-learn-from-ghana-about-press-freedom#.VsW2rb8j4qQ Media Foundation for West Africa. (2019). Increasing women’s participation in governance in Ghana. Retrieved from: https://www.mfwa.org/publication/how-can-the-media-improve-womens-participationin-governance-in-ghana/ Megarry, J. (2014). Online incivility or sexual harassment? Conceptualising women’s experiences in the digital age. Women’s Studies International Forum, 47, 46–55. doi:10.1016/j.wsif.2014.07.012 Mijatovic, D. (2016). Foreword. In New challenges to freedom of expression: countering online abuse of female journalists. OSCE. Nilsson, M. L. (2010). Thinkings and doings of gender: Gendering processes in Swedish television news production. Journalism Practice, 4(1), 1–16. doi:10.1080/17512780903119693 Nordicom. (2018). The media is a male business. Retrieved from: https://www.nordicom.gu.se/en/latest/ news/media-male-business North, L. (2016a). Still a ‘blokes club’: The motherhood dilemma in journalism. Journalism, 17(3), 315–330. doi:10.1177/1464884914560306 North, L. (2016b). The gender of ‘soft’ and ‘hard’ news. Female journalists’ views on gendered story allocations. Journalism Studies, 17(3), 356–373. doi:10.1080/1461670X.2014.987551 Owusu, W. Y. (2012). The Ghanaian media landscape: how unethical practices of journalists undermine progress (PhD Thesis). Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism. University of Oxford. Pew Research Center. (2017). Online Harassment 2017. Retrieved from: https://www.pewinternet. org/2017/07/11/online-harassment-2017/ Pringle, J., Drummond, J., McLafferty, E., & Hendry, C. (2011). Interpretative phenomenological analysis: A discussion and critique. Nurse Researcher, 18(3), 20–24. doi:10.7748/nr2011.04.18.3.20. c8459 PMID:21560922 Reporters Without Borders. (2018). 2018 world press freedom index. Retrieved from: https://rsf.org/en/ ranking/2018 Reporters Without Borders. (2018). RSF index 2018: Hatred of journalism threatens democracies. Paris: Reporters without Borders. Republic of Ghana. (1992). The 1992 Constitution of Ghana. Retrieved from: https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Ghana_1996.pdf?lang=en

294

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

Robinson, G. J. (2008). Feminist approaches to journalism studies: Canadian perspectives. Global Media Journal, 1(1), 123–136. Ropers-Huilman, B. (Ed.). (2003). Gendered futures in higher education: Critical perspectives for change. SUNY. Ross, K., & Carter, C. (2011). Women and news: A long and winding road. Media Culture & Society, 33(8), 1148–1165. doi:10.1177/0163443711418272 Ross, K., & Padovani, C. (2016). Gender Equality and the Media: A Challenge for Europe. Routledge. doi:10.4324/9781315709024 Ruoho, I., & Torkkola, S. (2018). Journalism and Gender. Toward a Multidimensional Approach. Nordicom Review, 39(1), 67–79. doi:10.2478/nor-2018-0002 Sarpong, G. (2020a). Ghana: Bridget Otoo, Manasseh Azure, Anas Amereyaw among most abused journalists online: Tracking online abuse in Ghana. Retrieved from: http://iwatchafrica.org/2020/04/23/ ghana-bridget-otoo-manasseh-azure-anas-amereyaw-among-most-abused-journalists-online-2/ Sarpong, G. (2020b). Ghana: Journalists receive more threats & abuses on Twitter than any other digital platform. Retrieved from: http://iwatchafrica.org/2020/04/17/ghana-journalists-receive-more-threatsabuses-on-twitter-than-any-other-digital-platform/ Srebemy, A. (2014). Violence against women journalists. In Media and Gender: A Scholarly Agenda for the Global Alliance on Media and Gender. Paris: IAMCR (International Association for Media and Communication Research) and UNESCO. Stroud, S. R., & Cox, W. (2018). The varieties of feminist counter speech in the misogynistic online world. In J. R. Vickerty & T. Everbach (Eds.), Mediating Misogyny (pp. 293–310). Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-72917-6_15 Temin, J., & Smith, D. A. (2002). Media matters: Evaluating the role of the media in Ghana’s 2000 elections. African Affairs, 101(405), 585–600. doi:10.1093/afraf/101.405.585 The World Association for Christian Communication. (2015). Global media monitoring project. Who makes the news? Retrieved from http://whomakesthenews.org/gmmp/gmmp-reports/gmmp-2015-reports Torkkola, S., & Ruoho, I. (2011). Looking for gender equality in journalism. In T. Krijnen, C. Alvares, & S. Van Bauwel (Eds.), Gendered Transformations: Theory and Practices on Gender and Media (pp. 203–220). Intellect. UNESCO. (2014). World trends in freedom of expression and media development [report]. UNESCO. UNESCO. (2015). Journalists’ safety indicators: National level. Division of Freedom of Expression and Media Development. Paris: UNESCO. UNESCO. (2018). World trends in freedom of expression and media development [report]. UNESCO. United Nations. (1994). Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women. New York: United Nations. Retrieved from: http://daccess-ddsny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N94/095/05/PDF/N9409505. pdf?OpenElement

295

 Confronting Freedom to Inform With Freedom of Expression

United Nations. (2017). Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women. General Recommendation No. 25 on gender-based violence against women. Retrieved from: https://tbinternet.ohchr. org/treaties/CEDAW/Shared%20Documents/1_Global/CEDAW_C_GC_35_8267_E.pdf Usher, N., Holcomb, J., & Littman, J. (2018). Twitter makes it worse: Political journalists, gendered echo chambers, and the amplification of gender bias. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 23(3), 324–344. doi:10.1177/1940161218781254 Vega Montiel, A. (2014). Violence against and media: advancement and challenges of a research and political agenda. In Media and Gender: A Scholarly Agenda for the Global Alliance on Media and Gender. Paris: IAMCR (International Association for Media and Communication Research) and UNESCO. WMC (Women’s Media Center). (2017). The Status of Women in the U.S. Media 2017. WMC. Wood, E. H. (2015). A Phenomenological Study of Female Gender Inequality in the Defense Ministry (Doctoral Dissertation). Walden University. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations

296

297

Chapter 16

Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana Rainbow Sackey University of Education, Winneba, Ghana Abraham Atobrah Asiamah University of Education, Winneba, Ghana Lisa Agyinor Forson Aboagye University of Education, Winneba, Ghana

ABSTRACT In journalism, there are still growing concerns about the ratio of men to women, even though women’s presence in the newsroom have increased progressively. The issues of gender stereotyping and discrimination against women have emerged over time and still remain an issue of great concern. In view of this, using the gender theory, this chapter aims to interrogate the issues of female representation in the practice of journalism in Ghana, in terms of numbers, portrayals, and discriminations. To achieve the aim, the study employs a qualitative approach through in-drpth interviews. The study reveal that men still dominate the journalism profession in Ghana. Also women in the newsroom are portrayed on one hand as capable and hardworking and on the other hand as emotional and immoral. Furthermore, women in journalism in Ghana are discriminated against in terms of salary structure and job roles. It was also revealed that female journalists in Ghana are employing strategies like apathy and rebelliousness to deal with the negative portrayals and discrimination against them.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch016

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

INTRODUCTION Several studies have shown that historically, journalism evolved as a male-dominated field. Journalism today has practically become a feminine profession across the world (Claudia et al., 2018; Byerly, 2013; Djerf-Pierre, 2011). This affirms Gallagher’s (1995) seminal work which avers that global trends in journalism show an appreciable number of women have entered and are engaged in the profession. The flooding of women into journalism is a well-studied and discussed phenomenon (Byerly, 2013; Chambers, 2004;de Bruin, 2004;Fahs, 2011; Frolich & Lafky, 2008; Gil, 2007; Hanusch, 2013; North, 2014 & 2009; Steiner, 2007; Tusan, 2005). The International Federation of Journalists’ (IFJ) survey carried out in 2001 attests to these upward trends of women into the journalism occupation throughout the world. However, within the Ghanaian context, the literature on this phenomenon remains scant (Gadzekpo, 2009) Countries like Australia, New Zealand, and the Nordic countries lead the field in percentages of women working in news production and in journalism (de Bruin, 2014 & 2011; Djerf-Pierre, 2011; IFJ, 2001). For Djerf-Pierre (2011), the Scandinavia and Nordic ‘success stories’ in the attainment of gender equality in journalism has become a challenge and a standard to emulate by most countries. Research has shown that even though there has been an increase of female journalists in the last decades, journalism remains divided along gender lines (De Vuyst, 2019) and in Ghana, this is no exception. Gender issues play a critical role in every aspect of life in this modern era and journalism is no exception. Therefore one cannot rule out the role gender plays daily in the delivery of the news and the influences that underline the dictates of news and what does not. “Despite the advances made by women in Journalism through the 1900s, Journalism as a field has remained male-dominated. An analysis of the logic of the field suggests, however, that masculinity and power are closely related to the ideas about what constitutes good Journalism that has prevailed in different periods” (Djerf-Pierre, 2007:99). The media in all its power ought to serve as an agent that should continue to propagate positive images of women through society, but the images media present about women sometimes help to cement the stereotype of women as victims, defenceless groups of physical objects as seen in beauty pageants, and advertising and as sex objects. Journalism is one of the industries that demand lots of time, dedication, fieldwork activities, and pressures to meet deadlines, to be the first to break news, to produce quality work with rich content is expected. This is why it has been a profession dominated by men (Kabah, 2019). However, in recent years women have filled up this world-of-men industry and with no doubt, have had to battle out their credibility and ability to remain there. There is a solid proposition of the growth of females in the Ghanaian Journalism profession and this occurrence is leading to a decrease in the number of men in Journalism (Boateng 2017). The current situation in Ghana is in line with de Bruin’s (2014) findings that there has been an increase in the number of women in journalism in the Scandinavian and Nordic countries. Scholars globally have been in unending debates about gender in journalism. Some narratives have excluded women in the lead stories even though they have been captured in headline stories as compared to men (Tichner, Malson & Fey, 2019). The men and women power relation has always created a gap in many professions. Focusing on this historical angle of unequal power relation between men and women has resulted in the discrimination of women in society. When society defines you as masculine, you will always lead no matter what and the feminine succumbs, therefore no masculine power will be subdued by the feminine power (Oladepo, 2019). Matters of power play, cultural relativities and hegemony come into play here. Some women have also experienced gender discrimination, difference, subjugation, mar-

298

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

ginalization, and neglect that are normally unpleasant or traumatizing. Gadzekpo (2009) explains that within the Ghanaian context, the literature on this phenomenon remains scant. Such increase has raised issues such as the comfort and safety of these female journalists in this maledominated profession (De Vuyst, 2019). Women’s involvement in journalism have called for research and most often, these studies have fallen under two main categories: women who work in journalism and how they are portrayed (Ordway, 2017). Repeatedly, researchers look at the two topics in the cycle. In more recent years, they also have focused on the way female journalists appear on television and even online. Most of these studies are, however, done within the western context (GoG, 2015) Moreover, most studies in Ghana have focused heavily on the safety and discrimination against women in other fields of work (Anyidoho, 2016). These studies, however, did not look at how these women are dealing with such representation and discrimination. There is, therefore, a gap in literature within the Ghanaian context when it comes to the representation and discrimination against women in the newsroom. This study, therefore, seeks to fill the gap in this regard. Specifically, the study seeks to achieve the following objectives; (1) to examine how women are represented in the newsroom; (2) to identify the kinds of discrimination against women in the newsroom; and (3) to analyse how these women are dealing with the representation and discriminations in the newsroom using the gender theory.

BACKGROUND The major gaps in opportunities for men and women remain a major challenge to social and economic transformation (UNDP, 2016). The 1992 constitution of Ghana provides constitutional protection for all persons before the law. Article 17 prohibits discrimination based on gender, race, colour, ethnic origin, religion, creed or social or economic status. Sub-section 3 of section 27 provides that women shall be guaranteed equal rights without any impediments from any person (Constitution of Ghana, 1992). However, women in Ghana continue to experience gender-based discrimination, powerlessness and relative poverty and social and political exclusion from active participation in the national development of Ghana (Sossou, 2006). The Global Gender Gap Report (2020) ranked Ghana 107 out of 152 countries for the gender index on political empowerment. Women constitute more than half of Ghana’s population (51.2%) but are under-represented in most of the sectors (Musa & Gariba, 2013). Without their participation in the public discourse or decision-making process, it would be difficult for Ghana to achieve sustainable development goals. Unfortunately, their participation at all levels of decision making is very low. For decades, men have dominated in terms of leadership in the country (Allah-Mensah, 2003). This could be attributed to patriarchy or male dominance which is a key aspect of the Ghanaian social system. The woman’s role and status are recognisably inferior to those of the man in almost all aspects of social, political and economic life (Boateng, 2017). Custom, law and even religion have been used to rationalise and perpetuate these differential roles to the extent that women themselves seem to have accepted and internalised them. However throughout the years, Ghana has been making efforts to increase the participation of women in sectors like governance (Dzradosi, Agyekum & Ocloo, 2018). This underrepresentation is not only found in the political scenery but most sectors of the country including journalism (Boateng, 2017). Ghana’s media industry has gone through several transformations. Historically, journalism in Ghana was dominated by the print media at the initial stages just like other African countries. It began in 1822 with Sir Charles MacCarthy’s Royal Gold Coast Gazette, which ceased production in 1824. This news299

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

paper aimed to provide British merchants in the Gold Coast (Ghana) with economic and commercial information, as well as to disseminate news concerning Britain and the West African colony (Anokwa, 1997). In 1857, native Ghanaians who were unprofessional journalists in the likes of Charles Bannerman (who founded the West African Herald in 1857), James Hutton Brew (who launched the Gold Coast Times from 1874 to 1885), James Hutton Brew and J. E. Casely Hayford (who published the Western Echo from 1885 to1887), and Casely Hayford (who started the Gold Coast Echo between 1888 and 1889), drew on Sir Charles MacCarthy’s English-language tradition to launch alternative print media to the mainstream (government) newspapers (Anyidoho, 2016). The second phase of journalistic production in Ghana stretched from 1931 to 1945. It began with J.B. Dankuah’s West African Times in 1931, Ghana Statesman in 1948, and the introduction of radio in 1935. During this era, Ghanaian private newspaper editors which included Azikiwe and I.T.A, WallaceJohnson’s African Morning Post and John and Nancy Tsiboe’s Ashanti Pioneer in 1939, adopted analytical approaches to journalism, critiquing the pre-independence government’s administrative policies and decisions (Biney, 2011). Individual Ghanaians also established local-language newspapers during this phase of journalism, to promote traditional core values. For instance, A.J. Ocansey’s City Press launched the Akan-language newspaper, Asenta (News) in 1935 to serve as an alternative source of secular news parallel to the Ghanaian English-language newspapers (Anokwa, 1997). Radio was introduced into the Gold Coast in 1935 when the colonial governor set up a small wired relay station, ZOY, to transmit BBC programs to some three hundred colonial residents and privileged native elites. Service was subsequently extended to Kumasi, Sekondi, Koforidua, and Cape Coast. British radio did not only provide information and entertainment but it was also a means of countering the anti-colonial campaigns of the nationalist press (Asare, 2009). The third phase of journalistic production in Ghana began with Kwame Nkrumah’s Accra Evening News in 1947 and Morning Telegraph in 1949. During this period, journalists began to train in three institutes: the Ghana School of Journalism, established in 1959; the School of Communication Studies, founded in 1972; and the National Film and Television Training Institute, founded in 1978. As professional productions, Nkrumah’s newspapers criticised the pre-independence government’s administration, policies and newspapers, and used his newspapers to advocate for immediate independence from colonial rule. During the same era, the Daily Graphic and the Sunday Mirror were established 1950 and1953 respectively by the Mirror Group in London. In 1954, Gold Coast Broadcasting System was established, later becoming Ghana Broadcast Corporation (GBC) after independence in 1957. GBC enjoyed monopoly of the airwaves from Nkrumah’s tenure till the early stages of the Fourth Republic. The call for deregulation was dramatically expressed when an unauthorized FM station called Radio Eye began broadcasting in May 1994 to parts of Accra without recourse to the licensing authorities (Anokwa, 1997). Radio Eye was raided and shut down after a few weeks on air, but the station’s defiant action forced the government to address the central question of broadcast deregulation. Jerry John Rawlings’ government reduced the restrictions on the press, which led to another rapid proliferation of the electronic media in Ghana from 1995 onward (Asare, 2009). Journalism, in Ghana, over the years, has had male dominance when it comes to the top positions in the newsrooms of both the broadcast and print media even though reference can be made to some women in the print media who have held eminent positions like - Adwoa Yeboah Opare who was the Editor of Ghanaian Times Newspaper and played a prominent role in Ghana’s media democratisation and the fight for press freedom. Also, mention can be made of Elizabeth Ohene, who was the Editor of the Daily Graphic and became the BBC World Service Editor in London for some time. Currently, there is 300

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

the likes of Nana Aba Anamoah who is the News Editor at GH ONE Television, Emma Morrison who is the General Manager for Joy FM and Baaba Otoo who is in the Graphic Communications Group. Even though these women are in such positions, the men still outnumber them and unfortunately, nothing is being done to equalize the numbers. Since broadcast journalism was introduced, however, many Ghanaian women journalists have established a unique role for themselves with their presenting skills. A new generation of women journalists have emerged and they have won lots of hearts with their presentation skills. This new trend may have given the perception that gender imbalance in a career that has often favoured men over the years has finally been equalized (IWMF, 2011). There is nonetheless an untold story of these women who have attained these heights and are in the media limelight. Most of these women who have been given the platform to work in the media mainstream and those who have had the opportunity, amidst all the fame, have suffered some form of negative portrayals (misrepresentation) to the public, discrimination and harassment. The assertion here is that any gender disparities and imbalances in journalism at the workplace may directly engender and entrench gender imbalances in the journalism profession. Statistics in Ghana have shown that the rate at which women journalists are discriminated against and harassed is because of the gendered role assigned them in society (Kabah, 2019). Furthermore, when it comes to newsroom tasks, women journalists are not given equal opportunity as their male counterparts (Meyers and Gayle, 2015). Most morning shows on radio in Ghana are hosted by males although there could be women at the station that could equally host these shows. Sexual harassment has been contextualized as a workplace incident, meanwhile, it is a problem embedded in society (Charles, Abbey & Baffoe, 2020). Gender-based violence such as sexual harassment and sexual assault in Ghana is mostly overlooked by the key stakeholders (Charles et al., 2020). This could be associated with the fact that Ghana is recognized as a patriarchal society, a country controlled by men (Charles, Abbey & Baffoe, 2020). Amidst all the challenges that come with journalism, most especially for women, there is the need for women to cope with the differences. They have to deal with the issue of misrepresentation, discrimination, protect their rights at the workplace as well as combat all sexual harassments at the workplace by reporting and dealing with their safety on the field of work. They must be assertive and brace themselves up to confront the difficulties associated with the profession, while proving to be outstanding in their practice as well as protecting their rights, as women in the profession.

LITERATURE REVIEW Women’s place in journalism has been explored in literature by several scholars (Claudia et al., 2018; Byerly, 2013; Djerf-Pierre, 2011; De Bruin, 2014; Djerf-Pierre, 2011). There is currently contrasting views in literature when it comes to the presence of female journalists in the newsroom. Gallagher (1995) in his seminal work asserted that an analysis of global trends in journalism indicated an increase in numbers of female journalists. This assertion has been affirmed in recent times by studies that show journalism has now become a profession dominated by females in terms of numbers (Byerly, 2013; Djerf-Pierre, 2011). Studies by De Bruin (2014) and Djerf-Pierre (2011) postulate that in countries like Australia, New Zealand, and the Nordic countries, women lead in terms of percentages. For Djerf-Pierre (2011), the Scandinavia and Nordic ‘success stories’ in the attainment of gender equality in journalism has become a challenge and a standard to emulate by most countries. Research has shown that though there has been an increase of female journalists in the last decades, journalism remains divided along gender lines (De Vuyst, 2019) 301

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

In contrast, other scholars argue that women are still underrepresented in terms of numbers in the media industry (Beam & Di Cicco, 2010; Drew, 2011; Rivas-Rodriguez, Subervi-Velez, Bramlett-Solomon & Heider, 2004). This is further evident in the American Society of Newsroom Editors (2013) report as cited in Meyers and Gayle (2015). It shows that even though the presence of women in the newsroom had increased to 13.73% in 2006, it had decreased as at 2013 to 12.37%. This indicates that women are still underrepresented. The report further articulates that about 37% of newsroom jobs were handled by women for the past decade. Rivas-Rodriguez et al. (2004), adds that more women keep on leaving the newsroom than those joining even though media companies keep on saying that their top priority is to improve diversity in the newsroom. Frohlich and Lafky (2008) have established that among the women workforce in the U.S daily newspapers, the unhappy demography are the African American women journalists and that resulted in they leaving their occupation at a fast rate. Several reasons have been identified in the literature as the cause of the decline in numbers of female journalists. Everbach (2012) posits that women leave the journalism profession because they often feel they are regarded as ‘the other’ in the newsroom, not given opportunities for career advancement, and feel they could be better off in other professions. The American Press Institute and Pew Centre for Civic Journalism (2002) argue further that more than half of women who are managers of organisations, favour career advancement of men more than that of women and most often allude to sexism as the reason for their inability to advance their careers (Frohlich & Lafky, 2008). Also, most women acknowledged the struggle in finding a balance between working for long hours and family responsibilities as a result of altering occupations (Ross, 2001). Additionally, Frohlich and Lafky (2008) found that most of these women leave because of a developing interest in other occupations, family consideration and not being able to cover stories of interest to them, burnouts, and lack of opportunities for advancement. Again, Byerly (2011) in her Global Report on the Status of Women in the News Media indicated that there was a gap between the salary structure of women journalists and male journalists in the 59 countries used for the study. This was also corroborated by the International Federation of Journalits’ (IFJ) global report on 16 countries. The reported showed that the wages of femal journalists were below that of their male counterparts. The discussions above indicate that there some sort of agreement amongst scholars on the fact that there has been an increase in the number of female journalists in the journalism profession, however, the point of departure has to do with the dominant sex in the profession. In terms of the representation of women in journalism, much focus has been placed on physique, domestic responsibilities, incompetence in leadership roles rather than their acheivements. In research, issues of gender and the work of journalists have been explored from several angles. For instance, in the field of sports reportage, women in athletics are represented differently compared to male counterparts. Whereas men in athletics are addressed by their achievements and possible mistakes, women athletes are addressed by their physical features. In her qualitative research to identify female athlete’s representation in the press, Ponterotto (2014)-using the Critical Discourse Approach and the Concept of Metaphorical theory - analysed how two different national newspapers of different settings (The Times of England and La Reppublica of Italy) portrayed the female athlete, Maria Sharapova in their newspapers. The study realised that the female body is generally eroticized and that female attractiveness and desirability are more important than their athletic ability. Also, females who exhibited manly features were ridiculed as mannish or labelled as gays, and represented as social misfits. Again the press, in their coverage, highlights style and fashion and makes an explicit association of sex-symbol, an evocation of seduction, women athletes as the object of desire, non-agency, homemakers and child-like, women allegorized as animals and finally seen as immature and lack adult competence (Ponterotto (2014).There is also a 302

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

strong emphasis in the broadcasts of the women’s appearance, on their attractiveness and likeability, and on their domestic and childcare responsibilities. Thus these women were repeatedly constituted as stereotypically feminine and, more precisely, as conforming to a traditional white, middle-class, heteronormative femininity. Leadership in any field is still clearly a gendered occupation, not only in that men continue to heavily outnumber women in such positions (Sandrine et al. 2013; Gray 2015) but also in that it remains “symbolically and discursively gendered” (Bobbitt-Zeher 2011; Bowring 2004; Britton 2000; Saija & Eriksson 2013; Walsh 2015). Positive media coverage of successful women leaders can in itself be viewed as a welcome development. (Tischner, Malson & Fey, 2019). However, O’neil, Savigny and Cann (2016) found that in 1992 and 2002 women in Britain who were covered in the press (8.8%, 17.9%) was proportionate to the numerical representation of women in parliament (9.2%, 16.6%). In 2012 there was a decline in the quantity of coverage in the press as compared to the number of women in parliament (i.e. 22% women; 16.3% press coverage). Meanwhile, women are being quoted less often in the press under the current representation in parliament. The nature of the coverage of female politicians in the UK remains problematic. They mostly appear in non- political stories. Most of the stories about female politicians in the UK are more personal issues rather than their contributions to political trending issues. Women are being undermined by their decreased visibility and voice in the UK press. Cvetkovic and Oostman (2018) in their study on how female journalists are represented in their line of duties found that women in the newsroom were indeed marginalized. Therefore, in their quest to fight the issue of marginalization, women in the newsroom were represented as using sex as a commodity to exchange for news. Secondly, women were represented as child-like and immature people that are victims of their actions and often need their male colleagues to rescue them. They were also represented as vulnerable and weak both physically and intellectually, and no matter how much they try to be drivers of social change, they remain malleable and the vehicles for deviation of journalistic norms. Furthermore, Meyers and Gayle (2015) studied the practices and experiences of African American women journalists in the workplace. The purpose was to determine whether what they produce as journalists defy or strengthen journalistic norms. Thus, whether their enactments as journalists modify the content of news and the culture in the newsroom. More so, to ascertain if these journalists contest stereotypes, fight the dominant White, male culture and male values that have taken over mainstream media in the U.S. and whether they vigorously engross themselves in activities that escalate racial and gender diversity in the news. The study established in its findings that to provide positive black images and voices, these female journalists employ multiple approaches to repel the accepted norms and dominant practices within newsrooms. Conversely, news stories that concern white women were regarded as positive. Within the context of Africa, Oladapo (2019), articulates that in Nigeria, the exclusion of women in newspaper publications is ideologically committed to the preservation of male hegemony over Nigeria’s unity discourse. This means the female gender remains a muted group in Nigerian newspapers, especially in reports on the national crisis. Nigerian newspapers continue to set the national unity discourse agenda that exclude women or background them to a position of irrelevance making it symbolic representational violence against women since men and women are affected by the crisis of self-determination. Also, the invisibility of Nigerian women as found in Oladapo’s study suggests that both the visibility and worth of female views are compromised by newspaper discourse which excludes them from subjects as important as the country’s contested nationhood. The study, through content and critical discourse analysis and quantitative research approach revealed that, out of the 55 news stories published in two southern 303

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

newspapers, only one featured women’s views. Putting the total of male to female representation 98.3% to 1.7%, while women feature predominantly in the headline, they are missing in the lead stories. There is a gap between the voices of the female and male social actors represented in the news stories. In Ghana, Anyidoho (2016) has employed survey, observations and focus group discussion to study the roles, representations and perceptions of women in modern Ghanaian society. The study affirms that patriarchy is the principal structure in which male power is affected in the social, political and economic organisations of society with women’s lives being labelled by different standards of drawbacks in different fronts. The study notes that Ghanaian women have moved forward in several areas of social life. Nevertheless, women remain behind men in areas like education levels, income and employment status. In terms of journalism in Ghana, Boateng (2017), asserts that there is a hypothetical increase in the number of female journalists in the journalism profession in Ghana. He adds that such increase is progressively resulting in a decrease in the superior numbers of men in the profession. He further points out that there has also been a gradual increase in the admission of women into journalism education. However, the increase cannot be attributed to institutional policies but rather interventions by national and international development agencies meant to attain gender equality at all levels of the education cycle. In furtherance, Kabah (2019), in a qualitative study, investigated gender and the practice of journalism from the perspectives of female journalists in the Tamale metropolis of the Northern Region of Ghana. The study which employed observation and focus group discussions as data collection methods found out that journalism in the northern region of Ghana is male-dominated. The study further realised that this was because many of the trained female journalists either do not get employed in the profession, lose interest or shy away from practising. The study observed that socio-cultural practices laced with sexual harassment were common hazards experienced by female journalists. The need for personal and institutional strategies to deal with such phenomena was recommended. The current study, therefore, seeks to interrogate the issues of gender in the field of journalism in Ghana by expanding the scope of research to look at journalists in the other parts of Ghana, specifically, Greater Accra, Ashanti and Central Region. This is because these regions are the hub of the media industry in Ghana, according to the National Communication Authority (NCA), (2019). The study specifically seeks to address the issues of the representation of women in the newsrooms. Thus, how female journalists in Ghana are represented through the roles they play in the newsroom, through the language used to address them in the newsroom in conversations, identify how these women are stereotyped in the newsroom and how they are dealing with these issues.

Theoretical Framework This study utilises the gender theory. The theory of gender has been articulated by various scholars to explain roles and identities, and how it has modified the lives of individuals. For Juschka (2017), gender is a subject that has been contested emotionally as a result of the role it plays in all aspects of human existence be it language, education, social interactions and systems of belief and practices. Kabaji (2005) affirms that gender is the most important component of social identity and cultural classification in the way of life of human beings. It is not in doubt that an individual is recognised in the society by the role the person plays and subsequently based on their biological/sex categories or appearances as female or male. Chafetz (2006) avers that people are many things in addition to their sex and this implies that there are socially formed ideas of one’s gender in social settings. This assertion drives how women and men manage their conduct concerning the normal impression of appropriate behaviour and attitude for one’s 304

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

sex category. Gender can be portrayed as a cultural construction, which makes biological and physical differences into socially meaningful categories that seem reasonable and appropriate (Nanda & Warms, 2004). Based on this, Giri (2004) argues that gender is thought of learned behaviour a culture associates with being female or male; where the notion of ideal femininity is communicated to females and masculine ideals are communicated to males as well. Similarly, Janus (2008) articulates that gender is a concept which is socially constructed through behaviours, activities and attributes a particular society regards as proper for women and men. This provides recommendations for male and female which are effected through social engagements. Thus, society cannot be exempted when it comes to gender issues. One aspect of the gender theory is gender roles. It is created and understood by individuals on the bases of symbols and societal norms which appear to be understood that how roles are performed by both females and males should be different. This is labelled by Giri (2004) as “sex stereotypes” and is further elaborated by indicating that the stereotypes associated with being a woman or man are products of biological and social conditioning which leads to the development of sex traits and roles defined by one’s femaleness or maleness. Consequently, Das and Ghadially (1996) expressively put it that the process of socialisation or social conditioning is as a result of the patterns of communication of women. Bem (1993) adds that this is guided by cultural expectations for our gender. For this reason, Wilde (2007) endorses that non-compliance or violation with the demands of society to the enforced gender order and norms make an individual vulnerable to labelling from society. Tannen (1990), espouses that differences in gender also manifest in our conversations by both males and females through language. Leaper (1987), cited in Giri, (2004), asserts that conversations between women and men break down because men seek to dominate women. This is because females use more personal references and are found more likeable when interacting based on their ascribed roles while males share more verbal assertiveness and use more direct statements in interactions. Some scholars have observed the stereotypical role females and males play in the area of gender and interactions. Females have been personified as emotional, passive, gentle, and assuming a subservient communication posture while males, in contrast, have been characterised as task-oriented, blunt, aggressive, ambitious and independent (e.g. Canary, 1998; Tannen, 1990). As a result, clouded by socially constructed ideas in gender, girls and boys heighten stereotypical gender disparities as they learn their roles through their interactions. Chafetz (2006) is of the argument that girls learn to use speech to maintain close and equal relations, to criticise in a non-challenging way and interpret accurately the intentions of others whilst boys learn to use speech to compete for attention in the group they are in and assert positions of dominance. These interactional patterns flow into adulthood, constructing women’s and men’s interactional identity. Gender role representation in journalism is influential in society and gender equality worldwide for they can propagate stereotypes and present behavioural customs for men and women. Stereotypes overlook important qualities in men and women. That is to say that society defines women as emotional and weak whilst men are strong and rational. With these thoughts, the Ghanaian media also sees male journalists as more intelligent and vibrant to handle issues in the newsroom and on the ground than females. Gender equality refers to the equal participation of women and men in different life domains, be it economic, social, political, and educational. Even though women have made great progress in the labour market integration in recent years, their participation rate is still lower than that of men, therefore, they are less likely to move into management positions, and they are paid less for similar work (Byerly, 2011). Previous studies have used the Standpoint Theory and Critical Cultural theory to study genderrelated issues in the media (e.g. Kabah, 2019; Martin, Reynolds & Keith, 2002; Meyers, Gayle, 2015). 305

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

This study, however, employs the gender theory to help the researchers to explain the representation of women in the newsroom within the Ghanaian context. This is because the gender theory has been used in several studies of gender issues in other fields like religion, social media and politics. The current study also believes that issues of discrimination, misrepresentation and presentation of women in the newsroom can be best explained using the gender theory since gender is a social construction which is performed in all aspects of life.

MATERIALS AND METHODS Research Design Qualitative case study approach (specifically, a collective case study) was employed for this study. This approach was selected because Wimmer and Dominick (2013) indicate that a case study is applied when researchers are seeking to understand or explain a phenomenon. In this case, the current study is seeking to understand or explain the phenomena of female representation and discrimination in the newsroom. The study investigates the representation of female journalists in the newsroom. This is to provide an understanding into some of the issues faced by female journalists in the newsroom such as gender roles, stereotypes and discriminations.

Data Collection Methods, Procedure and Sampling The study used in-depth interviews and focus group discussion as the methods for collecting data to aid the study to achieve its objectives. Participants for this study were purposively selected. This is because Gray, Willaimson, Karp and Dalphin (2007) explain purposive sampling as the selection of particular categories based on their significance to the subject under study. Thus the selected journalists for this study exemplify journalists working for media outlets in Ghana. The selected sample for this study were 21 participants. Out of the 21 participants, 17 were for the in-depth interviews and the remaining 6 participated in the focus group discussion. These participants were made up of 17 journalists from 7 media houses in Ghana, 2 media managers and 2 journalism lecturers. The selected journalists were made up of 12 female journalists and 5 male journalists. The selection of the journalists was based on the following criteria: (a) participant is a professional journalist, (b) participant as at the time this study was conducted is practising journalism full time, (c) participant works for a recognised media organisation, (d) participant has at least 7 years of working experience. The decision for the minimum of 7 years working experience was because the researchers believe 7 years is enough for journalists to be well exposed to the phenomenon under study and as such will give the needed information for the research. The researchers’ selection of more female is justified by the fact that females are the victims of the representation and as such, they are the key actors in this research. The selection of males in addition to the female is to identify their perspectives on women in the newsroom since they are part of the daily discourses in the newsroom and also males are seen to be the key actors in representing women in a particular light. Also, the selection of the media managers is to examine their point of view on the place of women in the newsroom since these managers play a role in recruitment at the media house. The two journalism lecturers were selected to add the academic perspective concerning the phenomenon under study. 306

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

Furthermore, a semi-structured interview was adopted for this study to enable participants to share their views flexibly. Additionally, this interview structure allowed the researchers to gather in-depth information that was based on facts from participants. On average, each interview lasted between 10 to 15 minutes, and each interview session was recorded and transcribed before analysing. The interviews were conducted through telephone calls. Again the researchers conducted one session of FGD through a telephone conference call. The focus group discussion lasted for 30 minutes, the session was also recorded and transcribed for analysis. The researchers aimed to and examine some of the roles given to female journalists in the newsroom. It also sought to identify some of the discriminations against female journalists in the newsroom. In addition, to analyse how women are stereotyped through language in the newsroom and further identify ways female journalists are dealing with such issues in the newsroom.

Data Analysis and Ethical Issues The transcribed data were thematically analysed. Thus, the researchers analysed and grouped the findings under themes which were derived based on the objectives of the study. The thematic analysis enabled the researchers to identify patterns in the data. Thus the study adopted the inductive approach to analysing qualitative data (Thomas, 2003). This allowed the researchers to connect and view the world of respondents from their perspective (Corbin & Strauss, 2015). The process of organising the data under themes ultimately turned out three major themes, and the findings were presented narratively. To ensure this study passes the ethical standards of research, the researchers sought the participants’ consent before the interviews and FGD were conducted. The researchers also avoided stereotypes by asking questions that were neutral and devoid of possibilities of hurting the sensibilities of the participants as advised by Creswell (2013). To ensure the anonymity the names of the participants were not in any way disclosed. Rather they were represented with alphanumeric codes. The seven female journalits interviewed were coded as FJ1 (Female journalist 1), FJ 2 (Female Journalist 2), FJ 3 (Female Journalist 3)… and FJ 7 (Female Journalist 7) whilss the five male journalists interviewed were also coded as MJ1 (Male Journalist 1), MJ2 (Male journalists 2)…and MJ5 (Male Journalist 5). The two media managers were also coded as M1 (Manager 1) and M2 (Manager 2), whiles the two lecturers were also coded as L1 (Lecturer 1) and L2 (Lecturer 2). In relations to the Focus Group Disscussion, the five female participants were coded as p1 (Participant 1), P 2 (Participant 2), P 3 (Participant 3)… and P 5 (Participant 5)

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION Representation of Women in the Newsroom The first line of data analysis is based on the objective to examine the representation of women in the newsroom. This objective seeks to establish the ratio of men to women in the newsroom and how these women are portrayed by their colleagues in the newsroom. The findings revealed that women are still underrepresented in terms of numbers in the newsroom. For instance, FJ 2 indicated that “out of the 10 journalists in the newsroom, the women are only two’. That is, the men form the majority in the newsroom with 80% whilst the women take 20%. Similarly, FJ 1, also added that out of 5 journalists in the newsroom, she is the only female journalist amid 4 men. 307

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

More so, in another interview with male journalists 1, the researchers were told that out of 9 journalists in the newsroom, only two are females. Besides, the study established that only one out of the seven media houses from which the 17 journalists interviewed come from had more female journalists than male journalists (that is a ratio of 4:1). FJ 1, in an attempt to justify the underrepresentation of women in the newsroom, articulated: I am surprised when I go out to cover stories, I see a lot of male journalists but few females. I ask myself where the women are. When I was in school doing my diploma in Journalism, the women were more than the men but on the field, they are all missing. Sometimes when I speak to some of my school mates, they tell me they don’t practice because the salary is small and the risk is high (FJ1). The findings, therefore, agree with the argument that females are still underrepresented in journalism (Beam & Di Cicco, 2010; Drew, 2011; Rivas-Rodriguez, Subervi-Velez, Bramlett-Solomon & Heider, 2004) and contradicts the assertion from other scholars that journalism has now become a female profession (Byerly, 2013; Djerf-Pierre, 2011). Also, a female participant in the focus group discussion noted that some women are unable to combine the demands of the job to the demands of managing the home. She narrated, ‘one of my colleagues had to resign because she was finding it difficult to cope with keeping the home and practising journalism so she decided to get a different job that will make things flexible’(P5). In an interview with L1, he explained that the Ghanaian society respects women who can manage the home properly, hence these women are forced to leave their job to live up to the expectations of society. The ladies don’t want to sacrifice expectations from their family to take care of their husbands and kids for a job that is demanding like journalism. When I speak to most of the women that I have trained for this work but have changed occupation, such excuses run through. It is quite unfortunate (L1). Over the years some of them have had to leave because they wanted a change in their profession while others wanted a change in the place of work, others too got those that were well paid and others because of marriage and other family demands so they had to leave. This corroborates the assertion that female journalists leave their job because they are unable to combine it with home management (Frohlich & Lafky, 2008; Ross, 2001). With regards to how female journalists are portrayed in the newsroom, this study highlights that women in Ghanaian newsroom were portrayed in a mixed mannar. Thus one hand portrayed as eloquent, capable, hardworking and persuasive. On the other hand, they are portrayed as weak and emotional, not daring and immoral. The study revealed that women were portrayed as persuasive in the newsroom because women were given the task of preparing interviewees to speak to issues on news bulletins. As one respondent stated: Any time we want to speak to a source or someone we want to speak to during our news bulletin, my editor will always ask me to make the call and persuade the person to talk. He always says women know how to persuade men (FJ3). This is in line with the gender theory which posits that gender is a social construction which ascribes specific roles to people based on the sex of the individual. Based on society’s construction that women can easily convince men, in the newsroom, women are tasked to persuade contacts to speak to an issue 308

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

of public concern. This finding is in contrast with Kabah’s (2019) assertion that newsroom tasks and roles are not gendered. The study further established that, based on an interview with female journalists 4, women are also portrayed as capable. A respondent espoused that her colleagues regard her as capable and as such they do not hesitate in assigning her any role or task. The study also realised that women are portrayed as hard working. For instance, P4 in the focus group discussion stated that they are portrayed as hardworking in the newsroom. They tell me that I am hard working. This is because I always finish my assignments on time and I am always available for a task in the newsroom (P4) Also, FJ4 highlighted: I rose through the ranks from being an intern, assisting the producer, becoming the producer and now being the editor. Therefore, my colleagues accepted it. Some of them even proposed my promotion because they see me as hardworking (FJ 4). The data from the interviews also showed that female journalists in the newsroom are mostly the news anchors. This is because they are seen as more eloquent than male journalists in the newsroom. FJ 5 stated ‘when I came, my editor said I speak well and my voice sounds nice so I will read the news on-air’. In contrast, the study also established that women are regarded as ‘emotional’ in the newsroom and that affect their work sometimes. For example, one male journalist articulated: Sometimes the women easily get hurt when we are discussing certain issues in the newsroom. Can you imagine my colleague did not speak to me for a week in the newsroom just because we had a small disagreement? Any time I am on assignment with her I am very careful because I don’t want her to do that to me again.(MJ 3) Furthermore, the findings of the study postulate that female journalists in Ghana are portrayed as ‘not daring’. This is because female journalists are afraid to go to places that are seen as hostile and dangerous for journalists. Editors in the newsroom assign men to cover stories from such beats. A female journalists explained: …as an editor, I have come to realise that most of the women I have worked within the newsroom are not daring. They find it difficult to get stories from difficult people and difficult places. Because of this, I assign the men to follow up on controversial stories and also go to places that are difficult to get people to talk to on an issue’.(P2). Women are also portrayed as immoral. This portrayal is based on the perception by male colleagues that female journalists are in the good books of prominent people in the society because they sleep with them to get news stories. Female journalists 4 told the researchers that “some of our colleagues think we sleep with public figures for stories. I don’t know if it is envy or jealousy. They don’t understand that we are always bringing the big stories. That is what they always say in the newsroom”. The study found out from MJ 2, some of the reasons for such a portrayal against women. He explained:

309

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

Some of my colleagues don’t understand why they easily get prominent people as their sources. People that we the men find it difficult to even get them to interview. That is why we sometimes believe that they sleep with these men for stories (MJ2). This is in line with Cvetkovic and Oostman (2018) postulation that women are portrayed as using sex as a commodity of information exchange, a normal thing and their bodies as a newsgathering tool. Also, the authors add that females are portrayed as weak both physically and intellectually in journalism. Even though it has been established that women are under-represented in the Ghanaian newsrooms and are also portrayed positively and negatively, studies have also shown that women experience discrimination in the newsroom. This leads the study to the next objective which seeks to identify some of these discriminations within the Ghanaian context.

Discrimination Against Women Generally speaking, discrimination can be referred to as is the act of adversely treating someone based on factors like race and sex. It is seen as a hindrance to the attainment of gender equity and equality (Pokharel, 2008). Discrimination in the newsroom manifest through roles and conditions of service of journalists. These discriminations are sometimes based on gender stereotypes. The study in finding out the kinds of discrimination experienced by women in the newsroom discovered that women are discriminated when it comes to roles in the newsroom because it is believed that some roles are for men and others are for women. For instance, FJ6 said: I also realised there was discrimination in terms of the shows to host on air. It was not easy for me to come onto the Morning show because most of my colleagues felt it was best handled by the men. At times during certain conversations, they will say you are a woman and shouldn’t be part or you shouldn’t be so outspoken and that you should be quiet since it is a man’s thing (FJ6) This was attributed to the fact women are not expected to be outspoken. Any woman who is seen as such is regarded as disrespectful. This for FJ1 made it difficult for her to make an appearance on the morning show. She added that she was told that they will lose listeners if she exhibits her outspoken nature on air. The morning show is, therefore, seen as the table for men.This is explained by Chafetz (2006) argument that girls learn to use speech to maintain close and equal relations, to criticise in a non-challenging way and interpret accurately the intentions of others whilst boys learn to use speech to compete for attention in the group they are in and assert positions of dominance. Hence, these interactional patterns flow into adulthood, constructing women’s and men’s interactional identity Again the study found out that there is discrimination in terms of pay structure. That is, there is inequality in the payment structure for males and females. Men are paid differently from females. The study realised that men are paid more than women in the newsroom. This is attributed to the gender roles constructed by society for both sexes. Men are expected to be the breadwinners in the family, hence they deserve to earn more money than women. Women do not provide food on the table and as such do not need money. For example, P1 in the focus group discussion narrated:

310

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

We have an idea about the salary structure for journalists here and you realise that the men are given a little more than us. My general manager will always say, men, need more money and then laugh over it. We cannot complain because if you do they will think you are envious and do not respect (P1) This finding is in line with Byerly (2011) and IFJ (2012) findings that there a gap between the salary structure of women journalists and male journalists in the 59 countries used for the study. Thus, male journalits were paid more than female journalists. Again, the gender theory posits this phenomenon of unequal pay for male and female journalists and the muting of female voices in the newsroom Furthermore, women in the newsroom are told to not speak up in meetings. This was confirmed in an interview with female journalists 3. She avowed; “when I want to make a point during meetings, they will tell me that I am a woman so I should calm down and allow the men to talk”. She further added that her editor once told her that she is too outspoken “and once you are like that, men will be afraid to approach you and marriage will be difficult too should you rise to the highest peak of the ranks. You need to calm down and be sober” (FJ3). The gender theory explains this finding based on the theory’s assumption that women are expected to keep quiet in public, are not expected to speak among men because men are more intelligent than women. This similarly plays out in the newsrooms in Ghana. Until the woman rises to become a boss it becomes difficult for them to share their views during meetings. Moreover, Tannen (1990) espouses that females have been personified as emotional, passive, and gentle whiles males, in contrast, have been characterised as task-oriented, blunt, aggressive, ambitious and independent

Dealing With Representation and Discrimination Although research has shown that some women leave the journalism profession as a result of these acts of discrimination and stereotypes in the newsroom, others too are still practising journalism and some are even occupying editorial positions in the newsroom. The study therefore aimed at finding out how these women are dealing with these discriminations in the newsroom. The findings revealed that the female journalists have adopted several strategies to deal with such issues of discrimination and stereotyping. These strategies based on the data gathered ranges from rebellion, apathy, to reinvention. The findings of the study revealed that the female journalists are apathetic towards the discriminations against them. For instance, a respondent indicated that she has given ignored to the negative portrayals and discrimination that she faces in her line of work. This is how she puts it in her own words: “…now I do not care anymore about such things. I love the job and that is my focus. These men are not ready to change and the more you pay attention to them the more you get affected”. FJ1 also stated that ‘it is normal to me now, I have been in this job for 9 years now so I am used to it. I laugh over it nowadays. I do not care about what somebody thinks about me now’. In terms of rebellion as a coping strategy against discrimination and stereotype, findings revealed that the female journalists refused or were non-compliant to some directives and as such has mede the men uncomfortable around them. For instance in an interview with FJ 5, she said: Well, I did not give up. At a point I made it get to me but later I decided to ignore all forms of negative comments and move on. What I did was that I told them that I am not going to prep interviewees again, there should also allow the men to do so. Because I believe the men could equally call and get results and currently, the men are the ones making the calls. They see me as rebellious but I don’t mind (FJ5)

311

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

This finding comforms with Rudman and Glick’s (2010) assertion that violations of gender sterotypes that are prescribed by society causes surprise and sometimes creates antagonism and moral outrage because the individual is not beahaving as they ought to behave. Thus, women who go against are disliked. Also, the theme of reinvention was deduced from the data analysed. The study revealed that female journalists are making conscious efforts to go contrary to their stereotypes. Thus they try to subvert the gender stereotypes by creating new identities in the newsroom. This is done through the exhibition of certain behaviours that show that women are not weak, emotional, unintelligent and the likes but are capable and intelligent and can also be daring. This according to FJ4 has changed some of the perceptions of their colleagues towards them. She narrated: I have been proving to them that their thoughts about women are not valid. For instance, one time I told my editor that there is a developing story I want to do a follow-up on. He told me that a woman cannot do a particular story. She will face challenges. I insisted so he gave me the go-ahead. To his surprise, I was able to go beyond his expectations by getting all the facts of the matter and even went further to bring some of the sources in the news story to the studios for live interviews. Since then I am allowed to work on any story (FJ4) These findings are not consistent with Deutsch’s (2007) view that people act in accordance with what has been prescribed as masculine or feminine behaviour by the society to the extent that they see these constructions as “natural,” or arising from sources of power and order beyond the immediate community, such as gods or tradition. Moreso, These findings contradicts Wood and Eagly (2010) argument that gender roles are embedded in the expectations of others which in turn makes it internalised and performed.

CONCLUSION AND FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS This chapter explored the representation of female journalists in Ghanaian newsrooms, taking into accounts the views of both females and males. Also, the chapter examined the discriminations female journalists in Ghana are facing and how these journalists are dealing with such issues. These issues go a long way to affect how journalism is practised in Ghana. The study highlights that female journalists are still underrepresented in the Ghanaian newsrooms and thus make journalism a male-dominated profession. The study also realised that the fewer number of female journalists in the newsroom do not align with female journalism students in Ghana. This study further established that the low number of females in the newsrooms in Ghana can be attributed to inequality in payment structure for men and women and the inability for women to combine the demand of the profession with managing the house. The study, in addition, unpacks that female journalists in Ghana are portrayed positively and negatively. The positive portrayals include, hardworking and capable, eloquent and persuasive. The negative portrayals, on the other hand, includes, weak and emotional, not daring and immoral. These negative portrayals corroborate findings of existing studies on the portrayal of women. The positive portrayals, however, contradict findings in the existing literature. Another finding of the study that aligns with existing literature is that Ghanaian female journalists face discriminations in the form of job tasks and salary structure.

312

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

Last but not least, the study revealed that female journalists in Ghana have adopted strategies like reinvention, rebellion and apathy as ways of dealing with negative portrayals, stereotypes and discriminations against female journalists in the newsroom. With reference to dirctions for future research, the study recommends that future studies can also investigate how gender issues in journalism affect the quality of news production. The study recommends that future research should adopt the quantitative approach to measure the degree of gender-based descriminations in Ghanaian newsrooms.

REFERENCES Allah-Mensah, B. (2003). Gender and local governance in Ghana: The case of the 2002 district level elections. Local Government in Ghana: Grassroots Participation in the 2002 Local Government Elections, 19-48. Anokwa, K. (1997). The performance under civilian and military regimes in Ghana. In F. Eribo & W. John-Ebott (Eds.), Press Freedom and Communication in Africa. Trenton. Africa World Press, Inc. Anyidoho, N. A. (2016). Role, representations and perceptions of women in contemporary Ghanaian society. ISSER-Ghana. Asare, G. (2009). The media liberalisation and democracy: Experiences from Accra, Ghana (Unpublished Masters Thesis). The University of Tromso, Norway. Beam, A. R., & Di Cicco, D. T. (2010). When women run the newsroom: Management change, gender, and the news. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 87(2), 393–411. Advance online publication. doi:10.1177/107769901008700211 Bem, S. L. (1993). The lenses of gender: Transforming the debate on sexual inequality. Yale University Press. Biney, A. (2011). The political and social thought of Kwame Nkrumah. Palgrave Macmillan., doi:10.1057/9780230118645 Boateng, K. J. A. (2017). Reversal of Gender Disparity in Journalism Education-Study of Ghana Institute of Journalism. The Observatory Journal, 11(2), 118–135. doi:10.15847/obsOBS11220171019 Bobbitt-Zeher, D. (2011). Gender discrimination at work: Connecting gender stereotypes, institutional policies and gender composition in the workplace. Gender & Society, 1(25), 764–785. doi:10.1177/0891243211424741 Britton, D.M. (2000). The Epistemology of the Gendered Organisation. Gender and Society, 14(3), 418-434. doi:10.1177/08912430003004 Byerly, C. (2011). Global Report on the Status of Women in the News Media. International Women’s Media Foundation.

313

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

Byerly, C. M. (2013). Factors affecting the status of women journalists: A structural analysis. In C. M. Byerly (Ed.), The Palgrave International Handbook of Women and Journalism (pp. 11–23). Palgrave Macmillan. Canary, D. J., Emmers-Sommer, T. M., & Faulkner, S. (1998). Sex and gender differences in personal relationships. Guilford Press. Chafetz, J. S. (2006). The varieties of gender theory in sociology. In Handbook of the sociology of gender (pp. 3–23). Springer. doi:10.1007/0-387-36218-5_1 Chambers, D., & Steiner, L. (2010). The changing status of women journalists. In S. Allan (Ed.), In the Routledge companion to news and journalism studies. Routledge. Chambers, D., Steiner, L., & Fleming, C. (2004). Women and journalism. Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780203500668 Charles, G. Abbey, E., & Baffoe, M. (2020). Proverbs and Patriarchy: Analysis of Linguistic Prejudice and Representation of Women in Traditional Akan Communities of Ghana. MDPI. Claudia, L., Carolina, A. T., Santos, M., & Jamil, S. (2018). Introduction to Dossier Journalism and Gender: Yes, this is Subversive. British Journalism Review, 14(1), 1–6. Corbin, J., & Strauss, A. (2015). Basics of qualitative research: Techniques and procedures for developing grounded theory (4th ed.). Sage. Creswell, J. W. (2013). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative and mixed methods approach. Sage Publications. Das, S., & Ghadially, S. (1996). Parental sex-role orientation and sex stereotypes of children. In R. Ghadially (Ed.), Women in Indian Society (pp. 124–135). Sage. De Bruin, M. (2014). Gender and newsroom cultures. In A. V. Montiel (Ed.), Media and Gender: A Scholarly Agenda for the Global Alliance on Media and Gender. UNESCO. De Vuyst, S., & Gober, G. (2019). Gendered online harassment in journalism : a challenge to the right of the voice of female journalists. In IAMCR Madrid 2019 : Communication, technology and human dignity : disputed rights, contested truths : abstracts. Madrid: International Association for Media and Communication Research (IAMCR). Deirdre, O., Heather, S., & Cann, V. (2016). Women politicians in the UK press: Not seen and not heard. Feminist Media Studies, 16(2), 293–307. doi:10.1080/14680777.2015.1092458 Deutsch, F. M. (2007). Undoing Gender. Gender & Society, 21(1), 106–127. doi:10.1177/0891243206293577 Dilshad, R. M., & Latif, M. I. (2013). Focus group interview as a tool for qualitative research: An analysis. Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences, 33(1), 191–198. Djerf-Pierre, M. (2007). The Gender of journalism: The structure and logic of the field in the twentieth century. Nordicom Review. Jubilee Issue, 2007, 81–104.

314

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

Drew, E. M. (2011). Coming to terms with our own racism: Journalists grapple with the racialization of their news. Critical Studies in Media Communication, 28(4), 353–373. doi:10.1080/15295036.201 0.514936 Dzradosi, C. E., Agyekum, M. W., & Ocloo, P. M. (2018). A gender analysis of political appointments in ghana since independence, report 2018. Institute Of Local Government Studies (Ilgs) And FriedrichErbert-Stiftung. Retrieved from: https://www.nca.org.gh/ Fahs, A. (2011). Out of assignment: newspaper women and the making modern public space. University of North Carolina Press. doi:10.5149/9780807869031_fahs Fröhlich, R., & Lafky, S. A. (2008). Women Journalists in the Western World: Equal Opportunities and What Surveys Tell Us. Hampton Press. Gadzekpo, A. (2009). African Media Studies and Feminist Concerns. Journal of African Media Studies, 1(1), 69–80. doi:10.1386/jams.1.1.69_1 Gallagher, M. (1995). An Unfinished Story: Gender Patterns in Media Employment (Reports and Papers on Mass Communication 110). UNESCO Publishing. Ghana Statistical Service. (2013). Ghana 2010 population census. Accra: Ghana Statistical Service. Gill, R. (2007). Postfeminist media culture: Elements of a sensibility. European Journal of Cultural Studies, 10(2), 147–166. doi:10.1177/1367549407075898 Government of Ghana (GoG). (2015). Child and Family Policy. Retrieved National%20Gender%20 Policy.pdf Gray, K. (2015). The status of women in the U.S. media. New York: Women’s Media Centre. Retrieved from: https://wmc.3cdn.net/83bf6082a319460eb1_hsrm680x2.pdf Gray, P. S., Willaimson, J. B., Karp, D. A., & Dalphin, J. R. (2007). The research imagination: An introduction to qualitative and quantitative methods. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511819391 Hanusch, F. (2013). Cultural forces in journalism: The impact of cultural values on maori journalists professional views. Retrieved from: https://eprints.qut.edu.au/68303/1/2013_-_Hanusch_-_JS_ _Maori_cultural_values_journalism.pdf Heiss, J. (1991). Gender and romantic- love roles. The Sociological Quarterly, 32(4), 575–591. Advance online publication. doi:10.1111/j.1533-8525.1991.tb00155.x Ivana, C., & Kimberly, R. O. (2018). Sexualisation of the journalism profession; TV representation of female journalist intellect, labour, and bodies. IFAOR Journal of Media, Communication and Film, 5(1). IWMF. (2011). Global report on the status of women in News media. International Women’s Media Foundation. Retrieved from: https://www.iwmf.org/wp- content/uploads/2018/06/IWMF-Global-Report.pdf Janus, J. M. (2008). Gender roles, leadership and public relationships (Master’s Thesis). The University of Missouri, Columbia.

315

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

Juschka, D. (2017). Feminism and gender theory. The Oxford Handbook of the Study of Religion. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198729570.013.10 Kabah, K. P. A. (2019). Gender and Journalism: A Perspective of Female Journalists in the Temale Metropolis in Ghana. International Journal of Research and Scientific Innovation, 6(8), 98–102. Kabaji, E. S. (2005). The construction of gender through the narrative process: A Case study of the Maragoli folktale (Unpublished PhD Thesis). The University of South Africa. Martin, P. Y., Reynolds, J. R., & Keith, S. (2002). Gender bias and ferminist consciousness among judges and attorneys: A standpoint theory analysis. Signs (Chicago, Ill.), 27(3), 665–701. doi:10.1086/337941 Meyers, M., & Gayle, L. (2015). African American women in the newsroom: Encoding resistance. The Howard Journal of Communications, 26(3), 292–312. doi:10.1080/10646175.2015.1049760 Musah, B. I., & Gariba, I. (2013). Women and political decision making: Perspectives from Ghana’s parliament. Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, 5(3). North, L. (2009). The gendered newsroom: How journalists experience in the changing world of media. Hampton Press. Oladapo, O. A. (2019). Gender and the national crisis of contested nationhood: News visibility of women in Nigeria’s unity debate. Feminist Media Studies, 1–16. Advance online publication. doi:10.1080/146 80777.2019.1647867 Ordway, O. D. (2017). Women in news: A collection of research. Retrieved from. https://journalistsresource.org/studies/society/news-media/women-in-news-female- journalists-research/ Pokharel, S. (2008). Gender discrimination: Women perspective. Nepalese Journal of Development and Rural Studies, 5(2), 80–87. Ponterotto, D. (2014). Trivializing the Female Body: A Cross-cultural Analysis of the Representation of Women in Sports Journalism. Journal of International Women’s Studies, 15(2), 94–111. https:// vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol15/iss2/7 Rivas-Rodriguez, M., Subervi-Velez, F. A., Bramlett-Solomon, S., & Heider, D. (2004). ´ Minority journalists’ perceptions of the impact of minority executives. The Howard Journal of Communications, 15(1), 39–55. doi:10.1080/10646170490275747 Ross, K. (2001). Women at work: Journalism as en-gendered practice. Journalism Studies, 2(4), 531–544. doi:10.1080/14616700120086404 Rudman, L. A., Moss-Racusin, C. A., Phelan, J. E., & Nauts, S. (2012b). Status incongruity and backlash effects: Defending the gender hierarchy motivates prejudice against female leaders. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 48(1), 165–179. doi:10.1016/j.jesp.2011.10.008 Saija, K., & Eriksson, P. (2013). He is a firm, strong-minded and empowering leader, but is she? Gendered positioning of female and male CEOs. Gender, Work and Organization, 20(1), 71–84. doi:10.1111/j.14680432.2011.00570.x

316

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

Sandrine, D., Sancier, S., Werner, C., Maller, I., & Kossoffff, C. (2013). Women matter – gender diversity in top management: Moving corporate culture, moving boundaries. Paris: McKinsey & Company. Sossou, M. (2006). The meaning of gender equality in ghana: women’s perceptions of the issues of gender equality: Implications for Social Work Education and Practice in Ghana. Women in Welfare Education., 8, 37–54. Steiner, L. (2009). Gender in the newsroom. In K. Wahl-Jorgensen & T. Hanitzsch (Eds.), Handbook of Journalism Studies. Routledge. Tannen, D. (1990). You just don‟t understand: Men and women in conversation. Morrow. Thomas, D. R. (2003). A general inductive approach for qualitative data analysis. School of Population Health, University of Auckland. Tischner, I., Malson, H., & Fey, K. (2019). Leading ladies: Discursive constructions of women leaders in the UK media. Feminist Media Studies, 1–17. Advance online publication. doi:10.1080/14680777.2 019.1640266 Tusan, M. E. (2005). Women making news: Gender and journalism in modern Britain. Urbana University of Illinois Press. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). (2000). Women’s political participation and good governance: 21st century challenges. UNDP. Walsh, C. (2015). Media capital or media deficit? Feminist Media Studies, 15(6), 1025-1034. doi:. doi :10.1080/14680777.2015.1087415 Wilde, K. (2015). Women in sport: gender stereotypes in the past and present. Retrieved from wgst. athabascau.ca/awards/broberts/forms/Wilde.pdf Wimmer, R. D., & Dominick, J. R. (2013). Mass media research: An introduction (10th ed.). Wadsworth Publishing Co. Wood, W., & Eagly, A. H. (2010). Gender. In S. T. Fiske, D. T. Gilbert, & G. Lindzey (Eds.), Handbook of social psychology (pp. 629–667). Willey. doi:10.1002/9780470561119.socpsy001017

ADDITIONAL READING Aidan, W. (2009). Getting the balance right: Gender Equity in Journalism. Brussels, Belgium Emma, P. (2015, February). Outnumbered but Well-Spoken: Female Commenters in the New York Times. Proceedings of 18th ACM Conference on Computer Supported Cooperative Work &Social Computing, Vancouver, Canada. Retrieved from https://dl.acm.org/doi/10.1145/2675133.2675134 European Commission. (2010). Opinion on Breaking Gender Stereotypes in the Media. Advisory Committee on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men, Social Europe.

317

 Newsroom Representation and Discrimination Against Female Journalists in Ghana

Gallagher, M. (2010). Who Makes the News? Global Media Monitoring Project. World Association for Christian Communication. Hanitzsch, T., & Hanusch, F. (2012). Does Gender Determine Journalists’ Professional Views? A Reassessment Based on Cross-national Evidence. European Journal of Communication. Sage Publication., doi:10.1177/0267323112454804 Harp, J., Bachman, I., & Lorke, J. (2014). Where Are the Women? The Presence of Female Columnists in U.S. Opinion Pages. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 91(2), 289–307. doi:10.1177/1077699014527457 International Women’s Media Foundation. (2011). Global report on the status of women in the news media. Carolyn M. Byerly. Nieman Reports. (2011). Where are the women? Why we need more female newsroom leaders. Cambridge, USA: Anna Griffin Pew Research Center (2005) Journalism & media staff: The gender gap: women are still missing as sources for journalists. Project for Excellence in Journalism, May 23. https://www. journalism.org/files/legacy/gender.pdf (accessed October 25, 2014). Prieler, M., & Canteno, D. (2013). Gender representation in Philippine television advertisements. Sex Roles, 69(5-6), 276–288. doi:10.100711199-013-0301-4 Sahu, G.K., & Alam, S. (2013). Media agenda on gender issues: Content analysis of two national dailies. Journal of Mass Communication, Praggyaan, 14 Zoch, L., & Judy, V. T. (1998). Women making news: Gender as a variable in source selection and use. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 75(4), 762–775. doi:10.1177/107769909807500410

KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Discrimination: The unfair treatment against a person because of the sex of the individual. Female Journalists: A journalist who possesses the female sex. Gender Stereotype: The general labelling of people based on their sex without taking into consideration individual differences. Male-Dominated: Men in the majority. Newsroom: This represents the journalism profession and all the activities involved in journalism. Portrayal: How an individual is pictured or described. Representation of Women: The presence of women in the newsroom and how they are seen and portrayed in the newsroom by their colleagues. Social Construction: Something that is created by a group of people based on their beliefs.

318

319

Chapter 17

Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media: Exposing the Hushed GenderBased Discriminations Adamkolo Mohammed Ibrahim https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1662-7054 University of Maiduguri, Nigeria Nassir Abba-Aji University of Maiduguri, Nigeria Mohammed Alhaji Adamu University of Maiduguri, Nigeria Phuong Thi Vi University of Sciences, Thai Nguyen University, Vietnam

ABSTRACT In recent decades, women journalists’ professional safety has attracted an enormous research attention globally and in Nigeria. Interestingly, often similar findings are likely generated by most of the studies highlighting stiff gender-based challenges. This chapter investigated the safety experiences of Nigerian women journalists to identifying the typology of gender-based discriminations and coping strategy affected women journalists used to manage to work in a male-dominated media industry. Employing a semi-structured interview approach, 37 participants (25 women journalists, 10 men journalists, and 2 human resource managers) were interviewed from 12 broadcast media organisations in Northern Nigeria. The data were analysed using thematic analysis and the findings showed that Nigerian women journalists experience different types of gendered unsafety including discrimination in newsgathering and production and sexual harassment; most of the affected women used risky coping strategies such as ignoring; most media organisations lacked policies and frameworks to handle such cases.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch017

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

INTRODUCTION Historically, journalism practice in Nigeria is traced back to the late Reverend Henry Towsend of the Presbyterian Church located in Calabar and later relocated to Abeokuta. The first newspaper was published on December 3, 1859, which was written in Yoruba dialect and titled: IweIroyin Fun Aron Ara Egbaati Yoruba, meaning a newspaper publication written for the Egba and Yorubas. The primary aim of the establishment of the newspaper was to get people to read (Ajibade, 2003; Tijani-Adenle, 2019). Although the first newspaper in Nigeria was published in 1859, the “emergence of modern Nigeria in 1914” (Omu, 1978, p.39) paved the way for a vibrant media scene, and many nationalists established newspapers for the propagation of self-government, nationalist agitations and to counter the excesses of colonial regimes such as excessive taxation, the repudiation of Nigerian religions, languages and traditional-political institutions, oppression of Nigerians and abuse of their rights among others (Ajibade, 2003). Notable among the nationalists who established early newspapers include Sir Akitoye Ajasa who established Nigerian Pioneer in 1914, Ernest Sese Ikoli who established African Messenger in 1921, Herbert Macaulay who established Lagos Daily News in 1925, Malam Abubakar Imam who established Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo in 1939 and Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe who established West African Pilot in 1937, etc. (Ukiwo, 2005). In Nigeria, like in other parts of the world, the media industry was dominated by print and broadcast media. However, the development of the broadcast media was not as rapid as the print media. Nevertheless, “its establishment and progress is no less political” (Tijani-Adenle, 2019, p.17). Media broadcasting in Nigeria commenced in 1932 when “Lagos began to relay the British Empire Service from Daventry, England” (Uche, 1989, p.36). However, as soon as the three major geo-political regions (Northern, Western and Eastern) were established in preparation for the country’s independence, the indigenous regional governments “swiftly established their broadcasting systems to tackle colonial authority’s exogenous broadcasting policies and to project their regional cultures, policies and political parties” (Tijani-Adenle, 2019, p.17; Uche, 1989). Largely, “the early Nigerian news media were inevitably political” (Omu, 1978, p.11). The news media served as watchdogs to the colonial administrations and sensitised the people on the need to oppose the imperialists and struggle for self-governance. Unfortunately, women were not key players at this critical point in the history of the media because the social and gender norms in colonial Nigeria did not encourage women to practise the “nationalist and agitational journalism” (Omu, 1996, p.13) that was regarded as “too dangerous and daring for women, who were perceived to be weak, needed protection and expected to tend to the home and children” (Bammeke, 2013). However, despite the overarching predominance of men, it would be wrong to assume that women were completely absent from the media industry in colonial Nigeria. Few notable women excelled although “very little information” (Omu, 1996, p.13) is available about them in the literature. For example, there is a record of a Miss F. Ronke Ajayi who edited the Nigerian Daily Mail that was published in 1931 (Omu, 1978, p.67). She was known as the friend of the publisher, H. Antus Williams and “who saw her appointment as a joke” (Omu, 1996, p.13) jeered at her. By the 1950s, women had had a considerable footprint in Nigerian journalism however, most of them were writing features, women content and gossip pages. For example, some of the columns or pages were titled “As I see it” by A. O. Alakija of Daily Times, “Women’s Corner” by Eve, Pilot Newspaper’s “Milady’s Bower” among others (Falola, 1999). The era between 1960, when Nigeria gained independence and 1999, when it returned to stable democratic governance after many years of military interregnums was, however, remarkable for Nigerian 320

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

women as many of them gained entry into the news media, broke glass ceilings and made significant contributions to the journalism profession (Ikem, 1996). The creation of women pages by most newspapers and magazines gave women inroads into the media with many of them becoming women page editors, editors of soft desks and publications and editors of magazines between the 1970s and 1990s. For example, Dr Doyin Abiola became the first female editor of a national newspaper, the National Concord, in 1980 (Falola, 1999; Ikem, 1996). A chronology of women journalism in Nigeria cannot be complete without mentioning the Nigerian female journalism pressure group, the Nigerian Association of Women Journalists (NAWOJ), which was created in 1989 (Ikem, 1996; Omu, 1996). Many journalism and mass communication courses were developed in universities and polytechnics, female students became preponderant in the journalism, media and communication departments (Domatob, 1988) and more women (compared to the colonial period) entered the news media (Akinfeleye, 2011, p.35). However, media scholars have been fast to indicate that this progress, although remarkable, do not indicate that women journalists have achieved equality with their male counterparts in the profession. Because, generally, women were significantly absent from the media scene and even when they were given opportunities, it was on the soft beats where ‘critical’ and/or dangerous reporting was not perceived to be taking place (Ikem, 1996). The significance of this for the status of women journalists in Nigeria is that women did not join the media as early as men and so they had a late start/entry into the industry. They were also assigned to a low level and less significant beats when they eventually joined. Hence, this can be said to be the foundation of the inferior position of women in the Nigerian news media today, as the industry was established when very few women were involved in governance and the economy, and significantly absent from the public sphere (Tijani-Adenle, 2019).

BACKGROUND Threatening violence against journalists, especially against women journalists is a worrying global trend. Although both male and female media professionals, as well as other media practitioners, are increasingly targeted for their reporting, yet women journalists face increased safety risk due to their specific vulnerabilities entailed by gender (Jamil, 2019). They are subject to the same types of attacks as their male counterparts – killings, imprisonment, physical and psychological attacks, acts of intimidation, harassment, threats, surveillance, etc. However, violence against women journalists is very often manifested in the form of sexual attacks. They also face risks in traditionally “safe” environments, such as their newsrooms. They are vulnerable to attacks not only from those attempting to silence their coverage, but also from sources and colleagues, and even family members. Cultural norms and stigmas coupled with a lack of faith in their supervisors and the authorities to act upon their complaints discourage reporting of gender-based violence. Unfortunately, in this context, silence prevails (Chocarro, 2019; Tijani-Adenle, 2019). The implications are that when women journalists are restricted or hounded out of the profession, society is denied access to a diverse range of information and perspectives. There is growing international consensus that women journalists face specific threats to their safety and professional development and that integration of a gender-sensitive approach is essential to promoting the safety of journalists worldwide especially in African countries such as Nigeria and ensuring there is diversity among not just media actors but content that sheds light on all aspects of society (Chinwuba, 2016; Chocarro, 2019). This study sought to contribute toward providing a further understanding on safety-related discrimination Nigerian women journalists experience to promote the safety of women journalists in the country 321

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

and contribute toward building the literature, an area of research that has received little attention so far. Therefore, an attempt was made to provide the answer to the following two research questions (RQs): RQ 1 - In a news media industry dominated by patriarchal newsroom culture, what are the experiences of Nigerian women journalists regarding safety in the light of gender-based discrimination and sexism (sexual harassment)? RQ 2 - What are the safety coping strategies regarding sexual harassment the women journalists adopted to enable them to carry out their duty in a male-dominated newsroom? This study contributes to the growing body of literature on the experiences of women in the Nigerian news media regarding gender discrimination and sexism; it examines the inequalities that exist across the gender divide, explores how such inequalities are produced, negotiated and challenged, and the forms they take in the broadcast media industry in a Nigerian context.

LITERATURE REVIEW Conceptualising Journalists’ Safety Based on Global Legal Frameworks Perspective The United Nations (UN) strategy on the safety of journalists, the UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity (2012) (which is the first of its kind ever), declares that it is based on the principle of safety toward a gender approach and calls for ensuring the promotion of the safety of women journalists and the fight against impunity. Additionally, the report in 2012 by the UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Frank La Rue, highlighted the need for a gender-safety approach when considering measures to address the issue of violence against journalists. Furthermore, in the same year, the first Human Rights Council (HRC) resolution on the safety of journalists acknowledged “the specific risks faced by women journalists in the exercise of their work, and underlining, in this context, the importance of taking a gender approach when considering measures to address the safety of journalists” (Chocarro, 2019; UNHRC, 2017, online). In 2017, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution on the safety of journalists and the issue of impunity with a strong focus on gender safety. It emphasised the need to take measures to effectively “tackle gender-based discrimination, including intimidation, harassment and violence offline and online, incitement to hatred, inequality and gender-based stereotypes; to enable women to enter and remain in journalism on equal terms with men while ensuring their greatest possible safety, and to ensure that the experiences and concerns of women journalists are effectively addressed and gender stereotypes in the media are adequately tackled” (Chocarro, 2019; UNGA, 2017, online). The latest document related to the implementation of the UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity in 2017 includes several references to the need to mainstream gender safety into initiatives to tackle violence against journalists. In 2018, the HRC passed a resolution on preventing and responding to violence against women and girls in digital contexts; the resolution condemned acts of violence against women in political and public life, including journalists (UNESCO, OHCHR, 2017; UNGA, 2018). Generally, international standards regarding gender safety are shaped by the overall human rights framework. Key among these is the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, in which the right to freedom of expression is enshrined within Article 1934 and the Convention for Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) of 1979, which recognises women’s rights and spe-

322

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

cifically requires states to take appropriate measures “to ensure full development and advancement of women”. The Beijing Platform for Action (1995) also identifies media as a critical area of concern and points to the need to promote a balanced and non-stereotyped portrayal of women in the media, and to support women’s increased participation and access to expression and decision-making in and through the media and new communications technologies. Also relevant is UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000), which affirms the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts and peacebuilding (Chocarro, 2019; OHCHR, 2017). From a regional angle, various organisations have addressed the issue of violence against women journalists. In 2013, the Council of Europe (CoE) passed a recommendation on gender equality and media and prepared an implementation handbook. In 2016, CoE’s recommendation CM/Rec 2016 on the protection of journalism and safety of journalists and other media actors noted the gender-specific threats that many journalists face and called for “urgent, resolute and systematic responses”. In 2018, the European Parliament issued a report on gender and media equality, condemning attacks against women journalists and calling for States and other actors to take responsibility for promoting gender equality in media. The Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) Ministerial Council’s Decision 3/18 on the safety of journalists condemns attacks against women journalists, including “sexual harassment, abuse, intimidation, threats and violence, including through digital technologies” (CoE, 2016, online; European Parliament, 2017) In Africa, the African Union (AU) launched a Network of Reporters on Women, Peace and Security in 2016. In 2017, the Nairobi Declaration expressed concern over increasing abuse of women on social media. While it does not make a specific reference to women, the 2017 Addis Ababa resolution on the safety of journalists called for the creation of a working group on the safety of journalists within the African Union. In 2018, UN, OAS, OSCE and the African Commission for Human and People’s Rights’ (ACHPR) Special Rapporteurs on freedom of expression spoke out against the particular challenges faced by women journalists, including gender-specific attacks, online harassment, inequality within the media, and general societal discrimination against women, all of which pose barriers to working as a journalist (ACHPR, OEA, OHCHR, OSCE, 2018; UNESCO, 2017). Like the constitutions of many other UN member nations, the Nigerian Constitution upholds the freedoms of the press but is silent on safety issues, which is a lacuna that needs to be addressed. It is expected this study will provide an empirical underpinning toward closing that constitutional void. But despite this demonstrable advance in international standards, commitments and recommendations have not been acted upon by governments. The lack of impact of these documents and mechanisms “raises legitimate questions” about their efficacy and the potential for meaningful implementation by states (Chocarro, 2019; UNGA, 2018).

Gendered News Production and Management Women have significantly secured entry into the news media the world over, but increased access has not eradicated the persistence of misogynist, sexist, and limiting roles for women. Women are often deemed incapable of handling the rigours of news journalism and thus assigned to cover ‘soft’ beats and systematically excluded from reaching editorial and top management positions (Byerly, 2014). Arguing in support of this perspective, North (2016a) notes:

323

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

Research from around the globe has long emphasised the problem of vertical segregation in the news media where women remain largely absent from key editorial decision-making roles. Horizontal segregation, however, where there are gendered divisions of tasks associated with reporting, is also an ongoing issue... while more female reporters appear to be covering hard news rounds like politics and business, the majority are still assigned to cover the bulk of the soft news areas of features, the arts, education and health—and most perceive that female reporters remain pigeon-holed in those traditionally female story areas. (p.356). Several global, regional and national studies have established the clustering of women on the soft beats with scholars noting that it has become “a well-established practice that is hard to change” (Sarikakis, 2014, p.67). Findings from the 2015 Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP) will be a good example to cite. The GMMP has been monitoring media contents for gender equity every five years from 1995. The 2015 study, which surveyed 114 countries (including Nigeria) across media platforms, notes that “Political and crime news are the two topics least reported by women in most regions” (GMMP, 2015, p.52 cited in Tijani-Adenle, 2019). The report also notes that “the greatest gain for women has been in reporting celebrity, arts, media and sports stories” (GMMP, 2015, p.52). While commenting on the GMMP findings, Mindy Ran, the Gender Council Co-Chair of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) notes that “Sadly, these statistics tell us that we are still not being trusted or respected to tell the story, to analyse events, to investigate and to bring the major topics to our audiences and readers” (Njoku, Whyte & Vincent, 2018, p.28; Tijani-Adenle, 2019).

Gendered Remuneration and Motivation Results from a global study of 16 countries (from Africa, Europe and South America) by the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) in 2012 indicates that male wages exceed female wages in all 16 countries studied, with gender inequalities reflecting even in employee benefits (Central European Labour Studies Institute and Wage Indicator Foundation, 2012). Carolyn Byerly’s Global Report cited in Tijani-Adenle (2019) also finds pay gap for women journalists in most of the 59 nations studied (2011) while contributors’ analyses of 29 of those countries in her Palgrave International Handbook of Women in Journalism (2013) identify pay gap in a good number of the countries (Njoku et al., 2018). Individual researchers have also published findings that corroborate the results of the reports and edited volumes mentioned above. Pay disparity based on gender in Australian and US news media has also been documented. Most of the contributors to Karen Ross and Claudia Padovani’s Gender Equality and the Media: A Challenge for Europe (2016) also mentions the existence of gaps in the salaries of women journalists across the continent. Although not exhaustive, these studies reflect how research studies from different continents substantiate one another and entrench the reality of wage inequality for women in the global news media (Ross & Padovani, 2016 cited in Tijani-Adenle, 2019). There is an interesting twist to available information about wage situations in Nigeria. Previous studies have noted that pay disparity does not exist for women journalists in the country’s news media. Carolyn Byerly’s Global Report cited in Tijani-Adenle (2019) specifically notes that “In Nigeria, women and men journalists are paid equally or, in some cases, women’s salaries exceed men’s wages” (2011, p.10). Despite this knowledge, the present study investigated the wage situation in the Nigerian news media and found that equality in remuneration is in theory but not practice because factors like negotiation, nepotism and unstructured promotions sometimes create an uneven wage situation (which is open to 324

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

both genders) but usually favourable to more male journalists. It should be noted that Byerly’s study could not unravel the discrepancies since it was a quantitative study and news company representatives gave responses based on policy and not practice and they are unlikely to provide problematic information about organisational management to researchers (e.g., see Njoku et al., 2018; (Tijani-Adenle, 2014).

Threat to Women Journalists’ Safety and Sexual Harassment From a global perspective, the number of women journalists threatened, harassed and even killed is steadily increasing (Jamil, 2020a, 2020b, 2019). According to UNESCO, in 2012, women accounted for 4% of the 119 media workers killed; by 2017, this had increased to 14% of the 80 victims recorded that year. In 2018, the percentage was 7%. Furthermore, women account for most cases of sexual violence and online harassment. According to a global study by the International Women’s Media Foundation (IWMF) and Troll-Busters, nearly two-thirds of women journalists have been threatened or harassed online and offline, while 26% have been physically attacked. The study, entitled “Attacks and Harassment – The Impact on women journalists and their reporting,” reveals that close to 70% of respondents indicated that being a woman was a contributing factor in the attacks (Chocarro, 2019; UNGA, 2017). As well as physical consequences, these attacks have a major psychological impact. One-third of interviewees reported experiencing physical, mental and emotional trauma following harassment. For freelancers, the situation is even more difficult. Surveys show these women feel even less safe. Consequently, one-third of respondents said they had considered leaving the profession, while more than one-third avoids reporting stories that could put them at risk. Despite these worrying statistics, the Dart Centre for Journalism and Trauma reports that only 26% of the safety training for journalists includes gender-specific considerations, while only 8% of women journalists have been subjected to sexual violence. Just 3% had participated in online harassment training (Chocarro, 2019; North, 2016b). From the Nigerian perspective, the media seem to function with both voluntary and imposed constraints and biases when reporting gender. Nigerian news media use three adjectives; issue-based, intense news coverage and gender-blind. This gendered orientation, may not be unconnected with the male-dominated nature of the Nigerian media industry. Ndubisi (2010) cited in Dunu (2015) notes that in Nigeria, men produce an overwhelming majority of the messages in the media. By 2000, a staggering 90% of the journalist reporting news in the country’s radio, television and newspapers were male. Hence, news selection process and the power to define the media agenda are still a male privilege (Dunu, 2015). Nonetheless, no available records have documented Nigerian women journalists getting murdered, but they face tremendous other safety challenges such as harassment and discrimination (Jibril & Abubakar, 2017). A study was conducted by Chioma, Okere, Alao, Atakiti and Jegede (2015) with 100 female mass communication students on their perceptions of journalism career considerations and the findings revealed that 54% of them perceived that there are fewer career opportunities for female journalists in the journalism than there are for males. Also, 51% of them believed that family responsibility is a “barrier to career advancement for female journalists” (Jibril & Abubakar, 2017, p.113). Furthermore, 42% of them perceived journalism as a risky profession, 15% of them believed journalists are poorly paid, 10% believed female journalists are discriminated against, % believed women journalists lack insufficient journalistic training and low-level entry (Jibril & Abubakar, 2017). Nwabueze (2013) cited in Jibril and Abubakar (2017) noted that fewer female journalists exist than males across the world. A cross-continental study of media organisations in Asia, the Caribbean, Europe, Latin America, Middle East, North America and Oceania conducted by Ezeilo (2007) cited in Jibril and 325

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

Abubakar (2017) revealed that the overall representation of all the female reporters in the world was 31% while males made up 69%. In a study on Africa Ezeilo, cited in Jibril and Abubakar (2017) found that only 24% of reporters in both print and broadcast are female. A study of gender representation in the editorial and editorial units of newspapers in Nigeria conducted by Enwefah and Agbalajobi (2011) cited in Jibril and Abubakar (2017) found that only 21% of the newsroom staff are female, only 7% of the editorial staff are female and only 25% of columnists are female.

Theoretical Framework Gender Role Theory The theory expounds that gender role predicts differences or similarities between males and females based on the degree of variations in ascribed roles and related evaluations. Gender relations can be analysed from four theoretical perspectives namely, structural-functionalism, biological determinism, conflict school of thought and feminism (Nwosu, 2012). This study is hinged on the Marxist liberal and social feminism perspectives.

Marxists Liberal Perspective Over time, both overtly and covertly, women have come to be excluded, segregated or marginalised in almost all spheres of life, while men have assumed control of the different sectors as the statutory heads (Chigbu, 2015 cited in Nwosu, 2012). This discriminatory and unjust organisation of the world deprives women the opportunities to maximise their potentials and contribute optimally to the development of their societies (Sarkar, 2006 cited in Nwosu, 2012). This is thus the goal of feminist theorists - to present an approach to understanding the difficult situations and experiences of women in all fields and cultures and to proffer solutions to earn women their true positions in the scheme of things (Njoku et al., 2018; Tijani-Adenle, 2019).

Marxists Social Perspective Marxist liberal feminism provides a class-based analysis of women’s oppression by locating their domination in capitalist systems and private ownership of property (Jaggar, 1983 cited in Nwosu, 2012). It can be argued that this theory applies to the situation of women journalists working for capitalist news media organisations in Nigeria. However, a major deficiency of the theory as it relates to this study is that Marxist feminism is not able to account for how patriarchy is manifest in Nigeria due to the country’s peculiar socio-cultural norms which differentiate women’s experience of patriarchy compared to those experienced and discussed by Western Marxist feminists. It also seeks to obliterate capitalism, which is the economic system that is operational in Nigeria, hence rendering it inappropriate for the study (Njoku et al., 2018; Nwosu, 2012; Tijani-Adenle, 2019). Marxists socialist feminism, however, expands Marxist feminism as it identifies more than economic oppression as the basis of women’s subjugation in society. Although socialist feminists identify the impact of capitalism on the inferior status of women in society, they are not under the illusion that obliterating capitalism and class struggle will ultimately eradicate gender oppression. Social feminism, therefore,

326

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

“makes an explicit commitment to the abolition of both class and gender”, which are the core challenges that the subjects of this study (women journalists) contend within Nigeria (Jaggar 1983, p.221 cited in Nwosu, 2012).

MATERIAL AND METHODS Research Design Regarding the nature of this study (which involves an analysis of the experiences of the subjects of the study, i.e., women journalists), a qualitative survey approach was adopted, specifically, the interview approach. The interview approach was chosen to understand the experiences of their subjects and because interview provided the researchers with the opportunity to understand, first-hand and in their own words, the participants’ experiences (Tijani-Adenle, 2019).

Data Collection Technique, Procedure and Research Location Semi-structured interview (see Appendix 1 for the interview question guides) was used to gather the original data because it offers the researchers the opportunity to ordinarily ask inquisitive questions in friendly and semi-restricted ways (Bailey, 2008). Several interviews were conducted whenever the researchers could gain access to a subject of the research (a woman journalist) that appropriately fit into his sampling frame. Some of the interviews were conducted after the researchers had begun data analysis while others were performed after the writing of this chapter had commenced and figured it out that gaining information from some group of men journalists would enhance my data analysis (e.g., those who are in top management positions). A total of 37 interviews were conducted between August and September 2019 in media organisations in Damaturu, Dutse, Gombe and Maiduguri cities located in the states of Yobe, Jigawa, Gombe and Borno respectively. The number of journalists interviewed varied per media organisation as follows: Damaturu, 11; Dutse, 5; Gombe 7; and Maiduguri 12 (also, refer to Table A2-a in Appendix 2). Of the 37 participants interviewed, 10 are men journalists (with some of them occupying various editorial management positions), 25 are women journalists and two are human resource management staff (a man and a woman from NTA Maiduguri and GMC Radio). The longest experience interview with the participants lasted for about one hour 9 minutes while the shortest lasted just 11 minutes. The interviews were completed over a period of two weeks (14 days). Only broadcast journalists and management staff of broadcast media outlets were involved; this is because, in the northern parts of Nigerian where these media organisations are located, women print journalists are extremely scarce.

Sample Frame, Sampling Strategies and Sampling Technique The emphasis of the sampling frame was chiefly to find both women and men journalists who could provide thorough and detailed information about women’s safety-related experiences – how those experiences impacted their personal lives, work, safety and sexual intimidation policies in the news media organisations they work. Hence, the researchers focused on interviewing participants who possessed enough experience in journalism practice and have been working for a substantial time in broadcast news 327

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

media. Because the present study adopted a qualitative research design approach, the purposive sampling technique was used to select the participants (the women journalists and male and female management staff from the Nigerian broadcast media organisations mentioned in Table A2-a in Appendix 2) who are capable of yielding insights and in-depth understanding (Patton, 2015). The purposive sampling technique was chosen because the researchers were convinced it can help in answering the research questions. Most of the men journalists that were interviewed occupied the middle and top editorial management levels and were believed to have possessed tremendous experience in the job. To select the media organisations in which the participants worked, the Typical Case sampling technique approach was adopted. Typical Case sampling technique helps in drawing the sample of participants that are representative (Patton, 2015). Based on the researchers’ knowledge, experience and research, all the selected media outlets except for those in Dutse, Jigawa State characterise typical examples of organised and professional Nigerian news media organisations despite nearly all of them are in the north-eastern geopolitical region of the country. Hence, results from the semi-structured interviews conducted from the selected media outlets portrayed findings that may not be assumed to allow for generalisations in any rigorous sense but present a typical analogy of what is obtainable in an average Nigerian broadcast news media organisation.

Research Ethics, Data Analysis and Data Management The participants were briefed about the problem and aim of the study. All of them verbally permitted to be interviewed and for the information, they provided to be used purposely for the present study. The identities of the participants interviewed were not made public because of ethical reasons. For data analysis, the thematic technique (e.g., see Clarke & Braun, 2013) was used. All the codes identified in the text were scrutinised to ensure that they related to identified codes. All the codes were checked to ensure that each of the identified themes had enough codes to support them devoid of having to jettison codes that were in disagreement with the broad-spectrum of codes that suggested a theme as recommended by Braun and Clarke (2006) cited in Tijani-Adenle (2019). Eventually, three key themes were identified, namely (i) gender discrimination in news management and newsgathering, (ii) gender discrimination in salary, promotion and motivation and (iii) gender discrimination in sexism/sexual harassment. To simplify data analysis and coding as well as themes identification, a code was designed to identify each participant in the results. Since the interviewees’ names and identities were concealed, the data used to design the codes were (i) the type of interview performed, (ii) the interviewee’s serial number, (iii) the interviewee’s nature of the job or career rank and (iv) the interviewee’s gender (e.g., SSI-09ML-Female) (as shown in Table A2-b in Appendix 2) given that their identities were not disclosed, and that all their names were listed alphabetically and a serial number from 1 to 37 assigned to each. Further, because the interviews were done using smartphones, all the data were captured in digital electronic format. To ensure the security of the data, all were saved (in separate files) in a passworded memory card. Also, all the hard copies of the transcribed data used in data analysis that contained the identities of the interviewed journalists have been destroyed after writing.

328

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Gender Discrimination in News Production and Management Research Question 1 asks: what are the women journalists’ experiences of gender-based safety in the light of discrimination in the Nigerian news media? Including this sub-section, information in the two other subsections that follow discuss provided answers to this RQ. Past research has argued that women journalists deliberately opt for soft beats because they are more interested in human angle stories while other studies posit that women are sometimes pressured to cover soft beats. However, the fact that women journalists possess the capability to cover the hard beats has not been questioned. The journalists interviewed for this study were convinced that women journalists, although clustered in soft beats, can cover hard beats effectively if interested or when given the opportunity. None of the journalists interviewed for this study believed that women journalists are incapable of covering the hard beats. They all believed that women journalists who have covered the hard beats or who are on the hard beats (although relatively few) are very competent. However, most of the respondents did not conceal the ‘normed’ fact that discrimination exists in news management and administration. When you uncover the list and names of journalists who have won accolades in the Nigerian media industry as a whole, we females, despite seen as inferior and discriminated against, have garnered a large portion. Even though we cannot deny the obvious fact that the males are larger in population than us in the journalism profession and male news managers and editors always have the prerogative to assign a journalist on a beat of their choice, but in terms of performance, I believe we are doing wonderfully well (SSI-02-J-MM-Female). It is clear from the views of the respondents presented above that women journalists are, for sure, fewer on the hard beats. However, “this is not as a result of ability”, given that the ‘few’ women journalists assigned to beats are formidably performing well. This probably explains why it has not been put to question, nor engaged with, as it was evident that gender does not inhibit the reporting or editing abilities of women. Apart from assigning women to soft beats because they are seen as emotional and better able to handle soft news, women journalists are also assigned to soft beats by media managers because of “the existence of the perception that women are the weaker sex” (Opoku-Mensah, 2004, p.109 cited in Tijani-Adenle, 2019), they are more vulnerable to violence and editors feel the need to protect them from harm. Women journalists are, therefore, shielded from covering riots, protests, conflicts and other events occurring at sites deemed volatile or dangerous. I don’t think I will ever consider attaching a woman journalist to such a hard beat as, for example, a military formation that is fighting the terrorists in the forest. No, I won’t...I feel more comfortable deploying a man to that beat (SSI-35-J/R-MEP-Male). As a woman, even if I was not assigned on a hard beat I don’t mind. I’m used to it. Our societal norms dictate that the males lead in almost everything and journalism is no exception (SSI-03-J-MEP-Female).

329

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

Under normal circumstances, the likelihood is for the editor or news manager to tend to stereotype women journalists and deploy them to certain beats. For example, if five male and female reporters are sent to an editor, he would ordinarily consider assigning the males on the more serious beats, then the lighter beats he will say a woman will do better. Women are often assigned to cover fashion, women in development, etc. (SSI-29-J-MEP-Female). Arguably, shielding off women journalists from hard beats can, ironically, be a blessing in disguise for them because media managers have protected them (women journalists) so well by shielding them from hard beats and “hot spots” to the extent that no woman journalist has been reported murdered in the line of duty in Nigeria (Unaegbu, 2017, p.172), these “hot spots”, as Unaegbu in her study on safety in the Nigerian media notes, are “politics, conflicts, elections, news, and sports” (Unaegbu, 2017, p.178). “Ironically, if well covered, these are some of the beats that earn journalists a promotion to management and editorial positions” (Tijani-Adenle, 2019, p.106). Although needed to drive patronage from viewers, listeners and readers as well as the much-needed advertisement revenue, soft news is disdained in the news media. Media managers do not value soft news nor its producers and when promotion opportunities come, writers or producers of soft content are not seen as worthy of being promoted to head the highly rated and revered editorial and management positions.

Gender Discrimination in Salary, Promotion and Motivation One good thing with Nigerian public news media regarding emolument is that it is difficult for journalists in public news organisations to earn more than they deserve because salaries are strictly based on positions. However, if there is going to be a form of discrimination, it is usually done at the point of employment by, maybe, placing a person in a higher level and grade, compared to what is due to them. However, once journalists are employed and placed on specific levels and steps, they all earn the same salaries, regardless of gender. However, some situations may make male journalists eventually earn more than their women colleagues who join the news companies at the same time, and on the same level despite the claims by media organisations that salary differentials are not based on gender. Certainly, not through a direct policy but due to masculine newsroom cultures which favour male journalists to progress faster than female journalists and get to occupy editorial and management positions (with higher incomes) earlier than females. You know, the nature of the news organisations is such that things favour the males much more than they do females. So, males are often disposed to work well and garner better chances to get preferential treatments and benefits. If you are working well, they will keep promoting you above someone you came in together, this is not the civil service where they just count years (SSI-10-J-MEP-Male) That comment shows that journalists who work well and impress management can get an accelerated promotion. While this appears fair, the reality of the circumstances of women journalists, however, is that they hardly ever get a better or fair deal; they are often outperformed by the males whom the news media industry nature and structure favour. For example, marriage and/or family commitments do not usually provide them with the opportunities to enjoy such recognition and promotion because they take time out to cater to their families or nurse children.

330

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

Yes, based on policy there is a gender-blind salary scale, especially in public media organisations. If you can rise to certain ranks and positions, you earn the salary for those ranks. This is purely an ungendered matter except if, for example, a female is supposed to be a manager but because of her situation [gender], she is made to be an assistant editor and, therefore, [unfortunately,] earns the salary of an assistant editor because she is not where she should be but basically, the salary is based on the company’s salary scale. But that would be unfair to do nepotism in media job (SSI-14-J-MEP-Female). Well, it doesn’t matter the position you are, in most media organisations you earn the same salary regardless of your gender. This is good. Where the difference occurs is, for example, if you and I were both reporters and because you are a man, they would make you become an assistant editor and because I’m a woman, they make me be a correspondent. So, because of that, they will pay you higher than me. But it’s not like both of us are on the same rank, say, assistant editors and they pay you more than me simply because you’re a man (SSI-37-RJ-SM-Female). The reality with the experiences of women journalists regarding emoluments is such that based on policy, they should equally earn what the men on their levels earn, but masculine newsroom cultures overtake this, and their male colleagues end up earning more than them. This is because the men get promoted to higher positions with more income (due to being on hard beats that earn journalists’ recognition and promotion) while the women stay in lower positions with lower income owing to masculine newsroom cultures which undervalue their labour because they have family responsibilities and are on soft beats which do not command recognition and esteem. This can be demoralising for many women. Some will become disinterested and just do the needful to maintain their employment and earn an income – making it less likely for them to progress. Others become frustrated and leave the industry, further reducing the population of women in the news media and thus creating a glass ceiling. Only a few continue to work extra hard and increase their sacrifices on the job until their efforts pay off with recognition and promotion.

Gender Discrimination in Sexism Incidence of sexism, such as men getting considered or preferred above women and the necessity for them (women) to work “extra hard to prove their competence” constitute an array of examples that the participants mentioned. Sexual harassment generally involves making unsolicited and unwelcomed sexual advances to a woman (or man) physically, verbally or through any other means which is discernible to the harassed (Claudia et al., 2018). It entails unwarranted attention or discrimination based on gender which may also link “academic or professional standing or success to sexual favours or that interferes with work or learning” (Wood, 2011, p.295 cited in Tijani-Adenle, 2019). Global studies have documented sexual harassment against women journalists (North, 2016b; Tijani-Adenle, 2019), with research on Africa showing that although it is rarely discussed, sexual harassment does occur in African news companies (Gadzekpo, 2013 cited in Tijani-Adenle, 2019). The responses ranged from ignorance of the existence of sexual harassment, an explanation that such interactions are consensual to a justification that although acts that seem to constitute sexual harassment may occur, media workers know it is the newsroom culture and they are not targeted at undermining women journalists. The following are the views of those who claim to be ignorant of sexual harassment in the news media or do not think it occurs:

331

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

In the newsroom we have adults, I think everybody in the newsroom is above 18. So, the few times they joke...there is nothing in it that harasses the female folk or that tend to smear them (SSI-29-RJ-SM-Female). Jokes are jokes, that’s on a lighter note. I don’t see them as a form of sexual harassment (SSI-10-RJSM-Male). As far as sexual harassment against Nigerian women journalists is concerned, there has been a culture of the spiral of silence and defiance in Nigerian and other African news media industries until recent decades. Only recently did African nations and establishments started having legal apparatuses “on sexual harassment and gender discrimination” (Tijani-Adenle, 2019, p.138) neither did Nigerian academia focus on researching the scourge that has been affecting women journalists psychologically, socially and professionally in the country. Although issues surrounding sexual harassment, sexism and discrimination are is starting to draw attention, social and political awareness are still inadequate. Insufficient regulations and policies are notwithstanding developing despite suffering unfavourable responses such as “ignoring, denying, trivialising and in extreme cases condoning sexual harassment” from societal culture “thereby protecting perpetrators from sanctions” (Tijani-Adenle, 2019, p.370), for example, as this male respondent notes: Jokes and senses of humour abound in the newsroom but sexual harassment… this is not common in the media. I don’t think I have ever come across it or heard about it. I have never experienced it. So, it’s not common. You are the first person telling me that and that is the truth (SSI-01-J-MEP-Male). Responses like the one above, are surprising and, in a way, shocking. This is because one need not do any covert investigation to uncover evidence of sexually harassing behaviour in the Nigerian media. It is obvious in the jokes, discussions, interactions, as well as in the shared experiences of women journalists. It can be assumed that it would be difficult for someone who has stayed long in the media to occupy a senior editorial position (like the respondent above) to be ignorant of it. It could be because she was speaking as a representative of the organisation and wants to protect the image of her company. Equally, her understanding of sexual harassment may be different, thus making her disregard some sexually harassing behaviours as normal. It is vital to note that even when some female journalists develop the courage to file complaints, media organisations with administrative, editorial and management staff who deny the existence of sexual harassment in the industry are unlikely to address these complaints or give the victims fair hearing. The young woman who wrote the entreaty against her superior officer was dismissed (SSI-21-J-MEP-Male). Situations like this show that such organisations are unlikely to do anything to protect their female workers from harassment. Other scholars who have studied how women negotiate sexual harassment in the African news media have arrived at similar findings. Barbara Kaija’s research on women journalists in Uganda documents that women journalists ‘handle’ sexual harassment on their own without recourse to management. She notes how a female journalist left the news media because her editor was demanding for sex and she could not cope with it. Yet, “for personal reasons, she preferred not to take the matter up with management” (Kaija, 2013 cited in Tijani-Adenle, 2019, p. 325). Women journalists working

332

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

in the global North endure the same fate. Same findings resonate in the United States with only two per cent of respondents in a survey conducted by the Associated Press Managing Editors Association [APME] reporting harassment, and internationally in IWMF’s global sexual harassment study with less than one-fifth of the 683 women journalists who had experienced sexual harassment reporting to news management (Barton & Storm, 2014). Women journalists in Nigeria and other international newsrooms (where sexual harassment policies are even entrenched) do not have confidence they would get justice when they report harassment. For the situation to change, people holding editorial positions need to show more responsibility and the culture of denial must be eradicated in Nigerian and international newsrooms. Incidence of sexism, such as men getting considered or preferred above women and the necessity for them (women) to work “extra hard to prove their competence” constitute an array of examples that the participants mentioned. Furthermore, psychologically torturing experiences such as “not being appreciated like the men, having their achievements ignored or even undermined by their superiors because they are women” (De Bruin, 2004; Tijani-Adenle, 2019, p.148) has also been complained by the respondents. Over the years, some dogged women journalists can develop a thick skin against sexism and sexual harassment. If a lady finds herself or decides to work in a media organisation...you have signed off that you know that people will harass you and you are ready for it (SSI-02-J-SM-Female). The comment above is shared by many male journalists in Nigeria and rationalises the persistence of sexual harassment in the country’s newsrooms. They seem to think that it is acceptable because it is supposedly a culture of the industry and so see no reason why anyone should complain or refuse to adapt to it. Women journalists have asserted that the newsroom is “not a place for the easily offended” (North, 2016b, p.505) due to the entrenched culture of harassment. This is like Kossan’s finding cited in Tijani-Adenle (2019) that sexual harassment endures in male-dominated industries, including the news media because male superiors hold the view that their organisations are part of “unique environments, where sexual harassment can be excused” (p.3). The difference here, unfortunately, is that some women journalists also hold the same views. In a similar context, many Nigerian women journalists who use social media often get caught in the web of ‘flamboyant’ self-presentation syndrome where they go berserk sharing their photos and videos with lust-provoking postures and outfits. Comments made by their social male media friends their appearances could be passed for sexual harassment as well. Therefore, to justify what women journalists often point out that “the newsroom is not a place for the easily offended” (North, 2016b, p.505), much sexual harassment and gender discrimination cases against women journalists would go deliberately unreported, self-deniably ‘ignored’ or ignorantly hushed. These would often make it difficult to draw a conspicuous dividing line between actual sexual harassment remarks and banters.

Sexual Harassment Coping Strategy Research Question 2 of the study asks: what are the safety coping strategies regarding gender-based discrimination and sexual harassment the women journalists experienced in the newsroom? Information in the following paragraphs provide answers to this RQ.

333

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

Despite the seemingly depressing handling of violence against women journalists especially sexual harassment in Nigerian news media, the situation is not all bleak as the resilient woman journalists develop coping strategies to enable them to work despite the irksome masculine newsroom norms. It is vital to note that some female journalists do develop several sexual harassments coping tactics in the newsroom such as developing the courage to file complaints, ignoring, etc. Despite this, however, media organisations and editorial and management staff who deny the existence of sexual harassment in the industry are unlikely to address these complaints or give the victims fair hearing: They sacked the girl that wrote the petition for writing against her boss (EI-21-RJ-SM-Female). During the time I started my career as a journalist...I used to be shocked at the kind of sexy jokes, you know, the insinuations, the connotations and all that… It used to be shocking, but it shocked me into silence. Once they just make jokes that make me uncomfortable, I would just keep quiet or leave the place. It took me some time before I got used to it. I don’t like teasing people as a person; so, such sexy jokes don’t go down well with me despite I now know how to resist it (SSI-02-J-SM-Female). Over the years, since joining journalism career, I have developed a thick skin. It is either I don’t respond or if I don’t like it, I just keep the quiet or just smile, or I just generally don’t participate in such jokes. So, of course, for a young woman like me who’s just coming into the newsroom, you’ll find the jokes harassing, if I can use that word, you’ll find the jokes can make you feel uncomfortable (SSI-21-J-R-RJ-Female). Apart from sexist jokes, women journalists also have to endure inappropriate touches all in the name of interactions. Many male journalists ignore the discomfort of their colleagues, (especially junior colleagues) and go-ahead to touch them even when the women show their discomfort. Amidst the outcry over rampaging sexism in the newsroom, a woman journalist out of the 37 interviewed said that she had experienced sexual harassment and she fought it, noting that it stopped after reacting to three occurrences from different men. One day, I got so angry over somebody doing such unspeakable things to me. I had to slap him in the newsroom. I don’t want to mention the place. I was walking into the studio for a pre-recorded show; I was already dressed and made up and everything and I was going. Then the guy he was like “gosh, you’re so cute, babe,” and he squeezed my thigh. The next thing I knew was I had slapped him. And everybody was like, ‘Oh! You slapped a man’, and I was like, ‘Oh yeah, and so what? I’ll do it again if he does it again’ (SSI-21-J-MM-Female). This is a typical case that shows that such organisations are unlikely to do anything to protect their female workers from harassment. Other scholars who have studied how women negotiate sexual harassment in the Nigerian news media have arrived at similar findings. Cited in Tijani-Adenle (2019), Barbara Kaija’s research on women journalists’ documents that women journalists ‘handle’ sexual harassment on their own without recourse to management. She notes how a female journalist left the news media because her editor was demanding for sex and she could not cope with it. Yet, “for personal reasons, she preferred not to take the matter up with management” (p.325). Furthermore, women journalist’s coping strategies to being touched without their consent were to ignore the unwanted physical contact and pretend it was not happening. One of the interviewees says, I take my mind off it (SSI-15-J-MM-Female). In such situations, women journalists isolate themselves 334

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

socially to reduce the frequency of unwanted touch by, e.g., I reduce the number of people I talk to (SSI17-J-MM-Female) as a respondent explains. This response is like Kaija’s record of Nigerian women journalists who “ignored” in most cases “sexist language and inappropriate touches” from male journalists (p.325). Tijani-Adenle’s study on the status of women journalists in Nigerian news media also records how women journalists who had experienced harassment “changed their behaviour around others, including not making eye contact, not attending work social functions (when the harassment occurred in the workplace) and not forming friendships with anyone related to work. Several women said they have modified the way they dress for work or try to present themselves as personally conservative” (2019, p.27).

FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS Future research should employ quantitative approaches to determine the rates of discriminations and gender-based abuses in the Nigerian new media industry. This chapter believes that the significance of applying a conceptual framework based on the African Feminist approach to the research process and its implications on the findings must be highlighted. African feminism, considering the history, culture, governance and level of development in Nigeria provides the structure that exposes important and peculiar challenges that women journalists encounter in the country – like irregular wages, unfair wage differentials and inadequate infrastructural facilities, absence of gender equality, sexual harassment and maternity policies. Hence, future research should explore this approach. Finally, future research should also explore the perception and perspective of women journalists’ media colleagues on discrimination against them in the media.

CONCLUSION The atmosphere and culture in the Nigerian news media industry largely portend unsafe experiences, gender-based discrimination and abuses such as sexual harassment, sexism and gender-based nepotism against women journalists. Nonetheless, although some media organisations ignore the existence of such gender-based abuses as well as discrimination and unsafety in the newsroom to the extent that they expect journalists to protect themselves, other journalists and media management personnel admit the existence of such abuses and discriminations to the extent that they make efforts to control them. Unfortunately, most media organisations lack any policies and frameworks which take initiatives to manage abuses and discriminations among members of staff based on gender and seniority; only a few organisations manage to have some forms of policy-like guidelines. This situation forces determined women, journalists, to resort to adopting somewhat ‘risky’ behaviour as coping strategy and resilience measures. The overarching socio-cultural patriarchy in Nigerian regulates or strongly moderates how sexual harassment and sexism issues are handled, with most women journalists (who constitute most of the victims) seldom complaining and senior personnel management staff fancying to address reported complaints secretly and privately. Generally, the backlash and stigma that come with speaking out or reporting complaints about gender-based discriminations and abuses such as sexual harassment and sexism have sealed women journalists’ mouths to speak out. Often, personal and unofficial means of addressing such issues like praying for the victim, seeking advice on how to avert future occurrence and sometimes, resigning are resorted to; hence, giving rise to an unsafe environment for affected women journalists 335

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

who opt to stay while threatening others to flee the industry. Regrettably, victimised women journalists (those who have experienced discrimination and abuse) hardly get the recognition and support they need and deserve from their female colleagues who luckily did not experience such challenges. They either wish their colleagues’ sad experiences away because they did not experience harassment themselves or expect them to ‘grow up and handle it’ within the “existing structures of patriarchy rather than challenge the structures themselves” (Ross, 2004, p.146 cited in Tijani-Adenle, 2019, p.172). In conclusion, after interviewing 37 journalists of different career ranks and two human resource managers (a man and a woman), this chapter can confidently say that an array of professional unsafety targeting women journalists such as gender-based discrimination and abuses including sexual harassment and sexism do exist in the Nigerian news media but, unfortunately, are not regarded as such because most women and men journalists have internalised them to the degree that such “anomalies have become the norm” (Palm & Marimbe, 2018, p.27). This chapter believes that skyrocketing rates of unemployment and unfavourable economic atmosphere are some of the key factors contributing toward the vulnerability of early- and mid-career journalists especially women, who fall prey to men ‘predators’ some of whom sometimes turn out to be their bosses and other senior colleagues. The findings also demonstrate that unsafe experiences such as sexual harassment and gender-based discrimination within the Nigerian news media industry cannot be understood separately from other types of gender discrimination in society. Finally, professional unsafety in the light of gender-based discriminations and sex-related abuse meted against women journalists in the media can be mitigated through gender-sensitive legislation and advocacy that will require news media organisations to have policies and frameworks to address such issues with stiff penalties for defaulters.

REFERENCES ACHPR, OEA, OHCHR, & OSCE. (2018). Joint declaration on media independence and diversity in the digital age. Retrieved from: https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Issues/Opinion/JointDeclaration2May2018_EN.pdf Ajibade, O. (2003). Contributions of the religious publications to the development of Nigerian journalism: The past, present and future. In R. Akinfeleye & I. Okoye (Eds.), Issues in Nigerian media history 1900 – 2000 AD (pp. 1–9). Malthouse Press Ltd. Akinfeleye, R. (2011). Essentials of journalism: An introductory text. MalthousePress Limited. Bailey, K. (2008). Methods of social research (4th ed.). The Free Press. Bammeke, F. (2013). Feminists in their own right: Self-appraisal by women heading households in Lagos, Nigeria. In L. Olurode (Ed.), Perspectives on feminism from Africa (pp. 169–181). Carolina Academic Press African World Series. Barton, A., & Storm, H. (2014). Violence and harassment against women in the news media: A global picture. Women’s Media Foundation and the International News Safety Institute. Byerly, C. (2014). The long struggle of women in news. In A. Montiel (Ed.), Media and gender: A scholarly agenda for the global alliance on media and gender (pp. 34–36). UNESCO and IAMCR.

336

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

Chinwuba, N. N. (2016). Filling the gaps between colonial legal heritage and prevailing local customs in family relations: The place of secret trust. African Journal of International and Comparative Law, 24(1), 45–63. doi:10.3366/ajicl.2016.0139 Chioma, P. E., Okere, S., Alao, O. O., Atakiti, I. O., & Jegede, O. O. (2015). Career considerations in journalism among female mass communication students of Redeemers University. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences, 5(14), 2225–0484. Chocarro, S. (2019). The safety of women journalists: Breaking the cycle of silence and violence. Copenhagen: International Media Support (IMS) Book Series. Claudia, L., Carolina, A. T., Santos, M., & Jamil, S. (2018). Introduction to Dossier Journalism and Gender: Yes, this is Subversive. British Journalism Review, 14(1), 1–6. CoE. (2016). Recommendation CM/Rec. (2016)4[1] of the Committee of Ministers to member states on the protection of journalism and safety of journalists and other media actors. Council of Europe. Retrieved from: https://www.coe.int/en/web/freedom-expression/committee-of-ministers-adopted-texts/-/ asset_publisher/aDXmrol0vvsU/content/recommendation-cm-rec-2016-4-of-the-committee-of-ministersto-member-states-on-the-protection-of-journalism-and-safety-of-journalists-and-other-media-/ De Bruin, M. (2014). Gender and newsroom cultures. In A. Montiel (Ed.), Media and gender: A scholarly agenda for the global alliance on media and gender (pp. 34–36). UNESCO and IAMCR. Domatob, J. K. (1988). Sub-Saharan African media women: Social status and structural challenges. Paper presented at the 6th Biennial Conference of ACCE, Jos, Nigeria. Dunu, I. V. (2015). Media handling of gender issues in contemporary Nigerian conflicts. A paper presented at the International Press Centre for Experts’ Meeting on Media and Emerging Issues in Conflict in Nigeria, 11th March 2015, Department of Mass Communication, UniZik, Awka. European Parliament. (2017). Report in gender equality in the media sector in the EU. Retrieved from http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=–//EP//NONSGML+REPORT+A8-20180031+0+DOC+PDF+V0//EN Falola, T. (1999). The history of Nigeria. Greenwood Press. Ikem, E. (1996). Women in journalism. In D. Olatunji & A. Uyo (Eds.), Journalism in Nigeria: Issues and perspective (pp. 184–197). Nigeria Union of Journalists Lagos State Council. Jamil, S. (2019). Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalist Safety. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978.1.7998.1298.2 Jamil, S. (2020a). Suffering in Silence: The Resilience of Pakistan’s Female Journalists to Combat Sexual Harassment, Threats and Discrimination. Journalism Practice, 14(2), 150–170. doi:10.1080/1 7512786.2020.1725599 Jamil, S. (2020b). Red lines of journalism: Digital surveillance, safety risks and journalists’ self-censorship in Pakistan. In I. F. Anna & K. Roy (Eds.), Journalist Safety and Self-Censorship (pp. 29–46). Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780367810139-3

337

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

Jibril, A., & Abubakar, A. (2017). Public perception of female journalists in North-East Nigeria. Journal of Communication and Media Research, 9(2), 108–119. Njoku, N. U., Whyte, D. H., & Vincent, R. (2018). Journalism practice and gender constraints: A survey of female journalists in Port Harcourt. International Journal of Innovative Psychology & Social Development, 6(4), 1–11. North, L. (2016a). The gender of ‘soft’ and ‘hard’ news: Female journalists’ views on gendered story allocations. Journalism Studies, 17(3), 356–373. doi:10.1080/1461670X.2014.987551 North, L. (2016b). Damaging and daunting: Female journalists’ experiences of sexual harassment in the newsroom. Feminist Media Studies, 16(3), 495–510. doi:10.1080/14680777.2015.1105275 Nwosu, I. E. (2012). Gender role perceptions and the changing role of women in Nigeria. International Journal of Agriculture & Rural Development, 15(3), 1240–1246. Omu, F. (1978). Press and politics in Nigeria 1880 – 1973. Longman Group Limited. Palm, M., & Marimbe, S. (2018). Women in media: Fighting trolls, norms and the occasional bully. In Paving the way for good journalism (pp. 27-31). International Media Support Annual Report. Patton, M. Q. (2015). Qualitative research and evaluation methods: Integrating theory and practice (4th ed.). Sage. Sarikakis, K. (2014). Power, patriarchy and profit: Barriers to gender mainstreaming in media policy. In A. Montiel (Ed.), Media and gender: A scholarly agenda for the global alliance on media and gender (pp. 66–69). UNESCO and IAMCR. Tijani-Adenle, G. (2019). Women in Nigerian news media: Status, experiences and structures (Unpublished doctoral thesis). De Montfort University, Leicester, UK. Uche, L. (1989). Mass media, people and politics in Nigeria. Concept Publishing Company. Ukiwo, U. (2005). The study of ethnicity in Nigeria. Oxford Development Studies, 33(1), 7–23. doi:10.1080/13600810500099592 Unaegbu, L. (2017). Safety concerns in the Nigerian media. What gender dynamics? In U. Carlsson & R. Pöyhtäri (Eds.), The assault on journalism: building knowledge to protect freedom of expression (pp. 171–184). Nordicom. UNESCO & OHCHR. (2017). Nairobi Declaration on national mechanisms for the safety of journalists. Retrieved from: https://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/FIELD/Nairobi/nairobideclarationsafetyjournalists.pdf UNGA. (2017). Resolution 72/175. The safety of journalists and the issue of impunity. United Nations General Assembly. Retrieved from: http://undocs.org/A/RES/72/175 UNGA. (2018). Report of the OHCHR on the safety of journalists. Retrieved from http://undocs.org/A/ hrc/39/23 UNHRC. (2017). Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression. Frank La Rue: United Nations Human Rights Council. Retrieved from https://undocs.org/A/HRC/20/17 338

 Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

ADDITIONAL READING Ackerly, B., & True, J. (2010). Doing feminist research in political and social science. Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1007/978-1-137-05442-5 Aldridge, M. (2001). Lost expectations? Women journalists and the fall-out from the ‘Toronto newspaper war.’. Media Culture & Society, 23(5), 607–624. doi:10.1177/016344301023005004 Ayanwu, C. (2001). In Nigerian newspapers, women are seen, tot heard. Nieman Reports, 55(4), 68-71. Daramola, I. (2013). History and development of mass media in Nigeria (2nd ed.). LASPOTECH Printing Press. Ekeanyanwu, N., & Obianigwe, N. (2012). The Nigerian press, brown envelope syndrome (BES) and media professionalism: The missing link. Journalism and Mass Communication, 2(4), 514–529. Falola, T. (2013). Gender and culture in old and new Africa. In L. Olurode (Ed.), Perspectives on feminism from Africa (pp. 25–46). Carolina Academic Press African World Series. Ibrahim, A. M., Pate, U. A., & Usman, A. M. (2019). Silencing the media and chaining the watchdog: Threats to journalist safety during elections in Nigeria. In S. Jamil (Ed.), Handbook of research on combating threats to media freedom and journalist safety (pp. 214–240). IGI Global. Olawunmi, B. (2014). Trends in beat reporting in the Nigerian press. In L. Oso, R. Olatunji, & N. Owens-Ibie (Eds.), Journalism and media in Nigeria: Context, issues and practice (pp. 56–68). Canada University Press.

KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Gender-Based Discrimination: An unofficial administrative attitude and practice covertly showing preferential treatment to women journalists because of their gender (sex). Gendered Journalism: A newsroom culture that is influenced by overarching patriarchal societal norms, preferring men for juicy news beats, perquisites, etc. over women. Journalist Safety: The ethically and socio-culturally guaranteed absence of psychological and physical harm toward journalists at work or otherwise. News Media: Media organisations (whether broadcast, print or online) that primarily deals in news production and dissemination. Newsroom/Newsroom Practices: A newsroom is a typical journalism practice environment or setting in a particular news media organisation where colleagues meet and work together. Newsroom practices are traditional and normed journalism practices commonly seen in a typical newsroom or newsroom setting, for example, news writing and editing, assigning news beats, interaction between male and female colleagues, etc. Sexism/Sexual Harassment: A behaviour, an action or utterances suggesting sexual or sex-related activity, for example, kissing, touching/squeezing breasts/buttocks, blowing kisses, making sounds with the moth suggesting kisses, or possible of arousing sexual urges, etc.

339

Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

APPENDIX 1 Semi-Structured Interview Guides These are question guides; follow-up questions were asked. Source: Tijani-Adenle (2019, pp.267-268).

Semi-Structured Interview Guide for Women Journalists 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Tell me about your journalism career; how you got in, when and why? How would you describe the role and position of women in your organisation’s newsroom? Are there aspects of working in the newsroom that are gendered or is it a gender-blind newsroom? How do you navigate your personal life as a woman with that of a journalist? How would you describe the newsroom culture in your organisation regarding professional journalists’ safety? 6. Does your organisation have gender equality policies on remuneration, maternity leave, sexual harassment and other similar policies? Have you used any of these policies or do you know anyone who has? What implications do they have on the status of women in the news media? 7. How have you been balancing work and life? Which comes first? What do your husbands/families think about your career? Semi-Structured Interview Guide for Male Journalists/Managers 1. Tell me about your journalism career; how you got in, when and why? 2. How would you describe the role and position of women in your organisation’s newsroom, especially regarding safety to work? 3. Are there aspects of working in the newsroom that are gendered or is it a gender-blind newsroom? 4. How would you describe the competence and status of women journalists as a media manager and/ or colleague? 5. How would you describe the newsroom culture in your organisation, especially regarding safety to work? 6. Does your organisation have gender equality policies on remuneration, maternity leave, sexual harassment and other similar policies? Have you used any of these policies or do you know anyone who has? What implications do they have on the status of women in the news media? 7. Studies and industry data have confirmed glass ceilings for women journalists in Nigeria, do you agree and what factors do you think are responsible for this? Semi-Structured Interview Guide for Human Resource Managers of News Organisations 1. What do you do and how long have you been here? 2. I’ll like to know the organisation’s employment policy as regards to gender. Do you just employ the best or is there any arrangement in place to ensure that there are equal numbers of males and females?

340

Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

3. Is salary structured; do people negotiate for their salaries when they are getting employed; and is it possible for people in the same position or doing the same job to earn the same salary? 4. Are women journalists given preference for training, or is this gender-neutral? 5. What is your maternity leave policy? How is it implemented? 6. Do you have a sexual harassment policy? Has any member of staff made official complaints? How are issues of safety and sexual harassment handled?

APPENDIX 2 Table 1. Frequency and gender distribution of the participants per media organisation (N=37) Participants Interviewed in Media Organisations in Damaturu, Yobe State Media organisation

YBC

YTV

Number and gender of participants

Male 2

Total

11 (3 male, 8 female) journalists

Female 3

Male 1

NTA Damaturu Female 3

Male 0

Female 2

Participants Interviewed in Media Organisations in Dutse, Jigawa State Media organisation

JRC

Number and gender of participants

Male 0

Total

5 (female) journalists

Female 3

Freedom FM Dutse

NTA Dutse

Male 0

Male 0

Female 1

Female 1

Participants Interviewed in Media Organisations in Gombe, Gombe State Media organisation

GMC Radio

GMC TV

Number and gender of participants

Male 1

Male 1

Total

7 (3 male, 4 female) journalists

Female 2

NTA Gombe Female 2

Male 1

Female 1

Participants Interviewed in Media Organisations in Maiduguri, Borno State Media organisation

BRTV

Number and gender of participants

Male 2

Total

12 (5 male, 7 female)

Female 3

Dandal Kura Radio

NTA Maiduguri

Male 2

Male 2

Female 3

Female 1

Note: FM = frequency modulation radio; GMC = Gombe State Media Corporation; JRC = Jigawa State Radio corporation; NTA = Nigerian Television Authority; TV = television; YBC = Yobe Broadcasting Corporation; YTV = Yobe State Television. Source: Authors

341

Safety of Women Journalists in Nigerian News Media

Table 2. Codes of identifying interviewees S/No

Data Category

1

Type of interview

2

Type of job/Career rank

3

Interviewee’s Ranks

Data Type Semi-structured interview

SSI

Human resource manager

HRM

News production staff

NPS

Journalists/Reporter

J/R

Lower ranks (e.g., reporters, journalists, news production assistants)

LR

Middle management Staff (e.g., news editors, senior correspondents)

MMS

Senior management staff (e.g., Heads of reportorial, chief news producers)

SMS

Management and editorial positions (e.g., Administrative Managers, Head of News, Online News Editor, Manager News/Programmes, General Manager

MEP

Source: Adapted with modifications from Tijani-Adenle (2019, p.95)

342

Code of Data

343

Chapter 18

The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda Donatien Niyonzima Communication University of China, China Kriti Bhuju Communication University of China, China

ABSTRACT Rwanda has become a role model for the progress it has made on gender equality and women empowerment. The credit of this transformation goes to the media such as community radio stations which have been constantly promoting gender equality through their programming by bringing out the gender issues, educating people on gender-based violence (GBV), leading dialogues, and coming up with solutions to promote gender equality. Drawing from the feminist theory and participatory communication concept, the results reflect that empowering community on issues related to gender and GBV is directly linked to understanding the audience perception and involving local audiences in community radio programming. This encourages people and helps to understand power relations existing in the community and promote gender equality. The results showed that community radio plays an important role in creating awareness to rural populations in Rwanda about gender issues including GBV and that it helps in empowering the rural population thereby contributing to promote gender equality in Rwanda.

INTRODUCTION Radio is one of the powerful community media that gives life to the knowledge, wisdom and skills to be transferred from one generation to another (Brecht, 1979; Girard, 2001; Howley, 2005). Radio has been described by Brecht (1932) as the finest possible communication apparatus in public life, a vast network of pipes. It is usually considered an ideal medium for social change as it is relatively cost-efficient, can be reached by illiterate populations and those who are geographically remote; and its content can be DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch018

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

adapted to local cultures and broadcast in local languages. Radio has thus been the most appealing tool for participatory communication and development projects around the world, especially in developing countries (McKay, 2009). Community radio has bypassed the technological limitations in the medium and found ways to create feedback channels through ownership, community surveying and in other ways pursung involvement from the community. Despite a lack of ability to directly respond to broadcasts, community radio has involved its listeners through listening clubs, surveys and direct feedback to shape the content of broadcasts (Jallov, 2012). Consequently, the radio has become an important medium for development and social change, giving communities a platform for communicating about local issues, news and challenges that directly affect their daily lives. Mtimde (2000), Myers (2011) and Odine (2013) in their studies have demonstrated many positive attributes of radio explaining the benefit of radio in preserving local culture, giving voices to the community, capacity to express their identity, and empowering the community with direct positive effects on democracy. Myers (2008) points out that the rise and spread of local radio in Africa is a striking contemporary phenomenon. Over the last ten years the numbers of small radio stations have increased due to the widespread liberalisation of the airwaves, the falling costs of the necessary technology and a thirst for alternatives to government-controlled media. In a study of media in sub-Saharan Africa (BBC World Service Trust, 2006), it was found that local commercial radio grew by an average of 360 percent between 2000 and 2006 and those community radio stations have grown on average by a striking 1,386 percent over the same period. For example, in Tanzania, whereas there were only eight independent local radio stations in 2000, there were 32 in 2006 and in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) there are now over 150 community radio stations when there were only ten in the year 2000. Community radio stations play a critical role of providing vital information to citizens and contributing to development and peace reconciliation efforts in Rwanda. Local radio stations promote equal justice in a post genocide society; sensitize the local population on the importance of free speech and on the dangers of hate speech (Population and Housing Census, 2012). Most community radio stations in Rwanda are wholly or partially funded by aid money. This aid is mostly from developmental NGO either international or local. Sometimes they get sponsorship through public service announcements from different public institutions and charitable bodies. More often than not, it will be a shoestring operation and will be run by a handful of young, semi-professional and/or volunteer staff (Myers, 2008). Historically, Betz (2004) wrote that radio was most often used as a propaganda instrument to secure loyalty and support of the colonies during World War II. In 1994, radio in the Great Lakes region of Africa was again in the headlines due to the Rwandan RTLM (Radio-Télévision Libre des Mille Collines). In Rwanda, radio has been used to incite violence that led to the Genocide that claimed lives of almost 800,000 and many of whom were discovered from where they were hiding using the radio (RTLM). This country had made use of the media in different ways, believing that radio having negatively served as a Genocide propaganda tool can now be used as one of the means to spread its visions. Rwanda aims to become an upper middle-income country by 2035 and a high-income country by 2050 and both these visions highlight Gender and Family Promotion as one of its cross-cutting areas. Gender equality in Rwanda is among the fundamental priorities to achieve good governance and promote human rights. Aligning with the government’s vision, the media hve played an important role to promote gender equality (World Bank Group Report, 2020).

344

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

Gender equality has been mainstreamed in the governance sytem in Rwanda. Legal instruments, policies and strategic plans have been put in place to reinforce strong institutional framework through which to address the issue. When it comes to raising awareness in different issues, the media plays an important role. In Rwanda, radio is still an effective medium that has nationwide coverage and is influential mostly in rural areas. Until 2002, Rwandan government owned and operated the only TV station of the country and the most popular radio station, Radio Rwanda, through the Rwandan Office for Information or ORINFOR. After 2002, the Rwandan press law opened the doors for private broadcast licensing, the first community radio of the country, Radio Salus, was established at the National University of Rwanda in 2005 with the support of UNESCO. According to the Rwanda Media Commission’s monthly report (August,2020) there are 33 radio stations in the country, including four community radio stations. The current Media Law (2013)considers community radio stations as private radio stations therefore, compete at the same level as commercial radio stations. Unlike in the past, the current media scenario in Rwanda has changed and is anchored by Article 36 of the existing media legislation that prohibits any person or organization from transmitting signals or communications threatening the national security. Media sets the agenda. It shapes people’s opinions and transforms their attitudes. In this era of an influx of multimedia tools to communicate, there is still a lack of awareness and dialogues on what comprises GBV, the legislation frameworks that should be in place for legal recourse, the prevention mechanisms, where to go for help, care and rehabilitation among others. In the case of Rwanda, the government has set up various mechanisms such as One Stop Centers located across the country, free helplines, media campaigns among others for raising awareness as well as to establish it as a place where the public can seek for assitance regarding GBV issues. This study examines the role of community radio stations in Rwanda in fostering gender equality and fighting against GBV. Rwanda currently has four community radio stations that are not owned by any government institution. Those radio stations are Izuba (East), Isangano (West), Ishingiro (North) and Huguka (South). This chapter will therefore documents the experience of all Rwandan community radio stations, and highlight their successes in terms of their contribution to promotng gender equality and fighting against GBV. There are several examples of local radio stations now contributing towards Rwanda’s development. Radio Izuba, for instance, regards itself as a ‘real’ community radio, serving a small locality in the East of the country with educational and developmental content and a network of listening clubs to act as a link between the community and the station (Thomson, 2006). Hence, among different forms of mass media, radio has been an effective medium for empowering community in the country. In this case, communication is facilitated by community radio stations in a way that both the sender and the receiver can exchange information with community members being both listeners and content producers.

LITERATURE REVIEW The media play an important role in informing people about what happens in the world. These people rely on the media to get information and in most cases audiences do not possess direct knowledge and experience of what is happening. However it doesn’t mean that the media simply dictates people what to think uncritically (Philo, 2008). But they are key to setting agendas on issues of public interest.

345

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

The Evolution of Community Radio The pioneering experiences from which today’s community radio has evolved began in Latin America where the first ever station was Radio Sutatenza in Colombia, set up by a Catholic priest in 1947 to reach the rural population with developmental information (Fraser & Restrepo-Estrada, 2001). Poverty and social injustice triggered the beginning of miners’ radio stations in Latina America. These radio stations were operating at all the mining centers, becoming a credible source of information and a platform for local debate (Buckley, 2000). Community radio stations burgeoned gradually in the Caribbean, Asia, Australia, Europe, and Africa. North America and Europe’s community media emerged in the 1970’s. Stations had varying models ranging from those that emphasized access (in the United States) to those that took the form of open channels encouraging special programming, as well as community-run channels in Canada and parts of Europe (Fuller, 2007). After the abolition of Apartheid in South Africa, community radio stations spearheaded a social movement in Africa. The groups that made community radio stations famous in many parts of the world have been less present in Asia. International organizations and donors are the ones who helped spur the establishment of community radio stations and supporting their initiatives. In most cases, countries’ broadcasting agencies participated in founding community radio services.

Role of Media in Achieving Gender Equality All types of media influence people’s perceptions and ideas. Nordicom (2017)’s yearbook shows that from a young age, children are influenced by the gendered stereotypes that the media present to them. International Media Support (IMS, 2020) published an impact report summary in February which says that exposure to stereotypical gender portrayals and clear gender segregation correlates “with preferences for ‘gender appropriate’ media content, toys, games and activities; to traditional perceptions of gender roles, occupations and personality traits; as well as to attitudes towards expectations and aspirations for future trajectories of life”. According to the same report, the media industry needs to produce gender-transformative content and develop self-regulatory equality policies, including ensuring women’s representation in decision-making. Global Media Monitoring Project (2015) report shows that women only make up 24% of the persons heard, read about or seen in newspaper, television and radio news. Even worse: 46% of news stories reinforce gender stereotypes while only 4% of stories clearly challenge gender stereotypes.

Distinctions of Gender Equality and Gender Equity Gender equity refers to considering the needs of all people to ensure their rights, obligations, opportunities and equal treatment. It accommodates all people at the same time recognizes that they possess different strengths, weaknesses and demands that should be considered accordingly. This term was proposed by religious fundamentalists and followers in 1995 for Beijing Platform for Action in order to allow parents to equitably share their properties among their children. Since this way of explaining the concept may bring in legislation that pushes the idea of a predetermined gender-defined role and perpetuate gender inequality, it is important to focus on the result of equity toward equality of opportunities. Gender equality is defined as the situation where people are free to choose without any stereotypical limitation and in the end their deliveries and needs are equally given value. It is a term used in human 346

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

rights treaties such as The Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Yilmaz (2015) argues that a sector-wide switch to the use of the term ‘gender equity’ risks invalidating existing gender rights agreements and voiding claims against human rights violations. This term is also limited as it may imply that equality can be achieved by treating all people the same.

History of Media in Rwanda The history of the media in Rwanda dates back to the period when the country was under the rule of kings. That was before the era of western influence in the region and it was different from the current traditional media used all over the world. The main media tool in ancient Rwanda was the drum and depending on the type of the rhythm played, everybody would know what was the message being communicated. The important history was transmitted orally and there were families that were in charge of memorizing the poems that kept the history of kingdoms, wars of country extensions and so on. After the western people arrived in the country in the late 18th Century, they introduced modern education. People started learning how to read and write. In 1933, the first newspaper in Kinyarwanda named Kinyamateka was created by the Catholic church and it published a wide range of topics from politics, education to religion. Later in 1963, Radio Rwanda was launched and it was owned by the government. As the media kept evolving, the government continued to control it to promote propaganda. However, despite international reports accusing the government of Rwanda of suppressing press freedom, at present, it strives to be independent and impartial with people’s trust. The media has been accused of having a direct hand during the Genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi in 1994, where it was a tool of the Genocide perpetrators to spread hatred. After the Genocide, the media reconstructed itself with the help of the government which began by establishing journalism schools. Legal instruments were promulgated as well as media institutions to regulate themselves. After the government ensured a media -friendly environment, the number of media houses increased from 16 to 151 in 2019.

History of Radio in Rwanda Radio has been the most important means of communication in Africa from the mid -20th century. In Rwanda, while there was a huge need for literacy, radio has been used as the main tool for mass communication. During that period, like everywhere in other African countries, Rwanda didn’t have any independent broadcasting service or any established procedure to license private radio stations. The Rwandan population, being able to speak Kinyarwanda and a few of them French and Swahili, could all get the information from the one national radio station which started broadcasting in 1961. Radio Rwanda broadcasted in Kinyarwanda, French and Swahili. Radio Rwanda, as a national radio, has been a government-controlled agency from the first republic until the second republic when the government held firm grip on the media. Radio was the source for Rwandans to know the truth. Radio was the government’s voice. Before the Genocide in early 90’s, radio in Rwanda was used as a tool to spread hatred against Tutsi. During the genocide, the radio in Rwanda was used to guide genocide perpetrators the victims’ hideouts. After the Genocide, the radio has been used as a basic means of unity and reconciliation and slowly people regained trust in it. With the establishment of institutions and legal framework for the media, radio stations numbers mushroomed, most of them commercial radio stations compared to different concessions radio stations and community one. 347

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

Community Radio in Rwanda In East Africa, as in many parts of the ‘Global South’, radio is the dominant mass media (Bourgault, 1995; AMDI, 2006). Radio has attracted a renewed interest in academic and development circles mainly because of the emergence of local and community radio. African media scholars have attempted to theorize and problematize this new broadcasting phenomenon from an African perspective under the rubric of community media (Javuru, 2011). Opubor (2000) refers to community media as techniques and technologies for responding to community communication needs. Wanyeki (2000) regards community media as technologies through which marginalized groups are enabled to participate in issues of development, politics and cultural preservation. Mallik and Bandelli (2012) define community radio as a participatory tool and a platform where ordinary and disempowered people through daily media engagement activities assert their right to active citizenship. The four community radio stations have been taken for this study based on the definition of the community radio in terms of ownership, content and programming by the community for the community. The brief introduction of the radio stations and their contents are taken from the secondary data i.e their websites and other relevant reports and literature.

Radio Isangano The radio station started broadcasting in April 2011 and is located in the Karongi district in the Western Province. Owned by Isangano Community Association, their objective is to provide quality and diverse content to its community. The station’s mission is to “deliver quality, diverse and independent alternatives to mainstream information to its community, information that nurtures and encourages the community’s popular participation”. Ever since its establishment, the radio station has been entertaining and educating the community people, becoming the voice of the voiceless and engaging interactively to empower the community through its programs by creating a space for common dialogues.

Radio Ishingiro Radio Ishingiro was also established in 2011 and is owned by community people under the Association pour le Développement et le Bien-être Social (ADEB). Its motto is “Advocacy to Action, Delivering Active Change for Our Community.” It is the largest independent community radio station of the country which was established to serve rural communities in the mountainous areas of Northern Rwanda, an area underserved by State Radio and Kigali-based commercial radio stations. The management of the station has been supporting the most vulnerable families and individuals in the community as well as working to create a media literate society.

Radio Izuba Established in July 2002, Radio Izuba is the country’s oldest community radio station. It is located in Kibungo in the Eastern Province and promotes national policies and the values of living together. Its staff are from the local community, volunteers and journalists elected by the community people themselves. It is owned by the Association for Community Development through Communication (ADECCO). The ADECCO members include representatives from private sector, public sector and civil society. The sta348

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

tion considers feedback from the listeners as the most important aspect and streams its programs on its Facebook page from where it collects most of the feedback. The radio has also set up special clubs to listen to community reporters, child reporters, and appointed “special friends” who listen to the community concerns and adapt its content and programming.

Radio Huguka Radio Huguka, which was launched in November 2010, is situated in the Southern Province. This station owned by Huguka Association was created as a part of the “Community Media Strengthening Project” with the financial support from the Delegation of the European Commission to Rwanda. Radio Huguka promotes agriculture and focuses on community development, lays great emphasis on gender issues, freedom of expression, human rights, democracy, local governance, citizen participation and transparency, among others.

Community Radio for Participatory Communication Community radio aims to cater to the particular needs of community members neglected by the mainstream media. Community radio stations are spreading fast across Rwanda and their popularity is growing. Community radio is non-profit service-oriented radio owned and operated by the community with the potential to encourage communication between people and across cultures (Media Institute of Southern Africa [MISA], 2003). However, community radio has increasingly become popular in rural communities mostly because it is owned by the community, relatively affordable, and enjoys a certain unique intimacy with its owners and audience, pertinent to the illiterate and rural population, and local culture and tradition (Megwa, 2007). In many countries, community communication networks have contributed to acceleration of socio-economic growth, creation of awareness about gender issues and GBV and educating people. Rwanda is not an exception and the four existing community radio stations have helped to that affect. Prasad and Deepak (2019) mentioned in their study that radio has been identified as the most accessible mass communication device for grassroots, especially to women. This observation suits best in the case of Rwanda as respondents of this study opined that community radio broadcasting is about producing programs by the community and for the community giving a wider platform to discuss issues of all genders and groups. Community radio stations owned, controlled and programmed by communities are seen as the ideal institutions for people’s participation. Thus, participation is an important factor for the success of any community radio station (Bosch, 2007). Community participation should be an ongoing and continuous interaction between the radio stations and the community. Bosch (2007) mentions that it helps a community to become self-reliant and feel free from dependency while it acts as an empowering experience. Community radio stations play a major role in identifying and addressing social and economic barriers to local development by means of participatory communication. The participatory approach talks about both social and economic development and, for this it is important to empower people at the grassroots. CR is providing opportunity for the people including women representation from different ethnic, social and religious backgrounds. For social development, empowering the Women at grassroots and their capacity building is the major concerns. Community radio can emerge as a future tool for rural women development 349

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

Community radios stations are providing opportunity for people including women representation from different ethnic, social and religious backgrounds (Subramaniam, 2015). Thus according to Subramaniam (2015), for social developmet, empowering women at grassroots and their capacity building has been one of the major concerns of community radio as it can emerge as a future tool for rural women’s development. In the case of Rwanda, various examples have already shown that community radio stations can educate and empower women, especially on issues related to gender and GBV. However, the speedy transfer of technology is the need of the hour for socio-economic development to the common masses (Prasad & Deepak, 2019).

LEGAL AND POLICY PERSPECTIVES ON MEDIA AND GENDER IN RWANDA The Constitution of the Republic of Rwanda of 2003 revised in 2015 enshrines the principles of gender equality and women’s rights and provides for the minimum 30% quota for women in all decision-making positions. It emphasizes Rwanda’s commitment to upholding and ensuring gender equality by building a State governed by the rule of law, equality of all Rwandans between men and women which is affirmed by at least thirty percent (30%) of women’s representation in decision-making organs. Currently, the Global Gender Gap Index (2020) ranks Rwanda number 9 in the world. The same report confirms Rwanda as the best performer in Sub-Saharan Africa. It is among the top four countries in the world in terms of political empowerment, with a high share of women above 50% among both parliamentarians and ministers. The constitution of Rwanda (2015) also stipulates in its article 38 that the press is free in the same way expression and access to information are recognised and guaranteed by the State. To implement the Constitution article 38, laws to guide the media and promote access to information were unveiled in 2013. Since then, other national laws have also been promulgated. Additionally, in 2014, a National Media Policy (2014-2020) was drafted to consolidate all media legal instruments in place to make media a free, self-regulating and responsible in Rwanda . It aims to move the media sector from the phases of putting in place enabling environments, institutions and progressive media laws for consolidated, developed and sustainable media sector. This policy is inspired by the fundamental principles of freedom of speech and opinion, free access to information, media freedom and their relationship to the pursuance, attainment and sustainability of a free, secure, united, reconciled and democratic Rwanda. To summarize, the government of Rwanda has put in place a host of gender emancipation policies that aim to draw women from the backyards, where they have been relegated by the society, and placed them in the political, social and economic arena, to play a role in national building alongside their male folks. Rwanda Media Commission (RMC)’s Administrative Data (2018) shows that women’s participation in the media sector is still at a narrow pace and concrete strategies are needed to encourage the participation of more women in the sector. It mentions that of all accredited journalists (690) only 24.5% are females. The numbers of female chief editors (149) account for only 12.4% and female owners or managers of media houses (146) 14.1%. This will also influence and impact the content on gender equality and the fight against gender based violence and related injustices. In the light of all literature reviewed, this study has sought to answer the questions on roles community radio stations play in promoting gender equality in Rwanda and how these radio stations involve local audiences in the production of programs related to gender and GBV.

350

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Feminist Media Studies To examine the experiences of community radio stations in promoting gender equality and fighting GBV in Rwanda, this chapter draws on the broader context of feminist theories. Feminist theories within the field of communication cover many areas of inquiry, but share a common emphasis on the examination and explanation of gender and gendered power within communicative texts. For this chapter, the authors have specifically focused on feminist media studies that rely on feminist theory. The feminist media studies applies philosophies, concepts, and logics articulating feminist principles and concepts to media processes such as hiring, production, and distribution; to patterns of representation in news and entertainment across platforms; and to reception (Steiner 2014). Hence, the feminist media studies helped the authors to understand the content production and audience perception. Work in the 1990s and early 2000s made inroads into the plethora of representations of gendered and sexualized violence in mainstream media, as well as the ways in which these representations reflected dominant ideology (Jamil, 2020a; Moorti, 2002). At present, many prominent and emergent refrains in affective feminist media studies overlap and include (a) embodiment and (body) politics; (b) technology, Internet, and digital media; (c) public intimacy; (d) neoliberal consumer culture; (e) audience attachments to screen objects; and (f) heteronormative images/representations of gender, sex, and bodies; (g) queer and postmodern (Deleuzian) theory; (h) bonding and community; (i) affective ethics; and (j) the methodological potentials or capacities of affect theory (Kennedy, 2018). For this study, the authors have focused mainly on aspects like technology, Internet and digital media, public intimacy, audience attachment to screen objects and bonding and community among the factors mentioned by Kennedy (2018) above.

Participatory Communication Theory For proponents of this paradigm, communication for development must be rooted in a participatory approach, as stated by Freire (2018) in his leading book, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, which argues for people’s knowledge, dialogue and participation, and consciousness to act and change unequal and oppressive relations. Freire’s political standpoint links reflection and action as the basis for dialogue with communication in order to build a political and cultural consciousness capable of overcoming oppression. In Freire’s approach, which has inspired scholars as well as practitioners in articulating an agenda of participatory communication, communication is part of a system aiming to share knowledge, raise consciousness and empower oppressed people in order for them to be the actors of their own liberation. Dagron (2001) explains “Participatory communication is fragile; it is often contradictory—which conspires against the ready-to-replicate model exercises, but in the end is as live as the communities that use it as a means to promote dialogue and networking on issues that are important for the community life: development, yes, but also culture, power and democracy. Guy Bessette’s (2004) work leads to the formulation of the concept of participatory communication for development which is concerned with creating an enabling environment, which facilitates exchanges and dialogue in order to find solutions to development problems. The Rockefeller Foundation identifies these elements as key components of communication for social change: the individuals and communities involvement in the process of the communication; the 351

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

empowerment of the marginalized and in terms of content production and ownership; the communities are actors and agents of the changes; dialogue and negotiation should be promoted in the communities and the changes should also affect social norms, culture, social economic and political environment (Figueroa, Kincaid, & Lewis, 2002). These aspects were looked upon while developing the questionnaires and analyzing the interviews. Participatory communication underscores the need to empower communities through communicative means, which help them gain control over their environment and resources (Servaes & Malikhao, 2005; Melkote & Steeves, 2001). The experiences of participatory development communication described by Bessette (2004) provide valuable insights. Various examples deal with health, HIV/AIDS campaigns, and the use of community radio stations as tools of mobilization and empowerment of local communities. Considering the perspective of various scholars, participatory approach can thus be defined as a process in which the population is involved in all the stages of the communication process, they are responsible to identify and discuss their needs and problems and also to find the appropriate solutions themselves. Participatory communication must also empower the people and give them the knowledge and the means to challenge unequal power relations within local and national communities.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY For this study, a qualitative approach was used, mainly, an in-depth interview. The authors collected the primary qualitative data through the interviews with journalists, managing directors of community radio stations and a ministry official. Information from the radio stations’ internal documents, other related reports and literature were also gathered for this purpose. Interviews are data collection methods, in which the interviewer asks the respondent questions and these can be conducted face to face or by telephone (Polit and Hungler, 1991) and nowadays through online means such as email, Zoom, Skype or other applications. In-depth interviewing is a qualitative research technique that involves conducting intensive individual interviews with a small number of respondents to explore their perspectives on a particular idea, program, or situation (Boyce, 2006). For this research, in-depth interviews were conducted through Zoom, an online video application. A detailed study of the types of programs broadcasted by the four community radio stations in Rwanda was conducted before planning the interview and developing the interview questionnaire guide. A total of nine in- depth interviews were conducted in June and July 2020. Of them, four were radio journalists who run programs, four managing directors of all the radio stations and one from the Rwanda Ministry of Gender and Family Promotion (MIGEPROF). Interviews were conducted with both men and women. Of the total nine interviewees, six were men and three were women. The interviews were conducted online via Zoom as per the interviewees’ convenient time over the period of 10 days. The interviewees were briefed about the background and purpose of the study through telephone calls. Interview questionnaire guide and the objective of the study were sent through emails to give them time to prepare and gather required information. The interviews lasted for 45 minutes to 90 minutes and were recorded with the consent of the interviewees. The interview questionnaire guides were developed in English, when required translated into Kinyarwanda and French. The authors took the interview mostly in Kinyarwanda, the main language spoken by almost all Rwandans and then were transcribed and translated to English.

352

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

The online video interview was recorded only for the study purpose. Identities of the interviewees are not mentioned in the study due to ethical considerations. To analyze the data, the interview taken in Kinyarwanda was translated and the thematic technique of Braun and Clarke (2013) was used. Thematic analysis was first developed by Gerald Holton in the 1970s and has recently been accepted as a “distinctive method with a clearly outlined set of procedures in social science” (Braun & Clarke, 2013). The method involves seven steps: transcription, reading and familiarization, coding, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes, and finalizing the analysis.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION In this part the findings of the study are presented in light of the questionnaires of the research study. The study theories have guided the analysis of the data to answer the posed questions. The Participatory Communication theory was helpful in finding out the community empowerment issues related to gender and GBV, involvement of local audiences in community radio programming and finding solutions to combat GBV. In addition to this, feminist media studies that rely on feminist theory has been used. Steiner (2014) explains that it applies philosophies, concepts, and logics articulating feminist principles and concepts to media processes such as hiring, production, and distribution; to patterns of representation in news and entertainment across platforms; and to reception”. There are some distinctive features which characterize women’s relationship to media industries and their products in quite a specific way (Gallagher, 1983). Each of the features of these studies are rooted to both the economic and ideological spheres (Gallagher, 1983) and these functional roles affect the way gender content is produced. Hence, the feminist media studies helped the researchers to understand the content production and audience perception. The codes identified in the transcribed text were categorized under five themes, which are discussed in the findings. Key themes are empowerment, community participation, cultural and social agenda setting, digital convergence and gendered content production and gender equality. Topics of programs are chosen depending on audiences’ needs, government’s policies, and available research and sometimes on the basis of tips from the audiences who use various platforms of their access. The findings suggest that community radio stations in Rwanda have played an important role these themes, mainly that of ensuring participation and gender equality at all levels.

Empowerment The term “audience empowerment” in this chapter relates to enhancing their self-confidence and unveiling them with capacities. . Various studies have shown that audiences are mostly empowered through the media portrayals. Media portrayals of women probably represent the most extreme example of how, in a historically brief time-span, the mass media can make a major contribution to a revolutionary reversal of women’s self-image and of social definitions of women’s roles (Gallagher, 1983). While carrying out in-depth interviews, the concept of empowerment remained one of the main attributes of this study. A real empowerment should lie on the active participation of subordinated people in governance to make it more equitable, just, participatory, and efficient (Sharma, 2008). The community radio stations in Rwanda ensure active participation at all levels ranging from planning to the airing. Managing directors interviewed said that they have a policy to ensure 50% women participation in terms of staffing but 353

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

as they could not do so, they ensure that the women’s voice is broadcasted. Dahal (2013) has explored the potentiality of using community radio as a tool for establishing women’s voices for inclusive democratic exercise. The 2010 Rwanda Demographic and Health Survey (RDHS) found that of 5,008 women surveyed between the ages of 15 and 49, 22 percent had experienced sexual violence and 41 percent had experienced physical violence at some point in their lives (RDHS, 2012). The report further mentions that out of the 3,042 survey participants who had ever been married, 56 percent had been physically abused by their husband/partner or former husband/partner, while 18 percent had been sexually abused by their husband/partner or former husband/partner. Even if the cases on Violence Against Women (VAW) make it to the formal justice system, they typically receive low priority (Dahal, 2013). Journalists interviewed, who are in charge of programs confirmed that they visit rural audiences to ensure their participation in content production. The term empowerment means being vocal and having a right to ‘voice’. ‘Voice’ is defined as representation in both formal and informal institutions to enhance participation. In the context of communication for empowerment, within the context of development communication, voice means access and representation in the media (UNDP, 2009). In Rwanda, researchers found that the community radio stations have been providing space to communities they have visited to express themselves about gender situations. To ensure that programs help the audiences, journalists involved in all four radio programs confirmed that they all have a segment dedicated to testimonies of family members who changed their way of understanding gender equality and GBV. These testimonies encourage program audiences to learn from them. They are as well given space on social media where they react. Additionally, their contribution is considered while producing programs. These programs contribute to create a just society promoting gender equality. While airing programs, phone lines remain open for audiences, positively promoting the participatory communication approach. Radio journalists said that audiences react to the program and its content as they also manifest what they understand and what they think would be appropriate to discuss in next episodes. This study finds that local correspondents with community radio stations in Rwanda are playing an important role in generating content. For example, out of 30 districts in the country, Radio Huguka has 15 local correspondents in 15 districts. The program is aired live every Wednesday. There’s an established channel through which the audience contributes and it’s via phone calls, SMS and on social media. Apart from that, we prepare periodical feedback sessions where we ask them to react to the shows we have aired, where they are asked to react to the recent programs and what it contributed to their lives. Another important thing is that we have women groups which was initially created to promote gender equality in their communities. They hugely contribute in the preparation of this program and currently we have four women groups who are considered as community mobilizers. They contribute to feedback collection and generating new ideas for the future topics. (Journalist -Radio Huguka) All community radio stations provide opportunity to people to call and ask queries. Also, they are asked to contribute to programs. Through these programs, radio stations map the knowledge that people are in need. The contribution of Community Radio stations in the perspective of participatory communication approach lies in the way they broadcast their different programs where citizens are given space to express

354

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

themselves on various topics. They do this through established channels such as phone calls, SMS and social media messages. While they are calling, they do not only contribute, they are asked random gender questions that -if answered- intend to educate those who are listening to the program. This is the process of behavior change where the audience’s mindset is worked on. We, as a ministry, even get to understand through what the people need as a solution to their respective communities. (MIGEPROF) The important aspect here is also the power relations which is an important factor for disempowerment. For any project power relations is an important point of concern and is aimed at giving voice to the community (Dahal, 2013). Berrigan (1979) in his study mentions the use of media for development, emphasizing on telling and teaching, rather than an exchange of requests and ideas between the center and outlying areas. According to him, there are such communications media which not only enable twoway communication, dialogue, from periphery to center and vice versa, and between groups, but which are based upon this dialogue. He has termed uses of communications media which include two-way communication as community communications or community media. Therefore, the community radio stations in Rwanda fall under the category of community media which according to interviewees reiterate the fact that they ensure two-way dialogue between the radio and the community people through various ambassadors as discussed in Table 1. Table 1. ­ Community Radio Facilitators

Contribution

Community Mobilizers (different groups such as women, youth and farmers)

These are local citizens that help journalists by providing information about the families having conflicts. They help to find out the reasons for conflicts, participate in analyzing and debating about issues hindering the government policy of gender equality and equity in their communities.

Radio Ambassadors

Friends of the radio are people who follow various radio programs all the time. Friends of the radio always call to contribute to the programs being aired. They are actually famous in their communities to the extent that they end up becoming the most important key people for the radio station that they represent.

Listeners Clubs

These clubs are made of people who listen to specific programs of community radio stations. Their contribution is to actually follow those programs and call during the time dedicated to audience phone-ins.

Women Groups

Women groups were initially created as good governance facilitators. They also have responsibilities to mobilize and sensitize people about gender equality and fighting against GBV. They are part of community mobilizers too because during the program preparation they contribute by explaining and inviting people to the program recording venues on field.

Local (Citizen) Correspondent

Abatanguha at Radio Isangano are trained people (volunteers) present in 5 sectors of the Western Province who compile local communities’ stories and send them in collaboration with designated journalists. The Abatanguha are selected from radio ambassadors and receive training on basic journalistic work. They are provided with smartphones in the country’s line of one smartphone per family. Imboni of Radio Izuba are the citizen journalists in the Eastern Province. Radio Izuba has Whatsapp and Facebook groups where the audience share ideas, propose areas of improvements and problems that are recurring in their communities. At Radio Huguka there is also well-trained local correspondents named Abadahuga that are basically from 225 groups of farmers around the country. These correspondents have a dedicated air time called “Bite Iwanyu” where their stories are broadcasted for almost an hour every day. For Radio Ishingiro, the work of local correspondents is carried out by designated radio ambassadors who also in many circumstances provide story .

355

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

This study, therefore finds that the community radio stations in Rwanda are incredibly contributing to gender awareness, gender sensitization and fighting GBV mainly through behavior change communication. The best way to educate people according to journalists interviewed is citizen engagement. Also, they suggest to consider two-way communication. Respondents from the government side suggest that there’s still a need for reinforcement in financial aspects to increase the frequencies of programs in order to have a larger impact.

Community Participation Within the purview of development communication, community communications have to address the problem of creating self-awareness, of boosting morale, of ‘conscientisation’ (Freire, 2005), and to the problem of giving access to information to those who need it. In this line, community radio stations have been a powerful medium to not only reach out to people in the community but also have been an effective tool for education and information. In recent years, local radio stations in Rwanda, Democratic Republic of Congo and Kenya have seen rapid expansion (Myers,2008). There are several examples of community radio playing a positive role in the case of Rwanda especially in terms of its contribution to changing the mindset and behavior change towards gender equality and combating GBV. Radio Izuba, for instance, regards itself as a ‘real’ community radio, serving a small locality in the East of the country with educational and developmental content and a network of listening clubs to act as a link between the community and the station (Thomson, 2006). This work of community radio stations in Rwanda has increased the community engagement. The audiences in the community consider the media as one of their partners in development and understand issues on gender and GBV. To actually find out how well we are serving our audience within the boundaries of our reach, we consider the number of feedbacks we get while we are airing live and how much testimonies we get while collecting data on the field. Those who talk to us testify that through our program they developed their understanding about gender equality and how this concept once mastered helps the family to develop. This has been successful due to a participatory approach we use where the Imboni za Radio Izuba (roughly translated as eyes of Radio Izuba) to report and mobilize people as citizen reporters. The community get more engaged when they find themselves in the center of action and for themselves. (Radio Izuba Journalist) Community radio stations have built close ties with their audiences facilitating them to get adequate content whenever they need it. Mhalanga (2009) argues that when considering radio, the criteria of access, participation, self-management and ownership should be brought to bear on any definition of community radio. These three core principles of community radio have associated sub-categories of classification that include the topologies of democratic organizational and staff structures, local geographical positioning, localized programming and the non-commercialization and non-professionalism of operations. The main purpose of community radio is to provide marginalized communities with access to a voice through the broadcasting channel of radio so they can express their concerns, interests and needs, promote and protect their cultures, traditions and heritages and determine their own development (Ngugi & Kinyua, 2014). Our technique consists of immersing ourselves in their communities in such a way that they get convinced that they really own the community radio. And thanks to the proximity law, they see us as partners to

356

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

the extent that whenever there is a GBV case on their way to the authorities they pass by the radio and request us to follow up the case. (Journalist, Huguka) In Rwanda, there are many aspects and setups that made it possible for community radio stations to successfully act as catalysts of change in communities. During the interview sessions the community radio journalists and managing directors revealed that they mobilized people to own the presence of the radio stations and work hand in hand with their staff. It’s in that same line that the communities have come up with various groups of individuals who volunteer to represent and support the radio activities in their communities.

Social and Cultural Agenda Setting The government of Rwanda asserted that patriarchal norms that have characterized the society for so long need change. They have given too much power to men and from that, women have been ignored and also oppressed. This connects directly to gender equality and GBV; and community radio stations do change the mindset of their audiences where people are taught to understand and respect each other as they complement each other. While many countries use media to impose its culture and ideologies through mass media especially radio, TV and film, community radio according to Ngugi and Kinyua (2014) can mitigate the cuturalimperliasm by putting local content broadcast first. The main thing we want community radio stations to help us advance concerns the patriarchal norms that have always given too much consideration and favors to men and ignored women. In order to keep the momentum of what Rwanda has achieved so far in terms of gender equality, we need these radio stations as actors of mindset change through their programs and make people understand that traditional beliefs of magnifying men and making them superior to women needs transformation. (MIGEPROF). The findings suggest that the programs in the community radio in Rwanda has so far been important in teaching men how to live well with their wives as they make sure that they do not violate any rights and vice versa. They have understood that the domestic unpaid peer work should be shared. These programs actually helped to find out that there is a big number of men who are also victims of GBV. Respondents confirmed that they notice the impact of their programs through the change they see in the community. The programs had made community people be aware of the issues and they even give testimonies through the same programs. The partners of the community radio such as the Non- Governmental Organizations (NGOs) sponsoring programs, run their program in line with the objectives of the radio. For example all community radio stations being under the same umbrella of ADECCO share some objectives of community development where the point of family and gender promotion is reflected in their programs. This joint work in running the radio programs have helped to meet the intended objectives as the programs conduct the research while choosing the topic. However, most program journalists stressed on the fact that the choice of the program is based on issues that are raised by the audiences. Sreberny (2005) wrote that women’s media and communications activities are significantly organisational and cultural activities in their own right, as well as spaces for the transference of knowledge in which further articulation of concerns can take place. The programs on gender equality, family issues, family

357

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

development, talk shows and radio dramas on various issues concerning gender and GBV have helped to remind people that gender equality is the foundation for the development of family and the country. Contributing to the affect theory of Feminist Media Studies, that explains about the audience attachment to screen objects, the programs in community radio stations in Rwanda that talk about gender equality and the broadcasting of testimonies of those people who have changed their mindset have contributed to the content in the radio. These contents according to the interviewed journalists have helped them to create awareness on the topic as they incorporate it while preparing the next programs. Due to the fact that the community radio stations actually are located in the community from where they transmit, the journalists reported that they are familiar with problems that arise within that same community. Some radio stations ask the audience to send their thoughts about what they think would be better topics for the next episodes and all of the activities in the program related to gender issues in the community radio are done in line with the country’s gender policy (FAO Report, 2014).

Digital Convergence Community radio can make critical contributions in the effort to bridge the digital chasm between the information rich and information poor by extending development information access to poor and rural communities in society. Therefore, a combination of traditional radio and new ICTs could increase this capacity to expand development space by assisting to optimize development information services to rural and poor communities (Megwa, 2007). It is our expectation, thus given its accessibility and relative affordability, and its intimacy with its audience, community radio can serve as an interface between new information technologies and rural and poor communities (Dagron, 2001). The convergence of traditional and digital broadcasting and telecom technologies has been the new practice in recent days (Jamil, 2020b; 2020c; Jamil & Appiah-Adjei, 2019). Convergence between radio and the internet is providing new strengths to community radio (Ngugi and Kinyua, 2014). For the community radio stations in Rwanda, the main tools used to reach the local rural audience are telephone and social media where they post the topic before the programs are produced in order to gain audience interest and collect their opinions. This serves as the announcement to the audience who need to get ready and meet at the specific place where the primary voices are collected. By doing so, Ngugi and Kinyua (2014) wrote that it has not only helped community radio stations getting empowered to reach new latitudes, but also Internet users are learning from a participatory experience which is expected to contribute much to social change. The most important tool for the audience to interact with the radio is the phone line followed by Facebook, SMS and WhatsApp. This has helped us to easily interact with the community people and reach at the grassroots. (Radio Huguka Managing Director) All of the four radio stations have local citizen correspondents with different names in Kinyarwanda. These people are the volunteers who are trained by the community radio stations on the basic works of journalists, a package of training that helps them to compile stories from their local communities and send them to community radio stations for editing and publishing. They receive periodical refreshing courses where they are trained on the use of smartphones since they are the ones they use while making the stories. Respondents have agreed that the use of new technologies by these local correspondents and community mobilizers has helped in digital convergence. 358

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

Gendered Content Production and Gender Equality To analyze the interview content, as mentioned above the authors have focused on certain aspects as mentioned by Kennedy (2018) such as technology, Internet and digital media, public intimacy, audience attachment to screen objects and bonding and community among other factors. The community radio stations in Rwanda form and mobilize different groups to develop public intimacy and to provide training with the aim to plan and produce the content. In case of Radio Huguka, there are radio ambassadors, listeners clubs, radio mobilizers, youth clubs and radio local correspondents. These groups are trained on a trimester basis to refresh their knowledge in the way they package the content they send to community radio stations. For other radio stations there are social media groups and pages where the audience provide information about what is happening in their communities. Radio ambassadors also contribute in reporting about the issues that have been discussed in social media pages or groups. The radio ambassadors assist in unearthing the real issues in local communities. The digital media content related to gender equality has created a bonding between the radio and the community and the audience are attached to screen objects as they can both hear and see the contents through the merging of traditional and new technology. We are happy that the government of Rwanda has considered community radio stations as one of the best means to make people aware of gender issues. Our radio plan and broadcast content in such a way that it helps in combating GBV and promote equality. Our gender program contents that is broadcasted through radio and also through the digital platforms has in many ways helped us to meet one of our objective which is to empower women mostly the ones who have faced any kinds of discrimination or who are victims of GBV in our societies, mostly the rural communities. (MD, Isangano Radio) Research investigation revealed that programs in the community radio stations have resulted in increased change of behavior and mindset of the audiences. All the radio stations use digital platforms for reaching the audience and hence the content they produced are widely spread. The respondents informed that the program broadcasted by the community radio stations in Rwanda has contributed in changing the mindset of the local communities in terms of understanding gender issues. The contents broadcasted by these radio stations are mainly related to gendered content production and gender equality. Actually, some people may misunderstand the fact that nowadays the issues on gender are debated a lot and it means that there is an increase of GBV, while in reality it is the sign that people now are free to debate and understand the pertaining issues on gender equality and GBV. (MD-Isangano). In general, audiences consider the program as a learning class because they learn a lot from it; how to live as partners in peace and how to fight against GBV. The interviewees said that the feedback obtained from the calls and reactions on social media show that these programs have changed a lot of people in local communities. Some of the families visited by journalists actually give good examples of how before listening to these programs, life was unbearable for both men and women, let alone the children. The respondents noted that they do not dispose of the technology to track quantitatively the outcome of the program and listenership but that the observations and the feedback they receive are accurate. All the community radio stations are found to have given space to the audiences’ feedback received through different channels and testimonies collected during field visits. The local correspondents also 359

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

form a part of the audience and they provide valuable contribution during the preparation and dissemination of the radio programs. The general observation from the ministry respondent is that the more gender and GVB topics are debated, the more people get aware of how important those concepts are in their individual lives, family stability and the development of a community. He insisted on the fact that the mindset people had before these programs started being aired in rural areas has been changing step by step, reason to say that there is still a need to increase awareness and sensitization.

CONCLUSION The study results suggest that community radio in Rwanda plays an important role in making the public aware about gender issues contributing to the country’s goal of creating a just society. In the real sense, community radio stations are not only addressing the general issues at the grassroots but are becoming the ‘voice of the voiceless’ providing platform to the community members. Different community facilitators volunteer to collect ideas from their communities. In collaboration with community radio journalists, they also enable the smooth preparation of gender and family radio programs. These volunteers help to gather community members and discuss with the radio program creators to design programs in the best possible way to address the gender issues in the community. Thus, community radio stations in Rwanda have set an example of being an important instrument in strengthening the voice of the people, empowering women and addressing social problems in addition to entertaining the local community people. The outcomes of voice, influence and agency are the extent to which marginalised and excluded people engage and hold institutions accountable that affect their lives (Dahal, 2013). The four radio stations in Rwanda are promoting gender equality, one of the fundamental priorities in achieving good governance and promoting human rights. Discussion groups, community radio ambassadors, information exchange, and bottom-top approach have facilitated these radio stations towards community empowerment primarily by fighting against GBV and promoting gender equality. In addition, by aligning with the government’s vision, the radio has played an important role to promote gender equality by being an intermediary between the government and the community people. The community radio stations have become the real friends of the community people in Rwanda as they can rely to share their grievances, take advice and solutions. The example that the listeners trust the radio stations in a way that they give their testimonies and share their success stories best reflects that community radio has evolved as the best medium for the people at the grassroots. To document the experience of the community radio stations in Rwanda is important in terms of learning on how these radio stations can contribute to a balanced understanding of gender issues. In addition to content creation, the contribution of women journalists has helped the community radio stations to create the bond between the listeners and producers. The examples of programs at these radio stations have proved that the relationship between the radio stations and the local community in the context of promoting gender equality and fighting GBV change considerably. To broadcast the more sensible but rarely talked issues on women through community radio stations has an empowering effect (Dahal,2013). The authors have clearly identified that the aspect of empowerment and gender equality is achieved through reporting and advocacy of GBV within the community radio stations. Within this context, a strong and solid stage for gender equality and women’s empowerment was set for women and men of Rwanda to realize their rights, potentials, aspirations and be full partners and 360

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

beneficiaries in the country’s development. The journey of gender equality and empowerment mindset transformation has been a success in Rwanda and it set an example for many other nations in the world mostly because it testifies that women empowerment is not a myth but is an achievable goal.

RECOMMENDATIONS Based on the objectives of this study, the community radio stations in Rwanda are contributing to the promotion of gender equality and fighting against GBV. During the in-depth interviews with Managing Directors and journalists of the community radio stations, the authors learnt that even though these stations are contributing to the well-being of their respective communities, they still have various needs. Following recommendations are suggested: • • • • •

To set up a legal framework regulating community radio stations and distinguishing them from public and commercial radio stations in Rwanda. To reduce or remove for community radio stations the hosting fees paid to Rwanda Broadcasting Agency, the country’s public broadcaster. Need to sensitize women and girls to join community radio stations despite the country’s geography which is mountainous and discourages the gender balance among community radio staff. Need for increased financial and technical support from the government in order to keep up smooth contribution to the good implementation of various government policies including the gender policy (See also Jamil, 2019). To speed up the process of integrating new technologies in community radio’s functioning to have a well-mixed media model of old and new communication technology.

As there is limited research in this area in the country, more academic research is needed to increase the availability of needed material for both community radio stations in Rwanda, the government of Rwanda and the academia community in general. More specifically, in the context of community radio in Rwanda, this research has not been able to look after the whole content of the radio. Hence, the future researchers can be focused more on the analysis of the contents.

REFERENCES BBC World Service Trust. (2006). African media development initiative: Research summary report. BBC World Service Trust. Berrigan, F. J. (1979). Community communications: The role of community media in development. reports and papers on mass communication no. 90. ERIC. Bessette, G. (2004). Involving the Community: A Facilitator’s Guide to Participatory Development Communication. IDRC, Ottawa, Canada, and Southbound. Betz, M. (2004). Radio as peacebuilder: A case study of radio okapi in the democratic republic of congo. The Great Lakes Research Journal, 1(1), 38–50.

361

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

Bosch, T. E. (2007). In the pink: Gay radio in South Africa. Feminist Media Studies, 7(3), 225–238. doi:10.1080/14680770701477859 Bourgault, L. M. (1995). Mass media in sub-Saharan Africa. Indiana University Press. Boyce, C. N., & Neale, P. (2006). Conducting In-depth Interviews: A Guide for Designing and Conducting In-depth Interviews for Evaluation Input. Pathfinder International Tool Series, Pathfinder. Boyce, M. S. (2006). Scale for resource selection functions. Diversity & Distributions, 12(3), 269–276. doi:10.1111/j.1366-9516.2006.00243.x Brecht, B. (1932). The Radio as an Apparatus of Communication. Available at: http://www.medienkunstnetz.de/source-text/8/ Brecht, B. (1979). Radio as a means of communication: A talk on the function of radio. Screen, 20(3-4), 24–28. doi:10.1093creen/20.3-4.24 Buckley, S. (2000). Radio’s new horizons: Democracy and popular communication in the digital age. International Journal of Cultural Studies, 3(2), 180–187. doi:10.1177/136787790000300206 Clarke, V., & Braun, V. (2013). Teaching thematic analysis: Overcoming challenges and developing strategies for effective learning. The Psychologist, 26(2). Dahal, S. (2013). Power, empowerment and community radio: Media by and for women in nepal. Women’s Studies International Forum, 40, 44-55. 10.1016/j.wsif.2013.05.003 FAO Report. (2014). http://www.fao.org/3/a-aq230e.pdf Figueroa, M. E., Kincaid, D. L., Rani, M., & Lewis, G. (2002). Communication for social change: An integrated model for measuring the process and its outcomes. Communication for social change: An integrated model for measuring the process and its outcomes. Fraser, C., & Estrada, S. R. (2001). Community radio handbook. UNESCO. Freire, P. (2005). Teachers as cultural workers: Letters to those who dare teach with new commentary by peter McLaren, Joe L. Kincheloe. Westview Press. Freire, P. (2018). Pedagogy of the oppressed. Bloomsbury Publishing USA. Fuller, L. K. (2007). Community and media. The Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology, 1-4. Girard, B. (2001). The challenges of ICTs and rural radio. First International Workshop on Farm Radio Broadcasting, 19-22. GMMP (Global Media Monitoring Project). (2015). Who makes the news? GMMP. Gumucio-Dagron, A. (2001). Making waves: Participatory communication for social change: A report to the Rockefeller foundation. Rockefeller Foundation. Howley, K. (2005). Community media: People, places, and communication technologies. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511489020

362

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

International Media Support. (2020). The crucial role of media in achieving gender equality. Retrieved from: https://www.mediasupport.org/the-crucial-role-of-media-in-achieving-gender-equality/ Jallov, B. (2012). Empowerment radio. Voices Building a Community. Gudhjem: Empower house. Jamil, S. (2019). The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety. IGI Global. Jamil, S. (2020). Suffering in Silence: The resilience of Pakistan’s female journalists to combat sexual harassment and discrimination. Journalism Practice, 14(2), 150–170. doi:10.1080/17512786.2020.17 25599 Jamil, S. (2020b). Ethnic news media in the digital age: the impact of technological convergence in reshaping journalists’ practices in Pakistan. Journal of Multicultural Discourses, 15(2), 219-239. https:// doi/abs/ doi:10.1080/17447143.2020.1756305?journalCode=rmmd20 Jamil, S. (2020c). Artificial Intelligence and Journalistic Practice: The Crossroads of Obstacles and Opportunities for the Pakistani Journalists. Journalism Practice. doi:10.1080/17512786.2020.1788412 Jamil, S., & Appiah-Adjei, G. (2019). Journalism in the era of mobile technology: the changing pattern of news production and the thriving culture of fake news in Pakistan and Ghana. World of Media – Journal of Russian Media and Journalism Studies, 3, 42-64. doi:10.30547/worldofmedia.3.2019.2 Javuru, K. (2011). Community radio in East Africa; for or by the community? Community Radio in the Twenty First Century. Kennedy, A. K. (2018). The affective turn in feminist media studies for the twenty-first century. In Feminist approaches to media theory and research. Springer. Kothari, C. R. (2004). Research methodology: Methods and techniques. New Age International. Macharia, S. (2020). Global media monitoring project (GMMP). The International Encyclopedia of Gender. Media and Communication, 1–6. Malik, K. K., Bandelli, D., Malik, K. K., & Bandelli, D. (2012). Community radio and gender. Academic Press. McKay, B. (2009). Using community radio in Ghana to facilitate community participation in natural resource management. Ecquid Novi, 30(1), 73–93. doi:10.1080/02560054.2009.9653393 Megwa, E. R. (2007). Bridging the digital divide: Community radio’s potential for extending information and communication technology benefits to poor rural communities in South Africa. The Howard Journal of Communications, 18(4), 335–352. doi:10.1080/10646170701653685 Megwa, E. R. (2007). Community radio stations as community technology centers: An evaluation of the development impact of technological hybridization on stakeholder communities in south africa. Journal of Radio Studies, 14(1), 49–66. doi:10.1080/10955040701301847 Melkote, S. R., & Steeves, H. L. (2001). Communication for development in the third world: Theory and practice for empowerment. Sage (Atlanta, Ga.). Advance online publication. doi:10.4135/9788132113751

363

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

Mhlanga, B. (2009). The community in community radio: A case study of XK FM, interrogating issues of community participation, governance, and control. Ecquid Novi, 30(1), 58–72. doi:10.1080/025600 54.2009.9653392 Moorti, S. (2002). The color of rape. Women & Language, 25(1), 32–32. Moorti, S., & Ross, K. (2002). The power of the veil: Reviews editors. Feminist Media Studies, 2(2), 267–268. doi:10.1080/14680770220150908 Mtimde, L. (2000). Radio broadcasting in South Africa: An overview. International Journal of Cultural Studies, 3(2), 173–179. doi:10.1177/136787790000300205 Myers, M. (2008). Radio and development in Africa. A Concept Paper Prepared for the International Development Research Centre (IDRC) of Canada. Myers, M. (2011). Voices from villages: Community radio in the developing world. Center for International Media Assistance. CIMA. Nepal, U. (2011). A country analysis with a human face. Academic Press. Ngugi, P., & Kinyua, C. (2014). The concept and philosophy of community radio stations in the Kenyan context. Journal of Mass Communication and Journalism. NISR. (2014). Rwanda fourth population and housing census 2012. Thematic Report on Population Size, Structure and Distribution. National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda. NISR & Macro. (2012). Rwanda demographic and health survey 2010. National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda, Ministry of Health, Kigali, and ORC Macro International. Nordicom. (2017). Beyond the Stereotypes? Retrieved from: https://www.nordicom.gu.se/sv/system/tdf/ publikationer-hela-pdf/beyond_the_stereotypes_images_of_boys_and_girls_and_their_consequences.pd f?file=1&type=node&id=38940&force=0 Odine, M. (2013). Role of social media in the empowerment of Arab women. Global Media Journal, 12(22), 1–30. Opubor, A. E. (2000). If community media is the answer, what is the question. Promoting Community Media in Africa, 1-25. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2001). Citizens as partners: Information, consultation and public participation in policy-making. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. Pearson, P. D., & Gallagher, M. C. (1983). The instruction of reading comprehension. Contemporary Educational Psychology, 8(3), 317–344. doi:10.1016/0361-476X(83)90019-X Philo, G. (2008). Active audiences and the construction of public knowledge. Journalism Studies, 9(4), 535–544. doi:10.1080/14616700802114217 Polit, D., & Hungler, B. (1991). Nursing research: Principal and methods. Academic Press.

364

 The Role of Community Radio in Promoting Gender Equality in Rwanda

Prasad, R. K., & Deepak, N. (2019). Community radio and women empowerment: A pragmatic investigation. Development, 83. Servaes, J., & Malikhao, P. (2005). Participatory communication: The new paradigm. Media & Global Change. Rethinking Communication for Development, 91-103. Sharma, A. (2008). Logics of empowerment: Development, gender, and governance in neoliberal India. U of Minnesota Press. Sreberny, A. (2005). Globalization, communication, democratization: Toward gender equality. Democratizing Global Media: One World, Many Struggles, 256-267. Steiner, L. (2014). Feminist media theory. The Handbook of Media and Mass Communication Theory, 1, 359-379. STRATEGY, P. R. (2007). Economic development and poverty reduction strategy. STRATEGY II, P. R. (2013). Economic development and poverty reduction strategy ii. Subramaniam, N. K. (2015). Community Radio: Strengthen Women’s Role and Changing Rural Society through its Programme Content Creation. Academic Press. Thomson, S. (2006). Sylvia Thomson’s Notes from the Field. Rwanda Initiative. Tummers, L., Bekkers, V., & Steijn, B. (2009). Policy alienation of public professionals: Application in a new public management context. Public Management Review, 11(5), 685–706. doi:10.1080/14719030902798230 UNDP. (2009). Communication for Empowerment in Nepal. UNDP. Vision, R. (2000). 2020 Kigali. Rwanda Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning. Wanyeki, L. M. (2000). The development of community media in east and southern Africa. Promoting Community Media in Africa, 25-43. World Economic Forum. (2020). The global gender gap report. Author. Yılmaz, S. A. (2015). A new momentum: Gender justice in the women’s movement. Turkish Policy Quarterly, 13(4), 107–115.

365

366

Chapter 19

Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria Hadiza Jummai Ibrahim Bayero University, Kano, Nigeria Binta Rabi’u Spikin Bayero University, Kano, Nigeria

ABSTRACT Journalism schools have being witnessing an increase in female enrollment in Nigeria, but this is not proportional to the number of women who work in media organizations. For the women who eventually get employed as journalists,they experience various safety challenges which affect their advancement and continued presence in journalism. This chapter looked at safety challenges faced by female journalists in selected media organizations in Kano state of Nigeria. The study was hinged on spiral of silence theory to show how female journalists keep mute about the challenges they experience and prefer to report the so-called soft news. The study used focus group discussion and in-depth interview as the research methodology. Four sessions were held with each group consisting of eight female journalists. Findings show that majority of the participants had experienced threats, attacks,harassments, marginalization, and discrimination. In addition, most media organizations do not have laid down safety policies except for a few safety measures when the need arises.

INTRODUCTION Journalism is an important profession. It is seen as a skill, talent and a passion to tell the truth, to inform, to reach others, to communicate news and information to the public. Journalists are also expected to report corruption, human rights abuses and hold government accountable on behalf of the public. Journalists DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch019

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

have a vital role to play because they report issues of public interest. In performing these functions, intimidation and assault against journalists are inevitable. According to Isola (2015), journalists in Nigeria constantly face risks and threats from hostile operating environment, especially when they are working on sensitive, political, security or crime assignments. The assault on journalists deprives them their fundamental right to seek, receive and impart information without fear, favour and fear of consequence. It also denies them the right to freedom of expression as enshrined in various international and regional instruments, including Section 39(1) of the Nigerian constitution.Many decades ago, the journalism profession was considered as a male profession. Women all over the world were discouraged from becoming journalists and those who broke the barrier were seen as an exception to the rule (Thompson in Ibrahim, 2006). However, in recent times, more women are gaining entry into the profession though their male counterparts still outnumber them (Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP) 1995; 2000; 2005; 2010 & 2015). According to the GMMP (2015) in Africa, only 35% of journalists were females and in Nigeria, 75% of reporters were males while 25% were female reporters in radio, television and newspaper organizations in the country. This shows that journalism is a gendered profession and women are seen as playing a marginal role. But despite a female boom in journalism education, out of those who work in media organizations, very few last (Ibrahim, 2006). This is connected with their working condition, societal perception and above all, their safety. In Nigeria, female journalists face many problems in the course of their effort to report stories of public interest. Culture and tradition are two factors that aggravate and make the problems more severe in Northern Nigeria (Ibrahim, 2006). Working in these patriarchal and conservative societies, the danger to women journalists is always present. Sometimes, they (women journalists) become the specific target for harassment (Sreberny, 2016). As such, female journalists who cannot cope with the situation quit from the job. Consequently, media organizations have lost good and dedicated female journalists, (Ross in Ibrahim, 2006). In this situation, Grachie (2013) laments that many media organizations are more concerned about assets like hardware, buildings and installations than about the safety and protection of their workers. The problems of discrimination, threat and harassment are on the increase as a reflection of the general insecurity in the society. Therefore, there is an urgent need to promote the safety of female journalists and end impunity against them (Mijatovic, 2016; Pate, Oso, & Jibril, 2017; Sreberny 2016; Yusuf, 2013). Safety challenges against journalists is a global issue and Nigeria is not left out of the phenomenon. In the global impunity against journalist index, Nigeria was ranked 13th globally and 3rd in Africa after Somalia and South Sudan (CPJ, 2015). This implies that there is a high level of impunity against journalists in Nigeria. According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index (2017), 368 journalists have been killed since 2012 while pursuing stories. Therefore the objectives of this chapter are to investigate the safety challenges experienced by female journalists in reporting news events in Kano State and to highlight the safety measures, if any, their media organizations have taken to protect them.

BACKGROUND Historically, journalism globally used to be men’s domain, hence the common phrase; ‘gentlemen of the press’. According to Sanusi and Adelabu (2015), the history of journalism practice in Nigeria can be traced to attempt by missionaries’ printing activities first by the Presbyterian Church in Calabar and later in Abeokuta by the late Reverend Henry Townsend. Townsend’s attempt paid off when he started 367

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

the first newspaper on December 3, 1859. The paper, IweIroyin fun Awon Ara Egba ati Yoruba, literary meaning, ‘newspaper for the Egbas and Yorubas’, scored many firsts: the first newspaper, the first religious newspaper and the first vernacular newspaper in Nigeria. The rise of nationalism consciousness gave rise to the establishment of other newspapers across the country. But like many other places across the world, journalism practice at this early stage remained the sole domain of men. For many decades, women were not found in the practice of journalism in Nigeria. Increase in global agitation for gender equality and empowerment in all sectors led to changes in gender role in journalism practice as more female-oriented stories started appearing in Nigeria newspapers of the early 1950s (Yusuf, 2013). Coker in Sanusi and Adelabu, (2015) chronicled how the journey began for women in the journalism profession in Nigeria: The first breakthrough for women in this male-dominated profession was in feature writing with the establishment of the Nigerian Daily Times, “when lively feature articles began to appear with boxed title-heads” (Ikem, 1996, p. 188). When women started venturing into journalism practice in the 1950s, they were restricted mainly to women and domestic issues and at times, they wrote under pseudonyms to hide their identity mainly because of the prevailing social and cultural milieu of that period. Mrs. Doyin Abiola, a pacesetter in women journalism of her era captured this period thus: An era when the women’s page is exclusively reserved for women regardless of their educational background and qualification. And the sad part is women accepted this notion almost as a God-given rule. They … believed … that the entry point for a woman journalist is through the women page (Ikem, 1996 p. 189). Despite the shaky and limited opportunities for female journalists, they have made steady progress both in number and contribution to the growth of the profession. From just being women or gossip columnists, many of them have ventured into mainstream genre of journalism and some have gone ahead to become editors and publishers. Moreover, with time, women journalists have risen, and in some cases, outshine their male counterparts in different genre of journalism practice. The former National President of the Nigeria Association of Women Journalists (NAWOJ), Asabe Baba Nahaya, also agreed that the situation for women journalists has changed a lot since the organization’s inception in 1986. According to her, women were not covering important issues prior to the inception of the organization, but now they have been given more responsibilities and thus there are more female editors than ever before. From features to columns writing, from politics to defence, from science to technology, from aviation to health, from local to foreign reports, from print to broadcast journalism, women are there all the way. Apart from these, women are today members of editorial boards of many media organizations. Some are editors, publishers and CEOs of broadcast organizations (Yusuf, 2013). To this end, the history of modern Nigerian journalism will not be complete without a generous and prominent mention of the role and contribution of women who strived to build and nurture the profession. From a humble beginning, women journalists have grown in leaps and bounds in their contribution to the profession of journalism as practitioners, editors, managers and proprietors. Of recent, women in journalism have occupied important positions in Nigerian media (the likes of Zainab Okino who was an Editor of Weekly Trust Newspaper, Managing Editor at Leadership, Editor-in-Chief and later Chair of Editorial Board, Blue Print Newspaper. Funke Egbemode who was the Editor of Saturday Sun Newspaper and former President Nigerian Guild of Editors; Aisha Sule who was the General Manager Radio Kano FM; Sa’a Ibrahim who is currently the General Manager Abubakar Rimi Television in Kano. There is also Catherine Agbo, who was an Editor of Leadership Newspaper and later, Daily Stream Newspaper; 368

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

Halima Musa Kamilu was an Editor of Saturday Triumph; Sa’adatu Babaji was also the Manager of Radio Kano). Hence, in various capacities, women have contributed stories that address important issues of development like economy, law, infrastructure, defence, politics and governance, health, education and many more that have shaped the development of Nigeria. This was the principle that guided early women in the profession of journalism (Sanusi and Adelabu, 2015). However, these are a few exceptions. Majority of management and decision-making positions are still held by men (GMMP 2010; 2015; Nordic Council of Ministers, 2017). Interestingly, Daniels, Nyamweda, Nxumalo and Ludman (2018) attribute this phenomenon to the intrinsic ‘maleness’ of newsroom and male hegemonic society. By implication, despite the progress in the increase of women in journalism, men still outnumber women in the profession as a result of the patriarchal nature of the society which denies a lot of female journalists the chance to climb the professional ladder.

LITERATURE REVIEW Journalists’ Safety In order to cover breaking stories and issues of national interest, journalists often put themselves in dangerous positions (Jamil, 2019a, 2019b). According to Picard and Storm (2016), the practice of journalism is increasingly becoming dangerous and attacks on journalists have continued unchecked. In addition, in reporting corruption, human rights abuses and political chicanery, journalists often incur the wrath of the most powerful in the society. Hence violence continues to plague journalists around the world, including murder, assault, harassment, death threats and other types of intimidation (International Women’s Media Foundation, 2018). Orgete and Tayeeebwa (2020) suggest that on average, every five days, a journalist is killed for bringing information to the public and there is an increasing tendency that journalists themselves are the target of violence. A UNESCO report (2018) shows that 530 journalists were killed with an average of two deaths per week between 2012 and 2016. It further adds that in at least 55 per cent of the cases, there was no information on judicial follow-up of investigations. According to Carlsson and Poyhtari (2017), more than 800 journalists, media workers and social media producers were killed during the decade 2007-2017. The authors also note that the majority of victims do not come from countries at war but are involved in the disclosure of information concerning corruption, human right abuses and drug trafficking. A report by the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) (2014) shows that in South Asia, the safety and security of journalists across the board is not given prominence as impunity rules and murders and attacks go unpunished. In the Philippines violence against journalists is on the increase; from July 2016 to October 2018, at least 85 attacks and threats were recorded. In Latin America, especially Mexico and Honderes, Elliot, Elbahtimy and Srinivasan (2012) reported that journalists are attacked, kidnapped and murdered. Sarikakis (2017) provides that in Russia there were 176 cases and in Turkey, there were 466 cases of assaults between 2000 and 2016. In the European Union, journalists had experienced violence and repression ranging from physical attacks, damage to equipment and restrictions of movement, including denial of access to information, detention and arrests (European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, 2018). Jamil’s past studies (2019b, 2018, 2017a, 2017b, 2016) revealed that Pakistan is one of the most dangerous countries in the world for journalists as they face severe threats and abuse. She further suggested that Pakistani journalists experience physical and psychological safety challenges both in conflict and 369

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

non-conflict situations because of the country’s increasing religious extremism, conservatism, terrorism, gender disparity and volatile political situation. According to the Freedom Network Report (2020), at least 91 cases of attacks and violations against media and its practitioners including journalists, took place in Pakistan over the course of one year between May 2019 and April 2020. The report further states that journalists in Pakistan are being intimidated through various means of censorship, including murders, threats and harassment resulting in increasing silence among the journalists. The report adds that majority of the perpetrators are state actors. Coming down to Africa, Media Foundation for West Africa (2019) states that impunity against journalists is high in West Africa; it recorded about 70 violations against journalists and other media workers in the region. Appiah-Adjei (2019) provides that journalists in Namibia, Ghana and South Africa experience threats, intimidation, physical and verbal attacks. According to Banglo (2008, p.2) in Appiah-Adjei (2019) journalists in Africa continue to receive death threats, face harassments, arbitrary arrest and detention, are severely beaten and tortured. In addition, media houses are raided by security agents and publications and media equipment seized and destroyed. In Uganda, the story is the same as journalists are threatened, beaten and equipment destroyed (Wululya & Nassanga 2020) and that journalists’ freedom is curtailed because of unfriendly regulation and control. Somalia is one of the most dangerous countries in the world for journalists. A culture of impunity prevails as it had the highest number of unsolved killing of journalists between 2015 and 2017 (Elliot, Elbahtimy & Srinivasan 2012). In Pate, Oso and Jibril (2017) it was found that in Ghana, Nigeria and Sierra Leone, journalists continue to face threats, intimidations, attacks from state and non-state actors. Besides, Yusuf (2013) in Unaegbu (2017) corroborates that many of the perpetrators of impunity against journalists in Nigeria are government officials, thugs and security agents. According to the International Press Centre (IPC) (2015) in Nigeria, 49 journalists were attacked between November 2014 and April 2015. The safety challenges experienced by journalists violate their right to life, their right to practice their profession safely and the right of society to be informed (Jamil & Muschert, 2020). According to Elliot, Elbahtimy and Srinivasan (2012), the public makes informed choices based on the information received from journalists. The attacks and threats on journalists deny the public of this privilege.

Female Journalists in Journalism and Prevalent Issues Journalism, historically was a male profession and female journalists have often encountered sexism from their colleagues as well as from outsiders (Tumber, 2006). The position of women in the journalism profession is challenging. Despite the fact that more women are making their careers in the communication sector, they continue to face challenges. They are still underrepresented and only a few have attained positions at the decision-making level or in areas that influence media policy. This reflects the status of women in other areas of public and private life. According to Sanusi and Adelabu (2015), before the Beijing declaration, women were given limited access and restricted to operate as editors, reporters, sports analyst and journalists. While many female reporters in the 1800s and early 1900s were restricted to society reporting and were expected to cover the latest in food or fashion, there were a few women who reported on subjects that were considered the domain of male reporters. The media cannot be said to be truly free and representative without the equal voices of women. According to the International Women’s Media Foundation Global Report (IWMF) (2011), nearly twothirds of reporters were male, and gender imbalance was even more pronounced at top management level, where 73 per cent of the positions were held by men, and 27 per cent by women. The report identified 370

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

a glass ceiling for women in 20 of 59 nations studied. Most commonly, these invisible barriers were found in middle and senior management levels. The Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP) (2015) found that women made up only 24 per cent of those heard, seen and read about in the news, although they constitute half of the population. Also, men and women are portrayed in stereotypical ways that reflect and sustain socially endorsed views of gender. This includes the sexual objectification of women that normalizes violence against women in its various forms. Taken as a whole, the fact that women are underrepresented communicates to the public that men are the cultural standard and women are second class citizens. As building blocks of democracy, the media are not just information providers – they are creators of public opinion as well. They are the upholders of fundamental freedoms and also the agenda-setters. Therefore how they present themselves and what they communicate is of crucial importance, especially if these images and representations not only perpetuate inequalities between women and men in society, but also encourage violence against women. In the words of Gallagher (1983), the media’s practices and products are both a source and a confirmation of the structural inequality of women in the society. Violence against women in all its forms is the most prevalent human rights violation in the world and unfortunately, it is not decreasing, but growing (Antonijevic, 2016). Women journalists face a double burden: they are attacked as journalists working in a global environment that is increasingly more difficult and dangerous, and they are also attacked because of their gender and for having a voice and daring to use it in the public sphere. While threats, abuses and violence are part of many journalists’ experiences, a number of these types of incidents take on a gender dimension when directed at women because of their gender. The perpetrators of these acts of violence, threats and abusive behaviour toward women journalists range from government authorities and criminal gangs to their co-workers, bosses, sources and subjects (Antonijevic, 2016). Sadly, this is the situation faced by many women journalists globally. Harassment of women journalists has an impact on the public at large. It affects the kind of voices heard, stories read, and ultimately the freedom and quality of the societies people live in. It also leads to silence among female journalists who experience it (spiral of silence) and this denies the public of important information. Women’s participation in the media and other visible public spaces is clearly under threat. There are many reasons for such attacks: they range from gender perception, gender inequality, intent to intimidate, machismo, pure cowardice and an attempt to exploit women’s vulnerability to try to silence them. This affects their courage and interest in the profession. One root cause of the harassment experienced by women is the sexualization of women by the media. Women’s bodies are objectified to sell everything from cars to propaganda. In the media, women’s experiences are treated as “niche” or special interest, not applicable to the general public (Antonijevic, 2016). As sources, women are extremely under-represented among people who are quoted and interviewed (GMMP 2005; 2010; 2015). Although more women are visible in the field of journalism, women are still significantly underrepresented in the management of the media. They are targeted in dangerous and disturbing ways, with a barrage of blatantly sexist, explicitly threatening misogynistic messages of hate. A female journalist may feel insecure in any setting, not knowing who is watching and following her or where the threats and assault are likely to come from. Thus, the freedom of expression and other fundamental rights of the female journalists are threatened. According to Sreberny (2016), violence against women journalists is an important issue that is rarely confronted openly.

371

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

There are at least four different ways in which violence against women journalists occurs. One is in the course of reporting dangerous events such as wars and conflicts where a woman journalist, much like a male journalist, simply finds herself in a dangerous context. A second form is sexual violence which is occasionally experienced by male journalists, but is preponderantly acted out against women. A third is state-sponsored violence in the form of arbitrary arrest, imprisonment and torture of journalists, amongst who are women journalists. And a fourth form includes trolling and other forms of sexualized hate speech that women encounter on the internet (Sreberny, 2016). These challenges reinforce gender inequality, silence those affected and normalize a distorted view of women. Journalism is often a dangerous profession conducted in the most risky of contexts and the risks for women journalists are higher. More acknowledgement of this issue is slowly happening but there is inadequate policy and academic research on the issue. The Dart Centre for Journalism and Trauma provides very important support for journalists after a traumatic event; a similar platform regarding preparatory training for journalists could be as useful. The profession needs better training in safety and violence against women journalists and greater media organizational responsibility should an incidence happen, while there also needs to be better governmental and police follow-up when incidents occur and wherever the location. Female journalists can offer different news agenda and different insights on regular news stories – but they have to be able to work safe (Sreberny, 2016).

Safety of Female Journalists Journalists’ safety is a precondition for free expression and free media. Any threat to journalists’ working environment needs to be addressed and minimized. Threats and fear of being verbally or physically abused may have a significant impact on what and how news stories are reported. It may also affect editors’ choices of who should report on significant stories out of safety concerns. As a result, women journalists may choose to opt out, engage in self- censorship or stop writing critically on issues. The specific risks women journalists face in the course of their work was acknowledged in the UN General Assembly Resolution on The Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity, adopted on 18 December 2013. In these years, the female journalists targeted most report on crime, politics and sensitive issues, including taboos and dogmas in our societies. For some female journalists, threats of rape and sexual violence have become part of everyday life; others have experienced severe sexual harassment and intimidation. Misogynist speech is flourishing. Verbal stalking and harassment have continued in their physical environment (IMS,2019). According to a global study by the IWMF and International News Safety Institute (INSI) (2016), carried out among 977 female journalists between August 2013 and January 2014, almost one respondent in two said they had been the target of sexual harassment in the course of their work. Although such pressure occurred mainly in the office, it also happened on reporting assignments and at press conferences. In the same study, one respondent in seven said they had been subjected to physical harassment – mainly molestation – and eight in ten said they did not report the incidence, with some saying they feared being traumatized (spiral of silence), two-thirds of respondents said they had experienced the act of intimidation, threats and abuse in the course of their work. Further, more than one-fifth of respondents said they had experienced physical violence in the course of their work. In Jamil’s (2015a, 2015b, 2014) studies, Pakistani female journalists experienced physical threats, lack of tolerance, family or social restrictions, gender harassment, and public’s verbal abuse while at work that actually define their practice of right to freedom of experession and their independeance as journalists. The global trend is that in most media organizations, those who choose to stay despite the challenges 372

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

remain silent about the challenges. However, Unaegbu (2017) laments that the culture of silence among female journalists regarding the threats they experience exposes them to psychological trauma. Thus, research in the area could go a long way in adding the much-needed literature that would bring the issue to the fore (Mijatovic, 2015).

Coping Strategy Having identified and discussed the challenges experienced by female journalists, it is imperative to discuss how female journalists have coped with the problems in their professional lives. Be that as it may, challenges persist despite efforts at the international and local levels. Idas, Orgeret and Backholm (2020) explain that coping strategies have two dimensions: Emotion-focused and problem-focused. The emotion-focused coping strategy has to do with managing the emotional responses to a stressful situation. For example, refusing to report to the organization’s management or refusing to talk about a stressful situation etc. On the other hand, problem-focused coping strategy involves taking control of the stress or removing oneself from the source of stress. Reporting a harassment or attack to the management is a way of removing a stress source especially if the problem is eventually solved. Caroll in Idas, Orgeret and Backholm (2020) explains another type of problem focusing strategy which is the avoiding coping strategy. This type of strategy implies that the victims leave the department or organization in which the perpetrators work. At the global level, a report by Inter- American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) (2018) indicates that female journalists who faced safety challenges coped by shutting down their digital account. Some engage in self-censorship and some leave the profession. According to Mellin-Higgins (2004) in Scotland, female journalists cope with sexism in the newsroom through incorporation, feminist action and retreat. Chambers, Steiner and Fleming (2005) explain that when female journalists try to adapt masculine values and practices, in other words becoming ‘one of the boys’ it is referred to as incorporation. Sometimes women apply feminist approach by deliberately choosing to produce an alternative style of reporting by writing on issues like gender-based violence and child abuse. In media organizations where it is allowed, female journalists may decide to become freelancers and work from home (retreat strategy) to avoid the workplace challenges. Self-censorship is a global strategy practised by journalists in many countries. For example, journalists in European Union have adopted self-censorship (European Union Agency for Fundamental Human Rights, 2018), just as their counterparts in Asian counties like Bangladesh (Hasan & Wudud, 2020) and Nepal (Koirala, 2020). This situation is not different in African countries like Uganda (Walulya & Nassaranga, 2020) and Nigeria (Unaegbu, 2017). A baseline research in Nigeria by the International Programme for the Development of Communication (IPDC) and UNESCO in 2015 also showed that journalists in Nigeria cope with threats and attacks by dropping a strong or sensitive report. Clark and Grech (2017) affirm the preceeding when they note that respondents cope by minimizing sensitive and critical stories, being less controversial in reporting issues and selecting what stories to report. According to Pate, Oso and Idris (2017), journalists in the North East of Nigeria disguise their identities and movements. They sleep in multiple places like hotels, schools, friends’ places to avoid being tracked. In order to cope with online threats and harassment, journalists in Nigeria make use of passwords and anti-virus programmes on their digital communication devices (Suraj & Olaleye 2017). A report by the media council of Kenya in 2015 revealed that as a result of sexual harassment, female journalists

373

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

now take up part-time jobs, become freelancers or even resign. However, despite the growing evidence about sexual harassment, most media organizations do not acknowledge the problem. Gonzalez (2020) suggested that journalism profession associations play a role in minimizing threats and assaults, therefore, journalists should become members be it local, national or international levels. These associations have drawn the attention of the general public, especially stakeholders and policymakers on the various safety challenges experienced by female journalists. In the United States, there is the Journalism and Women (JAWS), United Kingdom-based Women in Journalism (WIJ), India has Network of Women in Media (NWIM). In Zambia, there is Zambia Media Women’s Association (ZAWA). In South Africa, there is the Gender Links Organization. In Nigeria, there is the National Association of Women Journalists, (NAWOJ) with branches in all the states. In extreme cases, women had gone to the courts for some of the challenges they faced like sexual discrimination, sexual harassment and assault. Chambers, Steiner and Fleming (2005) report that in the United States, Christine Craft and Brenda Williams went to court for sexual discrimination. However, Nastasia and Bondarenko (2013) argue that such victory usually does not lead to sustained or systematic changes on the part of employers. Be that as it may, to seek justice in the courts is not a common phenomenon in Nigeria. In some countries, female journalists coped by reporting the case to the management but many choose to simply keep quiet (International Women Media Foundation, 2018; Saady, 2017).

Safety Measures and Policies in Media Organizations Aside the coping strategies adopted by female journalists as a result of incidences of attacks, assaults, threats, discrimination and harassment, some media organizations have come up with measures or policies to mitigate the safety challenges experienced by female journalists. In a global study by IWMF (2011), it was indicated that many newsrooms across nations do not have policies on sexual harassment. The report further showed that in Western Europe less than half of media organizations have a sexual harassment policy. In the Middle East and North Africa, less than half (44%) of media organizations have a policy on sexual harassment, though they have policies on maternity leave and educational training. In Koirala’s (2020) study, most media organizations in Nepal did not have policies on Cyber-attacks. The International Media Support (IMS) (2018) in a study in nine countries found that most of the media organizations do not have adequate gender policies and anti-harassment measures in newsrooms. In addition, some media organizations lack adequate gender sensitivity in safety mechanisms. In the same report, in Colombia, a Committee for Risk Evaluation and Measure Recommendations for Women (CERREM) protect its journalists. In Indonesia, Alianso Jurnalis Independen (AJI) organizes safety training for male and female journalists. In the Philippines despite the laws that deal with violence against women, women, including female journalists have continued to experience gender-based violence. In Somalia in media organizations, there are no measures in place to respond to sexual harassment. A study by the International Federation of Journalists (2014), in India, found that most of the media organizations do not have a structural mechanism to deal with sexual harassment in the workplace. In addition, female journalists do not enjoy security of service, have no transport facilities on night shifts or protection for assignments. The same report further suggested that in some Pakistani media organizations there are committees to investigate complaints of sexual harassment but many female journalists prefer not to complain. They fear reprisals or loss of jobs.

374

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

A study by Article 19 (2016), among journalists in Kenya, revealed that 53.1 per cent of the respondents said that their media organization have safety measures to deal with violations of their workers while 46.9 per cent responded in the negative. Jamil’s studies (2020b, 2018, 2017a, 2017b, 2016, 2015) study among journalists in Pakistan showed that majority of the respondents said they have not received safety training either by any governmental body, local university, their media organizations or the journalists union. Parahita and Ahmad (2020) found that most media organizations in Indonesia do not have laid down safety regulations and guidelines for their journalists. A global study by International Women Media Foundation (2011) also found that in South Africa most of the media organizations have policies on sexual harassment, maternity leave and careers advancement. The report further shows that in Morocco, 75 per cent of media organizations have sexual harassment policies. In Congo, all the media organizations surveyed indicated they have policies on gender equality, sexual harassment and maternity leave. In Nigeria, few organizations have adopted policies on gender equality and sexual harassment. A baseline research in Nigeria by (IPDC) and UNESCO in 2015 found that most media organizations in Nigeria do not have adequate policies and measures to address the issues of safety and insecurity among journalists. In addition, less than 10% of the respondents were unaware of the existence of safety policy or measures in their media organizations.

Empirical Studies into Challenges Faced by Female Journalists Empirical studies have been conducted on the challenges experienced by female journalists across the globe (Jamil, 2020a, 2015a, 2015b; Claudia et al., 2018). The special focus on women is imperative because according to IWMF (2018), all journalists are prone to threats and attacks globally but female journalists face an added scrutiny and threat because of their gender. Koirala (2020) found in her interview with 48 female journalists that majority of the respondents experienced abuse online. The abuse had influence on the respondents by inciting fear and making them silence. Some of the respondents said they became discouraged to contribute to the profession, some even considered changing their careers. Only 2 per cent of the respondents said they informed the organization about the abuse for necessary action. The study concluded that there should be collective action to mitigate the problem. In Norwegian Newsrooms, Idas, Orgeret & Backholm (2020) found that majority of the respondents had experienced sexual harassment. Twenty-two per cent of those who reported sexual harassment were harassed by a manager, 48 per cent by a male colleague and 37 per cent by someone outside the organization. The study concluded that the problem should be dealt with at an organizational level, not an individual level. A global survey carried out by International Women’s Media Foundation (2018) between 2017 and 2018 shows that 63 per cent of 597 female journalists who participated in the survey have been threatened or harassed online, 58 per cent indicated that they have been threatened or harassed in person and 26 per cent said they have been physically attacked. In the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) survey in 2017, found that 63 per cent of the respondents faced verbal abuse, 41 per cent faced psychological abuse and 11 per cent experienced physical violence. In addition, the study found that the violence was perpetrated by colleagues, bosses, politicians and other audiences. In 2017, the Brazilian Association of Investigative Journalism found that 75% of female journalists in Brazil indicate that in the course of their work, they had received comments about

375

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

their clothing, body or appearance which made them feel uncomfortable. A study by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (2018) also found that in Paraguay, Brazil and Mexico, female journalists have reported experiencing violence and sexual harassment while covering sports events. Another study by International Federation of Journalists (2014) in Afghanistan found that female journalists also faced discrimination, violence and sexual harassment. Many female journalists kept the incidences of violence and sexual harassment from their families for fear of being prevented to stay in the profession. In Bangladesh, the 2016 report by Article 19 indicates that female journalists have been attacked and ridiculed while covering public meetings and prevented from reporting. Female journalists also experienced professional jealousy, sexual harassment, humiliation and demoralization. The report further shows that female journalists who pressed charges against their colleagues or bosses are at risk of losing their job. Oftentimes, the charges are not handled with seriousness or they are dismissed as false. Another study by International Media Support (IMS) (2019) in nine countries indicates that almost all the respondents cited sexual harassment as a safety challenge. Also, one-third of the respondents reported experiencing physical, moral and emotional trauma as a result of the harassment. The report concluded that the management of media organization tend to underestimate the abuse. A study by IFJ, UNESCO and United Nations Women in 2015 among female journalists in South Asia and the pacific show that 35 per cent of respondents said that they experienced sexual harassment at work. A report by the Iraqi Journalists Right Association (IJRDA) (2017) quoted in the IMS report (2019) found that 65 per cent of female journalists experienced harassment on a regular basis. In addition, the report indicated that female journalists prefer not to report such abuses for fear of losing their jobs or being blamed for the assaults. In the Philippines, the IMS report (2019) found that female journalists who covered corruption faced threats of sexual assault and attacks against their families. A study by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights in 2018 found that in France, journalists who reported on protests opposing proposed changes to French labour law were injured in 12 incidents in March 2016. A global survey by International Women’s Media Foundation (2018) among female journalists found that nearly 2 out of 3 respondents said they had experienced threats and online harassment at least once. Also, 40 per cent said online harassment made them to avoid reporting certain stories. The survey also found that many of the respondents experienced psychological trauma as a result of threats and harassments. Some of the respondents had to leave their home or countries to protect themselves and their families. The study concluded that media organizations underestimated online and offline abuse. In a study by Rajeev, Midhila and Karthika (2019) in Kerala, India, it was found that majority of the female journalists experienced gender discrimination and sexual harassment at work. The study concluded that the legal system should be enhanced to protect and promote the safety of female journalists in media organizations. Pathak, Bhawallar, Sharma and Saxena’s qualitative study in 2018 among female journalists in Bhopal region of Madhya Pradesh, India, found that respondents faced threats, discrimination and sexual harassment in their professional lives. Majority of the respondents were concerned about safety issues. In Bangladesh, Safa and Akhtar’s (2015) study among 100 female journalists found that 80 per cent of the respondents faced professional challenges in media organizations. Jamil’s (2017) study in Pakistan, it was found that 92 per cent of male and female journalists have experienced physical threats, physical torture and attacks. Of the 75 respondents, 13 were females and all had experienced gender-specific risks of harassment, discrimination, blackmail and verbal abuse perpetrated by the public. The findings also indicate that such safety challenges occurred in both conflict and non-conflict situations. The study concluded that journalists’ safety and peace journalism should be part of the journalism curriculum.

376

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

In Clark and Grech’s (2017) study, 940 journalists were surveyed in the European Council of States. Fifty-four per cent were males while 46 per cent were female journalists. Findings show that 31 per cent of the respondents said they had experienced physical assault, 13 per cent said they experienced sexual harassment. Sixty-nine per cent said they experienced psychological violence perpetrated by public authorities, 24 per cent were humiliated by their management and 17 per cent experienced threats perpetrated by interviewees. In Egypt, 45 journalists were drawn from both private and government-owned radio, Television and Print to investigate the types of threats faced by the journalists. Twenty - one were female journalists and 24 were male journalists. The study found that journalists experienced threats when they covered sensitive issues like corruption and embezzlements. In addition, the journalists faced economic threats like low income and job insecurity (Alazrak, 2020). Selnes and Walulya (2020) in a qualitative study among journalists in Uganda found that both male and female journalists were denied access to information by state security agents, they experienced assaults, beatings, threats and arrests. Equipment of the journalists were also destroyed. Despite the fact that assault in Uganda is punishable by law, impunity against journalists go unpunished. In a study in Kenya, Article 19 (2016) found that 81.7 per cent of the respondents (male and female journalists) said they had experienced one form of violation or another like beatings, arrests, confiscation of equipment and being chased from events. In the same report, over 85 per cent reported that the violations have affected their professional life. Besides majority of the respondents (43.8 per cent) reported the violations to their editors while 37.5 per cent said they reported the violations to unions/associations. According to Elliott, Elbahtimy and Scrinivasan (2012), Somalia constitutes the most dangerous country for journalists in Africa. IMS (2018) found that female journalists in Somalia experienced sexual harassment and gender- based violence within and outside the workplace. The study also found that male colleagues, state and government agents were the perpetrators of the attacks. It concluded that it is imperative to have measures, gender policies and safety training in place. In Nigeria, Pate and Idris (2017) found that journalists faced challenges in the hands of security operatives such as indiscriminate arrests, detention, intimidation and harassment. Also, their working tools such as cameras, computers and machines were confiscated. They further state that the North East is a danger zone to journalists as Boko Haram Insurgents are violently operating in the zone. Unaegbu’s study in 2017 among female journalists in Nigeria shows that majority of the respondents (74 per cent) said they experienced threats in their professional lives. The respondents were also concerned about late closing hours and sexual discrimination. The study also found that many journalists do not report threats and consequently, this affects their job performance. In a baseline research in Nigeria by (IPDC) and UNESCO in 2015, it shows that journalists in conflict zones were harassed by security agents and sent messages to threaten them through SMS, calls and emails. The study also found that most media organizations do not have measures to monitor journalists who were working in danger zone. The report also showed that in order to protect female journalists, some media organizations reassign them from conflict areas. Suraj and Olaleye’s (2017) survey of 200 journalists across Nigeria found that journalists experienced online threats and attacks. It concluded that there should be adequate training on digital safety for journalists in Nigeria. Despite the increasing statistics of safety challenges experienced by female journalists, some do not talk about it, hence, some of the incidences are not recorded. According to European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (2018), a number of factors affect how many incidents are recorded, including whether an organization or mechanism that systematically records these incident exists in any given country or the willingness of journalists to report incidents. 377

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK This study is centred on the Spiral of Silence Theory, (SOS). The theory was propounded by Noelle Neumann in 1984. One of the assumptions of the SOS theory is that an individual’s perception of an opinion as unpopular tends to discourage the expression of such an opinion. On the other hand, an individual perception of an opinion as popular makes one to voice out the opinion. In other words, it gives an individual a voice. Therefore, the assumption is that individuals are aware of the opinion that are popular and thus adjust their expression of opinion accordingly. According to Mathes in Mathes, Knoll & Sikorski (2018), a spiraling process begins overtime in which perceived majority opinions become dominant and perceived minority opinions are silenced. The dominant group becomes more confident and to avoid being ridiculed, criticized or isolated, those in the minority may prefer to be silent. Another key assumption of the SOS theory as explained by Noelle-Neumann (1993) is that the spiral of silence occurs when the topic of discussion is controversial or of moral component. Meaning those who support the morally correct majority are likely to voice out their views and an individual whose view is on the minority risks being isolated. The theory further explains that it is necessary to isolate the minority and go with the majority in order to achieve a cohesive societal growth. Those in the minority always feel threatened and isolated because according to Yang (2016) they disagree with commonly shared values and opinion. Further, in order not to be isolated, an individual is likely to adjust his behaviour to conform to perceived public opinion. Noela-Neumann in Yang (2016) explains that individuals perceive or get information about the majority opinion through two sources; (1) Direct observation (2) The mass media. This implies that individuals form an opinion by directly observing issues that are trending, what people are saying about the issues, where there is a consensus concerning issues, what are the different views of people. Depending on issues that the mass media highlight and the way the issues are highlighted, individuals also form opinions. According to Yang (2016), the mass media play a considerable role in facilitating the formulation of public opinion. This is corroborated by Asemah (2011) who explains that mass media align with majority public opinion to silence minority beliefs on cultural and controversial issues. Hence, individuals or group of people tend to suppress their opinions for fear of isolation. Similarly, McQuail (2010) asserts that fear of isolation is a key factor in affecting the willingness to speak out on a controversial issue. This is evidently true as female journalists suffer from various forms of abuse and harassment, but because of fear of the dominant culture of the environment they live in, both media and women journalists tend to be silent on the issue. Sreberny (2016) buttresses that discrimination, attack and sexual harassment against women journalists are on the rise but they are rarely reported in the media. In this case, the media is seen as part of the problem. In a patriarchal society like Kano, the voice of a woman is not counted as that of a man. Similarly, a woman who chooses to go against the dominant culture of patriarchy risks being discriminated against, harassed, stigmatized, called names and as such her voice will be suppressed. Asemah (2011) supports this assertion that spiral of silence theory shows why people often feel the need to conceal their opinions and views when they fall within the minority. In the context of this study, minority does not mean numerical, rather it refers to a marginalized group occupationally, in this case, female journalists. The theory is relevant to this study as it examines how safety concerns make female journalists feel discouraged from reporting sensitive issues and issues of public interest (self-censorship). In addition, women who face challenges do not talk about it because of

378

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

the stigma involved. This is as a result of the fear of social rejection and isolation. Therefore, the female journalist ‘accepts’ the marginalization and remains silent. A recent dimension to the SOS theory is the applicability of the theory to online media. The emergence of the Internet has paved the way for individuals to express different opinions on different issues. According to Mathes Knoll and Sikorski (2018), minority’s opinion may be difficult to suppress or ignore with the rise of online media. Besides, there is less intimidation when expressing opinion unlike in offline settings, mainly because the cyberspace is anonymous. Hence the fear of isolation can be controlled. Yang (2016) argues that it is possible to come up with an assumption that the Internet creates an environment that is more lenient toward minority views and would cause less fear of isolation among Internet users. The workability of the SOS theory also depends on the culture of a given society. Yang (2016) asserts that in a country or culture with predominant collectivism such as China, people value the importance of harmony and uniformity over individual expression and thus discourage the expression of minority opinion in public. On the other hand, in Western countries like America where individual differences are regarded as a virtue, people are more likely to appreciate the spirit of speaking one’s mind.

METHODOLOGY Research Questions This study investigated two research questions: • •

What are the safety challenges experienced by female journalists in media organizations of Kano State in Nigeria? What are the safety measures and policies adopted by the media organizations of Kano State in Nigeria?

Research Design This study was designed to investigate the safety of female journalists working in selected media organizations in Kano, Northern Nigeria. The qualitative design was used in order to get in-depth information about the subject of study. According to Wimmer and Dominick (2014) and Asika (2008), the qualitative design provides rich information to achieve the objectives of a study. Hence, the qualitative method was meant to gather information on the experiences of female journalists about safety challenges and the efforts of the organization’s management to address the challenges. The study adopted multi methods, specifically focus group discussion and in-depth interviews. The choice of multi-methods approach was to get more depth and higher qualitative information from the participants and respondents about the subject of study.

Population and Participants The organizations selected for the study are Radio Kano, Nigerian Television Authority (NTA), Kano Pyramid Radio and Freedom Radio. The chosen media organizations are all based in Kano city, the capital of Kano State in Nigeria. However, signals are received in neighbouring towns and states. All 379

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

the media organizations are government-owned except Freedom radio station which is privately owned. As at the period of the research, there were 32 females in Radio Kano, 24 females in NTA, 12 females in Pyramid Radio and Freedom Radio had 20 females.

Sampling and Data Collection Purposive sampling was used to draw participants from the newsrooms and programmes department of the selected media organizations. This type of sampling ensured that participants are female journalists who produce and cover news stories and other programmes. Women in other departments were excluded based on the focus of the research. Hence, the researchers held FGD sessions with female journalists working in select media organizations in Kano city, Kano state. Therefore, four sessions were organized on different dates and each group (session) comprised 8 participants with a moderator. Each session of the FGD lasted for 40-50 minutes. The purpose was to elicit information about the safety challenges women journalists face in the course of their duty. Furthermore, in order to find out the measures or policies (if any) media organizations put in place for the safety of women journalists, the researchers conducted in-depth interviews with the managers of select media organizations in Kano State. As at the time of the study, the managers of Radio Kano and Freedom Radio were females while the managers of NTA and Pyramid Radio were males. The interviews were conducted in the offices of the managers based on appointment with them. The interviews lasted for three weeks. Afterwards, the responses were transcribed, coded, categorized and analyzed. An interview guide was formed which contained the same questions for all the FGD sessions. However, there were follow up questions too based on the responses of the participants. This was necessary for further clarifications. All questions were formed to achieve the objectives of the study. Appropriate and similar questions were also formulated to elicit responses from the media managers based on the objectives of the study.

Data Analysis The data of this study were analyzed using the Constant Comparative Technique. According to Wimmer and Dominick (2014), this method is very popular in the qualitative study and the data is analyzed in four steps: comparatively assigning incidents to categories, elaborating and refining categories, searching for relationships and themes among categories and simplifying and integrating data into a coherent theoretical structure. Hence, the FGD and interview data were analyzed using the above-mentioned technique.

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION Safety Challenges Faced by Female Journalists in Kano The findings from the Focus Group Discussions with female journalists working in selected media organizations in Kano state indicate that female journalists experience attacks and harassment both within and outside the organizations they work for. In addition, female journalists are faced with newsroom discrimination and they are treated differently by the management. One of the participants stated that

380

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

“female Journalists are marginalized because they are female. The men will criticize you and make you feel that you are a woman and the simplest of tasks is what fits you”.Another participant narrated how she was harassed by the Military during Boko Haram (insurgence) attacks. She stated: It was in 2012 and I was on my way home from the station, but the military refused to allow me to pass through a route that will take me home easily. I was threatened with a gun. I had to return to the station and my Manager took me through a different route. Another participant said: In 2012, I was investigating an issue of illegal allocation of land by a Local Government Chairman in Kofar Wambai Market. I was given permission to do that by the Sarkin Kasuwa, (market leader). Yet, I was beaten to the point of unconsciousness by one of the persons who was erecting structures on the said land. But afterwards, when a male journalist went to investigate the same incidence, he was bribed to keep quiet on the matter. He was not threatened in anyway. Discrimination is common in many media organizations. However, a particular participant explained: In the newsroom, I am the only female journalist among my colleagues and I enjoy working with them, they respect me and as a woman there are certain things they restrict me from, they would say ‘we will do it’. I feel very safe among them Another participant said that “I have not encountered any problem because our boss understands the cultural restrictions here in the north, therefore, he knows the type of reports he sends a female journalist for”. This shows that some of the participants prefer this sort of discrimination because it reduces or shields them from some safety challenges they are likely to be confronted within line of duty. Similarly, a media Manager said: You hardly hear of a female journalist here in the North complaining of discrimination. Even when you give her an assignment which is equal with a male colleague, she will prefer not to do it and asks … ‘don’t you know I have a husband’? So, while female journalists are complaining of discrimination elsewhere, here in Kano, which is a reflection of what is obtainable in the north (patriarchy), female journalists beg to be spared from specific assignments. In this organization, there is a female journalist who does not want to work in the evening because her husband will not allow it. Another female journalist was assigned to cover a scene after the Boko Haram attack, she got frightened and declined the assignment. Women usually prefer to cover soft news and other related issues. This confirms the statement by another media manager who said: Female journalists willingly decline some assignments. But I agree that there are certain assignments that are not for women. For example, it will be weird to send a female Journalist to interview the emir of Kano or any other traditional title holder. It is against the culture of Northern Nigeria. It will look disrespectful (Media Manager, Pyramid Kano, 2019).

381

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

By implication, female journalists in Northern Nigeria, especially Kano, are made to believe that there are beats or assignments that are the exclusive preserve of male journalists. Female journalists are conditioned to believe that they are not capable of such assignments because they are women. Though this is discrimination, many female journalists prefer it, hence, it is perceived in a positive dimension. However, Unaegbu (2017) argues that this trend has a danger “with fewer women in ‘hot beats’ reporting, there is a possibility of inadequate gender-sensitive reportage, considering the societal norms and traditional practices in many parts of Nigeria” (p.172). Hence, according to Ibrahim (2006), this organizational discrimination of news selectivity and personality interviews should be seen as a disadvantage to female journalists rather than a favour. Harassment is an old tradition and there have been calls by stakeholders and civil societies across the world to look into the problem. In Nigeria, journalists are not spared from various forms of harassment especially the female journalists. However, there is nothing in place, either in terms of policies or otherwise to protect the female journalists working in media organizations in the North West of Nigeria. One of the participants corroborated this as she opined: I think I can attest harassment within the work environment. Some female journalists do experience harassment before getting a promotion. I know a particular organization that does not promote a woman until the head of that organization sees her ‘in private’. Another participant confirms this when she said, “I was once left redundant just because I refused to be “friendly” with a superior colleague”. Another participant also narrated her experience: I was sent for an assignment to interview a chief executive of a ministry. I went with an eight-month old baby and he was surprised that ‘a journalist could marry and even have a child. He added that female journalists are perceived in a negative way. Impliedly, he was insinuating that female journalists are seen as morally loose. I felt so embarrassed by that statement. These findings are similar to what Barton and Storm (2014) found in their study that nearly twothirds of the respondents had experienced some form of intimidation, threats or abuse in relation to their work. Similarly, in Unaegbu’s (2017) study a participant revealed that a male source asked her to meet him in a hotel or follow him to Dubai. In the newsroom, female journalists are assaulted by their male colleagues or programme guests. Often times they are vivid, at other times they are veiled. One of the participants said: We don’t report such incidences because they are not actually obvious or direct. We are also afraid of the stigma. Men could turn the narrative and instead of being the victim, the woman could actually be made to look like she caused it (blame the victim). Another participant narrated: A female presenter was assaulted by a colleague on a Saturday morning meant for environmental sanitation in the state. [The environmental sanitation is a monthly exercise for cleaning the environment and it takes place every last Saturday of the month in Kano state] . So, she came early before sanitation hours (7 am to 10 am) and a male colleague made an attempt to harass her but unknown to him she was on

382

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

air, as a result, many colleagues heard their conversation as he tried to seduce her. Similarly, there was a politician who tried to bully a female colleague in our studio but the lady hit him hard with a chair to protect herself before the security intervened. This finding is similar to Barton and Storm’s study (2014) which found that majority of the threats directed at the respondents occurred in the workplace and was perpetrated most often by male bosses, supervisors and co-workers. In South Africa, a study by Daniels, Nyamweda, Nxumalo and Ludman (2018) revealed that almost all the media houses in South Africa (91%) reported dealing with sexual harassment cases experienced by female journalists both within and outside the media houses. Interestingly, the findings of this study show that despite the prevalence of sexual harassment in the selected media organizations, most do not have laid down policies to address the problem. Relatedly, the IWMF (2011) also found that many nations’ newsrooms reported not having policies on sexual harassment because sexual harassment was not a problem in their organizations. The report also states that some media organizations argued that sexual harassment was an issue raised by American or Western feminists, hence, it was irrelevant. This implies that in some organizations sexual harassment is perceived as ‘normal’ and not a serious problem that deserves attention. It is seen as a feminist struggle to be unnecessarily noticed and therefore not important. Another safety challenge faced by female journalists is physical attack while on duty. Attack on journalists in the course of news reporting and investigating important issues of public interest is a problem which journalists have to contend with. Female journalists are not spared from these attacks from both the state and non-state actors. A participant reports how she was harassed by thugs while she was covering an election in 2011. I was sent to cover a polling unit in Sani Mainagge of Gwale Local Government, in Kano state. On reaching my beat I started interviewing people on the conduct of the election. Some thugs wielding dangerous weapons came at me and demanded that I record them. For almost 30 minutes I recorded their blabbing insignificant issues. I was traumatized by the experience. Another participant from Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) Kano who experienced an attack while on duty explained: I was assaulted. I got a blow on my neck which kept me unconscious for a while. It happened a year ago (2018) in Kofar Wambai Market. I was attacked by some thugs because they did not want the report I covered to go on air. The cameraman ran away because it was getting worse and the thugs were about five. One of them hit me and also attacked the guide that accompanied us to the market. This corroborates with Braimah’s (2014) study which found that physical attacks on journalists has been the most prevalent (67%) form of violation in Ghana during the last 10 years. As such, journalism can be a dangerous profession (Gachie 2013; McGonagle, 2013; Sreberny, 2016). Further, journalism is seen as a male-dominated profession where there are very few women in it. The few women that chose journalism as their profession are still being discriminated against and marginalized by their male colleagues in newsrooms. One of the participants in the group discussions revealed:

383

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

During editorial meetings where you have to come up with an idea, the male colleagues would criticize the idea, and sometimes they won’t allow you to talk because you are a woman. This is the major problem we are facing. Therefore, Ibrahim (2006) laments that occasional sexual harassment and immodest treatment by male colleagues demoralize and discourage many female journalists from putting in their best. Attitude of family members including male relatives and husbands is another obstacle that featured in the FGD and it is a deterrent to the psychological safety of female journalists. Hence, it is one of the major problems female journalists battle with in Nigeria and especially in the North, where culture plays a dominant role. Some of the participants offered different accounts of their experiences. They said: My husband is a very jealous person. He insists that I wear old clothes whenever I go to work (media house). He questions me if I come home late, when he actually knows my kind of job and how demanding it is. ‘Sometimes I feel like quitting the job because it is threatening my marriage. Another participant suggested: The challenges I face as a journalist are the attitude of my family members and sexual harassment anytime I go out to cover news. My in-laws instigate my husband against me, that female journalists are wayward. On top of that, I was once sent to a politician for information, and he wanted to take advantage of me. Akande, Barnldele and Oluwole (2010) affirm that in Northern Nigeria, female journalists face many problems in the course of their journalistic responsibilities in which some (the problems) are domestic, societal and institutional. Female journalists face challenges from their husbands and sometimes their family members. The nature of the assignments and their relationship with male colleagues have affected their job commitment and their marital lives. Some of the participants explained how culture prevents them to fully practise their profession as enjoyed by their colleagues in other places. A particular participant explained thus: In Northern Nigeria, women are restricted from free movement especially in the night. But in media organizations, sometimes you have to work from morning till night and from Monday to Friday and this makes people to raise eyebrows. They ask questions like: what is she doing in the office in this night? And if you want to report like a male colleague, people will say “waike ba Musulma ba ce?(In Hausa which is the predominant language in the Northern Nigeria) it means (are you not a Muslim?). So it gets you discouraged. Another participant in the group discussions corroborated this assertion when she said: In the North, we have situations where women, especially married women, are taken into consideration; there is a limit to how she exposes herself in the society, a standard she cannot go against because it will create suspicion and her husband will think that the organization is exposing her to sexual harassment. From time to time, some female journalists are accompanied by their husbands to their places of work to read news and take them back home.

384

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

This affects their career advancement as Ibrahim (2006) argues that irregular and long working hours in media organizations make it difficult for married women [in Hausa society] to put in their best. Further, culture and religion make these problems severe in Northern Nigeria (Ibrahim, 2006). Consequently, this leads to discrimination and marginalization as family responsibilities hinder the full participation of female journalists in the profession. A male journalist (respondent) in Unaegbu’s study (2017) queries that ‘what are the expectations of female journalists who never live up to the confidence placed on them as a result of domestic issues?’ The safety challenges have an impact on the personal and professional life of female journalists. Some of the participants said safety challenges led to psychological and emotional trauma and they could not concentrate on the job. The IMS report (2019), IWMF (2018), Uneagbu (2017) found similar results in their various studies. As a result of the safety challenges, the participants practice self-censorship and this hinders freedom of expression which also affects the viability of democracy in the society. According to IACHR (2018), safety violation is a direct attack on women’s visibility and full participation in public life and it also deepens gender discrimination and gender inequality in our society. Finally, when female journalists leave the profession, women issues will not receive the needed coverage they deserve.

Safety Measures /Policies in Media Organizations of Kano State in Nigeria One of the aims of the study was to find out about the safety measures media organizations provide for female journalists working in the organizations. As explained earlier, in-depth interview was used to get information from media managers about the issue. Responses indicate lack of provision of safety policies to protect female journalists despite the fact that media managers are aware of the need to provide safety measures. They attributed this to the fact that violence against female journalists is uncommon in places like Kano State, in Northern Nigeria. One of the respondents of the in-depth interview stated: Violence against female journalists is not common here in the North (Nigeria) and Kano in particular because the media in the North rarely expose female journalists to a situation whereby they will be harassed or threatened. However, a particular respondent during the interview claims that some media organizations have policies on the safety of female journalists. She said: We have three shifts for our On-air personalities. But since 2012 at the peak of Boko Haram attacks, we enacted a policy which removed women from being continuity announcers at night. By putting this policy in place, it means women do not have to sleep over, and they only come to the station after 7 am, even when they are on-air personalities. There was a time the Military harassed one of our staff, refusing her to pass through a route that will take her home easily not minding that she is a journalist and on essential service. This and other similar occurrences made us came up with that policy (Media Manager, Freedom Radio, Kano, 2019). Even though female journalists from Freedom Radio affirmed this assertion, the researchers were not allowed access to study or make a copy of its internal memos where the said policy was documented. Another media manager admitted that there was no documented policy targeted at providing safety for its female journalists. He however added: 385

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

Yet, we do our best in providing safety for the female journalists especially in times of need. For example, during elections, we make sure that every female journalist is taken home with the station’s vehicle, and escorted by a Police Officer, so that they are not caught in any eventuality (Media Manager Radio Kano, 2019). Be that as it may, female journalists ought to receive some form of training on safety measures while on the job, which also forms part of the functions of management. On the issue of training and workshops on safety, only one media organization among the selected media houses agreed to that effect. The manager said: We conduct workshops regularly particularly on personal safety for journalists, female journalists inclusive, when they are on the job. This makes journalists aware of risks and how to tackle them when they arise. Organizing trainings and workshops in order to educate and enlighten female journalists on safety issues by media organizations was one of the most repeatedly discussed issues among the participants. Majority of the participants in the focus group discussions complained that there was no special training on safety and protection of female journalists. A participant in the FGD stated, “there is no special training for females [in my organization]. I never heard of a seminar or workshop being organized for female journalists to guide their exposure to sexual or other forms of harassment.” Another participant said that “we are not given any kind of safety training measures, not even on investigative journalism.” This finding is in line with the result obtained in Braimah (2014) where 9 out of 19 participants in the survey indicated non-existence of safety policies and practices to address challenges specific to female journalists in their organizations. Gachie’s study (2013) also revealed that there is no action or plan on the protection of journalists within government institutions, media agencies and civil society. In the study, more than 70% of the respondents were dissatisfied with the level of security and safety measures in place for their media organizations. Similarly, more than half of the respondents believed that their media organizations cared more about non-human facilities than the safety of their employees. In the words of Pate, Oso and Jibril (2017), West African region pays little attention to the complexities and the structural, institutional, psychological and cultural factors about the safety of journalists. However, another respondent in the in-depth interview gave a contrary response. She said: Media organizations here in the North are doing well, they are very considerate when it comes to the issue of female journalists they allow them to learn a lot and they train them. I don’t think there are many challenges against female journalists. Another participant admitted that there are instances when the female journalists are exposed to danger and their respective organizations do little or nothing to protect them. This need is stressed by Pate, Oso, and Jibril (2017) when they argued that the increasing interest accorded to the training and safety of journalists (including women) hardly translates into their total safety and protection. Meaning, interest in training and safety of female journalists should be matched with action by media organizations. Unfortunately, for the selected media organizations for this study, this is not the case. According to IMS report (2019) awareness that female journalists are subject to gender-based attacks has recently grown, along with a greater understanding that this poses a serious challenge to media freedom and development. Further research will likely reveal the reasons why many media organizations do not have safety policies/measures despite being aware of safety challenges experienced by female journalists. 386

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

CONCLUSION This chapter discussed the safety challenges experienced by female journalists in selected media organizations in Kano state of Nigeria. It was found that female journalists experienced threats, attacks, gender discrimination and marginalization, sexual harassment both in and outside the media organizations and these hinder the safety and consequently their job performance. Female journalists prefer to be silent about these safety challenges because of being regarded as weak and fear of being stigmatized (spiral of silence). In some instances, the female journalists decline covering specific assignments as a result of family obligations, attitude of spouses and family members, and safety concerns. The study also revealed that most media organizations do not have trainings on safety for female journalists. Though there are no laid down policies on the safety of female journalists, there are measures taken, when necessary, to ensure their safety. These measures include accompanying female journalists in going out for assignments, not allowing female journalists to work at night, and not assigning them to cover hard and sensitive issues. A critical look at these safety measures shows that they promote patriarchy, gender discrimination and marginalization of female journalists. An interesting phenomenon, however, is that patriarchy has eaten so deep into the psyche of women so much so that most female journalists prefer to cover soft news (peripheral journalism). In addition, most media organizations also prefer this trend. Though this is discrimination, most female journalists see it as positive discrimination. In other words, most female journalists are comfortable with this sort of discrimination.

FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS This study confirmed the challenges experienced by female journalists in Kano state which are similar to the challenges female journalists face globally. However, patriarchy which is tied to culture was a strong factor that featured among the participants. Further research can reveal how culture affects the safety of female journalists. Despite the prevalence of safety challenges among female journalists, especially sexual harassment, the study established a gross inadequate safety measures, policies and training for female journalists in most media organizations. Further research is necessary to investigate this phenomenon. Journalism training schools have been witnessing an influx of females but less females work in media organizations hence the underrepresentation of women in the profession. Many researches have established this trend. What is worrisome, however, is the persistent fewer women working in media organizations despite an increase in the number of women who enrol in journalism schools. Aside from gender inequality and patriarchy which impede women from working in media organizations, it is imperative to investigate other possible reasons for this trend.

REFERENCES Akande, S., Barnldele, M., & Oluwole. (2010). Assessment of violence against women in Kano metropolis, Nigeria. Retrieved from: https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Tanimola_Akande/ publication/49682845_Assessment_of_violence_against_women_in_kano_metropolis_Nigeria/ links/09e4150fd52f685c57000000.pdf

387

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

Alazrak, N. N. (2020). Making Sense of journalists safety and media freedom in Egypt between different types of threats and the ruling legislative context: Multi-Analytical study. In S. Jamil (Ed.), Handbook of Research on combating threats to media freedom and journalists safety (pp. 172–185). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1298-2.ch010 Antonijevic, Z. (2016). The media cannot be truly free if women’s voices are silenced. Retrieved from: http://www.osce.org/fom/220411?download=true Appiah-Adjei, G. (2020). The role of Ghanaian news media organizations in countering threats to media freedom and journalists’ safety. In Handbook of Research on combating threats to media freedom and journalists safety. IGI Global. Article 19. (2016). Safety and protection: Baseline survey of journalists in South Sudan. Article 19. Asemah, E. S. (2011). Some selected mass media themes. Jos: University Press. Asemah, E. S., Nwammuo, A. N., & Nkwam-Uwaoma, A. O. (2017). Theories and models of communication. Jos: Matkol Press. Asika, N. (2008). Research methodology in the behavioral sciences. Longman. Bamidele, G. (2015). Promoting safety of journalists in Nigeria. In O. O. Isola & M. Popoola (Eds.), Journalism practice and terrorism in Nigeria: Issues, threats and techniques (pp. 239-247). Ibadan: John Archers Publishers. Barton, A., & Storm, H. (2014).Violence and harassment against women in the news media: A global picture. International Media Women’s Foundation (IWMF) & International News Safety Institute (INSI). Bernice, B. O., & Adelabu, O. T. (2015). Women in journalism practices in Nigeria: From the hood to the limelight. Journal of Research and Development (Srinagar), 2(6), 1–7. Braimah, S. (2014). The state of journalists’ safety in Ghana. A paper presented at a forum by UNESCO to mark the UN day on safety of journalists and the issue of impunity in Ghana. Retrieved from: https:// accra.sites.unicnetwork.org/files/2014/11/State-of-Journalists-Safety-Ghana_PRESENTATION-BYSULEMANA-BRAIMAH.pdf Byerly, C. M. (2013). Introduction. In C. M. Byerly (Ed.), The palgrave international handbook of women and journalism. U. K. Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1057/9781137273246_1 Carlsson, U., & Poyhtari, R. (2017) Words of introduction. In U. Carlsson & R. Poyhtari (Eds.), The assault on journalism: Building knowledge to protect freedom of expression. Nordicom. Chambers, D., Steiner, L., & Fleming, C. (2005). Women and journalism. Routledge. Clark, M., & Grech, A. (2017). Unwarranted interference, fear and self-censorship among journalists in Council of Europe Member States. Academic Press. Claudia, L., Carolina, A. T., Santos, M., & Jamil, S. (2018). Introduction to Dossier Journalism and Gender: Yes, this is Subversive. British Journalism Review, 14(1), 1–6.

388

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

Committee to Protect Journalists. (2015). Getting away with murder. Retrieved from: https://CPJ.org/ reports/2015/10/impunity-index-getting-away-with-murder/Accessed 30/08/2020 Daniels, G., Nyamwede, T., Nxumalo, C., & Ludman, B. (2018). Glass ceilings: Women in South African media houses. Gender Links for Equality and Justice. Elliot, S., Elbahtimy, M., & Srinivasan, S. (2012). Threats to the right to life of journalists. CGHR Working Paper 4. Cambridge: University of Cambridge Centre of Governance and Human Rights. European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA). (2018). Violence,threats and pressures against journalists and other media actors in the European Union. 2nd Annual Colloquium on Fundamental Rights, Vienna, Austria. Freedom Network. (2020). Murders, harassment and assault: The tough wages of journalism in Pakistani. Pakistan Press Freedom Report 2019-2020. Gachie, J. (2013). Safety and protection of Kenyan journalists: Is it common sense or common cents? A National Baseline Report. HIVOS. Gallagher, M. (1983). Unequal opportunities: The case of women and the media. A United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization Publication. UNESCO. Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP). (2015). Who makes the news? World Association for Christian Co mmunication. WACC. Global Report on the Status of Women in the News Media. (2011). International Women’s Media Foundation. Gonzalez, R. A. (2020). Journalism in violent times: Mexican journalists’ responses to threats and aggresions. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1298-2.ch015 Hasan, M., & Wadud, M. (2020). Re-conceptualizing safety of journalists in Bangladesh. In K. S. Orgeret & W. Tayeebwa (Eds.), Rethinking safety of journalism. Media and Communication. Cogitatio. doi:10.17645/mac.v8i1.2494 Ibrahim, H. J. (2006). Gender, media and female broadcasters in the North. In A. U. Adamu, U. Jibril, M. N. Malam, B, Maikaba, & G. Ahmad (Eds.), Communication, media, and popular culture in Northern Nigeria (pp. 268-277). Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University Press, Limited. Ikem, E. (1996).Women in journalism. In D. Olatunji & A. Uyo (Eds.), Journalism in Nigeria:Issues and perspectives (pp. 184-197). Lagos: Nigeria Union of Journalists Lagos State Council. Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. (2018). Women journalists and freedom of expression. Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression (RFOE). Organization of American States. International Federation of Journalists. (2014). The Stories women journalists tell: Women in media in South Asia. A Report from the South Asia Media Freedom and Solidarity Project. SAMSN. International Media Support (IMS). (2019). The safety of women journalist: Breaking the cycle of silence and violence: An overview of nine countries. IMS book Series. Defending Journalism.

389

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

International News Safety Institute. (2016). Violence and harassment against women in the news media: A global picture. Retrived from: https://www./wmf.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/violence-andHarassmnt-against-women-in-the-News-media. pdf International Press Centre. (2015). Safety and security of journalist and emerging issues from conflicts in Nigeria. UNESCO Nigeria Lagos. International Programme for the Development of Communication. (2015). Journalists’ Safety Indicatorsrelated projects in Nigeria 2014-2015. UNESCO. International Women’s Media Foundation. (2011). Global report on the status of women in the news media. Author. International Women’s Media Foundation. (2018). Attack and harassment:The impact on female journalists and their reporting. IWMF. IWMF. (2017). An overview of the current challenges to the safety and protection of journalists. Retrieved from: https://www.iwmf.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/IWMFUNESCO-Paper.pdf Jamil, S. (2014). Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom: Journalists’ Understandings and Practices in Pakistan. In C. Schimdt (Ed.), Pakistan’s Media Landscape: The Effects of Liberalization (pp. 46–85). Deutsche Welle Akademie. Jamil, S. (2015a). Understandings and Practices of Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom in Pakistan: Ethnography of Karachi Journalistic Environment (PhD Thesis). University of Queensland, Australia. Retrieved from: https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/43362662.pdf Jamil, S. (2015b). Journalists’ concepts of freedom of expression and press freedom in Pakistan. Journal of Transnational Worlds of Power: Proliferation of Journalism & Professional Standards, 1(1), 101–132. Jamil, S. (2016). Journalism practice and freedom of expression: Challenges and constraints in Pakistan. In B. Lippe & R. Ottosen (Eds.), Gendering War and Peace Reporting: Some Insights – Some Missing Links. Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2017a). Freedom of expression and threats to journalists’ safety: An analysis of conflict reporting in journalism education in Pakistan. Journal of the Association for Journalism Education, 6(2), 7-16. Jamil, S. (2017b). Freedom under pressure: Threats to journalists’ safety in Pakistan. In The assault on journalism: Building knowledge to protect freedom of expression (pp. 11-17). Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2018). Safety threats, impunity and professionalism: Journalists’ dilemma in Pakistan. Journal of Sociology and Anthropology, 6(7), 571–578. doi:10.13189a.2018.060702 Jamil, S. (2019a). The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety. IGI Global. Jamil, S. (2019b). Culture of Impunity and Safety of Journalists: Is Safe Journalism a Distant Dream in Pakistan? World of Media – Journal of Russian Media and Journalism Studies, 1, 48-64. doi:10.30547/ worldofmedia.1.2019.3

390

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

Jamil, S. (2020a). Suffering in Silence: The Resilience of Pakistan’s Female Journalists to Combat Sexual Harassment, Threats and Discrimination. Journalism Practice, 14(2), 150–170. doi:10.1080/1 7512786.2020.1725599 Jamil, S. (2020b). Red lines of journalism: Digital surveillance, safety risks and journalists’ self-censorship in Pakistan. In I. F. Anna & K. Roy (Eds.), Journalist Safety and Self-Censorship (pp. 29–46). Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780367810139-3 Jamil, S., & Muschert, G. (2020). Risks to Journalists’ Safety and the Vulnerability of Media Freedom in the U.S. In G. Muschert, K. Budd, M. Christian, & R. Perucci (Eds.), Agenda for Social Justice: Solutions for 2020. Policy Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctv14rmnsb.21 Koirala, S. (2020). Practices of self-censorship among Nepali journalists. In S. Jamil (Ed.), The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety (pp. 72–82). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1298-2.ch005 Louise, N. (2016). Damaging and daunting: Female journalist experiences of sexual harassment in the newsroom. Feminist Media Studies, 16(3), 495–510. doi:10.1080/14680777.2015.1105275 Mathes, J., Knoll, J., & Sikorski, C. V. (2018). The “Spirit of Silence” revisited: A meta-analysis on the relationship between perceptions of opinion support and political opinion expression. Communication Research, 45(1), 3–33. doi:10.1177/0093650217745429 McGonagle, T. (2013). How to address current threats to journalism?: The role of the Council of Europe in protecting journalists and other media actors. University of Amsterdam Netherlands. McQuail, D. (2010). Mass communication theory (6th ed.). Sage Publication. Media Council of Kenya. (2015). The Gender agenda; Assessing gender issues in the Kenya media. Nairobi, Kenya: Author. Melin-Higgins, M. (2004). Coping with journalism: Gendered newsroom culture. In M. De Bruine & K. Ross (Eds.), Genders and newsroom cultures: Identities at work (pp. 197–222). Hampton Press. Mijatović, D. (2011). Safety of journalists: Why it matters. Retrieved from: https://www.osce.org/cio/78522 Mijatović, D. (2015). Communiqué on the growing safety threat to female journalists online. Retrieved from: https://www.osce.org/cio/78522 Mijatović, D. (2016). Safety of journalists why it matters new challenges to freedom of expression: Countering online abuse of female journalists. Retrieved from: http://www.osce.org/fom/220411?download=true Noelle-Neumann, E. (1993). The theory of public opinion: The concept of the spiral of silence. Annals of the International Communication Association, 14(1), 256–287. doi:10.1080/23808985.1991.11678790 Nordic Council of Ministers. (2017). Women and men in the news: Report on gender representation in Nordic news content and the Nordic media industry Saga Mannila. Author. Orgeret, K. S., & Tayeebwa, W. (2020). Introduction: Rethinking safety of journalists. Academic Press.

391

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

Parahita, G. D., & Ahmad, N. (2020). What dampen the Indonesian journalists’ freedom and safety in the post-Soeharto new order? In S. Jamil (Ed.), The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety (pp. 83–105). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1298-2.ch006 Pate, U. A., & Idris, H. (2017). How journalists survived to report: Professionalism and risk management in the reporting of terror groups and violent extremism in North East Nigeria. Academic Press. Pate, U. A., Oso, L., & Jibril, A. (2017). Status of training and research in reporting conflict, peace journalism and safety education in English speaking West Africa: The cases of Ghana, Nigeria and Sierra Leone. Journal of the Association for Journalism Education, 6(2), 28–36. Pathak, B., Bhawallar, A., Sharma, A & Saxena, D. (2018). A study on challenges and opportunities for women journalists in media industry of Bhopal Region. International Journal of Research and Analytical Reviews, 5(3), 68-79. Picard, R. G., & Storm, H. (2016). The kidnapping of journalists reporting from high risk conflict zones. Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism. doi:10.5040/9781350988828 Rajeev, P., Midhila, M. S., & Karthika, C. (2019). Work and life of women journalists: A study with special reference to Kerala. International Journal of Innovative Technology and Exploring Engineering, 8(7), 310–316. Reinardy, S. (2009). Female journalists more likely to leave newspapers. The R Journal, 30(3), 42–57. Romm, N., & Ngulube, P. (2015). Mixed methods research. In E.R. Mathipa & M.T.Gumbo (Eds.), Addressing research challenges: Making headway for developing researchers. Retrieved from: https://www.academia.edu/27411652/Mixed_methods_research?utm_content=buffer01ca8&utm_ medium=social&utm_source=facebook.com&utm_campaign=buffer Saady, A. (2017). What if….? safety handbook for women journalists: Practical advice based on personal experience. International Association of Women in Radio and Television. IAWRT. Safa, M. N., & Aktar, T. (2015). Challenges of female journalists in Bangladesh. Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences, 3(5), 207–217. doi:10.11648/j.hss.20150305.17 Sanusi, B. O., & Adelabu, O. T. (2015). Women in journalism practices in Nigeria: From the hood to the limelight. Journal of Research and Development (Srinagar), 2(6), 1–7. Sarikakis, K. (2017). Assault against journalists: We see the tip of the iceberge. In The assault on journalism: Building knowledge to protect freedom of expression (pp. 11-17). Nordicom. Selnes, F. N., & Walulya, G. (2020). Types and sources of threats to media freedom in Uganda. In S. Jamil (Ed.), The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety (pp. 257–276). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1298-2.ch014 Sreberny, A. (2014). Violence against women journalists. In A. Vega-Montiel (Ed.), Media and gender: A scholarly agenda for the global alliance on media and gender (pp. 30–33). IAMCR. Suraj, O. A., & Olaleye, O. (2017). Digital safety among Nigerian journalists: Knowledge, attitudes and practice. In The assault on journalism: Building knowledge to protect freedom of expression. Nordicom.

392

 Female Journalists and Safety Challenges in Selected Media Organizations in Kano State, Nigeria

Tumber, H. (2006). The Fear of living dangerously: Journalists who report on conflict. International Relations, 20(4), 439–451. doi:10.1177/0047117806069405 Unaegbu, L. N. (2017). Safety Concerns in the Nigerian media: What gender dynamics. In The assault on journalism: Building knowledge to protect freedom of expression. Nordicom. UNESCO. (2018). World trends in freedom of expression and media development. 2017/2018 Global Report. Paris: UNESCO. Wimmer, R. D., & Dominick, J. R. (2014). Mass media research: An introduction (10th ed.). Belmont C.A Wadsworth Cengage Learning. Yang, C. (2016). An overview of research related to spiral of silence in the digital age. International Journal of Business Management and Commerce, 1(1), 27–36. Yusuf, B. (2013). Ending impunity and promoting the safety of journalists and media workers. Paper presented at the World Press Freedom Day Celebration, organized by UNESCO, Abuja, Nigeria.

ADDITIONAL READING Enwefa, C. (2016). Gender representation in the editorial and reportorial staff of newspapers in Nigeria. Global Journal of Human Social Science, 16(1), 16–22. Noah, Y. (2008). Experience of sexual harassment at work by female employees in a Nigerian work environment. International NGO Journal, 3(7), 122–127. Nwabueze, C. (2013). Is journalism a man’s job or a job of many men:Local culture and under-representation of female journalists in Nigeria. In U. Pate, C. Nwabueze, & N. Idiong (Eds.), Politics, Culture and the Media in Nigeria. Stirling-Horden Publishers.

KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Coping Strategy: The way and manner female journalists deal with safety challenges. It could be at individual or organizational level. Female Journalists: Women who work in media organizations as reporters, interviewers, presenters of programmes, writers and editors. It includes women who occupy management positions as they must have risen through the ranks in media organizations. Media Organizations: Organizations which package a variety of programmes to inform, educate, enlighten and entertain the public. As the fourth estate of the realm, they are also supposed to hold government accountable on behalf of the society. They gather and report news and issues of public interest. Media organizations include both print and broadcast media. Safety: A state of being free from harm. Of being safe from physical, verbal, sexual, psychological or emotional harm. Safety ensures the enjoyment of fundamental human rights and privileges as individuals. Safety Measures: The efforts or steps taken by media organizations to protect female journalists in carrying out their job. 393

394

Chapter 20

Conclusion:

Fostering Gender Equality and Safety in Journalism Profession Barış Çoban https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4202-2745 Doğuş University, Turkey Bora Ataman Doğuş University, Turkey

ABSTRACT Journalism is a two-faced mirror that both generates and reflects social inequalities: Both people’s experiences within news organizations and the content published by them make the gender inequality visible. We can define journalism, just like all other patriarchal institutions, as an institution that generates gender inequality. In order to get a clear understanding of this problem, we have to address the actors, means, processes and conditions that generate this inequality in journalism first, and then we may suggest solutions based on real-life cases. Indeed, knowledge building is, as always, a priority in order to make working conditions safer for women and LGBT journalists. This chapter aims to support the struggle for gender equality in journalism within this context.

INTRODUCTION Journalism is a two-faced mirror that both generates and reflects social inequalities: Both people’s experiences within news organizations and the content published by them make the gender inequality visible. We can define journalism, just like all other patriarchal institutions, as an institution that generates gender inequality (Ruoho & Sinikka, 2018). In order to get a clear understanding of this problem, we have to address the actors, means, processes and conditions that generate this inequality in journalism first, and then we may suggest solutions based on real-life cases. Indeed, knowledge building is, as always, a priority in order to make working conditions safer for women and LGBT journalists. This book aims to support the struggle for gender equality in journalism within this context. DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-6686-2.ch020

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

 Conclusion

The chapters in this book presents studies on gender inequality in countries that are disadvantaged compared to Western democracies in terms of major indicators such as economic welfare, political and social equality and justice, and it doesn’t paint a hopeful picture. Cases that demonstrate the direct relationship between unequal development (Amin, 1979) and gender inequality emphasize and render the necessity of current rights-based movements throughout the world (Sweetman, 2013). In fact, these struggles are also widespread in the developed world, where the patriarchy, although a softened version, still persists. However, we must underline that the struggle is much harsher and sharper in many of the countries addressed in this book. And obviously, the media is one of the main battlefields of this fight. Particularly, media activism focused on gender equality is pretty widespread around the world, and it is highly critical in the identification and solution of problems (Minic, 2007). All social movements struggling for rights try to make themselves heard and be the voice of the voiceless through public, commercial and alternative media channels, in addition to their own movement media. The issue of gender equality is like a litmus paper of the struggle for media democracy. The struggles and successes achieved for equal employment of women and LGBTs in the media industry, their inclusion in the decision making mechanisms and the replacement of patriarchal language with the gender-neutral language indicate to the degree the media is and can be open to change, democratic and heterogeneous. In this regard, the struggle for criticizing the patriarchal structure of media institutions and for their reorganization in terms of gender equality is one of the first steps in transforming the media to be participatory and democratic. The radical metamorphosis of the media’s inner structure in terms of gender equality will also lead to the elimination of inequality-generating forms of media language and content. In a sense, the rejection and abolition of patriarchism in media ownership structure, organizational relations and contents would be the reflection of a larger scale of democratic participation on the media platform. However, we have to reaccent that the media, and especially the field of journalism is very much gendered (Melin, 2008). All case studies suggest that it is impossible to democratize the process and media content without ending this patriarchy in media. Beyond the discussion of media democracy, the environment of male violence created and nurtured by the patriarchal governments is a very serious safety issue for women, LGBT and also male journalists who reject male domination, including their life safety. In addition, it is necessary to reveal and classify the patriarchal codes of media managers that cause direct or indirect, explicit or implicit contributions to discrimination. These discriminative acts that mainly applied in the name of professional norms and codes might easily lead to threats to safety (Torkkola & Ruoho, 2009). In this regard, the identification of safety issues caused by the media’s own internal structure is one of the high-priority tasks at hand. Then, the professional safety issues experienced by women and LGBT media employees, especially by reporters, have to be made visible and categorized. It is apparent that women and LGBT journalists experience different and more intense safety risks in both offline and online media environments. The main obstacle before the solution of this problem (and many similar ones) is the fact that journalism is defined as a “male occupation” and that any and all approaches that do not perpetuate male dominance are perceived as threats in the current journalism environment. Our actual aim when deciding to create this reader was to address gender inequality not only in terms of feminism, but within the framework of LGBT studies and critical masculinity studies as well. However, in our self-critique as editors, we can state that we could not adequately focus the researchers who contributed to this book. In the past, there was a saying: “the woman has no name.” After many years of difficult struggles against male domination, this expression is no longer valid (Claudia et al., 2018). The 395

 Conclusion

struggle is still going on but the woman’s name is everywhere! The patriarchy, forced to take a few steps back before the women’s struggle is now facing a new threat. It is desperately working to ignore, reject and if possible, destroy the gains and even the existence of the LGBT movement, who solidified their base in their struggle for rights in the last couple of decades. Therefore, although “media and LGBT” as a subject didn’t make it into this book, we have to note that future studies that address this issue in the countries covered by the book are sorely needed. Obviously, it must also be emphasized that studies examining the intersection of critical masculinity studies that question and reject male dominance are similarly needed. Both previous research and the studies in this book indicate that the first of the safety issues caused by gender inequality stems mostly from the structural constraints of media institutions (Jamil, 2019). The male-dominant structure causes oppression on all other gender identities where male privilege helps man to have their way in all management and control mechanisms more easily than their female peers. Two of the fundamental issues are that journalism is traditionally defined as a male occupation, and that women are mostly assigned virtually unimportant tasks or tasks that they are being objectified (Jamil, 2020). Obstacles are placed before women and LGBT in their career towards management positions and their requests for establishing a working environment where they can feel free and safe is usually ignored. Threats, abuse and sexual violence by male managers are the most common safety issues that women employees experience. Furthermore, condescending, humiliation and mobbing due to misogynist attitudes are bound to professional codes also cause safety issues. Additionally, observations indicate that the pressure and threat over women journalists increase in conflict zones and crisis periods such as today’s Covid-19 pandemic. Women media employees in the field also experience many safety issues when exercising their profession. Specifically, women journalists may be subject to physical and verbal violence and molestation in the field. Violence, abuse and threats encountered during journalistic activities are almost commonplace for women. Furthermore, experiences from various countries reveal that persistent harassment, sexual violence threats and abuse towards women media employees are also widespread in the digital environment. International journalism organizations prepare trainings and booklets to raise awareness on safety issues of women and LGBT journalists and many manuals address safety issues in the field and online, and potential protective measures against them. As evidenced by different experiences from various countries, it is obvious that gender inequality, along with other types of discrimination, is a persisting threat towards journalists in almost all corners of the world. In this context, we can say that as populist, authoritarian and male-dominant governments gain power in different countries, they regenerated gender inequality and that journalism as an occupation became more dangerous for women and LGBT journalists. Meanwhile, there is a hope. Alternative/activist media (Lievrouw, 2011) is indispensable for the gender equality movement, just like all other progressive social movements. Indeed, it provides the key to a much larger scale solution through the many good examples it sets. In addition to being a forum where open-ended discussions on gender issues are held, alternative media allowed the creation of spaces in which different gender identities could easily express themselves in a participatory manner and bolstered gender equality in and through the media. Feminist alternative media (Payne, 2009) studies question male dominance in the media, and encourage the women’s struggle for freedom of expression. Feminist and LGBT media offered institutions and spaces to journalists with various gender identities, excluded from the mainstream media, as well as providing them with a forum where they can freely discuss gender issues (Zobl & Reitsamer, 2014).

396

 Conclusion

In this context, we argue that alternative media studies will contribute to the solution of safety problems of journalists that stems from gender inequality. Establishing a media culture based on the freedom and equality of gender against the male-dominant media is, of course, a long term effort. Therefore, alternative media practices and academic studies on this field are necessary to identify, analyze and offer solutions to the problems. Particularly, we think that global solidarity networks in which women and LGBT journalists weigh in using digital means against the patriarchy are necessary. These networks should become live forums where scholars and journalists learn from each other, support each other regardless of borders, incubators for struggle ideas and methods and powerhouses where campaigns are produced. In light of cases and suggestions in this book, we can assert that making an effort to allow journalism organizations, human-rights based NGOs and scholars to share experiences and support each other against safety threats is necessary for a freer, heterogeneous and democratic communication environment. In conclusion, alternative media studies in general, and ‘feminist media’ (Zoonen, 1994), queer media (Henderson, 2000; Andersson, 2003) and media and critical masculinity (Hanke, 1998) studies in relation to this book, need to expand to attract attention to the safety of media employees. Even in the small scale, media institutions and organizations that value gender equality, are sensitive in representing women and LGBT individuals equally prove that a freer, participatory and heterogeneous media is possible. Accordingly, gender rights and freedoms and the commitment for establishing gender equality are among the foundations of ‘participatory democracy’, which appeared as a new norm in the institutions and politics of the modern world, led by the United Nations and the European Union. In this reader, we tried to establish that despite what this norm promises, the current reality is different ‘in the South of the world,’ and that gender inequality is a large-scale safety problem that leads to many risks, including risks to life safety. Ultimately, we think that categorizing, identifying and demonstrating the problems of gender disparity and safety risks, making both journalism professionals and scholars, and the general public aware of issues are important crossroads on the road towards a solution.

REFERENCES Amin, S. (1979). Imperialism and Unequal Development. Monthly Review Press. Andersson, Y. (2003). Queer Media? Or; What Has Queer Theory to Do with Media Studies? Stockholm Media Studies, 1, 27–41. Claudia, L., Carolina, A. T., Santos, M., & Jamil, S. (2018). Introduction to Dossier Journalism and Gender: Yes, this is Subversive. British Journalism Review, 14(1), 1–6. Hanke, R. (1998). Theorizing Masculinity With/In the Media. Communication Theory, 8(2), 183–203. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2885.1998.tb00217.x Henderson, L. (2000). Queer Communication Studies. In W. B. Gudykunst (Ed.), Communication Yearbook 24. Sage. Jamil, S. (2019). The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety. IGI Global.

397

 Conclusion

Jamil, S. (2020). Suffering in Silence: The Resilience of Pakistan’s Female Journalists to Combat Sexual Harassment, Threats and Discrimination. Journalism Practice, 14(2), 150–170. doi:10.1080/1751278 6.2020.1725599 Lievrouw, L. (2011). Alternative and Activist New Media. Polity Press. Melin, M. (2008). Gendered Journalism Culture. Strategies and Tactics in the Fields of Journalism in Britain and Sweden. JMG. Minić, D. (2007). Feminist Media Theory and Activism: Different Worlds or Possible Cooperation. In 20 Pieces of Encouragement for Awakening and Change Peacebuilding in the Region of the Former Yugoslavia. Belgrade: Centre for Nonviolent Action. Payne, G. J. (2009). Feminist Media as Alternative Media? Interface: A Journal for and about Social Movements, 1(2), 190 – 211. Ruoho, I., & Torkkola, S. (2018). Journalism and Gender. Toward a Multidimensional Approach. Nordicom Review, 39(1), 67–79. doi:10.2478/nor-2018-0002 Sweetman, C. (2013). Introduction, Feminist Solidarity and Collective Action. Gender and Development, 21(2), 217–229. doi:10.1080/13552074.2013.819176 Torkkola, S., & Ruoho, I. (2010). Looking for Gender Equality in Journalism. In T. Krijnen, C. Alvares, & S. Van Bauwel (Eds.), Gender in Transformations – Theory and Practice on Gender and Media. Intellect. Zobl, E., & Reitsamer, R. (2014). Gender and Media Activism. Alternative Feminist Media in Europe. In The Routledge Companion to Media and Gender. Routledge. Zoonen, L. (1994). Feminist Media Studies. Sage.

398

399

Compilation of References

Abao, C. V. (2017). Engaging Duterte. In N. Curato (Ed.), A Duterte reader: Critical essays on Rodrigo Duterte’s early presidency (pp. 301–318). Ateneo de Manila University Press. ABC. (2020). ABC Certified Publications | Audit Bureau of Circulations. Retrieved from: http://www.abc.gov.pk/ abc_certified_publications.html ACHPR, OEA, OHCHR, & OSCE. (2018). Joint declaration on media independence and diversity in the digital age. Retrieved from: https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Issues/Opinion/JointDeclaration2May2018_EN.pdf Action Needed on Violence against Females Journalists. (2020). Article 19. Retrieved from: https://www.article19.org/ resources/hrc44-action-needed-on-violence-against-females-journalists/ Adams, C. (2017). They Go for Gender First. Journalism Practice, 12(7), 850–869. doi:10.1080/17512786.2017.1350115 Adhikary, N. M., & Pant, L. D. (2011). Journalism education in Nepal: Gender perspective. Shweta Shardul, 8, 119–123. Adhikary, N. M., & Pant, L. D. (Eds.). (2016). Supporting safety of journalists in Nepal: an assessment based on UNESCO’s Journalists’ Safety Indicators. UNESCO. Aditya, A. (1996). Mass Media and Democratization: A Country Study on Nepal. Institute for Integrated Development Studies. Administrative Order No. 1, s. (2016). Creating the Presidential Task Force on Violations of the Right to Life, Liberty and Security of the Members of the Media. Agence France Presse. (2016, June 2). Philippines’ Duterte accused of disrespect after wolf-whistling female journalist. The Guardian. Retrieved from: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jun/02/philippines-duterte-accused-ofdisrespect-after-wolf-whistling-female-journalist Ahmed, A. (2019). Journalism in Pakistan: A Risky Profession. Academic Track Reader, 144. Ahmed, A. M. (1999). Freedom of the Press and its Constraints. The Canadian Journal for Media Studies. Aina, A. D., & Kulshrestha, P. (2018). Sexual Harassment in Educational Institutions in Delhi’NCR (India): Level of Awareness, Perception and Experience. Sexuality & Culture, 22(1), 106–126. doi:10.100712119-017-9455-5 Ajibade, O. (2003). Contributions of the religious publications to the development of Nigerian journalism: The past, present and future. In R. Akinfeleye & I. Okoye (Eds.), Issues in Nigerian media history 1900 – 2000 AD (pp. 1–9). Malthouse Press Ltd.



Compilation of References

Akande, S., Barnldele, M., & Oluwole. (2010). Assessment of violence against women in Kano metropolis, Nigeria. Retrieved from: https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Tanimola_Akande/publication/49682845_Assessment_of_violence_against_women_in_kano_metropolis_Nigeria/links/09e4150fd52f685c57000000.pdf Akhileshwari, V. (1990). Should Women Opt for Journalism? Press Institute of India. Akinfeleye, R. (2011). Essentials of journalism: An introductory text. MalthousePress Limited. Akwei, I. (2017). Ghana’s president ask police to drop case against man arrested for insulting him. Retrieved from: https://www.africanews.com/2017/09/28/ghana-s-president-asks-police-to-drop-case-against-man-arrested-for-insulting// Alazrak, N. N. (2020). Making Sense of journalists safety and media freedom in Egypt between different types of threats and the ruling legislative context: Multi-Analytical study. In S. Jamil (Ed.), Handbook of Research on combating threats to media freedom and journalists safety (pp. 172–185). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1298-2.ch010 Alfandari, E. (2012). Social theory of mass communication. Sofia: SUDIGITAL, Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”. Ali, S., & Nawaz, F. (2017). The Prospects and Challenges in Journalism as a Career: Exploring the Attitude of Female Journalists in Punjab. Global Media Journal: Pakistan Edition, 10(1). Alingasa, A. P. T., & Ofreneo, M. A. P. (2020). “Fearless, powerful, Filipino”: Identity positioning in the hashtag activism of #BabaeAko. Feminist Media Studies, 1–17. Advance online publication. doi:10.1080/14680777.2020.1791927 Aljazeera. (2020). Pakistan says Facebook to help in drive against polio efforts. Retrieved from: https://www.aljazeera. com/news/2020/01/pakistan-facebook-drive-polio-efforts-200117050657032.html Allah-Mensah, B. (2003). Gender and local governance in Ghana: The case of the 2002 district level elections. Local Government in Ghana: Grassroots Participation in the 2002 Local Government Elections, 19-48. Allen, M. (2017). The SAGE encyclopedia of communication research methods. SAGE Publications, Inc. doi:10.4135/9781483381411 Alqaseer, S. C., & Pile, J. C. T. (2020). The president’s monologues: Duterte’s rhetoric and toxic masculinities. Philippine Journal of Social Development, 13, 35–51. https://cswcd.upd.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/PJSD-2020Vol-13_Final-for-website.pdf#page=43 Amin, S. (1979). Imperialism and Unequal Development. Monthly Review Press. Amnesty International. (2017). Troll Patrol Findings: Using Crowdsourcing, Data Science & Machine Learning to Measure Violence and Abuse against Women on Twitter. Retrieved from: https://decoders.amnesty.org/projects/troll-patrol/findings Ananthan, G. (2017). Trauma counseling for journalists: A profession in denial. Media Asia, 44(1), 17–20. doi:10.108 0/01296612.2017.1379814 Andersson, Y. (2003). Queer Media? Or; What Has Queer Theory to Do with Media Studies? Stockholm Media Studies, 1, 27–41. Andi, S., Selva, M., & Nielsen, R. K. (2020). Women and Leadership in the News Media 2020: Evidence from Ten Markets. Reuters Institute. Retrieved from: https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/women-and-leadership-news-media2020-evidence-ten-markets#menu) Annapurany, K. (2016). A prospective study of feminism waves, phases, issues and critical analysis. International Journal of Applied Research, 424-426.

400

Compilation of References

Anokwa, K. (1997). The performance under civilian and military regimes in Ghana. In F. Eribo & W. John-Ebott (Eds.), Press Freedom and Communication in Africa. Trenton. Africa World Press, Inc. Antonijevic, Z. (2016). The media cannot be free if women voices are silenced. In New challenges to freedom of expression: countering online abuse of female journalists. OSCE. Antonijevic, Z. (2016). The media cannot be truly free if women’s voices are silenced. Retrieved from: http://www.osce. org/fom/220411?download=true Anyidoho, N. A. (2016). Role, representations and perceptions of women in contemporary Ghanaian society. ISSER-Ghana. APNEWS. (1998). Acid Thrown at Bulgarian Reporter. Retrieved from: https://apnews.com/fb36b42053a878eeeb4d58ec63db715f Appiah-Adjei, G. (2020). The role of Ghanaian news media organizations in countering threats to media freedom and journalists’ safety. In Handbook of Research on combating threats to media freedom and journalists safety. IGI Global. Applebaum, M. (2012). Phenomenological psychological research as science. Journal of Phenomenological Psychology, 43(1), 36–72. doi:10.1163/156916212X632952 Arabadzhiev, A. (2005). Freedom of opinion. In Media law. A dictionary of basic concepts (pp. 408 – 503). Sofia: Trud Association of European Journalists (AEJ). Retrieved from: https://new.aej-bulgaria.org/%d0%b7%d0%b0%d0%bd%d0%b0%d1%81/ Arao, D. (2016). Press freedom, governance and the culture of impunity: The alarming case of the Philippines. 14th International Conference of Magsaysay Awardees: Good Governance and Transformative Leadership in Asia, Thailand. Retrieved from: https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Danilo_Arao/publication/305334236_Press_Freedom_Governance_and_Culture_of_Impunity_The_Alarming_Case_of_the_Philippines/links/5789079f08ae254b1ddceab6.pdf Arekapudi, N., & Santagostino, I. (2020). Sexual harassment is serious business. World Bank Blogs. Retrieved from: https://blogs.worldbank.org/developmenttalk/sexual-harassment-serious-business Armstrong, C. (2004). The Influence of Reporter Gender on Source Selection in Newspaper Stories. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, (1), 139-154. Article 19. (2016). Safety and protection: Baseline survey of journalists in South Sudan. Article 19. Asare, G. (2009). The media liberalisation and democracy: Experiences from Accra, Ghana (Unpublished Masters Thesis). The University of Tromso, Norway. Asemah, E. S. (2011). Some selected mass media themes. Jos: University Press. Asemah, E. S., Nwammuo, A. N., & Nkwam-Uwaoma, A. O. (2017). Theories and models of communication. Jos: Matkol Press. Ash, T. G. (2016). Free speech. Ten principles for a connected world. Atlantic Books. Asika, N. (2008). Research methodology in the behavioral sciences. Longman. Asquith, C. (2016). The World According to Men: Why it’s so important to have more women doing global-affairs reporting, The Atlantic. Retrieved from: https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2016/03/women-foreigncorrespondents/472596/ Associated Press. (2018, June 5). Mouth gets Duterte in trouble again, this time for kiss. Associated Press. Retrieved from: https://apnews.com/2b249dee63e74972a430918cabbc7d37/Mouth-gets-Duterte-in-trouble-again,-this-time-for-kiss 401

Compilation of References

Azasu, K., & Geraldo, P. (2005). Mastering literary criticism. Yamens Publishing House. Backholm, K., & Björkqvist, K. (2010). The effects of exposure to crisis on well-being of journalists. A study on crisisrelated factors predicting psychological health in a sample of Finnish journalists. Media, War & Conflict, 3(2), 138–151. doi:10.1177/1750635210368309 Backholm, K., & Björkqvist, K. (2012). The mediating effect of depression between exposure to potentially traumatic events and PTSD in news journalists. European Journal of Psychotraumatology, 3(1), 183–188. doi:10.3402/ejpt. v3i0.18388 PMID:22912918 Baer, H. (2015). Redoing feminism: Digital activism, body politics, and neoliberalism. Feminist Media Studies, 16(1), 17–34. doi:10.1080/14680777.2015.1093070 Bailey, K. (2008). Methods of social research (4th ed.). The Free Press. Baitinger, G. (2015). Meet the Press or Meet the Men? Examining Women’s Presence in American News Media. Political Research Quarterly, 68(3), 579–592. doi:10.1177/1065912915586632 Bajomi-Lázár, P. (2013). From political propaganda to political marketing. Changing patterns of political communication in Central and Eastern Europe. In Media transformations in the post-communist world. Eastern Europe’s tortured path to change (pp. 49-66). Plymouth: Lexington Books. Bamidele, G. (2015). Promoting safety of journalists in Nigeria. In O. O. Isola & M. Popoola (Eds.), Journalism practice and terrorism in Nigeria: Issues, threats and techniques (pp. 239-247). Ibadan: John Archers Publishers. Bammeke, F. (2013). Feminists in their own right: Self-appraisal by women heading households in Lagos, Nigeria. In L. Olurode (Ed.), Perspectives on feminism from Africa (pp. 169–181). Carolina Academic Press African World Series. Banet-Weiser, S. (2018). Empowered: Popular feminism and popular misogyny. Duke University Press. Barker-Plummer, B. (2010). News and Feminism: A Historic Dialogies. Journalism & Communication Monographs, 12(3 & 4), 45–203. Bartolome, J. (2016, March 8). The numbers are alarming: Sexual harassment vs women in PHL. GMA Network. Retrieved from: https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/lifestyle/healthandwellness/558251/the-numbers-are-alarmingsexual-harassment-vs-women-in-phl/story/ Barton, A., & Storm, H. (2014). Violence and harassment against women in the news media: A global picture. International Womens Media Foundation. Retrieved from: https://www.iwmf.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/Violence-andHarassment-against-Women-in-the-News-Media.pdf Barton, A., & Storm, H. (2014).Violence and harassment against women in the news media: A global picture. International Media Women’s Foundation (IWMF) & International News Safety Institute (INSI). Barton, A., & Storm, H. (2016). Violence and harassment against women in the news media: A global picture. Women’s Media Foundation and the International News Safety Institute. BBC World Service Trust. (2006). African media development initiative: Research summary report. BBC World Service Trust. BBC. (2018, December 31). Duterte: Outrage as Philippines leader describes sexually abusing maid. BBC. Retrieved from: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-46720227 Beam, A. R., & Di Cicco, D. T. (2010). When women run the newsroom: Management change, gender, and the news. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 87(2), 393–411. Advance online publication. doi:10.1177/107769901008700211 402

Compilation of References

Beam, R. (2006). Organizational Goals and Priorities and the Job Satisfaction of US. Journalists. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 83(1), 169–185. doi:10.1177/107769900608300111 Beam, R. A., & Spratt, M. (2009). Managing vulnerability: Job satisfaction, morale and journalists’ reactions to violence and trauma. Journalism Practice, 3(4), 421–438. doi:10.1080/17512780902798653 Beck, A. T. (1988). Beck Hopelessness Scale. The Psychological Corporation. Begum, S. M., & Tahir, S. N. (2014). Women Journalists in Electronic Media: An Analysis of Working Conditions of Karachi based News Channel. Journal of Mass Communication Department, Dept. of Mass Communication, University of Karachi, 11. Bell, E., & Owen, T. (Eds.). (2017). Journalism after Snowden: The future of the free press in the surveillance state. Columbia University Press. doi:10.7312/bell17612 Bem, S. L. (1993). The lenses of gender: Transforming the debate on sexual inequality. Yale University Press. Berelson, B. (1952). Content Analysis in Communication Research. The Free Press. Bernal, E. S. (1989). Philippine women journalists in the late 80s and towards the early 90s. Asian Mass Communication Research and Information Centre. Retrieved from: http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.914 .9422&rep=rep1&type=pdf Bernard, H. R. (2011). Research Methods in Anthropology. AltaMira Press. Bernice, B. O., & Adelabu, O. T. (2015). Women in journalism practices in Nigeria: From the hood to the limelight. Journal of Research and Development (Srinagar), 2(6), 1–7. Berrigan, F. J. (1979). Community communications: The role of community media in development. reports and papers on mass communication no. 90. ERIC. Bessette, G. (2004). Involving the Community: A Facilitator’s Guide to Participatory Development Communication. IDRC, Ottawa, Canada, and Southbound. Betz, M. (2004). Radio as peacebuilder: A case study of radio okapi in the democratic republic of congo. The Great Lakes Research Journal, 1(1), 38–50. Bhagat, P. (2004). Status of Women Journalists in the Print Media. Press Institute of India. Retrieved from: http://ncwapps.nic.in/frmPubReport.aspx Bhagat, P. (n.d.). Executive Summary Status Of Women Journalists In The Print Media. In Status Of Women Journalists In India. New Delhi: National Commission For Women. Bhattacharya, R. (2018). #Metoo Movement: An Awareness Campaign. International Journal of Innovation, Creativity and Change, 3(4). Bhattacharyya, A. (2017). Sexual Harassment in the Indian Bureaucracy: Violation of Human Rights. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Bhattarai, B., & Mainali, R. (2014). Killing Journalism Softly. Alliance for Social Dialogue and The Writing Workshop. Bilal, N., & Begum, S. M. (2017). The cases of Harassment and The performance of anti-harassment inquiry committee in news outlets: A survey of Karachi based news media. Journal of Mass Communication Department, Dept of Mass Communication, University of Karachi, 16. Biney, A. (2011). The political and social thought of Kwame Nkrumah. Palgrave Macmillan., doi:10.1057/9780230118645 403

Compilation of References

Binns, A. (2017). Fair game? Journalists’ experiences of online abuse. Journal of Applied Journalism & Media Studies, 6(2), 183-206. doi:10.1386/ajms.6.2.183_1 Boateng, K. J. A. (2017). Reversal of gender disparity in journalism education- Study of Ghana Institute of Journalism. Observatorio Journal. Boateng, K. J. A. (2017). Reversal of Gender Disparity in Journalism Education-Study of Ghana Institute of Journalism. The Observatory Journal, 11(2), 118–135. doi:10.15847/obsOBS11220171019 Bobbitt-Zeher, D. (2011). Gender discrimination at work: Connecting gender stereotypes, institutional policies and gender composition in the workplace. Gender & Society, 1(25), 764–785. doi:10.1177/0891243211424741 Boberg, S., Quandt, T., Schatto-Eckrodt, T., & Frischlich, L. (2020). Pandemic populism: Facebook pages of alternative news media and the corona crisis--A computational content analysis. arXiv preprint arXiv:2004.02566 Bodle, R. (2011b). Privacy and Participation in the Cloud: Ethical Implications of Google’s Privacy Practices and Public Communications. In K. German & B. E. Drushel (Eds.), The Ethics of Emerging Media: Information, Social Norms, and New Media Technology. The Continuum International Publishing Group. Borpujari, P. (2017). #MeToo and #HimToo Come to India. The Diplomat. Retrieved from: https://thediplomat.com/2017/11/ metoo-and-himtoo-come-to-india/ Bosch, T. E. (2007). In the pink: Gay radio in South Africa. Feminist Media Studies, 7(3), 225–238. doi:10.1080/14680770701477859 Bourgault, L. M. (1995). Mass media in sub-Saharan Africa. Indiana University Press. Bowen, G. A. (2009). Document analysis as a qualitative research method. Qualitative Research Journal, 9(2), 27–40. doi:10.3316/QRJ0902027 Boyce, C. N., & Neale, P. (2006). Conducting In-depth Interviews: A Guide for Designing and Conducting In-depth Interviews for Evaluation Input. Pathfinder International Tool Series, Pathfinder. Boyce, M. S. (2006). Scale for resource selection functions. Diversity & Distributions, 12(3), 269–276. doi:10.1111/j.13669516.2006.00243.x Boyle, K., & Rathnayake, C. (2019). # HimToo and the networking of misogyny in the age of# MeToo. Feminist Media Studies, 1(19), 1–19. doi:10.1080/14680777.2019.1661868 Braimah, S. (2014). The state of journalists’ safety in Ghana. A paper presented at a forum by UNESCO to mark the UN day on safety of journalists and the issue of impunity in Ghana. Retrieved from: https://accra.sites.unicnetwork.org/ files/2014/11/State-of-Journalists-Safety-Ghana_PRESENTATION-BY-SULEMANA-BRAIMAH.pdf Brayne, M. (2007). Trauma & Journalism: A Guide For Journalists, Editors & Managers. Dart Centre for Trauma and Journalism. Brecht, B. (1932). The Radio as an Apparatus of Communication. Available at: http://www.medienkunstnetz.de/sourcetext/8/ Brecht, B. (1979). Radio as a means of communication: A talk on the function of radio. Screen, 20(3-4), 24–28. doi:10.1093creen/20.3-4.24 Britton, D.M. (2000). The Epistemology of the Gendered Organisation. Gender and Society, 14(3), 418-434. doi:10.1177/08912430003004

404

Compilation of References

Brown, T., Evangeli, M., & Greenberg, N. (2012). Trauma-related guilt and posttraumatic stress among journalists. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 25(2), 207–210. doi:10.1002/jts.21678 PMID:22522737 Buckley, S. (2000). Radio’s new horizons: Democracy and popular communication in the digital age. International Journal of Cultural Studies, 3(2), 180–187. doi:10.1177/136787790000300206 Bulgarian Helsinki Committee. (2011). Are Bulgarian journalists protected against accusations of insult and libel? Retrieved from: https://issuu.com/bghelsinki/docs/are-bulgarian-journalists-protected-against-accusa Bulgarian National Radio (BNR). (2020). Legislative changes to the protection of the journalistic profession are demanded by the UBJ. Retrieved from: https://www.bnr.bg/post/101229138/zakonodatelni-promeni-v-zashtita-na-jurnalisticheskataprofesia-iskat-ot-sbj Byerly, C. M. (2013). Factors affecting the status of women journalists: A structural analysis. In The Palgrave international handbook of women and journalism (pp. 11-23). Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1057/9781137273246_2 Byerly, C. M. (2014b). The long struggle of women in news. In Media and Gender: A Scholarly Agenda for the Global Alliance on Media and Gender. Paris: IAMCR (International Association for Media and Communication Research) and UNESCO. Byerly, C. (2014). The long struggle of women in news. In A. Montiel (Ed.), Media and gender: A scholarly agenda for the global alliance on media and gender (pp. 34–36). UNESCO and IAMCR. Byerly, C. M. (2011). Global Report on the Status of Women in the News Media. International Women’s Media Foundation. Byerly, C. M. (2012). The Geography of Women and Media Scholarship. In K. Ross (Ed.), The Handbook of Gender, Sex, and Media (pp. 3–20). Wiley-Blackwell. doi:10.1002/9781118114254.ch1 Byerly, C. M. (2013). Factors affecting the status of women journalists: A structural analysis. In C. M. Byerly (Ed.), The Palgrave International Handbook of Women and Journalism (pp. 11–23). Palgrave Macmillan. Byerly, C. M. (2013). Introduction. In C. M. Byerly (Ed.), The palgrave international handbook of women and journalism. U. K. Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1057/9781137273246_1 Byerly, C. M. (2014a). Media conglomeration and women’s interests: A global concern. Feminist Media Studies, 14(2), 322–326. doi:10.1080/14680777.2014.909137 Byerly, C. M., & Padovani, C. (2017). Research and Policy Review. In K. Ross & C. Padovani (Eds.), Gender Equality and the Media, A Challenge for Europe. Routledge, Taylor & Francis. Canary, D. J., Emmers-Sommer, T. M., & Faulkner, S. (1998). Sex and gender differences in personal relationships. Guilford Press. Cañizales, A., & Lugo-Ocando, J. (2008). The media in Venezuela: The revolution was televised, but no one was really watching. In J. Lugo-Ocando (Ed.), The Media in Latin America (pp. 308–336). Open University Press. Cannataci, J. A., Zhao, B., Torres Vives, G., Monteleone, S., Bonnici, J. M., & Moyakine, E. (2016). Privacy, free expression and transparency: Redefining their news boundaries in the digital age. UNESCO. Carlsson, U. (Ed.). (2016). Freedom of expression and media in transition: Studies and reflections in the Digital Age. Goteborg: NORDICOM. Carlsson, U., & Poyhtari, R. (2017) Words of introduction. In U. Carlsson & R. Poyhtari (Eds.), The assault on journalism: Building knowledge to protect freedom of expression. Nordicom.

405

Compilation of References

Carlsson, U., & Pöyhtäri, R. (Eds.). (2017). The assault on journalism: Building knowledge to protect freedom of expression. Nordicom. Carnerero, J. M. V. (2019). Online journalists’ responses to Duterte administration attacks on press freedom [Unpublished master’s thesis]. Mahidol University. Retrieved from: https://apma-humanrights.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/ Jesus-Carnerero-Thesis-Cohort-2018.pdf Carter Olson, C. (2016). #BringBackOurGirls: Digital communities supporting real-world change and influencing mainstream media agendas. Feminist Media Studies, 16(5), 772–787. doi:10.1080/14680777.2016.1154887 Carter, C., Steiner, L., & McLaughling, L. (2014). The Routledge Companion to Media and Gender. Routledge. Chadha, K. et al. (2017). Indian women journalists’ responses to sexism and sexual harassment. International Communication Research Journal, 52(1). Chadha, K. (2017). The Indian news media industry: Structural trends and journalistic implications. Global Media and Communication, 13(2), 139–156. doi:10.1177/1742766517704674 Chadha, K., Steiner, L., & Guha, P. (2017). Indian women journalists’ responses to sexism and sexual harassment. International Communication Research Journal, 52(1), 1. Chafetz, J. S. (2006). The varieties of gender theory in sociology. In Handbook of the sociology of gender (pp. 3–23). Springer. doi:10.1007/0-387-36218-5_1 Chambers, D., & Steiner, L. (2010). The changing status of women journalists. In S. Allan (Ed.), In the Routledge companion to news and journalism studies. Routledge. Chambers, D., Steiner, L., & Fleming, C. (2004). Women and journalism. Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780203500668 Charles, G. Abbey, E., & Baffoe, M. (2020). Proverbs and Patriarchy: Analysis of Linguistic Prejudice and Representation of Women in Traditional Akan Communities of Ghana. MDPI. Charlesworth, M. (1943). Freedom of Speech in Republican Rome - Laura Robinson: Freedom of Speech in the Roman Republic. The Classical Review, 57(1), 49–49. doi:10.1017/S0009840X00311283 Charmaz, K. (2000). Grounded Theory: Objectivist and Constructivist Methods. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of Qualitative Research (pp. 509–535). Sage. Charmaz, K. (2014). Constructing Grounded Gheory. Sage (Atlanta, Ga.). Chen, G. M., & Pain, P. (2017). Normalizing online comments. Journalism Practice, 11(7), 876–892. doi:10.1080/17 512786.2016.1205954 Chen, G., Pain, P., Chen, V., Mekelburg, M., Springer, N., & Troger, F. (2018). ‘You really have to have a thick skin’: A cross-cultural perspective on how online harassment influences female journalists. Journalism, 21(7), 877–895. doi:10.1177/1464884918768500 Chinwuba, N. N. (2016). Filling the gaps between colonial legal heritage and prevailing local customs in family relations: The place of secret trust. African Journal of International and Comparative Law, 24(1), 45–63. doi:10.3366/ajicl.2016.0139 Chioma, P. E., Okere, S., Alao, O. O., Atakiti, I. O., & Jegede, O. O. (2015). Career considerations in journalism among female mass communication students of Redeemers University. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences, 5(14), 2225–0484.

406

Compilation of References

Chocarro, S. (2019). The safety of women journalists: Breaking the cycle of silence and violence. Copenhagen: International Media Support (IMS) Book Series. Chocarro, S. (2019). The safety of women journalists: Breaking the cycle of silence and violence: An overview of nine countries. International Media Support. https://www.mediasupport.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/2871-Gendersafety_FINAL_31.10.19_spreads-1.pdf Chocarro, S. (2019). The safety of women journalists: Breaking the cycle of silence and violence: An overview of nine countries. International Media Support. Retrieved from: https://www.mediasupport.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/2871Gender-safety_FINAL_31.10.19_spreads-1.pdf Cholakov, R. (2005). Censorship. In R. Cholakov (Ed.), Media law. A dictionary of basic concepts (pp. 408–503). Trud. Citinewsroom.com. (2019). Government cancels December 17 Referendum. Retrieved from https://citinewsroom. com/2019/12/govt-cancels-december-17-referendum/ Clark, M., & Grech, A. (2017). Unwarranted interference, fear and self-censorship among journalists in Council of Europe Member States. Academic Press. Clarke, V., & Braun, V. (2013). Teaching thematic analysis: Overcoming challenges and developing strategies for effective learning. The Psychologist, 26(2). Claudia, L., Carolina, A. T., Santos, M., & Jamil, S. (2018). Introduction to Dossier Journalism and Gender: Yes, this is Subversive. British Journalism Review, 14(1), 1–6. Clifford, A. (2001). Introducing feminist theology. Orbis Books. CoE. (2016). Recommendation CM/Rec. (2016)4[1] of the Committee of Ministers to member states on the protection of journalism and safety of journalists and other media actors. Council of Europe. Retrieved from: https://www. coe.int/en/web/freedom-expression/committee-of-ministers-adopted-texts/-/asset_publisher/aDXmrol0vvsU/content/ recommendation-cm-rec-2016-4-of-the-committee-of-ministers-to-member-states-on-the-protection-of-journalism-andsafety-of-journalists-and-other-media-/ Cohen, S., Kamarck, T., & Mermelstein, R. (1983). A global measure of perceived stress. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 24(4), 385–396. doi:10.2307/2136404 PMID:6668417 Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe. (2016). Recommendation on the protection of journalism and safety of journalists and other media actors. Retrieved from: https://search.coe.int/cm/Pages/result_details. aspx?ObjectId=09000016806415d9#_ftn1 Committee to Protect Journalists. (2015). Getting away with murder. Retrieved from: https://CPJ.org/reports/2015/10/ impunity-index-getting-away-with-murder/Accessed 30/08/2020 Committee to Protect Journalists. (2018). Acts of Intimidation: In Pakistan, journalists’ fear and censorship grow even as fatal violence declines. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/x/73ff Committee to Protect Journalists. (2018). Bulgarian TV host Viktoria Marinova raped and killed. Retrieved from: https:// cpj.org/2018/10/bulgarian-tv-host-victoria-marinova-raped-and-kill/ Committee to Protect Journalists. (2019). Drop in journalist killings in Pakistan masks decline in press freedom [Press release]. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/about/contact.php Committee to Protect Journalists. (2019). Getting Away with Murder. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/reports/2019/10/ getting-away-with-murder-killed-justice/ 407

Compilation of References

Committee to Protect Journalists. (2019, December 18). In the Philippines, convictions finally achieved for Maguindanao massacre. Committee to Protect Journalists. https://cpj.org/2019/12/philippines-convictions-maguindanao-massacreampatuan-journalists/ Committee to Protect Journalists. (2020). India / Asia. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/blog/asia/india/ Committee to Protect Journalists. (2020). Journalist Slavi Angelov assaulted in Bulgaria. Retrieved from: https://cpj. org/2020/03/journalist-slavi-angelov-assaulted-in-bulgaria/ Constitution of Republic of Bulgaria. (1991). Constitution of republic of Bulgaria. Retrieved from: https://www.parliament.bg/bg/const Constitution, T. (1879). Tarnovo Constitution. Retrieved from: https://www.parliament.bg/bg/17 Cook, B., & Banks, S. (1993). Predictors of Job Burnout in Reporters and Copy Editors. The Journalism Quarterly, 70(1), 108–117. doi:10.1177/107769909307000112 Cook, B., Banks, S., & Turner, R. (1993). The Effects of Work Environment on Burnout in the Newsroom. Newspaper Research Journal, 14(3-4), 123–136. doi:10.1177/073953299301400313 Corbin, J., & Strauss, A. (2015). Basics of qualitative research: Techniques and procedures for developing grounded theory (4th ed.). Sage. Correa, C. (2019, April 10). Espacio Publico. Retrieved from: http://espaciopublico.ong/informe-2018-situacion-delderecho-a-la-libertad-de-expresion-html/#.XNTD8Oj0nIX Council of Europe. (2017). Bulgarian TV Presenter Assaulted and Injured in Central Sofia. Retrieved from: https:// www.coe.int/en/web/media-freedom/detail-alert?p_p_id=sojdashboard_WAR_coesojportlet&p_p_lifecycle=2&p_p_ cacheability=cacheLevelPage&p_p_col_id=column-4&p_p_col_count=1&_sojdashboard_WAR_coesojportlet_alertPK=37917653&_sojdashboard_WAR_coesojportlet_cmd=get_pdf_one Creswell, J. W. (2013). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative and mixed methods approach. Sage Publications. Creswell, J. W. (2014). Research design: Qualitative and mixed method approaches (4th ed.). Sage Publications. Creswell, J. W. (2014). Research Design: qualitative, quantitative, and mixed method approaches (4th ed.). SAGE. Criado-Perez, C. (2016). ‘Women that talk too much need to get raped’: What men are really saying when they abuse women online. In B. Gardiner (Ed.), Countering online abuse of female journalists (pp. 12-15). Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). Dahal, S. (2013). Power, empowerment and community radio: Media by and for women in nepal. Women’s Studies International Forum, 40, 44-55. 10.1016/j.wsif.2013.05.003 Danieli, Y. (2002). Sharing the front line and the back hills: International protectors and providers: Peacekeepers, humanitarian aid workers and the media in the midst of crisis. Baywood Publishing Co, Inc. Daniels, G., Nyamwede, T., Nxumalo, C., & Ludman, B. (2018). Glass ceilings: Women in South African media houses. Gender Links for Equality and Justice. Das, M. P., & Rath, P. K. (2015). The low level of awareness and impact of intervention about sexual harassment. International Journal of Science and Humanities, 3(4), 283–286. http://www.academia.edu/download/55468679/ The_Low_Level_of_Awareness-2409.pdf

408

Compilation of References

Das, S., & Ghadially, S. (1996). Parental sex-role orientation and sex stereotypes of children. In R. Ghadially (Ed.), Women in Indian Society (pp. 124–135). Sage. Davtyan-Gevorgyan, A. (2016). Women and mass media. Retrieved from http://feminism-boell.org/en/2016/04/08/ women-and-mass-media Davtyon-Gevorgyan, A. (2016). Women and Mass Media. Retrieved from http://feminism-boell.org/en/2016/04/08/ women-and-mass-media Dawn.com. (2019, November 14). Female journalists call upon male counterparts to highlight challenges faced by women in news industry. Retrieved from https://www.dawn.com/news/1516660 de Bruin, M., & Ross, K. (2004). Introduction: Beyond the body count. In Gender and newsroom cultures: Identities at work. Cresskill: Hampton Press. De Bruin, M. (2014). Gender and newsroom cultures. In A. Montiel (Ed.), Media and gender: A scholarly agenda for the global alliance on media and gender (pp. 34–36). UNESCO and IAMCR. De Bruin, M. (2014). Gender and newsroom cultures. In A. V. Montiel (Ed.), Media and Gender: A Scholarly Agenda for the Global Alliance on Media and Gender. UNESCO. De Dios, A. (2018). Asserting women’s rights and well-being in the age of populism and misogyny in the Philippines. Ewha Womans University Asian Women’s Studies Center Conference Collection, 37-55. Retrieved from: http://www. dbpia.co.kr/Journal/articleDetail?nodeId=NODE07365063 De Lange, A., Taris, T., Kompier, M., Houtman, I., & Bongers, P. (2004). The relationships between work characteristics and mental health: Examining normal, reversed and reciprocal relationships in a 4-wave study. Work and Stress, 18(2), 149–166. doi:10.1080/02678370412331270860 De Vuyst, S., & Gober, G. (2019). Gendered online harassment in journalism : a challenge to the right of the voice of female journalists. In IAMCR Madrid 2019 : Communication, technology and human dignity : disputed rights, contested truths : abstracts. Madrid: International Association for Media and Communication Research (IAMCR). De Vuyst, S., & Raeymaeckers, K. (2019). Gender as a multi-layered issue in journalism: A multi-method approach to studying barriers sustaining gender inequality in Belgian newsrooms. European Journal of Women’s Studies, 26(1), 23–38. doi:10.1177/1350506817729856 Deacon, D., Pickering, M., Golding, P., & Murdock, G. (2007). Researching communications: A practical guide to methods in media and cultural analysis (2nd ed.). Hodder Education. Deirdre, O., Heather, S., & Cann, V. (2016). Women politicians in the UK press: Not seen and not heard. Feminist Media Studies, 16(2), 293–307. doi:10.1080/14680777.2015.1092458 Delano, A. (2000). No Sign of a Better Job: 100 Years of British Journalism. Journalism Studies, 1(2), 261–272. doi:10.1080/14616700050028244 Delano, A. (2003). Women Journalist: What’s the Difference? Journalism Studies, 4(2), 273–286. doi:10.1080/1461670032000074838 Demos. (2014). Demos: Male celebrities receive more abuse on Twitter than females. Retrieved from: https://demos. co.uk/press-release/demos-male-celebrities-receive-more-abuse-on-twitter-than-females-2/ Denzin, N. K. (1970). The Research Act: A Theoretical Introduction to Sociological Methods. Aldine.

409

Compilation of References

Department of Films & Publications (DFP). (2020). Statistics on listed newspapers and periodicals, Retrieved 27 May 2020 from: www. dfp. gov.bd Department of Films & Publications. (2019). Statistics on listed newspapers and periodicals. Retrieved from: www. dfp. gov.bd Department of Films & Publications. (2020). Statistics on listed newspapers and periodicals. Retrieved from: www. dfp. gov.bd Desta, Y. (2015). A brief history of female authors with male pen names. Retrieved from: http://mashable.com/2015/03/01/ female-authorspen-names/#nCwK.WBoPPqA Deutsch, F. M. (2007). Undoing Gender. Gender & Society, 21(1), 106–127. doi:10.1177/0891243206293577 Dickinson, R., & Memon, B. (2012). Press clubs, the journalistic field and the practice of journalism in Pakistan. Journalism Studies, 13(4), 616–632. doi:10.1080/1461670X.2011.629109 Diener, E., Emmons, R. A., Larsen, R. J., & Griffin, S. (1985). The Satisfaction with Life. Retrieved from: https://fetzer. org/sites/default/files/images/stories/pdf/selfmeasures/SATISFACTION-SatisfactionWithLife.pdf Diener, E., Emmons, R. A., Larsen, R. J., & Griffin, S. (1985). The Satisfaction with Life Scale. Journal of Personality Assessment, 49(1), 71–75. doi:10.120715327752jpa4901_13 PMID:16367493 Dilshad, R. M., & Latif, M. I. (2013). Focus group interview as a tool for qualitative research: An analysis. Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences, 33(1), 191–198. Dimsdale, J. (2002). Psychological stress and cardiovascular disease. BMJ (Clinical Research Ed.), 325(7360), 393a–393. doi:10.1136/bmj.325.7360.393/a Dionne, E. J. (2018). On World Press Freedom Day, Brookings experts reflect on the importance of a free press. Retrieved from: https://www.brookings.edu/blog/up-front/2018/05/02/on-world-press-freedom-day-brookings-experts-reflect-onthe-importance-of-a-free-press/ Djerf-Pierre, M. (2007). The gender of journalism: The structure and logic of the field in the twentieth century. Nordicom Review, 28, 81–104. Djerf-Pierre, M. (2007). The Gender of journalism: The structure and logic of the field in the twentieth century. Nordicom Review. Jubilee Issue, 2007, 81–104. Djerf-Pierre, M. (2007). The Gender of Journalism: The Structure and Logic of the Field in the Twentieth Century. Nordicom Review. Jubilee Issue, 2007, 81–104. Domatob, J. K. (1988). Sub-Saharan African media women: Social status and structural challenges. Paper presented at the 6th Biennial Conference of ACCE, Jos, Nigeria. Donsbach, W. (2004). Psychology of News Decisions: Factors behind Journalists’ Professional Behavior. Journalism: Theory. Practice & Criticism, 5(2), 131–157. doi:10.1177/146488490452002 Donsbach, W., Salmon, C. T., & Tsfati, Y. (Eds.). (2014). The spiral of silence: New perspectives on communication and public opinion. Taylor & Francis. doi:10.4324/9780203125007 Drevo, S. (2016). The war on journalists: Pathways to posttraumatic stress and occupational dysfunction among journalists (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Tulsa, Oklahoma.

410

Compilation of References

Drew, E. M. (2011). Coming to terms with our own racism: Journalists grapple with the racialization of their news. Critical Studies in Media Communication, 28(4), 353–373. doi:10.1080/15295036.2010.514936 Duffy, C. (2019). Online Harassment Is the Largest Safety Concern for Female Journalists, New Study Finds. CNN Business. Duggan, M. (2014). Experiencing Online Harassment. The Pew Research Center. Dunu, I. V. (2015). Media handling of gender issues in contemporary Nigerian conflicts. A paper presented at the International Press Centre for Experts’ Meeting on Media and Emerging Issues in Conflict in Nigeria, 11th March 2015, Department of Mass Communication, UniZik, Awka. Dunwoody, S. (2020). Science journalism and pandemic uncertainty. Media and Communication, 8(2), 471–474. doi:10.17645/mac.v8i2.3224 Dutta, P. K. (2017). Mohali: Senior Journalist K. J. Singh found dead in suspected double murder. Retrieved from: https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/mohali-journalist-kj-singh-dead-suspected-double-murder-1050917-2017-09-23 Dworznik, G. (2011). Factors contributing to PTSD and compassion fatigue in television news workers. International Journal of Business, Humanities, and Technology, 1(1), 22–32. Dworznik-Hoak, G. (2019). Weathering the Storm: Occupational Stress in Journalists Who Covered Hurricane Harvey. Journalism Studies, 21(1), 88–106. doi:10.1080/1461670X.2019.1628659 Dzradosi, C. E., Agyekum, M. W., & Ocloo, P. M. (2018). A gender analysis of political appointments in ghana since independence, report 2018. Institute Of Local Government Studies (Ilgs) And Friedrich-Erbert-Stiftung. Retrieved from: https://www.nca.org.gh/ EBU. (2019). All things being equal? Queue, 6(1). Advance online publication. doi:10.1145/1348583.1348596 Efremov, E. (2019). Decriminalisation of “insult” and “slaughter” in media content. In L. Stoykov, S. Angova, M. Tzvetkova, & S. Tzankova (Eds.), Media and public communications (Vol. 41). Academic Press. Elliot, S., Elbahtimy, M., & Srinivasan, S. (2012). Threats to the right to life of journalists. CGHR Working Paper 4. Cambridge: University of Cambridge Centre of Governance and Human Rights. Elliott, S., Elbahtimy, M., & Srinivasan, S. (2012). Safety of Journalists. CGHR Working Paper 4. University of Cambridge Center of Governance and Human Rights. Elmore, C. (2009). Turning points and turnover among female journalists: Communicating resistance and repression. Women’s Studies in Communication, 32(2), 232–254. doi:10.1080/07491409.2009.10162388 Eristavi, B. (1893). A Few Words for attention of Young Men. Magazine ‘Kvali’, 16. Esmaquel, I. I. R. (2016). Catcalling: Duterte broke the law in own city. Rappler. Retrieved from: https://rappler.com/ nation/duterte-catcalling-mariz-umali-ordinance-davao Espacio Público [Public Space]. (2019). Cronología 2018 – Libertad de Expresión en Venezuela [Cronology 2018: Freedom of expression in Venezuela]. Retrieved from: http://espaciopublico.ong/cronologia-2018-libertad-de-expresionen-venezuela/ European Broadcasting Union. (1995). Charter for Equal Opportunities for Women in Broadcasting, adopted on the occasion of the EBU/European Commission conference in London, 5 May. Retrieved from: https://www.ebu.ch/files/live/ sites/ebu/files/Events/Global%20Policy/WEM/05-05-1995-UER-CE-charte%20sur%20egalite%20des%20changes%20 pour%20les%20femmes%20a%20la%20radiotelevision.pdf 411

Compilation of References

European Broadcasting Union. (2019). All Things Being Equal Report. Gender Equality Guidelines from Public Service Media. European Commission. (2018). A multi-dimensional approach to disinformation. Luxembourg: Publications office of the European Union. Retrieved from: https://ec.europa.eu/digital-single-market/en/news/final-report-high-level-expertgroup-fake-news-and-online-disinformation European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE). (2020). Beijing + 25: the fifth review of the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action in the EU Member States. Retrieved from https://eige.europa.eu/publications/beijing-25-fifth-reviewimplementation-beijing-platform-action-eu-member-states European Institute for Gender Equality. (2013). Review of the Implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action in the EU Member States: Women and the Media – Advancing Gender Equality in Decision-making in Media Organizations. Publications Office of the European Union. European Parliament. (2017). Report in gender equality in the media sector in the EU. Retrieved from http://www. europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=–//EP//NONSGML+REPORT+A8-2018-0031+0+DOC+PDF+V0//EN European Parliament. (2020). Press Release. Retrieved from: https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/pressroom/20200206IPR72017/women-s-rights-meps-call-for-action-to-fight-backlash-against-gender-equality European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA). (2018). Violence,threats and pressures against journalists and other media actors in the European Union. 2nd Annual Colloquium on Fundamental Rights, Vienna, Austria. European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights. (2016). Violence, threats and pressure against journalists and other media actors in the EU. Retrieved from: https://fra.europa.eu/en/publication/2016/violence-threats-and-pressures-againstjournalists-and-other-media-actors-european Evangelista, J. A. G. (2017). Queering Rodrigo Duterte. In N. Curato (Ed.), A Duterte reader: Critical essays on Rodrigo Duterte’s early presidency (pp. 251–262). Ateneo de Manila University Press. Fahs, A. (2011). Out of assignment: newspaper women and the making modern public space. University of North Carolina Press. doi:10.5149/9780807869031_fahs Falola, T. (1999). The history of Nigeria. Greenwood Press. FAO Report. (2014). http://www.fao.org/3/a-aq230e.pdf Fay, J. (2011) Facebook’s position on real names not negotiable for dissidents. The Register. Retrieved from: http://www. theregister.co.uk/2011/02/08/facebook_real_names/ Fedler, F., Buhr, T., & Taylor, D. (1988). Journalists Who Leave the News Media Seem Happier, Find Better Jobs. Newspaper Research Journal, 9(2), 15–23. doi:10.1177/073953298800900202 Feinstein, A., & Owen, J. (2002). Journalists, war and posttraumatic stress disorder. Academic Press. Feinstein, A., & Sinyor, M. (2009). Women war correspondents: They are different in so many ways. Nieman Reports, 24 – 25. Feinstein, A. (2012). Mexican journalists: An investigation of their emotional health. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 25(4), 480–483. doi:10.1002/jts.21715 PMID:22807229 Feinstein, A. (2013). Mexican journalists and journalists covering war: A comparison of psychological wellbeing. Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research, 5(2), 77–85. doi:10.1108/17596591311313672

412

Compilation of References

Feinstein, A., Audet, B., & Waknine, E. (2014). Witnessing images of extreme violence: A psychological study of journalists in the newsroom. Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine Open, 5(8). doi:10.1177/2054270414533323 PMID:25289144 Feinstein, A., Feinstein, S., Behari, M., & Pavisian, B. (2016). The psychological wellbeing of Iranian journalists: A descriptive study. Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine Open, 7(12), 1–5. doi:10.1177/2054270416675560 PMID:27974971 Feinstein, A., & Nicholson, D. (2005). Embedded journalists in the Iraq war: Are they at greater psychological risk? Journal of Traumatic Stress, 18(2), 129–132. doi:10.1002/jts.20020 PMID:16281204 Feinstein, A., Owen, J., & Blair, N. (2002). A hazardous profession: War, journalism, and psychopathology. The American Journal of Psychiatry, 159(9), 1570–1576. doi:10.1176/appi.ajp.159.9.1570 PMID:12202279 Feinstein, A., Wanga, J., & Owen, J. (2015). The psychological effects of reporting extreme violence: A study on Kenyan journalists. Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine, 6, 1–6. PMID:26464808 Female Journalists in New Media. (2012). Experience, Challenges, and a gendered Approach. Digital Rights Foundation (DRF). Fernandez, D. G. (1987). Women in media in the Philippines: From stereotype to liberation. AMIC Seminar on Women and Media in Asia, Singapore. Retrieved from: http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.859.5805& rep=rep1&type=pdf Ferrier, M. (2018). Attacks and Harassment. The impact on female journalists and their reporting. Retrieved from: https://www.iwmf.org/attacks-and-harassment/ Ferrier, M. (2018). Attacks and harassment: The impact on female journalists and their reporting. International Women’s Media Foundation and Troll-Busters.com. Retrieved from: https://www.iwmf.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/Attacksand-Harassment.pdf Ferrier, M. (2018). Attacks and harassment: The impact on female journalists and their reporting. Retrieved from: https:// www.iwmf.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/Attacks-and-Harassment.pdf Ferrier, M., & Garud-Patkar, N. (2018). Trollbusters: Fighting online harassment of women journalists. In V. J. R. Vickery & T. Everbach (Eds.), Mediating misogyny (pp. 311–332). Springer. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-72917-6_16 Figueroa, M. E., Kincaid, D. L., Rani, M., & Lewis, G. (2002). Communication for social change: An integrated model for measuring the process and its outcomes. Communication for social change: An integrated model for measuring the process and its outcomes. Finger, C., Solga, H., Ehlert, M., & Rusconi, A. (2019). Gender differences in the choice of field of study and the relevance of income information. Insights from a field experiment. Research in Social Stratification and Mobility, 100457. Advance online publication. doi:10.1016/j.rssm.2019.100457 Forbes, A. (2015). Courageous women in media: Marcos and censorship. Pacific Journalism Review, 12(1), 195–210. doi:10.24135/pjr.v21i1.157 Foreign Policy Interrupted. (2018, August 2). How Many Women are on the op-ed page? FPI. http://www.fpinterrupted. com/2018/08/02/how-many-women-are-on-the-op-ed-page/ Fowler-Watt, K., Majin, G., Sunderland, M., Phillips, M., Brine, D., Bissell, A., & Murphy, J. (2020). Reflections on the Shifting Shape of Journalism Education in the Covid-19 pandemic. Digital Culture & Education, (June), 22. Franks, S. (2013). Women and Journalism. I.B. Tauris. doi:10.5040/9780755694501

413

Compilation of References

Franks, S., & O’Neill, D. (2016). Women reporting sport: Still a man’s game? Journalism, 17(4), 474–492. doi:10.1177/1464884914561573 Fraser, C., & Estrada, S. R. (2001). Community radio handbook. UNESCO. Freedman, E. (2020). In the crosshairs: The perils of environmental journalism. Journal of Human Rights, 19(3), 275–290. doi:10.1080/14754835.2020.1746180 Freedman, E., Fico, F., & Love, B. (2007). Male and Female Sources in Newspaper Coverage of Male and Female Candidates in US Senate Races in 2004. Journal of Women, Politics & Policy, 29(1), 57–76. doi:10.1300/J501v29n01_04 Freedom House. (2017). Freedom of the press 2017. Retrieved from: https://freedomhouse.org/report/table-countryscores-fotp-2017 Freedom House. (2018). Democracy in crisis: Freedom in the world 2018. Freedom House. Freedom House. (2019). Freedom in the World 2019: Democracy in Retreat. Retrieved from: https://freedomhouse.org/ sites/default/files/Feb2019_FH_FITW_2019_Report_ForWeb-compressed.pdf Freedom House. (2020). Freedom in the World 2020: A Leaderless Struggle for Democracy. Retrieved from: https:// freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2020/leaderless-struggle-democracy Freedom Network. (2020). Murders, harassment and assault: The tough wages of journalism in Pakistani. Pakistan Press Freedom Report 2019-2020. Freedom of Expression in Bangladesh Annual Report 2017. (2017). Article 19. Retrieved from: https://www.article19. org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/FoE-Report-2017-Final-Draft-02.05.2018-no-mark-up.pdf Freire, P. (2018). Pedagogy of the oppressed. Bloomsbury Publishing USA. Freire, P. (2005). Teachers as cultural workers: Letters to those who dare teach with new commentary by peter McLaren, Joe L. Kincheloe. Westview Press. Friedrich Naumann Foundation. (2019). Freedom Barometer Europe. Retrieved from: http://freedombarometer.org/ Fröhlich, R. (2007). Three Steps Forward and Two Back?: Women Journalists in the Western World between Progress, Standstill, and Retreat. In Women in Mass Communication. SAGE. Fröhlich, R., & Lafky, S. (2008). Introduction. In R. Fröhlich & S. Lafky (Eds.), Women Journalists in the Western World: What Surveys Tell Us (pp. 1–10). Hampton Press. Fröhlich, R., & Lafky, S. A. (2008). Women Journalists in the Western World: Equal Opportunities and What Surveys Tell Us. Hampton Press. Fuller, L. K. (2007). Community and media. The Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology, 1-4. Gachie, J. (2013). Safety and protection of Kenyan journalists: Is it common sense or common cents? A National Baseline Report. HIVOS. Gadzekpo, A., & Rivers, A. (1997). Miles to Go Before We Sleep. How Effective Are Women’s Media Associations? Unpublished paper delivered at a seminar, School of Communication Studies, University of Ghana, Accra. Gadzekpo, A. (2005). The Hidden History of Women in Ghanaian Print Culture. In O. Oyewumi (Ed.), African Gender Studies –A Reader. Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1007/978-1-137-09009-6_15

414

Compilation of References

Gadzekpo, A. (2009). African Media Studies and Feminist Concerns. Journal of African Media Studies, 1(1), 69–80. doi:10.1386/jams.1.1.69_1 Gadzekpo, A. (2013). Ghana: Women in Decision-making — New Opportunities, Old Story. In C. M. Byerly (Ed.), The Palgrave International Handbook of Women and Journalism. Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1057/9781137273246_27 Gallagher, M. (1983). Unequal opportunities: The case of women and the media. A United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization Publication. UNESCO. Gallagher, M. (1995). An unfinished story: gender patterns in media employment. Paris: UNESCO. Gallagher, M. (1981). Unequal opprotunities: The Case of Women and the Media. UNESCO. Gallagher, M. (1995). An Unfinished Story: Gender Patterns in Media Employment (Reports and Papers on Mass Communication 110). UNESCO Publishing. Gallagher, M. (2002). Women, media and democratic society: In pursuit of rights and freedoms. In Expert group meeting on “participation and access of woman to the media, and the impact of media on, and its use as an instrument for the advancement and empowerment of women. United Nations. Gallagher, M. (2014). Feminist scholarship and the debates on gender and communication. In A. V. Montiel (Ed.), Media and gender: A scholarly agenda for the global alliance on media and gender (pp. 12–16). UNESCO. Galtung, J. (1969). Violence, Peace, and Peace Research. Journal of Peace Research, 6(3), 167–191. doi:10.1177/002234336900600301 Gaprindashvili, L. (2014, Jun 13). Barbare Eristavi-Jorjadze. http://feminism-boell.org/ka/2014/06/13/barbare-eristavijorjaze Gaprindashvili, L. (2014, Jun 6). Kato Mikeladze. http://feminism-oell.org/ka/2014/06/06/kato-mikelaze Garrido, V. M. (2019). The Pitfalls and Perils of Being a Digital Journalist in Venezuela. In S. Jamil (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalist Safety (pp. 319–337). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978.1.7998.1298.2 Geertsema-Sligh, M. (2018). Gender Issues in News Coverage. The International Encyclopedia of Journalism Studies, 1–8. doi:10.1002/9781118841570.iejs0162 Genilo, J. W., Haq, F., & Mahmud, S. (2019). Journalism education in Bangladesh: From aspiring journalists to career professionals. Deutsche Welle. Gerbner, G., Gross, L., & Melody, W. (Eds.). (1973). Cultural indicators: the third voice. Communications Technology and Social Policy. New York: Wiley. Gersamia, M., & Freedman, E. (2017). Challenges to Creating Vibrant Media Education in Young Democracies: Accreditation for Media Schools in Georgia. Journalism & Mass Communication Educator, 72(3), 322–333. doi:10.1177/1077695817710104 Ghana Statistical Service. (2013). Ghana 2010 population census. Accra: Ghana Statistical Service. Ghorfati, A., & Medini, R. (2015). Feminism and its impact on women in the Modern Society. A doctoral dissertation presented to the University of Tleman. Retrieved from: http://docplayer.net/28704232-Feminism-and-its-impact-onwoman-in-the-modern-society.html

415

Compilation of References

Ghosh, A. (2019). It’s Time Women Journalists Stop Facing Online Abuse | #DigitalHifazat. Retrieved from: https:// feminisminindia.com/2019/12/05/women-journalists-online-violence/ Ghosh, A. (2019). Its Time Females Journalists Stop Facing Online Abuse [Blog]. Retrieved from: https://feminisminindia.com/2019/12/05/women-journalists-online-violence/ Giles, D. (2010). Psychology of the Media. Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1007/978-1-137-05904-8 Gill, R. (2002). Cool, Creative and Egalitarian? Exploring Gender in Project-Based New Media Work in Euro. Information Communication and Society, 5(1), 70–89. doi:10.1080/13691180110117668 Gill, R. (2007). Postfeminist media culture: Elements of a sensibility. European Journal of Cultural Studies, 10(2), 147–166. doi:10.1177/1367549407075898 Ging, D., & Siapera, E. (2018). Special issue on online misogyny. Feminist Media Studies, 18(4), 515–524. doi:10.108 0/14680777.2018.1447345 Girard, B. (2001). The challenges of ICTs and rural radio. First International Workshop on Farm Radio Broadcasting, 19-22. Gleaves, D. H., & Cepeda-Benito, A. (2002). Eating Disorders. In J. C. Thomas & M. Hersen (Eds.), Handbook of mental health in the workplace. Sage Publication. doi:10.4135/9781452229386.n15 Glick, P., & Fiske, S. T. (2007). Sex discrimination: The psychological approach. In F. J. Crosby, M. S. Stockdale, & S. A. Ropp (Eds.), Sex discrimination in the workplace: Multidisciplinary perspectives (pp. 155–187). Blackwell Publishing. Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP). (2015). Who makes the news? World Association for Christian Co mmunication. WACC. Global Media Monitoring Project. (2010). Who makes the News? World Association for Christian Communication. Retrieved from:http://youcantbewhatyoucantsee.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/Global-Media-Monitoring-Project-2010.pdf Global Media Monitoring Project. (2015). Serbia National Report. Retrieved from: http://cdn.agilitycms.com/whomakes-the-news/Imported/reports_2015/national/Serbia.pdf Global Media Monitoring Project. (2015). Who Makes the News? World Association for Christian Communication. Retrieved from: http://whomakesthenews.org/gmmp/gmmp-reports Global Media Monitoring Project. (2015). Who makes the News? World Association for Christian Communication. Retrieved from: http://www.media-diversity.org/additional-files/Who_Makes_the_News_-_Global_Media_Monitoring_Project.pdf Global Report on the Status of Women in the News Media. (2011). International Women’s Media Foundation. Global, G. G. R. (2020). In Encyclopedia of Family Studies. doi:10.1002/9781119085621.wbefs350 GMA News Online. (2016, June 3). 24 Oras: Duterte, itinangging binastos niya si Mariz Umali nang sipulan sa presscon [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DNa52YJDovo GMMP (Global Media Monitoring Project). (2015). Who makes the news? GMMP. Goddard, W., & Melville, S. (2004). Research Methodology: An Introduction. Blackwell Publishing. Go, M. G. (2019, December 17). Sexism is president’s power tool: Duterte is using violent language and threats against journalists, Rappler’s news editor explains. Index on Censorship, 48(04), 33–35. doi:10.1177/0306422019895720

416

Compilation of References

González, M. (2019). Las zonas silenciadas en Venezuela [Venezuelan silenced areas]. Espacio Público. Retrieved from http://espaciopublico.ong/las-zonas-silenciadas-en-venezuela/#.XMr5jGRKj5Y Gonzalez, R. A. (2020). Journalism in violent times: Mexican journalists’ responses to threats and aggresions. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1298-2.ch015 Goren, D. (1978). Image and the Mass Media in Israel. Jerusalem: Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Government of Ghana (GoG). (2015). Child and Family Policy. Retrieved National%20Gender%20Policy.pdf Government Offices of Sweden. (2016). The Swedish Press Act: 250 years of freedom of the press. Retrieved from: https://www.government.se/articles/2016/06/the-swedish-press-act-250-years-of-freedom-of-the-press2 Goyanes, M., & Rodríguez-Gómez, E. (2018). Presentism in the newsroom: How uncertainty redefines journalists’ career expectations. Journalism. doi:10.1177/1464884918767585 Granick, J. S. (2017). American spies: Modern surveillance, why you should care, and what to do about it. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781316216088 Gray, K. (2015). The status of women in the U.S. media. New York: Women’s Media Centre. Retrieved from: https:// wmc.3cdn.net/83bf6082a319460eb1_hsrm680x2.pdf Gray, P. (1999). Mental Health in the Workplace: Tackling the effects of stress. Mental Health Foundation. Gray, P. S., Willaimson, J. B., Karp, D. A., & Dalphin, J. R. (2007). The research imagination: An introduction to qualitative and quantitative methods. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511819391 Greenberg, N., Thomas, S., Murphy, D., & Dandeker, C. (2007). Occupational stress and job satisfaction in media personnel assigned to the Iraq War: A qualitative study. Journalism Practice, 1(3), 356–371. doi:10.1080/17512780701552160 Greenwald, G. (2014). No place to hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the US surveillance state. Palgrave Macmillan. Griffin, A. (2014, September 11). Where are the women? Nieman Reports. https://niemanreports.org/articles/whereare-the-women/ Griffin, E. (2008). A first look at communication theory (7th ed.). McGraw-Hill. Grizzle, A. (Ed.). (2012). Gender-sensitive indicators for media: Framework of indicators to gauge gender sensitivity in media operations and content. UNESCO. Retrieved from https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000217831 Groenewald, T. (2004). A phenomenological research design illustrated. International Journal of Qualitative Methods, 1–26. Gumucio-Dagron, A. (2001). Making waves: Participatory communication for social change: A report to the Rockefeller foundation. Rockefeller Foundation. Guney, S., Kalafat, T., & Boysan, M. (2010). Dimensions of mental health: life satisfaction, anxiety and depression: a preventive mental health study in Ankara University students’ population. Procedia: Social and Behavioral Sciences, 2(2), 1210–1213. doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2010.03.174 Habiba, U. (2018, July 16). What is holding female journalists back? Bdnews24.Com. Retrieved from: https://bangla. bdnews24.com/bangladesh/article1489285.bdnews Habiba, U., Kundu, P., Rahman, G., & Rhaman, M. (2017). Freedom of Expression in Bangladesh in the context of Bloggers. In E. Frey, M. Rhaman & H. El Bour (Eds.), Negotiating Journalism Core Values and Cultural Diversities (1st ed., pp. 137-148). Nordicom.

417

Compilation of References

Hafeez, E. (2014). Cyber Harassment and its Implications on Youth in Pakistan. New Horizons, 8(2), 29–48. Hammarberg, K., Kirkman, V., & de Lacey, S. (2016). Qualitative research methods: When to use them and how to judge them. Human Reproduction (Oxford, England), 31(3), 498–500. doi:10.1093/humrep/dev334 PMID:26759142 Hanke, R. (1998). Theorizing Masculinity With/In the Media. Communication Theory, 8(2), 183–203. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2885.1998.tb00217.x Hans-Juergen, B. (2005). The power of the audience: Interculturality, interactivity and trust in internet communication. The Electronic Journal of Communication, 15(1-2). Retrieved from: hhttp://www.cios.org/EJCPUBLIC/015/1/01511.HTML> Hanusch, F. (2013). Cultural forces in journalism: The impact of cultural values on maori journalists professional views. Retrieved from: https://eprints.qut.edu.au/68303/1/2013_-_Hanusch_-_JS_ _Maori_cultural_values_journalism.pdf Hanusch, F., & Nölleke, D. (2018). Journalistic Homophily on Social Media: Exploring journalists’ interactions with each other on Twitter. Digital Journalism, 7(1), 22–44. doi:10.1080/21670811.2018.1436977 Harret, J., Mosdell, N., & Griffiths, J. (2016). Gender, risk and journalism. Journalism Practice, 7, 902–916. doi:10.1 080/17512786.2016.1166449 Harvey, N. P. (2006). Justification of Unethical Behaviour: An Attributional Perspective. Retrieved from http://purl.flvc. org/fsu/fd/FSU_migr_etd-4599 Hasan, M., & Wadud, M. (2020). Re-conceptualizing safety of journalists in Bangladesh. In K. S. Orgeret & W. Tayeebwa (Eds.), Rethinking safety of journalism. Media and Communication. Cogitatio. doi:10.17645/mac.v8i1.2494 Hatanaka, M., Matsui, Y., Ando, K., Inoue, K., Fukuoka, Y., Koshiro, E., & Itamura, H. (2010). Traumatic stress in Japanese broadcast journalists. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 23(1), 173–177. doi:10.1002/jts.20496 PMID:20104585 Haworth, J. (2000). Women in radio news: Making a difference? In C. Mitchell (Ed.), Women and Radio: Airing Difference (pp. 250–261). Routledge. Heckman, M. (2014). Where the women are: Measuring female leadership in the new journalism ecology. Northeastern University. Heiss, J. (1991). Gender and romantic- love roles. The Sociological Quarterly, 32(4), 575–591. Advance online publication. doi:10.1111/j.1533-8525.1991.tb00155.x Henderson, L. (2000). Queer Communication Studies. In W. B. Gudykunst (Ed.), Communication Yearbook 24. Sage. Henrichsen, J. R., Betz, M., & Lisosky, J. M. (2015). Building digital safety for journalism: A survey of selected issues. UNESCO Publishing. Henrichsen, J. R., Betz, M., & Lisosky, J. M. (2015). Building digital safety for journalism: a survey of selected issues. UNESCO. Hermes, J. (2007). Gender and the Mass Media. In D. McQuail (Ed.), Mass Communication Theory (6th ed.). Sage Publications. Hernández Artigas, A. (2018). Opresión e interseccionalidad Oppression. Dilemata, (26), 275-284. Heyns, C., & Srinivasan, S. (2013). Protecting the Right to Life of Journalists: The Need for a Higher Level of Engagement. Human Rights Quarterly, 36, 306-320.

418

Compilation of References

Hilton, M. F., Scuffham, P. A., Sheridan, J., Cleary, C. M., Vecchio, N., & Whiteford, H. A. (2009, September). The Association Between Mental Disorders and Productivity in Treated and Untreated Employees. Journal of Occupational and Environmental Medicine, 51(9), 996–1003. doi:10.1097/JOM.0b013e3181b2ea30 PMID:19730401 Høiby, M. (2016). Sexual violence against journalists in conflict zones: Gendered practices and cultures in the newsroom. In B. von der Lippe & R. Ottosen (Eds.), Gendered war and conflict reporting. Nordicom. Høiby, M. (2019). The safety of local and non-local journalists in the field. Journalism Practice, 12(1), 67–83. doi:10. 1080/17512786.2019.1598884 Høiby, M., & Garrido, M. T. (2020). Reconsidering safety journalist training. Media and Communication, 8(1), 68–77. doi:10.17645/mac.v8i1.2525 Holden, T. (2012). Hyper-gendered discourse: How Japanese fashion magazines construct gender identity. Derecho a Communicar, 4, 232–266. Holland, K., & Blood, R. W. (2012). Exploring the Concept of “Biocommunicability” through an Analysis of Journalists’ Talk about Reporting the 2009 Swine Flu Pandemic. Paper presented at the Australian and New Zealand Communication Association Conference, Adelaide. Holland, K., Sweet, M., Blood, R. W., & Fogarty, A. (2014). A legacy of the swine flu global pandemic: Journalists, expert sources, and conflicts of interest. Journalism, 15(1), 53–71. doi:10.1177/1464884913480460 Hooker, C., King, C., & Leask, J. (2012). Journalists’ views about reporting avian influenza and a potential pandemic: A qualitative study. Influenza and Other Respiratory Viruses, 6(3), 224–229. doi:10.1111/j.1750-2659.2011.00319.x PMID:22176678 Hooks, B. (2000). Feminist Theory: From margin to centre. Pluto Press. Hosein, G. (2006). Privacy as freedom. In R. K. Jørgensen (Ed.), Human Rights in the Global Information Society (pp. 121–147). The MIT Press. Howley, K. (2005). Community media: People, places, and communication technologies. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511489020 Hrvatin, S., & Petković, B. (2004). Regional Overview. In S. Hrvatin & B. Petković (Eds.), Media ownership and its impact ot media independence and pluralism (pp. 10–38). SEENMPS and Peace Institute. Huda, A. R., & Ali, R. A. (2015). Portrayal of women in Pakistani media. International Journal of Academic Research and Reflection, 3(1), 12–18. Hull, P., & Cohen, M. (1984). Expanding the definition of sexual harassment. Workplace Health & Safety, 32(3), 141–145. doi:10.1177/216507998403200303 PMID:6560358 Humanists International. (2019). The Freedom of Thought Report. Retrieved from: https://fot.humanists.international/ Information Commissioner’s Office. When can we refuse a request for information? Retrieved from: https://ico.org.uk/ for-organisations/guide-to-freedom-of-information/refusing-a-request/ Hussain, M. S. (2013). Women in media face discrimination; a critical study on the issues of Pakistani female journalists. In Paper Proceedings (p. 83). Academic Press. Hussain, F. (2019). Gender Discrimination in Media as Workplace: A Study of Media Environment in Sindh. Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies, 18(1), 23–42. doi:10.46568/pjgs.v18i1.23

419

Compilation of References

IACHR. (2011). The Road to Substantive Democracy: Women’s Political Participation in the Americas. OEA/Ser.L/V/ II. Doc. 79. April 18, 2011. Para. 18. Retrieved from: https://www.cidh.oas.org/pdf%20files/POLITICAL%20PARTICIPATION.pdf Ibrahim, H. J. (2006). Gender, media and female broadcasters in the North. In A. U. Adamu, U. Jibril, M. N. Malam, B, Maikaba, & G. Ahmad (Eds.), Communication, media, and popular culture in Northern Nigeria (pp. 268-277). Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University Press, Limited. Ide, B., & Huang, J. (2019). Press Freedom Continues to Face Setbacks in China. Retrieved from: https://www.voanews. com/east-asia-pacific/press-freedom-continues-face-setbacks-china Iglesias, S. (2017, September 9). The Duterte playbook. New Naratif. Retrieved from: https://newnaratif.com/research/ the-duterte-playbook/ Ikem, E. (1996).Women in journalism. In D. Olatunji & A. Uyo (Eds.), Journalism in Nigeria:Issues and perspectives (pp. 184-197). Lagos: Nigeria Union of Journalists Lagos State Council. Ikem, E. (1996). Women in journalism. In D. Olatunji & A. Uyo (Eds.), Journalism in Nigeria: Issues and perspective (pp. 184–197). Nigeria Union of Journalists Lagos State Council. IMS. (2019). The safety of women journalists: Breaking the cycle of silence and violence. International Media Support, 8-10. Inter American Commission of Human Rigths. (2020). Annual Report 2019. Retrieved from: http://www.oas.org/en/ iachr/docs/annual/2019/TOC.asp Inter-American Commission of Human Rights. (2019). Annual Report 2018. Washington, DC: Inter-American Commission of Human Rights. Retrieved from: http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/docs/annual/2018/TOC.asp Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, Office of the Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression. (2019). Annual Report of the Office of the Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression. Organization of American States. Washington, DC: Inter-American Commission of Human Rights. Retrieved from: http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/expression/docs/reports/annual/IA2018RELE-en.pdf Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, Office of the Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression. (2020). Annual Report of the special rapporteur for freedom of expression. Retrieved from: http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/docs/ annual/2019/docs/IA2019RELE-en.pdf Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. (2018). Women journalists and freedom of expression. Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression (RFOE). Organization of American States. Internation Federation of Journalists. (2015). County Report: Media and Gender in India. Retrieved from: https://samsn. ifj.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/INDIA.pdf International Federation of Journalists. (2009). Getting the balance right: Gender equality in journalism. Author. International Federation of Journalists. (2012). Special Security measures needed for journalists in India’s Maoist insurgency areas. IFJ/IFEX Report. Retrieved from: https://ifex.org//india/2012/08/24/maoist_insurgency/ International Federation of Journalists. (2014). The Stories women journalists tell: Women in media in South Asia. A Report from the South Asia Media Freedom and Solidarity Project. SAMSN. International Federation of Journalists. (2018). Underneath the autocrats: South East Asia media freedom report 2018. Retrieved from: https://www.ifj.org/fileadmin/user_upload/Underneath_the_Autocrats_-_IFJ_SEAJU_2018_-_SP_HR.pdf 420

Compilation of References

International Federation of Journalists. (2020, July 23). Philippines: Media workers file petitions to reject Anti-Terror Law. Retrieved from: https://www.ifj.org/media-centre/news/detail/category/press-releases/article/philippines-mediaworkers-file-petitions-to-reject-anti-terror-law.html International Media Support (IMS). (2019). The safety of women journalist: Breaking the cycle of silence and violence: An overview of nine countries. IMS book Series. Defending Journalism. International Media Support. (2019). Defending Journalism: The safety of women journalists: Breaking the cycle of silence and violence: An overview of nine countries. Author. International Media Support. (2020). The crucial role of media in achieving gender equality. Retrieved from: https:// www.mediasupport.org/the-crucial-role-of-media-in-achieving-gender-equality/ International News Safety Institute into The Protection of Journalist. (2007). Killing The Messenger. International News Safety Institute. International News Safety Institute. (2016). Violence and harassment against women in the news media: A global picture. Retrived from: https://www./wmf.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/violence-and-Harassmnt-against-women-in-theNews-media. pdf International Press Centre. (2015). Safety and security of journalist and emerging issues from conflicts in Nigeria. UNESCO Nigeria Lagos. International Programme for the Development of Communication. (2015). Journalists’ Safety Indicators-related projects in Nigeria 2014-2015. UNESCO. International Women’s Media Foundation. (2011). Global report on the status of women in the news media. Author. International Women’s Media Foundation. (2018). Attack and harassment:The impact on female journalists and their reporting. IWMF. International Women’s Media Foundation. (2018). Attacks and harassment: The impact on female journalists and their reporting. Retrieved from: https://www.iwmf.org/wpcontent/uploads/2018/09/Attacks-and-Harassment.pdf International Women’s Media Foundation. (2018). Attacks and Harassment; The Impact on Female Journalists and Their Reporting. Washington, DC: Troll Buster. Retrieved from: https://yoursosteam.files.wordpress.com/2018/12/ attacks-and-harassment_fall-2018.pdf Ipys Venezuela. (2019). Conexión incierta. Informe Anual Derechos Digitales 2018. Retrieved from: https://ipysvenezuela. org/2019/05/17/conexion-incierta-informe-anual-derechos-digitales-ipysve-2018/ Iqbal, I., & Iqbal, A. (2017). The Harassment and the Violence against the Female Journalists of Pakistan. Proceedings of the World Conference on Media and Mass Communication, 2(1), 30-44. 10.17501/medcom.2017.2104 Iram, A. (2017). Working Condition of Female Media Professionals in Punjab: A Case Study of Rawalpindi, Lahore, Multan (Doctoral dissertation). Ireri, K. (2015). High Job Satisfaction Despite Low Income: A National Study of Kenyan Journalists. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 93(1), 164–186. doi:10.1177/1077699015607334 IREX (International Research and Exchange Board). (2012). Media sustainability index 2012: development of sustainability independent media in Africa. Westland Enterprise Inc. IREX. (2019). Europe and Eurasia Media Sustainability Index 2019. Retrieved from: https://www.irex.org/sites/default/ files/pdf/media-sustainability-index-europe-eurasia-2019-full.pdf 421

Compilation of References

Islam, M., & Yousuf, M. (2017). Media System of Bangladesh: In the Middle of Authoritarianism and Libertarianism. Speech. Interactive Microtalks on Media and Communication in South Asia, School of Media and Journalism, The University of North Carolina. Retrieved from: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/329029384_Media_System_of_Bangladesh_In_the_Middle_of_Authoritarianism_and_Libertarianism Ismail, U. (2012). Concept of “glass ceiling” in the print media of Pakistan. The Journal of the South East Asia Research Centre, 2, 69–77. Ivana, C., & Kimberly, R. O. (2018). Sexualisation of the journalism profession; TV representation of female journalist intellect, labour, and bodies. IFAOR Journal of Media, Communication and Film, 5(1). IWMF. (2011). Global report on the status of women in News media. International Women’s Media Foundation. Retrieved from: https://www.iwmf.org/wp- content/uploads/2018/06/IWMF-Global-Report.pdf IWMF. (2011). Global report on the status of women in the news media. International Women’s Media Foundation. Retrieved from: https://www.iwmf.org/resources/global-report-on-the-status-of-women-in-the-news-media/ IWMF. (2017). An overview of the current challenges to the safety and protection of journalists. Retrieved from: https:// www.iwmf.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/IWMFUNESCO-Paper.pdf Jallov, B. (2012). Empowerment radio. Voices Building a Community. Gudhjem: Empower house. Jamil, S. (2015). Understandings and Practices of Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom in Pakistan: Ethnography of Karachi Journalistic Environment (PhD Thesis). University of Queensland, Australia. Retrieved from: https://core. ac.uk/download/pdf/43362662.pdf Jamil, S. (2015a). Understandings and Practices of Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom in Pakistan: Ethnography of Karachi Journalistic Environment (PhD Thesis). University of Queensland, Australia. Retrieved from: https://core. ac.uk/download/pdf/43362662.pdf Jamil, S. (2017a). Freedom of expression and threats to journalists’ safety: An analysis of conflict reporting in journalism education in Pakistan. Journal of the Association for Journalism Education, 6(2), 7-16. Jamil, S. (2017b). Freedom under pressure: Threats to journalists’ safety in Pakistan. In The assault on journalism: Building knowledge to protect freedom of expression (pp. 11-17). Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2019a). Culture of impunity and safety of journalists: Is safe journalism a distant dream in Pakistan? Retrieved from: http://worldofmedia.ru/Culture%20of%20impunity%20and%20safety%20of%20journalists.pdf Jamil, S. (2019b). Culture of impunity and safety of journalists: Is safe journalism a distant dream in Pakistan? Available: http://worldofmedia.ru/Culture%20of%20impunity%20and%20safety%20of%20journalists.pdf Jamil, S. (2019b). Culture of impunity and safety of journalists: Is safe journalism a distant dream in Pakistan? Retrieved from: http://worldofmedia.ru/Culture%20of%20impunity%20and%20safety%20of%20journalists.pdf Jamil, S. (2019b). Culture of Impunity and Safety of Journalists: Is Safe Journalism a Distant Dream in Pakistan? World of Media – Journal of Russian Media and Journalism Studies, 1, 48-64. doi:10.30547/worldofmedia.1.2019.3 Jamil, S. (2020b). Ethnic news media in the digital age: the impact of technological convergence in reshaping journalists’ practices in Pakistan. Journal of Multicultural Discourses, 15(2), 219-239. https://doi/abs/ doi:10.1080/17447143 .2020.1756305?journalCode=rmmd20 Jamil, S. (2020c). Artificial Intelligence and Journalistic Practice: The Crossroads of Obstacles and Opportunities for the Pakistani Journalists. Journalism Practice. doi:10.1080/17512786.2020.1788412 422

Compilation of References

Jamil, S., & Appiah-Adeji, G. (2019). Journalism in the era of mobile technology: the changing pattern of news production and the thriving culture of fake news in Pakistan and Ghana. World of Media – Journal of Russian Media and Journalism Studies, 3, 42-64. doi:10.30547/worldofmedia.3.2019.2 Jamil, S. (2014). Freedom of Expression and Press Freedom: Journalists’ Understandings and Practices in Pakistan. In C. Schimdt (Ed.), Pakistan’s Media Landscape: The Effects of Liberalization (pp. 46–85). Deutsche Welle Akademie. Jamil, S. (2015b). Journalists’ concepts of freedom of expression and press freedom in Pakistan. Journal of Transnational Worlds of Power: Proliferation of Journalism & Professional Standards, 1(1), 101–132. Jamil, S. (2016). Journalism practice and freedom of expression: Challenges and constraints in Pakistan. In B. Lippe & R. Ottosen (Eds.), Gendering War and Peace Reporting: Some Insights – Some Missing Links. Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2017a). Freedom of expression and journalists’ safety: An analysis of conflict reporting and peace journalism education in Pakistan. Journal of the Association of Journalism Education, 6(2), 7–16. Jamil, S. (2017b). Freedom under pressure? Threats to journalists’ safety in Pakistan. In U. Carlsson & R. Poyhtari (Eds.), Assault on Journalism (pp. 323–329). Nordicom. Jamil, S. (2018). Freedom of expression and threats to journalists’ safety: An analysis of conflict reporting in journalism education in Pakistan. Journalism, 6(2). Jamil, S. (2018). Safety threats, impunity and professionalism: Journalists’ dilemma in Pakistan. Journal of Sociology and Anthropology, 6(7), 571–578. doi:10.13189a.2018.060702 Jamil, S. (2019). Handbook of research on combating threats to media freedom and journalist safety. IGI Global. Jamil, S. (2019a). The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety. IGI Global. Jamil, S. (2020a). Suffering in Silence: The Resilience of Pakistan’s Female Journalists to Combat Sexual Harassment, Threats and Discrimination. Journalism Practice, 14(2), 150–170. doi:10.1080/17512786.2020.1725599 Jamil, S. (2020b). Red lines of journalism: Digital surveillance, safety risks and journalists’ self-censorship in Pakistan. In I. F. Anna & K. Roy (Eds.), Journalist Safety and Self-Censorship (pp. 29–46). Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780367810139-3 Jamil, S., & Muschert, G. (2020). Risks to Journalists’ Safety and the Vulnerability of Media Freedom in the U.S. In G. Muschert, K. Budd, M. Christian, & R. Perucci (Eds.), Agenda for Social Justice: Solutions for 2020. Policy Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctv14rmnsb.21 Jane, E. A. (2014). You’re an ugly, whorish, slut. Feminist Media Studies, 14(4), 531–546. doi:10.1080/14680777.201 2.741073 Jane, E. A. (2016). Online misogyny and feminist digilantism. Continuum, 30(3), 284–297. doi:10.1080/10304312.20 16.1166560 Janus, J. M. (2008). Gender roles, leadership and public relationships (Master’s Thesis). The University of Missouri, Columbia. Janus, N. Z. (1977). Research On Sex-Roles in the Mass Media: Toward a Critical Approach. The Insurgent Sociologist, 7(3), 19–31. doi:10.1177/089692057700700302 Javuru, K. (2011). Community radio in East Africa; for or by the community? Community Radio in the Twenty First Century.

423

Compilation of References

Jha, R. (1992). Women in Print Media. In L. Misra, H. Gour, & V. Sagar (Eds.), Women’s Issue (pp. 84–85). Northern Book Centre. Jibril, A., & Abubakar, A. (2017). Public perception of female journalists in North-East Nigeria. Journal of Communication and Media Research, 9(2), 108–119. Jilani, S. (2019). Opinion: The decline of media freedom in Pakistan—a journalist tells his story. Retrieved from https:// www.dw.com/en/opinion-the-decline-of-media-freedom-in-pakistan-a-journalist-tells-his-story/a-51553931 Jologua, T. (2011). The history of Georgian journalism. Nekrisi. Juschka, D. (2017). Feminism and gender theory. The Oxford Handbook of the Study of Religion. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198729570.013.10 Kabah, K. P. A. (2019). Gender and Journalism: A Perspective of Female Journalists in the Temale Metropolis in Ghana. International Journal of Research and Scientific Innovation, 6(8), 98–102. Kabaji, E. S. (2005). The construction of gender through the narrative process: A Case study of the Maragoli folktale (Unpublished PhD Thesis). The University of South Africa. Kafle, K. (2019). Gender representation in Nepali media (Unpublished M. Phil. Dissertation). Tribhuwan University, Kathmandu. Kahn, J., Langlieb, A., & Goin, M. (2003). Mental Health and Productivity in the Workplace: A Handbook for Organizations and Clinicians. Retrieved from: https://www.wiley.com/en-us/Mental+Health+and+Productivity+in+the+Wo rkplace%3A+A+Handbook+for+Organizations+and+Clinicians-p-9780787962159 Kamboh, S. A., & Ittefaq, M. (2019). Newspaper suicide reporting in a Muslim country: Analysis of violations and compliance with international guidelines. Journal of Medical Ethics, 34(1), 2–14. doi:10.1080/23736992.2019.1568252 Katharine, S. (2014). Power, patriarchy, profit: barriers to gender mainstreaming in media policy. In A. V. Montiel (Ed.), Media and Gender: A Scholarly Agenda for the Global Alliance on Media and Gender (pp. 66–69). UNESCO. Kathuria, C. (2018). Indian Female Journalists Battle Threats for Having Opinions, She the People [Blog]. Retrieved 19 September 2019 from https://www.shethepeople.tv/news/indian-female-journalists-facing-online-threats/ Kaur, S. (2012). The necessity for a sexual harassment act in Malaysia. IIUM Law Journal, 17(2). Advance online publication. doi:10.31436/iiumlj.v17i2.39 Kellner, D. (2011). Cultural studies, multiculturalism, and media culture. In G. Dines & J. Humez (Eds.), Gender, Race and Class in Media: A Critical Reader (pp. 7–18). Sage Publications. Kennedy, A. K. (2018). The affective turn in feminist media studies for the twenty-first century. In Feminist approaches to media theory and research. Springer. Kessler, R. C., McGonagle, K. A., Zhao, S., Nelson, C. B., Hughes, M., Eshleman, S., & Kendler, K. S. (1994). Lifetime and 12-month prevalence of DSM-III-R psychiatric disorders in the United States: Results from the National Comorbidity Survey. Archives of General Psychiatry, 51(1), 8–19. doi:10.1001/archpsyc.1994.03950010008002 PMID:8279933 Khairat, S. (2020, April 19). Journalists in Pakistan fear lack of protective equipment, News. Al-Jazeera. Retrieved from: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/04/journalists-pakistan-fear-lack-protective-equipment-200419180449522.html Kharel, P. (2012). Media for Participatory Democracy. Kamala Kharel.

424

Compilation of References

Khatun, A., Islam, J., Rahman, G., & Rhaman, M. (2017). Press Freedom Dynamics in Bangladesh. In E. Frey, M. Rhaman & H. El Bour (Eds.), Negotiating Journalism Core Values and Cultural Diversities (1st ed., pp. 137-148). Nordicom. Kielobowicz, R. B., & Sherer, C. (1986). The Role of the Press in the Dynamics of Social Movements. Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change, 9, 71–96. Kiknadze, T., & Donadze, N. (2006). Gender- Social and Political studies. Center for Social Sciences. Kilman, L. (2017). An attack on one is an attack on all: Successful initiatives to protect journalists and combat impunity. UNESCO. Retrieved from https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000250430 Kim, K. (2006). Obstacles to the success of female journalists in Korea. Media Culture & Society, 28(1), 123–141. doi:10.1177/0163443706059578 Kirchick, J. (2018). On World Press Freedom Day, Brookings experts reflect on the importance of a free press. Retrieved from: https://www.brookings.edu/blog/up-front/2018/05/02/on-world-press-freedom-day-brookings-experts-reflect-onthe-importance-of-a-free-press/ Kislinger, L. (2019). Mujeres al Límite. Coalición Equivalencias en Acción. Retrieved from https://avesawordpress.files. wordpress.com/2019/05/mujeres_limite_a4web.pdf Klin, A., & Lemish, D. (2008). Mental Disorders Stigma in the Media: Review of Studies on Production, Content, and Influences. Journal of Health Communication, 13(5), 434–449. doi:10.1080/10810730802198813 PMID:18661386 Knight Science Journalism. (2020). Tips and Tools for Reporting on COVID-19. Retrieved from: https://ksj.mit.edu/ coronavirus-reporting-resources/ Koirala, S. (2020). Female Journalists’ Experience of Online Harassment: A Case Study of Nepal, Media and Communication, 8(1), 47-56. dio: doi:10.17645/mac.v8i1.2541 Koirala, S. (2020). Practices of self-censorship among Nepali journalists. In S. Jamil (Ed.), The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety (pp. 72–82). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-79981298-2.ch005 Kojah, S. (2020). Ethical considerations for reporting on COVID-19. International Center for Journalists. Retrieved from: https://ijnet.org/en/story/ethical-considerations-reporting-covid-19 Koltay, A. (2015). The concept of media freedom today: New media, new editors and the traditional approach of the law. Journal of Medicine and Law, 7(1), 37–45. doi:10.1080/17577632.2015.1055143 Kothari, C. R. (2004). Research methodology: Methods and techniques. New Age International. KPMG. (2019). India’s digital future: Mass of niches. Retrieved from: https://home.kpmg/in/en/home/insights/2019/08/ india-media-entertainment-report_2019.html Kracauer, S. (1952). The Challenge of Qualitative Content Analysis. Public Opinion Quarterly, 16(4), 631–642. doi:10.1086/266427 Krijnen, T., & Van Bauwel, S. (2015). Gender and Media: Representing, Producing, Consuming. Routledge. doi:10.4324/9781315694597 Krippendorff, K. (2004). Content Analysis: An Introduction to Its Methodology. Sage.

425

Compilation of References

Kunst, J. R., Bailey, A., Prendergast, C., & Gundersen, A. (2019). Sexism, rape myths and feminist identification explain gender differences in attitudes toward the #metoo social media campaign in two countries. Media Psychology, 22(5), 818–843. doi:10.1080/15213269.2018.1532300 Lacy, S., & Rosenstiel, T. (2015). Defining and Measuring Quality Journalism. media+the public interest initiative news measures research project. Rutgers School of Communication and Information. Retrieved from: https://www.issuelab. org/resources/31212/31212.pdf Lama, S. (2007). Nepali Media: Purushko, Pursushbata ra Purushkai Lagi. In P. Onta, H. Maharjan, D. Humagain, & S. Parajuli (Eds.), Samaveshi Media (pp. 71–88). Martin Chautari. Lang, G. E. (1978). The most admired woman: Image-making in the news. In G. Tuchman, A. K. Daniels, & J. Benet (Eds.), Hearth and Home: Images of Women in the Mass Media (pp. 147–160). Oxford University Press. Lanza, E. (2018). Women Journalists and Freedom of Expression. Discrimination and gender-based violence faced by women journalists in the exercise of their profession. Inter-American Commission of Human Rights. Retrieved from http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/expression/docs/reports/WomenJournalists.pdf Lasswell, H. D. (1948). Power and Personality. Academic Press. Leask, J., Hooker, C., & King, C. (2010). Media coverage of health issues and how to work more effectively with journalists: A qualitative study. BMC Public Health, 10(1), 535. doi:10.1186/1471-2458-10-535 PMID:20822552 Lee, M., Ha Hye, E., & Pae Kun, J. (2018). The exposure to traumatic events and symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder among Korean journalists. Journalism, 19(9-10), 1308–1325. doi:10.1177/1464884917707596 Legal Information Institute. (2020). First Amendment. Retrieved from: https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/first_amendment Legal World. (2020). Insult and defamation according to the recommendations of the report on human rights and through the prism of 37 countries. Retrieved from: https://legalworld.bg/86065.obidata-i-klevetata-spored-preporykite-na-dokladapo-pravata-na-choveka-i-prez-prizmata-na-37-dyrjavi.html Lenhart, A., Ybarra, M., Zickuhr, K., & Price-Feeney, M. (2016). Online Harassment, Digital Abuse and Cyberstalking in America. Data & Society Research Institute. Retrieved from https://www.datasociety.net/pubs/oh/Online_Harassment_2016.pdf Levaot, Y., Sinyor, M., & Feinstein, A. (2013). Trauma and psychological distress observed in journalists: A comparison of Israeli journalists and their Western counterparts. The Israel Journal of Psychiatry and Related Sciences, 50, 118–121. PMID:24225439 Levy, R., & Mattsson, M. (2019). The Effects of Social Movements: Evidence from# MeToo. Retrieved from: https:// ssrn.com/abstract=3496903 Lewis, S. C. (2020). The Objects and Objectives of Journalism Research During the Coronavirus Pandemic and Beyond. Digital Journalism, 1-9. Lichtenberg, J. (2004). Foundations and Limits of Freedom of the Press. In D. McQuail (Ed.), McQuail’s Reader in Mass Communication Theory (pp. 173–182). Sage. Lievrouw, L. (2011). Alternative and Activist New Media. Polity Press. Lilly, M. M., Pole, N., Best, S. R., Metzler, T., & Marmar, C. R. (2009). Gender and PTSD: What can we learn from female police officers? Journal of Anxiety Disorders, 23(6), 767–774. doi:10.1016/j.janxdis.2009.02.015 PMID:19345556 Littlejohn, S. W., & Foss, K. A. (2011). Theories of human communication (10th ed.). Waveland Press Inc. 426

Compilation of References

Liu, H., & Lo, V. (2017). An integrated model of workload, autonomy, burnout, job satisfaction, and turnover intention among Taiwanese reporters. Asian Journal of Communication, 28(2), 153–169. doi:10.1080/01292986.2017.1382544 Lloyd, F., & Howard, R. (2005). Gender, Conflict and Journalism: A Handbook for South Asia. UNESCO. Lobo, P., Silveirinha, M. J., Torres da Silva, M., & Subtil, F. (2017). “In Journalism, We Are All Men” Material voices in the production of gender meanings. Journalism Studies, 18(9), 1148–1166. doi:10.1080/1461670X.2015.1111161 Löfgren Nilsson, M., & Örnebring, H. (2016). Journalism under Threat: Intimidation and harassment of Swedish journalists. Journalism Practice, 10(7), 880–890. doi:10.1080/17512786.2016.1164614 Lombardo, P., Jones, W., Wang, L., Shen, X., & Goldner, E. (2018). The fundamental association between mental health and life satisfaction: results from successive waves of a Canadian national survey. Retrieved from: https://bmcpublichealth.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s12889-018-5235-x MacDonald, J., Saliba, A., Hodgins, G., & Ovington, L. (2016). Burnout in journalists: A systematic literature review. Burnout Research, 3(2), 34–44. doi:10.1016/j.burn.2016.03.001 Macharia, S. (2015). The Global Media Monitoring Project. World Association for Christian Communication. Retrieved from http://whomakesthenews.org/gmmp/gmmp-reports/gmmp-2015-reports Macharia, S. (2020). Global media monitoring project (GMMP). The International Encyclopedia of Gender. Media and Communication, 1–6. Majumder, K. (2020). Mission Journal: Journalists in India’s Uttar Pradesh say threat of attack or prosecution looms large. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/2020/04/journalists-in-indias-uttar-pradesh-say-threat-of/ Malik, K. K., Bandelli, D., Malik, K. K., & Bandelli, D. (2012). Community radio and gender. Academic Press. Manco, G. (2013). Six ways the world can learn from Ghana about press freedom. Retrieved from: http://ejc.net/magazine/article/six-ways-the-world-can-learn-from-ghana-about-press-freedom#.VsW2rb8j4qQ Mandell, L. (2019). Gender and Cultural Analytics: Finding or Making Stereotypes? doi:10.5749/j.ctvg251hk.4 Manheim, J. B. (1998). The news shapers: strategic communication as a third force in news- making. In D. Graber, D. McQuail, & P. Norris (Eds.), The Politics of News: the News of Politics (pp. 94–109). Congressional Quarterly Press. Marais, A., & Stuart, A. (2005). The role of temperament in the development of post- traumatic stress disorder amongst journalists. South African Journal of Psychology. Suid-Afrikaanse Tydskrif vir Sielkunde, 35(1), 89–105. doi:10.1177/008124630503500106 Martinko, M. J., Harvey, P., & Douglas, S. C. (2007). The role, function, and contribution of attribution theory to leadership: A review. The Leadership Quarterly, 18(6), 561–585. doi:10.1016/j.leaqua.2007.09.004 Martin, P. Y., Reynolds, J. R., & Keith, S. (2002). Gender bias and ferminist consciousness among judges and attorneys: A standpoint theory analysis. Signs (Chicago, Ill.), 27(3), 665–701. doi:10.1086/337941 Matas, M., El-Guebaly, N., Peterkin, A., Green, M., & Harper, D. (1984). Mental Illness and the Media: An Assessment of Attitudes and Communication. Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 30(1), 12–17. doi:10.1177/070674378403000103 PMID:3971275 Mathes, J., Knoll, J., & Sikorski, C. V. (2018). The “Spirit of Silence” revisited: A meta-analysis on the relationship between perceptions of opinion support and political opinion expression. Communication Research, 45(1), 3–33. doi:10.1177/0093650217745429

427

Compilation of References

Matos, C. (2016). Globalization, Gender Politics, and the Media: From the West to Latin America. Lexington Books. McCluskey, M. (2020). Estimates of COVID-19’s impact on journalism fail to count freelancers, whose livelihoods have vanished overnight. Poynter. Retrieved from: https://www.poynter.org/business-work/2020/estimates-of-covid-19simpact-on-journalism-fail-to-count-freelancers-whose-livelihoods-have-vanished-overnight/ McCombes, M. (2004). Setting the agenda: the mass media and public opinion. Polity Press. McElroy, J. C., & Morrow, P. C. (1983). An attribution theory of sex discrimination. Personnel Review, 12(4), 11–13. doi:10.1108/eb055485 McGonagle, T. (2013). How to address current threats to journalism?: The role of the Council of Europe in protecting journalists and other media actors. University of Amsterdam Netherlands. McKay, B. (2009). Using community radio in Ghana to facilitate community participation in natural resource management. Ecquid Novi, 30(1), 73–93. doi:10.1080/02560054.2009.9653393 McKinsey Global Institute. (2015). The Power of Parity: How Advancing Women’s Equality Can Add $12 Trillion To Global Growth. Retrieved from: https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/McKinsey/Featured%20Insights/Employment%20 and%20Growth/How%20advancing%20womens%20equality%20can%20add%2012%20trillion%20to%20global%20 growth/MGI%20Power%20of%20parity_Full%20report_September%202015.ashx McMahon, C. (2001). Covering disaster: A pilot study into secondary trauma for print media journalists reporting on disaster. Australian Journal of Emergency Management, 16, 52–56. McQuail, D. (2010). Mass communication theory (6th ed.). Sage Publication. McQuail, D. (2010). Mass Communication theory. Sage publications. Media Action Nepal. (2019). Media Freedom in Nepal: A Situation Analysis. Retrieved from: http://mediaactionnepal. org/images/publications/1547963890situation_analysis_media_freedom_in_nepal.pdf Media Council of Kenya. (2015). The Gender agenda; Assessing gender issues in the Kenya media. Nairobi, Kenya: Author. Media Development Foundation. (2011). Gender Stereotypes in Georgian Media. Retrieved from: http://mdfgeorgia.ge/ uploads//Genderuli_monitoringi_qartul_mediashi.pdf Media Foundation for West Africa. (2019). Increasing women’s participation in governance in Ghana. Retrieved from: https://www.mfwa.org/publication/how-can-the-media-improve-womens-participation-in-governance-in-ghana/ Medina, J. (2013). The epistemology of resistance: Gender and racial oppression, epistemic injustice, and the social imagination. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199929023.001.0001 Megarry, J. (2014). Online incivility or sexual harassment? Conceptualising women’s experiences in the digital age. Females’s Studies International Forum, 47, 46–55. Megarry, J. (2014). Online incivility or sexual harassment? Conceptualising women’s experiences in the digital age. Women’s Studies International Forum, 47, 46–55. doi:10.1016/j.wsif.2014.07.012 Megwa, E. R. (2007). Bridging the digital divide: Community radio’s potential for extending information and communication technology benefits to poor rural communities in South Africa. The Howard Journal of Communications, 18(4), 335–352. doi:10.1080/10646170701653685

428

Compilation of References

Megwa, E. R. (2007). Community radio stations as community technology centers: An evaluation of the development impact of technological hybridization on stakeholder communities in south africa. Journal of Radio Studies, 14(1), 49–66. doi:10.1080/10955040701301847 Melin-Higgins, M. (2004). Coping with journalism: Gendered newsroom culture. In Gender and newsroom cultures: Identities at work. Cresskill: Hampton Press. Melin-Higgins, M. (2004). Coping with journalism: Gendered newsroom culture. In M. De Bruine & K. Ross (Eds.), Genders and newsroom cultures: Identities at work (pp. 197–222). Hampton Press. Melin, M. (2008). Gendered Journalism Culture. Strategies and Tactics in the Fields of Journalism in Britain and Sweden. JMG. Melkote, S. R., & Steeves, H. L. (2001). Communication for development in the third world: Theory and practice for empowerment. Sage (Atlanta, Ga.). Advance online publication. doi:10.4135/9788132113751 Mendes, K., Ringrose, J., & Keller, J. (2018). # MeToo and the promise and pitfalls of challenging rape culture through digital feminist activism. European Journal of Women’s Studies, 25(2), 236–246. doi:10.1177/1350506818765318 Mendoza, D. J. (2013). Engaging the state, challenging the church: The women’s movement and policy reforms in the Philippines [Unpublished dissertation]. City University of Hong Kong. Retrieved from: http://lbms03.cityu.edu.hk/ theses/abt/phd-ais-b46934054a.pdf Merritt, S., & Gross, H. (1978). Women’s Page/Lifestyle Editors: Does Sex Make a Difference? Journalism Quarterly, 55. Meskhi, S. (1871). A Few Words for attention of Young Men. ‘Kvali’, 16. Retrieved from: https://gdi.ge/uploads/ other/0/439.pdf Meyers, M., & Gayle, L. (2015). African American women in the newsroom: Encoding resistance. The Howard Journal of Communications, 26(3), 292–312. doi:10.1080/10646175.2015.1049760 Mhlanga, B. (2009). The community in community radio: A case study of XK FM, interrogating issues of community participation, governance, and control. Ecquid Novi, 30(1), 58–72. doi:10.1080/02560054.2009.9653392 Mickinsey Global Institute. (2017). The Power of Parity. Ink World, 23(1), 18–19. doi:10.7591/cornell/9780801453687.003.0006 Mijatović, D. (2011). Safety of journalists: Why it matters. Retrieved from: https://www.osce.org/cio/78522 Mijatović, D. (2015). Communiqué on the growing safety threat to female journalists online. Retrieved from: https:// www.osce.org/cio/78522 Mijatovic, D. (2016). Foreword. In New challenges to freedom of expression: countering online abuse of female journalists. OSCE. Mijatović, D. (2016). More Platforms, Less Freedom: How New Media Reproduce Old Patriarchal Structure. In New Challenges to Freedom of Expression: Countering Online Abuse of Female Journalists. Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). Retrieved from https://www.osce.org/fom/220411?download=true Mijatović, D. (2016). Safety of journalists why it matters new challenges to freedom of expression: Countering online abuse of female journalists. Retrieved from: http://www.osce.org/fom/220411?download=true Mills, J., Bonner, A., & Francis, K. (2006a). Adopting a constructivist approach to grounded theory: Implications for research design. International Journal of Nursing Practice, 12(1), 8–13. doi:10.1111/j.1440-172X.2006.00543.x PMID:16403191 429

Compilation of References

Mills, J., Bonner, A., & Francis, K. (2006b). The development of constructivist grounded theory. International Journal of Qualitative Methods, 5(1), 25–35. doi:10.1177/160940690600500103 Minić, D. (2007). Feminist Media Theory and Activism: Different Worlds or Possible Cooperation. In 20 Pieces of Encouragement for Awakening and Change Peacebuilding in the Region of the Former Yugoslavia. Belgrade: Centre for Nonviolent Action. Ministry of Internal Affairs of Georgia. (2020, April 3). Fighting with domestic violence. https://police.ge/ge/shinagansaqmeta-saministro-agrdzelebs-odjakhshi-dzaladobis-tsinaaghmdeg-efeqtian-brdzolas/13440 Ministry of Women and Child Development. (2015). Handbook on Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013. Government of India. Retrieved from: https://www.iitk.ac.in/wc/data/ Handbook%20on%20Sexual%20Harassment%20of%20Women%20at%20Workplace.pdf Mirza, Z. K. (2016). Gender Disparity in Pakistani Media Organizations in the Digital Age. PEOPLE. The International Journal of Social Sciences (Islamabad), 2(3). Mohanty, C. T. (1991). Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses. In C. T. Mohanty, A. Russo, & L. Torres (Eds.), Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism (pp. 51–80). Indiana University Press. Mohanty, C. T. (2003). Feminism Without Borders. Decolonizing Theory, Practicing Solidarity. Duke University Press. doi:10.1215/9780822384649 Mohapatra, A., Soman, P., Solanki, A. S., & Shroff, V. (2018). India’s Law on Prevention of Sexual Harassment at the Workplace. Nishith Desai Associates. Retrieved from: http://www.nishithdesai.com/fileadmin/user_upload/pdfs/ Research%20Papers/Prevention_of_Sexual_Harassment_at_Workplace.pdf MOM-RSF. (2019). Media Ownership Monitor: Pakistan a high-risk country in terms of media pluralism. Retrieved from: https://rsf.org/en/news/media-ownership-monitor-pakistan-high-risk-country-terms-media-pluralism Monteiro, S., Marques Pinto, A., & Roberto, M. (2015). Job demands, coping, and impacts of occupational stress among journalists: A systematic review. European Journal of Work and Organizational Psychology, 25(5), 751–772. doi:10.1 080/1359432X.2015.1114470 Moorti, S. (2002). The color of rape. Women & Language, 25(1), 32–32. Moorti, S., & Ross, K. (2002). The power of the veil: Reviews editors. Feminist Media Studies, 2(2), 267–268. doi:10.1080/14680770220150908 Morales, R. F., Perez, V. R., & Martinez, L. (2012). Posttraumatic stress symptoms in Mexican journalists covering the drug war. Suma Psicologica, 19, 7–17. Morales, R. F., Perez, V. R., & Martinez, L. (2014). The psychological impact of the war against drug-trafficking on Mexican journalists. Revista Colombiana de Psicología, 23, 177–193. Morley, D. (1986). Family Television. Comedia. Morley, L. (2007). Sister-matic: Gender mainstreaming in higher education. Teaching in Higher Education, 12(5-6), 136–142. doi:10.1080/13562510701595267 Mtimde, L. (2000). Radio broadcasting in South Africa: An overview. International Journal of Cultural Studies, 3(2), 173–179. doi:10.1177/136787790000300205

430

Compilation of References

Murthy, L., Aggarwal, A., Karthikeyan, R., Joseph, A., & Kundu, S. (2020). Creating Safe Workplaces: Prevention and Redressal of Sexual Harassment in Media Houses in India. Gender in Media and Network of Women in Media. Retrieved from: http://nwmindia.org/images/GAW_CREATING_SAFE_WORKPLACES_compressed_corrected.pdf Murthy, C. S. H. N. (2018). Safety and Security of Journalists: Yet Awaiting Intervention from Indian Academy and Industry. Asia Pacific Media Educator, 28(1), 133–145. doi:10.1177/1326365X18772359 Musah, B. I., & Gariba, I. (2013). Women and political decision making: Perspectives from Ghana’s parliament. Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, 5(3). Myers, M. (2008). Radio and development in Africa. A Concept Paper Prepared for the International Development Research Centre (IDRC) of Canada. Myers, M. (2011). Voices from villages: Community radio in the developing world. Center for International Media Assistance. CIMA. Nadim, M., & Fladmoe, A. (2019). Silencing Women? Gender and Online Harassment. Social Science Computer Review. Retrieved from: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0894439319865518 Naik, M. G., Rodrigues, U. M., & Rani, P. (2020). Mainstream Media’s Framing of #Metoo Campaign in India. Multidisciplinary Journal of Gender Studies, 9(1), 79–106. doi:10.17583/generos.2020.4902 Narayan, U. (1989). The Project of Feminist Epistemology: Perspectives from a Non-Western Feminist. In The Feminist Philosophy Reader (pp. 291-300). McGraw Hill. National Commission on the Role of Filipino Women. (2002). Gender and development codes. Philippine Commission on Women. Retrieved from: https://library.pcw.gov.ph/sites/default/files/Gender%20and%20Development%20Codes.pdf Natividad, I. (2020). COVID-19 and the media: The role of journalism in a global pandemic. Berkeley News. Retrieved from: https://news.berkeley.edu/2020/05/06/covid-19-and-the-media-the-role-of-journalism-in-a-global-pandemic/ Nawaz, S. (1983). The Mass Media and Development in Pakistan. Asian Survey, 23(8), 934–957. doi:10.2307/2644265 Nelson, S. (2011). Emotional intelligence as a predictor of occupational functioning and probable posttraumatic stress disorder in American journalists (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Tulsa. Nepal introduces legislation to address sexual harassment at workplace. (n.d.). Retrieved from: http://www.pioneerlaw. com/news/nepal-introduces-legislation-to-address-sexual-harassment-at-workplace Nepal, U. (2011). A country analysis with a human face. Academic Press. Newman, E., Simpson, R., & Handschuh, D. (2003). Trauma exposure and post-traumatic stress disorder among photojournalists. Visual Communication Quarterly, 10(1), 4–13. doi:10.1080/15551390309363497 Newsclick. (2020). Journalist Bodies Express Concern over Safety of Reporters Covering Delhi Violence. Retrieved from: https://www.newsclick.in/Journalist-Bodies-Express-Concern-Safety-Reporters-Covering-Delhi-Violence Ngugi, P., & Kinyua, C. (2014). The concept and philosophy of community radio stations in the Kenyan context. Journal of Mass Communication and Journalism. Niblock, S. (2020). Towards a psychosemiotics of journalism, mental distress and Covid-19. Social Semiotics, 1–6. do i:10.1080/10350330.2020.1779456 Nilsson, M. L. (2010). ‘Thinkings’ and ‘doings’ of gender: Gendering processes in Swedish television news production. Journalism Practice, 4(1), 1–16. doi:10.1080/17512780903119693 431

Compilation of References

NISR & Macro. (2012). Rwanda demographic and health survey 2010. National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda, Ministry of Health, Kigali, and ORC Macro International. NISR. (2014). Rwanda fourth population and housing census 2012. Thematic Report on Population Size, Structure and Distribution. National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda. Nissen, C. S. (2006). Making a Difference: Public Service Broadcasting in the European Media Landscape. John Libbey Publishing. Njoku, N. U., Whyte, D. H., & Vincent, R. (2018). Journalism practice and gender constraints: A survey of female journalists in Port Harcourt. International Journal of Innovative Psychology & Social Development, 6(4), 1–11. Noelle-Neumann, E. (1993). The theory of public opinion: The concept of the spiral of silence. Annals of the International Communication Association, 14(1), 256–287. doi:10.1080/23808985.1991.11678790 Nord, L., & Głowacki, M. (2010). Editors’ introduction: Public Service Media in Central and Northern Europe. Does the State still matter? Retrieved from: https://www.cejc.ptks.pl/Volume-3-No-1-4-Spring-2010/Editors-introductionPublic-Service-Media-in-Central-and-Northern-EuropeDoes-the-St Nordic Council of Ministers. (2017). Women and men in the news: Report on gender representation in Nordic news content and the Nordic media industry Saga Mannila. Author. Nordicom. (2017). Beyond the Stereotypes? Retrieved from: https://www.nordicom.gu.se/sv/system/tdf/publikationerhela-pdf/beyond_the_stereotypes_images_of_boys_and_girls_and_their_consequences.pdf?file=1&type=node&id=3 8940&force=0 Nordicom. (2018). The media is a male business. Retrieved from: https://www.nordicom.gu.se/en/latest/news/mediamale-business North, L. (2010). The Gender ‘Problem’ in Australia Journalism Education. Retrieved from: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2015844 North, L. (2009). The gendered newsroom: How journalists experience in the changing world of media. Hampton Press. North, L. (2012). ‘Blokey’ newsrooms still a battleground for female journalists. Newsrooms Still a Battleground for Female Journalists (December 10, 2012). Australian Journalism Review, 34(2). North, L. (2016a). Still a ‘blokes club’: The motherhood dilemma in journalism. Journalism, 17(3), 315–330. doi:10.1177/1464884914560306 North, L. (2016b). Damaging and daunting: Female journalists’ experiences of sexual harassment in the newsroom. Feminist Media Studies, 16(3), 495–510. doi:10.1080/14680777.2015.1105275 North, L. (2016b). The gender of ‘soft’ and ‘hard’ news. Female journalists’ views on gendered story allocations. Journalism Studies, 17(3), 356–373. doi:10.1080/1461670X.2014.987551 Novak, R. J., & Davidson, S. (2013). Journalists reporting on hazardous events: Constructing protective factors within the professional role. Traumatology, 1(4), 1–10. doi:10.1177/1534765613481854 Nusrat, R. (2018, July 14). The Challenges of Pakistan’s Female Journalists. The Diplomat. Retrieved from https:// thediplomat.com/2018/07/the-challenges-of-pakistans-female-journalists/ Nwosu, I. E. (2012). Gender role perceptions and the changing role of women in Nigeria. International Journal of Agriculture & Rural Development, 15(3), 1240–1246.

432

Compilation of References

O’Neil, A., Sojo, V., Fileborn, B., Scovelle, A. J., & Milner, A. (2018). The# MeToo movement: An opportunity in public health? Lancet, 391(10140), 2587–2589. doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(18)30991-7 PMID:30070210 Obijiofor, L., & Hanusch, F. (2011). Journalism across Cultures: An Introduction. Palgrave. doi:10.1007/978-0-230-34524-9 Odine, M. (2013). Role of social media in the empowerment of Arab women. Global Media Journal, 12(22), 1–30. OffNews. (2019). The UBJ organizes a protest in front of the Parliament, distributes its annual awards. Retrieved from: https://offnews.bg/medii/sbzh-organizira-protest-pred-parlamenta-razdava-godishnite-si-nagradi-714528.html Ognyanova, N. (2013). Bulgarian journalists are under attack. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/2013/09/bulgarianjournalists-are-under-attack/ Ognyanova, N. (2020). Prof. Neli Ognyanova on media legislation and freedom of speech in Bulgaria. Retrieved from: https://medium.com/@asengenov/nelly-ognyanova-media-freedom-media-law-1d5899981110 Oladapo, O. A. (2019). Gender and the national crisis of contested nationhood: News visibility of women in Nigeria’s unity debate. Feminist Media Studies, 1–16. Advance online publication. doi:10.1080/14680777.2019.1647867 Olea, L. (2018). Philippine journalist safety guide: A handbook for Filipino journalists. Retrieved from: https://nujp. org/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/NUJPSafety-guide-final1.1-forupload.pdf Olea, L. (2018a). Philippine journalist safety guide: A handbook for Filipino journalists. National Union of Journalists of the Philippines. Retrieved from: https://nujp.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/NUJPSafety-guide-final1.1-forupload.pdf Olea, R. V. (2018b, October 2). Filipino women journalists: attacked but unbowed. Bulatlat. Retrieved from: https:// www.bulatlat.com/2018/10/02/filipino-women-journalists-attacked-but-unbowed/ Olsen, R. K., Pickard, V., & Westlund, O. (2020). Communal News Work: COVID-19 Calls for Collective Funding of Journalism. Digital Journalism, 1-8. Omu, F. (1978). Press and politics in Nigeria 1880 – 1973. Longman Group Limited. Onta, P. (2006). Mass Media in Post-1990 Nepal. Martin Chautari. Opubor, A. E. (2000). If community media is the answer, what is the question. Promoting Community Media in Africa, 1-25. Ordway, O. D. (2017). Women in news: A collection of research. Retrieved from. https://journalistsresource.org/studies/ society/news-media/women-in-news-female- journalists-research/ Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2001). Citizens as partners: Information, consultation and public participation in policy-making. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). (2016). New Challenges of Freedom of Expression: Countering Online Abuse of Female Journalists. OSCE. Orgeret, K. S., & Tayeebwa, W. (2020). Introduction: Rethinking safety of journalists. Academic Press. Orwant, J., & Cantor, M. (1977). How Sex Stereotyping Affects News Preferences. The Journalism Quarterly, 54(1), 99–108. doi:10.1177/107769907705400114 Osmann, J., Dvorkin, J., Inbar, Y., Page-Gould, E., & Feinstein, A. (2020). The emotional well-being of journalists exposed to traumatic events: A mapping review. Media, War & Conflict, •••, 175063521989599. doi:10.1177/1750635219895998 Our World in Data. (2017). Freedom of the Press Status 2017. Retrieved from: https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/worldmap-of-the-freedom-of-the-press-status 433

Compilation of References

Owusu, W. Y. (2012). The Ghanaian media landscape: how unethical practices of journalists undermine progress (PhD Thesis). Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism. University of Oxford. Pakistan lost over 50,000 civilians in war on terror, News. (2018). The Express Tribune. Retrieved from: https://tribune. com.pk/story/1599831/1-pakistan-lost-50000-civilians-war-terror/ Pakistan Press Foundation. (2019). 72 journalists murdered in Pakistan since 2002. Retrieved from Karachi: https:// www.pakistanpressfoundation.org/72-journalists-murdered-in-pakistan-since-2002/ Pakistan Press Foundation. (2020). Media safety and press freedom in Pakistan 2019-2020 Report by Pakistan Press Foundation (PPF) to commemorate World Press Freedom Day. Retrieved from: Islamabad: https://www.pakistanpressfoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/Media-Safety-and-Press-Freedom-in-Pakistan-2019-2020.pdf Pal, B. K. (1987). Women in Unusual Profession. In B. K. Pal (Ed.), Problems and Concerns of Indian Women. ABC Publishing House. na. Palm, M., & Marimbe, S. (2018). Women in media: Fighting trolls, norms and the occasional bully. In Paving the way for good journalism (pp. 27-31). International Media Support Annual Report. Palmer, C., & Bolderston, A. (2006). A Brief Introduction to Qualitative Research. The Canadian Journal of Medical Radiation Technology, 37(1), 16–18. doi:10.1016/S0820-5930(09)60112-2 Panayotov, T. (2011). Legal framework and regulation of newspaper activity in Bulgaria. In V. Mihaylov, D. Boshnakova, M. Meltev & R. Marinov (Eds.), Yearbook 2011. New Bulgarian University. Mass Communications Department. Retrieved from: http://ebox.nbu.bg/mascom12/lessons.php Panayotov, Ph. (1999). Journalism. In Ph. Panayotov (Ed.), Bulgaria 20. Century (pp. 827–915). Trud. Pant, L. D. (2010). Appraisals versus Introspections: An ethical Perspective on Fermenting Nepali Media. Kathmandu: Nepal. Pant, L. D. (2017). Addressing challenges of female journalists. Paper presented at the South Asian Workshop on Safety of Women Journalists, Kathmandu. Pant, L. D. (2017, July 2). Insecure scribes. The Republica. Retrieved from: https://myrepublica.nagariknetwork.com/ news/author/2221 Pant, L. D. (2009). Journalism and media education in Nepal: A critical overview. Bodhi. An Interdisciplinary Journal, 3(1), 21–34. doi:10.3126/bodhi.v3i1.2809 Parahita, G. D., & Ahmad, N. (2020). What dampen the Indonesian journalists’ freedom and safety in the post-Soeharto new order? In S. Jamil (Ed.), The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety (pp. 83–105). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1298-2.ch006 Parker, K. (2015). Aggression against journalists: Understanding occupational intimidation of journalists using comparisons with sexual harassment (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Tulsa. Pasha, S. A., & Saleem, N. (2019). Investigating the challenges faced by women journalist in Islamic societies: A case study of Islamic republic of Pakistan. Al-Qalam, 23(2), 24–43. Pasti, S., Ramaprasad, J., & Ndlovu, M. (2015). BRICS journalists in global research. In Mapping BRICS media (pp. 205–227). Routledge. doi:10.4324/9781315726212-14 Pate, U. A., & Idris, H. (2017). How journalists survived to report: Professionalism and risk management in the reporting of terror groups and violent extremism in North East Nigeria. Academic Press. 434

Compilation of References

Pate, U. A., Oso, L., & Jibril, A. (2017). Status of training and research in reporting conflict, peace journalism and safety education in English speaking West Africa: The cases of Ghana, Nigeria and Sierra Leone. Journal of the Association for Journalism Education, 6(2), 28–36. Pathak, B., Bhawallar, A., Sharma, A & Saxena, D. (2018). A study on challenges and opportunities for women journalists in media industry of Bhopal Region. International Journal of Research and Analytical Reviews, 5(3), 68-79. Patton, M. Q. (2015). Qualitative research and evaluation methods: Integrating theory and practice (4th ed.). Sage. Payne, G. J. (2009). Feminist Media as Alternative Media? Interface: A Journal for and about Social Movements, 1(2), 190 – 211. Pearson, P. D., & Gallagher, M. C. (1983). The instruction of reading comprehension. Contemporary Educational Psychology, 8(3), 317–344. doi:10.1016/0361-476X(83)90019-X PEMRA. (2020). List of commercial and non-commercial FM radio station licences. Retrieved from: http://www.pemra. gov.pk/ Penk, W., Drebing, C., & Schutt, R. (2002). PTSD in the Workplace. In J. C. Thomas & M. Hersen (Eds.), Handbook of mental health in the workplace. Sage Publication. doi:10.4135/9781452229386.n11 Perloff, R. M. (1999). The third person effect. Media Psychology, 1(4), 353–378. doi:10.12071532785xmep0104_4 Peters, B. (2001). Equality and Quality: Setting Standards for Women in Journalism. IFJ Survey on the Status of Women Journalists. Petersen, A. H. (2018). The cost of reporting while female. Columbia Journalism Review. Retrieved from: https://www. cjr.org/special_report/reporting-female-harassment-journalism.php Pew Research Center. (2017). Online Harassment 2017. Retrieved from: https://www.pewinternet.org/2017/07/11/ online-harassment-2017/ Phalen, P. (2010). Pioneers, girlfriends and wives: An agenda for research on women and the organizational culture of broadcasting. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 44(2), 230–247. doi:10.120715506878jobem4402_5 Philippine Commission on Women. (1995). Anti-Sexual Harassment Act of 1995. Retrieved from: https://pcw.gov.ph/ republic-act-7877-anti-sexual-harassment-act-of-1995/ Philippine Commission on Women. (1997). Anti-Rape Law of 1997. Retrieved from: https://pcw.gov.ph/republic-act8353-the-anti-rape-law-of-1997/ Philippine Commission on Women. (2004). Anti-Violence Against Women and Their Children Act of 2004. Retrieved from: https://pcw.gov.ph/republic-act-9262-anti-violence-against-women-and-their-children-act-of-2004/ Philippine Commission on Women. (2019). Safe Spaces Act of 2019. Retrieved from: https://pcw.gov.ph/safe-spacesact-irr-signed/ Philo, G. (2008). Active audiences and the construction of public knowledge. Journalism Studies, 9(4), 535–544. doi:10.1080/14616700802114217 Philp, R. (2020). COVID-19’s Toll on Journalists: At Least 64 Dead in 24 Countries. Global Investigative Journalism Network. Retrieved from: https://gijn.org/2020/05/06/covid-19s-toll-on-journalists-at-least-64-dead-in-24-countries/ Picard, R. G., & Storm, H. (2016). The kidnapping of journalists reporting from high risk conflict zones. Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism. doi:10.5040/9781350988828 435

Compilation of References

Pintak, L., & Nazir, S. J. (2013). Pakistani journalism: At the crossroads of Muslim identity, national priorities and journalistic culture. Media Culture & Society, 35(5), 640–665. doi:10.1177/0163443713483654 Poindexter, P., Meraz, S., & Weiss, A. S. (2010). Women, men, and news: Divided and disconnected in the news media landscape. Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780203877272 Pokharel, S. (2008). Gender discrimination: Women perspective. Nepalese Journal of Development and Rural Studies, 5(2), 80–87. Polit, D., & Hungler, B. (1991). Nursing research: Principal and methods. Academic Press. Ponterotto, D. (2014). Trivializing the Female Body: A Cross-cultural Analysis of the Representation of Women in Sports Journalism. Journal of International Women’s Studies, 15(2), 94–111. https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol15/iss2/7 Posetti, J. (2017, July 13). Online harassment: Lessons from the Philippines. Global Investigative Journalism Network. Retrieved from: https://gijn.org/2017/07/13/fighting-online-harassment-lessons-from-the-philippines/ Posetti, J. (2017, June 30). Fighting back against prolific online harassment in the Philippines. The Conversation. Retrieved from: https://ro.uow.edu.au/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4162&context=lhapapers Prasad, R. K., & Deepak, N. (2019). Community radio and women empowerment: A pragmatic investigation. Development, 83. Presidential Task Force on Media Security. (2018). Handbook on personal security measures for media practitioners. Presidential Task Force on Media Security. Press Trust of India. (2019, August 2). Women journalists denied fair share in Indian media: UN report. Retrieved from: https://www.business-standard.com/article/pti-stories/women-journalists-denied-fair-share-in-indian-media-unreport-119080201682_1.html Pringle, J., Drummond, J., McLafferty, E., & Hendry, C. (2011). Interpretative phenomenological analysis: A discussion and critique. Nurse Researcher, 18(3), 20–24. doi:10.7748/nr2011.04.18.3.20.c8459 PMID:21560922 Public Defender (Ombudsman) of Georgia. (2020). Femicide monitoring report. UN Women. Retrieved from: http:// ombudsman.ge/res/docs/2020070314085795380.pdf Pyevich, C., Newman, E., & Daleiden, E. (2003). The relationship among cognitive schemas, job-related traumatic exposure, and posttraumatic stress disorder in journalists. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 16(4), 325–328. doi:10.1023/A:1024405716529 PMID:12895014 Qamar, A., Manzoor, S., & Shahzadi, M. A. I. (2020). Problems of Working Journalists in Pakistan. SJESR, 3(2), 267-277. Quelch, J. A., & Knoop, C. I. (2018). Compassionate Management of Mental Health in the Modern Workplace. Springer. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-71541-4 Raaflaub, K., Ober, J., Wallace, R., Cartledge, P., & Farrar, C. (2007). Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece. University of California Press. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/j.ctt1pp9pt Rahman, M., & Islam, M. A. (2018). An investigation into features of news web-sites in Bangladesh. World of media. Journal of Russian Media and Journalism Studies., 1. Advance online publication. doi:10.30547/worldofmedia.2.2018.3 Rajan, S. I., Sudha, S., & Mohanachandran, P. (2000). Fertility decline and worsening gender bias in India: Is Kerala no longer an exception? Development and Change, 31(5), 1085–1092. doi:10.1111/1467-7660.00190

436

Compilation of References

Rajeev, P., Midhila. M. S., & Karthika, C. (2019). Work and Life of Women Journalists: A Study with Special Reference to Kerala. International Journal of Innovative Technology and Exploring Engineering, 8(7S2), 310-312. Rajeev, P., Midhila, M. S., & Karthika, C. (2019). Work and life of women journalists: A study with special reference to Kerala. International Journal of Innovative Technology and Exploring Engineering, 8(7), 310–316. Rakow, L. F., & Kranich, K. (1991, March 1). Woman as Sign in Television News. Journal of Communication, 41(1), 8–23. doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.1991.tb02289.x Rana, C. (2019, November 30). Wrong turn- How an Ola cab ride in Chandigarh became an ordeal for a journalist. Retrieved from: https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/chandigarh/ wrong-turn-how-an-ola-cab-ride-in-chandigarhbecame-an-ordeal-for-a-journalist-6143929/ Rao, S., & Rodny-Gumede, Y. (2020). Gazing past the glass ceiling: Indian and South African female journalists’ perceptions of their role and power in the newsroom. Global Media and Communication, 16(1), 57–74. doi:10.1177/1742766519899116 Rauch, J. (2018). On World Press Freedom Day, Brookings experts reflect on the importance of a free press. Retrieved from: https://www.brookings.edu/blog/up-front/2018/05/02/on-world-press-freedom-day-brookings-experts-reflect-onthe-importance-of-a-free-press/ Ray, S. (2018). #MeToo Is A Crucial Moment To Revisit The History of Indian Feminism. Economic and Political Weekly, 53(42). Retrieved from: https://www.epw.in/engage/article/metoo-crucial-moment-revisit-history-indian-feminism Registrar of Newspaper for India. (2018). Press in India (2017-2018). Retrieved from: http://rni.nic.in/all_page/press_india.aspx Rehmat, A. (2019, May 3). How pressuring the media is risking the quality of our democracy. Dawn. Retrieved from: https://www.dawn.com/news/1419373/how-pressuring-the-media-is-risking-the-quality-of-our-democracy Reinardy, S. (2007). Satisfaction vs. Sacrifice: Sports Editors Assess the Influences of Life Issues on Job Satisfaction. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 84(1), 105–121. doi:10.1177/107769900708400108 Reinardy, S. (2009). Beyond Satisfaction: Journalists Doubt Career Intentions as Organizational Support Diminishes and Job Satisfaction Declines. Atlantic Journal of Communication, 17(3), 126–139. doi:10.1080/15456870902873192 Reinardy, S. (2009). Female journalists more likely to leave newspapers. The R Journal, 30(3), 42–57. Reinardy, S. (2011). Newspaper journalism in crisis: Burnout on the rise, eroding young journalists’ career commitment. Journalism: Theory. Practice & Criticism, 12(1), 33–50. doi:10.1177/1464884910385188 Reporters Without Borders (RSF). (2017). Online Harassment of Journalists; Attack of the trolls. Retrieved From https:// rsf.org/en/news/rsf-publishes-report-online-harassment-journalists Reporters Without Borders (RSF). (2020). The World Press Freedom Index-2020. Retrieved from: https://rsf.org/en/2020world-press-freedom-index-entering-decisive-decade-journalism-exacerbated-coronavirus Reporters Without Borders. (2018). 2018 world press freedom index. Retrieved from: https://rsf.org/en/ranking/2018 Reporters Without Borders. (2018). RSF index 2018: Hatred of journalism threatens democracies. Paris: Reporters without Borders. Reporters Without Borders. (2018, October 24). #MeToo wave sweeps Indian media, but sanctions are slow in coming. Retrieved from: https://rsf.org/en/news/metoo-wave-sweeps-indian-media-sanctions-are-slow-coming Reporters Without Borders. (2019). 2019 World Press Freedom Index. Retrieved from: https://rsf.org/en 437

Compilation of References

Reporters Without Borders. (2019). 2019 World Press Freedom Index. Retrieved from: https://rsf.org/en/ranking/2019 Reporters Without Borders. (2020). 2020 World Press Freedom Index. Retrieved from: https://rsf.org/en/ranking/2020 Reporters without borders. (2020). https://rsf.org/en/georgia?nl=ok Republic of Ghana. (1992). The 1992 Constitution of Ghana. Retrieved from: https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Ghana_1996.pdf?lang=en Repucci, S. (2019). Media Freedom: A Downward Spiral. Retrieved from: https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedomand-media/2019/media-freedom-downward-spiral Ressa, M., Ghose, S., & Storm, H. (2018, October 6). Trolls and threats: Online harassment of female journalists. Aljazeera. Retrieved from: https://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/listeningpost/2018/10/trolls-threats-online-harassmentfemale-journalists-181006101141463.html Ricchiardi, S. (2012, July). Challenges for independent news media in Pakistan. Washington, DC: Centre for International Media Assistance. Retrieved from: https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Challenges%20for%20 Independent%20News%20Media%20in%20Pakistan_Ricchiardi.pdf Rivas-Rodriguez, M., Subervi-Velez, F. A., Bramlett-Solomon, S., & Heider, D. (2004). ´ Minority journalists’ perceptions of the impact of minority executives. The Howard Journal of Communications, 15(1), 39–55. doi:10.1080/10646170490275747 Riyad, M. A., Ramadan, M. E., & Alkhadrawy, R. (2019). Measurement of Psychological Stress in A Group of Journalists Working in One of the Private Journalism Institutes in Egypt. The Egyptian Journal of Hospital Medicine, 76(4), 3853–3858. Robie, D., & Abcede, D. M. (2015). Cybercrime, criminal libel and the media: From ‘e-martial law’ to the Magna Carta in the Philippines. Pacific Journalism Review, 21(1), 211-229. Retrieved from: https://ojs.aut.ac.nz/pacific-journalismreview/article/view/158 Robinson, G. J. (2005). Gender, Journalism and Equity: Canadian, U.S. and European Perspectives. Hampton Press. Robinson, G. J. (2008). Feminist approaches to journalism studies: Canadian perspectives. Global Media Journal, 1(1), 123–136. Roman, P. M., & Baker, S. C. (2002). Alcohol and Drug Problem Management in the Workplace. In J. C. Thomas & M. Hersen (Eds.), Handbook of mental health in the workplace. Sage Publication. doi:10.4135/9781452229386.n18 Romm, N., & Ngulube, P. (2015). Mixed methods research. In E.R. Mathipa & M.T.Gumbo (Eds.), Addressing research challenges: Making headway for developing researchers. Retrieved from: https://www.academia.edu/27411652/Mixed_methods_research?utm_content=buffer01ca8&utm_medium=social&utm_source=facebook.com&utm_campaign=buffer Røning, H. (2016). On press freedom and other media freedoms. In U. Carlsson (Ed.), Freedom of Expression and Media in Transition. Studies and reflections in the digital age (pp. 43–53). NORDICOM. Ropers-Huilman, B. (Ed.). (2003). Gendered futures in higher education: Critical perspectives for change. SUNY. Ross, K. (2001). Women at work: Journalism as en-gendered practice. Journalism Studies, 2(4), 531–544. doi:10.1080/14616700120086404 Ross, K. (2004). Sex at work: Gender politics and newsroom culture. In Gender and newsroom cultures: Identities at work (pp. 145–162). Hampton Press.

438

Compilation of References

Ross, K., Boyle, K., Carter, C., & Ging, D. (2018). Women, Men and News: It’s life, Jim, but not as we know it†. Journalism Studies, 19(6), 824–845. doi:10.1080/1461670X.2016.1222884 Ross, K., & Carter, C. (2011). Women and news: A long and winding road. Media Culture & Society, 33(8), 1148–1165. doi:10.1177/0163443711418272 Ross, K., & Padovani, C. (Eds.). (2016). Gender equality and the media: A challenge for Europe. Routledge. doi:10.4324/9781315709024 Roxas, J. T. (2016, June 2). Mariz Umali on Duterte’s catcalling: Improper, no apology expected. GMA News Online. Retrieved from: https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/news/nation/568498/mariz-umali-on-duterte-s-catcalling-improperno-apology-expected/story/ Rubenking, B., & Campanella Bracken, C. (2015). The Dueling Influences on Stigma towards Mental Illness: Effects of Interpersonal Familiarity and Stigmatizing Mediated Portrayals of Mental Illness on Attitudes. Studies in Media and Communication, 3(2), 12–128. doi:10.11114mc.v3i2.1130 Rubin, R. B., Rubin, A. M., Haridakis, P. M., & Piele, L. J. (2010). Communication research: Strategies and sources (7th ed.). Wadsworth. Rudman, L. A., Moss-Racusin, C. A., Phelan, J. E., & Nauts, S. (2012b). Status incongruity and backlash effects: Defending the gender hierarchy motivates prejudice against female leaders. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 48(1), 165–179. doi:10.1016/j.jesp.2011.10.008 Ruoho, I., & Torkkola, S. (2018). Toward a Multidimensional Approach. doi:10.2478/nor-2018-0002.67 Ruoho, I., & Torkkola, S. (2018). Journalism and Gender. Toward a Multidimensional Approach. Nordicom Review, 39(1), 67–79. doi:10.2478/nor-2018-0002 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2017). Self-determination theory: Basic psychological needs in motivation, development, and wellness. Guilford Press. doi:10.1521/978.14625/28806 Saady, A. (2017). What if…? Safety handbook for women journalists. International Association for Women in Radio and Television. Retrieved from: https://www.iawrt.org/publications/2019/what-if-safety-handbook-women-journalists Saady, A. (2017). What if…? Safety handbook for women journalists. International Association for Women in Radio and Television. Retrieved from: https://www.iawrt.org/sites/default/files/field/pdf/2019/02/IAWRT_Women_Journalists_Safety_Manual_Nov2017_ISBN.pdf Saady, A. (2017). What if….? safety handbook for women journalists: Practical advice based on personal experience. International Association of Women in Radio and Television. IAWRT. Safa, M. N., & Aktar, T. (2015). Challenges of female journalists in Bangladesh. Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences, 3(5), 207–217. doi:10.11648/j.hss.20150305.17 Saija, K., & Eriksson, P. (2013). He is a firm, strong-minded and empowering leader, but is she? Gendered positioning of female and male CEOs. Gender, Work and Organization, 20(1), 71–84. doi:10.1111/j.1468-0432.2011.00570.x Sakha, T., & Shah, N. A. (2019). Challenges faced by women in journalism: An analytical case study of situation in Pakistan. Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies, 26(2). Sancharika Samuha. (2016). Women Journalists in Nepal: Research on professional status of women journalists in Nepal. Kathmandu, Nepal: Author.

439

Compilation of References

Sandrine, D., Sancier, S., Werner, C., Maller, I., & Kossoffff, C. (2013). Women matter – gender diversity in top management: Moving corporate culture, moving boundaries. Paris: McKinsey & Company. Sangwan, D., & Thakre, A. G. (2016, January). Sexual Harassment at the Workplace in Public and Private Sectors in National Capital Region of Delhi, India: An Empirical Study. In Third International Conference of the South Asian Society of Criminology and Victimology (SASCV), 28-29, January 2016, Goa, India: SASCV 2016 Proceedings (p. 147). K. Jaishankar. Sarikakis, K. (2017). Assault against journalists: We see the tip of the iceberge. In The assault on journalism: Building knowledge to protect freedom of expression (pp. 11-17). Nordicom. Sarikakis, K. (2014). Power, patriarchy and profit: Barriers to gender mainstreaming in media policy. In A. Montiel (Ed.), Media and gender: A scholarly agenda for the global alliance on media and gender (pp. 66–69). UNESCO and IAMCR. Sarkar, S. (2017). Why Does Under Reporting of Sexual Harassment Continue to Prevail in the Workplace in the 21st Century. doi:10.2139srn.3018096 Sarpong, G. (2020a). Ghana: Bridget Otoo, Manasseh Azure, Anas Amereyaw among most abused journalists online: Tracking online abuse in Ghana. Retrieved from: http://iwatchafrica.org/2020/04/23/ghana-bridget-otoo-manasseh-azureanas-amereyaw-among-most-abused-journalists-online-2/ Sarpong, G. (2020b). Ghana: Journalists receive more threats & abuses on Twitter than any other digital platform. Retrieved from: http://iwatchafrica.org/2020/04/17/ghana-journalists-receive-more-threats-abuses-on-twitter-than-anyother-digital-platform/ Sartorius, N., & Schulze, H. (2005). Reducing the Stigma of Mental Illness: A Report from A Global Association. Univ. Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511544255 Scroll Staff. (2018, October 10). Media watch: Most front pages did not report on #MeToo sexual harassment charges against MJ Akbar. Retrieved from: https://scroll.in/article/897723/media-watch-most-front-pages-did-not-report-onmetoo-sexual-harassment-charges-against-mj-akbar Sebastian, M. (2018). Times Now’s Parallel Trial In Tejpal Case Blatantly Interfered With Justice. Retrieved from: https:// thewire.in/media/times-now-parallel-trial-tarun-tejpal-case Seely, N. (2019). Journalists and mental health: The psychological toll of covering everyday trauma. Newspaper Research Journal, 40(2), 239–259. doi:10.1177/0739532919835612 Selnes, F. N., & Walulya, G. (2020). Types and sources of threats to media freedom in Uganda. In S. Jamil (Ed.), The Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety (pp. 257–276). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1298-2.ch014 Servaes, J., & Malikhao, P. (2005). Participatory communication: The new paradigm. Media & Global Change. Rethinking Communication for Development, 91-103. Seshu, G. and Sarkar, U. (2019). Getting Away With Murder. Thakur Foundation. Shabir, G. (2012, May). Pakhtunkhwa: A problems of female working journalists in Khyber case study in Peshawar City-Pakistan. International Conference on Communication, Media, Technology and Design. Shah, S. F. A., Ginossar, T., & Weiss, D. (2019). “This is a Pakhtun disease”: Pakhtun health journalists’ perceptions of the barriers and facilitators to polio vaccine acceptance among the high-risk Pakhtun community in Pakistan. Vaccine, 37(28), 3694–3703. doi:10.1016/j.vaccine.2019.05.029 PMID:31155417

440

Compilation of References

Shakthi, S. (2020). The law, the market, the gendered subject: Workplace sexual harassment in Chennai’s information technology industry. Gender, Place and Culture, 27(1), 34–51. doi:10.1080/0966369X.2019.1608912 Shamanauri, N. (n.d.). In National Library of the Parliament of Georgia. http://www.nplg.gov.ge/bios/ka/00012533/ Sharma, A. (2008). Logics of empowerment: Development, gender, and governance in neoliberal India. U of Minnesota Press. Sibii, R. (2009). Europe. In Ch. Sterling (Ed.), Encyclopedia of journalism (pp. 554–557). Sage Publications Inc. doi:10.4135/9781412972048.n145 Šimonović, D. (2020). Combating violence against women journalists. Report of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences. United Nations. Retrieved from: https://undocs.org/en/A/HRC/44/52 Simpson, R., & Boggs, J. (1999). An exploratory study of traumatic stress among newspaper journalists. Journalism & Communication Monographs, 1(1), 1–24. doi:10.1177/152263799900100102 Sinyor, M., & Feinstein, A. (2012). War journalism and psychopathology: Does gender play a role? Traumatology, 18(1), 29–36. doi:10.1177/1534765610395629 Siraj, S. A., & Hussain, S. (2017). Critical Analysis of Journalistic Autonomy in Pakistan. FWU Journal of Social Sciences, 11(1), 106. Siuta, R. L., & Bergman, M. E. (2019). Sexual Harassment in the Workplace. In Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Business and Management. Retrieved from: https://oxfordre.com/business/ view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190224851.001.0001/ acrefore-9780190224851-e-191 Smith, R., Nelson, S., & Newman, N. (2017). Covering traumatic news stories: Factors associated with PTSD among journalists. Stress and Health. Advance online publication. doi:10.1002mi.2775 PMID:28834207 Smucker, M. K., Whisenant, W. A., & Pedersen, P. M. (2003). An Investigation of Job Satisfaction and Female Sports Journalists. Sex Roles, 49(7/8), 401–407. doi:10.1023/A:1025120406343 Sood, S., Singh, N., Mandhani, A., & Khan, F. (2019). One year after India’s big #MeToo wave, a reality check. ThePrint. Retrieved from: https://theprint.in/features/one-year-after-india-big-metoo-wave-reality-check/304787/ Sossou, M. (2006). The meaning of gender equality in ghana: women’s perceptions of the issues of gender equality: Implications for Social Work Education and Practice in Ghana. Women in Welfare Education., 8, 37–54. Srebemy, A. (2014). Violence against women journalists. In Media and Gender: A Scholarly Agenda for the Global Alliance on Media and Gender. Paris: IAMCR (International Association for Media and Communication Research) and UNESCO. Sreberny, A. (2005). Globalization, communication, democratization: Toward gender equality. Democratizing Global Media: One World, Many Struggles, 256-267. Sreberny, A. (2014). Violence against women journalists. In A. Vega-Montiel (Ed.), Media and gender: A scholarly agenda for the global alliance on media and gender (pp. 30–33). IAMCR. Steiner, L. (2014). Feminist media theory. The Handbook of Media and Mass Communication Theory, 1, 359-379. Steiner, L. (2017). Gender and journalism. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Communication. Doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780190228613.013.91 Steiner, L. (2009). Gender in the newsroom. In K. Wahl-Jorgensen & T. Hanitzsch (Eds.), Handbook of Journalism Studies. Routledge. 441

Compilation of References

Steiner, L. (2017). Women war reporters’ resistance and silence in the face of sexism and sexual violence. Media & Journalism, 17(30), 11–26. doi:10.14195/2183-5462_30_1 Steptoe, A., & Kivimäki, M. (2012). Stress and cardiovascular disease. Nature Reviews. Cardiology, 9(6), 360–370. doi:10.1038/nrcardio.2012.45 PMID:22473079 Storm, A. B. and H. (2014). Women in the News. Physiotherapy, 79(11), 787–788. doi:10.10160031-9406(10)60080-6 STRATEGY II, P. R. (2013). Economic development and poverty reduction strategy ii. STRATEGY, P. R. (2007). Economic development and poverty reduction strategy. Stroud, S. R., & Cox, W. (2018). The varieties of feminist counter speech in the misogynistic online world. In J. R. Vickerty & T. Everbach (Eds.), Mediating Misogyny (pp. 293–310). Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-72917-6_15 Stypinska, J., & Turek, K. (2017). Hard and soft age discrimination: The dual nature of workplace discrimination. European Journal of Ageing, 14(1), 49–61. doi:10.100710433-016-0407-y PMID:28804394 Subramaniam, N. K. (2015). Community Radio: Strengthen Women’s Role and Changing Rural Society through its Programme Content Creation. Academic Press. Suraj, O. A., & Olaleye, O. (2017). Digital safety among Nigerian journalists: Knowledge, attitudes and practice. In The assault on journalism: Building knowledge to protect freedom of expression. Nordicom. Sutherland, V. J., & Cooper, C. L. (2002). Models of Job Stress. In Handbook of mental health in the workplace. Sage Publication. Sweet, M. A., Holland, K. E., & Blood, R. W. (2012). Learning from journalists’ experiences of the H1N1 pandemic. The Medical Journal of Australia, 197(10), 544–545. doi:10.5694/mja11.11625 PMID:23163671 Sweetman, C. (2013). Introduction, Feminist Solidarity and Collective Action. Gender and Development, 21(2), 217–229. doi:10.1080/13552074.2013.819176 Sweney, M. (2020). Newspapers to Lose £50m in Online Ads as Firms Use Coronavirus ‘Blacklist’. The Guardian. Retrieved from: https://www.theguardian.com/media/2020/ apr/01/newspapers-to-lose-50m-in-online-ads-as-firms-usecoronavirus-blacklist Tambe, A. (2018). Reckoning with the Silences of# MeToo. Feminist Studies, 44(1), 197–203. doi:10.15767/feministstudies.44.1.0197 Tangney, J., Stuewig, J., & Mashek, D. (2007). Moral Emotions and Moral Behavior. Annual Review of Psychology, 58(1), 345–372. doi:10.1146/annurev.psych.56.091103.070145 PMID:16953797 Tan, L. B. (1989). Problems of women journalists in the Philippines. Asian Media Information and Communication Centre. Tannen, D. (1990). You just don‟t understand: Men and women in conversation. Morrow. Teegen, F., & Grotwinkel, M. (2001). Traumatic exposure and post-traumatic stress disorder of journalists: An internetbased study. Psychotherapeut, 46, 169–175. doi:10.1007002780000104 Tejani, S. (2004). Sexual harassment at the workplace: Emerging problems and debates. Economic and Political Weekly, 4491–4494. Temin, J., & Smith, D. A. (2002). Media matters: Evaluating the role of the media in Ghana’s 2000 elections. African Affairs, 101(405), 585–600. doi:10.1093/afraf/101.405.585

442

Compilation of References

Terkildsen, N., & Schnell, F. (1997). How Media Frames Move Public Opinion: An Analysis of the Women’s Movement. Political Research Quarterly, 50(4), 879–900. doi:10.1177/106591299705000408 Ternes, B., Peterlin, L., & Reinardy, S. (2017). Newsroom Workers’ Job Satisfaction Contingent on Position and Adaptation to Digital Disruption. Journalism Practice, 12(4), 497–508. doi:10.1080/17512786.2017.1318712 The Civic Action Resources. (2015). Working Conditions of Females Journalists in Pakistan. The Constitution of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh. (2016). Retrieved from: http://bdlaws.minlaw.gov.bd/sections_detail.php?id=367§ions_id=24587 The Dhaka Tribune. (2019). 70% of females facing cyber harassment are between 15-25 years in age. Retrieved from: https:// www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/dhaka/2019/09/24/70-of-females-facing-cyber-harassment-are-15-25-years-in-age The fifth Global Media Monitoring Project. (2015). Who Makes the News? Retrieved from: http://whomakesthenews. org/gmmp/gmmp-reports/gmmp-2015-reports The Free Press Unlimited. (2012). Online Safety for Female Journalists in Pakistan. Pakistan. Retrieved from: https:// www.freepressunlimited.org/en/projects/online-safety-for-female-journalists-in-pakistan The Pen America. (2020). Online Harassment Field Manual. The Pew Research Center. The Wire. (2018). Editorial: For Democracy to Survive, Attacks on Journalists Must End. Retrieved from: https://thewire. in/media/media-freedom-crimes-against-journalists The World Association for Christian Communication. (2015). Global media monitoring project. Who makes the news? Retrieved from http://whomakesthenews.org/gmmp/gmmp-reports/gmmp-2015-reports Theus, K. T. (1985). Gender shifts in journalism and public relations. Public Relations Review, 11(1), 42–50. doi:10.1016/ S0363-8111(85)80060-6 Thomas, D. R. (2003). A general inductive approach for qualitative data analysis. School of Population Health, University of Auckland. Thomas, J. C., & Hersen, M. (Eds.). (2002). Handbook of mental health in the workplace. Sage Publication. Thomson Reuters Foundation. (2018). The world’s most dangerous countries for women 2018. Retrieved from: http:// poll2018.trust.org/ Thomson, S. (2006). Sylvia Thomson’s Notes from the Field. Rwanda Initiative. Thortensson, D. (2019). Epistemic Privilege in the Works of Marx/Engels, DuBois, Mills & Narayan. Oregon State University. Retrieved from: https://ir.library.oregonstate.edu/concern/defaults/5425kh257 Tijani-Adenle, G. (2019). Women in Nigerian news media: Status, experiences and structures (Unpublished doctoral thesis). De Montfort University, Leicester, UK. Tischner, I., Malson, H., & Fey, K. (2019). Leading ladies: Discursive constructions of women leaders in the UK media. Feminist Media Studies, 1–17. Advance online publication. doi:10.1080/14680777.2019.1640266 Toeplitz, J. (1980). Inquiry on Participation of Women in Radio, Television and Film in Four Countries: Australia, Canada, United Kingdom and United States. Part I in Women in the Media. Paris: UNESCO. Tompkins, A., & Tompkins, S. (2020). How journalists can fight stress from covering the coronavirus. Poynter. Retrieved from: https://www.poynter.org/reporting-editing/2020/how-journalists-can-fight-stress-from-covering-the-coronavirus/

443

Compilation of References

Tordesillas, E. (2016). Why reporters are persistent in press conferences. Vera Files. Retrieved from: https://verafiles. org/articles/why-reporters-are-persistent-press-conferences Torkkola, S., & Ruoho, I. (2010). Looking for Gender Equality in Journalism. In T. Krijnen, C. Alvares, & S. Van Bauwel (Eds.), Gender in Transformations – Theory and Practice on Gender and Media. Intellect. Torkkola, S., & Ruoho, I. (2011). Looking for gender equality in journalism. In T. Krijnen, C. Alvares, & S. Van Bauwel (Eds.), Gendered Transformations: Theory and Practices on Gender and Media (pp. 203–220). Intellect. Torkolla, S., & Ruoho, I. (2011). Looking for gender inequality in journalism. In T. Krijnen, C. Alvares, & S. Van Bauwel (Eds.), Gendered Transformations: Theory and Practices on Gender and Media (pp. 203–220). Intellect. Truax, P., & McDonald, T. (2002). Depression in the Workplace. In J. C. Thomas & M. Hersen (Eds.), Handbook of mental health in the workplace. Sage Publication. doi:10.4135/9781452229386.n7 Tsang, A. (2013). Learning to Change Lives: The Strategies and Skills Learning and Development Approach. University of Toronto Press. Retrieved from: www.jstor.org/stable/10.3138/j.ctt2ttqpq Tuazon, R. R., & Torres, T. P. S. (2019). Digital threats and attacks on the Philippine alternative press: Range, responses, and remedies. In S. Jamil (Ed.), Handbook of research on combating threats to media freedom and journalist safety. IGI Global. Tuchman, G. (1978). Making News: A Study in the Construction of Reality. The Free Press. Tuchman, G., Daniels, A. K., & Benet, J. (Eds.). (1978). Hearth and Home: Images of Women in the Mass Media. Oxford University Press. Tumber, H. (2006). The Fear of living dangerously: Journalists who report on conflict. International Relations, 20(4), 439–451. doi:10.1177/0047117806069405 Tummers, L., Bekkers, V., & Steijn, B. (2009). Policy alienation of public professionals: Application in a new public management context. Public Management Review, 11(5), 685–706. doi:10.1080/14719030902798230 Tusan, M. E. (2005). Women making news: Gender and journalism in modern Britain. Urbana University of Illinois Press. Tyrkkö, A., & Karlqvist, L. (2015). Gender differences in time pressure and health among journalists. Time & Society, 24(2), 244–271. doi:10.1177/0961463X15587831 Uche, L. (1989). Mass media, people and politics in Nigeria. Concept Publishing Company. Ukiwo, U. (2005). The study of ethnicity in Nigeria. Oxford Development Studies, 33(1), 7–23. doi:10.1080/13600810500099592 Ullah, H., Khan, A. N., Khan, H. N., & Ibrahim, A. (2016). Gender representation in Pakistani print media-a critical analysis. Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies, 12(1), 53–70. doi:10.46568/pjgs.v12i1.199 Unaegbu, L. N. (2017). Safety Concerns in the Nigerian media: What gender dynamics. In The assault on journalism: Building knowledge to protect freedom of expression. Nordicom. Unaegbu, L. (2017). Safety concerns in the Nigerian media. What gender dynamics? In U. Carlsson & R. Pöyhtäri (Eds.), The assault on journalism: building knowledge to protect freedom of expression (pp. 171–184). Nordicom. UNDP. (2009). Communication for Empowerment in Nepal. UNDP. UNESCO & OHCHR. (2017). Nairobi Declaration on national mechanisms for the safety of journalists. Retrieved from: https://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/FIELD/Nairobi/nairobideclarationsafetyjournalists.pdf

444

Compilation of References

UNESCO. (2012). Gender-Sensitive Indicators for Media Gender-Sensitive Indicators for Media (A. Grizze, Ed.). Retrieved from: https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000217831 UNESCO. (2013). Inception Context Analysis of the Project Supporting the Safety of Journalists in Nepal. UNESCO. UNESCO. (2013a). Assessment of Media Development in Nepal. UNESCO. UNESCO. (2014). A study on self-protection capacities of journalists. UNESCO. UNESCO. (2014). World trends in freedom of expression and media development [report]. UNESCO. UNESCO. (2015). Inside the News. Retrieved from: https://www.ifj.org/fileadmin/images/Gender/Inside_the_News_FINAL_040615_UNESDOC.pdf UNESCO. (2015). Journalists’ Safety Indicators: National Level Based on the UNESCO’s Media Development Indicators. Author. UNESCO. (2015). Journalists’ safety indicators: National level. Division of Freedom of Expression and Media Development. Paris: UNESCO. UNESCO. (2017). An attack on one is an attack on all: Full report. Retrieved from: https://en.unesco.org/an-attack-chapters UNESCO. (2018). World trends in freedom of expression and media development global report 2017/2018. Retrieved from: https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000261065 UNESCO. (2018). World trends in freedom of expression and media development. 2017/2018 Global Report. Paris: UNESCO. UNESCO. (2018a). Setting the Gender Agenda, New proposals from the Global Alliance on Media and Gender. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. Retrieved from: unesdoc.unesco.org/in/rest/annotationSVC/DownloadWatermarkedAttachment/attach_import_85cf02b0-1c1a-4136-a394-f51589acb4d5?_=368962eng. pdf&to=177&from=1 UNESCO. (2018b). World trends in freedom of expression and media development. Retrieved from:http://www.unesco. org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/FIELD/Kingston/pdf/world_trends_freedom.pdf UNESCO. (2019). Intensified attacks, new defences. Retrieved from: https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000371343 UNGA. (2017). Resolution 72/175. The safety of journalists and the issue of impunity. United Nations General Assembly. Retrieved from: http://undocs.org/A/RES/72/175 UNGA. (2018). Report of the OHCHR on the safety of journalists. Retrieved from http://undocs.org/A/hrc/39/23 UNHRC. (2012). Resolution on the safety of journalists. Retrieved from: http://undocs.org/A/HRC/RES/21/12 UNHRC. (2017). Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression. Frank La Rue: United Nations Human Rights Council. Retrieved from https://undocs.org/A/HRC/20/17 Union of Bulgarian Journalists (UBJ). (2010). Goals and tasks. Retrieved from: https://sbj-bg.eu/index.php?t=43 United Nations (UN). (2016). The Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Retrieved from: https://www.ohchr.org/EN/ UDHR/Documents/UDHR_Translations/eng.pdf United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). (2000). Women’s political participation and good governance: 21st century challenges. UNDP.

445

Compilation of References

United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. (2019). Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on the situation of Human rights in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. Retrieved from: https://www. ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/RegularSessions/Session41/Pages/ListReports.aspx United Nations. (1994). Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women. New York: United Nations. Retrieved from: http://daccess-ddsny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N94/095/05/PDF/N9409505.pdf?OpenElement United Nations. (2017). Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women. General Recommendation No. 25 on gender-based violence against women. Retrieved from: https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/treaties/CEDAW/Shared%20 Documents/1_Global/CEDAW_C_GC_35_8267_E.pdf Ursua, E. G. (2001). Addressing sexual harassment in the workplace: The Philippine experience. International Labour Organization. Usher, N., Holcomb, J., & Littman, J. (2018). Twitter makes it worse: Political journalists, gendered echo chambers, and the amplification of gender bias. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 23(3), 324–344. doi:10.1177/1940161218781254 Valkov, I. (2014). Self-censorship – a sense of security in an unpredictable environment. Retrieved from: https://e-vestnik. bg/21563/avtotsenzurata-useshtane-za-sigurnost-v-nepredvidima-sreda Van Zoonen, L. (1988). Rethinking Women and the News. European Journal of Communication, 3(1), 35–53. doi:10.1177/0267323188003001003 Vega Montiel, A. (2014). Violence against and media: advancement and challenges of a research and political agenda. In Media and Gender: A Scholarly Agenda for the Global Alliance on Media and Gender. Paris: IAMCR (International Association for Media and Communication Research) and UNESCO. Vercellesi, L., Minghetti, P., Di Croce, M., Bazzi, A., Pieroni, B., Centemeri, C., & Bruno, F. (2010). Recommendations for health reporting: Proposal of a working paper. Health Education Journal, 69(1), 48–62. doi:10.1177/0017896909349300 Vision, R. (2000). 2020 Kigali. Rwanda Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning. Vitis, L., & Gilmour, F. (2017). Dick Pics on Blast: A Women’s Resistance to Online Sexual Harassment Using Humour, Art, and Instagram. Crime, Media, Culture, 13(3), 335–355. doi:10.1177/1741659016652445 Wahl-Jorgensen, K., Mitchell, L., Allen, G., Hill, M., Sambrook, R., Poortinga, W., ... Beckett, C. (2020). Advice for journalists covering Covid-19. Welsh NHS confederation. Walsh, C. (2015). Media capital or media deficit? Feminist Media Studies, 15(6), 1025-1034. doi:. doi:10.1080/14680 777.2015.1087415 Walsh-Childers, K., Chance, J., & Herzog, K. (1996). Sexual harassment of women journalists [Abstract]. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 73(3), 559–581. doi:10.1177/107769909607300305 Wanyeki, L. M. (2000). The development of community media in east and southern Africa. Promoting Community Media in Africa, 25-43. Weidmann, A., Fehm, L., & Fydrich, T. (2008). Covering the tsunami disaster: Subsuquent post-traumatic and depressive symptoms and associated social factors. Stress and Health, 24(2), 129–135. doi:10.1002mi.1168 Weidmann, A., & Papsdorf, J. (2010). Witnessing trauma in the newsroom: Posttraumatic symptoms in television journalists exposed to violent news clips. The Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 198(4), 264–271. doi:10.1097/ NMD.0b013e3181d612bf PMID:20386255

446

Compilation of References

Wessel, D. (2018). On World Press Freedom Day, Brookings experts reflect on the importance of a free press. Retrieved from: https://www.brookings.edu/blog/up-front/2018/05/02/on-world-press-freedom-day-brookings-experts-reflect-onthe-importance-of-a-free-press/ Westcott, L., & Foley, J. W. (2019). Why newsrooms need a solution to end online harassment of reporters [Blog]. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/blog/2019/09/newsrooms-solution-online-harassment-canada-usa.php Wilde, K. (2015). Women in sport: gender stereotypes in the past and present. Retrieved from wgst.athabascau.ca/ awards/broberts/forms/Wilde.pdf Wimmer, R. D., & Dominick, J. R. (2013). Mass media research: An introduction (10th ed.). Wadsworth Publishing Co. Wolfe, L. (2011, June 7). The silencing crime: Sexual violence and journalists. Committee to Protect Journalists. Retrieved from: https://cpj.org/reports/2011/06/silencing-crime-sexual-violence-journalists/ Woman’s Media Center. (2017). The Status of Women in the U.S. Media 2017. Retrieved from:https://www.womensmediacenter.com/assets/site/reports/10c550d19ef9f3688f_mlbres2jd.pdf Woman’s Media Center. (2019). The Status of Women in the U.S. Media 2019. Retrieved from: https://tools.womensmediacenter.com/page/-/WMCStatusofWomeninUSMedia2019.pdf Women’s Media Center. (2017). The Status of Women in the U.S. Media 2017. WMC. Wood, E. H. (2015). A Phenomenological Study of Female Gender Inequality in the Defense Ministry (Doctoral Dissertation). Walden University. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations Wood, W., & Eagly, A. H. (2010). Gender. In S. T. Fiske, D. T. Gilbert, & G. Lindzey (Eds.), Handbook of social psychology (pp. 629–667). Willey. doi:10.1002/9780470561119.socpsy001017 Working Journalist Act of Nepal. (n. d.). Retrieved from: http://www.lawcommission.gov.np/en/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/working-journalists-act-2051-1993.pdf World Association of Christian Communication. (2015). Who makes the news? Global Media Monitoring Project. World Economic Forum. (2020). The global gender gap report. Author. World Health Organization. (2017). Depression and Other Common Mental Disorders: Global Health Estimates. Geneva: World Health Organization. Yang, C. (2016). An overview of research related to spiral of silence in the digital age. International Journal of Business Management and Commerce, 1(1), 27–36. Yasmin, M., Masso, I. C., Bukhari, N. H., & Aboubakar, M. (2019). Thespians in print: Gender portrayal in Pakistani English print media. Cogent Arts & Humanities, 6(1), 1661647. doi:10.1080/23311983.2019.1661647 Ybarra, M. L., & Mitchell, K. J. (2004). Youth engaging in online harassment: Associations with caregiver-child relationships, Internet use, and personal characteristics. Journal of Adolescence, 27(3), 319–336. doi:10.1016/j.adolescence.2004.03.007 PMID:15159091 Yılmaz, S. A. (2015). A new momentum: Gender justice in the women’s movement. Turkish Policy Quarterly, 13(4), 107–115. Yin, R. K. (2014). Case Study Reseach. Design and methods. Sage. YMCA. (n.d.). The Educated Women in Indian Society Today. Tata McGraw Hill Publishing Co. Ltd.

447

Compilation of References

York, C. (2017, September 18). Women Dominate Journalism Schools but Newsrooms are Still a Different Story. Poynter. https://www.poynter.org/business-work/2017/women-dominate-journalism-schools-but-newsrooms-are-still-a-differentstory/ Young, G. (2020). Romania has narrowest gender pay gap in the EU, new report reveals. The National. Retrieved from: https://www.thenational.scot/news/18278381.romania-narrowest-gender-pay-gap-eu-new-report-reveals Ypis Venezuela. (2020). Voces en el paredón. Reporte Anual IPYSve 2019. Retrieved from: https://ipysvenezuela. org/2020/02/26/voces-en-el-paredon-reporte-anual-ipysve-2019/ Yusuf, B. (2013). Ending impunity and promoting the safety of journalists and media workers. Paper presented at the World Press Freedom Day Celebration, organized by UNESCO, Abuja, Nigeria. Zahra, A., & Ul Hassan, T. (2019). Women in Pakistani media: A Feminist Perspective. Academic Press. Zhao, X. (2020). How China’s state actors create a “Us vs US” world during Covid-19 pandemic on social media. Media and Communication, 8(2), 452–457. doi:10.17645/mac.v8i2.3187 Zheng, J. J., & Jin, S. H. (2009). A Commentary on the Research of Attribution Theory in Leadership. Xinli Kexue Jinzhan, 17(02), 432–441. Zia, A., Batool, S., & Yasin, Z. (2016). Women Harassment at Workplace: A Study of Pakistani Television Channels. Global Media Journal: Pakistan Edition, 9(1), 5. Ziamou, T. (2000). Women Make the News: A Crack in the ‘Glass Ceiling. UNESCO. Zobl, E., & Reitsamer, R. (2014). Gender and Media Activism. Alternative Feminist Media in Europe. In The Routledge Companion to Media and Gender. Routledge. Zoonen, L. (1994). Feminist Media Studies. Sage.

448

449

About the Contributors

Sadia Jamil is a postdoctoral fellow at Khalifa University, Abu Dhabi. She has completed her PhD in Journalism at the University of Queensland (Australia) in July 2015. She also holds postgraduate degrees in the disciplines of Media Management (Scotland) and Mass Communication (Karachi). To date, she is the recipient of a number of awards and scholarships including: The University of Queensland’s Centennial Award (2010), UQ’s International Postgraduate Research Support Award (2010), IAMCR’s travel grant award (2019), the Norwegian UNESCO Commissions’ conference scholarships (2015-2018), Union Insurance’s Cairo Air Crash Journalists Victim Memorial Gold Medal and Daily Jang’s and The News’ Sardar Ali Sabri Memorial Gold Medal. She is affiliated with the International Association of Media and Communication Research (IAMCR) and currently acting as the Co Vice-Chair of IAMCR’s Journalism Research and Education Section. Her research work includes studies into journalism, safety of journalists and impunity, freedom of expression and press freedom. Barış Çoban is a Professor in the Communication Sciences Department, Doğuş University, Turkey. His research interests include alternative (new) media, new social movements, surveillance and journalism safety. He edited the book“Social Media and Social Movements” (Lexington, 2015) and co-edited the books “Alternative Media in Turkey” (Kafka, 2015), “Panopticon 2.0: Alternative Media and CounterSurveillance” and co-authored research articles: ‘The Gezi Resistance and Activist Citizen Reporters’ published by De Gruyter’s Communications journal in Vol. 42, issue 1, in March 2017; ‘How safe is it? Being an Activist Citizen Journalist in Turkey’ published in an edited book titled ‘The Assault on Journalism’ (Carlsson & Pöyhtari, 2017) by Nordicom and ‘Counter-surveillance and alternative new media in Turkey’ published by Taylor & Francis’s Information, Communication and Society journal in Vol. 21, issue 7, in March 2018. Gifty Appiah-Adjei has completed her PhD in Applied Communication at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria. She holds postgraduate degree in Communication and Media Studies (Ghana). She is affiliated to Journalism Safety Research Network (JSRN) and her research works includes studies into Journalism, Journalists Safety and Impunity and Press Freedom. Bora Ataman is a Professor of Communication Sciences at Arts & Sciences Faculty, Dogus University. He is currently studying on topics such as activist citizen journalism, media activism and countersurveillance, and journalism safety. Recent co-authored research articles include; ‘The Gezi Resistance and Activist Citizen Reporters’ published by De Gruyter’s Communications journal in Vol. 42, issue 1, in March 2017; ‘How safe is it? Being an Activist Citizen Journalist in Turkey’ published in an edited 

About the Contributors

book titled ‘The Assault on Journalism’ (U. Carlsson & R. Pöyhtari, 2017) by Nordicom; ‘Countersurveillance and alternative new media in Turkey’ published by Taylor & Francis’s Information, Communication and Society journal in Vol. 21, issue 7, in March 2018; ‘Turkey: How to deal with threats to journalism’ published in an edited book titled ‘Transnational Othering – Global Diversities: Media, extremism and free expression’ (E. Eide, K. Skare Orgeret & N. Mutluer, 2019) by Nordicom and ‘A Review on the Safety of Journalists in Turkey: A Victims’ Rights Perspective’ in S. Jamil’s (ed.) 2020 book taitled ‘Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalist Safety’ by IGI Global. The last co-edited book of Ataman (with B. Çoban and Ö. Erkmen) published by Kafka in the early 2020 was ‘New Journalism - Mediums, Experiences, Opportunities’. *** Nassir Abba-Aji, PhD., is a senior lecturer and the current Head of Department, the Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri, Nigeria. Mohammed Alhaji Adamu teaches at the Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri, Nigeria, from which he initially obtained a Bachelor of Arts in Mass Communication. He also bagged a Master’s of Arts in Digital Media and Communications of the University of Nicosia, Cyprus. He has had over a decade of experience in TV and Radio broadcasting before switching to academia. Mohammed has, at different times, served as Communication for Development Consultant to the UN. His research interests are in Contemporary PR and Advertising, and New Media/ICT and Development. He has a number of journal articles and book chapters, jointly and severally, to his credit. Mausumi Bhattacharyya is into university teaching and research. Her Master’s and PhD in Journalism and Mass Communication are from the University of Calcutta. She was attached with the Centre for Culture, Media and Governance, Jamia Millia Islamia University, New Delhi as ICSSR Post-Doctoral Fellow (2017-19). She has been selected as a scholar by the US Government from India for the coveted Studies in US Institutes in Journalism and Media Program, 2016. She also received a prestigious post-doctoral research grant by the International Association of Women in Radio & Television (IAWRT)-FOKUS, Norway in 2015. She was selected to take part as an expert in the ‘National Mission on Education through ICT’ by the MHRD, Government of India to coordinate the ‘Gender, Media and Society’ section of the ‘Media and Communication Studies’ e-PGPathashala course. Her specialisations include New Media, Science Communication, Audience Research, Gender Studies, Convergent Journalism and Mobile Communication - for which she was nominated from India in the Scientific Committee of the ‘Symposium on ASIA- USA Partnership Opportunities’​ organized by the Kennesaw State University, USA, Atlanta, in 2013. She has been selected as the ‘Eastern Regional Coordinator’ of the “People’s Archive of Rural India”. She is attached with many academic bodies of the country and also with one of the Curriculum Development Committees of the National Institute of Open Schooling, Ministry of Human Resources, Government of India. She edited the Global Media Journal - Indian Edition as the ‘Guest Editor’ of the Summer - 2014 issue and has been elected as a member of the India Board of IAWRT. She is one of the pioneering members of the Young Leader Think Tank of Friedrich Ebert Stiftung-Germany. She has also been involved with the formulation of the ‘Youth Agenda of India’ by YLTT. She was nominated from India for an ‘International Learning Project for Shaping Globalization’ held in Bonn, Germany in 2010.

450

About the Contributors

Md. Mahbubul Bhuiyan is Assistant Professor of Department of Mass Communication and Journalism, Comilla University, Bangladesh. Kriti Bhuju from Nepal is a doctoral candidate at Communication University of China (Institute of Communication Studies, 2018 – 2021). She has extended experience in Journalism as well as Media and Communication education in Nepal. She holds a Regional Master Degree in Journalism, Media and Communication from University of Dhaka under NOHRED scholarship by the University of Oslo. Her research interests includes Gender and Media, Development Communication, ICT for Development, New Media, Media Literacy, and International Communication. She has presented papers at national and international conferences mostly on topics related to communication theories, media literacy, online media ethics and journalist’s safety. Apon Das is an undergraduate student at the Department of Media Studies and Journalism, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB). Janess Ann J. Ellao is a journalist for progressive Philippine news Bulatlat, one of the longest running online news in the country, where she covers stories on health, women, and human rights. She currently sits as treasurer of the Philippine chapter of the International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT). She is one of the hosts of the weekly online newscast “Alab” and investigative satire show, “Serious Na!” She also co-wrote Bulatlat’s Module on Human Rights Reporting for Filipino Journalists. Amid the COVID-19 pandemic, she started her own podcast titled, “Media Matters with Ja Ellao” in an attempt to help combat false narratives. She is also a contributing writer to other online news outlets, a freelance researcher, and a press freedom activist. Mariateresa Garrido is a Venezuelan lawyer who works as an Assistant Professor and Doctoral Programme Coordinator at UPEACE (United Nations-mandated university). Mariam Gersamia is a professor, media psychologist at Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University (TSU, Georgia); She got her doctoral degree in journalism studies (2004) and post-diploma education in body-oriented psychology (2018); With 19 years of experience in academia, she was in charge of the journalism and mass communication department and programs; She is a senior fellow at Ilia Chavchavadze Center for European studies and civic education. Her major fields are” media psychology, public relations, media education, political communications. Erum Hafeez is working as an Associate Professor in the Media Sciences Department at the Iqra University, Karachi, Pakistan. She holds a PhD in Mass Communication with specialization in Social and Cultural Dynamics of Media. She has been associated with leading educational institutions and media houses in Pakistan for over two decades. She headed the Corporate Communications Department at IBA Karachi from 2008 to 2014. Dr Hafeez has been a regular contributor to leading newspapers, magazines and academic journals, sharing her work as a feature writer and researcher for the last 23 years. She has presented her research both at the national and international forums. She is the HEC approved supervisor and an active member of IAMCR, AMCAP & reviewer to various distinguished research journals besides being a member of academic and research boards of several universities in Pakistan.

451

About the Contributors

Adamkolo Mohammed Ibrahim is currently doing his PhD research in mass communication at Bayero University, Kano, Nigeria. He did his master’s degree in development communication at Universiti Putra Malaysia and graduated in 2017. He received his BA Mass Communication certificate from University of Maiduguri, Nigeria in 2007. Currently, he is also a lecturer at the Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri. He conducts research and writes in ICT adoption/e-adoption for socio-economic development, social media, mass communication and journalism, media and gender, cyberbullying and cyber conflict. Adamkolo received Publons Top Reviewer award in 2018. Currently, he is a member of the review board of “Computers in Human Behaviour” (CHB) journal published by Elsevier. He also serves as a reviewer to several other journals. He has published many journal articles, book chapters and a few books. At present, he is working on a research project focused on the development of theoretical models on fake news and hate speech in a Nigerian context. Md. Aminul Islam is a faculty member at the Department of Media Studies and Journalism, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB). His research interests include communication in health care, media psychology, cyberpsychology and social determinants of mental health. Muhammad Ittefaq is a PhD student at the William Allen White School of Journalism and Mass Communications, University of Kansas. His research focuses on the intersection of health communication and media studies. Faizullah Jan is an associate professor and chair of the Department of Journalism & Mass Communication at the University of Peshawar. His primary area of interest is the intersection of media and cultural studies. Zeljka Lekic-Subasic is the Head of ERNO (Eurovision News Exchange for Southeast Europe) Coordination Office in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina. She coordinates a daily exchange of political, economic and cultural news stories and documentary exchange among eleven Public Broadcasting Services from Southeast Europe, organizes workshop/trainings for media professionals in the region, and she covers news stories from the region for all 74 European Broadcasting Union members. She is a professional TV journalists and producer for 25 years. She works at the current position since 2001, while before she had worked for several radio and TV stations in BIH. Since February 2018, she is also the Deputy Team Leader/Senior Media Expert in the 4, 5-year-long EU funded project “Technical Assistance to Public Service Media in Western Balkans”. Since 2010 she also teaches media related undergrad and post-grad courses at the Sarajevo School of Science and Technology, Department for Political Science and International Relations. She holds a PhD degree from the London Metropolitan University on the subject of media and international politics, MA degree from the La Sapienza University in Rome on the subject of global governance, and Bachelor’s degree on journalism from the Faculty of Political Science, Sarajevo University. Liana Markariani is a master student at Media psychology and Communications graduate program at TSU. She graduated from Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences department of Journalism and Mass Communications In 2019. She participates in international scientific conferences and publishes research papers. She gained various state scholarships. In 2019 she won Council of Europe’s and State Ministry for Reconciliation and Civic Equality of Georgia’s media 452

About the Contributors

prize for best article. She is a TV host and Journalist in Georgian Public Broadcasting. Her major fields are fake news and disinformation, social media, digital marketing, deep fake, etc. Donatien Niyonzima from Rwanda is a doctoral candidate at Communication University of China (Institute of Communication Studies, 2018 – 2021). He has extended experience in Media and Communication in both Private and Public sectors. He holds a Master Degree in International Communication from Communication University of China. He got his First Degree in Journalism and Communication with majors in Communication from the National University of Rwanda after which he worked as a Communication Consultant, Journalist and later as a Central Government Official in the Office of the Prime Minister of Rwanda. His research interests focus on Gender and Media, New Media, Media Literacy, Political Communication and International Communication. Laxman Datt Pant is the Recipient of the ‘International Communication Excellence Award-2020’, Mr. Pant is internationally acclaimed media researcher, development journalist & communications strategist. Chairperson of Media Action Nepal and WCC, Nepal Chapter, Pant is an Associate Writer at Cyprus based DevelopmentAid. He hosts/produces POWERchat for TV Today- Nepal’s only TV show in English –discussing development & diplomacy since 2016. He started his career as a radio journalist two decades ago and worked with numerous media institutions in different capacities ranging from a reporter to an editor. He served as Head of Communications at UNESCO, Communications Specialist at UNDP, and has formulated with media & communications strategies for national and international organizations. An author of half a dozen of books, Pant has contributed with numbers of research articles to national and international journals and anthologies on different disciplines of media. A visiting professor of journalism in the reputed Universities of Nepal, India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, China, Finland and Malaysia. Pant holds Masters/ M. Phil. degrees in journalism, diploma in human rights and peace studies and trained in ‘education for sustainable development’ and ‘new media’. Vi Thi Phuong was born in Thai Nguyen, Vietnam. She holds a Bachelor’s Degree in Education and Literature in 2014, and a Master’s, Ph.D. in Media Journalism at the Institute of Journalism - Communication (a large and prestigious media training unit) - National University of Vietnam. She is currently a lecturer of journalism - media at Faculty of Journalism - Communications and Literature, University of Science - Thainguyen University, Vietnam. Her research focuses on the following: Media culture; Journalism History; Public press media; Online multimedia electronic newspaper; Journalism and public opinion; Journalism - Media and Public Relations. Her research includes journalism - modern media, and book chapters have been published in prestigious international magazines and international publications. She has also published over 600 journalism works in major central and local press agencies in Vietnam. She received a Certificate of Merit from the Vietnam Minister of Education and Training in 2014 for Scientific Research Achievements. Sarkar Barbaq Qurmal is an assistant professor at the Department of Media Studies and Journalism, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB). Dr Quarmal completed both is undergraduate and graduate study in Mass Communication and Journalism from University of Rajshahi, Bangladesh. Later, he earned his PhD from Ibaraki University, Japan. ICT in communication and development, Communication for Development (C4D) and Agent-based Modeling are his main area of interest.

453

About the Contributors

Evelyn F. Roxas is a freelance writer and editor and currently sits as board member of the Philippine chapter of the International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT). She is also training director of the Alipato Media Center specifically on news/features writing and editorial content as well as research consultant of the Center for Women’s Resources. She contributes articles, mostly about social issues, to alternative media outfits such as Bulatlat and Pinoy Weekly. Ms. Roxas took up Journalism at the University of Santo Tomas and worked as copyeditor at the Ateneo de Manila University Press. Rainbow Sackey is an assistant research fellow at the University of Education, Winneba, Ghana. He holds a postgraduate degree in Communication and Media Studies from the University of Education. his research interest is in Media Studies and Development Communication. Sayyed Fawad Ali Shah is an assistant professor at the Department of Communication at Jacksonville State University. His areas of interest are health communication and journalism. Prabhjot Sohal is News Editor and Radio Host at Radio 580 AM, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada. Ph.D. Candidate at The School of Communication Studies, Panjab University, Chandigarh, India. Maia Toradze is an associate professor at Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University (TSU, Georgia). She got her PHD in Journalism Studies (2006). She Worked in various printed media organizations as an editor-in-chief. Currently she is a senior specialist at “The TSU newspaper”. She is an author of three books and co-author of seven books. With 14 years of experience in academia, she has participated in various international scientific conferences and has published scientific articles. Her major fields are fake news and disinformation, media education, mass communications, media history, etc. Therese Patricia S. Torres is program officer at the Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication (AIJC), where she conducts research in the areas of journalist safety, media and information literacy, and health communication. She teaches at the Department of Communication of Miriam College, and serves as board member at the International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT) Philippine chapter. Her studies on journalist safety and mindful journalism have been published internationally in the books The Assault on Journalism (2017), Defending Journalism (2017), Mindful Communication for Sustainable Development (2018), and the Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalist Safety (2019). Ivaylo Yoshkov is the first Bulgarian researcher to defend a doctoral thesis in the field of Online journalism. He has participated in many conferences and projects both in Bulgaria and internationally, including Moscow readings 2019, CCCS Conference 2014, 2015 and 2016, Reinvestigating Culture in Arts, Humanities & Social Sciences Conference (Belgrade, 2016) etc. Dr. Ivaylo Yoshkov conducts research in the fields of online journalism, social media, the roles of journalists and audiences in online communication, digital divide and digital sustainability. Dr. Yoshkov was awarded the “Stefan Tanev” scholarship by the St. Cyril and Methodius Foundation.

454

About the Contributors

Luavut Zahid is a journalist and researcher based in Lahore. She has an M.Phil in Electronic Media, and has been in the journalism industry since 2007. Luavut co-founded and ran Pakistan’s first news satire portal Khabaristan Times. She has a deep interest in the intersection of feminism, digital rights, and journalism; she has previously authored a guidebook on digital hygiene for journalists, and coauthored a guidebook on digital security for women. Her previous research work has largely focused on women journalists.

455

456

Index

A abuses 44, 51, 55, 134, 143, 147-149, 158-160, 166, 196, 276, 295, 335-336, 366, 369, 371, 376 alternative media 31, 48, 394-398 attacks 2, 4-5, 24-29, 31, 33-35, 37-39, 42-57, 59, 63, 65, 92-94, 97, 119, 123, 125, 127-129, 131, 133-135, 138, 142, 144-146, 149, 156-160, 162, 166, 195-196, 204-205, 213-214, 223-224, 229, 231, 252, 254-257, 263-264, 269-272, 275-289, 291-292, 321, 323, 325, 366, 369-371, 373-377, 380-381, 383, 385-387 Attribution Theory 60-62, 85, 88-89

B Bangladesh 123, 143, 145-147, 149-151, 154-162, 164-165, 167-175, 177, 184-186, 188, 191, 373, 376, 389, 392 Burnout 167, 173-174, 187, 190-191

C community radio 169, 343-346, 348-365 coping strategy 311, 319, 333, 335, 373, 393 COVID-19 30, 49, 90-92, 94-103, 128, 281, 283-284, 286, 396 crisis journalism 90

D depression 81, 111, 167-169, 173-179, 184-186, 189, 192-193 digital safety 5, 35, 63, 86, 144, 160, 166, 292, 377, 392 discrimination 1-5, 7-9, 13, 18, 22, 41, 60-67, 69-70, 73, 76, 79-89, 101, 105, 114, 116, 119, 134-137, 140, 144-146, 150-151, 159, 163, 166, 172, 196, 198-202, 204, 206, 209-210, 219, 235, 241, 243, 245, 247, 249, 251-252, 255, 266, 272-274, 276 

278, 282, 289, 293, 296-299, 301, 306, 310-311, 313, 316, 318-319, 321-323, 325, 328-333, 335337, 339, 347, 359, 363, 366-367, 374, 376-378, 380-382, 385, 387, 391, 395-396, 398 disempowerment 251, 355

E EBU 8, 15-18, 20-21, 23, 235-236, 245, 247 epistemic advantage 104, 106-107, 112 equality 1-2, 5-6, 8-10, 14-17, 20-22, 71, 89, 105-106, 108, 118, 194-195, 198, 201-203, 206-208, 232237, 242, 245, 247, 251, 272-274, 277-278, 295, 298, 301, 304-305, 310, 317, 321, 323-324, 335, 337, 340, 343-347, 350-351, 353-354, 356-361, 363, 365, 368, 375, 389, 394-398

F feedback 66, 143, 148, 153-154, 158, 197, 344, 349, 354, 359 female journalists 2-5, 7, 10, 14, 19, 22, 27-29, 35, 41, 45-47, 57, 60-64, 66-67, 71, 74-75, 77, 80-81, 84-88, 101, 105-106, 109-117, 122, 135, 140, 143-153, 156-166, 173, 198, 200-202, 204-207, 209, 229, 232-234, 236, 238-239, 241-246, 249, 251-257, 263-266, 269-271, 274-284, 289-294, 297-299, 301-304, 306-309, 311-314, 316, 318, 325, 330, 332, 334, 337-338, 363, 366-387, 390-393, 398 feminist theory 106-107, 143, 151, 159-160, 269, 277278, 284, 292, 343, 351, 353 free expression 1-2, 269-272, 275-280, 286-290, 372 freedom of expression 6, 22, 27, 37, 42, 44, 61, 87, 101, 138, 140, 143-146, 150, 159-164, 166, 195196, 201-202, 208, 213-218, 228-231, 236, 248, 250-251, 255, 257, 265-266, 269-270, 275-276, 288, 290, 293-295, 322-323, 338, 349, 367, 371, 385, 388-393, 396

Index

freedom of speech 132, 135, 212-216, 218, 221-228, 230-231, 234, 271-272, 350

G gender 1-10, 12, 14-24, 27-28, 38, 42, 45-47, 58, 60-63, 65-67, 69-71, 77, 79-89, 105-106, 108, 112-117, 119, 122, 133, 135-136, 139, 142, 144, 146, 149-156, 158-162, 164-166, 179, 185, 189, 191-192, 194-201, 203, 205-209, 232-243, 245251, 253, 255-257, 263-264, 266, 269, 271-274, 276-278, 280, 282, 289-292, 294-299, 301-306, 308, 310-318, 320-333, 335-341, 343-347, 349361, 363, 365, 368, 370-372, 374-377, 385, 387-389, 391-398 gender discrimination 2, 4-5, 60-63, 65-67, 69-70, 79-85, 87, 114, 119, 150-151, 198-199, 273-274, 276, 278, 282, 289, 298, 313, 316, 322, 328-333, 336, 376, 385, 387 gender equality 1-2, 5-6, 8-10, 14-17, 20-21, 71, 89, 105, 108, 194-195, 198, 201, 203, 206-208, 232, 234-236, 242, 245, 247, 251, 272-274, 278, 295, 298, 301, 304-305, 317, 323-324, 335, 337, 340, 343-346, 350-351, 353-354, 356-361, 363, 365, 368, 375, 394-398 gender parity 3, 232, 236-237 gender sensitivity 20, 58, 194-195, 197-201, 206-207, 243, 374 gender stereotyping 9, 60, 297, 318 gender theory 297, 299, 304-306, 308, 311, 314, 316 gender-based discrimination 4, 60-61, 64-65, 67, 69-70, 79, 81, 85, 145, 299, 319, 322, 333, 335-336, 339 Gender-based Violence (GBV) 2, 27, 39, 43, 47-48, 54-56, 195, 251-252, 254, 256, 264-266, 275, 296, 301, 321, 343, 345, 349-351, 353-354, 356361, 373-374 Gendered Incivility 166 Gendered Journalism 319, 339, 398 Georgia 232-234, 236-237, 239-243, 245-250 glass ceiling 7, 12-13, 60-65, 71-72, 85, 87, 106, 117, 243, 331, 371

369-378, 380, 382-384, 386-391, 393, 396, 398 health journalism 90 Huguka 345, 349, 354, 357-359 human needs 232, 234, 237, 240, 246

I insecurity 64, 74, 159-160, 172, 206, 277, 367, 375, 377 Isangano 345, 348, 359 Ishingiro 345, 348 Izuba 345, 348, 356

J journalism 1-7, 10-14, 19-24, 28, 34, 38, 40-43, 45-47, 52, 56, 58-60, 62, 64, 66, 77, 79-80, 86-92, 94-95, 100-103, 116, 119-120, 122-123, 128, 132-134, 136, 139-141, 144, 147, 149, 156-158, 161-165, 167-168, 171, 173-174, 177, 185-192, 195-196, 199-200, 203, 206-209, 212-213, 215, 217-220, 222, 226, 229-235, 237-243, 246-251, 255-256, 263, 266, 269-277, 281-282, 289-295, 297-302, 304-306, 308, 310-325, 327, 329, 334, 336-340, 347, 363-364, 366-372, 374-376, 383, 386-398 journalism practices 1-7, 22, 40-41, 56, 87-88, 90-92, 101, 116, 128, 140, 161, 163, 187-188, 190, 192, 208-209, 229, 248-249, 266, 269-270, 274, 276, 281, 290-291, 293-294, 320, 327, 337-339, 363, 367-368, 388, 390-392, 398 Journalist Safety 7, 24-25, 28, 31, 41-44, 47, 55, 58-59, 88, 90, 101, 119, 122-123, 141, 163, 203, 265-266, 293, 337, 339, 391, 394 journalists 1-8, 10, 12-14, 19-22, 24-49, 51-77, 79-117, 119-154, 156-175, 177-179, 181-192, 194-210, 212-215, 217-220, 222-249, 251-257, 263-266, 269-316, 318-319, 321-341, 348, 350, 352, 354, 356-361, 363, 366-398

K Kano 366-369, 378-383, 385-387

H

L

harassment 4, 7, 13, 18, 22, 24-45, 47-50, 52-55, 57-61, 63-67, 81-89, 98, 101, 104-118, 133-135, 137-140, 143-152, 154, 156-166, 174, 186, 190, 194-195, 197-199, 203-206, 209, 212, 214, 217-219, 227, 229, 231-233, 235-236, 243, 249, 255, 257, 264, 266, 271-274, 276, 282-285, 291-294, 301, 304, 314, 319, 321-323, 325, 328, 331-341, 363, 367,

Latin America 251, 265-266, 325, 346, 369 local correspondents 354, 358-359

M mainstreaming gender in media 194, 207 male-dominated 12, 28, 35, 61, 64, 71, 77, 84-85, 105, 457

Index

109, 111, 115, 145, 151, 156, 198, 200, 263, 273, 276, 298-299, 304, 312, 318-319, 322, 325, 333, 368, 383 marginalisation 155 media 1-24, 26-51, 53-67, 70-72, 74-77, 79-82, 8489, 91-117, 119-121, 124-125, 127-129, 131, 133-135, 138-151, 153-158, 160-166, 168-175, 179, 184-191, 193-210, 212-243, 245-252, 254255, 257, 263-266, 269-279, 281, 283, 285-296, 298-308, 313-341, 343-351, 353-359, 361-398 media and equality 232 media freedom 1-2, 6-7, 22, 41-42, 53, 58-59, 88, 97-98, 101, 120, 140-142, 145-146, 163, 172, 195, 201, 208-209, 230, 249, 265-266, 269-272, 275-279, 286, 288-289, 293, 337, 339, 350, 363, 386, 388-392, 397 Media organizations 6, 10, 13-14, 17, 19-20, 28, 35, 45, 47, 54, 56, 66, 84, 88, 91-95, 98-100, 105-115, 168, 170, 173, 186, 196-200, 206-207, 232, 234237, 239, 246, 366-368, 372-377, 379-388, 393 media ownership 12, 94, 102, 212, 214, 217, 229, 395 media psychology 88, 116, 232, 246 men 2-4, 8, 10-14, 17-20, 35, 38-39, 45, 51, 53, 5557, 62-65, 70-71, 73-77, 79, 82-85, 88, 105, 107, 109-114, 125, 133, 144, 150-151, 194-195, 197200, 204, 206, 213, 232-236, 238-247, 249-251, 253, 264-265, 273, 275, 278, 282, 284, 297-299, 301-305, 307-312, 317-322, 324-328, 331, 333334, 336, 339, 350, 352, 357, 359-360, 367-371, 381-382, 391, 393 mental health 92, 99, 167-169, 172, 174-177, 179-183, 185-192, 219 misogyny 27, 40, 56-57, 112, 115, 143-144, 147, 150, 159-160, 163, 166, 292, 295

N news media 6, 13, 15, 20, 30, 32, 34, 36, 38-39, 49, 55, 57, 60-63, 65-67, 75, 85-86, 88, 93-95, 99100, 104-108, 110-115, 120, 144, 171, 173, 184, 186, 188, 197, 201, 247, 251, 293, 302, 313, 315, 318-336, 338-340, 363, 388-390 newsroom 21-22, 40, 58, 63, 69, 71, 73, 79, 84, 105, 110, 117, 161, 164, 172, 177, 187-188, 192, 196199, 201, 203-204, 206-207, 257, 288, 297, 299, 301-314, 316-318, 322, 326, 330-335, 337-340, 369, 373, 380-382, 391 Newsroom practices 339 Nigeria 216, 303, 316, 319-321, 324-327, 330, 333, 335-340, 366-370, 373-375, 377, 379, 381-382, 384-385, 387-390, 392-393 458

Nigerian media industry 325, 329 Nigerian women journalists 319, 321-322, 325, 332333, 335 noxious attacks 119, 128

O online attack of journalists 269, 275 online harassment 25, 41, 44, 48, 57-58, 143-152, 154, 156-162, 164-166, 212, 214, 231, 294, 314, 323, 325, 376 oppression 27, 107, 116, 150, 251-254, 257, 263-266, 277-278, 320, 326, 351, 396

P Pakistani newsrooms 60-61, 69, 71-72, 77 Participatory communication 343-344, 349, 351-354, 362, 365 Patriarchal Media Environment 143, 166 Philippines 24-28, 30-32, 38-43, 45-49, 51-59, 123, 148, 369, 374, 376 plaguing 119, 122, 128 portrayal 9, 11, 19, 65, 87, 89, 173, 195, 236, 276, 297, 309, 312, 318, 323 POSH Act 2013 104, 118 Postcolonial Feminism 104 Press Freedom 6, 26-27, 39, 44, 87, 100-102, 119-121, 125, 128, 130, 138-142, 145, 149, 163-164, 172, 195-196, 201-203, 207-208, 214, 216, 229, 231, 234, 248, 293-294, 300, 313, 347, 389-390, 393 Psychological Disorder 167 public broadcasting 8, 15-16

R Rape Myths 104, 114, 116, 118 representation of women 105, 115, 196, 302-304, 306307, 314, 316, 318 Rwanda 343-345, 347-361, 364-365

S safeguarding journalists 137 safety 1, 4-7, 22, 24-26, 28-29, 31, 35-37, 39-48, 5159, 63-65, 83, 86-88, 90-92, 94-97, 101-102, 104, 106, 109, 111, 114-115, 119, 121-125, 132-137, 139-141, 144, 147, 149-151, 160-163, 165-166, 172, 186, 194-210, 212-215, 224, 229-231, 248249, 251, 254, 265-266, 269, 276-277, 281, 289, 291-293, 295, 299, 301, 319, 321-323, 325, 327,

Index

329-330, 333, 336-341, 363, 366-367, 369-370, 372-381, 383-397 safety measures 206-207, 366-367, 374-375, 379, 385-387, 393 safety of journalists 1, 7, 26, 47, 87, 97, 101, 132, 139-140, 163, 195-198, 202, 205, 207-208, 210, 212-215, 230, 249, 251, 291, 293, 321-323, 337338, 372, 386, 388-391, 393 safety of women journalists 29, 40, 45, 48, 54, 57, 140, 194-195, 197, 199-202, 205-209, 319, 321-322, 337, 380 safety risks 1, 4-5, 7, 88, 90-92, 101, 141, 163, 196, 293, 337, 391, 395, 397 Safety/Security of Journalists 231 satisfaction with life 167-169, 172-178, 187, 193 self-determination theory 232, 234, 237-239, 250 sex 2, 9, 13, 21-22, 27-28, 35, 50, 61-62, 85-86, 88, 111, 118, 125, 149, 157, 164, 192, 225, 256, 282, 297-298, 302-305, 308, 310, 314, 318, 329, 332, 334, 339, 351 sexism 18, 27, 40, 56-57, 60-64, 67, 69-70, 73, 77, 82, 85, 89, 104, 107-116, 118, 139, 159, 231, 277, 302, 322, 328, 331-336, 339, 370, 373 sexual harassment 4, 7, 13, 18, 22, 24-42, 44-45, 47-48, 52-55, 57, 59, 64-65, 67, 82-84, 88, 101, 104-118, 133, 135, 137, 139-140, 146-147, 150, 163-165, 174, 190, 194-195, 197-199, 203-204, 206, 209, 219, 232, 235, 243, 249, 266, 273-274, 276, 282-285, 293-294, 301, 304, 319, 322-323, 325, 328, 331-341, 363, 372-378, 383-384, 387, 391, 393, 398 sexual harassment in Nigerian news media 334 Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition, and Redressal) Act 2013 118 social construction 306, 308, 318 social media 4, 18, 34-35, 38, 46, 92, 94, 97, 99, 103105, 107, 112-114, 116, 120, 134, 138, 143-144, 147-149, 151, 153, 155-156, 166, 189, 213, 217, 227, 239, 257, 269-270, 272, 275-276, 281, 283, 285-289, 306, 323, 333, 354-355, 358-359, 364, 369 social media activism 104, 112 social scripts 240, 245-246 stereotypes 11, 13-14, 18, 20, 61, 63, 65, 71, 75-77, 105, 118, 146, 156, 159, 232, 234-236, 238, 241, 243, 245-247, 249, 253, 256, 297, 303, 305-307, 310-314, 317, 322, 346, 364 stress 45, 92, 103, 111, 167-169, 173-179, 183-185, 187-193, 373

T Threat to journalism 119 threats 1, 4-7, 22, 24-29, 31, 33, 35-38, 40-59, 61, 64-65, 87-88, 90, 94-95, 97, 101, 116, 122, 132, 134-136, 140, 143-149, 156, 158-160, 163-165, 175, 195-196, 199, 201, 204-205, 207-209, 212214, 218-220, 222, 224, 226-227, 229-231, 236, 248-249, 252-257, 263-266, 270-271, 275-277, 285, 289, 293, 295, 321, 323, 337, 339, 363, 366-367, 369-377, 382-383, 387-392, 395-398 traumatic events 167-168, 173-174, 181, 185-186, 189-190

U uncivil comments 143-147, 151-155, 159, 166 underrepresentation 297, 299, 308, 387

V Venezuela 251-252, 254-257, 263-267 verbal aggression 212, 214, 218-220, 226, 231 victim-shaming 104, 107, 109-110, 114 violence 2, 4-5, 9, 25, 27, 29, 39-40, 42-48, 54-59, 64, 87, 89, 94, 97, 100, 113, 119, 123-124, 128, 132, 135, 138, 140-141, 144, 146-147, 149-150, 161, 166, 168, 173-174, 181, 183, 185-188, 195, 197-198, 200, 203-204, 206-208, 212-214, 217, 219-224, 227, 229, 231-232, 236, 243-244, 249, 251-257, 263-266, 270, 275, 277-278, 288, 290, 295-296, 301, 303, 321-323, 325, 329, 334, 336337, 343-344, 350-351, 354, 369, 371-377, 385, 387-390, 392, 395-396 Vishakha Guidelines 106, 108, 118

W women in media 11, 20, 24, 27, 29-30, 37, 40, 43-44, 57, 75, 87, 106, 114, 116, 133, 195, 197, 235-237, 338, 374, 389 women journalists 5-6, 12-14, 19-22, 24-40, 42-49, 51-77, 79-86, 105-107, 115, 117, 119, 133-135, 137-141, 146, 194-210, 233-236, 239-240, 243, 245, 251, 266, 270, 276, 295, 301-303, 311, 314-315, 319, 321-337, 339-341, 360, 367-368, 371-372, 374, 378, 380, 389, 392, 396 workforce 3, 8, 10-11, 14-16, 18, 170, 235, 302 work-related stress 193

459